HAntm^ BR Arber, Edward, 1836-1912. An introductory sketch to the Martin Marprelate Clje CnglijS]^ ^cl)olar'0 library etc. No. 8. An Introductory Sketch to the MART IN MarP RELAT E Co7itroversy. 1588— 1590. & • Cj^e €mli§]) ^cl)olar'0 library of Mh anti Mourn movies* ICAL ^/^ Introductory Sketch to the Martin Marfrelate Controversy. 1588— 1590. BY ' F.dited by E D W A R D A R B K R , 1- .S. A., etc. LECTURER IN ENGLISH LITERATURE ETC., UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON, SOUTHGATE, LONDON, N. 15 April 1879. No. 8. (yf// right i reurved.) 2372 CONTENTS GENERAL PREFACE )'ACES 7-IC To the courteous Reader , jj_j Some Particulars about J. Udall and J. Penry 1--16 Bibliography ,^_jg Sect. I— THE GENERAL EPISCOPAL ADiM I N I ST R AT I O N, CENSORSHIP AND TREATMENT OF THE PURITANS ,9 I. The worldly Habits of many of the first Protestant English Bishops 21-25 II. John Whitgift's Ecclesiastical Government 26-27 1581. III. Anthony Giluy's 100 [151] Poi>i^s 0/ Po/ery 28-34 1588. IV. 13 March. Lamentable Petition to the Queen from the Puritans 35~38 IV. 18 March. Henky Barrow's Account of his Examination before the Privy Council 40-48 IV. [May or June]. Names of sundry Puritans imprisoned by the Bishops 38-40 V. 30 June. The clerical Censors appointed by Archbishop Whitgift 49-5> Sect. II.— THE ORIGIN OF THIS CONTROVERSY 53 1587. I. I Mar. Quotations from Penry's Treatise. Containing the ^Equity of An Humble Supplication &r>c. Oxford: suppressed by the High Cummi.s- sion&c 55-67 1590. II. 7 Mar. Quotations from his Appellation to the High Court 0/ Parliamrnt i^c. [Rochelle], describing the suppression of the Treatise and his subsequent first imprisonment 68-74 Sect. III.— DEPOSITIONS AND EXAMINATIONS 75 Note as to the " Baker Transcripts " 7^ The Localities connected with the Secret Printing 77-«> 1588. 81 I. 14 Nov. Depositions of N. Kydweli. of Kingston on Th.-imes W. Stanghton of Kingston on Thames 01 J. Good of Kingston on Thames 8> I. 29 Nov. Examination of Rev. W. Rogers, Minister of Richmond 8a 1589. I. [?Autn.] Depositionof Rev. S. Chatfield, Vicar of Kingston 33 II. 15 Feb. Examination of N. Tomkins n!-,n? IV. 15 Oct. Deposition of H. Sharpe K/w«, in. 29 Nov, SecondExaminationofN. Tomkins o^*>7 6 Contents, PAGES 1590. III. 13 Jan. Examination of Rev. J. Udall ^88-q'' III. 13 July. Second E.xamination of Rev. J. Udall ... ) ■* Sect. IV.-ST ATE DOCUMENTS ETC 105 1588. I. 14 Nov. Lord BrRCHLEv'sautographiclMinutes ofalettertoArchbishopWHiTGiFT on the first appearance of the Epistle... ... ... ... 107-108 1589. II. 13 Feb. The Queen's Proclamation against the ^//V//^ and the ^/?V<7w^ 109-111 III. 24 Aug. Archbishop Whitgift's report to Lord Burgh lev of the seizure of the Martinist press near Manchester... ... ... 112-113 IV. 22 Sept. Summary of the Information in the hands of the Queen's Government at this date iH""? Sect.V.-THE brief HELD BY SIR JOHN PUCKERING, WHILE ATTORNEY GENERAL, AGAINST THE MARTINI ST S 119 I. Rev. J. Udall 121-122 II. Mistress E. Crane rt//Vzj Cakleton 123 III. Robert Waldegrave IV. Rev. J. Penrv V. Sir Richard Knmghtley VI. HuMKREV Newman alias Brownbread... VII. John H.\le.s VIII. Roger Weekston IX. Mistress Weekston X. Jon Throckmorton XI. John Hodgkins, Valentine Symmes, and Arthur Tomlyn Sect. VI.— MISCELLANEOUS INFORMATION, SOME OF A LATER DATE 137 1588-1595. I. E.\tracts from the Stationers' Registers About 1590. II. Wjlli.\m Camden's Notice of the Controversy III. Doctor Gabriel Harvey. Suspected of being MARThV. Attack on Tom Nash IV. Doctor H. Sampson. Notes as to J. H.'vles and J. Throckmorton V. Lord Bacon's Advertisements touching the Controversies of the Church of England 146-168 1590. VI. 13 Jan. Rev. J. Udall's Narrative of his Ministry at Newcastle on Tyne during this Controversy ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 169-172 VII. 7 Mar. Rev. J. Penry's friendly testimony to HSnry Sharp even after his Examination before the Lord Chancellor 173-174 I5Q5- VIII. Rev. Matthew Sutcliffe's Answer to Job Throkmorton 175-184 Sect. VI I.— W HO WERE THE WRITERS WHO WROTE UNDER THE NAME OV M A R TIN Ma RPRHL a TE ? 185 I. Rev. H. M. Dexter, D.D. Argument for assigning the authorship to Henry Harrow 187-192 II. The present Writer's belief on this subject ... ... ... ... 193-196 III. A provisional Chronological List of the works comprising this Controversy ... 197-200 124- -125 126- -123 129- -130 I.3I 132 133 133 134 135- -136 139- 141 142 M3 144- -145 GENERAL PREFACE. }N the threshold of much heated Controversy, it is needful to say a few words as to our stand- point thereto. This Series is not calculated to the meridian of either the Assent or Dissent of British islanders to the principle of a State ______;___. Church ; but appeals in ecclesiastical matters "tTtJ^cidtivated common sense of all men who can read English. It is confessed that in no colony or new commonwealth nowa- days should the foundation of a State Church of any land be attempted. Apparently also we are in the last century of suchinstttu- tions in this island : so that when the Centenary of the abolUwn of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Ireland arrives, there may be no State Presbytery in Scotland or State Episcopacy tn England in existence. Yet while such organizations are politically doomed; they never were more useful, they never came nearer tothe.r uteal Ifieypass away, it wUl be because they are a fundament LlaLloftheec,ualityofProtestantciti.ensh^p^n^nsreca.^^^^^^^^^ assumptions and theories for them havee.p.ed ^l.^^^^f subsist by the will of the maiorUy of the voten^ ^ '^'^ J t^o political waves of Uberalism may ^^'^^'^^"^['^^a WhLer it may come ; may it be done -"f ^^ '^ i'!'!; Ml regard for the individual interests of the Slate cle, y. an full regara for i ^^^.^ ^^^^;,^,.j j„„^ especially may it result tn the mtmsiry j ' , T-- i t ii.i, Prnf/'<;^ions : so that ntctc nmiuji strengthened as the First of the Frojessions , makers may not have sway in all things. 8 General Preface. 2. The Eiithrahncnt of Dogmas and Creeds is gone, A man may with themost perfect rectitude he either an Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Wesleyan, Quaker, Baptist, or Congregationalist, just as he fields he can get most good or be able to join others in doing m^ost good. Denominations are borrowing from each other whatever seems likely to he useful in leading men to higher motives and aspira- tions. Even Dissenters — who originally separated for a purer process of worship — do not now claim for their imitation of the methods of the infant Christian church any higher authority than that of inherent fitness. Their seven Deacons are going out of fashion, and are replaced by Church Committees elected by ballot. Many of the Nonconformists know half the Prayer Book by heart, and delight especially in its Collects. There is also in progress a general levelling-up of the Dissenting clergy to the culture and thought of their State confreres ; who in turn do emulate them in their preaching power and adapted eloquence. So that the experience of the last three hundred years has notably and utterly falsified the cardinal doctrine of the Puritans that GOD has appointed for all men any one certain necessary and perpetual order for discipline : and it will never again be in the power of religious teachers — whether from personal conviction or from self-interest — by any manner of formulated truth to separate and isolate the laity from mutual sympathy and regard with those who do not worship in precisely the same way. For the mind of man is so frail, his nature so weak, that a large margin must be allowed for idiosyncrasies, temperament, education, and what not. Is not each man's Theology hut the expression of GOD's truth after its passage through his human character ; just like the sunlight — sometimes clear, sometimes dimmed with earthly clouds — streaming through a stained glass window? All which is an everlasting argument to us men, for moderation and mutual toleration. General Preface. o 3. We are therefore now not much concerned about the ecclesi- astical theories of either Protestant or Precisian. If Whitgift believed in the Divine Right of Archbishops, or Udall was ready to wage his life on a disputation for the " Holy Discipline;'' both matters were fair subjects for argument. Either view might be held by a Christian man. But if Whitgift, by an abuse of his prerogative, imprisoned Penry for a month or kept Barrow six months a close prisoner in the Gate House, without accusation or trial ; that excites in us an immediate and intejise interest. It is in this matter of Civil Rights that the Martin Marprelate tracts are so important in our history. In many respects, they were the attempt of Wit to fight {though at desperate odds) against Cruelty for permission to worship GOD according to the dictates of Conscience. Whatever frenzies or narrow-mindedness may be chargeable to the Puritans, they were undoubtedly the Founders of our present freedom : while the Bishops and their entourage, with all their patristic learning and general ctdture, were the supporters of arbitrary power and the active instruments of the people's repression. No amount of historical research can obliterate this distinction. It is important to remember that a Bishop after the Restoration was but a shadow of what a Bishop had been, before the Long Parliament broke the rod of their oppression. They continued to be Personages and Presences until almost our own day, but their temporal power departed for ever in the time of the Common- wealth. 4. We have at least one ready test at hand wherewith to measure the wisdom or unwisdom of these Puritan Reformers, in the verdict of posterity upon their propositions. They protested against the general circulation of the Apocrypha with the canonical Scriptures. It has ceased to be so circulated, and is all but banished from the Lcciionary of the Anglican lo General Preface, Church. They protested against oaths ; these have been almost alto[^ether abolished. They argued that marriage was a civil contract, with which the Minister had necessarily nothing to do. Marriage before a Registrar is now of constant and increasing occurrence. On the other hand, some of their views on secular subjects, as the supporting of a ministry by pure almsgiving, have been found to be impracticable and visiojtary. At any rate, whatever our personal prepossessions may be, this rough test is available for us, especially in considering the ecclesiastical abuses of that time. 5. This special Controversy was the outcome of Whitgift's deliberate plan of Church Government : but it is also an episode in that general movemejit of English mind upon which we delight to think. What a wake up the Reformation under Henry VIII. was to English thinkers ? The Faith of ages found to be an imposture! What was there before them in the future ? How Thought went out ! and went forward ! Then came the first labours of a literary Infancy; translations, compilations, abridgements. Then, with some checks, came mental Adolescence ; the dawn and glow of Imagination revelling in Fancy and Love, in Drama and A llegory, in Madrigal and Sonnet. Then the " dry light " of an intellectual Manhood, reaching forward in its breadth and strength to all the questions of which the nature of man can have any cognizance, from the roots of human society to the heights of heavenly contem- plation. Two books may express the beginning and the maturity of this education of the English mind — Tyndale's translation of the New Testament in 1526, and Hobbe's Leviathan in 1651. In this continued movement, this particular Controversy occurs about the time when the ''dry light'' came to the front. To the courteous Reader. » fs 'SI m Rft v/ ^ BR 1 ^\\\li yJ^ M^J^ II Hat follows is the first scientific attempt that has been made to unravel this Controversy. Hitherto the IMartinists have been largely vilified, their works considered blasphemous, and their purposes treasonable. There is neither blasphemy nor treason to be found in their writings. Their authors, confessedly men of irreproachable moral character, merely adopted the " extemporizing " style of Richard Tarleton the actor, to ridicule and affront a proud hierarchy endowed with large legal means of doing mischief, and not wanting in will to exercise those powers to the full. The spell of the unnatural civil power which had been enjoyed by the Papal prelates in this country remained with their Protestant successors until this Controversy broke it : so that from this time onwards the bishops set about to forge a new spell, " the Divine Right of their temporal •position and power," which hallucination was dissolved by 12 To the cou7'teous Reader, the Long Parliament: from which time a Bishop has usually been considered no more than a man. Hear the author's own description of his purpose ! 1 am called MARTIN Marprelat, There he many thai greatly dislike of my doinges, I may haue my wants I know. For I am a man. But my course I knowe to be ordinary and lawfidl. I sawe the canse of Christs gouernment j and of the Bishops Antichristian dealing to be hidden. The most part of men coidd not be gotten to read any thing / written in the defence of the on[e] and against the other. I bethought mee therefore] of a way whereby men might be drawne to do both j per ceiuing the humors of men in these times {especialy of those that are in any place) to be giuen to mirth. I tooke that course. I might lawfully do it. 1 1 for testing is lawful by circumstances j euen in the greatest matters. The circumstances of time j place and persons vrged me thereunto. I neuer profaned the word in any iest. Other mirth I vsed as a coiiert j wherin I woidd bring the truth into light. The Lord being the authour both of mirth and grauitie, is it not lawfull in it selfe /for the trueth to vse eyther of these wayes / when the circumstances do make it lawfd ? My purpose was and is to do good. I know I haue don[e] no harme howsoeuer som[e] may iudg Martin to mar al. They are very weake on[e]s that so think. In that which I haue written I know vndoubtedly I that I haue done the Lord and the state of this kingdom great sendee. Because I haue in som [e] sort j discouered To the courteous Reader. I o the greatest enemies thereof. And by so much the most pestilent enemies / because they wound Gods relligion j and corrupt the state with Atheism and loos[e]nes and so cal for Gods vengance vppon vs all I euen vnder the cotclor of relligion. I affirm them to be the greatest enemies that now our state hath /for if it were not for them / the trueth should haue more free passage herein f then now it hath. All [e]states thereby woidd be amended : and so we shotdd jtot be subiect vnto Gods displeasure I as now we are by reason of them. — Hay any Work &c. /. 22. Ed. 1880. The iniquities of the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of that time, of the High Commission and the Bishops' Courts, and especially those gross abuses of the oath ex officio and of the power of excommunication y would, to us, have justified a far stronger attack than Martinist onslaught, pungent as that was. At the same time, the Puritans did not conceal that had they got the same legal power, they would have exercised it in religious matters as well, though not in the same arbitrary way. These enormities of compulsion in religion apart — the jagged lines of this Dispute are interesting to the student of doctrine &c., as showing precisely, the exact rift between Protestant and Puritan in matters of faith and Church order at this time. There are also numerous allusions to the Controversy under the names of ''Martin'' and '' Martinist" in the popular H To the cotirteoiis Reader, literature of that age, the full meaning of which will now be transparent. The antecedent development of each party in the nation and their mutually increasing divergence will be found admirably sketched out by Lord Bacon at pp, 146-168. In the Story of England, this Controversy comes the very next thing after the Defeat of the Spanish Armada. While one regrets the frequent narrowmindness, the want of culture, and sometimes the ignorant fanaticism that cha- racterized so many of the Puritans ; as a whole, they were in the right. They saved England from a perpetual tyranny. They were essentially a law-abiding class. In time, they learnt the hard lesson of toleration. Let their great acts and greater long-suffering be remembered with gratitude for ever ! E. A. Some Pa7'tic2tlars aboiU J. Udall and J, Penry, From Cooper's Atheuce Cantahr., ii. Ed. 1861. John TJdall was matriculated a sizar of Christ's College 15th of March 1577-78, but soon afterwards migrated to Trinity College. He proceeded B.A. 1580-81, and commenced M.A. 1584. Having taken holy orders, he officiated as a minister at Kingston upon Thames. . . . His puritanical doctrines however gave offence to some of his hearers, and he was convened before [Thomas Cooper] the Bishop of Winchester and [William Daye] the Dean of Windsor, and afterwards before the Court of High Commission at Lambeth. Through the influence of the Countess of Warwick and Sir Drue Drury he was restored to his ministry, but in 15S8 he was again suspended and deprived of his living. . . . In the meanwhile he was confined in the [prisoft called] the White Lion, Southwark. He was offered a pardon if he would sign a recantation, which he refused to do in the terms proposed. On being placed at the bar of the Southwark Assizes in Feb. 1590-91, he in vain argued several matters in arrest of judgment, and was sentenced to death. It was resolved to spare his life however, and several attempts were made to induce him to sign a submission. James VI. of Scotland, Sir Walter Raleigh and Dean Now ell interested themselves on his behalf; but unsuccessfully. He had promised on his liberation to go to Syria or Guinea for the Turkey merchants, but their ships going without him he died in the Marshalsea [prison] about the end of the year 1592 quite heart broken with sorrow and grief. His body was interred in the church- yard of S. George's Southwark; being followed to the grave by a great number of London ministers. It is said that the first person James I. inquired after when he came to England was Master Udall. On being informed that he was no more, he exclaimed, " By my sal then the greatest scholar in Europe's dedd."— //. 148-149. \_Thaf Whitgift was responsible for Udall's death, is clear from the followi?ig account of the Turkey business given by Udall himself. Presently upon these things fell out that wretched matter of that lewd fellow Hacket, whereby the adversary did take occasion so to slaunder the truth and to disgrace the Professors of the same unto her Majestie, that I thought it bootlesse to sue. And so I did little til the Lord Chancellor [Sir C. Hatton] was dead and forgotten by such as were sorry for it, so that about ^(^x/*?/- terme [12th April-Sih May 1592] following, I sued for liberty to goe to Church, which was denyed mee being a condemned man, but by the Lord Treasurers [Lord Burghley] meanes I got a copy of my Inditement, which belore I could not obtaine. Hereupon I getting a pardon \i.e. a form of pardon]ii;kmtd accord- 1 6 Some Particulars of J. Udall and J, Pe7iry, ing to the Inditement, sent it with a Petition by my Wife to the Counccll, who referred me to the Arch-bishop : unto whom I both sent diverse Petitions and dutifull Letters, and also got many of my friends both honourable personages and others, to sue to him ; yet could not his good will be gotten. At last the Turkic merchants having my consent to goe for a time into Guynea to teach their people that abide in that place, if they could procure my liberty, sent unto him for his consent; who promised his good will so that they would be bound that I should goe indeed when I had my liberty. But when two of the Auncients of the Company went unto him for his hand thereunto ; he would not yeeld it, unlesse they would be bound not onely that I should goe (which they were willing unto) but also that I should tarry there, till I had her Majesties licence to come thence. This Condition they could not yeeld unto, for that I denyed to go upon any such ground. So was their suite and my hope of liberty at an end, saving that one Master Cavell, who had bin the first beginner of it, and being to goe into Turkic did most aftect it, moved [Alexander Nowell] the Deane of Pauls in it : who thereupon wrote to the Lord Keeper [Sir John Puckering] perswading him of the conveniencie of that Journey for me, and my fitnesse thereunto ; which letter, when he received [it], he did so deale with the Arch-bishop, as they both promised at their meeting at Court to deale with her Majestic, to signe my pardon, that so I might have liberty to go the Voyage. A new Discovery^ ^^c, pp. 43, 44. Ed. 1643.] John Penry was born in 1559 in Brecknockshire, and there seems good reason to suppose at Cefnbrith m Llangamarch. He was matriculated [at Cambridge] as a pensioner of Peterhouse 3rd Dec. 1580. At this period it is said that his sympathies were with the ministers of the Roman Catholic church, whom he joined in worship whenever opportunity offered. Ultimately however he embraced the opinions of tiie Puritans. In 1583-84 he proceeded B.A. Subscfjucnily he became a Commoner of S. Alban Hall, Oxford, taking the degree of MA. in that University 11 July 1586. We are told that he about that time took holy orders, preached both at Oxford and Cambridge ; and was esteemed a tolerable scholar, an edifying preacher, and a good man. He married Kleanor daughter of Henry Godly of Northampton. We are unac(|uainted with the names of his four daughters. The eldest 01 them was but four years old at the time her father suffered. He was hanged at S. Thomas-a- Watering in Surrey, about five o'clock in the afternoon of the 29ih of May [1593]. Only a few hours notice to prepare for death were given him. The suddenness of his execution arose, it was alleged, from the desire to avoid tumult p, 154 BIBLIOGRAPHT OF THE GENERAL CONTROVERSY. A. Descriptions. As to the Study of this Controversy, we may refer First, to the References at the end of the articles Udall and Penry in Messrs. Cooper's Athetice Cantabrigiensis, ii. Ed. 1861. Next, to the following work which deals somewhat with the subject — 1839. London. Bvo. ElizabetJian Religious History, by Henry Soames, M.A. Thirdly, to the only work hitherto attempting a survey of the Dispute as a whole — 1845. London. 8vo. A History of the Martin Marprelate Controversy in the reign 0/ Queen Elizabeth. By Rev. William Maskell, M.A. A reprint, with considerable additions, of an article in the Christian Rej^iembrancer. Popularly written by one who has, we believe, since joined the Roman Catholic church. Not a bad first attempt, but with no grasp of the sequence and progression of the Controversy. Fourthly, to the following popular biography, by a Nonconformist Divine, wherein it is touched upon — 1854. London. 8vo. JOHN PENRY, the Pilgrim Martyr, 1559-1593, by Rev. John Wadding- ton, D.D. The writer considers that Penrv's name was unjustly associated with the authorship of the Marprela TE tracts, upon which he appears to look with some horror. Lastly, to the present Introductory Sketch ^'c. B. Reprints. a 1642. [London]. 4to. Hay any Work for Cooper. b 1842-1846. London. Pjiritan Discipline Tracts. Edited and Published by John Petheram, a bookseller in Chancery Lane. 1842. London. 8vo. MARTIN MarpreLATE's Epistle. 1843. London. 8vo. MARTIN MarprelATE's Epitome. 1845. London. 8vo. MARTIN MarPRELATE's Hay any wo>k for Cooper. 1B44. London. 8vo. Double V. Pappe with an hatchet. 1846. London. 8vo. Cutbert Curry-Knave, Ati Almond for a Parrat. C 1847. London. 8vo. Bishop Thomas Cooper's Admonition to the people of England. Similarly published by Mr. Petheram. d 1879-1880. TJie English Scholar's Library Sp'c. Eng. Sch. Lib. No. 8. 2 I J 8 Bibliography. C. Imitations. See titles of some of the replies sX pp. 139-141. There was also a Mar-Sixtus in the title of 1 book about this time, and a work written by Mar-Poi'E in 1683. The following were apparently written by one and the same Author — (l.) [8 April] 1645. London. 4to. The Araignement of Mr. Persecution. Presented to the consideration of the House of Commons, and to all the common people of England. Wherein he is indicted, araigned, convicted, and condemned of enmity against God and all Goodnesse, of Treasons, Rebellion, Bloodshed &c., and sent to the place of Execution. In the prosecution whereof, the lesuiticall Designes, and secret Encroachment of his Defendants, Sir Syimon Synod, and the John of all Sir Johns, Sir John Presbiter, upon the Liberty of the Subject is detected, and laid open. By yonge Martin Mar-Priest, son to old Martin the Metrapolitane. Europe. Printed by Martin Claw-Clergie, Printer to the Reverend Assembly of Divines, and are to be should in his Shop in Toleration Street, at the Signe of the Subjects Liberty, right opposite to Persecuting Court. 1645. (2.) 1645. London. 4to. A Second Edition, Enlarged and corrected by the Author. (3.) [27 June 1645.] London. 4to. Martin's Echo : or a Remonstrance, from his Holiness reverend Young Martin Mar-Priest, responsorie to the late Sacred Synoddicall Decretall, in all humility presented to the reverend, pious, and grave consideration of the Right Reverend Father in God, the Vniversall Bishop of our soules, his superlative Holinesse Sir Symon Synod. (4.) [29 Dec. 1645.] 1646. London. 4to. The Ordinance for Tythes dismounted, from all Mosaicall, Evangelicall, and true Magisteriall Right. By that Valiant and Victorious Champion, the great Anti-Clergy of aur times, his Superlative Holyness, Reverend Young Martin Mar- Priest, Sonne to Old Martin the Metropolitane. 3-) [24 January.] 1646. Divine Observations upon the London Ministers Letter against Toleration. By his Synoddicall, Priest-byter-all, National!, Pro\'nciall, Classicall, Congregationall, Superlative, Un-erring, Clericall, Accademicall Holynesse, Reverend Yongue Maktjm Mar-Pr.'EST, Sonne, and Heire to Old Martin the Metrapolitane. 19 An Introductory Sketch to the Martin Marprelate Controversy, SECTION I. The general Episcopal Administration, Censorship and T r e a t iM e n t OF THE Puritans. L The worldly Habits of many of the first Protestant English Bishops 21-25 II. John Whitgift's Ecclesiastical Government 26-27 1581. III. Altrayned and stented from prayers as to be tved to this forme of\vordes, place, and maner, kneele, stand &c. Lord [?BucKHURST.] This fellowe Delightethe to heare him self speake 44 ^^^ hitrodiictory Sketchto the The Lord Chauncellouralso spake somewhat at that tyme, which I Cannot Call to remembraunce yet,/ Then the Arch Bishop [WhitgiftJ alsoe spake many thinges agaynst me of small effecte which I haue also forgotten, only this I remember he sayd I was a sower of errours, and that ther[ejfore he committed me. Barrow. Indeed you committed me half a yeare close prisoner at the Gate House and I neuervntyll now vnderstood the cause why, neither yet know I what errors they be, shew them I pray you. Lord BucKHURST. The Lord Buckhurst also sayd agayne I was of a presumptious spyrite. Barrow. My Lord all spirites must be tryed by the worde of GOD : But if I erre my Lord yt were meete I should be shewed wherin. Lord Chauncellor. There must be strayter lawes made for suche fellowes. Barrow. Would to GOD there were my Lord, our Jorneyes should be then the shorter. Lord Treasorer. you Complaine to vs of Iniustice, wherin haue you wronge ? Barrow. My Lord in that we are thus imprisoned without dew tryall ? Lord Treasorer. Why? you sayd you were Condemned vppon the statute./ Barrow, vniustly my Lord, that statute was not made for vs. Lord Tresorer. There must be strayter lawes made for you. Barrow. My Lord speake more comfortablye, we haue sorrowes inoughe. Lord Tresorer. Indeed thou lookest as thoughe thou haddest a tro[u]bled conscience. Barrow. No, I prayse GOD : but it is a woofuU thinge that our prynces sworde shoulde be drawen out against her faythfull subiectes. Lord Tresorer. the Lord Tresorer answered that the Queenes sworde was not as yet drawen agaynste vs. Barrow. Then in a worde or two I Complayned of my myserye of the Close and lingeringe Imprisonnemente which we suffered. Bishop 0/ London. The Bishop of London answered that Mar tin Ma rf re late Conti-oversy. 45 sundrye had bin with vs, as Doctor Some, Gravyate and others, but we mocked them that come vnto vs. Barrow. That is not true: we mocke noe creature, neyther doe I knowe or haue euer seen at my remembraunce that Graviat whom you speake of: but miserable Phisitions are they all. for Master Some he was with mee indeed, but neuer would enter disputation, he sayd he came not therfor[e], but in questioning manerto knowe somewhat more perfectlye. Some was then by the ArchBishop called and demaunded whether he had Conference with me or noe. Then shewinge howthat at our laste conference before Sir Henry Goodyeard, ther[e] arose a question between us whether a prynce may make a positive lawe de Rebus medijs of thinges indifferente, I denienge it he asked whether shee might make a statute for reforminge th[ej excesse in apparell ? I graunted that she might, he then sayde that I held it was a Doctrine of Devylles to forbyd meats by a positive lawe, and shewed him then that the Prynces lawe doth not bynd the Con- sciences, and that ther was a difference betwixt thinges civill and Conscientiall. so much to this effecte. Then Master Yonge came vncalled and accused me of arrogant and irreverant speches had against my Lordes grace [of Canterbury] at my first conference with some in my Chamber, soe they were dismissed. then I bese[e]ched the Lordes to graunt a publique con- ference that it might appeare to all men what we hoide and wherin we erred. [Arch]Bishop of Clanterbury]. The ArchBishop sayd in great ChoUer we should haue no publicke conference, we had published inoughe alreadye, and therefor[eJ I commit you Close prysoner. Barrow. But Contrary to Lawe. Lord Tresurer. The Lord Tresurour sayd that it be vppon such occasions done by lawe and asked whether I had any learning or no./ Bishops. Canterbury and London with one Consent sayd I had no learninge./ Barrow. The LORD knoweth I ame ignorant, I haue no lerning to boast of, but this I know that you are vovd of all true learninge and good lives./ Lord Buckhurst. See the spirite of this man./ 46 An Introdiicto7y Sketch to the Barrow. Then requested I Conference agayne and yat in writinge, which was agayne by Canterbury very princely denyed : he sayd he had matters to Call me beforLCj him as an heretique : Barrow. That shall you neuer doe you knowe my former answere well, erre I maye, heretique by the grace of God wyll I neuer be. Lord BucKHURST. That is well sayde./ Lord Tresorer. The Lord Tresorer then takinge vpp some of SoAMES his abstracted questions which lay among the Bishops evidences against me, read that I helde it vnlawful for the Parliament to make a lawe that the Ministers should live by tithes, or the people paye them and demaunded of me whether I hold tithes lawfull. Barrow. My Lord they are abrogate and vnlaw^full. Lord Tresorer. Why, thou wouldest haue the mynisters to live by somewhat : whereof should they live ? Barrow. Ex pura eleniosina, of Cleane almesdeedes as Christ and his Apostles did and in his Testament ordayned. Lord Tresorer. But how if the people will not give ? Barrow. Suche people are not the people of GOD. Lord Tresorer. But what shall the Ministers teache in the meanwhiles ? Barrow. Not stand a mynister nor take the goodes of the prophane./ Lord Treasorer. Wher[e] canst thou show in the scriptures that the Ministers now, ought not to lyue by Tithes ? Barrow. I tooke the Bible and turned to these places. Heb. 12. Gal. 6. 6. in th[e] one that tithes were abrogatLcd] in th'c] other that another provision is made for them. [Bishop of] London. Bagan to Cauell at the wordepure or cleane almes. [Archbishop of] Canterbury, he began also to Cauell at the place to the Hebrewes, saing yat th[e]authors entent was to prove an abnegacion of the preysthoode. Barrow. If that be Chaunged then must ther^e] of necessitye be a chaunge of the lawe : and you cannot denye but tithes were a parte of that Law, alleaginge Numb. iS. / Lord Tresorer. What wouldest thou haue him to haue all my goodes ? / Barrow. No my Lord but I would have you to withhold Ma r t I n Marprelate Controversy, 4 7 none of your goodes ffrom helping him. neyther riche nor poore are exem [p] ted from this dutye. ffurther I shewed, that if the mynister had thinges necessary to this lyef as food and rayment he ought to hold himself Contente, neither ought the Church to geve him more. Then had we some talke concerninge the word (preyst). Lord Tresorer. The Lord Tresorer sayd that the ministers now are not to be Called preystes. Barrow. If they receive Tithes they be Preystes : Moreouer they be Called Preystes in the Law. [BisJwp of] London. Why ? what is the word Prceshiter I pray you. Barrow. An elder. [Bishop of] London. What in age onlye? Barrow. No : Timothye was a yonge man. Lord [? Chaimcellor]. Presbiter is Latine for a preyst. Barrow. It is no latyne word but deryued and signifiethe the same that the Greeke worde dothe, which is an elder. Lord Chaimcellor. Why ? what make you a preyst ? Barrow. Him that dothe offer sacrifice : for soe is it writen euery wher[e] in the lawe. Lord Chauncellor. As we were thus reasoning the Lord Chauncellor asked me if I knew not these. 2. men, poynting to Canterbury and London. Barrow. Yes (my Lord) I haue Cause to knowe them. Lord Chaimcellor. But what ? is not thys the Bishop of London ? Barrow. I know him for no Bishop my Lord. Lord Chaimcellor. What is he then ? Barrow. His name is Elmar [or Aylmer] my Lord. The LORDE pardon my fault, that I layd him not open for a wolf, a bloudy persecuter, and an Apostata. I hut by that tyme the wardens man was plucking me vp./ Lord Chaimcellor. And what is this man? pointing to Canterbury. Barrow. The LORD gaue me the spiryte of boldnes, so that I sayd. he is a Monster, a miserable Compounde I know not what to Call him, he is neither ecclesticall nor Cyvell, euen the second beast, that is spoken of in the Revelacion. Lord Tresorer. wher[e] is that place ? shew it./ 48 An Introductoiy Sketch to the Barrow. So I turned to the place, 13. cap. a[n]d re[a]d the verse. 11. then I turned [to] 2 Thessal. 2. but the beast arose for anger and gnashed his teethe, and sayd will ye suffer him my Lord ? So I was plucked vp from my knees by the wardens man, and Carryed awaye. As I was departinge, I desyred the Lord Tresorer that I might haue the benefite of the ayre, but had no answere, and prayed the LORD to blesse their Honours, so I was led by an other waye then I Came in, that I might not see the bretheren nor they me./ . This is th[e]effecte, and (as my evell memory Could beare away) the very wordes that were vsed to me and by me in that place. The LORD pardon myne vnworthines and vnsanctified harte and mouth that can bringe no glorye to the LORDE, or benefyt to His Church, but reproche to the one, and affliction to th[e]other. But the LORD knowethe how to deliuer his godly out of temptation, and to reserue the vniust to the day of Judgemente vnder punyshemente. The Lord Tresorer admonished me and told me that I tooke the LORDes name often in vayne. I haue forgotten vppon what occasion I spake hit, but I beseche the LORD I may not forget his good admonition, but may set a more Careful! watche beforle] my lyppes, for no Doubt I am greatly guyltye that waye, and neuer vse His holy name with that reverence I ought. Note in this examination, Lord Burghley's keenness of mind. Him- self during his whole life a Puritan, he makes these innovators give chapter and verse for every statement they hazard. He must have chuckled when he asked Barrow to prove out of Scripture that Whitgift was " the Man of Sin," "the Son of Perdition." Doubtless that story must have gone the round of the Court at the time. If such an examination seems unseasonable at a time when Spain was preparing the Armada for England, which if successful would have swept Prelate and Puritan away together : the unseasonableness is chargeable to Whitgift, who had kept Barrow in prison since November 1586. Are not these three Papers a sufficient proof of the almost uncontrolled authority of the Bishops of that day over the hberty, and even the lives of the Protestant laity in their dioceses i Mar tin Ma rprelate Controversy. 4 9 V. Ne of the most remarkable things about the Martin Mar- PRELA TE tracts is that they ever get into print at all. There was not a printer in England that would have dared to have avowed the production of them. The acquisition of a hand printing-press was a matter of immense difficulty, if not altogether impossible by any one outside the Stationers' Company. No recognized printing was allowed outside the Metropolis, with the excep- tion of one press at each of the universities. So that the oversight of the Metropolitan presses by the Primate and the Bishop of London virtually created them the Censors of the entire English Literature of their time. The legal origin of the censorship of the press by Protestant Bishops, was the following 51st Article of Queen Elizabeth's Injunctions of 1559- 51. Hem because there is a great abuse in the printers of bokes, which for couetousnes chiefly regard not what they print, so thei may haue gaine, whereby arriseth great dysorder by publicatyon of vnfrutefull, vayne and infamous bokes and papers : The Quenes maiestie straytly chargethe and commaundeth, that no manner of person shall print any manner of boke or paper, of what sort, nature, or in what language soeuer it be, excepte the same be first licenced by her maiestie by expresse wordes in writynge or by .vi. of her priuy counsel, or be perused and licensed by the archbysshops of Cantorbury and Yorke, the bishop of London, the chauncelours of both vnyuersities, the byshop beyng Ordinary, and the Archdeacon also of the place where any suche shalbe printed, or by two of them, wherof the Ordinary of the place to be alwaies one. And that the names of such as shal allowe the same, to be added in thLej ende of euery such worke, for a testymonye of the allowaunce therof. \Tkis was however rarely done before the time of the Commonwealth.] '' And bycause many pampheletes, playes and balletes, be often times printed, wherein regard wold be had, that nothinge therin should be either heretical, sedicious, or vnsemely for Christian eares : Her maiestie likewise com- Eag. Sc//. Lib. No. 8. 4 50 All hitroductory Sketch to the maundeth, that no manner of person, shall enterprise to print an}' such, except the same be to him lycenced by suche her maiesties commyssioners, or.iii. of them, as be appoynted in the citye of London to here, and determine diners causes ecclesiasticall, tending to the execution of certayne statutes made the last parliament for vnyformitye of order in religion. And yf any shall sell or vtter, any maner of bokes or papers, beynge not licensed as is abouesaid : That the same party shalbe punyshed by order of the sayde commyssyoners, as to the qualitie of the faulte shalbe thought mete. In September 1576 the Stationers' Company instituted a weekly search of all the printing-houses in London, wnich continued for many years, fresh rosters of searchers being fixed from time to time. In May 1583 there were only twenty-three printers in London possessing in all fifty- three hand printing-presses [Transaipt &^c. i. 248. Ed. 1875). So that what with the daily observation of his own workmen and apprentices, the keen weekly search of his competitors in business, the censorship of the episcopal chaplains, &c., a printer and all his doings was perfectly well known ; even to the kinds of type he used, the numbers he printed to an impression, and so forth. On the 23rd of June, 1586, in the third year of his primacy, Whitgift and the rest of the High Commission passed the Star Chamber Decree on Printing ; which was the greatest enactment of that time and long after, affecting the production of books. The fourth section of this decree runs thus. Item that no person or persons shall ymprynt or cawse to be ymprynted or suffer by any meanes to his knowledge his presse, letters [type], or other Instrumentes to be occupyed in printinge of any booke, work, coppye, matter, or thinge whatsoeuer. Except the same book, woork, coppye, matter, or any other thinge, hath been heeretofore allowed, or hereafter shall be allowed before the ymprintinge thereof, accordinge to th[e] order appoynted by the Queenes maiesties/;;z////6/j'0»s,^ And been first seen and pervsed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London for the tyme beinge or any one of them (The Queenes maiesties Prynter for somme speciall service by her maiestie, or by somme of her highnes pryvie Councell therevnto appoynted, and such as are or shalbe pryviledged to prynte the bookes of the Common Lawe of this Realme, for such of the same bookes as shalbe AIa run Ma rf relate Controversy, 5 1 allowed of by the Twoo Chief Justices, and Chief Baron for the tyme beinge, or any twoo of them onely accepted) Nor shall ymprynt or cause to be ymprynted any book, work or coppie against the fourme and meaninge of any Restraynt, or ordonnaunce conteyned or to be conteyned in any statute or lawes of this Realme, or in anye Iniunctyon made, or sett foorthe by her maiestie, or her highnes pryvye Councell, or against the true intent and meaninge of any Letters patentes, Commissions or prohibicions vnder the great scale of England, or contrarye to any allowed ordynaunce sett Downe for the good governaunce of the Company of Staconers within the Cyttie of London, vppon payne to haue all such presses, letters and instrumentes as in or about the pryntinge of any such bookes or copyes shalbe employed or vsed, to be defaced and made vnserviceable for ymprintinge for euer. And vppon payne also that euery offendour and offendours contrarye to this present Artycle or ordynaunce shalbe dishabled (after any such offence) to vse or exercise or take benefytt by vsinge or exercisinge of the art or feat of ymprintinge/ And shall moreover sustayneymprysonment Six moneths without Bayle or mayneyprise/ Transcript Ssr'c. ii. 8io. Ed. 1S75. This Clause is important as it made all concerned in the production of the Martin Marprelate tracts liable to punishment and loss. It is therefore quite evident that the two metropolitan Prelates by a mere verbal intimation or the writing of a letter (without any legal process at all) could, and— as we have seen in No. 5 of this Series, in the case of Robert Waldegrave's printing of DiOTREPHES—x^^daXy did exercise a potent censorship on all printed matter, seizing and confiscating anything they thought obnoxious to their order. Sir John Lambe, the Dean of Arches, and Laud's right-hand man for repressing the liberty of the press, in 1635 made the following notes of the results of his inquiries into the history of licensing books. 30 Elizaheth[cB], 30 Junij 1588. The Archbishop [Whit- gift] gave power to Doctor Cosin. Doctor Stallard. Doctor WOOD, master hartwell, Master Gravett. Master Crow- ley, master Cotton and master hutchinson or any one ot them to license bookes to be printed : Or any 2. of those following master JuDSON master Trippe, master Cole and master Dickens : 52 An l7it7'odiictory Sketch &c, from 19° Elizahcth[cB] [1576-77] till the Starchamber Decree [23rd of June 1586] 28° Elizaheth[cB] : many [books] weere licensed by ye master and Wardens [of the Stationers' Company,] some few by ye master Alone, and some by the Archbishop [of Canterbury] and more by the Bishop of London/ The like was in ye former parte of ye Quene Elizabeth's time. master Kingston [who became free of the Stationers on 2^th June 1597] 3'e now master [of the Company, i.e. in 1636] Sayth yat before ye Decree [of 23rd of June 1586] the masters and wardens licensed all, And that when they had any Diuinity booke of muche importance they would take ye advise of some 2 or 3 ministers of this towne [i.e. London.^ State Papers, Dovi. Charles I., vol. 339. Art. 87. One further testimony on this point. In Apetition directed to her most excellefit Maiestie, secretly printed about 1593, it is stated — The followers of Reformation lacke libertie to aunswere in their owne cause. If they speake, they be silenced ; if they write, they wante PRINTERS. They be shut vp in close prisons, their handes (as it were) bounde, and then buffeted. — p. 26. Of this petition there is a copy in the British Museum, press mark 108. b. 2. From all which it is clear that in respect to open and avowed printing, the Bishops were perfect masters of the situation : and not a Httle of the interest of this attack on their Office centres on the history of this wander- ing secret press. 53 An Inti'oditdoiy Sketch to the Martin Marprelate Cont^^oversy. SECTION II. The Origin of this Controversy. 15*^7* PAGES I. I Mar. Quotations from Pexry's Treatise. Containing the ^Equity of An Humble Supplication Gr^c. Oxford : suppressed by the High Commission &c SS~^7 1590. II. 7 Mar. Quotations from his Appellation to the High Court of Parliament S^c. [Rochelle], describing the sup- pression of the Treatise and his subsequent first imprisonment 6S-74 ^ The Origin of this Controversy, ^^^^^^ ^ 1 iiK'Sg^Tr'^^^^^iSa? O FAR as it can be traced to any precise words or acts, the Martin Marprelate Controversy arose out of the following printed words which were published on or about the ist March, 1587- Speaking on behalf of the Welsh nation, John Penry urges — For what will our children that rise after vs and their children say, when they shal be brought vp in grosse superstition, but that it was not Queene Elizabethes will, that we their Parentes should haue that true religion she professed, made knowen vnto vs. Will not the enemies of Gods truth with vncleane mouthes auouch that shee had little regarde vnto true or false religion anie further than it belonged vnto hir profite ? I would some of them did not slaunderously cast abroade amongst our people, that she careth not whether the gospel be preached or not preached. If she did wee also shoulde bee most sure to enioy it after twenty eight yeares and vpward of most prosperous raigne. These thinges derogating from her Maiesties honor in a most villa[i]nous sort, must be withstoode thorough hir selfe and this whole assembly, by making prouision for vs betimes of the food of our soules. Because I see this most notably detracteth from hir, I cannot in duety but repell and gainsay this slander, and with as loud a voice as ynck and paper can sound, afftrme and publish that she would haue the truth made knowen vnto al her people, and wish al of them to be prophets. Which thing I trust in God shall bee manifested vnto the woorld euen at this Parliament, wherein Wales shal be aliljotted vnto lesus Christ for his inheritance. And good reason why it should be so, because thereupon standeth the 56 A 71 Introductory Sketch to the mainteinance of hir credit. Of al the men in the world therfore she may be least beholding to them that will not deal earnestly in our behalfe [i.e. the bishops &c.]. And we the inhabitantes of Wales may thinke that very straunge that one suite, tending generally to the benefit of vs al, will not bee graunted vnto vs in twenty eight j'eares, and that vnder hir Maiestie, whose good will towards vs is no lesse we are assured then to the rest of hir subiects. If wee doubted heereof, behold at this time, opportunity is offered to take away all suspicion. These words are a fair specimen of Penry's cunning pen. For he is herein asserting that which he is ostensibly repudiating. The words seem innocent enough to us ; yet had they never been written, it is probable that Martin Marprelate would never have come into existence. This page occupies the fortieth page of Penry's first known work, the title and colophon of which are as follows. A Treatise containing the AEquity of An Humble Supplication which is to be exhibited vnto hir gracious Maiesty and this high Court of Parliament in the behalfe of the Countrey of Wales, that some order may be taken for the preaching of the Gospell among those people. Wherein also is set downe as much of the estate of our people as without offence could be made known, to the end that our case (if it please God) may be pitied by them who are not of this assembly, and so they also may bee driuen to labour on our behalfe. AT OXFORD, Printed by Joseph Barnes, and are to be sold in Pauls Church-yard [in London] at the signe of the Tygers head. 1587- The tract consists of but 64 pages, and its Colophon runs thus : — To the reader. Some rumor of ilxe speedy dissolution of the Parliament enforced me from tlie 32 Pag[e] or there ahoiits (so much being already vnder the presse) to C2it off more of the booke by two parts than is now in the whole. The neerer I came to the ende^ the more hast I made. I regarded not herein Ma r tin Ma rprelate Controversy. 5 7 Amphora coepit Institui, currente rota cur vrceus exii ? The oiiersi^ht I hope hath not been very great: if any, I hartilie crane pardon. How tedious and vngainful it was for me to dismember the whole and sow together the tome parts, let other men iiidge. . . . Nothing can better place us at the Stand-point of the Martinists, than the following lengthy quotations from this suppressed and now extra- ordinarily scarce book. It is impossible not to admire the skill, fervour and studied moderation with which Penry makes out his case, thereby se- curing for posterity by his many graphic touches, such a clear insight into the strange social condition of Wales at this time. The average condition of the country districts of England was probably somewhat better; but there were doubtless remoter places in this country of which the following was as true as of any part of the Principality. Our case now is to bee especiallie pittied in respect of the inner man. For howe many souls doe daily starue and perish among us for want of knowledge ? And how many are like still to tread the same path ? It grieueth me at the h[e]art to consider how hel[l] is enlarged to receaue us. And here the Lord knoweth and our soueraigne with this most honourable assembly shal know that I doe not com- plaine without cause. For our estate is such, that we haue not one in some score of our parishes, that hath a sauing knowledge. Thousands there be of our people that know lesus Christ to be neither God nor man, king, priest nor prophet : 6 desolate and forlorne condition ! yea almost that neuer heard of him. If anie by the great goodnesse of God be called, this came to passe not by the diligence of their pas- tours which are either dumme or greedy dogs that delight in sleeping, as saith the Prophet [this famous phrase at this time 29 found in Isaiah Ivi. 10] (a few honest men excepted) but either extraordinarily through reading, or by meanes of their resort and abode in some corner of the Church of England where the gospel is preached. And long may it be preached there, to the glory of God, the felicity of our soueraign, and the euer- lasting good of that whole nobility and people, whose kindnes towards strangers [i.e. the Welsh !], the Lord wil not forget. And our God remember Queen Elizabeth herein, and wipe not out hir kindnes shewed toward thy people, shew mercy vnto hir in that dale, good Lorde, and forget hir not in 58 An Introductory Sketch to the this life also, seing by means of fostering thy Gospel! in hir land, some of vs a people not regarded, haue known the remission of our sinnes, euen of our great sinnes. Let this neuer be forgotten good Lord. I am caried I knowe not whither from my purposed intent. These latter sort are some few gentlemen, or such like. The rest of our people are either such as neuer think of anie re- ligion true or false, plainly meere Atheists or stark blinded with superstition. The latTtJer are of 2 sorts. The first crue is of obstinate idolaters that would fain be again in execrable Rome, and so hold for good diuinity what- soeuer hath bin hatched in that sacrilegious nest. But these may doe what they wil with vs : for neither ciuil magistrat nor Bishop wil controul them. They may be, euen of the Parliament house, least that congregation should be without some Achan, that might giue the Lord iust occasion, to execrate his whole boast. Hence flow our swarmes of southsaiers, and enchanters, such as will not stick openly, to professe that they walke, on Tuesdaies, and Thursdaies at nights, with the fairies, of whom they brag themselues to haue their knowledge. These sonnes of Belial, who shuld die the death, Leuit. 20. 6. haue stroken such an astonishing reuerence of the fairies into the h[e]arts of our silly people, that they dare not name them, without honor. We cal them hcndith u mamme [in modern Welsh, ^ bcndith y maniatc, " the mother's blessing"], that is, such as haue deserued their mothers blessing. Now our people, wil neuer vtter, hcndiih u maimne, but they will saie, bendith tl maninie ?/ dli?hi, [in modern Welsh, bendith y mamau i ddyn, "the mother's blessing to man"], that is, " their mothers blessing " (which they account the greatest felicity that any creature can be capeable of) " light vpon them," as though they were not to be named without reuerence. Hence proceed open defending of Purgatory and the Real presence, praying vnto images &c. with other infinit^e] monsters [monstrosities]. The other sort is of good simple soules, that would full gladly learne the way vnto saluation, and spend their h [e] art [s] blood, for the safety of their godly Prince, in whom they do claim more interest then the rest of hir subiects whosoeuer. * For this and the following transliterations into modern Welsh, translations into English etc., between the brackets [ ], we are indebted to that distinguished Welsh scholar, divine and journalist, the Rev. Samuel RoiiEKTS, of Conway, North Wales. Martin Marprelate Co7itroversy. 5 9 And this is almost the only happines they haiie. These poore soules, because the Idol pastor \Yeading vimister] can teach them nothing, entering more deeply with themselues into the consideration of things, find by the small light of religion we enioy through the meanes of hir Maiesty, and by the instinct of nature, that there is a Diuine Essence who must be care- fully and religiously serued and praied vnto for al blessinges that would be obtained. Which things they see vnperfourmed publikely, therefore priuat[e]ly they assay what they can doe. But wofuU estate, they being not taught out of the worde of God, what he is, that must be serued, and how he re- quireth this to be doone, inuent vnto themselues, both their God, and the maner of his seruice. Concerning saluation they either think, that the Lorde is bound to saue all men, because they are his creatures, or that al shal be saued at the lat[t]er day, at the intreaty of the virgin Mary, who shal desire her sonne, after iudgement giuen, to saue as many of the damned as may bee couered vnder her mantill [mantle] : this being graunted al the damned souls shalbe there shrouded and so saued from hel[l] fiar. This is the cause why our people make but a mocke of sinne. They thinke the soule only shal goe to heauen and not the body also, whence it commeth that they say, " they care not what becommeth of their bodies, so their soules may be saued." They ascribe sauadge cruelty vnto God the father, because he punished mans sinne so seuerely, euen in his son Christ ; the Lord lesus they commend. Nil waeth geimf dhim am y tad y gwr craillon hinnu oiiud cydymmaith da uwr mab [in modern Welsh, JVi waeth genyf ddim amy tad, y gwr crculawii hwnw, ond cydymaith da yw'r mab] : " I care not " saith one ''for the father, that cruel man, but the sonne is a good fellowe." Durst wee once conceiue these base cogitations of our Prince, I know it would not be tolerated. And I hope this religious and wise assembly will procure that the Lord may haue some more reuerence at our hands. Because the poore creatures can hear nothing at the mouth of their minister, how their sinnes may be hidden and their iniquities couered, it is a common saying euen among those who care not for Romish Antichrist, that it was a good worlde then when a man might haue a pardon for his sins in such and such a place for one 4d. 6o A7i Int7'oductory Sketch to the They see no felicity where mere ignorance of saluation is. A false persvvasion thereof they thinke better than none at all. Man must haue religion, [ either] true or false. Our people learn one of another most blasphemous praiers. This they doe so much the rather, because in them the com- mend them selues, families, &c. vnto the tuition of some saint whom they think most fauourable vnto them and best able to grant their petitions. My h[e]art bleedeth to think how these villa[i]nies with other vngodly songs are learned of good painfull soules with greedines. I know masters of families that teach these vnto their housholds. If they meete with any who can write and read, they wil demand of him whether he can teach them euer a good praier against such a disease in man or beast. Vngodly welsh bookes \i.e. citlier manuscripts, or the productions of him whom Martin Marprelate at p. 22 of his Epitome styles as the " knave Thackwell the printer/ which printed popishe and trayterous welshe bokes in wales/ "] are fraught with these Idolatries. If conscience would not keep me from vttering an vntruth before my soueraigne monarch, yet fear of punishment should containe me. But this I protest before lesus Christ who shall iudge all euen according vnto their woordes, and in the presence of al the world, that the onely staffe and stay of al priuat religion among our people (the 2 sorts of men before named, I exempt) are latine praiers, praying vnto Saints, super- stitious obseruations,with vngodlie Welsh songs and books. If these things were not, meare Atheisme would ouer-grow vs. Surely the reading ministery hath not so much as wrought in the harts of anie almost, the perswasion of one true God. It were folly to goe about to heale the disease and let the cause remaine. Concerning that which is reade, there is no man but thinketh very reuerently thereof. And we praise the Lorde that we haue so much publikely by meanes of her highnes, whereas in the dales of blindnes we had nothing but professed idolatry. Take but a view of our Hues, and you shal see also what effect reading hath brought to passe. There be man}^ sinnes essential almost vnto our nation. Profaning the name of God in common talk is prodigious. 40. affirmations or nega- tions will bring thirty oathes out of a great many. Some shieres of South Wales haue gotten them an ignominious Martin M a r pre l a t e Controversy. 6 1 name by this sin. I dare write that which I durst not vtter in words. They are called gwuY cig Dilw [in modern Welsh, gwyr cig Diiw, " men of God's flesh," a stran^^e designation ! They had probably a habit of swearing "by God's flesh "] Looke [at] the punishment of swearing Deut. 28. 58, Leuit. 24. 15, 16. This is the flieng book Zach. 5. 3. Look [at] the Law of concealing an. oath, Leu. 5. i. and you shall finde that the Parliament shoulde haue great regard to damme the springes of this sinne by the word preached. What a hand we haue had in adultery and fornication, the great number of illegitimate and base born among vs doe testify. I would our Princes and Leuit [e]s [i.e. Bishops and Clergy] had not beene chiefe in this trespasse. The punish- ment hereof in the Bishops court is derided of our people. P'or what is it to them to pay a litle money, or to run through the Church in a white sheete? They haue made rimes and songs of this vulgar penance. Neither [the] iustice of peace nor minister wil see the execution of the lawes prouided in this case. Though they did, seeing the Lords ordinance [i.e. preaching] is not obserued, it would not preuaile. The seat of iudgement in our common courts is turned into wormwoode. A m.an cannot haue his right in a yeare or two, though his euidence be vnaunswerable. They haue gotten many shifts, and when al failes, one wil stand viz. excommunication. The plaintife without al right male be excommunicated in the Bishops court, and so not absolued in a whole yeare. Al which time bee is no person flt to prosecute his right in the common law. It is irksome to think how hardly a poor man can keep any thing from theeues of great countenaunce. Though he seeth his own sheep or other cattel feed within two miles of him in some mens pastures, he dareth not aske [for] them. Quaffing and surfeting is too too common. Al are become Ismaels. Euery mans hand against them, and theirs against all other. Church men and all will haue their right by the sword, for by the word [i.e. of GOD] they neuer seek it. These thinges I doe not set downe to disgrace my deare countrimen. I beare them another h[e] art. My purpose is to shew that all the good politique lawes in the woorld cannot wash awaie these our stains. The nitre that washeth purely, 62 An Introdtictory Sketch to the the word of the Lord must doe it. A conscience must be wrought in our people, else they wil neuer leaue their idolatry, swearing, adulterie, and theeuery. They that know the country know how litle hold the straightest and seuerest laws in the world wil take on a great many. If it be the wil of the Parliament therfore [thatj we shal be bettered, let the word be preached amqng vs. We haue preaching, How often ? Quarterly. It is not so. For to that one parish where there is one ordinary quarter sermon, we haue twenty that haue none. The number of fit preaching ministers in Wales can easily proue the truth hereof. Wee paie tithes alwaies, and therefore we should haue preaching alway . . . pp. 44-51. Preaching is graunted conuenient, but so as reading w'il serue the turne. I maruel the face of mortall man wil be so brasen as to affirm this, the immortal word of god loudly gainsaying it, i Cor. i. 21., Rom. i. 16. lam. i. 21. I wil not light a candle before the sun [z.^. in arguing on this point]. Though preaching be granted necessary, and the w^ord reade no meanes to saluation : yet there bee three difficulties that inferre an impossibility to haue the same in Wales. [1] The woorde in welsh neither [a.] must nor [b.] can bee gotten. [a.] Must not, because al should be brought to speak English. Of the condition the trueth were made knowen vnto them, I would it were brought to passe. And shal we be in ignorance vntil wee all learne English ? This is not hir Maiesties will wee are assured. Raise vp preaching euen in welsh, and the vniformity of the language 'jlx. tlie spread of English] wil bee sooner attained. [b.] But why can we not haue preaching in our owne toung? Because the minister is not able to vtter his mind in welsh. He maie. For wee haue as many words as in any i^ulgar toung whatsoeuer, and we might borrow from the latine &c. The straunge words would become familiar thorough custom. They that defend the contrary are slow bellies and not wel minded to doe their countrie any good. A good excuse for the soul quelling non-resident. Admit we cannot haue welsh preachers, yet let vs not bee without English where it is vnderstood. There is neuer a market towne in Wales where English is not as rife as welsh. AIa r tin Ma rprelate Controversy. 6-"^ From Cheapstow to Westchester [Chester] (the whole com- passe of our land) on the Sea side, they all vnderstand English. Where Munmoth and Radnock shiers border vpon the Marches, they all speake English. In Penbrok shier [there is] no great store of Welsh. Consider Anglisey Mamgymni, Caernaruon, and see if all these people must dwei vpon mount Gerizzin and be subiect to the curse, because they vnderstand not the English toung. [2.] The second difficulty is want of sufficient number of ministers. The aunswere hereunto may be diuerse. [c] First the haruest is the Lords, therfore if he be sought vnto, labourers shal be sent Matt. 9. 38. And extraordinary blessinges may be expected, if his ordinance shal take place and mans [be] remoued. Might it please hir Maiestie and the Parliament to take this course, the Lorde would raise those sauiours Haba[kkuk]. 21. that are vnlikely in the sight of man. [d.] Further the 2 Vniuersities are able to send out at this tim.e three hundred for the work of the ministery able men euery way with a little practise. We neede not haue all welsh preachers, therefore these also might serue our turnes, and it would be very hard if a dosen of them were not of our ow^n people. Thus many being now prouided for, would be such an incoragement vnto students, that at the yeares end twise as many would be ready to consecrat[e] themselues to this holy labour. What an encouragement also would this be for men to send their Sonnes to the Vniuersities, whereas they coulde no sooner send them thither, than CoUedgeswoulde haue places void for them ? Now alas our Vniuersities decay in number of students. They that are already placed, either dally with their studies, or [do] not apply them at all to diuinity, because they see no end therof. Some bound by reason of their fellowships to enter into the ministery, wil make any shift to be dispenced with, nay they wil giue ouer their places rather than vndergoe this calling. The reasons hereof bee two First the idoll priesthoode hath made the most glorious function vnder the sun [i.e. the ministry and preaching], most contemptible. 64 An Introductory Sketch to the Secondly they see the minister hath no assurance of that liuing whereunto he is inducted. Euery trifling matter is now made [a ground for] depriuation. [e.] If it shall please hir highnes and the Parliament to decree that euerie godly learned minister may haue as good assurance of his liuing for terme of his own life, as any iiubiect in the land hath of his fee simple, vnlesse he be found such an offender as his ministery wil be a reproch vnto the Gospel, I doubt not but the ministery would be soone furnished with able men. [f.] A number of the idle drones now in our ministerie would become fit for that work in one year, if preaching were but here and there scattered among vs, and they weekely driuen to exercise. Where it may bee seene that their vndoing is not intended, but their good. [g.] There be many worthy men in the Church of England, that nowe exercise not their publicke ministery, these would be prouided for among vs. I hope they wil not bee vnwilling to come and gaine soules vnto lesus Christ. [h..] Priuate men that neuer were of Vniuersitie haue well profited in diuinity. These no doubt would proue more vpright in heart, as the Leuit[ejs in the like distresse 2.Chr. 29. 34. than many of our learned men. [i.] For the preaching in Welsh, order might be taken that our [Welsh] brethren which are of the ministery in England should be sent home. Their flockes might be otherwise prouided for ; and they depart with consent, because the necessitie of the Church requireth it. y.] One of the 2. Vniuersities [? Cambridge] since that ioylull 17. day of Nouember 1558, hath sent into the common wealth, 3,400 Graduat[e]s: all this number of graduat[e]s, a good course being taken, might haue bin found in the ministery of her maiesties own planting, [i.e. in England and Wales] and not so few as two thousand over-plus might haue bin imploied in other functions. Four hundred of these would haue beene since that time well placed in Wales, whereas at this day we haue not 12. in all our country that doe discharge their duety in any good sort. The proofe hereof I offer to stand vnto against all gain-saiers. I hope this wil be considered of. If not, wee may be eight and twenty years more without the word preached. Ma RTi n Ma r prelate Conti^oversy, 65 [3.] The last difficulty is the want of maintenance for our ministers. [k.] This is but a mere shift to bereaue the Lord of his honour, and vs of our salvation. . . . //. 51-55. They whose h[e]arts the Lord hath touched, would thresh to get their lining, rather than the people should want preaching. Our gentlemen and people, if they knew the good that insueth preaching, would be soone brought to contribute. They should bee con^-^rqined thereunto. Salua- tion were not bought too dear with the ery flesh of our armes. [L] The honor we publicktly yeeld in Wales vnto our god the word preached being not ainung vs, if the lord be said to alow off (which were blasphemy to conceiue) he can be proued to be a meer Idoll. If to dislike, where is that Sonne of Adam that wil presume to offer him that which hee regardeth as the killing of a man, vntil he may be prouided for in a better sort ? Her Maiesty and this honourable assembly know that the seruice of the eternall is not to be dispensed withall, and therefore out of hand will see the erecting thereof, which shall neuer be don[e] as long as any excuse wil be admitted to hinder the worde preached. [m.] If Impropriations and Nonresidencies were not tole- rated, a teaching minister in Wales might Hue wel by the Church. Is it not intolerable that some of our Gentle-men should haue 6, impropriate linings ? Our earnest and humble petition vnto her Maiesty and this high court of Parliament is, that it would please them to decree, that the tenth part of euery impropriat[ej liuing in Wales maybe bestowed to the maintenance of a teaching minister : which is so reasonable, that I hope it wil be granted. And that the minister finding her Maiesty suffi- cient security, may be hir farmer in euery impropriat[eJ liuing, that belongeth vnto hir highnes within. Wales. AVe humbly intreat, that the same order may be taken with al impropriations in our countrey whatsoeuer. [n.] Non-residences haue cut the throte of our Church. Some that neuer preached haue three Church liuinges. Many of our liuinges are possessed by students of either of the Vniuersities : who neuer come amongst vs, vnles it be to fleece. This I hope wil be tolerated no longer: seeing it is the very desolation of the Church, the vndoing of the common Eng. Sch. Lib. No. 8- 5 66 An hitroductory Sketch to the wealth, and a demonstratiue token, that the Lorde will watch ouer vs to euill, and not to good. Our petition is that none whosoeuer may possesse aboue one huing, and that al may be constrained to bee resident on their charges. These reasonable petitions concerning Non-residencies and impropriations being graunted, a great many liuinges will bee ready to entertaine a learned pastor. Thus I hope al the difficulties that seemed to hinder preaching vnto vs are taken away. . . . pp. 55-57. One more quotation, and we must pass on from this tract. The printing of the first Welsh Neiv Testament^ which is not divided into verses, was finished on the 7th October, 1567. It had therefore been nearly twenty years in the Principality. When Penry wrote this, the translation of the Old Testa?ne7it was far advanced ; so that the printing afresh, of the entire Welsh Bible was completed in 1588. But I maruel what will be said to bee the cause why we haue not had publicke reading in welsh to any purpose as yet. The old testament we haue not in our tongue, therefore the 1. lesson is read in English vnto our people in many places that vnderstand not one word of it. This reading is taken to be the blasphemous masse, u mail yr offairiad ar y fferen [in modern Welsh, y mae yr offeiriad gydar offeren, "the priest is at the mass "] (say they, when the first lesson is read), that is, the priest is at masse. One man scene in the original [i.e. the Welsh language] by the blessing of God would bee able to translate the whole in 2. yeares : more handes would make more speede. The small [iniiwr] prophets in welsh might be read vnto vs vntil we obtaine the whole, w^hich shalbe ready for the Press whensoeuer it shall please hir Maiesty and the Parliament to call for them [i.e. Penry had already translated tJic Minor Pvoplicts, or knew of their having been translated by some other person] . Our humble petition is that the whole woorke may be set vpon incontinently, and that some order may be taken for the charge of the impression. The dialect that euery [Welsh] sheire hath almost proper vnto it selfe, should not hinder this woorke. For if preaching were in euery Parish, the people would be stirred vp to read the word priuat[ejly in Ma rtinMarprelate L o^iU^ovcrsy. 6 7 their houses, and so become acquainted with the phrase. Our ministers though neuer so ignorant, yet all vnderstanding English, might easily remedy this, by conferring the Welsh with the English translations, and so where they vnderstood not their owne toung, the English might direct them, and they their hearers. But they are far from taking this small pains. I would some of them in 20. years had learned to reade welsh at the first sight. They haue made the word of God of that base and contemptible account with many of our people, that they will aske to what end many thinges euen in the new testament it selfe are set downe. Because they want preaching, some points of the high mysteries of saluation seeme vnto them to bee but vulgar and common, thinges not beseeming the wisedome of the great God. Bring some place out of Peter, Paul &c., and their answere wil be, Bcih a ivodhon ni pilit ett bod hwilyn dwedud ^wir eupaidio? [in modern Welsh, Beth a wyddom ni pa un ai etc bod hwy yn dywcdyd y gwir ai peidio ? '' How do we know whether they speak the truth or not ? "] What know we whether they say tru[e] or no ? Is not this our case lamentable ? The " faculties " and " dispensations " of our Non- residentes, whose absence do imprint these skars of spiritual misery vnto vs, wil not deliuer vs from death. No they wil not shi[e]ld vs from the temporal punishments that we now FMstaine (which is our second misery) for want of their diligence. We feel the Lords hand many waies against vs at this time in regard of the scarcitie of all thinges, and especially of victuals, and [a] great number of poor. Euery man among vs was either wont to sow as much corne as serued his familie al the year, or to make asmuch of his sheep and other cattle as might buy the same. The vnseasonable haruest 1585 yealded very little Corne. Therefore many were able to sowe nothing the last year, because they had not bread corne, much lesse seed. The winter [ofj 1585 destroied al their cattle wel near, so that now the very sinowe of their maintenance is gone. Many that liued well and thriftily, are faine to giue ouer both house and home, and to go a begging. They were driuen the last haruest to al the shifts in the world. As to rub the standing corne, biingnothalfe ripe, to make some bread thereof. . . //. 57-59. 63 An Intivditctory Sketch to the B S $J II. M a later work, written when the Martin Marprelate Controversy was drawing to an end, Penry gives us the following account of the trouble that the publication of the foregoing Tfeatise brought on him. It is entitled, probably in imitation of the Appellation of John Knox, Th'Appellation of Iohn Penri, vnto the Highe court of Parliament, from the bad and injurious dealing of th'Archb. of Canterb. and other his colleagues of the high commission : Wherin the complainant, humbly submitting himselfe and his cause vnto the determination of this honorable assembly : craueth nothing els, but either release from trouble and persecution, or just tryall. Anno Dom. 1589. [i.e. 1590J Mar. 7. At pp. 3-5 of this tract (which was stated, in 1595, by MATTHEW SUT- CLIFFE to have been printed for Penry by Robert Waldegrave at Rochelle, see following^/. 1 79-1 81), we find — And to the ende I may truely acquaint you of the parliament with my troubles, and the true causes thereof, 3'ou are to vnderstand, that the beginning of these mens hatred towards me, did arise from the goodwill I beare vnto the glory of my God and the good of his church, and that the continuance thereof, is for the same cause. For vntill such time, as the Lorde vouchsafed to vse me (most vnworthie, I acknowledge from the bottome of my heart) as an instrument to motion the parliament, holden by prorogation [or rather by adjournment from i^th Feb. to 2^rd March 1587], in the 29. yere of her Majesties raigne, in the cause of Gods truth, I was a man altogether vnknowne vnto th'Archb. or any other of the high commission, by whome I am now persecuted. My suite then vnto the parliament was, that the gospell of Christ might in a sauing measure, be made knowen and pul)lished amongst the inhabitants of wales my deare and natiue countrimen. The equitie of this petition, I manifested in a published treatise [i.e. A Treatise Containing the A Equity of an humble Siippiication &c.] allowed to be printed by publike authority ]\I A R TIN Ma rprelate Controversy. 69 {evidently at Oxford^ The supplication, together with the printed treatise, were preferred by a worshipful! Master Edward gentleman of my countrie, being himself a member i^'^'^'-'iK. of the bowse, \i.e, of Commons : where Master Edward DOWNLEY, DONLEE OT DoULEE represented the town of Car- inarthen. WiL'Lis, Noti. Parli. i. loy, and 116. Ed. 1750] who also shewed the equitie of the petition, and in effect auouched the truth of that w^hich in the treatise was set downe. The suit I was persw^aded, would haue beene verie plausible in a christian state, and the parliament shewed no disliking thereof, though they sinned in the carelesse respect they had therevnto. Th'Archb. and his associates were contrarie minded, they thought the enterprise to be intoller- able. And yet was there no alteration of the established gouernment of Bishops at that time sought for. The dislike of the petition they did not conceal, and therfore presently dis- patched their warrants [beforethe Parliament rose on 2yd March.] to call in the printed bookes, and to enquire for the author. The books in nomber about 500. togither with my selfe, were fastened vpon by the wardens of the Stacioners [Company], Master Bishop and [Master] Denham [wlio were Wardens between 10th July 1586 and 10th July 1587. See Transcript &c^ ii. 3. Ed. 1875.] accompanied w^ith Cole the Pursiuaunt, wdierevpon being carried before the high commissioners, I was for enterprising the former action, charged by th'Archb. owne mouth, not onely to be a factious slaunderer of her Majesties gouernment : but also to haue published flat treason and heresie in my saide treatise. I was threat[e]ned very bloodily, and reuiled vpon in a most vnchristian sort, with earnest protestation, that they woondered how I durst soUicite the parliament in that petition. ... . . . . , Well, mine offence in presuming to speake in the cause of God, oppugned by my betters, was accounted so haynous, as in close prison I must be kept 12. dales, at the keepers vttermost perill. Before my departure from the commission, vnderstanding their intent to commit me, I demanded the particuler cause why I was so hardlie dealt w^ith. Answere was made, that they vvould examine me againe and then I should know. After a moneths imprison- ment I was deliuered without anie examination, or anye mention of the crimes of heresie and treason wherewith I yo Alt Int7'odttcto7y Sketch to the had bene charged. And so vnto this daie, I remaine ignorant of anie expressed cause wherefore, they either tooke away my books, or debarred me of my libertie, and readie by the grace of God, both to conuince the high commission of most injurious deahng in the premises, and to cleare my selfe of anie crime they can lay to my charge, whensoeuer, before you of this honorable assembly, or any other equall judgement seat they dare be tried with me. Since the time of my release, I sawe my selfe bounde in conscience, not to giue cuer my former purpose, in seeking the good of my countrymen, by the rooting out of ignorance and blindnes from among them. And as it pleased the lord to increase this my care, so haue mine aduersaries augmented their rage and fury towards me, and especially to the cause that I maintaine.— //. 3-6. Although we wish to confine this Introductory Sketch to testimony outside the Controversy itself : yet we cannot resist the graphic account which Martin Marprelate in his Epistle gives of this interview with the High Cominission. Now may it please you to examine my worthines your brother Martin /and see whether I saide not true in the storie of Gyles Wiggington/ where I haue set down/yat the preaching of the word is an heresie which his grace doth mortally abhorre and persecute /I can prooue it without doubt. And first that he persecuteth the preaching of the worde (whether it be an heresie or not) both in the preacher and the hearer : the articles of subscription /the silencing of so many learned and worthy preachers do euidently shew/ and if you doubt hereof/ let my worshipp vnderstand thereof/ and in my next treatize/I shal proue the matter to be cleare with a witnes/and I hope to your smal commendations /that will deny such a cleare point. On the other side /that he accounteth preaching to be an heresie /I am now to insist on the proofe of that poynt. But first you must know /that he did not account simple preaching to be an heresie /but to holde that preaching is the onely ordinary meanes to salua- tion/this he accounteth as an heresie /this he mortally con- demned. The case thus stoode/Iohn Penrie the welsheman (I thinke his grace and my brother London /would be better acquainted with him and they could tell howe) about the beginning of Lent/ 1587/ [z.^. 20th February 1588J. offered a Martin Ma rprelate Controversy . 7 1 supplication and a booke to the Parliament /entreating that some order might be taken /for calling his countrie vnto the knowledge of God. For his bolde attempt /he was called before his grace with others of the high commission /as Thomas of Winchester/ lohn London /&c. After that his grace had eased his stomacke in calling him boy /knave/ varlet/ slanderer /libeller / lewde boy / lewd slaunderer/&c. (this is true /for I haue scene the notes of their conference/ at the length a poynt of his booke began to be examined) where nonresidents are thought intollerable. Here the Lorde of good London asked j\I. Penrie/what he could say against that kinde of cattell/aunswere was made that they were odious in the sight of God and man /because as much as in them lie /they bereaue the people ouer whom they thrust themselues/of the ordinarie meanes of saluation /which was the word preached. lohn London demaunded whether preaching was the onely meanes to saluation ? Penrie answ^ered/that it was the onely ordinarie meanes /although the Lorde was not so tyed vnto it /but that hee could extraordinarily vse other meanes. That preaching was the onely ordinary meanes /he confirmed it by those places of scripture /Rom. 10. 14. i. Cor. i. 21. Ephes. 1. 13 This point being a long time canuassed/at the length his worship of Winchester rose up /and mildly after his maner/brast forth into these words. I assure you my Lords /it is an execrable heresie: An heresie (quoth lohn Penry) I thanke God thateuer I knewethat heresie : It is such an heresie /that I will by the grace of God / sooner leaue my life then I will leaue it. What sir/ (quoth the Archb.) I tell thee it is an heresie /and thou shalt recant it as an heresie ? Naye (quoth Penrie) neuerso long as I Hue godwilling. I will leaue this storie for shame / I am weary to hear your grace so absurd. What say you to this geare my masters of the confocation house ? \ye shal haue shortly a good religion in England among the bishops? if Paul be sayd of them to write an heresie.-//. 27-28. Ed. 1S79. A reverence for law was as much an essential of the Puritan character as a passion for a reasonable freedom and an unbcndable resistance to arbitrary power. The Bishops were for ever mixing up spiritual and temporal prerogatives, and trying to get people to believe they were inseparable, and that opposition to their Office was treason to the State. The following exposure of their practices in Penry's Appellation will 72 An Introductory Sketch to the help us to understand the intensity of the hatred against them in the minds of a large section of the truest and most loyal Englishmen of that day. Over and over again in these researches has the conviction forced itself upon us that the origin of modern Dissent in England is to be found solely in this unrighteous and outrageous abuse of powers secured originally by Papal bishops, which having come down unimpaired to their Protestant successors were by them turned against their Puritan fellow-citizens whether in the clergy or in the laity, for the maintenance of their worldly state and corrupt power. Early Nonconformity expressed but a natural resentment and protest against tyrannical ecclesiastics and their whole crew of officials. But to return to Penry's Appellation. What hath the high commission to doe, with men suspected of treason ? Is the place at Lambeth now become the palor [^ar], where traitors should be arraigned? The Arch- bishop of Canterbury, the bishops of London, Winchester, Doctor Cosin, &c. now become judges in those causes ? Whether they incurr not the danger of lawe, by entering into such matters, as are not within the compasse of their commission, you of this honorable assembly are best able to judge. The trueth is that the Archbishop, and his associates, when I was examined before them in the 29. yeare of her maiesties raigne, enforced me to cleare my selfe vpon mine oath, of the treason, which they gaue out to be contained in the 40. page of my booke at that time written vnto the parliament. ToUerate this course, and what parloure or chamber may there be so priuate, wherein the Archbishop and his assistants wil not arraigne their seditious traitors as the faulsly account them. — PP- 39-4o- The injury which at that time they offered vnto the liberties of this honourable court, (to commit their tiranny tQ me wards) had not bene so intollerable vnless they, who vsurped vnto them selues the deciding of my cause, had bene al of them members of this house \i.e. of Parliajuent]. The persons then in commission were these. [J. Whitgift] Th'Archb. of Cant. [J. Aylmer] Bp. of London, [T. Cooper Bishop of] Winchester and tBishop of J Lincolne : Doctor Lewine, Doctor Coosins, all parliament men at that instant. Now judge whether it be not against all right, that some fewe of the inferiour members in that house, (of which number in respect of manye, 1 might iustly account the men before named) should extort vnto their priuat censure, the Ma r tin Ma rpre l a te Controversy. 73 judgement of a cause preferred publikely vnto the whole parliament.—;^. 41- And yet all the justice that poore christians haue at Lambeth is this. " You are now sent for by Lords Themaner grace here, and vs her Majesties commissioners, we ^HngTSe grant indeed, that as yet we know nothing where- ^^ Lambeth, w^ith you may be charged. For accusers you haue none, neither were you sent for to answere vnto them. For it is our maner to deliuer men into bonds (yea and to death if the cause so require) though they haue no accusers to conuince them of any crime. And therefore you must here be deposed vpon your oath, to reueal whatsoeuer you know by your selfe, or any other of Gods children her Majesties subjects. Whereby it shall come to passe, that you shall escape vs narrowly, but ere you depart the court, we shall hnde sufficient matter to imprison you, and if you refuse the oath, to prison you shall goe. For we administer it, Exojjicio, and so vpon your refusall, we may imprison you." And will the high court of parliament suffer this bloodie and tirannous inquisition, to be practized any longer within this kinydom ? What can the murthering inquisitors ot Spaine do more, then by this snare, inueigle mens consciences, and constraine them to spill their owne blood ? It is wel knowne, that no suche maner of iniquitie can be warranted vnto the high commission, by the positiue lawes of this land. For in a criminall cause, they inforce no man to be his owne accuser. — PP- 42-43- In this Penry wrote like a true Englishman. The harshness and cruelty with which the Bishops exercised the large powers possessed by them for other purposes (and then only in moderatioa)for the repression of tluirinore advanced fellow Protestants, and the maintenance of their worldly position and prerogatives, is the fullest possible justification ot the Martinist attack, which was avowedly an attempt to create a public opinion against them. What else could the Puritans do } Their views expressed in the pulpit, only ensured the silencing and deprivation of the speaker. The right of public meeting was denied to them. Even the private meeting together for the exposition of Scripture &c. often resulted, as we have seen at pp. 38-40, in loss, without any manner of trial, of liberty ; and sometimes of life itself The entire printing of the country was designedly centralized in the metropolis- with the exception of a hand-press grudgingly accorded to each of the two Universities— so as to be under the strong control of their opponents. Although the English press was in its relation to the 74 ^^ hitfodiutory Sketch to the general literature, the freest and brightest at that time in the world ; yet in relation to their own special opinions and grievances, it was almost, if not absolutely gagged. If they would not go abroad for their books ; Secret Printing was clearly their last and only card to play. It is indubitable that John Penry was the Managing Director, the "soul" of this attack. He who in this Treatise had written with so devout and contrite a spirit towards GOD; so loyal a heart towards his sovereign ; and so earnestly pleaded therein with his fellow countrymen the English, for his native countrymen the Welsh ; evidently devoted the rest of his life, from this first imprisonment in 1587 to the last hour of his freedom in 1593, to an unhalting advocacy of the Puritan views, and exposure of the wrongful acts of their opponents : just as, fifty years later, W. Pryxne rested not in spirit from the time he, by order of the same Court of High Commission, lost his ears ; until the President of that Court, Archbishop Laud, lost his head on Tower Hill. Such superlative con- secration of effort is but the legitimate fruit of cruelty. Secret printing was, however — to one not in the trade — beset with innumerable difficulties. A recognized printer might keep secret presses in cellars &c., despite the weekly searches ; but it was forbidden to a private individual to acquire a press or type at all. There was also the further difficulty of finding a compositor who should be so hardy as to exercise his craft in anti-episcopal productions. Penry managed somehow secretly to buy a press and some foreign type ; but had not Waldegrave been opportunely ruined and aggrieved, he might never have found the printer, without whom the Martin Marprelate Controversy could never have arisen. We cannot but admire the skill with which he directed the operations of that wandering press. Its movements were largely governed by his own relationships and friendships. It went to East Molesley, because he knew Mistress Crane. It travelled from there to Fawsley ; because having married Henry Godley's daughter at Northampton, he had settled there, and thereby become acquainted with Sir R. Knightley. Ever\where we find the press journeying through the circle of Penry's acquaintances. And this went on during the nine months, from November 1 588 to August 1 589 ; while the entire machinery of the State, ecclesiastical and civil, was in motion for the seizure of that press, and his own detection and punishment. In the meanwhile apparently, he had acquired a second press wherewith Martin Marprelate's Protcstatioii was printed, possibly by himself at Job Throckmorton's house, after the seizure of the first at Newton Lane near Manchester by the Earl of Derby. And lastly, when England got too hot to hold him ; he and Throgmorton carried on the general conflict with books printed by WALDEGRAVE at Rochelle and Edinburgh. 75 An Introductory Sketch to the 31 A R TIN Ma rprelate Cofitroversy, SECTION III. Depositions and Examinations. PAGES Note as to the "Baker Transcripts" 76 The Locahties connected with the Secret Printing 77-8o 1588. I. 14 Nov. Depositions of N. Kydwell of Kingston on Thames 81 W. Stanghton of Kingston on Thames 81 J. Good of Kingston on Thames 82 I. 29 Nov. Examination of Rev. W. Rogers, Minister of Rich- mond o2 1589. I. [? Aut"]. Deposition of Rev. S. Chatfield, Vicar of Kingston 83 II. 15 Feb. Examination of N. TOMKINS 84-S6 IV. 15 Oct. Deposition of H. Sharpe 94-ioj. III. 29 Nov. Second Examination of N. TOiMKlNS 86-S7 1590. III. 13 Jan. Examination of Rev. J. Udall -^ „„ ^ -^ ■' '■ 88-93 III. 13 July. Second Examination of Rev. J. Udall ) 76 Note on the Baker Transcripts. On the 6th December 171 6, Thomas Baker, B.D. of St. John's College, Cambridge, sold for the nominal sum of One pound, One shilhng and One sixpence, Twenty-two Volumes of Transcripts which he had copied on all manner of subjects, to^ Lord Harley. These Volumes now form Harl. MSS. 7028 to 7050. Baker wrote to Strype on the 22nd July 1714, that he had parted with the Puckering Papers to Lord Harley {Cat. of MSS. of Univ. of Cambridge^ v. 135) ; but only some of these are apparently now among the Harleian MSS. in the British Aiuseum. 77 Localities connected with the Secret Pri?tting. The country house of Mistress Crane at East Molesey in Surrey. • T was somewhat mockingly wiitten in JoHN Udall's Indictment (See copy Harl. MS. 7042, /. 38) that Deuvi pnr oculis siiis non habens, scd instigatione Diabolica sediictiis, ac seditiose intendcns et inachinans df'c, he did set forth the Demonstration of Discipline at " East Moulsley " on the 31st October [1588]. This fixes which of the two Moleseys Mistress Crane's house was situated in. The Moleseys, named in "Domesday Book," derive their name from the river Mole, which runs through the parishes, and falls into the Thames at East Molesey. East Molesey is a rapidly increasing village, situated nearly opposite Hampton Court. It is 13 miles from London and 3 north-west from Kingston. West Molesey is a small pleasant village and parish, about i mile west of East Molesey, on the road to Walton on Thames. Dunstable Common lies between the two Moleseys on the south. Kelly's Post Office Directory. Surrey. Ed. 1878. The house of Sir Richard Knightley at Fawsley in Northamptonshire. Fawsley is a parish . . . 4% miles south from Daventry, 5 south-west from the Weedon station of the London and North- Western railway, 12 south-west from Northampton, 10 north-west from Towcester, and 74 from London. Fawsley Park is the seat of Sir Rainald Knightley, Bart., M.P., J.P., lord of the manor and sole landowner of the parish. Kelly's Fost Office Directoiy. Northampton. Ed. 1877. Baker gives the following account in his pedigree of Sir Richard Knight- ley cf Fawsley and Norton, aet, 30. Esch. 8 Eliz. Sheriff for Northamptonshire 10 [1567-8] and 23 [1580-1] Eliz. M.P. for Northampton 27 [15S4-5] and 28 [1585-6] Eliz. : and for Northamptonshire 31 [1588-9] and 39 [1596-7] ^^tz. IT/ie fact that he was M.P. for the coimty uithin so fezu years after the Star Chamber sentence is noteworthy.'] Died at Norton on the 1st, buried 2nd September 1615, 13 Jac. I. set. 82. Northamptonshire, p. 3S2. Ed. 1822-30. Lady Knightley has obligingly informed us, that there are now no papers whatsoever on the subject of this Controversy at Fawsley ; the name of which was formerly spelt Fakvesley, and by Nordrn Ffavcslcy and Ffancsly : but for many years past the spelling has been Fawsley. 78 Localities connected zvith the Secret Printing. The house of Sir Richard Knightley at Norton. Norton (called Norton- by-Daventry) is a village and parish 2 miles north-east from Daventry, 3 north from Weedon station, 12 from Northampton, and 22 from Warwick. . . . Norton Hall, the seat of A. Seymour, Esq., J. P., is a large handsome stone building situated near the Church in a deer park of 100 acres. Kelly's Post Office Directory. Northamptonshire. Ed. 1877. The residence of John Hales Esquire, known as the " White Friars " at Coventry. On the south-east part of this City stood . . . the White Friers . . . which was by King's Letters patent 27 Aug. [1544] 36 Hen. VI 11. granted to Sir Ralph Sadler, Knight, and his heirs to hold in Burgage, which Sir Ralph sold it to John Hales. Who made it his habitation, as it seems. For by his last Will and Testament dated 17 Dec. [1572] 15 Eliz. appointing it to be sold, he there calls it by the name of " Hales place alias White Friers in Coventre." He died 5 Cal. Jan. {i.e. 28 Dec] Anno 1572, 15 Eliz. . . . But notwithstanding the before specified appointment, it was not accordingly sold; for John Hales Esquire enjoyed it. Dugdale's Warwickshire^ pp. 186-188. Ed. 1730. The residence of Job Throckmorton Esquire at Haseley, near Warwick. Haseley is a parish . . . 3K niiles north-west from W^arwick, 1^4 north-east from Hatton station, and 103 from London, near the road from Warwick to Birmingham. Alfred Hewlett, Esq., is lord of the manor. Kelly's Post Office Directory. Warwickshire. Ed. 1876. But upon the attainder of the said John (then Duke of Northumberland) in I Marine, the Queen granted the Manor [of Haseley] to MiCHAEL Throk- MORTON Esquire and to his heirs : who aliened it the year ensuing to Clement Throkmorton his Nephew (third son to Sir George Throkmorton of Coughton in this County, Knight) who had issue Job Throkmorton, one of those notable zealots in Queen Elizabeth's time, of whom, with some other of the like spirit, Mr. Camden . . . hath this expression [seep. 142]. Dugdale's IVanvickshire, p. 654. Ed. 1730. Job Throkmorton was evidently a wealthy country squire from what M. Sutcliffe says in reply to his charge of having spoken "plain scabbe " and " scurvy jacke " to [Rev.] Master Egerton. Of all men M. Throkmorton hath least cause to talk of kitchen rhetorike, having set a flourish of scurriiitie vpon the bookes set out vnder the name of Martin \_^Marprclatc\ and daubed all his discourses with villany and ribaldry, Localities connected with the Secjrt Print in o-. 70 such as not only his kitchin maide>, but his horse boies would bee ashnmed to vtter in priuate, much more in publike. And this he did not in priuate conference, but in bookes printed, not vpon the sodaine being wronged, but vpon deliberate malice against those men, whom all godly men doe honour, which neuer iniured him. Such a braue cutter in kitchen rhetorike is he, neither need he to put vs in mind of his facultie therein ; for we are but too much acquainted with it. Least of all should he haue bragged how nimbly hee is able to raile 7vitJiout szveate or pains ; for his vein therin is not allowed by his friends, and of good men much abhorred, the greater his skill is therin, the lesse is his prayse. I will turne him ouer to be curried by horseboyes, and parboiled by his scolding kitchin maides. An Ansivere &^c ., fol. 26. Ed. 1595. See also following pages 175-184. Wolston Priory, the residence of Robert Wigston Esquire. Wolston village is situated on the south bank of the river Avon, 89 miles from London, about 6 south-east from Coventry, 6 west from Rugby, and half a mile from the Brandon station on the London and North-Western railway. . . . There was formerly an alien Priory established in this place, which was a cell to St. Peter's \jte] and presse were defaced about Easter was twelve moneth [i.e. i^ih May 1588,' he saved these lettres [type] in a boxe under his Clo[a]ke, and brought them to Mistris Cranes howse in London, as is allso confessed ; and they are knowen by printers to be Walde- graves letters [tyj^e] : And it is the same letter that was taken with Hodgkys. These two last Libells came abroade in Julye [1589] last. Now it is confessed by the Carter, that John Hodgkys that is taken, did send from a gentlemans howse at Wolston in Warwikeshier vnto Warrington immediatlye after whitsontyde last [18 May 1589] a printinge presse, two boxes of letters, [type] a barell of incke, a baskett and a brasse pott, which were delyvered to him at Warrington. When the Carier overtooke Hodgkys on Dunsmoore, there were two strangers with him. It is like [lyj they were workemen pi inters, whom he then brought with him from London ; and it seemeth they were not the same that were ii6 An Introductory Sketch to the taken last with him, if they say truetly] concernynge the tyme of his hiringe of them. HoDGKYS confessed to the Caryer, that the gent[leman] at Wolston, at whose howse he receyved the presse, did often harboure him a fourte-night together, and relieved him with meat, drinck and money. This gentleman seemeth to be master Wigston, because (as wee heare) there dwelleth none other gent[leman] but he at Wolston. Allso he threacned the Bailiffe (beinge his tenante) that apprehended Sharpe there, that he would be revenged of him ; and he is discovered to be an harbourer of Penrie and such like. [It is] Confessed that Penrye sayde that PIodgkys printed the sayde two Libells called Martin Junior, and Martin Senior; and that he sett Hodgkys on worke. That Hodgkys aboute Easter last [30 March 1589] told Sharpe he had a presse, but would not name where ; that at Penryes motion he would take the worke in hand in steed of Waldegrave who was gone : that Sharpe should shortlye heare more from him : that Penrye tolde Sharpe how Hodgkys was in printinge of a Martin; that he moved him to goe with him into the Northe to helpe Hodgkys in printinge, who refused ; and that Penrye therevpon was missinge at Northampton by a space. Towchinge the Cheife vtferers and publishers abrade of all the Libells. Iscovered by manye, that Humphrey Nev^man a Cobbler in London is the principall vtterer [distributor] of them, and hath had. 6. or. 7. hunderd at once of them. Sharpe confesseth that Penrye and this Newman are the Cheife vtterers of them ; and that Newman about Midsommer last [24 Jtine 1589] would haue had Sharpe into the Northe withe him vnto Hodgkys, to make vp the bookes after they were printed. Newman came often to Northampton vnto Penrye. Ma r tin AI a r pre l a te Controversy. 1 1 7 Towchinge the Authoiive of these Lihells, He authoure of the written copie [the manuscript of ''More Work for Cooper''], that was taken by the Earl of Darbie, taketh vpon him to be the same, that made the first. 3. Libells, and the stile doth not varie. That this last [i.e. the manuscript work] was contryved by Penrie besides the former presumptions (gathered of his owne speeches and dealinges in providinge a printer &c after Waldegrave his departure) the two handes vsed in the same doe seeme to be, the one PENRYes, and the other his mans hande[writing]^ ; as by a collation of such their writinges (as haue bene heretofore taken) may appeare. The stile of it and spiritt of the man (where he is out of his scoffinge veyne) doth alltogether resemble such his writinges, as he hath published with his name to them. [See p. 188.] In one or two places of it, where he mencioneth Penrye in the thirde person, there is a slipp vnto the firste qerson, as if the wTiter did speake of himselfe at unawares. Doctour Some hath somethinge sharply confuted Penrics fansies. Now this written Libell [''More Work for Cooper''] is very longe and most bitter and virulent againste him and his bookes. It is confessed that Penrie hath sayde before any of these Libells came forthe, that a Noble man deceased did encourage him to write bitterlye against ye Bishops and that (if he were discovered) he should not be imprisoned by the [High] Commissioners but by some others for a fashion, and so shortly after delyvered. Lansd. MS. 6i. Art. 22. [^ Matthew Sutcliffe stated in 1595 that this other man's handwriting, was that of Job Throkmorton, see p. 177]. ^w iig An httrodtidory Sketch to the Ma r tin Ma rprelate Controversy, SECTION V. The Brief held by Sir John Puckering, WHILE Attorney General, against the Martinists. [ISIr. Baker's Transcript, Harl. MS. 7042,//. i-ii.] I. Rev. J. Udall II. Mistress E. Crane alias Carleton hi. Robert Waldegrave IV. Rev. J. Penry V. Sir Richard Knightley VI. HuMFREY Newman alias Brownbread VII. John Hales VIII. Roger Weekston IX. Mistress Weekston X. Job Throckmorton XI. John Hodgkins, Valentine Symmes, Arthur Tomlyn •• ••• and 121-122 123 124-125 126-128 129-130 131 132 134 Agaynst John Udall late of Kingston \upon Thames^^ Minister. Enry Sharpe deposeth, that Penry (who appeareth to be a principal Dealer in all the action every where) told him, that the said Udall was the Author of the De- monstration of Discipline, and Nicholas ToMKiNS deposeth, that Udall himself so confessed unto him. The said Tomkins further sayth, that he beleiveth Udall was also the Author of the Dialogue, called, DiOTREPHESy because in a Catalogue of such Books, as the said Udall had made, this Examinate sawe as well the said Dialogue as the Demonstration mentioned. And besides that, the said Udall resorted sundrie times to Mistress Cranes Howse at Mowlsley, whilst Penry and Wal[de] grave were there. It is confessed by Udall himself, that he resorted some- times to Mistress Cranes Howse, at the tyme of the print- ing Press being there, but sayth, that if he should answere generally, whether any Books were there printed, then per- adventure he might accuse himself, wherein he desired to be pardoned. [See/. 89.] ,The said Udall being then asked in particular whether he were not acquainted with the makeing of the Demonstration of Discipline and Diotrephes, answered that he desired to be pardoned for any Booke touching Discipline. And being further asked, whether those Books or any other Books were to his knowledge printed in Mistress Cranes Howse, or 122 An Introductory Sketch to the what Wal^de]grave or Penry did there, at such tymes as the said Udall was there with them, he desired to be par- doned from answering those questions, and other answere he would not make. Stephen Chatfeild Vicar of Kingestone deposeth, that before the Comeing forth of the first Martin [i.e. the Epistle], he saw in Udalls study certen written Papers importing such matter as is contained in that Lible, and sayth further, that about a fortnight before Michaelmas [i5]88, the said Udall in Conference with this Examinate sayd, It were best for the Bishops not to stop his mouthe, for if they did, he would then sett himself to writing, and gyve them such a blow, as they never had the lyke in their lyves. Upon which points, Udall himself, being examined, con- fesseth that some things contained in the first Martin [the Epistle] proceeded from his reporte, but sayth he knoweth not how they came in writing. And yet being asked, whether he made not [a] collection of some things that are conteyned in that Booke, and whether he did not show those his Col- lections to Master Feild and Master Chatfeild or to either of them, sayth, that he did. [See^. 91.] The said Udall further confesseth, that he told Master Chatfeild, if the Bishops restrained him and others from preaching, then they would give them occasion to employ themselves in writing the more against their government. Martin Marprelate Cojitroversy, 123 II. Against Elizabeth Crane alias Carleton Widowe. IcHOLAsToMKYNsdeposethjthat about May [i5]88, Wal[de] GRAVE brought a Case of Lettres {type\ to Mistress Cranes Howse in London, and the same being taken from thence, a Load of Stuff was layd in her Howse at Mowlsey at ye request of Penry, wherein those Lettres were, as this Examinate believeth. But Jeffs, who about Hallotide [i November 1588] fol- lowing fetched that load of Stuff, from Mistress Cranes, deposeth, that at the loading thereof, appered to him small things of lead or Iron, as they semed, which Penry sayd were Lettres [type]. The said Tomkins deposeth, that while the loade of Stuff remained at Mistress Cranes Howse, Penry and \Val[de]- grave continued there about three weeks after Midsommer. [24 June I5J88 : and were there also about Michaelmas following [29 September 1588]. And that Master Udall late Precher at Kingston resorted sundry tymes to the same Howse, within that space, when this Examinate beleiveth they were printing some Books there. Henry Sharpe sayth that the first Martin was printed at Kingston, as he gathered by Penrys words, and that Wal[de]grave printed it there, and that The Demonstration of Discipline, was about that tyme printed there. The said Mistress Crane being called before the Commis- sion to be examined upon these matters, refused to answere vpon oath to any question, either concerning her self, for that, as she sayd, *' she would not be her own Hangman," or concerning others, for that " she could not in her Con- science, be an Accuser of others.*' 124 An Introductory Sketch to the r? s III. jjgaijist Robert Wal[de]grave Printer. |IcHOLAS ToMKiNS deposeth, that shortly after Wal[de]graves own Lettres {type\ were defaced (which by a Record of the Stationers [Company] a[p]pereth to be done the 13th : of May [15] 88) the said Wal[de]grave brought a Case of Lettres type] to Mistress Cranes Howse in London : And the same being after fetcht from thence by Wal[de1 graves Wyef, a load of Stuff was layd at Mistress Cranes Howse at Mowl- sley, wherein this Examinate beleiveth these Lettres \iype\ were. And Jeffs deposeth, that at the carrying of that stuff from Mistress Cranes, appered unto him small things of lead or Iron, which Penry sayd were Lettres \type\. The said Nicholas Tomkins further sayth, that the said Wal[de]grave was with Penry about three weeks at Mis- tress Cranes Howse at Mowlsley after Midsommer [15188 : and also about Michaelmas [1588] following, at which tymes this Examinate beleiveth Wal[de]grave and Penry were printing some Books there, for the first Booke of Martyn [i.e. the Epistle] being printed, Wal[de]grave offered to this Examinate the sale of a nombre of them. Henry Sharpe to this agreeth, who sayth, that Penry told him that Wal[de] grave printed the first Martyn, and that at Kingston, as he gathered by Penrys words. The said Henry Sharpe sayth that Wal[de]grave had conference with Sir Richard Knightley at a Muster in Northampton, and shortly after, this Press was carried to Sir Richard Knightleys Howse at Fawsley, where the Epitome was printed by Wal[deigrave, as Humphrey Newman told this Examinate; which is confirmed by Sir Richard Knightley himself, who confesseth, that the Booke Ma r t in 31 a rpre la te Controversy. 125 called the Epitome was printed in his Howse by Wal-[de] GRAVE ; and by Lawrence Jackson Keper of Fawsley House, who sayth that Wal[de]grave wrought there under a feigned name of Sheme or Shamuel, and under pretence of sorting Sir Richard Knightleys Evidences [title deeds] : and by Edward Sharpe the Minister of Fawsley, who going to visit Wal[de] graves man being sick in Fawsley House, found new printed papers of Martin Mar-prelate, tying in the Chamber, and also a Printing Press there stand- ing ; and sayth that the titles of the Books or papers which he found so printed was, the Epitome, whereof this Examinate tooke one Booke and carried it to Sir Richard Knightley advertiseing him, what was done in his Howse. Master Hales deposeth, that the person which brought him Sir Richard Knightleys Lettre, to have a rome in his Howse at Coventrie was the same person that printed there, whome he thinketh to be Wal[de]grave. But Henry Sharpe directly sayth, that the Press being setled at Master Hales Howse, Wal[dejgrave there printed, first the Mmorall Conclusions, which came forth in February [1589] last, next the Supplication, which came forth in Midlent [gth March 1589], and afterwards the Booke, entituled Have you any Worke for the Cooper, which came forth about Palme Sunday [2^rd March 1589] : and further sayth, that of the first sort of Books Wal[de] grave sent to this Examinate a thousand to be bounde for him [This is an error, see p. 97], of the Second sorte Newman brought him the like nombre, and of the third Newman brought him about 700. The said Henry Sharpe moreover deposeth, that in Easter week [soth March — ^th April 1589] last Wal[de] grave told him, that then all was dispatched, and the Mill was not then going, for that was the Phrase of ye printing, and further seyd, that he would no longer deale in that course, for that he had gotten Master Cartwrights [New] Testament against the Jesuits, which he sayd, he would print in Devon- shire. And being asked by this Examinate, how [it] chanced he looked so pale, He the said Wal[de]grave answered, that one of Master Hales men kept him so closely at worke, that for a tyme he had lyved as in a Prison. 126 An Introditctory Sketch to the IV. Agai7ist John Penry, IcHOLAS ToMKiNs deposeth, that Penry moved Mistress Crane, that he might bestow a Load of Stuff in her House, in which Load of Stuff the printing Press and Lettres were. The same Examinate further sayth, that the said Penry and Wal[dejgrave the Printer were about three weeks, at Mistress Cranes Howse in Mowlsley after Midsummer [i5]88 : and were there also about Michaelmas [1588] following, at which tymes this Examinate thinketh, they were printing some Books there. And he further sayth, that he harde Penry say to Mistress Crane (fearing some trouble by receyving the load of Stuff, wherein the Press was) that he w^ould finde ye meanes to carry the same away to Northamptonshire. And Henry Sharpe sayth, that Penry talked with him, concerning the fetching of the Press from Kingston, fearing it was known to be there, and afterwards sent on[e] Jeffs of Upton to fetch the said Press from thence in his Carte. The said Jeffs confesseth, the fetching of a carriage, at Mistress Cranes Howse, at the request of Penry about Hallowmas [i5]88 : at the loading whereof, this Examinate sayth, appeared to him small things of Lead or Iron, as they seemed, which Penry sayd were Lettres. Sir Richard Knightley deposeth, that a little before Michaelmas [i5]88; Penry came to him, and moved him, that he might have a Ro[o]me in his Howse, to print such a like Booke, as he had before made, concerning the. iinlcrned Ministvi of Wales : whereupon he sayth, that the Booke called the Epitome, was printed in his Howse. Jeffs deposeth, that the load of Stuff, which by Pexrys appointment, he receyved at Mistress Cranes, he carried by ye said Penrys direction to Fawlsley. And Lawrence Jackson, KeLejper of Fawlsley Ho us Ma r tin Ma r p r e l a te Controvei'sy, 127 deposeth, that about a fortnight or three weeks after Hallowmas {i.e. about i^th to 20th of November] [i5]88, Penry came unto him, bringing Sir Richard Knightleys Ring, with [a] message for the receyving of a load of Stuff into Fawlsley House, which Jeffs within one Houre or two after brought thither. Master Hales deposeth, that Penry first brought him to the place in his own Howse at Coventry, where the Press was bestowed. John Hodgkins deposeth, that when Newman sent him from London into the Country to print, he delivered this Examinate [i.e. Hodgkins] a Lettre unto Penry then lying at Master Throckmortons Howse, and coming thither he received another Lettre from Penry, or by his delivery unto Mistress Weekston for the entertainment of the print there. He further sayth, that Penry told him at Master Throck- mortons, that a Booke should come to his hands, ready for the printe, and sayth, that in the company of Penry, walking with him on the way from Master Throckmortons toward Warwick, he found a Roll of paper, conteyning the Booke [i.e. the manuscript of Martyn Junior], The said Hodgkins further deposeth, that he receyved the Copy [i.e. mamiscript] of Martyn Senior at Penrys hands, in the Howse of Master Weekston, and that the Copy [mannscript] oi More Worke for the Cowper, was by agreement let fall in a voyd [empty] Chamber in Master Weekstons Howse by the said Penry and Newman of purpose that it should come to this Examinates hands. The said Hodgkins further deposeth, that the hand [i.e. handwriting] wherewith those Books were written, is the same or very like to the hande where with Penry corrected the print [i.e. the proofs], and that Symmes the Composer [compositor] fynding fault with a parte of one of those Books, as being without sense, Penry tooke upon him, to put that out, and to write that, which should supply the same. The said Penry, as Hodgkins sayth, payd him 5 lib [£$] for the printing of Martyn Junior and Martyn Senior; and Symmes and Tomlyn depose, that Penry gave his worde vnto them for the payment of their wages, being workmen at ye Press, vpon condition, that they would be faythfuU unto Hodgkins. 128 An Introductory Sketch to the Sir Richard Knightley sayth, that he knoweth no Author of the Boke printed in his Howse, unless it were Penry. And Master Hales sayth, that he thinketh Penry to be the Author of ye Supplication to ye Parliament^ printed in his Howse. Peter Greye servant to Sir Richard Knightley sayth, that he taketh Penry to be Martyn, who went disguised in a long skye coloured Cloak, or of a light colour, and had the Coller of the said Cloak edged with goulde and Silver and Silke Lace, and a light coloured Hatt, with an arming Sworde by his side. Henry Sharpe sayth, that Penry shewed him the Minorall Conclusions in written hand, before they were printed, and that he thinketh Penry to be the Author of diverse of the other Books, for that certen things are conteyned in them, which Penry uttered to this Examinate before the Books were printed, and for that Penry being told by this Examinate, that he coniectured some of the Books to be made by him, denied it not, but laughed ; saving of ye first Martyn, Penry sayd, some notes were found in Master Fyelds study. Moreover the said Henry Sharpe deposeth, that he never saw, nor knew any other Man to busye himself so much about the Books as Penry did, for he was the Dealer with Men to print them, the Press was his wherein they were printed, he had the Books with the first, he could ta[l]ke of them before they were printed and of the tymes of their coming forth, he divided stakes with Wal[de] grave the Printer, and allowing Hodgkins after ysh. a Reame for printing, had the Commodity of the Sale of the Books, as this Examinate hath h[ejarde and believeth. Ma r tin Ma rpr e l a te Controversy. 129 V. Against Sir Richard Knightley. N his own Examination he doth confess that a little before Michaelmas was twelvemonth {i.e. September 1588], Penry came unto him, and moved him that he might have a Ro[o]me in his House, to print a like Booke, to that which he had before made, concerning the tmlerned Ministri of Wales, and that one Jeffs a Tenant, or his Sonne, as he h[e]ard, brought the printing Press to his House at Fawlesley, where a Booke called the Epitome was printed, from whence the Press was carried to his Howse at Norton about Christmas [1588] last. And touching the Author of the Booke, he knoweth not, unless yt were Penry: And lykewyse sayth, that Wal[de]grave was the Printer. And further he confesseth, that Newman the Cobler had his lyverie and co[g]nisance ; and that Stephen his Servant carried the Press and Lettres [type] from Norton to Coventrie, to ye House of John Hales Esquire. And this much appe[a]reth by his own Confession./ It is deposed by witnesses against him as followeth/ And first by Henry Sharpe. That Wal[de] grave the Printer had conference with Sir Richard Knightley at a Muster in Northampton, and shortly after the Press was carried to Sir Richard Knightleys Howse at Fawsley m Northamptonshire by one Jeffs of Upton, Tenant to Master Valentyne Knightley, where the Epitome, which is ye second Booke of Martyn, was printed by Wal [de] grave, as HuMFREY Newman told this Examinate. The said Jeffs being examined upon this poynte, sayth, that the load of Stuffe which by Penrics appomtment he received at Mistress Cranes Howse in Mowseley, he carried by the said Penries direction to Fawsley and left it with £NG. Sen. Lis. No. 8. 9 130 An Introductory Sketch to the one Jackson Ke[e]per of Sir Richard Knightleys House at Fawlsley. Lawrence Jackson Ke[e]per of the said Howse deposeth, that about a fortnight or three weeks after Hollomas {i.e, 15-20 November 1588] was twelvemonth, Penry came unto him, bringing a Ring of three Gymawes [? gems\ of Sir Richard Knightleys this Examinates Master, with this Message, " that Sir Richard Knightley by that token willed this Examinate to take in a Load of Stuff into Fawsley Howse," which load one Jeffs, within one houre or two brought thither in Baskets, saving one thing like a black Stone, that was not in the Baskets, and the same this Examinate sayth He bestowed in the Nursery and delivered the Keye unto Penry. The Stuffe being there placed, there came to the Howse within one or two dayes after, [one] nameing himself Sheme or Shamne or by such like name, and a Servant with him ; who told this Examinate, that they had evidences of his Masters to view and to sorte. This Sheme, Stephen Gyfforde another servant of Sir Richard Knightley, nameth by his true name Wal[de] grave. Stephen Gyfford deposeth the Carriage of the Press from Fawlsley about two or three dayes {^th or QfA] after Twelve tide {i.e, after ^th January 1589] last, and further sayth, that he conveyed ye same first to a Farme House of the said Sir Richard Knightleys in Norton, where yt remained about a fortnight, but was not occupied in yat tyme, as he sayth. And after that fortnight ended [i.e. about 22,rd January 1589J, the said Stephen Gyfford confessed, that he conveyed the same Press to the Howse of Master Hales in Coventrye, by the Commandment of the said Sir Richard, and with his Carte and Horses. Master Hales being examined sayth, that Sir Richard Knightley shortly after Christmas 1588 [i.e. 6th January 1589! sent him a Lettre by Wal[de]grave thereby requiring this Examinate to suffer this Bearer to haue ro[o]me in this Examinates Howse in Coventrye for a tyme, untill he could otherwise provide. Martin Ma rprelate Controversy, 1 3 1 VI. Against HuMFREY Newman alias Brownebread Cobler. |Ohn Wright late Servant to Sir Richard Knightley, sayth that Humfrey Newman used to resort to his Master his Howse, first in a green Cloak and a grene Hat, and within a short tyme after did wear Sir Richard Knightley his Livery. Which Peter Graye another Servant to Sir Richard Knightley also deposeth, adding that he thinketh, Newman was the disperser of the Bookes. Henry Sharpe deposeth, that of the Books printed at Master Hales Howse in Coventrye, Humfrey Newman brought him on[e] thousand intitled the Supplication to the Parliament, and also about 700 : of the Books called Hey you any IVorke for the Cowper, iDoth which nombres of Bookes, the said Newman receyved again except some few left with this Examinate. The said Henry Sharpe further deposeth, that of the Books intitled Mj±rtin Junior, the said Newman carried from Master Weekstons Howse 700 or 800, and the other of Martin Senior were bound up for the Carrier of Warwick to convey to London. Lawrence Wood sayth, that Newman told him, that there was a Packe of Leather at the Sarazins Head in Friday Street, which Packe indeede was a Packe of Books, that first came from Warwick to Banbrie [Banbury], dind. from Banbury to London. And further sayth, that Newsman gave him 5 sh : over night to pay for carriage of that Packe, and gave him 6d to pay a Porter to carry it to a Howse near the Tilted Yard, and likewise that over night Newman and he had conference touching the same packe. And that he this Examinate did know at that tyme, that Newman was a Common disperser and Carrier of Martins Books. I ^2 An Introductory Sketch to the VII. Agai7tst Master John Hales Genthfuan. bk^^I 1 He said Hales upon the receiTpjl of Sir Richard Knightleys Lettre did admit Wal[de] grave to his Howse at Coventrye, and dehvered unto him the keys thereof, and was afterwards brought by Penry to the place, where the Press stood, and after the printing received a Booke there printed, called, The Supplication to the Parliament, This much doth appere by his own Confession. It is deposed by Henry Sharpe, that the Press being setled at Master Hales Howse, Wal[dej grave there printed three Books viz. The Minerall Concliision[s], The Supplication to the Parliament and Have you any worke for the Cowper. Ma r tin AI a r pre la te Controversy, ^11 VIII. Against Roger Weekston \or W I G s T o n] Gentlefnan. T appeareth by his own Confession, that his Wyef moved him, that Hogdkings might doe a peece of worke in his Howse, which himself saw not, but h[e]arde afterwards that Martin Junior and Martin Senior were there printed in a lowe[? simk] Parloure of his Howse, which Books he did see, and read ye tites thereof, and also had one of them read unto him, but he sayth he misliked it. Mistress Weekston sayth, that her Husband had one of the said Bookes ; and one of the Printers sayth, that Master Weekston gave them 2 sh. at their departure. IX. Against Mistress Weekston IVyef of the said Roger Weekston. He confesseth that Martin Junior and Martin Senior were printed in her Howse, that her self was the Mover of printing Books in her Howse by generall sp[e]eches, but to whome she remembreth not. That the Press remained in her Howse many weeks, and the printing continued about a fortnight. The said Mistress Weekston further sayth, that after the printing of those two Books [on 22nd and 2gth July 1589], she wished the Printers to stay to print some better Books, and that talke was for printing, More Worke for the Cowper. She further sayth, that her self had three Books of Martin Junior and Martin Senior, and that she gave meat and drinke to the Printers, whilst they were there, and at their departure gaue them 2sh. 6d. a peece, as the Printers depose. 134 -^^^ hitroditdory Sketch to the X. Aga'mst Job Throckmorton Gentleman. Ohn Hodgkins the Printer and now Prisoner in the Tower deposeth, that when Newman sent him from London into the Country to print, he directed this Examinate unto Master Throckmortons Howse, and deUvered this Examinate a Lettre unto Penry, whom he sayd this Examinate should finde at Master Throckmortons. The said Hodgkings further deposeth, that after he had lyen at Master Throckmortons one night, and dyned there the next day, in his departure from thence towards Warwick, about one birdebowe shot from the said Master Throckmortons House, this Examinate walking with Penry, saw lying before him in ye way a Roll of paper wrapped up together, and layd there of purpose by some other, as this Examinate thinks, against this Examinate should come that way, which Roll this Examinate tooke up conteyningtheCopie [manuscript] of Theses Mar/m;i(^, otherwise called Martyn Junior, The said Hodgkins further sayth, that he receyved a Lettre at Master Throckmortons House, by ye deliuery of Penry for his entertainment by Mistress Weekston. Valentyne Symmes deposeth, that Master Throckmorton coming with Penry to the Printers in Master Weekstons Howse, and looking upon the written Copy, which was interlined in diverse places, he asked Symmes, if he could read the same places, pointing him unto them, among which Lthere] being two wherein Symmes doubted, the said Master Throckmorton did presently read them distinctly and plainly, and found fault with the orthography. At the same tyme also Symmes as he sayth, ouerh[e]ard Master Throckmorton askinge Hodgkins softly in the eare, whether the same Symmes and Tomlyn were good workemen and able to ser\'e the tourne. It is to be noted, that the said Hodgkins in diverse of his examinations, went about to conceale his being at Master Throckmortons for delivering or freeing of him from suspicion of any such matter. Martin Ma rprelate Controversy. 135 XI. Against John Hodgkins, Va l e n t i n e S Y M M E s, and Arthur Tomlyn. Enry Sharpe deposeth, that after Wal[de]graves departure, Penry procured HoDGKiNsnow Prisoner in the Tower, to supply Wal[de] graves place in printing, and sayth that within a fortnight after Midsommer [1589] last, this Examinate founde HoDGKiNS at worke in Master Weekstons Howse, printing of Martin Junior and Martin Senior, and working there privately, under ye name of an Embroderer. HoDGKiNS himself examined, confesseth, that being moved by Newman to print, he consented thereunto, receyved Newmans Lettres directed to Penry lying at Master Throckmortons House, tooke Penrys Lettres there to Mistress Weekston, and then repayred to the Howse of Master Weekston at Wollaston, where he and his two Men Symmes and Tomlyn printed the Books of Martyn Junior and Martin Senior with the Press and Lettres [type] which they found at Master Weekstons. And his two Men also confessed, they printed the same Books, at ye same place, though hardly they could be perswaded to confess so much, because as they declared in ye end, Hodgkins had taken an Oath of them not to reveale the Books, which they should print for him. The said Hodgkins and his Men also confess their beginning to print the Booke, Called, More Worke for the Cowper, in Newton Lane [7tow called Oldham Road] near Manchester, and that they had printed thereof about a Six Quires of one side, before they were apprehended. The said Simmes and Tomlyn depose, that Hodgkins told them the next Booke, or the next but one, which they had to print, should be in Latin, and that there was another parte 136 An Introductory Sketch / [1589] Allowed vnto him vnder the handes of th[e] archbishop of Canterbury and bothe the wardens, A Sermon preched At Paides Crosse by Doctor Banckroft the firste sonday of the parly ament Anno Supradicto [i.e. 9 February, 15^9-1 ^^^ <^"^^'^ ^j" / 140 An Introductory Sketch to the Master Bishop / 24° Die mai'j [1589] Entred for his Copie A booke intituled A godlie treatise wherein are examined and Con- futed many execrable fancies gyven out and holden partely by Henrie Barrowe and John Greenewood partlie by other of the Anabaptisticall order. [By Robert Some.] Allowed vnder th[e hjandes of the [Arch] Bishop of Canterbury and master warden COLDOCK. vj'^ / John Wolf/ 2Di0 »)aturm »)eptimo tife31uni| [1589] Entred for his Copie a booke intytuled A bayte for MOMUS and his mates S-c, [By ToBiE Bland] vnder the Archbushop of Canterburie his hande. [no sum stated.] Master Bishop, and master Newbery Warden./ lectio tiie 3Iulij7 [1589] Entred for their Copie A Book intytuled, Anti[-]MARTINUS, sive monitio cuiusdam Londiniensis, ad Adolescentes vtriusque Aca-' demicB contra personatum quendam rabulam gut se Anglice, Martin Marprelat no- minat, vnder the hand of master warden New- bery. vj'^ / John Wolf. 22 2Deccmtin'g? [1589] Entred for his copie vnder the Bysshop of London his hand and the Wardens : A M yrr our for Marty nistes &c [by T. T.] 31 A R TIN Ma r PR el a te Controversy, 141 John Wolf. .19. 3|anuacij [1590] Entred for his copie, a booke intituled an adntonicion to MARTIN marprelat and his mates : [by Leonard Wright.] Auc- thorised vnder the bysshop of londons hand vj*^ entred in court, beinge present the master and Wardens. Richard Jones./ xx'oUr €)ctotin'^ [1590] Entred for his Copie vnder th[e h]andesof Master Docter Thorneton and the war- dens Sir marten marr-people his Coller of Esses, or symple Sym-Sooth-Saier his scrole of abuses [By John Davies.J vj"^ Master Bisshopp. Master Newbery. uTHulij [1591] Item Entred vnto them a Remonstrance to the ' Demonstration of Discipline,^ v']'^ X^t Die 3Iunij [1595] Master BissHop. Entred for their Copie vnder th[e hjandes Mafter BarIer!'''" ^f the lorde Arch Bisshop of Canterbury his grace and the wardens a booke entituled An answere vnto a ccrtein calumnious letter published by Master JOB Throkmorton and entitided * a defence of J. Throk- morton against the sclauuders of Master Sutcliffe/ ' wherein the vanytie both of the defence of him self and the accusation of others is manifestly declared by Mathew Sutcliffe [See/). 175.] vj'^ Transcript of the Stationers' Registers &^c., vol. ii. Ed. i Oct. 1S75. 142 An Introductory Sketch to the I I. William Camden, Notice of the Controversy^ Ngland being now freed from the present feare of a lorreine Warre, found not her selfe so happily de- Huered of an inward Schisme ; For schismaticall impiety waxeth alwaies insolent when any Warres be stirring, nor euer did shamelesse and rebellious impudence, and outragious malice more insolently beard the Ecclesiasticall Magistracie : For whereas the Queene, who was EVER THE SAM E, _ was very vnvilling to innouate any thing in Religion, thinking it the way to cut the nerues of the Ecclesiasticall adminis- tration, and the Royall Prerogatiue : some, which onely admired the discipline of the Church of Geneua, iudging that there was no better way to establish it, than by blazoning the English Hierarchies and bringing the Prelates in hatred with the people, did in scurrilous maner spit out their slanderous venome against this Hierarchic, by certain iniurious printed Bookes, which carryed the Titles of Martin Mar-Prelate, or Martin A Whip for the Prelates, Mar-Preiate, Minerales Diotrephes demonstration VcnudaiZis of Discipline, &c^ ^'"'^''^ That the Authors of them seemed not to be the professors of Pietie, but rayther Roysters : neuerthelesse, they were Ministers, the one named Penry and the other Vdall ; and lob Throckmorton a learned man, but a merry conceited fellow : and had for their fautors or supposts Sir Richard Knightlie, and Sir [or rather Master] R. Wigston, worshipfull knights, graue and prudent personages (who had beene seduced by like Ministers) and had bin fined deepe in the Starre Chamber, in case the Arch-Bishop of Canterburie, according to his accustomed goodnesse and mildenesse, had not with much adoe appeased the Queene. Annates of Elizabeth, i. 290. Ed. 625. ' These muddled titles are but a testimony of Camden's imperfect acquaintance with this Dispute. He but expresses the hitherto orthodox account of it. The Star Chamber lines were not only inflicted but enforced, see p. 145. Ma r tin Ma r pr e l a te Controversy, 143 II I. Doctor Gabriel Harvey. Suspected of being Martin. Attack on Tom Nash, |T was Martins folly, to begin that cutting vaine : some others ouersight, to continue it: and doubble Vs triump, to set it agogg. If the world should applaude to such roisterdoisterly Vanity (as Im- pudency hath beene prettily suffered to sett-vp the creast of his vaineglory :) what good could grow of it, but to make euery man madbrayned, and desperate ; but a generall contempt of all good order, in Saying, or Dooing; but an Vniuersal Topsy-turuy? He were a very simple Oratour, a more simple politician, and a most simple Deuine, that should fauour Martinizing : but had I bene Martin, (as for a time I was vainely suspected by such madd Copesmates, that can surmize any thing for their purpose, howsoeuer vnlikely, or monstrous :) I would haue beene so farre from being mooued by such a fantasticall Confuter, that it should haue beene one of my May-games, or August-triumphes, to haue driuen Officials, Commissaries, Archdeacons, Deanes, Chauncellors, Suffraganes, Bishops, and Archbishops, (so Martin would haue florished at the least) to entertaine such an odd light-headded fellow for their defence; a professed iester, a Hick-scorner, a scoff-maister, a playmunger, an Interluder; once the foile of Oxford, now the stale of London, and euer the Apesclogg of the presse. Cum Priuilegio perennitatis. Had it not bene a better course, to haue followed Aristotles doctrine : and to haue confuted leuity with grauity, vanity with discretion, rashnes with aduise, madnesse with sobriety, fier with water, ridiculous Martin with reuerend Cooper? Especially in Ecclesiastical causes : where it goeth hard, when Scoggin, the louiall foole, or Skelton the Malancholy foole, or Elderton the bibbing foole, or Will Sommer the choUericke foole, must play the feate ; and Church-matters cannot bee discussed without rancke scurrillity, and as it were a Synode of Diapason fooles.— Piercers Supei-erogatio7i &^c , pp. 74-75- I^*^- I593- 144 ^^^ hitrodtidory Sketch to the IV, Doctor H, Sampson* Notes as to J. Hales and J. Throckmorton. From W. Herbert's Edition of Ames's Typographical Antig. p. 1464. Ed. 1790. Doctor H. Sampson in his MS. papers of Lives, in the account of the Ministers of Coventry since the Reformation, divided in Decades : in Decade the 5th, from 1580 to 1590, has the following passage — Nother matter that procured an ill aspect upon the town was the printing of Martin Marprelate Junior^ in it : which though it was done without the knowledge or approbation of any in the town ; yet the place and the people was upon this mere occasion reflected on. The story was thus. Master Hales of White Fr>^ers had now his house standing empty, whilst himself lived elsewhere. Master [i.e. Sir R.] Knightley, his cousin, took that opportunity to borrow his house for a divertisement for a month or two, or other pretence ; which when it was granted. Master [i.e. Sir R.] Knightley privately conveyed thither the printing press and letters; and in a back chamber — which is well remembered and marked to this day — the book was printed off. It cannot be denied that this house stands remote from neighbours, being uninhabited at that time ; and that chamber, removed from the housekeeper's usual resi- dence, was well chosen for this purpose. But it was discovered afterwards, I suppose by the printers, who being taken in Lancashire confessed other places where the ambulatory press had been and the persons that employed them ; sufficiently to Master Hales's cost. ' Martin Jimior yffas not printed at Mr. Hale's house at Coventrj", but at Mr. Wigston's at Woolbton. See//. 132-3. Ma r tin Ma rf relate Controversy. 145 First, for the fact of lending his house, though altogether ignorant of the use it should be put to ; yet upon suspicion of his guilt, he was fined ;f 1,500 ; and afterwards compounded with the Queen, and actually paid ^f 500. Yet after this, the officers not having registered the composition and payment of the money, his grandson Master John Hales in King James' days, was called upon again to pay the fine ; which he had certainly done, if after many days' solicitous seek the " discharge " in vain, he had not found it at last very accidentally among papers that were destined to waste or burning. One person more about the printing of this unhappy book, Amongst others that were accused of having a hand in it. Master [Job] Throckmorton was one. And being sent for by a messenger, who in his yard [at Haseley, near Warwick] meeting with a man or rather shadow and case of a man that was little removed from a mere natural, askt him " Where Master Throckmorton was? " He answered " He is just gone into Scotland." "When?" said the messenger?'* "Just now ! " said the fool. Now the fool meant only the house of office [IF. C], which in the language of the servants of that house was called " Scotland ; " where Throckmorton then was skulking, and over heard all this discourse. The rest of the wiser servants by that time were so well alarmed of the messenger and his errand that they would discover nothing in particular of him. So that the messenger taking it for granted that children and fools speak true, and that he was gone indeed into Scotland, went away with this account of his message to him that sent him : by which means he escaped a troublesome journey, and had opportunity to stave oft" and weather out that trouble, which by a sudden surprize had accidentally come upon him. Waldegrave and Legate both lived in the parish of St. Alban's Wood Street. Doctor H. Sampson's papers in Doctor Williams' Library in Redcross Street \iiow Grafton Street East, Gower Street} London [W.C] EXG. SCH. Lib. No. 8. 10 1 3 1 146 An Introductory Sketch to the V. The Rev. William Rawley, D.D., Lord Bacon's first and last chaplain, and literary executor, exercised a wise dLscretion in deferring the ])ublication of this truly admirable paper till 1657: i.e. until the power for evil of the Bishops had been broken. Lord Bacon. An Advertisement touching the Controver- sies of the Church of England, T is but ignorance if any man find it strange that the state of reHgion, especially in the days of peace, should be exercised and troubled with controversies. For as it is the condition of the Church militant to be ever under trials, so it commeth to pass that when the fiery trial of persecution ceaseth, there succeedeth another trial ; which, as it were, by contrary blasts of Doctrine doth sift and winnow men's faith, and proveth whether they know GOD aright ; even as that other, of afflictions, discovereth whether they love Him better than the world. Accordingly, was it foretold by Christ, saying " That in the latter times, it should be said ; Lo here ! Lo there is Christ ! " which is to be understood, not as if the very person of Christ should be assumed and counterfeited ; but his authority and preeminence — which is to be Truth itself — should be challenged and pretended. Thus have we read and seen to be fulfilled that which followeth, Ecce in deserto, ecce in penetralibns ; while some have sought the Truth in the conventicles and conciliables of heretics and sectaries, others in the extern face and representation of the Church ; and both sorts have been seduced. Were it then that the controversies of the Church of England were such as they did divide the Unity of the Spirit, and not only such as do unswathe her of her bands (the bands of Peace) yet could it be no occasion for any pretended Catholick to judge us, or for any irreligious person to despise us : or if it be, it shall but happen to us all as it hath used to do — To them to be hardened ; and to us to endure the good pleasure of GOD. Ma r tin Ma rpre l a te Controversy. 1 4 7 But now that our contentions are such as we need not so much that general canon and sentence of Christ propounded against heretics, Erratis, nescientes Scripturas et potestatcm DEI, '* You do err, not knowing the Scripture and the power of GOD ; " as we need the admonition of Saint James, ** Let every man be swift to hear, slow to speak, slow to wrath." And that the wound is no way dangerous, except we poison it with our remedies ; as the former sort of men have less reason to make [to] themselves music in our discord: so I have good hope that nothing shall displease ourselves, which shall be sincerely and modestly propounded for the appeasing of these dissensions. For if any shall be offended at this voice, Vos estis fratres, " Ye are brethren, why strive ye ? " he shall give a great presumption against himself that he is the party that doth his brethren wrong. The Controversies themselves, I will not enter into, as judging that the disease requireth rather Rest than any other cure. Thus much we all know and confess that they are not of the highest nature. For they are not touching the high Mysteries of Faith such as detained the Churches for many years after their first peace, what time the heretics moved curious questions and made strange anatomies of the Natures and Person of Christ, and the catholic Fathers were compelled to follow them with all subtilty of decisions and determinations, to exclude them from their evasions, and to take them in their labyrinths : so as it is rightly said, Illis teniporihus, mgeniosa res fuit, esse Christianum, ** In those days it was an ingenious and subtle thing to be a Christian." Neither are they concerning the great parts of the Worship of GOD. Of which it is true that Non servatur unitas in credendoj nisi eadem sit in colendo, ''There will be kept no unity in believing, except it be entertained in worshipping." Such as were the controversies of the East and West Churches touching images ; and such as are many of those between the Church of Rome and us, as about the adoration of the sacrament and the like. But we contend about Ceremonies and Things Indifferent, about the Extern Polity and Government of the Church. In which kind, if we would but remember that the ancient and true bounds of iTnity are "One Faith," "One Baptism," 14S An hitrodtictory Sketch to the and not "One Ceremony," "One Polit}^ ; " if we would observe the league among Christians that is penned by our Saviour, "He that is not against us, is with us ; " if we could but comprehend that saying, DijferenticB rituum com- mcndant tmitaicni Doctrina:, " The diversities of Ceremonies do set forth the unity of Doctrine; " and that, Hahet Religio qiicc sunt j^ternitis, hahet quce sunt Teniporis, "Religion hath parts which belong to Eternity, and parts which belong to Time ; " and if we did but know the vertue of silence and slowness to speak, commended by Saint James : our contro- versies of themselves would close up and grow together. But most especially if we would leave the overweening and turbulent humours of these times, and revive the blessed proceeding of the Apostles and Fathers of the primitive Church — which was in like and greater cases, not to enter into Assertions and Positions, but to deliver Counsels and Advices — we should need no other remedy at all. Si eadein consulis, fratcr ! quce affirmas, consnlenti delectiir revercntia, cum 11011 deheatur Fides affirinanti, " Brother ! if that which you set down as an assertion, you would deliver by way of advice ; there were reverence due to your counsell, whereas Faith is not due to your affirmation." Saint Paul was content to speak thus. Ego, non DOMINUS, " I, and not the LORD;" et secimdum consilium meuin, "According to my counsel : " but now men do too lightly say, Non ego, sed DOMINUS, "Not I, but the LORD." Yea, and bind it with an heavy denunciation of His judgments, to terrify the simple ; which have not sufficiently understood out of Solomon, " That the causeless curse shall not come." Therefore seeing the accidents are they which breed the peril, and not the things themselves in their own nature, it is meet the remedies be applied unto them, by opening what it it is, on either part, that keepeth the wound green ; and formalizeth both sides to a further opposition ; and worketh an indisposition in men's minds to be reunited : wherein no accusation is pretended. But I find in Reason, that Peace is best built upon a repetition of wrongs; and in Example, that the speeches which have been made by the wisest men de Concordia ovdinnni have not abstained from reducing to memory the extremities used on both parts. So as it is true which is said, Qui paceni iractat non is rcpctit conditionibiis dissidiis, is Mar tin Marprela te Controversy. 149 piagis animos hoininiiin, didcedine pacts fallct, qitam cequitate componit. And, first of all, it is more than time that there were an end and surseance made of this immodest and deformed manner of writing lately entertained, whereby matter of Religion is handled in the style of the Stage. Indeed, bitter and earnest writing must not hastily be condemned : for men cannot contend coldly and without affection about things which they hold dear and precious. A politic man [politician] may write from his brain, without touch and sense of his heart, as in a speculation that appertaineth not unto him : but a feeling Christian will express in his w^ords, a Character of Zeal, or Love. The latter of which, as I could wdsh rather embraced, being more proper for these times ; yet is the former warranted also by great examples. But to leave all reverent and religious compassion towards evils, or indignation towards faults; and to turn Religion into a Comedy or Satire ; to search and rip up wounds with a laughing countenance ; to intermix Scripture and scurrility, sometimes in one sentence : is a thing far from the devout reverence of a Christian, and scant beseeming the honest regard of a sober man. Non est major confusio quam serii et Jocif " There is no greater confusion than the confounding of jest and earnest." The majesty of religion, and the contempt and deformity of things ridiculous are things as distant as things may be. Two principal causes have I ever known of Atheism, Curious Controversies and Profane Scoffing. Now that these two are joined in one, no doubt that sect will make no small progression. And here, I do much esteem the wisdom and religion of that Bishop [Thomas Cooper] who replied to the first pamphlet of this kind : who remem- bered that a fool was to be answered, but not by becoming like unto him; and considered the Matter which he handled, and not the Person with whom he dealt. Job, speaking of the majesty and gravity of a judge, in himself saith, "If I did smile, they believed it not" [xxix, 24], as if he should have said, '' If I diverted or glanced upon conceit of mirth : yet men's minds were so possessed with a reverence of the action in hand, as they could not receive it." Much more ought not this to be amongst Bishops and Divines disputing about holy things. And therefore as much do 150 An Introductory Sketch to the I mislike the invention of him [? T. Nash^, who, as it seemeth, pleased himself in it as in no mean policy, " That these men are to be dealt withal at their own weapons, and pledged in their own cup." This seemed to him as profound a device as when the Cardinal Sansovino counselled Julius the Second to encounter the Council of Pisa with the Council of Lateran, or as lawful a challenge as Master {i.e. Bishop] Jewell made to confute the pretended Catholics by the Fathers. But those things will not excuse the imitalian of evil in another. It should be contrariwise with us, as Caesar said. Nil maloj qiiam eos similes esse stii, et me mei. But now, Dum de bonis contendimns, de malis consentimns, " While we differ about good things, we resemble in evil." Surely, if I were asked of these men, *' Who were the more to be blamed ? " I should, per case, remember the proverb " That the second blow maketh the fray : " and the saying of an obscure fellow. Qui replicat, midtiplicat, " He that replieth, multiplieth." But I would determine the question with this sentence. Alter principium malo dcdit, alter moduin abstidity'*^ By the one's means, we have a beginning; and by the other, we shall have none end." And truly, as I do marvel that some of those Preachers which call for Reformation — whom I am far from wronging so far, as to join them with these scoffers — do not publish some " Declaration " whereby they may satisfy the world that they dislike [that] their cause should be thus solicited : so I hope assuredly that my Lords of the Clergy have none intelligence with this interlibelling, but do altogether disallow that their credit should be thus defended. For though I observe in them many glosses whereby the man would insinuate himself in their favours ; yet I find it to be ordinary that many pressing and fawning persons do misconjecture of the humours of men in authority ; and many times, Vcncri iininolant siiitm, they seek to gratify them with that which they most dislike. For I have great reason to satisfy myself touching the judgment of my Lords the Bishops in this matter by that which was written by one of them, which I mentioned before, with honour. Nevertheless, I note that there is not an indifferent hand carried towards these pamphlets, as they deserve; for the one sort flyeth in the dark, and the other is uttered openly: Ma r tin Ma rpre la te Controversy. 1 5 1 wherein I might advise that side out of a wise writer, who hath set it down that punitis ingeniis gliscit authoritas. And, indeed, we see it ever falleth out, that the forbidden writing is always thought to be certain sparks of a truth that fly up into the faces of those that seek to choke it and tread it out : whereas a book authorized is thought to be but Teuiporis voces, "the language of the time." But, in plain truth, I do find, to mine understanding, these pamphlets as meet to be suppressed as the other[s]. First, because as the former sort doth deface the Government of the Church in the persons of the Bishops and Prelates ; so the other doth lead into contempt the Exercises of Religion in the persons of sundry Preachers : so as it disgraceth an higher matter, though in a meaner person. Next, I find certain indiscreet and dangerous amplifica- tions ; as if the Civil Government itself of this State had near lost the force of her sinews, and were ready to enter into some convulsion ; all things being full of faction and disorder: which is as unjustly acknowledged as untruly affirmed. I know his meaning is to enforce this unreverent and violent impugning of the Government of Bishops to be a suspected forerunner of a more general contempt. And I grant there is sympathy between the Estates : but no such matter in the Civil Polity as deserveth so dishonourable a taxation. To conclude this point. As it were to be wished that these writings had been abortive, and never seen the sun : so the next is, since they be commen abroad, that they be censured by all that have understanding and conscience, as the untemperate Extravagancies of some light persons. Yea further, that men beware — except they mean to adventure to deprive themselves of all sense of religion, and to pave their own hearts and make them as the high way— how they be conversant in them, and much more, how they delight in that vein : but rather to turn their laughing into blushing ; and to be ashamed, as of a short madness, that they have in matters of religion, taken their disport and solace. But this perchance is of these faults, which will be soonest ac- knowledged; though I perceive, nevertheless, that there want not some who seek to blanch and excuse it. 152 An Introductory Sketch to the Ut to descend to a sincere view and consideration of the accidents and circumstances of these Controversies; wherein either part deserveth blame or imputation : I find, generally, in Causes of Church matters, that men do offend in some or all of these five points. [A.J The First is the Giving occasion unto the Contro- versies ; and also the unconsiderate and ungrounded Taking of occasion. [B.] The Next is the Extending and Multiplyingthe Contro- versies to a more general Opposition or Contradiction than appeareth at the first propounding of them, when men's judgments are least partial. [C] The Third is the Passionate and Unbrotherly practices and proceedings of both parts towards the persons, each of others, for their discredit and suppression. [D.] The Fourth is the courses holden and entertained, on either side, for the drawing of their partizans to a more straight union within themselves, which ever imparteth a further distraction of the entire body. [E.] The Last is the undue and inconvenient Propounding, Publishing and Debating of the Controversies. In which point, the most palpable error hath been already spoken of; as that which through the strange- ness and freshness of the abuse first offereth itself to the conceits of all men. Now concerning the Occasion of the Controversies — it cannot be denied but that- the imperfections in the Conversation and Government of those which have chief place in the Church have ever been principal causes and motives of schisms and divisions. For v/hiles the Bishops and Governors of the Church continue full of knowledge and good works; whiles they feed the flock indeed ; whiles they deal with the secular States in all liberty and resolution, according to the Majesty of their Calling and the precious care of souls imposed upon them : so long, the Church is situated as it were upon a hill : no man maketh question of it or seeketh to depart from it. But when these vertues in the Fathers and Leaders of the Church have lost their light ; and that they wax worldly, lovers of Martin AI arprel a te Controversy, i OJ themselves and pleasers of men: then men begin to grope for the Church as in the dark : they are in doubt whether they \i.e. the Fathers and Leaders &c?^ be the successors of the Apostles, or of the Pharisees. Yea, howsoever they sit in Moses's chair, yet can they never speak, Tanqiiam aiithoritatem habentes, " As having authority : " because they have lost their reputation in the consciences of men by declining their [own] steps from the way which they trace out to others. So as men had need continually [to] have sounding in their ears this same, nolite exire, " Go not out : " so ready are they to depart from the Church upon every voice. And therefore it is truly noted by one that writeth as a natural man, " That the humility of the Friars did, for a great time, maintain and bear out the irreligion of Bishops and Prelates." For this is the double policy of the spiritual Enemy ; either by counter- feit Holiness of Life to establish and authorize errors, or by Corruption of Manners to discredit and draw in question Truth and Things lawful. This concerneth my Lords the Bishops unto whom I am witness to myself that I stand affected as I ought. No Contradiction hath supplanted in me the reverence that I owe to their calling : neither hath Detraction nor Calumny imbased my opinion of their persons. I know some of them whose names are most pierced with these accusations, to be men of great vertues : although the indisposition of the times, and the want of correspondence many ways, is enough to frustrate the best endeavours in the edifying of the Church. And for the rest, generally, I can condemn none. I am no judo^e of them that belong to so high a Master. Neither have I two witnesses. And I know it is truly said of Fame, that Par iter facta, atque infecta canebat. Their taxations arise not all from one coast. They have many and different enemies, ready to invent slaunder, more ready to amplify it, and most ready to believe it. And Magnes mendacii crediditas " Credulity is the adamant of lies." But if any be, against whom the Supreme Bishop hath not " a few things," but " many things; " if any have " lost his first love ; " if any " be neither hot nor cold ; " if any have stumbled too fondly at the threshold in such sort, that he cannot sit well that entered ill: it is time they return whence they are fallen, and confirm the things that remain. 154 ^^^ Introductory Sketch to the Great is the weight of this fault, Eteorum catisd abhorrebant a sacrificio DOMINI, " And for their cause, did men abhor the adoration of GOD." But howsoever it be, those which have sought to deface them, and cast contempt upon them, are not to be excused. It is the precept of Solomon that "the rulers be not reproached." No, not in our thought : but that we draw our very conceit into a modest interpretation of their doings. The holyxmgel would give no sentence of blasphemy against the Common Slanderer: but said Increpet te DOMINUS ! " TheLORD rebuke thee! " The apostle, Saint Paul, though against him that did pollute sacred justice with tyrranous violence, he did just denounce the judgment of GOD, saying, Percutid te DOMINUS! "The LORD will strike thee!" yet in saying Paries dealbate, he thought he had gone too far, and retracted it. Whereupon a learned Father said, Ipsiim quamvis inane nomen et umbram Sacerdotis, expavit. The ancient Councils and Synods, as is noted by the Ecclesiastical Story, when they deprived any Bishop, never recorded the offence ; but buried it in perpetual silence. Only Ham purchased his curse by revealing his father's disgrace. And yet a much greater fault is it, to ascend from their Person to their Calling, and draw that in question. Many good Fathers spake rigorously and severely of the unworthiness of Bishops, as if presently it did forfeit and cease their office. One saith, Sacerdotes noniinaniur, et non sinnus, "We are called priests, but priests we are not." Another saith, Nisi bonum opus amplcctariSi Episcopns esse non potes, "Except thou undertake the good work, thou canst not be a Bishop." Yet they meant nothing less than to move doubt of their Calling or Ordination. [2.] The Second Occasion of Controversies is the Nature and Humour of some men. The Church never wanteth a kind of persons which love the salutation oi Rabbi, "Master;" not in ceremony or compliment, but in an inward authority which they seek over men's minds ; in drawing them to depend upon their opinions, and to seek knowledge at their lips. These men are the true successors of Diotrephes " the lover of preeminence," and not [the] Lord Bishops. Such spirits do light upon another sort of natures, which Martin Marprela te Controversy. 1 5 5 do adhere to these men, Quonim gloria in obscquio, stiff fellows, and such as zeal marvellously for those whom they have chosen for their masters. This latter sort for the most part, are men of young yeares and superficial under- standing, carried away with partial respects of persons or with the enticing appearance of godly names and pretences. Pauci res ipsas sequuntur, plures noinina rennn, pliirimi nomina magistrormn, " Few follow the things themselves, more the names of the things, and most the names of their masters." About these general affections are wreathed and interlaced accidental and private emulations and discontentments : all which together, break forth into contentions, such as either violate Truth, Sobriety, or Peace. These generalities apply themselves. The Universities are the seat or the continent of this disease; whence it hath been and is derived into the rest of the realm. There, men will no longer be e nnmero, of the number. There, do others side themselves before they know their right hand from their left. So it is true which is said, Transeunt ah ignorantid ah prcejudiciinn, " They skip from ignorance to a prejudicate opinion," and never take a sound judgement in their way. But, as it is well noi^di, Inter j^tvenile jiidiciinn et senile prcejudicium, omnis Veritas corrunipitur, Through want of years when men are not indifferent but partial, then their judgement is weak and unripe: and when it groweth to strength and ripeness, by that time it is forestalled with such a number of prejudicate opinions as it is made unprofitable. So as between these two, all Truth is corrupted. In the meanwhile, the honorable names of Sincerity, Reformation and Discipline are put in the fore ward; so as Contentious and Evil Zeals cannot be touched except these holy things be thought first to be violated. But howsoever they shall infer the solicitation for the Peace of the Church to proceed from carnal sense, yet I will conclude ever with the apostle Paul, Cnni sit inter vos zelus et conteniio, nonne carnales estis ? " While there is amongst you zeal and contention, are ye not carnal?" And howsoever they esteem the compounding of Controversies to savour of man's wisdom and human policy, and think themselves led by the wisdom which is from aboue ; yet I say, with Saint James, Non est ista sapientia dc sursnni desccndcns ; sed t err en a, animalis, diaholica, Ubi enim zelus et contentio, ihi inconstantia 156 An I ntrod2tcto7y Sketch to the et omne opus pvavinn. Of this inconstancy it is said by a learned Father, Procedere volunt non ad perfectioncin, sed ad permutationcni. " They seek to go forward still, not to per- fection, but to change." [3.] The Third Occasion of Controversies I observe to be an Extreme and Unlimited Detestation of some former heresy or corruption of the Church already acknowledged and convicted. This was the cause that produced the heresy of Arrius, grounded especially upon detestation of Gentilism; lest the Christians should seem by the assertion of the equal Divinity of our Saviour Christ, to approach unto the acknowledge- ment of more Gods than One. The detestation of the heresy of Arrius produced that of Sabellius ; who holding for execrable the Dissimilitude which Arrius pretended in the Trinity, fled so far from him as he fell upon that other extremity, to deny the distinction of Persons, and to say they were but only names of several offices and dispensations. Yea, most of the heresies and schisms of the Church have sprung up of this root, while men have made it as it v/ere the scale by which to measure the bounds of the most perfect religion : taking it, by the furthest distance from the error last condemned. These be the posthmni hcercsiuin filiiy heresies that arise out of the ashes of other heresies that are extinct and amortized. This manner of apprehension doth in some degree possess many in our times. They think it the true touchstone to try what is good and evil, iDy measuring what is more or less opposite to the institutions of the Church of Rome, be it Ceremony, be it Polity or Government ; yea be it other Institutions of greater weight : that is ever most perfect which is removed most degrees from that Church, and that is ever polluted and blemished which participateth in any appearance with it. This is a subtle and dangerous conceit for men to entertain ; apt to delude themselves, more apt to delude the people, and most apt of all to calumniate their adversaries. This surely — but that a notorious condemnation of that position was before our eyes — had long since brought us to Ma r tin Ma rprelate Controversy. 1 5 7 the rebaptization of children baptized according to the pretended Catholic religion. For I see that which is a matter of much like reason ; which is, the re-ordaining of Priests — is a matter already resolutely maintained. It is very meet that men beware how they be abused by this opinion, and that they know that it is a consideration of much greater wisdom and sobriety to be well advised, whether in [the] general demolition of the Institutions of the Church of Rome, there were not (as men's actions are imperfect), some good purged with the bad ; rather than to purge the Church as they pretend, every day anew : which is the way to make a wound in the bowels ; as is already begun. [4.] The Fourth and last Occasion of these Controversies — a matter which did also trouble the Church in former times — is the partial affectation [likino;] and imitation of foreign Churches. For many of our men — during the time of persecution, and since — having been conversant in Churches abroad, and received a great impression of the form of Government, there ordained ; have violently sought to intrude the same upon our Church. But I answer, Consentiamus in eo quod convenit, non in eo quod receptmn est. " Let us agree in this, that every Church do that which is convenient for the state of itself, and not in particular customs." Although their Churches had received the better form : yet, many times, it is to be sought, Non quod optimum, sed e bonis quid proxininm. " Not that which is best, but of good things, [that] which is the best and readiest to be had." Our Church is not nowto plant. It is settled and established. It may be in Civil States, a Republic is a better policy than a Kingdom: yet, GOD forbid! that lawful Kingdoms should be tied to innovate and make alterations. Qui mala intvoducit, volnntatem DEI oppugnat, revclatemin verbo: qui nova introducit, voUmtateni DEI oppugnat, revelatem in rebus. " He that bringeth in evil customs, resisteth the will of GOD revealed in his Word ; he that bringeth in new things, resisteth the will of GOD revealed in the things themselves." Consule providentium DEI cum verbo DEI ! "Take counsel of the Providence of GOD as well as of his Word ! " Neither yet do I admit that their Form, although it were possible and convenient, is better than ours, if some abuses 1 58 A71 Inti'oductory Sketch to the were taken away. The Parity and Equality of Ministers is a thing of wonderful great confusion: and so is an Ordinary Government by Synods, which doth necessarily ensue upon the other. It is hard in all causes, but especially in Religion, when voices shall be numbered and not weighed. EqiUdem, saith a wise Father, ut vere quod res est scribain, prorsus decrevi Jiigere omneni conventum Episcoporum ; NulliiLs enim Concilii bonum exitum unguain vidi ; Concilia enim non minimum mala, sed aiigent potiiis, " To say the truth, I am utterly determined never to come to any Council of Bishops. For I never yet saw good end of any Council: for Councils abate not ill things, but rather increase them." Which is to be understood, not so much of General Councils, as of Synods gathered for the ordinary Government of the Church ; as for the deprivation of Bishops and such like causes. This mischief hath taught the use of Archbishops, Patriarchs and Primates; as the abuse of them since, hath taught men to mislike them. But it will be said, ** Look to the fruits of the Churches abroad and ours ! " To which I say, that I beseech the LORD to multiply his blessings and graces upon those Churches an hundred fold. But yet it is not good that we fall on the numbering of them. It may be, our peace hath made us more wanton. It may be also — though I would be loath to derogate from the honour of those Churches, were it not to remove scandals — that their fruits are as torches in the dark, which appear greatest afar off. I know they may have some strict orders for repressing of sundry excesses : but when I consider of the censures of some persons — as well upon particular men, as upon Churches — I think on the saying of a Platonist who saith, Certe, vitia irascibilis partis animce sunt gradu praviora, quam concupiscibilis tametsi occidtiora, A matter that appeared much by the ancient contentions of Bishops. GOD grant ! that we may contend with other Churches as the Vine with the Olive, which of us shall bear the best fruit, and not as the Briar with the Thistle, which of us is most unprofitable. And thus much touching the Occasions of these Controversies. [B.] Now, briefly, to set down the Growth and Progression of the Controversies : whereby will be verified the saying of Martin Marprelate Controversy. 1 5 g Solomon, ** That the course of Contention is to be stopped at the first; being else as the waters, which if they gain a breach, it will hardly ever be recovered " [Prov. xvii. 14] . It may be remembered that on that Part which call for Reformation was first propounded some dislike of certain Ceremonies supposed to be superstitious; some complaint of " Dumb Ministers" who possess rich benefices ; and some invectives against the idle and monastical continuance within the Universities by those who had livings to be resident upon ; and such like abuses. Thence, they went on to condemn the Government of Bishops as an Hierarchy remaining to us of the corruptions of the Roman Church ; and to except to sundry Institutions in the Church, as not sufficiently delivered from the pollutions of former times. And lastly, they are advanced to define of an Onely and Perpetual Form of Polity in the Church, which — without consideration of possibility and foresight of peril and perturbation of the Church and State — must be erected and planted by the Magistrate. Here they stay. Others, not able to keep footing in so steep ground, descend further. *' That the same must be entered into and accepted of the people at their peril without the attending of the establishment of authority : " and so, in the mean time, they refuse to communicate with us, reputing us to have no Church. This hath been the progression of that side. I mean the generality. For I know some persons — being of the nature not only to love extremities, but also to fall to them without degrees — were at the highest strain, at the first. The other Part, which maintaineth the present Govern- ment of the Church, hath not kept one tenour, neither. First, those Ceremonies which were pretended tobe corrupt, they maintained to be things indifferent : and opposed the examples of the good times of the Church to that Challenge which was made unto them, because they were used in the later superstitious times. Then were they also content mildly to acknowledge many imperfections in the Church " as tares commen up amongst the corn : " which yet — according to the wisdom taught by i6o An Int7'oductory Sketch to the our Saviour — were not with strife to be pulled up, lest it might spoil and supplant the good corn ; but to grow on together till the harvest. After, they grew to a more absolute Defence and Mainten- ance of all the Orders of the Church, and stiffly to hold that nothing was to be innovated : partly because it needed not, parti}' because it would make a breach upon the rest. Hence — exasperated through contentions — they are fallen to the direct condemnation of the contrary part, as of a Sect. Yea, and some indiscreet persons have been bold in open preaching to use dishonorable and derogatory speech and censure of the Churches abroad : and that so far, as some of our men (as I have heard) ordained in foreign parts have been pronounced to be no lawful ministers. Thus we see the beginnings were modest, but the extremes are violent. So as there is almost as great distance now, of either side from itself; as was, at the first, of one from the other. And surely though my meaning and scope be not, as I said before, to enter into the Controversies themselves ; yet I do admonish the Maintainers of " the alone Discipline " to weigh and consider seriously and attentively how near they are unto them, with whom, I know they will not join. It is very hard to affirm that the " Discipline " which they say we want, is one of the essential parts of the worship of GOD : and not to affirm withal, that the people themselves, upon peril of salvation, without staying for the Magistrate, are not to gather themselves into it. I demand if a Civil State should receive the Preaching of the Word and Baptism, and interdict and exclude the sacrament of the Lord's Supper : were not men bound, upon [the] danger of their souls, to draw them- selves to congregations wherein they might celebrate this mystery; and not to content themselves with that part of GOD's worship which the Magistrate had authorized? Thus I speak, not to draw them into the mislike of others, but into a more deep consideration of themselves, Fortasse non rcdcunt^ quia siiinn pro^rcssum, non intcllignnt. Again, to my Lords the Bishops, I say, That it is hard for them to avoid blame — in the opinion of an indifferent person Ma r tin Marprelate Controversy. 1 6 1 — in standing so precisely upon altering nothing. Leges, novis legibus non recreatcB, acescunt, *' Laws not refreshed with new laws, wax sour." Qui mala non permiitat, in bonis non perseverat, " Without change of ill, a man cannot continue the good." To take away many abuses supplanteth not good orders, but establisheth them. Morosa moris retentio res turbulenta est, cEque ac novitas : "A contentious retaining of custom is a turbulent thing, as well as innovation." A good husband-[man] is ever proining in his vineyard or his field: not unseasonably, indeed; not unskilfully; but lightly he iindeth ever somewhat to do. We have heard of no offers of the Bishops of Bills in Parliament, which, no doubt, proceeding from them, to whom it properly belongeth, would have everywhere received acceptation. Their own Constitutions and Orders have reformed them little. Is nothing amiss ? Can any man defend the use of Excommunication as a base process to lackay up and down for duties and fees ? it being a precursory Judgement of the Latter Day. Is there no mean to train and nurse up ministers? — for the yield of the Universities will not serve, though they were never so well governed — to train them, I say, not to preach (for that every man confidently adventureth to do) but to preach soundly, and to handle the Scriptures with wisdom and judgement. I know " prophesying " was subject to great abuse ; and would be more abused now, because [the] heat of contentions is increased : but I say the only reason of the abuse was because there was admitted to it a popular auditory, and it was not contained within a private Conference of Ministers. Other things might be spoken of. I pray GOD to inspire the Bishops with a fervent love and care of the people; and that they may not so much urge things in controversy as things out of controversy, which all men confess to be gracious and good. And thus much for the Second point. [C.] Now as to the Third point of Unbrotherly Proceedings on either part : it is directly contrary to my purpose to ENG.ScH. Lib. No. 8. II 1 62 A7t Introductory Sketch to the amplify wrongs. It is enough to note, and number them. Which I do also to move compassion and remorse on the offending side, and not to animate challengers and complaints on the other. And this point, as reason is, doth chiefly touch that side which can do most, InjitricB potentionim sunty *' Inquiries come from them that have the upper hand." The wrongs of them which are possessed of the Government of the Church toward the other, may hardly be dissembled or excused. They have charged them as though they denied tribute to to C^SAR, and withdrew from the Civil Magistrate the obedience which they have ever performed and taught. They have sorted and coupled them with the *' Family of Love," whose heresies they [i,e. the Puritans] have laboured to destroy and confute. They have been swift of credit to receive accusations against them, from those that have quarrelled with them but for speaking against sin and vice. Their accusations and inquisitions have been strict, swearing men to ** blanks " and generalities — not included within compass of matter certain, which the party which is to take the oath may comprehend — [may be seen] to be a thing captious and strainable. Their urging of Subscription to their own Articles is but lacessere et irritare niorbos Ecclesice, which otherwise would spend and exercise themselves. Non concessum qucsrit, sed dissidium qui, quod factis prcsstatiir, in verbis exigit, " He seeketh not Unity, but Division, which exacteth that in words, when men are content to yield in action." And it is true there are some which, as I am persuaded, will not easily offend by inconformity, who notwithstanding make some conscience to subscribe : for they know this Note of inconstancy and defection from that which they have long held, shall disable them to do that good which otherwise they mought do ; for such is the weakness of many, that their ministry should thereby be discredited. As for their easy silencing of them; in such great scarcity of Preachers, it is to punish the people and not them. Ought they not, I mean the Bishop, to keep one eye open to look upon the good that the men do ; but to fix them both upon the hurt that they suppose cometh by them ? Indeed, such Ma r tin Ma r pre la te CoiiU'oversy, 163 as are intemperate and incorrigible, GOD forbid that they should be permitted to preach ! but shall every inconsiderate word, sometimes captiously watched and for the most part hardly enforced, be as a forfeiture of their Voice and Gift in preaching. As for sundry particular molestations, I take no pleasure to recite them. If a Minister shall be troubled for saying in Baptism, " Do you believe ? " for ** Dost thou believe? " if another shall be called in question for praying for Her Majesty without the additions of her style, whereas the very form of Prayer in the Book of Common Prayer hath " Thy servant Elizabeth " and no more ; if a third shall be accused upon these words uttered touching the Controversies, Tollatur lex et fiat certamen (whereby was meant that the prejudice of law removed, either reasons should be equally compared) of calling the people to sedition and mutiny, as if he had said, ''Away with the law! and try it out with force ! " if these and other like particulars be true, which I have but by rumour and cannot affirm ; it is to be lamented that they [i.e, the Puritan Ministers] should labour amongst us with so little comfort. I know Restrained Governments are better than Remiss, and I am of his mind that said, " Better it is to live where nothing is lawful, than where all things are lawful." I dislike that laws should not be continued, or disturbers be unpunished. But laws are likened to the grape, that being too much pressed yields an hard and unwholesome wine. Of these things I must say Ira viri non operatnr justiciam DEI, " The wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of GOD." As for the injuries of the other Part, they be Ictus inermes, as it were, "headless arrows." They be fiery and eager invectives ; and, in some fond men, uncivil and unreverent behaviour towards their superiors. This last invention also which exposeth them [the Bishops] to derision and obloquy by libels, chargeth not (as I am persuaded) the whole [opposite] side : neither doth that other — which is yet more odious — practised by the worst sort of them, which is to call in (as it were to their aid) certain mercenary bands which impugn Bishops and other Ecclesi- 164 --^^^ Introductory Sketch to the astical Dignities, to have the spoil of their endowments and hvings. Of those I cannot speak too hardly. It is an intelligence [understanding] between incendiaries and robbers, the one to fire the house, the other to rifle it. [D.] The Fourth Point wholly pertaineth to them which impugn the present Ecclesiastical Government : who although they have not cut themselves off from the body and communion of the Church; yet they do affect certain cognizances and dif- ferences wherein they seek to correspond amongst themselves and to be separate from others. And it is truly said, Tani sunt mores qiiidam schismatici qiiani dogmata schismatica, "There be as well schismatical fashions, as opinions." First, they have impropriated unto themselves the names of Zealous, Sincere, and Reformed, as if all others were cold, minglers of holy things and profane, and friends of abuses. Yea, be a man endued with great virtues and fruitful in good works ; yet if he concur not with them, they term him (in derogation) a Civil or Moral Man, and compare him to Socrates or some heathen philosopher : whereas the wisdom of the Scriptures teacheth us otherwise, namely to judge and denominate men religious according to their works of the Second Table [the last five of the Ten Comniandnients], because they of the First are often counterfeit and practised in hypocrisy. So Saint John saith " That a man doth vainly boast of loving GOD, whom he never saw ; if he love not his brother whom he hath seen : " and Saint James saith " This is true religion to visit the fatherless and the widow." So as that which is with them but Philosophical and Moral is in the Apostle's phrase " True Religion and Christianity." As in affection, they challenge the said virtues of Zeal and the rest ; so in knowledge, they attribute unto themselves Light and Perfection. They say the Church of England in King Edward's time and in the beginning of Her Majesty's reign was but in the cradle ; and the Bishops in those times did somewhat for day break : but that Maturity and Fulness of light proceeded from themselves. So Sabinius Bishop of Heraclea, a Macedonian heretic, said "That the Fathers in the Council of Nice ^^•ere but infants and ignorant men : Martin AIarprelate Controversy . 165 that the Church was not so perfect in their decrees as to refuse the further ripeness of knowledge, which time had revealed." And as they censure \depreciate] virtuous names by the names of Civil and Moral, so do they censure men truly and godly wise (who see into the vanity of their affections) by the name of Politics [politicians] : saying " that their wisdom is but carnal and savouring of man's brain.'* So likewise, if a Preacher preach with care and meditation (I speak not of the vain scholastical manner of preaching; but soundly indeed ordering the matter he handleth, distinctly for memory ; deducting and drawing it down for direction ; and authorising it with strong proofs and warrants ;) the^ censure it as a form of speaking not becoming the simplicity of the Gospel, and refer it to the reprehension of Saint Paul speaking of "the enticing speech of man's wisdom." Now for their own manner of preaching, what is it ? Surely they exhort well ; and work compunction of mind ; and bring men well to the question, Viri,fratres, quid faci emus ? But that is not enough, except they resolve the question. They handle Matters of Controversy weakly and obiter, and as before a people that will accept of anything. In doctrine of Manners, there is little but generality and repetition. The Word (the bread of life) they toss up and down : they break it not. They draw not their directions down ad casus conscienticE, that a man may be warranted in his perpetual actions, whether they be lawful or no. Neither, indeed, are many of them able to do it, what through want of grounded knowledge ; what through want of study and time. It is a compendious and easy thing to call for the observation of the Sabbath Day, or to speak against vnlawful gain. But what actions and what works may be done upon the Sabbath, and what not ? and what courses of gain are lawful, and in what cases ? To set this down, and to clear the whole matter with good distinctions and decisions, is a matter of great knowledge and labour, and asketh much meditation and conversing in the Scriptures, and other helps which GOD hath provided and preserved for instruction. Again, they carry not an equal hand in teaching the people their lawful liberty as well as their restraints and prohibitions: 1 66 An Introductory Sketch to the but they think a man cannot go too far in that he hath a shew of a commandment. They for^^et that there are sins on the right hand, as well as on the left ; and that the Word is " double edged" and cutteth on both sides, as well the profane transgressions as the superstitious observances. Who doubteth but that it is as unlawful to shut where GOD hath opened ; as to open where GOD hath shut ; to bind where GOD hath loosed, as to loose where GOD hath bound. Amongst men, it is commonly as ill taken to turn back favours as to disobey commandments. In this kind of zeal, for example, they have pronounced generally and without difference, all untruths, unlawful : notwithstanding that the midwives \in Egypf] are directly reported to have been blessed for their excuse ; and Rahab is said, hy faith to have concealed the spies; and Solomon's selected judgment proceeded upon a simulation ; and our Saviour — the more to touch the hearts of the two disciples — with a holy dalliance made as if he would have passed Emmaus. Further, I have heard some sermons of mortification which, I think, with very good meaning, they have preached out of their own experience and exercise, and things in private counsels not unmeet ; but surely, no sound conceits : much like to [R] Parson's Resolution, or not so good ; apt to breed in men rather weak opinions and perplexed despairs than filial and true repentance, which is sought. Another point of great inconvenience and peril is to entitle the people to hear Controversies, and all kinds of doctrine. They say " no part of the Counsell of GOD is to be suppressed, nor the people defrauded." So as the difference which the Apostle maketh between milk and strong meat is confounded ; and his precept that "the weak be not admitted into questions and controversies " taketh no place. But most of all is to be suspected as a seed of further inconvenience, their method of handling the Scriptures. For whilst they seek express Scripture for everything ; and that they have in a manner deprived themselves and the Church of a special help and support, by embasing the authority of the Fathers : they resort to naked examples, conceited inferences and forced allusions ; such as do mine into all certainty of religion. Another extremity is the excessive magnifying of that, Ma rti n M a RPR e lat e Controversy, 1 6 7 which though it be a principal and most holy Institution ; yet hath it limits, as all things else have. We see wheresover, in a manner, they find in the Scriptures, the Word spoken of; they expound it of Preaching. They have made it, in a manner, of the essence of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, to have a sermon precedent. They have, in a sort, annihilated the use of Liturgies and Forms of Divine Service: although the House of GOD be denoted, of the principal, Domus orationis, " A House of Prayer," and not " A House of Preaching." As for the life of the good monks and hermits in the primitive Church, I know they will condemn a man as half a Papist if he should maintain them as other than profane ; because they heard no sermons. In the meantime, what preaching is, and who may be said to preach ; they move no question : but, as far as I see, every man that presumeth to speak in [a] Chair is accounted a Preacher. But I am assured that not a few that call hotly for a " preaching ministry," deserve to be the first themselves that should be expelled. All which errors and misproceedings, they do fortify and intrench by an addicted respect to their own opinions, and an impatience to hear contradiction or argument. Yea, I know some of them that would think it a tempting of GOD to hear or read what may be said against them : as if there could be a Quod bomim est, tenet e ! without an Omnia probate ! going before. This may suffice to offer unto themselves a thought and consideration, whether in these things they do well or no ? and to correct and assuage the partiality of their followers. For as for any man that shall hereby enter in to a contempt of their ministry, it is but his own hardness of heart. I know the work of exhortation doth chiefly rest upon these men, and they have Zeal and Hate of Sin : but, again, let them take heed that it be not true, which one of their adversaries said, "That they have but two small wants. Knowledge and Love." And so I conclude this point. [3] The last Point, touching the due Publishing and Debating of these Controversies, needeth no long speech. This strange abuse of antiques [antics] and Pasquils hath 1 68 An Introductory Sketch to the been touched before. So likewise I repeat that which I said " That a character of Love is more proper for debates of this nature, than that of Zeal." As for all direct or indirect glances or levels at men's persons ; that were ever in these causes disallowed. Lastly, whatsoever he pretendeth, the people is no meet arbitrator: but rather the quiet modest and private assemblies and conferences of the learned. Qui apiid incapacem loquitur, noil disccptat, sed caliminiatiir. The Press and Pulpit would be freed and discharged of these contentions. Neither promotion on the one side, nor glory and heat on the other side ought to continue these challenges and cartels at the Cross and other places. But rather, all preachers — especially such as be of good temper, and have wisdom with conscience — ought to inculcate and beat upon a Peace, Silence, and Surseance. Neither let them fear Solon's law, which compelled in factions every particular person to range himself on the one side ; nor yet the fond [foolish] calumny of Neutrality: but let them know that it is true which is said by a wise man, " That neuters in contentions are either better or worse than either side." These things have I, in all sincerity and simplicity, set down touching the Controversies which now trouble the Church of England ; and that without all art and insinuation: and therefore not like[ly] to be grateful to either part. Notwithstanding I trust what has been said shall find a correspondence in their minds which are not embarked in partiality, and which love the whole better than a part. Wherefore I am not out of hope that it may do good. At the least, I shall not repent myself of the meditation. Resiiscitatio^pp. 162-179. Ed. \6^'j,foL Ma r tin Ma r f re la te Conti^oversy. 1 69 VI. Rev. John Udall. Narrative of his Ministry at Newcastle on Tyne during this Controversy. The formal Interrogatories and Replies of this Examination are given 2Xpp. 88-93. Work was published in London in 1643 with the following title— A new Discouery of Old Pontificall Practises for the maintenance of the Prelates Authority and Hierarchy. Evinced by their Tyrannical! persecution of that Reverend, Learned, Pious, and worthy Minister of Jesus Christ, Master John Udall, in the Raigne of Queene Elizabeth. &c. The beginning of this work — which relates to this Controversy, and also shows us where Udall was all the while — is as follows. The Partictdar Exammations, Arraignement and Condenination of John Vdall, Minister of the word of God, together with such things as passed betweene him and others by occasion thereof. Eeing you desire to understand the particular things that have passed betwixt mee and them in authority, that have from time to time molested mee ; I am willing to satisfie you at this time, in that which concerneth this my last and greatest trouble, that ever befell me ; for that it brought me to Prison, referring you to get the former of, &c. by such meanes as you may, and to learne the particulars of my Arraignement of those that heard it, seeing it was at the publike Assises, in the presence of many hundreds, divers whereof I thinke were both able and willing to take note thereof. After that I was silenced at Kingston (in manner as appeareth in the papers that contain a particular remembrance of the same) I rested about half a 3'eer preparing my selfe to a private life for that I saw so little hope of returne into my ministery, or any rest in it, to the good of the Church. 1 70 A7t Introductory Sketch to the But GOD would not have it so. For meanes were made by some that feared GOD in Newcastle upon Tyne to the Earle of Huntingdon to send me thither, who did so; and I was received thither in such sort as contented mee, and joyned in the ministery of the word there with two godly men, Master Houldesworth the Pastor, and Master Bamford a teacher, through whose joynt labours, GOD vouchsafed so to draw the people to the love of the word, (notwithstanding that the Plague was grievous in the Towne all the while I was there, and consumed above 2000 of the Inhabitants) as we had hope in time to see much fruit and receive great comfort of our labours. But the enemy so envyed the same that after a Yeares abode there, I was fetched thence by letters from the Lord HuNSDON Lord Chamberlaine [who was also Warden of the Scotch Marches] in the name of the whole counsell [Privy Council]. Whereupon I came thence December 29 1589. in the sorest weather that could bee, yet through GOD's mercy I and Christopher Applebie (whom the Major [Mayor of Newcastle] appointed to conduct me) came safe to London, January 9 [1590]. And upon the 13, being Tuesday I appeared at my Lord Cobham's house in the Blackfryers, before my Lord CoBHAM, my Lord Buckhurst, my Lord (Chief Justice Sir Edmund] Anderson, John Young] the Bishop of Rochester, Master Fortescue, Master Egerton the Queen's Solicitor, Doctor Aubery, Doctor Lewen. Then was I called in before them, whereupon my Lord [Chief Justice] Anderson said unto me. Anderson. How long have you bin at Newcastle ? Udall. About a yeere if it please your Lordship. Anderson. Why went you from Kingston upon Thames ? Udall. Because I was silenced there, and was called to Newcastle [Bishop of] Rochester. What calling had you thither ? Udall. The people made meanes to my Lord of Hunting- don, who sent me thither. [Bishop of] Rochester. Had you the allowance of the Bishop of that Diocesse ? Udall. There was none at that time. [Bishop of] Rochester. Then you shoidd have gone to the ArcJibishop. Ma r t I n Ma rp r e l a te Controversy. 1 7 1 Udall. There was no Archbishop at Yorhe neither.^ Anderson. You are called hither to answer concerning certaine books which are thought to be of your making. Udall. If it be for an}^ of Martin's bookes (according as iny Lord Chamberlaines letters that fetched me import) I have already answered, and am ready so to doe againe. A-NDERSON. Is this true Master Beadle ? Beadle. I have heard that there was such a thing, but I was not there at it, if it please your Lordship. Aubrey [and] Lewen. There was such a thing, as my Lords Grace told us. Udall. I am the hardlier dealt withall to be fetched vp so farre at this time of the yeere. I haue had a journey I would not wish unto my enemy. [Bishop of\ Rochester. You may thanke your owne dealing in matters that you shoidd not haue meddled withall. Anderson. It is more then I heard that ever you were called to answer [i.e. about Martinist books], but you are to answer concerning other bookes. Udall. I hope your Lordships will not urge mee to any others, seeing I was sent for about those. Anderson. You must answer to others also: what say you to those Bookes, A Demonstration [of the Discipline] or a Dialogue &c. [i.e. Diotrephes] did you not make them ? Udall. I cannot answer thereunto Anderson. Why would you cleere your selfe of Martin, and not of these, but that you are guilty herein ? Udall. Not so, my Lord, I have reason to answer in the one, but not in the other. x\nderson. / pray you let us heare what reason, for I cannot conceive of it, seeing they are all written concerning one matter. Udall. This is the matter, my Lord. I hold the matter proposed in them al to be one but I would not be thought to handle it in that manner, which the former Bookes doe. And because I thinke otherwise of the latter, I care not though they should be fathered upon mee. [Lord] BucKHURST. But I pray you tell me know you not Penry ? ^ This IS strictly correct. The Bishopric of Durham was vacant from the death of Richard Barnes, on 24th Aug. 1587 to the election of Matthew Hutton on the 9th June 158Q. The Archbishopric of York was similarly vacant from the death of EmvvN Sandvs on the 10th July 1588 to the translation of John Piers on i Feb. 1589. Nicholas' J/isi. /Wni^i; //>. 591 and 585. Ed. 1857. 172 A 71 Introductory Sketch to the Udall. Yes my Lord that I doe. [Lord] BucKHURST. A nd doe you not know him to he Martin ? Udall. No surely, neither doe I thinke him to be Martin. [Lord] BucKHURST. What is your reason? Udall. This my Lord, when first it came out, he (under- standing that some gave out that he was thought to bee the author) wrote a letter to a friend in London, wherein he did deny it, with such tearmes as declare him to bee ignorant and cleere in it. [Lord] BucKHURST. Where is that letter ? Udall. Indeed I cannot now shew you, for I have forgotten unto whom it was written. [Lord] BucKHURST. You will not tell where it is ? Udall. Why my Lord it tendeth to the clearing of one and the accusing of none. [Lord] BucKHURST. Can you tell where Penry is ? Udall. No surely my Lord. [Lord] BucKHURST. When did you see him ? Udall. About a quarter of a yeere ago. [Lord] BucKHURST. Where did you see him ? Udall. He called at my doore and saluted mee. [Lord] BucKHURST. Nay he remained belike with him? Udall. No indeed he neither came in my house, neither did hee so much as drinke with mee.^ [Lord] BucKHURST. How came you acquainted mith him? Udall. I thinke at Cambridge, but I have beene often in his company. [Lord] BucKHURST. Where ? Udall. At divers places, and namely in mine owne house whilest I dwelt at Kingston. [Lord] BucKHURST. What cause had you to be so often in his company ? Udall. He being a Scholler and Student in Divinity, and one whom I alwaies thought to be an honest man, your Lordships may easily conceive the cause. Here was much to this same effect spoken about Master Penry and my being at Mistress Cranes house at Moulscy and with here, &c. which I always answered as in the like case concerning Master Horton of Richmond before the Archbishop. ^ It is clear from this hurried call on Udai.l at Newcastle, that Penry wtnt into So. t'and in the beginning of October 1589. aee also/. 182. ]^J A R TIN Ma rprelate Controversy. i ']i VII. Rev. John Penry. Search of his house at N'orthampton, Friendly testimony as to Henry Sharpe, even after his Examination before the Lord Chancellor. His furye of theirs, at diuers times shewed by many of their instruments, did especially manifest it selfe on the 29. of lanuary [1590J last. At which time one Richard Walton hauing a com- mission from the Archb. and others, wherein all her maiesties officers were chardged and commaunded in her name, to assist the sayd Walton to make entry into all houses, shops, &c : to apprehend all those whome he should any waies suspect, and to commit them at his discretion unto the next Gaol or prison, vntil farther order should be taken with them, came into the place of mine aboad at Northampton, ransacked my study, and tooke away with him all such printed books and written papers as he him self thought good, what they were as yet I cannot justly tel. And not contented to keepe him self with the immoderate limits of a larger commission, then as I thinke can be warranted by lawe, he offered violence vnto diuers persons, and threatened not only to breake open doores (hauing no such commission) but also to vntile houses, vnlesse he could find me where in deed I was not. At his departure, he charged the Maior of the towne, who then attended vpon him, to apprehend me as a traitor, giuing out that he had found in my study both printed books and also writings, which conteined treason in them. Whereas the bookes and writings of greatest disgrace (even in the sight of his master) which he could there finde, were, one printed coppy of the demonstraiioyi of discipline, and an answcre vnto Master D. Some in writing, both which he 174 -^^^ huroditdory Sketch to the caried away with him. The treason conteined in either of those books, is no other then that which Amasiah the high priest at Bethel, found in Amos the prophet, euen the cleare Amos. 7 words of truth, not to be abidden in a corrupt state of a churche I graunt. — pp. 6-7. From this insolency of theirs it is, that of late they haue in their mandatory letters, enjoined the Maior of Northampton, to surcease the execution of his office in the gouernment of that towne vnder hir maiestie, and either to become their pursiuant, in apprehending one of his neighbours, or else personally to appeare before them at London, and not to departe their court without special leave ; his affaires in her maiesties seruice, and the distance of place betweene North- ampton and London, nothing considered. And yet required M. sharpe thcy of him that which he coulde not bring to passe, of No^rthlm- bccausc thc party whome he was to apprehend, [p]ton. being wel known to be a dutiful subiect, and for the loue he beareth vnto God's truth to haue bene heeretofore so cruelly dealt with at some of their hands, by long imprison- ment, and so euil dealt with, as his cause comming to be heard before the Lords of her maiesties priuy counsel, their Honours judged the bishops proceeding against him, to be against lawe and conscience, and so were the meanes of his deliuery, the party I say, nowe fearing the like injustice, that hee sometimes tasted of, was compelled with the hinderance of his family to absent himself from his calling. 77/' Appellation of John Penri, pp. 46-47. 7 March 1589 [i.e. 1590]. Mar tin M arpr e la te Controversy, 1 75 VIII. Rev. Matthew Sutcliffe. An Answer &^c. to Job Throkmorton. This is a most important testimony as to the Authorship, by one who had seen all the impounded documents, many of which are now lost. The Answer &^c. is dedicated to Lord Chief Justice Anderson. O the question demanded of him concerning those treatises that bear the name of Martin [Marprelate], he answereth First, that albeit here I seem to charge him with Martin's Epistles, Theses, and other such devises of Martin ; yet he is able to clear himself by ad- vantage taken of my words in my late Answer to the Petition. A matter that seemed strange to me, when first I read Throckmorton's letter; but more strange, when I perused mine own book. For I did not think that any had been of so hard a forehead or gross understanding, that he would have alleged a most direct charge, for a discharge ; or to run upon that which is the wrack of his cause. My words are most direct and plain against him. John Penry, say I, John Udall, John Field; all Johns: and Job Throkmorton : all concurred in making Martin. Which words are so far from clearing him that they do clearly convict him. Even as these words clear him, so let him of those matters whereof he would purge himself be cleared. Nay he confesseth in the end, that he is brought in for a candle holder. Untrue, then, it is that he is left out, or cleared. The truth is that he is brought in as a Principal Agent in all these libels. Next to Penry that was hanged for libelling against the State, Master Throkmorton deserveth the first place. [B.] Secondly he saith, he may as well be charged with Martin's Theses, Protestations and Dialogues, as with any one of Martin's books. Wherein he greatly abuseth a good lady, and would abuse his reader also. For while he imagineth ; that men do not 176 An Introdndory Sketch to the suppose him to be an actor in all Martin's libels, by confes- sing that he is actor in all as well as one he would avoid the charge that is laid upon him : whereas in truth he is guilty of more than is laid to his charge. Whatsoever his meaning was in these ambiguous terms, it is most apparent that he was Author of divers of these libels, and an Actor in the printing and publishing of them all. [1.] After that Hay any workefor Cooper was printed, which was anno 1588 [i.e. March 1589J ; Waldegrave the printer, That Master wcnt to JoB Throkmorton's housc. Thither also throkmok- ^{^ Penry follow him, who was the Corrector and TON was either pi ^ ^ ah i-i-kt ihe Author, or part Author 01 that book. All which Newman, Aaore' \^ all their agent, deposeth. Now, who may not hereof libeif ^^^The gather, that [they] all met together to take order whichisproved for thc distracting [dispersing] of the book, which 7^rZ /or ''"^ they had printed by common consent: and that Cooper. Jqj^ Throkmorton was Principal, for that nothing might be done without his privity ? Secondly, it is evident that the same men were Actors in the libel called More work, and in the libel called, // ay any work : The book is to For hc that wrote Hay any work doth promise ifhe'nTalmaTAMor^ work. But this More work is written with the contrary, j^ Throkmorton's own hand, and in divers places with his hand it is interlined and corrected. Thirdly, the style is so like to Job Throkmorton's talking and writing, that as children do declare whose they are by the lineaments of their visage and proportion of parts, so these libels do bewray their natural father by the frame of the words and sentences, and such draughts as can proceed from no other author. Fourthly, it is to [i.e. it can] be proved that he both dealt with Waldegrave for the printing of it, and himself caused divers copies thereof to be distracted abroad. Fifthly, the Author of MARTIN senior and MARTIN junior alloweth the libels called Martin's Epitome and Hay any work ; which few do publickly avow besides the authors. [2.] That Martin senior and Martin junior were of the thkokmor- device of Job Throkmorton, and came from his TON the Author r •. , i ^ • ^ of.v,/A-/7A- lorge, it cannot be denied. MliTrm Newman deposeth that he was dealt withal at pniior. Job Throkmorton's house to provide a printer to supply Waldhgrave's place, (that then was run, I know not Ma r tin Ma rpr e l a te Conti-oversy, lyj whither, out of the countrey) and that going to London, he sent thither one Hodgskin (a saltpeterman, and a good printer for such saltpeter and gunpowder works) who went to Throkmorton's house: where, because all things were not ready for the printing of More work] he was agreed withal for the printing of Martin senior and Martin junior, Hodgskin and Simmes his man, say upon their ah these oaths, that they were sent with a letter from Job exL°nTio"bT^ Throkmorton to Mistress Wigston, to entreat 1^"^^^'^^"- , . , , ' ned with the her to suner them to prmt at her house. deponents' Whereby it may appear that Throkmorton was the Author of these two libels : First, because he provided the Printer. Next, because he agreed with him [i.e. for the price']. Thirdly, because he commended them to the house where they were to print. Fourthly, for that the books [i.e. the copy in manuscript] came to Hodgskin's hands by the appointment of Throk- morton, being laid in the way betwixt his and Deposed by Mistress Wigston's house, ready for Hodgskin to hodgskin. take up. Fifthly, for that coming to the place where the books were printed, he corrected certain faults : and shewed Simmes how he should read certain places interlined. This is deposed by Simmes : that, both by Tamlin and Simmes. They also depose that both Martin senior and Martin junior were written with one hand [handwriting]. Sixthly, Simmes deposeth that at the first the whole copy of Martin Junior was not to be found, but that upon Throk- morton's coming to the printing place it was found with the rest : so that he believeth he was both the Author of it and [had] brought it with him at his coming thither. Seventhly, both MARTIN senior and Martin junior were written with that very same hand that wrote most Deposed by of More work for Cooper ; which is known to be simmes. Master Throkmorton's. Lastly, doubting how these two bookes should be printed, he asked Hodgskin softly in his ear, "whether his two men were able to serve the turn." Now if he had had no hand in those bookes, what reason had he to be so careful for the printing of them ? ENG. Sen. Lib. No. 8. 12 178 Alt Introductory Sketch to the [3.] The like and other reasons also may ascertain us that the same man was the Author of that infamous and odious That libel intituled More work ; which should have been Tc"'*was^'part pHuted in Lancashire, had not the press been taken WaJiouf liw by the Earl of Derby. called ^/tfr* First, that is proved by the testimony of T. Cooper. Throkmorton's own handwriting; for the copy \i.e. the manuscript] which every man may see that doubteth hereof, is half of it written with Job Throkmorton's own hand. A man would scarcely believe that a man that is so slothful when he should do any service to his country, should take such pains in writing of libels : yet his handwriting may assure us that it is so. Besides this, the phrase and manner of writing — which are a certain indice [Note the use of this word in the si^ignlar, where we should now say index] and sign of the Author's affec- tions — doth declare from whence the book did come : so scurrilous, wicked and railing stuff could come from no other than Throkmorton. Thirdly, he that made Martin Senior and Martin Junior, made also More work. Simmes and Tamlin do both depose that "both were written with one hand." And it is already proved that Throkmorton was Author of Martin senior and junior. Fourthly, the same booke [i.e. manuscript] is found in divers places corrected and interlined by Job Throkmorton's own hand : but no man useth or presumeth to add, detract or alter the original, besides the Author. Fifthly, at Penry's and Throkmorton's entreaty, Newman Deposed by was coutcut to go from Throkmorton's house to Newman. providc a printer for the printing of More work for Cooper. If he had not been Author, what needed he to have cared for the printing of it ? Sixthly, when Hodgskin was come to Throkmorton's house, there the bargain was made for the printing of the book, as both Hodgskin and Newman do testify. Lastly, it is deposed both by Hodgskin and Simmes, that Throkmorton while Martin senior and Martin junior were in printing, should say unto Hodgskin " that More work for Cooper should come to his handes shortly." And so it did, being dropped out of a chamber into a room where then Ma r tin Ma r pre l a te Controversy . 1 79 HoDGSKiN was. If he were not the Author or at least an Actor in it, how could he know how the book should come to his hands ? Could he prophesy that the book would drop out of the chamber, if he had not been privy to the dropping [of] it ? An unhappy drop for poor Hodgskin ! who, if Her Majesty had not been gracious to him, had dropped off the gibbet for it. The Author, in the meantime, he, like a cock on a perch crowethvery loud, and standeth on his innocence, and defieth all those that say he is not an honest man. [4.] If then Master Throkmorton made that booke which is called More work, then is he doubtless Martin xhat Marprelate: for the author of that book doth in throkmor- . TON IS the plain terms confess that he is Martin Marpre- counterfeit LATE. Let him disguise the name as he will, and ^m^a^^pre* call himself now Martin, then Marprelate ; or ^-^^^• give to Penry the name o( Martin and to himself the name oi Marprelate, as if Martin Marprelate were a monster compounded of divers persons and much wicked scurrility and ribaldry : yet this is certain that Job Throkmorton was Author of More work for Cooper, and that the Author of that book was Martin Marprelate : and — to go one strein further — that the same is a most infamous wicked, profane and scurrilous libel ; the Author whereof deserveth not to live in any Christian commonwealth, [5.] The book called Some in his coulours ^ was likewise made by J. Throkmorton. That is proved first, by the deposition of throkmorton Waldegrave that upon his oath testified so sSmb'/I^I/I much, and at Rochelle where he printed it, spake ^''^^«^- it openly. Secondly, albeit Throkmorton in this place faintly doth deny Martin's pamphlets to be his : yet he doth not deny this treatise to be his ; being charged with it. Thirdly, The sauciness of the style doth declare who was the Author. Fourthly, it appeareth by the depositions of Newman and ^ [I. GO Master Some laid open in his coulers : wherein the indifferent reader may easily see how wretchedly and loosely he hath handeled the cause against Master Penki. Done by an Oxford man, to his friend in Cambridge. [Secretly printed.] At the end is /.G. The date of printing is fixed by the seizure of Penky's MS. work agamst Doctor bOME (.See / 173) on the 29th January 1590. For To the Reader begins thus: Having this Y/'\V'^' ""•' z'vithout any purpose to publish it as yet, I was advertised of t/w taking away of Al. 1 kn m k j book by the Pnrnuant. Whereupon I resolved (though it should be some offence to myjneiuie) not to closet it vp any longer, lest tKaduersary skotdde too vnich triumph and insult, c^c. I So An Introductory Sketch to the Do you think Holmes that he dispersed divers hundreds of Ihat stood*'L!i' these books, and that he corrected the said books, this fear? and was earnest with Holmes that he should not bewray him. [6], I have also seen a little pamphlet entitled Martin's Interim. I need not describe unto you the quality of the book. By this you may guess at it, that Job Throkmorton JobThrok- ^^^s the author of it : a book full of railing and MOKTON the ribaldry, of cursing, slander and impiety. The Martins title doth show the humour of the Author, for he Interim. callcth It Martin's interim, or a brief e Pistle to the cursed Prelates and Clergy, In his preface he calleth them "proud,"" Popish and tyrannical Rabbis." In the beginning ,.;^'i^"'^'"'^' of his Letter, he calleth them " an uns^odly MORTON s grace ' . . o y isinwritingof swarm of caterpillars," "incarnate divels," and lettere.^" "a hellish rabble." But of his kitchen rhetoric I have given you a taste before, so that I need not stand upon it. That it came from Throkmorton, although the style may teach you ; yet the same is also argued by the hand [handwriting] wherein it was written ; and for that it caniv:; into Scotland together with Job Throkmorton's letters, to Penry's hands : and finally for that as he is reported to be the Author of it, so there is no other that is suspected for it but he. Throkmorton [7]. And bccausc he would have the name of a T/iecropl and grcat wrltcr of many bookes, he hath also written ^BRWGjfs ^^^ published another little book called. The crops garden. ^jj^ flowcrs of Bridges' garden. Newman deposeth that in a certain chamber in one Master Harvy's house, Throkmorton told him that he He hath would glvc him a little book to help him towards nmch^as'^diey ^Is chargcs : and the rather for that he had taken thathavewon grj-eat palns and profited little. He told him also, to inemselves o i r ' troui.ieand as the Said Newman affirmed "the name of the book," and " that he would go forth to walk in the evening, and that if he would follow him, he should find it." Which fell out accordingly. He walked like a proper man, Newman followed, the book dropped down, Newman took it up, and Throkmorton dealt earnestly with him to print it. Yet afterwards he caused one Bowman to Mar tin Ma r p re la te Controversy. 1 8 1 move Newman that one James Meddows might is there such be partaker with him of the gain of that book : Kfa^mois"^ who at the last by the means of Bowman, had the i^i^eis? book, and went over to Middleburgh to print it. Further it doth appear by a letter of Throkmorton's to Bowman that while the book was in printing, ''he had a great longing to have some of the books that were now, as it seemeth, finished." Even as foolish parents long to see their children ; so he was desirous to see that work which he without any pain and great merriment had brought forth into the world. Finally albeit Penry joined with Throgmorton in making most of these libels, and made divers others himself : yet was Master Throkmorton's hand either in some part of them, or at the least in the dispersing of them. Let him take heed he have not the like issue w^th him ! When Waldegrave had printed Penry's Appellation [dated 7 March 1=500] , and Some in his colours : he ^Deposed by /'T^ „ J. ^ i^L u Newman and came to 1 hrogmorton to know what he would holmes. have done with them. Penry found him there as Newsman deposeth. He saith also further that when Godley [the father-in-law of Penry] his house at Northampton was searched for such matters, of which one Garnet of that town brought him word [beforehand]: he packed up 500 oi Martin's Protestation, ^00 of Penry's Appellation^ and 600 of the books called THROKMORTo^^ Some in Ms colours ; and sent them by the said dbrrSSJof^""^ Newman and Garnet to Banbury. libeis. Newman thinketh Martin's Protestation was printed wuth ink sent by James Meddows to Throkmorton's house, and that not without his privity. He was the man that provided printers and merchants [salesman] for the books set out under the name of Martin [Marprelate] and Penry, as is evident by the depositions of Newman and Holmes, and Hodgeskin and throkmor- his men. Upon him was the special care laid for roN.aPrindpa , 1 1, ••riii"j" Agent in pnnt- the correct and orderly prmtmgoi all their devices, ing and selling He sent about to London, yea, into France and books.'anT Scotland about all those matters. He was the ^dpfnglhase special agent for John Penry. Augustine that ^vereem- Maicock deposeth that he collected money jn p'^^'^^^ ' ^'■*''" i82 An Introdtictory Sketch to the London towards Penry's relief, and the payment of his debts. If any danger were towards the printers and sellers of his Deposedby his books, intelligence was given straight to J. Newman. Throkmorton. Garnet of Northampton brought him notice how Godley's house was searched. Sharpe, being examined concerning these matters, sent him a note that he had confessed. {See the Abstract of his confession at pp. 94-104.] Newman served as it were for a foot post to go too and fro to give intelligence how matters went. Good it was for him that he was a cobbler, for if he had not been able to mend his shoes himself, he had never been able to bear the charges. If there was any danger towards [them], Throkmorton first used to give his [ac] complices warning. In a certain letter of his to Maicock he "giveth him warning to look how he trusted Bowman." When John Penry lurked here and there like a fox, yet was he never so closely hid but that Throkmorton knew where he was : as doth appear by the description of Jenkin Jones ; who by his means found him in a certain odd ale house, eighteen miles from Fawsley. When the sun began to shine so hot in England that Penry could not abide it, but must seek for a colder region [i.e. Scot- land] to live in ; Throkmorton was the man that set him in his way [in Oct. i^8g,see p. 172], and furnished him with money. If any material occurents fell out, he failed not thereof to advertise Penry. In one letter having gibed at the State, throkmor- he writeth thus in derision of Her Majesty and her jrNKvlmo'"' government. "O Sir," saith he, "hath not Her ?coiuuerfS'^^'' Majcsty reigned prosperously ! and is it a time, name. thluk you ! to alter these and so many blessings bestowed upon us ; to raise turmoils and innovations, and to pull the crown off her head ? Well, your Worship (saith he, meaning Penry) will not meddle with any of these kind of seditious people." He doth also certify him of Udall's [on 13. January 1590], Cartwright's and others' imprisonment : and of the taking of the press and copy [manuscript] of More work in Lancashire, *' by the noble Earl of Derby," for so he writeth in scorn of his Lordship, as the circumstance of the place declareth. He signifieth unto him further, that the printers then taken Ma r tin Ma rpre l a t e Controversy. 1 83 had confessed " that Martin was made by Penry and one of the Throkmortons." In the latter end, he writeth " that Her Majesty had lately been in danger of poisoning, and that other shrewd plots had been laid against her, and all by Penry ! " Great pity it is, seeing the man was so busy, that he is not called to render a reason for these sayings. Wherefore albeit some doubt hath been made heretofore, who was the Author of those seditious and impious pamphlets that in front carry the name of Martin [Marprelate] : yet these reasons grounded upon the depositions and oaths of divers men, and kept in records — to be seen of as many as list to take copies of them — being well considered ; I trust there is none will deny but that Throkmorton was a Principal Agent in them all, and the man that principally deserveth the name of Martin, Nay, so little doth he repent him of his insolent mis- demeanour formerly used, that he calleth UDALLand Penry, two most factious persons, and which for defaming Her Majesties government, and railing and libelling against the State, were condemned by course of the Common Laws, Reverend men, A matter to be marvelled at, but that malecontents that rail against their governors do ordinarily commend malefactors and seditious persons. The Papists do register divers for Martyrs and Confessors that in public records in this realm are noted and registered for felons and traitors ; and Master Throkmorton, if he continue this course long, will not come far behind them. For albeit he take them not, for aught that I can learn, for Consistorial Martyrs, yet he accounted them Reverend Men : which is nothing elsebut aplaintestimonyof theConsistorians'cankered malice against the State, of their presumption in acquitting those whom the judges condemned, of their proud disdain against justice, and of their love and liking of felons and malefactors. . . . /ol. 70-74. Ed. 1595. Doth he then imagine that it is no unlawful thing to set forth such books as those which go under Martin [Mar- prelateYs name ? Why then did he not set his name to them, and avow them ? That they are most wicked and villainous his own conscience did teach him. That was the cause that he so oftentimes, after the manner of throkmortom , , . . , , . , . ~ often changed Jesuits, that go about disguised to work mischiei, his name. 184 -^^^ Inti'oductory Sketch &c, used to change his name: calling himself sometimes Master This appear JuELL, somctimcs MastcF Warner, somctimes Bowman's and Master Grivel, somctimcs Master Stone, some- maycock's times Master Robinson, sometimes Master depositions. • -k n rr^ 1 1 Few honest Gravener, somctimes Master Iomson; that also many names, causcd him to change the name of those to whom coun'terfeit ^"^^ wrotc ; Calling Maycock, May ; and Bowman, names. Archer. A practise much used by Hacket and CoPiNGER, but seldom used by any honest man. But had Master Throkmorton's conscience been seared and past feeling so that he could not discern the wickedness of Martin [M arprelateY s writings: yet the writings them- selves do testify against the Author. At religion he maketh a jest, gibing and scoffing in most serious matters. The holy Virgin and mother of GOD, that cursed seed of Ham ! calleth in derision, sir Mary ; and the holy apostle Saint Peter, he calleth sir Peter as if he were but a common priest, and much unlike and inferior to the Lords of the Consistory ! Forgetting the matter he hath in hand, he holloaeth ! shouteth ! and whoopeth ! like a man of Bedlam, and cryeth so! ho! ho! Forgetting himself, he falleth in [to] scorning with terms unworthy to be spoken or written. What should I speak of his malicious railing against many honest men that never thought him hurt ? He spareth none ! Both the Queen, the Lords and the Judges feel the smart of his stinging and malicious tongue. I need not shew his wicked and spiteful railing against the ministery of the church ; for that was the purpose of all his discourses : and already I think you are weary to hear the injurious speeches he hath uttered against them. The Scriptures he abuseth. Laws and Authority he contemneth. At the fathers of the church, like a most wicked imp, he raileth foi. 75. Wherefore seeing so many witnesses, and so many presumptions and proofs make against Throkmorton ; and his own conscience and handwriting doth so charge him that his own tongue cannot discharge him : he must seek us some better argument than his own protestation and oath to clear him, or else all men will henceforth take him for the mazed fellow that was author of Martin [Marprelate], and judge him worthy the reward of his fellow^ Fe^ry—/o/. 75. i8 All Introdiccto7y Sketch to the Ma r tin at a rprelate Controversy, SECTION VI I. Who were the Writers who wrote under the name of Martin Marprelate? PAGES I. Rev. H. M. Dexter, D.D. Argument for assigning the Authorship to Henry Barrow 187-192 II. The present Writer's behef on this subject 193-196 III. A provisional Chronological List of the works comprising this Controversy 197-200 Argument by the Rev, H. M. Dexter, D.D. of New Bedford^ Massachusetts^ U.S.y in favour of the authorship being assigned to Henry Barrow. The Rev. Doctor Dexter having studied this subject for many years, frequently crossing the Atlantic to consult the original documents, it is with great pleasure we here insert his opinion, based on a long acquaintance with the Controversy. From which, however, as will be seen at//. 193-196, we ourselves differ totally. Suggest on the question of the authorship of the Mar- tinist tracts of what is known as the Martin Mar- Prela te controversy, the following considerations, viz : I. The weight of evidence is against the theory that John Penry was their Author. (i) There is nothing in the affidavits bearing upon the case which directly fixes, their authorship upon him. The most which is proven is only that people imagineci him to be the author ; and, in connection with his obvious and acknow- ledged agency in securing their printing, charged him with it ; while he laughed, or turned it off without absolute denial. It was vital to success in publishing these tracts, in those times, that the most absolute secrecy should be as long as possible maintained as to who wrote them, and for him then to have squarely denied that he wrote them, would have been more of a concession than it w^as wise to make, so long as the best interests of the enterprise demanded that the circle of possible authors be kept as wide as might be, so as to diffuse and distract sus- picion. Clearly, however, he said and did nothing inconsistent with the theory that some other person with whom he was in close concert, was the author. That the handwriting of a portion of the " copy " was con- jectured to be Penry's {^Lansdowne, Ixi. 22] is a small matter ; for he might have copied that MS., (in order as much as possible to throw pursuers off the scent) without being the author of it. iS8 An Introductory Sketch to the (2) Thee is nothing in the style and manner of Penry's acknowledged works to make it probable that he -wrote the Martinist tracts. It was, indeed, at the time suggested that ''the stile and spiritt " of those tracts resembled "such his wrytinges as he hath published with his name to them." \Lansd. Ixi. 22.] But that witness was careful to add that this was true only of AFartin "where he is out of his scoffinge veyne ;'' that is, if I understand it, it was his judgment that the Martinist tracts with their most marked peculiarity left out were like Penry's volumes published with his name. However that may be, I submit that his known treatises are so unlike the Martinist tracts as they are [Hamlet with Hamlet left in], as to discredit the theory of a common source for the two. Penry's books show plenty of power, sometimes a rude and plaintive eloquence, sometimes a severe invective ; but in my examination of them I have failed to find that brusque, strong, coarse, homely wit and queer sarcasm with which Martin abounds, nor have I discovered Martin's most peculiar turns of expression and favorite epithets. (3) It is difficult to see, with all his acknowledged books on his hands, and all else which he clearly had to do, how Penry, in the difficulties under which he worked, could have found time to have prepared some of the ^lartinist tracts, at the precise moment when they must have been written. Hay any work, etc.y for example, was issued in a very short time after the Admonition came out, and it hardly seems probable that Penry could have managed to do that work. (4) When the prelates had Penry in their clutches, and were proceeding to hang him, they clearly did not dare to put him on trial as the author of the Martinist tracts — although they had all the evidence which ever existed upon the subject then in their possession, and were not given to any special scrupulosity as to any precise amount of testimony as being requisite to the conviction of those whom they desired to convict — but, instead, they were guilty of the meanness of trying, condemning and hanging him upon extracts from what really appears to have been his private journal, and from what clearly never had been published in any form whatever. Would they have risked the odium of such a course if they had in their hands colourable proof that he was Martin f (5) Contemporaries whose opinion was surely entitled to be well weighed, were of opinion that Penry did not write the Martinist tracts. WiGGiNGTON, when asked before the commission, " Is Mr. Penry then the author q{Mar tin Mar-Prela te .?" replied, " I think he is not ; and I think you are greatly deceived in charging him with it." [cited by Dr. Waddingt,)N7, Life of Penry, 227, as from MS. Register, 843-848.] So Udall deri led : " I am fully p-rsuaded that these books [the Martins] were not do.ie by any minister; and I think there is never a minister in this land tiiat doth know who 'Martin ' is ; and I, for my part, have been 3f A R TIN Ma r PR ELATE Coutrovevsy. 1 89 inquisitive, but I could never learn who is." \^Ibid. 228.] and again, " I do not think him [Penry] to be Martin.'^ {Ibid. 227.] (6) There is evidence that Penry himself solemnly denied that he was the author of the Martinist publications. Udall said, " When first it \i.g, Martin] came out (understanding that some gave out that he was thought to be the author) he [Penry] wrote a letter to a friend in London, wherein he did deny it, with such terms as declare him to be ignorant and clear in it." [Waddington's Penry, 227, as from ''''New Discovery" 3. (See/. 172.)] And John Cotton of New England says [in his Reply to Mr. Williams, etc. (1647) 117) that " he received it from Mr. HiLDERSOM (a man of a thousand) that Mr. Penry did ingenuously acknowledge before his death " that he " had not deserved death for any dishonor put upon the Queene, by that Booke (which was found in his study, and intended by himselfe to be presented to her owne hand) fwrby the compiliiig of Martin Mar-Prelate {of both of which he was falsly charged)'^ Mr. Maskell \^Hist. Mar. Mar-Prel. Contr. etc. 107] accepts this as, on the whole, conclusive in disproof of the charge. For these reasons, then, that the affidavits are insufficient and explicable on another theory ; that there is not the requisite resemblance between Penry's books and \.h.Q Martin Mar-Prela TiS: tracts to make a common authorship probable ; that it is difficult to see how Penry could have found time to prepare some of them ; that the prelates apparently did not dare to submit even to a submissive jury the allegation against Penry that he was Martin; that contemporaries in a condition to form an opinion worthy of confidence did not believe Penry to be Martin ; and especially for the reason that there is evidence that he himself in life and at the hour of death solemnly denied the charge, I hold that the weight of evidence is conclusively against the theory that JOHN Penry was Martin Mar-Prela te. II. The field thus being cleared for general investigation, are there any clues SHggesti7ig iiiquiry in any particular direction ? I find three, viz : (i) The remark of Udall — already citea — as to his disbelief that " any minister was Martin.'''' (2) The declaration of Mar TIN himseU where, in the Protestacyon, all badinage aside, he seems to be speaking with a seriousness almost sad- dened into solemnity, and says : " Will you believe me then if I tel you the truth.? to put you therefore out of all doubt, I may safely protest vnto you with a good conscience, that howsoever the speech may sound strange vnto many, yet the very truth is that hitherto I never had wife nor childe in all my life [p. 15]." So he returns to the subject on the last page to say again, " As I protested vnto thee without all fraud and ambiguitie, I was never as yet married in my life." [Ibid. 32.] , (3) Certain signs that a lawyer, rather than a minister, was the author 1 90 A7t Introdttctory Sketch to the of these Martins. I find plenty of phrases more natural, as I conceive, to the working of a mind trained to the law, than to that of one trained to theology. Such as : — "you would ynende your answere" \_Epistle, etc., 14] ; "lest a Scaiidahun magnatum should be had against me, etc." \Ibid. 23]; "the parties were never calde in Coram for it, etc. \Ibid. 14]; "a T^oor freeholder in Fulham" [Ibid. 21] ; a gentleman of Fulham that belongeth to the Court of Requests, etc." [Ibid. 20] ; "my masters of the Requests, etc." [Ibid. 20] ; "may it please you to yeeld vnto a suite that I haue to your worships, etc." [Ibid. 27] ; " and leave the cause, as he, like a coward, hath done, etc." [Ibid. 17] ; "he bringeth in nothing without testimo7iie, etc. [Ibid. 9] ; "I speak not of things by heresay, as of reports, but I bring my ivitnesses to prove my matters, etc." [Ibid. 27] ; ^''Martin wil stand to it, that the detayning of the men's cloth is plain theft, etc." [Ibid. 10]. Then, further, there are turns of argument which look in the same direction, as where MARTIN insists that his book cannot be indicted as a libel, showing how he has prevented them "^ that advantage in lawe, etc " [Ibid. 40] ; his discussion of the subject of treason [Ibid. 13, 14]; his references to the Star-Chamber decree [Ibid. 24] ; his again and again threatening the bishops with a prenumire, etc. [Ibid. 21 {bis), 22, 26, 32]; and his repeated discussion of the case of subscription contrary to the statute of 13 Elizabeth, what subscription that statute required, and whether a layman could lawfully be imprisoned for refusing to subscribe [Ibid. 38, 31, 32]. These instances all occur in the first of the series of tracts, but it is my impression that they fairly sample the six others which appear to have been from the same hand. And I cannot help thinking that, taken in connection with Udall's suggestion, they may fairly turn our thoughts towards the legal profession as containing Martin. Was there, then — putting these clues together — any bachelor lawyer at that time so endowed, situated, principled and persuaded, as to have been naturally capable of this authorship t The minds of all clear students of the men and the opinions of the time must turn at once to Henry Barrowe — close prisoner, since the autumn of 1586, in the Fleet — as answering, in most respects of natural gift, training and conviction, very nearly to our need. It is moreover clear that a close intimacy soon afterwards existed between him and John Penry, with no evidence that it did not date back far enough to cover all the needs of the case. P^ollowing this suggestion, I find remarkable similarities of style between Barrowe's acknowledged works — and especially between his great work, A Brief Discoverie of the False Church, etc. (1590) — and the Mar- Prelate Tracts. The same remark is true of one book signed "J. G.," and ascribed to John Greenwood, in writing which (so decidedly does it, in parts, seem to differ in style from other books bearing his name) I am Martin Ma rpr e l a te Conti-oversy. 1 9 1 persuaded Barrowe had a considerable hand. Incarcerated together, and paired in nearly all their later experiences, even to their hour of execution, and assuredly joint authors of several volumes, I imagine both pens w orked also upon this. Many epithets not in common use are common to Barrowe's and Martin's books, among which may be named "this geare;" "Masse [for Master or Masters] vice chancellor, etc.; " "arch-beast" [as a synonym for archbishop, etc. {^Brief Discoveries etc. 52, 83, 144, etc?[. There is a like freedom of epithet, e.g. Barrowe calls some man " an old Sadducee that thus sophisticallie hath propounded these questions, etc." \_Ibid. 202] ; he calls another "an old captious Sadducee" \^Ibid. 221]; he says of the bishops and priests, " these cormorants are never satisfied, these horse- leaches still suck, though blood in abundance runne oute of their wide mouths." \Ibid. 60] ; he says again — '* here need not be forgotten also the sweete psalmodical harmonic of the Vultures, Crowes, Gleades, Owles, Geese (pardon me, for thus the Holy Ghost termeth and likeneth the prophane confuse multitudes assembled in the false church)," etc. \_Ibid. 180]; and again he describes the English clergymen as occupying "a prescript place like a tubbe called their pulpyt," where the speaker " for the most part disputes to the howerglasse, which being runne his sermona- tion must be at an end" \_Ibid. 180]. Still again he describes the way in which the Bishops ordain, thus : " they [the candidates] must now kneel downe at their holy father the Bishop his feete, who solemnly sitting in a chairelayeth his simoniacal hands upon him, delivereth him the Bible into his hands, breatheth upon him and giveth, or rather selleth him his un-\io\y Ghost, as he [the candidate] shall know by the price of his boxe and "Writinges ere he goe," etc. \Ibid. 52]. He says of Dr. Some, " By follow- ing this bird over far, I had almost beene trained from the nest " \_Ibid. 173]. He thunders thus at the monks : "these idle bellies, these cater- pillars, these Sodomites, these locusts " \Ibid. 137]. Take two more examples, which might almost have come out of the " Epistle " or the " Epitome : " this in milder vein : " these sycophants, these trencher-priests, will most Cunningly insinuate into some great or noble man's house, where they are sure t o be wel fed, and safe from all stormes : even the meanest of them will never be without their good hosts and dames where they may lay their knife aboard and fill their belly of the best " \Ibid. 145] ; and this in severer mood : " Is this old rotten Lietourgis their new songs they sing unto the Lord, with and for his graces ? May such old written rotten stuffe be called prayer, the odours of the szCwW.^s'i"' \_Ibid. 65]. I cannot help thinking that the man who could write thus could have written Mar TIN. I submit — in the briefest form — five further suggestions in aid of this hypothesis. 192 An Introductory Sketch Cfc, 1. iU/iy^rAV was perpetually pleading to be allowed a public conference, or disputation with the Bishops upon the matters in debate between them — again and again offering, so sure was he of the goodness of his cause before the tribunal of inspiration, to abide by the result of such a discussion, fairly conducted, with his life. We find Barrowe, in his own avowed volumes, strenuously and repeatedly urging and offering the same thing. 2. Martin talks about the principal Puritans, and especially about Cartwright, precisely as Barrowe did again and again. 3. Barrowe refers incidentally to Martin several times in his Brief Disco2'erie, but never in such a manner as to imply hostility, or even intimate dislike. Once he says : " It is pitty Martin his presse was gone before this reason had an answer" [^Ibid. 228]. More to the point is it that in a "■ Petition directed to her Majesty, etc. (1590)," and attributed to Barrowe, we find, at the length of several pages, an elaborate defence of Martin in two points as to which he had been accused of stirring up sedition, in which it is asserted that his real intent was far otherwise \Petitio7i, etc\y 44, 4s]' How did Barrowe know what was Martin's real intent? 4. In the Protestacyon^ Martin makes use of these words : "As for myself, my life and whatever else I possesse, I haue long agone set vp my rest, making that account of it, as in standing against the enemies of God, and for the libertie of his church is of no value in my sight. My hfe in this cause shalbe a gayne to the church, and no losse *o my selfe, I knowe right wel" [p. 14]. This was the spirit, the almost the exact words, in which Barrowe accepted martyrdom.. 5. It does not seem unworthy of notice in this connection, that there was there almost an audacity of security in the difficult business of publishing such treatises at such a time, if a man already for years in prison were writing these Martins — nearly the last place on earth where the Bishops would think of looking for him. And this leads me to say that if Barrowe luere Martin, and Penry nearly the only man then outside the Fleet prison who was master of the secret, we must think that, in the midst of the sharpness of all their troubles, the two men must sometimes have broken out into a nc isy^- almost an uproarious — glee at the inherent queerness of the thought of the Bishops and their bailiffs, scurrying up and down the land, and of BANCROFT listening at the general English key-hole, in the frantic endeavour to identify and arrest an impudent antagonist, whom they had already had for more than two long years locked in one of their safest dungeons ! And, further, if Barrowe were Martin, and Penry the only accessory, as the two men took the close secret to heaven with them within sixty days of each other in 1593, it is small wonder that it has been so well kept since on earth. II, The present Writer s belief 07i this subject. Uring the earlier inquiries of the English Government as to the Writers and Disseminators of the Martinist productions, the following Note (written apparently about October 1589) expresses the opinions as to the Authors and places of printing which were, at that moment, entertained. Bookes printed. Dcmomtration of Discipline A ^ ^^^^^^ ^^ j^^j^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ Martin s first Epistle J Martin's Epitome at Sir Richard Knightleys. The Minerals [Conclusions] \ f M f The Subblicationto the ParliamentY^ ^_ ^ . rr • -L X r^ 1. Hales at Coventry. Hay ante worke for Cowper j •' Martin Junior )^ ^^^^^^ Wigstons at Wolston. Martin Senior J Mr. Baker's Transcript^ Harl. M.S. 7042, A 5^- It is evident, from this, that the authorship of the Epitome^ Martini Jimior and Martin Senior had not, at this date, been ascertained. 2. The Demonstration of Discipline, though named here, is not strictly in the Martinist Series any more than Diotrephes. Both of these works were, without any doubt, wholly from the pen of the Rev. John Udall {pp. 121, 171). Rev. S. Chatfield saw, so early as 1587 {pp. 8r, 88) in Udall's study, " Collections '' or Notes which were afterwards worked up into the Epistle. Udall himself witnessed that the general! historie of the thinges conteyned in the booke \the Epistle], he thinketh to haue proceeded from his owne reportes, touching Master Hone, Master Cottington EXG. Sen. Lib. No. 8. I3 194 ^^^ Introductory Sketch to the and Master Haruey ; but the particularities of them hee hath not vttered, as the revyhnge of them &c. — p. 92. If we can identify the Uttcrer of the "particularities ... as the revyhnge &c." we have found Martin Marprelate. This sufficiently justifies Penry's statement about the Epistle to Sharpe, the Rev. John Field having died in February 1588. that some such notes were found in Master Feilds Study, that Master Feild upon his death bed willed they should be burnt, and repented for collecting them. — p. 94. UdalL's threat to "sett himself to writing" {pp. 83, 91) was never carried out : and Lord Chief Justice Anderson himself, on the 9th January 1590, exonerated Udall from any share in the Martinist attack (A 171). 4. Penry told Sharpe that the first press was his own {p. 95). He evidently corrected the Epistle at Mistress Crane's at East Molesey while Waldegrave was printing it {pp. 95, 126). He was undoubtedly the Managing Director of the printing till one of the presses was sent to IVIanchester (/. 1 1 5). When it was seized there, he and Sharpe were at Wolston {p. 103). But the substantive Authorship of the Mind of the Martinist Texts is quite a different thing from proof correction and the mechanical produc- tion, difficult as this last was. Did then some Utterer of the "particularities ... as the revyhnge &c." (like Barrow, as Rev. Dr. Dexter thinks) supply Penry with the matter, the correct printing of which he o\ersaw : or was he wholly or partially an Author of the same ? 5. In all the statements of Udall, Penry and Throckmorton on this subject we must be prepared for the utmost subtilty of mind. It was their only defence in the battle of Wit against Force. Just as Penry meant that Sharpe should believe that Field was the Author of the Epistle by using, as if casually, the expression " some such notes : " when really those notes had been acerbated and intensified by others : so Udall strove to exonerate Penry from all share in the Martinist writings by a similar " colour " or subtilty, giving as a reason that Penry was not Martix. when it first cam.e out, he (understanding that some gave out that he was thought to bee the author) wrote a letter to a friend in London, wherein he did deny it, with such tearmes as declare him to bee ignorant and cleere in it.—/. 172. Martin M ar pr e l a te Controversy, 1 9 5 Unless this letter was so couched, as to be a blind (one of the innumer- able blinds the Martinists ever had at their disposal), we must accept this as clearing Penry of any substantive Authorship in the Epistle: for "when first it came out" fixes the date of this letter in November 1588 ; and does not touch the later Martinist productions. Both Sharpe and Newman however thought Penry to be the Author of both Epistle and Epitome {pp. 96-97). 6. Who then is the Uttererof the "particularities ... as therevylinge &c."of the£>5/>y//6^? By the process of exhaustion, we have come to the last name — Job Throckmorton : of whom the Rev. Matthew Sutcliffe says, in 1595— Such a braue cutter in kitchen rhetorike is he, neither need he to put vs in mind of his facultie therein : for we are but too much acquainted with it. Least of all should he haue bragged how nimbly hee is able to raile without sweatc or pains.— p. 79. And again — John Penry, say I, John Udall, John Field; all Johns : and Job Throkmorton : all concurred in making Martin. -—p. 175. And again- Let him disguise the name as he will, and call himself now Martin, then Marprelate ; or give to Penry the name of Martin and to himself the name of Marprelate, as if Martin Marprelate were a monster compounded of divers persons and much wicked scurrility and ribaldry. — p. lyg. 7. Sharpe charged Penry at the time of its appearance, 2 Feb. 15S9, with being the Author of the Epitome. " Whereunto Master Penry gave no answere but laughed" {p. 96). If Throckmorton were part or whole Author of the Epistle : he had a hand likewise in this second work. 8. And also, probably, in the Mineral Conchisio7is, the MS. of which Sharpe saw in Penry's handwriting (/. 97) before it appeared in print. 9. The Supplication is avowedly by John Penry, and has his name at the end of it. 10. Sharpe assigns Hay any luorkfor Cowpcr to Penry (/. 99) ; and Sutcliffe, upon Newman's evidence, states that he was "the Corrector 196 An Inlroduclory Sketch cfc. and part Author of that book •' (/. 176). THROCKMORTON was probably the other joint Author. 11. SUTCLIFFE (at f)p. 176-179), by a chain of proofs, starting from Hay any 7uo?-k, proves that Pexry and THROCKMORTON were the joint Authors of Martin Senior \ Martin Junior) P^'^^^^^^ ^^ \^o\sior,. More iuo7'k for Co7uper, of which about a Six Quires of one side had been printed in Newton Lane, near Manchester : wh(5n the Press was seized {p. 135). 12. That being the case, they were also the Writers of the following Martinist works which never came to the press. A book in Latin {p. 135), probably in answer to Anti-MARTINUS. Another part of More Work for the Cowper, almost as big again as that the printing of which was interrupted by the arrest of the printers in Newton Lane {p. 135). 13. Newman thought that Martin's Protestation was printed with ink sent by James Meddows to Throkmorton's house, and that not without his privity. — p. 181. 14. In addition to all these works, SUTCLlFFE charges, (p. 180), Throckmorton with being the Author of Martin's Interim^ or a brief e Pis fie to the cursed Prelates and Clergy ; which he sent to Penry in Scotland, apparently for publication : but which was seized, and so never came to the press. The crops and flowers of Bridges' garden; printed by James Meddows at Middleburgh. ? now extant. J. G. Master Some laid open in his coulers, printed by ROBERT Waldegrave at Rochelle {p. 179). 15. It seems therefore indubitable, that the real Martinists — the begetters of all the works that were secretly printed as ixom Martin Ma RPR ELATE, and without whom they would not have existed— were the Rev. John Penry, who was unrighteously hanged for it, and Job Throckmorton Esq., of whom Sutcliffe says (p. 184) that "else all men will henceforth take him for the mazed fellow that was author of MartinIA/arprelate], and judge him worthy the reward of his fellow Penry. 16. Penry has long been known in our literary history. Henceforth Throckmorton must be placed by his side. The two together are the most eminent prose Satirists of the Elizabethan age. A Provisional Chronological List of the Works comprising this Controversy, FORERUNNING WORKS. Rev. Dr. John Bridges, Dean of Salisbuiy. A Defence of the Government estab- lished in the Church of Englande for Ecclesiasticall Matters. London 1 587. This work was the groundwork of the whole Martinist attack. \P RO TESTA NT.] [Rev. J. UdalL] Diotrephes. [Printed by R. Waldegrave on 13 April, 1588.] See No. 5 of the present Series. [PURITAN.] [Rev. J. Udall.] The Demonstration of Discipline etc. [Secretly printed at East Molesey in July, and issued between i and 14 Nov. 1588.] See No. 9 of the present Series. [PURITAN.] THE CONTROVERSY. 1588. Martin Marprelate. The Epistle. [Secretly printed at East Molesey in October, and issued with the Demonstration between i and 14 Nov. 1588.] Oh read ouer D. John Bridges, for it is a worthy worke : Or an epitome of the fyrste Booke of that right worshipful! volume, written against the Puritanes, in the defence of the noble cleargie, by as worshipfull a prieste, John Bridges, Presbyter Priest or elder, doctor of Diuilitie, and Deane of Sarum. Wherein the arguments of the puritans are wisely prevented, that when they come to answere M. Doctor, they must needes say something that hath taene spoken. Compiled for the behoofe and overthrow of the Parsons, Fyckers, and Currats, that have lernt their Catechismes, and are past grace : By the reverend and worthie Martin Marprelate gentlemen, and dedicated to the Confocationhouse. The Epitome is not yet published, but it shall be when the Byshops are at conuenient leysure to view the same. In the meane time, let them be content with this learned Epistle, Printed oversea, in Europe, within two furlongs of a Bounsing Priest, at the cost and charges of M. Marprelate, gentleman. [P UR I TA N.] 1589. Tthomas], C[ooperl. [Bishop of Winchester]. Admonition to the people of England. [Jan. 1589. ? Two editions.] An admonitioh to the people of England : Wherein are answered, not onely the slaunderous Vhlruethes, reprochfuUy littered by Martin the Libeller, but also many other Crimes by some of his broode, objected generally against all Bishops, and the chiefs of the Cleargie, purposely to deface and discrcditc the present state of the Church. [PR o TES TA N T.] Martin Marprelate. The Epitome. [Secretly printed at Fawsley in Nov.-Dec. 1588, and issued about 2 Feb. 1589.] Oh read ouer D. John Bridges, for '\Xms> worthy worke : Or an epitome of the fyrste Booke, of that right worshipfull volume, written against the Puritanes, in the defence of the noble cleargie, by as worshipfull a prieste, John Bridges, Presbyter, Priest or elder, doctor of Diuillitie, and Deane of Sarum. Wherein the arguments of the puritans are wisely prevented, that when they come to answere M. Doctor, they must needes say some thing that hath been spoken. Compiled for the behoofe and overthrow of the vnpreaching Parsons, Fjckers, and Currats, that haue lernt their Catechismes, and are past grace : By the reverend and worthy Martin Marprelat, gentleman, and dedicated by a second Epistle to the Terrible Priests. In this Epitome, the foresaide Fickers etc. are very insufficiently furnished, with notable inabilitie of most vincible reasons, to answere the cauill of the puritanes. And lest M. Doctor shomld thinke that no man can write without sence but his sclfe, the senceles titles of the seueral pages, and the handling of the matter throughout the Epitome, shewe plainely, that heetleheaded ignoraunce, must not Hue and die with him alone. Printed on the other hand of some of the Priests. \P URITA A'.] 1 98 An Introductory Sketch to the Martin Marprelate. The Mineral Conclusions. [Secretly printed at Coventry, and issued al)out 20 Feb. 1589.] Certaine IMinerall.and I\Ictaphi.sicall Schoolpolnts, to be defended by the reuerende Bishops, and the rest of my cleargie masters of the Conuocation house, against both the vniuersities, and al the reformed Churches in Christendome. Wherin is layd open, the very Quintessence of al Cater- corner diuinities. And with all, to the preuenting to the Cauels of these wrangling Puritans, the persons by whom, and the places where these misteries are so worthely maintayned, are for the most part, plainly set downe to the view of all men, and that to the ternall praj'se of the most reuerend Fathers. \_P URITA N.\ [Rev. R. Bancroft. Sermon at PaiiVs Cross on 9 Feb. Ent. Stat. Hall 3 ]\Iarch, 15S9 : see p. 139.] {Protestant.^ Jolin Ponry. A Supplication to the Parliament. [Secretly printed at Coventry, and issued about 9 March 1589.] A vieweof some part of such /^/V/Xr ivants ^ disorders as arc in the seruice of God, within her Maiesties coitntric of Wales, togither with ait humble Petition, vnto this high Court of Parlia- ment for speedy redressc. n Wherem is shewed not only the necessitie of reforming the state of religion among that people, but also the onely way, in regarde of substaunce, to bring that reformation to pass. IPURITAK.^ Martin Marprelate. Hay any ivorh for Cooper. [Secretly printed at Coventry, and issued about 23 March 1589,] Hay any worke for Cooper: Or a briefe Pistle directed by waye of an hublication to the reverende Byshopps, counselling them, if they will needs be barrelled vp, for feare of smelling in the nostrels of her Maiestie and the State, that they would vse the aduise of reuerend iNIartin, for the prouiding of their Cooper. Because the reuerend T. C. (by which misticall letters, is vnderstood, eyther the bounsing Parson of Eastiiieane, or Tom Coakes his Chaplaine) hath shewed himself in his late Admonition to the people of England to bee an unskilfull and becej-tfull tubtrimmer. Wherein worthy !\rartin quits himselfe like a man I warrant you, in the modest defence of his selfe and his learned Pistles, and makes the Coopers hoopes to fly off, and the Bishops Tubs to leake out of all crye. Penned and compiled by JMariiii the Metropolitane. Printed in Europe, not farre from some of the Bounsing Priestes. {P I'R I TA .X.l [?] A Whip for an Ape etc. [Privately printed in London, April 15S9.] T/iis irork ivas issued ivitJi iivo title pages. A Whip for an Ape, or Martin displayed. And again xvith the sa'nc Latin, nictto. Phythmes against JMartin Marr-Prelate. VP ROTESTA NT.] [?] Mar-Martia. [Privately printed in London April-I\Liy 15S9.] I know not why a trueth in rime set out Maie not as wel mar Martine and his mates, As shamelesse lies in prose-books cast about Marpriests. & prelates, and subvert whole states. Eor where truth builds, and Ij'ing overthvoes, One truth in rime, is worth ten lies in prose. ^ [P ROT EST A NT.] ?] Marrc Mar-Martin. [Privately printed in London ]\Lt3--June 1589.] Marre MarMartin : (';■ Marre-Martins medling, in a mannei- misli/^cd, Martins vaine prose, Marre-Martin doth mislike. Reason (forsooth) for Martin seekes debate: Marre-Martin will not so; yet doth his patience strike! J>ast verse, first prose, conclude in one selfe hate: Both maintaine strife, vnfitting Englands state. Martin, Marre-Martin, Barrow ioyned with Browne Shew zeale; yet striue to pull Religion downe. iATTACfSS ROTH SIDES.] [Rc\-. R. Some. A godly treatise ...//. BARtiOWE and J. Greenwood 6-v. Lnt. Slat. Hall 24 May 1589 : see p. 140.] \,P ROTESTA NT.] Ma a* tin Ma rprela te Controversy, \ 99 [Rev. T. Bland. A haytc for Momus q;^c: Ent. Stat. Hall 7 June 1589: see/. 140.] [?] AntI'Martlyus d-r. Ent. Stat. Hall 3 July 1589 : see /. 140. [Protesta XT.] Martin Marprelate. T/icsc MartiniaiKv, or Martin Junior. [Secretly printed at Wolston, and issued about 22 July 1589.] Theses Martinianae: That is, certaine demonstrative Conclusions, sette downe and collected (as it should seeme) by that famous and renowmed Clarke, the reuerend Martin Marprelate the great: seruing as a manifest and sufficient confutation of al that euer the CoUedge of Catercaps with their whe band of Clergie-priests, haue, or can bring for the defence of their ambitious and Antichristian Prelacie. Published and set foortJL as an after-birth of the 7iohle Gentlemen himself e, by a prety stripling of his, Martin Iv.mor, and dedicated by hitn to his g^ood neame and nuncka, Maister lohn Kankerbury: Hovz> the yoiing-ma7i came by them, the Reader sJuill vnderstande sufficiently in the Epilogue. In the mcane time, vvhosoeuer ca7i bring 7iiee acquainted with my father, fie bee boHJide hee shall not loose his labour. Printed by the assignes of Martin Junior, without any priuiledge of the Catercaps. [PURJTAy.] Martin Marprelate. Martin Senior. [Secretly printed at Wolston, and issued about 29 July 1589.] I'he iust censure and reproofe of Martin lunior. Wherein the rash and vndiscreete headines of the foolish youth, is sharply mette with, and the boy hath his lesson taught him, I warrant you, by his reuerend and elder brother Martin Senior Sonne and heire vnto the renowmed Martin Mar-prelate the Great, Wheie also, least the springall shold be vtterly discouraged in his good meaning, you shall finde that hee is not bereaued of his due commendations. \P u RITA N.\ [?] A Dialogue. WJierin is plainly la uie open, the tyrrannicall dealing of L, Bishopps against Gods children. q:^c. [Puritan.] ? Printed by Waldegrave at Rochelle in the summer of 1589. Pasquill of Eng-land. A Counter cnffc to Martin Junior, [Privately printed in London, Aug.] 1589. \P rotestant.] Marphoreus. Martin's Month's Mind. [Privately printed in London, Aug.] Martins Months minde, that is, A certatne report, afid true description of the Death, and Funeralls, of olde ISIartin Marre-prelate , the great makebate of England, and father of the Factious. Contaytiing the cause of his death, the maimer of his buriall, and the right copies both of his Will, and of such Epitaphs, as by sundrie his dearest friends, and other of his well willers, were framed for him. Martin the Ape, the dronke, and the madde. The three l\lartzns are, ivhose tvorkes ive haue had. If Martin the fourth co)ne, after Martinis so eiiill. Nor man, nor beast comes, but Martin the deuilL {P ROTE S TA A' T.] Martin Marprelate. The Protestation. [Secretly printed at Haseley about Sept. 1589-] The Protestatyon of Martin Marprelat. Wherin notwihstanding the surprizing of the printer, he maketh it known vnto the world that he feareth, neither proud priest, Antichristian pope, tiranous prellate, nor godlesse catercap : but defieth all the race of them by these presents and offereth conditionally, as is farthere expressed hearein by open disputation to apear in the defence of his cause against them and theirs. Which chaleng if they dare not maintaine against him : then doth he alsoe publishe that he never meaneth by the assistaunce of god to leaue the assayling of them and theire generation vntill they be vterly extinguished out of our church. F^iblished by the ivorthie gentle >na?i D ]Hartin marprelate D. in all the faculties primal and metropolitan. [P UR I TA .\ ] Double V. Pappe ivith an Hatchet. [Privately printed in London about Sept. 1589.] Pappe ivith aft hatchet. Alias, A figge for my God sojine. Or Cracke ?ne this nut. Or A Countrit-' cuffe, that is, a so wide boxc of the eare, for the idiot Marti/t to hold his peace, seeing the Patch will take no warning. 200 Alt Introductory Sketch &c. Vyritten by one that dares call a dog, a dog, and made to preuenl Martins dog daies. Imprinted by lo/ui Anoke, and John Astile, for the Bayliue of Withernam, cum priuilegic pcrctuUtatis, and are to bee sold at the signe of the crab tree cudgell in thwackcoate lane. A sentence. Martin hangs fit for my mowing, [PR TllS TA -V T.\ Pasquil of Eng-land. His Return. [Privately printed in London. Oct. 1589.] The Returne of the renowned Caualiero Pasquill of England, from the other side the Seas, and his meeting with Marforius at London vpon the Royall Exchange. / 'V'here they encounter luith a little household talke of Martin and Martinisme, disconering ths scabbe that is bredde in England : and conferring togetlier about the speedie dispersing of the golden Legende of the Hues of the Saints. Jf my breath be so Iwte that J burne my mouth, suppose I was Printed by Pepper AUie. iPROriiSTANT.^ [T. T. A Myrrour for Martynistcs Cs^c. Ent. Stat. Hall, 22 Dec. 1589: see /. 140.] [PROTHSTAA'T.] 1590. [L Wright. An admonicion to Martin Marprelat &=c, Ent. Stat. Hall, 19 Jan. 1590 : see /^. 140.] IProtestant.^ R[lcliard] H[arvey]. A Theological Discourse of the Lamb of God and his enemies : Contayning a brief Commentarie of Christian faith and felicitie, together with a detection of old and new Barbarisme, now commonly called Martinisme, 1590. IPROTE S TA K T.\ P. P. P. [?.<'.] Plain Perceval the Peacemaker of England^ his Reconciliation etc. [1590.] Plaine Perceval! the Peacemaker of England. Sweetly indevoring with his blunt persuasions to botch vp a Reconciliation between Mar-ton and Mar-tother. Compiled by laitfull art, that is to say, without witch craft, or sorcery : and referred specially to the Meridian arid pole Artichocke of Nonians Land: but may serue generally without any great error, for more Countries than He speake of. Quis furor aut hos, Aut hos, arma sequi. ferrumque lacessere iussit. Printed in Broad-streete at the signe of the Pack-staffe. \.NE UT RA L.\ Cuthbert Curry-knave. An Almotid for a Parrot. [1590.] An Almond for a Parrat, Or Cutbert Curry-knaues Ahnes. Fit for the knaue Martin, and the rest of those impudent Beg^ers, that can not be content to stay their stomakes with a Benefice, but they will needes breake their fastes with our Bishops. Rimarum sum plenus. Therefore beware (gentle Reader) you catch not the hicket with laughing. Imprinted at a Place, not farre from a Place, by the Assignes of Signior Some-body, and are to be sold at his shoppe in Trouble-knaue Street, at the sign of the Standish. iPRO TESTA NT.] [J. Davles. Sir Marten Marr-people <^c, Ent. Stat. Hall, 28 Oct. 1590 ; see/, 141.] This Sketch is simply introduciory. It docs not touch the sub- stance of the Controversy, which — like a faithful mirror — reflects the lights and shadows of the intensely earnest Christian life among the Protestants of England in the last years of the Virgin Queen, UNWIN BROTHERS, THE CRESHAM PRESS, CHIUYORTH AND LONDON. DATE DUE ^f^"""""^ GAYLORD PRiNTEDINUSA BW5132.M3A6 An introductory sketch to the Martin Princeton Theological Semmary-Speer Library 1 1012 00081 6589