§rom m fctfirarg of (professor TEtfftdm J)enr£ (Breen Q$equeaf$ei> fig fftm fo f0e Etfirarg of (prtncefon £#eofo£tcdf ^emtndrg //t.M i MEMOIRS OF SIMON BOLIVAR, PRESIDENT LIBERATOR OF THE , REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA; AND OF HIS PRINCIPAL GENERALS; SECRET HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION, AND THE EVENTS WHICH PRECEDED IT, FROM 1807 TO THE PRESENT TIME. WITH AN INTRODUCTION, CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF THE STATISTICS, AND THE PRESENT SITUATION OF SAID REPUBLIC ; . EDUCATION, CHARACTER, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE INHABITANTS. v' BY GEN. II. L. V. DUCOUDRAV HOLSTEIN, Ex-Cliief of the Staff of the President Liberator, and now a citizen of the United States, Professor of modern Languages at the College in Geneva , IV. York, §-c. “ II n’y a que la v£rite qui blesse Et — elle blessera. BOSTON— S. G. GOODRICH & CO. 1829. DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, to wit : District Clerk’s Office. Be it remembered, that on the thirtieth day of June A. D. 1829, in the Fifty Third Year of the Independence of the United States of America, S. G. Good- rich & Co. of the said District, have deposited in this Office the Title of a Book, the Right whereof they claim as Proprietors, in the -words following to wit : “ Memoirs of Simon Bolivar, President Liberator of the Republic of Colombia ; and of his principal Generals : Secret history of the Revolution, and an account of the events which preceded it from 1807 to the present time. With an Introduction, containing an account of the Statistics, and the present situation of said Republic ; Education, Character, Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants. By H. L. V. Du- coudray Holstein, ex-chief of the staff of the President Liberator, now a citizen ot the United States, and Professor of Modern Languages in the College at Geneva, New-York, &c. •» II n’y a que la verite qui blesse Et — elle blessera. In Conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled “An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies, during the times therein mentioned:” and also to an Act entitled “An Act supplementary to an Act, en- titled, An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies during the times therein mentioned ; and extending the Benefits thereof to the Arts of Design- ing, Engraving, and etching historical and other prints.” 1NO W DAVIS 5 Clerk of the District of J1NU. W. UAVlb, j Massachusetts. Waitt &. Dow, Printers, 362 Washington-St.... Boston. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. Section 1. Statistical account of Colombia. — Geographical divisions and form- er government of the countries at present comprehended within the limits of Colom- bia ; Revolution from 1810 to the present time ; Extent of territoy, number of inhab- itants ; Debt and revenue ; Forts and fortifications ; Seaports ; Judicial administra- tion ; Form of government, slavery, Indians, common schools, colleges, universities, roads, rivers, mines, diseases, burial places, poor houses and beggars, the clergy; Executive influence ; Obstacles to the establishment of a regular efficient free gov- ernment, and prosperity iu Colombia. Section 2. Education, Manners, Habits and Characteristics. — Education of the Colombians ; their vanity, ambition, contempt of trades and mechanic arts ; classes and ranks in society ; marriages, intrigues, and dissoluteness ; Women, their man- ners, character, education, dress ; those of Bogota as distinguished from those of Caracas and Carthagena ; houses, furniture, luxuries and extravagance ; supersti- tion, influence of the priests ; characteristic habits, traits ; Llaneros, their dress, equipments, &c ; Perez, Zarasa ; the Margaritans ; religious ceremonies ; former punishment for murder and robbery, instance of the public punishment of a young fe- male at Bogota, for an attempt to steal the jewels of the image of the virgin Mary. MEMOIRS, &c. — C hapter I. Causes of the present imperfect knowledge, and erroneous opinions respecting the political events and leading characters in Colombia. II. Birth of Bolivar, his family, visit to Europe, marriage. Errors in the biographical sketch of his life iu Ackerman's Magazine. III. Events previous to the entry of Bolivar into the regular army of Venezuela ; first cause of the Revolution at Caracas ; Napoleon’s invasion of Spain, and its in- fluence upon the Spanish colonies ; propitious moment for the Americans to rise against their oppressors ; policy of the cabinets of St. Cloud and St. James in regard to the Spanish colonies — years 1807 — '8. IV. Situation of Venezuela in 1808 ; arrival of captain-general Emparan, and lieutenant- colonel Simon Bolivar, at Laguaira, from Spain ; Emparan’s administration ; details of the revolution at Caracas, 19th April, 1810 ; Venezuelan Junta ; Spanish regen- cy ; conspiracy of Linares ; commencement of hostilities ; Marquis del Toro ; Mi- randa’s arrival at Caracas ; congress ; executive power ; patriotic society ; Isle- nan conspiracy ; declaration of independence ; military operations of Miranda ; project of a constitution ; situation of the republic in 1811 — years 1808 — 11. V. Earthquake at Caracas, and its consequences; particulars of Bolivar’s entry in- to the arm v, and of, his nomination as governor of Porto Cabello ; capitulation of Vittoria; dissolution of the republic; arrest of Miranda at Laguaira ; anarchical state of Venezuela under the government of Monteverde ; cruelties of the Spaniards, Monte verde’s solemn entry into Caracas — 1812 4 CONTENTS. VI. Departure of lieutenant-colonel Bolivar from Caracas to Curacao and Carthage- na ; expedition of Bolivar against the Spanish in Venezuela, his entry into Caracas, his nomination as Dictator — 1813. vn. Discontent of the inhabitants of Venezuela with the dictatorial government; con- vention held at Caracas; skirmish of Flora; execution of 1200 Spaniards by Boli- var ; action of San Mateo ; sending of deputies to London, by order of the dictator ; victory of the patriots — 1813 — ’14. VIII. Boves ; battle of La Puerta, defeat and flight of the two dictators ; Caracas in the power of the Spaniards ; Bolivar and Marino embark at Cumana ; their reception at- Margarita and Carupano, their arrival at Carthagena; memoir justificative; se- cret history of their conduct at Carthagena, factious and party spirit in this city ; particulars of what happened in the assembly of the legislative body at Carthagena; persecution of the author — 1814. IX. Situation of New Grenada ; arrival of general Bolivar at the congress of Tunja, his reception, his march against Bogota and Carthagena, his stay at Mompox, cor- respondence between him and general Castilho ; Bolivar’s secret motives in besieg- ing Carthagena, details of this siege ; Bolivar embarks for Kingston, in the island of Jamaica — 1814— ’15. X. Consequences of Bolivar’s besieging Carthagena ; situation of New Grenada and Venezuela ; Marquis De San Leon, and captain-general Cagigal ; death of Boves, execution of Ribas, cruelty of Morales, conspiracy of the blacks — 1815. XI. Events of Carthagena ; siege of that place by Morales ; Bermudes, Ducoudray Holstein, Brion ; evacuation of Carthagena and Boca Chica — 1815. XII. Particulars of the stay of general Bolivar in Aux Cayes ; dotes. XIII. eharacteristical anec- Sailing of the expeditionary army under the command of general Bolivar, from Aux Cayes to Margarita ; Naval action on the 2d of May, and how general Bolivar behaved in it ; events in the Island of Margarita ; arrival of the expedition at Caru- pano ; characteristic anecdotes of general Bolivar ; the author takes final leave of the service ; what happens between general Bolivar and him at Aux Cayes, and at Port au Prince. Year 1816. XIV. Evacuation of Carupano ; skirmish at Ocumare ; fifth flight of general Bolivar, and his retreat to the island of Hayti ; McGregor’s retreat towards Barcelona. XV. Cause of general Bolivar’s recal to the Main ; his arrival at Barcelona ; siege and occupation of Barcelona, by the Spaniards ; behavior of general Bolivar at Barce- lona— 1816— ’17. XVI. Conquest of the Provinces of Guayana by general Piar and admiral Brion ; trial and execution of general Piar; Bolivar and Marino; Anecdotes — 1817. xvn. Campaign of 1818 ; foreign legions ; conspiracy against Bolivar’s power. XVIII. Bolivar and Sanander ; council of government at Angostura ; Roscio and Torres ; situation of both contending parties ; general Urdaneta and English ; Bolivar’s ex- pedition against New Grenada ; his return to Venezuela ; events at Angostura ; fun- damental law of the republic of Colombia — 1818 — ’19. XIX. Events from the proclamation of the Fundamental Law of the republic of Colombia, December 1819, until the Armistice between general Bolivar and Morillo, November 1820 6 CONTENTS. 5 XX. Renewal of hostilities; Manifest of general de La Torre; battle of Carabobo ; conduct of La Torre and Morales ; Bolivar at Caracas; surrender of Carthagena, Maracaybo, and Porto Cabello; entire evacuation of the Main by the Spanish forces. 1821 — ’ 24 . XXI. Conduct of the dutch government in the Island of Curacao against the republic of Colombia and the Spaniards ; of the expedition against Porto Rico, and spoliations committed by the Dutch government of Curacao, under pretence of the criminality of general D. H. XXII. Biographical sketches of Louis Brion, Francisco Pablo de Sanander, and Francis- co Antonio Zea. XXII Biographical sketches of general Paez and Arismendy. XXIV. Recapitulation of Facts ; general Bolivar as he is, and not as he is commonly be- lieved to be. APPENDIX. PREFACE. The author of these memoirs has been constantly at- tached to the cause of liberty in both hemispheres. He served in France during the whole time of the French revolution, and was after the year 1 800 attached to the particular staff of Napoleon Bonaparte. Attracted by the sacred cause of the Spanish Ameri- cans, he came to Carthagena, where the government of- fered him service, and conferred on him the highest mil- itary rank in its power to grant, that of Gefe de Brigada. He had the fortune to be commander-in-chief of the forts of Boca Chica. What other service he rendered in Co- lombia will be related in the course of these memoirs. He, as one of the chieftains of the Republic, had a good opportunity to be well informed of facts, w heth- er secret or open, and to study at leisure the char- acter and talents of the chiefs, who were his daily companions, and many of them his subordinates. He particularly admired general Bolivar, with whom he liv- ed in such intimacy, that he slept on various occasions in the same room with him. After he had left this service and retired to private life, in which he supported his family by instruction, PREFACE. 7 and literary occupations, some friends suggested to him the idea of writing a history of Colombia, as he had been an eye witness of so many interesting facts. He complied with this suggestion, but, not satisfied with his own observations, he consulted many of the most dis- tinguished leaders of both parties, (Spaniards and Patriots) opportunities for which were frequently offered to him du- ring his long residence in Hayti, Curacao, and St. Thom- as ; and accordingly he derived from them information upon certain facts, to which he had not been person- ally knowing. He afterwards diligently and faithfully compared the various statements, and adopted what seemed to him to be the plain intermediate result. He thinks, therefore, he has approached as nearly as possi- ble to a correct and impartial relation of facts. He has, besides, kept up an active correspondence, collected the bulletins, the proclamations, the manifestoes, as well as memoirs, both of Spaniards and patriots, and compared them with each other ; and lastly, he commenced, and has continued to make short notes, after consulting dis- tinguished and well informed gentlemen, to whom he has been indebted for information. He has been occupied in pursuing this subject more than five years ; and as these memoirs, now respect- fully submitted to the public, contain a great many facts hitherto unpublished, the authoi hopes they will not prove to be without some interest to the reader. Geneva College February 4th, 1829 . INTRODUCTION. SECTION I. STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF COLOMBIA. Geographical divisions and former government of the countries at present comprehended within the limits of Colombia — Revolu- tion from 18)0 to the present time — Extent of territory — Num- ber of inhabitants — Debt and revenue — Forts and fortifica- tions — Seaports — Judicial administration — Form of govern- ment — Slavery — Indians — Common schools, colleges, universi- ties — Roads — Rivers — Mines Diseases Burial pi aces Poor-houses and beggars — The clergy — Executive influence, provincial officers — Obstacles to the establishment of a regular efficient free government, and to improvements and prosperity in Colombia. The Spaniards gave the name Costa o' Tierra Firma to those provinces which now form the territory of the Colombian re- public. By Tierra Firma Del Oriente, was understood the captain-generalship of Venezuela. By Tierra firma Del Occir dente was understood the viceroyalty o (New Grenada. Under the name Tierra Firma were included the provinces of Vera- gua in North America, and of Panama and Darien on the Isthmus. Venezuela was governed in the name of the king of Spain, by a captain-general, who presided in the Real Audiencia, or great council, in civil matters. This officer was invested, vvitli great powers, and accountable only to the king, through I 10 INTRODUCTION*. the council of the Indies. He decided in the last instance on all legislative, judicial and military affairs. The ecclesi- astical concerns were regulated and conducted by a tribunal, composed wholly of ecclesiastics, in which the archbishop of Caracas presided. The captain-general had no authority to interfere in any manner whatever, with this tribunal. The time of the captain-general’s remaining in power was limited to a period of from four to six years. Very few of these governors returned poor to Spain. The captain-generalship of Venezuela was divided into eight provinces, and, in 1S09, consisted of Cumana, Barcelo- na, Caracas, Barinas, Maracaybo, Coro, Guayana and the island of Margarita. The ancient vice-kingdom of New Grenada was governed by a viceroy, who presided over the Real Audiencia, and was accountable to the king alone, through the council of the In- dies, in which the king was supposed to preside. New Grenada, in 1809, stood divided into three audien- cias, and twenty-two provinces. Under the Audiencia of Panama, were the provinces of Vera- gua and Panama. Under that of Santa Fe de Bogota, were the provinces Coro, Sinu, Carthagena, Santa Martha, Mariquita, Santa Fe, Antioquia, Neyva, Popayan, Pamplona, Tunja and Lo- cono. Under the Audiencia of Quito, were the provinces of Quito, Quijos, Maynas, Atacames, Guayaquil, Cuenta, Loja and Ja- en De Bracamoros. No intercourse was held between Venezuela and New Grenada. A traveller wishing to pass from one to the other, was obliged to submit to all those tiresome and humiliating formalities required on entering Spain. The government and laws were quite different in the two countries, as were the character, habits, manners and customs of the inhabitants. The Spanish colonial system is so generally understood, that it would be superfluous to speak of it here. But the fol- lowing particulars of the Philippine Company, are little known. INTRODUCTION. 11 This was a society of merchants and other wealthy individu- als of the province of Biscay in Spain, who purchased of the king the privilege of importing and exporting, to and from his colonies, merchandise of every description, and of fixing the prices of all kinds of produce and merchandise. On the Main, neither the captain-general or the viceroy could alter any price fixed by the company. Capital punishments were ordained against every one who traded with the inhabitants without being authorised by the company. The natives were forced to sell their produce at the price fixed. The compa- ny had armed vessels called Guarda Costas, employed to pre- vent the intercourse with any vessel or individnal not author- ised by the company. Their net profit was about three hundred percent, and this mode of conducting their trade may, alone, serve to show the wretched condition of the Main. The following are the principal revolutions and changes of government on the Main, from April 19th, 1810, until Decem- ber 1819, when Venezuela and New Grenada united under one government, which took the name of the republic of Co- lombia. In Venezuela the Spanish government was changed by a revolution which took place at Caracas 19th of April 1810, when the captain-general Emparan and the Real Audiencia, were arrested, and a provisional Junta was formed under the name of “ Junta established for the preservation of the rights of His Majesty, the king Ferdinand VII.” On the 2d of March 1 SI 1 , the congress of Venezuela open- ed their sessions at Caracas. It was composed of the depu- ties of the following provinces: Margarita, Caracas, Merida, Cumana, Barcelona, Barinas and Truxillo. By an act of July 5th 181 1, congress declared the republic of Venezuela free and independent of Spain. On the 21st of December of the same year, it sanctioned a constitution which bound the pro- vinces together by a federal act, like that of the United States of America. But these several provinces being exposed, both to internal faction, and invasion from without, were scarcely 12 INTRODUCTION. able, separately, to bear the expense incurred for their own preservation, so that the expenses of the general government, and the support of the army and navy, fell chiefly upon Cara- cas. Congress was in a prosperous state, when the dreadful earthquake, together with the loss of Porto Cabello, and the capitulation ofVittoria, between general Miranda and Mon- teverde, ruined the government, and destroyed the congress and republic of Venezuela, (July 1S12.) The country was left to anarchy, and subjected to the power of the sword. On the 14th of August 1814, general Simon Bolivar enter- ed the city of Caracas as conqueror, and assumed the title of “ Dictator Liberator of the West of Venezuela ,” and established an arbitary military government. General San Iago Marino had done the same before, in the provinces of Cumana, Bar- celona, &c. under the title of “ Dictator Liberator of the Pro- vinces east of Caracas .” The 17th of July 1814, tbe Spaniards again entered the city of Caracas. In consequence of the battle of La Puerta, where the two dictators were beaten by Boves, the Spaniards, short- ly after, took possession of the provinces which the two dic- tators and their troops had evacuated. In the night of the 24th and 25th of August, the dictators embarked at Cumana. Venezuela became again subject to the bayonet, and each military chieftain governed despotically the territory occu- pied by his troops. May 5th IS] 6, Simon Bolivar, with some armed men, en- tered again the territory of Venezuela, (the island of Margari- ta,) and assumed the title of 11 Supreme Chief Captain- Gener- al of the forces of Venezuela and New Grenada ,” &c. &c. On the Gtli of July of the same year, he lost that title, and Venezuela, when lie suddenly embarked at Ocumare, for the Dutch island of Buen Ayre. On the 31st December, 1S1G, general Bolivar landed again at Barcelona, and reassumed the title of “ Supreme Chief Lib- erator of the Republic of Venezuela , Captain General ,” &c. &c. He had been called through the powerful influence of Admiral Louis Brion ; but under the express condition that he INTRODUCTION. 13 should, upon his arrival, assemble a congress at Barcelona. He not only neglected to do so, but he persecuted the mem- bers of the congress at Cariaco, May 1817. In consequence of general Bolivar’s very unfortunate cam- paign in 181S, against Morillo, the general dissatisfaction of the inhabitants of Angostura with that campaign, his manner of government, (which was the same as under his Dictator- ship at Caracas) and the strong representations of Brion, Zea, Manuel Torres, Doctor Roscio, Doctor Carli, and other pat- riots, the Supreme Chief was compelled, at last, to assemble a Congress at the city of Angostura, under the name of the Congress of the Republic of Venezuela. Bolivar was chosen President of the Republic; and we shall see, in the proper place, in what his power consisted. New Grenada was, during that time, the theatre of various commotions and changes. A Junta was established at Bogota, the 20th of July, 1810, in which the viceroy presided. Soon after the same Junta deposed and arrested their president, and exiled most of the members of the Real Audiencia, (as the Junta at Caracas did, April 1 9 1 h , 1810.) The Junta, in their manifesto, declared that they no longer recognised the authority of the Spanish regency, and they in- vited the twenty-two provinces to send their deputies to Bogota, in order to fix, in a general assembly, the form of this new government ; but only during the time of the captivity of their beloved and adored King Ferdinand i 'll. The deputies of the provinces Tunja, Pamplona, Neyva, Car- thagena and Antiochia, assembled at the city of Bogota, where they concluded, November 27th, 1811, a federal treaty, in sixty eight articles, by which congress united the legislative and executive powers. But the inhabitants of the province of Cundinamarca, disapproved of these articles of union, and convoked a general assembly of the deputies of those of the “The name of Santa Fe of Bogota, was from that year, changed to Bogota , and its province called Cundinamarca. 14 INTRODUCTION. twenty-two provinces which had not met at Bogota. This assembly took the name, El Collegio Electoral Constituente. They proposed a project of a constitution, which was approv- ed in general assembly, April 17th, 1812. This project, in twelve great parts, treated of a limited monarchical govern- ment. Francisco Naroni. president of the junta in the province of Cundinamarca, revolted against Congress. This body not confiding in the favorable opinion of the citizens of Bogota, suddenly resolved to leave that capital and establish the seat of government in the little townofTunja. This change was the origin of a civil war, which began between the leaders of congress, and the partizans of Narino, in 1812. After many troubles and much bloodshed, the congress at Tunja, decreed September 10th, 1814. that an executive power called, the Executive Council , should be established, consisting of three members. In November 1814, general Bolivar arrived at Tunja, and was promoted to the rank of captain-general of Venezuela and New Grenada, and instructed to put an end, by force of arms to these troubles. He marched with a strong body of troops against Bogota, which he subjected without bloodshed, the city having no fortifications and very few troops. Congress returned again to Bogota ; but was soon after compelled to dissolve and fly, in consequence of the siege of Carthagena, by general Bolivar himself, in the beginning of 1 S 1 5 . By this siege he lost his army, the congress, the strong fortress of Carthagena, and the independence of New Gren- ada. From that time the provinces of New Grenada were left in a state of anarchy, each military leader ruling the territory occupied by his troops, as he pleased. And when general Bolivar reconquered New Grenada in 1819, he established at Bogota, a provisional government, nearly the same with his dictatorship in Venezuela in 1813 and 14. Aftpr all these commotions and changes, New Grenada and Venezuela were at last united under one government; by a INTRODUCTION. 15 decree of tlie congress at Angostura, called the Fundamental Laiv, dated, “city of St. Thomas, Angostura, in the province of Guayana, December 11th, 1819*. This new government assumed the title of the Republic of Colombia. The funda- mental laws was a provisional and unlimited treaty of union between the inhabitants of both New Gerenda and Venezuela. It was sanctioned by the general congress convened at the city Del Rosario De Cuenta, 12th July, 1820. f The government of Colombia was declared to be a central, and not a federal government; such is the late constitution of Colombia. In the debates upon the subject, the deputies of Venezuela advocated a central government. Those of New Grenada con- tended for a federal union. The first opinion was that of gen- eral Bolivar, who in his private conversation at Aux Cayes, Barcelona and Angostura, told his friends, that a central gov- ernment would give much more force and promptness in the execution of the laws. His enemies accuse him of being in favor of a central government, in order to preserve in himself the power which he would have lost by a federal union. We shall see in the course of this work, how far this accusation was just. In order that neither party might be deprived of an opportunity of expressing their mature opinions on this point, an article was inserted in the constitution, J in these words : “ After an experiment of ten or more years, shall have discovered all the inconveniences or advantages of the pres- ent constitution, the congress shall convoke a grand conven- tion of Colombia, authorised to examine, (revise) it, or to reform it altogether.” The territory of the Republic of Colombia, extends from the mouth of the Orinoco river to the nothern frontiers of Peru and Brazil, or to the province of Meynas on the limits of the Amazon. *See Appendix. Document'No. 1. tSee Appendix. Document No. 2. t Article 191. 1G INTRODUCTION. Baron Humbodst says, in bis “ historical account of a voyage to the equinoxial regions of the new continent,” that the republic of Colombia is, with Mexico and Guatimala, the only state m Spanish America which occupies coasts opposite to Europe and Asia. From Cape Paria to the eastern extrem- ity of the province of Veragua, were counted 400 maratime leagues; from Cape Burica to the mouth of the river Tumbez, were 260. The sea-shore which the Colombian Republic possesses on the sea of the Antilles and on the Pacific ocean, is equal in length to the coast from Cadiz to Dantzic, and from Ceuta to Jaffa. Mr. Bouchon, in his American Atlas, asserts that the Re- public of Colombia contained 9 1 ,952 square leagues ;* others say 126,000; and the same author affirmed its population in 1823 to be 2,785,000 inhabitants, which I think too many, con- sidering that war and emigration have been so long opera- ting against these countries, and that the government has done so little to encourage the settlement of foreigners in the country. By another calculation, the population, at the commence- ment of 1822 was as follows. Whites. Colored: Total. In Venezuela, 80,000. 4SO,000. 560,000. In New Grenada, 110,000. 900,000. 1,010,000. 190,000. l,3S0,00O. 1,570,000. These calculations, differing so widely, were made within the space of one year. But it is to be noted that a census was never taken under the Spanish government. Each priest had his register, in which he inserted christenings, mar- riages and burials, and nothing else ; and these were not published. The present government of Colombia has not yet taken a census. *Jn conformity to this article, the ceneral assembly was convoked in Colombia, at the end of 1827. fTlie second article in the fundamental law says, the republic contains 115,000 square leagues. INTRODUCTION. 17 The finances of Colombia are in a very low state, the ex- expense greatly exceeding the revenue. The national debt is greatly increasing, and the interest of the English loan is not punctually paid, as will be shown by documents. By a law of congress, dated Bogota June 23d 1S24, the territory of Colombia is divided into 12 departments, 49 provinces and 218 cantons. The seat of government has been fixed, provisionally, at the city of Bogota; of which the inhabitants of Quito and Cara- cas are very jealous. The new city of Bolivar, which, in con- formity to article 7th of the fundamental law of Colombia, is to be established in a central place, has not yet been estab- lished, probably for want of the necessary funds. The city of Bogota contained, in 1806, about 80,000 in- habitants ; now, not 50,000. Caracas, the same -year, had 36,000, and has now less than 25.000. The fortresses in Colombia are Carthagena, and the four forts of Boca Chica, to protect the entry of its port at 12 miles from Carthagena, Santa Martha and Porto Cabello. The cities ofMaracaybo, Coro, Laguaira, Cumana, Barcelo- na, Guayaquil and Pompatar, are in part fortified, having forts to protect their harbors. All these are seaports. The city of Angostura is fortified, but is not a seaport, being situated on the river Orinoco, about 80 leagues from its mouth. There are other seaports protected by small forts, batter- ies or redoubts, as Carupano, Ocumare, Guiria, Juan Griego, &x. In the interior, the cities of Quito, Pastos, San Fernan- do de Apure, San Carlos, &c. which have forts or batteries. But the cities of Bogota and Caracas, that are situated in the interior, are not fortified. All the merchandise sent to Bo- gota, must be embarked on the Magdalena rivet for Honda, where it is loaded upon mules, and, crossing a large chain of the Cordilleras, arrives at the beautiful valley of Bogota in 3 or 4 days. Goods destined for Caracas, are transported with 18 INTRODUCTION. more facility. They are carried by land from Laguaira or Porto Cabello. Bogota is not protected by forts on any side. Caracas is protected on the sea side by Laguaira and Porto Cabello, and on the land side by the fort of La Cabrera, which lies in a very narrow defile, enclosed, on one side, by the fine lake of Valencia, and on the other, by a high chain of mountains. The port and fortress of Carthagena are protected by the four forts of Boca Chica. The twelve departments of Colombia are divided into pro- vinces, cantons, or counties, and parishes. Each department has an intendant, entrusted with its ad- ministration. The president of the republic appoints him for the term of three years. There are, besides, two or three lieutenant-assessors, lawyers, a secretary-general, and other officers of the intendancy. Each department has a comman- der of the land forces, a major-general, a staff and its offioers, besides the commandants of the different places, of the en-^ gineers, of the artillery, the inspectors of the artillery, infan- try, cavalry, &.c. Each province, except that where the intendant resides, who at the same time is governor, has a governor, and a lieutenant-governor-assessor. They hold their offices for three years. The last are generally lawyers, and decide the civl causes. Each province has a secretary-general of the province and his clerks, a commander of the place, a director of the custom house, and other officers. Each province being divided into cantons and parishes, each of them has its cabildos, or municipal officers, elected for one year, but without any salary. For the twelve departments of Colombia, there are above 200 political judges, who have no fixed salary, or, if any, it is a trifle, which is not sufficient for their support.* * A juez politico is entrusted with the decision of small civil causes. — See the report of the secretary of the interior, T. M. Restrepo, made to the Congress of Colombia, as- sembled on the 23d of April, 1823. INTRODUCTION. 19 To each canton is a notary who receives no salary. The coasts of Colombia are divided into four maratime departments, viz: The 1st. department including the coasts of Guayana, Cu- mana, Barcelona, and of the island of Margarita : 2d. Those of Caracas, Coro and Maracaybo : 3d. Those of Rio Hacha, Santa Martha and Carthagena : 4th. The territory of Arato, as far as to that of the Ara- gua. A commandant-general, an auditor of the marine and other officers, are entrusted with the administration in each of the four departments. The president of the republic appoints them all. The popular representative government of Colombia has been superseded by the formal military despotism under Si- mon Bolivar, who assumes the title of “ Supreme Chief of the Republic of Colombia.' 1 '' Many of the laws passed by the con- gress, during the existence of the popular government, still remain in force. Slavery has been abolished by au act of congress; but the act is limited, extending only to those who have borne arms, oY are able to pay 200 dollars to the masters. The civilized aborigines are in a wretched condition. Un- der the Spanish dominion they were the slaves of the priests, or the alcaldes. Both were their tyrants, forcing them to cultivate a certain portion of land in common. This dis- heartened the laborer, and is one cause of the low state of agriculture. These slaves merely vegetated, and were so miserable, that, with the greatest difficulty, they had paid their yearly tax, of from six to nine dollars, which the law im- posed upon each male from 18 to 5£> years of age. October 4th, 1821 , congress decreed that all these taxes should be abolished, and the Indians have the same rights and privileges with the other citizens of Colombia ; that they should no more be obliged to work in common; that each should have his own lot of ground, and cultivate it as he 20 INTRODUCTION. pleased ; and that this partition should be made within five years. By the law of March 14th, 1822, it was provided, that in each of the seminaries established in the cities of Bogota, Caracas and Quito, four young Indians should be admitted to the course of studies there pursued, and that two young Indians should, in the same way, be admitted into each of the colleges of the four other departments. The want of funds obliged them to limit the number. Each of these In- dians receives a pension of ten dollars a month. Those who distinguish themselves’ are to be clergymen, or have some government offices. Besides these Christian Indians, there are in Colombia, va- rious tribes of savage, heathen Indians. These inhabit Goa- gira and its environs, and also the coasts of the rivers Orino- co, Meta, Amazon, and other rivers, which water the large valleys in the east part of the republic. They are known under the name of Indios bravos. The inhabitants of the valleys of Casanare, Tuy, Apure, Arare, Cumana, Barcelona, &c. were Christian Indians, known under the name of Llaneros. They are ferocious and cruel, but have rendered the greatest services to the republic. Public instruction is very much neglected, government not having the means of paying good teachers, and the inhabit- ants of the counties and parishes being too poor to bear the expense of educating their children. Moreover, theie can- not be found teachers sufficiently able and enlightened, nor enough good elementary school books. Article XV of the law of the 2d of August, 1821. concern- ing the Primary Schools, authorises the executive to establish in the principal cities of Colombia, Normal Schools. These are established at Bogota, Caracas and Carthagena. But the absolute want of funds and elementary books, and the preju- dices against this method, united with the great influence of the priests, who are generally attached to old Spanish meth- ods, confine this system to learning in prayer books, and cate- chisms, too abstract for the entertainment or the conception INTRODUCTION. 21 of children . There were primary schools for females, but as government had not the necessary means, it was obliged, by the law of July 28th, 1821, to establish these schools in the convents of the nuns. But these having represented them- selves to be in want of a great hall, and destitute of means to construct it, very few have been yet established. We may easily conceive how miserable all these schools must be, since, we know how narrow and filled with prejudices of every kind, the minds of all those were, who were educated by friars and monks in the convents, of both sexes, under the Spanish government on the Main. These are at present, gen- erally, the instructors of the rising generation. What must be the result of such an education ! The famous professor Lancaster, after having spent some years on the Main, for the purpose of bringing into use there, his highly approved method ot teaching, was obliged to leave the country, displeased, disgusted and ruined, as he has stated in his letters and memoirs, by which we learn, that the twenty thousand dollars, granted by Bolivar, have never been paid. The colleges and universities are like the primary schools, in their infancy — in a vegetating state ; not for want of the best intentions in congress, but absolutely for want of the neces- sary means. The congress, when assembled at Cuenta, ordained by a law of June 28th, 1S21, that a public college should be es- tablished in each province of Colombia. There are such colleges in the provinces of Tunja, Ibagua, Medellin, Popa- yan, Loja, &c. ; and, besides, government has preserved the old colleges, so that the cities of Quito, Bogota and Caracas, have two, and the provinces of Popayan and Merida, one each. But all suffer for want of funds to maintain them, and to pay good professors. In Bogota there is a school of Anatomy for the use of the students. Colombia has four universities, viz : at Quito, Bogota, Caracas and Merida. That in Bogota is exclusively for stu- dents in thology ; the three others, for students in the other 22 INTRODUCTION. branches. Bogota and Caracas have libraries for the use of the students of the colleges and universities ; but they are not extensive, and are composed chiefly of old theological works, not conducive to science. Arts, sciences and litera- ture, are all in the same state of infancy, and cannot flourish until the schools shall be in a better condition. The country of Colombia has chains of large and high mountains, known under the name of Cordilleras de los An- des, which have more than a hundred branches extending through the whole republic, 60 that very many of the roads are laid over mountains, impassable by carriages. Over a distance of SO or 90 miles, therefore, travellers must pass, on horses or mules, or by water. Mules are safer than horses. In the rainy season many roads are so overflowed with water that it is dangerous to pass them : the intercourse with the interior is then greatly hindered. There are no turnpikes, and few bridges or ferries in Colombia. Rivers must be crossed by swiming or in small canoes. Here, as every where else, the want of means and hands, opposes the necessary es- tablishment of turnpikes, bridges &c, and hinders and em- barrasses commerce exceedingly. The chains of mountains have in them many dens, affording shelter for bands of robbers, who under the name of Guerillas infect, particularly in the present times, the departments of Venezuela, Julia, Boyaca and others. Travellers and mails go well armed and escor- ted. The two largest rivers in Colombia are the Orinoco, and the Magdalena, Eoth these are navigable for ships. Others may be navigated by small craft; the principal of which are the Catatumbo or Julia, forming with somo others, the large lake of Maracaybo, the Atrato, the Cruces, Aranca, Patia, Vemc.caldas, and there are many others. Congress intended to unite several of them, by means of canals, cut from one to another. On the Magdalena and Orinoco rivers, steam boats are now used for the transportation of passengers and merchandise. INTRODUCTION. 23 On the first they go from Santa Martha to Mompox, where the passengers land ; and with horses or mules, cross large mountains, before they can arrive at the large plain of Bogo- ta, the present seat of the Colombian government. On the Orinoco, they go from one of its seven principal branches, which pours its waters into the Atlantic, to the city of An- gostura. The provinces of Antochia, Coio, Popayan, and some parts of Neyva and Pamplona, furnish gold in grains. Others product silver, iron, copper, &zc. Among the maladies which reign in Colombia, are the yel- low fever, black vomit and dysentery; but these prevail only at certain seasons, and sometimes the turn first appear not in the course of whole years. Another very grievous and con- tagious malady known by the name of el mal de la elefan- cia (leprousy) exists on the Main. The inhabitants belie; e that this plague is incurable, and that it is communicated by touching or taking the breath of a leprous person. Such an one is consumed by sores and ulcers, which produce poignant pains, and destroy the sufferer as soon as the vital parts of his body are infected. The eating of too much fresh and salt pork, the filthy manner of living, and the burning sun, are probably the principal causes of this plague. The Spanish government had established, in the island of Boca Chica, in the province of Carthagena, a hospital for lepers, where a great many of both sexes were treated. To prevent any com- munication from abroad, they were guarded by a cordon of troops, and capital punishment was ordained, for attempting to force the guard, or tresspassing on the limits prescribed. When Carthagena was declared a republic, its government preserved this institution, the more carefully, because this province had, in proportion to its population, a greater num- ber of leprous persons than any other province in New Gren- ada. Whilst I commanded the forts of Boca Chica, I fre- quently visited this hospital, then immediately under my direction. It was a hard — a horrid duty to visit these 24 INTRODUCTION. miserable beings, among whom I found promising youths of both sexes, whose parents were wealthy and powerful. It was dreadful to see them secluded by force from home and society forever, to perish, by long and excruciating pains, in misery and despair. I did all I could do to alleviate their condition ; but the low state of the funds would not enable me to do what I wished, and what was requisite for them. The province next to Carthagena, in number of lepers, is Socorro. In 1820, the government of Cundinamarca, desired that a hospital should be erected for leprous persons, in the little town of Curo, where these persons of the province of Socorro, Pamplona, Tunja, Casanare, Bogota, Neyva and Mar- garita, should be collected and cured. But the funds assign- ed were so deficient, in proportion to the great number of lepers, that this plague continues to make great ravages in these seven provinces, as well as in that of Carthagena. The leprosy exists in the provinces of Panama, Choco, Guayana, &c, but not to so great a degree as in the eight former pro- vinces. Another less dangerous disease, attacks many of the in- habitants of Colombia. It is the iven, a large swelling under the throat ; it is not mortal, but deforms the visage, partic- ularly of females. It hinders respiration, and makes chil- dren imbecile and stupid. This disease is often to be found in the temperate valeys ; but the inhabitants of the Cordille- ra mountains, and those of the plains bordering on the rivers Magdalena, Meta, Apure, Orinoco, &c. are not exempted. This malady progresses daily, and will, as is feared, spread throughout the whole country. Various projects have been devised for removing it. But the want of funds for the payment of professors and practi- tioners, and for the building of hospitals has been the princi- pal obstacle to so beneficial an enterprise. Vacination is introduced into families, and the nicest care is taken in the city of Bogota, Quito and Caracas, to preserve INTRODUCTION. 25 active virus, to be sent into the provinces where he small pox makes its appearance. But it is not carried to all the provinces, for want of funds. The civil and military hospitals are for the same reason, in a miserable condition. Many small cities and villages have their cemetaries with- out, at some distance from them ; whilst at Bogota and other great cities the dead are buried in churches and church-yards in the centre of the population. Houses of refuge for the poor are established in the cities of Bogota, Quito, and Caracas, where beggars and vagabonds are kept at work for their maintenance. Government has es- tablished a fourth house of this kind, in the city of Pamplona, which abounds with poor; but all are in a wretched state, for want of money ; and beggars are met with in the streets of almost every city, town and village in Colombia. But few die for want of food, the soil being very fertile, and the pop- ulation small in proportion to the extent of territory. The mass of the people subsist chiefly upon bananas, rice, fruit, and roots, which grow' with little or no culture ; and as they remain a great part of the day in their hammocks, or stretch- ed upon mats, this scanty food is sufficient, at least to pre- vent their starving with hunger. The clergy are very numerous in proportion to the people over whose minds they hold a vast influence. The highest ecclesiastical dignity is that of archbishop. Ther eare two j one resides at Bogota, the other at Caracas. It has been said that a third was to be established at Quito The treaty with the pope, and the declaration which precedes the con- stitution of Colombia, that the catholic religion is, and shall be the religion of the state, are sufficient proofs of the influence of the clergy. There are ten bishops, viz, at Quito, Cuenca, Maynas, Panama, Carthagena, Santa Martha, Merida, Guaya- na, Medellin, and Antioquia. Th e religious and regular orders in Colombia, are divided into 3 provinces : Venezuela, Bogo- ta and Quitp. These provinces administer and govern them- selves, independently of each other. The superior, or central 26 INTRODUCTION. power acknowledged by each under the Spanish government, was the vicar of the orders residing at Madrid, who was him- self the immediate dependant of the generalisimo at Rome. The impolicy of continuing this communication with Madrid, a capital inimical to independence, was suggested to con- gress, together with a plan for rendering these regular orders altogether independent of Spain by giving them a central place in the territory of Colombia, whence they might after- wards communicate directly with the Holy Father ; and this has been done. The first congress of the republic of Colom- bia, which assembled at the city of Rosario de Cucuta, in 1820, ordered the suppression of all the convents which con-, tained not, at least, eight monks, and destined their monas- teries and other depending buildings, with their property and revenue, to the education of youth in public schools. In consequence of this order, about three hundred monaste- ries of both sexes have been sequestered. The establishment of a congress of the republic is essen- tial to the freedom of the country, and proves an expansion of intellect and information in the county, which, a few years ago, could scarcely have been contemplated. But it is to be feared, first, that the immense extent of territory may greatly weaken, if not annul the guaranty by government, of liberty and individual security and peace. In many in- stances, a department has one chief, who unites in himself the civil and military authority, under the title of Intendant. But in some, there is a general, who commands the troops in the department, but who, by law, is subject to the inten- dant. Now, in some departments, envy and jealousy are found to exist between the two, having a pernicious influence upon the common welfare. This has been the case in the department of Venezuela, whilst Charles Soublette was intendant there in 1821, ’2, ’3. General Paez, who com- manded the troops in the department, held Soublette in such contempt, that he often refused to receive orders from him, and to obey any except those which came directly from the president, S. Bolivar, or the vice president, Gen. Sanander. INTRODUCTION. 27 Paez came one day from Valencia to Caracas for money to pay his troops. He went directly, without permitting himself to be announced, into the cabinet of the intendant, and demanded from Soublette an order on the treasury for a certain sum. Soublette answered, in a hesitating manner, that he would grant the request with a great pleasure, but that the little cash in the treasury was devoted to very important purposes, and would be called for in two days. Paez turned upon his heel, shut the door with violence, walk- ed to the treasurer and ordered him to hand the sum requir- ed ; and in spite of his remonstrances, forced him to do so, and rode off with the money. This rivalry between Soublette and Paez, actually prevented the effect of the combined mil- itary operations ; and left Morales the power of making such progress, after the battle ofCarabobo, when every one thought the war would be quickly ended. Soublette’s administration lost the provinces ofCoro and Maracaybo, and, as well infor- med men have assured me, was the cause of Morales’ increas- ing his power, and of his staying so long in Maracaybo. I am also informed, and, I think it probable, that the coward- ice and incapacity of Soublette, were what rendered the blockade and siege of Porto Cabello, ineffectual. There is in truth no check, l mean constitutional check, upon the power of the intendant. These intendants are gen- erally military chieftains, used lo exercising absolute power, which men under arms absolutely require, but which men, as oitizens, as absolutely forbid. The intendants are under the immediate orders of the president, they are named and in- stalled by him. He changes, and removes them ; and knows beforehand whether congress will approve or disapprove. The president-liberator is therefore the only power by and through whom all is done.* ' The President Bolivar published, under the date of Bogota, 24th of November, 1826, a decree with the following title : “ Decree uniting in the departments and the provin- ces the military command in the same person entrusted with the civil authority” He be- gins with the following introduction : “ As it is convenient to the consolidation and the honor of the republic, to avoid expenses in the present state of the public revenues. 28 INTRODUCTION'. It is true that, by the representative system the voice of every alien is heard in the hall of the legislative body, which gives him an appearence of guarenty for his individual liber- ty. But the most important thing is, that the responsibility of agents to their principals, be well assured ; and above all that of the most powerful and influential agent, viz, the Ex- ecutive ; because this power is the soul of the legislative body, and is placed between that and the people. Experience has shown that the influence of the Executive power is able to subdue, to absorb, every otheripower, legisla- tive and judiciary. But Colombia, having decided against a federal system as too weak for her present circumstances,* * has now no other chance but to pursue the course she has marked out for herself. The central government gives undoubtedly, more strength and energy to the executive. But is it likely to render the people more prosperous and free ; especially when we contemplate the union of such complicated, and often jarring elements ? The character of the Venezuelan, and his manners, customs, and habits, differ altogether from those of the Grenadan ; and the laws of one country are at variance with those of the other. f The jealousy and hatred existing between the inhabitants of the two countries have already been the source of great troubles, in Colombia. They were, indeed, the cause of the revolution at Valencia, Caracas, &c. in 1826, under general Paez. With a federal constitution, both Venezuela and New Grenada would have which are not sufficient to cover those of the administration of the republic ; and being desirous to put an end to the differences which fetter the public service, the good admin- istration, &c. I decree, article 1st, that in all the departments where government judges are necessary, the military and civil power shall be united in the person of the latter,” &c. See Appendix No. 4. * This was the objection of general Bolivar, strongly expressed when the articles of the fundamental law of the republic were discussed at Angostura, and when a great many of the deputies inclined to adopt the federal system. Some insist that Bolivar’s opposition sprung from his fear of losing his supremacy under such a constitution. It is certain thai he has retained it to the present time. He is again dictator, by his own decree, of Bo- gota, 23d of November, 1826. under the plausible pretext ol the civil war, and the dan- ger of a Spanish invasion. See Appendix No. 5 t See section II. of the character and manners ot the inhabitants of Colombia. INTRODUCTION. 29 been enabled to establish laws better adapted to their situa- tion, to the character and habits of the people of each country. With such a constitution, following the bril- liant example of these United States, they might have form- ed a consistent, and perfect federative union. To trace out the several steps, and the manner of proceed- ing in the two governments, would afford new and interest- ing matter to an impartial enlightened observer, and there may be difficulty in deciding between them. The most dan- gerous part of the system adopted by Colombia is, that it combines local with general agencies, thus accumulating excessive power in the hands of a single man. The federal system is free from this danger. France is now under this concentrated government, and so is Colombia. Both may be kept in subjection by the con- centration, unless some change take place in the charter of the former, and in the constitution of the latter. 3. The influence and power of the clergy are far too great in Colombia. They are members of congress. They hold places in all the public offices; in the departments, provin- ces, counties and parishes, in the municipalities, as cabildos, and as officers in the army and navy, while they are also priests of the parishes. They are paid in preference to others. By means of tithes and other contributions, they live a very comfortable life, while the people are poor and miserable. The catholic religion is that of the state, and the public wor- ship of any other is strictly prohibited. Advocates of reli- gious toleration are not wanting ; but no actual step has been taken towards so beneficial a measure. The prohibition of all other religions except the catholic is not only impolitic, it is pernicious, it is a phenomenon in the history of states, that such an article is found in the constitution of a people who declare themselves the friends of freedom. This fact alone is sufficient to excite well ground- ed fears for the success of sound and rational liberty in Co- lombia. 30 INTRODUCTION. 4. The jealous, envious, suspicious, egotistic and ambi- tious character of the greatest part of their chiefs, will be a great obstacle to the freedom and prosperity of the inhabit- ants. Observe their early education, theirvery limited knowl- edge, their vanity, their prejudices against foreigners, their habits of power increased by 15 years of war, their propen- sity to act according to their own arbitary notions, their pas- sions, and a judicious observer will see that this picture is not over shaded. I speak of the majority of these chiefs, and there are not many exceptions. 4. The finances are so low that none of the public officers, are regularly paid. In some parts of the republic there have been, and are still, great complaints and dissatisfaction with regard to heavy taxes and the multiplicity of contributions.* The famous Alcavala , against which so many complaints were made in America, during the Spanish dominion, has been abolished, as late as the end of 1827, in Colombia. The pa- per money, the vales, the patents, the direct and indirect tax- es, the heavy duties at the custom houses, and others were so multiplied as to have become a heavy burden to the peo- ple of Colombia. And in what consists the present system of finance and custom houses in Colombia, called the Ravenga System ?f *The President Liberator says, in his decree, dated Bogota, 24th of November, 1826, signed by him and the Secretary of the interior, Joseph HI Resrepro : " As the revenues on land or grounds in the different counties of the republic are not sufficient for the ordi- nary expenses, and it being not convenient at the present moment to over burden the citi- zens with new taxes, which provoke complaints from every quarter ; I decree,” etc. See Appendix No. 6. J'he following will also show the very low state of the finances. The Presi dent Libera- tor says, in a decree, dated as above : “ ’J'he public revenues being insufficient to cover the expenses, so that public credit has lowered, and is in the greatest danger oj being lost entirely. I decree,” etc. f These decrees were 1st, “ Of the management and government of the intendancies, and other pliblic offices, in the direction and the administration of the revenues in the four departments of Maturin, Venezuela, Orinoco and Julia. Caracas March 8th, 1827. Signed Simon Bolivar and 'I'. Rafael Ravenga, Secretary of State and General of His Excellency the President Liberator. Article 172 says : “Every one, of an industrious class, is liable to pay a tax of alcavala, in proportion to the patent granted him to trade, or to exercise any other occupation. And the principal administrators, their subalterns or deputies, arc to collect these taxes upon the following tariff Here follows a list of the different classes, called industria, divided into 33 branches, which were liable to pa- tent. The banker, the merchant and the commissionary, for instance, paid a patent of 400 dollars each, which has been increased to 600, and lately (December 1827) to 1000 dollars a year. The apothecaries, 200 dollars ; the lawyers, physicians and surgeons. 36 INTRODUCTION . 31 Both decrees were published during the stay of general Boli- var in Venezuela, at the beginning of 1827, and were attri- buted to Mr. Ravenga. The President Liberator has ordered all duties to be col- lected one year in advance, and such has been the urgency of this collection, that by his decree, dated Bogota Nov. 23d, 1826, he enjoins that these taxes be wholly collected in December of the same year.* The administration, in all branches, is in frightful disorder ; the natural consequence of the entire want of money. There- fore it results that the officers, except those of the treasury, are not paid, and most of them, in order to subsist with their families, yield to fraud, corruption, and smuggling. f This want of every thing prevents the payment of the navy and land troops, and hinders the execution of all combined operations. A great part of the soldiers were known only by their chacos and muskets ; all were in a pitiful condition. The officers themselves are badly clothed; they seldom wear epaulettes, and some of them neither shoes nor boots, and very seldom have any money. In 1822, ’23, when Soublette was intendant of the depart- ment of Venezuela, hundreds of officers were seen begging from house to house, in the streets of Caracas and Laguaira, for some assistance ! dollars. The owners of houses pay half a month of the rent received each year. Those who inhabit their own houses with their families, are liable to pay five per cent more than the sum , at which the rent of the house may be estimated, if that exceeds 120 dollars. This expression, que seestime que genaria, is very vague, and subjects all owners of houses to the arbitrary decision of any officer the government appoints to estimate them. (See an extract ot this long decree, in Appendix under No. 10.) The title of the 2d decree is, “ Of iqo I nal '?S em j nt , anc * government of the maratime custom houses.” Caracas, March 9th, ^ig'ied Simon Bolivar and Ravenga, as above. See Appendix No. 11. To this decree is annexed the tariff of the entry duties to which merchandise imported into the seaports is liable — in alphabetical order. On perusing this decree, from which its contents renders it impracticable to give an abstract, the reader will be convinced how commerce and industry are liable to sutler by such regulations. 1 his decree is entitled, “ Decree to urge the execution of the law of May 22d, 1826, in regard to the phblic credit.” See Appendix No. 7. + 1 he Liberator commences his decree to repress frauds in the public revenues, dated Bogota, 23d ot November, 1826, by saying, “ As frauds exist in the public revenues, and are so common and scandalous, and as it is necessary to put an end to a disorder which relaxes morality, and diminishes so considerably the revenues of the treasury, I have judged convenient to decree,” #c. See No. 9, in the Appendix. 32 INTRODUCTION. The name of battalion or regiment is often given there to a collection of armed men that cannot possibly number 200 fit for action. The, -so called, armies of Colombia, are nei- ther well instructed, drilled, nor disciplined. The service is performed with great carelessness, and desertions to the in- terior are frequent ; the natural consequences of the neglect with which the soldiers are treated. 5. The military rules and ordinances in Colombia are those of the Spaniards. They are in use both in the navy and among the land troops. Their custom house duties are so heavy and arbitrary, neither inspiring confidence, nor afford- ing encouragement to commerce and industry. 6. By the ancient colonial system, which was powerfully supported by the clergy, the Spanish crown fearing that the Americans might come to feel their strength and know their rights, took great care to prevent the growth of industry and knowledge in both Spanish Americas. Their immense ig- norance, (the growth of the Spanish system,) will greatly re- tard the welfare and prosperity of Colombia. The apathy of the people, resulting from the climate, and from a slavery of 300 years, united with this ignorance, will render a speedy introduction of industry, light, and liberal feeling, among them, very difficult. These blessings may, perhaps, not be attained until two or three generations have passed away. Public and private education are extremely defective, where they are not totally neglected. Nothing is well learned or thoroughly understood. All studies have been very limited, and intercourse with foreigners strictly prohibited. 7. Agriculture, the only road to a flourishing and profita- ble commerce, is in the same satne low state with every oth- er source of profit or comfort. The scarcity of hand, the apathy of the people, and the discouragement to foreigners, from settling in the country, operating with a government which permits the military to commit daily depredations upon the peaceable inhabitants, INTRODUCTION. 33 are great discouragements to all industry, to every effort to- wards prosperity. The fertility of the soil is so great as to produce yearly two harvests. But, at present, both harvests afford not half as much as one of them did under the Spanish dominion. The army, which contains many thousand slaves, absorbs the laboring classes. The chiefs, neglecting the order, comfort and discipline of the soldiers, think only of increasing the strength of their armies by numbers, which they are anxious to augment. Their armies are growing more numerous, less and less capable of resisting invasion, and more and more burdensome and oppressive to the inhabitants. So it happens that agriculture is neglected. A million of dollars was appropriated to the encouragement of agriculture, and assigned by congress to the executive, for that purpose. This was part of the loan of ten millions made in England. The history of this loan is well understood ; and it is not necessary to enquire the fate of the one million. But at best, it is, as has been often said, a single bottle of water drawn up in a sandy plain. 8. The judiciary power remains, together with the legisla- tive and executive, in one hand, that of the Dictator-liberator. He prefers military tribunals to civil courts ; these are too slow for him ; and so his will is the law of the land. 9. Were the Dictator the great man he has been taken for, yet one man cannot be every where, cannot do every thing. Bolivar must necessarily leave to his subalterns the greatest part of business in the departments and provinces. There are military chieftains, little bashaws, so called, who rule and vex the citizens of Colombia by deciding according to their own understanding and will. What is to be the result of such a state of things in Colorn- bia ? Are these people free? Or is their welfare deferred for years, perhaps for centuries ? Where is protection to be found for persons and property ; for the culture of arts and sciences for liberal institutions, schools, industry, agriculture, the train of blessings necessary to the existence of prosperity and 34 INTRODUCTION. freedom? Were the inhabitants in a worse condition under the dominion of Spain, bad as it was, than they are now, un- der the bayonets of the Dictator-liberator ? These questions will be decided, according to the view that may be taken of the subject. SECTION II. EDUCATION, MANNERS, HABITS, CHARACTERISTICS. Education of the Colombians — Their vanity , ambition , contempt of trades and mechanic arts — Classes and ranks in sociity — - Marriages — Intrigue, and dissoluteness — Women, their man- ners, character, education — Dress — Those of Bogota as distin- guished from those of Caracas and Carthagcna — Houses, furniture — Luxuries, and extravagance — Superstition — Influ- ence of the Priests — C hard eristic habits, traits — Llaneros, their dress, equipments, fyc. ; Paez, Zarasa — The Margaritans — Religious ceremonies — Former punishment, for murder , rob- bery — Instance of the public punishment of a young female at Bo- gota, for an attempt to steal the jewels of the image of the virgin Mary. The crown ofSpain, for the purpose of keeping its subjects from the lights and improvements of the modern nations of Europe, carefully prevented their intercourse with all other nations, as far as was in their power. The Spanish govern- ment labored under the continual apprehension that the Americans would become acquainted with their own oppress- ed condition, and seek the means of breaking their own yoke. The king reserved to himself the exclusive right of granting passports to go to the Spanish colonies. Before such a passport was granted, a Spaniard was obliged to submit to many humiliating examinations and formalities. It was more difficult still lor a foreigner to obtain such permission, which INTRODUCTION. 35 was granted oniy 10 those who were powerfully recommend- ed to the king. After the peace of Badojar, France alone was permitted to send agents or consuls to the Spanish Americas ; and their actions were pretty closely observed. A Spanish American, desirous of coming to Spain, was obliged to submit to the same formalities as the European Spaniard who wished to go to the colonies. The viceroy, and the captain-general only, could give them their pass- ports. Capital punishments were ordained against all masters of vessels, not Spaniards, who should attempt to enter any har- bor in the Spanish colonies, and against all merchants not licensed to trade with the colonists. These measures ren- dered it impossible for the inhabitants to have intercourse with foreigners. The clergy felt a deep interest in seconding the views of government. Their system to perpetuate the ignorance and superstition of the people, procured f<>r themselves the great- est temporal advantages. In the pursuit of these they were utterly regardless of the spiritual welfare of the people, and of their own ! The education of youth was therefore much neglected. Boys were sent to school ai the age of four years, and the age was the same for going to a convent. Since education to a man is what culture is to a plant, it may be proper to enter into some details, to show that such education as the greater part of the generation now living in Colombia have received, under the Spanish dominion, could not possibly form men of knoweldge and of liberal minds. This will best inform us what kind of men they are who now stand at the head of the government, and how those power- ful chieftains were formed, under whose control the various departments are placed, and among whom they are divided. There are, it is true, in Colombia, and in other parts of the Spanish Americas, men of talents and knowledge ; but they 36 INTRODUCTION. are much more scarce in Colombia than in othes countries, and their political existence is crushed and destroyed by an arbitrary military despotism. Where bayonets are the gen- eral rulers, liberty, knowledge, civil rights, and all political welfare are completely banished. To turn the bayonets against the defenceless country and its inhabitants, requires neither knowledge nor talents. The greatest part of the schools, colleges, and universities have been, and still are, in the hands of the clergy, and the friars. This body of catholic clergy must not be confounded with those in olher countries. These were full of prejudices and had very little knowledge. The friars were not much better, and in some cases worse. They filled the heads of the school boys with histories of extraordinary and incredible miracles, with sketches taken from the lives of their saints. The boys learned by rote, and recited a great number of Latin prayers, of which they could not know the sense. They were taught to sing litanies and masses, and were subjected to ex- terior forms of piety. Thus were they formed to early hab- its of dissimulation and hypocrisy, under the influence of which their heads and hearts remained during life. On leaving school, they entered a college, where they learned Latin and Greek very superficially. Their memories were charged with an obscure and diffuse scholasticism, and with some superficial knowledge of geography, history, &c. Instead of being taught the principles of true religion, or of a sound and pure morality, they were instructed in the differ- ent ranks and classes of society ; in the advantages of being born a nobleman, or of belonging to families in the service of the king, or the church. Their self-love and vanity were thus excited and made predominant over every other princi- ple and motive. This education was ordinarily finished at the age of fifteen or sixteen years. M. Dupons gives a correct and minute account of their instruction, in his work, which affords the most full information on the state of education on the Main before the revolution at Caracas. INTRODUCTION. 37 Since the revolution of 1810, the new government has, however, not had much time or money to devote to the sub- ject of education. Though peace has afforded more leisure for attention to this subject, they have been deficient in both funds and talents, and this deficiency has stood in the way of the formation of good primary schools and colleges, and able teachers. Will Bolivar establish such institutions? It is very doubtful whether he has the power to do so. And with his military and absolute government, can he desire that knowl- edge should be diffused among the Colombians ? In Venezuela, to arrive at the title of marquis, count, or baron, was the height of human felicity. I have known dif- ferent Caraguins to expend large sums of money in getting one of these titles from the Spanish government. Others ob- tained orders, or stars. In Spain all might be obtained, par- ticularly under the corrupt government of Manuel Godoy, Prince of the Peace. This rage for titles existed not in so high a degree in New Grenada as in Venezuela. No title of nobility was known there among the natives. The European nobility preserved their titles after leaving Spain. In Venezuela there existed a Creolan nobility, unknown in New Grenada, under the name of Mantuanos, of whom 1 will speak hereafter. But in both provinces, all mechanic trades and employments were much despised, and left to colored and black people. The honorable occupation of cultivating land, belonged exclusive- ly to slaves. In Caracas and in Bogota, no mechanic, even now, can be found, who is not a colored or a black person. It would be a disgrace to a man of good family to touch any of these occupations, or to gain an honest living by his own industry. He would like much better to have a brilliant uni- form, or a friar’s or clergyman’s frock, to sing and serve at mass in church, or to obtain the title of doctor, that he might be regarded as belonging to the highest classes of society. He would prefer the laziest life, to obtaining subsistence by industry. 38 INTRODUCTION. This vanity, the effect of early education, was the source of many dissentions, and of a ridiculous and childish jealousy among families. From this each one derived an opinion that he was a more important man than his neighbor, and was anx- ious to be distinguished by his birth, rank, titles, and wealth. This was often the cause of jealousy, envy, and bitter enmity between two families, occasioned, by mere trifles. The officers of the Spanish government and the clergy saw these dissentions with pleasure, and adopted the maxim, Di- vide and Govern. The numerous class of lawyers and attor- nies joined the two first, because their own subsistence de- pended upon lawsuits, which of course they endeavored to excite. Before the revolution, society was divided into different and very distinct classes. To the first class belonged the Royal Audiencia, or highest council of government in civil matters, and in which the viceroy or captain-general always presided ; and to which belonged the regent, the auditors and the judges of the highest court of justice. The govern- ors of the different provinces, the generals, the intendant, the treasurer, the inspectors of the army, and the colonels, were reckoned in this class. It was composed of European Span- iards, who were authorised to bear the titles of Excellency, or Usted (gentry.) The second class comprised the most wealthy and noted families of high birth, all Creoles. In New Grenada there was no term to distinguish these from other families, and they were designated by the phrase, “ he or she is of high birth.” In Venezuela, they had a name, that of “ las familias Mantu- anas.” This was a kind of American nobility, commonly mixed with European blood. The third class was formed of the judges of the ordinary courts, the municipal, and military officers from the lieuten- ant colonel to the second lieutenant, the members of the bar, the public notaries, the lower officers of government, that were Creoles, the doctors, professors, &c. INTRODUCTION. 39 In the fourth class were reckoned the merchants, the cap- italists, or lessees of a lower birth, the bankers, &c. — all white. The other classes were formed of men of color and black men — all free — and Indians and slaves. The clergy, regular and secular, belonged to none of these classes. They were highly respected, and had their sepa- rate jurisdiction, their ecclesiastical council, of which the archbishop was president. They had their separate privile- ges and were entirely independent of both viceroy and cap- tain-general. I shall here speak only of the customs and manners of the highest American class, designated under number 2, as that which is distinguished for its wealth and independence. All the rest being dependent on the government, or on some of the nobles; so that they were obliged to conform to their manners, customs and usages. They do not exhibit a cha- racter sufficiently prominent, to be worth a drawing. But where there is a characteristic difference, I will mention it. I will endeavor to compare the character of the Caraguin with that of the Grenadan, and particularly with that of the inhabitants of Carthagena, as forming the most prominent points of difference ; and will afterwards speak of the Llane- ro and the Margaritan. The families of Mantuanos in Venezuela were divided, like the Grandees in Spain, into different classes ; as Sangre Azul, Sangre Mezclada, &c. These classes were formed for the purpose of marking distinctions of birth, as, Sangre Azul, (blue blood) designated the most opulent Creolan families, descended from Spanish ancestors, the first conquerors of the country, who had established themselves definitively there, and whose children, born in the country, were there established from generation to generation. Those of the Sangre Mezcla- da, (mixed blood) were of a later date; and had intermixed either with Spanish or Frenchmen. It was very common among the Mantuanos for a young man to marry as soon as he left college. His parents would con- sult together about choosing him a companion for life ; in 40 INTRODUCTION". which they regarded chiefly, (and particularly the lady’s) birth, rank, fortune, and family connexions, as is customary among the nobility in Europe. All being settled with her parents, she was taken, at the age of 12 years, from the convent where she had been placed at four ; and married to a young man of the age of 16; frequently to one under that age. It was common to find such a couple whose ages put together amount- ed to less than thirty. I knew a handsome young lady of Mantuana, who, at the age of eighteen had seven children living. Another had a daughter sixteen years old, who ap- peared to be the sister of her mother ; who was not over 27 years of age. Such a couple, without any experience, not yet knowing even how to behave themselves, were placed at the head of a large household, and surrounded by flatterers, and a numerous train of servants, who sought to dupe them. Having had neither opportunity nor judgment to know the character, each of the other, they believed they were in love, because their parents assured them of it. At first all was happiness and joy. But they soon began to discover faults; and to feel, in the company of each other, a certain vacuity and listlessness. They began their differences by disputing, and then quarrelling ; and ended them by hating each other. The husband amused his fancy abroad. The wife consoled herself by other means. In this manner they lived, choosing separate courses of life, and would have been divorced, but for their dread of certain humiliating formalities, which re- quire that witnesses shall testify publicly to their dishonora- ble private conduct. Their divorce was prevented, only by their pride and vanity. Whether it is owing to manners and character, a far more temperate climate, or whatever cause, marriages are not made at so early an age, at Bogota as at Caracas. Here families are more united and happy. They are not so ostentatious and showy, but their households are more orderly, and they have more solid riches. They are less fastidious, and more cor- dial in their manner of receiving strangers, than at Caracas. INTRODUCTION. 41 A rich family of high birth in Bogota, seldom expend the whole of their annual income, whilst the Mantuanos antici- pate theirs, and contract debts. ' Among the Mantuanos in Venezuela, the conduct of mar- ried people, in general, has a most pernicious effect upon their children. These must know the irregularity of their fa- ther. and the intrigues of their mother. What children learn in these schools of vice, they early begin to practise ; even before their moral or physical powers approach maturity, these boys practice vices which in most other countries, at their age, are not attempted. There were to be seen many who, by excesses, had lost their vigor, at an age, when oth- ers begin to enjoy life. They fall victims to many diseases, and their pale and meagre faces were emblems of pain and suffering. In the midst of every advantage afforded by birth, wealth, and a delightful climate, their health was visibly de- clining. These living spectres approach an early grave, de- ploring a vicious life; which is often transmitted from one generation to another. It is, therefore, not surprising that all travellers who of late have visited Colombia, and particularly Venezuela, talk so much of the general corruption of manners. Among all the rest, Caracas is distinguished. It was not strange to hear a lady complimented, in pre- sence of her husband, upon changing her guerido (gallant.) The husband spoke of his mistress with the same freedom. The festivals and holidays, in these countries, afforded con- venient occasions for intrigue between the sexes; as, the grand mass of midnight, the evening before Christmas, the whole time of carnival, the numerous evening meetings in honor of the holy virgin, or the saints, Lc. Many passionate declarations, verbal, and written, have been made in church- es and chapels. I appeal to all who have been in these countries. To all this, must be added the private conduct, and corrupt principles of priests and monks, who, under the mask of religion, have seduced a great many young females. On the other side stands the military officer, whose brilliant 42 INTRODUCTION. uniform, and the idea of vigor and courage attached to his character, render him peculiarly attractive. By considering all these things, one may form a correct opinion of the man- ners and customs on the Main. Among the clergy in Caracas, the canonicii were distin- guished for their wealth and libertinism. Even the monks and friars generally kept their mistresses. A friend of mine, at Caracas, surprised his young and beautiful mistress with a stout and handsome friar. He dared not say a word for fear of the friar’s vengeance, who would not have failed to do him mischief. This discovery, however, cured him of mistresses, and he soon after left the country. The priests in the villages, small towns and boroughs, gen- erally have their female housekeepers, and a number of chil- dren. Passing one day through Aqua del Pablo, a large village in the interior of New Grenada, I rested with my retinue, at the house of the priest, with whom I had been acquainted in Carthagena, and who expected me to dine with him. His house was one of the largest and best in the country, and sur- rounded with various other buildings ; proving, at least, great ease, if not wealth. I found a large table well provided with silver spoons, plates and forks. We sat down gaily and dined. After dinner, the officers belonging to my family, re- tired. I remained alone with the priest, who was a good and benevolent man, generally beloved, and a father to his con- gregation. He was a patriot, and one of the most enlight- ened persons of the catholic church. He sat with his back to the door, and I with my face towards it. After a while, ffie door was cautiously opened, and a beautiful ffimale head ap- peared. 1 rose from my seat to tell her she need not fear, and to request her to come in. But the door was hastily shut, and she disappeared. The priest asked what had befallen me so suddenly ; I told him what I had seen. “ Oh, said he it can be no one but my wife, {mi mvgn,) the fool, she was anxious to send us some sweet meats made with her own hands.” I requested him tq call her, but he declined, saying, INTRODUCTION. 43 she was not dressed well enough to appear before me. I then asked, as a favor, to be introduced to her. He laughed at my curiosity, as he called it, but, at length, brought her into the room. I saw in her a young lady about eighteen years of age, well educated, and very amiable. She was the moth- er of two beautiful children. I was much pleased with her conversation, and particularly with the unassuming manner of it. The priest and his wife, as he called her, solicited me to stay with them until the next morning, which I declined, with reluctance, and only because my duty pressed my return to head quarters. . The houses of the Mantuanos were generally governed by an intendant, or major-domo, who has many servants of both sexes under his command. As the master and mistress of the house considered it beneath their dignity to meddle with household affairs, they left every thing to the intendant, who received and paid as he pleased. When the master or his lady were in want of money, they asked it from him. After a few years the intendant became rich, and advanced money upon high interest 10 his master, who supposed he was using his own property. The author of Gilblas of Santillane, has not at all over- charged the picture he draws of these intendants, and of the Spanish viceroy in America — their luxury, corruption, &c. The education of young ladies in Caracas was much ne- glected. They were taught, but not thoroughly, to read and write. They were also taught music and dancing. Playing on the guitar, some needle work, and dressing themselves, were their favorite and principal occupations. To attend to any part of house keeping, would have been considered so far below the dignity of a Mantuana, that it would have rendered her ridiculous. She occupied herself with a little embroidery, or reading some book of devot ion, or some tale. Such were their occupations when they were not at church, at the pro- menade, on visits, or at balls. The inhabitants of the same class in Bogota were more re- served and cautious in society. The fair sex were, in gen- eral more modest and timid. The ladies in the capital were 44 INTRODUCTION. distinguished by their clear and fine complexion ; commonly supposed to be the effect of a temperate climate, and pure wa- ter. Some, nevertheless, are found with wens, a disease very common in the province of Cundinamarca. Their manners are more reserved, sweet and agreeable, and they interest by that timid candor which characterises the sex. The ladies in Caracas are not so fair in their complexions, nor so re- served in their manners. They fascinate by their brilliancy, their wit, and their easy manners, by what may be properly termed coquetry. The ladies of Bogota improve upon ac- quaintance more than those of Caracas. The education of the ladies in Bogota was much the best; more strict and more solid. The greatest part among the first class, were educated in convents of nuts, in schools established expressly for that purpose. Such a boarding school house was enclosed within the walls of the cloister, but had no communication with it and the nuns generally. Three or four nuns were named by the abbess to take charge of the school. These directed all the economical duties of the boarding school and instructed the scholars. One was directress, whom the others were obliged to obey. They were, like their pupils, excluded from communication with the convent, and passed through a small door to go to church, or to call on the abbess by her order, or to pass an evening with the nuns on extraordinary occa- sions. The pupils entered, commonly, at the age of four years, and were not permitted to go out, but by order of their parents at the time of their marriage, or completing their education. It was very seldom that a young lady obtained permission to go out and see her parents; but they were permitted to visit her at the parlor, surrounded and separated from their children by iron grates. This permission must be asked from the ab- bess of the convent, and was granted upon condition that one of the nuns be present at the interview, at the appointed day, and hour. This permission was often refused. The pupils were taught to read, write, calculate, (cypher,) the elements of history, geography, natural history, chanting religious songs, dancing, playing on the piano forte, or the INTRODUCTION. 45 guitar, or harp, sewing, embroidery and working clothes. They were taught to cook and to make various kinds of sweet- meats and cakes. Each of those, more advanced in age, had, during her week, the charge of the household. They were taught how to govern a family with order and economy ; things of which the young Caraguin ladies were destitute. Those who stayed at home for private education, which sel- dom happened at Bogota, were never allowed to go out with- out being accompanied by one of their parents, or a trusty servant. They were always dressed in black ; so that they were not distinguishable from the common classes ; but by the finer texture of their clothing ; or their mantillas (veils) garnished with fine watches, or by their diamonds, pearls, or their golden chains, at the end of which was suspended, a golden or ivory cross, richly garnished with pearls or dia- monds. Before the revolution, it was not unusual to see ladies at a ball or other festivals wearing more than 200,000 dollars in watches, diamonds, pearls, &c, in their dresses, without ap- pearing to be overloaded. When going to mass, all dressed in black satin. Their faces were veiled with costly notched mantillas; and the upper parts of their frocks were also gar- nished with the same. They w r ore no hats, but their hair was ornamented with costly combs, set with diamonds, pearls, &c. They were followed, often, by 20 or 30 servants of both sexes, free and slaves, very neatly dressed ; and each of them carry- ing something for the use of their mistress ; as books, umbrel- las, fans, dec. The husband never accompanied the wife to church, either in Bogota, or at Caracas. Children u r ere taken to church as soon as they could walk, the sons with the father, and the daughters with the mother. Mass was said every day ; and on Sundays and holidays, it continued from three o’clock in the morning until noon ; and during that time, every one had his choice of going at what home he pleased, or was most convenient. The military mass was at 11 o’clock ; at that time the viceroy, or most of those who were attached to the Spanish government, attended. 4G INTRODUCTION. In New Grenada, there were, among the slaves, more col- ored than black people. At Venezuela, it was the reverse. In the former, slaves were never permitted to appear abroad with shoes or stockings, though the weather there, particular- ly in Bogota, is sometimes so cold that ice is found in the streets. This custom was begun and continued, for the pur- pose of distinguishing slaves from free persons. Thus were the slaves constantly reminded of their degraded condition ! In every other respect, they were perfectly well clothed, well fed, and in every other way well treated, and had very little labor to perform. The wealthy families had from one to two thousand, and more, slaves. Forty or fifty were se- lected to serve in the house ; the rest were put to cultivate the soil. At the public walks, which are commonly called Alme- das, in Bogota the ladies usually rode in coaches ; and here, as in all other public places, they were dressed in black. On great festival days, the ladies of the governor, generals, or other officers, in both capitals, rode out on horseback,* dress- ed in Amazonian habits, with the epaulettes, galoons, brodices, or other badges distinctive of the rank of their husbands. They had a brilliant and numerous retinue. The wife of the viceroy, or capta in-general, was preceded by a number of aid- de-camps, and followed by the staff and the civil and military officers of the government. Their husbands were never with them on these occasions. These ladies were addressed and spoken of by the titles of their husbands, as, “Her Ex- cellency the Vice Queen, the Captain Generala, the Govern- ess, &c.” The wife of a colonel is called Ussia, [Siegnora] be. This old Spanish custom is kept up by the Colombians of the present day. The ladies of Bogota did not wear their black frocks in the interior of their houses. When at a wedding, a baptism, or ball, they wore colored and white dresses ; generally follow- ing the newest French fashion. It is common for ladies to ride on horseback, throughout the Spanish dominions. INTRODUCTION. 47 The ladies in Caracas and Carthagena were dressed in black, only when they went to church, or assisted at the pub- lic processions. The plates, candlesticks, pitchers, and other utensils, were of pure silver, or overlaid with gold. A poor man in Bogota would have felt himself disgraced without his silver spoon, knife and fork. Steaks, pies, »^c, were set upon the table in large golden plates. The household furniture was very rich and sumptuous ; and when we consider that all their articles were purchased at 300 per cent profit upon their cost, reckoning transportation and exorbitant duties, we may have some idea of the wealth of these people. The houses of the wealthy classes at Bogota, may properly be called palaces. They were built of stone, were large and massy, and generally three stories above ground. But Bo- gota has suffered greatly by the dreadful earthquake of No- vember 25th, 1S27. So did Caracas in March, 1812. All this wealth, comfort, and agreeable society have now disappeared. The greatest part of these distinguished fami- lies in Venezuela, and in New Grenada have left the country ; and the few that remain, are ruined. The bad administration of the chieftains in Colombia, the party spirit and the civil war, operating with other causes already mentioned, have spread anarchy and misery over this beautiful country. Grass is growing in the streets and public squares of both Caracas and Bogota. The most frequented streets of both are full of beggars and miserable wretches, covered with rags, vermin and sores, who persecuteyou at every step, entreat- ing, or rather commanding you to give them something “ por Vamor de Dios.” The officers and soldiers, generally, were badly clothed and fed. The commission of theft, burglary and murder during the night, was frequent, and was done with impunity. All who have know both cities before the revolution, will agree with me, that under the government of the dictator liberator, misery and crimes are much more frequent than under the Spanish administration. I state these facts without any apprehension of being thought a friend to 48 INTRODUCTION. the Spanish system, or an agent of the “ holy alliance,” for a place in which general Bolivar is far better qualified, than he is to be at the head of a Republic ; unless that were com- posed of despots and slaves. Libertinism is a strong, perhaps the strongest characteristic of the Creole. He will spare nothing to obtain the last favor from the female he happens to fancy. Luxury in furniture, houses, jewels, dress, the table, and mistresses, at Caracas, was most extravagant. Their jealousy, vanity and desire to surpass each other, was extreme, and before the revolution, had ruined many families, I saw one of these Creoles wearing a golden re- peater which cost a thousand dollars. Instead of the 12 numbers, he had upon its face, the twelve letters in his name, Juan El iso info. Soon after this watch was received, two neighbors of this gentleman sent for similar ones, and paid cash, the same sum, for them. Creoles of the higher classes are generous, or rather prodi- gal of money; but the common people are very mean and sordid, and are readily induced to commit any crime, for money, particularly in Caracas. The higher classes expend- ed a great deal to gratify their fancy. Foreigners who ob- tained permission to come to the Spanish Americas, obtained a good deal of money, in a short time. The most success- ful in tliis way, were the physicians and surgeons, the musi- cians, mountebanks, chailatans, rope dancers — all who could contribute to amusement and the gratification of fancy. But, as Mr. Depons, in his work upon the Main, says, “ a stran- ger who tried to be a merchant, or a farmer was exposed, to be regarded with an envious eye; and if he was pros- perous, he was persecuted, and many times exposed to lose all. It was with much regret that the natives suffered him; and they did all they could to reduce him to beggary.” At the same time the Creole is not destitute of compassion, and it seldom happens that a man in want does not receive consid- erable relief immediately. I once saw a gentelman (happen- INTRODUCTION. 49 doublons and gave them to a beggar. Five of us were stand- ing in the street talking together; so that there was no doubt ostentation in this act of charity. But, before the revolution it was a rare thing to find a beggar in the streets of Caracas or Bogota. If any were found they were taken, by the police officers, to an hrospice, provided for that special purpose. These places were either convents or houses built expressly for this purpose, by the charity of private persons. The Spanish government did nothing towards such establishments. The Creole is devout, superstitious, credulous and igno- rant. The ladies of the first class were more so than their husbands, many of whom had acquired information by trav- elling. The ladies have each their own particular saint, to whom they are greatly devoted ; always by night and by day carrying in their bosoms his image, suspended by a golden chain. Another image is hung over their pillow, another un- der the looking glass of the drawing-room ; and others, in their books of devotion. I have often known them to have at least a dozen images, of different sorts, of the same saint, fixed in different parts of the apartments. Besides these, they were well supplied with crosses, holy virgins, and other saints, and angels, &c. The reign of priests and monks, in the country was powerful, and their influence is still very great. The patriot chieftains have never dared to be severe against any priest, even when he was known to be an enemy to their cause. The archbishop of Caracas was known to be inimical to the cause; and yet, at Bolivar’s entry into Cara- cas, he was not molested; but during the reign of Bolivar, was treated by him with the highest respect. The bishop of Carthagena, it is true, was exiled ; but his place was sup- plied by his great vicary, known by the title of father Provisor, who detested the Patriots ; and who, in August 1814, some days after the president of the government of the province of Carthagena, the Secretary of the state (himself a priest) the general-in-chief, and various distinguished gentlemen of the city of Carthagena, were received free masons, ex-communica- ted publicly the whole order, by a formal decree affixed dur- 50 INTRODUCTION. ing the night, by his order, to all the church doors of the city. In spite of this spirit of public opposition, he remained in the quiet possession of his office, and has never been troub- led on account of his political principles, and measures. As one of the first cares of the Spanish sovereigns was to propagate the Catholic faith in their immense provinces, they established tribunals of the Inquisition, successively, in the cities of Mexico, Lima and Carthagena. But in the latter part of the reign of Charles IV, this formidable tribunal was not much feared. This influence was exercised, chiefly, to watch and keep out of the country all free literary produc- tions ; by them styled philosophical books. In the year 1820 , a book-seller sent from New-York, vari- ous boxes of valuable Spanish books, to Carthagena. Among them were some copies of Voltaire’s famous D kt ion air e philo so- pliique. The boxes were opened, and by the influence of some priests, the greatest part of the books, among which was the Dictionary, were refused admittance, and were sent back to New York. I have this fact fiom the book-seller himself. Don Vicente Pazos, in his letters to Henry Clay, on South America, says, that before the revolution in 181 U, from Li- ma to Monte Video, an extent, including Peru, Chili, and Rio de La Plata, of more than three thousand miles, and a country of cities, towns, and villages, with many universities, schools, courts of justice &c, there was but one printing press ; and that a miserable old thing, belonging to the Jesuits of Cor- dova. To show to what an extent the superstition of the people and authority of those whose spiritual power they acknow- ledge, are frequently carried, l will relate one example fur- nished me by the individual who came near being its victim. Lieutenant-colonel Callot, a French officer who had served in France under Napoleon in the artillery, came, as many others did, over to the Main, and served in his rank as an artillery officer, in the army of the patriots. Becoming much disgusted, he asked his dismission from general Urdaneta, with whom he was serving. Plis request INTRODUCTION. 51 was refused. Soon after, he obtained leave to go from the en- virons of Tunja to Carthagena where he had some private busi- ness to settle. He travelled on horseback, with a guide, a servant, and a few dragoons, all well armed. After travelling a number of days under a burning sun, he arrived at a large borough in the interior of New Grenada, called Fa , be- fore the largest inn of which he dismounted. As soon as he came into the house he was suddenly seized with great pain and a violent fever; insomuch that he cried aloud. The peo- ple of the inn, put him to bed, and called in their priest, in great alarm. This man was versed in the arts of curing; and believing the stranger to be in the last extremity, came with the viaticum. He sat down before the stranger’s bed, and made various enquiries about his malady; and then told him it was not of a dangerous nature. He ordered the numerous bystanders to retire. When all were gone out, he rose from his chair, and carefully locked the door. He then resumed his seat, and in an interested manner enquired if he was a Christian ; meaning a roman catholic, which, in these coun- tries, the word signifies. Mr. Callot understood him, but an- swered not his question ; but supplicated for a glass of water. The parson repeated the question in a louder tone. The suf- ferer again urgently asked for water. The parson told him he should first answer to his God, of u'hom he was the rep- resentative, whether he was a Christian? The patient under the suffering of pain and thirst, (having been born a catho- lic,) answered that he was. The parson then opened the door ; and at his call, some excellent lemonade was brought in a short time, which in some measure relieved him. The priest then renewed his questions about the disorder; and told him he had an Indian, not far from the borough who could cure him perfectly; but as you are are a Christian, add- ed he, “ it is necessary to confess you before ; and that you receive the sacraments, which will be half your cure.” The colonel replied, saying that this was surely a jest; that the Indian might come and cure him, after which he would con- fess himself with great pleasure. No, no, my friend, it is ab- 52 INTRODUCTION'. solutely necessary to begin with the confession, and receiv- ing the sacraments. Mr. Callot, seeing his obstinacy, told him to go out. The parson jumped from his seat in a violent passion, saying well sir, as you deny your God, I can give you no help, and so saying he went out, shutting the door with violence. A miserable night lamp was in the room, and he saw what they call a Christ, suspended under a small looking-glass, upon the wall. Mr. Callot remained some time in a state of stupefaction ; then raising his head, he perceived that silence reigned through the house. After suffering in this condition for about half an hour, with pain and fever, he called as loud as he could, for assistance. The door half opened and a wo- man demanded in a harsh and stern voice, what he wanted, “assistance for God’s sake,” he answered, “ help, help, for I am deadly sick.” He spoke in good Spanish ; but the door was shut immediately. He received no answer, and silence again reigned over the whole house. Notwithstanding frequent calls for a glass of water, no one came to him. It was expressly enjoined upon his servant, who was very much attached to him, to remain with the people, or he would incur the vengeance of the Holy Father, as they called the priest. The servant was a native of New Grenada ; and was so terrified by these words, that he did not dare to go to his master’s assistance. The priest, in his curse, had distinctly declared that no one, under pain of excommunication, should enter the room of “ that perverse sinner who denied his God.” Colonel Callot, at last asked, as a great favor, that the landlord would come to him for a minute. After a long time the landlord appeared, half opened the door, and harshly demanded what was wanted of him. “ Come nearer my friend,” said he, “ I want to speak with you.” “What,” said the landlord, “will you confess yourself? Shall I call the reverend father priest! Oh, do so ; it would make me happy above any thing.” No sir. I do not speak ofconfesion, I wish .” “ I cannot hear you then,” said the landlord ; good bye sir, may heaven assist you.” So saying, he shut the door, and disappeared. The colonel INTRODUCTION. 53 in his distress made every exertion to move their compassion, but in vain. They absolutely refused to do any thing for him. • The apprehension of dying in that condition at last com- pelled him to declare that he would be confessed and take the sacrament. The parson came, after four hours absence, at 11 o’clock at night; and the colonel confessed and re- ceived the sacraments. All was now changed around him. The Indian perfectly cured him, in the following singular manner. He stripped him naked, annointed him with a de- coction of indigenous plants, and, laying him on the ground upon some blankets, he handled him just as a baker kneads bread ; so that he cried out with pain. The Indian continued the operation until his patient was in a proper sw'eat. He then wrapped him in a blanket, and put him to bed. The next day the operation was repeated ; and the colonel was perfectly cured. When he was quite recovered, he was scarcely suffered to depart. He and the priest became close friends, and he was treated by all the inhabitants w'ith the kindest hospitality. When he insisted on going, and asked the landlord for his bill, he was told that so good a Christian owed nothing. He could not prevail on them to receive any thing. On the contrary, at his departure, a mule was laden with excellent provisons and choice fruits for his journey. The character of the inhabitants af New Grenada is very different from that of those of Venezuela. A striking differ- ence also exists among the thirty seven provinces of Colom- bia in this respect. The Margaritans, for example, differ in many points from the Llaneros ; so do those of Cumana and Barcelona, fiom those of Caracas, &c. The Caraguin is much quicker, more petulant, and more sanguinary than the man of Bogota. He is also more en- lightened. But he is more corrupt, vicious, false, cunning, jealous, and inclined to vengeance, than the Grenadan. The latter having given his word, will keep it. The Caraguin will give his word promptly, and will add protestations, and even oaths. And after he has deceived you, he will laugh at your 54 INTRODUCTION. credulity. The Caraguin will sacrifice every thing for ponip and show, and especially fora brilliant retinue. The Gren- adan is more modest, more prudent in his expenses, and has far more order, in the interior of his establishment. The Ca- raguin, when observed, will give handfulls of gold to a beggar. The other will give secretly, but not profusely, and will enter into the feelings and sufferings of the object of his charity ; while the Caraguin gives, and thinks of him no more. In al- most all the convents of Bogota, there was a house for the poor, maintained by the charity of private persons. There was besides a large hospital for men, and another for women. The Creoles generally are jealous of all foreigners, and dis- like to be commanded by any but their 'own countrymen. They will obey a foreigner, in their necessity, but as soon as they cease to feel their need of his services, they obey no longer; and use every exertion to turn him out. Duty and gratitude have little or no weight with them. In Venezuela, where no foreigner has ever been admitted to the chief com- mand, there have been repeated instances of their being dis- placed. In New Grenada various foreigners have been en- trustcd with distinguished commands ; and have generally been perfectly well received and treated ; and still are so. The Caraguin, as he hates all foreigners, despises the Grena- dan and submits with great reluctance to be commanded by him ; and takes every opportunity, in his absence, to render him suspected or contemptible. The uncultivated and ignorant Llaneros, will admit no stranger, extending their aversion to Europeans, Caraguins, Grenadans ; to every one not born in the plains of their coun- try. The antipathy and hatred existing between the inhabitants of Venezuela and New Grenada, is strongly expressed, though no good reason can be given for thqm. It is well known to have existed for centuries ; and continues in full force to this day. It has produced consequences dreadful to the cause of independence ; as 1 shall show in the course of this memoir. The vain and proud Caraguin, has never ceas- INTRODUCTION. 55 ed to despise and ridicule the more ignorant Grenadan, who, whilst he feels his own inferiority, secretly and bitterly hates the other the more on account of it. The native of Caracas distinguishes himself by his gesticulations, his continual talk, his boasting, and biting wit. He has a sovereign contempt for all who are not born in his own province. It has been said by well informed persons, that the Caraguin has all the vices of the native Spaniard, without any of his virtues. New Grenada still continues her laws, customs and privi- leges, as she possessed them before the revolution. Institu- tions that would be useful in one of these provinces, might be of no avail in the other. A viceroy of Grenada had no authority whatever over a captain-general of Venezuela. These rulers were as distinct from each other, as were the characters and customs of their subjects. Each rendered his account to the king, and received orders directly from him. The Colombians have all the manners and customs of the old Spaniards, their festivals, civil and religious, their society, manner of living, eating and drinking, and dress, laws, insti- tutions, fee, all are like those of the European Spaniards. In the army and navy of Colombia, the old rules and ordinances of the king are strictly followed. A ball must be opened by the most elevated in rank of the society, before any one else is permitted to dance. They are passionately fond of fight- ing-bulls and game-cocks — as in Spain. Their theatres were, like those in Spain, poor and miserable. The fandan- go and boleros were and are still the favorite dances of the Colombians, and next to them waltzes, and English country dances. Their music is that of old Spain ; and so are their concerts. The guitar is the favorite national instrument. But in Caracas, they have some good patriotic songs and marches, distinguished for harmony and expression ; which I have often heard with great pleasure, The character of the province of Carthagena differs greatly from that of both Caracas and Bogota. License of manners is greater than in either of the two other provinces; the wo- men are generally pale from the insalubrity of the climate, 56 INTRODUCTION. the morasses, lakes and stagnant water surrounding the for- tress of Carthagena, with a beaming sun, soon produce putre- faction, and cause contagious and putrid fevers. The water they drink, is unhealthy, and of a brackish taste. People of fortune alone drink rain water, which is collected in large cisterns and sold at high prices. The number of poor people and beggars is greater here than in any other province of Colombia, in proportion to the population. The causes of this are a ruined commerce, the oppression of high duties, both of import and export, and the absolute sterility of the soil. Under the presidency of Torri- ces, in 1812 , 13 and 14 , Carthagena flourished, and was the only province where foreigners were received with kindness; and were secure and highly respected. But under the inten- danc/ of general Mariano Montilla, they have been exposed to high duties, by his arbitrary and vexatious measures. Most owmers of foreign vessels and others coming from the place, have confirmed this fact. Besides these putrid fevers, the Carthagenans are affected with swollen feet; and above all a kind of pestilential mala- dy, called “ elmal de San Lazaro,” which I have before men- tioned. The inhabitants of Carthagena, are desirous of imitatating the easy and natural manners of the Caraguins, and they do it in such an awkward manner, that the latter laugh at, and despise them. The women do the same, but they have neither the grace, beauty nor wit of those of Caracas. The inhabitants of Caracas do not much like those of Bo- gota; and ridicule them by mimicking their drawling tone and manner of speaking the Spanish language. But they hate the Caraguins ; there has, at no time, been a good under- standing between them. Ignorance is more prevalent in Carthagena, than in Bogota or Caracas. I have already spoken of the immense plains of Vene- zuela, and their excellent pasture. These plains are gen- erally inhabited by converted indians, who are distinguished by their cruelty, their cool ferocity, their ignorance, preju- INTRO DU CTI OK. 57 dice and superstition. They are known under the general denomination of Llaneros (people of the plains.) Their fa- vorite and exclusive occupation is, and ever has been to take care of their numerous flocks and herds, of every description. They are half savages; and have multiplied rapidly, by the richness of their pasturage and their mode of existence. From their childhood, they are accustomed to catch and mount wild horses, which run by hundreds upon the savannas. They may almost be said to be born horsemen. When at war they are generally armed with a long lance, and very often, have neither swords nor pistols. They have no regular uniform or boots, or shoes. They have a few rags upon their bodies; with a kind of large mameluke pan- taloons. All have their blankets (mantas) and many their hammocks. I may here be permitted to copy the curious and just description of the people, by colonel Hippisley. “ Sedeno’s cavalry (Llaneros) were composed of all sorts and sizes, from the man to the boy ; from the horse to the mule. Some of the troiops with saddles, very many of them without. Some with bits, leather head-stalls and reins ; others with rope lines, with a bite of the rope placed over the tongue of the horse as a bit ; some with old pistols hung over the sad- dle bow ; I cannot call it the pommel, either incased in tiger skin, or ox hide holster pipes ; or hanging by a thong of hide ; one on each side. As for the troopers themselves, they were from thirteen to thirty six or forty years of age. Black, brown, sallow complexions, according to the casts of their parents. The adults wore coarse large mustachios, and short hair, either wooly or black, according to the climate or descent. They had a forocious, savage look, which the regiment they appear- ed in, did not tend to harmonise or improve. Mounted on miserable, half starved jaded beasts, whether horse or mule; some without trowsers, small clothes or any covering, except a bandage of blue cloth, or cotton, round their loins, the end of which passing between their legs, fastened to the girth, round the waist; others with trowsers, but without stockings, boots or shoes, and a spur generally, gracing the heel on ono "8 58 INTRODUCTION. side ; and some wearing a kind of sandal made of hide, with the hair side outward. In their left hand they hold their reins, and in their right, a pole from eight to ten feet in length, with an iron spear, very sharp at the point and sides and rather flat ; in shape like our serjeants halbert. A blank- et of about a yard square, with a hole, or rather a slit, cut in the centre, through which the wearer thrusts his head, falls on each side of his shoulders, thus covering his body, and leaving his bare arms at perfect liberty to manage his horse, or mule, and lance. Sometimes an old musket, the barrel of which has been shortened twelve inches, forms his carbine, and with a large sabre, or hanger, or cut and thrust, or even a small sword, hanging by a leather thong to his side, togeth- er with a flat hat, a tyger skin or hide cap, on his head, with a white feather or even a white rag stuck into it. Those troopers of the legion, of Sedeno, appeared complete and ready for action. My picture is a perfect transcript from the original, and by no means too highly coloured. Paez’s cavalry was much superior in point of dress, appear- ance, and the management of their horses, but they were not uniformly clothed, though none of them are so naked as many of Sedeno’s legion, but they consist of some without boots, shoes, or anybody covering except the blanket, which is a necessary appendage of the general uniform They wear trowsers or loose drawers, and their arms are similar to those of the other corps of cavalry. Many of Paez’s men are cloth- ed in the spoils of the enemy ; and hence are seen in hel- mets bound with brass and plated metal ; and large sabres with silver hilts and buckles. I actually saw one horseman whose stirrups were made of silver. The Llaneros are active, and even brave, in defending their valleys, and in gaining booty ; and the more so when general Paez is at their head ; who in their view is the great- est hero in the world ; far greater than Napoleon. Because Paez was born in their valleys smokes with them, sleeps on the ground as they do, in his blanket, eats a banana, drinks with them, and speaks their corrupted and savage language. INTRODUCTION. 59 In truth Paez is, in every respect, a complete Llanero. Their manner of warfare is very like that of the Cossacks. Like them, they attack their enemy with loud cries, and never in ranged files ; they fly to form and attack again. They surround their enemy on all sides, and never suffer him to keep them together. They follow an isolated corps, fall on its rear and kill their prisoners without mercy. They plunder the wounded and fatigued. In fine, in their war, they are complete savages. It is difficult to subject them to discipline. Their organi- zation is, therefore, different from that of any other troops in Colombia. They select their officers from among themselves, and turn them out at pleasure, sometimes killing them, and putting others in their places. They never suffer themselves to be commanded by a stranger, some of their own generals have been in danger of being killed by them when they were suspected of cowardice, or treachery. This was the case with generals Sedeno, Roxas, and Monagas. Paez, however appeased them, and protected these chieftains. He is their supreme commander, and he only is adored by them. They care not much for general Bolivar; and, on various occa- sions have been heard to say, that they never see him in the fire, nor at the head of a charge ; and that he is too far from the camp and battle field, to be able to judge for himself how the action should be conducted. General Paez embittered by the loss of a battle, told general Bolivar, in presence of more than 40 officers, that, where Bolivar commanded in bat- tle, he caused the loss of it, but that when he himself com- manded alone, he had beaten general Morillo, but that under Bolivar’s orders, battles were lost. After Paez, general Zarasa has the greatest authority and most influence over the Llaneros. He is brave, intelligent and humane, and is, in every respect superior to Paez, who is jealous of him. The Spanish chieftains, particularly Morillo, have repeatedly attempted to gain him over, but his firm character defeated their efforts ; enraged at this they avenged themselves upon his wife and children, who were murdered CO INTRODUCTION. The Llaneros have undoubtedly rendered very great servi- ces to the republic, and in this long and bloody war have distinguishe d themselves among all the inhabitants of the Main except the Margaritans of whom I shall speak here- after. The Llaneros have been constantly and entirely, de- voted to the patriotic cause, whilst the people of Caracas. Bo- gota and Carthagena, have frequently changed their political opinions. This wild race, far more raw and ignorant than any other people in Colombia, have nobly adhered to the republic. In 1S13 they contributed powerfully to the success of the Dictator Bolivar, who dislikes Baez, but treats him publicly with great regard, for the purpose of managing him. The truth is, if Paez had been a different kind of man, he might at various times, have displaced Bolivar. Three distinct offers have been made him to that effect. The inhabitants of the small and rocky island of Margarita, which forms one of the provinces of Venezuela, had, like the Llaneros, their favorite commander. This was general Aris- mendy. But he lost his influence by being too arbitrary with his countrymen, the Margaritans. But 1 will speak further of the characters and talents, both of Paez and Arismandy in my biographical sketches of them. The Margaritans are much more cultivated and humane than the Llaneros. Their maralime coasts enable them to carry on a trade, notwithstanding the Ll*.vs, with the inhabit- ants of St. Thomas’s, Curacao, &c. Margarita has many small bays where vessels may enter ; and which are not so closely watched by *the Spanish vessels of the king or the company, as the larger ports of Cumana, Barcelona, and the larger cities belonging to the inhabitants of the plains. In- tercourse with foreigners was easier and more frequent at Margarita than any where upon the Main. It is well known that the Margaritans, since the beginning of the revolution ( 1 810,) have been supporters of indepen- dence : and could, never since, be reduced, by the most pow- erful efforts of the Spaniards, whilst a great part of the plains have been in possession of Doves, iviorales, and Morillo. INTRODUCTION. Cl They are true Republicans, industrious, brave, and hospitable. - If any of these provinces have deserved freedom and inde- pendence, Margarita is the first ; and all who have known her people will agree with me in this opinion. The catholic religion is rendered the more imposing by the observance of its followers ; and no city on the Main had so many, or so brilliant religious festivals, as Bogota, the capital of New Grenada. Caracas, Carthagena, and oilier cities, had the same ceremonies, but in a less imposing style. The cause of this difference is to be found in the greater wealth and devotion of the people. Bogota being the seat of the viceroy, governor of twenty-two provinces, with a nu- merous and splendid retinue, and a strong garrison; whilst the captnin-general had only eight provinces. Besides, the Grenadans are less enlightened, and more rich, numerous, and powerful. From Lent Monday to Holy Friday, in passion week, there was every day a solemn and numerously attended proces- sion, which passed through the principal streets and squares of the city of Bogota. Before 1 close this introduction I will relate an extraordin- ary punishment inflicted for robbery, burglary and the like, characteristic of the manners, under the late viceroy of New Grenada. Between the condemnation and punishment, two or three weeks intervened, that the country people might be notified, and witness the punishment. A convict was condemned to receive, with a kind of whip, long in use among the Spaniards, a certain number of lash- es upon his back and posteriors, to remain in prison, or to work in the mines, or gallies, a certain number of years, ac- cording to the degree and aggravation of the offence. The punishment was rigorously inflicted, without regard to age sex, or rank. At the appointed hour the criminal was strip- ped of all clo thing, except a strip of colored cloth about his middle, and placed upon an ass with the reins in his hands, so as to present Iris postorior and back to the executioner; his hands and feet were so tied, that the reins were in his 62 INTRODUCTION. hands. In this position he was taken under a guard of sol- diers from the prison to the public square; the whole halted, and the officer read, with great emphasis, the judgment, to- gether with the Christian and family name of the criminal, his name, native place, office, and the names ofhoth his pa- rents, and their place of abode. He was then whipped at the four corners of the square, and at the corners of the principal streets. As the city of Bogota is large, it was sometimes more than three hours before the prescribed pla- ces were passed, and the number of blows given. In 1805 this punishment was inflicted in Bogota, under the following circumstances. A beautiful girl, 18 years of age, whose pa- rents were both European Spaniards, who had received a good education, and was much esteemed in Bogota, assisted at the festival of the purification of the Holy Virgin, in the church of San Francisco. This day, the waxen figure of the Virgin was ornamented in an unusually splendid manner, with pearls and costly diamonds and surrounded with many hundred waxen tapers. The girl, totally blinded by the splendid ex- hibition, took the sudden resolution to become possessed of the jewels. She afterwards said, in her confession, that the idea was given her during he sermon, by satan himself, who compeletly succeded in tempting her. She hoped this ex- cuse would save her from punishment. She succeeded in the following manner : Instead of going out with the crowd she absconded in one of the dark corners of the church, be- hind a saint. The sexton not doubting but all were gone out, extinguished the waxen tapers, went out and locked the door. She came out of her corner, and by the light of the eternal lamp, so called, which is kept burning in catholic churches, she succeeded in despoiling the virgin of her jew- el-, and selected them at leisure. While she was in the church her parents sought her every where, in the most cruel anxiety. Early the next morning, the sexton, on entering the church, was astonished to find her fast asleep upon one of the steps of the main alter, having the jewels in her hand and frock. He hastened back cautious- INTRODUCTION. G 3 ly shut the door, and made his declaration before a magis- trate. She was convicted, the jewels being found upon her. It would be in vain to attempt to describe the feelings of her parents. They, and the most respectable and wealthy fami- lies, even the judges and members of the royal audiencia, warmly besought the viceroy to spare her. The parents re- peatedly kneeled at his feet, imploring his pity. The vice- roy’s wife herself interceded. The parents, who were in very good circumstances, secretly offered to sacrifice their whole property. All was in vain. The viceroy replied that he could not alter the laws; that if he prevented their execution in the case of an European Spaniard, the natives would have reason to be dissatisfied, particularly as the crime was of such a horrid nature. Don Antonio Amar was a good and sensi- ble man. He pitied all the sufferers, but did not feel himself at liberty to relieve them. In this case the punishment was inflicted, as in every other respect, except that the executioners received a secret order to strike lightly. The surrounding crowd of citizens and country people was immense, and eye witnesses have assur- ed me, that not one was seen to enjoy the spectacle ; but that all were deeply moved. Her sufferings lasted about five hours. Her parents went eight days before to Mompox, never to return to the place of the shameful punishment of their only child. As a special favor, she was released from prison the next day, she rejoined her parents, and died of a lingering ill- ness two months after. The miserable parents followed her to the grave. This barbarous punishment exists no longer. A thief is now punished with a certain number of stripes, or at the pub- lic works. After what I have said of the education character and mor- ality of this people, the reader may form his own opinion with regard to their existing ignorance and prejudices. He may now also be enabled to judge whether Bolivar and the other chieftains of Colombia, can confer on its inhabitants, light 64 INTRODUCTION. liberty and freedom. The rulers of Colombia have naturally adopted the manners and customs of the Spaniards. But they are far less advanced than the latter, not by their own fault, but as a natural consequence of the Spanish system, which was designed to keep them in darkness and ignorance. By means of this pernicious system, the Colombians are, at least 150 years behind the people of the United States, in the science of government. Experience will prove, whether my opinion, advanced in July 1824,* is just. * See Atlantic Magazine for July 1821, No 3, published by Bliss and White in New- York, p. Ili7. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. CHAPTER I. Causes of the present imperfect knowledge and erroneous opin- ions respecting the political events and leading characters in Colombia. To trace with justice and impartiality, the history of power- ful men who have not yet finished their career, is by no means an easy task. Burke says “ that death canonizes a great charac- ter.” In the political and military life of Gen. Bolivar, many traits have already appeared, which give a correct knowledge of the character and talents of the Liberator. The most extravagant and contradictory opinions, have, at dif- ferent times, been given of Gen. Bolivar. Some say : “ He is a great, an extraordinary man ; a man of transcendent knowledge and talents ; the hero of South America ; the benefactor of his country ; its Washington ; its Napoleon.” Others assure us “ He is the Cromwell, the tyrant, the oppressor of his country.” Truth is rarely to be found in any extreme. That such various opinions should have been received of this man, is not at all surprising, when we consider that the majority of mankind are inclined to admire splendor, power and success, and that the more, when the object of their attention is beyond their own sphere : Moreover, they blame or approve, according to their own interest or feelings. Rarely is their opinion formed from the evidence of truth, or with the spirit of impartiality. But the defender of freedom and the rights of man, naturally attracts our attention more and more intensely, by every successful event. The actions of Gen. Bolivar have been considered as being in accordance with the wishes of all liberal and enlightened men ; nay, with those of every oppressed and enslaved being. His smallest successes have given general satisfaction, and every eye has been 1 2 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. fixed upon him and his proceedings. But without any exact and positive knowledge of facts, each individual has formed of Gen. Bolivar, his own idea, in conformity with his own wishes, and with his confused and incorrect notions of events on the Main. Pub- lic opinion was soon captivated to such a degree, that whatever accurately informed and impartial men could say against the Lib- erator, was disregarded, and treated as mere calumny, or as coming from agents of the Holy Alliance, from enemies of the cause of freedom, or from rash adventurers. The majority of the public have been prevented from judging for themselves, and have con- tinued to contemplate Gen. Bolivar, as the hero, the father, the liberator of South America. Various causes contributed to form these opinions, in the com- mencement of Gen. Bolivar’s career: First, — The great difficul- ty of procuring exact information from the Main, because every one possessing it, had his own opinions, his own view's, his own interests, while corresponding with his friends ; others concealed the real state of fact?, or circumstances which might enlighten, fearing their letters might be intercepted or miscarried, or that their names should be mentioned by their friends, and so their in- terest affected on the Main. Secondly, — The bulletins and proclamations of the rulers in Colombia, on many occasions, have been very extravagant and partial, as is generally the case with documents of this descrip- tion, in every army throughout the world, where war and armies have existed. These bulletins and proclamations have been faithfully translated, without comment, without any of the partic- ulars which would give a correct idea of the events, and have naturally inspired gigantic notions of the power ol armies in Colombia ; and of the heroic bravery, and of deep military skill of the leaders of these armies. Besides, the Spanish language is distinguished from all others, by its pompous phrases, which give it an agreeable and high sounding expression. The effect of the language, too, is enhanced by the Caraguin character, which is generally vain and boasting. And so it happened that a skirmish, in which, in fact, only a lew men were killed or wound- ed, was given out as a regular, and bloody battle.* * When I was chief of the staff at Campano, on the Main, in May 1816, Gen. Bolivar, then supreme chief of the republic of Venezuela, ordered a detachment of about 75 men to take possession o’fthe village, and the little fort of Santa Rosa, which lies upon a hill, and commands the harbor. l\o enemy was found in it, but twenty five half naked and badlv armed men ; and these retired, after having twice discharged a twenty four poun- der, the only piece of ordnance then in the fort. i\ot a man was killed, w oundedor taken. The next dav I was not a little surprised to find a printed bulletin signed with my name, in the proper place ; in which is said, “ The independents landed under the immedi- ate command of the supreme chief, in four divisions, and the divisions o 1 Gen. Piar took, MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 3 Thirdly, — We are in absolute want of a good, detailed, and ex- act history, of the events of the revolution, and of the contend- ing parties on the Main, from IS 10, to the present time. It is a fact, that the people of the United States know little or noth- ing with certainty, of what has passed, and is still passing in Co- lombia. Our Gazettes give some accounts, but they are few, and exceedingly imperfect. The imperfect and erroneous statements which have been pub- lished, and the exaggerated proclamations and bulletins Lave chiefly influenced public opinion ; the habit, too, of thinking Gen. Bolivar, a great and extraordinary man, a hero, has been growing since 1813, and has increased to such a degree, that it will be a difficult task to convince men of the exaggeration of their ideas, and extravagance of their notions respecting him. So far as I am concerned, I am able to declare, that I have nei- ther desire nor interest to flatter, or calumniate Gen. Bolivar, I vouch for the correctness of all the facts contained in these me- moirs, well knowing that this work will obtain only that degree of credit with the public which it may appear to merit by its accura- cy and candor. CHAPTER II. Birth of Bolivar — His family — Visit to Europe — Marriage. Errors in the biographical sketch of his life in Ackerman's Magazine. Simon Bolivar was born in the city of Caracas, July 24th, 1783, and is the second son of Don Juan Vicente Bolivar y Pon- te, a militia colonel in the plains of Aragua ; his mother, Dona Maria Concepcion Palacios y Sojo; and both were natives of after great resistance, and a heavy fire, the strong fort of Santa Rosa, by storm. The division of Gen. Marino distinguished itself by its bravery and coolness,'’ &c."&c. The fact is that Gen. Piar, with his twenty five men, jumped over a low wall of this strong fort, and found it empty ; the Spaniards had fled as soon as Piar approached, and could not have been taken or killed, being already more than four musket shots distant from him. When I saw tlrs pompous bulletin, signed with my name, I asked Bolivar how my name came to such a paper, a real and ridiculous satire upon our forces, which di 1 not exceed 800 men, hut from which 75 divide 1 into four turned no more. 118 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Another day, having given orders to demolish a battery of no use, more than 3000 cannon balls remained piled up in the re- doubt. The commander of the artillery, colonel Toborda, repre- sented to me that his artillerists were too much engaged in other works, and unable to take these halls into the arsenal. I there- upon issued an order, that every individual coming to the fort of San Fernando, should bring one of these balls, whenever he pass- ed the draw bridge to come in, without distinction of rank or per- son. I understood that this order met with general approba- tion, and that three staff' officers alone, said they never would sub- mit to an order so degrading to officers of their high standing. These having been named to me, 1 determined to subject them immediately to the order, as a measure highly recessary, in the present extraordinary circumstances. I sent for them, alter having instructed the captain of the guard at the draw bridge not to suffer even myself to pass, without carrying a cannon ball, and so nobody else , in coming into the arsenal of San Fernando, where I had, since the siege by Morillo, established my head quarters. I told these three officers that I wanted their advice on some outworks, on which the Spanish prisoners were employed. Having passed the bridge with them, 1 pretended to have forgotten some plans, and sent two back to my cabinet, requesting them to ask my secre- tary for those papers. They were in full uniform, as well as my- self; and bearing themselves loftily, they passed the bridge and the first centry, who presented arms. The second stopped them short, and asked them, respectfully, “ if they were not acquainted with the general’s order?” They answered, “yes, but such an order had nothing to do with them.” The centry told them “ that they were subject to it like any body else ;” they were about to force a passage, but he presented his bayonet and called for the guard. This naturally made a noise, and many hundreds assem- bled in a few minutes to know the cause. I came, of course, im- mediately, and asked the reason of the centry’s call. The officer of the guard told me, “ that the resistance of the two colonels against the orders given, was the cause ot the alarm.” “ Well, gentlemen,” said I, very coolly, “ I will go fetch my papers my- self, but as the commander of the forts has given the order that nobody should be permitted to enter San Fernando without taking one of these balls into the arsenal, the useful orders of the com- mander must be respected, and I obey him with pleasure, since they have been given for the welfare and safety of us all.” So saying, and without giving them the least reprimand or looking at the two officers, I took one of these rusty bullets, and passed the gates before the whole guard under arms, and amid huzzas MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR, 119 of all the bystanders, who took, each one his bullet, and fol- lowed me. The officers astonished and ashamed, followed my ex- ample, and from that time nobody attempted to resist any order given. I could relate a great many other instances, but I am afraid of speaking too much of wpat I did. It will suffice to state here, that I was the last officer who left the forts, after having protected the whole emigration, which came under my batteries, from Cartha- gena to Boca Chica, in the afternoon of the 7th December. In the meantime, captain Louis Brion, afterwards admiral Brion, came from London, with a fine corvette of 24 guns, 14,000 stand of arms, and a great quantity of warlike stores, to Boca Chica. He fell sick, and I took him into my house, where our acquaint- ance was soon changed in intimacy. He spoke to me continually of general Bolivar, and regretted much to see him absent. One day an intimate friend of Bolivar arrived from Jamaica, a Dr. Ro- driguez, a man whose plain, unassuming manners pleased me much. He had frequent conversation with Brion. They both lived in my large government house. One evening, being in my cabinet, captain Brion came in, and asked me if I had any pressing busi- ness, or was at leisure to hear what he had to communicate. He told me that Dr. Rodriguez had just arrived from Carthagena, where Bermudes, in consequence of his apathy, and halfway measures, was generally despised ; that they accused him of occu- pying himself more with his pleasures than with his duty, and that he was unworthy to command ; that Carthagena was in a deplorable situation, through his fault, &,c. Brion said to me, after a pause : “ I know no other man, among all these chieftains, but Bolivar, able to save the place ; at least, he has an acknowledged authority over them all, and you and I could assist him much ; then I hope that the misfortunes he has experienced, will correct his haughty and despotical character. Dr. Rodriguez assures me that he is quite another man in Jamaica, and that he is anxious to return. The Dr. came here on his order, and desires much to have a private con- versation with you on the subject, as you alone are able to support, and send for him.” After five or six conferences between Brion, Rodriguez, and myself, the following measures were adopted, to favour general Bolivar’s return. As Ducoudray possessed the entire confidence of all those under his command ; as he had, moreover, many friends amongst the most powerful natives, and strangers in the city of Carthagena, he spoke to Dr. Rodriguez, upon the facility of intro- ducing Bolivar, and putting him at the head of the government of Carthagena, instead of the weak and indolent Bermudes. I re- quested the Dr. to go again to Carthagena, and sound, adroitly, 120 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. some persons whom I named to him, and any body else upon whom I could rely. He returned and found my observations correct. He said further, that all those persons whom he visited during his three days stay, assured him that Bermudes had entirely lost his confidence and activity, and that they saw him, with sorrow, associ ating too much with women known to be secretly attached to the Spanish cause. This the Dr. repeated to me twice, and said he had heard it from good authority. Brion offered to go with his five corvettes, to Aux Cayes (fiayti) to get one thousand bar- rels of Hour, rice, and other provisions, which might enable Car- thagena and Boca Chica to support a longer seige, and to come immediately back to Boca Chica, whilst 1 engaged the fast sailing well armed privateer La Popa , which was one of tlie armed ves- sels under my order, to go For general Bolivar, to Kingston, in Ja- maica, and to send Dr. Rodriguez in the vessel with a letter di- rected to Bolivar. All was ready in a couple of days, and they sailed early in the morning on the 11th of November in company with three other privateers, commanded by me, to search on the coast for provisions. Dr. Rodriguez received verbal instructions, from me and Brion ; nobody else in Carthagena or Boca-Chica, had the least idea of what was going on. Besides, 1 handed a letter to the Dr. addressed to general Bolivar in French, of which the following is a translation : “ Dear General, an old soldier of acknowledged republican sentiments, with whom you are personally well acquaint- ed, and are informed that he has served against you, invites you now to come and place yourself at the head of the government of Carthagena, where Bermudes acts with great weakness and apathy. I engage, by the influence which I have here in Boca-Chica and in Carthagena, to putin execution this change of government with- out the least bloodshed, and pledge my life for all the consequen- ces. In taking this extraordinary step, 1 can assure you, candidly, that I have no other intention than to save the cause, which is in danger of being lost in Bermudes’ weak hands. Brion is your friend, and Brion alone, has engaged me by showing your charac- ter to me in a very different light from that in which I had recei- ved it from others. Dr. Rodriguez, who will hand you this letter, will explain to you every other particular concerning this plan, but lose not a minute, and come in the same vessel immediately. Captain Pierrill, who commands the Popa, has orders to take you and your friends to Boca Chica. Respectfully Yours, (Signed) DUCOUDRAY HOLSTEIN. Dated, Boca Chica, November 11th, 1815.” MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 121 General Bolivar was much surprised at the sudden arrival of Dr. Rodriguez, and much more at my letter, and at all the partic- ulars communicated to him by the Dr. Bolivar was so highly pleas- ed, that he remained not a day longer in Kingston, but embarked with the Dr. and two aid-de-camps, the same evening, to join me in Boca Chica. But being under sail, he met with another Cartha- genan privateer, the Republican, captain Joanny, who informed him that all w r as lost, that Carthagena and Boca Chica were evac- uated by the patriots, and that Ducoudray and the principal patriot families were on their way, in ten armed vessels, under the com- mand of commodore Louis Aury, directing their course toward Aux Cayes (Hayti.) General Bolivar then changed his course and arrived ten days before our squadron at Aux Cayes, and departed from thence to the capital of Hayti, Port au Prince, where he w y as cordially received by the president, Alexander Petion. It will undoubtedly surprise the reader, that I, who vas so decid- edly against general Bolivar in September, 1814, had changed so suddenly in his favor, in November 1815. But this is not so sur- prising, when we consider the circumstances of my personal and delicate situation, in a land where I was a stranger, and full of en- thusiasm for the liberty and freedom of this beautiful country. Re- cently arrived at Carthagena, I remained more than two months, a quiet observer of all that was going on, before I engaged in the ser- vice of this republic, which was offered me some days after my ar- rival. But having at last consented to serve as Gefe de Brigada (colonel) in Castillo’s staff, until my nomination as nidreschal de campo could be confirmed by the congress of New Grenada which was sent to Tunja by the president Manuel Rodriguez and general Castillo, I was in honour bound to support the existing government in Carthagena, and obliged to act again t the united combination of the tw r o Pineres with Bolivar as I did, and as I have stated in another chapter.* General Bolivar departed from Car- thagena to Tunja, and besieged Carthagena ; I being commander of the forts of Boca Chica, was naturally obliged to remain faith- ful to the established government of Carthagena, and in killing general Bolivar in an action (ns I said afterwards to himself,) I should have done my duty. But Brion’s arrival from London, my intimacy with him, the warmth with which he represented to me the necessity of saving Carthagena in pursuance of his plan, and * See Chapter VII. 16 122 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. my being fully convinced that this plan was the only one to save the province, which I alone could effect, considering my position at that time, determined me, and I would have* fulfill- ed my new engagement with Bolivar at the peril of my life, if the evacuation of Carthagena had not taken place sooner than I and Brion expected. Then I w r as like many others, fully convinced of the total incapacity and apathy of Bennudes as commander of Car- thagena. 1 was so fully persuaded that I had formed a wrong opinion of Bolivar’s character and abilities, and moreover that I saw in this recal of Bolivar the only' way to save the republic from de- struction, that I acted in conformity to my conviction, and will ne- ver deny these steps taken in favour of a man, whom I found after- wards, not at all to correspond to the ideas I had formed of him. I will say shortly, in closing this chapter, that the distress was so great in Carthagena, for want of provisions, that it was resolved to evacuate it secretly in the night, without capitulating with a cru- el and faithless enemy like Morillo. This was done, and Louis Aury the commodore of the squadron, received these unfortunate people on board, forced the passage of the canal, which forms the entry of the port of Carthagena, from Boca Chica, and all came to shelter themselves under batteries of the forts which I commanded. I was, therefore, the last chieftain who remained, and after all the families from Boca Chica were embarked, I came at two o’clock in the morning of the 8th December, 1815, on boaid the commo- dore Aury, where I joined my family ; and so we left this unhappy country, and sailed for the port of Aux Cayes. • CHAPTER XII. Particulars of the stay of General Bolivar in Aux Cayes — Char- acteristical Anecdotes. The emigrants from Carthagena, and my family, arrived the 6th of January 1516, at Aux Cayes, after having suffered cruelly for want of water and food. Some weeks after, general Bolivar arrived from Port au Prince, and came to visit my family. He embraced and thanked me in the most obliging manner for my letter, and for all that I had intended to do for him, and urged me to come and breakfast with him. MEMOIRS OK BOLIVAR. 123 It was in his room, and in presence of Brion, that I spoke to him as follows : “ I hope, my clear general, that you will forget past events ; that now, being private individuals, in a strange land, we shall not act hostilely against each other. I served against you, and would have certainly wounded and killed you, or you me, if we had met together on the field of battle ; but that was my duty, and so I was in honour bound to maintain the existing government of Carthagena against you, or any body else,” &c. General Bolivar got up, embraced' me again, and said to me the most obliging things. He told me then, that the president of Hayti had offered him large supplies of every thing for a new expedi- tion against the Spaniards in Venezuela. Some days after, he offerred me the office of chief of his staff, and promised me my grade of mareschal de campo, as scon as we should enter upon the territory of Venezuela, saying very oblig- ingly, that I deserved it for my past services. He authorised me to choose my staff-officers, but expressed the wish to admit the lieutenant colonel Charles Soublette, and captain Perez. The former is at present the secretary general of the dictator in Colom- bia, the latter having occupied the same office during Bolivar’s campaigns in Peru. I was charged with the organization of the staff, with forming regulations for its officers, and for the administration of the army, and proposing candidates to fill the necessary appointments. From that time, I had always eight or ten young officers of the staff employed daily under my orders, in the house which I occupied during our stay in Aux Cayes. All that I proposed in my frequent conversations with Bolivar, was approved and put in execution ; all these measures were intended for the furtherance of our intended expedition, and for forming a good and well in- structed body of officers, of which, as I told the general frankly, we were' much in need, &c. The president, Petion, received Bolivar with great distinction when at Port an Prince, and not only granted him large supplies in arms, ammunition, &c. but gave orders to the governor of Aux Cayes, general Marion, to assist him in his enterprise. Some friends of general Bolivar advised him to assemble all the principal patriots, who had emigrated, and were then at Aux Cayes, and submit to them his new enterprise, principally for the purpose of being recognised as the commander of the expedition. At this assembly were present all the civil and military chiefs, and the principal emigrant patriots ; among them, Brion, Piar, Marino, Me Gregor, Bermudes, myself, the brethren Pineres, the inten- dant Zea, the commodore Aury, &c. It was decided — 1, to as- 124 MEMOIRS OP BOLIVAR. sist the patriots in Venezuela ; — 2, that general Bolivar should command this expedition ; — 3, that he should unite in himself the civil and military authorities until the convocation of a congress ; — 4, that the expedition should first sail to the island of Margari- ta, and from thence to the Main, &c. Aury alone was opposed to giving general Bolivar unlimited power, and proposed to nominate a commission of three or five persons, which should, with general Bolivar, be invested with that authority. The latter spoke with great warmth against the pro- posal, and ended in declaring he should never consent to a divis- ion of those powers. Not a dissenting voice having been heard, the articles were agreed to and passed. I must mention here that these articles were prepared before- hand, and already drawn up ; and that general Bolivar was seated upon an elevated large armed chair, and the military chieftains lower, and on common chairs, on the right and left of the general ; opposite to him sat the secretary of the assembly, and on his left, right, and behind him, all the other members, who had been invi- ted to the assembly by written hand bills, signed by general Boli- var. I must confess that this armed chair elevated about two feet gave offence to me, and to many others ; besides, it had the air of a throne, and a monarchical distinction. This arrangemen was prepared by Bolivar, in concurrence with colonel Louis Du- rand, a native of Bogota, who came over from London with Louis Brion, and who was the principal owner of the fourteen thousand stand of arms bought for the government of New Grenada, and which were fortunately not landed at Boca Chica, but remained on board of Brion’s corvette, in which came, as I have mentioned, from Boca Chica to Aux Cayes. General Bolivar opened the session with a longprepared speech, in which he attempted to show the necessity of having a central government, or a united power in one single person, and he there- fore requested the asssembly to name such a one before the ex- pedition departed. Brion then urged in a few words the necessity of this appoint- ment, and said that general Bolivar was a suitable man for such a command, and if the majority were in his favor, as he was sure it would be, he would join with his vessels, and employ his means and his credit to fit out the necessary number of other armed ves- sels and transports, with provisions, &c. to assist general Bolivar, but no body else ! Brion immediately put the question to each of us, and said : “ Do you consent, general Marino, that general Bolivar, as cap- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 125 tain-general of the armies of Venezuela and New Grenada, shall be our only commander — yes or no and. turned round, naming each of us by name ; and so Bolivar was named our commander- in-chief, uniting all the powers , of which nothing was before men- tioned in a positive and explicit manner, either by Bolivar or Bri- on. When the secretary had read the articles, Bolivar requested that no one should go out before they were reduced to form, and signed by each of us. Article 3d was put, as I have mentioned, to which Aury objected, and refused positively to sign that paper. This refusal was the cause of the first disunion among the chiefs of the expedition ; and from that time Bolivar was very angry with Aury ; and that resentment lasted until the death of the latter. Among many traits of the vindictive character of Bolivar against Aury, 1 select the following : Before, and during the siege of Carthagena, by Morillo, Aury had made the greatest exertions to supply the place with provisions ; he had exposed his person, and his own vessels to great danger, and had received on board many hundred families at the time of their evacuation of Carthagena, and had, in short, rendered the greatest services to the republic, which owed him a great deal of money for advances made for provisions, he. At his arrival at Aux Cayes, he claimed, as payment, the property of an armed privateer, the Constellation, and in his written demand, directed to Father Marimon, as the commissary general of the congress of New Grenada — the only competent authority which came with us to Aux Cayes, the gov- ernor of Carthagena having remained in Jamaica — said that if they would grant him this schooner, he would come with the three oth- er armed vessels belonging to him, and would engage four or five other owners of privateers to join the intended expedition of gen- eral Bolivar. As soon as Bolivar was apprised that Marimon had named a commission to examine the justness of Aury’s demand, and to settle it at once, knowing that the commissary of congress was greatly in favor of Aury, he sent the next day after his election as commander-in-chief, for Father Marimon, and the attendant Zea, one of the arbitrators, and reprimanded them very severely in my, and commodore Brion’s presence, for having meddled in this af- fair, annulled the just award made in favor of Aury, and tore it in pieces, it having been already written, signed, and approved. Not satisfied with this, he requested general Marion, the Haytien governor of Aux Cayes, to put a guard of Haytien troops on board 126 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. of the Constellation, in order to drive Amy’s men from the vessel, and take it for himself. Amy, greatly surprised, in vain made the most just representa-. tions, and said afterwards, that having well known the tyrannical principles of Bolivar, he had opposed being under his sole order ; that lie could not endure that such a man should be the ruler of so many thousands of his brethren. The reception of Aury, by Bolivar, at Savanilla, is too well known to be repeated here. The consequence ol this arbitrary act was, that our expedition lost, with commodore Aury, moie than four hundred good sailors, and about fifty foreign officers, with eight armed vessels, which separated from the expedition, whilst the squadron under Brion departed without them ; full one half of our forces were thus lost to us. Bermudes, a secret enemy of Bolivar, remained with Aury ; so did colonel Ducayla, Coland, Bolivar’s ex-commander of artillery, Garcia, and others. Aury, as is known, took the Mexican colours, and sailed, sepa- rately, from Aux Cayes to the island of Amelia. All that might be said of Amy’s subsequent privateering operations, has nothing to do with Bolivar’s resentment at Aux Cayes ; it is a convincing proof, like that of the besieging of Carthagena, how vindictive and irascible is the character of the man who rules over about two millions of Colombians at the present day, with more power and absoluteness, than does the autocrat of Russia, or the Sultan at Con- stantinople over his subjects. The inhabitants of Aux Cayes were greatly scandalized at the indecent quarrels which took place between the patriot chieftains. There was a challenge for a duel from the lieutenant colonel Ma- riano Montilla to general Bolivar ; another of general Marino against commodore Brion ; both were prevented. In the first, I was the second of general Bolivar, who chose me, as Brion did in that of Marino. Tbe particulars of the first will be related after- wards ; the second did not take place because 1 told an officer to go secretly to general Marion and advise him, that he should interpose his authority in detaining Maiino in his house, as such duels w'ere not tolerated by the laws of Hayti ; which he did. Brion and myself, accompanied by Bolivar, were going to the place ap- pointed for rendezvous, when I urged Bolivar to retire, as his pres- ence was entirely useless and indecorous ; he felt the strength of my arguments, and the more when ] assured him I would never suffer Brion to be insulted or hurt. He returned to the city. Soon MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 127 after came colonel Valdes, the second of general Marino, to the place of rendezvous, telling me, greatly perplexed, that the latter was arrested by order of the Haytien governor, Marion ; and that the whole affair was known to him. 1 pretended great disappoint- ment ; but was in fact very glad that general Marion had taken the hint ; and so another day and place were appointed for a second meeting. Colonel Valdes, satisfied with my consent to a second meeting, left me at a full gallop. When Brion heard from me this delay, he was disappointed, and expressed to me his sentiments, in very strong terms, against Marino. Before our horses were put in readiness, an officer, with about 20 men of the Haytien guard, came suddenly upon us, and saying he had orders to arrest us, bade us give him our pistols and swords. The grenadiers fixed their bayonets, and all resistance would have been in vain. Luckily it happened that I was acquainted with this officer ; I requested him to order away the grenadiers, and promised that I, and my friend, would follow him alone, upon parole, which he granted very politely. We mounted our horses, and appeared before the Hay- tien governor, who after a short, but polite admonition for having acted against the laws of the c ountry, dismissed us. The affair between Marino and Brion was settled in the same evening, in the closet of general Bolivar, by the latter, in my and colonel Valdes’ presence. A third challenge happened between lieutenant colonel Raphael Hugo and general Piar ; a fourth, between myself and lieutenant colonel Charles Soublette, the same who is now general of divis- ion and secretary general of the president Liberator, notwithstand- ing the known cowardice of the said Charles Soublette. The fol- lowing are the particulars of this cmious and characteristic affair. During the evacuation of Cartfiagena, by the patriots, (Decem- ber, 1815,) and their retreat under the batteries of the forts of Boca Chica, I remained the last and only commander, who, in virtue of the martial law proclaimed since the beginning of Morillo’s siege, had been invested with dictatorial powers. Soublette came from Carthagena to Boca Chica, where lie wished to meddle with busi- ness in which he was not at all concerned.' Some of my officers reported it to me immediately. I came, and repremanding him for his intrusion, ordered him to leave the fort of San Fernando and embark. He replied not a word, and embarked on board the Con- stitution, where 1, and my family, came -afterwards, it being com- modore Aury’s vessel. When in sight of the Island of Jamaica, the latter desired to go on shore, to procure fresh provisions and 123 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. water, and requested me to take the command of the squadron in his absence. Mr. Soublette, already much incensed against me, attempted to criticise some of my orders, while I was in the cabin. My friends told me of the murmurs of said Soublette ; I came on deck and reprimanded him again very severely, in pre- sence of more than an hundred persons, assembled to whom I ex- plained the propriety of my orders, and Mr. Soublette again re- ceived this second reprimand without replying a single word. Soublette being, like all cowards, of a very vindictive and haughty character, could not bear this double public, and well de- served reprimand, and said to some of his friends, that I should pay for it very dearly. As soon as general Bolivar arrived from Port au Prince at Aux Cayes, and I had been entrusted with the organization of the staff, and the military administration, Soublette, who had never commanded four men, was raised, by the favor of general Bolivar, to the grade of lieutenant in the staff, and was a great favorite of the latter, for some reasons well known to those acquainted with the family connexions of the two handsome sisters of said Soublette, of which can be found satisfactory proofs in colonel Hyppisley’s account of his journey to the Orinoco, ed. Lon- don, 1819. Said Soublette, sure now of the protection of gen- eral Bolivar, began to say to some of his companions, in my ab- sence, “ that 1 had tyrannized much over all the Caraguinson board of the Constitution, which was, on the part of a stranger, much more intolerable, and should be resented by every native of the country,” &ic. He repeated these falsehoods to a great many of his countrymen, in order to inspire hatred against me in the minds of the Caraguin officers, and particularly of general Bolivar, who is a Caraguin himself. 1 had heard nothing of these rumors, thus maliciously spread against me by Mr. Soublette. One day, being alone with general Bolivar, in his bed chamber, he said to me, in the course of the conversation, “ Apropos, my dear friend, (we always spoke French together, and in these conversations, Bolivar used the term, in speaking with me, of “ Mon cher Ami,” which the Spaniards use much in their intimate conversation in the Spanish language, say- ing “ Mi Amigo!”) do you know that Soublette has made great complaints against you and Aury, that you both have not well treat- ed the Caraguin officers on board the Constitution.” I remember- ed, immediately, that Soublette had since been very careful to avoid my presence, and what had passed between him and me in Boca Chica, and on hoard of the Constitution. I recounted all this, minutely, to Bolivar, who laughed much at the warmth with MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 129 which I related it ; but I said, at the end of my acconnt to Boli- var, “ as it is high time to finish all these calumniesof such a young fellow, I will give him advice of my intentions, and that in your presence.” I asked for pen, ink and paper, and immediately wrote to Soublette, in Bolivar’s own bed chamber, the fallow- ing note in French, which Soublette understands passably well : “ I have just now heard from general Bolivar, that you speak and spread falsehoods against me, like a coward, in my absence. I give you notice, that if you continue to do so, I will treat you as you deserve, and mark your face with my whip wherever I can meet you; such a fellow as you deserves nothing else !” After having signed the note, and addressed it to “ Mr. Charles Soublette, pre- sent,” I handed it to general Bolivar, saying : “ Here, sir, is my reply to such a shameful calumny, read it, if you please.” Boli- var read the note over, and said 1 should do well to take care of Soublette’s vengeance, which might bring discredit on a man of my age, and the head of a family.” 1 laughed, and replied, “there is not the least danger for me, I know this man much better than you do. I am ready, if called upon, to give him, when, and wherever he pleases, hereafter, any satisfaction he may choose to take !” I called one of the officers on duty, who happened to be the lieutenant colonel Pedro Chypia, and ordered him, in presence of general Bolivar, handing him my folded, but unsealed note, to give it himself , in person, to Charles Soublette ; to seek him at his lodgings, or wherever he could find him out, and return to the residence of general Bolivar, where I would remain and wait for his return. It was about eleven o’clock in the morning, and an hour afterwards colonel Chypia returned, and said to me, in Boli- var’s presence, (where I remained alone with him in his bed cham- ber,) that he found Soublette in the street, and that he read my note over twice, turning pale and red, and saying not a single word more than “ it is good, it is well !” And so it was ; then, I can declare, under the most solemn oath, that said Soublette, after having received my note, avoided, very carefully, to meet me in the streets, or in any house where he could suspect l frequented. This was carried so far, that when Soublette was cautioned at one end of a street which I entered, he turned quickly round and pass ed into another, so that my aid-de-camps, who were perfectly acquainted with the whole transaction, said to me, (who am near sighted,) “ there comes Soublette.” I quickened our pace, in or- der to meet him, but they shortly afterwards exclaimed, “ he is gone into another street; oh, see how fast he goes !” 17 130 MEMOIRS OF BOI-IVAR. As I am speaking of Charles Soublette, I must give some other particulars of him, taken from the books of colonel Hippisley, which has the following title : “ A narrative of the expedition to the rivers Orinoco and Apure, in South America, London, John Murray, 1819.” In a note, page 322, he says, “The council had received an addition by the presence of the adjutant general of the army, just arrived from head quarters, general of division, Charles Soub- lette. Of this man, colonel English and the British officers, who had been at the last actions, at Villa del Cura and Ortiz, spoke most degradingly ; the former officer, colonel E , had seen him seeking shelter behind a tree, during the action at Ortiz, and has reproached him with his cowardice. This Soublette is,- how- ever, an exception to the general conduct of the patriot officers, who certainly are not destitute of courage, and is, I believe, the only instance of such weakness in the land service. General Soublette is a very handsome figure of a man ; about twenty-five years of age ; tall, thin, and well proportioned ; remarkably neat in his dress and appearance ; half cast by birth and complexion ; he is about five feet ten inches in height ; rather a handsome and European style of countenance ; black hair and large mustachios ; a smile more than prepossessing ; a general lover, amongst. the fe- male part of the province, by whom he is well received, and has no disappointments in affairs of gallantry to complain of; he has, however, been a martyr to his pleasures, and makes an infamous boast of retaliation in this respect.” At page 334, colonel Hippisley expresses himself as follows : “ Soublette’s quarters (at the city of Angostura, in the province of Guayana,) are extensive and in most excellent repair. They be- long, as an appendage of his own sister, to his brother-in-law, who is a merchant, and keeps a large store on the ground floor under- neath. The general-in-chief, Bolivar, is, in common with the rest of his countrymen, much attached to women ; and one , two, or three, generally accompany him on his various marches. Among his favorites was Soublette' s sister ; and when his short season of love was expired, the lady, being not only young, but tolerably pretty, with a head of flaxen hair, upon which she could tread with her feet, became an object of chaste love to the enamored swain, who considered it an honor to be married to the mistress of the ‘ supreme chief of the republic of Venezuela and New Grenada,’ and the sister of the adjutant general Soublette. And doubly was he rewarded : for, on the second visit Bolivar made to Angostura, he presented his quondam chore amic, with this house as her mar- riage portion ; the original owners not being in a situation ever to MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 131 claim it again, as their bones still remain unburied among the heaps, lying in the interior of the new, yet unfinished, cathedral,” he. he. At page 468, the same author says: “General Soublette, the adjutant general, I had previously to notice. He is too well known, even by the British, for his timidity and cowardice, on all occasions. He is a native of Caracas ; and Bolivar, when he made him a general, did him, as I before mentioned, the additional fa- vor, of making his sister his favorite mistress ; an honor of which, two of the parties felt proud,” he. Sic. And such a man has been promoted to the rank of chief of the staff, general of division, vice-president of the republic of Colom- bia, intendant of the department of Caracas, minister of the war and navy departments, and, lately, secretary-general of the presi- dent Liberator. He is, besides what colonel Hippisley and many others say of him, a vile and cunning flatterer of his master, and all his well known cowardice and blunders, were excused and covered by other good and honorable qualities ! We will return to Aux Cayes, where I left Charles Soublette, avoiding me like a spectre. This anecdote is not alone known by all the officers of the staff at that time, but by a great many of the principal inhabitants of Aux Cayes, and general Bolivar himself cannot deny this fact — which took place in his chamber, in the house of an English merchant, established in Aux Cayes, Mr. Joseph Downie — without stating an untruth. Here follow now the promised particulars of lieutenant colonel Mariano Montilla’s, challenging Bolivar to a duel at Aux Cayes. The lieutenant colonel Montilla, Caraguina, arrived from Jamaica at Aux Cayes, in March 1S16, to offer his services to general Bolivar, in his projected expedition. Some hours after his ar- rival, he presented himself, unexpectedly, with commodore Brion, before general Bolivar, who had often spoken to me and others of said Montilla, as a very dangerous, intriguing man, capable of doing great mischief- — capable de tout houleverser , as he expressed him- self in French, in speaking to me of that officer. He spoke in very animated terms, and I saw clearly some old hatred was re- maining against him. I heard afterwards of the following circum- stances, which had provoked this hatred. Mariano Montilla was one of the first promoters of the revolu- tion at Caracas, as I have related elsewhere. He spoke in strong terms of Bolivar’s refusal to join his cousin Ribas, and was from that time not at all on good terms with the former. He c4me to Caracas during the time when Bolivar was dictator of Venezuela, but preferred to serve in the army of Marino, the rival of Bolivar, 132 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. and the dictator of the eastern part of Venezuela. Much dissatis- fied with Bolivar, and his constant refusal to establish a congress, he joined with some others, and tried to turn him out, and make a second revolution in favor of a congress and a republican govern- ment. This was prevented, and Montilla escaped and came to Carthagena, where he joined Castillo, the rival and enemy of Boli- var, when the latter besieged this fortress. Here, he was the coun- sellor and friend of general Castillo, and he afterwards turned against the latter, and greatly assisted Aury and others to displace Castillo and elect Bermudes. Montilla evacuated Carthagena with the other patriots, but seperated himself, remaining at a little port of Jamaica, Savana La Mar, where we stopped two days. From thence he proceeded to Kingston, and arrived some days after the departure of Bolivar for Boca Chica and Aux Cayes. As soon as he heard ol a new expedition against the Main, and that his friend and protector, Luis Brion, would have the com- mand of it, he came to Aux Cayes, and offered, as I have said, his services to general Bolivar, who much surprised at his unex- pected visit, had, nevertheless, self command enough to receive him with that politeness which characterises him. Bolivar had some officers with him, so that Montilla could only speak on in- different topics ; he remained a quarter of an hour, and in taking leave, he told Bolivar, lowering 'his voice, that he wished much to have a private conversation with him, and requested he would ap- point him an hour to have the pleasure to wait on him and to meet him alone. Bolivar astonished, fixed him, nevertheless, the hour of seven o’clock in the evening, and so they separated. This pass- ed in the morning at eleven o’clock. I was the whole of that day absent from town, and when I came, at about six o’clock in the afternoon, as usual, to visit the general, I found him at dinner. 1 declined to dine, but drank a glass of wine with Mr. Downie and general Bolivar. I found the latter uneasy and thoughtful, and asked him if he was not well, “ Oh yes, yes, my dear friend, I am very well, very well;” which words were spoken in French, and with a distracted air and tone. After a while, he asked me how late it was ; I answered, in looking at my watch, (he having left his in his bed chamber,) it wanted ten minutes to seven. He jumped up, and bidding me follow him, took his hat and ran down the steps from the dining room into the yard, with such haste that I could not follow him in the dark- ness. As soon as I had descended, I said to him, jesting, that he was surely very anxious to meet some fine handsome girl. He took me by the arm, and only saying “ don't talk," he quickened MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 133 his pace, passed the yard door, walked with me very rapidly to the large square, during which he turned round three or four times, like a man who is afraid that somebody might follow him. Two of his aid-de-camps, Paez and Chamberlaine, followed a good distance after us. I was, I must confess, very much sur- prised, at such unusual walking and behaviour, but was silent and quickened step with him, who kept my arm fast. When we were about in the middle of the square, he at last appeared to respire more easily, and stopped, asking his aid-de-camps who joined us, if they had not seen Montilla pass ; they answered in the negative ! what, exclanred I astonished, Montilla, Montilla ; “ Oh don’t speak so loud,” replied Bolivar, “ I must tell you that Montilla has arrived from Jamaca ; he came this morning and requested me to fix an hour to see me in presence oj four eyes (entre quatre yeux.) I was a little perplexed and appointed him the hour of seven this evening. But I shall not, 1 will not, see that man again ; you must know that he is a very dangerous intriguing man, able to do great mischief. In order not to meet him I quickened my steps ; then you know he lives with Brion.* But let us go to our Signorita’s ; (this was the house of the lieutenant colonel Juan Val- des, whom Bolivar appointed, during his dictatorship, governor of Laguira in recompense of certain connexions with his handsome wife, (who must not be confounded with colonel Manuel Valdes, devoted entirely to Marino, and who was no relation of the for- mer.) Here we met with the regular coterie, to wit, the intendant Zea, some aid de camps of Bolivar and the family Valdes. Valdes sel- dom received any company and Bolivar liked not a great assembly when he was there. He introduced me as a friend, and I came two or three times a week when he was there every day. As soon as be had arrived, he took captain Chamberlain, his aid-de-camp, aside, and spoke a few words to him ; the latter took his hat and went out. Balivar was sitting in a hammock and had a very distracted air, looking constantly towards the door. Zea took me aside and asked what was the matter with Bolivar ? he re- marked that he was not as usual, and so in fact it was. Cham- berlain came with a captain, of large mustachios, named Jose Ma- * The house of commodore Brion was situated in the public square close by the new coffeehouse, so that. Montilla was obliged to pass a part of the same way, which we came, and Bolivar was afraid that Montilla would see and follow us. Therefore he ran down the sieps, so fast and quickened his pace, imposing - silence upon me. He was afraid Montilla, determined and courageous, would challenge, or ill-treat him in this pri- vate interview. 134 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ria Hernandez, who saluted us, and was crossing the room with Chamberlain, going immediately together into the adjoining piazza. Bolivar jumped from his hammock and joined them. I stood with Zea and some of the ladies of the family in the other corner of the pretty large piazza, and heard Bolivar, speaking to Hernandez in a low quick voice, and gesticulating much, which is his cus- tom when he is talking of some very interesting matter ; the captain appeared to reply, but, at last, he left the general, and went out with Chamberlain without wishing any of us a good night. Cham- berlain came alone, after a full halt hour’s absence, to join us at the house of Valdes, but without the captain ; he spoke a few words in the ear of Bolivar in a very low T tone, who appeared much pleas- ed, and was afterwards more at his ease. We retired, general Bol- ivar, intendant Zea, myself, and the two aid-de-camps, together. The general took us, Zea and myself, each by the arm, and said in a jesting manner, that he was now well escorted in case Mon- tilla should attempt anything against him. We left him at the gate of Mr. Joseph Downie’s house, and retired. At seven o’clock the next morning captain Demarguet, another aid-de-camp of Bolivar, came to my house in a great hurry, and requested me, in the name of his general, to come immediately, as he had something of importance to communicate to me. I hastened to meet him, and found him sitting in his bed, and dress- ing himself. He sprang from it arid said to me greatly agitated, but smiling : my dear friend I am in need of your advice ; be so good as to read this letter, and tell me the meaning of it, as I do not understand French well enough to know what the writer says. It was a note addressed to general Bolivar, present, and signed by Charles La Veaux, a French gentleman with whom I was very well acquainted, as he had been a long time established in Car- thagena, where he was the representative of the French nation, as Mr. Baxter of the German and Swiss, and Mr. Hyslop of the English. Its contents were as followes : Mr. General — Having been chosen by lieutenant colonel Mari- ano Montilla, my friend, to enclose you the following printed inju- rious pasquinade against said colonel, signed Jose Maria Hernan- des, which having been posted up at the corner of the public square, was brought to him early this morning ; I am directed by him to tell you, with reluctance, that he, colonel Montilla, considers this inju- rious paper as coming from you , and not from a man of whose existence he had never heard before. Certain past transactions between you and my friend, made him more than suspect that no- body else except yourself could be the author of this handbill. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 135 and, therefore, I am authorised to demand for the colonel, the usual satisfaction between gentlemen and officers ; please to acquaint me with the day, the hour, and the place where your meeting can be settled ; but as the stay of colonel Montilla admits of no delay, I request you to fix it in the course of to day, or at least to-morrow, I have the honour to be &c.” Signed Charles La Veaux, Aux Cayes, March 3th 1816. The paper enclosed, was printed in the Spanish language, as follows : “ To the Venezuelan officers at present residing in the city of Aux Cayes : Citizens and countrymen — You are advised that commandant Mariano Montilla has arrived in this town, and applied to have the honour to be admitted among us. All those who know well the intriguing and dangerous character of this man, will, I hope, join me to oppose his admission into the army, &c. Signed T. M. Hernandez, captain of the body guard of his excel- lency the captain-general of the armies of Venezuela and New Grenada, and commander-in-chief of the expeditionary army,” &c. &c. While I sat down to read these papers, Bolivar was pacing his bed chamber up and down, like a man profoundly occupied, and stopping before me three or four times, he asked me, at last, what I thought of Mr. La Veaux’s letter. “ I think it is a formal chal- lenge from Montilla.” “ What,” said he, greatly agitated, “ do you think so, my dear friend ?” “ Yes, to be sure !” I replied. “ But how came you to receive such a curious challenge ; what can be the reason of Montilla’s attributing to you such an infamous paper. Montilla should have directed the challenge to Hernan- dez ! Well, general, be quiet and easy; I will arrange the whole singular business, and will see La Veaux, and never will I suffer that you shall be molested by any of your subalterns, on such a ridiculous accusation !” He embraced me, highly pleased with the warmth of my actions, and called me his best friend. I went to La Veaux, and found him not ; I went to Montilla, and found these two gentlemen, with the lieutenant colonel of cav- alry, Rafael Tugo, in a conversation, which appeared to me to be very animated. Mr. La Veaux acknowledged that he was the author of the letter written to general Bolivar, which the latter left with me, and that it was upon the particular request of colonel Montilla, that he wrote it. I turned to Montilla and asked him the reason of such a procedure against a man who was my commander-in-chief, and unable to act in such a base manner against him. “ Oh, said he, you know not this man, as I have done for many years; he ispos- 13G MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. itively the author of this paper, and nobody else.” These were the words of Montilla. After a long conversation, I told the two gentlemen, Mr. La Veaux and Montilla, that 1 would never acknowledge Mr. La Veaux’s letter to be a challenge ; and if they would absolutely chal- lenge general Bolivar, I declared to them they should fight with me and kill me first, before I w T ould suffer general Bolivar’s life to be hazarded, upon which the safety of so many thousands of us depended entirely, &c. But being, at the time, fully convinced of the innocence of general Bolivar, I offerred Montilla a written declaration, by which the general would be ready to give him an honourable testimony, enabling him to show it to whoever he pleasfed. Montilla desired that it should be stated in that letter expressly, that Bolivar disavowed any participation in the said pasquinade. This 1 positively refused, as degrading to the char- acter of the general, but engaged to urge him to furnish it from Hernandez, as a just satisfaction to him, Montilla. Mr. La Veaux interfered and said to Montilla that my proposals weie honourable and sufficient, and added, it would answer to bring Hernandez before him, La Vaux, at his lodgings, to acknowledge that he w r as sorry for having made such a pasquinade against Montilla. To this the latter consented ; and 1' pledged m y word to see both measures punctually fulfilled; and the hour of four o’clock in the afternoon w r as fixed, when I engaged to bring captain Hernandez with me to Mr. La Vaux’s. I relumed to Bolivar’s house, where I found him in his bed chamber alone, walking to and fro, and looking very dejected and pale. I related to him minutely my wdiole conversation, w hich gave him great satisfaction ; but when 1 came to the last point, the intended apology of Hernandez, he jumped from his chair and asked me abruptly — “ what ! have you consented that I shall pun- ish Hernandez, and send him to La Vaux’s at four o’clock?” “ To be sure l have ; it is absolutely necessary to save your ow r n honour, which is deeply compromised by the formal accusation of Montilla, who appears sincerely to think that you, and not Her- nandez, are the author of this pasquinade ; and therefore it is ne- cessary that not the least shadow of suspicion against you should remain in his mind.” “ You are correct, my dear friend, it is true ; it must done.” He requested me to make out a letter in French to Mr. La Veaux, in reply to his note, in which I gave an honourable testi- mony to colonel Montilla, but without mentioning either the chal- lenge or captain Hernandez’s pasquinade. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 137 Bolivar said to me in making this request, that he did not write French well, and that his mind was vexed with such a disgreeahle business. I did it in his bed chamber, immediately, as Mr. La Veaux and Montilla were waiting my return. After having per- used my draft, Bolivar appeared highly pleased with it, and sat down to copy, sign and seal it. Montilla and La Veaux were both satisfied, and so was I. When I came hack to the general, he said to me in a jesting tone, that my engagement to fetch Hernandez to Mr. La Veaux, was a. pret- ty hard task ! but nevertheless, you are in the right ; it will, it must, it shall be done. These last words were spoken in a rash and passionate manner, in walking up and down his bed chamber. Well colonel (no more mon cher ami) you will be here at four o’clock ; I must go and prepare Hernandez before ; he shall be here and go with you. I arrived a little before four o’clock; my hand was on the knock- er of the general’s door, which led from the saloon through a large piazza to his bed chamber, being accustomed to go freely out and in, without being announced, when colonel Paez, the aid de camp on duty, told me not to enter, requesting me in a low voice not to go in, as the general desired me to wait some minutes, having to speak with captain Hernandez. This private conversation in a matter in which I had undoubtedly some claims to be present, struck my mind, and some suspicions arose in regard to the truth of colonel Montilla’s accusation ; but I had then too great and exalted an idea of general Bolivar’s character to suffer the least impression to remain, and entering the saloon, conversed with some officers present. After a while, the general called me out into the piazza, his face being highly colored, and showed me Hernandez coming out of the bed chamber with a very harsh look, and his eyes fixed to the ground, as a man who contemplated something profoundly engraved on his mind. Bolivar whispered me in the ear, in French, in going through the piazza into his bed chamber : “ JVe faites aucun reproche a Hernandez, je Vai deja fait ,” (make no reproaches to Hernandez, I have done so already.) Hernan- dez was in full uniform, but without his sword, with his hat in his hand. Bolivar and myself were in civil dress. The general said to me, that Hernandez was ready to follow me, when the latter stepped hastily forward, put his hat deep over his face, and said, Vamos, Vamos ! (let us go.) I followed, a little surprised at his behaviour, but being in the street with him, he walked extremely fast. “ Captain, (said I,) go not so fast, I cannot follow you, it is too warm.” “Oh yes, yes, it is true ; I beg you pardon, (answer- 138 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ed he, slackening his pace,) but you would excuse me if you should know all that has happened. No, no, you are a good man, too good a man ; but it must be done.” He grasped my hand, and some tears fell from his cheeks. “ But captain Hernandez, what is the matter with you, are you sick ? what can have happened to you ?” Until then, I had treated him with great severity, firmly convinced of his being the author of the paper, but now I felt again new doubts, and in this uncertainty, l spoke to him with a milder tone, and entreated him to open to me his mind, and to fear noth- ing in doing so. “ Oh no, oh no ! I cannot, I cannot ! I know you are the father of your aid-de-camps, (they said so to their companions in arms.) You are good, but — no, no, I cannot speak, I dare not speak;” and so we arrived at Mr. La Veaux’s room. I told the latter, in French, to he satisfied with any apology he should make; then I pitied Hernandez, who proffered some broken and unintelligible words, with which Mr. La Veaux professed himself satisfied, and Hernandez was dismissed. I now told Mr. La Veaux, who had always been my good friend, and had served with distinction in the French army, of the strange behaviour of Her- nandez. “ Oh, (said he to me,) Montilla is in the right ; you know not all ; but as you are engaged, and can run a brilliant career with your new friend, I will not say any thing else to you. You acted in a frank and- honorable way, and if Bolivar is not an ungrateful man, he must undoubtedly be your friend,” &c. The lieutenant colonel Montilla embarked two days afterwards, with Mr. Papagea, a French merchant, established, at the time, at Kingston, Jamaica, under the firm of Hardy, Moose & Compa- ny. He is acquainted with Mr. La Veaux, who is now in Mar- tinique. They will undoubtedly confirm this statement, which, of course, will be denied by Bolivar and Montilla, who are, at pre- sent, very good friends. Now I must give the key of Montilla’s ground of suspicion of Bolivar’s, Hernandez’s and La Veaux’s actions and words, w r hich the following circumstances will put in a proper light. After the action of Ocumare, where Bolivar fled, and, a second time, took shelter at Jacquemel and Port au Prince, came captain Chamber- lain, one of his aid-de-camps to Aux Cayes, where I then re- sided, to see me. After dinner, when he had drunk pretty freely, and we were talking together of past times, I asked him if he could not give me some account of the challenge sent by Montilla, and of the strange suspicions of the latter, of general Bolivar’s be- ing the author of the pasquinade and not Hernandez. “ To be sure,” said he “ 1 can,” and so he told me the following facts : MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 139 “ After Montilla’s first visit in the morning, to general Bolivar, he called Chamberlain, and said to him, he wished to get rid of Mon- tilla, who was a very dangerous intriguer, and the thought had oc- curred to him, to find some of the officers who would sign a paper against Montilla, and have it immediately printed. Chamberlain proposed Hernandez as the most fit for this purpose ; and the gen- eral sending for him, was very much disappointed to hear he was out, and would not return that evening. So Bolivar and Cham- berlain spoke secretly in the piazza of colonel Valdes’ house, and then went to Mr. Baillot the printer, (engaged by Bolivar to fol- low us,) and to sign the pasquinade already prepared, which was printed during the night, and fixed on the different corners of the streets of the city. When Montilla complained to general Marino, the Haytian governor, with one of the printed bills in his hand, the general immediately ordered the only printer in the city, Mr. Bail- lot, to be arrested, who declared that he had received the written pasquinade, by an aid-de-camp of general Bolivar, with the order to print it secretly, and not make known to any one, that it came from him. This aid-de-camp was Chamberlain, in whom Boli- var had always had the greatest confidence ; he was a native of the island of Jamaica, and had served in the British army. So it came that colonel Montilla and Mr. La Veaux, highly offended of Bolivar’s conduct, agreed to challenge him, and to accuse him of what was the truth, namely, of his being the author of the pas- quinade. I have entered into all these minute circumstances, in order to show the true character of Bolivar and his great duplicity. I vouch for the truth of this anecdote, having been myself one of his dupes, and actors in the whole transaction. Captain Hernandez was eight days after promoted to the rank of major, and in Margarita, two months later, I received the order to deliver him a brevet as lieutenant colonel, and so the mouth of this officer was closed. 140 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. CHAPTER XIII. Sailing of the expeditionary army, under command of General Bo- livar, from Aux Cayes to Margarita — Naval action on the 2d May , and how General Bolivar behaved in it — Events in the Island of Margarita — Arrival of the expedition at Carupano — Characteristic Anecdotes of General Bolivar — The author takes final leave of the service — what happened between General Bolivar and him at Aux Caues and at Port au Prince. Year 1816. The Haytian government made great advances to general Boli- var, in ammunition, provisions and money. President Petion and his friend general Boyer, were very favorable to his expedition, whilst the corrupt and cunning Inginac, secretary of state, was, as I was assured, secretly an enemy to all whites, who had not mo- ney enough to gain him over. This despicable man, who is a white, as has been said, had done more harm to the whites than all the colored and black people of Hayti. He is too well known to many thousands and unworthy to be mentioned more. Louis Brion, promoted to the rank of post captain, did more than any of us to fit out the squadron in a proper way. He was named commander of the navy, and employed his great credit and the remainder of his large fortune, to enable us to depart from Aux Cayes on the 10th April, 1S16. But scarcely had we arrived at the island of San Beata, when the whole squadron was detained by — a woman ; it was no other than Miss Pepa M — , (the Spanish name of Josephine,) the dear mistress of general Bolivar. She alone, by her secret virtues, had the power to detain the whole squadron and about a thousand men, during more than 48 hours, at anchor ! The following particulars will explain this curious and notorious fact. Genera] Bolivar is, like all his countrymen the Caraguins, greatly attached to the fair sex, and has usually with him, one, two, and more mistresses in his retinue, besides those whom he lakes a fancy to in passing from one place to another. These amours last ordinarily 24 hours or a week ; but Miss Pepa made a rare exception to the general’s customary habits. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 141 He had known her since 1813, during his dictatorship, at which time . she had much influence over him, as I have already mention- ed. When Bolivar arrived from Aux Cayes at Port au Prince, he found, unexpectedly, the two sisters, Helen and Isabella Soub- lette, sisters of the famous general Charles Soublette, which our readers know already ; and in Aux Cayes he met mistress Valdes and her two daughters, where Bolivar regularly passed the great- est part of his time. As soon as he was named commander-in-chief, by the assem- bly held at Aux Cayes, he wrote to Miss Pepa, who resided with her mother and sister at St. Thomas’, to come and join him with- out delay. He expected them daily with great anxiety, and de- tained the departure of our expedition, from one day to another, during more than six days. At last commodore Brion, growing impatient, declared to him frankly, that it was high time to em- bark, and that he would not and could not wait any longer. Bo- livar, therefore, was obliged to sail without his mistress, and we departed. Before we arrived at the island of La Beata , some leagues from Aux Cayes, a fast sailing pilot boat brought the lucky tidings to general Bolivar, that his dear Miss Pepa, mother and sister, had arrived from St. Thomas’ at Aux Cayes. This letter caused a bustle on board the whole squadron. Bolivar immedi- ately took commodore Brion, (on board of whom, he, general Flo- rencio Palacios his cousin, intendant Zea and myself, with the of- ficers of the staff, had embarked,) down into the cabin, where they remained a long time talking together. Brion was strongly op- posed to waiting the arrival of Miss Pepa, with whom he had been already well acquainted at Caracas, but the entreaties of genera] Bolivar prevailed at last, and he consented to wait. The com- plaisant Paez,* Anzoatiqui, and Soublette, made a formal toilette, put themselves in uniform, and sailed in the fast sailing armed schooner, the Constitution, back to Aux Cayes, in search of the dear Miss Pepa. They were rewarded for their readiness to com- ply •with the desires of their master ; Anzoatiqui was promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel, commander of the body guard of general Bolivar, and Soublette, adjutant general colonel, attach- ed to the staff. When I and others of the foreigners heard this curious news, we were greatly mortified at such a proceeding, and declared loud- " This Paez, who was an aid-de-camp of general Bolivar, must not be confounded with general Paez, of the Llaneros. They are not at all related or connected. 142 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ly that vve would leave a commander who compromised the wel- fare of so many thousands for such a motive. When Brion heard this determination, he urged me in very strong terms to remain, and said to me that if I were to leave the expedition, all the other stran- gers would, undoubtedly, follow my example, and he should be greatly disappointed at it. His entreaties were so urgent that J, at last, yielded, and promised him to stay ; I pursuaded the others to do the same, and not a single foreign officer debarked. But gen- eral Palacios, the cousin of Bolivar, with some other Caraguins, would not remain any longer, notwithstanding the entreaties of Boli- var himself, and were put on shore not far distant from the Haytian port of Jacquemel. The majority of the officers composing this expeditionary army very much dissatisfied with being under the control of such circumstances, when activity and bravery alone, and not a woman, could save the country. From that time Bolivar sunk very much in my opinion, and that of others. The composition of that expeditionary army which took after- wards the title of liberating army , was as follows : There were six generals, nine colonels, forty-seven lieutenant colonels, a chief of the staff, three adjutant generals colonels, and eighteen officers of the staff; one commandant of the artillery, one intendant gener- al, one secretary general of the intendancy, and a good number of the administration of the army ; one commandant general of the cavalry, without taking into the account that each general had his aid-de-camps, a secretary, servants, and many their mistresses or wives ; that each adjutant general and each colonel had his adju- tant; that the number of majors, captains, and lieutanents amount- ed to about 500, and that we had for these epaulets not fifty sol- diers. Each lady had either her mother, sisters or some oth- er friend male or female, servants, and a good deal of baggage, which embarrassed greatly the manoeuvering of the vessels. There were besides a number of families emigrants from Venezu- ela, who embarked at Aux Cayes in spite of the entreaties of com- modore Brion, who was against the admittance of any female on board the squadron. When Miss Pepa arrived, she was never suffered to come on board of the commodore’s vessel where gen- eral Bolivar, Zea, and myself, with the staff officers, except Charles Soublette, remained. This man, before we departed from Aux Cayes, had asked, as a favor from general Bolivar, that he should not embark in the same vessel where I was; he was ordered on board the Constitution, and remained with Miss Pepa; lie never came on board of our vessel during our whole passage, in which MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 143 we had the visits of a number of other officers from the squadron. Miss Pepa arrived at last, on the third day, from Aux Cayes, where the Constitution was obliged to remain a whole day ; this belle being not prepared to embark. Bolivar made his toilette in a superb style, and left our vessel to pay his visit on board the Con- stitution, where he remained the whole day and night, and came the next morning on board the commodore, who was, as well as myself, and the other officers, highly displeased at having lost about four days at anchor. When we passed the city of St. Domingo, at that time belong- ing to tbe Spaniards, the whole city ivas in alarm, believing we should attack them ; we saw, from our deck, their bustle, and laughed heartily at their fears. On the morning of the 2d of May, the squadron being not far distant from the three elevated rocks, known by the name of the Three Monks (Los Tres Frailes) not far from the island of Margari- ta, two Spanish men of war, a large brig, and a schooner were sig- nalized. As our squadron had no colors at all, Brion ordered the Spanish flag to be hoisted on board of each of our vessels, so that the enemy believing it was his long expected squadron, took in sail and waited for us. But as soon as they perceived their mis- take, the captain of the schooner, which was a fine and fast sail- ing vessel, pressed sail and left his commander, whose brig sailed not so well. Both tried to escape, but too late. Brion changed his colours and fired upon them. The brig was soon overtaken by our brig a fine and large vessel, armed with eight carron- ades and a brass 24 pound swivel. Three fast sailing schoon- ers were detached from the squadron in chase of the Spanish schooner, which was taken some hours afterwards. It was the Spanish royal schooner Rita, with two carronades, 24 pounders, six 8 pounders, and one 18 pound swivel ; commanded by the captain Don Mateo Ocampo, who was mortally wounded in the combat. The royal brig was the Intrepido, with 14 pieces of eight, and 150 men, sailors and troops, commanded by the briga- dier Don Rafael Iglesias, who was wounded and then killed "by our men, who took the vessel by boarding. They entered the cab- in with drawn swords while the surgeon was dressing his wound, and killed him ; the surgeon attempted to appease them and was murdered too. Such was the horrid character of this barbarous war. Commodore Brion, who fought bravely, received a wound which was, fortunately, of no dangerous consequence, and was pro- moted, after the action, to the rank of admiral of the republic of Venezuela. 144 MEMOIRS OF BOL1VVR. But how did general Bolivar behave in this pretty hot and close action, which lasted more than four hours ? As soon as he heard that Brion had ordered the necessary preparations for attack, he took me aside and spoke as follows : “ But, my friend, do you not think that the Spaniards will resist and fight to the last.” “ To be sure they will,” replied I laughing. “ Well, but do you think that our schooner is strong enough to fight alone against these two strong vessels, (at the same time looking at them through a spy glass,) we are too distant, and too far in advance, which renders it impossible for the remainder of our squadron to support us in the action.” “ That is true, (said I,) but we will take them by boarding ; this is the customary way to force Spanish vessels.” “ What ? by boarding, do you think of such folly ?” (y penses vous moil cher Ami ? c'est unefolie!) These were the very expressions of general Bolivar to me ! “ But what is it best for me to do ? do you not think that if I were wounded, or killed, our expedition would be totally lost, and Brion, the poor Brion, would have expended in vain, all his fortune ! I looked up astonished ; it first occured to me that he might be jesting ; but when I saw that these strange questions were put to me in earnest, I understood him, called Brion and said : general Bolivar has made me a just observation concerning you, he said that he being wounded or killed in the ac- tion, you Brion, would lose all your advances, as then the expedi- tion would, of course, be disbanded. “ Oh the d — d coward,” said Brion to me in Dutch; (he was a native Dutchman,) “ Well general, (turning to Bolivar,) you will be safely placed with the in- tendant Zea, to whom I have assigned a place in our cabin, (fin which Bolivar, Brion, Zea, and myself slept,) at the entry of the powder magazine, to hand the necessary cartridges. As Brion said these words in an angry manner, Bolivar asked him : But my dear Brion, do you not think that Ducoudray’s observation is just, do you not think so ? Oh yes, yes, said Brion, and turned round. 1 was giving the necessary orders to our officers to arm with mus- kets and cartridges, when Bolivar came hastily and took me by the arm, saying : “ Now I have found an excellent place, better than to be down in the cabin with old Zea,” (who looked, in fact, much older than he was, and he was the same man who died as minister of Colombia in England.) He showed me the longboat which, in armed vessels, is generally fixed over the cabin windows. He jumped in, called Garcia, (his intendantj ordered his pistols, and sword, and told him to load two balls in each pistol, which Garcia did in my presence, and looking at me and laughing. This position which Bolivar chose for himself, was surely the safest place MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 145 in the vessel, then in setting as he did in the longboat, his head and whole body was safely protected by the thickness and strength of the beam which supports the rudder of the vessel. He sat down in the boat, and requested me to take command of the officers, which I provided with arms and ammunition, and Brion entrusted me with the command of the volunteers, so that I had to survey the whole infantry of about 160 armed men. A strange contrast between the old and honest Mr. Bal- lot, a respectable French gentleman of 64 years of age, taking a musket with his young son of 16 years, putting themselves voluntarily under my orders, in spite Brion’s and my representa- tions that they should go down into the cabin, and assist Mr. Zea. But both, full of ardour and courage, refused positively, and said that this was a post of honor, and that they would not have any other assigned to them. In comparing the behaviour of Ballot, father and son, who exposed, voluntarily, their lives, for the welfare of a country in which they were not born, and to which they did not come in order to fight, with that of a military chieftain, already famous, by his rank, and now placed at the head of an expedition, withdrawing himself in such a curious manner, when he should have taken the command of us all ; we clearly see this characteristic trait of Bolivar, and an illus- tration of what I must repeat in the course of these memoirs of him. Both the Ballot’s fought with great courage and cool- ness. We suffered much during the very warm action, from the musket fire of about a hundred men of the Spanish regiment La Corona, w r ho fired from the rigging into our vessel, and wounded and killed about fifty of our officers and men. AVe stood more than an hour at half pistol shot distance from the brig, before we could fix the grapples for boarding. AVhen the crew saw about a dozen of us on their deck, the battle began to be renewed with more fury ; but when our number increas- ed, and their brave commander felt himself to be mortally wounded, they lost all hopes ; and about thirty of them strip ped off their clothes and jumped overboard, in hopes to save their lives by swimming to the Three Rocks which lay a gun shot distance from us. At this moment, general Bolivar, having all this time been sitting very safe behind his beam in the long boat, perceived these naked unfortunate men swimming at a very short distance from him ; he took his pistol and killed one of them, took the second, fired at, but missed another ! 19 146 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. When all was over, and the brig was taken, he jumped out of his boat, came with a radiant face to me and said, “ my dear friend, you fought bravely, but I too, have not been inactive ; I killed my man ; but unfortunately missed the second !” I, who passed several times from one side of the vessel to the other, always seeing my commander leaning his head close to the beam, was surprised, and asked him how he could kill a man in his boat ? “ Ah, said he, laughing, with my pistol, in the wa- ter !” Such was Bolivar, in the action of the 2d May, 1816. I was there ; I saw him, he spoke to me, and I commanded, in his place, our corps of officers and volunteers, who will testify to the truth of my plain statement, if they are any longer living out of Colombia, and not interested, and out of his reach. On the third of May, the squadron entered the port of Juan Griego, in the island of Margarita, with her two prizes. Gen- eral Bolivar fearing, not without some reason, that general Arismendy might not receive hirh or recognise his authority, after what had passed between Arismendy and the two dictators, Bolivar and Marino, in August, 1814,* requested the new ad- miral, Louis Brion, who being w T ounded, was put immediately on shore, and the chief of the staff of the navy, a Frenchman, named M. Villarette, to speak with general Arismendy. Vil- larette, who was formerly acquainted with Arismendy, after a couple of hours’ absence, returned on board, and said to Boli- var that the governor of Margarita, highly pleased with the suc- cess of our combat at sea, expecting soon to see the cause of liberty re-established on the Main, and filled with joy and hope, was reconciled with general Bolivar, and assured him of his respect and friendship. One hour afterwards, Arismendy arrived on board to com- pliment the commander-in-chief on account of his safe arrival on the shores of liberty and independence, and of his naval vic- tory, in which Bolivar took a very curious part, as we have re- lated. Bolivar embraced Arismendy with that kind of frank- ness and cordiality, which appeared so natural in him, took him by the arm, after having presented me, and the intendant, and invited him down into the cabin, where they remained alone more than an hour. They appeared, in mounting on deck, very well satisfied with each other, and Arismendy invited us, ' See chapter VII. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 147 Bolivar, Zea, Marino, Piar and myself, to come on shore in the afternoon, where horses would be in readiness to convey us to the villa del Norte, the head quarters of Arismendy, at a dis- tance of three leagues from the sea-port of Juan Griego. The governor himself received us at the latter port, with a numer- ous retinue, and in arriving on the public square at his head quarters, the troops received us under arms, and with military music. After a good and splendid dinner, the ball began, which lasted the whole night. But not a single word passed, which had any connexion with business ; Bolivar was so totally en- gaged in dancing, of which he was passionately fond, that he thought of nothing else but the dance. I was in a very me- lancholy humor, recapitulating, in my mind, all that had hap- pened from our sailing from Aux Cayes, and declined to dance, and formed a firm resolution to quit a man, whom I could by no means love or respect. I walked up and down in the pub- lic square, and was soon joined by general Arismendy, who was full of attention and kindness to me. I was astonished to find in him a frank and good man, who spoke of military mat- ters and politics, with much more knowledge and sense than I ever heard general Bolivar. The latter, during about a month of our being in the same vessel, and very intimate, never asked me a single question on military tactics, or any thing concern- ing our art. His great employment was to play backgammon with me, or with Brion, or Zea, to walk up and down on deck and talk on very common topics with one or another of his officers, or to sleep. I saw him in about a month’s time, three times reading in a book ; and when he did, it was the first one he found in our cabin ; and this not half an hour at a time. His favorite topics were, with me and Brion, to speak of his stay in Paris, to give us detailed particulars of his good fortune in this capital, and sometimes he asked me many questions about Na- poleon, the dresses of the ladies and gentlemen at court, and what kind of ceremonies were necessary to he presented, &c. &lc.'; another time, about his mustachios, and those of the offi- cers, the modes of dress and uniforms in the French and Eng- lish armies, but never could I speak a single word about milita- ry tactics, drills, &tc. He stopped me immediately, saying, ‘ oh yes, yes, mon cher ami, I know that, I know that book is very well written, but tell me’ — and then he asked me a very insignificant question on absolutely indifferent trifles, which gave another turn to our conversation. 14S MEMOIRS OB’ BOLIVAR. One day I saw him walking, with a quick step, to and fro on deck, absorbed in thought, and melancholy. I came up and observed that he continued so a good while, without see- ing or hearing any thing that passed around us. It was some days previous to our naval engagement. I at last accosted him and said with my usual frankness and familiarity to him : “ what is the matter with you, my dear general, are you unwell, or has something happened !” “ Oh no,” replied he, “ but we are approaching the island of Margarita, where Arismendy com- mands, and I fear this man and his character ; he is obstinate and cruel.” At that time I was totally unacquainted with what had happened between these two chieftains in August, 1814, and therefore I made some inquiries about Arismendy, his man- ner of acting, and character. “ Oh mon cher ami, Arismendy is a very dangerous, ambitious man, who governs the island of Margarita with great despotism ; he is an absolute brute, with- out any education or knowledge, and of low extraction.” (I must mention here, that Bolivar thinks much of birth and good families, and treated all those which were not of high birth, with the common phrase of, — “ he is of low extraction .”) I was, therefore, much prejudiced against general Arismen- dy ; but when I found in him a plain man, and one much bet- ter instructed in military matters than Bolivar himself, I was quite surprised. I had afterwards long conversations with him, which pleased me ; and when some days later, general Bolivar made the inspection of what Arismendy had done against the Spaniards, I was highly pleased, and observed that when Boli- var asked me, in an ironical style, what I thought of this or that fortification, or battery, or redoubt, and I approved of them, and expressed the reasons of the construction of these works, our commander-in-chief was not at all satisfied with my obser- vations. Arismendy, who did not understand French, but ask- ed me afterwards to explain to him in Spanish my observations, was satisfied, and look me more and more into his favor. But as general Bolivar had deserted Venezuela in August, 1814, and New r Grenada, in May, 1815, it was necessary that his authority should be re-established in his native land, by a formal and solemn acknowledgment of what the general assem- bly in Aux Cayes had stipulated in his favor. Arismendy was easily gained over by various secret conversations which Boli- var had with him on the matter, in which the former received the formal promise, that Bolivar would establish a National Congress at Venezuela, as soon as he should be master of the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 149 country. This formal promise was given to him, as he had given it to us before his departure from Aux Cayes, and so Arismendy hesitated not a moment to call a general assembly, or Junta in the cathedral of La Villa del Norte, to which all the officers of our squadron were invited by an order emanating from Arismendy and Bolivar. The principal inhabitants of the island were assembled, and the clergy, in their sacerdotal dresses, were kneeling before the altar, reciting prayers in a low voice, for the welfare of the republic. When all were as- sembled in church, the mass began, and afterwards the numer- ous clergy remained kneeling before the altar in silence and in prayers. These religious ceremonies, mixed with politics, were generally used by the Spanish leaders ; and their Juntas and great assemblies were always held in churches. The patriots have continued this custom. When the mass was over, general Arismendy delivered a long speech, in which he recommended our union, and the ne- cessity of having one single chieftain, and related what had hap- pened in Aux Cayes, and the election made of general Bolivar, whom he now recommended to his army to recognise and obey, as he, Arismendy, did. He then approached general Bolivar, and delivered him the wand of commander-in-chief, (a small reed with a golden head,) and proclaimed him solemnly, com- mander-in-chief of the republic of Venezuela and New Grena- da, which were to be re-established. Bolivar then delivered a speech, in which he declared his acceptance of the wand of commander, which Arismendy had given him up. He conclu- ded by promoting a great many of the natives to be officers in the land troops, but not a single foreigner belonging to this army was promoted, notwithstanding that a good many had distin- guished themselves, particularly in the action of the second of May. By particular and urgent request of the newly promoted and wounded admiral Brion, some few promotions were made among the foreigners belonging to the navy. I was highly displeased not to be promoted, when I could say with truth, that I had dis- tinguished myself in the combat of the second of May, had taken Bolivar’s place and the command of our officers, while Bolivar sat very safely in his long boat, and out of all danger. Many ol my friends, among them Brion and Zea, were astonished to see me not at the head of these promotions, having seen me at the head ol the officers and volunteers, and mounting, one of the first, to enter the enemy’s vessel. Chypia, Martinez and 150 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Anzoatigui, who were in the action under my orders, one of whom withdrew himself for fear of the balls, were promoted. Charles Soublette, being a mile distant from the battle, on board the Constitution with Miss Pepa, was, notwithstanding, promot- ed to the rank adjutant-general-colonel in the staff'. But these four were natives, and the most servile flatterers of general Bolivar. v After these promotions, a solemn te deum was sung in hon- or of the battle of the second of May, and on the present occa- sion under artillery salutes, &c. This behaviour of general Arismendy was very honorable to him, as it was easy to take general Bolivar’s place, at a time, where he alone was four times as strong as Bolivar, and when, as is generally known, he had much more energy and patriot- ism, much more knowledge and personal bravery, than ever Bolivar had possessed. Arismendy was well informed that Bolivar had treated him in his manifesto, published in Cartha- gena, in September 1814,* as an intriguer and an ambitious man, who contrived to take his place ; he knew perfectly well the character of Bolivar, his ambition, jealousy, and his des- potism as dictator, having been a long time governor of the city of Caracas. But Bolivar, since his first interview with Aris- mendy on hoard the Commodore, had captivated the simple and plain mind of the governor of Margarita, who saw his an- cient master surrounded with vessels and power, and heard his brilliant and formal promises to assemble a congress as soon as matters were a little settled on the Main, and yielded to his promises, as Brion, and many others of us had done before. I was, I must confess, highly displeased with all these events, and sleeping in the same room with general Bolivar from the beginning of our arrival at La Villa del Norte, in the house ol a Mr. Galindo, I reproached him with good reason for not having kept his promises, so solemnly given to me in Aux Cayes, to give me my rank of general, as soon as we should arrive in a country of his own, which was free and independent. He jumped out of his hammock, and coming near my field bed said, taking my hand, that it was not his fault, but that he dared not promote any of us strangers, for fear Arismendy and other chieftains might be jealous of our promotion, that his au- thority was not yet sufficiently established to dare to take such Sec Chapter VIII. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 151 a step ; that, nevertheless, he would do so, as soon as we should arrive on the Main ; and that then,' no consideration should pre- vent him from rendering me justice, &sc. &tc. I reproached him widi Soublette’s promotion, known by every one as a coward and a vile man, and very much disliked by his own countrymen, declaring that after what had passed in Aux Cayes with him, I could never admit him to be employed in my offices of the staff, which were, as usual, established in a room opposite to our bed chamber on the same floor ; and added that Soublette, in the action of the 2d May, was a mile from the battle, on board the Constitution, and had not smelt the powder of our own guns, and still less that of the enemy’s. He gave me a singular reply, in the mouth of a commander- in-chief : “ I could not pass Soublette in the general promotion published this afternoon in the church, he belongs to one of the best families in Caracas, and as I promoted Chypia and Mar- tinez to the rank of adjutant-generals-colonels in the staff, who were younger lieutenant-colonels then Soublette, I w 7 as obliged, of course, to promote Soublette.” I saw clearly by this conversation, the weakness of such a commander, appeared satisfied, and having once embarked with him, I took patience and remained. On the day of his being received as commander-in-chief of the armies of Venezuela and Caracas, in the island of Mar- garita, he published a proclamation, in which he said, “ he had not arrived to conquer, but to protect the country, and that he invited the inhabitants of Venezuela to unite and join him, if they would be considered by their Liberators as pure and good patriots. I have not arrived,” continues he, “ to dictate laws to you, but I advise you to hear my voice, I recommend to you union in the government, and absolute liberty for all classes, in order that you may not commit any more absurdities and crimes ! But you cannot be freemen and slaves at the same time , if you form no more than one single mass of the wdiole population ; if you choose a central government — (Simon Bolivar!) if you join us, you may rely upon a sure victory.” This proclama- tion is signed by Bolivar, and dated, “ Villa del Norte, Island of Margarita, May 3d, 1816.” Here is a new instance of the pompous style of Bolivar’s proclamations, who repeated his illusory promises as he did in 1813, and as he has not ceased to do from that time to the present day. “ Liberators , liberating army , central govern- ment, advices ,” &c. &c. resounded from one end to the other, 152 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. in all his proclamations. We shall soon see whether the in- habitants of Venezuela could rely upon a sure victory, and whether he acted as he promised. When the Spaniards were apprised of our arrival in the Villa del Norte, they evacuated, on the same night, the capital, Villa del Assumption, and the famous Spanish coward, Mr. Miguel de La Torre, retired precipitately into the forts of Pom- patar. At our landing at the port of Juan Griego, Arismendy, Bo- livar and I were talking, when I heard suddenly the discharge of musketry. I turned round to see what caused this firing. Bolivar told me smiling, “ it is nothing, my dear friend, (speak- ing with me always in French,) general Arismendy has order- ed some Spanish prisoners, landed from our squadron, to be shot.” These unfortunate men were, in landing, tied together, while others made a large hole, before which they kneeled down and were shot in the hack, so that they fell into their grave, which was immediately filled with earth. It happened that many of them, not receiving deadly wounds, were buried alive in this manner. When admiral Brion, detained in bed by his wound, heard of this, he gave the formal order to suffer no more of the Span- ish prisoners to be landed, and saved the lives of about fifty Spaniards, who were humanely treated and put to useful em- ployments. So should general Bolivar have acted, instead of Brion. It would have cost the former no more than a repre- sentation to Arismendy to save them ; he only smiled at the horrors which I expressed for a barbarous act committed in cold blood. The next day after his installation as commander-in-chief, Bolivar, in his proclamations, and in his official transactions, took the following titles : “ Simon Bolivar, general-in-chief, captain-general of the liberating armies of Venezuela and New Grenada, supreme chief of the republic of Venezuela, comman- der-in-chief of the land and naval forces,” &c. &tc. &c. with- out having conferred upon him the right to name himself su- preme chief, which made a very bad impression on all the for- eigners who came with us from Aux Cayes. As I had pro- mised to Brion to remain, I made my best exertions to quell and appease these officers, and succeeded. We were absolute- ly destitute of every thing ; the small and rocky island of Mar- garita was unable to furnish us the necessary provisions ; the vessels were in want of rations for the crew, so that each offi- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 153 cer and private, had a scanty ration, consisting of a little cake of indian meal, not weighing two ounces, called arepa, and two small salted fishes,, and nothing else ! We, general and staff' officers, dined with general Arismendy, but our table was sur- rounded by at least 50 hungry officers not belonging to the staff, who took from our table what they could reach, so that many of the company rose without being able to satisfy their own hunger. There was no money, no clothes, nor any thing but great confusion and misery ! The 25th May the squadron departed from Margarita, Brion having recovered from his wound, and arrived the 31st- before the large borough of Carupano, the port of which was protect- ed by a fort,- called Sta. Rosa, upon which the Spanish colors were displayed. I have related in Chapter first, how it was taken. The patriots found a fine merchant brig and schooner, belonging to the Spaniards, with a rich cargo in each. The greatest part of the inhabitants having fled, left their stores fill- ed with provisions and dry goods, which were plundered and disappeared in 24 hours. The confusion and disorder were very great, and no precaution was taken to distribute any of the pro- visions in a regular way, but each one took what he pleased, and destroyed or left the remainder. I offered to make maga- zines, and station guards and sentries, in order to save them, and to distribute regular rations ; but Bolivar told me, laugh- ing, “ that these guards would give the first example of taking what they chose, and that all would be useless.” I was high- ly disgusted, and had already, in Margarita, asked my absolute discharge from such a service, but remained against my will, Bolivar declaring to me in a friendly but positive manner, that it was impossible for him to grant me my request. After some day’s stay at Carupano, I did the same, but was again refused. The consequences of this disorder were, that after some days we had no provisions, and that some maladies reigned in the barracks, where the ordinary filthiness of this people, join- ed to the want of sufficient and wholesome food, introduced a great many diseases of which a great number died. It would have been an easy task for Bolivar to have delivered his coun- try, in a short time, if he would have followed my advice ; at that time the Spaniards, struck with panic terror at our sudden arrival, retired in great haste towards Valencia and evacuated the whole ol the extensive territory from Carupano to Cariaco and Guiria, so that the communication with Maturin by land, and through the gulf of Trieste, was entirely left free. I will 154 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. relate here some particulars which passed between general Bo- livar and me, which will give still further illustrations of his talents and character. At my first interview with Bolivar at Aux Cayes, he pro- mised to give me my rank as general, which was due to me, having sent my commission through the regular channel of the president and general-in-chief of the republic of Carthagena to the congress of New Grenada, as 1 have already stated. We arrived at Margarita where other officers were promoted, and I was passed over, as I have mentioned. We arrived at Caru- pano, a place laying on the Main, declared free and independ- ent by our presence and thatof Bolivar. After having reminded him of his promise already given, and after having said that I cared not much about a piece of paper, (meaning my commis- sion,) which gave me not a cent of pay, nor any solid advan- tages ; I added, that it was just I should not be degraded by the title of a colonel, when. I had deserved my ancient rank, by my services at Carthagena, Boca Chica, at Aux Cayes, in the ac- tion of the 2d May, and since, at Margarita, and here on the Main; and, moreover, when I saw that Soublette, whom he himself knew to be a coward, ranked with me, who v T as an old veteran, not only covered with w T ounds, but deserving, for having some claims on account of the services I had rendered, my for- mer rank, &lc. &c. I spoke very warmly and strongly, and Bolivar, taking me by the hand, gave me again his formal pro- mise, that after the next action, when he could promote others, I should be the first named. He added so many obliging and friendly promises, that I was again foolish enough to rely upon his word and remained. In my frequent and long conversations with general Bolivar, I spoke to him often of the necessity of instructing the officers, who were in general very ignorant in the elementary principles of the military art, and proposed to him to establish schools for instruction in the theory and practice of forming depots and to drill recruits, a commission to examine the foreign officers who wished to enter the service; to be authorised to judge of the merits and the talents of the officers in general, of their beha- viour in action, in order to recommend them for promotion, &c. I told him frankly that nothing was more degrading for an officer of honor, than to depend upon favor, flattery and pro- tection, or the caprice of one single man, by which talents and modesty were often put aside, while intriguers and flatterers, cowards and ignoramuses, were advanced and put at the head MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 155 of men, who knew a thousand times better how to command. “ And now see,” pursued I, growing warm, “ that general Mar w hat can he know, how will he command fifty men, is he able to do it ?” “ Oh; mon cher ami ,” interrupted general Bo- livar, laughing, “you are perfectly correct, he cannot even command four men.” After various conversations upon these and other military matters, with general Bolivar, he named a kind of special council of war, being at Aux Cayes, in which the military and administrative operations were freely debated. It was composed of Brion, Marino, McGregor and myself, Bo- livar presiding. A commission was also established, to exam- ine the pretensions of the foreign officers, in which I presided, composed of generals Piar and McGregor. At the first session held in my house, some foreign officers made objections to showing their commissions, but I stopped them, saying that we were assembled here by special command of general Bolivar, and that 1 would begin by obeying bis orders. I immediately took from a drawer before me, my commission from the govern- mentof Carthagena, and ordered it to be passed round. So did Piar and McGregor, and nobody afterwards made the least difficulty. But as soon as we had arrived at the island of Mar- garita, every thing was forgotten, and Bolivar alone acted as he pleased. When at Carupano, where we stayed much longer than I expected, I again urged general Bolivar to establish a school for the instruction of the officers in theory and practice, which he at last consented to. I proposed for instructor, a lieutenant colonel Schmidt, who had served under my orders at Barcelo- na, when I was the commander of the head quarters of the marshall McDonald, duke ofTarentem, governor of the citadel, &c. He was an able officer and highly pleased with my pro- position. General Bolivar authorised me to put on the order of the day, “ that every officer of infantry should assemble at such a place, hour and day fixed in my orders, to receive the necessary instructions from colonel Schmidt : That those who should not comply with the present order, without a well ground- ed reason, would expose themselves to be arrested and sent for 24 hours to the fort of Sta. Rosa. During several days this school was well attended by the officers, of whom a great many distinguished themselves by their zeal to learn. I must state here once for all, that the majority of these young officers were good, docile, and willing to obey, as soon as they were well treated and commanded, and that I never had to complain 156 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. of, or to punish any of them. It would not have been the ease here, il some invidious, vile individuals, had not tried to make all my actions, my words and my orders, ridiculous and sus- pected, not in my presence, but always in my absence. One day colonel Schmidt came to complain that the officers began to be very neglectful of their duties, and that a great many came not at all. I mentioned this to general Bolivar, who au- thorised me to renew and sharpen the order; but by and by the same neglect was complained of by Schmidt. I said now to Bolivar, that it was high time to punish, if we would not lose all authority, discipline, &ic. He approved, and authorised me to act in accordance to the existing order. I entered the next day into the large room where the officers were drilled, accom- panied by some of my officers, and saw a small number of them assembled in comparison of other days, when I came to assist at their drills. I asked for the roll, on calling over which I found that among about 100, 36 were absent, of whom 15 had no excuse at all. I ordered immediately the adjutants to arrest and put them for 24 hours in the fort, and sent a written order to colonel Landaeta, who commanded at Sta. Rosa, to give them leave to walk in the fort wherever they pleased, but to allow none to go out until the hour of the arrest was expired. Enclosed were the names of these officers. 1 reported all to general Bolivar, who approved it highly, not- withstanding his own nephew, captain Manuel Palacios, son of his sister, was among the arrested officers. Bolivar was very well satisfied and laughed, sitting in his hammock, when I told him that it was necessary to commence with his nephew’s pun- ishment, as giving to others a proof of his impartiality and jus- tice. He finished, by approving highly my remarks and orders, and I left him well satisfied. This was about 1 1 o’clock in the morning. The same day, at 6 in the afternoon, arrived general Bolivar, with six or eight officers, at my house, and af- ter having saluted me as usual, he took me by the arm, in my upper piazza, where we were alone, and spoke the following words to me : “ You will never find out, mon cher ami, lrom whence I came just now. I have received a doleful note from my nephew Palacios, (which he handed to me for my perusal) who is in the fort, who urged me for his, and his companion’s sake, to come and see him ; I did, and come from Sta. Rosa, and can tell you that these poor devils (les pauvres diables) have requested me, in a very urgent manner, to pardon them, and to set them at liberty, and promised that they will never MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 157 more fail in their duty, &c. I told them that I had not sent them to the fort, but you ! and that I would promise to go and make interest with you for them, and ask you to relieve them from their arrest.” “ What, general,” said I, extremely sur- prised and shocked to hear him speaking these words, “it ap- pears as if I was the only cause of their arrest, and as if / was the author of their punishment ! How could you say that it is not you who have sent them to the fort, but /? Have you then not approved highly the daily orders for the army, pub- lished by me in your name ? It is then I, who alone have pun- ished them, and should you not have said that their punish- ment was the natural consequence of their disobeying your or- ders. Well, then, I see that I have nothing more to do here, I am of no use, when you cannot or will not support the au- thority given to me, without my request or my intriguing for it ; I can remain no longer in a service where I cannot be of use,” &c. &tc. I was warm, and spoke fully determined to quit forever such a disgusting service. But Bolivar again en- treated me so urgently to remain with him, told me that I should be always his good friend, that I was very useful to him, &c. &c. so that I embraced him and remained. The prisoners were released by a written order, sent by one of my aid-de- camps to colonel Landasta, and Bolivar departed after a full hour’s stay at my house, very well satisfied. I must confess, I was not much satisfied, and took the firm resolution to punish nobody, to complain of nobody, and act, for a little while, in a very passive way, to see if at last, there would be any alteration in our curiously organised, or rather our totally unorganised liberating army, which counted not 800 men ! One day at Carupano I found Bolivar laying in his hammock alone, looking melancholy and dejected. His face was unusu- ally pale and his eyes sunken. I asked him if he was sick; “ Oh no, no, mon cher ami, (which was always his favorite term) not at all, but Marino teases me to go with Piar and twenty of- ficers, to Guiria to recruit some more men; he wants me to give him 2000 stand of arms, ammunition and some flecheras, (large armed barges) to convoy him along the coast. But you know what we have to fear from these two generals ; I am con- vinced they will try again to render themselves independent from me, which would renew the scenes of 1813 and 1814.* * The reader will remember that Marino, at that time, was dictator of the east and Rolivar of the west of Venezuela, and that the first acted entirely independently of the latter. We have seen the dreadful consequences of this rivalship. See chapter VI, arid VII 15S MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. I know not indeed, how to act or what to do.” If I were in your place, I would refuse their request under various preten- ces, of which you have so many, and never would I consent to let them be absent from you ; then after what has passed in Aux Cayes,* you have certainly to fear that Marino, once de- tached from you, would try another time to shake the yoke from his shoulders. Brion who came in, heard my last argu- ments and confirmed not only what I had said, but spoke in much stronger and contemptuous expressions against Marino and Piar. Bolivar fully convinced and satisfied, promised to follow our advice. Admiral Brion had never esteemed Marino, and said many times, that he and Piar were dangerous enemies to Bolivar. Marino indeed, never had been, nor could he be dangerous to the latter, for want of talents and character, as I shall fully show at the trial of Piar ; but united with Piar, who was a col- ored man, a native of the island of Curacao, with Brion, he has done great mischief to Bolivar. Piar was an able partizan of- ficer, brave, active, a secret enemy of Bolivar, who, like Brion, hated, in general, the colored men. Piar was the soul of Mari- no, and both were inseparable friends, so the much more dan- gerous to Bolivar, as Piar, the avowed friend of the constitu- tion of the first Congress in Venezuela, in 1811 , by which the colored people enjoyed the same rights as the whites, had often and loudly declared, that he wished not to see Bolivar uniting in himself alone, the three powers, but to have a Congress and good laws. Piar, who had fought various brilliant actions against the Spaniards, had a great many partisans, and was friendly and sociable with those who belonged to his family, and princi- pally with officers of foreign countries, and colored people, who all liked to serve with him in preference to Bolivar, who was haughty and imperious. The insinuating and polite manners of general Marino, rendered him very popular, and he gained a great many partisans among the simple and uncultivated people, particularly in the provinces of Cumana and Barcelona. Both * San Jago Marino charged a colored captain, named Sobic, to find him 300 color- ed men, which should form the genn of his body guard, and who should be attached entirely to his service. Sobic, who had served under my orders at Boca Chica, and who was a brave and able officer, very much attached to me, came immediately to acquaint me with this strange commission ; when I communicated to Bolivar the se- cret orders of Marino given to Sobic, he was alarmed, and requested me to counter- act this plan. I told Sobie to ask from Marino 300 doubloons, which was the ordina- ry engagement for -300 men; Marino had no money, and so all was finished. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 150 knew perfectly well, that Bolivar hated them, but that he dis- simulated this hatred ; it was, therefore, very impolitic, even dangerous, to suffer the union of the two commanders, and their absence, in the position in which Bolivar was placed. Recently arrived at Carupano, Bolivar was too confident that the inhabitants of Venezuela would again rise in his favor, as they did in 1813. But instead of it, they left their proper- ty and houses, and after a fortnight’s stay, he could not count fifty recruits who came voluntarily to serve under his orders. His behavior as dictator, his flight, his abandoning them in the way he did in embarking at Cumana, had lost him their confi- dence, and many resolved and good patriots chose to keep at a distance from him, or to emigrate. Bolivar, knowing all these circumstances, and more, the great influence of Piar with the weak and ignorant Marino, should have, at least, retained Piar by giving him some honorable occupation ; and he was well aware, as I told him, that Marino, without Piar, would have never been, by any means, dangerous. Brion and myself were highly astonished to hear that these two chieftains had, at last, persuaded Bolivar to consent to their departure, to give them arms, amunition, barges, officers, &c. They took with them the colonel-adjutant-general Cliypia, the best engineer officer, and about twenty officers more. When I asked Bolivar how he could have granted this permission, he said that Marino urged him very much, had promised him to send a numerous body of men, and particularly a very good battalion of colored people, from the island of Guadaloupe, (about 400 men strong) which had, three years before, fought in the eastern provinces of Venezuela with great success, known in that country under the name of battalion of Guiria, &c. &c. But as soon as Marino had arrived in Guiria, he proclaimed himself general-in-chief, organised his army, his staff, named chief of the staff, colonel Chypia, and sent not a single man to general Bolivar, who was daily urging him in vain to join him, or, at least, to send him this battalion of Guiria. Nothing came. Bolivar, in fine, was no more joined by Marino nor by Piar. I have said that we had a great many officers, and a very small number of soldiers. Then the 300 men embarked from Margarita with us to Carupano, had their officers, all natives, from that island. I one day proposed to Bolivar to give em- ployment to these officers, and form a separate corps, which should be organised in companies, drilled, armed, kc. and em- ployed as a guard of our head-quarters. He proposed to form MEMOIRS OE BOLIVAR. 1 GO of them, at first, no more than one battalion of infantry, and a squadron of cavalry. Both proposals were highly approved of by general Bolivar. Three days afterwards, I was surprised to receive the reports of the commanders of the out posts estab- lished around our head quarters, that the commandant N. N. had passed with passports of the supreme chief, with such a number of officers, to go to such a place. The results of these different reports instructed me that five commandants or chiefs of a battalion, had absented themselves, with their respective officers, in search of recruits. I called immediately on the gen- eral with these written reports, and asked him if this was done by his order ? He replied to me in a very cold and unusually dry manner, that having well reflected on the nature of my pro- posal, he found it at present inadmissible, and had thought pro- per to send these officers in search of recruits, and to have more forces. I objected to him that this measure might per- haps endanger the safety of these isolated officers, knowing well that the Spaniards had approached us, as far as San Jose, a small village at two leagues distance from our head quarters. He said there was no danger to be feared, and the officers went off! This change of mind in general Bolivar was caused, as 1 heard some days afterwards, by a conversation held at his even- ing assemblies in Miss Pepa’s house, where Bolivar was ordi- narily surrounded by his minions and flatterers, Soublette, Pe- dro Leon Torres, Anzoatigui, Ferdinand Galindo, and others of the same description, in which they criticised the actions, or- ders, and innovations which I would introduce into their army. Soublette, a secret enemy of mine (the reader is instructed al- ready for what reasons) distinguished himself more than any one of the rest, and was truly supported by Bolivar’s mistress, Miss Pepaj and her mother, who could not endure me at all, because I had never visited them in Margarita, nor in Carupa- no. Bolivar himself told me frequently, in his ordinary jesting and laughing manner, that he many times took my defence against these ladies ! They represented to the general that T was of a despotical character, that this stranger would introduce ridiculous innovations, to which they would never submit, that he, Bolivar, was very good to submit any longer to such coun- sel, and the influence which it appeared I had gained over him, &lc. The others joined in chorus, and so it happened that Bo- livar, at eleven o’clock in the night, gave the order to these commandants to depart with their respective officers. They committed so many disorders, that they were obliged to come MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 1(31 back without any forces at all, and so the same disorder remain- ed ; nothing was done. While we were in the island of Margarita, Bolivar observed to me that it appeared the foreign officers, in our service, were not satisfied to be with him. I told him frankly, that they had no reason to be so, they had no pay, no food, no means of sub- sistence ; but, added I, the worst of all is to be commanded by young and inexperienced officers, who are generals, colonels and lieutenant colonels, and who, by their great inexperience, exposed them to lose, not only the battle, but their lives, with- out being allowed to make any dispositions, or to give salutary advice, &c. &c. As I was by office, age, and services, the most elevated, and the most iw general Bolivar’s intimacy, these officers came fre- quently to see me, and to ask my advice on different occasions ; and so I was very well acquainted with their various claims and dissatisfactions. Among them were a great many officers, French, English, Germans, Poles, who had served with dis- tinction in Europe, and some during 20 and 25 years, and who knew twenty times as much as these officers born in the country. The just observations of the officers inspired me with the idea, to make their services useful in their own way , viz. to create a corps of foreign troops, commanded by foreign officers, under the name of legion of Venezuela. Shortly after our ar- rival at Carupano, I one day found Bolivar in good spirits and alone. We talked a great deal on indifferent topics, and after a while, I introduced my plan of the creation of a foreign legion with the necessary amendments and organization, adapted to our kind of war, the country, and the resources which we could reasonably expect. I said to him, frankly, that our army, so called, was nothing more than a collection of armed men, very ill organized, clothed, drilled, instructed, and not paid at all, &c. I entered, with my usual warmth and frankness, into all the great advantages of having such a corps of men, already acquainted with war, able to beat all the Spaniards, who re- cruited two-thirds of their soldiers among the natives, and finished by proposing to him to make an essay with 1500 men, of which 1000 should form two battalions, one of riflemen or chasseurs, and the other of grenadiers, 500 divided into two squadrons of light cavalry, and two companies of light artillery oi 100 horse each. These 1500 men could, after a while, be increased by mixing natives among them, to a full third, half or more, by giving to each company so many more natives, but 162 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. all commanded by experienced commissioned and non-com- missioned foreign officers. I am certain, added I, that were these troops well commanded and treated, we should have in one year, 3000 of them, as each of them could write to his un- fortunate countrymen, how well they were among us, and so would we be able to finish the war in a very short time, but with the express condition that nobody else than you, general Bolivar, should have the right to interfere with them. General Bolivar heard my long demonstration with unfeign- ed pleasure, jumped from his hammock", shook hands with me, and said that my plan was so excellent, that we would continue to talk together over a good bottle of Bourdeaux wine, a pres- ent from one of the merchant vessels arrived from St. Thomas’. He called Garcia, his intendant, and ordered him to bring the wine into his bed chamber, and to say to his aid-de-camps that he would not be interrupted by anyone. After having drinked my health, he sat down next to our small table, and said, smil- ing : “ but, mon cher ami, your plan is good, but one trifle is wanting.” What ? said I. “ The money, we have not a cent, and are as poor as Job.” I said to him that the battalion of Guiria having arrived, (which deserted Marino, and took hy force some flecheras to come over to ns) the same battalion of more than 400 colored men, from Guadaloupe, which had been already used to our manner of carrying on the war in this coun- try for more than two years, of which I have spoken before, we could have, by adding the officers of different nations pres- sent, about 500 men already assembled here, that I had had different conversations with colonels Bidot and Boe, of whom the former had assured me, that with eight or ten dollars for each man engaged, and his passage paid, he would find easily between Martinique, Guadaloupe, St. Thomas’, St. Bar thole- mews’, &c., more than 500 men, and that the other 500 would be procured, by sending to the United States ol America. In regard to expenses, Brion, with his credit, could be of great use ; he had also a good quantity of merchandise, found in the two captured Spanish vessels, and in the stores left by their owners ; the two merchant vessels might be sold ; all of which would afford more than sufficient means to raise, by exchange, the necessary money, without counting a good cargo of mules, asses, cacoa, tobacco and other produce of the country, which could be collected and shipped. There should be named hon- est agents, and able men, with the necessary knowledge of the country to which they were to be sent, in order to collect re- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 163 sources and recruits. Bolivar said I was perfectly correct, and the more he heard me, the more he was convinced of the practicability of my plan. I proposed to send for admiral Brion, who came soon after. I had already talked much with Brion upon the usefulness of the plan, but he had always expressed his fears that general Bolivar would be opposed to it, knowing too well his suspicious character, and his general aversion to foreigners. He was, therefore, much surprised to hear Bolivar so full of praise, in regard to this plan, and offered immediately a number of his vessels, and his credit, for the execution of the plan. We drank another bottle and separated, after having ta- ken each of us a part in the execution of the plan. Brion was charged with the vessels, and their cargoes ; Bolivar with the appointment of the officers, and I with the organization of each corps, and the general instructions to the agents and recruiting officers ; and so we separated, very well satisfied, at a late hour. But, in the warmth of my zeal for the prosperity of our enter- prise, I committed a great blunder in saying to general Bolivar, “ that if I was not the chief of his staff, I would have desired to be the commander of that legion. These words appeared to me to have made a bad impression on the suspicious mind of general Bolivar, who treated me afterwards much more coolly, even, many times, with great dryness. I sat down the same night and drew up the outlines of my plan, which I presented the next morning to general Bolivar at the usual hour of my daily reports. As I entered his bed chamber familiarly, and without being announced, I found him lying in his hammock, as usual, occupied in reading. When he saw me, he hastily placed his book under his pillow, jumped out of the hammock to shake hands with me, but a little cooler than usual. Surprised to see Bolivar occupied in reading, which he never did before, and desirous to know with what book he occupied himself, I came nearer to the hammock and took the book out from under his pillow, asking him, “ what he was leading?” He looked a little confused, and answered : “he read it to recreate his mind a little !” It was the New Heloise, by J. J. Rousseau. We spoke now of the usual military concerns during the last twenty-four hours, and I handed him my plan of the legion. Bolivar, without even looking at it, folded it and put it under his pillow, saying : “ well, well, leave it with me, I will look it over in the course of to-day or to-morrow, as soon as my time will permit." These words pronounced in a cool and dry man- 154 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ner, gave me a new conviction of Bolivar’s very limited talents, and of his not being at all the man able to command for the welfare of others. I immediately took leave of him without saying a single word more. What in fact can be thought of a supreme chief, upon whose ac- tivity and skill depended the welfare of so many thousands, pass- ing the greatest part of his time in his hammock reading the Nou- velle Heloise, or talking with his flatterers, on trifling topics, or passing his time in the house of Miss Pepa, who had no time to examine a plan on which depended so greatly the success of his enterprise, while Brion and myself were busily engaged to prepare every thing which had been fixed the evening before. I saw the general in the evening, the next morning and after- noon, and heard not a word of the plan. Meanwhile came Brion and all the foreign officers to my house to inquire if there was any news ; and being myself anxious to finish the business, I determined to speak with the general, definitively. I found him in his hammock alone and half asleep, and after some in- different words, I asked him abruptly; “ apropos, general, have you examined the plan for the creation of that legion ?” He answered me in a furious manner, and jumping from his ham- mock Hike a madman : “FoudreMr. Foreign legion! Foreign legion ! How, mon cher ami, can you think of it ? do you know the consequences of it ? no, no, no, no legion. These foreign- ers would then impose laws on me and control me.” Such was precisely the reply of general Bolivar, expressed in French. While making this reply, he walked the room to and fro, evidently in a great passion. I was highly shocked and dis- pleased with such an unexpected scene, and approaching to- wards him, I took him by the arm, and exclaimed in a firm and animated voice, having an upright and clean conscience, “ what means this Mr. general. You forget, undoubtedly, that you speak to a foreigner ? And do you think that with my white hairs and at my age, 1 would suffer any man to betray you, or you suppose, perhaps, what I can hardly believe, that I myself should think of betraying you ?” He interrupted me here, and said in a much more moderate and friendly tone, “ Ah mon cher ami, you certainly are not a stranger among us, you are one of our good citizens, and a man of honor ; you belong to the re- public by your services, which are and have been distinguished, and by your marriage with a South American lady. I have never thought nor meant you, my dear friend. Yet,” added he, in a more passionate tone, “ there exist some other ambitious MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 165 foreigners who are desirous of taking my place, ( supplanter) and who might do it.” This was alluding to general Piar, who had separated him- self with Marino from Bolivar, and chagrined to see that all his orders were disregarded by these two chieftains, who neither returned nor sent any recruits, he imagined that Piar might take his place. I represented to him in the strongest terms, that there was not the least danger to him, in consenting to the creation of such a legion ; that it would, on the contrary, be highly useful to him and the cause, &c. All was in vain, and Bolivar would never more hear of the forming of such a plan. Admiral Brion tried also to change his mind, but could not succeed ; the whole plan was given up. One day while we were at Carupano, the enemy surprised an advanced guard of 40 men of the cavalry, of whom a num- ber came wounded, at two o’clock in the morning, to our head quarters, giving the alarm of the approach of the enemy. Bolivar, immediately struck with a panic terror, dressed himself hastily, mounted his horse, and rode at full speed to the arsenal, which lay close by the port, and the fort of Santa Rosa, so that, at the first notice of the enemy’s approach, he could have the chance to embark in a few minutes, or shut himself up in the fort. All his trunks and baggage were immediately carried from his house to the arsenal, where I saw them all collected. During this time I took -the few disposable cavalry and some officers, and directed my course towards the place where this guard had been surprised, to reconnoitre the enemy, and ascertain the na- ture of the danger. I ordered the troops in the head quarters to take arms and be ready to march at the first signal to repel the enemy in case of an attack. I saw no one at all, and all my reconnoitering parties having joined me, I returned with the usual precautions to the head quarters. In approaching the house of general Bolivar, in order to make him my report, I was surprised to find it empty, and dark. I heard from a dra- goon, detached by general Bolivar in search of me, that the commander-in-chief was at the arsenal, with all his retinue, his household, trunks, &c. I found him lying in his hammock, surrounded by his flatterers, who lay half asleep, half awake, on trunks, tables, benches and boards. As soon as I saw among them Charles Soublette stretched out on a bench, I could not refrain from giving him, in presence of Bolivar and more than 'wenty officers, a very harsh reprimand, because he, being nom- 166 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. inated by the general-in-chief commandant of the head quar- ters, was not at his post at the head of the troops, as he should have been, and not lying on a bench, when the enemy was at- tempting to surprise us. Soublette, as usual, said not a single word. I now assured general Bolivar that there was nothing more to be feared, as I had doubled the guards at the out posts, and ordered all the troops to he ready at the first signal given. 1 escorted general Bolivar with my dragoons, to his old quarters, where trunks, baggage and papers were again ordered, and re- tired to my own house feeling more and more the strange and cowardly behavior of the supreme chief, in every case of danger. This was an authentic proof of Bolivar’s incapacity to save us in case of danger, or to put himself at the head of a body of troops to attack the enemy in person, in the last critical mo- ment, which lie never did, nor ever will do, as all those who have been in any action with him, in Venezuela, in New Gre- nada, in Peru, will readily attest : I would he understood to speak of those persons who are no longer in the service of Co- lombia, and who are not dependent upon him by theii connex- ions with that, so called, republic, and who have nothing to hope or to fear from the President Liberator of Colombia. True enough, the bulletins and proclamations, drawn up all by him- self, or under his immediate inspection, display him as a hero, at the head of his troops ; hut none of these bulletins are cor- rect, nor can they inspire in those who know the character of Bolivar, and the composition of his, so called, liberating army, any confidence. I have already given the authentic facts, in respect to three or four of his bulletins and proclamations, and shown how de- ceptive they are to distant people. On examining them close- ly, the clouds which surrounded them, and must naturally exalt the imagination of persons not well acquainted with all the circumstances, will at last disappear, and show, in his true light, the President Liberator, his actions and his military skill. General Bolivar is the same man at the present day, that he was in 1816, with the difference, that he is much more vain, ambitious and hold. But then he has the bayonets in his favor, which accounts for many things. I was now perfectly convinced that my longer remaining with such a commander, would be of no avail. I saw clearly that all plans and advice tending to establish order, instruction, drills and organization, in a word, any thing like an army, was pow- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 167 erfully counteracted by most of those who surrounded the gen- eral, and who were too much interested to have every thing in statu quo , as being much more convenient to their wishes. My intimacy with Bolivar, with whom I was always frank, as a man of character and a free man should be, excited the greatest jealousy in all, or the greatest part of these natives. I was not only a foreigner, but I reprimanded, corrected and punished those wiio did wrong, and Bolivar himself, threw all the blame upon me, as I have already shown. Sarcasm and ridicule have always had a great influence upon Bolivar, as in general they have upon half cultivated and limited minds ; and Soublette, powerfully supported by Miss Pepa, was much more at his ease in these evening assemblies, called tertulias, than he is on a field of battle, where he has been seen pale, trembling and mute ! To these two were joined Miss Pepa, her mother and sister, who detested me cordially, for some words spoken pub- licly by me, against this family, and who always called me the maldito Frances. Pedro Leon Torres, whom I punished once, when I was lieutenant colonel and commander of the fort of San Jose, in Boca Chica, where I was chief; major Fernando Galindo, whom I treated once in Aux Cayes, as lie deserved ; lieutenant colonel Anzoatigui, whom I reprimanded one day at Carupano, and who commanded the body guard of the supreme chief, and some others, now made a combination, and tried by degrees to create suspicions against me, in the too jealous and weak mind of general Bolivar. It appeared to me, that from the day I had mentioned the wish to command the foreign legion, general Bolivar was no more the same man ; his manners were changed ; he did not speak to me with the same confidence, with the same frankness, if he is at all capable of frankness, of which I have great doubts, as I said before. All these reasons, and moreover my impaired health, injured by privations and great exertions of mind, de- termined me at last to leave a service, in which (I declare it here frankly) no man, who has feelings of self respect and personal independence, can consent to remain. I chose, there- fore, to write him an official letter, in which I formally request- ed him to grant me my final discharge from the army, and that I might join my family (wife and children) which I had left at Aux Cayes to restore my impaired health. I ordered one of my aid-de-camps to deliver it into general Bolivar’s own hands, and when he came back with the assurance that he had obey- ed this my last order, I felt at my ease and cheerful. 168 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Four days passed before I received any answer, during which, the genera] sent me various persons, as the adjutant Brion, the intendant Zea, his aid-de-camp Chamberlain, who was always greatly attached to me, &c., to make me strong representa- tions, and to persuade me to remain, and to revoke my first letter. Adjutant general, Jose Martinez, my officers of the staff, and my aid-de-camps, and a great many foreigners, tried in vain to persuade me ; I remained firm, and answered that my health too much required a change of air, and rest. When Bolivar saw that nothing could retain me, he sent, at last, my absolute discharge, in very honorable and flattering terms. He had written it with his own hand, and said, among other things, that he granted me my request with great regret, ( con- dolor,) and saw me departing with reluctance, but that my health having declined, he could not urge me any longer to stay, &c. &lc. Charles Soublette was named to be my successor, and as he dared not to avenge himself upon me, he had the baseness to do it upon my too adjutants, Manuel Flores and Joseph Martinez. These two young promising officers refused posi- tively to serve any more in the staff under Soublette’s orders, and had requested the general-in-chief to be placed in their re- spective ranks, in one of the battalions of infantry. This request was represented by Soublette to general Bolivar in a false and malicious way, and so he consented that these officers should be arrested, and put, for a couple of days, in the fort of Santa Rosa ; Soublette knowing very well that I was attached to them. As soon as I heard what had happened, and being now no more in the army, I wrote to general Bolivar a very strong letter against the misrepresentations of Soublette, and urged him to put these young officers at liberty, with which general Bolivar complied, and he himself returned me a very obliging answer. I inquired in vain for an opportunity for St. Thomas’ or Aux Cayes, and was obliged to remain in Carupano. Two days after, Bolivar seeing that his position was very critical, as I had told him beforehand, gave orders to evacuate Carupano and to embark the same night. I came in the evening to pay a visit to admiral Brion; general Bolivar entered some time after me. I stood up from my seat and came to shake hands with him as usual. But Bolivar withdrew his hand like a madman, and said in a furious tone to me, “ that he would not give his hand to a man who deserved to lie shot instantly !” 1 never saw in MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 169 my life, among the houses of madmen, in Charenton and Bed- lam, a figure like our supreme chief, at this moment ! and was doubting if it was general Bolivar or some of these madmen, deserters from Bedlam, who were before me. As I have never feared any man, and as my conscience was very clear and quiet, I looked at him some moments, and asked in a firm and strong tone, for an explanation of these strange and unin- telligible words, and declared to him positively, that he should explain himself, and that I feared nothing. He said not a sin- gle word more to me, abruptly left the room, jumped upon his horse, and rode away. Brion, in reply to my inquiries, said to me, I need not care about what he said, as I was no longer in iiis service, and added that Bolivar had been the whole day in a very bad temper, having been very much disappointed, by the desertion of Marino and Piar, who had left him in a very disagreeable position, and maoe it necessary for him now to evacuate this place, where the Spaniards threatened to attack him. And then, added Brion, he is very angry with you for having insisted on leaving him, &c. I sought Bolivar every where, but could not find him, and Brion said to me, that it would be more prudent to avoid his presence, at a moment when his passion was excited, and so he brought me, who was of course enraged at such treatment, on board of one of his own vessels, the Diana, where the cap- tain and officers treated me with the greatest kindness. Having not been able to see general Bolivar, I wrote a strong and la- conic letter to him, in which, I asked an explanation of this strange behaviour to me, and that notwithstanding I was no more under his command, I would submit to be tried before a court martial, and hear what were the charges against me, and who was my vile accuser ! That I would remain on board of the Diana, one of the vessels belonging to the expedition, and not go to St. Thomas, until the sharpest inquiry, from the be- ginning to the end of my distinguished service, should be made, and that I never could have expected to deserve such an indecorous and ridiculous treatment. I gave this letter, di- rected to general Bolivar, supreme chief, to Mr. Ballot the next morning, to deliver it into the hands of the former, telling him that I waited .for an answer. Mr. Ballot gave him the let- ter, but he answered me not a single word. Some months afterwards, I found myself at Port an Prince, where general Bolivar arrived as a fugitive, in September 1816 , as T will relate in the next chapter. As soon as T heard of his 22 170 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. arrival, 1 said to my landlord, Mr. Wastenfield, a German and a rich and established merchant, and to Mr. Southerland, the English agent, that I was very glad of general Bolivar’s arrival in a country where he did not command, and where I could address him on equal terms. I related what had happened at Carupano, to these two gentlemen, and they approved my resolu- tion ; but after a while, Mr. Southerland, who feared the con- sequences of such a meeting, took me aside and observed to me, that general Bolivar, being lodged at his house, he urged me, in very obliging terms, to desist from challenging general Bolivar ; adding that the latter was very much dejected and melancholy, and that it would not be generous on my part, to pursue a man, who was already unfortunate enough, in such circumstances, &tc. I yielded, at last, to his representations, but refused peremptorily to avoid Bolivar, as both gentlemen urged me to do; and insisted on having an explanation, before one of them, with general Bolivar, whom I feared not, and had never feared. It was then settled that Mr. Southeraland should first see general Bolivar, and make him acquainted with my in- tended visit, and see what he said to it. But if he should re- fuse, I promised to both, that I would join general Bolivar, wherever I could meet him, except in the houses of these two gentlemen, Wastenfield, and Southerland. The next morning, Mr. Southerland told me that general Bolivar would be very happy to see me, (his very expression.) I must confess that I was greatly astonished to hear such an unexpected answer from general Bolivar, and told them, laugh- ing, that he would not have sent me such a polite message at the head of his troops and so I related to them his cowardice ; in the naval action of the 2d of May, of the same year. Mr. Southerland told me then, that when general Bolivar heard from him of my being here, he changed color and was much surprised to hear this news, and told him hastily he would not see me by any means; but after Mr. Southerland had as- sured him, that in spite of my being much irritated against him, I had at last yielded to his (Southerland’s) representations, to cause no scene in his house, and to consider the general’s situa- tion, &c. but that I had insisted, peremptorily, on having an explanation with him, in regard to the scene that took place at Carupano, but .without intending to insult or to provoke him, &c., Bolivar, who was now fully re-assured, said to Mr. South- erland, that he would receive me with great pleasure. I went immediately and found him walking with his aid-de-camp, MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 171 Dr. Perez, (at that time lieutenant colonel, and now general, and his secretary general in Peru,) in the large piazza in Mr. Southerland’s house. As soon as I came up the steps, he left Perez and came hastily towards me, embraced me with all the demonstrations of an unfeigned satisfaction, and the usual ex- clamation, “ Ah, vous voila, mon cher ami, (ah, there you are my dear friend,) I am extremely happy to see you.” He took my arm, and I sat with him on the sofa. Mr. Perez, after having saluted me, retired. I was, I must confess, more confused than general Bolivar, at such a singular reception, and could hardly know if it was the same man, Bolivar in Carupano, and Bolivar in Port au Prince, or in June and September IS 16 ! My confusion was the result of a painful conviction of the du- plicity of a man of such high standing, who forgot himself twice ; in Carupano, by insulting me when he was in power, and without giving me any reasons, and in Port au Prince, in receiving me with this apparent satisfaction, when he ivas un- fortunate and isolated, and well aware that I was a man who would have called him to account wherever I could find him. “ I insisted on seeing you,” said I to him very earnestly, “to have a definitive explanation with you for your strange behaviour to me at Carupano. What induced you to ask in such an in- decorous manner ?” &c. He saw clearly, that in speaking, I grew a little warm. Bolivar, who sat near to me, took my hand again and said, “ that Brion had reported to him, that I had the intention to displace him, Bolivar, and to give the command to admiral Brion ! I jumped up and said, in a contemptuous manner, that I could never believe that Brion, who had always b een very friendly towards me, should have reported such a ridiculous calumny; that my friendship and the frank and plain manner with which I had constantly treated him, (Bolivar,) my letter written from Boca Chica, my sending for him at the risk of my fife, my interfering in Aux Cayes when Montilla chal- lenged him, and my zeal for his welfare, should have convinced him of the ridiculousness of an accusation, w r hich could have never come from Brion, but perhaps from somebody else ! But supposing it should have come from Brion, could you not con- front me privately with the admiral, who was present, and in whose house we were together ; and I believe that would have been the shortest way. And how could I have acted so fool- ishly as to take my absolute discharge first, to lose voluntarily my authority, if I had such a plan ; and then act as a madman, to effect such a conspiracy against you at a time of my to- \~ 2 , MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. tal isolation, and being sick ! I spoke much more, and with warmth ; so that he at last, fully convinced of the absurdity of such an accusation avowed to me, that it came not from Brion, but from somebody else ! But he would never mention his name. “ It is very true,” said he afterwards, “ that you have always given me proofs of being a sincere friend ; that you spoke to me with frankness ; that you acted in your service like an ancient soldier, and a man of honor ; it is true, it is true, I should have considered all this before ; but, mon cher ami, (our whole conversation passed in French, as usual,) you must think no more of it, you know we are not perfect,” and in saying these words he gave me his hand in sign of recon- ciliation. This explanation does honor to general Bolivar, (if, as I suppose, it came from his heart,) and w r as satisfactory to me, as I declared to him. He asked me now a. great many questions concerning my private concerns, useless to repeat here, and so we departed good friends, I for Aux Cayes, and he, some months later, to the Main. I have entered in these minute, details of the principal facts that happened to me, in order to show the true character of a man, who has acquired such a colossal reputation, little corres- ponding to what he is, in regard to heroism, bravery, military skill, firmness of character, and talents. I will close this chap- ter with another trait, which will show how he always takes care to preserve his own baggage, and all that belongs to him. [ have already proved how he fears being wounded or killed, or takes care to have his sacred person perfectly secured. When at Margarita, where we slept in the same room, in which he had established his office, and mine was opposite to his, on the same floor, he came one day into my office, to tell me to give the order to all the officers belonging to our army, from the general down to the second lieutenant, to take with them no more than a few changes of dress, and to leave behind their trunks and luggage. I, myself, take no more than six changes of clothes, &c. In conformity to this order, every one of us left our trunks in a kind of block house, in the Villa del Norte. I had three, full of valuable articles, and as the glass of my gold repeater was broken, Bolivar told me to leave it in one of my trunks, where I could send for them when I should be definitively fettled. I left also all my papers, certificates of services from Europe, correspondence, and other very valua- ble documents, &tc. We embarked, and being one day at Carupano, on board the admiral, 1 was astonished to see on MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 173 deck, more then 20 trunks, pretty large and heavy. I asked to whom they belonged, and was surprised to hear from Gar- cia, the intendant of general Bolivar, that they were his mas- ter’s baggage ! I learned from him that the general had given him orders to hire mules, and to transport all his baggage from Villa del Norte, to the port of Juan Griego, where we should embark, and that he did it the night previous to our embarking. When I expressed my surprise to general Bolivar some days afterwards, on seeing all these trunks in his house, he answer- ed me dryly, “that Garcia had embarked them by mistake !" I have related how general Bolivar carried his trunks into the arsenal, where he took shelter, when our cavalry guard had been surprised by the enemy at Carupano. This station was safe for himself and his baggage, then from the arsenal he could in five minutes embark, or take shelter in the fort of Santa Rosa. These are facts of which I was an eye witness. And so it came to pass, that after the defeat of Soublette at Carupano, all our baggage was plundered, the trunks broken open, and all was irreparably lost, because general Arismendy, hearing that Bolivar had fled, judged we were all taken or slain, and our baggage was distributed among the troops of Margarita. I regretted the loss of my watch and my papers ; wrote twice to general Arismendy, but received no answer. These were ir- reparable losses which I regret to the present time. CHAPTER XIV. Evacuation of Carupano — Skirmish at Ocumare — Fifth flight of General Bolivar , and his retreat to the Island of Hay ti — McGregor's retreat towards Barcelona. We have seen how general Bolivar acted in Carupano, how jealous he was of his authority, and what were my recompen- ses after so many latigues and disgustful services. The fear of general Bolivar that the creation of a foreign legion would com- promise his authority, shows sufficiently the little confidence he had in his own merit. Then how could 1500 and more, for- 174 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. eigners, give him the law, (as he said distinctly to me) being in his country, surrounded by his countrymen, and having already his authority established. If George Washington should have protested against the landing of so many thousand French troops and foreign officers, during the revolutionary war, would it not have been prejudicial to him and his country ? How different- ly did he treat these auxiliary foreigners ; but George Wash- ington was a man, a soldier, a sage ; and Simon Bolivar a lili- putian in every respect in comparison with this great man ! Should such a man be suffered to be compared with Bolivar ? no, certainly not, as will be sufficiently shown in the course of this work. General Bolivar is not the only one who is jealous of stran- gers ; this jealousy is very common among the chieftains of Co- lombia, and is, I must say, characteristic of them. Their pre- judices, their education, their talents, their ignorance, is the nat- ural consequence of the Spanish system to suppress, in the Amer- icans, every spark of light and industry. The superficial knowl- edge acquired by some among them is regarded as a phenome- non, as an extraordinary and remarkable instance, and such a man is a hero among them, when he would be a very common and ordinary man among civilized and enlightened nations, where education, intercourse with strangers, industry and liber- al institutions, have a daily influence upon the population. The ceremonies of the catholic religion, the intolerance of the great- est part of the clergymen, the influence which monks, friars and priests have, down to the present day, upon the people, the mis- erable condition of public education, the natural apathy of the inhabitants, the total want of industry, agriculture, and com- merce, united with military despotism, can never give to Co- lombia freedom and rational liberty, and are altogether unfavora- ble to the production of men of talents and liberal ideas. The few existing cannot raise their voices against those of thousands, and must necessarily remain silent. Arbitrary arrests, exiles, and punishments, are the natural consequences of a military government, where bayonets and those who command them, rule exclusively. Limited talents make an illiberal government, and never can a man of character, experience, and knowledge, be suffered by such men, because they must naturally fear the consequences of his powerful influence over those who were under his imme- diate care ; and the great difference between the two, will ne- cessarily, sooner or later, be found out. In time of danger and MEMOIRS OF BOI.IVAR. 175 war, they will be consulted, suffered to take the command, to make dispositions and act ; then here they stand in danger, and expose their lives ; but once this danger passed, once in pros- perity, they captiously cavil at those actions of yours which have saved them, and employ every means to weaken the favorable impression made upon their subalterns ; they try to ridicule you, whenever and wherever they can, and suffer your presence with reluctance and difficulty. Therefore it results that the thou- sands of strangers, who have served in Colombia, could never render effective services in a country where their authority had been so limited, that it was impossible to act freely and in ac- cordance with their talents and experience. It is a fact, that the greater part of these chieftains have complained of stran- gers, have exiled, punished and ill-treated them, alleging that they had rendered very little or no service. This is the great- est injustice ever heard of, as in the course of this history I will prove, that Bolivar, the republic of Colombia, and its chieftains, are indebted to strangers, and their powerful support for their existence, if not as a free, at least as an independent people. Labatut took Santa Martha, 1813, and was obliged to evacu- ate it, in consequence of the intrigqes of his subalterns. He was arrested and exiled. Louis Aury saved the evacuation of the patriots from Carthagena. We have seen how Bolivar has recompensed him. Ducoudray Holstein was the last comman- der in Carthagena and protected in Boca Chica many hundred families. He was threatened to be shot! Louis Brion sacrificed his large fortune for the republic, and was the constant support of Bolivar, who treated him very harshly at Savanilla. He died broken hearted, at Curacao, and so poor that he did not leave a cent to pay the expenses of his burial ! General Piar, who fought bravely in 1814 and 1815, when E>olivar fled from Ven- ezuela, and who conquered, in union with Brion, the beautiful and rich province of Guayana, was arrested, tried, and shot. To whom are the Colombians indebted for their successes in 1819, in conquering New Grenada ? Was it not to foreign le- gions ? Who gained the battle of Carabobo ? was it not the Irish legion ? &c. &z.c. Thousands of these brave men perish- ed by misery, and maladies brought on in consequence of hard- ships ; and now the Colombians boast that they have gained their independence alone, and without the aid of foreigners. They forget past services because they want them no more. 17G MEMOTRS OF BOLIVAR. It is an astonishing fact, that among all these chieftains of Co- lombia, not a single man can be found who deserves the name of a great man, a hero, 01 an extraordinary man. There ex- ists none. Can Simon Bolivar possibly pass for such an one ? It has been proved, already, by facts, that he is not, and will be still more fully proved. In a time of revolution, when the or- dinary distinctions of rank and titles are confounded and the low- est citizen can rival any other, if he is brave or has talents, we search in vain for distinguished characters on the Main. Among the military chieftains, we find Paez, Amismendy and Padilla, who have achieved some distinguished actions ; all the rest are very ordinary characters, which have gained an undeserved name of heroes and skilful men. I left general Bolivar ready to embark at Carupano for Ocu- mare. The defection of generals Marino and Piar, the want of order, regulation, and provisions, produced diseases and mala- dies, and a good many of those who came from Aux Cayes, and the island of Margarita, with general Bolivar, fell sick and died, or left him. The enemy profiting by the faults of Bolivar, his want of firmness, activity and talents, increased their forces in proportion to the declining state of the patriots. The history of the campaign of 1 S 1 6, is substantially the same as that of 1813 and ’14, in Caracas, and ended with the flight and embarkation of general Bolivar, like the year 1814. When general Bolivar saw at last that there was no hope of making recruits, or of any support and junction from Marino and Piar, he followed the advice of admiral Brion and evacuat- ed Carupano to seek another landing-place more convenient, and so it was determined to go to Ocumare, where he could find more resources and recruits. They landed accordingly in the bay, protected by a little fort of no consequence, and pro- ceeded to the village of the same name, Ocumare, where he ar- rived the 3d Julv, 1S16, with 13 vessels, of which seven only were armed. He published the following proclamation : “Head-quarters, at Ocumare, July 6, 181G . — Simon Boli- var, Supreme Chief, fyc. &fc. to the inhabitants of Venezuela : “ An army provided with arms and munitions of war of every kind, is on the march, and under my orders, coming to liberate you. “ I will drive out, and exterminate our tyrants, and I will re- store you to your rights, your country, and give you peace. On our part, the killing of the prisoners of war will cease from MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 177 this instant. We promise to grant a general pardon for those who submit, even to European Spaniards. “ All the troops of the enemy which will join us, will partici- pate with us in the advantages and recompenses, which the country and its inhabitants can afford. “ No Spaniard shall be killed, except when he may re- sist with his arms in hand. No harm will be done to the na- tives, who are found in the army of the enemy. “ Our unfortunate brethren who are suffering as slaves, are from this moment declared free. Nature, rights, and govern- ment, reclaim their liberty. In the future will exist in Vene- zuela, no more than one class of inhabitants ; all will be citizens. “ As soon as we have taken possession of the capital, we will conv’oke the people to name their deputies for Congress. Dur- ing my march upon Caracas, general Marino will besiege Cu- mana ; general Piar, supported by general Roxas and Monaga, will render himself master of the plains, and march against Barcelona, while general Arismendy, with his victorious army, will maintain himself in the island of Margarita, BOLIVAR.” This proclamation is like those of the same author, viz. drawn up to deceive the ignorant, and people living at a distance. The army , of which he speaks as being under his order, consisted of G50 men, of whom not 300 had ever seen a battle, and whose officers were a greater part of them totally unfit to command. “ I shall exterminate our tyrants,” says general Bolivar, the 6th of July ; and the 10th of the same month he was beaten by 300 men, which Morales and Guero had assembled in haste, and fled in full gallop from the field of battle to the bay of Ocu- mare, where he embarked for the Dutch island of Buen Ayre, as I shall relate hereafter. “ As soon as we have taken possession of the capital, (Cara- cas) we will convoke the people to name their deputies to Con- gress,” says general Bolivar. His sincerity on this occasion is doubted by those who know him and his intentions. In 1S13, he spoke the same language, and did nothing to assemble the Congress, when it was in his power ; in 1815 he disobeyed, for- mally, the orders of Congress in New Grenada in besieging Car- thagena instead of St. Martha; in 1S17, when recalled, the first condition of his admission . was to convoke a Congress ; it was not done ; on the contrary, he broke up the Congress assem- bled at Cariaca, and persecuted its members in 1818, and the 23 178 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. following events in these memoirs will show clearly that he has been, and is decidedly against the formation of any Congress ; and when forced to suffer its existence, he limited its power by military display and authority, so that the senate and chamber of representatives were no more than nominal , and the submission servants of the President Liberator. “ While I march against Caracas, general Marino will be- siege Cumana; general Piar supported,” &c. &c. This is again deception ; when some days previous to his evacuation of Carupano, he said to me that he was very sorry to see Marino and Piar paying not the least regard to his orders ; and when it is known that in consequence of the defection of these two chieftains, Bolivar was obliged to evacuate Carupano, &c. To any experienced military man, the following reflections will give a convincing proof of Bolivar’s weaknessand small ca- pacity, as a commander-in-chief. Instead of employing every means in his power to compel Marino and Piar to do their du- ty, he approved, in an official manner, their defection, which naturally encouraged them to act in an isolated and indepen- dent way. Then if Marino, instead of besieging Cumana, had joined Bolivar at Ocumare, the united forces of both would have been sufficient to take Valencia, which had not 200 armed men to defend it, and to march against Caracas, where there were at the time no more than 500 men. The forces of the Spaniards were much dispersed and would have fallen an easy prey to the patriots, who could have destroyed them, isolated as they were, one column after another. This success would have reanimated the sunken spirit of the inhabitants, not in regard to patriotism, but in regard to confidence in Bolivar’s bravery, mil- itary skill and ability to govern them. The actions of the dictator, and his flight, gave thern disgust ; and therefore Bolivar himself was much discouraged to see, that after more than a month’s stay at Carupano, not 70 of the inhabitants came to vo- lunteer under his orders. On the contrary, about the whole population fled on the approach of Bolivar, and we found de- serted houses. The same thing happened at Ocumare, &c. &c. General Bolivar collected, in virtue of his proclamation of the 6th of July, some hundred slaves, which were armed, and united to his troops. He collected about S00 men, armed in haste, but without instruction, uniforms, or discipline. With such a band of armed men, called the liberating army , he march- ed from Ocumare to Valencia, where, at the time, less than 200 men were able to resist him. The possession of Valencia was MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 179 precious to him, being situated between Caracas, the plains, and the fortress of Porto Cabello, by which he could have been supplied easily from the plains, where Paez, Zarasa, Roxas, Sedeno, &c. had always acted bravely and resisted the power- ful forces of Morillo. Morales arriving at Valencia, heard that general Bolivar had debarked at Ocumare. Having with him no more than a small escort of cavalry, he lost no time in waiting for more troops, collected about 200 armed men, and directed .his march to- wards Ocumare. The major of the militia, Jose Guero, join- ed him with one hundred more, and with this small force he de- termined to attack general Bolivar. He met him on the 10th of July not far distant from the village of Ocumare, upon a hill which commanded a view of the lake of Valencia. When Mo- rales discovered the *ivanced guard commanded by Soublette, he put some tirailleurs among the trees, unperceived by the pa- triots, in the bushy hills where they had to pass, and took an ad- vantageous position with the remainder, to wait a favorable moment to attack. A small skirmish began, which lasted not a quarter of an hour, when a deserter from Morales was brought before the supreme chief, who acquainted him, that this much feared partisan was the person at the head of the Spanish troops. Soublette, as usual, and as has been stated by eye witnesses, fled immediately on hearing some musket shots; general Boli- var, seeing his advanced guard dispersed, lost all presence of mind, spoke not a word, turned his horse quickly round, and fled in full speed towards Ocumare. Colonel Boe, (brother in law of mareschal Lefebre Dugue of Dantzic, who was in this ac- tion) related to me afterwards, that Bolivar was so blinded by fear, that his horse run against Boe’s mule, loaded with baggage, and precipitated mule and baggage down the hill, without stop- ping a single moment. He passed the village at full gallop, and arrived at last at a place of safety, the bay of Ocumare, two leagues distant from the village of the same name, jumped from his horse, got into a boat, and embarked on board the Diana, the same armed vessel which I had left about 3 hours previous to his arrival, having found a French captain, (Mr. DuClerk) who sailed from Ocumare. to. St. Thomas’, and who treated me with the greatest kindness, and offered me a passage, gratis, on board his vessel. I had lost (as related,) in Villa del Norte, all my baggage, and had only some few changes of clothes, and my uniform, without a single cent in my pocket, being at the same time sick with an intermitent fever. We were very much 180 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. surprised to see the whole squadron coming after us, under full sail, and we were soon joined by them, all steering towards Bo- naire laying close by the bay of Ocumare. Here I heard the following particulars : Bolivar was so seized by a panic terror, that he arrived with only a single aid-de-camp, out of six, who was the lieutenant colonel Perez, on board the Diana. Not far distant from the bay, opposite the little fort, was a kind of farm house, under the rooi ol which Jay stretched on a mat, the wounded major Pi- card, who lost his arm in a surprise (related in the last chapter) ol the advanced cavalry guard not far from Carupano, and who, unable to move, was carried on shore in order to be more com- fortable. When he saw Bolivar and his aid-de-camp Perez passing dose by him at full speed, he called the general, and requested him for God’s sake to order hftn to be again carried on board ; but the supreme chief did not hear him, or would not hear him, and embarked. Captain Demarquet, another Frenchman, and aid-de-camp of Bolivar, arrived at the bay some minutes after Bolivar’s being in tbe boat, and urged the boatswain to return and take him in ; but the general ordered him to proceed and put him on board the Diana. As soon as he was on deck, he directed captain Debouille,* the comman- der of this fast sailing armed vessel, and in the absence of ad- miral Brion, (on an excursion to the island of Curacao) the commander of the squadron, to make the signal to cut their ca- bles and to depart, which was done accordingly. They directed their course towards the small Dutch island of Buen Ayre where they arrived in the afternoon of the 10th of July. Thus general Bolivar left again his army, and his command, and put his person in safety, and this was the fifth time that he had done so since 1812. 1st. Lieutenant colonel Bolivar left in June, 1812, the strong place of Porto Cabello, of which he was governor, and embark- ed clandestinely in the night, with some officers, in consequence of the fear he had of the revolted Spanish prisoners of war, and retired to San Mateo, leaving his garrison .without commander or orders ; in consequence of which, these retired, and tfffr'place fell into the hands of Monte verde. -f- 2d. The general-in-chief, dictator, liberator of the western pro- vinces of Venezuela, S. Bolivar, embarked hastily in the night * I have these particulars from cajHain Debouille himself t See chapter V. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 181 of the 25th of August, 1814, at Cumana, and fled with his col- league San Jago Marino, dictator of the eastern provinces of Venezuela towards Margarita, &c. He lost all presence of mind, and would not listen to any representation of his cousin Joseph Felix Ribas, and others, to remain with them on the Main ; he sent for Marino, and as soon as the latter was on board, he ordered commodore Bianchi to cut the cables, and off he sailed. He left Ribas, Villapol, and thousands of his countrymen behind, who had placed their confidence hi lois skill and bravery, and sought safety in flight .* 3d. The captain-general of the armies of Venezuela and New Grenada, Simon Bolivar, not having succeeded to take Cartha- gena by force of arms, and after having lost, in a miserable po- sition, bis troops, and the province of New Grenada, embarked , on board an English brig of war, and left his countrymen, and retired in safety to Kingston in the island of Jamaica. 4th. In the naval action, of 2d May 1816, the supreme chief of the Republic ofVenezula, retired into the long boat of commo- dore Brion’s armed vessel, and gave the command to Ducou- dray Holstein during the whole time of the action, which lasted about four hours, j 5th. And now, liere at Ocumare, where the supreme chief fled and sheltered himself from all danger in the island of Buen Ayre. When admiral Brion arrival at Buen Ayre, from Curacao, he was much astonished to find the squadron and general Bolivar there, and came immediately on board the Diana, where gen- eral Bolivar had remained the whole day in bed, and reproach- ed him in very strong terms with his cowardice and desertion, and above all, for having given orders to the squadron to fol- low 7 him alone, and to leave all his companions without means and assistance. This was a v T ell deserved, but humiliating les- son, for a man of Bolivar’s proud and yain character. But here, as every wdiere, vdien die general was isolated, and in misfortune, he w r as very docile, and endured every thing. Brion, now a little cooler, admonished Bolivar to return to the Main, and rejoin the commanders on the coast of Cumana and Barcelona, and to unite again the patriotic troops. He spoke so convincingly to Bolivar, that at last lie consented to depart in the same vessel for the coast of Cumana, while Brion, with * See chapter VII. + See chapter XIII. 1S2 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. the remainder of his squadron, was going to Margarita to refit some of his vessels. As soon as general Bolivar arrived on the coast of Cumana, where he found Marino and Piar, these two received him very harshly, reproached him with his new desertion at Ocumare, and Piar threatened to try him before a court martial, and to have him shot as a deserter and a coward. This last scene enraged the vain and vindictive mind of Bolivar so much, that he afterwards tvas the most bitter enemy of Piar, which, as I have been assured, was the cause of his subsequent condemna- tion. Bolivar found it not prudent to remain, and embarked without delay. This essay, and the fear of being treated by other chieftains in the same manner, discouraged him so much that he ordered captain Devouille (who had received positive instructions from the admiral, to remain at the disposal, of the , supreme chief,) to make the port of Aux Cayes, in the island of Hayti, from whence he had departed some months before with the sanguine hopes of the most brilliant success ! He re- mained a couple of days and re-embarked for Jaquemel, from whence he departed by land to Port au Prince, where I had, as related, my last interview with him. I forgot to say, that during the conversation with me, he told me he had heard that I was going with the expedition of gen- eral Mina, who, in fact, had made me several very honorable propositions to join his expedition, which came at the time of my stay in Port au Prince. I answered general Bolivar — “ I will never go more with general Bolivar or with general Mina, as long as there is neither organization or instruction, and only a shadow of an army.” Bolivar said, “I believe, mon cher ami , you will never forget your ancien metier .” The president of Hayti, Alexander Petion, received him very coolly, having already been acquainted with a part of his actions. Such was the end of an expedition which sailed in May 1S16 from Aux Cayes some months befoie, which cost large sums, and promised so brilliant results. This pitiful end must entirely be attributed to the wrong measures taken by general Bolivar, of which I have related some striking particulars. We have seen that Bolivar had lost, by his fault — 1st, the forces of commodore Aury, which were half of the whole strength in ves- sels and men, lying at that time at Aux Cayes : 2d, his cow- ardice in the action of the 2d of May, alienated from him the esteem and the confidence of so many hundreds of his subal- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 183 terns : 3d, by his weakness in following the perfidious advice of his flatterers, he annulled all the good, which I could have done in endeavoring to establish order, instruction and disci- pline, in a band of armed men, who called themselves generals, colonels and officers, and who had not the least notion of the first elements of our art. He was opposed, by the same weak- ness and his jealous fears, to consenting to the organization and the formation of a foreign legion, which could have had the most useful consequences. This same weakness of character induced lym to consent to the departure of Marino and Piar, against his own conviction of having done wrong, and against mine and admiral Brion’s well grounded advice : 4th, finally, to crown all these faults, lie lost, in an attack by 300 men, when he had more than 800, all his presence of mind, and fled with all the speed of his horse, at the first musket shots, and galloped 12 miles from the field of battle to the bay of Ocumare, as if the enemy was at his heels. What I have related here of general Bolivar would appear impossible arid exaggerated ; but it is, unfortunate enough, too true and authentic. Hundreds of eye witnesses like me, as the inhabitants of Been Ayre, Aux Cayes, Jaquemel, Port au Prince, &c., to whom these facts are perfectly known, will con- firm and testify to the correctness of my impartial statements, if they are not blinded by self interest, or by fear of a persecu- tion, in case of their being settled on the Main or in the service of Colombia. The Gazettes in the Havana, from July, Au- gust and September, 18 1G, give a correct account of what had happened in Ocumare, and in which general Bolivar is treated w’ith the most contemptuous rigor. There will be found a detailed list of all that the Spaniards found in the bay of Ocu- mare, of debarked arms, ammunitions, the beautiful and new print, &lc. All these objects were debarked in order to follow Bolivar’s troops, and waiting for the transportations by mules, were left on shore. Bolivar would not suffer their being re- embarked. I fear and hope nothing from Bolivar or the Colombians ; my name is on the title page, and I will, and shall state the naked truth, and nothing else, in order to show general Bolivar as he is, not by declamations, but by facts. I give him credit when he deserves it, and relate his actions and their conse- quences, and nothing else. Gen. Bolivar, who had received powerful support from the Haytian government, has acted very ungratefully to the Hay- 184 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. tians. Before he came to Carupano, he had sent hack the Haytian captain, named Courtois, who came with his vessel from Anx Cayes as a transport ship, and treated him harshly and in a haughty manner, on his making him some just repre- sentations. At Carupano, he sent two other Haytian vessels back without paying, or consenting to give them any written promises to pay their fleet, and forced them to .embark aiid to quit Carupano, without the least compensation for their voyage. This impolitic treatment against the Haytian vessels, and the officers which served in the land troops, united with the con- demnation of general Piar, who was a man of color, and shot some years later, at Angostura, made a very bad impression on the inhabitants of this hospitable island. President Petion, who was fully acquainted with the treat- ment, by- Bolivar, of the Haytians, nevertheless did not re- proach him in tfie least, but of course, received him much cool- er, and made no great exertions for a man who behaved him- self so ungratefully. General Bolivar, in one respect, kept Ills promise to president Petion, on which express condition the latter assisted him so powerfully in his expedition which sailed from Aux Cayes, that he, Bolivar, would promise him the emancipation of the slaves. This general Bolivar, faithfully fulfilled, as I have shown by his proclamations, published in Margarita, Carupano and Ocumare. Bolivar did the same afterwards with his own slaves, in San Mateo, which did him honor. . In consequence of the flight of the supreme chief from the field of battle at Ocumare, and the sailing of all the vessels from the said bay, general McGregor united the scattered troops of Bolivar’s corps, and effected a retreat along the sea shore, of which too much hasbeen spoken that is not worthy to be repeat- ed. The fact is, that McGregor had nothing else to do, but either to perish or to advance as well as he could, until he ef- fected a junction of his miserable and harrassed troops with general Piar near Barcelona. The European Gazetters have described this retreat, in which nothing was done that was worth mentioning, like one of the most heroic actions of McGregor, and some of them had the ridiculous idea of comparing it with the retreat of Xeno- phon and general Moreau, The public is now too well per- suaded of the merit of general McGregor to render any fur- ther reflection necessary, in regard to a man who is too well known and justly appreciated. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 185 CHAPTER XV. Cause of General Bolivar's recal to the Main — His arrival at Barcelona — Siege and occupation of Barcelona, by the Span- iards — Behaviour of General Bolivar at Barcelona . — Years 1816 - 17 . General Bolivar, whilst in Port an Prince, was the insepara- ble friend of the brethren Pineres, whom I have mentioned be- fore,* and particularly with Celadonio, the ex-corregidor at Mompox. He regularly spent his evenings with the two sisters of Soublette, whose mother died at Port au Prince. Mr. Southerland afterwards said to me, “ that he wondered at find- ing in Bolivar nothing extraordinary, nothing to be admired, and nothing adequate to the idea he had entertained of him. I do not like,” said he, “ his great familiarity with every stran- ger who is introduced to him. He takes one by the arm and walks up and down my piazza with him, as if they had been acquainted for many years.” I told him that Bolivar, in Port au Prince, and unfortunate, was altogether a different man from the Supreme Chief, on the Main ; where his haughty man- ners formed a complete contrast to those he adopted here. Various other gentlemen made the same remarks, as Mr. Southerland. General Bolivar, meanwhile, passed his time in a quiet and amusing way, at Port au Prince. Admiral Brion was busily engaged, endeavoring to persuade the chieftains who remained in Venezuela, to consent to his recal. Brion was the most sin- cere friend Bolivar ever had. He had expended his large for- tune and employed all his credit, in fitting out the expedition from Aux Cayes, and he placed entire confidence in general Bolivar’s skill and courage. He was grievously disappointed ; but, as he often told me, “ he knew no other chieftain among the natives who possessed a greater reputation, or more authori- * See chapter VIII. 24 18 G MEMOIRS OE BOLIVAR. ty, (whether deserved or not,) than general Bolivar. He was the only military character who was able to exercise authority, sufficient to unite them all.” When I spoke privately to Brion of the strange, even cowardly conduct of Bolivar, of his weak- ness, and his incapacity for command ; he asked me, often, “ to whom else would you confide the command?” We ex- amined once the native chiefs, one by one, and, I confess, could find none, who, on the whole, we thought preferable to him. Under this conviction, admiral Brion was active and ardent in favor of Bolivar, and after making great exertions for some months, he succeeded in uniting a majority of the chieftains, viz. Arismendy, Paez, Zarasa, Sedeno, Bermudes, Roxas, Monegas, and others, who consented to recal general Bolivar as their commander-in-chief, upon two express conditions. 1st. That he should assemble a congress. 2d. Thathe should direct the military operations only ; and should not meddle with the administration of the Republic. He consented to comply exactly with their wishes, and prepared to sail in the Diana, captain Devouille, for Barcelona, the place appointed to re- ceive him. Before general Bolivar departed, he communicated to presi- dent Petion, the despatches and his recal, and received from him new supplies of warlike stores. Bolivar sailed the 25th December 1816, from the Haytian port, Jaquemel, on hoard the privateer Diana, accompanied by three of his aid-de-camps, Perez, Chamberlain and Pala- cios, his nephew ; two brothers Pineres, and some others pri- vate families, who wished to return to their country. He ar- rived the 31st of the same month at Barcelona, where the arms, munitions of war, and provisions given him by Petion, were immediately debarked ; and of which the patriots were in great want. General Bolivar published a proclamation, in which he again took the former titles : “ Commander-in-chief, Captain-general of the armies of Venezuela and New Grenada, Supreme Chief of the republic,” &c. &c. He confirmed his former procla- mations respecting the emancipation of slaves, and offering it to those who would serve in the army. He called a new con- gress, and ordered the deputies to assemble at his head quar- ters Barcelona. He proclaimed a provisional government, of which he took the presidency, under the title of “ Supreme Chief of the Republic of Venezuela,” &ic. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 1S7 General Arismendy came, the 2d January 1S17, with 300 men, to join general Bolivar. This is the same Arismendy, who, qjter the flight of the two dictators, Bolivar and Marino, from Cumana, in 1814, had treated them as I have related. He said, moreover, publicly, in Margarita, on hearing of gen- eral Bolivar’s flight from Ooumare, “ that general Bolivar’s cowardice was shown too often, and that he ought to be tried for it by a court martial, and condemned to be shot.” Brion not being on the best terms with the governor of Margarita, employed Villaret, the major-general of the navy, in whom Arismendy had great confidence, and who succeeded, at last, in gaining his assent to Bolivar’s recal ; who, though he knew Arismendy’s character, and what he had said against himself, was so delighted at gaining him, that he executed all his great pow T er of pleasing, and subjected Arismendy to his wishes, in- somuch that the supreme chief, on the 4th January, proclaim- ed martial law, and again united the three powers in himself. Bolivar was not beloved in Barcelona. He, however, con- tinued to prevail on the inhabitants to take arms, and joining to them, as many slaves as he could collect, marched on the 5th against the posts of observation of the Spaniards, which they had established in the neighborhood of Clarius. On the 9th, at the head of about 900 armed men, with a field piece, he attacked the Spaniards, under colonel Ximenes, about 500 men strong, half of whom were placed in ambush. General Aris- mendy, who is brave, active and skilful, commanded in the action, whilst general Bolivar was behind. He sustained the combat for four hours, but being attacked on his rear and flanks, he was compelled to retire with the loss of his field piece, baggage, arms, &c. As soon as general Bolivar discovered that his troops had fallen into an ambush, from which he was at a considerable distance, instead of rallying them and disen- gaging Arismendy, he turned his horse, and escaped with some ol his officers to Barcelona, where he was in safety. A French captain, a clored man, Zenon Bouille, who fought bravely at the head of his company, was wounded and taken prisoner. Alter having surrendered, he was shot. The papers and plans ol operations of the patriot chieftains, fell into the hands of the Spaniards. M hen this victory over Bolivar’s troops was known in Cara- cas, the Spanish inhabitants collected one thousand dollars in money, which they sent to be distributed among the non-com- missioned officers and privates of colonel Ximenes’ troops. 188 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Government promoted each officer, one grade. The patriots have not, in any instance, employed such means for the en- couragement of their troops. The routed troops of the patriots retired to Texas, and were pursued hy order of Col. Ximenes. A considerable part of the 300 soldiers from Margarita, and strangers were taken pris- oners. The former were pardoned on condition of entering into the Spanish service. All the rest were shot. By this ac- tion Ximenes opened a communication with Morales. The latter having collected more forces, attacked general Zarasa, and routed him and some smaller patriot corps; so that by the last of January, the whole province of Barcelona except the capita], came again into possession of the Spaniards. San Yago Marino, who acted separately from Bolivar, in his native province Cumana, beseiged this capital, where general Pardo, who commanded there, attacked him. He was repul- sed, and forced to retire to his entrenched camp in the savan- nas of del Cantaro ; whence he advanced against Cumana. General Bolivar immediately gave orders to fortify at Barce- lona, a large building which stands isolated, and formerly serv- ed as an hospital. It is called the Charity. Various privateers arrived there, bringing him officers, men, arms, ammunition and provisions, sent by the persevering activity of admiral Brion. Six heavy guns were transported from the vessel, and put in battery in this house, where he collected some of the routed troops and recruits ; so that he was again at the head of a thou- sand men, among whom were about 450 strangers, taken from the crews of the privateers. When general Pasqual Real, commander in chief of the Spanish army, called the Eastern army, heard that general Bol- ivar had taken shelter in the Charity, he united the forces of colonels Bausa, Ximenes and general Francisco Thomas Mo- rales, in order to attack the city of Barcelona, which Bolivar endeavoured to defend. But he was compelled to retire into the Charity, and from that day (10th February) the city of Barcelona was closely besieged, and by the strange negligence of the Spanish commander, the road to Cumana remained un- guarded. Urged by Bolivar, Marino came at last, through this unguard- ed road, surprised Real, and forced him to retire. He enter- ed the city of Barcelona the lltli February. The 14th, a part of the patriotic army directed its march towards San Ber- nardino, where they attacked a part of general Real’s troops MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 1S9 entrenched in a convent. But they were repulsed, and, the next day retired to Barcelona. The Spaniards attempted to force the entry of the port of Barcelona, by sea. They advanced with their squadron of 17 armed vessels, brigs, schooners, gunboats, &c and attacked (the 18th February) the privateer schooners and the four gun- boats posted to defend this entry. After a sharp action, the Spanish squadron was forced to retire. On the 19th they again returned, and were again repulsed, with great loss. The cap- tains and crews of the three privateers were French and North Americans in the service of the Republic. General Real united his scattered troops, and being reinforc- ed, marched again towards Barcelona; and reached Tuacal about two miles from the city, where he entrenched himself. On the 22d, the privateer Diana, captain T. Devouille, with 5 guns, sailed from the port of Barcelona, and attacked a Span- ish royal schooner armed with seven guns, and posted near the port, to observe what was going on in the patriotic squadron. Devouille burnt the schooner in view of the whole Spanish squadron ; not a vessel of which ventured to her support. The Diana lost nothing but half a sail, which was burnt ; and she pursued her course, unmolested, to the island of Margarita. On the night of the 28th the Spaniards left their entrenched camp without having made an attack upon Barcelona, and re- tired towards Caracas. The 4th March, the republican gun boats, under the com- mand of the post captain, Antonio Dias, with 300 infantry on board, attacked a Spanish battery placed upon a hill called the Moro, near Barcelona. The patriots were greatly annoyed by this battery ; and the approach to it was dangerous, it being de- fended by 18 Spanish armed vessels. At day break, the fire of two of the gun boats commenced against the battery, whilst four others coming out of the river, attacked the Spaniards with such promptitude and vigor, that they thought of nothing but evacuating the battery, and the whole coast. The confusion of the enemy was without example. The sloop of war Bay- len, and the armed brigs and schooners cut their cables and es- caped. The attack of the Indian colonel, Aunario, upon the Spanish battery was conducted with great bravery. His troops rapidly mounted the hill, once a rough and broken road, close by the shore, and exposed on both flanks to the fire of more than a hundred guns. Aunario lost but few of his kinsmen. 190 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. The land troops under general Real, were dispersed or de- stroyed. General Morillo, the Spanish commander in chief, had, in March, fixed his head quarters at Maracay. When he heard of these events, he raved like a madman, and ordered general Real to be arrested and confined in the fort Del Colorado, at Laguaira. Brigadier general Morales, colonels Uniestieta and Guero, and captain Alexo, were also arrested and sent to Porto Cabello, as was supposed for cowardice in the attack on Barce- lona ; but such was the capricious and tyrannical character of Morillo, that he deigned not to inform these officers for what of- fence, nor for what length of time they were to be punished. Bolivar and Marino, elated with these unexpected successes, lost their time in festivals, and indolence. They took no seri- ous measures to unite their forces and march against Cumana, to clear the coast and the neighbouring valleys, and to drive the Spaniards from the provinces of Barcelona and Cumana. Bol- ivar, jealous of Marino’s inlluence over the inhabitants, declin- ed assisting him to besiege Cumana, and insisted on directing his operations against Caracas where the other had no influ- ence. Marino was in favor of besieging Cumana. And so it happened that disunion now again broke out between them, as it had done in 1813. Marino regarding himself independent of Bolivar, at last gave orders to his troops to evacuate Barce- lona. But hearing that the Spaniards were in march under colonel Aldama to attack the place, he encamped not far from this city opposite to general Bolivar’s entrenched house. Marino, a second time, left his commander in chief; who was weak enough to suffer it. Bolivar sent various officers to pursuade him to return ; representing to him the danger to which both were exposed by acting separately. He always answered equivocally. And Bolivar looked for their reunion in vain. Bolivar was greatly discouraged, feeling himself unable, with about 1100 men, to resist the force that was advancing towards Barcelona. After the arrest of general Real, Morillo appoint- ed colonel Juan de Aldama commander of the first division of the eastern army, destined to act against Barcelona. This col- umn marched on the 2d of April from the environs of Picutu ; and on the 5th, took possession of the town, whilst the patriots retired towards the entrenched Charity house. As soon as gen- eral Bolivar saw the enemy approaching, he clandestinely left his post in the night of the 5th and 6th of April, with a few of- MEMOIRS OF EOLIVAR. 19 ) ficers and a good guide, all well mounted. He told colonel Pedro Maria Freites, that lie was going in search of more troops, and would soon return with a strong body of armed men. He confided to this colonel the command of the post, during his ab- sence. He departed as secretly as he could, and directed his course to the plains of Cumana, where he was again in safety. On the 6th, the Spanish commander summoned colonel Freites to surrender ; and offered him honorable conditions, which he refused, under the expectation of being soon relieved by general Bolivar. He sent the messenger back with a neg- ative and spirited answer, to the Spanish camp. On the 7th, the Spaniards assaulted the Charity house ; and the garrison, after a brave defence, were obliged to surrender. Colonel Freites, who was wounded in the action, and the intendant, Francisco Esteban Ribas, were put in irons ; all the rest, among whom were many foreigners, were butchered. The two pris- oners, after receiving the usual barbarous treatment from the Spaniards, were transported in irons to Caracas, where they were shot. Bolivar, here in Barcelona, renewed the scenes of 1812 wdien he escaped from Porto Cabello. A commander of ordinary skill and talent would not have left 1100 men in a place unfit to shelter them against a serious attack : nor would he have left them with only four days provisions. Nor would a man of in- tegrity, have left his people under the pretext of obtaining aid, which he knew to be out of his power. Yet were all these things done by the supreme chief in April, 1817, at Barcelona. Marino had broken up his camp and retired, leaving Bolivar and his countrymen to their fate. Any other commander would have joined and marched, united with them, against the com- mon enemy. Both Marino and Bolivar behaved here as they had done in Cumana. Each of them being jealous, and ambi- tious of command, they both sought their owm security in flight and basely deserted the interests of their country. General Bolivar, by his flight, abandoned one of his aid-de- camps, who was initiated in many secret negoc.iations of his master. I mean lieutenant colonel Charles Chamberlain, a native of the island of Jamaica, who had been attached to him for several years. On this subject I will copy a page from colonel Hippisley’s narrative, p. 466. “At the taking of Bar- celona, captain Chamberlain was with him (Bolivar) in the rank of lieutenant colonel, with a regiment. When the general- in-chief lied from the [dace, he directed his friend to continue 192 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. in the command, with an assurance that if he held out for three days, he would order a strong reinforcement up to his relief. Chamberlain with difficulty retained it for the period. No re- inforcement arrived ; and knowing the cruelties which the roy- alists would inflict on him, he retired to his quarters, and the firing of a pistol w r as to be the signal for opening the barriers. The pistol was fired, and a second ; the barrier was opened ; the enemy rushed in, and running to his residence, found that the same shots, the sound of which gave the token for opening the gates, had also given the signal of death to the ill-fated Chamberlain and the girl of his heart, whom, to save from miseries of the worst extreme, from violation and public expo- sure, he had first shot, before he placed the second pistol to his own head. Deprived of the satisfaction of putting a period to the existence of the Englishman and his wife (for a piiest had previously united them) the royalist commander glutted his dis- appointment and revenge, by severing the bodies into quarters, and publicly exposing them on the walls of the fort.” Without noticing the variance of my own relation from that of colonel Hippisley, as to the taking of the Charity house, I will only observe, that they coincide respecting the clandestine flight of Bolivar from Barcelona, the promise of a reinforce- ment at his departure, and the destruction of more than one thousand men ! As soon as the inhabitants of New Grenada heard of the ad- vantages gained by the patriots over the Spaniards, they began to revolt against their oppressors. In the provinces of Antro- chia and Choco, various guerillas were formed, who did great damage to the Spaniards and gained advantages. The prov- inces of Quito and Papayan, openly revolted, took arms, and drove the Spaniards out of their territory. The patriot gueril- las were so strong and so numerous, that they cut off the com- munication between Bogota, Carthagena, and Santa Martha. The commerce of these places was nearly destroyed. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 193 CHAPTER XVI. Conquest of the Provinces of Guayana by General Piar and Admiral Brion — Trial and execution of General Piar — Bolivar and JMarino — Anecdotes. 1817. When general Piar heard, in December 1S16, that the pro- vince of Guayana was confided to colonel Miguel de La Torre ; he resolved to march against him, and take this beautiful pro- vince by force of arms. He had heard from several officers, and had himself witnessed so great a want of firmness and cour- age in Torre, that he was satisfied his attack would not long be resisted. This, together with a plan proposed to general Boli- var when at Aux Cayes, confirmed his opinion that the enter- prise would be brilliant, and useful to the republic. The following is the plan which was proposed at Aux Cayes. General Bolivar received a long letter from colonel Bidot who was in the service of the republic in the neighboring plains ; stating and explaining a plan for concpiering Venezuela, by commencing with Guayana, because that province was rich, af- fording great resources, not having suffered by the war ; and containing numbers of inhabitants who were secretly opposed to the Spaniards ; and would declare for independence, as soon as general Bolivar should present himself with a thousand men. He added, that the security of Morillo the Spanish general-in- chief was so great, in regard to this country, that he had left a small number of troops to defend it, and that he was confident Bolivar would succeed, &c. This letter was immediately com- municated to a number of us, and we were all in favor of colonel Bidot’s proposal. Piar, with whom I spoke, was one of the warmest approvers of the plan. It must have produced the happiest effects upon our expedition. Bolivar, however, was decidedly in favor of first re-conquering his native country, Caracas ; and then, said he, “ will we march against Guaya- na.” This childish predilection for Caracas, was extremely injurious to the cause of independence in Venezuela ; Guaya- na was deprived of Spanish troops, and contained many who 25 194 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. were our friends, and were waiting to join us; it had also sup- plies for us, of every kind. A sudden attack upon it, could scarcely have failed of succeeding. I proposed to general Bo- livar to establish in St. Thomas de La Angostura, its fortified capital, a depot for recruits, because the superior numbers of the horses, afforded a fine resource for the formation of a good cavalry ; and its navigable rivers, an easy communication abroad; with the interior particularly. He preferred going to Carupa- pano, a village destitute of resources. If Bolivar could have got rid of his injudicious predilection for Caracas, an open and ex- hausted city, and have consented to conquer Cumana, as Mari- no had proposed, he would not have lost this general and his troops, which, in Barcelona, in 1S17, amounted to 1500 men. Nor would he have lost this place, nor (by far the greatest loss) 1100 brave men. All these losses, certainly resulted from his predilection for Caracas. We shall see what fatal consequen- ces resulted from it in 1818. General Piar, remembering colonel Bidot’s letter, conferred with general Sedeno, and proposed to him, to unite their forces, and march against Guayana. Sedeno, active, brave, and en- terprising, approved highly of Piar’s plan, and joined him with 1000 Llaneros, who all had perfect confidence in Piar’s skill and bravery ; having, for a long time, fought under his orders. He collected about 1000 infantry; and 1000 more cavalry under Sedeno, and having overcome the greatest labors and hardships, arrived with them, in this fine province the 10th of March, 1817. Many volunteers joined him, and supplied his wants. When general Miguel de La Torre, the governor of the pro- vince, heard of this sudden irruption, he sallied from the fortified city of St. Thomas de La Angostura, at the head of 2000 cav- alry and infantry, and advanced ninety miles to San Felix. Here he found Piar and Sedeno, in order of battle, ready to receive him. La Torre had left St. Thomas unprovided with any means of defence or supply, and, subaltern-like, had taken 2000 chosen men, 90 miles from their garrison, and exposed himself to be cut off. La Torre, who was in no respect to be compared with the mulatto general, as he had called Piar, owed his promotion entirely to his flattery and adulation of his mas- ter and benefactor, general Don Pablo Morillo. This will not be doubted when it is known that after La Torre had lost Guayana, as is said, by his cowardice and his wrong measures, he was promoted, by Morillo, to the rank of brigadief general ; MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 195 whilst Real, Morales and others, were arrested and punished, for not having taken Barcelona. Such partiality surely proves the existence of some extraordinary and secret cause. So it was, that Morillo appointed this same de La Torre as his suc- cessor in the command of the army, and in consequence of it, lost the royal cause upon the Main. The attack was commenced at San Felix, by lieutenant colonel Zeuetti, during which, as I have been assured by some who were present, colonel de La Torre, though at a good dis- tance from the fire, trembled so much as to excite the laugh of some of his own officers, at his position on horseback. As the action proceeded, Zeuetti’s example of activity and coinage, became more and more conspicuous. But La Torre, seeing how bravely the battle was fought by the miserable insurgents , as he was pleased to call the patriots, instead of animating his soldiers by advancing to the charge, turned his horse in a con- trary direction to that from whence the balls were flying, and galloped off with some officers, and about 40 men. They directed their course for the fortress of La Angostura ; and were among the first who brought news of their defeat to the garrison. When La Torre’s conduct became known to his officers they despised him ; and attributed the loss of the battle to his cow- ardice. But knowing Morillo’s partiality for him, they did not dare to speak out against him. In spite of La Torre’s decamping, Zeuetti and his troops fought bravely, during more than two hours ; when at last, some soldiers learned the flight of their governor. This news was soon communicated to others. Growing discouraged, they de- fended themselves less bravely, and were nearly all killed. Of the 2000 men, about 100 escaped. All the rest were taken or killed Piar ordered all the prisoners to be shot ; and among them the brave colonel Zeuetti. He was commandant of Angostura, and was an officer of the Spanish body guard ; a man of talents and of a liberal mind. This is satisfactorily proved by his having been an aid-de-camp of Louis Lasey, captain-general in Catalonia, who was arrested by Ferdinand, and butchered, on coming ashore near Palma, the capital of the island of Majorca. Who knows not the fate of Lasey and Por- tia? Y\ ho can trust a sovereign capable of thus treating his bravest soldiers ? The battle of San Felix decided the fate of Angostura and the province of Guayana. The road was now open for Piar and Sedeno, who approached the capital, at half musket shot 19G MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. from its walls. The patriots entrenched themselves, so as to he protected against the guns of the fortress, but, having no ar- tillery, they could not bombard it. The ancient commander of the place, Mr. Fitzgerald, had been arrested, sent to Cara- cas, and tried for treason ; but was honorably accpiitted, and restored to the command of the fortress. He was a skilful of- ficer, but severe and cruel. He condemned many of his sol- diers to be shot, upon slight suspicion of treason, which alienat- ed from him the greatest part of the garrison. General Piar made various attempts to take the place by surprise, but was repulsed by the vigilance and bravery of Fitz- gerald ; so that he was driven to blockade it. The city of Angostura is small, the streets dirty, and the houses of a com- mon size, neither handsome nor well constructed. The city lies close by the river Orinoco, partly upon the flat adjoining the river, and partly upon a hill, which affords a fine prospect over the beautiful river Orinoco and its rich plains. From the mouth of the Orinoco toward the interior, Angostura is the on- ly port for 80 leagues. It was badly fortified ; and contains about 500 houses. General Piar blockaded it so closely that nothing could pass either way. Colonel de La Torre having left the fortress unprovided, the garrison and inhabitants were compelled to live upon horses, mules, &c. The governor, Fitzgerald himself, paid three dollars for a cat. During the siege of Carthagena by Morillo, in 1815, a cat was sold for eight dollars, and a dog, from sixteen to twenty dollars ! Very many inhabitants and soldiers died for want of food, and more than 1500 women and children embarked, to avoid certain death. But no man was allowed to absent himself. Notwith- standing this misery, Fitzgerald maintained his post, while the governor of the province, who should have been the last man to depart, deserted his post, and took shelter in the island of Grenada. I am assured, that on all occasions where danger awaited him, he betrayed his cowardice ; insomuch,, that when any one in danger appeared uncommonly disturbed, the Span- ish officers would say, “ He has a paroxysm of Miguel de La Torre’s fever.” Admiral Brion arrived from Margarita at the mouth of the river Orinoco, with his squadron, and contributed powerfully to the conquest of Guayana, by forcing the passage of the river, which was defended by a numerous flotilla of Spanish armed vessels. Captain Devouille, the same who distinguished him- self before Barcelona, with seven gun boats, forced the pas- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 197 sage, and destroyed about 20 Spanish vessels of every descrip- tion ; and took many others. As soon as governor Fitzgerald received the news of the to- tal destruction of his squadron, he saw that all hope of defend- ing the city any longer, must be given up. Considering the sanguinary character of Piar, he did not dare to trust to capitula- tion. He divided the small remains of his garrison among differ- ent boats and departed with them in the night. He arrived, without any loss, at the island of Grenada. The 18th of July, 1817, general Piar entered the city of Angostura. He found many dead, and many sick, for want of food. Even his troops were struck with horror at the sight of such misery. The city of old Guayana was evacuated the 30th of August, and the whole province united to Venezuela. In both pities, the Spaniards left large stores of merchandise and of war, and more than a thousand prisoners, among whom were the bishop, the clergy, many officers and other persons of rank and distinction, who were respected and well treated. This brilliant and eventful conquest was effected without the knowledge or the order of general Bolivar. It was owing en- tirely to the courage and exertions of two foreigners, Brion and Piar. It resulted in vast advantages to the republic. And what was their recompense? The former died poor and brok- en-hearted in Curiaco ; the latter was shot by order of the su- preme chief. . This latter had lost much of his influence by his desertion from the battle field at Ocumare. And it had cost all the great exertions of admiral Brion to effect his recal to the Main. General Piar was strongly opposed to his recal, and spoke pub- licly against him, when Bolivar resumed his former title of su- preme chief, and proclaimed martial law. After his flight from Barcelona, he was so retired in the plains, that nobody could know with certainty what had become of him. The greatest number of the patriot chieftains were averse to Bolivar’s assum- ing the supreme power, and neglecting the calling of a Con- gress. His warmest friends, Francisco Antonio Zea, the for- mer members of Congress, and Jose Brion among others, had constantly, but in vain, admonished him to keep his word. They thought his absence, therefore, a convenient time to con- vene a Congress, and that the measure would be best for the republic. Brion spoke to Zea, and he to Marino and Aris- mendy, and they thought the moment propitious. Marino, hav- 193 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ing, at that time, (May 1817) established his head quarters at Curiaco, the 8th of May was fixed on, to assemble in the cathe- dral church, a junta, composed of the most respectable inhabi- tants of Venezuela, which followed the troops, among whom were many members of the first Congress of Caracas. This assembly was numerously attended. Admiral Louis Brion, the intendant Zea, Jose Cortes Madaniaga, better known under the name of the Canonicus of Chili, addressed the assembly, show- ing the necessity and urgency of establishing a Congress. The addresses made to the assembly, were received with unanimous approbation. Congress was re-established, and the citizens Francisco Xavier Maiz, Fronc, Alcala, Diego Valenilla, Diego Alcala, Manuel G. Zaba, Fronc de Paula Novas, D. B. Ur- banija, and Man. Mancyco, were proclaimed members of this congress. This election was provisional, in order to give time to convoke all the members of the first congress. This body was to be legally constituted by the regular elections of the people. The executive was entrusted to Simon Bolivar, Francisco del Toro and Franc. Xavier Maiz. The name of the first was kept for fear he might appear and disapprove the proceedings entirely. (Some doubted the existence of the supreme chief.) But the rapid changes of the war, and the impossibility of find- ing a safe place of meeting, prevented their assembling, and after some months fruitless endeavors to that effect, congress was obliged to dissolve and leave the three powers in the hands of general Bolivar. The idea of convoking this congress, is generally attributed to Brion and Zea, who, though much attached to Bolivar, saw with great pain the powers united in a man so incapable of exercising power judiciously, and who so often abused it. Hidden as he was in the plains of Cumana, Bolivar could know nothing of these proceedings toward having a congress. As soon, however, as he learned what was done, he fell into a violent passion, and not only annulled the proceedings, but per- secuted the members appointed, especially the Canonicus of Chili, against whom his hatred seemed more particularly di- rected. Brion and Zea, who best knew his vindictive char- acter, hastened to appease him, by a prompt submission, and by assuring him of their belief that he had been killed, and of the necessity of complying with the general wish of the inhabit- ants, and the old members of congress, to establish a govern- ment. Bolivar appeared satisfied, but from that time he treat- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 199 ed them both with less confidence, and Brion, afterwards, at Savanilla, with harshness, as I will relate in the proper place. He could not endui'e Marino, who was implicated in the trial of general Piar, and would certainly have suffered, had he not saved himself by a timely flight. General Paez, in two brilliant actions, with two thousand Llaneros, routed the Spaniards once at Guayabal, where gen- eral Calzada had united 3000 men, and the second time at Calabozo, where Morillo himself commanded, and having lost nearly all his forces, retreated precipitately towards Valencia, where he arrived with about 300 men, the remains of 2500. These two victories of general Paez, in which he destroyed, wounded, took and dispersed, about 6000 of Morillo’s best troops, made him the terror of the Spaniards. They were discouraged, and treated for the evacuation of Caracas and La- guira, that they might retire into the strong place of Porto Ca- bello. But Morillo, very unexpectedly, received news of the arrival of thirty transports, bringing him 3000 men, and a large quantity of arms, ammunition, &c. He came, himself, in the beginning of June, to Cumana, where they had arrived, and after some days rest, united them with the rest of his troops, and marched against Marino, who had not moved from Curiaco. He attacked and routed him, and taking possession of Cumana- coa and Carupano, left garrisons in all these places and returned to Cumana. Instead of preparing to march against Paez, Morillo ordered the embarkation into the transports of about 4000 men, lately come from Spain, under the escort of various armed vessels of war, in which he, and a great many staff officers embarked. This new expedition was directed against the island of Mar- garita ; and in passing the island of Coche, took in the troops assembled there under the orders of colonel Aldama. Morillo could never forget the loss of 3000 men, on his first coming from Cadiz, in 1815, when he thought it would be an easy task to subject this small rocky island full of bushy hills, where Arismendy fought with bravery and skill. Morales also had been beaten before; so that both Spanish chieftains were extremely bitter against these islanders. Before embarking, Morillo was heard to declare, “ that now he would exterminate them with fire and sword !” The inhabitants of Margarita have done more for the inde- pendence of Venezuela, than those of any other province. They now destroyed an army of 4000, and after various inci- 200 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. dents, in about a month’s continual fighting, succeeded in driving them out of the island. The further particulars of these three expeditions, will be given, when I come to treat, in a separate article, of general Arismendy. Morillo, having lost nearly the whole of his 4000 men, in this bloody campaign, of about two months, after having burnt and destroyed all the houses, farms, trees and cultivation, wherever he passed in his retreat, to Juan Griego, where he had left his vessels, and having murdered every one that came in his way, man, woman and child — his cruelty and rage was not satiated. He ordered all those Margaritans, who had fought steadily under his banners ; Hot excepting those who, in his expedition, in 1815, had presented themselves under his gen- eral promise of Amnesty, to be put to death. They were all murdered by his express order. Such are the deeds of Don Pablo Morillo, the Pacificator of America, who will be long re- membered by the brave inhabitants of Margarita. At the end of August, Morillo arrived in the city of Caracas, in such ill humor that, for several days, he refused to see any one. The reflection that in two months time, and under such critical circumstances, he had lost so many men, reduced him to the condition of a madman. He could discover nothing to be done for the support of the royal cause upon the Alain. D uring his absence, Paez had beaten the Spanish generals, Calzada and Correo, not far from the city of San Fernando de Apure. The want of provisions and money, had produced sickness and desertion. The patriots invested the province of Barinas and took possession of its capital, and of the city of Guanare, (August 14th,) where they found large stores of English dry goods, and, to fill the cup of sorrow, came the news of the total loss of the rich province of Guayana, which had supplied him with quantities of money, goods, provisions, &c. It was scarcely any alleviation, that colonel Ximenes had attacked and beaten general San Jago Marino, the 27th of August, and taken the city of Guiria from him by assault, from which he fled headlong. The Spaniards murdered men, wo- men and children, after having committed the most shocking cruelties. In these critical circumstances, Morillo, on the 23d Septem- ber 1817, published at Caracas, with great solemnities, a gen- eral amnesty for all who had taken an active part in the patri- otic army. He was stupid enough to believe that this amnesty, MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 201 granted under the express condition of “ returning under the Spanish domination,” would make a deep impression upon the minds of the Americans. But he ought to have been dis- couraged by the consideration that the Venezuelans had been but too well acquainted with the character of the Spanish chief- tains, and particularly with the duplicity, despotism and cruelty of Morillo himself. No one confided in his promises. While he u r as occupied with his expedition against Marga rita, the patriots were busy in exploring the province of Guay- ana, where they found large supplies of every thing ; this pro- vince having never suffered by any invasion during this civil war. As soon as Bolivar heard of this conquest, effected by Piar and Brion, two foreigners, his jealousy arose to a high pitch, but he dissembled it, and hastened to Angostura, lie received general Piar most graciously, who naturally of a cold and dry character, received his compliments with an air of pride and disdain, which made a very bad impression upon the vain and haughty mind of the supreme chief. Piar feeling his own superiority in point of military skill and courage, had for sev- eral years shown an aversion to general Bolivar. He was ad- vanced to be major general, vdien Marino w r as the colleague and rival of Bolivar, during his dictatorship of the eastern pro- vinces of Venezuela, in 1813-14. Marino, who is of a lively and amiable character, but has neither firmness or talents, found in Piar the man he stood in need of, and soon advanced him to the rank of major general, and was his devoted friend and second. Piar left himself un- der no obligations to Bolivar, whom he knew to be his inferior, and at Angostura, putting himself on an equal footing, felt not much flattered by the compliments paid him. He v r as w r ell aware too, that they were insincere. Bolivar was busily employed at Angostura, upon his favorite plan of delivering the capital and province of Caracas. He therefore formed a plan of a campaign against the Spaniards in that province. He sent general Bermudes, wdth400 men, who departed the 25th September, with an order to unite with the division of Zarasa, whom he found at Chaguaramas. Admiral Brion, devoted to the supreme chief, and anxious that he should forget the proceedings relative to a congress, was busily employed in overseeing the construction of a num- ber of gun boats, to protect the river Orinoco, and facilitate the transportation and free intercourse between the inhabitants 202 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. of Angostura and foreign places. These gun boats were well manned and sent in perfect order. Bermudes, alter having joined Zarasa, who, with 2000 horse, (Llaneros,) occupied Caburto and the advanced posts, and were extended as far as El Ractro, on one, and St. Se- bastian, on the other side. Bermudes marched towards Cala- bozo and San Carlos, where he united with general Paez. General Monagas was ordered to take possession of Barcelona. The supreme chief collected a strong body of recruits in the province of Guayana, with which he intended to act in con- cert with all these forces, against Caracas, an open and defenceless city, instead of directing them against Cumana, which the Spaniards had fortified, and against Porto Cabello ; both of these being seaports, and affording the enemy a strong central place, whence he might be supplied, and carry the war from east to west, throughout Venezuela. Whereas Caracas is neither a fortress or a sea port. But representations against his favorite plan, were made in vain. He persisted in his par- tiality for Caracas. He was so certain of soon being in pos- session of it, that he said publicly, “ the colors of the republic shall be hoisted very soon upon the tower of the cathedral of this capital.” In this conviction, he published the following proclamation, directed to the inhabitants of the valley of Tuy : “ Caraguins ! the precious moment decreed by divine pro- vidence, for the total expulsion of the Spanish government, from the territory of Venezuela, has at last arrived. The arms of the Republic have triumphed every where. We have been constantly victorious, from the plains of Cssanare to the mouth of the river Orinoco. Twenty glorious actions have consoli- dated the fate of Venezuela. All the famous chieftains which Spain has sent to subject us, have been beaten by our troops, except Morillo, who avoids the battle which we seek him to offer. Five thousand men protect this rich province, (Guaya- na,) five thousand others, under Gen. Marino, are ready to march against Cumana, and to deliver it ! Thousands of brave inhabitants of Maturin, commanded by Gen. Roxas, are ready to leceive the Spaniards, if they should attack that city. The intrepid Gen. Monagas harrasses them with his brigade near Barcelona. The brave brigade commanded by the w'orthy Gen. Zarasa, two thousand men strong, marched through the plains of Caracas, to deliver its inhabitants subdued by force. The army of Gen. Paez which reminds us of the defeats of Calzada, Morillo, Gonin, Lopez, Ramos, Reyes, Gongaha, and MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 203 a great many more, is four thousand men strong. He has spread the sparks of liberty over a great part of New Grenada. Caraguins ! having delivered Guayana, I re-cross the river Orinoco, and will be soon in the midst of your capital with such a formidable army as has never existed in Venezu- ela. The forces of Morillo wrnre reduced to nothing. The miserable reinforcement which Capine has brought him lately from Spain, (the three thousand armed from Cumana,) is not sufficient to take the fort of Pampatic, in the immortal Marga- rita. — Caraguins ! despise the power of the Spaniards ; as long as we are united we will remain invincible ! Head-quarters of Guayana, July 1st, 1S26. (Signed) SIMON BOLIVAR. Here is a new instance of Bolivar’s deceitful proclamations : 1st. He says that “ twenty glorious actions have consolidated the fate of Venezuela.” It is notorious that, from the day of his re-entering upon the territory of Venezuela, (31st December 1816,) there had been fought no other glorious action, but the two gained by general Paez over Aldama and Morillo, by gen- eral Piar over De La Torre, and by colonel Gomez, in Marga- rita, over Morillo ; making in all, four. Perhaps the supreme chief includes those which passed at Barcelona under his com- mand and alter his flight, or those of Curiaco, Guiria, &c. under Morillo’s command. 2d. He accuses Morillo of avoiding the battles which he says we seek, &c. 3d. These mafty thousands, to come near the truth, must be reduced, at least, one third ; and the remainder forming his powerful army, were badly clothed recruits, collected in haste, and without organization or instruction. The reader will re- collect what I have said in another place, (chapter xiii.) as to the instruction and formation of these armies. 4th. The army of general Paez, which reminds us of the defeats of Calzada, Morillo, Gonin, Lopez, Ramos, Reyes, Gongona, and many others. This high sounding collection of names, can deceive none, but those at a distance from the seat of war, and have no other means of information but these pro- clamations. The victories gained over Calzada and Morillo would be truly described, by saying that their antagonist, in a regular combat, gained the advantage. All the rest were skirmishes, with small bodies of armed men, known under the appellation ol Guerillas, and among them, some Indian chiefs, as is Reyes, who came over to the patriots, after having three 204 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. or four times changed his colors, between the contending par- ties. He had some sixty or an hundred naked and half armed Indians, that committed great devastation wherever they came. The bands of Guerillas were a little better. Some might have 1 50 or 200 men, who fled ordinarily, at the first serious attack. Such was the character of the Spanish chieftains whose names are here so pompously enumerated. 5th. But the following cunning phrase affords the best ex- ample of his duplicity : “ Caraguins ! having delivered Guay- ana, I recrossed the river Orinoco.” By this certainly he means to be understood, that he, general Bolivar, had deliver- ed Guayana. When, in fact, he was about a thousand miles distant from the battle field at Guayana, carefully hid in the plains of Cumana, after his flight from Barcelona. In his proclamation he names nearly all the chieftains in Venezuela, and gives them, or their corps, flattering epithets. He speaks of having delivered Guayana, and says not a word of admiral Brion or general Piar, the actual deliverers. These two were foreigners, and if he had mentioned their names he could not have avoided the mention of their glorious actions, and their conquest of Guayana. All the rest were natives. If he had not used this mode of expression too, he could not have used the grand phrase, “ recrossed the Orinoco /’ This omission of mentioning the names of Brion and Piar, in a proclamation of which far the most important topic was the delivery of Guayana, shocked them both ; and Piar ex- pressed the bitterness of his feelings in a most sarcastic man- ner. His expressions were reported to the supreme chief, whose vanity was deeply piqued. But he dissembled as usual, and received Piar with the same exterior marks of kindness and regard as before. General Bolivar was now advised to form a government, and to show that he sincerely wished for a republican form, and a division of the powers. But he had great objections to calling a congress, pretending that there would be great difficulty in convening the members during the war, and he named in its place a “ Supreme Council of the Nation” Bolivar was charged exclusively with the executive, under the name of President Supreme Chief. This council was di- vided into two sections; in one, the political section , (sectione politice,) Antonio Francisco Zea presided; in the 2d, the military section, Louis Brion presided. Bolivar was well aware of the submission of both presidents to his wishes, so MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 205 that he again effectually united in himself all the powers of gov-- eminent. Nothing could be done without his sanction. In his absence, messengers were continually on the road between An- gostura and his head quarters, with papers to sign, relative to one or other department, that of Zea or of Brion. This un- controlled power and influence of Bolivar, was said to be the principal cause of Piar’s condemnation. I must here relate this too famous trial, which excited a great sensation at the time. The secret causes of which are not known, as they ought to be, for they are characteristic traits in the life of the Liberator of Colombia. Manuel Piar was born in 17S2, at the Dutch island of Cura- cao. He was a man of color, and his parents were poor, and labored for their subsistence. They nevertheless sent him to school, where he learned reading, writing and the elements of arithmetic ; and nothing more, tie was averse to close appli- cation, and never would consent to be a mechanic, which was too degrading for his vain and proud temper. At the age of fifteen, he passed over to the Spanish Main and remained there a long time before the revolution of Caracas, being in one place and another, without any fixed or steady occupation. He came to Curacao, where he married a colored woman, who brought him a small fortune. But his restless and ambitious temper did not suffer him long to remain in Curacao, where his color and extraction, kept him from aspiring to rank and fortune. He travelled over part of the Antilles islands in search of business and fortune, until the time of the revolution in Caracas. He had left his wife and children at Curacao in the greatest mise- ry, while he lived with a young and handsome girl, whom he seduced; and whom he supported on the Main, with her pa- rents, in a splendid manner. This family were white and of good extraction. It is a fact that, during our stay at Carupano, he established them in a large store taken from the families who had fled at the approach of Bolivar’s expeditionary army in 1816. While he lived in great abundance, he sent not the least support to his wife and children. At the beginning of the revolution (1810) at Caracas, Piar commenced his military career as a non-commissioned officer. Miranda had, as I have mentioned, a great predilection for for- eigners wits had served ; and preferred them, as officers, to his own countrymen, saying, that the latter should learn to obey, before they could be fit to command. He saw in Piar, an am- bitious and courageous young man, and advanced him, by de- 20G MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. grees, to the rank of colonel ; whilst Piar, day and night, stud- ied military tactics. He distinguished himself on the field of battle, acquiring by practice, what was wanting in theory. His coolness in the hottest fire, his quickness in discerning the faults of his enemy, and his personal bravery, gained him the confi- dence of his subalterns, whom he inspired, by his example, with fire, and a confidence of certain success. He owed his rapid advancement to merit, and not to any intrigue, which he always despised. He advanced thus to the rank of major gen- eral, under the dictatorship of Marino, in 1813. Marino hav- ing in 1812, passed to the island of Trinidad, came soon after- wards, back to Cumana, where he formed a small corps of young men, and named himself dictator of the provinces of Cu- mana and Barcelona, as I have related. Piar joined him very soon ; and being acquainted with the active part Bolivar had taken in the arrest of general Miranda; for whom Piar felt the greatest veneration ; he detested Bolivar for this act of cruelty and treachery against a defencelees old man. This was the first cause of Marino’s defection from Bolivar ; Piar having gained a complete ascendancy over the weak mind of Marino, so that Marino could do nothing without Piar. It w r as Marino who persuaded Piar to join Bolivar at Aux Caves, where they lived like brothers ; and were called by Bolivar, the insepara- bles. Bolivar at that time spoke to me of Piar as a very dan- gerous man, w T ho hated, all whites, and saw with great anxiety, Marino’s intimacy with him. Brion hated Piar, and in speak- ing to me of him, used to say, “that mulatto of a general, Piar, is a great plunderer and vagabond.” Piar, however, was the ablest commander of them all ; and very far superior to Bolivar, not only in personal bravery, but in knowledge, of military tactics, and operations. He was so beloved by his subalterns, that foreigners particularly, preferred general Piar as a leader, to any of the other chieftains. He w 7 as cold in his manner, but plain ; and attentive to each one of them, treating them kindly, and taking the greatest care of their general welfare. But his discipline was rigorous ; and he never overlooked a fault committed under arms ; not even the slightest. His cold, reserved, and often sullen manner, inspir- ed them with respect and fear; his personal bravery and skill, with courage and confidence. He constantly supported the cause of independence in Venezuela, and many times success- fully in 1813 and ’14. When the two dictators fled, Piar re- mained and fought with good success against the Spaniards. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 207 The chieftains, and particularly Boves, feared him and Paez, more than any other. He was successful in Barinas and Ma- turin, and lastly, we have seen that the conquest of Guayana was conceived and executed by him ; and this conquest had, undoubtedly, the most favorable effect upon the welfare^ of Colombia. Piar was proud of his personal merits, and a firm and warm friend of liberty and the republican form of government. He had rough and harsh manners, the natural consequences of a neglected education, and of a life led in camps. He was nei- ther a flatterer nor a courtier. He was greatly attached to general Marino, who had distinguished and advanced him. Marino’s soft and weak mind seemed always to need Piar, who at last turned and directed every thing of any importance that Marino transacted. Piar, in speaking of Bolivar, often said, that he was a cow T - ard, and an ignoramus in military operations ; that he deserved no command, because he absconded when his presence was most needed at the head of his army ; that, indeed, he never had been at the head of his army ; that he had never seen him at the head of a corps, charging the enemy, and deciding the victory ; that, therefore, it happened that Paez had gained so many actions, when left to himself ; that the actions of Bolivar ■were gained by others, and not by himself, for that he always took care to keep himself at a respectful distance from the shot ; that in his proclamations he appears to be at the head of his troops ; and lately would appear to have liberated Guayana, whilst he had absconded to the plains of Cumana ; and that he most ridiculously and contemptibly imitated Napoleon. When Bolivar arrived at Angostura, these words of Piar were officiously reported to him. But his feelings were more hurt, by his seeing that he was no longer the object of. so much respect as he had formerly received wherever he went. He saw him- self in a measure deserted, and even despised by those who were acquainted with his last flight from Barcelona, by which he caused the miserable fate of a thousand men. Piar, who was then governor of the province, commanded of course ; and made himself many friends by his bravery ; and also by his cordial attention to every one. His house was constantly filled with strangers, and his evening parties were much more bril- liant than those of the supreme chief. This was very natural, for general Piar did the honors of his house perfectly w T elh He was attentive to every one, and at his house the guests were 20S MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. much more at their ease, than in the evening parties of the su- preme chief, where a certain etiquette was observed ; and where any man of sense and honor was sure to be disgusted by wit- nessing the vile flatteries of such persons as Charles Soublette, Anziotigui and others. Some biting sarcasms which escaped Piar, in full company, were the signal for his destruction. At that time many men of color were in the service of the patriots ; and particularly in the division commanded by Piar. Many foreigners, good military men, said loudly that general Piar was superior to Bolivar in every thing relating to military affairs, of which the latter was quite ignorant, and that they pre- ferred to serve with Piar, rather than under the orders of the supreme chief. Admiral Brion hated Piar, and, l lament to say, contributed greatly to his destruction. He advised to his arrest and trial before a court martial. When Bolivar, fearing the consequences, hesitated long, to take any vigorous measure ; it was Brion undoubtedly, who decided him to arrest Piar. This fact has been affirmed to me by more than twenty persons of rank and credit. Among other words against Piar, they heard him say the following. The question arose who would be named president of the court martial ; and Brion being told that he probably would be named, said, “ If I should be named the president of that court martial, I would accept it under one condition, viz. that the court martial condemn Piar to capital punishment ; he is a mulatto, a vagabond, a man of the lowest class, dangerous and mischievous to all whites,” &c. These persons assured me that Brion, that evening, behaved like a madman ; and that he had expressed himself in the same man- ner before. With respect to morality, Piar’s character was equivocal. He was known to be over fond of money; and to raise it as he could. He raised by exactions, a great deal at Angostura ; and converted the whole into doubloons. He lov- ed luxury of every sort, and was vain and ambitious. When his friends informed him that Brion had advised gen- eral Bolivar to arrest and try him before a court martial, as a colored man who conspired against the whites, and sought to overturn the existing government ; but that the latter had not yet decided to follow the advice, fearing the consequences of such an arrest, Piar lost his presence of mind and his usual bravery. He was conscious of what he had said against Boli- var, and knew that Brion was his enemy. In fear ol their unit- ed power, he took the worst course a man of his standing, and MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 203 in his circumstances, could take. Instead of consulting his friends and adherents, and submitting to them his critical situa- tion, and forming a powerful party to support him in case of ne- cessity, in the first place ; and then demanding an explanation of the supreme chief, and of Brion also, he took all his gold, and departed clandestinely in the night, following the hank of the Orinoco, in search of the means of embarking on board some vessel in which he could leave the country. Bolivar had surrounded him with spies, and was soon informed of his es- cape. He ordered general Sedeno to take a strong body of cavalry and pursue him, arrest him, and bring him back to the city. Some are confident that Sedeno received a secret order to kill him wherever he could find him ; but this is not certain, though Sedeno afterwards told some of his friends that he had received such an order. But it is certain that Sedeno, with his troops, overtook him about six miles from Angostura, and forced him to return. On arriving at the city, he was put in die pub- lic prison, where the guard was reinforced, many patroles were walking the streets with orders to disperse any groups that might assemble to release Piar from prison. But as he had communicated his plan to no one, all his friends were astonish- ed at the news of his arrest, and utterly unprepared to defend him, otherwise it would have been easy for general Piar to as- . semble a respectable force against any attempt upon his liberty. The supreme chief was highly pleased with Sedeno's report that he had put Piar into the prison. General Bolivar took no rest during the whole night, fearing some accident might happen to himself ; he doubled his guards, and ordered his strong body' guard to be ready at the first call. Brion, deeply' interested for the welfare of Bolivar, to whom he had entrusted his lanre fortune, advised him to strike a decisive blow and to condemn Piar, in order, as he said, to frighten Marino, Arismendy', and others, who were secretly' opposed to the usurped power of the suoreme chief, and in favor of convening a Congress, that by this example he might prevent all future attempts to resist his power. This decided Piar’s fate, and that the more fully, when, after two days, Bolivar saw no hostile movement in fa- vor of Piar. The fact is, that many' thousands were secretly indignant at the arrest of Piar; and much more so to see him treated like a common criminal ; but there was no leader, nothing prepared beforehand. They had no point of union, and feared the vengeance of the supreme chief, if they made an open declaration in favor of their general. Some of them 27 210 MEMOIRS OF EOLIVAR. have assured me, that they had never thought of the probabil- ity of the condemnation of such a man as Piar, who had ren- dered such eminent services to the republic ; and that after his condemnation, it was too late to attempt any thing, because the supreme chief, powerfully assisted by the admiral, had increas- ed his forces by means of crews of vessels, and by calling dif- ferent dispersed bodies of troops into the town. A council of war was immediately assembled over which admiral Brion pre- sided, and Charles Soubletle was .appointed by Bolivar to act against Piar. Soublette, tbe vilest of the vile instruments of his master’s wishes and orders, had been rapidly advanced, and was at this time chief of the staff and major general of the army. Soublette, in his long catalogue of accusations against Piar, inserted so many and such horrid charges, that the latter was highly irritated, and interrupted him vehemently. Calling him publicly an impostor and a vile and imfamous liar, but Sou- blette continued his accusation with the greatest coolness. All that Piar said was in vain. His fate was decided beforehand. Various false witnesses, bribed by brilliant promises, testified under oath, that general Piar had proposed to them to murder the supreme chief, saying he was a tyrant, a usurper &:c. and that Piar was afterwards, to proclaim a republican government. Others testified that general Piar had formed a conspiracy to murder all the whites, and to establish a republic, of colored and black people, of which he, Piar, was to be the president. Among these witnesses was the brigadier general Sedeno, the same who assisted Piar in the conquest of Guayana, and who, by some altercation between them, was embittered against him and had arrested him, as has been mentioned. Another wtness was lieutenant colonol Hernandes, Dr. M., a surgeon, and various others. The two latter were colored men. Piar was astonished at the testimony. He said in his defence, that if he had intended to murder the supreme chief, he should not have wanted the assistance of these witnesses, he whose intripidity was well enough known to prove the absurdi- ty of such depositions. That so many persons were not wanted to kill one single man. He said that with regard to the infa- mous accusation of the most vile and servile impostor Soublette, that he had proposed to murder all the whites, he appealed to all the foreign officers who had served under him, how kindly he had treated them ; and how he had preferred them to any others, colored and black officers, and that he had then white MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 211 officers among his aids-de-camp.* That the whole accusation was a treacherous and horrible conspiracy against him who had served the country with so much distinction and honour. He spoke with such strong and convincing eloquence, that, the whole audience was deeply moved in his favor, and entirely convinced of his innocence. But his speech, and the de- fence of his council named officially, and pro forma, were of no avail. He was convicted and condemned to be shot on the public square, as a conspirator against the security and safety of the republic ! A republic then, and now in September 1S2S, existing in the person of the supreme chief, and dictator, Simon Bolivar ! Here, as in every instance of any consequence general Bolivar has always had the art to identify his person with the, so called, republic of a free and independent people. But, where is the republic ; where is the freedom and inde- pendence of Colombians ? In the afternoon previous to the day of general Piar’s execu- tion, Dr. F. called on him in prison on account of some hun- dred dollars the former owed him. He was quiet and at ease, flattering himself he should not be executed, but banished, notwithstanding all the Dr. could say against his opinion. He grounded his hopes upon the great services he had rendered, but particularly upon his innocence of the crimes imputed to him. He spoke w r ith warmth, and in a firm tone, showing that he felt no fear or anxiety. The 1 6 th of October having been fixed for the execution of general Piar, the strongest precautions were taken to prevent any trouble. From four o’clock in the morning, the numerous troops of the garrison were under arms ; and formed a square in the public place. A strong detachment was sent for him to the prison. Soon after, he came into the midst of the guard, in a kind of great coat, his arms crossed upon his breast. He walked firmly to the middle of the square formed by the troops, where a chair was placed for his execution. Being come be- fore the chair, he urgently requested the officer that he might see the supreme chief, for that he had something of great in- terest to reveal to him in person. This request was positively denied. The officer requested him to sit down. One of them approached with a handkerchief to blindfold him, but he would not permit it, saying, he could well dispense with such a cere- * Colonel Marlin, a Polish officer, was his aid-de-camp at this time. 212 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. mony ; that he feared not, and never had feared, to die. But when they insisted upon it, he said ; “Well, well, do as you please.” More than twenty-five muskets, dose by the chair, were directed against him ; and when the officer began to com- mand, Piar exclaimed, “ Viva la Patria,” a.id fell pierced with balls. The troops and great crowd of people now cried, “ Viva la Patria, Viva la Republica, Viva Justicia ! !” soon after, his body was taken into an unfinished chapel and buried with great solemnity, but without any other ceremony. Thus died Piar, against whom there was no evidence except his precipitate, and extremel) ill judged flight from Angostura. His enemies, with some appearance of justice, seized upon this and took his life. The night previous to Piar’s execution the supreme chief could not sleep. He was constantly fearful of some revolution, in favor of Piar, notwitl standing the troops being under arms and ready to act every moment of the time. General San lago Marino was implicated in Piar’s trial, in consequence of what had been done respecting a Congress in May 1817, at Cariaco, and at Campano in 1816. He was at this time, in the neighbourhood of Cumana. Brion hated and despised him, and in speaking of Piar, uttered some threats against Marino, which alarmed his friends who had before known the hostile feeling of both Brion and Bolivar relative to him. Those friends immediately despatched a trusty messen- ger to Marino, advising him of his danger; upon which he de- parted for the island of Trinidad, where he was safe. Some days after the execution of Piar, Bolivar published the following proclamation. “ Soldiers ! Yesterday was a day of mourning for my heart. General Piar was executed for his crimes of high treason, conspiracy and desertion. A just and legally formed court has pronounced sentence upon this unfortunate citizen, who, infat- uated with an ardent desire to make his fortune, and to satisfy his ambition had formed the plan to bury this country in ruins. General Piar had certainly rendered great service to this re- public, notwithstanding his behaviour has been that of a factious man ; his services have been always reasonably rewarded by the government of Venezuela. Nothing desirable was left to a chief who had attained one of the highest ranks in the army : the second magistracy would have been confided to him by the absence of general Marino, but MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 213 all this sufficed him not; he aspired to the supreme command; he was plotting the most atrocious plan which could be invented by a preverse soul. Soldiers ! he meditated not alone to kin- dle a civil war amongst us, but to introduce anarchy, to the most inhuman sacrifice of his own brethren and of his compan- ions in arms’. Soldiers! you know that freedom and indepen- dence are cur motto ! Has not mankind recovered their rights by the establishment of our laws ? Have our arms not broken the chains of slavery? Has not the order been given that na- tional property should indiscriminately be respected among you all? Has your merit not then been amply recompensed ? Or has it not been so at least with justice ? What could general Piar desire more for you ? Are you not free, independent, respected and honored ? Could Piar promise you greater benefits than those ? No, no, no ; Piar wished to dig with his own hands, the grave in which he wished to bury the republic, in order to destroy the life, the property, and the honour, as well as the welfare, and the glory of the brave defenders of Venezuela, by destroying its children, its husbands and fathers. Heaven has contemplated this cruel paricide with horror ; heaven has given him up to the vengeance of the laws, and has not permitted that a man who so greivously offended both the divinity and mankind, should sully our terrestrial globe with horrid crimes a minute longer. Soldiers, heaven protects you and the government, which is your parent, and is earnestly watching over your security. Your chief, who is your companion in arms, and who 'has always shared at your head, your misery and your dangers, as well as your triumphs, and has placed his confidence in you. Rely then upon him, and be persuaded that he loves you more than if he was your father or your son. Head-quarters of Angostura, October 17th, 1S17. (Signed) SIMON BOLIVAR.” The hypocrisy and duplicity of general Bolivar’s character is shown throughout this notorious proclamation in its true light. No other man could have had the assurance to say, in the face of the world, that the day of sceneral Piar’s execution was a day of mourning to his heart, when we are acquainted with the cir- cumstances of this scandalous act of arbitrary power ; when we know that the whole transaction depended on his will, and that a single word could have saved this man, whose only crimes were, that he was the true friend of constitutional liberty and a foreigner. If we inquire what Arismendy and Bermudes did 214 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. against Bolivar, we shall find that these two were much more explicit against him than Piar was. Arismendy treated the dictator as a coward, who deserved death, and declared that he would shoot him as such if he put his foot on shore, (Aug. 1S14.) Bermudes did the same in 1 S 1 4, at Ocumare; and much more in Maturin, in June, 1817. The following are the particulars of these strangers’ transactions. The reader will recollect that Bolivar was recalled, in December 1816, from Port an Prince, to resume the command of the army, upon the express condition that he should assemble a Congress, and con- fine himself to the military operations alone. By means of martial law being proclaimed, Bolivar again as- sumed the supreme power, and destroyed all that was done in Curiaco by the provisional Congress, installed in virtue of a general assembly, held at the Cathedral church on the 8th of May ; the majority of its members being convinced that Boli- var was dead. This absence of Bolivar was certainly caused by his own cowardice ; by his escaping in the night from Barcelona, and secreting himself in the plains of Cumana. Hearing that the danger was over, he appeared again ; and again indulged his haughty and despotic disposition, by annulling the transactions of Curiaco. Being made acquainted with Piar’s conquest of Guayana, he passed from Barcelona into that province. In his journey he found general Bermudes established with his troops at Maturin ; and with his usual meanness and impudence, thought to gain over Bermudes, whom he knew to be attached to a republican or constitutional government. He was received by the latter and his staff, with the most bitter reproaches for his desertion from Barcelona, his absconding to the plains of Cumana, and his measures against the members of the congress of Curiaco. Notwithstanding all this, Bolivar gained over Ber- mudes, who is weak, and in truth has no fixed character. As they sat dining together quietly, but under a good deal of con- straint, Bermudes, who drinks hard, grew warm, and renewed his reproaches to Bolivar, treating him as a deserter, a coward, and, in short, the lowest of mankind. Bolivar would never bear such treatment from his equal, much less from his subaltern. Bermudes’ passion rose so high that he stood up and told Bolivar, he was tempted to cut him in pieces, and that his recollection of his glorious march from Carthagena to Caracas, with his cousin Ribas, alone restrained him. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 215 The supreme chief, trembling like a child, sprung upon his horse and decamped as soon as possible, lest Bermudes should put his threats in execution, for he knew him to be a cruel, un- educated barbarian. Bolivar’s proclamation of the 17th of October, is the pro- duction of a mind triumphant in a bad cause. The impartial reader will justly appreciate the charges of Bolivar against his victim already slain. The reader will also give due weight to his declaration, that he has shared the dangers, as well as the triumphs, of his brethren in arms. A moment’s recurrence to the facts of 1812, at Porto Cabello ; in 1814, at Cumana; in 1816, in the naval action of the 2d of May; in Ocumare in July of the same year; in Barcelona in 1817, &c. &lc. will af- ford a sufficient comment upon this part of his proclamation. I have undertaken to show the President Liberator in his true light ; and to strip him of the mask with which he has ever covered his person and his transactions. I must now relate the conduct of San 1 ago Marino, and make the reader better acquainted with the character of a man, who, for a long time, was the equal, and has even been the rival of Simon Bolivar ; of the hero of South America ; of the Napo- leon; of the Liberator; and of the father of the republic of Colombia. As soon as Marino arrived at Trinidad, he wrote Bolivar a letter in a very submissive and supplicating style, in which he most humbly entreated him to pardon all his offences, com- mitted without his fault ; he said the pernicious counsel and ad- vice of Piar had robbed him of the favor and affection of the supreme chief ; that he would hereafter follow Ins guidance alone, would never deviate a hair from his duty, and would act directly according to the orders of the supreme chief, &c. &c. Bolivar, gratified and exulting, showed this letter to his flat- terers, and was himself the first to laugh at and ridicule it. He nevertheless pardoned, and most graciously recalled Mari- no to his former rank and command, rightly judging that Mari- no without Piar would never impede him or his views, whatever they might be. Marino, on his return, issued the following proclamation : “ San Iago Marino, general-in-chief of the armies of the re- public, and of that entrusted with the operations against Cu- mana, &z,c. &lc. to the officers and soldiers composing his di- vision. Officers and privates ! my soul is, even now, filled with the most appalling sentiments, when I think, that but yesterday, 216 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. neither you or myself were reckoned a part of the great family, who, under the direction of the supreme chief of the republic, fight for liberty and independence ! How delightful are the sentiments which this day again fill my heart — when I see that the government like a good father, relying upon my promises, and forgetting all that has passed, receives us again under .its protection, and directs me to put myself again at your head, and to command the whole province. (Cumana.) Officers and privates ! if by a mischief ever to be regretted, we have until now been considered as dissatisfied, and have under this character attracted public attention ; it is now, and from this moment, our most sacred duty to become a model of submission and obedience to the supreme chief! IMy sincere wish is, that the whole universe may be convinced of the sin- cerity of our intentions, and find in us the most faithful sup- porters of our government. 1 swear by the ashes of so many ol our famous companions in arms, I swear upon my honor, and upon all that is sacred on earth, that this is now the only fe- licity to which I aspire. From you who have always given me so many proofs of your love and your devotion, I expect a much stronger proof, namely, that you will co-operate to exe- cute the orders of the supreme chief. Separated nearly a year from government, from the father of the people, and the armies, and but just now reincorporated into the large and free family of Venezuela, our hearts beat with the most delightful sensations for such unexpected good fortune. Long live the Republic! Long live the Supreme Chief! Long live Gen- eral Bolivar ! Head-quarters of San Francisco, January 2Gth, 1 S 1 8. (Signed) SAN IAGO MARINO.” Such language requires no comment. It displays the char- acter of the man ; and such are most of the Colombian chief- tains. This being the fact, the reader will readily discover how much, or rather how little, real character was requisite to enable general Bolivar to usurp and hold the supreme power during so many years. He will also, I think, be satisfied as to what must be the disposition of a leader, who can not only suf- fer, but encourage, language so disgusting to men of delicacy" , good sense and honor. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 217 CHAPTER XVII. Campaign of 1818 — Foreign Legions — Conspiracy against Bolivar's power. In the beginning of ISIS, the situation of the two belligerent parties had entirely changed, in favor of the patriots, owing chiefly to the conquest of Guayana. This rich province alone afforded more resources to the patriots, than the seven other provinces of Venezuela taken together. The friends of inde- pendence now conceived the most sanguine hopes of seeing, at last, their oppressors driven from the territory, they had sullied by their cruelty and barbarity during these last years of war and distress. I will give here a short sketch of the situation of the royal party, that the reader may be enabled to judge whether these hopes were well founded, and might have been realised, under any other leader of common talents and experience in the act of war. Unfortunately for the cause of freedom and indepen- dence, the districts of Venezuela were in the hands of Bolivar. I say unfortunately, because her freedom and independence were, by that means, completely lost. The history of this campaign is nearly a repetition of that of Bolivar’s dictatorship in 1813-14, when, as now, every thing depended on his exer- tions, and all circumstances concurred most favorably to pro- duce a happy result. Bolivar, by his own fault alone, irrepara- bly lost, a second time, the most promising occasion of driving the enemy out of Venezuela, and of giving its miserable and worn out people, liberty and repose. These reflections will be justified by the facts related in this chapter. By the disgraceful expedition of Morillo against the island of Margarita, he lost about 4000 of his best troops. The folly and cowardice of Miguel de La Torre, lost the rich province of Guayana, the heart of the royal family. The extensive plains, and two thirds of the provinces of Venezuela, were in the hands of the patriots, who marched with numerous and su- perior forces against the Spaniards. Industry, commerce and 23 " 218 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. agriculture, were ruined by taxes, contributions and a continual change of masters. Scarcity of hands, and an utter want of security, left the royalists destitute of the means of repairing their immense losses they had lately suffered. The public stores and treasury were empty. The general-in-chief no longer enjoyed the confidence once reposed in him. His own discouragement deeply affected his troops. This, together with the general want of every thing, produced daily desertions. Many times, from thirty to fifty sailors passed over to the patri- ots in one day. Notwithstanding all their losses, and the gloomy prospects of the royal cause in Venezuela, such is the obstinacy of the Span- ish character, that they still determined to persist in their cause, and to make every exertion in support of Morillo. European Spaniards of the Alain had become averse to the emancipation of their country ; not because they did not like freedom, but because they saw no leaders in whom they could confide, to give them a fixed and good government, in place of the one under which they then existed. We have seen that many na- tive Spaniards took an active part in the struggle for indepen- dence, and supported their chieftains. But their hatred of Bolivar had now become great. It began with his desertion from Porto Cabello in 1812; was increaesd by his cruel de- cree of February 1814, by which he ordered to be put to death, not only those of their countrymen who were prisoners of war, but peaceable inhabitants, many of whom had never taken any part in the existing struggle. From that time hatred took the place of that admiration which had been excited by his rapid and early success in 1813. Rich and poor, therefore, all the Spanish families on the Main, rivalled each other, in making the utmost sacrifices to put Morillo in a condition to take the field, and to commence with renewed vigor the offensive opera- tions of this campaign. It is to be lamented that these almost superhuman exertions were made in favor of such a man as Ferdinand VII, whose name includes all that can be united in the persecution of all men of feeling and character, and of whom Morillo was a faithful representative. In consequence of this resolution to resist the numerous patriot armies to the last extremity, a general assembly of the civil and military authorities of the city of Caracas w r as called together. They met on the 16th of January in the capital, and canvassed the miserable situation of the royal cause. They unanimously resolved upon prompt and vigorous measures. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 219 They determined to improve the condition of their soldiers, by giving them belter rations, better pay, and if not the whole ar- reais at once, enough to quell their dissatisfaction. In case of desertion, to pay the inhabitants of the place where the de- serter had been enlisted, the value of his uniform and accoutre- ments, and compel them to furnish another in his place until he should be found. Any young man who should arrest a de- serter, was declared to be free from service. The cavalry was reorganised. All possible means were employed to re-establish confidence, and revive the public spirit. Their exertions were, in general, successful. Large voluntary contributions were made. Many ladies gave up their jewelry, gold chains, &lc. Many rich possessors of land, besides money, gave their har- vest, slaves, horses, mules, cattle, &lc. Horses kept for plea sure or show, were given to the cavalry. The merchants oi fered money, provisions, fee. &c. Many persons who were present, have assured me that, during several days and nights, Caracas and Laguira were complete pictures of besieged cities, where were seen vast warlike stores carried upon mules and horses. New Grenada afforded no better prospects for the royal cause. The viceroy Semano, residing at Bogota, and lately appoint- ed to this office, wrote to general Montalvo Torres, governor of Carthagena, that “ it would be impossible to maintain himself any longer in this capital or in the kingdom, one of his divisions having been defeated in the plains of Casanare, of which the commander and seventeen others only returned to the capital. That a second division sent by him to the same plains had met with the same fate.” General Urdaneta gained these two victories in October and December 1817. The tyranny and cruelties committed by the Spaniards upon the inhabitants of New Grenada ; the miserable fate of many among the most respectable householders in Bogota, who, during the stay of general Morillo, were arrested in their houses, and shot by his order, without even a plausible pretext, had excited such detestation of the Spanish name, that the fair sex were active to do them all the harm in their power. One of them procured a detailed list of the Spanish forces in the capi- tal, and had the courage to carry it to the patriots at Casanare. She was unfortunately detected. The list was found between her stocking and shoe ; and she was publicly executed. She was deeply lamented by her countrywomen, whose hatred of 220 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. the Spaniards was greatly increased by this instance of their cruelty. The garrison of Mompox, 400 men strong, was suprised in the night, and all put to death by the patriotic inhabitants, among whom were many women, who fought bravely, and con- tributed much to the success of the enterprise. The city of Carthagena, then in the power of the Spaniards, was in a kind of uproar. As soon as its inhabitants were ap- prised of general Urdaneta’s victory, gained on the 6th of Octo- ber 1817, over the Spaniards, and that in consequence of it, the patriots were in possession of the province of Pamplona, the garrison and its cruel and cowardly governor, Montalvo Torres, were terribly alarmed, and forced the inhabitants to great contributions, for obtaining provisions of every kind, in case of being besieged. The inhabitants were, moreover, em- bittered against the tyranny of Montalvo, and that of the presi- dent of the criminal court, Cano. Placards had been found on the church doors, and in the walls of Carthagena, which, in bold and seditious language, proposed killing the two tyrants of the people. In spite of the several requisitions and great re- wards offered, the authors could never be detected. They were supposed to have been posted up by some noncommis- sioned officers or privates, who were dissatisfied with their wretched condition. Numerous patriots were sent day and night through the streets of Carthagena, to preserve order and quiet. Many patriot bands of guerillas were formed in the provin- ces of New Grenada, which greatly annoyed and distressed the Spaniards. In Venezuela, they were still more numerous and formidable. Such was the situation, in both countries, of the royal cause, at the end of 1817, and the beginning of J 8 1 8, when Bolivar commenced his operations against Venezuela. After having given to his various divisions the necessary or- ders to inarch towards the points intended, general Bolivar de- parted with his staff and a numerous body guard, at the end of December 1 S 1 7, from Angostura, and directed his march to- wards the rich plains of Apure. He left about 1 S00 men to protect the province of Guayana, and united his forces (about 3000 men) to those of generals Paez, Monagas and Sedeno. He arrived the 12th of February before the city of Calabozo, where Morillo had fixed his head quarters. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 221 When at Sombrero, he published, on the 17th of February, the following proclamation : “ To the inhabitants of the plains — Your territory is free of the enemy. The armies of the republic have gloriously tri- umphed over the Spaniards, from the middle of New Grenada to Maturin, and the mouth of the river Orinoco. The armies of Boves and Morillo, which before were very numerous, are now buried in the fields, consecrated to liberty. The cities of Calabozo and San Fernando, have been taken under the pro- tection of the republic, and the remainder of the armies of:Mo- rillo, routed the 12th and 16th January, (by general Paez,) flee before us, to seek a shelter in Porto Cabello ; but in vain ! soon will they be thrown from them into the sea ! It is impos- sible to resist an army of freemen, brave and victorious. Fame will guide our steps, and the cruel oppressors of Venezuela be forced to surrender or die 1 Inhabitants of the plains — you are invincible ; your horses, lances, and your deserts, protect you against your enemies. You must absolutely be independent in spite of the haughtiness of Spain. The republican government guaranties your rights, your prosperity, and your lives. Unite yourselves under the banners of Venezuela, which is your victorious country. This campaign will end with the surrender of the capital. You will again enjoy peace, industry, and the blessing to be free and honest men ; your enemies have deprived you of these advan- tages. Be grateful to providence which has given you a wise government, much more adapted to the welfare of mankind. Head-quarters at Sombrero, 7th of February, ISIS. (Signed) BOLIVAR.” The style of this proclamation, is an intended imitation of that of Napoleon. The truth is that the remainder of the armies of Morillo, which were flying before his victorious troops , consisted of small foraging parties, which Morillo detached from his head quarters, to procure pay for his cavalry. So far was Morillo from flying, that, as is notorious, he remained qui- etly in his head quarters at V enezuela. That the cities of Cal- abozo and San Fernando w r ere taken under the protection of the republic, is one of the mistakes of the supreme chief. On the 7th of February, the first was in quiet possession of Morillo, who had established his head quarters there. Gene- ral Bolivar must have known this fact, for he marched against Calabozo, and arrived before this little city, no earlier than the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 1 2\h, jrom whence Morillo had not moved ! San Fernando was evacuated by order of Morillo, to concentrate his forces. Thus, and no otherwise, w r as the place under the protection of the republic. “ The remainder of the armies of Boves and Morillo fly be- fore us to seek shelter in the w r alls of Porto-Cabello. But in vain ; soon will they be thrown into the sea.” This is an im- itation, though a poor one, of Napoleon’s style. In the most important point it fails entirely ; for Napoleon generaly kept his word. Whoever places any reliance upon these proclamations will certainly be deceived. The style of them would be a matter of little consequence, if they contained the truth only ; yet surely this Kind of language is beneath the dignity of a true republican. The first Bulletin published by the liberating army, dated op- posite the city of Calabozo, and signed Charles Soublette, says “ that the liberating army commanded by the supreme chief, de- parted the 31st of Dec. from the city of Angostura, towards the plains of Apure and was joined by the division of Gen. Monagas, Sedeno, and Paez, and arrived the 12th of February in sight of Calabozo, which at that time, was the head quarteis of the roy- al army under the command of general Morillo. There took place an engagement in which the Spanish army, composed of the regiments of hussars, Ferdinandos, half of the infantry, and all their light troops were engaged ; the regiment of Castillo, who fought on the left wing, escaped from the general havoc of the enemies’ army, being close by the city of Calabozo, which it entered. The general Morillo, surprised in the midst of im- mense plains, by an army which had marched 300 leagues, was completely beaten, the first time he drew his sword in South America, without ever attempting a general battle, or waiting for a single discharge from our infantry. The general Morillo escaped almosPalonc from the field of battle, after having been saved twice, by two hussars, who parried the strokes directed against him by two of our lancers. General Morillo, the proud Pacificator of South America, was besieged in the centre of Venezuela, in consequence of his own cowardice, and our ex- traordinary promptness. Such is the interesting picture of the action of Calabozo, presented to the military world. We have lost no more than twenty men.” I shall not consume the readers time in pointing out the fol- lies and absurdities, apparent to every military man at least, MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 223 upon the face of this bulletin. The facts are these. When the cavalry of the patriots approached near Calabozo, on the 12th of February, they met with a foraging party of Seventy or eighty men, who had sallied from Calabozo, and made a halt before a watering place to water their horses. They had dis- mounted, and the horses were without saddle or bridle. The men had on their short jackets, and no swords or other arms, so that it was impossible to defend themselves. They were all killed except two, who jumped upon their horses, and escaped into Calabozo, and reported the news to their general, Morillo, at his head quarters. During this time general Bolivar de- tached 400 men to surprise the grand advanced guard of the enemy, which were defeated. This gave time to the troops of Morillo in Calobozo, to form, and not only to resist the patri- ots, but to force them to retire. The Spaniards were not 1800 men strong, whilst the united force under general Bolivar, amounted to upwards of 8000 men. Morillo, fearing that he should become destitute of provis- ions and forage, if he remained any longer in Calabozo, where the enemy could easily intercept his convoys, resolved to evac- uate it. He took his sick, baggage, stores, and a good many of the inhabitants, who chose to follow him ; and placing them in the centre of his 1800 men, on the 14th of February, march- ed outjaf the city, directing his course towards Sombrero, in presence of the patriots, who had about 3000 cavalry. He w r as obliged to march through sandy and arid plains, under a burning sun, 25 leagues, until he arrived at«Sombrero, at the foot of a strong chain of mountains. The patriots followed. But notwithstanding, this great superiority, did not attempt to attack him. This cavalry, far more numerous than his, could have acted on these plains with vast advantage. At Sombreo they at- tacked him ; and were repelled with the loss of several hundred men. They pursued no farther ; but retired towards Calabo- zo, where general Bolivar arrived the 22d February ; wh'lst Morillo directed his course upon Barbacoa, Camatagua, and arrived in March at Ortiz near Villa deCura, where he effected his junction with Morales, and colonel Lopez, and found him- self at the head of 4000 men nearly all infantry. Here he had lull time to recruit and form his cavalry. General Calzada had been posted at Guardazenaga with 1000 men, to observe the movements of the patriots. General Bolivar, who united with general Paez, Monagas and Sedeno, had above 8000 men in Calabozo, took posses- 224 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. sion of San Fernando and Apure, and gave orders to occupy the province of Barinas. He gave the command of these op- erations to general, Paez; while he himself, remained inactive at Calahozo. Bolivar left his head quarters, and directed his march to- wards Guadatinasus, San Jose and San Francise de Pimados, and joined, tire 5th of March; with the cavalry of general Zarasa composed in a great part of Llaneros. On the 7 th the patriots began their operations against the capital, Caracas, and on the 22d the valleys of Aragua were occupied by the different col- umns of the patriots, whilst their advanced posts were besiged in Cabrera and in Consejo. General Morillo, finding that the city of Ortiz could no lon- ger furnish him with supplies, departed with most of his troops towards Valencia.' He detached de La Tora, who had been advanced to the rank of brigadier general, to occupy Villa del Cura, Vittoria, and Las Cocuisas, where he found no resistance, with orders to maintain himself there, until further advice. Calzada with his troops, 1000 men, occupied San Carlos, and colonel Lopez, the city Del Pao. General Bolivar, on the evening of commencing his decisive operations against Caracas, received the unexpected news that genera] Monagas whom he had detached to supply the fortifica- tions of La Cabrera, had been forced to leave this postmot far from Caracas, and to retire towards Cagua. This greatly de- ranged his plans. Meanwhile general Morillo had redoubled his activity, and, supported by the zeal of the Spaniards had provided himself with many useful warlike stores, had recruited, remounted his cavalry and united as many forces as he could in so short a time. He now thought proper to begin his offensive operations. The 12th of March, he detached general Morales from Valencia, with 3000 men ; following him, on the 13th with 300 cavalry and 1000 infantry. Morales on the 14th between Guarara and San Joaquin, had a little skirmish with a small detachment of the many w ho fled towards the post of La Cabrera, wdiere they sallied with the forces under general Monagas 1500 strong, and took a strong position at Tapatapa. Morales attacked and routed them. They lost 300 men, baggage, &lc. He pur- sued and attacked them again at Villa del Cura, and forced them to retreat as far as Boca Chica, two leagues. When general Bolivar heard of Monagas’ defeat, he imme- diately united all the forces, near him, and arrived on the 15th MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 225 with about 3000 men in the cagip of Monagas, and inarched with his troops from Boca Cliica towards Semen, where they encamped. The Spaniards attacked them at two o’clock in the morning, but were repelled. A second attack with the bayonet, divided the combat. Bolivar was completely routed, and lost more than 1000 men, his artillery, baggage &c. In attacking at the head of his cavalry, Morillo received a slight wound, and gave over the command to the new brigadier deLa Torre, instead of Morales, who was mareschal de campo. La Torre, pursued the remainder of Bolivar’s army, attacked him the 29th March at Ortiz, and routed him with the loss of 500 men. Here .general Morales distinguished himself in directing the charge, whilst La Torre, as I have been well informed re- mained at a respectful distance behind. On the 6th of April Bo- livar was again beaten at La Puerta, by Calzada and Lopez, whom de La Torre had detached in pursuit of him. He lost here 600 men killed and wounded ; twelve hundred, including the wounded were taken prisoners. The remainder ofhis ar- tillery (two field pieces,) and of his baggage &c. were taken ; and Bolivar escaped, by the speed of his horse* with a few officers. Morillo pured of his wound, soon afterwards joined the army and resumed the command. After these defeats, Bolivar retired to El Rincon de Los To- ros, and there united 600 cavalry and 300 infantry, the re- mainder of his forces. Colonel R. Lopez was detached against him, surprised his out posts, and, penetrated into the midst of his camp, at two o’clock in the morning, killed 400 men, taking nearly all the rest. Bolivar had just time to get out of his hammock, mount his horse, and escape in the darkness of the night. Colonel Raphael Lopez, the Spanish commander, was killed ; so was the patriot colonel Palacios who fought brave- ly at the head ofhis battalion ; which gave Bolivar time to es- cape. To complete these defeats of the patriots, colonel Fran- cisco Ximens, attacked Marino, at Campano on the 12th March, and routed him completely. The general La Torre marched May the 2d from San Car- los upon the city of Coxede, where he expected to find the enemy, but met with the advanced posts of general Paez near Camaruco, who, on his part had determined to attack the Spaniards at San Carlos. La Torre after having defeated the outposts ol Paez, marched against him and routed him, not far from Coxede. Morales, on die other side, having marched 29 226 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. against Bolivar, who had reinforced himself at Calabozo, attack- ed and routed him, and retook possession of the city. General Bolivar retired towards San Fernando and Apure, and recruited from the plains as many Llaneros as he could ; and being unmolested during the whole month of May, he had time to unite again a sufficient number of chieftains separated at different posts, to do the same. Two strong detachments of English troops under colonel Wilson came to join Bolivar at the end of May. A short account of the different corps that came over from Great Britain to the Main, may perhaps be interesting. They contributed much to the success of Bolivar’s campaigns ; and were rewarded with ill treatment, misery, sickness, and death. The supreme chief, seeing the behaviour of the battalion of Guiria, composed of colored men from Guadaloupe, of which I have already spoken, remembered what Brion and I had said to him, in 1S16 in Carupano, on the usefulness of foreign le- gions ; and thought, at last that it would be well to have some foreign troops with him. He directed his agent in London to have an understanding with the English houses to which admi- ral Brion and others had written, for the purpose of forwarding such a plan. He directed his agent to send as many such troops as could be procured. The character of Bolivar, like that of all Caraguins, is, that the moment a project is adopted, they are impatient and restless until it is accomplished ; and will hazard every thing for that purpose. So it was here with Bolivar. But, having no money, no personal credit, no pro- duce or merchandise, nothing to give in exchange, he could accomplish nothing but by the great exertions, of admiral Brion, and by means of promises, and holding out prospects of great rewards to such as would come to the Main, and serve a cause, which indeed had in itself great attractions. Propositions were therefore made to lieutenant colonel Hippisley, an Englishman devoted to the American cause, to come over and bring with him a number of his countrymen. No money, but great promises were given to him, and such as he should bring with him. Colonel Hippisley, being rich and in good credit, with great pains, procured 300 men who were armed, clothed, and equiped in England, arrived at Angostura a little after the departuie of general Bolivar for the army at the end of 1817. But when the men came to see these wretched state of the ser- vice, and that the promises made them in England could never be realised ; they found the condition far worse than in their MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 227 native land ; and made loud and just reproaches to colonel Hip- pisley, for having seduced them into this service. He had no intention to deceive his men ; he was himself deceived proba- bly with the same hopes that induced his men. After some months’ service, he took his leave, greatly disgusted with the military services in Venezuela. His second in command lieu- tenant colonel English, remained in England to procure more men ; and sent, in detachments of from 100 to 200 each, 1000 men, to the island of Margarita, and after them, arrived there himself. But before his arrival these troops were divi- ded into three companies commanded by captains Johnston, McIntosh, and Woodstock. To these were joined about 50 or 100 men of different European nations, who made this cam- paign with general Bolivar ; who committed the great fault of distrbuting them among his division, and those of Paez and Monagas. This distribution was made as 1 have been infor- med, for fear that they might, if left together, he dangerous to Bolivar himself. The foreigners were greatly displeased and discouraged. Thus separated, they would be of but little use ; whereas 1 00 such men or even, a less number, acting to- gether against the troops of the royalists, might have been of very great service to the republic. Many of them left the service disgusted with this and other ill treatment. The re- mainder perished miserably for want of food, or fell victims to the climate. When colonel Hippisley retired, colonel English w T as ap- pointed commander of a second legion, which increased to about 2500 men ; among whom were officers of distinguished merit. Lieutenant colonel English was advanced, successively, to the rank of colonel and brigadier general. He arrived in the begining of the year IS 19, at Margarita, where admiral Brion received him very handsomely in the port, ofPampatar. Colonel Wilson brought some few hundred men, who ser- ved in ISIS. He was arrested and took his leave. The third legion was called the Irish legion, because it was composed chiefly of Irishmen, and commanded by general Devereaux a native of Ireland, and son of general Devereaux to whom he had been aid-de-camp. His father died and left him a hondsome fortune. Young and enthusiastic, he departed for Buenos Ayres, where he offered his service in this new republic. Not finding uffiat he expected, he did not remain long, but came in ISIS, and offered his services to general Bolivar, with a certain quantity of arms, amunitions and war- 228 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. like stores, upon advantageous conditions, and long terms of payment, as he was authorised to do by his friends in Ireland and England. The supreme chief accepted his offers, and this encouraged Devereaux to go farther and propose the ioimation of a legion in his native country to be brought here ; and to serve under disorders. He had the good fortune to please the supreme chief, who authorised him to raise such a legion, con- sisting of 5000 men. Bolivar told him frankly that he had no money at his dispo- sal. I 'evereaux replied, “ that he wanted only an ample com- mission from him to act with full powers, and according to cir- cumstances for the benefit of Venezuela, with Bolivar’s pro- mise to approve his transactions in Great Britain, where he could obtain what he desired.” Devereaux arrived in Ireland with the necessary papers. Such was the state of the people, that, by the hope of greatly improving their condition, and by means of his splendid repre- sentations and promises, numbers of his countrymen readily con- sented to take service in Venezuela. There had been various statements in the public papers relative to the manner in which he succeeded. He sent, at different times, about 5000 men to Angostura and Margarita, the greater part of whom had served beiore. He went to London and succeeded there also. Among his officers were many, who, being apprised by their friends, in St. Thomas and Jamaica, of the miserable condition of the service on the Main, refused to embark. Their number increased daily, and it has been reported that many endeavor- ed to give up their commissions and get back the money they had paid for them ; hut that Devereaux, apprised of their in- tentions, kept out of their way, and hastened the departure of the remainder. He embarked at Liverpool in the English brig Ariel, with two aid-de-camps, one colonel, one major, one surgeon, one chaplain, and twenty two privates. The general had chartered this brig, under a feigned name, to transport him and his com- panions to their native country, he being a merchant who had been shipwrecked. Afier sailing about a fortnight, having taken his measures well, beforehand, he informed the captain and crew, that he was the patriotic general Devereaux, and ordered the master to take him to Margarita. On arriving there, he found neither his people or the necessary provisions. Being told that Brion and Montilla were gone, with part of his men, to Rio Haclia, MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 229 he determined to join them. On arriving before this port, he saw the Spanish colors hoisted, and his signals were not an- swered. He therefore cruised for some days, and not learning where admiral Brion was, he sailed to Jamaica to obtain infor- mation. As soon as the brig anchored in Port Royal, a guard of marine troops came, by order of the governor, to remain on board the brig, until the duke of Manchester should determine what should be done with her. General Devereaux asked leave from commodore Huskinson to go on shore with one of his aids, but could obtain permission only for himself. During the passage, the ship’s* crew had revolted three times, and gen- erally had behaved very ill. General Devereaux left Port Royal in July. He was well received at Savanilla, by admiral Brion, but very coldly by colonel Montilla. The Caraguins are generally of a jealous temper, particularly with regard to strangers. Montilla’s aver- sion to them is notorious. The people of Carthagena (where he is now, by Bolivar’s appointment, intendant and commander- in-chief of three departments,) generally complain of his harsh manners, which, I confess, surprised me, when I first met with him, but upon further acquaintance, I found him attentive, po- lite and kind. He commanded part of general Devereaux’s division, which had embarked with him from Margarita. He feared, that by the superior rank of the general, he should fall under his command, and particularly refused to submit to his orders. Some provocation passed between them, but no duel was fought. General Devereaux being urgently advised by his friends to take no step against Montilla, but to absent himself for a while, from the province of Carthagena ; which he did, and they never met afterwards. After this difference with Montilla, general Devereaux departed for congress, which then set at Cacuta, and of which general Antonio Nerino was vice-president. Though Bolivar conferred upon Devereaux the rank of briga- dier general, before his departure for Great Britain, he had never served, otherwise than as aid-de-camp to his lather, and was not a military man. But being a handsome and fine look- ing man, of great address, wit, intrigue and discernment, he easily perceived the character of the supreme chief, and flat- tered him so adroitly as to gain his full confidence, and to ob- tain from him full power, with the rank of brigadier general. I have been assured that be never actually commanded his le- gion, or joined it ; and that he never has had any command 230 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. since he has been in the service of Colombia. He remained at Cucuta as a brigadier general. After the death of general English, his young and handsome widow went to Cucuta, to receive ftvm congress the arrears of pay due to her husband, and a pension for herself. Some evil minded persons spread a report that she was not the lawful wife of the general; and the vice-president, Narino, called on her, with witnesses and an interpreter, in order to ascertain the fact. Mrs. English did not understand Spanish, nor Marino a word of English. When the interpreter had explained to her the motives of Narino’s visit, she was shocked, and spoke to him in such a manner that he felt deeply ashamed of his com- mission, which he certainly ought never to have accepted. This singular visit came to the knowledge of Devereaux, who, being at Cucuta, immediately wrote a letter to Narino, in strong terms, certifying that the lady had been married to general English. Still they made objections, and raised difficulties. General Devereaux, informed of their unjust proceedings, un- dertook her defence, and sent a formal cartel to Narino. The latter, indignant that a stranger should dare to question him, a magistrate of high rank, immediately sent the general to a dark wet dungeon, where he was confined as a criminal. He found means to apply to congress, and complained bitterly of this treatment, demanding a commission of inquiry to examine his conduct. This was granted him, and after he had remained six weeks in the dungeon, without air or light, or any allowed communication from abroad, he was sent, under a strong guard, from place to place, until he reached Caracas. There he was tried before a court martial and honorably acquitted in Novem- ber 1821. The base treatment received by general Devereaux, excited in the members of congress so much resentment against the vice-president Narino, that they turned him out of his office, and put in his place Dr. German Roscio, who had taken great interest in general Devereaux. As soon as president Bolivar was acquainted with the injustice done to Devereaux, he ap- pointed him general of division, or major general, and ordered the widow of general English to be paid. We return to general Bolivar, whom we left at San Fernan- do de Apure, ready to recommence his offensive operations against Caracas. He took possession of the city of Calabozo in June, and gave orders to the different patriot columns, to march again upon Caracas. Their advanced party reached MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 231 effectively to Curayto, five leagues from the capital, where the inhabitants were in great consternation. But Morillo, who had closely observed all the movements of the patriots, and was much better served by his spies, than Bolivar, gave orders suddenly to attack these separated divisions one after another. Bolivar had actually neglected to combine his movements with those of his other divisions. The patriot divisions were separa- ted, routed, deprived of their brilliant successes, and lost all the advantages they had gained. They were beaten in nine differ- ent actions, at Sombrero, Macaca, La Puerta, El Caymans, Ortiz, El Rincon de Los Toros, in the Savannas of Coxede, upon the mountains of Los Patos and Nictiros. They lost in seventy days more than 5000 men in killed and prisoners. Many thousand stand of arms, twelve standards, 7 field pieces, more than 3000 horses and mules, a quantity of cattle that followed the troops, their amuaition, baggage c. They were compelled again to leave in the power of the Spaniards, all the cities, places on the plains, and the provinces which lay on that side of the river Orinoco. The supreme chief, leaving the re- maining scattered troops to the command of general Paez, re- tired in haste to the fortress of Angostura. I will give an extract of a letter written and published by colonel M. F. P. a native of Caracas, who was in the service of Venezuela, hut had leave of absence, for the purpose of re- storing his health, in the island of St. Thomas, addressed to Mr. F. a merchant in Caracas, dated St. Thomas’ July 12th. This colonel, a man of talent, knowledge, and military skill, was- so disgusted with the conduct of Bolivar, that he realized a great part of his fortune left the service, and went to live in London. “ I have waited patiently the result of the last campaign, which began at Calabozo. It has been most dreadful, and yet, such as might have been expected from the dispositions of Bolivar. After having approached the capital, at about six leagues distance, he constantly kept himself in such a position, as to expose his forces to be beaten in detail ; committing, at every step, faults, which would have been unpardonable in a corporal. In consequence of these dispositions, he had been forced to remain on the right side of the Apure, after having sacrificed the strong and brave army which the several generals had placed under his command. The last news received from the Orinoco says, that the people begin to open their eyes upon this hero. May Heaven grant, that it may, at last, be in our power justly to appreciate his merit, his talents and his worth. 232 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. It is astonishing that we should not have been able to expel a handful of Spaniards from our country, with a force of more than nine thousand men, well armed, equiped, and amply furnished with all the necessaries of war ! But tnis is one of the consequences of the confusion and the disorder which di- rect our operations.” Whilst general Bolivar was securing his person at Angostura, generals Paez, Bermudes and Marino retired to their respective plains. Paez again took possession of the city of Auracia, and made himself master of this part of the plains, whence he re- cruited himself, with great activity and success. Marino and Bermudes blockaded Cumana, which the Spaniards had forti- fied, and reduced it to great distress. The patriots again took possession of Guiria, of Carupano, and of all the coasts of the gulph of Pari a. As soon as the inhabitants of Guiria were acquainted with the results of this. campaign, many of them murmured loudly against the supreme chief, f ive of the most influential men, as I have been well informed, held a secret consultation on the subject of turning him out and putting general Paez in his place. All were strongly enough opposed to Bolivar ; but one of the five was quite as much opposed to Paez, whom he just- ly represented as illiterate, arid utterly ignorant of civil affairs. He said too, that, though Bolivar was by no means fit ior the place, it might be pernicious to displace him at that time, and that he might now, after so much loss, probably listen to good •advice and change his conduct. After warm debates which lasted two or three hours, the others yielded to his reasons ; and Bolivar remained at the head of the government. This he owed to a foreigner, who has never mentioned these par- ticulars. I have them from turn others of the five, one of whom is dead, the other is still living. I am acquainted with the name of this foreigner, and know, that at that time, he held a high rank in Angostura. My informants said the change might easily have been effected at that time, in spite of Bolivar’s strong body guard ; for that the aversion to the supreme chief was universal, arising partly from the condemnation of Piar, (who left many secret, but warm friends,) but chiefly from his conduct in the last campaign. But the dissatisfied had no leader, and they knew that the supreme chief had numerous spies, so that they dared not to communicate their sentiments one to another. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR, 233 CHAPTER XVIII. Bolivar and Sanander — Council of Government at Angostura — Roscio and Torres — Situation of both contending parties — General Urdaneta and English — Bolivar's expedition against New Grenada — His return to Venezuela — Events at An- gostura — Fundamental law'of the Republic of Colombia. Years 1S18-I9. The supreme chief, however mortified, appeared with his usual retinue, and acted as if nothing adverse had happened. Through his emissaries he received the welcome news, that the inhabitants of New Grenada, oppressed and vexed by their Spanish tyrants, waited only for an imposing force, to declare their independence, take arms, and join the patriots. General Anander, or, as he now signs, Sanander, the vice-president of Colombia, and known to be the greatest opponent of Bolivar, was, at that time, in Angostura. He is a native of New Gren- ada, where he had many friends, who urged him to come with whatever forces, arms, ammunition, &c. he could bring with him. He informed the supreme chief, that the Spaniards were daily harrassed, not only by the victorious divisions of general Urdaneta, Valdes and others, but also by the numerous and strong parties of Guerillas, which augmented on all sides in Grenada. Sanander urged Bolivar to send him with 1000 men, 3 or 4000 muskets, ammunition and other warlike stores, to New Grenada, and to give him the command of the expe- dition. But, as the supreme chief had conceived the idea of going himself, sooner or later, into this province, and as he was always jealous of any who possessed more talent and character than himself, so in this instance, as is said, he feared that Sa- nander might supplant him, or at least, do much better than he could, and that he took his measures accordingly. The opin- ion that he did so, is supported by the following facts : At the end of July 1818, there arrived at Angostura a three masted vessel, from London, and a brig from New York, with large cargoes of muskets, pistols, gunpowder, swords, saddles, 30 234 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. and every description of warlike stores, sufficient for an army. The whole was offered, on good terms, to general Bolivar, who purchased them. When Sanander heard of this, he press- ed the supreme chief to grant him 20,000 stands of arms, which were needed in New Grenada, together with the necessary ammunition, See. which he offered to have transported safely to that province. But Bolivar, on various pretents, (with which he is always ready,) refused his request, and gave him only 2000 stands ; he had in the stores, at Angostura, about 50,- 000; of which, afterwards, at the the time of his marching him- self into that province, he took a quantity with him, as well as of other warlike stores. By this conduct, as was then with good reason believed, he intende'd to convince the Grenadans, that he alone was able to afford the powerful assistance they were in so great need of. Whatever may have been his mo- tive, by refusing to furnish Sanander with sufficient means, he certainly delayed the emancipation of this extensive and beauti- ful country for one whole year at least. When he lost the cause of liberty and independence in 1 S 1 5, he was evidently actuated by a spirit of vanity, ambition and revenge.* And it was neither unnatural or unjust to suppose that he was now actuated by the same kind of spirit. General Sanander was now sent to New Grenada with a very inadequate supply of arms and warlike stores, far less than the Grenadans demanded, and than might have been, with perfect convenience, shared from the vast store of every thing at An- gostura. Sanander left Angostura for New Grenada, with his 2000 muskets, &c. accompanied by the son of general Urdan- eta, some other officers, and a small escort of soldiers. The object of his commission w T as to unite the numerous bodies of Guerillas in favor of the patriots, to assemble them on the fine and vast plains of Casanare, to arm, organise and fit them for action, and then to march them, united with general Urdaneta’s strong division, against the capital, Bogota, and to drive the Spaniards out of Grenada, and intercept the communication be- tween the royalists in this province and those in Venezuela. But how was Sanander to do all this without the necessary means ? These were withheld from him by Bolivar. He, however, effected more with his limited means, than Bolivar ■* See chapter VIII. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 235 himself had done in his campaign of 1818, with powerful forces. He is brave, ambitious, active and laborious, and speaks and writes with facility. He possesses a perfect knowledge of the whole face of his native country, which affords great advantages in choosing military positions. His countrymen placed gi eat con- fidence in him. They knew that he had been accustomed to hardships, and that by his own personal merit and exertions, he had raised himself from the lower class in which he was born, to the rank of a general. His countrymen, therefore, preferred him to any other general, particularly to Bolivar, who was not liked in Grenada. He was so highly thought of, that his name alone terrified and discouraged his enemies. He gained various battles, and fought bravely ; but stained his glory by his cruelty. After gaining the battle of Bogota, he ordered 28 generals and other officers, who had surrendered themselves prisoners, to be shot. And thus he did, after this practice was abolished by agreement. By those who were well acquainted with the cam- paigns of 1818-19, the emancipation of New Grenada, was at- tributed principally to him. Bolivar only finished what Sanan- der began, and would have accomplisehd a year sooner, had not the means been withheld from him by Bolivar. After the departure of Sanander from Angostura, the true friends of liberty saw nothing in the established patriot govern- ment, upon which they could form a reasonable expectation of stability and welfare. Under the administration of the supreme chief, the state was like a ship in a stormy sea, without a firm and skilful pilot. They looked in vain for energy, activity and talent. They saw that his operations were the result of mo- mentary impulse. There was a mutability in his actions, which showed them that he acted without firmness, skill or system. Before his departure from Angostura in 1817, general Boli- var established a council of government, of which he appointed Francisco Antonio Zea, president. Mr. Zea (who afterwards died, while minister at London,) was undoubtedly an honest and upright man ; but he was suffering with ill health. His malady affected his mind, and prevented his acting at all, or with the requisite energy. Blindly submissive to the will of the supreme chief, he dared to do nothing without his express con- sent. And so it happened, that the most trifling decisions of this council of government, at Angostura, were sent to the su- preme chief, “wherever he could be found,” for his sanction, before any step could actually be taken. General Bolwar, in his continual movements, from place to place, often left large 23G MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. packets unopened, some were decided upon after a hasty glance, and sent back to Angostura. It is impossible for any human being to do every thing ; but Bolivar appeared not to have the capacity to know this, although lie appeared to be actually incapable of working in his closet more than three hours at a time. Another hindrance to business was, that Mr. Zea having lived in Spain above twenty years, followed strictly the old Spanish principles, habits and manners. It was impossible that two such men should govern an extensive country agitated by passion, civil war, and troubles of every kind. The unexpected result of the last campaign, was not of a nature to inspire confidence in the general. Disappointment enhanced the general misery. Every branch of the adminis- tration was in complete disorder, and the finances exhausted. The government affording no security for a loan from abroad, Bolivar had no way left to raise money, but by extraordinary and forced contributions. These were imposed, and in a very arbitrary manner too, upon the inhabitants of Venezuela. But it was hard to procure money in a country where industry and commerce were ruined. The few who had money in their power, were either Spaniards and secretly averse to the gov- ernment, or those who placed no reliance upon the supreme chief; so that these forced measures increased the general dis- satisfaction. Under these circumstances, the inhabitants of An- gostura saw, with a kind of abhorrence, the increasing splendor of the household of their supreme chief, his luxury, bis man- ner of rewarding his old and new mistresses, his body guard, and the numerous officers who surrounded him. These were his flatterers and spies, and they lived in high style, drawing hard upon the few and scanty resources left lor public use. The greatest part of these officers were useless to the army. Being ignorant themselves, they were most of them incapable of drilling or affording any instruction to the soldiers. Gener- ally speaking, they gained their epaulettes and rank, like Soub- lette, by flattery and devotion to the supreme chief, who was the only source of recompense and honor. As he had no in- struction in military matters himself, he was jealous of every foreigner who had the reputation of being well instructed in them. Thus it happened, that, at the court of Bolivar, syco- phants held the places of the brave, and flatterers, of men of skill and talent. The luxury of these officers of the household, excited great dissatisfaction among the other officers of the army, and the more so, because the cowardice of several of MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 237 them had been displayed, as was Soublette’s at Ortiz, and on other occasions. The Irish colonel T. who was present, as- sured me, that he had never, in his life, seen so much cow- ardice in epaulettes, as Charles Soublette showed at the battle of Ortiz. He was so often insulted, and had become so contempti- ble at Angostura, that the supreme chief was obliged to inter- pose his own authority for the protection of this worthy friend. The republic of Venezuela was, in fact, a despotic military an- archy, like that of 1813-14, so that the supreme chief, had he possessed talent, would have been puzzled to know where his attention was most requisite. He daily received news of de- fections, and reports that the dissatisfaction of the people was increasing, and was kept from breaking out, only by their fear of the bayonet. At this embarrassing and critical time, unex- pectedly arrived a man of sense, talents and character, who saved this miserable government and his country from total ruin. This man was Dr. German Roscio. In order to be understood, I must give here some interesting particulars, but very little known. The Dr. was a native of Venezuela and had been a distin- guished member of the first congress of V enezuela, assembled at Caracas in 181 1. He was like many others, arrested in July 1812 at Laguaira, and sent to Cadiz with general Miranda. He was put into a dungeon at La Caraca, not far from Cadiz. He had friends there by whose assistance, he effected his es- cape to Gibraltar. From there he went to London; and thence to the United States of America ; where he met Mr. Manuel Jones, another Caraguin who lived at Philadelphia, as an emigrant from the Main, in a private and retired manner. They soon became intimate friends. Mr. Jones died a few miles from Philadelphia in 1822 in miserable circumstances; being however at the time, the accredited charge des affaires of Colombia. He was sick in his bed during the last three or four months of his life, and would have perished with his fami- ly, if the necessaries of life had not been furnished to them by a number of respectable citizens to whom he was known, and who will attest the facts here related. His small salary was not paid to him by his government. Both Dr. Roscio and Mr. Jones were firm patriots, men of superior talents, and of sound knowledge in every branch of civil administration, particularly in the department of finance. They were competent to form a constitution of government adapted to the condition, character, and genius of their country- 238 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. men. Both were honest, and their dearest interest was the welfare of their country. They saw with deep regret the in- auspicious turn which the revolution of Caracas had taken. They lamented the fate of Miranda, and justly venerated his character and memory. They loudly censured the memory of general Bolivar, who had usurped the dictatorial power ; and seemed determined to retain it, though he possessed neither talent, firmness of character, nor dignity, sufficient to qualify him for such an office. Notwithstanding their private opinion of general Bolivar, they determined to use their utmost exertions to save their country. They were resolved to con- vince him, if possible, of his errors, and bring him into meas- ures conducive to the welfare of their countrymen. Mr. Jones being of a feeble constitution, chose to remain in Philadelphia, where he could be free and independent ; and, being out of the power of the supreme chief, could speak to him in plainer, and stronger language, than he would be per- mitted to use, whilst under his immediate control. He, there- fore, determined to commence a correspondence with general Bolivar. Dr. Roscio departed alone, and arrived at Angostura in the beginning of 1 S 1 8 , soon after Bolivar marched against Caracas. He was the bearer of many letters and papers very interesting and important to Venezuela, but particularly of a very long let- ter from his friend Jones to the supreme chief ; flattering the vanity of Bolivar, and paying him many compliments upon his good intentions, his perseverence, &c. &c. But he frankly told the supreme chief that the government, which he had es- tablished in Venezuela, was not at all suited to the character of its inhabitants, nor to the complicated interests of so extensive a republic ; that, moreover, a military government would lead to anarchy, which would bring along with it the ruin of the country, and the certain destruction of the man, whoever he might be, that should attempt to support such a government. I have already said that Bolivar abhorred the despotic Span- ish government, and that he could listen to the advice of en- lightened men, and approve of their plans, but that unfortunately for himself and the country, he was surrounded by vile and ig- norant flatterers, to whom he listened, and for whom his affec- tion was so great, that he often acted in compliance with their wishes against his own conviction.* If Bolivar had acted ac- * Ses chapter XIII. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 239 cording to his own judgment, even the interest of his country would probably in many instances have been promoted. In the absence of general Bolivar, Dr. Roscio was received by the president of the council of government, Zea, in the man- ner he deserved. During his stay he made many friends ; he appears to be one of the editors of, or writers for, the Courier of Angostura, a Gazette which was protected by Zea, and for which he sometimes furnished articles himself. This concur- rence excited a kind of rivalship between these distinguished men. As the Dr. announced his principles strongly and clear- ly, and wrote in a superior style, Zea began to grow jealous of him, and to receive him coolly, and to be .reserved in their conversations. Every one was anxious to be introduced to Dr. Roscio, while the house of Mr. Zea became less fre- quented. Bolivar, on his arrival, received him as an old ac- quaintance, having known him at Caracas in 1811 - 12 . The Dr. presented Mr. Jones’s letter, which made the desired im- pression upon the supreme chief. Possessed of an agreeable and persuasive eloquence ; and supported by an unsullied re- putation, Roscio, in various private conversations with Boli- var, spoke with the warmth of a feeling heart, in favor of the principles advanced in the letter of his friend Jones. He was strongly seconded by the doctor, Romon Cadix, and Palacio Faxar, men of talents, and respected by the supreme chief. The result of these exertions was, that general Bolivar consent- ed to convene a Congress. He appeared to he satisfied of the necessity of changing his measures. But when he came to act, he allowed the congress very limited powers only ; still reserving to himself the supreme authority. Whether he did this in compliance with the wishes of his flatterers, or was di- rected by his own ambition is uncertain. These probably coincided. His new plan, however, evinced a total ignorance of the principles of modern republican free governments, and of the excellent treatises extant upon the subject. It was of course unsatisfactory to the enlightened patriots. He had drawn out with his own hand, a pretty extensive project of a constitution, which he proposed to introduce into Venezuela. In this project he proposed to institute a house of Lords, and a house of Representatives. The members of the Senate or house oi Lords, were to have the title of Baron, Count, Mar- quis, or Duke &lc. These offices to be held for life, and titles to be hereditary. From this plan, obviously in imitation of the 240 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. British constitution ; it is plain that he wished to establish a permanent aristocracy. Bolivar was so enchanted w ith his plan, that he privately communicated the project to the council of government, and I regret to say, the presidant Zea highly approved of it. But Dr. Roscio, being informed of the project, consulted with his friends Cadix and Faxav, and they united in such representa- tions to the supreme chief, as brought him, at first to hesitate, and then to suspend the execution of his plan. The Dr. im- mediately wrote to Jones, stating the plan to him, and he, by an eloquent and persuasive letter directed to the supreme chief, prevailed with him to reject the aristocratical part of his project. It was resolved to convene a congress, and Bolivar, a second time, had the merit of subjecting his own ardent de- sire to the superior wisdom of his friends. These two instan- ces, heretofore known to but few persons, render it probable, that if Bolivar had chosen for his friends, men of information and integrity, istead of surrounding himself with vile flatterers and ignorant and selfish advisers, he would have been a very different character. Dr. Roscio and others of his ablest and best friends, are dead. He appears now to be left to flatterers and ignorant and selfish advisers; and, if he continues to be so, much longer, will destroy himself, or his country. Upon the assembling of the deputies of congress the instala- tion of this assembly took place, the 15th February, under the most solemn and imposing ceremonies, which it would be useless to detail here. Franc. Ant. Zea was elected president, and general Bolivar entrusted with the executive power. The appointment of this congress changed the form, but did not affect the substance of Bolivar’s government. Zea, an honest and virtuous man, was nevertheless weak and entirely devoted, even yet, to the general, who by private intrigue pro- cured him to be named president of the new congress. Bol- ivar knew that Zea was altogether unable to command the ar- my, and that he had not friends and adherents enough to pre- tend to govern the republic. The election was made by call- ing on the members by name and not by secret balloting ; the supreme chief was present. Some 10 or 12 deputies propos- ed Mr. Zea, others dared not to oppose the nomination ; and so Mr. Zea was unanimously elected against the secret wish- es of many, probably a majority of them. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 241 On this occasion general Bolivar gave a new proof of his love of power and distinction. In his proclamation, dated An- gostura, February 20th, he said; “ The general congress of Venezuela has taken the supreme power, which, until this day, you had confided tome ; I have returned it to the people, by rendering it into the hands of their legitimate representatives. The national sovereignty has honored me by putting into my hands the executive power, with the title of Provisional Presi- dent of Venezuela. Venezuelans ! I feel myself unable to govern you : 1 have often said so to your representatives, who in spite of my well grounded refusal, have forced me to com- mand you. Soldiers of the liberating army ! my only ambition has al- ways been to partake with you the dangers which you incur in defence of the republic.” The name of Congress made a favorable impression upon public opinion ; and the new organised government w r as power- fully supported by the inhabitants of Venezuela : so that gene- ral Bolivar succeeded in collecting an army of from 13 to 14000 men, which enabled him to act on the offensive. He received from England, besides the legion of which I have spoken, large cargoes of arms, ammunition, warlike stores &tc. Numbers of French, German, Polish, and other officers came to Angostura and Margarita, to offer their services, with sanguine hopes of advancement and fortune and of enjoying the honor of being admitted into the ranks of those who fought for the sacred cause of liberty and independence ! General Bolivar received them well. His polite and easy manners, when in good humor, have fascinated thousands, who were unacquainted with his profound dissimulation, and his concealed jealousy of strangers. But when these foreigners found that they received neither pay nor good rations, and were looked upon by the na- tive troops, among whom they served, with a jealous eye, while they w r ere obliged to traverse marshy or arid plains ; their zeal changed to disappointment and dejection. Many retired in a pitiable condition, as the inhabitants of Jamaica, St. Thom- as’, Curacao &tc. can testify, from 1819 to the present time. The great exertions of the patriot commanders, and the re- viving spirit of the people, excited sanguine hopes that the cam- paign of this year would be the last, and that the Spaniar Is could now be driven from the country ; and an end be put to this distressing war. 31 2-12 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. General Bolivar, anxious to efface the unffortunate cam- paign of ISIS, conceived for this year an excellent plan, which in good hands must have succeeded. He made a dis- play of an intention to attack Caracas, and free Venezuela from the Spanish yoke. By this he induced Morillo to weaken New Grenada and concentrate his forces upon this point ; whilst Bolivar turning suddenly, united his forces with the nu- merous Guerillas, and marched, in different columns, against Bogota. He had sent general Sanander forward to prepare every thing, as I have mentioned ; he had revived the public spirit by gaining advantages over the enemy ; so that he might easily have raised the inhabitants of these 22 prov inces against their oppressors, whom they hated. Bolivar, sure of retaining his supreme power, named Zea as vice president of the government during his absence, sent gen- eral Urdaneta and Valdes with about 20 officers, to the. island of Margarita, to organise the troops which were there, and de- parted February the 27th, for the army. He had with him a numerous and brilliant staff, and 2000 men ! He directed his march towards the left shores of the river Araura, to join gen- eral Paez, who had about 3000 Llaneros, all mounted. General Bolivar named San Iago Marino commander-in- chief of the corps under Bermudes, Monagas, Zarasa, Roxas, and Montes, about 6000 men strong, and ordered him to march against Barcelona and Cumana ; and, if they should refuse to surrender to take them by assault. These corps marched in February. Besides these forces, the patriots had in the seaports of Pompatar and Juan Griego, in the island of Margarita, 12 arm- ed vessels, and among them 1 corvette, 4 brigs, and 3 her- maphrodite brigs ; the rest were schooners manned with Eng- lishmen and Americans. On the Orinoco, eight vessels were constructed, consisting chiefly of gun boats, well manned and armed. Against these forces which threatened his total destruction, the Spanish general Morillo, had neglected nothing to put him- self in a good state of defence. In January, he departed from Valencia at the head of 5C(J0 men, and ordered San Fernan- do de Apure, whete La Torre commanded, and where Moril- lo established his head quarters, to be fortified. Soon after- wards, general Paez having evacuated the city, retired towards the river Araura, to effect his junction with general Bolivar. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 243 Morillo moved forward, and established his camp before the borough of Caujacal. General Morillo hearing that many English troops had al- ready joined the patriots, became apprehensive that their num- bers would become so great, that it would be impossible for him to resist them. He, therefore, issued a proclamation direc- ted “to the chiefs, officers, and privates of his Britanic Majesty actually serving with the insurgents,” to induce them to desert to the Spanish army. Among other things he said, “the government of his Catholic Majesty, and I, particularly, have been informed of the manner in which many subjects of his Britanic Majes- ty, have been seduced in England by Mendes and other trai- tors, to unite their fortune with those who styled themselves In- dependents of South America. The revolutionary agents have represented to them that there existed a republican government, well established laws, armies, and inhabitants who have vol- untarily submitted to such a republic. By such illusions many have been seduced to leave their country with the intention of establishing themselves there and, obtaining as a recompense for their services, property, fortune and honor ! But how cru- elly have they been deceived. Englishmen ! It is to you that I address myself ; to you who already know this famous personage (Simon Bolivar) whom you compare in England with a Washington ; but now that you have seen this hero of this miserable republic, his troops, his generals, and the crazy fools which compose its gov- ernment, yo i know you have been grossly deceived. You serve under the orders of a man who is in ever)' respect very insig- nificant and you have united yourselves with a horde of banditti, who are known by their cruel deeds. I know there are many Englishmen and otlies Foreigners who have been deceived, who cannot separate themselves from this unjust cause, for want of means : I offer and promise, therefore, to those who voluntarily present themselves to the army under my command, perfect security for their persons, whether they may choose to be admitted into the service of his Catholic Majesty or to retire to any other country. In either case they shall be in safety. General Head-quarters at Achaguas, March 26th, ISIS. (Signed) " PABLO MORILLO.” A decree of Ferdinand VII, dated Madrid, January 14th, 1S19, and addressed to the minister of foreign relations, differs pretty widely from this proclamation of his representative on the 244 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Main. His catholic majesty, the protector of liberal opinions, and the benefactor of humanity, says, in his decree, “ That all strangers taken with arms in their hands, and serving in the cause of the insurgents, within his possessions, and all who have furnished arms for t[iem, shall be condemned to death, and their property, being within the jurisdiction of his Catholic ma- jesty, shall he confiscated.” On the 20th of March, general Bolivar united his forces with those of general Paez, who he made acquainted with his new plan of operations against new Grenada, requesting the support of his cavalry of Llaneros. Paez told him, that he was ready to follow him, but that he doubted whether his Llaneros could he prevailed upon to do so. It is notorious that these Indians dislike to fight at a distance from their plains; and in spite of the urgent entreaties, both of Bolivar and Paez, they refused, and declared that if force were used to compel them, they would desert, and return to their native plains where they were used to fight. The two generals were obliged to yield to their refusal, and appeased them not without difficulty. This act of insubordina- tion, and the consequent total want of cavalry, greatly dispirited the troops of general Bolivar. Before his departure, he and Paez were attacked by a Span- ish column, under colonel Paeira, to whose support the forces under Morillo came soon after ; and on the 27th of March, an action took place, a little way from Trapiche de La Gamaua, where the patriots were beaten. In their retreat they were greatly harrassed, the Spaniards followins: them along the right bank of the river Araura, during the 29th and 31st of March, and the 1st and 2d of April. General Morillo, in his official report, ridiculed the disposition of general Bolivar. He said “the want of boats, which were unluckily destroyed in the river Apure, hindered me from crossing the Araura, in order to finish the destruction of the forces under Bolivar and Paez, who were advancing, as they said, to take the capital in two days, a rumor spread by Bolivar, when he departed from Guayana with his famous reinforcement of Englishmen, &tc.” But Morillo’s triumph lasted not long. Bolivar and Paez obtained more troops, and marched against Morillo, whose head quarters were at Achaguas. They attacked him on the 15th of April, and after a warm combat, Morillo was totally routed, with the loss of about 1200 men, and was compelled to retreat, with the remainder of his troops, to Calahozo. The MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 245 colonel Donato Paez, brother of the general, destroyed 36 Spanish gun boats, and took 18 pieces of cannon of large calibre. The troops under the Spanish general La Torre, were also routed, and compelled to make their retreat along the plains of Aragua, and joined their general-in-chief in Calabozo. The consequence of these two victories was the occupation of Ba- rinas by the patriots, which opened to them the way into New Grenada. Morillo again united a force, of 6000 men, and attempted to invade the plains of Apure, and to avail himself of the absence of Bolivar, who had been in the province of Barinas to recruit, and to unite with the English troops, which had directed their march towards this point. General Paez cautiously endeavor- ed to avoid a battle, and to draw the enemy into the interior of the plains, that he might afterwards cut off their retreat. In this short campaign, Paez manoeuvred with such skill and suc- cess, that he harrassed and even beat various detachments of the enemy, took and killed more than 1500 of them,, and cut off the convoys, provisions, and other aids intended for the ar- my of Morillo, who was at last compelled to retreat to the island of Achaguas. General Bolivar arrived in May, with his troops of foreign- ers, at Nutrias, where he allowed them some rest. Paez, with about 2000 cavalry and 800 English infantry, observed, and besieged Morillo in Achaguas. He even sent strong parties towards Calabozo and San Carlos, to observe what was trans- acting in this part of the country. If Bolivar had possessed ordinary knowledge of the military art — if he had united his and Paez’s troops with those of Ma- rino, he could have destroyed Morillo’s forces at a blow. He could have cut him off from all means of supply, and forced him to hazard an attack, or to perish by famine, or capitulate. Instead of this, he only observed the Spaniards in Actiagua, without making any attempt against them. When Morillo saw this, he united his forces, plhced himself at their head, and opening his way through the camp of the enemy, arrived with- out any considerable loss, in June, at Caracas, whence he im- mediately detached two battalions, to reinforce the places of Cum aria and Barcelona. Meanwhile, general Marino reinforced himself daily at the Pao of Barcelona, preparing to attack the Spanish colonel Al- darna. Bermudes closely besieged Cumana, and Urdaneta 246 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. was destined to act in unison with general English, and the English tioops arrived with him at Margarita, upon one of the points on the eastern coast of V enezuela. This expedition, called the expedition of the foreigners, de- parted the 13th ol July, from Margarita, in 25 armed and trans- port vessels. On board the squadron were 1400 English and Hanoverian troops, and about 1000 sailors commanded, in chief, by general Urdaneta. They debarked on the coast near Barcelona, and after effecting their debarkation the squadron was directed towards Cumana, in order more closely to block- ade the place. Marino after having routed colonel Aldama, on the 12th June, near Mechispeco, joined the forces of Sedeno, Zarasa, Monagas, Rosas, Bermudes and Thomas Montilla, uniting his own forces with theirs in one encampment near San Diego of Caburtica, where the English troops, under Urdan- eta, were daily expected. From that time, every one was satis- fied that such an imposing force, ol more than 13,000 men strong, would be more than sufficient to conquer Cumana, Bar- celona, Caracas, and the whole country of Venezuela. The patriot chieftains were so certain of success that they detached 2000 men towards Cucuta, in New Grenada, to reinforce gen- eral Sanander, (who, at various times, had obtained some troops, and more arms,) in order to strengthen and encourage the pat- riots, who, since his arrival, had not ceased to join him, and he had already penetrated as far as Sagamosa, not tar from the capi- tal of Bogota. The English troops, under Urdaneta, instead of uniting with the forces of San lago Marino, near Cumana, debarked, as I have stated, not far from Barcelona. It has beep said, that this evil course was ordered by general Rafael Urdaneta, to avoid acting under general Marino, whom he despised, and from act- ing under whose orders, he had ever been solicitous to keep himself. Urdaneta, too, was jealous of general English, on ac- count of his great authority and influence over the English troops, who, very naturally, came more ready to obey him than Urdaneta. He, therefore, did eifery thing to counteract him. As soon as their debarkation was effected, a strong Spanish column opposed their advance into the interior of the province, and having no provisions, they embarked again on board the Spanish squadron, the 3d of August. They sailed towards Cu- mana, and debarked near it, at Rordones, which the Spaniards had fortified. General Urdaneta, without waiting for the forces under Marino, ordered an attack upon Cumana, where he MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 247 was repulsed by the garrison. On the 8th of August the Eng- lish troops attacked with the bayonet, and in four different charges, which they made with the utmost bravery, were again repulsed with great loss. The greatest part of these heroic troops perished afterwards,' before a small battery called Agua Santa. Part of them fell on the field of battle, and some at Maturin, where they retired after their defeat. As this city was entirely ruined, they found but scanty means of subsistence, and perished miserably for want of food, the effects of fatigue and the climate. General English retired to the island of Mar- garita disgusted with such a service, and particularly with the behaviour of Urdaneta towards him and his troops. The squad- ron directed its course towards the same island. Thus ended this expedition, from which the patriots justly expected great success, and in which the English troops were uselessly sacrificed, as there is good reason to believe, by the ignorance and jealousy of general Urdaneta. Among the foreigners who came with general English, was a major, named Guillemore, an engineer, and an officer of dis- tinguished merit. He directed the fortifications of Santa Rosa, a fort which protected the small port of Juan Griego, on the island of Margarita, which Morilla could never take, and which caused his entire defeat in this island, as I have already related. Major Guillemore was entirely opposed to an attack upon Cu- mana, and spoke with warmth and eloquence, to show that the attack must prove unsuccessful. Urdaneta treated him harshly, and, though he was supported by the most reasonable repre- sentations of general English himself, Urdaneta obstinately per- sisted in ordering the attack. The consequences were as I have related. When the result was known, Urdaneta, Bermu- des, Marino, and some other native chieftains, had the baseness to exclaim loudly against these foreigners, and to call them cow- ards. They most impudently imputed to general English the mischievous consequences of the ignorance and obstinacy of general Urdaneta. General English was an enthusiast in the cause of civil liberty, and was a brave officer. He died of a broken heart, in con- sequence ol the treatment he received from Urdaneta, and of the loss of so many ol his brave companions, by the jealousy and meanness of the Spaniards. He died at Margarita, desti- tute ol almost every thing, and lamenting his engagement in such a service. Major Guillemore retired, with the same opin- ion of the service. 248 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. The patriots succeeded at last in getting possession of Bar- celona, on the 5th August. General Urdaneta found no more than forty men acting in the fortified charity house. Urdaneta and Bermudes, with their united forces of more than 2000 men, were engaged about two months, in getting possession of an ill fortified Spanish garrison, posted at a single house rather than a fortification, and consisting of less than an hundred men, and these became destitute of food and munitions of war. This fact may afford a pretty just notion of the military skill of Urdaneta and Paez. Urdaneta ordered the forty Spaniards, found acting in the charity house, to be shot, by way of retaliation, for the following Soanish cruelty. When the patriots approached Barcelona, lieutenant-colonel Gorin, who commanded the Spaniards in the city, sent a detachment of thirty cavalry, to reconnoitre the ene- my, who marched towards the suburbs of the city, without en- countering any opposition. In the night, this detachment sur- prised an advanced guard of six men, commanded by a ser- geant, and put them to the sword before they could give the alarm. They advanced rapidly towards the house where gen- eral Urdaneta was sleeping. They surprised his guard, com- manded by an English officer, a lieutenant, and killed them, but spared the officer, whom they disarmed and threatened to cut in pieces, if he were not still. They then stuffed a hand- kerchief into his mouth, and two Spaniards fastened him to the tails of their horses. Urdaneta was awakened by the noise, escaped through a back door of the house, and gave the alarm to his troops. The Spaniards were obliged to retire, and de- parted at full gallop, so that their ptisoner was literally torn to pieces alive ! In June, general Bolivar left general Paez for the purpose of penetrating into the heart of New Grenada with a very strong column. He rejoined the latter, arid endeavored to make him- self master of the province of Barinas, in order to cover himself on this side. Bolivar found the enemy in the valley of Sama- goso, in the province of Tunja. He had 2000 infantry, of which the greater part were European troops, and 500 cavalry. The Spanish general Barasino had about the same number. The battle, fought the 1st of July, was warm and obstinate. The English, at last, decided the combat, by a vigorous charge, which forced the enemy to retire in great disorder. Barasino soon reinforced himself, and, on the 23d of the same month, attacked general Bolivar at Patuno de Berg, near the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 249 capital of the province of Tunja. He was defeated a second time, with the loss of his artillery, baggage, and many of his troops, among whom were his staff officers. A considerable number of deserters, principally cavalry, came over to the pat- riots. General Bolivar proclaimed martial law, in virtue of which all the inhabitants of New Grenada capable of serving were compelled to bear arms and join his troops, under the penalty of capital punishment. His army soon increased to 3900 in- fantry and 1000 cavalry. With these he marched towards the capital, Bogota. He found general Bacasino at a large farm called the Venta Guernada, sixty miles from the capital. As the ground was hilly, and covered with bushes, some of the English officers advised general Bolivar to use stratagem, which he did successfully. He placed most of his infantry in ambush, and ordered his cavalry to gain, unseen, the rear of the enemy, so that his battle line presented a front of small ex- tent. The enemy made the attack with great bravery ; but at this moment the infantry in ambush, and the cavalry, rushed forward and attacked his flank and rear. The Spaniards were routed with a loss of more than 1000 men, and were not ral- lied until they reached Mompox. This battle, of the 7th Au- gust, decreed* the fate of New Grenada, and was attributed to the European troops. The viceroy, Samana, received intelligence of this battle in the night of the Sth ; a'nd Bogota being an open and defence- less city, he gave orders to evacuate it immediately. In the morning of the 9th, he, with some hundred persons, left the capital. His retreat was so rapid, that he arrived at Honda in thirty hours ; a journey which usually occupies three days. He left at Bogota half a million of dollars, in silver money. Bolivar made his triumphal entry the 12th of August, and ordered the city ofOcana to be taken possession of on the 17th. On the 28th, the viceroy arrived atTambura;, and sent ex- presses to Morillo to inform him what had happened. He also sent general La Torre (the same who behaved so ill at the battle of San Felipe, and lost Guayana) with various Spanish troops to New Grenada, to take command of the royal forces in that province. The Spaniards arriving at Mompox, worked day and night to entrench themselves. In Venezuela the scene of war was too frequently changed lo afford any thing interesting to the reader. Bloody struggles 32 250 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. resulted in nothing. The Spaniards driven from one place, oc- cupied another. They were routed, and recruited again. The case was the same with the patriots. War raged in every cor- ner oi Venezuela, without producing any effect, important to either party. I will now proceed to events which took place in the con- gress at Angostura, during the absence of general Bolivar. There was in congress a strong party of true patriots and repub- licans. These men were disquieted by the devotion of then- president to the will of Bolivar. This, together with the de- cline of his health, led him to refer every measure to head- quarters. Much business was left wholly undone. More was delayed. The general dissatisfaction had risen already to a high pitch. Some members told him frankly, that if he did not change his course they must consider it their duty to procure his removal and to put another into his place. Some reproach- ed him with vile submission to Bolivar. He was just then en- gaged in framing a code of laws for the republic, and was un- usually regardless of the executive business. He was compell- ed to resign, and general Arismendy was elected in his place, as vice president of congress, and president of the republic, in the absence of general Bolivar. This happened in the month of October. As soon as Arismendy was in power, he procured a decree, that admiral Brion no longer deserved the confidence of the republic : that he was, therefore, dismissed, and that, in his stead his brother in law, commodore Toly w f as appointed Admi- ral. Arismendy ordered Brion before congress to give an ac- count of his conduct : and sent to Toly, the ribbon of the order of the Libertadores. Meanwhile Bolivar succeeded in freeing New Grenada. And all the provinces having risen in favor of independence, the Spaniards were obliged to retreat and shut themselves up in Mompox, which, as well as Sant^.^Martha, and Carthagena, they had fortified. Bolivar, who never lost sight of Caracas, in his usual hasty manner, which he mistakes for despatch, settled all business in Bogota. He ordained a kind of congress of which he was the regulator. He left general Sanander, commander-in-chief, and general Anzoatigui, one of his most devoted flatterers, as a second in command, and directed his march towards Pamplo- na, where he arrived the 20th of September, and remained about two months, occupied in festivals and balls. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 251 He departed at last with about two thousand men, for Gua- dalita. About 800 of these deserted. They had been taken by force from their families, and were, besides, greatly disgust- ed with the imperious manner of this Caraguin General , as they called Bolivar. The general arrived the 3d November at Montical in Vene- zuela, where he had directed the patriot chieftains of that pro- vince to assemble with their troops. He had with him about three millions of dollars, which had been collected from the inhabitants of New Grenada, in taxes, and by forced contribu- tions. He is said to have extorted a formal promise from the different authorities in the province, to send him regularly every month, a million of dollars. The troops, however, were never regularly paid, and the fo- reigners became the more dissatisfied when they found, that instead of being paid to them and others, who had dearly earn- ed it, it disappeared, by going into the hands of flatterers, and the officers who more immediately surrounded the general. These fared sumptuously, whilst the army was straightened for want of pay, food, and clothing. Many hundred ot these for- eigners were worn down in this march by heat, fatigue, and want of food. These were neither carried on, nor left provi- ded for, and, of course, perished miserably. As soon asMorillo heard of this numerous collection of troops, he gave orders to evacuate San Fernando de Apure, united his different detachments, and concentrated his forces at San Car- los. The Spaniards again lost the province of Venezuela, and various families left the country, and embarked at Laguaira and Porto Cabello for the West Indies and the United States. The patriots had again, in Venezuela, a force of about 9000 men. Among them were 3000 English, Irish, and Hanoveri- an troops, of which many had lately arrived at Angostura and Margarita. They now marched towards the plains of Calabo- zo, so that the head quarters of both were about two days march asunder. Every one was now again certain that the Spaniards, who had not above 4500 men, and of those, two thirds natives, would at last be driven forever out of the terri- tory of Venezuela. The patriots had nothing more to do than to advance and act, and they were sure of success. They knew that the Spaniards had lost much of their confidence, that the native troops were kept from passing to the other side, only by their Spanish officers. But all these advantages, the benefit of the 252 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. country, and the course which general Bolivar pretended to de- fend, were overlooked in the sad tidings of the change that had taken place at the seat of government. On receiving these des- patches Bolivar was thunderstruck. His own personal welfare, and the gratification of his personal feelings, had always and every where been preeminent with him. The cause of free- dom was but his tool. Instead of attacking the enemy with his 3000 well disciplined European troops, which were dread- ed by the Spaniards on the Main, he suffered himself to be overcome with the news of Arismendy’s advancement ; and in consequence of it, at last, took a resolution, the result of which was that the war was protracted for five years, and the lit r es of thousands sacrificed to his love of power. With these 3000 troops, among whom were his body guard, he marched towards Angostura, or rather, against Arismendy. He knew that Arismendy, after all that had passed between them, would not be his friend ; and there was no prospect of his being able to bring Arismendy to be, as Zea had been, his devoted minister. He knew too, that Arismendy was a de- cided republican, and would probably use ail his power to es- tablish the authority of congress, and to limit the power of the supreme chief. He knew also, that Arismendy was a far more able military man than himself, and that this was manifested to the countrj , by bis wonderful defence of the island of Marga- rita. He knew that Arismendy was a brave, enterprising and ambitious chieftain ; and it was pei fectly natural for Bolivar to suspect him of a design to obtain the first office in the republic. Arismendy’s conduct and services had made him many adher- ents, while Bolivar’s cowardice and misconduct left him, as support, only his immediate dependents and flatterers. In this condition, he felt more anxiety than he had ever appeared to feel, at any time before. Various persons have assurred me, that for 24 hours he appeared like a madman ; speaking to none; looking dejected; lying in his hammock ; then jumping out of it, and pacing his room. At last, he decided to leave the command of his remaining forces to general Paez, and to march himself, with his best troops, towards Angostura. General Bolivar, with his 3000 chosen men, fully devoted to him, arrived, the 14th of November, unexpectedly, at the seat of government, at Angostura, in the province of Guayana. Arismendy, having only about 600 men, and these poorly clad, armed and disciplined was obliged, of course, to submit to the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 353 imposing force of Bolivar. He was exiled from Guayana and ordered to retire to his native island, Margarita. Previous to his formal dismission from the service, he was condemned to lead a private life, and to come no more upon the Main. It was not that Arismendy was less dangerous, in the view of Bolivar, than Piar had been, that his life was spared. But he knew that Arismendy had many friends in congress and in the army, and that the brave spirited inhabitants of Margarita, would rise in his defence ; and that the greater part of the Llaneros were his friends, as they were the friends of republi- can government. Bolivar, therefore, listened to the advice of Dr. Roscio, and ventured not to take the life of Arismendy. Mr. Zea was reinstalled President of Congress, and Vice- President of the Republic. Dr. Roscio, and various other true friends of a free republi- can government, now united, in representing to general Boli- var, the instability of the government he had established ; and, after long, earnest and eloquent discussions, at last prevailed upon him to consent to the establishment of a congress, upon a new and more extensive plan. The conquest of New Grenada, except Santa Martha, Car- thagena and Mompox, required a national representation. Those provinces of Y enezuela, which were in the power of the patri- ots, were in the same situation. The inhabitants of both were anxious to have a congress, and a republican government. It was therefore urged to Bolivar to unite these two great provin- ces under one congress, and to call the new government, “The Republic of Colombia.” This memorable act is generally at- tributed to the enlightened mind of the deceased Dr. German Roscio, of whom I have already spoken. It is entitled, “ Fun- damental Law of the Republic of Colombia.” loA. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR, CHAPTER XIX. Events from the Proclamation of the Fundamental Law of the Republic of Colopibia , December 1819, until the Armistice between General Bolivar and Morillo, November 1S20. After having reinstalled Mr. Zea, general Bolivar, on the 25th December, 1819, left Angostura, with a numerous corps of troops, and directed his march toward the plains of Apure. He arrived, the 20th ol January, at San Fernando de Apure, its capital, where he learned that the cause of independence was declining in New Grenada. I have stated, that before his departure from Santa de La Bogota, general Bolivar settled the pending business in his hasty manner. His manner has, from 1813 to the present day, consisted in pretending to do every thing by himself ; to be soldier, legislator, and adminis- trator. He seems to be unable to understand how his supre- macy can be retained in any other way. With his very limit- ed talents, and constitutional aversion to serious business, his way has kept every thing in confusion, in every department, particularly that of the finances. Agriculture, commerce and every branch of industry, have been kept down and destroyed by heavy taxes, charges at the custom house, forced contributions, and the like. No officer, civil or military, of whatever grade, could count upon receiving his regular salary, or pay.. These men, of course, let slip no opportunity of defrauding the pub- lic, or of taking bribes. Governors of provinces, and all the military men, who had it in their power, extorted from the peo- ple, besides their taxes, a proportional sum for the support of their persons, their troops and retinue. What the people were unwilling to give, was, very often, taken from them by force. The capricious decisions of an individual, united with the vexa- tions inflicted by civil and military officers upon the Grenadans, who had done so much for Bolivar, and who were entitled to better treatment, fell so heavily upon them, that they compared their present distressed condition, with what it had been under the Spanish government. Many of them preferred the latter, and deserted, and joined the Spaniards, under La Torre and MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 255 Calza'dn. Calzada seeing his forces suddenly increased by these desertions, again took the offensive, and was preparing to march against the capital of Bogota. La Torre, hearing that the patriots had retiredJn haste, from Los Publicos, advanced towards the plains of Gmarta, to support the movements of Cal- zada, and to cut off the retreat of the enemy who were in these plains. The rapid progress of the Spaniards in Grenada, caused great alarm among the members of the provisional government established by Bolivar, and preparations were made for retreat- ing- . S General Bolivar heard these tidings while he was in San Fernando de Apure. He determined to march again, at the head of 4000 men, against the enemy in that province. He left his head quarters the 26th »of, January, and directed his march towards Cucuta. General Morillo, fearing to be attack- ed at San Carlos, had retired towards Valencia, intending to get into the strong hold of Porto Cabello, in case of any loss, or sudden attack. The departure of Bolivar, with his 4000 troops, gave him a second opportunity to reinforce himself. Meanwhile, general Bolivar was inarching . towards Cucuta, in Grenada. General Paez, entrusted with the chief command of the army in Venezuela, established his head quarters at Ma- turin, where he collected an army of 12,000 men, in which were 3000 Europeans, chiefly of the Irish legion of Devereaux. Contrary to all expectation, general Paez remained at Maturin, without attempting to attack Morillo, or even moving against him. Morillo, therefore, returned again to San Carlos, where he recruited considerable, as h'e had done before at Valencia. The spirit of the Spaniards was raised, by tidings of a formida- ble expedition, fitted out by order of the king, at Cadiz, under the command of general Henry O’Donnell, (count ©f Abisbal.) This expedition had been ordered, in consequence of the ur- gent representations of general Morillo, who had sent pressing letters to the king, in which he strongly and truly stated the precarious situation of the royal cause in Spanish America. General Morillo had received great assistance from the com- merce of Barcelona, Cadiz, Malaga, Alicante, See., which suf- fered exceedingly from the war in the colonies. The richest merchants of these places, offered the king large sums of mo- ney, and support ol every kind, if he would send a force suffi- cient to put an end to the war at once. This was accepted ; and, since March 1319, die greatest preparations were making in Spain to that effect. A force of 25,000 men was collected, 256 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. to lie divided into two army corps, under the command of O’Donnell, one of which was destined to act against Peru ; the other against the Main. ' The royalists in Venezuela, who had seen how Morillo, in 1818, with far less forces, destroyed those of Bolivar, on hear- ing this news, doubted not the success of their cause. The patriots were indebted to colonel Guiroja’s revolution in Spain, which happened a little after this time, for the destruction of an expedition which was destined to forge new chains for the in- habitants of the Spanish colonies. General Bolivar, pressed on all sides for money, was advised to send an agent to London, for the purpose of negotiating a loan sufficient to enable him to prosecute the war with more vigor. He chose the ex-vic, e-president Zea, (whose place was supplied by Dr. Roscio,) and gave him full and ample forces. He departed in March 1820, lor St. Thomas’s, w’hence he em- barked for London. Until the latter end of March 1S20, the positions of the two armies in Venezuela, afforded nothing important. The opera- tions of the patriots, however, afford satisfactory proof of the narrow capacities of their leaders. At Achaguas, general Paez had about 4000 men. After Morillo’s evacuation of San Car- los, Urdaneta had, at this place, 3500 men. Bermudes had, at Maturin, 1600 men. Zarasa and Sedeno had 800 men at Guebrada Stonda. Monagas and Diego had 1000 men in the province of Barcelona, without mentioning the numerous guer- illas and smaller parties of armed patriots, which had no fixed camps. In the island of Margarita, there were 1200 Irish troops, and with Bolivar 4000 chosen men. With all these mighty means, they were not able to expel Morillo and his far inferior force, from the country at once ; even though he w r as so hated, and the Spanish name so generally detested. It is a fact well known, that Morillo had not at that time, 2000 Eu- ropean Spaniards at his disposal, that were able to take the field. All the rest of his tioops were natives, and he could place but little reliance upon them. He knew they would de- sert him upon the first defeat. From this diminutive force a deduction must still be made of as many as were necessary to the several places held by the Spaniards. In addition to these disadvantages, the Spanish colonial finances were deranged, the army were in want of every thing, and discouraged by the failure of O’Donnell’s expedition. All these circumstances united, would have ensured the success of the patriots under MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 257 leaders of ordinary skill and talent. Instead of attacking the Spaniards vigorously and at once, they wearied and dis- couraged their own troops by marches and countermarches, until desertions into the interior became frequent and their troops greatly diminished. In this campaign general Bolivar committed his usual fault ; that of scattering his lorces. While he marched with four thousand men towards Cucuta, and ordered general Paez to attack Morillo, and get possession of the capital, Caracas, he directed a third expedition against Santa Martha, and accom- plished nothing. Some circumstances of this third expedition are worthy of remark. Ever since the year 1S13, colonel Marino Montillahad been one of the greatest enemies of general Bolivar. He served against Bolivar in Carthagena, and challenged him to a duel in 1816, at Aux Cayes, as I have related. He had engaged to go with general Mina, in his expedition against the Spaniards in Mexico, and was prevented only by sickness. He came to Baltimore, and hearing there of the success of the cause, and that Bolivar was at the head of the government, he desired several of his friends, who were going to the Main, to exert themselves to effect a reconciliation between him and the supreme chief. He wrote for the same purpose to his intimate friend, admiral Brion, who was much attached to him. Montilla, at length succeeded, and came over to Angostura, where he had a long, and, to him, very satisfactory interview with the supreme chief, who advanced him to the rank of colonel. He was sent, soon after, to the island of Margarita with 80,000 dollars, to accel- erate the sailing of the squadron, and pay arrears. He was directed to have an understanding with admiral Brion at Pom- patar ; and with general Urdaneta, who was destined to com- mand, in chief, the expedition against Santa Martha. From that time, Marino Montilla was entirely devoted to general Bolivar. General Urdaneta marched, at the head of 4000 men, from San Carlos towards the province of Maracaybo, to act in unison with the troops expected from Margarita. The squadron de- parted from Pompatar, a seaport of the latter island, in the beginning of March, having on board about 1200 men, chiefly European troops. They arrived at Rio Hacha the 12th of March, and took possession of the place without resistance. It is a small and poor place, affording no resources whatever. It has a small fort, and is an open seaport, not far from Santa S3 258 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Martha. Montilla, who commanded these troops, expected to be joined by some Indians from the interior, who had promised to go with him against Santa Martha. Colonel Montilla departed from Rio Hacha, in April, and directed his march towards the valley Dupart, where he ar- rived on the dth, with 1000 English, and 500 Creole troops, which had joined him. The latter were furnished with arms, brought from Margarita. After some success, colonel Montilla was stopped in his further operations, by a sudden mutiny of his English troops. Among the correspondence found in the baggage taken from the enemy, was a letter from the governor of Santa Martha to the Spanish general Lima, whom Montilla had beaten in three successive actions. It was stated in the letter, that general Urdaneta was advancing with 3000 men, from Ocana, upon Santa Martha, and urged him to join him as soon as possible. Montilla, therefore, determined to march and join general Urdaneta, but was prevented by tire refusal of his English troops to march any further, until all arrears were paid them. Montilla used every effort, promising them more than their due ; but in vain. The insubordination was complete, and Montilla was forced to abandon his march, and embark on board the squadron, under the command of admiral Brion, who remained at anchor before Rio Hacha, with 13 vessels ; having on board six months? provisions, 5000 muskets, and a large quantity of ammunition, and other warlike stores. The governors of Carthagena and Santa Martha, threatened with an attack, took the strongest measures of defence, and the latter sent his wife and children to Havana. At this time the Main was surprised by news of the revolu- tion at Cadiz, effected by colonel Antonio Guiroja, in January of the same year, 1820, in consequence of which, the Spanish constitution, of 1 S 12, was again introduced, in which the inqui- sition and arbitrary power were abolished. This saved the cause of independence in the Spanish colonies ; and the for- midable expedition under O’Donnel was disbanded. General Morillo, who had placed his hopes in these forces, refused, for several days, to speak to any one. At length he yielded to necessity, and the constitution w r as proclaimed with great solemnity, in May and June, at Caracas, Laguira, and other places in the power of the Spaniards, on the Main. He was now confident that the introduction of the constitution into the country, would make a favorable impression on the patri- ots. He, therefore, published two proclamations ; one of the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 259 king, to the inhabitants of the continent in America ; wherein he said : “ What can you ask more ? Hear the voice of your king and .,our father.” The second was from general Morillo, to the army, dated Caracas, June Sth, 1820. Morillo sent a circular letter to the different governors of the West India Islands, and to the Spanish minister at Washington, requesting them to order the insertion in the publicpapers, of ano- ther proclamation from himself, to the emigrants from the Main, dated Caracas, June 12th, by which he invites them to return to their owm country; and promises oblivion of past, and protection, tranquility and prosperity for the future. “Your security is sacred and inviolable ; it is founded upon the will of the king. It is in unison with my honor, my word, and my desire !” All these proclamations, and the earnest endeavors of the king and general, were in vain. They were convinced of the duplicity and cruelty of their Spanish leaders, and Morillo was again reduced to depend upon his own means and exertions. We have seen how colonel Montilla was obliged to embark in consequence of the dissatisfaction of the foreign troops, arising from want of pay and subsistence, and from the general ill treatment they received. Montilla’s hatred against foreign- ers, seems to have been greatest against Irishmen. More than 500 left the service, and went to Kingston in Jamaica, where the worthy inhabitants rivalled each other in relieving the suf- ferers, who came among them in a most destitute condition. More than a third part of them died in the hospital, in conse- quence of fatigues and deprivations, which they suffered in the service of the patriots. This expedition, directed against Santa Martha and Cartha- gena, to open a free communication with Bogota, and to get command of the river Magdalena, greatly weakened the force directed against Caracas and the Spaniards, who had again united many troops in the centre of New Grenada. It ended with the burning of Rio Hacha, and cost TOO men and a great deal of money. On the 10th of June, the Colombian squadron, under admi- ral Brion, with the remainder of the troops, was near Santa Martha. After firing upon the batteries of this fortress, it sail- ed towards Savanilla, a small seaport in the neighborhood of Santa Martha, consisting of about a dozen huts. The redoubt ol three pieces of artillery, was immediately taken possession of, the Spanish garrison having fled without attempting any re- sistance. The Colombians landed their few remaining troops, 260 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. expecting a large reinforcement, which had been announced to he coining from the river Magdalena. Colonel Montilla di- rected his march towards Baranquilla, Soledad and St. Stan- islaus, where the Colombians were received with acclamations. Many of the inhabitants came to join the troops, and lent their aid to put Montilla in condition to besiege Santa Martha, as soon as the Margarita troops should arrive. But he had neith- er besieging artillery, nor other materials fit for besieging the two strongest places in New Grenada. Admiral Brion published a proclamation, directed to the in- habitants of Carthagena, in which he exhorted them to rise against their oppressors, and join the Colombians. This had the desired effect. It roused the spirit of the inhabitants, and many hundreds came, and placed themselves under the patri- otic banners. The conquest of Carthagena was feasible and easy ; inas- much as the inhabitants, harrassed by great and constant vexa- tions, had become disgusted with their Spanish leaders. The Spanish authorities disagreed among themselves; some desired an absolute king ; others, the majority, were in favor of the constitution. The viceroy, Semano, who had taken shelter within the walls of Carthagena, and the brigadier general Cano, were both arrested, by order of the other Spanish authorities, for having opposed the proclamation of the Spanish constitu- tion. They were dismissed from their places, and others, af- terwards, elected in their stead. The situation of Santa Martha was like that of Carthagena. In these fortresses, as in all the places in the power of the Span- iards, there existed three distinct parties among the inhabitants and the Spanish administration ; the friends of independency, those of the Spanish constitution of 1S12, and the friends of the ancient absolute power of the king. The Spanish brigadier, Vicente Sanchez de Lima, who, with 2700 men, was thrice beaten by Montilla and his 800; having retired to Santa Mar- tha, put himself at the head of the friends of the Spanish constitution, and introduced it, in spite of the opposition of governor Pouas. The anarchical state of the provinces of Car- thagena and Santa Martha, greatly favored the enterprise of Brion and Montilla. But, such w'as the peculiar character of this war, that in the whole extent of Colombia, notwithstanding their increased moral and physical strength, no decisive operation, nothing of MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 261 important consequence, took place. The incapacity of the su- preme chief become, if possible, more apparent. Morillo’s situation was also precarious and critical. The revolution in Spain rendered any efficient reinforcement from the mother country, impossible. He was aware that the new assembly of the Cortes like those in 181 1, would never consent to recognise the republic of Colombia ; and would persist in the obstinacy peculiar to the Spanish character. Such recogni- zance was demanded by reason, policy and justice. It would have put an end to bloodshed and misery. It would have given vast advantages to Spain. The miseries ot a destructive and protracted war, could have been obliterated by a treaty of defence and alliance between Colombia and Spain ; and by opening a free and profitable commercial intercourse between two countries so long and so closely connected. In the gov- ernment of the colonies, by the King and Cortes of Spain, nei- ther liberality nor generous principles existed. The total want of money and provisions in the Spanish ar- my on the Main ; long and continual marches, and the discour- agement of the soldiers, who as well as their officers, could judge of their precarious situation, greatly weakened the Spanish for- ces. To these were added sickness and frequent desertions. Still the Spanish chiefs flattered themselves that the people of Colombia would eventually receive the Spanish constitution, and return to their former obedience to the Spanish authorities ; whilst the patriots were engaged at the congress, in active and zealous efforts, for the discussion and adoption of their owm constitution by that assembly. On this subject, the following- letter is worth attention. It was written by a Spanish chieftain to one of his friends at St. Thomas’ : “ Letters from Caracas, Laguira, Cumana, confirm the news that two commissaries of the congress at Guayana, Messrs. Roscio and Alzura, have presented themselves before the com- mander of one of the royal divisions, Arana, asking leave to pass to the head quarters (of Morillo) to present a despatch to the general-in-chief, which is presumed to contain a proposal of this congress to submit to the Spanish government in case of the taking of the oath to the Spanish constitution at Caracas. This was not done until the 8th June. Commandant Arana had relused to let them pass on, but sent the dispatch to gene- ral Morillo. The patriots are probably anxious to submit and to swear to our constitution, by following the example of Spain ; to make a 262 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. virtue of necessity, which perhaps, later, it might not be in their power to do.” This is a specimen of Spanish vanity and pre- sumption. The following facts which ought to be better known, explain the expressions of the writer. General Morillo, sensible of his critical situation had secretly sent an agent to general Bolivar to acquaint him with the change of government in Spain, and, adroitly, to sound his views and designs with regard to it. In consequence of this private com- munication Dr. Roscio and Alzura were sent with a letter to Morillo, with proper instructions to negoeiate a treaty of peace. But the letter contained not a word relative to submission, nor to the acknowledgement of the Spanish constitution. General Bolivar, in this letter to general Morillo, grounded his proposi- tion contained in it, upon his desire to avoid the further use- less effusion of blood, hoping that, with the change of govern- ment, the minds of the Spanish leaders might change also. This blundering step of Bolivar, produced consequences most mis- chievous to Colombia. It was the means of gaining time by her enemies, to carry on the war four years longer ; and to the destruction of at least 20,000 lives. If Bolivar had presump- tuously refused to negoeiate with his faithless and obstinate en- emy, and had attacked him with his powerful forces, in the po- sition Morillo then occupied, there can be no doubt but that the territory might have been forever cleared* of its Spanish tyrants. The first false step of Bolivar was duly appreciated by Morillo, and his private council. Upon the reception of Boli- var’s letter, he sent two commissioners, brigadier general Thomas de Cires, and the adjutant general Jose Domingues Duarte, to Angostura. In June they left Caracas for Laguira, whence they embarked for the Orinoco, for the purpose of proposing to the congress at Angostura their acceptance of the Spanish constitution. And, they offered to general Bolivar the station and rank of a captain-general, and to the other chieftains their respective offices and rank. But, soon after the departure of these commissioners, Morillo learned that gen- eral Bolivar was not at Angostura, but in his head quarters at Montecal, nor far from him. He, therefore, sent two other commissioners, Don Francisco Linaus, and Don Carlos Marha- do, with a copy of his letter and proposals. General Morillo’s long letter was directed to the congress, not of Colombia, but of Guayana. He gives himself the title of Pacificator, and speaks of liberal principals, in virtue of MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 263 which he is authorised by the king, to deffuse the blessings of peace and reconciliation among a people born Spaniards, &c. &ic. At the end of this letter, which is dated June 17th 1820, he says, “ the deputies would submit to the congress the basis of this reconciliation. The two deputies of Morillo then proposed an Armistice of one month ; for general Bolivar the rank of a Spanish captain- general, and the conservation of their offices and rank to all the rest. The Armistice was granted, notwithstanding that the let- ter of Morillo proposed only, that the congress of Colombia should acknowledge the Spanish constitution and submit to the Spanish government ! The congress answered, “ Sir, the sovereign Congress extra- ordinarily convened to discuss the despatch of your excellency under date of June 17th at your head quarters at Caracas, stat- ing that brigadier Don Thomas de Cires and Don Domingo Durate have been named to come to this capital in order to soli- cit the union of these countries with the constitutional monar- chy of Spain, and that these gentlemen will explain the princi- ples of the reconciliation proposed by the nation, resolved, the llth of this month, in public session, that the following decree should be transmitted by me to your excellency in answer. “ The sovereign congress of Colombia desirous to re-establish peace, will readily hear all propositions made by the Spanish government, under the condition that the basis of this peace be the recognition of the sovereignty and the independence of Colombia. No other shall ever be admitted, which would in any way deviate from this basis so many times proclaimed by the government and the people of the republic. The presi- dent has the honor to be &lc. FERNANDO PENALVEE, President of the Congress. Felipe Delapaine, Secretary. At the palace of congtess at New Guayana, > July 13th 1820, year 10th. ) Besides these letters written to the congress and to general Boli var, Morillo ordered that the different generals, governors, and other Spanish commanders throughout the territories of New Grenada and Venezuela, should direct letters of the same kind to the different chieftains of Colombia. In this manner a general correspondence was established on the whole line, but as the subject of it was the recognition of 264 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. the Spanish constitution of these Cortes, and their king, with- out a word of the republic of Colombia, all discerning men, saw that the object of it was to amuse the Colombians, and contin- ue the Armistice, whilst Morillo could reinforce himself and prepare for a new campaign. The Colombians lost, by it, that opportunity of expelling their enemies. It is proper to state here, that Morillo acted by the express order of the king ; and that he was encouraged, by the advice of various Spaniards, living on the Main, who flattered them- selves with the hope that the congress, and the chieftains of Colombia, tempted by the offer of retaining their rank and titles, would gladly accede to their offers. Morillo and his advisers were, therefore, surprised and mortified by the answer of con- gress ; his advisers particularly ; for his principal object was to gain time, and prepare for a new exertion. None of the Span- iards, from the king down to the lowest subject, ever, for a moment, contemplated acknowledging the republic. On the expiration of a month, the Armistice ceased, and the war raged with new fury on the part of the Spaniards, who had employed the time in gaining strength, and who were exasper- ated by the failure of their attempts to procure the acknowl- edgement of the Spanish constitution. The Spaniards on the Main, supported Morillo with redoubled exertions and zeal. The constitutional government excited a national spirit, and produced union. The king alone had formerly been the ob- ject of every exertion ; by the constitution, every exertion was directed, or at least intended to be so, to the benefit of the whole Spanish nation. Before the negotiations, general Urdaneta having routed general Miguel La Torre, marched against the fortified place of Maracaybo, and besieged it. The Colombian colonel Cor- dova, came from the province of Antiochia, with 600 men, de- scended the river Magdalena, and, on the 24th of June, took the city of Mornpox without resistance. He then directed his march towards Teneriffa, where he encountered 400 men and 1 1 armed gun boats, all which he attacked and beat. The gun boats remained in his power. He joined admiral Brion and colonel Montilla, at Savanilla, in the beginning of July. Brion detached vwo of the armed vessels, to go before Cartha- gena, and two others against Santa Martha. The patriot colonel Lara was in the environs of that fortress with about 2000 men, whom he had recruited in the province. His communi- cation was open with Montilla. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 265 In June general Bolivar with 3000 men, was at Cucuta. He advanced to Cuenca, and opened a communication with Montilla. The 6th June Valdes routed the Spanish colonel Lopez, in the province of Popayan, and its inhabitants again declared in favor of Colombia. By the conquest of Mompox, and the destruction of the Spanish gun boats, by colonel Cordova, the river Magdalena was entirely in possession of the patriots, and the communica- tion between Baranca, Savanilla and Baranquilla, as far as Bo- gota, were again open to the Colombians ; which greatly facili- tated these operations against Santa Martha and Carthagena. Colonel Montilla established his head quarters at Baranquil- la, three miles from Savanilla, where Brion remained with his squadron to assist his further operations. At the former place 600 volunteers presented themselves, armed and organized. This reinforcement put him in condition to direct his march against Carthagena, which is about 30 leagues from Baranquil- la. In his march, he was every where received with enthusi- asm, and assisted with every thing. The tyranny and cruelty of the Spaniards was so great, that besides many other recruits, Montilla was joined by some hundred young men on horse- back, who had mounted and equiped themselves at their own expense. The ladies joined in the general enthusiasm, and I have been well informed that hundreds of them followed the troops, in different parts of these marches, on foot, carrying a musket for one, handing food to another, to a third water, taking the greatest care of the sick ; and animating the soldiers by their spirited behaviour, cheerfulness and vivacity. As soon as the Spanish governor at Carthagena was inform- ed of Montilla’s march, he sent to reconnoitre the patriots, a detachment of three hundred and thirty men, which was attack- ed at Pueblo Nuevo and completely routed. Twenty officers and some privates were taken ; the remainder gained Cartha- gena, which was destitute of provisions, and, as I have said before, divided into factions. Some persons were arrested every day, and public feeling was strongly in favor of Co- lombia. A false rumor which the secret friends of independence in Carthagena had spread throughout the city, that general Boli- var was coming with 12,000 men, so terrified the Spaniards, that the ex-viceroy, who continued to reside there, asked as a favor, that he might be permitted to embark ; which was grant- 34 26G MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ed him ; and he left the place together with some monks and priests, foreseeing that Carthagena would fall into the power of the Colombians. During the stay of colonel Montilla at Baranquilla, he receiv- ed various despatches from the Spanish chieftains ; who, by the express order of their general-in-chief Morillo, made him proposals, similar to those they had made to general Bolivar, and to the congress of Colombia. Among them was a letter of brigadier Don Vicente Manches de Lima* who had been three times routed by Montilla and was despised, by his own party, for his cowardice. Having taken shelter within the walls of Santa Martha, he published a proclamation full of abuse and insult, against the Colombians. He said in it, that Brion and Montilla were rob- bers and plunderers, that they had set fire to the village of Rio Hacha, fkc. This man, notwithstanding the cowardly as- sertions he had thrown upon the characters of these two distin- guished chieftains, had now the impudence to write (21st July) to colonel Montilla, proposing to him to unite with the Span- iards and fight with him, against the enemies of the king and of the Spanish nation. To this Montilla answered, “ I have al- ready answered to their Ex. Don Pablo Morillo and Don Pe- dro Rien de Porras, who made me the same proposals as you have done, in their official letter of the 21st of this month. I stated to them that, without considering what the supreme government might determine, I would not, for my own part, consent to suspend hostilities ; nor enter into any kind of treaty which should not in clear and positive terms recognize the in- dependence of South America; and that all other treaties should be founded upon this basis. I repeat the same to you, adding that to the education and delicacy of a gentleman, the proposal to desert my colors, and become a traitor to my oath and my country, is most revolting. I send you enclosed, a copy of your proclamation, with such notes and remarks as I thought proper to make upon it. Permit me to add, that he who continues an unjust war, who deceives the people, to con- ceal his own weakness, his indolence, his cowardice and his numerous defeats, can be no other than a bad soldier, and a worse gentleman. God and Liberty ! Head quarters at Baranquilla 2Sth July 1820.” I request the reader to compare this answer with that made by the President Liberator to general La Torre, dated Chris- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 267 toval 7th July 1 820, and to judge between them. Mariano Montilla is far superior to Simon Bolivar, in patriotism, firmness of character, personal bravery, and military skill ; and, this is acknowledged by all who know them. General Bolivar wrote to Miguel La Torre the following letter. “ I accept with the greatest satisfaction, for the army here, the armistice for the space of one month dating from yes- terday, proposed by your excellency as commander in chief of the Spanish army. I am sorry that the commissaries of the Spanish government have been obliged to make such a long and circuitous route, & c. fcc. (Signed) S. BOLIVAR.” The ingratitude of general Bolivar, as well as his gross igno- rance of civil administration, are apparent from his treatment of his constant friend and benefactor, admiral Brion. When Brion arrived at the seaport of Savanilla, he by a proclamation to the foreign powers friendly to Colombia, and particularly to those who were friendly to her commercial citi- zens, reduced the duties of the custom house from 33 to 25 per cent. This he did for the purpose of inducing such for- eigners to enter there, and establish a commercial intercourse with the Colombians. The measure was politic and wise ; and met the hearty approbation of every enlightened friend of the cause. As soon as general Bolivar arrived at Savanilla, and heard of the proclamation, he was highly displeased, and fell into a vio- lent passion. When admiral Brion attempted to explain his motives, and show the great advantage resulting from the change, Bolivar refused to hear him, and immediately order- ed a military publication, called a bando, proclaiming by the sound of drums, that from that day, the duties should be es- tablished upon the ancient footing of 33 per cent. The con- sequences of this act were, that he wounded the feelings, and compromised the authority of admiral Brion, (who very sensi- bly felt this public affront,) and caused the suffering and death of hundreds of his own people ; for these high duties kept out vessels, and cut off necessary supplies from the squadron, and from the land troops. Misery and want, united with the sul- try climate, produced fevers, and other maladies, to which many hundreds fell victims. General Bolivar went further. He imposed such heavy taxes upon the inhabitants of Baranquilla, Soledad, St. Stanis- laus ,Baranca, &c., who received Montilla with enthusiasm, that 268 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. he excited among them general dissatisfaction, by depriving them of all hope of reimbursement. All this was done after Montilla had gone from Baranquilla to Turbacco, whither Bo- livar came and staid two days. It is his habit to wander from one place to another, giving laws, and publishing proclama- tions and decrees, altering the existing state of things, general- ly for the worse, as at Savanilla. A hasty glance, a report of one of his surrounding flatterers, even a sarcastic reflection, have sufficed to change every tiling, during his stay of twenty four, and sometimes not over twelve hours, lie acted thus at Baranquilla, Soledad, and St. Stanislaus, the inhabitants of all which places had made every exertion in favor of Montilla’s troops as they passed. Montilla had the good sense to treat them politely, to exact nothing beyond their means, and to de- pend on their voluntary kindness. The President Liberator, under the pretext of loans, forced them to their utmost efforts. They of course bore him no good will. . Montilla, relying upon the factious state of the interior of the Carthagenan fortresses, and those of Santa Martha, sent colonel Lara, with S00 of his corps, against the latter place, while' he himself marched w ith the rest to Turbacco, where he waited for reinforcements. This place is four leagues from Carthagena. Here Montilla received from general Bolivar various des- patches for the governor of Carthagena, brigadier general Ga- briel de Torres, again treating of a new arrangement and of peace. The officers hearing the proposals were well received, but the offers of Bolivar were rejected. Letters were several times exchanged between Torres and Montilla, to no purpose. Bolivar went to Turbacco in August 1S20, and renewed the ne- gotiations, but having no success, he departed after a stay of two days. On the 1st of September, the Spanish governor of Cartha- gena sent 600 men against colonel Montilla, at Turbacco. His troops were surprised in the night of the 2d and 3d, and rout- ed. Cannon, baggage, ammunition, & c. fell into the hands of the Spaniards. But among the routed troops of Montilla, were some fifty Irishmen, who rallied, formed themselves, and rush- ed with such vigor upon the 600 Spaniards, that they killed a considerable number, and forced the remainder to retire, leaving their new acquisitions in the hands of these heroic Irishmen. Carthagena was supplied with fresh provisions, and, among other things, with 600 barrels of flour, by the Spanish corvette. Ceres ; and was thus enabled to hold out for some time longer. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 269 Colonel Lara had 800 men, chiefly natives, commanded by European officers. He directed his march towards the Cinega, whither admiral Brion had sent colonel Padilla with forty gun- boats, in support of the movements of Lara, who expected re- inforcements from the interior of New Grenada. Montilla, finding that he could effect nothing against Cartha- gena by remaining at Turbacco, left there a small corps of ob- servation, and came in October, with the rest of his troops, to join Lara, who was encamped on the borders of the river Cin- ega. He had reinforced himself considerably on his march, and admiral Brion had sent him all the troops he could spare, so that when Montilla again took the command, he was at the head of about 2500 men. Admiral Brion sailed from Savanilla the 19th of October with eleven armed vessels, to blockade Santa Martha, whilst Montilla and Lara approached it by land. Montilla passed the Cienega, attacked Sanchez de Lima, and easily routed him, on the 5th of November, at a place call- ed Fundation. The action was decided in half an hour. Governor Lima was one of the first who fled. He escaped by the road to Upar, leaving in the hands of his enemy, his ar- tillery, baggage, and 500 of his men. When the governor, general Porras, heard of this defeat, he thought no longer of defending Santa Martha with his remaining 1500 men, but em- barked in great haste, in the night of the 8th of November, on board of the French schooner Frelon, with all his baggage, and came to shelter himself in the stronger fortress of Carthagena. After this engagement, colonel Montilla met with little re- sistance, and, being vigorously supported by the squadron of admiral Brion, he entered Santa Martha on the 11th of No- vember, having lost only a few men. They found large maga- zines and warlike stores in the place. The occupation of this important fortress was attributed prin- cipally to the exertions and activity of admiral Brion, and the bravery of colonel Padilla, who commanded the gunboats. The latter is the colored man of that name who afterwards took the four forts of Boca Chica, (the strong hold of Cartha- gena,) Maracaybo, and, in 1814, Porto Cabello. He is now (1S28) arrested, and in prison at Carthagena. The taking of Santa Martha, which protected the mouth ot the large river Magdalena, made the Colombians masters of this river, up as far as Honda, and of the road thence by land, as far as Bogota, and of all the provinces of the interior of New 270 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Grenada. After this, the fall of Carthagena could not much longer be prevented. While this was passing at Santa Martha, general Bolivar started from Turbacco, up the river Magdalena, to the province Popayan, and joined generals Sanander and Valdes, who had collected a force of from 6 to 7000 men. As Ions; as these two generals acted without Bolivar, they were almost constant- ly victorious. This is attributed partly to their knowing the ground better than their general-in-chief, but principally to their being at liberty to act freely and promptly, as circumstances required. They had several thousand more men than were necessary to drive general Calzada out of that province and from the territory of New Grenada. General Bolivar’s arrival disturbed all. He would follow his own notions in every thing, and spurned at all advice. He took command of these supe- rior forces, and was beaten in different actions, and was forced to retreat with only 2000 of these troops. He had indeed a numerous retinue of emigrants, amounting to above 4000 per- sons of both sexes, who lied with him towards the plains of Apure in Venezuela. On his arrival there, he complained much of the apathy of the Grenadans. His complaints had no other foundation but his hatred, as a Caraguin, against the good people of Grenada, whose hatred he had drawn upon himself by his forced taxes, levied without regard to order or justice. The product of these, too, was notoriously squandered upon his flatterers and favorites, so that little or nothing remained for the pay or support of the army. So discouraged were the troops, that Calzada routed them in four several actions ; the conse- quence of which was the evacuation, by Bolivar’s troops, of New Grenada. The royalists not only gained more provinces, hut the pub- lic opinion turned in their favor, insomuch that guerillas were formed, under the command of colonel Santipana, to intercept a great quantity of arms, ammunition, provisions, 8cc., destined for the independent army ; many of whom too, were taken prisoners. These successes of Morillo were consequences of Bolivar’s entering into negotiations with his enemies, without having first laid a foundation for these negotiations. Meanwhile general Morillo was not inactive. He came from Valencia to Caracas, and raised a new levy of 3000 men, and received 100,000 dollars in cash, besides what was delivered him, in provisions, uniforms and equipments, to enable him to MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 271 continue the war efficiently. The captain-general of the island of Cuba, Cagigal, promised him a similar sum every month. General Bolivar, after having made his tour from Savanilla to Baranquilla, Soledad, St. Stanislaus and Turbacco, came back to San Fernando de Apure ; whence he passed to the province of Popayan. General Morillo perceiving that the Colombians made no movements, ordered general de La Torre, who com- manded the Spanish forces in New Grenada, to march from Tunja upon Truxillo, uniting all his disposable forces, to join him, for the purpose of attacking general Bolivar. Morillo be- ing too weak to attack the Colombians alone, waited the ar- rival of de La Torre ; and, meanwhile, on two separate occa- sions, gained some trifling advantages over the patriots. In spite of the great superiority of the Colombians, in point of num- bers, and in regard to public opinion, which was generally in favor of independence, and which every where powerfully sup- ported them, they dared not to attempt any thing decisive ; all remained in this state of suspense. Suddenly every one was astonished with news that two offi- cers had arrived at the head quarters of general Morillo, sent by general Bolivar, to treat again of peace and friendship. This occasioned the more surprise, as the latter had published the following proclamation, dated General Head-quarters, at Carache, October 14th, 1S20. “ Simon Bolivar, President Liberator, &c. &c. Two pro- vinces more have entered into the bosom of the republic. The forces of the Liberator have advanced, amidst the blessings of the people restored to liberty. Caracas will soon be witness to a great act of justice. Our enemies will return to their country, and ours will be rendered up to its children. Peace or victory will give us the remainder of the provinces of Co- lombia. They have offered us peace and a constitution. We will reply peace and independence, because this independence alone can assure us the friendship of the Spaniards, and to the people their free will and their sacred rights. Can we accept a code from our enemies, and disgrace the laws of cur country? Can we violate the rights of nature, by crossing the ocean, in order to unite two countries so distant from each other ? Could we confound our interests with those of a nation which had al- ways been the instrument of our torments? No, Colombians ! No one has to fear the liberating army, which approaches with the sole intention to break your chains. She has upon her standards the colors of Iris, and desires not to sully the glory 272 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. of her arms by the effusion of human blood. By order of the President Liberator. (Signed) ANTONIO DE SUCRE, Provisional Secretary of War." Moreover the province of Cuenca had, sometime before, de- clared her independence, and had elected a patriotic Junta. In consequence of the expedition sent by the Junta of Guaya- quil against Quito, four departments of that province, had also voluntarily submitted to the republican army. The province of Rio Hacha bad done the same, so that, at that time, 15 pro- vinces of New Grenada, out of 22, had already joined the gov- ernment of Colombia ; and the Spaniards had no more than the fortress of Carthagena, and the isthmus of Panama. In Venezuela six provinces out of eight obeyed the laws of Colombia. Such was the situation of this republic, leaving out of consid- eration, the numerous armies, the public spirit, the supplies from every quarter of Europe, the foreign troops full of zeal to distinguish themselves, when Bolivar suddenly renewed nego- tiations with the Spanish commander-in-chief. In his letle** to Morillo, he made overtures to him, to terminate the South American troubles in an amicable way, and invited him to send, the 23d of the same month, deputies to his head quar- ters, with whom he might have a full understanding, and who might labor with him at this great work. General Morillo, surprised at receiving such a proposal in a moment so critical to him, was anxious to accept it, and wrote immediately to Bolivar to that effect. He could not think that the proposal had been without some occult motive ; and therefore gave strict orders to his subalterns commanding the troops, to redouble tbeir activity and vigilance. He soon af- terwards moved his head quarters from Valencia to Calabozo, that he might be nearer to the President Liberator. As general Bolivar had offered and required hostages for •the security of reciprocal good faith ; Morillo designated Don Carrea the civil governor of Caracas, Don Juan Toro alcalde, of the same place, and Don Francisco Linares. They left the city of Caracas, for Punto Pedregal, where they were to remain as hostages during the conferences between Morillo and Bolivar. Meanwhile the Colombians moved towards Caracas, and took possession of the cities of Truxillo and Merida, and of Ca- rora, a small village, three days march from Coro. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 273 November oth, two officers arrived at the advanced posts of the royalists, encamped at Humaraco, not far from the advanced posts of general Bolivar. These deputies were the colonels Stine and Ambrosco Plazo, who were the bearers of proposals of peace and friendship, from the President Liberator. They were immediately conducted to the head quarters of general Morillo, at Carache, who received them very civilly, and in- vited them to spend the day with him. Bolivar had, among other things, demanded of general Morillo, to send commissa- ries to him, at his head quarters. The Spanish commander complied with this demand by sending the two Colombian colonels, with the greatest politeness, back to their general. But Bolivar, impatient that no commissaries came to him from Morillo, sent to the Spanish general new deputies, who arrived November 16th, and who anxiously demanded the departure of the Spanish commissaries, already named by Morillo. These were Don Ramon Couca, Juan Rodriguez del Toro and Fran- cisco Gonzales de Linares, who received orders to hasten their departure from Barquisimeto, where they w r ere on the 17th. When they arrived at Truxillo, the head quarters of general B divar, they were received as if they had been conquerers. Two treaties were here made with great despatch. One of them was an armistice between the two contending parties, which bore the title of “ Armistice between the Spanish and patriot armies .” It began with the following introduction : “The governments ol Spain and Colombia, anxious to finish the discords existing between the two parties, and considering that the first and most important step to attain this end is a sus- pension of hostilities, in order to explain and understand each other, have agreed mutually to name commissaries to stipulate, and to determine upon an armistice. To this end his excel- lency,” &c. (here follow the names of the commissaries,) after having exchanged their respective powers, dated 22d of the present month, (November,) and after having exhibited their proposals and the explanations, offered by both parties, have agreed, and do agree upon a treaty of armistice, under the specified clauses in the following articles : Article 1. Between the two armies, Spanish and Colombian, hostilities of every description shall cease from the moment that the ratification of the present treaty shall be published. War shall cease ; no hostile act shall be committed between them during the whole time of the duration of this armistice. Art. 2. The time of this suspension shall last during six months, 35 274 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. dating from the day of its ratification ; but as the principal and fundamental basis of this treaty are the good faith and the sin- cere wishes with which both parties are animated to end the war, a prorogation of the term now fixed, may take place for so much more time as may be necessary, if this term shall have expired before the conclusion of the negotiations, which shall be commenced ; in case, moreover, of there being a hope of bringing them to a conclusion. The treaty consists of 14 articles, in none of which is any mention made of recognizing the republic of Colombia, or of its independence. It was ratified by Bolivar at Truxillo the 25th, and by Morillo at Carache the 26th of November, 1820. The second treaty made and signed by the same persons at Truxillo, November 26th, stipulated to regulate this war upon a more humane footing, and in conformity with the rules of war among the civilized nations of Europe, that prisoners should not be put to death, but exchanged, and receive more humane treatment, the dead should be buried, he. he. These trea- ties do honor to the humane feelings of both parties. After all was done, the two generals, Bolivar and Morillo, met together, and spent some time in rejoicings and festivals. The details of their meetings have been published in many newspapers, and are not worth repeating here. This measure of Bolivar excited the astonishment of all the more enlightened Colombians. They openly declared, that he had no right to solicit an armistice with an enemy greatly infe- rior in force and in resources ; and especially, as he had, a few months before, formally declared against any treaty, which should not expressly admit the independence of the republic. They asked among themselves, “what reason could he have for not ex- plaining himself upon a matter so interesting to himself, and to the republic whose representative he was ? How could he trans- gress the resolution of congress, who, in their letter to Morillo, had declared that no treaty should be made with Spain, before the Spanish government acknowledged the independence of the Colombian Republic ?” Some said that general Bolivar had acted here, as he had done every where else, rashly and precipitately, without consulting congress, or advising with any man. Others finally said, he should have better known the ob- stinacy of the Spanish character, and the duplicity of king Fer- dinand, than to Hatter himself with a foolish hope, that such a man would have been able to acknowledge the independence of Colombia, as long as there existed the least hope to subject MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 275 them by the force of arms. The present Spanish squadron united under admiral Laborde, in the harbor of Havana, ready to attack either Mexico or Colombia, is the best proof of my assertion. The fact is, that general Bolivar, by acting with this rash- ness, brought upon his countrymen new scences of bloodshed and war, as will appear from the following chapter. CHAPTER XX. Renewal of hostilities — Manifest of General de La Torre — Battle of Carabobo — Conduct of La Torre and Morales — Bolivar at Caracas — Surrender of Carthagena , Maracaybo , and Porto Cabello — Entire evacuation of the Main by the Spanish forces. 1S21-1824. As soon as the amistice was signed, ratified and proclaimed, general Morillo hastened to leave his army, and to return to Spain, where a rich bride awaited him. He was glad to leave a country where he had lost much reputation by his ill admin- istration generally, and particularly by his tyranny, cruelty, and capricious duplicity, during his command on the Alain. This (I know not what to call him,) after assuming the title of Paci- ficator of South America at Bogota in 1 S 1 6, ordered some hundreds of the most wealthy and respectable inhabitants to be shot : In the island of Margarita, he destroyed and pul to death, hanged and shot, not only men standing upon their de- fence, but women and children also ; at Papao, Cabellos, and Boca-Chica, where he sufFered the cruel Morales to burn an hospital of lazorinos. His cruelties were notorious every where. General Alorillo signed the armistice, the 26th November, and on the 17th of December, he embarked at Porto Cabello, for the Havana. He finished his course as he commenced it ; in violation of the right of brigadier-general Alorales, he named for his successor, brigadier-general Aliguel de La Torre, who was both unskilful and cowardly ; who had lost many battles ; and the whole province of Guayana ; and was despised by his 276 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. own officers ; whereas Morales, had advanced from a private, to become a vigilant, active, and brave commander. Though detestably cruel to his enemies, he has been more than once seen, while encamped in the midst of his soldiers, giving them his own shoes, blanket, even his coat to cover the sick, while he lay almost naked upon the ground. The appointment of La Torre created jealousy and schism between these two chieftains, and finished what Morillo lett undone towards the destruction of the remaining Spanish army in Colombia. The same day that Morillo left Porto Cabello, for the Ha- vana, a squadron of 2 frigates, 1 corvette &ic. with 4 transports, arrived at Laguira from Cadiz; bringing 6000 muskets, 7 000 uniforms &lc ; but no troops; in their stead came 4 commissa- ries whom the king had sent to the Main, to pacify it. They had received an express order to conclude a peace upon no other basis, than that the seceders should previously recog- nize and obey the constitution of the Spanish Cortes of 1 b 1 8. When these commissaries were informed of the armistice of 26th of November, they were surprised, and openly expressed their dissatisfaction. They immediately spread a rumor that 10,000 Spaniards were ready to embark from Spain, and that in case the commissaries should not be able to effect a pacifi- cation upon the terms above mentioned, these troops would im- mediately sail for the Main, and join the loyalist troops remain- ing there. This rumor made no impression upon the patriots, because they knew it to be a fiction. General Bolivar perceived at last, that in proposing the ar- mistice of the 26th of November, he had acted Injudiciously. But instead of retrieving his faults as far as he could, by decla- ring that hostilities should re-commence in eight days, if the commissaries and La Torre should not send him a formal re- cognition of the republic of Colombia, he adopted a crooked course, unworthy the chief of such a country as Colombia. He subjected himself to the just censure even of La Torre, as will appear by the Spanish manifesto, made out in the manner of La Torre, who exposed Bolivar’s conduct by publishing his official letters. The two following documents show what was Bolivar’s manner of acting : The first is a proclamation of general Bolivar to his army ; the second to the inhabitants of Colombia. “ Soldiers ! Peace should have been the recompense of the armistice which is about to expire. But Spain has seen with indifference, the painful sufferings which we have experienced MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 277 on her account. The remainder of the Spanish government in Colombia, cannot measure their power with that of 25 provin- ces which you have delivered from slavery. Colombia ex- pects from you its entire emancipation she expects more ; site commands you imperiously, in the midst of your victory, to fulfil with vigor the duties of your sacred struggle. I have al- ways relied upon your courage, your perseverance ; but from your discipline alone 1 expect to have the satisfaction of ac- quiring new glory which you are on the eve of obtaining. Sol- diers ! I hope you will have humanity and compassion even for your most bitter enemies. Be the mediators between the vanquished and your victoiious arms; and show your- selves as great in generosity as you are in bravery. Liberating head-quarters at Barinas April 17th 1321. (Signed) BOLIVAR.” The second was as follows, and of the same date and sigua- ture : “ Colombians ! the anxieties of our armies, our unheard of pri- vations ; the tears of the people almost expiring, force us again to take arms in order to obtain peace by expelling our invad- ers. This war, nevertheless, shall not be a war of death, not even of rigor ; it shall be a sanctified crusade. We shall fight to disarm, and not to exterminate our enemy. We shall strug- gle to obtain the crown of brilliant glory,” &c. &lc. If it was true that “ the remainder of the Spanish govern- ment in America, could not measure its power with 25 free provinces,” and that “ Spain saw with indifference the suffer- ings endured by him and his army,” why not put an end to these sufferings, and those of the country, while he had the means of doing it in his own hands ? That Colombia had “ heard with joy the propositions for peace, made by Spain,” was absolutely false ; she desired peace indeed, but she pre- ferred war to dependence, to every thing but liberty and inde- pendence ; and this had been unequivocally expressed by the voice of the whole country. It is certain that Bolivar himself was the first who proposed an armistice ; and it is certain that he did this at a time when, with his fai superior forces, he might easily have destroyed those of the Spaniards. Morillo and his king had simply proposed that Colombia should acknowledge the Spanish constitution, and to submit to her government. Their proposition was plain and unequivo- cal. How even Bolivar could propose, first an armistice of 278 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. one month, and then six months, without claiming, or even mentioning the acknowledgment of the republic, is an enigma. Such is the man who directs the destinies of two millions of his countrymen, whom he rules with absolute power, and whom he makes daily more slavish and miserable. During the armistice, the congress was removed from An- gostura to the city Del Rosario de Cucuta, in the department of Bogota, and province of Pamplona, as being a more central position between Venezuela and New Grenada, there to re- main until the new city of Bolivar could be built. I will give here some extracts from the manifesto published at the expiration, in April, of the armistice, and dated, Head- quarters at Caracas, 1821, by brigadier general Miguel de La Torre, as general-in-chief of the Spanish troops in Colombia, respecting the continuation of the war. For his introduction, he says : “ From the armistice con- cluded at Truxillo, and ratified by their excellencies, the court of Carthagena, and Don Simon Bolivar, human prudence might have hoped that peace would have reigned again over the whole territory of the Main ; that the unjust passions would have given way to reason, justice, truth, and to the other vir- tues,” &ZC. “ The principal motives which had served until now, as a pretext, to justify in the eyes of the world the troubles in these countries, had, fortunately, disappeared. It was no more the despot Ferdinand who occupied the throne of Spain, it was no more an arbitrary power that disposed of the welfare of the Spaniards; no — it was Ferdinand the Constitutionalist, who had voluntarily resigned this odious power, and who had res- tored to the law all its majesty and force. The Spanish mon- archy, already spread over the whole world, was no more an union of slaves ; the Spaniards were already free.” “ The hopes which my predecessor had conceived, so just- ly, to re-establish peace and tranquility, for so long a time lost, having vanished, he had nothing left him to do, but to prepare again for war, when be received an official despatch from his excellency, the president, dated Cucuta 21st September, by which he invited him to new pacific proposals. During this, he, the president, accelerated his march under frivolous pre- tences, and absolutely contradictory to the proposed object.” “ My predecessor was nevertheless obliged to obey the or- ders of his majesty, to neglect no means to restore to this country its lost prosperity. In such a manner were the con- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 279 ferences began at Truxillo, not to treat there of peace , but to suspend hostilities, whilst the commissaries of his excellency the president, could have departed for the court of Madrid, to present their demands and pretentions before the supreme gov- ernment of the nation, which alone could decide definitely upon them. His excellency the president was very well informed that my predecessor had no power to do it ; and it was upon this information that the ratification of the armistice was ground- ed : the contents of this treaty alone will sufficiently prove this fact” &c. In this latter assertion general La Torre was perfectly cor- rect. In the two documents signed at Truxillo, one may search in vain for a passage which would induce the reader to think that the republic had been acknowledged by Morillo or his commissaries. To cite the whole of La Torre’s prolix and verlose letter, would be useless ; but he cites some letters and facts which are strongly against general Bolivar. He accuses him and gene- ral Urdaneta of having violated the armistice of January 28th in Maracaybo, of which the latter took possession the 8th April during the existing treaty, at the head of a strong division, and entrenched himself, notwithstanding that hostilities were not to commence before the 12th. Before this, Bolivar violated the treaty at Barinas, which, he reinforced with a battalion of troops. In this memoir were also cited some letters which speak strongly against Bolivar, and expose his duplicity. After having corresponded and lamented much, general Bolivar at last, on the 10th of March, notified La Torre by letter, that hostilities should recommence in conformity to the 12th article of the treaty, at the expiration of thirty days. The war was renewed accordingly. After receiving this letter, La Torre left Caracas and went to Calabozo, in the beginning of April. He prepared for fight- ing, by giving out orders, that his officers, after his example, should be confessed and receive the sacraments and abso- lution. It is reported, by eye witnesses, that La Torre began already to manifest symptoms of the same fever which attack- ed him at the battle of San Felix in Guayana. Before La Torre’s departure from Caracas, he published two proclamations, one directed to the army, the other to the few inhabitants remaining under his dominion. Both were dated Caracas 23d of March 1821. He made a great dis- play of words, without spirit or vigor. The productions were 2S0 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. characteristic of the man, resembling more a Capuchinade than an address of a commander-in-chief. A third proclamation was issued by general Ramon Correa y Guevara, captain-general of Venezuela, the 2Sth of March, in which he told the inhabitants, “ that one single sentiment should exist ; one single opinion ; one single cry — the consti- tution, the king, or death !” But notwithstanding this display of heroic sentiment, Mr. Correa himself preferred flight to death, and set the first example, by retiring from Caracas, af- ter having, in imitation of his commander La Torre, duly con- fessed himself. Correa, while governor of Caracas, left the city secretly, in the night of the 14th of May, and Bermudes, the next evening, entered the capital, without having fired a musket. He found the city abandoned by all the people of any note. They had retired towards Laguaira and Porto Cabello, to live no more under the government of Bolivar. The great- est part of these inhabitants embarked for the West Indies and the United States of North America. The entry of Bermudes into Caracas resembled a funeral. In the streets were found a mass of miserable wretches, some begging a cent for charity. Prostitutes mingled in the ranks of the soldiers, amidst the ringing of bells, and the sound of cannon. Bermudes gave a ball, at which, not four ladies of distinction were found ; all the otheis were colored people or blacks. He ordered, under heavy penalties, a general illumina- tion for three nights, gave dinners and festivals, and lived jo- vially, at tlie expense of the ruined inhabitants. Bermudes published an appeal to the inhabitants, inviting them to join his troops ; and, with great pains, obtained about 300 blacks of the lowest class. Bermudes attempted to raise, by imposition, some money for the support ol himself and his troops, but could not obtain so much as 6000 dollars. The tabble broke into some stores and plundered them, and were with difficulty re- strained by the troops. In May 1 SO 1 , the forces of general Bolivar amounted to 15,000 in Venezuela alone. Among these were more than 2000 European troops, whilst La Torre, (by his own fault, as is said,) had not 6000. Well informed persons have said, that he relied upon the deceitful promises of Bolivar, who flattered him with hopes of peace, (and this appears from La Torre’s memoirs,) expecting that the negotiations would end in peace, he remained inactive, whilst Bolivar was reinforcing himself on all sides. In La Torre’s memoirs are found fre- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 2S1 quent expressions of his good faith and his love of peace, and his unbounded devotion to peaceful measares, (which no one doubt- ed who knew his military character.) The feelings of the Spanish troops towards their leader, are also to be considered. The majority of them were displeased at his being their com- mander. They said that he was a coward, and that he had done nothing since the first breach of the armistice at Barinos, in December 1S20, though from that breach, it was plain that Bolivar did not incline to observe the treaty of Truxillo. After the action of Carabobo, well informed men asserted, that the loss of the Spanish forces in Colombia, was entirely the fault of La Torre ; that instead of uniting all his forces in the little village, he contented himself with the first division, consisting of 2500 infantry and about 1500 cavalry, command- ed by himself and Morales, whilst Bolivar, who joined Paez at San Carlos, had about 6000 infantry, among whom were about 1 100 European troops, (called the British legion,) and 3000 Llaneros on horseback. The village of Carabobo, celebrated for the famous battle fought there the 26th of June, is situated about half way be- tween San Carlos and Valencia, six leagues distant from the latter city. There the Spaniards had taken a strong position. This position was judiciously chosen by Morales, who, in all military matters, was, beyond comparison, superior to his com- mander. The shape of the ground afforded great advantage, or rather a decisive superiority, over any assailant, for if an enemy forced a passage in front, they might retire to the next position, and so for several steps, disputing every inch of ground with advantage, while the assailants, fighting at disadvantage, must suffer considerable loss. It is a plain, interspersed with hills, of which, the greater part were covered with trees, and full of rocks, which defended them on every side. Thirty thousand men might manoeuvre on the plain with ease, having in front but one defile, and that, the only passage to Valencia. The Spaniards confident that their wings were well protect- ed, the left wing, moreover, resting upon a deep morass, post- ed themselves on the public road. Upon a hill opposite the defile, they placed two pieces of cannon and a squadron of cavalry on their right wing. In this position they waited for the enemy during twenty days, confident of success whenever they should be attacked. Bolivar knowing that the welfare of the republic depended upon this battle, when he saw the enemy’s position, wavered 36 282 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. whether to attack them or not. He assembled a council of war and again proposed an armistice. His subalterns unani- mously, and with disdain, rejected the proposal.. General Marino proposed to turn the position of the enemy ; but after having discussed and rejected various plans and proposals, the majority decided to risk every thing and attack the enemy in his strong hold. Against Bolivar’s proposal to try another ar- mistice, Paez and Bermudes spoke with great warmth and in strong terms. On the 24th of June, the Colombians, about 8000 strong, came before the enemy. When Bolivar saw the passage so strongly guarded, he again hesitated to commence the attack. But Paez and Bermudes warmly insisted upon it. Whilst they were discussing the subject, there stood among Bolivar’s reti- nue, one of his guides, who overheard the conversation. This mail, who was perfectly acquainted with the country, came near the Liberator and told him, in a whisper, that he knew a foot path, through which the right wing of the Spaniards might be turned. Bolivar knew the man well, and after consulting with him a short time, secretly detached three battalions of his best troops, and a strong column of cavalry under the command of general Paez, to follow the guide. This pass was one of the most difficult in the country, particularly for the British legion, who made part of the column. They were obliged to go sing- ly, and their shoes were so cut to pieces by the sharp stones that their feet were wounded deeply. These brave men ac- tually tore their shirts and made bandages for their feet, to enable them to go on. They succeeded perfectly, being mask- ed by the forest, hut as soon as the enemy discovered them, he was obliged, of course, to direct part of his forces against them. The royal battalion of Bengos nearly complete, and consist- ing of European Spaniards, at first, intimidated the Colombian battalion called Los Bravos de Apure, which fell back upon the British legion. Encouraged by this success, they advanced against the legion which they mistook for a Creolian corps, and directed a well aimed fire against it, which was well returned. Soon after the Spaniards charged with the bayonet, and dis- covered their mistake by being charged in their turn, with the bayonet, by the British legion. This charge was directed with such celerity and force, that the Spaniards began to be dis- couraged and to give ground. They were at last dispersed, and were followed by the English bayonets. What remained of these Spaniards were nearly all destroyed by a squadron of MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAn. 233 Paez, called the sacred squadron. A squadron of the enemy attempted to charge the British legion, but were driven back by their well directed fire of musketry, and forced to retire. This unexpected disaster upon the rear of the Spanish right wing, so disconcerted general La Torre that he lost all presence of mind. The confusion was soon spread among the Span- iards ; their cavalry dispersed without having made one charge. The Spaniards retired precipitately and in perfect disorder, leaving their cannon, train and baggage. General Paez dis- played great activity and bravery. He placed himself at the head of the cavalry and pursued the Spaniards, but his men were so badly mounted, and the horses so fatigued and weak, that, though the ground was even, he was not able to break the files of the Spanish infantry. If his cavalry had been good, not a single Spaniard could have escaped. In one of their unsuccessful charges, general Sedeno, colonel Plaza, and a black man, who, on account of his bravery, was called El Primero, (the first,) were killed. These brave men, finding their efforts to break one of the enemy’s infantry lines unavailing, precipitated themselves into the midst of the bay- onets. In this battle the enemy lost more than 500 men. La Torre, with the remains of his forces, shut himself up in Porto Cabello. Spaniards, who w r ere eye witnesses, have assured me, that he was one of the first who came within the fortress. The loss of the Colombians was not great. The English le- gion had about 30 killed and 100 wounded. Their comman- der received various wounds, of which he died. The Colom- bians were obliged to attribute the success of this march to this handful of brave foreigners. These received from general Bolivar the name of Carabobo. General Paez distinguish- ed himself highly ; but Bolivar, though he kept himself as usual, at a respectable distance from the danger, assumed the princi- pal glory of the victory, and entered Valencia the same day with his troops. I have these details from the pen of a foreigner, who, at that time, was a superior officer in the service of the republic, and who fought in this action, in the British legion. His report continues as follows : “ This affair, such as it is, will form an epoch in the history of Colombia. The two principal actions, upon which depended the welfare, or rather the existence of Colombia, were undoubtedly gained by the valor of the Euro- pean troops in their service, viz, the action at Bovaca, which 2S4 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. decided the fate of New Grenada, and this at Carabobo, which made the Colombians masters of Venezuela. It is certain that these troops have been rewarded in an ill manner ! There exists not, I believe, soldiers more ill treated than those in Co- lombia ; badly clothed and fed, exposed to all the inclemen- cies of a climate not very healthy, to a scorching sun in the day time, and to cold and rainy nights. To these must be added the forced marches, the fatigues and the continual move- ments of a partizan war. Such a soldier must have a very ro- bust constitution to exist for any length of time, &c. In the battle of Carabobo, the Spanish infantry only, fought ; and, from the commencement of the action, the two Spanish commanders La Torre and Morales, were not united in regard to the command, and the plan of operations to be pursued. Morales who commanded in chief, the cavalry, 1 500 strong, well chosen, perfectly well mounted, and able to beat the 3000 Llaneros, whose horses, unable to resist one well directed charge, had the baseness not to order a single charge ; and to remain a quiet spectator of the destruction of the infantry, lie was highly displeased at being under the command of La Torre, and, as I am well informed, so jealous, that he disregarded several orders from the latter to charge the enemy. His bitterness and obstinacy were so great, that he heard, unmoved, the most urgent entreaties of the Spanish cavalry officers under his command, to charge, or at least to permit them to charge the enemy, whilst they were in the plain. The officers pointed out to him (which he must have seen himself) the advantageous times and positions for charg- ing. But he expressly refused them permission to move. When they saw his obstinacy, they became discouraged, left their ranks, and were followed by their subalterns, without hav- ing made one charge upon the patriot troops. One single squadron, which remained, attempted to charge upon the Brit- ish legion, but were driven back, as 1 have stated. The Spanish infantry alone sustained the whole battle, viz, 2500 men against 7600 . I have heard from good authority, that if the British legion had not been with the Colombians, they would, in all probability, have lost the battle. The regiment of Va- lencia about 600 strong, covered the retreat ; and at four dif- ferent times, repelled the cavalry of Paez consisting of 3000 Llaneros, and that in a fine plain, where half the number of almost any other cavalry, would have swept the ground clean pf these 600 infantry. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 2S5 The news of this defeat, spread consternation amongst the Spaniards. Such was the confusion and terror in the fortress of Porto Cabello, that if Bolivar had inarched against the place without loss of time, he would have got possession of it. More than twenty Spanish royalists, whom I saw afterwards at the island of Curacao, assured me of this. From that time, above 20,000 inhabitants of Caracas, Laguira, and Porto Cabello, seeing the royal cause upon the Main completely lost, and cursing the cowardice and apathy of La Torre, embarked for foreign lands. After the action at Carabobo, the fortress of Porto Cabello was so filled with fugitives, that sixteen dollars a week were paid for the use of a single room ; and the price of provisions rose an hundred fold ! the apathy of La Torre excited great indignation amongst the most distinguished Spaniards. Of this 1 will cite, from among hundreds, one proof; a letter da- ted Porto Cabello June 29th 1821, inserted in the Gazette of Curacao. “ There has been no great change in the situation of this city since my last of the 27th. The unfortunate dissentions between La Torre and Morales are continual. The apathy of the first is so great that the majority suspect him of treachery. He will not consent to the desire of the greatest part, that Morales take the chief command ; nor will he listen to any solicitations to permit him to go out of the place with the 2000 chosen troops which remain in it, in order to make a junction with the forces of Pereira and Lopez, who have sent express after express to him for that purpose. But all is in vain. It appears that he fears that Morales, once out of the place, would turn him out, and put himself at the head of the army. We have here in the place more than 4000 men able to serve, and who would enlist themselves with great pleasure, if any body else but La Torre should be appointed commander-in-chief. Could you believe that since he has been in the city he has not ordered any efficacious measures to defend the place in case of attack. Such is in fact the criminal inactivity of La Torre. God grant that we may have a change soon !” After the battle of Carabobo, general Bolivar published an order of the day, under 13th July, informing that he had given the name of the battalion of Carabozo to the corps before call- ed the British legion ; and as colonel Ferrier their commander, had died (of his wounds received in the battle of Carabobo) various promotions took place in the corps. 28G MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. The news of this victory inspired the congress assembled at Cucuta, with the liveliest enthusiasm. They immediately passed a decree that did honor to their sentiments, and is too well know to need insertion here. In speaking of this decree I must he permitted, deeply to regret that the glorious death of colonel Ferrier was not noticed in it. He died at the head quarters of the British legion. His merit surely entitled his name to a conspicuous place in one of the four columns of a paper devoted to the fame of those who fought for the liberty oi Colombia. I must add that notwithstanding the national gratitude decreed by the congress of Colombia, the battalion ol Carabobo, which, on the 1st of June 1S21, contained above a thausand men ; in August 1S23, had not fifty men left. The rest, except a very few, perished in the country. The last commander of the battalion, lieutenant colonel Brandt, in Aug. l82o, arived from Laguaira, at Caracas, in a pitiable condition, his uniform torn in pieces, without a change of clothes, having no boots, only a single pair of old shoes ; and not a cent of money in his pocket. He was besides, lame and deaf. He addressed himself to Charles Soublette the Intendant of Cara- cas, requesting an order for at least a small amount due upon his salary for past services. He could obtain nothing. Sou- blette was then living in the highest style. Lieutenant colonel Brandt for aught that appears, might have perished, but for the hospitality of captain Alaitland, commander of the Colombian brig Pinchita and his officers, who kindly received him on board, in the harbour of Curacao. Such is the gratitude of Colombia to her deliverers ! Let their conduct towards the for- eigners who so ably assisted them in the days of trouble, be compared .to that of the United States towards Steuben, Kos- ciusco, and La Fayette. Caracas and Laguaira were lost, whilst Torre, with more than 4000 men, was lying idle, and detested in Porto Cabello. Colonel Peregra a brave and enterprising officer, being left to his fate by La Torre, was forced to surrender by capitulation. This increased the complaints and murmurs againat La Torre, who was now hated and despised by all. On the 29th of June, in the evening, general Bolivar with general Paez and a numerous and brilliant retinue, entered the city of Caracas, and ordered the taking possession of Laguaira. But he found not a white inhabitant in the deserted streets of Caracas. The greatest part of the houses were empty ; many of the stores were pillaged ; the streets were filled with beg- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 287 gars, and dead bodies. Some miserable negroes cried “ Viva Colombia, and begged for cents : destruction/ misery and death, had taken up their abode in this once flourishing, rich, Dop- ulous and joyous city. Bolivar compared this entry into Caracas with that of Au- gust 1813, and was surprised, and not a little frightened. His indignation rose against all who had fled to escape from falling again under his dominion. He immediately ordered a procla- mation to be published and fixed to the corners of the principal squares and streets, in which he said : “ Caracas shall not be the capital of a republic ; but the capital of a vast government, administered in a dignified manner and worthy of its importance. The vice-president of V enezuela, enjoying all the attributes of a'great magistrate, you will always find a source of justice in the centre of the republic, who will spread plentifuly his be- nevolence over all the branches of public welfare in your country. Caraguins ! be thankful to the ministers of the law, who from their sanctuary of justice, have left you a code of freedom and equality. Caraguins ! lavish your admiration upon the heroes who have given existence to Colombia. Genaral Liberating head-quarters, Caracas, June 30th 1824. (Signed) BOLIVAR.” This great Magistrate whom this great General announced to the people of Venezuela as the worthy administrator who would spread plentifully bis benevolence over all tbe branches of public welfare ; his vice-president of Venezuela, (whose title was afterwards changed to that of Intendant) was Charles Soublette ! so well did he administer, that, on three or four oc- casions, the principal inhabitants of Venezuela exclaimed against him ; and so diffusive was his benevolence, that, on ac- count of his insolence and incapacity, (as has been generally said) his protector was obliged to recal him, and to give this intendancy to general Tobar. In order to remedy in some measure the evils of this gene- ral emigration, general Bolivar published the following procla- mation. “ Caraguins ! The dissatisfaction felt at this moment from the general emigration which has followed the royal party, has caused me the greatest sorrow. Your flight, and the total abandonment of your property, could not have been the effect of a spontaneous movement ; no — it must have been from fear either of the armies of Colombia, or of those of the Spaniards. 2S8 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Royalists ! You may rely upon what has been agreed upon, as to the regularity of this war ; and upon the policy of the day, which holds in detestation and horror, the past times when the genius of crimes had arrived at its highest pitch ; shocking to all sentiments of humanity. Royalists, return to your posses- sions. Caraguins ! Your emigration is a manifest offence against the Spanish government, which you think to please and flatter. Your fears of the arms of the king, in his terrible reactions, are no longer well grounded, because the Spanish chieftains are the generals La Torre and Correa, and no longer Boves or Morales. Caraguins ! I know you are patriots, and you have abandon- ed Caracas ; but could you in conscience fly before the arms of Colombia? No, no, no ! &lc. &c. San Carlos, July 3d, 1821. (Signed) BOLIVAR.” Tbe stupor of La Torre, discouraged the royal party. All who were rich and faithfully attached to the royal cause, emi- grated. Above 24,000 of them, unwilling to live under either La Torre or Bolivar, departed for the West Indies, Spain and the United States. The consequences of Bolivar’s indignation at this extraordi- nary emigration, were soon felt. Before he left Caracas he confiscated the houses and lands of the emigrants, to a great amount, dividing them among his chieftains and courtiers. He imposed heavy taxes and contributions upon the few inhabitants who had not emigrated, but had lived retired in tbe country, and devoted to the royal cause. He adopted two measures which greatly increased the misery of the inhabitants. 1st. The Spanish government had coined a small copper money, which was generally known under the name of the pau- per’s money. It was intended for the benefit of those who were poor, whether they had become so by the fury of civil war, in- ability to labor, or in any other way whatever. This money was every where received without hesitation. In Caracas, a Spanish dollar is divided into halves, quarters and eighths. The eighth is called a real. The half of each real is called a medio real , and this was the lowest coin in value. In this state of the circulating medium the Spanish government emit- ted a copper coin, called quartillo, one of which was worth half the medio real. Four sols were the value of a quartillo ; so that the dollar being divided into 32 parts, as many differ- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 2S9 ent articles might be bought with it. A poor man, (and the poor were very numerous',) therefore, who earned one real a day, could buy sixteen different articles for himself and family. This poor-money, besides enabling the poor to live, kept down the price of the necessaries of life, and thus benefited both rich and poor. An ordinary family might live well with a dollar a day, whereas now they can live but poorly with twice that sum. When general Bolivar entered Caracas, in June 1823, there was above two and a half millions of dollars, of this poor-mo- ney, in circulation, in the capital, and in the province of Cara- cas; and no one hesitated to receive it. He ordered, by a decree, that this money should circulate no longer. The price of every thing rose immediately, and with it, the public suffer- ing ; and that, to such height, that many perished of hunger and want. 2d. The second measure was a decree, as an extraordinary war contribution, that the harvests of all the possessions be- longing to emigrants, should be collected and put into the stores belonging to the government. This was done in such hurry and confusion, that in the collection many frauds were committed. Such dilapidations attended the collection, that, from all these productions, not more than a sixth part ever found its way into the public stores. He ordered that the land own- ers, who had remained in the country, should, under pain of capital punishment, give up their harvests of every kind, and deliver them into the public stores. He allowed the owners one fifth part only. The loss of the battle of Carabobo, and the stupor of La Torre in Porto Cabello, spread disgust and consternation among the Spaniards on the Main, insomuch that on the 21st Sep- tember, 1S21, the strong fortress of Carthagena surrendered by capitulation. La Torre was at last removed, and was succeeded by Mo- rales ; but it was too late. The strength of the Spaniards, and their confidence that they should eventually regain their supe- riority, were gone. The expedition of Morales against Coro and Maracayho, served only to prolong the season of war and bloodshed. Nothing was produced by it of more importance, than that by his usual course of conduct, Charles Soublette obtained the nick-name of Miss, or lady Soublette. Paez and Padilla, fortunately for Colombia, retrieved such of her affairs, as had been thrown into confusion, and well nigh lost by the 37 290 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. timidity and weakness of Soublette. Maracnybo, which had been in possession of Morales since September 1822, fell again into the hands of the Colombians, after a nloody and destructive naval action, which did great honor to the intrepidity of its commander, general Padilla. Maracaybo surrendered in August 1S23, and, soon after, Morales embarked for Havana. He left the country loaded with the execrations of the inhabitants, which he deserved by his multiplied barbarities and cruelties. Porto Cabello surrendered at last, on the 16th of July 1824, and this closed the evacuation of the Main by the Spaniards No armed enemy was now to be feared. This surrender was also the work of Padilla, sustained by general Paez. CHAPTER XXL Conduct of the Dutch Government in the Island of Curacao against the Republic of Colombia and the Spaniards — Of the expedition against Porto Rico, and spoliations committed bj the Dutch Government of Curacao, under 'pretence of the criminality of Gtneral D. II. Since the revolution at Caracas, the island of Curacao had been the head quarters of the Spaniards. It was rendered precious to them by its fine harbors, and its proximity to the Main. Having g old, they possessed the means of being pro- vided with every thing requisite to carry on the war, and to furnish the fortresses and places of Porto Cabello, Laguaira, Coro, Maracaybo, Cumana, &:c. with provisions and ammuni- tion. The richer classes, members of the government, and merchants, were nearly all in favor of the Spaniards ; the peo- ple were for the patriots. In 1S22, there appeared an official statement of facts, pub- lished by the Fiscal of Caracas, Mr. Narverte, and by the president of the court of admiralty at Laguaira, Mr. Francisco Xavier Yanes, in a pamphlet form, with the following title : “ Exposition of the conduct observed by the Dutch govern- ment of Curacao, in the pending war of the republic of Colom- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 291 bia with Spain. — Caracas. From the printing office of John Gutienes. 1822.” When this appeared, the governor of Cura- cao, Paulus RoelofF Cantzlaar, whose conscience was not clear, made every exertion to suppress it. But i had friends, who provided me a copy, from which I will extract some curious facts that are little, or not at all known, out of that country. From these, and other facts stated in this chapter, I shall show the corrupt perverseness of these leaders of a government, which Yanes, the president of the court of admiralty, at Ln- guaira, designated by the name of “ that gang called the Dutch government of Curacao of which Cantzlaar was at that time the chief. He said also, that t: that gang” had treated the Co- lombians like dogs, particularly after the battle of Carabobo. “ Here,” said he, “ are some proofs : The Colombian priva- teer, the Valoroso, captain Bernardo Ferreiro, having lost his main-mast, in January 1S22, not far from Curacao, was forced, in distress, to enter that port, under protection of the laws and rights of nations. He was allowed to enter, but, soon after, his vessel was seized and illegally condemned under the pre- text of reprisal for two Spanish vessels, taken by the privateer Condor, in the territorial jurisdiction of Curacao. This pretext was false, for the court of admiralty at Laguaira had proved that the two Spanish schooners, Fortuna and Experiencia, taken by the privateer Condor, were seized in latitude 1 1 degrees 50 minutes north, and longitude 68 degrees 35 minutes west, and consequently without the waters of Curacao. Instead of examining the fort, enquiring of the captain of the Valoroso, or adv ising the government of Colombia that any re- oaration was claimed, the government of Curacao passed at vnce all forms used in such cases, and sold the vessel at public pendue. “In the course of Dec. 1818, the privateer brig Irresistible, (now called the Venudor,) cruising under the colors of the East Shore of the river Plata, took vessels, two destined to Porto Cabello and Laguaira, one of which was a Spanish, the other a Dutch vessel, called Armonia, and belonging to Mr. Theodore Jutting, which was retaken by a Duch frigate in her passage from Bonair to Los Rogues, for Margarita, and restored to her owner. As soon as this was known in Curacao, the gov- ernment published a ban , ordering all the foreigners to present themselves before the Fiscal, who, as soon as he ascertained the persons belonging to the Main, ordered them to leave the island within eight days. 292 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. “In the year 1819 the Colombian privateer General Eng- lish took a Dutch schooner, the Intrepida, commanding from Cuchito Curacao, to transport property belonging to the enemy. She was taken in tow by the privateer and conducted to one of the ports of Margarita for adjudication. There was at that time, in the port of Curacao, a Colombian privateer called the Sosegada, which on the simple demand of George Curiel,* owner of the Intrepida was immediately sequestered by the government of Curacao, by way of reprisal. It was not before this was done, that complaints were made to the government of Colombia asking damages, indemnification and satisfaction, for insults offered the colors of his Majesty, the king of the Netherlands. “ At the time of the invasion of Coro, a citizen, Joseph Amaes, was obliged to shelter himself in the island of Aruba. He took with him a female servant obtained at Coro, not for speculation, but for his own use as a servant. She came from the sequestered property of a Spaniard, Don Manuel Ganzales, who reclaimed her of the government of Curacao. The latter gave an order to seize the servant in the house of Amaes, and to deliver her to the Spaniard, notwithstanding that Amaes, at the time, proved her to be his legal property. This act of the government of Curacao, was, therefore, a plain violation of the law of nations. After the Spanish commander had taken possession of the city of Coro, in virtue of a capitulation made with colonel Go- mez, one of his first measures was to seize the slaves and mules upon the neighboring farms belonging to republicans, who had emigrated. These were ordered to be sold in the West In- dies, or exchanged for provisions and warlike stores. Whilst vessels were preparing to transport them, the Dutch slaves were locked up in the prison. When two vessels came from Coro to Jamaica, bringing 380 slaves to exchange for provisions, the British government ordered the vessels to leave the port within 24 hours. They did so ; and steered for Havana. “ But in the island of Curiaco all that were bought were in- discriminately admitted ; slaves have been sold there for three barrels of codfish each ! * This George Curiel is a colored man , a merchant in Curacao entirely devoted to the Spaniards, as is Theodore Jutting and his two brothers Christopher and William. Those and Frederic Lint z , have done great misclticf to Colombia, by the powerful support they have g'ven t° the Spaniards. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 293 This horrid traffic being now prohibited by all civilized na- tions, the government of Curiaco, by permitting it in their ter- ritory, have violated the laws of nations, no less than those of neutrality. These facts (and a great many more might be adduced) are sufficient to show the avaricious and cruel conduct of the government of Curiaco, towards the citizens of the republic, who fled from tyranny, and sought shelter in their island. “ That government has received into their ports Spanish sub- jects and privateers, whilst it has refused, or confiscated those ol the republic. It has assisted the Spaniards with provisions and munitions of war, in opposition to a cause in which the whole human race is interested ; at the same time that it has plundered those who were devoting their property and their lives to the support of that cause. It has moreover, destined to hopeless slavery, many human beings, who, by the existing laws of their country, as well as by those of nature, w r ere enti- tled to freedom. All this and much more, has been done by the Dutch government of Curiaco, for gold. “ All these facts are inconsistant with a strict neutrality, and are, therefore, in violation of the rights of the Colombians. Dated from the harbor of Laguaira April 15th 1822. (Signed) FRANCISCO XAVIER YANES. President of the Court of Admiralty In the morning of the 29th October 1 823, a prize of a Colom- bian privateer came into Curacao to escape from the chase of a Spanish armed vessel. The governor, Cantzlaar, ordered her to sail immediately. The prize captain, an American citi- zen, represented in vain, the danger to which she would be ex- posed by going out, and requested a delay of two days, which was refused. The captain of the Spanish privateer Especu- ladora, being at the time in the harbour, and informed of the governor’s order, sailed out and cruised before the island, to take the prize vessel. The coptain’s papers were in perfect order, and the actual cruising of the Spanish vessel, affording a strong additional reason for staying in port, he went again to the governor, and told him, that he could not go out without losing his few men, himself, and the vessel. About seven o’clock in the evening, a guard came on board, the comman- der of which, in the name of the governor, ordered the prize * Of this document I have given only a short extract 294 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. captain to weigh anchor and set out without delay. The cap- tain and his crew again declared that they could not submit to so unjust an order. They were compelled, by blows with broadswords and muskets ; and favored by the darkness of the night, escaped the enemy lying in wait for them. Such was the conduct of Cantzlaar, that a second memoir appeared against him, sent from Porto Cabello in the month of January 1824. 1 endeavoured, but in vain, to procure it. My friends have informed me, that this was more full, stronger and better written, than the former. Cantzlaar may be considered- the we plus ultra of bad gov- ernors. He was denounced by the merchants generally, and at length removed, to the great joy of the inhabitants. Spanish doublons were exchanged at Caracas, at the rate of twenty dollars in the current money. Mr. George Curie], a merchant, being obliged to pay eleven thousand dollars in current money, sent the value in doublons at the fixed rate of twenty dollars, as they were usually taken by the receiver gen- eral. But Mr. Van Uytrecht told him, that he had received an order from the governor, not to receive, from that time, a doublon, at more than sixteen dollars in current money ; and Spanish dollars at only 12. instead of 15, as they had been, received. Mr. Curiel complained of the order ; and wished to take back his doubloons. This was refused ; and he was giv- en to understand that he might have them back, after he had paid his debt in current money. It was at that time impossi- ble to obtain such a sum in current money, without paying very high interest ; and this Mr. Curiel was compelled to do. This happened in April 1S23 ; whereas the 3d of ftlay, then next, was the time fixed by the governor lor beginning to receive doublons and dollars at the treasury', at the rate spec- ified in it. The decree excited the public indignation against Cantzlaar ; but it was not revoked. In November 1S22, a seizure was made of some dye-wood, coming from Maracaybo, and belonging to Mr Curiel. The pretext for the seizure was that an exact declaration of the weight had not been made at the custom house, the exact weight of four pieces, among about two thousand , not having been declared. Report of this fact being made to the gover- nor, he ordered the wood to be taken from the vessel, and de- posited in the Fiscal’s yard. There it was weighed again ; piece by piece. Two pieces only being found to vary, Curiel was permitted to take it back. But by the operation, which MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 295 occupied seven weeks, the owner incurred great loss in time and expense ; in fact, he was thereby accused of an attempt to defraud the government. In February 1S24 Mr. Samuel Lyon, merchant in Curacao, had a controversy with the Fiscal, who is the chief of the po- lice, about a vessel which the police officer had neglected to visist until it was so late in the day that the vessel could not sail that evening ; Mr. Lyon complained to the governor, who ordered the Fiscal himself to examine the officer and report to him ! The captain of the Spanish privateer Contella, after having, in 1821, pillaged many vessels sailing under Dutch colors, and belonging to inhabitants of Curacao, and having upon the high seas, so ill treated the captain from Curacao, of the Dutch merchant schooner Admiral Vander Capellen, that he died in consequence of it ; a few days afterwards, had the audacity quietly to enter the port of Curacao with his privateer. He was immediately charged, before the governor, with the crim- inal transactions, and positive proofs were adduced. The gov- ernor was entreated to arrest him, and detain his vessel until satisfaction for his crimes should be made by the Spanish gov- ernment. Instead of complying with this just demand, he per- mitted the vessel to sail out secretly at midnight of the same day. It was loudly declared, in Curacao, at the time, that the captain obtained his permit to sail, by the power of doubloons. The details of this villainous transaction may be found in the Gazette of Curacao, No. 41, of the year 1821. During the year 1820 and thence into 1823, of his adminis- tration, Cantzlaar issued above one thousand decrees, rules, ordinances, &lc. These are carefully bound in six enormous folio volumes, and are to be seen in the office of the Fiscal, or secretary of state. For all purposes of government, they are worse than useless. But they are sure proofs of his obstinate disposition to vex and harrass the small population of 2300 souls committed to his government. Cantzlaar reduced the salaries of the officers of government so low, that their families coidd not be supported by them. Many of them were actually forced to ask charity, or to borrow, or to seek illicit means of subsistence ; whilst he took care to provide himself abundantly with every thing. His master, the king of the Netherlands, attributed his reduction of salaries, to a spirit ol economy, and was so p’eased, that he gave lnm an- nually a gratuity of S000 patagues, in addition to his salary of 1S00 florins. This king is an honest man, but he knew noth- 296 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ing of the oppressive system by which the governor enhanced the misery and desperation of the inhabitants of Curacao. Therefore I wrote privately to H. M. the king of the Neth- erlands, in April 1S24, what I nowhere repeat publicly : “ that his governor of the island of Curacao, Paulus Roeloff Cantz- laar, abused the name of his master, and disgraced the Dutch government.” The character of Cantzlaar is a compound of hypocrisy, despotism, avarice and meanness. He was, of course, detested by all who were obliged to have any thing to do with him, and obtained the name of “ the little Jesuit.” The following are among hundreds of anecdotes current of him : He made a contract with a colored man named Barien to furnish him a certain number of flat boat (called puntje) loads of stone for building a wall; at the rate of two patagues per canot ( one dollar and six pence.) The stone was delivered ac- cording to contract. But when Barien called for his money, the governor told him some of the boais were not well loaded, and that he had not stone enough for his purpose. The other replied that he could furnish more boat loads at the same price. “ No, no,” said the governor “ it is better to weigh the stones and pay you by the pound.” Barien eventually got about half his money ; which it is to be remarked, was payable out of the public treasury, The sellout or high constable received every month eight patagues, for the purpose of cleaning the prisons, furnishing water &c. In order to receive a good sum at once, he let it lie for 10 months, until it amounted to 80 patagues. Can- tzlaar decided upon his claim “ that a man who could advance 80 patagues could advance more,” and the constable received nothing ! The consequence of this villainy was, that the prison- ers were wretched sufferers ; often without a drop of water ; which in Curacao is not obtained easily. In April 1823, a schooner was lost near Pescaduo, a small port of Curacao. Cantzlaar ordered a clerk of the comptroller’s office to go there and take an exact account of the articles sa- ved from the vessel. Mr. Herman Boyer, after having strictly and fully complied with the order, was directed to present a bill of the particulars of his expenses ; in this voyage of about five miles. The whole amount was about eight reals (50 cents.) After a fortnight the governor decided, that “ as the bill was charged too high, he could not make an order for the payment.” Mr Boyer had a wife and children. Mr. Nie- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 297 bulir the comptroller, ashamed of such meanness, paid his clerk from his own pocket. A young man named Weiss, a clerk in the Fiscal’s office, having received no salary for about a year, was in want of a penknife and a small box of wafers, for the use of the office. He mentioned it to the Fiscal, but as the governor had given strict orders that not a quill should go from the public stores without lus fiat, Mr. Weiss was obliged to draw up a formal re- quest in writing, which was signed by the Fiscal and sent to the governor. After three days’ delay the decision of the gov- ernor was sent to the office in writing, “ that he granted the box of wafers, but refused the penknife.” On Tuesday February 3d, while the governor was in town giving public audiences, as is usual on that day of the week, Sir. Elsevier, the Fiscal, who is second in rank and dignity in the government of Curacao, was in want of twelve sheets of wrapping papei;, and a box of sand for his office. He made his demand in writing, and signed it. The governor, with his own hand, changed the figures 1-2 to 1-4, and then signed his fiat “the Schout by Nacht, (rear admiral in rank) and governor of the island of Curacao, and its dependencies.” Upon this the Fiscal received six sheets of brown wrapping paper, which cost the government of Curacao about three cents. This second dignity, the counsellor Fiscal, Mr. Isaac James Rammelmann Elsevier, is designated by his favorite words “ he moot betaalen,” (he must pay.) The third personage in the island is Mr. Daniel Serurier, president of the tribunal of justice; so called. He is a cor- rupt, base, hardened drunkard ; and is the devoted servant of the governor, and of his clerk Hagunga. That the government of Curacao in 1S22 — 1824, was ex- tremely base, I trust will further appear, from the relation of a transaction which excited great sensation at the time, and in which I was concerned. The proceedings of this government to which I now allude as oppressive, fraudulent and base in the extreme, were against myself, Bautista Troine, and Charles Frangatt Voyel. The projected expedition against the Span- ish island of Porto Rico, the object of which was to render its inhabitants free and independant of Spain, excited great atten- tion and interest. With two brigs, which were intended to form part of the force of that expedition, I entered the port of Cu- racao in distress. This being a neutral port, I had of course a right to protection, by the laws of nations. The brigs were 38 298 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. laden with rich cargoes ; and Cantzlaar and Compaguree, for the purpose of laying their hands upon this property, caused me to be arrested, while I was in port, and in the condition just stated. For the purpose of covering this outrage and direct- ing the public attention from it, they and their coadjutors took great pains to occupy the columns of various newspapers, with false and calumnious statements relative to my character, and to the objects of the expedition. 1 will give my statement. When I took my final leave of the service on the Main, my desire was to retire altogether from such scenes as had engag- ed the greater part of my life ; and to devote my time to my growing family. With this view I engaged in literary pursuits and gave lessons in various branches, with which in the course of my life, 1 had become sufficiently acquainted to teach them to others. While I was living in this manner, I received, one night, at Curacao, a visit from some rich foreigners who were well settled in the island of Porto Rico. They urged me strongly, to place myself at the head of a numerous party of wealthy inhabitants of that island, for the purpose of expelling the Spaniards from it, and rendering the island free and inde- pendent. 1 had declined various proposals made me to join the patriots in Mexico and Buenos Ayres, and I now declined this urgent one of these inhabitants of Porto Rico, notwithstand- ing that they assured me, they placed entire confidence in me, and in me alone ; and that they would have nothing to do with any other military chieftain. About a month after, a larger number of them came to me, and gave me such proofs of their spirit and ability to accomplish their purpose, that I consented to their proposal. This happened at the end of the year 1821. I removed with my whole family from Curacao to St. Thomas’. There 1 left them, and came myself to the United States, where 1 soon found many enterprising men ready to aid me. The expedition against Porto Rico, was, as yet, a project, which could not be realized, until I should have received all the powerful means promised me. Proceeding with part of my vessels, from St. Barts to Laguaira, l encountered a heavy storm at sea, and was forced to put into the port of Curacao with the brigs, the Eondracht and the Mary, in a state of dis- tress, the 16th of Sept. 1822. The 23d 1 was arrested by or- der of governor Cantzlaar, in the house of the Fiscal judge. The governor, conscious of the baseness, or rather of the odium of the proceeding, exerted himself to throw the blame of the arrest upon the Fiscal and the tribunal. But the villainy was MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 299 his own. He was indeed influenced by advisers, who were in- terested with himself in the spoils they were to gain. I shall not detail the villanies of these men ; they are too well known. I will say here (what I have authentic documents to prove,) that Cantzlaar, Elsevier, D. Serurier, Hagunga, Van Spen- gler,* and their accomplices, are a gang of villains, to whom nothing is sacred, but gold. Had I been sailing with an armament to attack Porto Rico, the government of Curacao, a neutral power, would have had no right to impede me, nor to aid the subjects or allies of Por- to Rico in doing so. I had committed no offence. I came in distress into the neutral harbor of Curacao, and was entitled to such reception as is due to a distinguished stranger in a foreign country. I had done nothing to forfeit my liberty, nor my right to the hos- pitality of the place. My situation was perfectly known to Cantzlaar ; he knew well that he had no right to arrest me. But, instigated by his own avarice and that of others, he did so ; and thus rendered it necessary for the purpose of covering the spoliations committed upon the property under my care, to ac- cuse and try me as an offender. Parker, the United States’ consul, who died afterwards at Curacao, Van Spengler, who is now governor of the Dutch island of St. Eustacia, and William Prince, the secretary of the government of Curacao, in con- junction with those already named, were busy in procuring the insertion of false statements relative to me and my affairs in many foreign gazettes, and particularly in those of the United States. I could not contradict them at the time, because I did not know of their existence. I found afterwards, that they had prejudiced the public against me, and the honorable motives which had actuated me ; I saw at once, that they were intended to justify the robberies of Cantzlaar and his coadjutors. Cantzlaar gave orders to institute a cause against me. I protested in strong terms against both the arrest and trial, refus- ed to answer before the tribunal, and demanded to be inform- ed why I was arrested in violation of the rights and laws of na- tions. Cantzlaar answered me that the Fiscal had caused my arrest ; the Fiscal told me that the governor had done it. The governor accused me of an intention to attack the island of Porto Rico, and to render it free and independent, after * Van Spengler is at present, governor of St. Eustacia, and is gravely compro- mised in the transactions of a pirate, whose crew has been hanged at St. Kitts. See the report of the grand jury, published lately, as a proof of my assertion. 300 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. having driven the Spaniards from the island. But as I had no troops nor any means of prosecuting such an expedition, this ridiculous pretext failed. Most of the European and North American gazettes printed in the latter part of the year 1822, contain statements of this Porto Rico affair ; and 1 believe all who have read them, are satisfied that my views were upright and honorable. The Fiscal, Elsevier, seeing that the governor’s accusation stood no chance of succeeding, set his own genius to work to invent another. He brought forth a grave charge of piracy, or as he expressed it, similitude of piracy. The evidence stat- ed in this accusation, in support of this charge, was, that I had caused to be printed, in Philadelphia, various papers filled with liberal and republican principles. The grand inquisitor Serurier, not satisfied with the form of either of the above charges, himself put the accusation, upon which he afterwards pronounced me guilty and sentenced me to death, into the form of a charge of high treason against all living sovereigns. This course of proceeding carries absurdi- ty, outrage and villainy, upon the face of it, and needs no com- ment. The lawyers generally stood in such fear of the govern- or, that, for some time, no one of them dared to undertake my defence. At last, the court, ex officio, named Mordecai Ricardo, a man in whom, alone, I had entire confidence. M. Ricardo made a bold and masterly defence. But, as my ac- quittal must have restored to me the brigs and their cargoes ; his defence availed nothing. My fate was indeed decided be- forehand. After the hearing was over, my friends, of whom I had a great many, and those of the most respectable inhabitants, came and congratulated me upon my prospect of speedy re- lease. So sure were they that the court would not dare to condemn me. During the trial, which lasted eighteen months, M. Ricardo behaved like a true friend ; and after the sentence, which was sent to me in writing, and which I treated, together with the court, with all the ridicule and contempt I was master of, he insisted upon an appeal to the higher court of Graven- hague in Holland. The appeal was denied. He applied a second time and was again refused. The inhabitants almost universally understood the cause and the motives of the court, so that the decision excited general indignation. For my part, 1 kept my pistols and dagger at hand, and in order, determined to defend myself to the last ex- tremity. When the refusal to grant an appeal was known, the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 301 public indignation rose to the highest pitch ; of which Cantz- laar, being informed by his spies, sent for the president of the court, to come and dine with him ; and directed him to grant the appeal. They were seriously alarmed by the excitement among the inhabitants ; and wished also for time to make up a plausible statement of the case, to be sent to the higher tribu- nal. The appeal, therefore, on a third application, was grant- ed. I bad asserted aloud, in presence of the Fiscal, (in whose house I had apartments) his son, and three clerks, that the court were a set of robbers ; and that no one would dare to execute their ridiculous sentence. After my condemnation, I continued to occupy myself with my usual pursuits, to receive jny friends, and to walk abroad as before. I gave out that I would send letters to his highness the Sultan at Constantinople, and to the emperor of China, no- tifying them of my conviction as a traitor and a conspirator against their lives. Hardened and brutish, as Serurier had be- come, he could not resist the torrent of general ridicule, and was evidently mortified. Having declared that I would not go in a merchant vessel, nor without my family, to Holland, Cantzlaar fitted out the brig Swallow, a Dutch man-of-war, of 22 guns, for that purpose. In a few days, having made all necessary preparations, we were ready to embark, (Nov. 1823,) when, one morning, the Fiscal entered the room where I was at breakfast with my family, and told me that he came from the governor, who had just re- ceived despatches from Holland, in which the minister of the colonies ordered the governor to suspend every proceeding against me, and by no means to send me to Holland, as this affair was not regarded as criminal, but altogether as political. That I must be treated with all the regard due to my rank and education, (an order to the same effect had been given by the governor to the Fiscal at the time of my arrest, and was in force during the proceeding, against me) until his majesty the king of the Netherlands had received the advice of his council of state. At last came the decision of the king; which was, that the whole of the proceedings against me should be annulled and destroyed ; that I should be immediately put at my full liberty, and that all my expenses should be defrayed, until I might ar- rive at whatever place I should choose to go to with my faul- ty- 302 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. At the time of my departure from Curacao, various rumors were in circulation ; one was, that the governor, and the whole gang had received a very severe reprimand for the whole of their proceedings against me. I know not the fact ; but I know they deserved it. The above is but a sketch of the cause. The principal rolls (or papers) remain in the hands of Cantzlaar, Elsevier and Serurier. One of the articles of the sentence at large, was that my liberal (I suppose they meant to call them licentious) papers should be burned by the hands of the common hang- man, in the public square at Amsterdam fort in Curacao. The king of the Netherlands is an honest and upright man. It therefore would become him to institute a full and particular inquiry into the conduct of these men, relative to my trial ; and also to inquire why Leonard Sistare, who had been convicted of altering the ships papers of the Endracht, was suffered to leave the port of Curacao, unpunished. Mr. Van Spanglee, the acting Dutch governor of St. Eustacia, as I am well inform- ed, can give the best information on the subject. The origi- nal acts, which are kept at fort Amsterdam, will throw light on the subject. There are also, in my knowledge, facts and evi- dence sufficient to satisfy any impartial man, of the corruption of those who originated and carried on the infamous and ground- less prosecution. These facts and evidence shall be produced whenever (while I am living) H. j\I. the king of the Nether- lands, shall call for them. CHAPTER XXII. Biographical Sketches of Louis Brion, Francisco Pablo de Sanander and Francisco Antonio Z,ca. Louis Brion, of the Order of Liberators, admiral, captain- general, and commander-in-chief of the naval forces of the re- public of Colombia, was born in the island of Curacao, the 6th of July, 17 82. He was one of the most distinguished chiel- tains of Colombia, liberal, honest and brave, and an ardent pa- triot. He was one of the principal supporters of general Boli- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 303 var, to whom he was, unfortunately for the cause of freedom and independence, too blindly devoted. His father, Peter Brion, was a native of Brabant, and a wealthy and respectable merchant. He was a counsellor of the council of state in Cu- racao, until his death. His mother, Mary Uetrox, was born in Luttich. Both came from Holland and established themselves in the island of Curacao, where his father’s business became very important and extensive, and greatly enhanced his wealth. Louis, who was the second son of the family composed of two brothers and one sister, was sent, when very young, to Hol- land for his education, where he completed his classical studies. He was placed in the office of a notary public for the purpose of studying and learning the laws. But when the conscription came, young Brion waited not to be drawn, but presented him- self voluntarily to serve in the foot chasseurs of Holland. When the English and Russians made their descent on the coast of Holland, under the duke of York, Brion distinguished himself by his bravery. He attracted the attention of his superiors, who offered him the grade of an officer, but his parents fearing he might become attached to the military life, caused him to return to Curacao, where his father employed him in mercan- tile business. But young Brion was of too active and restless a turn of character to be pleased with the life of a settled merchant. He wished to make voyages, and to enlarge his knowledge and increase his fortune. His father, therefore, granted his request to be sent to the United States, for the purpose of studying navigation. While he w T as here for that purpose, his father died, and left him a large fortune. Louis bought a vessel, and visited various seas and countries, uniting the seaman with the merchant; and having made large additions to his fortune, re- turned to Curacao in 1S04, where he established himself as a merchant. The English commodore Murray, having received an order from his government to take possession of the Dutch island of Curacao in 1805, sent a detachment of from four to five thou- sand men, to the east side of the island. These English troops debarked near a small fort called Caracas Bay, and took pos- session of a hill commanding the fort, where they placed a battery and heavy guns, which threatened the destruction of the fort. Brion was, that day, accidentally there. As soon as he perceived the intention of the English, he sprang upon his horse, and came full speed to the capital, which is two large 304 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. leagues from Caracas Bay. In the capital he had many friends — and it was well known there, that not only he was rich and active, hut also, that he had served with reputation in the mili- tary line. In a few minutes he was joined by above a hundred young men ; his friends who armed themselves, elected him their commander, and marched full speed against the English. With Brion at their head, they ascended the hill, where the English had hastily entrenched themselves. Brion and his friends attacked them with such spirit, that the English were killed with the bayonet and sword, upon their pieces. The battle was turned upon the boats of the English, of whom a few escaped to embark ; but all that were not killed on those, were destroyed by the fire directed upon the boats ; so that not a soul, eventually escaped. This heroic deed raised Brion and his companions to the highest estimation. On their return to the capital they were received with demonstrations of joy and gratitude. Festivals were given in honor of them. But the restless disposition of Brion impelled him again to travel. He bent his way to La- guaira ; and coming to Caracas, was received into the most distinguished families, and among others, into that of Montilla, in which he soon became an intimate friend. This was some years previous to the revolution of 1810, at Caracas. From that time he became the patron of the eldest son, Mariano, who, as we have seen, was indebted to him for his reconcilia- tion with the supreme chief at Angostura in 1819, and his pro- motion to the rank of colonel, in the service of his country. At the beginning of the revolution in 1S10, Brion offered bis services to the new republic, and was appointed captain of a frigate in 1S1 1. He accepted the rank, with the condition that he should not be subject to strict service, but should be at liberty to act independently of any chieftain, with his own ves- sel, in his own way. He, in fact, sacrificed his large fortune and his credit, for the benefit of the cause, and labored inces- santly in its service. He would undoubtedly have done much more, had it been in his power to change the ambitious views of general Bolivar, to whom I have heard him a hundred times urge the necessity of having, not a congress alone, but a gov- ernment established upon legal principles, by which the secu- rity of persons and property should be insured to the whole community. I heard him speak with great warmth to Bolivar, in favor of convening a congress, and adopting a constitution like that of MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 305 the United States of America, where the federal system had been proved to be the best and most in conformity with the different laws, customs and character of the people. If Caracas and New Grenada had adopted the federal system, Bolivar could never have obtained the absolute rule over them which he now exercises. Bolivar himself was aware of this ; and, therefore, it was, that he rejected the federal system, under pretence of its being too weak and slow in its operations. A central government has thrown absolute power into his hands. And now that he has acquired the habit of reigning alone, it will be difficult, probably impossible, to introduce a free government, a government of laws, into Colombia, during his life. Bolivar soon forgot, or at least disregarded all that Briort had done for him, or the cause. The great exertions of Bri- on, as noted in these memoirs, met only with ingratitude from Bolivar. When I spoke to general Bolivar one evening at Aux Cayes in very high terms of Brion, and his great exertions, Bolivar said to me, “ you are right, my dear friend ; but we must both confess he is a very great fool” — and he laughed heartily. Brion could never recover the large sums he advanced ; Bolivar put him off by saying there was no money then, but that he should be paid as soon as possible. The leading traits in the character of a Caraguin, are vani- ty, pride and jealousy. In prosperity he is vain and insolent ; in adversity, humble, and ready to listen anxiously to any one who is able to relieve him. When Bolivar came from Jamaica to Aux Cayes, he had not four doublons in his pocket. He found Brion, listened to him, and followed his advice. But the supreme chief at Mar- garita, and at Carupano, rejected the wise counsel of Brion, and followed his own whims. Bolivar, when a fugitive from the field of battle at Ocumare, listened to the voice of Brion, who joined him at Bonair, and returned to the shores of Ocu- mare. Being driven off by Marino, Piar, and Bermudes, and treated as a coward by his own countrymen, the stranger Bri- on came again to his support, and placed him at the head of the government, at the end of 1816. Bolivar again in power, disregarded his word given to Brion, and the chieftains of Co- lombia, to assemble a congress. When upon Bolivar’s disap- pearance, and concealing himself in the plains of Cumana, Zea, Marino, and others, had assembled a congress, Bolivar, 306 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. the moment it was in his power, annulled their proceedings, and fastened again on the supreme power, and reprimanded Brion and Zea. Biion being deeply engaged with Bolivar, was obliged to submit to his commands. From that time Bol- ivar became jealous that Brion might supplant him ; and from this jealousy arose the treatment Brion received from him at Savanilla. 1 have been assured, that from the time of the transaction at Curiaco, the admiral was no longer treated by the supreme chief as an intimate friend and confidant, as he had evei been before that time, and that he felt this coldness very sensibly. In consequence of that jealousy, which is so strong a trait in the Caraguin character, Bolivar had to struggle not only with Bolivar, but also with Mariano Momilla, and Linode Cle- mente. In 1819, Mariano Montilla was sent as colonel from Angos- tura to Margarita by the supreme chief, with a large amount of money, as has been related. After the taking of Santa Mar- tha, where Brion so powerfully sustained the operations of Montilla, the jealousy of the latter rose high against Brion, who, as admiral, had a right to the command. Montilla, created brigadier general, forgot that Brion was his friend and protec- tor, and refused to recognise his authority. This gave rise to many unpleasant scenes ; and Brion, highly disgusted, retired to Maracaybo, where general Linode Clemente was inten- dant. The character' of Brion was generally rough and haughty, and this brought him into disagreeable collisions with the gen- eral. Under so much trouble, his robust constitution was shaken, and he became so ill that he was obliged to leave his squadron. He retired to Curacao in the beginning of 1821, in a low state of health, and so poor that the captain of the privateer he went in, lent him sixteen doublons. He was so dejected and tired of life, that he refused medicine, ate very little, and drank what his physician advised him to abstain from, after a long and lingering illness, he died, as he had long de- sired, the 20th of September, 1821, deeply lamented by all enlightened and liberal men. All the property he left of a vast estate, was not enough to pay the expenses of his funeral, which was attended by many hundreds of the inhabitants of Curacao. His probity, his gen- erosity, and the great services he rendered to Colombia, will transmit his name to posterity, and exalt it far above the name MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 307 of any of his persecutors. The congress of Colombia has passed various decrees in honor of his memory. Francisco Paulo, or Pablo Sanander, of the order of Libera- tors, General of division, vice president of the republic of Co- lombia, he. he. was born in 17S7, at the city of Bogota, at that time called Santa Fe de Bogota ; he was born in a low condi- tion. His high rank and elevation are the result of his own merit. He is brave, active and intriguing, with but little edu- cation or fortune. He is the chief of the revolution in which he has distinguished himself on various occasions. His ambi- tion is not so conspicuous as that of Bolivar ; but they are great rivals, and Sanander is far the ablest man, and best qualified to be at the head of the government. During tlie four years of Bolivar’s absence in the southern provinces of Colombia, and in Peru, general Sanander or vice president, was charged with the executive ; and in the whole of this time there was no commotion, no partial insurrection, no civil war. Affairs pro- ceeded, if not so regularly as could have been desired, certain- ly much better than after Bolivar’s return to Colombia. As soon as the latter returned, civil war began in Valencia, Cara- cas, and Lnguaira ; and afterwards at Porto Cabello and Car- thagena. It is said not without some foundation, that general Bolivar was the secret instigator of these commotions. This as- sertion derived credit from the fact that general Paez was on- ly not punished, but was continued by the liberator in his rank, and in his command. Bolivar indeed convened his ridiculous assembly at Ocuna, which was but vapour. Bolivar, with his bayonets, gained his point, while Sanander, the constitution, and those shadows of the republican form, the senate and house of representatives, vanished. This was a struggle of the Cara- guin against the Grenadan. The weapons of the former were bayonets, those of the latter, pen, ink and paper. Antonio r rancisco Zea, Dr. Jurisprudentite, ex-intendant, ex-president of congress, ex-vice-president of the republic of Venezuela, minister plenipotentiary of the republic of Colom- bia at London and Paris, &c. &c. was born in 17GS, in the city of Bogota. He was one of the first who thought of ren- dering his country free and independent of Spain. He had devoted his lime chiefly to the study of the laws, political econo- my, history, and general literature, to all, in short, which con- duces to form the mind and mould the heart of a gentleman. He devoted himself .zealously to the study of botany, of which he acquired a profound knowledge. He was one of those rare 308 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. characters that are distinguished hy virtue, knowledge and pro- bity. Zea was the intimate friend of his countryman, Antonio Narino, a young man of ardent and ambitious character, and of a leading family in Bogota. Narino hated the oppressive government of Spain, and by his passionate and energetic con- versation, gained his friend Zea, and about twenty other young men of the best families, to unite, for the purpose of exciting the attention of their countrymen to their debased condition, and inducing them to revolt. The imprudent zeal of Narino, however, discovered his plan, and his accomplices. They were secretly arrested in the night, by order of the viceroy, taken under a strong escort to Santa Martha, and embarked for Cadiz, (1794.) Young Zea had the good fortune to find powerful friends and protectors at Madrid, where he remained for a long time. From there he went to France, whither his parents came short- ly afterwards, to establish themselves at Paris, where they re- mained with part of their family. Zea returned to Madrid and became the conductor of the Gazette of the court, and of the Mercury of Madrid. Soon after, king Charles IV. appointed him director of the beautiful botanic garden of that capital. In 1808, Mr. Zea was one of the 85 deputies from Spam, convened by order of Napoleon, at Bayonne, to form a new king. The new king of Spain, Joseph Napoleon, in whose retinue Mr. Zea entered Spain, named him, soon afterwards, his pre- fect at Malaga, and gave him the decoration of his new order of knighthood. But the new prefect shared the fate of his new king, who, with his good qualities, soon gave way to the cruel and cold hearted Ferdinand. Mr. Zea returned to France, and resided some years at Paris. Part of his family were with him, and he occupied him- self exclusively with science and belles lettres. When, in 1813, the congress of New Grenada sent M. M. Gutierres and colonel Tides Duean to London, to procure arms, ammunition and oth- er warlike stores, for the use of the patriots, Mr. Zea joined his countrymen and rendered them great assistance in their busi- ness. But they were principally indebted, for their success, to Louis Brion, afterwards admiral ol Colombia. He was at that time in London, and offered his large fortune and extensive credit in aid of the object of these patriots. By these means they procured a flue corvette, armed with 28 guns, which MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 309 brought a great quantity of warlike stores, and among them four- teen thousand choice muskets, for the use of the patriot army. Brion had beforehand made a written agreement with them, very fortunately, as one of these deputies attempted, in 1816, to deprive him of his property. In 1814, Mr. Zea passed from London to Jamaica, where he remained until the beginning of 1816. He was joined in 1815, by general Bolivar, after his siege against Carthagena.* General Bolivar returned to Aux Cayes, Mr. Zea joined him some weeks afterwards, and was appointed intendant of the army. Mr. Zea and admiral Brion, who made their acquaintance in London, became firm friends. The former being of a sweet and accommodating temper, became also the friend of general Marino, who was despised by Brion. In 1817, Brion found him- self grievously disappointed by general Bolivar, who had made to him, Arismendy, Paez and others, a solemn promise, before he left Port au Prince, that he would convene a congress. Boli- var, under various pretences, eluded their intimations to him to keep his promise ; and, by usurping the title of supreme chief, betrayed his determination to continue in the exercise of the supreme power. Brion, who loved a constitutional government, and hated an usurped military power, spoke frequently with Zea, of his disappointment. When, therefore, Bolivar abscond- ed from Barcelona, the plains of Cumana, Brion thought the moment propitious to the calling of a congress. He spoke on the subject to Zea, and Zea to Marino ; and a congress was formed at Curacao, which existed a fortnight ; being then dis- solved by Bolivar, as before stated. They excused themselves to the supreme chief, and were pardoned ; but never regained their former standing in his favor. In 1817, Mr. Zea was created counsellor of the govern- ment of Angostura ; as such he proposed the establishment of a gazette, under the title of the Courier of Angostura, of which he was, for a long time, the only conductor. After the arrival of doctor Rosina, Mr. Zea w r as assisted by him. This was the first and only official gazette published after the downfall of Bolivar’s dictatorship in 1S14. Bolivar, understanding the pliant temper and timid character of Zea, appointed him, without hesitation, to the office of vice ’See chapter IX. 310 memoirs of bolivar. president of the republic, to exercise the executive power in his absence. We have seen how Arismendy forced him to resign, and how the latter was turned out by Bolivar, and Zea replaced. Bolivar, knowing that Zea had left part of his family in Paris, and that he had sure and powerful friends in London, sent him, in 1S19, as minister plenipotentiary to both capitals. As such, he was sometimes in England, and then in France, as the bu- siness of his mission required. He was never admitted in his diplomatic character ; but was well received as a stranger ; and, by the friends of the South American cause, with distinc- tion. Mr. Zea having been always steady, and discreet in his principles, Bolivar hoped that the moderate party would be re- animated by him, and that by his influence and exertions, a good understanding between the two contending parties might be established. At that time there existed a strong party, so far in favor of Spain, that they desired not to drive these who were attached to the old government, to despair ; but wished for the correction of certain abuses, and made this their leading object. This was the plan of the celebrated general Miranda, who was so much calumniated in 1 S 1 1 and ’12. All who knew general Miranda, will agree that he was in every respect a much worthier man than general Bolivar. Miranda was a profound tactician, an intrepid soldier ; a man of great ability in civil administration ; disinterested in his views, and who never, in the least particular, abused the dictatoiial power, which was entrusted to him by congress, during several months. He attracted to him, men of talents and merit, listened to their opinions, and many times follow’ed their suggestions. Bolivar is the exact reverse of all this. Colombia will therefore remain enslaved and miserable whilst the supreme chief remains at the head of her imaginary republic ; and her government has, at present, no better foundation than his moderate talents, and his character, — such as it is. The negociations, in which Mr. Zea succeeded in London are too well known to be noticed here, as well as the attempts of Mr. Pedro Gual and Mr. Revenga, to degrade his character and his memory. History has already decided between them and the worthy Zea. Revenga succeeded Mr. Zea as charge des affaires in Lon- don ; but met with a very different reception. The first was greatly respected ai>d beloved ; the latter is now one of the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 31 most devoted partizans of that same general Bolivar, whom, according to report, he not long since hated. A detail of the negociations respecting the loan, would place the candor, ability and honesty of Mr. Zea in the strongest light, but such detail would exceed the limits of these sketches. On the 26th November, 1S22, while acting in England as minister of Colombia, Mr. Zea died at Bath ; deeply regretted by every upright and enlightened patriot. The persecutions that awaited him, if he had lived to return to his country, are plainly indicated in the official letter of Pe- dro Gual, dated Bogota, 29th September, 1822. CHAPTER XXII. Biographical Sketches of General Paez and Arismendy. Joseph Antonio Paez, of theorder of Liberators, General in Chief of the armies of Colombia, Venezuela, &tc. &c. was born in 17S6, in the city of Aragua, of Indian parents of a low extraction, whose employment consisted principally in raising cattle, and in cultivating some land. For their stations in life they were in comfortable circumstances. Young Paez was raised amidst the herds of his fathers, and of course received no education at all. He took care of the herds, and could per- form any operation used upon cattle or horses, with great skill. He understood all the simples used in the cure of all the disordeis of herds in that country and knew how to apply them. He was master at taming wild horses; and had great bodily strength and agility. He was also extremely patient of fatigue of every kind. When eighteen years old, he offered himself to make a jour- ney from Aragua to the city of Batinas, where his mother was born. She had a lawsuit with her family, which had already lasted for several years. After some oojections on the part of his parents, they consented to his taking the journey, in the hope that it would facilitate their law suit. He set off well mounted, armed, and supplied with money. On the road, he met with two rogues whom he had known at Aragua, and 312 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. who knew that he had money. They lay in wait to rob him. He was not at all aware of their intentions, and without suspi- cion came near them. One of them attempted to seize the reins of his bridle, but Paez, who had a vigorous horse, gave him the spur and rode oft’ at full speed, overthrowing both the robber and bis horse. The robbers not being so well mounted but knowing a foot path shorter than the road, took that, and at the end of ii upon the road again way laid them and endeavored to seize him. When Paez found that all his entreaties were vain, he suddenly killed one of the rob- bers on the spot; the other fled; neither of them being armed. Young Paez, fearing the consequences of this encounter to his iamily and himself, thought it best to return to his parents, and inform them what had happened before the other robber could have time to denounce him. His parents immediately concealed him ; and paid money and gave presents to hush up this affair. They placed their son as an overseer of cattle upon the Hato (farm) of a rich and powerful Spaniard in the plains, where he remained, occupied only with his service for several years. Being large, well formed, supple, vigorous and biave he was known for these qualities, and the affair of the robbers being learned in the neighborhood, he became greatly beloved on account of it, and his name was famous. On the breaking out of the Revolution of Caracas, in 1810, Pa- ez declared himself in favor of freedom and liberty. And the Llaneros placing great confidence in him, he easily persuaded them to join him, and they unanimously called him their chief. He chose from among them 150 mounted men : and this com- pany soon began to be the terror of the Spaniards.. At the death of his mother he inherited her property in Bar- inas, which he divided with his sisters, who had then fixed their residence in that town. In 1811 the Spaniards had again taken possession of it, and proclaimed a general amnesty for all who should wish to re-enter upon their property, promis- ing to reinstate them in the possession of their fortunes. Paez being informed of this, presented himself well mounted and ar- med, before the Spanish commandant of the town, in order to profit of the amnesty, and recover his property. As soon as he was recognised by the inhabitants, they came by hundreds to shake hands with and welcome him. But when the Span- ish governor heard that he was the famous captain Paez, who had done them so much mischief, they ran to their arms, and raised a cry in the street, for their commander to arrest him, MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 313 and shoot him as a rebel and traitor. This commandant, who was aware of the bravery of Paez, and of his ascendancy over the inhabitants of Barinas, thought it not prudent to order his arrest, fearing such a measure would excite a general rebellion. He, therefore, appeased his soldiers, and Paez was permitted to remain with his arms, and to retire into the house of his fam- ily. After some days, the governor was informed by his spies, that Paez had gone out unarmed, and this would be a good time to seize his arms, and then to arrest him. The governor approved of the project, and some armed men entered the house and took away his sword and pistols. He returned in the evening, and finding what had been done, walked to the governor’s house and told him that he had broken his word. He told him he had .come to the place, trusting in the good faith of his promises. He therefore demanded that his arms should he restored to him ; not to be used against the Span- iards, but for his personal security. He spoke in so firm a tone, and with such natural warmth, that the governor ordered his arms to be restored. At this moment the the whole garrison of Barinas impetuously insisted upon his being arrested, and confined in irons. He was taken in the night, put in irons, and locked up in the prison ; where he found about 1 50 prisoners of war, and among them his friend Garcia, an officer of great strength and courage. Garcia complained to Paez of the weight of his irons, and of the miserable situation of the pris- oners. Paez reproached him with pussillanimity, and imme- diately breaking his own fetters, offered him an exchange. Garcia took heart and ceased complaining. Paez then spoke in a low but earnest manner to the prisoners exhorting them to one common effort for their delivery. This effort was made un- der his direction, and before morning their limbs mostly were free. When the jailor came to open the door, Paez fell upon him, knocked him down, and threatened him with instant death if he were not silent. They seized the arms of the guard, broke the irons of all that were not yet freed ; and the 150 prisoners marched with Paez at their head, upon the Spanish garrison, about 200 strong ; many of whom they killed, and routed the rest. Thus was Barinas again set free. This exploit being very soon made known to the Llaneros, they proclaimed Paez their general. He rendered great service to Bolivar in 1813 and 14. He was adored by the Llaneros, with whom he distinguished him- self in the plains of Apure, Achaguas and Casanare. He be- 40 314 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. came acquainted with general Piar, from whom he learned much ; and, during the absence of Bolivar in 1814, these two chieftains fought unitedly, bravely and without interruption. They became the terror of Boves, Morales, Cagigal, Yanes, Cevallos, and other Spanish commanders. In 1820, Paez having fixed his head quarters at Chaguas, had under his command, among others, the British legion, com- manded by colonel Bossett, about six hundred strong. At that time, there were attached to this legion, 3 colonels, 2 lieuten- ant colonels, 5 majors, and many supernumerary captains. Colonel Bossett was a good officer and highly esteemed by general Paez ; who likes foreigners generally, better than does Bolivar, or any other Caraguin chieftain. Paez thought highly of the English troops ; and used to call them, Mis Amigos Los IngJesis (my friends the English.) Colonel Bossett, however was disliked by his own officers and soldiers. They attributed to him the miserable state of their rations, their clothes, and the want of their pay. Chaguas being a small place, the offi- cers and soldiers were crowded together. They had nothing but beef for their rations ; no bread, vegetables, nor spirits. The soldiers conspired together and fixed upon St. Simon’s day for meeting. This day was celebrated throughout Colombia as a festival or holiday, because general Bolivar bore the name of this saint. The heat being excessive in these plains, parade was usually deferred until 5 or 6 o’clock at evening, and St. Simon’s day- falling this year on Sunday, and the Saturday before being given up to the soldiers, that they might have time to clean their arms, the division was excused from parade. Notwithstanding this, as soon as the clock struck five, the soldiers of the British Legion rushed out of their lodges with their arms, and placed themselves in order of battle, crying aloud that they would no longer be commanded by their co- lonel, that they would prefer any other, even a Creole. The officers of the legion immediately repaired to the parade and endeavored to pacify them. Among these was a lieutenant- colonel, against whom they had taken offence, and who, as soon as he approached them, received four or five bayonet wounds, and was carried off mortally wounded. Colonel Bos- sett, hearing what was going on, came before the mutineers well armed, and determined to enforce order among them. But as soon as he began to speak, the soldiers rushed upon him with their bayonets, but were prevented from doing him any serious MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 315 injury by the efforts of the officers to appease them. General Paez being informed of the mutiny, ran from his quarters, with his drawn sword in his hand, fell upon the mutineers, killed three of them instantly, and broke his sword upon the body of a fourth. He then seized some of the most rebellious, took them by the strength of his own arms out of their ranks, and ordered them to prison. This spirited conduct so overawed the mutineers, that they separated, and retired hastily to their quarters. A young lieutenant, and three soldiers, all English, having been denounced as the most seditious, were arrested in the night. The lieutenant was innocent of what had passed the day before, but was denounced by his enemy the adjutant-ma- jor of the legion. The next day he and the three soldiers, without any further trial were shot. General Paez was an excellent partizan officer, and was very useful whilst he confined himself to the plains, where he was perfectly acquainted. But when out of these, he became dull, and appeared to be in a manner lost. He was several times in this state, as the history of the military operations in Venezuela will show. It must, however, be acknowledged, that of all the Colom- bian generals, Paez has uniformly displayed the greatest per- sonal bravery, and that in all attacks, he has been at the head of his Llaneros, over whom he has acquired unlimited power. He divides with them his last cent. They call him uncle and father. But as he had no education, and could form himself on- ly by his own exertions, he has no accurate knowledge of tac- tics, nor indeed of any branch of the military art, of which he has more than once been heard to speak with contempt. His staff officers are Llaneros, and form his regular society. He takes his hammock in the midst of them, and smokes and drinks with them. He talks much, and, like most of the Caraguins, is vain, proud, and boastful. In 1819, general Paez wished to take possession of Guanare ; and on his march, found the Spanish lieutenant colonel Duran at the head of a detachment of 200 infantry, with whom he was retiring towards the hato of La Guaz. General Paez had with him 1200 chosen cavalry, all Llaneros, with whom he was ac- customed to march, and to whom he gave the name of invinci- bles. He instantly charged Duran’s little party, crying, “ des- troy them, cut them in pieces.” Duran formed a square, and crossing his bayonets, made a successful defence against the 316 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. wild attack of the Llaneros. He then, in his turn made a full charge upon them, killed many, and routed the rest. Paez was obliged to fly ; and escaped with but a small part of his invincibles. His head quarters, since 1813, have been in Valencia ; but he has a beautiful country seat not far from Caracas, which be- fore the revolution, belonged to the marquis of San Leon. When his time permits him, he passes some days at this place, where he fattens a great many cattle, performs operations upon his young horses and bulls, prepares medicines for any diseased animals, and trims and dresses his horses. He is best satisfied when busily engaged in these occupations. A considerable part of his time is employed in lying upon his hammock, smok- ing, and talking with favorites of his past campaigns. He has a great predilection for hunting wild bulls, and par- ticularly for the kind of hunt called colear un toro. It con- sists in taking a bull by the tail, and throwing him upon the ground, and is done, particularly by the Llaneros of Venezuela, in the following manner. The hunters are all on horseback, each carrying in his hand a piece of red cloth. At the sight of this color, the bull becomes enraged ; and runs at some one, who dexterously throws his cloth, and fastens it upon the horns of the bull, in such a manner as to blindfold him. While he is roaring and plunging to clear himself of the cloth, the princi- pal hunter, who is designated beforehand, seizes the animal’s tail and fastens an end of a strong rope to it. He then makes the other end fast to a tree, so that the bull cannot escape. He now turns the tail with a strong hand, and with such address, that the quick motion the animal naturally makes in turning his head towards his captor, is made to assist in throwing him flat upon his side. The moment he is got into this position, the principal hunter hamstrings him with his sabre, and the rest pierce him with their spears. The carcass is then dressed and prepared for cooking. At the battle of Ortiz, in April, 1818, where Bolivar com- manded, Paez, with his cavalry, made several successful char- ges against the enemy, who, though inferior in number, were su- perior in discipline and skill to Bolivar. The general-in-chief had so entangled matters and confounded the line, that his in- fantry were beaten and nearly destroyed. On this occasion, Paez reproached him personally, and with great freedom and severity. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 317 At Bolivar’s request, Paez covered the retreat, and made one or two charges, which saved the remnant of the infantry from destruction. Soon after the last charge, which he led himself, he retired on one side, and having dismounted, was seized with a fit, and lay upon the ground, foaming at the mouth. Colonel English, who related the circumstance to me, was pre- sent. He went up to Paez, but was warned by some of his people not to touch him ; and by no means to disturb the gen- eral. “ He will soon be well,” said they, “ he is often so, and none of us dare touch him until he is perfectly recovered.” Colonal English, however, approached, and having sprinkled some water in his face and forced a little down his throat, he soon recovered ; and coming to his recollection, he thanked him cordially ; saying that he was a little overcome by the fa- tigue of the day, having with his lance and his own arm, killed thirty-nine of the enemy. He said he felt his illness coming on, as he was running the fortieth through the body. The bloody lance lay by his side, and he presented it to colonel English as a memorial of his friendship and affection. Paez soon recovered and joined his legion, and when colonel Eng- lish departed, he presented him with three very fine horses from his own stud. After the refusal of general Morrillo to give quarter, Paez was never known to spare the life of a prisoner. At the battle of Calabozo, having been successful in several charges, by which he forced the royalists to retreat, he was in the height of good humor, when an officer, who had been taken by his men, was brought to him. The officer was mounted. The general asked him a lew questions, and then directed his m m of business to do his duty. The Spaniard begged hard for his life. “Well,” says Paez, “ride to yonder tree,” pointing to one at some distance, “ and when you get there, escape as fast as you can, and take care I do not come up with you.” The officer obeyed, and when he arrived at the tree, casting one glance behind, commenced his race. Paez pursued and soon overtook him. He was just going to strike his lance through him, when the officer with some presence of mind said, “ gen- eral Paez is too noble to take an advantage ; my horse was tired ; but if you, general, will give me your horse, and the same liberty, I think I could save my life.” “ Done !” an- swered Paez ; and immediately the Spaniard was mounted upon his horse. The distance was again pointed out. The officer rode to the spot and started afresh. Paez meanwhile 318 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. mounted the jaded horse. He started also, gained ground, and iv\ about two miles actually overtook the Spaniard, and pierced him through with his spear. The case was witnessed by hun- dreds; and the air rang with the applauses of the sanguinary Paez ! Juan Bautista Arismendy, general of division, of the order of Liberators, ex-governor of the island of Margarita, &:c. &.c. was born in 1786 in the island of Margarita, of parents in as good circumstances, as this sterile spot could make them ; w T hose inhabitants subsist upon fishing and navigation. Arismendy is one of those men who are said to form them- selves, and who become fit for the station they occupy in the world, by the force of genius or natural ability. He possesses a natural tact or disposition, which no education, though it may direct, can ever give. From his youth, he was devoted to hunting and fishing. The first formed his coup d'ceil and taught him stratagem. Both hardened his body, by exercise and privation. His figure is broad, strong, and about five feet two inches high. His complexion is tawny and sun burnt. His hair is yellow, his eyes are small and piercing, and he is probably, the most active chieftain in Colombia. He has re- ceived no education and can scarcely read or write. His pen- etrating genius, and his insinuating manners, advanced him in the army ; and when Bolivar created himself dictator, he appoint- ed colonel Arismendy governor of the capital, Caracas. In this post he distinguished himself by his vexations and cruelties ; and made himself many enemies. In 1 S 1 4, when Venezuela was in a declining condition, he left Caracas, and went, as brigadier-general and governor of the island of Margarita, into his native country. He re-estab- lished order in this province, fortified those places which afford- ed a good defence, and built a number of small forts, redoubts and batteries. Here he made himself very popular by his good and just administration, and acquired a great ascendancy over his countrymen ; so that after the battle of La Puerta, which was lost by the dictator in June 1814, he was absolute master of Margarita, where he acted without control; insomuch that when the two dictators, Bolivar and Marino, in IS 1 4 came to his island for shelter, he compelled them to depart without admitting them even to common hospitality. He was jealous of his authority, and determined to hold the supreme command of Margarita ; and he knew that Bolivar had a right to com- mand him wherever they were together. Bolivar knew well MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 319 the character of Arismendy, and did not dare to remain. From that time, general Arismendy remained in quiet possession of his absolute command, and organised and disciplined his army ; and administered much better than Bolivar had ever done. By his kind reception of foreigners, he attracted many priva- teers to the island ; their prizes were sold there ; and com- merce flourished under Arismendy’s protecting care of the merchants and their interests. He contented himself with a moderate income, the product of regular duties, and taxes. Margarita was then the entrepot between the Venezulan and Grenadan patriots, and the commercial world of the West-In- dies, and of the United States of America. In March, 1815, general Morillo’s mighty expedition arrived from Cadiz, at the island of Margarita, on the same day with that of general Morales, from Guiria. Arismendy and the inhabitants of Margarita saw the impossibility of resisting this united force ; and therefore accepted the capitulation offered them by Morillo. It was clearly stated in the articles of capit- ulation that none of the inhabitants should be molested for their political opinions. In direct violation of this stipulation, num- bers of the most respectable inhabitants were secretly arrested in the night. Arismendy himself found means to escape, and conceal himself in the mountains. Morillo offered great reward to have him taken and delivered up to him ; and strict search was every where made for him ; but in vain. As he was perfectly acquainted with all the foot-passes in the woods and mountains, and as the inhabitants were devo- tedly attached to him, he soon succeeded in uniting about fifty of the bravest of them, whe determined to drive the Spaniards from the island, or die. He lived with them some time upon roots and wild fruits, and the pioduce of hunting. He anima- ted their spirits by his conversation and examples, to such a degreee, that they promised to follow wherever he chose to lead. His first object was to procure arms and ammunition, of which his party were entirely destitute. Knowing all the Span- ish outposts, he began by surprising one of them, held by a cor- poral and four men, Arismendy, and twelve of his men armed with clubs and long knives, surprised this port in the night, killed the five men, and took their arms and cartridges. Aris- mendy proceeded in this manner killing the Spaniards in the night and taking their arms and ammunition, for several months. Before any assistance could arrive, Arismendy and his men were again in the mountains. He continued in this manner to weaken the Spanish force, until he obtained not only a consid- 320 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. erable quantity of arms and ammunition, but many recruits also. His successful enterprises reanimated the fallen spirit of the inhabitants. Arismendy, though already enabled to act upon a larger plan and with effect, was still in want of every thing, but principally of arms and munitions of war. He had nothing to expect from the Main, because, after the flight of Bolivar from Cuma- na, the remaining patriot chieftains were reduced, like himself, to provide for their troops as they could. But the spirit of pat- riotism was now so strong in Margarita, that the women joined with their husbands, brothers and friends, in their efforts again to become free. They voluntarily gave their jewelry, pearls, golden earrings, crosses, &c. for the support of the war. They made shirts and other necessary clothing for the troops. Aris- mendy was unanimously elected supreme chief. Some patriot clergyman offered golden and silver vases of the church, which they had taken the precaution to bury and secrete before the Spaniards landed. These valuables were secretly sent to St. Thomas’, to be exchanged for arms and munitions of war. Aris- mendy is very sanguinary; and now particularly, was extremely exasperated against the Spaniards. Morillo, who had about 3000 men left, lost nearly all these by Arismendy’s bravery. There remained not GOO in the city of Assumption, and the forts of Pompatar, when I arrived with general Bolivar, at this island, in May, 1816. The Spanish commander had embark- ed and gone to the Main, sometime before. Arismendy constructed long perogues to carry from 1 50 to 200 men, who were armed with guns taken from the Spaniards. The inhabitants of Margarita, being sailors from their earliest youth, and very brave, soon filled these boats with their best men. Being so constructed that sails and rudders could be used, they took a great many Spanish vessels by boarding, the crews being armed with muskets, sw'ords, (called manchitas,) and long knives. In this way they procured important means to carry on the war. They made prizes of great value, and took plenty of provisions. The Margaritans had never attack- ed, or taken any other vessels, than those with Spanish papers, and under Spanish colors. Arismendy established the strict- est order in every thing, and acted with great probity and dis- interestedness, living like the soldiers, and among them. The public stores were full and well preserved by the commissa- ries. Arismendy organised his little republic much better than any of his countrymen had done before. Every one was satis- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 321 fied and ready to assist him. In a short time lie received new supplies of muskets and warlike stores. Many privateers came to offer their service, and his seaports were soon filled with prizes. Arismendy now become powerful and well supported, car- ried on his attacks more openly. He intercepted a number of convoys, and surprised whole corps and destroyed them. He erected various forts, redoubts and batteries, that he might have different points of attack and defence. Old and young of both sexes worked day and night, exposed to the fire of the Span- iards, who seeing the spirit of their opposers, lost all courage and confidence. General Arismendy pointed out to me vari- ous women, who fought like the best of his cannoniers, and who took up from the ground a great many balls and grape shot that came from the enemy, loaded them into their own guns, and returned them to the Spaniards. When Arismendy, Bolivar and myself made the circuit of these forts, the former assured me, that these women were of the greatest service, by animating their friends and relations to fight, and by carrying the sick and wounded on their shoulders. They would not suffer a man to leave his battery, but brought them food and spirits, handed cartridges, and indeed did the work of brave soldiers. Whilst they performed these services, they were chanting patriotic songs, and that amidst the heaviest fire of the enemy. During my stay in Margarita, general Arismendy, among many instances of the heroism of their women, related to me the following : The wife of general Arismendy had a rich uncle, who had been many years settled at Trinidad, and had often press- ed her to come and visit his family. At the end of 1815, she suggested to her husbend the plan of going, herself, to Trini- dad, to pay the long desired visit, and also for a more import- ant purpose, which was to solicit from her uncle, by way of loan, a large sum of money for the purpose of aiding the war. Her husband refused his consent to her going, and pointed out the dangers to which she would be exposed in that time of war and trouble, and particularly from the numerous cruising ves- sels of the enemy, which then filled the seas, in almost every direction from Margarita. She persisted, however, in her pur- pose, and at length obtained his consent, and a proper com- mission from him, for obtaining the loan. She w r as young, handsome and well educated. She embarked in a small 41 322 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. schooner, without even a servant, and when she went on board, was unknown to any one in the vessel. After sailing some days with a fair wind, the schooner was chased and overtaken by a Spanish privateer, and though she sailed under Dutch colors, was sent into Porto Cabello. As soon as she arrived in this city, she was recognised by a number of persons, as the wife of general Arismendy, and was immediately arrested and put into a dark and damp dungeon in the citadel. Arismendy, who almost always put his prison- ers to death, had spared three Spanish colonels and majors, whom he put into one of his forts, that they might serve him as hostages, in case of need. The governor of Porto Cabello knew their situation. They were beloved by their superior of- ficers, and the governor sent one of his officers to Arismendy’s wife, with his word of honor, that she should he immediately set at liberty, if she would write a line to her husband, and per- suade him to release the three Spanish officers, in exchange for her. She feared that her husband would be weak enough, as she expressed it, to consent to the proposal, and she posi- tively refused to write. By the urgency of the governor, she understood the importance of these officers, and told him plain- ly that she would not w T rite. She received a number of visits to the same purpose. At length the governor came himself and endeavored to persuade her, but in vain. They then threatened her, but she replied, laughing, that it would be cow- ardly to torment a defenceless woman, whose only crime was being the wife of a patriotic general. They next employed more rigorous treatment, with regard to her living, hut still treated her respectfully, and promised her immediate liberty if she would write to her husband to release the officers. At length she became vexed with their importunity, and told the officer who came to her, that if general Arismendy were in- formed of their cowardly treatment of her, he would he as mad as a tiger, and would put to death thousands of Spaniards, men, women and children, all that might fall into his power. That, for her part, she was determined never to commit so weak and vile an act as they required of her, and that she would suffer a thousand deaths rather than attempt to persuade her husband to forget his duty. During three months she was treated with great barbarity, but she remained firm, and constantly gave the same answers. The Spaniards, at last, finding that nothing could alter her de- termination, permitted her to pass the island of Trinidad, fear- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 323 ing that if her husband should hear of her detention, he would do as she predicted. Such was the wife of general Arismendy, at the age of 23 years. General Arismendy now lives retired, at a beautiful country seat, not far from Ocumare. CHAPTER XXIV. Recapitulation of Facts — General Bolivar as he is, and not as he is commonly believed to be. I have shown how general Bolivar acted from 1810 to 1814. His campaigns in Peru do not come within my plan ; but they are well known, as are also his political transactions, his des- potism, and the Bolivian Constitution, which is his own work, and by which his principles are fully developed. The memoir of the late marquis De Torre Tagle, late pre- sident of Peru, which will be found in No. 9 of the Appendix, is a remarkable document to show the character of general Bolivar. The marquis has been represented as a traitor, be- cause he stated the truth in a time when Bolivar’s power was at a low ebb. The truth, however, will be re-established ; and history will transmit it to posterity. In the appendix, No. 10, will be found another document, a leaer from Mr. Manuel Vidaurre, one of the most distin- guished patriots of Peru, which places the character of Bolivar in a just light. I will endeavor to give his portrait. General Bolivar in his exterior, in his phisiognomy, in his whole deportment, has nojhing which would be noticed as characteristic, or imposing. His manners, his conversation, his behaviour in society, have nothing extraordinary in them ; nothing which would attract the attention of any one who did not know him. On the contrary, his exterior is against him. He is five feet four inches in height, his visage is long, his cheeks hollow, his complexion a livid brown. His eyes are of middle size, and sunk deep in his head, which is covered thinly with hair, and his whole body is thin and meagre. He has 324 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. the appearance of a man of sixty-five years old. In walking, his arms are in perpetual motion. He cannot walk long, but soon becomes fatigued. Wherever he goes his stay is short, seldom more than half an hour, and as soon as he returns, his hammock is fixed, he sits or lies, and swings upon it after the manner of his countrymen. Large mustachios and whiskers cover a part of his face, and he is very particular in ordering each of his officers to wear them, saying that they give a mar- tial air. This gives him a dark and wild air, particularly when he is in a passion. His eyes then become animated, and he gesticulates and speaks like a madman, threatens to shoot those with whom he is angry, steps quick across his chamber, or flings himself upon his hammock ; then jumps off it, and or- ders people out of his presence, and frequently arrests them. There is nothing about them which can inspire respect. When he wishes to persuade, or bring any one to his purpose, he employs the most seducing promises, taking a man by the arm, and walking and speaking with him, as with his most intimate friend. As soon as his purpose is attained, he becomes cool, haughty, and often sarcastic ; but he never ridicules a man of high character, or a brave man, except in his absence. This practice of abusing people in their absence, is characteristic of the Caraguins generally. The following is extracted from colonel Hippisly’s ‘Narrative of the Expedition to the rivers Orinoco and Apure, in South America.’ London, 1819. p. 382. “ I had a full opportunity of surveying the general (Bolivar) while he was conversing with captain Beire. From what I had heard of him, I was led to expect in appearance, a very different man from the one I saw before me. General Boli- var is a mean looking person, seemingly, though but 38, (il falliot dire que 34 ; parle Col. Hippisly en V an ISIS,) about 50 years of age. He is about five feet six inches in height, thin, sallow complexion, lengthened visage, marked with eve- ry symptom of anxiety, care, and I could almost add, despon- dency. He seemed also to have undergone great fatigue. His dark, and according to report, brilliant eyes, were now dull and heavy, although I could give them credit for posses- sing more fire and animation, when his frame was less harrass- ed. Black hair loosly tied behind with a piece of ribband, large mustachios, black handkerchief round his neck, blue trowsers, boots and spurs, completed his costume. In my eyes he might have passed for any thing but what he was. MEMORS OF BOLIVAR. 325 Across the chamber was suspended one of the Spanish ham- mocks, on which he occasionally sat, lolled and svvang, whilst conversing, and seldom remained in the same posture for two minutes together,” &c. General Bolivar occupies himself very little in studying the military art. He understands no theory, and seldom asks a question, or holds any conversation relative to it. Nor does he speak of the civil administration, unless it happens to fall within the concerns of the moment. I often endeavored to bring him into serious conversation on these subjects ; but he would always interrupt me ; ‘ yes, yes, mon cher ami , I know this, it is very good ; but appropos ’ — and immediately turned the conversation upon some different sub- ject. His reading, which is very little, consists of light history and tales. He has no library, or collection of books, befitting his rank, and the place he has occupied for the last fifteen years. He is passionately fond of the sex, and has always two or three ladies, of which one is the favorite mistress, who follows him wherever he goes. Dining is an amusement of which he is also passionately fond. Whenever he stays two or three days in a place, he gives a ball or two, at which he dances in his boots and spurs, and makes love to those who happen to please him for the mo- ment. Next to this amusement he likes his hammock, where he sits, or lolls, conversing or amusing himself with his favorite mistress, or other favorites, some of whom I have named in the course of this work. During this time, he is inaccessible to all others. The aid-de-camp on duty says to those who'have important business to transact with him : ‘ his excellency is deeply engag- ed at present, and can see no one.’ When he is out of humor, he swears like a common bully, and orders people out of his presence in the rudest and most vulgar manner. From his habits of life, or rather from his love of pleasure, it happens that many pieces of business are heaped together, and left to his secretary, as his decree of Sth March, 1S27, fixing the custom house duties of Venezuela, which is attributed to Ra- venga, and which has destroyed the commerce of the country. When he suddenly" recollects some business, he calls his secre- tary, and directs him to write the letter or decree. This brings more to mind, and it often happens that in one day he hurries off the work of fifteen or twenty. In this manner it often hap- 326 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. pens that decrees, made on the same day, are in direct oppo- sition to each other. General Bolivar has adopted the habits and customs of the European Spaniards. He takes his siesta, (noon nap) regu- larly, and eats his meals like the Spaniards. He goes to tertu- lias , (coteries,) gives refusios, and always dances the first min- uet with the lady highest in rank in the company. This old Spanish custom is strictly observed throughout Colombia. Inasmuch as general Bolivar is the sport of circumstances, it is difficult to trace his character, while, in the same ratio does it become less worth tracing. Bolivar, in success, differs, not circumstantially alone, from Bolivar in adversity ; but he is quite another man. When suc- cessful, he is vain, haughty, ill natured, violent ; at the same time the slightest circumstances will so excite his jealousy of his authority, that he arrests and sometimes condemns to cap- ital punishment, those whom he suspects. Yet, under the po- liteness of a man educated in the so called beau monde, he, in a great measure, conceals all these faults. They appear in his fits of passion; but never then, unless he is sure of having the strength on his side, the bayonets at his command. When he finds himself in adversity and destitute of aid from without, as he often did from 1813 to 1818, he is perfectly free from passion and violence of temper. He then becomes mild, patient, docile, and even submissive. Those who have seen him in the changes of his fortune will agree that 1 have not overcharged the picture. The dominant traits in the character of general Bolivar, are ambition, vanity, thirst for absolute, undivided power, and pro- found dissimulation. He is more cunning, and undestands man- kind better than the mass of his countrymen ; he adroitly turns every circumstance to his own advantage, and spares nothing to gain those he thinks will be of present use to him. He is officious in rendering them little services ; he flatters them, makes them brilliant promises; finds whatever they suggest very useful and important, and is ready to follow their advice. A third person suggests something to him, or he meets with some unexpected success. Instantly he resumes his true cha- racter, and becomes vain, haughty, cross and violent; forgets all services, and all obligations, speaks with contempt of those he had just courted, and if they are powerless, abandons or sacrifices them, but always manifests a disposition to spare those whom he knows are able to resist him. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 327 At Aux Cayes general Bolivai and I lived very much and very intimately together. Our conversation turned one day upon general Marino, and he said, laughing to me, “ Oh I despise Marino. He is a brute and not able to command four men.” Marino at that instant came in. Bolivar met him at the door and embraced him warmly, as a dear friend, and we remained together, an hour or more. Bolivar represented general Arismendy to me as a man without an education, and yet as a very intriguing and dangerous man. He was evidently afraid of Arismendy. He remember- ed that when he himself, and Marino, came as fugitives to Juan Griego, in 1814, Arismendy had prevented his remaining there at all, and even theratened violence if he attempted to do so. Bolivar had not forgotten this when we came to Margarita after the sea fight in May, 1816, and would probably then have been afraid to venture himself on shore ; but that Brion who on account of his wound had been put ashore, and Lad made such representations to Arismendy as had reconciled him to Bolivar, and induced him to come on board our vessel. As soon as Arismendy came on board, Bolivar immediately took him down into the cabin and conversed with him for a good while. He regained Arismendy by giving him a' formal promise to convene a new congress, and lay aside his title of supreme chief, which was very offensive to the republican Arismendy. The latter relying on his word, engaged again to recognise him as commander-in-chief. The day after Arismendy’s formal recognition of Bolivar as commander-in-chief, he took again the title of supreme chief. And when I told him that Arismen- dy would be offended, he said, “ never mind, never mind, I care not much for Arismendy, I have gained him over, and he will do as I wish ; and then he is a brute and sees no further than the end of his nose. But when, in 1 SI 9, at Angostura, Arismendy had compelled Zea to leave the place of vice-president, and had taken it him- self, Bolivar became so alarmed for his own supremacy, that he left his command to general Paez, and marched about 250 miles with his body guard, against Arismendy, and reinstated Zea, with whom he could indeed do as he pleased. But he could, and did only send him back to his former command, at Margarita. Whilst general Bolivar stood in need of the military skill of general Piar, he flattered him highly ; but when he came to fear his influence, he sacraficed him. He would not at that 328 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. time have put Piar to death, if he had not been so advised and supported by others ; not because he was unwilling to have Piar put out of the way, but because ne would not have dared to condemn him. In 1820, general Paez openly raised the standard of rebel- lion against the lawful authorities ; and he was not only not punished, but suffered to remain in command, as before. His impunity, like that of Arismendy was owing to the strength of his party. General Bolivar’s disposition with regard to money is the reverse of miserly, and he is thought by most people to be very generous. His disposition in this respect cannot be better described than by saying that if he had a hundred thousand pounds to day, he might very probably not have a cent tomor- row. He very seldom gives money to those that are in want, or to those who from delicacy' refrain from asking for it, hut he bestows profusely on his flatterers. General Bolivar has been compared to Napoleon Bonaparte. Bolivar in his proclamations imitates, or endeavors to imitate the style of Napoleon. He began with a small body guard and afterwards greatly increased it, like Napoleon. He is ambitious, absolute, and jealous of his command, like the other. On public occasions he is simply dresed, while all around him is splendid, like Napoleon, and he moves quickly from place to place like him. With respect to military and administrative tal- ents, there is no resemblance between them. Bolivar, when dictator of Venezuela, ordered the execution of 1253 Spaniards and Islenos, prisoners of war and others, who were, in fact put to death in February, 1814. This was done in cool blood, and no entreaties would save them. I have mentioned an instance of his want of feeling, which I witnessed at the port of Juan Griego in May 1814, and another in the na- val combat just before.* The first was attended by an additional circumstance of cruelty ; that the prisoners were compelled to dig their own graves ! Admiral Brion was on shore on account of his wound, but as soon as heard of this execution, he sent positive orders, that no more prisoners should be taken on shore even if Bolivar himself ordered it ; and by this means about 120 lives were saved. * See chapter VII. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 329 The following fact was related to me, by a respectable eye- witness, whom I would name, but for the danger of exposing him to the vengeance of the dictator, liberator. The relator, at the time he stated the fact to me. I presume, had no thought of my writing the history of Bolivar. During a small skirmish which general Bolivar had with a Spanish detachment, not far from Araure, in 1 S 1 4, one of his officers came full speed and reported to him, that an isolated company was attacked in a bushy hill, a mile from his head quarters, and that they were in great want of cartridges. Twelve soldiers, who heard the report, immediately offered themselves to carry the cartridges. Bolivar ordered the chief of his staff, Thomas Montilla, to send with each of these sol- diers a box of cartridges. But as there was no road at all, they were obliged to seek a passage through a very thick forest, full of briars and thorns, in order to ascend the hill. After having labored to force their way until they found there was no probability of penetrating farther, they were compelled to return to head quarters, with their boxes of cartridges. They explained to the dictator the impossibility of going further and showed him their clothes, torn in pieces, and their bodies cov- ered with blood and wounds. Bolivar, in a furious passion, call- ed them cowards, rascals, traitors, &ic. and ordered the three first who arrived to be shot. His major-general, or chief of the staff, Thomas Montilla, who is a great favorite, his com- mandant of the artillery Joseph Collat, and various other of the surrounding officers of the staff, entreated him to revoke his order. The men fell upon their kness and with pathetic lamentations entreated him to spare their lives, as they were innocent, and fathers of large families. All w r as in vain. As they came into his presence, two or three together, he renewed his order ; and the whole twelve were bound and shot. On various occasions has Bolivar manifested the same disposition, as on this, as I have shown.* Colonel Hippisley, in his work already cited, says, p. 464, “ Bolivar would ape the great man. He aspires to be a second ' Bonaparte, in South America, without possessing a single talent for the duties of the field or the cabinet. He would be king of New Grenada and Venezuela, without genius to command, consequence to secure, or abilities to support the elevated sta- * See ciia >tcr XII. 42 330 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. tion to which his ambition most assuredly aspires. In victory, in transient prosperity, he is a tyrant, and displays the feelings" and littleness of an upstart. He gives way to sudden gusts of resentment, and becomes, in a moment, a madman, and, (par- don the expression,) a blackguard; throws himself into his ham- mock, (which is constantly slung for his use,) and utters curses and imprecations upon all around him, of the most disgusting and diabolical nature. In defeat, in danger, in retreat, he is perplexed, harrassed and contemptible, even to himself, weigh- ed down by disasters, which he has neither skill or strength of mind to encounter, lighten or remove. In this state he appear- ed to me at the retreat to, and from, San Fernando, when he looked the image of misery and despair. “ He has (p. 4G2) neither talents or abilities for a general, and especially for a commander-in-chief. The numerous mistakes he has made throughout the whole of his campaigns, for the last eight years, have nearly desolated the provinces and anni- hilated the population. The repeated surprises he has expe- rienced from the enemy, (already seven,) prove my assertion, and bear me out in declaring that any one of them w T ould have disgraced a corporal’s guard. ‘‘ Tactics, movements and manoeuvres, are as unknown to him as to the lowest of his troops. All idea of regularity, system, or the common routine of an army, or even a regiment, he is totally unacquainted with. Hence arise all the disasters he meets, the defeats he suffers, and his constant obligations to re- treat whenever opposed to the foe. The victory which he gains to day, however dearly purchased, (of which his list of kdled and missing, if he calls for, or keeps such deta'ls, must evident- ly convince him) is lost tomorrow, by some failure, or palpa- ble neglect on his part.” Thus it is that Paez was heard to tell Bolivar after the ac- tion at Villa del Cura, that he would move off his own troops, and act no more with him in command ; adding, “ I never lost a battle wherein I acted by myself, or in a separate command, and I have always been defeated when acting in concert with you and under your orders.” The native and black troops (freed slaves) can, and do dash on, in their native country. Yet, under the name of courage, they will rush, without order, regularity or discretion, upon the enemy, resolved at that mo- ment to conquer, or to die ; and if, in this onset, they are beat- en or repulsed, and find themselves “ able to go about” and to retreat, “ the devil take the hindermost” appears to be the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 331 general cry ; for they all continue to run until they reach a place of safety ; and it is allowed by the royalist troops them- selves, that the patriotic army, with Bolivar at their head, was never beaten in this respect.” “ The final slaughter of the prisoners, after the battle, or during the retreat, is completely acquiesced in by Bolivar, who has himself condescended to witness this scene of butchery, infamy,” &c. These passages are sufficient to confirm what I have said in the course of these memoirs, of general Bolivar and his troops. I could cite various other writers, to the same purpose. It is true that his flatterers and courtiers have endeavored to compare general Bolivar with Napoleon ; but none of them have suggested to him the idea of aspiring to deserve being compared with Washington. All who have compared him with the latter were either strangers, or those who have seen Boli- var, perhaps, a few hours, or not at all. Bolivar’s conduct as dictator in Venezuela, in 1813-14, as supreme chief in 1S16-17-18, his project of a monarchical constitution, in which he proposed the creation of a senate for life, with the titles of dukes, marquises, counts, barons, Sic., in 1819, the constitution of Bolivia, the secret history of his protectorate in Peru, his behaviour in Venezuela, his famous proclamation directed to the grand convention of Ocuna, and his self nomination as supreme chief or dictator of Colombia, are proofs of his ambition, his hypocrisy, and his secret deter- mination to become an absolute monarch. A great man ivould have directed the efforts of the ambitious and ignorant chieftains of Colombia to one point, driving their common enemies from the country, in the first place, and then establishing a free government. Bolivar’s object has invariably been his own personal aggrandizement, to the exclusion of every good and noble purpose. He is certainly a rare example of great ambition, unaided by talents, or virtues of 'any kind. Yet, such are the inhabitants of Colombia, that they are ruled by this man. In his recently published organic decree, dated August 27th, 1828, in title 1, he says : “Art. 1st. The attributes of the supreme chief embrace the maintenance of the peace in the interior, and the defence from abroad ; the command of the forces by land and sea ; the ne- gotiations, war and peace, and the treaties ; the nomination of all the officers. 332 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. The right to give decrees and the necessary roles, ( regle- mcntos,) of whatever nature they may be ; to modify, to reform the established laws, and to alter them ; the execution of the decrees and rules, also of those laws which shall remain in force. The collection of taxes, the administration of justice, the execution of the judgments, the approbation or the alteration of the sentences in the councils of war ; the commutation of pun- ishments, with the advice of the council of state, and upon the proposal of the courts, or having previously heard them ; the granting of amnesty or pardon, for public or private offences, always with the advice of the council of state. The delivery of commissions or lettres de marque. The exercise of the natural power as chief of the general adminis- tration of the republic in all its branches, and in virtue of being entrusted with the supreme power of the state ; finally the presi- dency of the council of state, when he thinks proper. Art. 2d. The supreme chief will be assisted in the exercise of the executive power, with the light and the advice of a coun- cil of ministers.” This famous decree speaks so much, that I may safely ap- peal to it, in support of what I have said of its author. I have adverted to the difficulty of tracing the character of this personage, arising from his being so much the creature of circumstances. He has not sufficient vigor of spirit, nor courage of heart, nor talent, to escape from a critical situation, or to rise from a fall, without help from abroad. His good fortune in receiving such help, has been almost uninterrupted since 1813. But the great secret of his great power lies in the char- acter of the people over whom he rules. Lieutenant colonel Simon Bolivar, whilst he was governor of the fortress of Porto Cabello, in June, 1812, left the fortress and embarked clandestinely, with some officers, in the night, without giving any previous notice to the garrison, without any order, without any capitulation, without any armistice, or pre- vious treaty with the enemy. He embarked for fear of the prisoners of war who had revolted and taken possession of the citadel. An old soldier might admit the place to be no longer tenable. But here the garrison finding that their commander had deserted without leaving them any order or advice, actually retired in good order, and reached Valencia, by land without losing a man ; and without any attack from the prisoners in the citadel. It is an invariable rule that the commander of a place, in time of war and danger, should never leave those who have MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 333 been committed to his care. And this rule is reasonable, and perfectly just. 2d. Simon Bolivar, the dictator, liberator of the West of Venezuela, embarked in the greatest haste in the night of the 25th August, 1S14, at Cumana, and fled with San Iago Marino, from the field of war. He so completely lost his presence of mind, that in spite of the warmest repre- sentations of his cousin Ribas and many others, he would hear nothing, and remained on board commodore Bianchi’s vessel. He sent various messages to Marino, urging him to embark, and as soon as Marino arrived, he ordered the commander to cut his cables and sail. Ribas, and a thousand other brave men, re- mained and fought for their independence and freedom. We have seen how Arismendy and Bermudes forced them to leave the ports of Juan Gerigo and Ocumare, treating them as fugitives and cowards, and threatening to shoot them if they set their feet on shore.* * U 3d. General Bolivar came suddenly to the height of power, and was named captain-general of the armies of New Venezuela and New Grenada ; because the congress ol the latter country was in great need of some authority to subject the province of Cundinamarca and to occupy Santa Martha ; (lS14and begin- ning of 1815.) He felt a second time his absolute inability, and after his ill fated siege of Carthagena, embarked for the island of Jamaica, whilst general Palacio,with the remainder of the army which Bolivar had left, fought bravely and gained advantages over the Spaniards. f 4th. The occupation of Carthagena and Boca Chica, by the patriots, offered a new occasion to distinguish himself. He left Aux Cayes for Margarita, and in the naval combat, (May 2d,) chose his place in the long boat of commodore Brion’s vessel, (the only vessel engaged, and which took the Spanish royal brig Intrepida,) through mere cowardice, leaving to anoth- er the command of the officers and volunteers, in his stead. J In consequence of this action, general Arismendy, ignorant of the part Bolivar had taken in it, not only became reconciled to the latter, but placed himself again under his orders. If Arismendy had been made acquainted with Bolivar’s conduct - * See chapter VIII. t See chapters IX. and X. t See chapter XIJ I. 334 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. in this action, it would been the destruction of the projected expedition against Venezuela.* 5th. At the action of Ocumare, (July 10th, 1S06,) the su- preme chief left the field in a perfect fright, and rode full speed (he is always careful to have the best runners) two leagues ; jumped from his horse, and embarked on board the fast sailing privateer, Diana, captain Debouille. As soon as he was on board, he ordered the captain to cut his cables ; and arrived at the little Dutch island Bonair. General McGregor as- sembled the remainder of the troops left by Bolivar, and, with them, joined general Piar at Barcelona. f When admiral Brion arrived at Bonair, from Curacao he was astonished to hear of the flight of the supreme chief, and reproached him severely. Bolivar received his reproaches with great docility, feeling at this time his entire dependence upon the admiral. Brion, who was quick tempered, becoming cooler, succeeded at last in persuading Bolivar that Ins honor absolutely required him to return to the Main and rejoin his troops ; and he ordered captain Uebouille to put himself at the disposal of the supreme chief. Bolivar directed his course toward the coast of Cumana. On his landing, Marino and Piar, who had left him at Carupano, reproached him with his cowardly flight from Ocumare, and told him that if he did not embark immediately they would arrest and try him before a court martial. He embarked speedily, and arrived at Jaque- mel, whence he passed to Port au Prince. J Brion now employed all his influence to procure Bolivar’s recal to the Main. After long and great exertions, he succeed- ed, chiefly by giving his word that Bolivar would assemble a congress, and establish a republican government, to which the latter most readily consented. In consequence of this stipula- tion, he was recalled, and arrived at Barcelona in the latter part of 1816. As soon as he was again at the head of the troops lie disregarded his promise, resumed his title of supreme chief, and proceeded as he had done before. § 6th. The supreme chief, in the night of the 5th and 6th April 1817. fled from the fortified place of Barcelona, aban- * See chapters xiii. amt xiv. + See chapter xiv. | See chapter xiv. Set? chapter xiv. and xvi. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 335 doning his aid-de-camp, Chamberlain, and more than 1000 men. The latter perceiving that the Spaniards had gained the walls, killed his wife and himself. All the rest were murdered by the Spaniards. At this time, the supreme chief hid himself in the remotest part of the plains of Ciunana, where he remain- ed about seven weeks. 7th. The supreme chief left the scene of war, in ISIS, after his unsuccessful campaign in Venezuela. The details of this campaign are alone sufficient to give a correct idea of his mili- tary talents. He came for shelter to the strong place of Angos- tura in Guayana. These facts, (and many more might be adduced,) sufficiently prove that Bolivar frequently lost his presence of mind, and that the most propitious circumstances concurred to restore his fortune. I have said enough of his talents for administration, and his mode of proceeding in civil matters, in the course of these memoirs. But how is it possible (the questions naturally arise) that general Bolivar should have liberated his country, and preserv- ed in himself the supreme power, without superior talents ? If by ‘ liberating his county’ it be meant that he has given his country a free government, I answer, that he has not done so ; and this question, I think, is thus fairly disposed of. If it be meant, that he has driven out the Spaniards, I answer, that he has done little, or nothing, towards this ; far less, certainly, than the meanest of the subordiat.e chieftains. To the ques- tion, how he can have retained his power, without superior talents ? I answer, in the first place, that the reputation of superior talents, goes a great ways. But I shall not desire the reader to be satisfied with this answer. Before the revolution of Caracas April 19th IS 10, and ever since that time, the Spaniards themselves have constantly and powerfully contributed to assist the patriots in all their enter- prises ; by forcing the inhabitants to withdraw themselves from an onerous and base submission; bydeaving them no other al- ternative but to resist oppression, cruelty and death, by force of arms, or submit to them. Without any disposition to dispar- age the bravery, the constancy of the Colombian people, I say that the policy, and the whole behaviour of the Spanish chief- tains, during the war on the Main, has operated powerfully to- wards the freedom and independence of the people. It has been a stimulous applied with very little respite. Their ob- stinacy, their hypocrisy, their barbarous cruelties, their entire 336 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. want of moderation, of even the semblance of liberal policy, of talents, and of courage, have contributed efficaciously to al- ienate from them the confidence and favorable opinion of the people. These inhabitants naturally chose to be under the dominion of their native chieftains, rather than to perish under the cruelties and vexations of the Spaniards. If these latter had adopted a liberal system for administering the provinces of Venezuela and New Grenada, as soon as the Americans per- ceived the precarious situation of the mother country, 1 ven- ture boldly to pronounce, that none of them would have thought of separating from Spain. This opinion is supported by the well known fact, that not one of the patriotic juntas in 1810, had dreamed of detaching itself from the adored king Ferdi- nand. The stupid management of the Spanish authorities has facilitated all the operations of the patriots. The grievous faults of Bolivar, and some of his generals, have been exceed- ed by those of his adversaries. It is not strange, therefore, that Bolivar should have been able to do all he has done with very limited talents. It has been said, long since, that oppression cannot be exer- cised upon any people beyond a certain point; that passing this point certainly produces resistance, and at length, revolt and revolution. The territory of Colombia has a vast extent of coast. It was impossible that it should be guarded by the Spanish troops that were sent out. Bolivar, when beaten and driven from one place, had only to go to another. The ad- vantage in point of numbers, was vastly against the Span- iards. Their greatest number of troops never exceeded twenty thousand ; whereas, on the part of the patriots, there was a great majority of the people of the country containing about two millions of souls. Guiroxa’s revolution, in favor of the con- stitution of 1812, occupied Spain at home, and prevented her sending powerful aid to Morillo. The Spaniards generally, and Morillo among the rest, became tired and worn out ; their troops deserted by hundreds. If Morillo had sought to aid Bolivar, he could not have done it more effectually, than by ap- pointing La Torre his successor ; for the drooping and sickly state of the Spaniards at that time, La Torre was but a poor physician. A powerful moral cause stood also in aid ol Boli- var ; I mean public opinion ; which, if not unanimously in his favor, was certainly so against the cruel deeds of the Span- iards ; and the Colombians, in their choice between two evils, very naturally took that which appeared to be the least. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 337 By examining the conduct of the Spanish chieftains, both in Venezuela and New Grenada, we shall find that they afforded great assistance to the limited talents of the supreme chief, liberator. In Venezuela, the captain-general Don Juan de Casas, as early as 1S08, began to irritate the minds of the inhabitants of Caracas, by arresting, in a very arbitrary and impolitic man- ner, a great many inhabitants belonging to the first and most respectable families (mantuanos) in that province. There was no other motive for his arrest, than ill founded suspicion ; and he ivas compelled to set them at liberty. But the impression remained, and stirred up many enemies to his government. Captain-general Don Vicente Emparan, his successor, was the victim of his own obstinacy. Without regard to the dispo- sition, or feelings, or opinions of the inhabitants, he blindly fol- lowed the orders of the regency at Cadiz, Avhich continued to dictate and maintain laws made in time of Ferdinand the Cath- olic, and Philip II. Emparan, by refusing to be advised, lost himself and the Spanish cause. His great security, and the idea of his power, joined with his obstinacy, gave occasion to the revolution of the 19th April 1810, in Caracas. The junta which succeeded him, took the title of Provisional Junta of Venezuela, conservators of the rights of his catholic majesty, Ferdinand 7th, which proved that this junta and its constituents, had no idea of detaching themselves from Spain. Its detailed official report explained this very clearly, and con- cluded by offering the Spanish government money and support of every description, to maintain the war into which it was dri- ven, against Napoleon. The regency of Cadiz answered their kind offers by a vehement decree, dated Aug. 3d, 1810, by which the province of Venezuela was declared to be in a state of blockade ! thus treating its inhabitants like enemies of the nation. The regency ordered every means to be employed to turn out a junta sincerely attached to their king ; and to punish them as rebels. The mission of Don Francisco Cortavaria, by the regency and Cortes of Spain, to the island of Porto Rico, was the con- sequence of the decree of August 3d. He had a commission to pacify the Main, and to force its inhabitants to receive a new captain-general from the hands of those who ruled in Spain. This mission increased the fire of civil war, instead of extin- guishing it. 43 338 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. The weak and cotvardly captain-general Millares, who suc- ceeded Emparan, was but an object of contempt and mockery to this subaltern, Don Domingo Monteverde, who treated him like an instrument laid aside, wdien it becomes useless to our purpose. The latter audaciously put himself in place of the other, and violated the treaty of Vittoria, made July 12th 1812, with Miranda. Monteverde’s government was the reign of Islenos, friars, monks, priests, and intriguers of various descriptions. Boves, Morales, Suasola, Antonanza, Puy, Rosette, and other Span- ish Chieftains of this sort, had the upper hand. His adminis- tration was a series of perfidies, cruelties, and persecutions ; one of the most complete and horrid anarchy. Simon Bolivar with a respectable force approached the lim- its of Venezuela, announced its deliverance, and promised the inhabitants relief and freedom. These wretched people, reduc- ed to despair, flocked by thousands to his standard for refuge from misery and death. Desertion became general in the loy- al army ; and these troops united with many thousands of vol- unteers, augmented Bolivar’s legions, and reduced the forces of the enemy, to so small and weak a number, that he had nothing to do, but to march forward, assured of success and victory. The confidence of the country in the Spanish troops, and the dread of them, declined in proportion as confidence in the patriot troops increased. Thus he advanced into the inte- rior of Venezuela, supported by a series of successes, which cost him very little ; and thus he entered the capital, Caracas, whence the enemy had fled. Men, money, arms, munitions of every description, were offered him from every corner, and, united with the zeal of about a million of people, desirous in assisting him to destroy the feeble remnant of the enemy, very ordinary talents only were requisite to direct this power- ful mass of forces and means, to the utter extermination of Spanish despotism and cruelty. But the weak Bolivar was so elated with his unexpected suc- cess, that, at the height of his fortune, he lost all reflection and imagined that every thing was accomplished. His gross faults were the only cause of his ruin. They brought on the subse- quent misery of his countrymen, and the downfall of the cause of freedom in Venezuela. The year of 1813 saw him upon the summit of human grandeur and glory. The next year saw him a fugitive in dan- ger of being shot for desertion like the meanest soldier, and MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 339 forced to seek shelter ina sister republic, Carthagena, whom he afterwards treated as a foe ; laying siege to her capital in 1815. General Monteverde, being wounded, left Porto Cabello for Curacao, where he lived in high style, from the plunder and vex- ations carried on against the inhabitants of Venezuela.* He left the command of the remaining royal troops, to colonel Salomon, whose conduct we have noticed. After Bolivar’s flight from Cumana, in August 1814, military despotism began again to hold the reins of the royal govern- ment. The captain-general, Cagigal, had the nominal power, but Boves, Morales, Cevallos, and other Spanish chieftains, acted throughout Venezuela, wherever they came, as masters and conquerors. The best proof of this, is the massacre of the most respectable inhabitants of Valencia, which took place in presence of Cagigal, and went unpunished. Similar ex- cesses were committed, unpunished, in all the other provinces of Venezuela, and throughout its whole territory persecutions and the most barbarous cruelties were multiplied and became the order of the day. The only man who had character and firmness enough to preserve the city of Caracas itself, from pil- lage was the marquis of Leon. And this he did, as the reader will recollect, by overaweing a mulatto lieutenant colonel, (Muchado) who had been a slave of the count of La Grange. But the marquis was not a military man ; his authority was per- sonal, limited, and momentary. He was probably, the only man at that time on the Main, qualified by character to re-establish the royal authority. But instead of giving him full powers for that purpose, the king of Spain sent ten thousand bayonets, with a chieftain more capricious, hyorcitical, despotic and sangui- nary, than any of his predecessors. Such was Don Pablo Mo- rillo, who imagined, that to overawe every one, he had only to present himself. He took the title of “ pacificator of the new world,” and arrived on the Main with the philanthropic principles, which characterise him in many of his letters. He wrote to the king Ferdinand, that it was necessary to regenerate Spanish America, and to exterminate, by fire and sword “ the present population, and create a new one.” He began by grossly oppressing the only man capable of rendering him * He gave to a colored woman in Curacao, the mistress of the hotel where he. lived every day, one hundered dollars for the expense of his table only. I have this fact from the woman herself. 340 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. great service, the marquis of San Leon. Him he arrested and took with him as a prisoner, on his journey, because the mar- quis could not, or would not, pay him an extraordinary tax of twenty thousand dollars. Admiral marquis De Euriles, the friend und counsellor of Morillo, greatly assisted Bolivar, by the advice he gave Morillo, after he knew it was impossible for him ever to reconquer the Main. General Morales, who succeeded La Torre, was better quali- fied to raise the royal party, but his barbarous cruelty, his igno- rance of policy, and his despotic principles, alienated from him the good opinion of both parties. Such was the general state of affairs in Venezuela, from 1810 to 1824, when the last of the Spaniards were driven from the Main by the capitulation of Porto Cabello. Let us now look at New Grenada. The viceroy Don Antonio Amar, was an honest man and desired the welfare of the country, but he was too old and too weak to Isold the reins of government in a time of revolution and trouble. He hesitated, and then gave way. Don Antonio Soria succeeded him, and did worse. From that time there had been no viceroy worjhy of notice. Every province had its junta and its governor or president, who acted only by the province ; and these had no union, no understand- ing among themselves. They died away, one after another. The reader may perhaps be acquainted with the atrocious deeds of the bishop of Cuenca and his army of death, filled with friars and priests. He was another Peter the Hermit with his fanatical brethren the Crusaders. In Carthagena, Santa Martha, Porto Bello, &lc. the Spanish chieftains, after having pillaged, left the places to their subal- terns and fled. In the eight provinces of Venezuela and the twenty two of New Grenada, the viceroys, the captain-generals, governors, and Spanish leaders, have made every effort to alienate the af- fections of the Americans, by their tyranny, cruelty, duplicity and their general conduct as impolitic as it was barbarous. The king, the regency, the cortes and the juntas of Spain have powerfully seconded the patriots. Ever since 1810, the Spaniards have done all they could do in favor of the patriots. Besides the conduct of the Spanish chieftains has undoubtedly favored the enterprises of general Bolivar, and assisted his fee- ble efforts. His generals and subalterns, and all the inhabitants of Colombia have powerfully supported him. Many of his MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 341 generals have done far more than he has to free the country from the Spaniards. Amongst them Louis Brion was distinguished ; as were also the generals Ribas, Villapol, Paez, Zarasa, Piar, Palacios, Arismendy, Gomez, Sanander, Padilla, and others. None of these generals, have ever abandoned, or in any respect behaved so meanly as Bolivar has done. To these brave men Colom- bia, and Bolivar himself, owe the expulsion of the Spaniards and the salvation of the country ; if their present expulsion may be called so. Of these, Brion, Ribas, Villapol, Piar, and Palacio, live no longer. Sanander and Padilla are arrested, and will probably be condemned to death.* The brightest deeds of all these generals, were performed in the absence of Bolivar. Abroad, they were attributed to his military skill and heroism, while in fact he was a fugitive, a thousand miles Irom the scenes of their bravery, and never dreaming of their successes. What has he done in Peru ? He has destroyed freedom and independence there, as in Colombia. f His protectorate there, answers exactly to his dictatorship in Colombia ; a despotic, military anarchy ; which has driven the best inhabitants from both countries, or rendered them slaves, and which, for many years to come, will be felt as the pernicious effect of Bolivar’s incapacity and despotism. General Bolivar, moreover, has never in person commanded a regiment, nor four soldiers. He has never made a charge of cavalry, nor with a bayonet. On the contrary, he has ever been careful to keep himself out of danger. He has always taken the precaution to provide himself with excellent horses and good guides, and whenever the fire approached him, has made use of both. The plain narration of fact composing these memoirs proves this assertion. General Bolivar’s expedition in 1813, against Monteverde, and its complete success, has made him famous abroad. I have shown how easy, in his situation, success was ; that he had only to go forward. The merit, whatever it may be, of con- senting to go forward with a hand full of men after the depic- tion of colonel Castillo, is general Bolivar’s. The expedition * Written November 10th ; 1828. t The two battles fought in Peru were gained in his absence; in the one he was a hundred miles from the field of action ; in the second at Ayachuco; he was sick. General Sucre gained both, and Bolivar had the honor and the name. 342 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. was conceived and planned, not so much by Bolivar as by his cousin Ribas, who was not only the soul, but the friend also of Bolivar. He and colonel Brizeno persuaded Bolivar to per- severe and go forward, when, as respectable eye witnesses have assured me, Bolivar himself wished, upon the defection of Cas- tillo, to return to Carthagena. This entry into Venezuela was the most brilliant epoch in the military career of general Bolivar. I have shown how easily it was made. Very little talent, surely, was requisite to drive a handful of Spaniards out of the country, and by so doing, give liberty to the Venezuelans. He did neither, but fled for shelter to New Grenada. But the memory of his grandeur remained, and having been the tyrant of his country, he was regarded as her Liberator. His fame procured him a good reception at Tunja, in November, 1814, and the congress of New Grenada named him captain-general of the armies of Venezuela and New Grenada, the highest military charge in the Spanish American armies. But this was trifling when com- pared with his dictatorship in Venezuela. Congress, and all true friends of liberty, now entertained san- guine hopes, that Bolivar had acquired wisdom by experiencing adversity, and that he felt an ardent desire to retrieve his faults and deserve the confidence of congress. These hopes were founded upon his verbal promises made to his friends in Tunja, and upon his numerous proclamations, and solemn promises, to give freedom, liberty and welfare to the Grenadans. But he had acquired the habit of acting as master, and of following the impulses of his vain and haughty disposition. He entirely disregarded the confidence placed in him, and the obligation he was under to the congress of New Grenada, which placed him at the head of a strong army, that he might be enabled to fulfil the important and double commis- sion given him. He took, with perfect ease, the open and un- defended capital of Bogota, but suffered his troops to plunder it, during 48 hours. The most important task assigned him, was the conquest of Santa Martha, which, at the time, could have been easily completed ; but he preferred the gratification of his own revenge, in besieging Carthagena, which had re- ceived him within her walls, with distinguished hospitality whilst he was a fugitive, and proscribed by Arismendy and Bermudes. His principal aim, in besieging, and endeavoring to take Car- thagena, was to avenge himself upon Castillo, who commanded MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 343 in the place. The dreadful consequences of this siege have been detailed already. In the assembly of patriots, held in the beginning of 1S16, in the city of Aux Cayes, (Hayti,) its members named general Bolivar as their commander-in-chief, because commodore Brion, upon whom the expedition depended, had, formally and open- ly, declared that if Bolivar should not be appointed the com- mander-in-chief of the projected expedition, he would not ad- vance a single dollar. Brion was, at that time, the principal supporter of the patriots ; commodore Aury was the next ; but the former had more money, and a more extensive credit than the latter, and was animated, by the great promises of Bolivar, to act in his favor. The president of Hayti, Alexander Petion, was also in favor of general Bolivar, and assisted him power- fully in the projected expedition. Besides all this, Bolivar had sacrificed his fortune in favor of the cause, and had been the most elevated chieftain, in rank, since 1813. Commodore Aury was the only member of this assembly who opposed, not the nomination of Bolivar, but his assuming the civil and military power, alone. He proposed a council of government of three or five members, over which Bolivar should preside. Bolivar rose and spoke vehemently against a divis- ion of power, and concluded by saying that he would rather re- sign than consent to Aury’s proposal. Bolivar was well aware that Brion and Petion would do little or nothing, if any other chieftains were elected ; and, therefore, ventured to speak of resignation. Not a voice was heard in support of Aury ; and Bolivar proposed a loud and individual vote ; which was given for his being commander-in chief of the projected expedition. The proceedings were reduced to writing beforehand, and were signed by every member except Aury ; upon whom Bo- livar avenged himself, as we have seen. From the time that Aury expressed himself so strongly against the absolute and undivided power of Bolivar, the latter began to fear that others might follow Aury’s example. Since 1813, Bolivar had been accustomed to have all around him ac- knowledge and submit to his authority and obey implicitly all his orders, however arbitrary or despotic. When the dictator ordered the execution of the 1200 Spaniards in February, 1814, more than a thousand inhabitants of Caracas and Luguai- ra, murmured deeply against this cruel and sanguinary deed ; but no one dared to oppose, or even to speak openly against it. 344 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. When Bolivar heard from me that general San Iago Marino had given a secret commission to captain Bouille, a colored man, to recruit 300 choice soldiers from Hayti, he became very uneasy, and said to me that Piar had certainly advised Marino to do so. He added that Piar being a colored man was a very dangerous one, and that he had the greatest influence over Ma- rino, and that Piar’s object was to enable Marino again to be- come his rival, as he had been in 1813 and ’14. He then re- quested me to find some means of defeating Marino’s object, without having it known that he, Bolivar, cared about it. This was done as 1 have already related. As soon as the supreme chief arrived at Carupano, from the island of Margarita, his body-guard was organised. Twenty- five men, with an officer, w T ere daily placed before his head- quarters, and relieved every twenty four hours. In December, 1817, when Bolivar arrived at Barcelona, he again organised a body-guard. This was repeated at Angos- tura, and since that time this corps has been augmented so much that he appointed the general of division, Raphael Urdaneta, the commander-in-chief of it. He had various generals of brigades under his orders ; but principally general Anzoatigui, who was always blindly devoted to him. Since that time this body-guard has accompanied him every where. There can be no doubt that the institution of this body-guard has been the ruin of liberty in Colombia ; because the bayonets have supplied the place of both military and administrative skill, ever since the Spaniards were driven from the territory. These alone have kept the weight of argument and opinion on his side. In imitation of the famous motto, “ Ultima Ratio Regum ,” en- graved upon the cannon of Frederick 2d of Prussia, Bolivar should engrave upon the muskets of his body-guard, “ Ultima Ratio Dictatorum .” Their bayonets, supported by the money supplied by r English stock jobbers, have given him a suprema- cy over the congress, which, in the latter times of his presiden- cy, has been the slave of his will. I may ask, has any one of the distinguished patriots ever opposed the least hint, to his known will ? These patriots, having nothing to oppose to the bayonets of Bolivar, have always the majority of members against them. Bolivar has several times offered his resignation, but never unless he knew beforehand, that no one would dare to appear in favor of accepting it. He has a great many enemies, but the bayonets are all on his side. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 345 Iii order to preserve his usurped power, he is careful to treat all his guards well, and to attach their officers to him by paying great attention to them, and making them large presents. He took his Colombian body-guard to Peru ; and when he left Peru, in 1826, he brought back a body-guard along with his Colombian troops, 1 500 Peruvians, under the plausible pretext of having troops sufficient to march against the rebels at Valen- cia. His being in power simply, attaches many to him. A great source of his influence is, his having the disposal ot all the offi- ces of Colombia, in the civil and military departments, and those who flatter and please him best, get the best offices, with- out the least regard to their qualifications. He is a great dis- sembler, and possesses such easiness of manners, that he charms those whom he wishes to gain to his purpose, seldom refusing their requests, and never meeting them with rebuke. The most common actions of men in power, under whatever name they may rule, are generally regarded as generous and extraordinary deeds. Far nobler deeds of private men pass unnoticed. This is the case with Bolivar. He spends 20 or 100,000 dollars, without hesitation, when he can immediately have what sum he pleases. He knows well that so long as he reigns, he shall not want money. The great mass of the people are ignorant, bigoted, and rude, to a degree not easily conceived by one educated in almost any protestant country, particularly in the North American states. Hence it is, that Bolivar’s speeches, proclamations, promises, conversations, are thought of so highly. These peo- ple once getting a notion into their heads, keep it fast. They think Bolivar a great man, and believe that his monstrous faults are in fact the faults of others, because he tells them so. Be- sides, he generally shows only the fair side of any event what- ever.* Whenever he is about'to appear, on solemn occasions, before the public, he is careful to prepare his friends and creatures, by informing them what he intends to do, and how they are to act. He then goes, surrounded by a numerous body of offi- cers, all devoted to him, and a large number of troops, who re- main without, under arms. Surrounded by this force, he is *See his memoir justificative published at Carthagena in Sept. 1814 ; his procla- mation before he embarked for Jamaica, in May, 1815 ; that published after the ex- ecution of general 1’iar, in 1817, A c 44 346 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. always sure of the strongest party. This military show imposes upon all, and so overawes his boldest and most decided ene- mies, that they are forced to be silent, knowing his vain, vin-. dictive and treacherous character, and being sure that, if they opposed him, they should, sooner or later, become the victims of his vengeance. A more striking proof of his vindictive spir- it need not surely be required, than his siege of Carthagena, carried on for the purpose of taking vengeance on Morillo, for an insult received two years before, and to avenge Pineres’ de- feat, (and his own) in his effort to be elected president of the government of that province.* What senator or lepresentative could be rash enough to oppose him ? He could not be op- posed, with any chance ol success, but by some military chief- tain, who should have at command a force equal, at least, to his own. All the present chieftains are in favor of Bolivar, and all hold offices of a high grade, under him. The power and the wealth of the country are in the hands of those who are inter- ested deeply in supporting the power of Bolivar. It is by means of all these advantages united, that general Bolivar has preserved his power since 1 S 1 3. His security is now so great that he feels himself above dissembling any longer. He has thrown off the mask, and acts the part, and speaks the language of an independent and powerful sovereign. He will preserve his power as long as those who surround him remain attached to him, probably as long as he lives. His re- moval, whether it happened by his death or otherwise, would produce a civil war. All well informed men who are acquainted with the different manners and habits of thinking, and with the herteogeneous characters of the provinces, and the chieftains now composing this colossal mass, called a Republic ; will agree with me that it is impossible, so to unite these parts, that the body may enjoy that liberty which is necessary to the existence of a republic. If, therefore, Bolivar should be suddenly removed, these ambi- tious chieftains, each of whom has his partizans and admirers, would place themselves at the head of armed men, and march one against another. The hatred of which I have spoken in my introduction, which exists in a very high degree between the Caraguin and Grenadan government ; and the jealousy ex- isting among all he chieftains, would soon overturn the state. See chapter VIII MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 347 Colombia would be the theatre of a desperate and bloody war. The strongest would reign just when and so long as he contin- ued to be so. I speak freely of the characters of the principal chieftains in Colombia ; and I have a right to do so, for I know them well. My acquaintance with them has been sufficient to give me a knowledge of the degree to which their minds have been culti- vated and enlightened, as well as of their distinctive characters, and their actual worth. It is absurd to suppose that a people kept in ignorance, slavery, bigotry and superstition, for three centuries, can be raised at once to the degree of light, knowl- edge and virtue, possessed (for example) by the people of the United States, who, perhaps are the only people ripe for the blessings of true liberty, which is grounded upon wise laws, and supported by a liberal and virtuous population. Time alone, and that well improved, by giving the Colombians good schools, and affording them good examples, and a frequent intercourse with enlightened strangers, can by degrees introduce among them the elements of knowledge, and raise them to that high state of mind which is capable of appreciating freedom. Who, in Colombia, is able to give wise laws ? Who is able to make the people see their use, or to persuade or compel them to obey such laws ? Who can be found there to support such laws in opposition to his own individual interest ? Boli- var’s example, had he been capable of setting it, would have gone a great way toward producing the happiest results. But unfortunately for Colombia, and indeed for all the other Span- ish republics, Bolivar has neither virtue, firmness nor talent to raise himself above bis own sphere of mediocrity, passion, am- bition and vanity. He is far from being competent to lay a foundation for good laws, schools, useful institutions and a flour- ishing commerce. Had he been fit for these things, he would long since have invited and protected strangers and encouraged agriculture, in a country where soil and climate combine to lighten the labour of man, and to multiply the comforts of life. He would have encouraged commerce, instead of depressing it. He would have made it the interest of the clergy to inspire the people, who are devoted to them, with the principles of a just education, of morality, union, and patriotism. He would have insisted upon the freedom of religious opinion, and ha^e protected the people in the use of all the means necessary for the enjoyment of it. He would have consulted men of expe- .MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 348 rience and virtue ; and surrounded himself with men of talents and probity. But what has this man done during the last four years, that is, since 1824, when Colombia was cleared of the last Spanish soldier ! Instead of remaining in his native country and em- ploying all the means in his power to establish a solid govern- ment, we see him, even as early as 1S22, seeking a new field for his ambition, a new scene of what he deems glory. He goes to the South, overruns a new country, destroys the con- gress in Peru, and places himself there, at the head of a des- potic military government, and there renews the dictatorial vil- lages of 1813 and 14 in Venezuela. By force of arms he detaches a portion of Peru, calls it the republic of Bolivia, giv- ing it a monarchical constitution, of which he is the president and protector. When he saw that his protectorship was going the wrong way, he thought of no remedy, but a timely retreat ; the same he had always been accustomed to resort to. He retired to Guayaquil, whence, as I have been well in- formed, he secretly sent out emissaries to Valencia, Caracas, Porto Cabello and Carthagena. Paez having openly raised the standard of revolt against the existing constitutional form of government, Bolivar adroitly seized this pretext, named him- self dictator, annulled all congressional forms, and took all the powers to himself ; and passing over to Valencia, held secret conferences with Paez, and his old and intimate friend, Dr. Miguel Pena, and not only left Paez unpunished, but confirm- ed him in his post. Bolivar is suddenly struck with conviction of the necessity of a reform and a change in the constitution of Colombia ! The national convention assembles at Ocana. During their session, Bolivar, some leagues off, with an anxious and jealous eye, sur- veys their operations. The result is too well known. The convention expires, and Bolivar, become its heir, is compen- sated for all his restless nights and his sorrow ; and sits upon his throne, with the title of “ Supreme Chief, President Libera- tor !'’* Such is the political life of the cunning Simon Bolivar. His favorite rule is, to do every thing by himself ; and he has act- ed upon it, overturning or transforming every thing. At the head of the twelve departments, he placed, under the name of * See Appendix, documents Nos. 11 and 12. MEMORS OF BOLIVAR. 349 intendants, military chieftains, the greatest part of whom were totally unacquainted with any kind of administration whatever. He made Soublette intendant of Caracas ; Marino, ot Maturin, and so on. He has destroyed the little commerce of the coun- try by heavy imports, by his famous decree on patents, by his not admitting of the Colombian vales in the public treasury, by imposing arbitrary taxes upon merchants, by incarcerating foreigners, which he did at Laguaira and Caracas in the be- ginning of 1816, and refusing to hear their just representations. Agriculture and national industry have been destroyed by his campaigns in Peru, and by the numerous levies, recently made, by way of preparation against a new attack of the Spanish, ex- pected from Cuba, against Colombia. The finances are so ruined that Bolivar knows not how', any longer, to pay the interest of the English loan, and keep the national credit even up to its present sunken state. Thus has Bolivar destroyed the welfare of Colombia, and ruined Peru, and should he appear elsewhere, his appearance would produce the same result. But the worst of Bolivar’s acts is the last, where he has impu- dently thrown off his flimsy mask, and declared that “ bayo- nets are the best, the only rulers of nations.” This pernicious example, it is to be feared, will be followed by other chieftains, in the new Spanish Republics. ' - * . APPENDIX. NO. I. FUNDAMENTAL LAW OF TIIE REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA. The sovereign Congress of Venezuela, whose authority has been voluntarily recognized by the people of New Grenada, lib- erated by the arms of the republic, considering, 1. That the provinces of Venezuela and New Grenada, united in a single republic, possess all the requisites for attaining the highest degree of power and prosperity : 2. That if formed into distinct republics, and even united by the closest ties, far from profiting by their great advantages, they could, with difficulty, give stability to, and command respect for their sovereignty : 3. That these truths, being deeply impressed upon the minds of all men of superior talents, and sound patriotism, have deter- mined the governments of the two republics, to agree upon their union, hitherto obstructed by the vicissitudes of war. Wherefore, actuated by necessity and mutual interest, and con- forming to the report of a special committee of deputies from New Grenada and Venezuela, In the name, and under the protection of the Almighty, they have decreed, and do hereby decree, the following Fundamental Law of the republic of Colombia : Art. 1. The republics of Venezuela and New Grenada are henceforth united in one, under the glorious title of the Republic of Colombia. 2. Its territory shall comprehend the former captain-generalship of Venezuela, and the viceroyalty of New Grenada, comprehend- ing an extent of a hundred and fifteen thousand square leagues, the precise limits whereof shall be fixed hereafter. 3. The debts contracted separately by the two republics, are hereby consolidated as a ntaional debt of Colombia, for the pay- ment of which all the property of the state is pledged, and the most productive branches of the public revenue shall be appropri- ated. 352 APPENDIX. 4. The Executive power of the Republic shall be vested in a President; and, m the case of vacancy, in the Vice -President, both to be provisionally appointed by the present Congress. 5. The Republic of Colombia shall be (pro tern.) divided into the three great departments of Venezuela, Quito, and Cundina- marca, comprising the provinces of New Grenada, which de- nomination is henceforth abolished ; and their capitals shall be the cities of Caracas, Quito, and Bogota, the adjunct, Santa Fe, be- ing annulled. 6. Each department shall have a superior administration, with a chief, to be appointed for the present by the Congress, and en- titled a Vice President. 7. A new city, to be called Bolivar, in honor of the assertor of the public liberty, shall be the capital of the Republic of Colombia. The [dace and situation to be fixed on by the first general Con- gress, upon the principle of adapting it to the exigencies of the departments, and to the future grandeur to which nature has des- tined this opulent country. 8. The General Congress of Colombia shall assemble, on the first day of January, 1821, in the town of Rosario de Cucuta, which, from various circumstances, is considered the most eligi- ble situation. It shall be convened by the President of the Re- public, on the first day of January, 1821, who shall communicate such regulations concerning elections, as may be found by a spe- cial committee, and approved by the present Congress. 9. The constitution of the republic of Colombia shall be formed by the general congress ; to which shall be submitted, in the form of a plan, the constitution decreed by the present congress, which, together with the laws enacted by that body, shall be provisional- ly carried into execution. 10. The arms and flag of Colombia shall be determined on by the general congress, and in the mean time those of Venezuela being most known, shall continue to be used. 11. The present congress shall adjourn on the 15th January 1820, after which the new elections to the general congress of Colombia shall be made. 12. A committee of six members and a president shall replace the congress, whose particular power and duties shall be regula- ted by a decree. 13. The republic of Colombia shall be solemnly proclaimed throughout the towns and armies, accompanied by public festivals and rejoicings, and this ceremony shall take place in the capital on the 25th of the present month, in commemoration of the birth of the Saviour of the world, through whose especial favor this wished for union, regenerating the state, has been obtained. 14. The anniversary of this political regeneration shall be per- petually celebrated with the solemnities of a national festival, at APPENDIX. 353 to citizens distinguished by their virtues and their talents. T ie present fundamental I vv of the Republic of Colombia shall be solemnly promulgated throughout the towns and armies ; in- scribed on all the pul lie records and deposited in all the ar- chives of societies, municipalities, and corporations, both clerical and secular. Given at the Palace of the Sovereign Congress of Venezuela, in the city of St. Thomas de Angostura, on the 17th day of De- cember, in the year of our Lord 1819, and ninth of independence. Francisco Antonio Zea, President of the Congress', Juan Germar Rosico, Antonio M. Briceno, Ignacio Munas Manuel Sedeno, Eusel io Afanador, Onofre Bazal, Juan Martinez, Fian- cisco Conde, Domingo Arzura, Jose Espana, Diego Bautista L'r- baneja, Jose Thomas Machado, Luis 1 hontas Poraza, Juan Vin- cente Cardoso, Ramon Garcia Gadiz. Diego De Valltnilla , Dep- uty and Secretary. NO. II. FUNDAMENTAL LAW OF THE UNION OF THE PEOPLE OF COLOMBIA. We the Representatives of the People of New Grenada and Venezuela, in general Congress assembled, Having carefully considered the fundamental law of the Re- public of Colombia, passed. by the Congress of Venezuela at the city of St. Thomas de Angostura, on the J 7th day of December A. D. 1819, are of opinion, 1. That united in one Republic, the provinces of Venezuela and New Grenada, possess all the means and faculties necessary to place them in the most elevated state of power and prosperity. 2. That constituted into separate Republics, however closely bound by the ties of union, they would find it difficult to give sta- bility to their sovereignty, or inspire respect for it. 3. That deeply penetrated by these advantages, all men of su- perior intelligence, and distinguished patriotism, have declared, that the governments of the two Republics should form an union, which the vicissitudes of war have hitherto prevented. 4. Finally, that the same considerations of reciprocal inter- course, and a necessity most manifest, had made it obligatory on the congress of Venezuela, to anticipate this measure, which has been approved in the most authoritative manner by the unanim- ous votes of the people of both countries. In the name, and under the auspices of the Supreme Being, they have decreed, and do boldly decree, the solemn ratification of the Fundamental Law oj the Republic of Colornbia, wnich has been before mentioned, in the following manner : 45 354 APPENDIX. Art 1. The people of New Grenada and Venezeula, being uni- tea in one national body, ibunded on a compact, which deter- mines that the government is now, and ever shall be, popular and representative. 2. This new nation shall be known and denominated, by the title of the Republic of Colombia. 3. The Colombian nation is, and shall forever be, irrevocably free and independent of the Spanish monarchy, and of every oth- er foreign power or domination ; nor shall it ever be the patrimo- ny of any family or person. 5. The supreme national power shall always be separately exercised, and divided into legislative, executive and juridi- cal. 5. The territory of the Republic of Colombia shall compre- hend all that was within the ancient captain-generalship of Ven- ezuela, and the viceroyalty of New Grenada; but reserving fora more suitable time their precise demarcation. 6. For the more advantageous administration of the Republic, its territory shall, for the present, be divided into six or more de- partments, each bearing a particular name, with a subordinate administration, dependent on the national government. 7. The present congress of Colombia shall form the Constitu- tion of the republic, in conformity with the sentiments here ex- pressed, upon those liberal principles which have been consecra- ted by the wise practice of other free nations. 8. They recognise in consolidvm as the national debt of Colom- bia, all the debts which the two people have separately contracted, and for which they make responsible all the property of the re- public. 9. The congress shall, in the mode that maybe found conven- ient, appropriate the most productive branches of the public rev- enue, the taxes, and a special sinking fund created for the purpose, for the redemption of the principal, and paying the in- terest of the public debt. 10. In more favorable circumstances, there shall be erected a new city, with the name of the Liberator, Bolivar, which shall be the capital of the republic of Colombia. The plan and scite shall be determined by congress, founded on the principle of ac- commodation to the convenience of the different parts of this vast territory, and the grandeur to which this territory is destined by nature. 11. Meanwhile, until congress shall establish the distinc- tive insignia, and the flag of Colombia, the actual flags of New Grenada and Venezuela shall be continued in use. 12. The ratification of the establishment of the Colombian Republic, and the publication of the Constitution shall be cele- APPENDIX. 355 brated in the towns and in the armies, with festivity and public rejoicings, making known in all places, the solemnity of the day on which the Constitution is promulgated. 13. There shall be, perpetually, a national festival, for three days in each year, upon which shall be celebrated the Anniver- sary : 1, Of the emancipation and independence of the people of Co- lombia : 2, The union in one republic, and the establishment of the con- stitution : 3, To the great triumphs and splendid victories by which we have conquered our enemies, and secured these blessings. Art. 14. The national festival shall be celebrated every year on the 25th, 26th and 27th of December, consecrating each day to the special remembrance of one of those three glorious causes, and in particular, to that of the virtues, the intelligence and the services rendered to the country. The present fundamental law of the union of the people of Co- lombia, shall be solemnly promulgated in the towns, and in the armies; inscribed on the public registers and deposited in all the archivesofthe cabildos and corporations^ civil and ecclesiastical, and shall be communicated to the supreme executive power by a special deputation. Done in the place of the general Congress of Colombia, in the town of Rosario de Cucuta, the 12th of July, A. D. 1S20, twelfth year of independence. Jose Ignacio Marques, President , Antonio M. Briceno, Vice President . Felix Restrepo, Manuel M. Guijano, Pedro F. Carbajal, Jose Cornelius Vallaria, Casimiro Calvo, Miguel Ibanez, Francisco de Orbegogo, Carlos Alvarez, Diego F, Gomez, Lorenzo St. Ander, Juan B. Esieves, Jose Antonio Yanes, Andreas Rojas, Bernar- dino Tovar, Jose Antonio Paredes, Gabriel Briceno, Louis Igna- cio Mendoza, Toaguin Plata, Jose Prudencia Lanz, Jose Manuel Restrepo, Francisco Jose Olero, Miguel Tobar, Jose J. Borrero, Salvador Camacho, Jose A. Mendoza, Vincente Azuero, Nic. Bal- len de Guzman, Sinforoso Mutis, Domingo B. Briceno, Jose Fe- lix Blanco, Ildefonso Mendez, Vincente Borrero, Mariano Esco- bar, Diego B. Urbaneja, Francisco Coade, Jose M. Ilinestrosa, Arbellon Urbina, Jose Ignacio Balbuena, Jose Gabriel de Alcala, Francisco Gomez, Miguel Pena, Fernando Penalver, Ramon Ig- nacio Mendez, Toaquin F. Soto, Pacifico Taime, Juan Ronderos, Manuel Reuiles, Policarpo Uricoichea, Alexandro Osorio, Pedro Gual Miguel de Zarraga. The Deputy and Secretary, Miguel Santamaria, The Deputy and Secretary, Francisco Soto. 356 APPENDIX. This instrument was further signed by the ministers of the in- terior, and the Vice President, H. Ander, and so promulged — the constitution being formed in conformity thereto. NO. III. The territory of the Republic of Colombia, is divided by the last law of Bogota, June 23, 1834, in 12 departments, 49 prov in- ces, and 218 cantons, which division is maintained until the present day, namely : Department . Capital, or resi- dence of the In- tendant. Provinces. Residence of the Governor. No. of Cant. 1 Orinoco Cumana Cumana Barcelona Margarita Guayana Cumana Barcelona Asuncion Angostura 25 2 Venezuela Caracas Caracas Carabobo Caracas Valencia 21 3 Apure Barinas Barinas Obispos Mijagual Guanarito Nu trias San Jaime Guanare Barinas 4 Ospinos Araure Pedraza 4 Zulia Maraeaybo Maraeaybo Coro Merida Trujillo Maraeaybo Coro Merida Trujillo 21 5 Boyaca Tunja Tunja Pamplona Socorro Casanare Tunja Pamplona Socorro Pore 4 G Cundinamarca Bogota Bogota Antioquia Mariquita Neyva Bogota Antioquia Mariquita Neyva 25 7 Magdalena Carthagena Carthagena Santa Martha Ilio liacha Carthagena Santa Martha Rio Hacha 23 8 Cauca Popayan Popayan Choco Pasto Buenaventura Popayan Quibdo Pasto Iscuande 21 9 Istmus Panama Panama Veragua Panama Veragua 10 APPENDIX. 357 Departments. Capital, or resi- dence of the In- tendant. Provinces. Residence of the Gover- nor. No. Cant. 10 Equator Quito Pinehinca Imbabura Chimborazo Quito Ibarra Riobamba 13 1 1 Assuay Cuenca Cuenca Loja Bracamoros y ) Mainas $ Cuenca Loja Jaen 11 12 Guayaquil Guayaquil Guayaquil Manabi Guayaquil Puerto Viejo 9 NO. IV. Decree to unite , in the departments and provinces, tliz military command with the civil authority , fyc. in one and the same person. Simon Bolivar, &,c. As it is highly requisite, for the solidity and the honor of the Republic, to avoid expenses in the present state in which the public revenues suffice not to cover the public expenses of the ad- ministration, and wishing to end, or put a stop to disputes which embarrass the public service, and the good administration in the departments, and both aims being attainable, by assigning the military command to the individual entrusted with the civil au- thority in the departments and provinces, and in virtue of the ex- traordinary power granted to the executive of the Republic by the decree of the 23d inst. ; I have decreed the following : Art. 1. The military command shall be un ited to the civil au- thority in all the departments and provinces, in which the gov- ernment judges it to be convenient. Art. 2. If the government should not have named the person who should have the civil authority in the departments and prov- inces, in which case the laws name the receivers of the depart- ments, and the political chiefs (ge/es politico'! ) in the capitals, as authorised to take the military command ; if they should not ex- ist, then the civil authorities shall be conferred on the judges, or in their absence, on the political chiefs of the capital, &,c. NO. V. Decree by ivhich Simon Bolivar assumed the dictatorial power. Simon Bolivar, Libertador, President de Colombia, &c. Ten- iendo in consideracion : 1. El estado de agitacion en que actualmente se evcuentra la Re- publica despues de lossucesos de Venezuela, dividida en opiniones ■358 APPENDIX. sobre el regimen politico y alarmada con el temor de una guerra civil, y de una invasion exterior de parte de los enemigos com- mies ; 2. Que positivamente hay datos fundados para temer que el gobierno espanol intente renovar las hostilidades con las fuerzas que reune en la isla de Cuba. 3. Que la mayor parte de los departainentos ha manifestado su opinion, deque el Presidente de la Republica se revista decuantas facultades extraordinarias sean indispensables para restablecer la integridad nacional y salvara Colombia de la guerra civil y de la guerra exterior. 4. Que ya el poder executivo ha declarado en el caso del arti- 'culo 128 de la constitucion, y, en consecuencia ha convocado oportunamente el Congrero ; y descando par una parte correspon- der a la confianza de los pueblos, y por otra conservar la constitu- cion actual, hasta tanto que la nacion por los medios legitimos y competentes provea a su reforma, oido el consejo de gobierno ; •venido en decretar y decreto. Art. 1. Desde en adelante, estoy como presidente de la repub- lica, ea el caso delarticulo 28 de la constitucion y en el ejercicio de todas las facultades extraordinarias que de el emanan, tanto para restablecer la tranquilidad interior como para asegurar la re- publica contra la anarquia y la guerra exterior. Art. 2. En mi ausencia de esta capital, el vice presidente de la republica, como que queda encargado del poder ejecutivo, ejerce- radichas facultades extraordinarias, entodo el territorio en que yo no las pudiere ejercer immediatamente. Art. 2. Fuera de los objetos, y casos que se determinaran para el ejercicio de las expresadas facultades extraordinarias, la consti- tucion y las leyes tendran su debido cumplimiento. Art. 4. Se dara cuenta al Congreso proximo de todo lo que se ejecutareen virtud del presente decreto segun lo dispone el men- cionado articulo 128 de la constitucion. El secretario de Estado del despacho del interior queda encar- gado de comunicarloy de velar en su ejecucion. Dado y firm ado de mi mano y refrendado por el secretario de estado del despacho del interior en Bogota a 23 de Noviembre de 1826. Simon Bolivar. El seeretario de estado del despacho del interior, Jose M. Res- trepo. NO. VI. Simon Bolivar, &c. No bastando las rentas de propios de los diferentes cantones de la Republica para los gastos ordinarios, y no conviniendo por ahora yravar a los pueblos con nuevas imposiciones municipales APPENDIX. 359 que ezcitan qi/ejas por todas partes, en uso de las facultades ex- traordinarias que residen en el Gobierno, he venido en decretar lo que sigue : Art. 1. Queda suspenso el establecimiento de jueces letrados de primera instancia en todos los cantones de la Republica y los nombrados por el Poder Ejecutivo cesaran en sus funciones. 2. Los Alcaldes municipales continuaran con arreglo a la ley administrando lajusticia civil y criminal en primera instancia, lo mismo que lo hacian antes de que hubiera jueces letrados, y con- forme a lo prevenido enlaleyde 11 de Mayo de 1825, para el caso de que no los haga. 3. Los Alcaldes municipales pondran el cuayor cuidado en ad- ministrar pronta, y cumplidamente la justicia tanto civil conio crim- inal y en perseguir los reos para que se les imponga cl condigno castigo, sobre lo cual velara may cuidadosamente -el Poder Eje- cutivo para que se les castigue a los omisos o negligentes. 4. El presente decreto se cumplira sin embargo de cuales quie- ra disposiciones que sean contrarias. El secretario de estado del despacho del interior queda encar- gado de la ejecucion de este decreto. Dado en Bogota a 24 de Noviembre de 1826. Simon Bolivar. El secretario de estado del despacho del interior. Jose M. Restrepo. NO. VII. Decree urging the execution of the law of 22 d Map, 1827 , in favor of the public credit. Simon Bolivar, &c. Siendo uen deber sagrado en que esta constiluida la Republica es de asegurar el pago de los intereses de su deuda para restablecer su credito y coniribuir a su prosperidad y engrandecimiento y teniendo en consideracion que nada puede contribuir tanto a la consecucion de estos fines saludables como el ilenar a efecto la ley sancionada en 22 de" Mayo de este ano, que ha mandado hacer una anticipacion a los fondos del credito nacional ; he venido en decretar y decreto lo que sigue. 1. La ley de 22 de Mayo de este ano sera exacta y rigidamente ejecutada en todos los departamentos de la Republica, de modo que las sumas mandadas anticipar esten entegramente colectadas en todo el mes de Diciembre proximo, a mas tardar. 2. Los intendentes y gobernadores cuidaran de evitar en sus respectivos distritos, todo fraude contra la ley, y toda parcialidad en las asignaciones. 3. Los encargados de su ejecucion en todas sus.partes, sul'riran en el caso de no Ilenar sus respectivas obligaciones las penas con- tenidas en decreto de esta fecha. 360 APPENDIX. El secretario de estarlo del despacho de Hacienda queda encar- gado de la ejecucion de este decreto. Dado en Bogota, capital de la Repul lica, a 23 de Noviembre de 1826. Simon Bolivar. El secretario de estado del despacho de hacienda. Jose M. del Cas- tillo. NO. VIII. Decree to suppress the frauds committed against the public treasury. Simon Bolivar, &c. Siendo como son tan comvnes y escandolosos los fraudes que se comctin contra las renlas nacionales, y convihiendo refrenar una propension que tanto relaja la moral puhlica y disminuye tan con- siderablemente los ingresos del tesoro ; he venido en decretar y decreto lo que sigue. Art. 1. Todo defraudador de lasrentas del Es'ado queda sujeto a la pena de perdimiento de las mercaderias, generos delectus en que haga o pretenda hacer la defraudacion, y en la de presidio de seis b.Reta diez anos con las costas del proceso. Art. 2. Son defraudadores en el sentido del articulo anterior : 1st. Los que importaren, exportaren o internaren mercaderi- as, frutos y efectos extrangeros, eludiendo su presentacion en las aduanas para no pagar los derechos establecidos. 2d. Los que introdujeren por los puertos le la Republica mer- caderias, frutos o efectos de prohibida introducion. 3d. Los que, contra la prohibicion de las leyes, pretendan ex- portar furtivamente los metales prohibidos. 4th. Los cultivadores, vendedores y conductores de tabacos contra las instrucciones del ramo, o sia los requisitos que ellas pre- scriben. 5th. Los destiladores clandestinos, y sendedores por menor de aguardientes, sin las licencias que determina la ley. Art. 3. En la pena de perdimiento, se comprende el buque, car- ruage o caballerias, y la de los utensilios, vasijas y apara. Los en que se cometa el l'raude. Los encubridores, lautores o receptadores del l’raude estan sujetos a las mismas penas. 4. Los aprehensores de cualquiera clase, sean o no empleados, liacen suyo quanto aprehendan, deduciendose unicamente las costas procesales, y los derechos de aduanas. Si lucre tabaco lo aprehend do, lo tomara la renta al precio a que cueste en cada ad- ministracion, elcual sera pagado fiel e inmedialamente al aprehen- sor. 5. Los juicios pa la imposicion de estas penas, seran sumarios : e instruira los procesos el adrninistrador, o colector del .ramo, o el comandante, o uno de los ayudantes del resguardo ; y se redu- cira al acto de aprehension debidamente calificado con un numera APPENDIX. 3GJ plural de testigos, debenser examinados en un solo acto. Art. 6. En virtud de estas, deliquencias que se pasaran imme- diatamente al juez de hacienda, pronunciara este la sentencia que sera ejecutada, y llevada a efecto. Art. 7. Todo descuido o connivencia de parte de los emplea- dos o del juez, sera viremisiblemente castigado con las penas que perscribe el decreto de esta fecha. El secretario de estado del despacho de hacienda queda encar- gado de la ejecucion de este decreto. Dado en Bogota, capital de la Republica a 23 de Noviembre, de 1826. Simon Bolivar. El secretario de estado del despacho de hacienda, Jose M. Bel Castillo. NO. IX. Memoir of the Marquis of Torre Tagle, late President of Peru* The public man is not master of his actions; he is obliged to answer for his proceedings, and give an account of his conduct. The country in which he has served, is deserving of his consider- ation, and of his best wishes. Mine will always be directed to- wards the felicity of Peru. At the time when I received the supreme command of Peru, called independent, many remarkable circumstances took place, for the explanation of which it is painful to my feelings of delicacy to find it indispensable to publish some confidential communica- tions of general Bolivar, which never would have been divulged, had the attempt, not been made through them to sully my honor. In such a case I am not constrained to maintain a reserve and deli- cacy which would dishonor myself, and which has not been ob- served towards me. I shall not detain myself in showing the strong interest I have felt in endeavoring to prevent the misfor- tunes of Peru. I received the supreme military command in Cal- lao, in July, 1823, and this was the greatest proof of my devotion to the felicity of the country. I considered it absolutely a sacri- fice, from tbe time general Bolivar ordered forces to occupy it, before they had been required by Don Jose de La Riva Aguero, since, on the arrival of general Portacarrero at Guayaquil, transports w'ere ready with troops to be disembarked at Callao, without consulting the wish of the Peruvians. From that time the extermination of the country was decreed, and it was my du- ty to omit no means to free her from slavery. I accepted on this * This remarkable document will prove by facts, how general Bolivar has acted in Peru. The author is generally known as an honest, upright, and respectable man, whom Bolivar and his adherents have tried to pass as a traitor, and an agent of the holy alliance. 46 3G2 APPENDir; account, provisionally, the command, although there were scarce- ly any resources in the capital to maintain the troops, or sustain the civil list, notwithstanding I attended to every thing in the best manner possible. I was exceedingly desirous that the congress, selecting a worthy citizen, would relieve me from the administra- tion, from which it had exonerated Don Jose de La Riva Ague- ro. But this body having been violently dissolved in Truxillo, I conceived it my duty to continue at my post, in order to re-estab- lish, at all hazards, the legislative assembly. But how could this be effected without Peruvian forces, and only with auxiliaries, who would take no part in internal dissen- sions? I was persuaded that it should be done, and immadiate- ly effected it, without any other protection than that of my own cour- age and that of my friends. I re-established the congress, I saved several of the deputies, and I secretly gloried in actions which I conceived to be good, and at that time most useful to the country. Bolivar arrives at Callao the 1st September, and thetorchof civ- il discord is immediately lighted ; every thing appears to him wrong, and he does not hesitate to declare to the committee of the con- gress, who wished to congratulate him, that “ general and radical reform urns necessary that is to say, that he considered himself capable of dictating the law to the congress. He did not deceive terror is disseminated, and this body only thought of discovering the will of IJolivar, in order to comply. with it. He is invested with the supreme, military, civil and dictatorial com- mand, degrading the authority which the same congress had con- ferred upon me, and scattering the seeds of division between the executive power, and a foreign and absolute authority. Large contributions are decreed beyond the capacity and fortune of the inhabitants ; extensive loans are received, which are all employ- ed in procuring excellent clothing for the auxiliary troops, and supplying punctually their wants and their pay, these troops be- ing constantly attended to in preference to the Peruvians. It would be difficult to conceive how much I had to suffer and dissemble, from the imperious and overbearing manner of Boli- var, in carrying into effect all his ideas, without regard to the means ; and how much I was compelled to tolerate, not only from him, but colonels Heres and Perez, the two springs which he con- stantly moved to molest, at every moment, the government, studi- ous to observe towards him the greatest obsequiousness. Notwithstanding I conceived myself obliged to make these sac- rifices for Peru, in order to preserve a semblance of her proper authority, which might hereafter be opposed to the dreadful meas- ures which were commencing against the natives of the country, and which every day would increase. Before Bolivar went to the northern coast to pacify those pro- vinces, he verbally charged me to be most rigorous towards all the party of Rivas Aguero, and to spare none of their lives; he ordered APPENDIX. 363 that all this party should instantly disappear, to avoid the evilsre- sulting from delay. Don Jose de La R. A. being taken with some others, in Trux- illo, by colonel La Fuente, he imparted the event to the govern- ment, who transmitted it to the congress, without asking any pun- ishment. The congress, by their reply and former decrees, placed me under the necessity of giving an order for the execution of R. A. and some of his principal followers ; but I consoled myself with the idea that they would have left Truxillo before the order would have reached there. I communicated my sentiments to Bolivar on this subject, in a letter which I wrote him the 5th of December, and which is amongst the justificatory documents, No. 1. The resolutions on the fate of De LaRiva Aguero, and the oth- er prisoners, emanated from congress, and not from myself. I gave them sufficient opportunity to reverse the decreee, which the legislative body had passed on the 8th of August, and I did not oppose the idea of La Fuente, that they should be banished to Chili. The congress resolved to enforce the punishment of a crime which had been classified by the law, and it was not in my power to prevent it. On this occasion I shall merely state that the imputation cast upon the government of having sent an individual to Truxillo, for the purpose of poisoning R. A. is false. Whatever this indi- vidual said, or was compelled to say, is false, and no member of the government had any share in it. The said individual was only known by his activity in introducing communications, as he had done in Lima, when Callao was besieged by the Spanish ar- my. He was afterwards sent for to convey four letters to Truxil- lo, for the purpose of exciting an insurrection in that city, for which he received only fifty dollars, drawn from the public treas- ury. Who could believe that for so small a sum ho could be induced to undertake such an enterprise as this? who could believe that the government would for a moment suppose that an individual unknown to R. A. could obtain an easy introduction into his do- mestic service. This very contemptible calumny did, notwith- standing, at the time, obtain general currency. General Bolivar having been informed of the immediate exe- cution he had commanded of the orders of congress against R. A. and the other principal persons taken with him, replied to the minister of war, who at that time also filled the department of state, on the liberal terms which appear from paper No. 2, dated Caxamarca, 14th of Dec. 1823. From this letter we will make the following observations ; that general B. wished not only all the partizans of R. A. but all the Spaniards who should be found in the capital to be immediate- ly put to death.* 364 APPENDIX. Secondly, that he ordered the battalion of Vargas to march out immediately to the mountains, and to be replaced in Callao by that of the Rio de La Plata. That body was in the mountains where the negotiations commenced with the Spaniards. General B. suggested the idea, but did not wish to appear publicly in it, per- haps in order to induce the belief that the government was selling the country, and he saved it by triumphing over the Spaniards, without fulfilling any promises towards them. But the govern- ment sustained its character of justice, honor, and interest for Peru which might be expected. Under date of the 18th of January, general Bolivar wrote me the letter, number 3, by which he recommends to my notice most strenuously, a very important affair which he had communicated, under the same date, to colonel Heres. It was this that was contained in the letter of his then secretary, Espinar, number 4, the orignal of which was confided to me by the said colonel, in confidence, and which was returned to him after being copied. As soon as I was informed of all, the minister of war, colonel Heres, and myself endeavored to carry into effect the project of general Bolivar, as he did not wish to appear publicly in it ; I wrote with their common consent, to the president of the congress, the note number 5, which was replied to by a note of approbation, under the supposition that the government was acquainted with the wish of Bolivar in this particular. The letter which I wrote to Bolivar on the 16th January, refers to this circumstance, and is marked number 6, and that of colonel Heres of the 15th of the same month, number 7, is a farther corroboration of all that has been said, and shows my wish to agree with him in this business, even in the most minute points. Under such circumstances, and charged with accelerating the said negociation, colonel Perez arrived at Lima from Pativilca, the secretary of general Bolivar, who had a conference with myself and the secretary of war, on the 17th of January, according to the document number 8. He then observed, if the Spaniards should not wish to treat on the preliminary convention of Buenos Ayres, the said general proposed a particular one with Peru ; and thus it was confidentially resolved upon. In consequence of all this, the respective persons were delegated under this date, and the official letter, number 9, written to general La Soma, and instructions were given to the minister plenipotentiary, as appears from the papers number 10 and 11. The minister set off to Xauja at that time, and entered that town on the 26th of January. He learnt there from field-marshal Don Juan Antonio Monet, that on the following day, general So- * This corroborates perfectly what I have stated in chapter vii, of these memoirs, of eold blooded bntcherv of more than 1200 Spaniards and Isleno in Laguaira and Caracas, executed by Bolivar’s order. Arthur. APPENDIX. 365 riga, chief of the staff, would come from Ituancayo, from the com- mander-in-chief, to have an interview with said minister, and to receive the despatches, two of which were in fact delivered to him, for the viceroy La Serna, number 9 and 12, accompanied by the official despatch and letter for his Excellency general Canterac, nnmbers 13 and 14, the replies to which are numbers 15 and 16. The conference with general Soriga was altogether of a private nature, as he declared from the beginning, that La Serna alone could give a definitive answer. In this conference, as in all the others, the minister proceeded to establish negociations exclusive- ly on the basis of independence, and he there solicited, as had been proposed by general Bolivar, in case of being refused an as- sent to the preliminary convention of Buenos Ayres, a particular treaty of union and friendship, might be concluded with Peru, on the basis of independence. II aving punctually given an account of all that had been doing to general Bolivar, lie wrote me a letter of approbation, number 17. By this letter, it appears that all that I did on this subject was with his knowledge and concurrence ; and all that the minis- ter proposed had been previously arranged without his deviating in the slightest respect from his instructions. There was only one difference, general Bolivar was not desi- rous that a convention should be formed with the Spaniards, even upon the basis of independence; he wished to propose a thing that was not to be fulfilled, whilst I was always resolved to proceed with good faith, to comply exactly with my duty and to restore peace to Peru by the sincere union of Spaniards and Peruvians. Who would not esteem this conduct the most honorable and beneficial to the country? If the end of this war was to gain in- dependence, if tlris could be obtained without the effusion of blood, and without aggerating the sacrifices of a devastated territory, why did general Bolivar wish to risk the object by the uncertain result of a battle? Why was the greatest part of the Peruvian ar- my to perish, which should serve as thedefenceof this soil? Why, in case that the forces of Colombia should triumph, should this country remain at the mercy of Bolivar, for him exclusively to de- cide on its fate and destiny ? What honorable man, in my case, would have performed so rash and desperate a part? My desire was to terminate the war. The congress wished the same thing, manifested sufficiently in the order of the 14th of last January, number 8. I am certain that my conduct in this particular could only ap- pear bad to general Bolivar, and to his ambitious satellites, but to no other people or inhabitant of the world. Before God and man, my conscience tells me I have proceeded with rectitude, I owed much to the people for having reposed their confidence in me. I fulfilled my obligations on this account, by exerting myself for their good and prosperity, at the expense of a thousand risks and 3C6 APPENDIX. sacrifices. At some future period, my actions will be properly es- timated, and an impartial posterity, not agitated by the passions of deluded, ungrateful and intrigueing men, will do me justice. I was anxiously expecting a reply from bis excellency the vice- roy, on the negociations above mentioned, when the troops, which garrisoned the castles of Callao, refused obedience to the inde- pendent authorities. This happened three days after the minis- ter of war had returned from Xauja to Lima ; and the enemies of order, well satisfied that the government had no part in this rev- olution, endeavored to throw the suspicions on him. As I had no previous intimation of this charge, I confidently believed, and ma- ny others believed, that it was a political and military stratagem general Bolivar made use of, with the double object of overthrow- ing the government, which he could not decorously attack, and to beat the Spanish forces which might advance to the assistance of the castles. Many circumstances concurred to give plausibility to this pre- sumption. General Bolivar not only charged me expressly from Caxamarca, under date of the 12th of last December, that the bat- tallion Vargas, should leave Callao to he replaced by that of Buenos Ayres, but in his letter of the 7th of January of the same year, No. 19, in which he mentions his having been informed of the insur- rection of the grenadiers of that body in Lima, he orders the bat- talion Vargas, to be ready to march, as was afterwards done, and that Callao should be defended by the troops of Peru and the Rio de La Plata. Colonel Heres, on the 9th of the same month, in his letter, No. 20, recommends to me very particularly from Bolivar, his orders contained in his official letter of the 14th December, from Caxa- marca, that is to say, the same orders’witli regard to the charge of battallions; and that all the royalists, all factious individuals, and the followers of Riva Aguera, should be shot — not only were the troops distributed according to the directions of general Bolivar, hut some days previous to the insurrection at Callao, general Al- varado was named by him governor of that place. Colonel Val- divieso, who was really the governor, was removed, without cause, or any just motive. The same thing had happened a few days previously at the request of the general-in-chief of the army of the centre, Don Henriguez Martinez, to the commander of one of the forts, Don Francisco Cabero and Sifuentis. This extraordinary combination of simultaneous changes, offered presumptive evidence to my suspicion; and other things occurred to confirm it. Not being able to conceive that there was any ne- glect in the service of the castles, or in the administration of the corps, I was astonished, at not having received any information of it from the governor of the place, and that no commander or offi- cer had made any discovery on this subject ; and finally, that the generals of the Andes were constantly encouraging expectations APPENDIX. 367 of recovering the castles. All this induced the belief that the two fold object of the revolution was to depose the government, and to beat the Spaniards ; but principally so, when the Colombian offi- cer, Ugarte, the aid to colonel Heres, in passing over to the Span- iards, was found, with either a true or forged passport from his co- lonel. Such a casualty induced a suspicion that Ugarte was car- rying over an insidious and detailed information, and that the Spanish forces were speedily coming to Callao. Ultimately it has become notorious, that the authors of the movements in Callao were only colonel Moyano, and lieutenant colonel Oliva, who had formed their plan without depending on any external assistance to realise the undertaking. After the loss of Callao, general Boli- var, trampling upon my authority, commissioned general Martinez to execute the premature measures which are contained in the co- py No. 21, directed to the ministers at war, with the note, No. 22. As, according to received orders, Martinez was to cause the in- fantry to march instantly, the capital remaining unprotected and without the power of being garrisoned in a proper manner, I sum- moned a Junta of generals ; and after having read the said instruc- tions, I was of opinion the troops should not march, which was agreed upon by the Junta. I thus saved the capital from the dread- ful catastrophe which it would have suffered from the revolutions of general Bolivar — a service which is, perhaps, not properly ap- preciated, from its not being generally known. In the meantime Bolivar, separating himself entirely from the conduct of the government, which still subsisted, and without any regard to the congress, directed, under date of the 10th of Febru- ary, to general Martinez, the scandalous note, No. 23, which he sent to the government with the official note, No. 24. The con- gress being consulted in all that had occurred, resolved upon what is contained in the order, No. 25. The fulfilment of the determinations of Bolivar, was still sus- pended, when general Gamarra appears, commissioned to carry into effect the orders given to Martinez. The legislative body was informed of this circumstance, the only superior authority whom I would acknowledge, and they issued an order of suspen- sion, which appears in the paper No. 26. There was no remedy ; the president of Colombia required his mandates should be obey- ed in Peru , and it was to be done. Invested now with a dictatorial character, without paying the least attention to the sanction of the representative authority, he names general Necochea, civil and military chief of the capital, commanding him to fulfil his orders ; in virtue of which appointment, with the consent of the congress, I delivered up the command to Necochea on the 17th of Februa- ry, after having received the note No. 27. I thus terminated my career in the supreme government of Pe- ru, called independent, which I had maintained with so much re- pugnance, and with the object alone of freeing the country from 36S APPENDIX. an obstructive authority. It was on this account I received the command at Callao from general Sucre, and that I did not re- nounce it on the arrival of Bolivar, although I was strongly urged to it by the deputy Carrion. When the congress, in naming Bolivar dictator, sent to know my wish, by Don Arce, I replied, that, as a public man I would fulfil immediately, whatever the Peruvian congress should resolve upon, in order that they should not think me ambitious of the com- mand. In fact, I preserved the command whilst I thought it in- dispensable to preserve the country from being sacrificed. Last- ly, when the government of the capital was offered me by the Spanish authorities, I refused it, since there is at present no dan- ger whatsoever, or absolute necessity, for my services. I, being separated from the government, Bolivar determined to crown his works, by ordering me to be arrested and shot, as well as many illustrious and respectalffe Peruvians, who, according to his opinion, might oppose his design. The Supreme Being has saved us and placed us under the protection of the national army. We will continually exert ourselves for the felicity of our country, always contributing to its increased prosperity, and to prostrate the progress of the tyrant. His immeasurable ambition shall find no aliment in Peru, nor shall he ever domineer over its illustrious citizens. It is as true that Bolivar has endeavored to persecute, without cause, every Peruvian of talents, or who could make a figure, as that, when general La Fuente caused the last change in Truxil- lo, and was called the Pacificator of the North, Bolivar immedi- ately determined to destroy him. La F unete caused the Peruvian cuirassiers to sustain themselves against the hussars of the guard of Bolivar, who wished to trample upon them. From that time he determined to deprive him of the Presidency of Truxillo, separate him from the army, and send him to Chili, under the mis- erable and puerile pretexts which appears in his letter, No. 28. In this letter he also disapproves of the conduct observed towards Riva Aguero ; yet it had his entire approbation, and he ever wished it more rigorous, as appears from his official letter of the 1 1th December, No. 2. As to general Santa Cruz, the said let- ter evinces sufficiently the ancient hatred that the president of Colombia felt for him, and which he has after expressed and man- ifested, by the repeated entreaties that general Sucre has made to me, to cause himself and Santa Cruz to be tried by a coun- cil of war, on account of the late events of the South. The ob- ject of this was the destruction of Santa Cruz ; and on this account I refused acceding to the proposal. I cherish the flattering idea that, during my government, in the most turbulent times, and in the midst of a civil war, Providence has not permitted a drop of hu- man blood to be shed. Some rigid measures were indispen- sably taken to prevent our being devoured by anarchy ; but every APPENDIX. 309 Peruvian was set at liberty, and restored to his house before I gave up the command. I maintained this without receiving a real of sal- ary as supreme chief, in order that the most necessitious might be relieved, and assisting many with my own fortune, and burthening myself to sustain the lustre of the rank which I had obtained. I believe my administration has been marked by mildness, justice and disinterestedness, and if my government was not the best, my inten- tions were perfectly correct and pure. United now to the national army, our fates will always be the same. I shall never be dazzled by the false glare of chimerical ideas, which bewildering the de- luded people only lead to their destruction, and to make the for- tunes and satiate a borde of adventures. On every side we see nothing but ruin and misery. In the course of the war, who but those who called themselves defenders of the country had ruined our fortunes, devastated our fields, relaxed our morals, oppressed and distressed the people? What has been the fruit of this rev- olution. What is the positive good that has resulted to the coun- try ? The total insecurity of property and individuals. I detest a system which has not for its object the general good, and which does not conciliate the interests of all the citizens. Oh Peru ! peaceable country, in which I first beheld the day ; delightful country ! that appears destined for the residence of the Gods ! Do not permit temples to tyranny to be raised within your limits, under the false pretext of liberty. Do not believe that your happiness is intended by a show of a false equality. From the instant that you shall succumb, a colossal power will oppress you with the weight of a most cruel despotism. Already the people governed by Bolivar, groan under it ; and if fate is fa- vorable to him, all the other stales of America will follow their unhappy example. From the cordial and sincere union of Spaniards, every good may be expected ; from Bolivar desolation and death. The Marquis of Torre Tagle. Lima, March 16, 1824. JUSTIFICATORY DOCUMENTS. No. 1] — Extract of a letter, of the 5tli December, 1823, written by Don Joso Benardo de Tagle, to general Simon Bolivar. I laid the communication of La Fucnte before the congress, without giving any opinion respecting Riva Aguero, but only requesting their resolve in cider to com- municate it. The congress does not approve that Riva Aguero, should go to Chili ; and says that you and myself should determine on this subject. The law is clear, and the crimes of this unfortunate man determine his punishment. I complied with what is due to justice, but I assure you that, after having been for many years a public character, and experienced the pain of being obliged to decide upon the fate of men, a day of greater unhappiness than was occasioned by deci- ding upon that of Riva Aguero, 1 have never in my life experienced. I believed 47 370 APPENDIX. that he must have set off for Chili ; for certainly he would not have thought it prudent to wait there (Truxillo) the determination of the congress. Anxiously do I wish to know the fate of that man. No. 2.] — Head Quarters of the Libertador Caxamarca, December J4, 1823. To the minister of war. As I arrived yesterday without my secretary, he having been taken ill on the road, I addressed myself directly to your Excellency. I last night received the communications of his Excellency to the 30th of last month by which I have learnt the dislodgement of the expedition of Aiica, and the suspicion that was entertained against the vice admiral of Peru* As the brig Boyaca, with captain Coro, has arrived on the west of Huanchaco, with the object of sending assistance to the party of Riva Aguero, there is not the least doubt that hopes are entertained of keeping that party alive, which appears almost extinct. Consequently, I have dictated measures for securing the vessels of Peru and Colombia, which might be attached by the partizans of Riva Aguero, or by the Spanish squadron, consisting of four sail, of which I have been informed by the captain of the port of Callao, and by an original letter from his Excellency, the president of the Republic. The communications of yesterday have not failed to produce a very dsingreeable impression upon me ; they show me that obsta- cles are multiplying on every side to the liberty of Peru. The expedition of Chili is dispersed, and even returned to its country. Santa Cruz and ! his par- tizans entertain very sinister ideas ; Guise the same. The factions of Lima are making great progress in Canta and Huarochiri. The expedition of Herrera, sufficiently manifests the nyalist party that predominates in Lima, in the most extraordinary' manner. Finally, the combination of yesterday’s news is terrible, and scarcely leaves me any hopes of a favorable result to be wrested from misfortune, even by force ; every thing threatens ruin in this country. Whilst I advance towards the North, the South falls into confusion ; and when I return to the South, I am certain this part of the North, will inevitably be thrown in the utmost disorder, because Peru has become the camp of Argamant, where no one is understood. Whatever direction I take, I meet with opposition. Who w'ould have conceived that the party of Riva Aguero, should be able to recruit accomplices by the attraction of an infamous piece of treason ? Yet such is the situation of things. It is my opin- ion, that if the government does not establish terrible measures against the royal- ists, and against factious individuals ; that Peru will be the victim of its own clemency. The orders of the government upon Riva Aguero, and his accompli- ces, are very just and very much to the point, and ought to be rigorously complied with; besides, lam of opinion that the same orders should be extended to the other accomplices of Lima, and others of Riva Aguero' s party, or that of the Spaniards. The government should demand from the congress terrible laws against conspirators, of whatever party they may be; and the government should cause these laws to be executed with inexorable rigor. Peru is under- mined by her enemies, and only a countermine can save her. I do not ve nture to dictate measures which I judge salutary, because I am not a Peruvian ; and every thing I do is attributed to Colombia and sinister views. Let the relation of Herera speak for itself, which declares that the contributions create enemies'to Colombia, as if the contributions were for the use of Colombia alone, and did not belong to the expenses of Peru and its authorities. Before now I have repeated that I wished that the government of Peru would incur the odium which will fall on me for these strong measures, and that I would do the rest. In proof of which, I have taken charge of this civil war, which certainly has been attended with its share of odium and calumny ; but it was my duty to take charge of it, * The government of Peru always entertained the best opinion of the vice admiral. He was not accused of any thing in the communication to general Bolivar. It was only stated to him that a serjeant-major, who had come from the Chili expedition at Arica to Lima, had reported that the r ice-admiral had burnt the provisions at that place, and was on his way to Huanchaco, with general Santa Cruz. in order to save this country. Thanks to God ! it has had a speedv result ; but there will certainly be a reaction, if strong caustics are not applied to the gang- rene that this domestic war has left. To destroy the hostile and factious gueril- las, the battalion Vargas should immediately march from Callao, towards Can- ta, to be replaced by the battalion of Rio de La Plata, or Chili, or by both, for the better preservation of the castles. Let colonel Cordero take the command of the guerillas of Sierra, against Xauj a and Pasco, and let every assistance be given him for the subsistence and movement of his troops, or ample orders to supply wherever he may he. In this way the parties of Mancebo, Rinavilca, Carreuo, and Vidal, will he de- stoved, and the opponents of Villar will be silenced, who on account of the hatred which is borne to him, in the country, have been found by Rinavilca, the oppo- nents of legitimate government, I always thought Mancebo and Villar were bad men, and prejudicial to the country. If colonel Cordero does not find sub- sistence for his battalion, let him scour the country to Caxatamba, and leave the force necessary to maintain order. From Huarochiri, some troops of the line from Chili, should proceed with the same object, which would also prevent ‘the destruction of the Chilian in the climate of the coast. It is incredible how neces- sary it is to throw all our army amongst the mountains, to accustom them to march, and to the climate of the country, which is to he the scene of war. On the same account I ardently desire that all troops of Chili, which may arrive on the coast of Peru, should move towards the mountains in any way and in any di- rection. Afterwards they can be reunited and organised in the most convenient and best way possible. By this operation the salvation of the Chilian troops will be obtained, and an expense saved the government which it is not able to sustain on account of its present state of penury. As to Messrs. Santa Cruz and Guise, the government will take such measures as will be dictatated by their wisdom — for my part, I shall soon be in Truxillo, from which place I can communicate to the government whatever occurs to me upon these and other subjects of much importance. Before terminating this official letter, I must add, that the corps commanded by Raboa have now acknowledged the legitimate government, who wore the most obstinate; they are in this city in a most lamentable state, on account of their small force and miserable condition. But I shall attempt to improve it as far as lies in my power Within six days I shall be in Truxillo, and there I shall dictate measures to regulate every thing according to the views of the con- gress, and the government. The promotion of general La Fuente has appeared to me just and proper on account of his good conduct in such critical circumstan- ces. May God preserve your Excellency. (Signed) Bolivar. No. 3.] — Pativilca, January 11th, 1824. My dear President — At last I am convalescent from my indisposition, which appears terminated, and has only left me a little debilitated. I cannot exactly mention the day when I shall set off for the capital, but it will be as soon as I am a little stronger. Colonel Heres will speak to you about a very important affair, which I communicate to him, under this date. I think it is of the greatest importance, and recommend it to you most earn- estly. I charge you with secrecy and promptitude in the execution of it. I am your affectionate friend and servant, Bolivar. To His Excellency Don Jose Bernardo Tagle. No. 4.] — Pativilca, January 11th, 1824. To Colonel Heres. My esti- mable Colonel — On account of the arrival at Lima of Mr. Alzaga, and the pressing requests which have been made to the government to commence negociations on the convention, celebrated between the commissioners of his Catholic Majesty and the government of Buenos Ayres, His Excellency, the Liberator, thinks that an armistice can take place between general La Serna and the government of Peru, which, lasting six months or more, shall protect us from being invaded by the Spanish army, which, at present, has a great numerical preponderance over that of Colombia. In effect, His Excellency desires that the convention of Buenos Ayres should be ratified with the Spaniards of Cuzco before it is ratified by our side, because it will be the means of obtaining more favorable terms; when, on the contrary, if we ratify it before La Serna, he being sure of our assent, would 372 APPENDIX. increase his pretensions excessively, and all the disadvantages would fall upon us. The Libertador is of opinion, that the government, in accordance with the con- gress, should send a flag of truce to Cuzco, or wherever La Serna may be, inviting this general to enter upon a conference, the basis of which shall be the said ar- mistice. This being agreed to by La Serna, he will send commissioners to Xauja, fully authorised to treat with us upon the armistice, a rule of demarcation, and other particulars, which his excellency proposes. His excellency desires that the lan- guage which the government makes use of, may be in these, or other similar terms, indicating frankness of principle, liberality of ideas, and absolute confidence in the liberating armies and its chiefs. La Serna must be addressed with noble pride, and without discovering, in any manner, our state of present debility. The Liber- tador is so satisfied with the result of this negotiation, that his excellency is re- sponsible for the liberty of Peru, after an armistice of six months. All the diffi- culty rests in the affair being well managed, in order that its motive may never transpire. His excellency, the Liberator, does not wish to give his countenance to the commencement of this negotiation, because it would indicate a state of debility in the army, and a want of confidence in our own forces, that would cause the illu- sion of opinion to vanish, which the Spanish now entertain of his excellency, and every thing would fall through. La Serna, and the other chiefs, would not con- sent to any thing to accelerate their march towards us, and the result of a battle would be uncertain. As soon as the auxiliaries arrive, which his excellency has asked from Colombia, and which he expects within six months, the fears which at present surround us, will be dissipated. The greatest address is necessary in the management of this affair, and the most inviolable secrecy. The proposal which the government will make, always in its own name, ( and by no means in that of the Libertador,) may be divulged to a few persons, but the causes from which they originate must remain absolutely a secret, even to those who assist in the ne- gotiation. On this account, his excellency has not permitted me to reply, offi- cially, to the government, respecting the arrival of Mr. Alzaga, his presentation to the convention, &c. &c. and you will mention this to his excellency, the presi- dent, in the name of the Libertador. The president must write with a certain frankness to the chief, of the vanguard, or to the viceroy, La Serna, in these or similar terms: “that he has been informed that La Serna, animated by the most noble sentiments of philanthropy, was desirous of terminating the war of America by a pacific negotiation; that there has been sufficient blood shed; that the en- lightened world is scandalized at this fratricidal contest; that the cannons have thundered long enough ; that American blood has flowed too long by the hands of brothers; that being all sons of liberty, and defending the rights of humanity, it appears that this sanguinary war is more monstrous from its inconsistency, than from the disasters which it causes; that we are men, and should employ reason before force; that, let us once come to an understanding, and the good of Ameri- ca, and that of Spain, w ill concentrate in the same point; the peninsular govern- ment, the Cortes, and the king, have acknow ledged the independence of all Ameri- ca; that Buenos Ayres has already concluded her treaties, Mexico the same, and Colombia has already set on foot at Bogota a negotiation with the Spanish agents, on the preliminaries of an armistice and peace. It thus appears that Peru aione is unfortunate in not enjoying repose, as the contending parties have not come to an understanding; that the government of Spain could derive many advantages from the actual position of Peru ; and that human prudence would dictate that Spain should make use of the last hope which remains to her, of treating advantageously with us.” La Serna must farther be told, “that, on account of the mission of Mr. Alzaga, from the government of Buenos Ayres, and that a convention having been proposed, which has been concluded between the commissioners of his Catholic majesty and Buenos Ayres, his excellency, the president, invites general La Ser- na to declare, explicitly, his intentions, his will, his assent, or his rejection, of these treaties.” The government should make it appear, in directing this communica- tion, that the Libertador has no concern in it; that he has not merely withheld his assent, but that he has not even the least knowledge of the beneficent intentions of the government. In fine, not a word must be spoken in the said communica- tion, of his excellency, the Libertador. Adieu, my dear friend; this letter, al- APPENDIX. 373 though private in its form, has virtually all the character of an official letter. Let it be considered so in case of necessity. I am entirely yours, Jose de Espinar Rabricado. No. 5.] — Lima, January 13th, 1824. Most Excellent Sir — I believe most firm- ly, that every step towards a convention with the Spaniards, will be useless, until we shall know from them whether they are disposed to negotiate. To this effect, I think it of immense importance, that all responsibility resting upon me, a chief of Peru, whom I shall name, possessing distinguished civil and military knowledge, shall proceed to general Cantarac, or to general La Serna, in case the former shall not possess sufficient power. This previous step, I think, vpry important to the salvation of Peru ; it will mark out the path we are to pursue in out ulterior ar- rangements, and I am resolved upon it. I only wait for the approbation of the sovereign congress, which is to be obtained by your excellency, to whom I re- iterate the assurances of my high consideration and esteem. (Signed) Jose Bernardo de Tagle. To the President of the Congress. No. 6.] — Lima, January 16th, 1824. To the most excellent Simon Bolivar. My dear Libertador and friend — In consequence of what you informed me in your estimable letter of the 11th of the present month, and by the letter under thp same date, directed to colonel Heres, by your secretary, I proceeded to lay before con- gress the communication, a copy of which I transmit to you, marked No. 1, with the reply, which is marked No. 2. I have, in accordance with colonel Heres, determined to direct a communication, in which, besides the general points, which are contained in the letter of your secretary, are. comprehended those which have been suggested and almost dictated by the said colonel, and are copied and mark- ed No. 3. The plenipotentiary of Buenos Ayres, to whom it was suggested by the minister of war, that general Guido should convoy this communication, on account of its importance, and in order better to explore the political attitude of the chiefs of the Spanish army, as appeared most proper to Heres, he refused his consent to the nomination, thinking it would be better to send some Peruvian of character, de- signating, at the same time, the said minister of war. Colonel Heres told me, that, in case of necessity, he should approve of this nomination; and I am now seeking a person to whom I can entrust this important commission ; under the de- termination that, should I not meet with any other Peruvian than the minister of war, who could fulfil this commission, I shall send him, notwithstanding the great loss he will be to me. Colonel Heres tells me, that the express must immediate- ly set off, so that I have no time to write more fully. Your most affectionate friend and obedient servant, Jose Bernardo de Tagle. No. 7.] — To the most excellent Don Bernardo Tagle. My general and my friend — After I left your house, I reflected at my leisure on the letter which you should write to La Serna. The minister of war is right in his opinion. It is bet- ter to say nothing of the transmission of the papers. It appears to me all those should be sent which are received from Europe, merely saying that they are en- closed; but as you have more judgment than myself, you may resolve upon what you may think most proper. I am your affectionate friend. (Signed) J. de Heres. No. 8.] — 4 o’clock P. M. of the 17th of January. My esteemed general — Have the goodness to defer our interview with Mr. Berindoaga to this night, at 7 o’clock, in your palace, as I am at present occupied with Mr. Alzaga. I am, general, your obedient servant, J. G. Perez. No. 9.] — Lima, January 17th, 1824. Most excellent sir — General Heres, named by the government of Buenos Ayres, to convey to your excellency, in, be- half of the deputies of Spain on this continent, the preliminary convention, must have reached you about the same time that Don Felix Alzaga, the minister pleni- potentiary, arrived here, soliciting the government of Peru to accede to this con- vention. 374 APPENDIX. This government has been informed of the favorable desire of your excellency to terminate a sanguinary war, more monstrous by its inconsistency than by the disasters which it occasions. The enlightened world is scandalized at this fra- tricidal contest, in which the sons of liberty, in both hemispheres, fight against each other, without the Spaniards on their side being able to determine the object. Cannon have resounded too long ere the imperious voice of justice and humanity have been heard, through the means of a formal negotiation. The Cortes and the king, far from revolting at the independence of America, have authorised their commissioners to the northern and southern continents, to treat with them on this basis. Buenos Ayres and Mexico have already concluded their treaties. A ne- gotiation in Bogota is already set on foot by the Spanish agents, on an armistice and preliminaries of peace, with respect to Colombia. Why, then, shall Peru alone be the scene of the most dreadful w ar, when the Spanish troops in her territory are directed by your excellency, whose sentiments of philanthropy, as well as the liberal principles which animate the chiefs of your army, are so well known ? Let the effusion of blood, then, cease; let reason regain her rights; and let us preserve those forces which should give subsistence and life to the country. The govern- ment of Peru invites your excellency to declare explicitly your intentions and will, respecting the preliminary convention, celebrated between the commission- ers of his Catholic majesty and Buenos Ayres. To this effect your excellency might appoint deputies to proceed to Xauja, the same thing taking place on the part of this government. In order to commence a conference, and to establish some points which may contribute to give formality to this negotiation, the briga- dier-general, Don Juan de Berindoaga, minister of state, of war, and marine, and also charged with the department of foreign relations, is now despatched to your excellency. Peru may hope, that the day will soon dawn, which is to behold the Spaniards and Peruvians again linked together with the indissoluble ties, produced by good faith, perpetual friendship, and the advantageous union formed by recipro- cal rights. I have the honor to offer to your excellency the sentiments, &c. From the most excellent Jose Bernardo Tagle to the most excellent Don Jose de La Serna. ( This is a copy , Tagle.) Hipolito Unanue. No. 10.] — Instruction which the president of the republic of Peru gives to Don Juan de Berindoaga, brigadier : general, minister of state, of war and marine, and charged with the department of foreign relations, for the fulfilment of his commis- sion, to the most excellent Don Jose de La Serna, or to his excellency Don Jose de Cantarac, in the case pointed out in these instructions. 1st. General Don Juan de Berindoaga, must proceed to the most excellent Don Jose de La Serna, or to his excellency general Don Jose Cantarac, should he pos- sess all the necessary powers, with the object of declaring the favorable disposi- tion of the government of Peru, to terminate the present scandalous war in which we find ourselves engaged. 2d. The commissioned general can make the necessary explanations on this mat- ter, and regulate every thing according to the manner he may deem most proper, in order that deputies may be named by the chiefs of the Spanish troops, to treat on the armistice that is mentioned in the preliminary convention of Buenos Ayres, keeping always in mind, that in this, as in every other negociation with the Span- iards, the independence of America must be the basis. 3d. The deputies being nominated, the said general Berindoaga can return to Lima, or communicate from Xauja, there waiting the orders which may be for- warded to him. 4th. The contents of the note under this date, which is directed to his excellen- cy Don Jose de La Serna, and the copy of which accompanies these instructions, will be the guide of his proceedings. 5th. In all that may occur, not comprehended in these instuructions, he will proceed conformably to the peculiar circumstances which may present themselves, and according to the previous knowledge that he has of the government of Peru, always consulting its greatest advantage. Jose Bernardo de Tagle. Lima, January 17th, 1824. Hipolito Unanue. APPENDIX. 375 No. 11.] — An additional and very confidential article to the instructions given under this date, to the minister plenipotentiary, Don Juan de Berindoaga. In case the Spaniards should be averse to treating on the preliminary conven- tion of Buenos Ayres, the minister can propose Jo them on the basis of indepen- dence a particular treaty with Peru. Jose Bernardo de Tagle. Lima, January 17th, 1824. No. 12,] — Xauja, 27th January 1824. Most Excellent Sir — Having yester- day arrived at this town, with the credentials of minister plenepotintiary of inde- dependent Peru, near your excellency, or his excellency Don Jose de Cantarac, should he posses powers to commence a negotiation, this general yesterday sent to the said town field-marshal Don Juan Loriga, and general-in-chief of the statf, with instructions to have an interview with me and to receive the letters directed to your excellency, and that I should wait a reply in Lima, or some intermediate point, without your jurisdiction; since in your excellency alone the powers of fulfill- ing my commission reside. These things having taken place in pursuance of the philanthropic ideas of my government, and, I being obliged to proceed to Lima, as I am not permitted to speak to your excellency, it is my duty to propose a sus- pension of hostilities for the necessary time to treat on the expediency of the pre- liminary convention of Buenos Ayres, and other reciprocal interests : Your excel- lency will please to command, if you should think proper, twm deputies to proceed to Xauja, or any other point, where the same number will immediately be sent by Peru. I hope that your excellency penetrated with the necessity of putting an end to the w'ar, opposed to the views of this enlightened age, and to all liberal principles, will be pleased to accede to these measures proposed by my govern- ment, anxious to enjoy peace, as the greatest good that any triumph could obtain. I have the honor, &c. From the most Excellent Juan de Berindoaga, to the most Excellent Don Juan de La Serna. No. 13.] — Xauja, 27th January 1824. Most Excellent Sir — To field-marshal Don Juan Loriga, general-in-chief of the staff, sent by your excellency to have an interview with me, and to receive the letters I had to deliver to him, I have shown my credentials as Minister plenepotentiary, near'your excellency, or near his excellency Don Jose de La Serna. Not having the pleasure of speaking to your excellency, as I am obliged to return to Lima, or wait for a reply in some in- termediate point without the territory occupied by the Spanish arms, I enclose to your excellency two parcels for the most excellent La Serna, one from his excel- lency the president of the republic of Peru, the other to me, opened, relative to the objects of my commission ; will your excellency order that they be sent to their direction, and accept the particular consideration, &c. From the most Excellent Juan de Berindoaga to the most excellent Don Jose de Cantarac. No. 14.] — Xauja, 27th January 1824. To the most excellent Don Jose Can- tarac. Most excellent Sir — Much have I regreted not having spoken with you in Huancayo, as I expected, I think my mission would have had a more speedy and satisfactory result to our reciprocal interests. Notwithstanding, I flatter my- self that your excellency will contribute as much as is in your power to the con- clusion of all the differences that subsist between Spain and Peru. Until this hap- py day shall arrive, it is with pleasure I assure your excellency of the considera- tion, &c. From the Most excellent Juan de Berindoaga. No. 15.] — I have received the letter, under date of yesterday, which your ex- cellency directed to me from Xuaja, enclosing two parcels for the viceroy of Peru, Don Jose de La Serna; one from Don Bernardo Tagle, and another, open, from your excellency, which w ill be forwarded to day, by express, to their destination. As I am not authorised to commence any negotiation, your arrival at this place would have been useless. I will esteem it as a favor if your excellency will cause 376 APPENDIX. the parcel to be delivered which I send to you for colonel Aldunati. May God preserve your excellency many years. (Signed) Jose Cantarac. Head-quarters at Huancayo, January 27th, 1824. No. 16.] — Huancayo, January 28th, 1824. To Don Juan de Berindoaga. Esteemed sir — 1 reply to your excellency’s letter of yesterday, by assuring you that my desires are, and always will be, for the conclusion of the disagreement, now existing between some parts of Peru and the mother country ; and 1 shall take a particular pleasure in co-operating to this end. As I have already officially in- formed your excellency, not being empowered to commence any negotiation, your desire would be of no avail in personally proceeding to uiy head quarters. Yours, &c. Jose Canterac. No. 17.] — Pativilca, February 7th, 1S24. My dear president — I have seen, with the greatest satisfaction, the result of the mission of general Berindoaga, as it was perfectly well managed by the negotiator. By this step we have been able to sound the feelings and state of the enemy. General Berindoaga has done very well in giving the enemy the idea of a new treaty, which might be favorable to them ; thus they may be led to expect something from the negotiation. On the whole, every thing has appeared to me perfectly right. I understand that you have desired to have a document from me, showing my approbation of the mea- sure of entering into the negotiation with the enemy. This document is justly desired, and I am ready to give it in the most solemn manner; but 1 will observe to you, with frankness, that a doubt of my probity has never yet occurred but to my enemies, and I have never considered you as one of them. The proposal of Carrion, for a minister, was a piece of forgetfulness on my part, not recollecting, at the time, that there was a minister appointed, and in the exercise of his func- tions. I knew that Mr. Valdiviero was in the territory of Riva Aguero, and that before, he had been minister, and nothing more. I have, for Mr. Valdiviero, the esteem and consideration which he deserves. Have the goodness to make this public. To general Berindoaga, to whom I am going to write very fully, have the goodness to present, in the mean time, the expressions of my satisfaction for his excellent conduct in the mission he has just fulfilled. Accept, for yourself, the expression of, &c. Bolivar. No. 18.] Secretary General’s office of the Constitutional Congress ) of Peru, Lima, January 14th, 1824. ) To the acting Secretary of His Excellency the Libertador. Mr. Secretary — We have the honor of directing to your excellency, lor the information of his ex- cellency the Libertador, the annexed notes, originals and copies, forwarded on ac- count of the arrival of the minister plenipotentiary from the state of Buenos Ayres, near this government, Don Felix Alzaga, with the principal object of soliciting the accession of this government to the preliminary convention, held between Buenos Ayres and the commissioners of his Catholic majesty, on which important affair the sovereign congress has determined to suspend their resolution, until they learn the opinion of his excellency the Libertador. Touching this matter, the congress have vacillated between conflicting reasons; for if on one side they are urged by the primary object of securing the independence and liberty of the re- public against the intrigues of bad faith, and the spirit of domination profoundly rooted in the breasts of all Spaniards, who are always ready to violate the most sa- cred stipulations; — on the other side, they are urged by the desire of terminating a contest, which, infallibly, must be very bloody, not only on account of their prosperity and repeated success, during the two preceding years, and the impro- per conduct which many of our countrymen have pursued in the towns they have occupied, and in the incursions they have made; which conduct, according to re- port, has alienated the minds of the people, to the prejudice of themselves, as well as to the great American cause. To which may be added, the state of annihila- tion of the public treasury, wholly unable, at present, to give assistance and ac- tivity to a numerous army, which is required in order that the result may not be doubtful, and this deficiency of the treasury can only be supplied by violent ex- tortions, which would probably be frustrated on account of the poverty of indi- APPENDIX. 377 vidual fortunes. Under these circumstances, and because the congress have in- trusted to the Libertador the salvation of the country, and deposited in his military skill, prudence and knowledge of the human heart, unlimited confidence, they hope to hear his thoughts on this delicate subject before proceeding to any resolu- tion. May God preserve your excellency. (Signed) Makuel Terreyeos. To Joaquin Arrese, Deputy Secretary. No. 19.] — Copy of the articles 2d and 9th, of the letter of the 7th of January, 1S24, from general Bolivar to Don Jose Bernardo de Tagle. 2d. Much do I regret the affair of the grenadiers of the Rio de La Plata, since it indicates a continued state of anarchy. Have the goodness to tell general Mar- tinez, from me, that I should be much pleased, if, for the honor of the arms of his country, an examplary punishment should be made among the accomplices in this affair. That if they belonged to Colombia, I would show him how they ought to be punished, as I did, when a military tumult took place in Truxillo, between the cuirassiers of general La Fuente and the hussars of my escort, a few hours before I left that place. This all happened on account of the hatred borne us by all those of the party of Riva Aguero, who always look upon us as the usurpers in Peru, having previously calumniated their government to us as guilty of corruption. 9th. I am desirous of having a great army near Huanuco, to prevent the enemy from getting to Lima. On this account, I desire that the battalion Vargas should be ready to march to the mountains, in order that our troops may be augmented on that side. The troops of Peru and the Rio de La Plata, are more than sufficient to defend Callao. Let new recruits be made in Lima, and the coast of its depart- ment, to augment the battalion of Pardo Zelo, which should reside in Callao to se- cure the recruits. This battalion should not be less than a thousand strong, and he is decidedly the best chief, that is, as I have been informed by every one. Let all the recruits be from the coast, or else they will die. You can send recruiting parties to this department, or that of Lima, to raise troops to augment the defence of Callao. I should observe to you, that all Peruvian troops, not employed in a for- tress, will infallibly desert, and thus all the expense and trouble will be lost. You cannot imagine the difficulty I have had, to retain in the ranks the troops of the north. Every day the battalions are renewed, and are always composed of re- cruits. Whenever they sleep in the open air, or perform long marches, they all desert. Such troops are not worth a groat. Their own chiefs proposed to me to send them to Callao, but as they were all mountaineers, I know that they would die. I prefer sending them to Caxamarca, where their subsistence will cost noth- ing, and they will be in a good climate. Their muskets are good for nothing. Finally, I frankly tell you, that I only depend upon the troops of Colombia, and, on this account, I am obliged to draw the last which remain in Callao and Lima, to enable me to do something of importance. 0 No. 20.] — Extract of a letter from colonel Tornas heres, to Don Jose Bernardo Tagle, of the 9th of January, 1824: “ The Libertador enjoins me very particular- ly to write to you about having carried into effect the measures which he commu- nicated to you in his official letter of the 14th of December, from Caxamarca. In the state of this diseased body, amputations only can save it. No. 21.] General Secretary’s office, Head-quarters, ) Pativilca, February 8th, 1824. 5 To the general-in-chief of the army of the Centre. General — The army of the enemy may approach the capital, and your excellency, on account of the inferiori- ty of the forces under your command, find yourself unable to make any resistance. Under this impression, his excellency, the Libertador, commands me to communi- cate to you what follows, which is to contribute to the liberty of Peru. 1st. Your excellency will cause all the corps of infantry, without any excep- tion, to commen.ce their march to this place, by the route w hieh you shall esteem most expedient, either through Chancay, by old Frapiche to Retes, thence to Huawza, and thence to Pativilca. 2d. The corps of cavalry ought to form the vanguard, and the guerilla parties ought to be nearest the enemy, as corps of observation. 48 378 APPENDIX. 3d. Your excellency will despatch, at any expense, some confidential and daring men to Callao, to go on board all the armed vessels there, but most particularly the armed vessels Guagas, Venganza and Balcarse, and others of this description, with orders to bore holes in them, either to sink them completely, or render them use- less. 4th. His excellency commands that all horses and mules shall he taken from the capital and its vicinity, and all articles of war, which are there to he found, all merchandise which may be employed to clothe the army ; finally, all that may be useful to us and which would assist the enemy. 5th. The transportation from the capital of these articles of war, clothing and the rest, must be effected in any way, and that your excellency may judge most convenient. 6th. On no pretext whatever, should any thing be left in Lima which could be of any use to the Spaniards. 7th. To this effect his excellency, the Libertador, empowers you (keeping only in view the safety of the country and the army, and the necessity of removing resources from the reach of the enemy) to proceed to demand from the govern- ment, and from individuals, all articles of war, every thing useful in magazines, all moveable objects, and all merchandise which may be applied to clothing the army, 8th. His excellency authorises you, in case of refusal, or any resistance, in giving up the articles asked for, to take them by force, and thus prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. 9th. Finally, general, his excellency, the Libertador, desires that your excel- lency should be impressed with the importance of this commission, and that it should be fulfilled by your excellency, with all the zeal, activity, and all-suffi- cient energy and skill necessary in the unfortunate event of an invasion of the capi- tal, by the enemy’s force, which is to be feared. 10th. In order that the third, article of these instructions may take effect, your excellency will offer, to those employed, a great sum of money, which must be paid. 11th. For this, and other expenses, which art absolutely indispensable under these circumstances, and to fulfil many other objects, his excellency empow- ers you to lay a contribution on persons of property, strenuously exacted, and see that it is immediately complied with. 12th. Your excellency w ill publish a proclamation in the capital, and in all places through which the army will pass under your command, in order that every man, and every slave, who may wish to follow the army, may present themselves, and become incorporated into it, without any fear of being return- ed to their masters. Your excellency has nothing to expect from the inhabitants voluntarily ; you must demand and take everything by force. This method, in truth, is hard, but in the present state, it is indispensable. May God, &c. (It is a copy, Espinar.) (Signed) Jose de Espinar. No. 22.] General Secretary’s office, Head-quarters, ) Pativilca 8th February, 1824. $ To the minister of war. Mr. Minister — I send you a copy of the note under this date, which I directed to Don Henriques Martinez, by order ot his Excellency the Libertador. May God, &c. To the minister of war, from Jose de Espiner. No. 23] General Secretary’s office, Head-quarters, ) Pativilca, 10th February, 1824. ) To the General of the army of the centre, Don Henriques Martinez. Mr. General — I send you a duplicate, by order of his Excellency, the Libertador of my communication of the 8th of the present month, charging you again with its fulfil- ment. Callao is lost ; and do not doubt hut this is a work of the Spaniards. The capital will share the same fate, and you are exposed to be involved in its ruins. Your Excellency is authorised to save yourself, and to save the remains of the army, the marine of war, and of commerce, for all which his Excellency not only APPENDIX. 379 delegates to you the ample and extraordinary power of which he is possessed, but at the same time he makes you responsible for any omission in the fulfilment of his instructions, which no human power can resist.* Your Excellency will not only have the measures executed which I communicated to you in my note of the 8th, but, also, you will order a communication to be had with vice-admiral Guise, in these, or similar terms ; that vice admiral Guise must enter Callao with his squadron, seize upon and take out all vessels, without exception, and those which he cannot remove he must sink or set on fire ; and all those vessels which he shall succeed in removing, shall be considered as enemies property, be con- demned as good prizes, agreeably to the laws on that subject ; and that he shall proceed afterwards with his squadron to the North, to receive the orders of his Excellency the Libertador. You will endeavor, general, to save every tiling that is possible ; and to remove from the capital every thing which may be of use to the army. Your Excellency will proceed as a delegate of the Liberator, who invests you with his powers to do every thing which his Excellency would do, were he present. Your Excellency must imagine that the country being lost, all the ties of society are broken, that there is no authority, nothing to be re- garded, that you must deprive the enemy of the immense resources of which he is about to take possession. For all which his Excellency has received sufficient authority from the congress, which he transfers to you. May God, &c. To the general from Jose de Espinar. ( It is a copy, Hurrero.) No. 24.] Lima, February 12th, 1824. Mr. Minister — I have just received the official letter of his Excellency, the Libertador, a copy of which I transmit to your Excellency in the order that, placing the contents of it before his Excellen- cy, the President, he may be pleased immediately to send me a reply, that I may in consequence guide myself by what the said most excellent gentleman shall de- termine. Henriciues Martinez. To the minister of war. No. 25.] General Secretary’s office of the Constitutional Congress ) of Peru, Lima, February 12th, 1824. ) Mr. Minister — Tbe sovereign congress being acquainted, through the notes of the 8th and 9th of the present month, directed by the Libertador to general Mar- tinez, have resolved, — that a committee should be named from this body, who, with due instructions, shall proceed to his Excellency, the Libertador to make some necessary representations to him, in order that proper measures maybe adopted for the salvation of the country ; and that the effect of the said notes shall be suspend- ed, as far as regards'the security of the capital, till a reply shall be received from the Libertador, the government still continuing to remove the munitions of war ; and in case the enemy should advance upon the capital, every thing which would as- sist them to the prejudice of the cause, and the army of the country. By orders of the congress, we communicate this to your Excellency, in order that, having the goodness to lay it before the President of the republic, he may cause the same to be fulfilled. May God, &c. From Joaguin and Araese, deputy secretary; Jose Bartolome Sarate, deputy secretary, and minister of state in the department of the government. Lima, February 12th, 1824. Let the previous order of the sovereign congress be observed and fullfilled ; let a certified copy be made of it, and let it be transmitted to the minister of war for its fulfilment in the part which apper- tains to him. Tagle. (It is a copy, Urnanua.) * What respect and obedience to the congress ! What consideration for the Execu- tive power ! When this was said from general Bolivar did he think himself omnipotent ? What delirum ! — what sacrilege. Note" of Torre Tagle. 3S0 APFEND1X. No. 26] Department of War and Marine, ) Lima, February 15, 1824. 5 H. S. Minister — At the request of his Excellency, the President of the re- public, I had the honor of transmitting for your information and consequent ef- fects, the order, which under this date, the deputy secretaries of the congress have directed to me. The sovereign congress being informed of the note of the Secretary of his Excellency, dated the 11th of the present month and di- rected to general Don Agustin Gamana, in which he confers upon him the powers which he had before given to general Don Henriques Martinez, should the latter not have fulfilled them, which note was presented by the minister of war, the congress, have resolved, that carrying into due effect w hat was before sanctioned, in consequence of the commission conferred upon general Martinez, the result of the committee despatched from that body to the Liber- tador shall be received before any innovation is admitted. By order of the same, we communicate this to your Excellency that by your transmiting it to the President of the republic, it may have its due ef- fect. May God preserve, &c. Joagdin de Arrese, Deputy Secretary. Jose Bartolome Sarate, Deputy Secretary. I offer to your Excellency, the sentiments, &c. ( It is a copy, Unanue.) No. 27.] General Secretary’s office, of the Congress, 1 Lima, February 17th, 1824. 5 The congress having heen duly summoned, and only twenty-seven delegates having been assembled, which number is not sufficient, according to law , to constitute a quorum, the said gentlemen formed themselves into a private junta, when the reply of his Excellency the Libertador w-as laid before them, and the request of general Necochea, and in consequence of the urgent necessity which connects the state of the castles of Callao, with the protests of responsibility again repeated, have agreed — that the charge thereon being accepted by Ins excellen- cy, the Libertador, the government should be told, that the moment has arrived, in which the decreed' the 10th of the present month must be published ; and if, by that authority, any chief should appear, with sufficient credentials, demanding the civil and military command, in virtue of which it shall be given him, the said chief must be informed, that the congress, to prevent the abandonment of this city, has sent a committee to his excellency, the Libertador ; and it is hoped that he will prudently await the reply before carrying into effect this measure. All which you will have the goodness to communicate to the president of the re- public, for his information and consequent orders. May God, &c. Joaqfiade Arrese, Dep. Sec’ry. Jose Bartolome Sarate, Dep. Sec’ry No. 28.] — To the minister of state in the department of the government. Lima, February 17th, 1824. Observe it and fulfil it, and in consequence, let the decree, of the 10th of the present month, of the sovereign congress, be pro- claimed ; and afterwards, let the civil and military command of the capital be de- livered up to Don Mariano Necochea, on whom it has been conferred by his ex- cellency, the Libertador, after having accepted the supreme dictatorship given by the sovereign congress. (Signed) Tagle. (It is a copy , Unanue.) No. 20.] — Pativii.ca, January 29th, 1824. My dear president — This morn- ing I received the note, from the government, enclosing me the proposals, or rather the orders of general La l’uente, that despatches should be sent to his com- panions in arms. The lone of La Fuente with the government, has shocked me, though previously I had reasons to be surprised at nothing. He says, very plain- ly, tiiat the despatches must be sent ; that is to say, he orders it. This general, my dear President, is more absolute than the congress, yourself, or I. Will you believe, that whilst he commanded at Truxillo, he retained those persons in the APPENDIX. 3S1 service, whom the government had ordered to be shot ? Colonel Devalos com- manded the day of the night of my arrival at Truxillo, and sent to me for orders. He has, furthermore, set Silva Novoa, and Mancebo at liberty, who had robbed the state of more than a hundred thousand dollars ; and this same La Fuente knows it by the declaration of Riva Aguero. I gave orders for these men to be arrested ; and I added, in conversation, that I would set them at liberty, in order that they might leave the country whenever the money should appear. Silva of- fered to make important disclosures, but nothing was done, all through the man- agement of La Fuente. He, besides, excites jealousies among the troops, by his unjust preferences. His pride is such, that he sent me the countersign by his aid, I being with my staff at Truxillo ; as if he were the chief, and not myself. At the dinner table, he placed himself at my right. He came no farther than the door of the drawing room to receive us ;* he never came to my house to consult me about any thing, as you have done so often, the minister of state, and others. I know this was owing to your excessive goodness, but I also know the distance between yourself and him is immense. I will add, that these things made no im- pression upon me till this moment, but the insubordination of La Fuente is so great, that we cannot depend upon his obeying any thing that is ordered. You must understand, that I reproved him very much for his disobedience to the gov- ernment, respecting the execution of the criminals, who were ordered to be shot, and I exhorted him to submit to the laws and the authorities. He replied, that he was commanded to commit an assassination, since the order was for the se- cret execution of the men, without trial and without witnesses. I replied to him, that I did not doubt that this all originated from Berindoaga ; and that you were too good, and too much of a gentleman, and that, occasionally, Beriudoaga’s ad- vice was not the best, as in this case ; for a secret execution, without trial o( per- sons of consequence, was a shocking thing, and had always been disapproved of. Permit me, my dear president, to avail myself of this opportunity, to give you my opinion, frankly, on this affair, Finally, I have many reasons for be- lieving that general La Mar will experience much disgust from general La Fuente ; he told me so himself before leaving that place, and expressed his regret that there was not another Prefect to this department. If general La Mar should be ap- pointed Prefect of this department, with the power of nominating a Sub-Prefect, to take charge of the Perfecture, he only retaining the authority and title, I think the service would proceed rapidly, and the embarrassments would be diminshed. If this idea appears good to you, you can propose it to the congress from me. Let Mr. La Fuente go to Chili, to relieve Mr. Salazar, and every thing will be right (reserved but certain.) General La Fuente is really opposed to Riva Aguero and Herrera, but entirely devoted to the other accomplices of this con- spiracy. lie loves general Santa Cruz passionately ; so much so, that he wished me meanly to stoop to him. The purport of all this is, that the altar has remain- ed entire, and that the idol alone is wanting, which was thrown down to make room for the successor, who is expected. This successor may be Santa Cruz, La Fuente, or any other ambitious person. The altar must be destroyed. Adieu my dear president, I am cordially yours, Bolivar. "These ridiculous and whimsical t bscrvations of general Bolivar, show plainly, not alone his vanity, but his mediocrity of mind. A man of superior talent, even general George Washington, would have never made these remarks, and much less in an official letter. — Note of the Author \ Note. — T he originals of the papers which have been printed in this manifesto, will re- main in the secretary’s office of the city council, till the IStli of the present month, in or- der that all who doubt their authenticity may be convinced by occular demonstration. Torre Tagle. 382 APPENDIX. NO. X. Extract of a letter from a communication of Senor Manuel Vidan- re, published in the Massachusetts Journal of August 19th, 1828. Bolivar called a convention, because he thought he should have a majority in it. He dissolved it by the scandalous method of causing some of the representatives to separate themselves, so that a quorum should attend the sittings. Brisenno Mendes was the commander of this disorganising faction. Brisenno Mendes, the political offspring of Bolivar, his creature, his confidant ; he who with very little re- serve discovered in the congress of Panama the depth of the ambi- tious ideas of the American Napoleon. Let the impartial judge. Is not the case of Colombia entirely similar to that of Peru ? There he convoked the congress, hoping that he should be able to dispose of the deputies at his pleasure. His success was not commensurate with his intentions, There were infamous traitors, but the majority were sound. He impeded the installation of the congress, making the ignominy of the transaction fall on those pusillanimous persons who signed apathetic petition, alleging these same reasons of agita- tion and disturbance. He protracted the dictatorship, and he did so in order to give a code repugnant to the will of the people; a code which deserves to be called the energetic expression of absolut- ism. Is not this precisely equivalent to the resolution of the house- holders of Carthagena, of the Canton of Ubate, and to the documents from the executive departments ? Enlightened nations know that the powers of those who com- mand, are not enlarged except by intrigue, seduction or force. It is impossible that change of this sort should proceed from a will that is free and regulated by reason. Who would be a slave if he could be free? Who is not satisfied that he will be a slave, if he concedes extraordinary powers to a man of war ? I ask whether Bolivar would have dispersed the convention, if a majority had been favorable to him ? Would he have thrown obstacles in the way of the Peruvian congress, if a great number of faithful men had not manifested their sentiments in the preliminary meetings. Brisenno Mendes feigned himself oppressed in Colombia ; some unprincipled Peruvian alleged the same in my country. Oppressed, they who have on their side the armed force ! Oppressors, I called them and grievous oppressors ! enemies of order, aspiring criminals against God and human nature. Can men read with moderation and suffer- ance, the following sentiments in the Redactor ? Carthagena rests the entire exercise of the sovereignty in the per- son of the Libertador. Ubate authosises, so far as may depend on her, the Libertador to be president, in order that he may take upon himself the absolute command. He unites the three powers, and proceeds to establish absolution in the world of Columbus ! and are these acts and these maxims de- APPENDIX 3S3 tailed, without fire flashing in the eyes, and the blood leaping to the cheeks? Be Bolivar absolute, but let him remember that all the thrones where despots have seated themselves, have been stained with their own blood. There was a poinard for Henry IV. of France, the least wicked of kings, a dagger . XII. Origanical decree of general Bolivar in virtue of which he has assumed the supreme power in Colombia, dated Bogota '27th August, 1828. Title 15th, — O f the Supreme Powder. Art 1. The attributes of the supreme chief are to maintain peace in the interior and the defence against foreign invasions ; to have the command of the land and sea forces ; to negociate with foreign pow- ers, to make peace and declare war, and to make treaties ; to name all the civil and military officers. The supreme chief has the right to render the decrees and ordinan- ces necessary, of whatever description they might be, to modify to re- form the established laws and to alter them entirely ; to look upon the execution of the decrees and ordinances, as upon laws to be main- tained. To recover the taxes ; the administration of justice the execution of judgments; the approbation or the reform of the sentences of the Court Martials ; the commutation of punishment with the advice of the council of state, and upon the proposal of the courts or after hav- ing heard them previously, the right of amnesty, or to grant the par- don of public or private faults, always with the advice of the council of state. To give commissions to privateers. To exercise the natural right as the chief of the general adminis- tration of the republic in all its branches, and as being entrusted with the supreme power of the state ; finally, to preside in the council of state, when he pleases. Art 2. The supreme chief will be assisted in the exercise of the executive by the council of ministers. Waitt & Dow, Printers Boston. . I, # '*• ,* l3 f ' ' , ~ ’ * > * ■ , • 1 '* . v i * 1 ’ ’ • * v 4 • • >* k ,i • * * • *> i • * - ' . 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