^^ OF PR/^ Logical st*^>^ °(57 615 134 BI7 \ Wmighe i:|)e Camijrttrse MW for ^c!)ools. THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES (XV— XXVIII) Cambritige : PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. & SON, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. General Editor :— J. J. S. PEROWNE, D.D., Dean of Peterborough. THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES W (XV— XXVIII) IVITff INTRODUCTION AND NOTES J. RAWSON'^UMBY, D.D., NORRISIAN PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY. EDITED FOR THE SYNDICS OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. Eonton: C. J. Clay, m.a. & Son, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, 17, Paternoster Row. 1882 [All Rights reserved^ I t ^M PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR. The General Editor of The Cambridge Bible for Schools thinks it right to say that he does not hold himself responsible either for the interpretation of particular passages which the Editors of the several Books have adopted, or for any opinion on points of doctrine that they may have expressed. In the New Testament more especially questions arise of the deepest theological import, on which the ablest and most conscientious interpreters have differed and always will differ. His aim has been in all such cases to leave each Contributor to the unfettered exercise of his own judgment, only taking care that mere controversy should as far as possible be avoided. He has contented himself chiefly with a careful revision of the notes, with pointing out omissions, with PREFACE. suggesting occasionally a reconsideration of some question, or a fuller treatment of difficult passages, and the like. Beyond this he has not attempted to interfere, feeling it better that each Commentary should have its own individual character, and being convinced that freshness and variety of treatment are more than a compensation for any lack of uniformity in the Series. Deanery, Peterborough. '•JAN188S fipNTENTSr ^'^ ^:s- PAGES I. Introduction. L Design of the Author ix ii. The Title xv iii. The Author xvi iv. Date of the work xxiv V. The Sources of the Narrative xxxi vi. On some alleged difl&culties in the character of the Narrative in the Acts xxxiii II. Text and Notes 185—380 III. Index : 381—387 Maps :— St Paul's Second Missionary Journey to face p. 200 ,, Third „ tofacep. 246 The Text adopted in this Edition is that of Dr Scrivener's Cambridge Paragraph Bible. A few variations from the ordi- nary Text, chiefly in the spelling of certain words, and in the use of italics, will be noticed. For the principles adopted by Dr Scrivener as regards the printing of the Text see his Intro- duction to the Paragraph Bibkt published by the Cambridge University Press. -a -^--^^ INTRODUCTION. DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR. The writer of the Acts of the Apostles sets forth, in his intro- ductory sentences, that the book is meant to be a continuation of a "former treatise." It is addressed to a certain "Theophi- lus," and since, among the other books of the New Testament, the third Gospel is written to a person of the same name, it is natural to take these compositions to be the work of the same author, and the unvarying tradition of antiquity has ascribed both works to St Luke. Leaving however, for the present, the consideration of this tradition, and turning to the contents of the book, we find that the author describes his earlier work as a "treatise of all that Jesus dega?t both to do and teach until the day in which He was taken up" (Acts i. i, 2). This description accords exactly with the character and contents of St Luke's Gospel, and, moreover, the opening sentences of the Acts are an ex- pansion and explanation of the closing sentences of that Gospel. They define more completely the "promise of the Father" there mentioned, they tell us how long the risen Jesus remained with His disciples, they describe the character of His communications during the forty days, and they make clear to us, what otherwise would have been difficult to understand, viz. how it came to pass that the disciples, when their Master had been taken from them, "returned to Jerusalem with great joy" (Luke xxiv. 52). When we read in the Acts of the two men in white apparel who testified to the desolate gazers that the departed Jesus was to come again as He had been seen to go into heaven, we can comprehend that they would recall His words (John xiv. 28), ACTS t INTRODUCTION. " I go away and come again unto you. If ye loved me ye would rejoice because I said, I go unto the Father," and that they would be strengthened to act upon them. Thus, from the way in which this second account of the» Ascension supplements and explains the former brief notice in the Gospel, it seems natural to accept the Acts as a narrative written with the purpose of continuing the history of the Christian Church after Christ's ascension, in the same manner in which the history of Christ's own deeds had been set forth in the Gospel. Now the writer declares that his object in the first work had been to explain what "Jesus begaji to do and teach." He had not, any more than the other Evangelists, aimed at giving a complete life of Jesus, but only an explanation of those principles of His teaching, and those great acts in His life, on which Xho. foujidations of the new society were to be laid. If then the second book be meant to carry on the history in the same spirit in which it had been commenced, we. shall expect to find in it no more than what the disciples began to do and teach when Jesus was gone away from them. And such unity of purpose, and consequently of treatment, is all the more to be looked for because both books are written to the same person. That the Acts of the Apostles is a work of this character, a history of begin7iings only, will be apparent from a very brief ex- amination of its contents. We are told by the writer that Christ, before His ascension, marked out the course which should be taken in the publication of the Gospel. "Ye shall be witnesses unto me both in Jerusalem, and in all Judaea, and in Samaria, and unto the uttermost parts of the earth." Taking these words for his theme the author directs his labour to shew in what manner the teaching of the Apostles was begun in each of these appointed fields of labour, and he does no more. He men- tions the eleven Apostles by name at the outset, to imply thereby that each one took his due share in the work of evangeliza- tion, though it will not come within the historian's purpose to describe that share. And with like brevity he relates how the Apostolic band was completed by the election of Matthias into the place of Judas. This done, he turns to his proper theme. INTRODUCTION. which is what Jesus began to do through the Spirit after His ascension. He tells us how the disciples, filled with the Holy- Ghost, preached in Jerusalem until it was declared by the lips of their adversaries (Acts v. 28) that the city was filled with their doctrine. After this C07nmence7jze7if we hear but little of the work done in Jerusalem. The author's next step is to relate how from the Holy City the mission of the disciples was ex- tended into Judaea and Samaria. To make this intelligible he found it needful to describe with some detail the events which led to the death of Stephen, and before that to point out the position which the first martyr held in the new society. And as the defence which Stephen made before the Jewish rulers forms what may be called the Apology to the Jews for the universalism of Christianity, we have the argument of that speech given at some length. The time had arrived when the Gospel was to be published to others than Jews, and we can see from the charges laid against Stephen that this further spread of their labours had been dwelt upon in the addresses of the Christian teachers. Blasphemous words spoken against the Temple and the Law would be but a vague accusation were it not explained by the defence which was made in reply to it. From this defence we can see that the provocation which had roused the Jews against Stephen was the doctrine that God was the God not of the Jews only, but also of the Gentiles, and that His worship was no longer to be restricted to any particular locality as heretofore. To prove to his hearers that this was shewn in their own history and taught by their own prophets, Stephen points out that it was not in the Holy Land, to which they attached such sanctity, that God first appeared to Abraham, but in Mesopotamia ; that God was with him also in Haran, and that when He had brought "the father of the faithful" into Canaan, He gave no permanent possession therein either to him or to his descendants for many generations. Yet though the people of Israel were for a long time strangers in Egypt God was with them there. He blessed them so that they multipHed exceedingly, and manifested His constant care of them in their slavery until at last He sent them a dehverer in Moses. This prophet God had trained first in Pharaoh's court b2 INTRODUCTION. and then in the land of Midian, and had manifested His presence to him in a special manner in the wilderness of Mount Sinai, and all these tokens of God's care for His people had been shewn without any preference on the part of Jehovah for one place above another. The mention of Moses leads the speaker into a brief di- gression, in which he compares the rebellious behaviour of the Israelites towards their deliverer, with the hostile disposition of the Jews towards Jesus. But he soon resumes the thread of his argument, and points out that the Tabernacle, and with it the visible sign of God's presence among His chosen people, was moving from place to place for forty years in the wilderness, and that when the people came into Canaan there was no thought of a fixed abode for the Tabernacle until the days of David : that then God did not at once permit the building of the Temple which that king designed to raise, and when Solomon was allowed to build God's house, yet, as Stephen reminds his hearers, the voice of their prophets still testified that the Most High did not dwell in temples made with hands, but sat in heaven, while earth was as His footstool, and that He was the Maker and Preserver not of one race, but of all men. This language, enforcing, from a review of their own history and pro- phecies, the position which Stephen had taken up in the defence of the new doctrine, and rather going beyond, than defending himself against, the accusation of his opponents, roused their indignation, and, apparently perceiving this, the speaker con- cludes his defence not with a peroration, but with a solemn rebuke, in which he says that, with all their zeal for the Law they have not kept the true spirit of that heaven-sent deposit of which they had been made the guardians. Provoked still more by such a declaration the crowd breaks out into a furious rage, and by stoning Stephen and persecuting all who adhered to his cause, endeavours to stop the spread of the Christian doctrines, but these persecutions become the cause of a still wider propa- gation of the new teaching and effect the very object to which the Jews were so strongly opposed. This is the longest speech contained in the Acts, and the INTRODUCTION. great prominence given to it by the author seems to harmonize with what we judge to be his general design. For this address was the first defence of the wider extension of the preaching of the disciples, and on such initiatory stages of the movement it is after the author's manner to dwell. He next proceeds with the history of the propagation of Christ's doctrine in Judaea and Samaria, and as if to indicate at once that the message was now to be spread to the farthest corners of the earth, PhiHp's mission to the Ethiopian eunuch is mentioned that we may be informed concerning the firstfruits of the faith in Africa ; but the story is carried no farther, nor have we any after-record concerning Philip, except the notice (xxi. 8) which seems to imply that he made his home for the future in Cassarea, where the population would be mainly Gentiles. Saul's conversion and Peter's visit to Cornelius may be called companion pictures meant to display the two lines of activity by which the conversion of the Gentiles was to be brought about. The one mission, initiated by St Peter, was to those among the heathen who, like the centurion of Caesarea, had been already led to some partial knowledge of God, through the study of the Jewish Scriptures. On the other hand the great Apostle of the Gentiles was sent forth to his allotted work among those who were to be turned (Acts xiv. 15) "from their vanities to serve the living God which made heaven and earth and all things therein." As soon as Peter's share in the beginniJtg of this mission is concluded, and he has twice testified concerning it (xi. 4 — 17, XV. 7 — 11) that his action had been prompted by a Divine revelation, and that the propriety of what he had done was confirmed by the witness of the Holy Spirit, our historian dis- misses him, the most energetic of the original twelve, from his narrative, because the other beginnings of Gospel-preaching among the heathen can be better explained by following the career of St Paul, the chief pioneer of the Christian faith as it spread to the ends of the earth. Still through the whole of what is related concerning the labours of that Apostle, we learn only of the foimdi7tg of Churches and societies, and of the initial INTRODUCTION. steps of the Christian work in the places which he visited. We are indeed told that St Paul proposed, some time after the completion of their first missionary journey (xv. 36), that he and Barnabas should go and visit those cities in which they had already preached the word of the Lord. But that proposal came to naught, and the Apostle with Silas then visited only Lystra and Derbe, and that apparently for the sole purpose of taking Timothy as a companion in his further labours. After this visit, the account of which is summed up in three verses, the whole of the second journey was made over new ground. Troas, Philippi, Thessalonica, Athens and Corinth were' visited, and probably in all these places, and in others unnamed, the begin- nings of a Christian society were established. We know that it was so in three of these cities. In returning by sea to Jeru- salem the Apostle touched at Ephesus, but remained there so short a time that his real work in that metropolis can hardly be dated from this visit. We are only told that he entered into the Synagogue and reasoned with the Jews (xviii. 19^ no mention being made of what was his special work, the mission to the Gentiles. But on his third journey, as though he had foreseen how "great a door and effectual" was opened to him in Ephesus, he chose that city as the first scene of his settled labours, and continued there for the greater part of three years, and became in that time, we cannot doubt, the founder of the Asiatic Churches of the Apocalypse. From thence he passed over to Macedonia, but though this journey is noticed there is no word told us concerning the Churches which had been founded there by St Paul and his companions on the previous visit, nor con- cerning his labours in Greece whither he afterwards went. Nay even though he made a special halt on his homeward voyage at Philippi, where was a congregation which above all others was a deep joy to the Apostle, we have not a detail recorded of the condition in which he found the brethren whom he so much loved. Very httle had been said concerning the results of the former stay at Troas (xvi. 8 — 11) to indicate whether any Chris- tian brotherhood had been established there ; and it may be that the missionaries were forbidden of the Spirit at that time to preach INTRODUCTION. in Troas as in the rest of Asia. For this reason, it seems, the historian dwells more at length (xx. 6 — 12) on the residence of St Paul in that city during his third journey, in such wise as to make clear to us that here too the work of Christ was now begun. After that, during the whole course of the voyage, with the ex- ception of the invitation of the Ephesian elders to Miletus and the solemn parting address given to them there, in which we hear repeated echoes of the language of St Paul's Epistles, there is no mention of any stay at places where the work of Evan- gelization had already commenced. And when Jerusalem is reached the imprisonment speedily follows, and the writer afterwards records merely those stages in the Apostle's history which led up to his visit to Rome. He might have told us much of the two years passed in Csesarea, during which St Paul's friends were not forbidden "to minister or to come unto him." He might have told us much of those two other years of the Roman imprisonment, of which he knew the termination. But this entered not into his plan of writing. So he has made no attempt to write a history of St Paul, any more than of St Peter. As soon as we have heard that the message of the Gospel was published first to the Jews and then to the Gentiles in the empire-city of the world in that age, the author pauses from his labour. He had completed the task which he undertook : he had described what Jesus, through His messen- gers, begaii to do and teach, after His ascension into heaven, for in reaching Rome the message of the Gospel has potentially come " to the uttermost parts of the earth." II. THE TITLE. It will be clear from what has been already said of its contents that the title, by which the book is known to us, can hardly have been given to it by its author. The work is certainly not " The Acts of the Apostles." It contains no detailed account of the work of any of the Apostles except Peter and Paul. John is mentioned on three occasions, but he appears rather as the com- panion of Peter than as the doer of any special act by himself. INTRODUCTION. Of James the son of Zebedee we have no notice except of his execution by Herod, while much more space is devoted to Stephen and Philip, who were not Apostles, than to him; and the same remark applies to the notices of Timothy and Silas. We may conclude then that the title, as we now have it, was a later addition. The author (Acts i. i) calls the Gospel "a treatise" (Xoyos), a term the most general that could be used; and if that work were styled by him " the first treatise," the Acts would most naturally receive the name of " the second treatise." Or it may be that the form of title given in the Cod. Sitiaitiais was its first appellation. There the book is called simply "Acts," and for a while that designation may have been sufficient to distinguish it from other books. But it was not long before treatises came into circulation concerning the doings of indi- vidual Apostles and Bishops, and these were known by such titles as " The Acts of Peter and Paul," " The Acts of Timothy," " The Acts of Paul and Thecla," &c. It would become neces- sary, as such literature increased and was circulated, to enlarge the title of this original volume of "Acts," and from such exi- gency we find in various MSS. different titles given to it, such as "Acts of the Apostles," " Acting of Apostles," "Acts of all the Apostles," " Acts of the Holy Apostles," with still longer additions in MSS. of later date. III. THE AUTHOR. All the traditions of the early Church ascribe the authorship of the Acts to the writer of the third Gospel, and Eusebius {Hist. Eccl. II. II ) says, "Luke, by race a native of Antioch and by pro- fession a physician, having associated mainly with Paul and having companied with the rest of the Apostles less closely, has left us examples of that healing of souls which he acquired from them in two inspired books, the Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles." Eusebius lived about 325 A.D. Before his tim.e Tertullian, A.D. 200, speaks {De jejtmiis, 10) of the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles and of Peter going up to the housetop to pray, as facts mentioned in the com- INTRODUCTION. mentary of Luke. Also {^De baptismo, lo) he says, "We find in the Acts of the Apostles that they who had received the baptism of John had not received the Holy Ghost, of which indeed they had not even heard." Similar quotations could be drawn from Clement of Alexandria, a httle anterior to Tertullian, and also from Irenseus, who wrote about a.d. 190. The earliest clear quotation from the Acts is contained in a letter preserved in Eusebius (//". E. v. 2) sent by the Churches in the south of Gaul to the Christians of Asia and Phrygia and written A.D. 177, concerning the persecutions of the Church in Gaul. Alluding to some who had been martyred there, the writers say, "They prayed for those who arranged their torments as did Stephen, that perfect martyr, 'Lord, lay not this sin to their charge.'" In still earlier writings there maybe allusions to the Acts, but they are not sufficiently distinct to warrant their insertion as quota- tions. But in the scarcity of writings at this early period we need not be surprised if a century elapsed after the writing of the book before we can discover traces of its general circulation. It was probably completed, as we shall see, between A.D. 60 — 70, and if in a hundred years from that time the Christians of Europe can quote from it as a book well known to their brethren in Asia we may feel quite sure that it had been in circulation, and generally known among Christians, for a large portion of the intervening century. Modern critics have doubted the existence of the Acts at the date when this letter of the Churches of Vienna and Lyons was written, and have argued thus : "The tradition of St Stephen's martyrdom, and the memory of his noble sayings, may well have remained in the Church, or have been recorded in writings then current, from one of which indeed eminent critics conjecture that the author of Acts derived his ma- terials 1." As if it were easier to admit on conjecture the exist- ence of writings for which no particle of evidence is forth- coming, than to allow, in agreement with most ancient tradition, that "the Acts" was composed at the date to which, on the face of his work, the writer lays claim. In his book the author makes no mention of himself by 1 Supernatural Religion^ ill. 25. INTRODUCTION. name, though in the latter part of his narrative he very fre- quently employs the pronoun "we/' intimating thereby that he was present at the events which in that portion of his work he is describing. The passages in which this pronoun is found (xvi. lo — 17; XX. 5 — 38; xxi. I — 18; xxvii. ; xxviii.) deserve special notice. The author of the Acts, by his allusion in the opening words to his "former treatise," leads us to the belief that in this second work he is about again to use material which he gathered from those who had been eyewitnesses and ministers in the scenes which he describes. Much of this material he has clearly cast into such a shape as fitted his purpose, and much which was no doubt at hand for him he did not use because of the special aim which in his treatise he had in view. It is very difficult to believe that an author who has in other parts systematically shaped other men's communications, many of which would naturally be made to him in the first person, into a strictly his- torical narrative, should in four places of his work have for- gotten to do this,and have left standing the "we" of those persons from whom he received his information. It seems much more natural to infer that the passages in question are really the con- tributions of the writer himself and that, on the occasions to which they refer, he was himself a companion of St Paul. For whoever the writer may have been he was neither neglectful nor ignorant of the rules of literary composition, as may be seen by the opening words both of the Gospel and the Acts. But it has been alleged that anyone who had been the com- panion of St Paul at those times, to which reference is made by the passages we are considering, would have had much more and greater things to tell us than the writer of the Acts has here set down. This would be quite true if the author had set out with the intention of writing a Hfe of St Paul. But, as has been observed before, this is exactly what he did not do. His book is a description of the begbmiiigs of Christianity. And with this in mind we can see that the matters on which he dwells are exactly those which we should expect him to notice. In the first passage (xvi. 10 — 17) he describes the events which were connected with the planting of the first Christian Church in INTRODUCTION. Europe at Philippi, and though the word "we" only occurs in the verses cited above, it would be ridiculous to suppose that he, who wrote those words implying a personal share in what was done, was not a witness of all that took place while Paul and Silas remained in Philippi. A like remark applies to the second passage (xx. 5 — 38). Here too the word "we" is not found after verse 1 5 where we read " we came to Miletus," But surely having been with St Paul up to this point, we have no reason to think that the writer was absent at the time of that earnest address which the Apostle gave to the Ephesian elders whom he sum- moned to Miletus to meet him ; an address which is. exactly in the style that we should, from his Epistles, expect St Paul to have used, and which we may therefore judge the writer of the Acts to have heard from the Apostle's lips, and in substance to have faithfully reported. The next passage (xxi. i — 18) brings the voyagers to Jerusalem, and there the writer represents himself as one who went with St Paul to meet James and the Christian elders when the Apostle was about to give an account of his ministry among the Gentiles. But though after that the story falls again, as a history should, into the third person, have we any right to conclude from this that the writer who had come so far with his friend, left him after he had reached the Holy City ? Surely it is more natural to suppose that he remained near at hand, and that we have in his further narrative the results of his personal observation and enquiry, especially as when the pronoun " we " again appears in the document it is (xxvii. i) to say " it was determined that we should sail into Italy." The writer who had been the com- panion of St Paul to Jerusalem is at his side when he is to be sent to Rome. The events intervening had been such that there was no place for the historian to speak in his own person, but the moment when he is allowed again to become St Paul's companion in travel, the personal feature reappears, and the writer continues to be eyewitness of all that was done till Rome was reached, and perhaps even till the Apostle was set free, for he notes carefully the length of time that the imprisonment lasted. INTRODUCTION. That the writer of the Acts does not mention St Paul's Epistles is what we should expect. He was with St Paul, and not with any of those congregations to which the Epistles were addressed, while as we have said, the piajiting of the Church, and not the further edification thereof was what he set before him to be recorded in the Acts. Moreover we are not to look upon St Luke as with St Paul in the same capacity as Timothy, Silas, or Aristarchus. He was for the Apostle "the beloved physician"; a Christian brother it is true, but abiding with St Paul because of his physical needs rather than as a prominent sharer in his missionary labours. The passages in question seem to give us one piece of definite information about their writer. They shew us that he accompanied St Paul from Troas as far as Philippi, and there they leave him. But they further shew that it was exactly in the same region that the Apostle, when returning to Asia for the last time, renewed the interrupted companionship, which from that time till St Paul's arrival in Rome seems only to have been interrupted while he was under the charge of the Roman authorities. If we suppose, as the title given to him warrants us in doing, that Theophilus was some official, perhaps in Roman employ ; that he lived (and his name is Greek) in the region of Macedonia ; then the third Gospel may very well have been written for his use by St Luke while he remained in Macedonia, and the Acts subsequently when St Paul had been set free. In this way addressing one who would know how the writer came to Macedonia with St Paul, and went away again as that Apostle's companion, the places in which the author has allowed "we "to stand in his narrative are exactly those in which the facts of the case would dictate its retention. Nor is this personal portion of the writer's narrative so unim- portant as has been alleged by some critics. The founding of the Church at Philippi may be called the recorded birthday of European Christendom. And for the writer of the Acts it was not unimportant to tell us that a Christian Church was es- tablished at Troas, when he had said in an earlier place that on a former visit they were forbidden of the Spirit to preach the INTRODUCTION. word in Asia. Who moreover can reckon the address at Miletus an unimportant document in early Church history ? Does it not shew us how the prescient mind of the Apostle saw the signs of the times, the germs of those heretical opinions which he lived to find more fully developed, and against which he afterwards had to warn Timothy and Titus, against which too almost all the letters of the other Apostles are more or less directed ? And how the ' Apostle of the Gen- tiles ' was brought to Rome was a subject which could not but find full place in a history of the begijinings of the Gospel. For though the v/riter of the Acts fully acknowledges the exist- ence of a Christian Church in Rome before St Paul's arrival, it was a part of his purpose to shew us how that Church was for the first time strengthened by the personal guidance and direction of one of the Apostles. The letters of St Paul bear their witness to St Luke's pre- sence with the Apostle when he was a prisoner in Rome; for in the Epistle to Philemon, written from Rome during this first imprisonment, the writer sends to Philemon the salutation of Luke (ver. 24) as one of his fellow-labourers, and in the Epistle to the Colossians (iv. 14) he is also mentioned as "Luke the beloved physician." Indeed it seems very probable that St Luke afterwards continued to be the companion of St Paul, for in a later Epistle (2 Tim. iv. 11) we find him saying, "Only Luke is with me." That "the beloved physician" was the writer both of the Gospel and of the Acts may perhaps also be inferred from the use which the author makes of technical medical terms in his description of diseases, as in the account of Simon's wife's mother (Luke iv. 38), in the story of the woman with the issue of blood (viii. 43, 44) and in his narration of the agony of Christ (xxii. 44). Also in the description of the cripple at the Temple gate (Acts iii. 7), in the notice of the death of Herod Agrippa (xii. 23), and when he writes of the blindness of Elymas (xiii. 1 1), and of the sickness of the father of Publius in Melita (xxviii. 8). A comparison of the Greek phraseology of the Gospel and of the Acts leads also to the conclusion that the two books INTRODUCTION. are from the same hand. It should further be noticed that there are more than fifty words used in the Gospel and also in the Acts which are not found elsewhere in the New Testament. This work, as well as the Gospel, being anonymous, attempts have been made to refer the authorship to some other person than St Luke, seeing that it is only assigned to him by tradition, and his name never appears in the story as do the names of other actors in the work. Some critics have suggested that Timothy was the author of those sections in which the plural pronoun "we" occurs, because in the letters addressed to the Corinthians, Thessalonians and Philippians, St Paul mentions Timothy with great affection as his fellow-preacher. It is argued that whoever wrote the narrative of the Acts must have been in very close relation to St Paul at the time when he visited Corinth and Thessalonica and Philippi, and that the name of such a man would not have been omitted, at all events, from the opening greetings of all these Epistles. But we can see from Acts xx. 4 — 5 that there was an intimate companion of St Paul, who for some reason remained at his side when the others could leave him, and who there states expressly that he was with the Apostle when Timothy had gone away. And the sug- gestion of those who think that Luke the physician was taken with him by St Paul because of the bodily infirmities under which the Apostle laboured, and that it is in this capacity, rather than as a fellow-preacher, that St Luke was in such close attendance during the missionary journeys, is worthy of con- sideration. If this were so, Luke, though the writer of the diary, yet would not come so prominently before the Churches in the various cities which were visited, as those companions of St Paul who were fellow-missionarieSj and this would explain why he is omitted in the greetings of the letters afterwards written by St Paul to the newly-founded congregations. Moreover, the physician would be the one person who would naturally remain in attendance, when the fellow-preachers had gone forth on their several ways. Nor is there any better ground for supposing, as some have done, that Silas is the narrator who writes in the first person. INTRODUCTION. xxiii We have only to look at Acts xv. 22, where, in the portion of the narrative which, according to this hypothesis, must have been written by Silas, he is spoken of as a " chief man among the brethren," to see that Silas could not be the writer of such a notice concerning himself. And the argument which would make Silas (i.e. Silvamis)^ and Luke (i.e. Luca7iiis\ two names belonging to one and the same person, because the one is derived from silva — 2L wood, and the other from Incus =2. grove, and so their sense is cognate, does not merit much consideration. It is said in support of this view that Silas and Luke are never mentioned together. But it is plain from the story of the preaching and arrest of Paul and Silas at Philippi, that the writer who there speaks in the first person plural was a different person from Silas (cf. Acts xvi. 16 — 19). And with regard to the cognate signification of the two names it should be borne in mind that when such double appellations were given to the same person they were not derived from the same language. Cephas and ThoDias are Aramaic, while Peter and Didymus are Greek. But Silvajius and Lucamis have both a Latin origin. With still less ground has it been suggested that Titus was the author of these personal sections and that some later writer incorporated them in his work. Titus was with St Paul in his missionary journeys, as we know from the second Epistle to the Corinthians, but to accept him as author 01 "the Acts" would.be to prefer a theory of modern invention before the tradition which, though not capable of exact verification, has the voice of long antiquity in its lavour. We are therefore inclined to give the weight which it deserves to the ancient opinion, and to accept the traditional view of the origin of both the Gospel and the Acts, rather than any of the modern suppositions, which are very difficult to be reconciled with the statements in the Acts and the Epistles, and which are the mere offspring of critical imaginations. xxiv INTRODUCTION. IV. DATE OF THE WORK. That the writer was one who hved amid the events with which he deals will be clear to any one who will consider how he connects his narrative with contemporary history, and that in no case can he be proved to have fallen into error. We find him speaking of Gamaliel (Acts v. 34) exactly as what we know from other sources about that doctor of the Law would lead us to ex- pect a contemporary to speak. In the same place he deals with historical events in connection with Theudas and Judas, and it has been shewn in the notes that there is great probability that in all he says he is correct, for he speaks of the latter of these rebels with more exactness than is found in Josephus, while the former has probably been unnamed by that writer because the rebellion in which Theudas was concerned was comprised under the general description that he gives of the numerous outbreaks with which Judaea was at that time disturbed. Again, the writer of the Acts brings Caesarea before us exactly in the condition in which we know it to have been under Roman government in the period before the destruction of Je- rusalem. He alludes (xi. 28) to the famine in the days of Claudius Caesar, in language which only one who had personal knowledge of the event would have used. He gives a notice of Herod Agrippa which accords with Josephus in most minute details, and which shews that the writer of the description was most intimately acquainted with the circumstances which at- tended that monarch's death. In his mention of Cyprus he makes it clear by the designation which he uses for the Roman governor of that island that he was conversant with all the circumstances of its government, which had but recently undergone a change, as is pointed out in the notes on St Paul's visit to Cyprus. Of the same character is his very precise notice of the magiste- rial titles in Thessalonica and Malta. He employs in his narra- tive about these places no general expression, signifying "ruler" or "chief man," but gives the special names of the officials there, using words far from common, and which modern investigations have proved to be of that precision which bespeaks a personal INTRODUCTION. acquaintance with the condition of the districts to which the writer refers. It is noteworthy too that he introduces at Ephesus the burn- ing of the books of magic exactly at that place where, almost above any city in the whole of Asia, such acts were held in the greatest repute. So too the whole dialogue which >e. records when Paul was rescued by the chief captain in Jerusalem is full of incidental allusions to the tumults and disorders with which Judaea was afflicted at the time, allusions which would hardly have been made, and certainly not so naturally and without all comment, by a writer who put together the story of the Acts at a time long after the Apostles were dead. The mention of the large force told off" to convey Paul to Csesarea is just one of those notices which a later writer would never have invented. Abody- guard oifour himdred and seventy men for the conveyance of a single prisoner would have seemed out of all proportion except to one who when he wrote knew that the whole land was in- fested with bands of outlaws, and that these desperadoes could be hired for any outrage at the shortest notice. In the same way Felix, Festus and Agrippa are brought before us in exact harmony with what we learn of their history and characters from other sources, and with none of that descrip- tion which a late writer would have been sure to introduce, while a contemporary would know it to be unnecessary. Even the speech of TertuUus before Felix, both by what it says and what it omits, in its words of flattery, is evidence that we are dealing with the writing of one who lived through the events of which he has given us the history. But it is in the frequent notices of Jerusalem that the most cogent evidence is to be found for the date of the writer. That city was destroyed by the Romans A.D. 70, but in the whole of the Acts there is no single word to indicate that the author of this book knew anything of that event or even of the causes whose operation brought it about. The city is always mentioned as still in its grandeur; the Temple services and "sacrifices con- tinue to be observed ; at the great feasts the crowds of strangers assemble as the Law enjoined, and among its population the ACTS c INTRODUCTION. Scribes and Pharisees and Sadducees act the same parts which they do in the Gospel histories; locahties such as Solomon's porch, and the field Akeldama, the tower of Antonia and its near neighbourhood to the Temple, are spoken of as though still ex- isting and as well-marked spots ; the synagogues erected in the city for the foreign Jews are mentioned, and the writer speaks of them as places which would be well known to his readers. Annas and Caiaphas and Ananias are to him no characters re- moved by long years of past history, but recent holders of office in the city which was still standing in all security. These features, so many and so various, of contemporary knowledge mark the Acts as a book which must have been written before the over- throw of Jerusalem, and as the narrative terminates about the year 6;^ A, D., we conclude that its composition must have been completed very soon after that date, and probably not later than A.D. 66. About the latter year St Paul was martyred at Rome, and had the writer of the Acts known of that event it is very difficult to imagine that he should have made no allusion to it in such passages as those in which the Apostle declares his ex- pectation of death and his readiness to suffer in the cause of Christ. But not only does the writer of the Acts move easily in his narrative as if amid contemporary history, and give notices of persons and places like one to whom actual experience in what he writes about makes his footing sure, but he has also left an undesigned testimony to the date at which he wrote in the character of his narrative. We know that before the end of the first century the Christian Church was troubled by the rise of much false doctrine. In the New Testament we have a few allusions to false teachers, as when it is said of Hymenaeus and Alexander (i Tim. i. 19, 20) that they "have made shipwreck con- cerning the faith," and (2 Tim. ii. 17, 18) of Hymenaeus and Philetus, that they "have erred concerning the truth." But from other sources we learn much more than from Holy Writ con- cerning these first heretical teachers. The earliest and most prominent among them were the Gnostics, who derived their name from the pretensions which they made to superior know- INTRODUCTION. ledge {g7tosis). This knowledge, as they taught, distinguished the more elevated among mankind from the vulgar, for whom faith and traditional opinion were said to be sufficient. These teachers also perverted the Scriptures by great license in the use of allegorical explanation ; they held that from God had emanated generations of spiritual beings, whom they named ^ons, and who, from the description given of them, are seen to be imper- sonations of the Divine attributes. By the Gnostics matter was declared to be evil, but superior knowledge could enable men either by asceticism to become superior to it, or if they indulged in excesses, to do so without harm. These heretics also denied the resurrection of the body. One of their number, Cerinthus, taught that Christ was one of the ^ons, and that he descended upon the man Jesus at His baptism, and gave Him the power of working miracles, but departed from Him before His crucifixion. There were many other forms assumed by their various heretical doctrines, but what has been said will be a sufficient notice of their character for us to see how free from all knowledge of such speculations was the writer of the Acts. He mentions the op- position of the Judaizing Christians, those of the Circumcision, and he records in many places the violent assaults made on the first missionaries by those sections of the heathen population who saw that the spread of Christianity would interfere with their sources of gain, but of Gnosticism in any of its phases he has never a word, though that kind of teaching was widely spread before the end of the first century. It is therefore to be believed that his history was composed before such heretical teaching had spread, or even made itself much known, or else we must suppose that the writer, though aware of the existence of all these errors, has yet been able to compile a narrative of the early years of the Church without giving us a hint of what had been developed within her at the time when he wrote. He has brought forward St Paul speaking at Miletus (xx. 29, 30), "I know that after my departing shall grievous wolves enter in among you, not sparing the flock. Also of your own selves shall men arise, speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after them ;" and yet on such a passage he has given no sign that the c 2 INTRODUCTION. words of the Apostle had been exactly verified. To suppose that the writer could thus compose his book and never shew that he knew of the later course of the history of the Church, if he did know of it, is quite as difficult as to conceive that he was aware of the overthrow of the Holy City, and yet, though making mention of Jerusalem in almost every chapter, he has never let fall a word in which he intimates his knowledge that the city no longer existed. The only safe conclusion to which a considera- tion of these characteristics of the Acts can lead us is that the author wrote as he has done because, at the time when he was writing, Gnosticism had not been spread abroad, nor was Jeru- salem destroyed. The absence of any allusions to the writings of St Paul in the Acts is a piece of the same kind of evidence for the early date of its composition. Many of the Pauhne Epistles were no doubt written and in the possession of those Churches to which they were addressed before the composition of the Acts, but they had not yet been widely circulated, and so were probably unknown to St Luke. There are, however, some points in the history, which he has given us, that derive support from the Epistles. Thus the provision for widows, alluded to Acts vi. I, was a new feature of social obligation introduced by Christianity. In the narrative of St Luke we are shewn that this was one of the earliest cares of the infant Church, and that it even took precedence of all that we now embrace under the name of public worship. Consonant with this part of the early Christian organization are the regulations given by St Paul to Timothy (i Tim. v. 9) concerning provision for the widows in the Church over which he was to preside. Again the historian gives in several places the account of Saul's conversion after he had been a persecutor of the Christians ; in entire accord with this the Apostle speaks of himself (i Tim. i. 13) as " a blasphemer, and a persecutor, and injurious," but as having " obtained mercy because he did it ignorantly in unbehef." St Paul tells of his escape from Damascus (2 Cor. xi. 32) in language which agrees with what we read in the Acts (ix. 23 — 25). In Hke manner he makes mention (Gal. i. 18) of his visit to Jerusalem to see Peter INTRODUCTION. and James exactly as St Luke mentions it in the history (Acts ix. 28). We learn from the Acts (xii. 17) that James was president of the Church in Jerusalem, and with that agrees the testimony of St Paul (Gal. ii. 9), while the persecutions which the Apostle underwent in Lystra, Antioch and Iconium, of which the his- torian speaks at some length (Acts xiii., xiv.), are mentioned by St Paul when he is writing to Timothy, a native of Lystra (2 Tim. iii. 10, 11), as matters about which the latter had full knowledge. So too the letters of St Paul confirm the history in the Acts with reference to the sufferings endured by the Apostle in his mission to Macedonia. Speaking of these sufferings he reminds the Philippians (i. 30) that their conflict is of the same kind as they had seen him endure. He alludes also (ii. 22) to their knowledge of the character of Timothy whom St Luke mentions as one of St Paul's companions in that journey. And at an earlier period when writing to the Thessalonians (i Thess. i. 6) he makes mention of the great affliction under which they had received the word of the Gospel, and specially names (ii. 2) the shameful treatment to which he and his companions had been subjected at Philippi. Then the teaching recorded at Athens in which the Apostle points out how men from natural religion should be led to " seek the Lord if haply they may feel after Him and find Him" has its counterpart in what is said in the opening of the Epistle to the Romans. There too St Paul declares that the invisible things of God, even His eternal power and Godhead, are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, so that men are without excuse. While the quo- tation from Aratus in that same speech on Mars' Hill is exactly in the style of St Paul as may be seen from similar quotations made by him i Cor. xv. 33 and Titus i. 12, while no other N. T. writer is found quoting from the works of heathen authors. Again both history and letters shew us how St Paul laboured with his own hands for the support both of himself and those who were with him. St Luke mentions the working with Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth (xviii. 3) and puts a reierence to the like conduct at Ephesus into the Apostle's mouth (xx. 34) when he is speaking to the elders at Miletus. The passages which confirm INTRODUCTION. this narrative in the Epistles will be found in i Cor. iv. 1 2 ; 2 Cor. xi. 8 — 10 ; I Thess. ii. 9 ; 2 Thess. iii. 8 ; while from Rom. xvi. 4 and 2 Tim. iv. 19 we have evidence that these persons whom St Luke tells us were fellow-workers with the Apostle as tent- makers were really friends whom he valued highly as brethren in Christ. On another point we have similar confirmation of one docu- ment by the others. We know from the Acts how St Paul en- couraged the ,Gentiles to aid with their substance the poor Christians in Judsea, and he mentions (Acts xxiv. 17) that it was to bring some of the alms collected in answer to his appeals that he had come to Jerusalem when he was attacked in the Temple. Writing to the Romans (xv. 25) the Apostle says " Now I go unto Jerusalem to minister unto the saints" and in the next verse mentions the 'contributions' of Macedonia and Achaia. We have also a proof (i Cor. xvi. i) that such collections were directed to be made in the churches of Galatia as well as at Corinth, and the same subject is mentioned 2 Cor. viii. i — 4. In Acts xix. 21, the historian tells us of St Paul's intention to visit Rome, and to the Christians there the Apostle writes (Rom. i. 13) "I would not have you ignorant that oftentimes I have purposed to come unto you." We know from the Acts very incidentally (xxvii. 2) that Aristarchus went with St Paul when he was carried prisoner to Rome. This is confirmed by the language which the Apostle uses in a letter written during that imprisonment (Col. iv. 10) where he speaks of Aristarchus as his fellow-prisoner, a term which might well be used figuratively by him to express the devotion of the friend who gave up his own liberty that he might minister to the venerable prisoner. Such coincidences of testimony in works written indepen- dently of each other are of the highest value, and could only be found in writings produced by those who wrote from direct personal knowledge. So that we are in this way brought to the conclusion that the narrative of the Acts was composed before the time when the Epistles of St Paul had been brought into, circulation. For there is in the history no notice of the letters, and yet the details betoken the same freshness, and INTRODUCTION. closeness to the events of which they speak, as is seen in the confessedly contemporary allusions made by St Paul in his Epistles. There can, therefore, be no great difference in their date of composition between those Epistles of St Paul from which we have quoted and St Luke's account in the Acts of the Apostles. A consideration of these various features of the Acts, — that the writer makes mention of contemporary secular histoiy as one who was living among the events of which he speaks ; that in his work we find no indication that he knew of the fall of Jerusalem ; that he displays no acquaintance with the here- tical tenets which were rife before the end of the first century ; that he makes no reference to any of St Paul's Epistles, though writing as one fully conversant with the missionary-travels of that Apostle, — forces us to the conclusion that the work was written at some time between A. D. 6^ and A. D. 70, and most probably about midway between these dates. V. THE SOURCES OF THE NARRATIVE. In the preface to the Gospel of St Luke the writer states definitely that the information which he is about to record for Theophilus was derived from those " which from the beginning were eye-witnesses and ministers of the word." And as he him- self was certainly not a disciple of Christ from the first, it was necessary that in the earlier treatise he should consult others, and it may have been needful to do so for the greater portion of what he has there written. But in the later book the sources of his information are not necessarily of exactly the same kind as for the Gospel. So that the preface of the Gospel need not be taken as having reference to the Acts likewise ; and it is manifest from the passages in which the author in the Acts speaks in the first person plural that he meant to imply that he was himself an eye-witness of the events which he is there describing. What has been said in the notes on iii. 8 about the graphic character of the language there used, and of its simi- xxxii INTRODUCTION. larity in style to the Gospel of St Mark, the vivid narratives of which have much in common with the acknowledged language of St Peter, it seems not improbable that the account of the events at and after the Ascension and of the spread of the Gospel in Jerusalem (Acts i. — v.) may have been drawn directly or indirectly from that Apostle's information. We may also ascribe to the same source all those portions of the narrative in which St Peter plays a conspicuous part, and of which the language is markedly of one character. Such portions would include ix. 32 — xi. 18 and also xii. i — 19, much of which could have come in the first instance from no other lips than those of Peter himself. From some member of the Hellenistic party, of whom St Luke would meet many during his travels with St Paul, (just as we know (xxi, 8) that he dwelt with Philip the Evangelist many days at Caesarea,) our author probably drew the whole of that portion of his narrative which relates to the appointment of the deacons and the accusation, defence, and death of Stephen (vi. — vii.), as well as those notices of the after movements of the Hellenistic missionaries (viii. i — 40, xi. 19 — 30, xii. 25) which are found at intervals in the history. The narrative of Saul's conversion (ix. i — 30) must have been told by himself, and after xiii. i the remainder of the book deals exclusively with the labours of that Apostle, and as the writer had abundant opportunities while journeying with St Paul of hearing all the history of his life before he became his companion, we cannot suppose that he has recorded anything of St Paul's doings except what was derived from the informa- tion of that Apostle or his fellow-labourers. There remain the two historic notices (i) of the rest experi- enced by the Churches of Judaea and Galilee and Samaria (ix. 31) and (2) of the death of Herod Agrippa (xii. 20 — 23) ; but of these, if, as we have endeavoured to shew, he were living amidst the events of which he writes, the author would be aware from his personal knowledge ; and the natural manner in which both these incidents are introduced indicates how well the writer knew that for his Christian readers as well as for himself a slight hint would recall the bypast trials of Christ's Church. INTRODUCTION. VI. ON SOME ALLEGED DIFFICULTIES IN THE CHARACTER OF THE NARRATIVE IN THE ACTS. It has been said in recent criticism on the Acts that the book represents the Gospel as intended not for Jews only but for all mankind, in a manner at variance with the teaching of the Gospels. Those who put forward this objection would assign the teaching of the universality of the Gospel message to St Paul alone and would set it down as his development of what was meant at first to be only a modification of Judaism. That in the Acts the preaching of the Gospel is represented as for all nations is certainly true. St Peter says (ii. 39) " The promise is unto you and to your children and to all that are afar off^ even as many as the Lord our God shall call." The accusation laid against Stephen (vi. 14) was that he had said "Jesus of Nazareth shall destroy this place and change the customs which Moses delivered us" and his whole defence shews that he had preached that not the Jews nor Jerusalem were any longer to be God's special care, but all men were now to be embraced in His covenant, while the whole of St Paul's labours are directed to make of Jews and Gentiles one worldwide Church of Christ. But the student of the Gospels need surely find no stumblingblock here. For if we take that which is on all hands accepted as the most Jewish of the Gos- pels, that of St Matthew, we can see that the universalism of the Acts is therein foreshadowed from the first, and spoken of definitely before the close. To God's ancient people His offers of mercy were made first, and in accordance with this is the conduct of all the preaching of the Acts, but Gentiles are no longer excluded when once Christ has been born. To lay the foundations of the Christian Church firmly in the short space of the ministerial life of its Founder it was needful that the labours both of Himself and His disciples should be confined within a limited range, and directed to a people prepared by the Old Testament revelation and among whom some were likely to be ready to hear the words of the Gospel message. INTRODUCTION. But while the infant Jesus is in His cradle we see wise vieti from the East brought to be His earliest worshippers. The voice of His herald proclaims that not the natural seed of Abraham shall of necessity be heirs of the promises, but that God is able of the very stones (and if so, much more from among the rest of mankind) to raise up children unto Abra- ham. When the ministry of Christ is begun and He takes up His abode in the border land of the Gentiles, we are reminded that it had been made known of old that ^' the people which sat in darkness were to see great light, and that light is sprung up for them that sat in the region and shadow of death." Then what can be more universal than the benedictions with which the Sermon on the Mount begins ? The poor in spirit, the mourners, the meek, the pure, the merciful, these are not restricted to the Jewish race, and on these it is that Jesus utters His first blessings. How often loo does He shew that the customs of the Jews were to be done away, the ceremonial law, the fastings and the sabbaths to be disregarded, while the moral law was to be widened and deepened so that all men should learn that they were neighbours one of another.? How often does He select the Samaritans to illustrate His teaching, and place them before us as those with whom He was well pleased, while He points out (Matt. viii. lo) that in the Roman centurion there was faith manifested beyond what He had found in Israel ? It is true that when Jesus first sent out the twelve (Matt. x. 5) He said unto them "Go not into the way of the Gentiles " but this was in the same spirit in which all the teaching of Christianity had its commencement among the Jews. Yet the Lord who gave the injunction that this should be so, knew that those to whom the message was first sent would largely refuse to hear. For He adds to his com- mission the warning that His ministers are going as 'sheep among wolves,' and foretells that they should be persecuted from one city to another (Matt. x. 16—23), and goes on to say that His message is to be published far and wide, yea even proclaimed, as it were, from the housetops. When He speaks afterwards (Matt. xii. 18 — 21) of His own work in the INTRODUCTION. language of Isaiah He quotes "He shall shew judgment to the Gentiles... 2CcidL in His name shall the Gentiles trust" and before the close of that same address He adds those words which proclaim that not only the ties of race but even those of family and kindred are to be disregarded in comparison with the unity of all men in Him " Whosoever shall do the will of my Father which is in heaven, the same is my brother and sister and mother." Think too how he figures the kingdom of God. It is a tree (Matt. xiii. 32) in whose branches the birds of the air from all quarters shall come and find a home : it is a net cast into the wide sea of the world and gathers (xiii. 47) of every kind of fish ; while the field in which God's seed is to be sown is not Judaea nor Palestine nor any limited region, but in His own gracious exposition (xiii. 38) " The field is the world." He makes known (Matt, xviii. 11) that His mission is not to save one race only but to seek and save that which is lost, and says to the professedly, but only outwardly, religious among His own people (xxi. 31) "The publicans and harlots go into the kingdom of God before you," and adds the solemn warning afterwards (xxi. 43) "The kingdom of God shall be taken from you, and given to a nation bringing forth the fruits thereof." And as the end of His life drew near Jesus spake even more plainly. Thus He says (Matt. xxiv. 14) " This Gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world for a witness unto all natioiis^'' and His final commission (xxviii. 19) bids His dis- ciples do what St Luke tells us in the Acts they did : " Go ye therefore and teach all nations baptizing them... and teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you." When in one Gospel we find so many evidences of what the character of the Christian preaching was meant to be, we need not examine farther to see with how little ground it is asserted that in the Acts St Luke paints Christianity in different colours from anything that was known to the writers of the Gospels or set forth in the life and teaching of Jesus. As the angels pro- claimed at the birth of the Lord, " the tidings of great joy " were INTRODUCTION. to be " unto all people," and the newborn King while " the glory of God's people Israel" was also heralded from the first as to be " a light to lighten the Gentiles." Another objection to the narrative in the Acts is that the book marks no rupture with Judaism. To bring this objection into prominence much stress is laid by those who use' it on the severity with which St Paul speaks of the Judaizers in some parts of his letters, notably in the Epistle to the Galatians. From the language there used it is argued that the Apostle had broken altogether with Judaism, and that the picture of his life and labours as we have received it in the Acts is untrustworthy. Now first of all it is extremely unlikely that the preachers of Christ's Gospel, with His example before them, would sever themselves from their Jewish brethren until circumstances arose which forced them to do so. Our Lord had been a devout Jew while rebuking without measure what was deserving of rebuke in Pharisaic Judaism. And what we have set before us in the Acts, first in the doings of the twelve, and then in the story of St Paul is in natural sequence to the Gospel history. Peter and John going up to the temple at the hour of prayer is the link which binds one history to the other, and it is a link which would not lightly be broken, for who could be so powerfully appealed to by the first Evangelists as those who had the ancient scriptures already in their hands ? And in St Paul's case a distinction should be made between Judaism and Judaizers. He knew that Judaism must pass away, yet how tenderly, lovingly he deals in his letters with the devout Jew. The Judaizers, who were of set purpose an obstacle and hindrance to the work of the Gospel, he cannot away with. They are the men who desire merely "to make a fair shew in the flesh," who preach "another Gospel," and therefore are to the Apostle anathema. But he could still see constantly in the Law the psedagogue which was to bring men to Christ ; and how near his heart his own people were we can discern from that Moses- like language of his written to the Romans at the same time that he wrote in his severest strain to the misleading Judaizers among the Galatians. In what a truly tender light St Paul regarded all INTRODUCTION. xxxvii that was Jewish is seen from his words to the Romans (Rom. ix. I — 5) " I say the truth in Christ, I lie not, my conscience bearing witness with me in the Holy Ghost, that I have great sorrow and unceasing pain in my heart. For I could wish that I myself were anathema from Christ for my brethren's sake, my kinsmen according to the flesh : who are Israelites; whose is the adoption, and the glory, and the covenants, and the giving of the law, and the service of God, and the promises ; whose are the fathers, and of whom is Christ as concerning the flesh, who is over all, God blessed for ever." Now this very same feeling is shewn to us in the Acts. There to the Jews he becomes a Jew that he may gain them for the Gospel. He follows the advice of the brethren in Jerusalem and takes on him the Nazaritevow, and in his speech before the Council he shrinks not from saying " I am a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees," exactly in accord with the spirit which dictates again his argument to the Romans (xi. i) "Did God cast off His people? God forbid. For I also am an Israelite." And those whom God had not cast off we may rest sure St Paul had not cast off, nor made with them such a breach as is sug- gested by those who argue from some expressions in his Epistles that the behaviour described in the Acts is not such as St Paul would have shewn to the other disciples nor they to him. Again it is said that in the Acts Peter is represented as Pauline in all he says and does and Paul's conduct is pictured as in complete harmony with Peter's. But to those who believe that these two were both Apostles of the same Jesus, both preachers of the same Evangel, both guided by the same Holy Spirit, there is nothing but what is natural in this. The historian brings both before us as labouring for the same work, the extension of the Gospel according to Christ's command from Jerusalem to the ends of the earth. He gives us only short abstracts of what either preacher said, and is it not to be supposed that there would be great similarity in the drift of their addresses ? Their main theme must be the Resurrection as a proof of the Divinity and the Messiahship of Jesus. Their chief exhortation " Repent and be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ for the remission of your sins." INTRODUCTION. But this figment of a Pauline and a Petrine party never entered into the thoughts of either Luke or Paul or Peter. There were partizans of Paul and of Peter at Corinth, it is true, but we know how they were rebuked by Paul himself, who bade them remember that Christ was not divided. Nor is there any evidence worth the name that His Apostles were divided. Paul tells us how he rebuked Peter because he stood condemned by the inconsistency of his own actions. But it was the rebuke of a friend and not of an opponent, for in the same chapter he speaks of Peter as one who had been entrusted by the Spirit with the Gospel of the circumcision, and who had given to him and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship, as labourers in a common cause though in different fields. But neither in the Acts nor in the Epistles have we any warrant for that opinion which is so prominent in the Clementine fictions of the second century. There, without being named, St Paul is alluded to by Peter "as the man who is mine enemy," and under the guise of Simon Magus is attacked for reproving Peter at Antioch. These writings are a most worthless ground on which to base any argument at all. Their author, whoever he may have been, durst not mention St Paul by name, so doubtful is he of the acceptance which his work will meet with ; and yet it is of these works that writers who deny the fidelity of the New Testament documents assert "there is scarcely a single writing which is of so great importance for the history of Christianity in its first stage." It is out of these .fictions that the Petrine and Pauline parties have been evolved. The writings of Justin Martyr, who knew the sentiments of Christians in the Holy Land at the beginning of the second century, have no trace of these parties, neither is there a trace to be found in Avhat is left us of the writings of that Judseo-Christian Hegesippus. And if these men, who were in the position to know most about it, have no word of the matter, we can only conclude that the opposition so much dwelt on did not exist, but that, just as in the Acts we have it set before us, the preaching of Peter and Paul was in entire harmony. For them Christ was not divided, nor did their doctrine differ except so far as was made necessary by the con- INTRODUCTION. aition of the audiences which they addressed. For a fuller discussion of this subject than is here possible, and for demon- stration that there was no antagonism between Paul and the rest of the Apostles, the reader is referred to Dr Lightfoot's Essay on " St Paul and the Three" in his Edition of the Epistle to the Galatians. I have to thank several friends for their kind interest in the first part of the Acts and for some suggestions which, as far as was possible, have been embodied in the notes. But I desire specially to express my acknowledgement of the help which I have derived in matters of Jewish learning and antiquities from my friend Dr Schiller-Szinessy, to whose abundant stores of knowledge the enquirer seems always welcome. HJaOL vv. I, 2.] THE ACTS, XV. i8S I — 5. At Antioch some maintain that Gentile cotiverts must be circumcised. A ?nission to Jerusalon about the question. Reception of those who were sent. And certain 7?ien which came down from Judea taught 15 the brethren, and said, Except ye be circumcised after the manner of Moses, ye cannot be saved. When therefore 2 Paul and Barnabas had no small dissension and disputation XV. 1—5. At Antioch some maintain that Gentile converts MUST BE circumcised. A MISSION TO JERUSALEM ABOUT THE QUESTION. Reception of those who were sent. The history now approaches that subject of controversy which was certain to arise as soon as Christianity spread beyond the Hmits of Palestine. The first converts to the new faith were made among the Jews, but few of them were likely to cast aside those prejudices of religion in which they had long been educated. As soon as Gentiles who had not first become proselytes to Judaism joiried the Christian Church, Jewish exclusiveness received a violent shock, and there was no small danger lest the new community should be rent asunder almost at its beginning. "The covenant," by which expression the devout Jew specially meant "circumcision," was constituted a cry by Judaizing agitators, and the opposition, first brought into prominence at Antioch, proved a continuous source of trial through the wholfe ministry of St Paul, and has left its traces on most of the writings both of the N. T. and of early Christian literature. 1. which came down from Jzcded] The words of the new comers would derive authority from this. They would be received as the latest ordinance of the heads of the church at Jerusalem. Thus the mission of enquiry to Jerusalem was rendered necessary. taught the brethren'\ These were a mixed body, composed of Jews, proselytes and Gentiles (see xi. 19, 20 and the notes there). Thus it was precisely the place where such a question would arise. Gentile converts who had not passed into Christianity by the gate of Judaism would be sure to be regarded as wanting something, by the people in whose mouths "uncircumcised" had been from old times the bitterest term of reproach. (Cp. i Sam. xvii. 26 and Acts xi. 3.) The tense of the verb used implies that these men were persistent in their teaching, they kept constantly to this theme. after the manner (custom) of Moses\ The word is found before (Acts vi. 14) "the customs which Moses delivered" and signifies those rites and usages which had their foundation in the law (cp. Luke i. 9, ii. 42 ; Acts xxi.2i) and so were more than a "manner" or "fashion." Cp. also John vii. 22, for circumcision as the ordinance given to the people by Moses. ye cannot be saved\ A statement likely to cause dissension and questioning among those who had just learnt (xiv. 27) that "God had opened the door of faith" (independent of the observance of the ceremo- nial law) "imto the Gentiles." 2. When therefore Paul and Barnabas\ These Apostles would at acts 14 i86 THE ACTS, XV. [vv. 3, 4. with them, they determined that Paul and Barnabas, and certain other of them, should go up to Jerusalem unto the 3 apostles and elders about this question. And being brought on their way by the church, they passed through Phenice and Samaria, declaring the conversion of the Gentiles : and 4 they caused great joy unto all the brethren. And when once repeat their testimony of what " God had done with them" among the Gentiles, and thus become the opponents of the "men from Judaea." dissension and dispuiation'\ The authorities of best account give a simple instead of compound noun for the last word, and it would be well rendered "questioning," (so R. V.) as the subject in dispute is called a "question" at the end of the verse. The first noun rendered "dissension " does not imply any angry disputation, but only a division. They took different sides in the debate. they deta-mined (appointed)] i.e. the brethren of the church of Antioch. The verb, as well as the whole context, shews that the mission was sent by the whole Christian community, to which the question was one of most vital importance, probably affecting a large part of their members. apostles and elders'] Peter, John, and James we find were now at Jerusalem, and these seem, from other notices in the N. T. (Gal. i. 18, 19, and ii. 9), to have been the Apostles who continued to live in the holy city. These with the elders appear now as the governing body of the infant church. And Jerusalem was for the Jew, until its destruc- tion, the place of chief authority (cp. Is. ii. 3). The overthrow of the holy city did as much as anything to help on the knowledge of the universality of the Christian religion. Those who had been bred in Judaism, could not (as devout Jews to this day do not) cast away the thought that Jerusalem is "the place where men ought to worship." 3. brought on their way] It was not an uncommon mark of affec- tion or respect that a part of the church at any place should attend its chief teachers for a short way on their journeys. (Cp. i/i/ra xx. 38, xxi. 16.) And for the antiquity of the custom among the Jews, see Gen. xviii. 16, where Abraham brings his heavenly visitors on their way. Among the companions of Paul and Barnabas on this journey must have been Titus, for we read of him, and the question raised about his circumcision, in St Paul's own notice of this visit (Gal. ii. 3). through Phenice (Phoenicia) and Samaria] The road would take them along the coast through Berytus, Tyre and Sidon, which at this time were places of great importance, and most likely to have bodies of Christians among their inhabitants. declaring the conversion of the Gentiles] This would naturally be St Paul's great theme. Among those who were going up to Jerusalem with him would be members of the Judaizing party, but their presence was no check on the Apostle's zeal that all men should hear of the bringing in of Gentiles to the faith of Christ. The verb used implies that he gave his story with all details, and we may be sure that he dwelt on the way in which the Spirit of God had set a seal upon the work, though the converts of whom he spake were all uncircumcised. V. 5.] THE ACTS, XV. 187 they were come to Jerusalem, they were received of the church, and ^the apostles and elders, and they declared all things that God had done with them. But there rose up 5 certain of the sect of the Pharisees which believed, saying, That it was needful to circumcise them, and to command them to keep the law of Moses. unto all the brethren] We see therefore that it was only some of the Jews who demanded from the Gentiles complete conformity to the Law. At Jerusalem {v. 5) the Judaizing party is described as ' certain of the sect of the Pharisees Avhich believed,' and the Gospel history repre- sents the Pharisees on all occasions as determined supporters of the ceremonial law. Probably their party was most numerous at Jerusalem, where all the ritual observances could be most completely carried out. In the more remote congregations the joy over the Gentile con- versions would be unalloyed. 4. they were received of the church] *' The church" is perhaps named first because there would on such a visit be an assembly of the whole Christian body to hear the story of the missionary labours of Paul and Barnabas before the question about which they had specially been sent from Antioch came to be discussed. The account of the spreading of the faith was for all, while the question of circumcision would be discussed only by the heads of the church, and those who could speak with authority. This preliminary meeting must have lasted for a con- siderable time, even if only a mere abstract of the labours, sufferings and success of Paul and Barnabas were given to those who met theni. Such a recital was the best introduction that could be conceived for the question which was afterwards to be discussed and legislated on. God had done with them] The preposition {^leTa) implies that the Apostles deemed themselves fellow-workers with God (cp. Mark xvi. 20), but that they were only instruments whom God employed is also shewn below {v. 12) where the same labours are spoken of as "what God had wrought among the Gentiles by (5ta) them." 5. But there rose tip, &c.] The margin of the A.V. takes this sentence as part of the narration of Paul and Barnabas, "there rose up, said they, certain, &c." But it is much more natural to consider them to be St Luke's account of what happened at Jerusalem. The teachers at Antioch had not been described as Pharisees though they probably were so. But in no other passage of the N.T. are the Pharisees ^mentioned away from Jerusalem. As soon as the Apostolic narrative was heard by the church certain of their party stood forth from the church body and lodged their protest against what had been done. The Pharisaic teaching concerning the necessity of circumcision was based Jon such passages as Is. Ivi. 6, where the covenant mentioned w^as held to be that of circumcision. And they supported their position by such passages as Is. lii. i, where the uncircumcised are excluded from the holy city. saying. That it was needful] Better, "saying, It is needful, &c." The words are a direct utterance, and suit better so rendered with 14—2 THE ACTS, XV. [vv. 6, 7. 6 — 12. The Council at Jerusalem ; the debate and the speech of Peter. Narration of the work of Barnabas and Paul. 6 And the apostles and elders came together for to consider of 7 this matter. And when there had been much disputing, Peter St Luke's narrative, in which he is describing what occurred before the church at Jerusalem. The visit of St Paul to Jerusalem which St Luke here describes is now generally admitted to be the same of which St Paul speaks in Gal. ii. I — 9. The chronology offers no obstacle to this conclusion, while the purpose of the visit, and the companionship of Barnabas and the persons who were at the head of the church in Jerusalem are all accordant in the two notices. In the Epistle, St Paul tells us that he took Titus with him, and nothing is more likely than that while he had the company of some members of the Judaizing party, he would also take a companion with him from among those converts on whose behalf he was making the journey. He says too that it was ' by revelation ' that he went up, while the narrative of the Acts represents him as sent by the church of Antioch. But here need be no contradiction. An inward monition may have furnished the true reason why the Apostle consented to make an appeal to the central authorities in Jerusalem. St Luke would not necessarily be aware of this ; it was important in St Paul's, argument to the Galatians that he should mention it. (For a fuller comparison of the two notices, see Bp Lightfoot's Ep. to GalatianSy >note, pp. 122 — 127.) 6 — 12. The Council at Jerusalem ; the debate and thk SPEECH OF Peter. Narration of the work of Barnabas AND Paul. 6. And the apostles and elders came (were gathered) together] These words refer to a formal summoning to discuss the difficult question which had been brought forward. That there was a space "between the first welcome of the Apostles by the church and the assembly of the synod suits St Paul's Avords (Gal. ii. 2) that he ex- plained his position " privately to them which were of reputation." This- private conference was a necessary preparation for the more public discussion which alone is noticed by the history. 7. 7?iiich disptiting'\ \_R. V. questioning] For the Pharisaic ele- ment would find its warmest supporters at Jerusalem. And it is to that party that the disputing must be ascribed, for it is plain, from the sum- ming up of St James at the close of the discussion, that the other apostles were of the same mind with Paul and Barnabas, and as is said in the Epistle to the Galatians (ii. 9), "they gave unto them the right hands of fellowship." Peter rose vp\ It is worth notice that Barnabas and Paul leave arguments and reasons to those who had laboured most among Jewish w. 8— lo.] THE ACTS, XV. 189 rose up, and said unto them, Men and brethren, ye know- how that a good while ago God made choice among us, that the Gentiles by my mouth should hear the word of the gospel, and believe. And God, which knoweth the 8 hearts, bare them witness, giving them the Holy Ghost, €ven as he did unto us ; and put no difference between us 9 and them, purifying their hearts by faith. Now therefore 10 why tempt ye God, to put*a yoke upon the neck of the converts, and merely content themselves with telling their experience of what God had wrought through them. Men a7id brethreri\ See note on i. 16. a good while ago'\ Lit. "from early days," Alluding to the conver- sion of Cornelius (chap, x.) which probably took place some ten years before the meeting of this synod. This was at an early period of the apostolic ministry, and the great and numerous events which had inter- vened made the time seem long ago. by my moiitlil That he may not seem to be claiming a distinction for himself as the one chosen of God for this work, St Peter is careful to call himself no more than the mouthpiece of God. 8. cvhich knovjcth the hearts\ The word is only here and in Acts i. 24, and on both occasions it is St Peter who uses it. Such witness could admit of no appeal ; and God had put the uncircumcised on the same level with the circumcised by giving to them the same gifts of the Spirit. 9. And put no difference'] i.e. made no distinction. The Apostle looks on God's testimony to the Gentiles in two lights. What was given to the new converts was the same which had been given at the first outpouring of the Spirit. And God made no mark of distinction to sever Jews from Gentiles. Faith had purified the hearts of Cornelius and his house, and the outward observances of the law of Moses were of no account when the heart was clean before Him who alone could judge of the purity thereof. In these words of his St Peter clearly agrees to all that St Paul had taught about the admission of the Gentiles. ^ purifying their hearts., &c.] The verb is the same which is used in the account of the vision (x. 15) "what God hath cleansed, S:c.," and St Peter is clearly referring to that narrative. 10. A^oza therefo7'e\ When you have this evidence of how God has already accepted the Gentiles. y. why tempt ye God'\ Men are said "to tempt God" when they dis- trust his guidance, and in consequence disobey his revealed will (cp. Ps. xcv. 9). So the Jews tempted God in the wilderness (Heb. iii. 9) when they saw His mighty works and yet murmured at His leaders : so they are said to have tempted Christ (i Cor. x. 9) when they were punished by the fieiy serpents ; and Ananias and Sapphira are said to "have agreed to tempt the Spirit of the Lord," by acting as though they thought they could deceive God in their offering. From these instances the force of the question in the text will be seen. Those who should act as the Pharisaic party would recommend, would be dis- I90 THE ACTS, XV. [vv. ii, 12. disciples, which neither our fathers nor we were able to 7 1 bear? But we beheve that through the grace of the Lord 12 Jesus Christ we shall be saved, even as they. Then all the multitude kept silence, and gave audience to Barnabas and Paul, declaring what miracles and wonders God had wrought among the Gentiles by them. trusting God's knowledge of the hearts of men, and refusing to be guided by what His Spirit had made known in the conversion of Cornelius. a yoke\ So St Paul (Gal. v. i) calls the ceremonial law " a yoke of bondage." Christ uses the word "yoke" for his own precepts, knowing that a yoke was needed for men's guidance, but He calls it "easy" (Matt. xi. 30). able to dear] How this was felt is shewn by the Rabbinic injunction to "make a hedge about the law," i.e. so to fence in its precepts by additional regulations of their own, that there should be no chance of infringing the commandment. These additions, commandments of men, as our Lord styles them, had made the ceremonial observances into a killing load. 11. Btit] Translation fails to give the force of this conjunction. It implies an exhortation for which the remainder of the verse states the reason. But cease now from such a course, for we believe, &c. through the grace of the Lord Jestis] (The most ancient authorities omit Christ.) It is not to our having conformed to the Jewish law, St "^ Peter urges, that we look for salvation, but to the grace of the Lord. even as they] i.e. in like manner as they believe. Thus the argu- ment is : If our belief and hope are the same, and no other, than theirs, why should these new converts be urged to adopt observances \\^hich form to us no ground for our hope of salvation ? In the N. T. history St Peter's name appears no more, and when we call to mind the opposi- tion which, at the close of the first, and in the second century, was represented as existing between the teaching of Paul and Peter, we cannot think that it was without meaning that this last appearance of the Apostle of the circumcision in the Scripture story sets him before us in full accord with the Apostle of the Gentiles. 12. Then all the multittide] Though the apostles and elders are alone mentioned (z;. 6) as coming together, it now appears that the assembly was a large one. kept silence] The authority with which he could speak through whom God had first opened the door of faith to the Gentiles must have silenced opposition. For he like themselves had had prejudices to overcome before his mission to Cornelius. and gave audience] Here the imperfect tense implies the steady continuous attention to the whole narrative of that first missionary journey of St Paul. what miracles] The word is that usually rendered signs ; and the two nouns are the same which occur in the prayer of the disciples (iv. 30) * that signs and wonders may be done through the name of thy vv. 13—16.] THE ACTS, XV. 191 13 — 21. JatJies sums up the discussion, and pt'onounces the decision of the Church on this controversy. And after they had held their peace, James answered, 13 saying, Men arid brethren, hearken unto me : Simeon hath 14 declared how God at the first did visit the Gentiles, to take out of them a people for his name. And to this agree the 15 words of the prophets ; as it is written, After this I will 16 holj servant Jesus.' The prayer was now being answered abundantly. It is well that the English rendering should accord in these places. bytheni\ See note on v. 4 above. 13—21. James sums up the discussion, and pronounces the DECISION OF THE ChURCH ON THIS CONTROVERSY. 13. James\ i.e. the brother of the Lord, and bishop of Jerusalem, see above on xii. 17. Menand bfethreft] See note on i. 16. hearkn tmto me] The president's summary takes no note of the "much disputing" {v. 7) but points out that a divine revelation had 0:)een mide to Peter, and that it was accordant with the words of Old Testament prophecy. On these warrants he based his decision. 14. Simeon (Symeon)] This more Jewish form of the name of the Apostle Peter is found also at the commencement of St Peter's second Epstle. The Jews after they came to have much intercourse with Gsntiles had frequently two forms of name, one of which was employed 01 religious and solemn occasions, the other in intercourse with non- Jews and in the ordinary transactions of life. Thus in the Apocrypha (: Mace. v. 17, &c.) the name of the Maccabean prince is written ^ Simon, though on his coins it stands Sy?neon (see Gesenius, s.v.). how God at the first] Better, how God did first visit, &c. It was not it the first, but some time after the mission of the Holy Ghost on the Apostles that Cornelius was converted. What St Peter had narrated vas \\i.t first acceptance of a Gentile into the church. visit the Gentiles] In the old sense of "look upon," and generally ■vith the accompanying notion of kindness. (Cp. Luke i. 68, 78, vii. 16 ; Heb. ii. 6.) a people for his name] Thus " the chosen people" were no longer to be Jews only, and so those ceremonial ordinances which had hitherto marked out Jews from Gentiles might be seen to be unnecessary. 15. And to this agree] i.e. with this action on God's part the statements of His prophets are in harmony. They had foretold that it should be so. Only one prophet is here quoted, viz. Amos (ix. 11, 12), but the audience would recall other like passages, as St Paul does Rom. XV. 9 — 12, quoting from the books of Moses, David and Isaiah. 16. After this] Lit. afiter these things, (so R. V.) It will be seen on reference to the words of Amos that the quotation here given is not 192 THE ACTS, XV. [v. 17. return, and will build again the tabernacle of David, which is fallen down; and I will build again the ^7 ruins thereof, and I will set it up : that the residue of men might seek after the Lord, and all the Gen- tiles, upon whom my name is called, saith the Lord, made from the Hebrew, which is correctly represented by the AV. in the book of Amos. Whether St James himself spoke at the synod in Greek, or St Luke has represented in Greek what the speaker himself uttered in Aramaic we cannot know. But the words in the text cor- respond very nearly with the LXX. which here (either because they read the Hebrew consonants differently or because they merely ga\e the sense without attempting an exact rendering), varies from the H«bre\v text. Yet St Luke does not give exactly the words of the LXX He may have quoted from memory or have modified them somewhat to adapt them to the form of his sentence. The words of the LXX. run thus, " In that day I will set up the tabernacle of David whidi hath fallen down, and I will build up the fallen parts thereof, and tie ruins thereof I will set up, and I will build it up as the days of eternity, that the residue of men may seek (unto it) and all the Gentiles upoi whom my name is called saith the Lord who doeth all these things." / zazl/ return, and -cvill bidld'\ This is not the form of eiiher the Hebrew text or the LXX. , but it is a favourite Hebrew mode of expression to signify "I will do a thing again." Cp. Eccl. iv. i, "I returned and considered" = I considered once again. Also Eccl. iv. 7, ix. ii. This favours the opinion that St James, in this specially Jewish synod, may have spoken in Aramaic. the tabernacle of David'\ The word used by Amos signifies one of those booths used by the people at the Feast of Tabernacles, ^\■hm they lived in frail dwellings in order to be reminded that Gcd was their protector. This word may be applied to the estate of jtle Jews when the Deliverer should come, to indicate that they should Ve brought very low, but yet should find in him a Saviour. 17. might seek after the Lord'\ The Hebrew of Amos differs widely here; and in the LXX. "the Lord" is not expressed. But the Spirt: enabled St James to give the full interpretation of the prophetic words. The original paints the restored tabernacle, and of course the people o"" David restored along M-ith it, as possessors of the remnant of Edom anc all the heathen. The nations shall be joined unto the Lord's people. The LXX., as an exposition, speaks of "the residue of men seeking unto the restored tabernacle." St James makes both clear by shewing that "to seek after the Lord" is to be the true up-building both of the house of David and of all mankind besides. The Hebrew word for "man" is Adam which differs very slightly from the word Edom. So that the variation between "remnant of Edom" and "residue of men" may be due only to the various reading of that noun. iipon luhom my name is called'\ An Aramaic mode of saying "who vv. 18—20.] THE ACTS, XV. 193 who doeth all these things. Known unto God are all is hisworks from the beginning of the world. Wherefore my 19 sentence is, that we trouble not them, which from among the Gentiles are turned to God : but that we write unto 20 them, that they abstain from pollutions of idols, and from are called by my name." The expression is so translated James ii. 7 {cp. Deut. xxviii. 10, &c.). luho doctK\ Here the most ancient texts connect the words of this verse with those of the following, and have nothing to represent the English "all" in v. 17, or "unto God are all his works" in v. 18, so that the sense becomes either (i) "the Lord, who maketh these things known from the beginning of the world," or (2) "the Lord, who doeth these things that were knowrt from the beginning of the world." The first of these renderings is the more difficult to understand, and it must be taken as somewhat hyperbolic. God made known by His prophets the calling of the Gentiles in very early days, and this early revelation may be all that is intended by the stronger phrase. But the second sense seems to suit better with the context. This reception of the Gen- tiles seems to the Jcm'' a new and startling thing, but God has revealed it by His prophets, and He who is doing it is but carrying out what He had known and designed from the beginning of the world. 19. Wherefore my sentence is\ Lit. I decide. The pronoun is emphatically expressed, and indicates . that the speaker is deciding with authority. that we trouble not thein'] The verb is only found here in N. T., and signifies to trouble by putting obstacles in the way of another. Thus the idea of the speaker is "We will not by needless impediments deter the new converts from joining us." xvhich from among the Gentiles are turned to God'\ The same p]:rase is used elsewhere in the Acts (cp. ix. 35, xiv. 15, xxvi. ■20), but of the converts at Antioch (xi. 21) the whole expression is "a great number believed and turned 2cnto the Lord,'''' thus shewing what consti- tuted the true turning unto God. 20. But that we write unto theml The word is used primarily of a charge sent by a messenger, but also, as in Heb. xiii. 22, is often used of what is sent by letter (and hence comes the English word epistle) , and there can be little doubt that this is the sense in the present case, for though messengers were sent, they carried with them the decision of the synod of Jerusalem in a formal manner committed to writing [v. 23). that they abstain from pollutions of idols'] This is explained in v. 29 by "meats offeree! (i. e. sacrificed) to idols." Of the necessity for such an injunction in the early church, where congregations were to be now composed of both Jews and Gentiles, we can judge from St Paul's argument to the Corinthians (r Cor. viii. i — 10, x. 19), and we can also see how he would have the Gentile converts deal tenderly with the scruples of their Jewish fellow-worshippers, however needless they themselves might deem such scruples. 194 THE ACTS, XV. [v. 20. fornication, and from things strangled, and from blood. The word rendered pollutions is unknown to classical Greek and of very rare occurrence. So far as the construction of the original is con- cerned, it might refer to the other forbidden things that follow "pollu- tions of idols and of fornication, &c." But as in the other places where the cognate is found (Dan. i. 8; Mai. i. 7, 12; Ecclus. xl. 29) it has always reference to defilement caused by food, it is better to confine the connexion in the same way here, and as in A.V. supply a preposi- tion before the second noun, "and/r^/// fornication." As the ordinance of the synod is for the settling of Jewish minds, we may understand the sort of offence which they were likely to feel from Daniel's refusal to eat of the food supplied by King Nebuchadnezzar. Meat was often sold in the markets from beasts that had been offered in sacrifice to idols, and this food and those who ate it the Jew would abhor. The Gentile converts might not be careful, when they had once come to think of the idol as nothing, and might join still in banquets with their non-Christian friends, and St Paul (i Cor. viii. 9) supposes an extreme case, that such men might even sit down to meat in an idol- temple. If Jew and Gentile were to become one in Christ, much respect must be paid to the feelings which had been sunk deep into the minds of Israel by long years of suffering for their own idolatry. ayid from fornication^ This injunction must not be understood as a simple repetition of a moral law binding upon all men at all times, but must be taken in connexion with the rest of the decree, and as forbid- ding a sin into which converts from heathenism were most prone to fall back, and which their previous lives had taught them to regard in a veiy different light from that in which a Jew would see it. The Levitical law against every form of unchastity was extremely strict (Lev. xviii. and XX.), and it is probably to the observance of these ordinances that we may ascribe the persistence of the Jewish type, and the purity of their race at this day. Whereas among the heathen unchastity was a portion of many of their temple rites, and persons who gave themselves up to such impurities were even called by the names of the heathen divinities. To men educated in the constant contemplation of such a system, sins of unchastity would have far less guilt than in the eyes of those to whom the law of Moses was read every sabbath-day. ajid from things strangled (\.\t. from what is strangled), ajid frovt blood\ The prohibition of blood was made as soon as animal food was given to men (Gen, ix. 4), and it was frequently enforced in the Mosaic law (Lev. iii. 17, vii. 26, xvii. 10, 14, xix. 26). To eat blood was counted a sin against the Lord in the days of Saul (i Sam. xiv. 33), and with strict Jews it is an abomination to this day. Things strangled are not specially mentioned in the law of Moses, but that they should not be eaten follows from the larger prohibition. Lev. vii. 26 does, however, make mention of the blood of fowls, and it would be in the use of them that the eating of blood began first to be practised. And in breaking the neck of an animal the Jew held that the blood was caused to flow into the limbs in such wise that it could not be brought out even by salt. See T. B. Chullin, \ii^. vv. 21, 22.] THE ACTS, XV. 195 For Moses of old time hath in every city them that preach 21 him, being read in the synagogues every sabbath day. 22 — 29. Answer a?id deputation sent from /erusalem. The letter of the Synod to the Christians of Antioch. Then pleased it the apostles and elders, with the whole 22- 21. For Moses of old twic (lit. from generations of old) hath in every city, &c.] Here we have the reason why these injunctions are to be laid upon the Gentile converts. It is necessary however to take the Mhole verse into consideration before we can decide on the force of the reason. Laying stress chiefly on the expression "from generations of old," some have thought that St James' argument meant that the Mosaic ritual having been preached for so long a time and found to be a load too heavy to bear, must now be given up, except in these specified points. Again the verse has been taken to mean that there was no need for the Christian church to legislate about the observance of the Mosaic law other than in these few points, because there was public teaching on the subject everywhere in the Jewish synagogues. Jewish Christians were therefore supplied with guidance, and would be sa supplied until by degrees Judaism had entirely given place to Chris- tianity. No doubt the Apostle contemplates the retention by the Jewish Christians of much of their old ritual, and that they would make no breach with the services of the synagogue. But in these enactments, which were apparently only for a time (since St Paul no- where alludes to them in his Epistles), and to promote peace between Gentiles and Jews, we must remember that the Jews were regarded as the weaker brethren. And the argument of the council may be supposed to run thus : We may make this concession to the Gentiles without fear of doing any injury to the Jew. It is not probable that his feelings and prejudices will be interfered with, or the Mosaic law in its other portions set aside ; ' For Moses, &c.' being read in the synagogues] On the Jewish manner of reading the law, see additional note at the end of chap. xiii. 22 — 29. Answer and deputation sent from Jerusalem. The LETTER OF THE SyNOD TO THE CHRISTIANS OF AnTIOCH. 22. Then pleased it} The word is one often used in the official announcements of what has been decreed by authority, or of public resolutions (cp. Herod. I. 3; Thuc. iv. 118, &c.). So the more formal rendering, "It seemed good to," would come nearer to the force of the word. the apostles and elders^ with the whole church] So the decree was the voice of the whole church, and the deputies sent were chosen by the whole body, and it is in the name of 'apostles, elders and brethren* that the letter runs {v. 23). 196 THE ACTS, XV. [v. 23. church, to send chosen men of their own company to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas ; namely^ Judas surnamed ^3 Barsabas, and Silas, chief men among the brethren : and they wrote letters by them after this manner ; The apostles and elders and brethren send greeting unto the brethren to send chosen men of their own company] More literally (with R. V.)^ to choose men out of their company and send them, which rendering makes it clear that the election of those sent was the work of the whole assembly. with Paul and Barnabas] That the church of Antioch might have the confirmation of the decree from the lips of others beside these two, for they might be supposed to favour especially all that was considerate towards Gentile converts. Judas stcrna7ncd Barsabas] The oldest texts give 'Judas called Barsabbas.'' Of this man nothing more is known than what we learn from this chapter. But as Barsabbas is clearly a patronymic, it has been ■conjectured that he was the brother of Joseph called Barsabbas, men- tioned in Acts i. 23, where the MSS. and editions have the same variation of spelling. Silas] This is probably the same person who in St Paul's Epistles "(2 Cor. i. 19; I Thess. i. i ; 2 Thess. i. r) and by St Peter (i Pet. v. 12) is called Silvanus. For an account of similar contracted names cp. "Winer's Grafu. (ed. Moulton), pp. 127, 128. The mention of Silas is frequent in the Acts in this and the next three chapters. He was one •of St Paul's companions in the first missionary journey into Europe. 23. And they wrote letters by them after this mantzer] Froni the form in which the document is here given, we should judge that the original was in Greek. A translation from a Hebrew original would, hardly have begun with a greeting and ended with " Fare ye well." It seems likely that this was so too, because the population of Antioch, the chief town in Syria, would use Greek much more than Hebrew, at this date. The construction of the Greek in the beginning of this verse is not strictly grammatical, but such irregularities are not unusual in a passage which begins impersonally, as does v. 22. by them (lit. by their hand)] This is a Hebraism. The letter was not delivered to Paul and Barnabas, but to the two ambassadors from Jerusalem. It is the oldest synodical circular letter in existence, and the only one of Apostolic times which has come down to us. Bengel suggests that it was composed by James, in the name and at the request of the assembly. The apostles and elders and brethroi] The oldest MSS. omit the second and, thus making the Epistle run in the name of the apostles and elder brethren, and this rendering is adopted in R. V. The conjunc- tion of the two last words to signify 'the elders' is very unusual, and after. what has been said in the previous verse about the decree ex- pressing the voice of the whole church as well as of the apostles and elders, it seems much more in accord with the rest of the narrative w. 24, 25.] THE ACTS, XV. 197 which are of the Gentiles in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia* : Forasmuch as we have heard, that certain which went out 241 from us have troubled you with words, subverting your souls, saying, Ye must be circumcised, and keep the law : to whom we gave no such commandment : it seemed good 25 unto us, being assembled with one accord, to send chosen to adhere to the Text. Rcc. which has a large amount of good MS. support. in Antioch and Syria and Cilicid\ As we have no mention of this decree of the synod of Jerusalem in St Paul's Epistles, we may suppose that the agitation on the subject, begun at Antioch, had spread only into Syria and Cilicia, and that the authoritative decision of the mother church quieted the controversy there, while it did not arise in the same form in other places. 24. which went out] These words are not represented in the Greek of some MSS., but they seem to give force to the history. The dis- turbing teachers had come from Jerusalem, but their want of any au- thority is contrasted strongly with the commission of Judas and Silas- (v. 27). The first men wettt of themselves, the new messengers were the choice of the church. subverting your so2ils\ In N.T. the verb occurs only here and is not found in the LXX. In classical Greek, it is applied mostly to an entire removal of goods and chattels either by the owners or by a plundering enemy. The devastation wrought in the minds of the Gentile converts through the new teaching is compared to an utter overthrow. saying. Ye imist be circumcised, and keep the law] The oldest autho- rities omit the Greek of these words, which look somewhat like a marginal explanation that has crept into the text, especially as "ta keep the law " is an expansion, though of course a correct one, of the statement made in v. i, about the teaching that was given. There circumcision alone is mentioned as the point on which disturbance was created. to whom we gave no such commandmcJit] The insertion of the italic such was made necessary by the presence of the clause "saying, &c."" but if that be omitted, the sentence becomes a more complete disavowal of any connexion with the Judaizing disturbers. ' To whom we gave no commandment at all.' So the R. V. 25. being assembled with one accord] The words may be so rendered and passage be compared with Acts ii. i, iv. 24, v. 12. But in those passages there is only the substantive verb clixl, while here yiyvecrdaL has its proper sense of "becoming." It seems therefore better and more accordant with the sense of the passage to translate ' having become of one accord ' or 'having come to one accord.' to send chosen meti unto you] The participle here is not passive and so should not be referred to Judas and Silas, but to those who sent them. Render literally "that having chosen out men we should send them, &c." i.e. " to choose out men and send them." So R. V. THE ACTS, XV. [vv. 26— 29. -6 men unto you with our beloved Barnabas and Paul, men that have hazarded their lives for the name of our Lord 27 Jesus Christ. We have sent therefore Judas and Silas, who 28 shall also tell you the same things by mouth. For it seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to us, to lay upon you no 29 greater burden than these necessary things ; that ye abstain from meats offered to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and from fornication : from which if ye keep yourselves, ye shall do well. Fare ye well. with our beloved] The intention of the whole letter is to shew the honour which the church in Jerusalem felt was due to these missionary labourers. Hence the adjective "beloved " which in N.T. is specially- applied to those who are closely united in faith and love. St Peter applies it to St Paul (2 Pet. iii. 15). Barnabas and Paul] The name of Barnabas is put first here perhaps because he had been formerly (xi. 22) sent as a special messenger from the church in Jerusalem to Antioch. 26. Men that have hazarded their lives] What the English sentence leaves uncertain the Greek makes quite plain, viz. that these words refer to Barnabas and Paul and to the many dangers into which their first missionary journey had brought them (cp. xiii. 50, xiv. 2, 5, 19). for the name] Here, as often, name signifies the Messianic dignity and divine authority of Jesus. They have preached everywhere Jesus as the Christ. 27. by mouth] The Greek has by word. Our modern phrase com- bines the two, by word of piouth, and is given in R. V. 28. For it seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to us] A third time in this clause of the narrative from 22 — 29 does this official word occur, from which is derived the noun dogma. It had been promised that to the Apostles there should be given the Spirit of truth, who should guide them into all truth (John xvi. 13) and the historian of the Acts often speaks of them as *' filled with the Spirit." They put forward therefore this unerring guide as the warrant for their decree. And as they at the suggestion of the Spirit were laying aside their longstanding pre- judices against intercourse with Gentiles, they claim that the Gentiles in their turn should deal tenderly with the scruples of Jews. no greater burden] The Jews themselves could speak thus of the load of legal observances (cp. stipra v. 11). They had chosen out but a small part thereof, which the circumstances of the time made necessary to be observed. 29. ye shall do well] Not " ye shall be doing what is right," but "it shall be well with you " {R. V.), "you shall be in a good state." Fare ye well] This termination and the greeting at the commence- ment of the letter are in the style of Western epistolary language. See above on verse 23. vv. 30—33.] THE ACTS, XV. 199 30 — 35. Reception of the letter and messengers at Antioch. Departure of Judas. Silas continues in Antioch. So when they were dismissed, they came to Antioch : and 30 when they had gathered the multitude together, they de- livered the epistle: which when they had read, they rejoiced 31 for the consolation. And Judas and Silas, being prophets 32 also themselves, exhorted the brethren with many words, and confirmed them. And after they had tarried there a 33 space, they were let go in peace from the brethren unto the 30—33. Reception of the letter and messengers at Antioch. Departure of Judas. Silas continues in Antioch. 30. came to Aittiocli] An early reading preferred by recent editors is cavie down, as in Acts viii. 5, Jerusalem being regarded as the chief seat of church-government, and the centre of authority. Throughout the Bible the chosen place is always spoken of as one to which men go up. gathered the midtit2ide'\ An expression which shews of how great concern the question had become to the whole Christian body. The same word is used above {v. 1 2) of the assembly of Christians at Jeru- salem. 31. rejoiced for the consolation] Barnabas " the son of consolation " (iv. 36) was a fit member of such an embassy. The consolation would be felt both by Jews and Gentiles, by the former because they knew how much was to be asked of their Gentile fellow- worshippers, by the latter because they were declarjpd free from the yoke of Jewish observances. The noun very often signifies exhortation, but that sense is neither so apt here, nor is it borne out by the character of the letter, which sets forth a ground of peace and comfort, but is not hortatory. 32. being prophets also themselves'] " Prophet" is here used in the earlier and less special sense ; not as one who foretells the future, but who, being filled with the Spirit, speaks with His authority in explana- tion of the will of God. Judas and Silas being thus endowed were well fitted to exhort and confii-m the disciples. The exhortations would be most necessary for the Gentiles who were to consent to more strict living than in times past, while the confirmation would uphold the Jews who otherwise might feel unwilling to allow the non-observance of a part of their law. The prophetic character of the speakers would give to their words the force of revelation. Such confirmation or strengthening of the brethren is the special charge laid on St Peter (Luke xxii. 32) who was to be the first preacher of Christ to the Gen- tiles, and had first received the lesson that what God had cleansed was not to be called common. 33. they were let go in peace] This is the translation of a Hebrew expression, and does not signify 'they were allowed to go quietly away,' 200 THE ACTS, XV. [w. 34— 39. 34 apostles. Notwithstanding it pleased Silas to abide there 35 still. Paul also and Barnabas continued in Antioch, teach- ing and preaching the word of the Lord, with many others also. 2,(i — 41. A 7iew Mission-journey proposed. Contention be- tween Paid and Barnabas. They separate, ajid Paul with Silas goes through Syria and Cilicia. 36 And some days after Paul said unto Barnabas, Let us go again and visit our brethren in every city where we have 37 preached the word of the Lord, a7id see how they do. And Barnabas determined to take with them John, whose 38 surname was Mark. But Paul thought not good to take him with thei?i, who departed from them from Pamphylia, 39 and went not with them to the work. And the contention but "in peace" means "with a blessing or prayer for peace, as a part- ing word." zi7ito the apostles] The oldest MSB. read ^'"imto those that had sent them forth.'' ^o R. V. 34. This verse is omitted in many ancient MSS., and in others the Greek words vary. It may very well be a marginal note placed to explain v. 40, where Paul, who did not leave Antioch, is said to have chosen Silas for his companion in his next journey. Silas therefore must have remained in Antioch after Judas was gone, and such an explanation some reader put on the margin of his copy. 35. teachijig aiid preaching the xvord of the Lord] In such a com- munity there was need not only of setting forth Jesus as the Saviour, but of much instruction concerning the ways in which God had shewn that the Gentiles were now to be made partakers of the new covenant. So that the two verbs should not be taken one as an explanation of the other. 36 — 41. A NEW Mission-journey proposed. Contention be- tween Paul and Barnabas. They separate, and Paul WITH Silas goes through Syria and Cilicia. 36. visit our brethren] The oldest MSS. omit the pronoun, and read the brethren only. '&o R. V. 37. And Barnabas determined] The Greek of the best MSS. gives a weaker verb ."wished." The reason of Barnabas' choice was pro- bably because Mark was his nephew (Col. iv. lo^. R. V. renders "was minded." whose stirname was] The Greek is merely " who was called." 38. who departed fro??i them] See above xiii. 14. He turned back to Jerusalem from Perga. 39. And the contention was so shaj'P,...that, &c.] More literally (with R. v.), And there arose a sharp contention so that, &c. The Greek vv. 40, 4i; I-] THE ACTS, XV. XVI. 201 was so sharp between them, that they departed asunder one from the other: and so Barnabas took Mark, and sailed unto Cyprus ; and Paul chose Silas, and departed, being 40 recommended by the brethren unto the grace of God. And ^x he went through Syria and Cilicia, confirming the churches. I — 12. Paul revisits Derbe and Lystra, chooses Timothy for a companion in his mission, and circumcises hi?n. They pass through Phrygia and Galatia, and come into Mysia and to Troas. By a vision Paul is called into Macedonia. He crosses the sea and remaitis some days at Philippi. Then came he to Derbe and Lystra : and behold, a 16 word (from which our English paroxysm comes) intimates a temporary rather than a prolonged dispute, akhough it may for the time be severe. The result to the church was that two missionary journeys were under- taken instead of one. Though the Apostles might differ in their estimate of Mark, they were at one with reference to the work of the Gospel. Barnabas is mentioned no more in the Acts after this chapter. His name occurs in St Paul's Epistles, i Cor. ix. 6; Gal. ii. 1,9, 13 ; and Col. iv. 10, in which last passage, written no doubt after the events here related, we can see that Mark had been again received as a fellow- worker by St Paul. We learn too from 2 Tim. iv. 11 and Philemon 24 that St Paul became warmly attached to him afterwards. sailed tmto Cyprus'\ In which island Barnabas, and it may be Mark also, was born (iv. 37). They chose therefore for their labours a dis- trict in which they were likely to have some influence. 40. being recommended^ The more usual word in this sense in modern English is commended. {R. V.) unto the grace of God] The best MSS. have " grace of the Lord." 41. Syria and Cilicia] These were the districts in which the teach- ing of the Judaizers had been most active, and the presence of Paul, with Silas as a representative of the church in Jerusalem, would allay all doubts and questionings, and lead to those results which are men- tioned xvi. 5, the establishing of the churches, and their daily increase in numbers. This duty St Paul first discharged before he went on to visit any of the churches which himself had founded. XVI. 1—12. Paul revisits Derbe and Lystra, chooses Timo- thy FOR A COMPANION IN HIS MISSION, AND CIRCUMCISES HIM. They pass through Phrygia and Galatia, and come INTO Mysia and to Troas. By a vision Paul is called into Macedonia. He crosses the sea and remains some days at Philippi. 1. to Derbe and Lystra] Thus beginning the revisiting spoken of in XV. 36. See notes on xiv. 6. acts 15 202 THE ACTS, XVI. [vv. 2, 3. certain disciple was there, named Timotheus, the son of a certain woman, which 7vas a Jewess, and believed ; but his 2 father was a Greek : which was well reported of by the bre- 3 thren that were at Lystra and Iconium. Him would Paul have to go forth with him ; and took and circumcised him %vas there] The verb does not make it certain that Lystra, to which e/cet is most naturally referred, was the birthplace of Timothy, but only his home at the date of Paul's visit. He must however have resided there a good while to have earned the favourable report of the people both of that place and Iconium. named Timotheus] The Timothy to whom St Paul addresses two Epistles and who was the companion of his labours in this journey until his return into Proconsular Asia (xx. 4). He was the son of a Jewish- Christian mother, and his father was a Greek, whether a proselyte of the gate or not, we are not told. The mother's name was Eunice (2 Tim. i. 4) and the grandmother's Lois. Timothy is spoken of as a fellow-worker with St Paul (Rom. xvi. 21). From i Cor. iv. 17 we find that he was St Paul's messenger to that church, and he is joined with that Apostle in the greeting of 2nd Corinthians. He also went to and fro between St Paul and the church in Thessalonica (i Thess. iii. 2, 6) and must have been at Rome with St Paul, soon after the Apo- stle's arrival there, for he is mentioned in the Epistles to the Philippians (i. I, ii. 19), to the Colossians (i. i) and to Philemon {v. 1). An im- prisonment which he underwent is alluded to (Heb, xiii. 23), but we can- not be certain when or where it was. According to tradition (Eus. H. E. III. 14) he was the first bishop of Ephesus, and is said to have suffered martyrdom at the hands of the populace (Niceph. II. E. ill. ii). the son of a certain wojnan, zuhich ivas a j^ewess, and believed] More strictly and according to the oldest texts, '"''the son of a yewess which believed.'''' (So R. V.) Her earnest education of her son in the holy Scriptures (2 Tim. iii. 15) from his early youth marks the character of the woman, and makes it probo.ble that the husband of such a woman was at least a proselyte of the gate. Timothy's father is so little men- tioned that it seems likely he had died early. a Greek] i.e. a Gentile by birth. The word was used widely of all who were not Jews. 2. %uell reported of] The same expression is used of Cornelius (x. 22) and by Paul of Ananias (xxii. 12). by the brethren] i.e. the members of the Christian churches. Five or six years had elapsed since the previous visit of St Paul, so that the congregations had become somewhat formed, and the characters of their more earnest members well known. at Lystra and Iconiicm] Thus we can see that there was an inter- change of kindly offices between the newly-founded churches. 3. a7id circumcised him] It must be remembered that the decree of the synod of Jerusalem only related to the exemption of Gentiles from circumcision. It was a very different thing for a Jew to consent to vv. 4- 6.] THE ACTS, XVI. 203 because of the Jews which were in those quarters : for they knew all that his father was a Greek. And as they went 4 through the cities, they delivered them the decrees for to keep, that were ordained of the apostles and elders which were at Jerusalem. And so were the churches established s in the faith, and increased in number dail)^ Now when they had gone throughout Phrygia and the 6 region of Galatia, and were forbidden of the Holy Ghost to become a fellow-worshipper in the Christian churches with a Gentile who remained uncircnmcised, and to tolerate, at this time, the non- observance of the rite by one who was counted for a Jew. For by the « Rabbinical code the child of a Jewish mother was reckoned as a Jew (T. J. Jebamoth, ii. 6). It was because of this prejudice that Timothy was circumcised. It could be no offence to the Gentiles, and would render the labours' of Timothy more acceptable to the Jews. Because he was the child of a mixed marriage the rite had been unobserved, and so long as he did not come forward as a teacher, there would be no need felt that it should be enforced, and there would be doubtless many others of a like class. But when he was to take a share in the mis- sionary labours of St Paul all this was altered. He would at once have been met with the objection from the Jews, that he who had been but a bad Jew was not likely to guide others right as a Christian teacher. That St Paul saw no inconsistency in what was done in this matter is clear, for the narrative of St Luke tells us in the next verse that to the churches to which they went forth he delivered the decrees of the synod at Jerusalem. 4. they delivered thevi\ i.e. they gave to the Gentile-Christians the decrees to observe, for there was nothing in them which a Jew would be hkely to disregard. All that would be needed for the Jews in such cities would be to explain the terms on which Gentiles were to be admitted to the Christian communion. 5. established in the fait hi The verb is peculiar to the Acts, and is used (iii. 7, 16) of the strengthening of the limbs of the lame man at the Beautiful Gate of the Temple. So its employment here indicates that thus the church was now prepared to make great progress. The barrier to Gentile admission was removed, and so the number of Christians multiplied daily. 6. Now when they had gone throughout^ The oldest MSS. merely say and they -weiLt through. Phrygia and the region of Galatia'] Scarcely the direction, so far as population was concerned, which would have been chosen by them of their own accord, but the inner admonition of the Holy Ghost kept them from entering Proconsular Asia. The news of the events at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost were known to some in Phrygia already (ii. 10), but of Galatia the history has yet made no mention, though we know from St Paul's Epistle to that church that he afterwards had the warmest 15—2 204 THE ACTS, XVI. [vv. 7—16.^ 7 preach the word in Asia, after they were come to Mysia, they assayed to go into Bithynia : but the Spirit suffered th^m not. ^ And they passing by Mysia canre down to Troay And a vision appeared to Paul in the night ; There sto'bd a man of Macedonia, and prayed him, saying. Come over into 10 Macedonia, and help us. And after he had seen the vision, immediately Vvg endeavoured to go into Macedonia, interest in and greatest anxiety concerning the Christians there, among whom Judaizers wrought Hke mischief with that done in Antioch. From some expressions of St Paul (Gal. iv. 19) it seems likely that it was from his own preaching at this time that churches in Galatia were founded. and ivere forhidde)i\ Better, having been forbidden. As they had been forbidden the one route, they went by the other. Probably St Luke says little about the events in this part of the journey, for his language below [v. 10) seems to shew that he only joined St Paul at Troas. in Asia] See note on ii. 9. 7. taere come to Alysia] The Greek scarcely says this. The prepo- sition would be better rendered over against. The course of the jour- ney seems to have been through Galatia and Phrygia, until they got so far to the west as to be opposite to, and on the borders of, Mysia. From this point they were inclined to go north into Bithynia, rather than further to the west, but were again hindered of their intention. t/iey assayed] i.e. 'made the attempt,' 'tried.' Cp. Coverdale's Wor/cs (Parker Soc), p. 113: "As long as the physician hath any hope of the recovery of his patient, he assaycth all manner of means and medicines with him." but the Spirit suffered them not] The oldest authorities read ^Uhe Spirit of Jesus sztff'ered them not.'''' In like manner (Rom. viii. 9) the "Spirit of God" is called also the "Spirit of Christ." Cp. also Gal. iv. 6; Phil. i. 19; i Pet. i. 11. 8. And they passing by Mysia] i. e. without preaching in that district, which was a part of Proconsular Asia, where they were not permitted to preach. came down to Troas] The well-known seaport on the coast of Mysia. 9. a vision appeared] So also to Ananias (ix. 10). Cp. also x. 3, 17, 19, xi. 5, xii. 9, xviii. 9. This was a part of the fulfilment of the prophecy of Joel about which St Peter spake on the day of Pentecost (ii. 17). a 7nan of Macedonia] The words which he spake made clear his nationality. 10. we endeavoured] More literally and better, we sought. (So R. V.) The steps taken would be in the way of enquiry how and when they could get across the sea to Europe. Here the writer begins to speak in the first person as if at this point he became a sharer in St Paul's labours. This he continues till v. 17. vv. II, 12.] THE ACTS, XVI. 205 assuredly gathering that the Lord had called us for to preach the gospel unto them. Therefore loosing from Troas, we came with a straight course to Samothracia, and the next day to Neapolis ; and from thence to PhiHppi, which is the chief city of that part of Macedonia, and a colony : and we were in that city abiding certain days. 13 — 34. Preaching on the Sabbath at Philippi. Conversion and bapisi7i of Lydia. A spirit of divination cast out by Paul. Anger of those who made gain thereby. Paul aftd to go into Macedo7iid\ The word is stronger than the ordinary verb *' to go " and = go forth, an expression very suitable to the first missionary journey from Asia into Europe. This is also as R. V. assuredly gathering\ The verb has the sense of "coming to a con- clusion from putting things side by side." So it is rendered " proving " in ix. 22 and elsewhere. Here it means "deeming it to be proved." 11. Sa7nothracid\ This island lies in the north of the Aegean Sea, opposite to that part of the Thracian coast at which the river Hebrus empties itself. Neapolis'] The port of Philippi. This place is generally identified with the modern Kavalla. On the discussion about its identity, see Dictionary of the Bible (s. v.) 12. and frotn thence to Philippi] As the same verb is used for the whole description of the journey, it seems that the whole was made by ship. which is the chief city of that part of Macedonia, and a colony] Better and more in accord with the oldest MSS. '"'' which is a city of Macedonia, the first of the district, a colony.^'' (So R. V.) Philippi and the country round had long been famous by reason of the neighbouring gold mines. At the time of St Paul's visit it was held by the Romans, and a colony had been founded there by Augustus. The civil magistrates and the military authorities were Roman. Hence the fear when they heard that prisoners whom they had scourged were Roman citizens. For a history of Philippi, see Diet, of the Bible. It should be borne in mind that a Roman colony was not like what we now call a colony. The inhabitants did not settle as they pleased, but were sent out by authority from Rome, marching to their destination like an army with banners, and they reproduced, where they settled, a close resemblance of Roman rule and life. They were planted on the frontiers of the empire for protection, and as a check upon the pro- vincial magistrates. The names of those who went were still enrolled in the lists of the tribes of Rome. Latin was their language, and they used the Roman coinage, and had their chief magistrates sent out or ap- pointed from the mother city. Thus were they very closely united with Rome, and entirely free from any intrusion on the part of the governors of the provinces. 2o6 THE ACTS, XVI. [w. 13, 14. Silas are seized^ brought before the authorities^ scourged and imprisoned^ but the prison doors are opened by a 7ni?'ade. Conversion and baptism of the jailor and his household. 13 And on the sabbath we went out of the city by a river side, where prayer was wont to be made; and we sat down, and 14 spake unto the women which resorted thither. And a certain woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, which worshipped God, heard us : whose heart 13 — 34. Preaching on the Sabbath at Philippi. Conversion AND BAPTISM OF LYDIA. A SPIRIT OF DIVINATION CAST OUT BY Paul. Anger of those who made gain thereby. Paul AND Silas are seized, brought before the authorities, SCOURGED AND IMPRISONED, BUT THE PRISON DOORS ARE OPENED BY A MIRACLE. CONVERSION AND BAPTISM OF THE JAILOR AND HIS HOUSEHOLD. 13. where prayer was %vont to be made'\ Proseiiche here and in v. 16 is Xho. place of prayer, and, adopting the reading now most accepted, the English would be '■''zuhere we supposed there zvas a place of prrayer." (So R. V.) The Jews had such proseiichai sometimes in buildings, sometimes in the open air, as was the case in this instance. The word is found in this sense in Josephus, De vita sua, 54. They are described by Philo (ed. Mang.) Ii. ^Sa. They were very numerous in Rome (see Mayor, jftmenal, ill. 296). Because of Jewish ceremonial washings they were, when in the open air, as often as might be, near a river-side or on the sea-shore. Cp. Ezra viii. 15, and 21. And no doubt the language of Ps. cxxxvii. i, " By the rivers of Babylon we sat down" applies to a similar state of things. we sat dorvjt] The attitude adopted by Jewish teachers. zinto the women which resorted thlthe?''\ Better (as R. V.), "zahi'ch were come together." The Greek refers to those gathered together on this particular occasion only. Considering the little regard which the Jews had for women as persons to be conversed with and taught, it is note- worthy how large a part women play both in the Gospel History and in the Acts. It was one effect of Christianity to place woman in her )l true position. 14. named Lydia'] This may have been her proper name, or it may only have been that by which she passed among the colonists of Philippi, being from the Lydian town of Thyatira. From inscriptions which have been found on the site of the ancient town, it is clear that dyeing was one of the staple trades of Thyatira, and it was from thence that Lydia brought over the purple which she sold in Philippi. Thyatira'] On the river Lycus in Lydia. See Diet, of the Bible. Along the valley of this river were situated Laodicrea, Hierapolis and Colossse, in all which places the congregations afterwards became objects of St Paul's great affection and interest. Col. iv. 13. vv. 15, 16.] THE ACTS, XVI. 207 the Lord opened, that she attended unto the thiiigs which were spoken of Paul. And when she was baptized, and her 15 household, she besought iis^ saying, If ye have judged me to be faithful to the Lord, come into my house, and abide there. And she constrained us. And it canie to pass, 16 as we went to prayer, a certain damsel possessed with a spirit of divination met us, which brought her masters which zvorshipped God'] i.e. had become a proselyte of the Jewish faith. whose heart the Lord opened] St Luke recognizes that without this the word would have made no entrance. He probably makes special mention of this here because he had previously stated that the Lord had called them to preach at Philippi. Having pointed out their work, He helps them to perform it. that she attended] She gave such heed as to be convinced of their truth. The same verb occurs viii. 6, and from the context both there and here we see that it implies "gave credence unto." 15. and her household] Of a like baptizing of a household see below [v. 33), and also cp. xi. 14. We are not justified in concluding from these passages that infants were baptized. "Household" might mean slaves and freedwomen. and abide there] Like the two disciples who followed Jesus (John i. 38) Lydia was anxious to have the teachers, whose lessons she found so suited to the needs of her opened heart, near unto her. she constrained us] Used only by St Luke in N. T. here and Luke xxiv. 29 of the two disciples at Emmaus. The force used was that of a prayer which would hear no " Nay." 16. as we went to prayer] Better, as we were going to the place of prayer, see on v, 13. For though the Greek noun here is without the article it is clearly to be rendered as in the previous verse. This must have been on another occasion than that on which Lydia was converted. For in the expression "she constrained us " it seems implied that they had already taken up their abode there before the events recorded in this verse. possessed with a spirit of divination] More literally, and according to the oldest MSS. which make the two nouns in apposition, having a spirit, a Python. According to Plutarch {De def. Orac. 9) those persons who practised ventriloquism, called also eyya. Ver.), tliat lie might not have to spend time in Asia. He felt that he could not go to Ephesus and leave again in a day. for he hasted] Better, was hastening. The verb expresses the whole character of his journey, and we can only conclude that there was some difficulty in finding a vessel at Troas, or he would not have stayed there so long a§ he did and not have given a day to Ephesus, which he felt he was hardly likely to see again. if... Pentecost] Pentecost at Jerusalem must have been a high Chris- tian as well as a Jewish festival. There would be a.t such a time an opportunity for the Apostle to meet the more prominent members of the Christian body, and, while bringing his contributions from the churches which he had founded, to gladden them with the news of what God had enabled him to do. 17 — 38. Paul sends for the Elders from Ephesus, gives them his parting charge and leaves miletus. 17. And... Ephesus] At Miletus the Apostle and his party must have tarried more than one day. It would take quite that time to send his messenger and summon those whom he wished to see. If they came to him on the next day, that would be consumed in their conference and leavetaking, and the voyage could hardly be begun again till the third day at the earliest. and... elders of the church] To express the force of the preposition in- the compound verb the Rev. Ver. gives '■'• called to him." For "elders" the Gk. word is presbuteroi, and might be rendered "pre^-- byters." These men are called (ver. 28) episcopoi, i.e. "bishops" or "overseers." It is well established that the titles "presbyter" and " bishop" were in the early days of the church synonymous. 18. And... he said unto thern] This is the only speech recorded in the Acts of the Apostles which we can be sure that the writer heard St Paul make. This is probably the reason why we have it somewhat in detail, and why it is so marked, as we shall see it is, with expressions that are to be found in the Apostle's letters. While giving other V. 19.] THE ACTS, XX. 275 Ye know, from the first day that I came into Asia, after what manner I have been with you at all seasons, serving 19 the Lord with all humility of mind, and with many tears, and temptations, which befell me by the lying in wait of the speeches in abstract St Luke employs liis own diction or that of some who were his authorities. Ye knowl The pronoun is emphatically expressed, and for this reason the Rev. Ver. says, " F^ yourselves kjiow." Had St Luke been giving the speech in substance, his Greek training would have made him commence, as he so often does, "Men and brethren." That he has not done so in the speech which he gathered from St Paul's own lips is an evidence of a faithful reporter. fi'om the first day that I came into Asia] The Rev. Ver. brings out the force of the Greek verb ^^ I set foot in.'^ The Apostle is appealing not only to what he had done in Ephesus itself, but to what they had heard of his labours elsewhere in Asia. Ephesus was no doubt the greatest centre of Christian life in Proconsular Asia, and all that was done elsewhere would be reported there, and the lesser churches would seek for intercommunion with a churcli in which they could learn so much of what St Paul had taught. after what majtner I have been with you at all seasons] The A.V. neither represents duly the last noun, which is singular, nor the tense of the verb. Read (with Rev. Ver.) I xvas with you all the ti7?ie. The Apostle is appealing to his behaviour from first to last during his residence in Asia. It is not that he had been with them at all seasons which he desires to note, but hozu he had borne himself while he was among them. 19. serving... htwiility of mind] The Rev. Ver. here has "low- liness of mind," as the word is rendered Phil. ii. 3, but the version is not consistent, for the same rendering is not kept (Col. iii. 12) where it might just as well have been. Probably the translators of 161 1 did not like the collocation all lozuliness. St Paul is careful to point out that the service in which he spent himself was done unto the Lord as His Apostle. and with many tears] The oldest authorities omit "many." The adjective is a comment from the statement in verse 31. In 2 Cor. ii. 4 St Paul says " I wrote unto you with many tears." and temptations, which befell me by the lying in wait of the Jews] The old sense of "temptation" is lost. Read (with Rev. Ver.) ''and with trials... ^jj/ the plots of the Jews. We could only see in the account of the tumult at Ephesus that there were some indications that the Jewish population were anxious to make it plain that they had no sympathy with the Apostle who was so obnoxious to the Gentiles. Here we have an express declaration made before those who knew all the circumstances that plots had been laid against Paul's life by the Jews. It did not fall in with St Luke's purpose to tell us of them, but he manifestly knew about them, for he feels no difficulty 276 THE ACTS, XX. [vv. 20—22. 20 Jews : and how I kept back nothing that was profitable unto you, but have shewed you, and have taught you 21 pubHckly, and from house to house, testifying both to the Jews, and also to the Greeks, repentance toward God, and 22 faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ. And now behold, I go in recording the Apostle's own mention of them" here, nor has he a thought that his narrative will be held for other than true, though men may point out here an allusion to events of which he had made no mention before. We cannot too often bear in mind that the book is not meant for a history of either one or other Apostle, but a record of how the course of the Gospel was guided according to Christ's injunc- tion, "beginning at Jerusalem" and ending Avhen an Apostle had pro- claimed Christ in the Imperial capital. 20. and how I kept back nothing that zaas profitable nnto you, but have shewed yoii\ The Rev. Ver. makes of these clauses, in which there is nothing for "and" or "but," only one, rendering "How that I shrank not from declaring unto you anything that zvas profitable." The form of the sentence corresponds with verse 27 below. The word "how" takes up the "after what manner" of verse 18. The first verb implies the wrapping up of something to keep it out of sight, or out of the way, and is used of "furling" sails. Hence the metaphor- ical sense of "wrapping up" or "cloaking" what ought to be spoken out. The Apostle declares that he had never from any fear or under any circumstances done this. What he means by " that which was profitable," we may learn from his own expression (i Cor. x. 33) "the profit of many, that they may be saved. ^'' This would call for rebuke as well as encouragement, and would not always be a congenial work, however necessary. and have taught you publickly, and from house to housel To connect with what has gone before, read ^^ and teaching you, &c." Here we are afforded another glimpse into the zealous character of St Paul's work. It was not only in the school of Tyrannus that he waited for and taught those who came to hear, but he also went about among the people, seeking to impress any who would listen. 21. testifying, 8cc....to the Greeks] The J?ev. Ver. omits "the" before both nouns, the Greek having no article. ^^ Both to Jews and to Greeks." By "testifying" is meant "proclaiming the need of." And this message the Apostle would support by his own witness. repentance... Christ] By some MSS. the last word is omitted. Some have seen in these two clauses a reference to the character of the preaching, "repentance" indicating what was most needful for the Gentiles, and "faith toward our Lord" the demand made upon the Jews. This however seems fanciful, especially when we remember the Pentecostal sermon of St Peter (Acts ii. 38) which was certainly ad- dressed to Jews rather than Gentiles, " Repent, and be baptized every one of you." 22. And ncnv... Jerusalem] The Apostle refers to his own spirit, vv. 23, 24.] THE ACTS, XX. 277 bound in the spirit unto Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befall me there : save that the Holy Ghost wit- nesseth in every city, saying that bonds and afflictions abide me. But none of these things move me, neither count I my life dear unto myself, so that / might finish my course with joy, and the ministry, which I have received of the the constraint which in his own mind was laid upon him. Some therefore to make this plain would render "in 77iy spirit." The verb impHes that he felt there was no freeing himself from the impulse to go, but it has no such sense as that he already regards himself as a prisoner, that he will be seized and deprived of his liberty when he arrives at Jerusalem. not knowing... there\ This shews that the Holy Ghost had not given to the Apostle more than a general sense that in all places he would be called on to suffer for Christ. 23. save that the Holy Ghost ivitncsseth in every city'] The oldest MSS. add "unto me." jRev. Ver. "testifieth unto me." The Holy Ghost had called him to the work (xiii. 2) and moved the disciples (xxi. 4) and Agabus (xxi. 11) to warn him of the sufferings which were at hand. We may suppose too that such warnings came more fre- quently than St Luke has recorded them. saying... abide me\ The two nouns are combined in Phil. i. 16, " sup- posing to add affliction to my bonds," where the sense is, as most likely here, mental grief in addition to bodily constraint. Such " afflictions" were harder to bear than the " bonds." 24. But none of these things move me, neither count I my life dear unto myself\ The oldest MSS. omit the words for " neither count I," and following these the Rev. Ver. has translated, '■'' but I hold not my life of any account., as dear unto myself.''^ The feebleness and tautology of this sentence are enough to condemn it, and the "as" is a mere substi- tute for the "neither" of the A. V., which it quite implies. In a very clear paper on the verse Dr Field has shewn that there is probably some omission before " dear unto myself" of the same character, though not exactly the same, as what is supplied in the A. V., and that the reading of ^^, B, and C, which the Rev. Ver. has tried to give in English, arose after the words, of which he suggests the loss, had fallen away from sISme very early exemplar. The literal English of Dr Field's sug- gestion would be " Neither make I account of anything, nor think my life dear unto myself. " so that I might finish my course with joy] Better, " may accomplish." The figure of the Christian life as a race is common enough in St Paul's language (cp. xiii. 25). The Apostle signifies by his words that the race will last as long as life lasts, and that he must not faint in the middle, whatever suffering may be in store. The "joy" would arise from the sense of duty done, or, at all events, striven to be done. ajid the ministry, which I have received, &c.] Better to omit the " have " with i?(?z/. Ver. The Apostle refers to the commission which 278 THE A'CTS, XX. [vv. 25—27. ^5 Lord Jesus, to testify the gospel of the grace of God. And now behold, I know that ye all, among whom I have gone preaching the kingdom of God, shall see my face no more. 26 Wherefore I take you to record this day, that I am pure 27 from the blood of all 7;ien. For I have not shunned to he received at his conversion. The work and the sufferings are both foretold to Ananias from the first (Acts ix. 15,16), and St Paul speaks of this ministry or service by the same word (i Tim. i. 12), " I thank him that enabled me, even Christ Jesus our Lord, for that he counted me faithful, appointing me to his service.^ to testify ...God \ To bear witness to men of the good news that God is willing to be gracious. In the context of the passage just quoted (i Tim. i. 14) St Paul shews how fit a person he was to l^ear such testi- mony. He had been a blasphemer, a persecutor and injurious, but had obtained mercy... and ^^^^ grace of our \^ox^}Q.%Vi%Oim&\. abotinded exceed- ingly. 25. And... ye all] We cannot be sure that the Apostle never again came to Ephesus. For we learn from Philemon 22 that, toward the close of his imprisonment at Rome, he had hopes and the intention of visiting Philemon, who was at Colossse, and we can hardly think that if he went to Colossce he would fail on the way to stay at Ephesus. Some have therefore been inclined to lay a great stress on the word "all" in this clause, as though the Apostle only meant that they were sure some of them to be dead before he paid their city another visit. It seems better to take the words as the conviction of the Apostle's mind at the moment. He was impressed with the belief that he would never come back. We have seen, however, just above that the Spirit did not give him definite knowledge of what would befall him in every place. And the sense that he was to be seized and imprisoned might make him sufficiently alive to the chances of his martyrdom for Christ to warrant the words which he here uses. among whom I have gone preaching the kingdom of God ] The oldest MSS. omit " of God." The verb is more fully rendered by the Rev. Ver. "I went about." Though speaking to the Ephesians only the memory of the Apostle recalls those missionary visits throughout Pro- consular Asia which we may feel sure that he made during his " three years' residence at Ephesus." For the use of "kingdom" alone = kingdom of God, cp. Matth. iv. 23 ; ix. 35, &c. 26. Wherefore I take you to record this day] The Rev. Ver., to explain the older English, gives " I testify unto you." The sense seems a little more than this. The Apostle not only gives his own testimony, but challenges them to confirm or refute it. that... all men] St Paul looks upon himself as one like the watchmen of the house of Israel (Ezek. xxxiii. 8) to each of whom God says, if he warn not the wicked from his way, "his blood will I require at thine hand." V. 28.] THE ACTS, XX. 279 declare unto you all the counsel of God. Take heed there- as fore unto yourselves, and to all the flock, over the which the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers, to feed the church of 27. For I have not shunned to declare tinto you all the counsel of Godl The I^ev. Ver. as in ver. 20, " For I shrank not from declaring xinto you the whole, &c." The " counsel of God" means the whole plan of salva- tion; what God offers and what he asks of men. This includes the " repentance and faith" as well as the "grace and mercy." 28. Take heed therefore unto yo2irselves'\ The best MSS. omit ' ' there- fore." The Apostle now resigns into their hands a charge which before had been his own, and the form of his language would remind them that the discharge of their duty after his example would be the means of saving both themselves and those over whom they were placed. and to all the flock'] He commits to them, as Christ had at first to St Peter, the charge to feed both lambs and sheep, in the name, and with the word, of the "good Shepherd" himself. over the which the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers] These men who are called " elders," i.e. " presbyters" before (ver. 17) he now calls "overseers," i.e. "bishops," (see note there). The Rev. Ver. gives "In the which, &c...:... bishops." We have no information how these "elders" had been chosen or appointed, but we can see from this verse that there had been some solemn setting apart of the men for their office. The Church, as in xiii. •2, had recognised some indication that they were to be placed over the church. By reminding them from whence their appointment came, St Paul would enforce on them the solemnity of their position. Though they be " in the flock" they are not as others, more has been given unto them, and so more will be required. to feed the church of God] Perhaps no text in the New Testament has been more discussed than these words. "Many ancient authorities (says Rev. Ver. in a note,) read the Lo?'d^^ instead of "God." The Re- visers have kept "God" in the text, and that reading is accepted as of most authority by Westcott and Hort. The variation, which has much support from MSS., has been discussed and the evidence for it most fully stated by Dr Ezra Abbott, of Harvard University. The text as it stands asserts most strongly the Divinity of our Blessed Lord, but the form of the sentence implies, from what follows, the use of such a phrase as "the blood of God" which is not like the New Testament mode of expression, though it is found in the Epp. of Ignatius, who perhaps derived it from this passage. Because in other places where " the Church of God" is used "God" cannot be taken, as it must here, to mean Christ, some have given a strong force to the word 07un, which follows, and have explained "His own blood," i.e. "the blood of His own Son." And as the Greek text, which has been accepted, as of most authority, by Westcott and Hort, reads ai/xaro^ tov Idiov, it has been suggested that after this peculiar collocation of words, vhv has fallen away in very early times. This would make all easy, rendering "with the blood of his own Son." But there is no evidence that the word " Son" was ever there, and though the death of Christ is in Scripture spoken of as 28o THE ACTS, XX. [vv. 29, 30. 29 God, which he hath purchased with his own blood. For I know this, that after my departing shall grievous wolves 30 enter in among you, not sparing the flock. Also of your own selves shall men arise, speaking perverse things, to draw something "given up" by the Father "for us all" (Rom. viii. 32), yet the price paid and the purchase made are as definitely (i Cor. vii. 22, 23) referred to Christ. The direct assertion of Christ's Godhead has been the occasion of the questioning of this text, and may in early times have led to the various readings. That doctrine does not stand or fall by this verse, but as the authority of MSS. is in favour of the reading "God" we gladly accept it, and feel that to the first readers the harsh- ness of the expression "blood of God" was not much regarded, as the words are not so written, but only suggested by the close of the verse. which he hath purchased... blood} Better, as the price was paid once for all, ^^zvhich he purchased.''^ The verb implies the "making of what is bought peculiarly one's own." It is not the usual word for "buying." 29. For I know this] The oldest MSS. (and the Rev. Ver.) have only ^^ I knozvy that after niy departing] This noun is only used here, and most frequently in classical Greek signifies "arrival," though not always. But as the person who departs from one place arrives at another, it is only a difference of the point of view. Here there can be no doubt of its meaning. It does not refer to the Apostle's death, but his leaving Asia, with the thought that he should return no more. shall grievous wolves... jlock] The Apostle seems first to refer to false teachers who should come in from without. He must have been familiar with the dangers to which the Ephesian church was exposed, and we know from his Epistles how much harm was already inflicted on the Christian Church by the Judaizers and Gnostics. Even when writing to so undisturbed a church as that in Philippi, we find the Apostle giving warning against both kinds of error. And if we turn to those early parts of the Apocalypse in which the condition of the churches of Asia is described, we can read of a crop of errors the sowers of which St Paul may have had in his mind as he spake at Miletus. "Nicolai- tans," " those who say they are Jews and are not, but are a synagogue of Satan," "those that hold the teaching of Balaam," "the woman Jezebel, which calleth herself a prophetess," all these could not have risen in a moment, but must have given indications of their existence long before they became so prominent as they were when St John wrote. He must have read the New Testament with little appreciation who speaks of the words here ascribed to St Paul as a "prophecy after the event " made by the writer of the Acts in the second century. 30. Also of yoiir own selves, &c.] Better (with Rev. Ver.) "And from among yotcr ozun selves." This gives an idea of the greater near- ness of the apostasy which the Apostle predicts. Not some who may come, of those to whom he speaks, but even out of the present existing Christian body. We know from St Paul's own experience that he vv. 31, 32.] THE ACTS, XX. 281 away disciples after them. Therefore watch, and remember, 31 that by the space of three years I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears. And now, brethren, I com- 3* mend you to God, and to the word of his grace, which is had learnt how out of the professedly Christian body some would go back like Demas (2 Tim. iv. 10) through love of this world's good things, and some would err concerning the truth, like Hymenseus and Philetus, and that their word would eat like a canker, and they would overthrow the faith of some. These are the speakers of perverse things, things which should twist even the Apostle's own words into a wrong sense. shall men arise... draw away disciples after theni] Better, "the disci- files^'' i.e. other members of the Christian body. It is not that these men will desire and endeavour to gain disciples, but they will do their best, after their own falling-away, to drag others likewise from the true faith. This is expressed also by the verb which implies the tearing away from that to which they are already attached, and this more literal translation of the verb expresses the labour and exertion which these false teachers will spend to achieve their object. 31. Therefore watch'] The sort of watching implied is that unsleep- ing alertness which can never be taken by surprise. and remetnber, that by the space of three years] As the verb here is a participial form the Rev. Ver. translates '■^Wherefore zaatch ye, remem- bering, &c.," in which there is this gain, that the watchfulness which the Apostle enjoins is thus enforced by his own example. Be ye •watchful, because ye know that I was so night and day while I was among you. The " three years " may be a speaking in round numbers, yet it cannot have been far from the length of time which Paul spent •at Ephesus. vSee notes on xix. 8, 10. / ceased not to warn [admonish. Rev. P^er.] every one night and day with tears] We know from his appeal to the Corinthians (2 Cor. xi. 29) and other places, how sympathetic St Paul was in all that concerned his flock. " Who is weak, and I am not weak ? who is •offended, and I burn not?" And if for weakness and offences, how much more in a city like Ephesus where idolatry was rampant everywhere. We need not contine the "every one" to the presbyters, St Paul's labour was spent on the whole Ephesian Church. 32. And nozv, brethren, I covimend. ..his grace] The oldest authorities omit " brethren." I am to leave you, but I commend you to One who will help you as He has helped me, and who will not leave you. "The word of His grace " means the gracious promises of the Gospel, such as those which Christ gave to His disciples when He foretold the mission of the Comforter (John xvii. 7 — 12), and which the Christian preachers might repeat as His words to the converts who believed on His name. which, &c.] This must refer to God, and not to the intervening explanatory clause concerning the "word of God's grace." It is God who can build up His people, and give them their heavenly inheritance. ACTS 20 282 THE ACTS, XX. [vv. 33—35. able to build you up, and to give you an inheritance among 33 all them which are sanctified. I have coveted no 77ian's 34 silver, or gold, or apparel. Yea, ye yourselves know, that these hands have ministered unto my necessities, and to 35 them that were with me. I have shewed you all t/wigSy and to give yoti an inheritance] The oldest texts give "the in- heritancey The figure is taken from the apportionment of the promised land among the Israelites. The part of each of God's servants in the heavenly Canaan is to be regarded as definitely as were the possessions of the chosen people in the earthly Canaan. among. ..sanctified] The tense is literally ' ' that have been sanctified." But just as the Apostle uses "saints" frequently in his Epistles to mean those who have been called to be such, so here his words do not indicate that those of whom he speaks have attained the perfection of hnlin-'c;^. AVhen they reach their inheritance, then they will have been perfected in Christ. 66. I nave coveicd\ Rev, Ver. "/ coveted.^'' But this seems un- necessary. The Apostle implies that the state of mind was his when he was with them and continues still. apparel] In which Oriental wealth largely consisted. Hence Naaman brings " changes of raiment " as well as money among the rewards which he expects to give for his cure (2 Kings v. 5), and the same may be noticed in many other parts of the Scripture history. Cp. Gen. xxiv. 53; xlv. 22 ; 2 Kings vii. 3, &c. 34. Yea, ye yourselves know] The oldest texts omit "Yea." The working in company with Aquila and Priscilla, which the Apostle began in Corinth, was probably continued when they came together to Ephesus, and so the Apostle's trade and his steady pursuit of it would be well known to many of the listeners. It has been suggested that he was a partner in trade-matters with Philemon during this resi- dence at Ephesus. Cp. Philemon 17. t/iat these hands have ministered] No doubt, he held them forth, and they bore marks that not only while at Ephesus, but since that time they had laboured for the means of living. tmto...them that were vjith me] We cannot determine under what circumstances the Apostle felt himself called upon to minister by his hand-labour to the support of his companions. We may be sure however that the necessity was there, and that St Paul, working him- self, did not countenance indolence in others. And when we read of Timothy's "often infirmities" (r Tim. v. 23) we may conjecture that there were those among the companions of St Paul who were less able to work with the hands than the Apostle himself. 35. / have shezved yoic all thins^s] Better (as Rev. Fer.) " /« all things I gave yott an example.'''' The verb is cognate with that noun which Jesus uses (John xiii. 15), "I have given you an example that ye should do as I have done unto you." V. 36.] THE ACTS, XX. 283 how that so labouring ye ought to support the weak, and to remember the words of the Lord Jesus, how he said, It is more blessed to give than to receive. And when he had thus spoken, he kneeled down, and 36 how that so labo7iring'\ i.e. in like manner as the Apostle laboured. And the verb implies ''wearying toil." He had spared for no fatigue. He speaks of this toil (2 Cor. xi. 27), "in laborer and travail." ye ought to sttpport {Rev. Ver. '■'■ help "] the zveak'] By " weak " does St Paul here mean those standing in need of material or moral help ? Grimm (s. v.) takes it for the poor, those who are in want from any cause, as those must have been who could not support themselves, and whose wants the Apostle supplied by his own labour. Yet this is a very rare sense, as he admits, for the verb to have, and " feebleness " of faith and trust is much the more common meaning. And that sense suits well here. If among new converts large demands should be made for the support of those who minister, they who are weak in the faith as yet, may be offended thereby, and becoming suspicious, regard the preacher's office as a source of temporal gain. An example like St Paul's would remove the scruples of such men, and when they became more grounded in the faith, these matters would trouble them no more. For the use of "weak" in the sense of moral, rather than physical, weakness, cp. Job iv. 3. 4 ; Is. xxxv. 3. and to rei7iembcr . . .J csiis\ He appeals to them as though the saying was well-known, and as we notice this, we cannot but wonder at the scanty number of the words which have been handed down as " words of Jesus" beyond what we find in the Gospel. This is the only one in the New Testament, and from all the rest of the Christian literature we cannot gather more than a score of sentences beside. See Westcott, Jntrod. to Study of the Gospels, pp. 428 seqq. how he said'\ The Greek has an emphatic pronoun, which is repre- sented in the Rev. Ver. ''he himself said.'^ It is.... receive] In support of what has just been said about strengthening the feeble in faith, these words seem as readily applicable to that view of the Apostle's meaning, as to the sense of "poverty." What would be given in this special case, would be spiritual strength and trust ; what is referred to in " receive " is the temporal support of the preacher, which St Paul refrained from claiming. We cannot doubt that he felt how much more blessed it was to win one waverer to Christ than it would have been to be spared his toils at tent-making by the contributions of his converts. 36. The kneeling posture marks the special character and solemnity of the prayer. We find the Apostle doing the same in his parting from the brethren at Tyre (xxi. 5). On the usual custom of standing in prayer, cp. Mark xi. 25 and the account of the Pharisee and publican (Luke xviii. 11 — 13). It has often been noticed that the historian, who gives the speech with unusual fulness, does not venture to record the prayer. 2D 2 284 THE ACTS, XX. XXL [w. 37, 38; i. 37 i)ra)-ed with them all. And they all wept sore, and fell on 38 Paul's neck, and kissed him, sorrowing most of all for the words which he spake, that they should see his face no more. And they accompanied him unto the ship. I — 6. PauVs Voyage from Miletus^ and his Stay in Tyre, 21 And it came to pass, that after we were gotten from them, and had launched, we came with a straight course unto Cos, and the day following unto Rhodes, and from thence unto 37. kissed hinil The word is not the simple verb but expresses earnest, sorrowing salutations. 38. sorrowing... the 7uo7-ds which he spake] More literally "the word which he had spoken " {Rev. Ver.). that they should see, &c.] The word in the original is not that which the Apostle uses in verse 25, when he says he shall not come again. So the Rev. Ver. has well given "behold." The Greek expresses the earnest reverent gaze, with which we can fancy those who knew the Apostle and his work would look upon him. His presence filled not only the eye, but the mind, they contemplated all which the sight of him would recall. And they accompanied him unto the ship] Rev. Ver. "And they brought him on his way, &c." thus making the rendering of the verb here agree with the language of xv. 3 and xxi. 5. They would not lose one look or one word before they were forced to do so. We can see from these words that the harbour was at some distance from the town of Miletus. See on verses 15 and 17. XXI. 1—6. Paul's Voyage from Miletus, and his Stay in Tyre. 1. And it came to pass, that after ive were gotten fro?7i them, and had launched} The Rev. Ver. has reproduced the Greek construction, but the sentence is not a happy one, nor the gain worth the sacrifice. "And when it came to pass that we were parted from them, and had set sail." It gives perhaps a little more of the sense of difficulty in tearing them- selves away which is in the original, but it is not what an Englishman would say. The vessel in which they sailed from Troas to Patara seems to have been under the Apostle's control, and they could stay wherever and as long as they pleased. we caine...Cos\ The name, sometimes spelt Coos, should be written Cos. It is a small island, now called Statichio, on the coast of Asia Minor, just at the entrance of the Archipelago, and in old times was famous for its wines and some light- woven fabrics. There was also in the island a temple of Aesculapius to which was attached a medical school. and the day following unto Rhodes'] In xx. 1 5 the A. V. gave three vv. 2, 3.] THE ACTS, XXI. 285 Patara : and finding a ship sailing over unto Phenicia, we 2 went aboard, and set forth. Now when we had discovered 3 Cyprus, we left it on the left hand, and sailed into Syria, and landed at Tyre : for there the ship was to unlade her times over "the next day," and in each case the Greek was different, and here we have a fourth form in the original for the same sense. In one case in the former chapter the Rev. Ver. left "next day," and they make that change here, but as the Greek is not the same it is not easy to see why the A,V. should not be left alone. Rhodes is the famous island at the south-west extremity of Asia Minor, off the coast of Caria and Lycia. The city of Rhodes and the island of which it is the capital were famous in the times of the Peloponnesian war. It was well supplied with timber fit for shipbuilding and hence became famous for its navy, and its position has caused the island to play a conspicuous part in European history from that time onward. It was celebrated for the great Temple of the Sun, whose worship in the island is marked by the head of Apollo on the coinage. With this worship was connected the great statue known as the Colossus, whicli was meant as a figure of the sun, and was one of the wonders of the world. In the Roman times many privileges were granted to Rhodes by the Roman emperors, while in mediaeval history this was the last Christian city which resisted the advance of the Saracens. Patnrd\ This was a city on the coast of Lycia. It was devoted to the worship of Apollo, who is hence sometimes called by classical writers Patareus. The city was not far from the river Xanthus, and Patara was the port of the city of Xanthus. We can understand, there- fore, why St Paul's voyage in the coasting vessel should end here, because at such a port he would be likely to find a larger vessel to carry him to Syria. 2. And fitiding a ship sailittg over unto Phenicid\ Rev. Ver. liter- ally, '■'' having found Ti ship crossing, &c." Phoenicia was the country on the coast of the Levant, north of Palestine. It contained the important cities of Tyre and Sidon. wc went aboard, and set fortK\ Rrv. Ver. ^^ set sail.'^ 3. No^u when ive had discovered Cyprus'X ^^z/. F?r. " And when we had come in sight of." "Discover" has now acquired the special sense of "finding for the first time." On Cyprus, see notes on xiii. 4 seqq. wc...Syrid\ This was the general name for the whole district lying along the Mediterranean from Cilicia down to Egypt. Tyre'\ One of the chief ports of Phoenicia, and a city of very great antiquity. It was built partly on the mainland and partly on an island, and is often mentioned both in Scripture and in profane literature. It is noticed as a strongly fortified city as early as Joshua xix. 29. We read of its fame in the time of Solomon in connexion with the building of the temple, and Jezebel, the wife of Ahab, was the daughter of Ethbaal, called King of the Sidonians in Scripture, but in Josephus {A7tt. viii. 13, •2) King of Tyre. The city was besieged by Shalmaneser and afterwards by Nebuchadnezzar, and was captured by Alexander the Great. 286 THE ACTS, XXI. [vv. 4, 5. 4 burden. And finding disciples, we tarried there seven days: who said to Paul through the Spirit, that he should not go 5 up to Jerusalem. And when we had accomplished those days, we departed and went 0117- way; and they all brought us on our way, with wives and children, till we were out of Christ went on one of his journeys from Galilee into the neighbour- hood of Tyre, if not to the city itself, which was about 30 miles from Nazareth, and it must have been then in much the same condition as at this visit of St Paul. there the ship, &c.] And so most pi-obably the further voyage to Ptolemais was made in a different vessel, this one going "no farther. 4. And Jindins^ disciples'] Better, '■'And having found the disciples'"'' with Rev. Vcr. This means the members of the Christian church of Tyre, not some disciples who by chance happened to be at Tyre. That there was already a Christian congregation there is probable from the account of the spread of the Gospel given in xi. 19, and as brethren in Phoenicia are spoken of in xv. 3. If there were such anywhere in that country, they would presumably be in Tyre. we tarried there seven days] The Apostle now finds that he can easily accomplish his journey to Jerusalem in time, and so he no longer hastens as he did when all the probable mishaps of a coasting voyage ■were before him. who said to Paid through the Spirit] Rev. Ver. ''■and these said, &c." The Apostle himself was urged by some inward prompting to go on to Jerusalem "not knowing what might befall him." The Spirit warns these disciples of the dangers which would come upon him. We need not judge that these things are contrary one to the other. The Apostle knew that bonds and afflictions were to be his lot everywhere, and though the Spirit shewed to his friends that he would suffer, yet the im- pulse of the same Spirit urged him forward, because it was God's will that he should suffer thus in the cause and for the greater furtherance of the gospel. that he should not go up to 'jfcrusalem] The oldest texts give a reading which the Rev. Ver. represents ''should not set foot in.'" 5. And when tue had accomplished those days] Rev. Ver. very literally "And zvhen it came to pass that zve had accomplished the days.'''' This means, of course, the seven days mentioned above. The verb rjendered "accomplished" is very unusual in this sense, though the Vulgate explains it so, and Chrysostom gave it that meaning, so we may accept it. Some, keeping to a more common use of it "to fit out," have proposed to understand the word "ship" as the object of it, and to render " when we had refitted (the ship) during those days." we departed and 7vent our zaay] Because of the word "way" coming in the next clause for different Greek, the Rev. Ver. has here "went on our journey." and they all brought us on our way, with wives and children] i.e. with their wives and children, the whole Christian community escorting vv. 6—8.] THE ACTS, XXI. 287 the city: and we kneeled down on the shore, and prayed. And when we had taken our leave one of another, we took ship; and they returned home again. 7 — 14. PauV s Jou7'ney to Cesarea, and his Stay there. And when we had finished our course from Tyre, we came 7 to Ptolemais, and saluted the brethren, and abode with them one day. And the next day we that were of Paul's company s departed, and came unto Cesarea : and we entered into the house of Philip the evangelist, which was one of. the seven; the Apostle to the shore. The existence of these families shews that "the disciples" (ver. 4) is required. They were the Church of Tyi^e. and we kneeled down on the shore, and pray ed^^ To follow the reading of the oldest text, the Rev. Ver. joins the construction of this verse with the following, '^ attd kneeling down on the beach, we prayed aiid bade each other farezvell.''^ On the action cp. xx. 36. 6. The best text requires here for the last clause, ^^ and we zuent on ioard the ship, but they returned home again.'''' There is nothing in the Greek to tell us whether the ship was the same in which they had come, or not. 7—14. Paul's Journey to Cesarea, and his Stay there. And when... Ptole)nais'\ For "our course" Rev. Ver. has "the voyage" and for "came to" reads "arrived at." For the same verb in xvi. i, " came to " is left. Ptolemais is the name given during Macedonian and Roman rule to the city anciently called Accho (Judges i. 31), and known in modern history as St Jean d^ Acre or often simply Acre. In the earliest times it was the most important town on that portion of the coast, but at the beginning of the Christian era was far surpassed by Csesarea, which was the residence of Herod and of the Roman governor. and saluted the brethren^ There was therefore a Christian society in Ptolemais also. As the place lay on the great high-road by the coast. It was certain to be visited by some of the earliest preachers, when the •disciples were dispersed from Jerusalem after the death of Stephen. 8. And the next day] Rev. Ver. "And on the morrow." tve that were of Paul's company'] The Greek for the last five of these words is omitted in the best MSS. We can see at once how such a -marginal comment, thought useful by the reader of an early MS., would be brought into the text without scruple by the next copyist, unto Cesarea] Though it was possible to have made this journey by sea, the verb seems rather to leave us to infer that it was a land journey. The road between the two places was of the best. and we entered... a7td abode with him] Rev. Ver. (as Greek) '■'■and entering... we abode, &c." Philip is named next after Stephen in the 288 THE ACTS, XXI. [vv. 9— ii. 9 and abode with him. And the same man had four daughters, to virgins, which did prophesy. And as we tarried there many days, there came down from Judea a certain prophet, named II Agabus. And when he was come unto us, he took Paul's girdle, and bound his oivn hands and feet, and said, Thus narrative (vi. 5) of the choosing of the seven, and though no such pro- minent exhibition of his zeal is narrated as of Stephen, yet we are told, that he went away from Jerusalem and was the first to carry the Gospel to the Samaritans (Acts viii. 5). He also was directed by the angel of the Lord to go and baptize the Ethiopian eunuch (viii. 26—38), thus being doubly an ambassador to the Gentiles, and earning his title of " Evangelist." He preached afterwards at Ashdod, and from the chapter before us we may conclude that he had made his home at Ceesarea. Such a situation, the meeting-place of Gentiles with Jews, was the proper scene for such a missionary to labour in, and such a labourer would rejoice greatly to welcome to his house the great apostle who- had gone forth once and again unto the Gentiles and with such mighty blessing on his work. 9. And the same man... prophesy] Rev. Vei\ '■'■Now this man had, &c."' The family of the Evangelist were walking in their father's steps. These daughters, instead of resting at home, took upon them the hard duty of publishing the message of the Gospel. The English word "prophesy" has come to have, since about the beginning of the seventeenth century, only the one sense of " to predict what is yet to come." In the time of Queen Elizabeth "pi-ophesyings" meant "preachings," and Jeremy Taylor's famous work on the " Liberty of Prophesying," was written to uphold the freedom of preaching. These women were, in their degree, Evangelists also. 10. And as 7ve tarried there many days] The word rendered " many '^ is not the one commonly so translated. It is equal to "some" as Rev. Ver. in margin, and implies that the Apostle made a suitable stay, such as was seemly with a host of such a kind. there... Agabtis] Perhaps the same who (xi. 1%) at Antioch foretold the coming famine. The prophets mentioned on that occasion had also come up from Jerusalem, and the name being somewhat unusual, makes the identity very probable. 11. Aftd when he was come... he took... and hound his ow7t hands and feet] The oldest MSS. have "feet and hands," and \hQRev. Ver. adopts the Greek construction, '■'■ And coming ...and taking... he bounds &c.'^ His adoption of this figurative action makes it almost certain that the man was a Jew. Similar actions are common with the Old Testament prophets. Thus Isaiah (xx. 3) walks naked and barefoot. Jeremiah (xiii. 5) hides his girdle by the river Euphrates, and (xix. 10, 11) breaks the potter's vessel in the Valley of Hinnom ; Ezekiel (iv. i — 3) draws on a tile a picture of the siege of Jerusalem, and (v. i — 4) cuts off his hair and burns and destroys it as God commanded. So too Zedekiah vv. 12—14.] THE ACTS, XXL 289 saith the Holy Ghost, So shall the Jews at Jerusalem bind the man that oweth this girdle, and shall deliver hi?n into the hands of the Gentiles. And when we heard these i?- things, both we, and they of that place, besought him not to go up to Jerusalem. Then Paul answered. What mean ye 13. to weep and to break mine heart ? for I am ready not to be- bound only, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus. And when he would not be persuaded, we 14. ceased, saying, The will of the Lord be done. the son of Chenaanah made horns of iron (r Kings xxii. 11). With this act of Agabus may be compared our Lord's words to St Peter (John xxi. 18). The girdle was that band with which the loose Oriental robe was drawn together at the waist. It was of considerable size, and served the purposes of a pocket, the money being carried in it. To judge from the verb employed in describing the prophet's action, it seems that St Paul had laid aside his girdle and that it was taken up by Agabus from the place where it lay. and said. . . Gentiles] That we may observe the Apostle's zeal to carry out the Lord's will, once more we are told how the Holy Ghost made known to him through others that he was about to TDe made a prisoner, and still we see him go forward unmoved, because though others might know that he was to suffer, and might in their affection strive to liold. him back, he was convinced that such suffering was the Lord's way for him, and so he went on. 12. -we, and they of that place'] We (i. e. St Luke and the rest who were his fellow-travellers) and the Christians of Csesarea. The act of Agabus was in all probability done with some publicity. 13. Then Paul answered. What mean ye to ivecp and to break mine ' hearty Better (with Rev. Ver.'), "What do ye, weeping and breaking my heart?" The sentence is little more than an emphatic question, "Why do ye weep?" implying, of course, the exhortation, "Don't weep, &c." The verb for "break" is found only here in N. T., and signifies the weakening of purpose in any one. So the Apostle inti- mates not that they intended, as we should say "to break his heart" by adding to his sorrow, but to weaken his determination, and deter hin> from his journey. for... Jesus] The pronoun " I" stands emphatically in the Greek, and shews that the Apostle had long ago counted the cost of Christ's ser- vice, and found the sufferings of this present time not worthy to be- compared with the glory that was to be revealed. 14. And... be done] They gathered from the language of St Paul that he had a higher leading than theirs in what he was doing, and feeling that Christ's guidance was better than any other, they quieted their minds with the thought that the work was "for the name of the Lord Jesus," who would strengthen His servant to do His will. 290 THE ACTS, XXI. [vv. 15, 16. - 15, 16. The Journey to Jerusalem, Ts And after those days we took up our carriages, and went «6 up to Jerusalem. There went with us also certain of the disciples of Cesarea, and brought with them one Mnason of Cyprus, an old disciple, with whom we should lodge. ■ 15, 16. The Journey to Jerusalem. 15. And after those days we took up our carriages'] Rev. Ver. " ottr Tjaggage." In the English of the A.V. '* carriages " were things which were carried. The word is found in this sense, i Sam. xvii. 22; Is. x. 28, as well as in this passage. So in Shakespeare, and cp. Earle's Microcosmographie {Axh&x), p. 41, "His thoughts are not loaden with any carriage besides." But the use is quite lost now. The verb indi- cates rather "packing up" for the purpose of removal, than "taking up " in the act of moving. 16. There went with tis also. ..of Cesarea] The Greek text has a conjunction to introduce the sentence, "And there went, &c....from Ccesareay The Evangelist had formed a Church where he had settled, and the congregation were, like their teacher, concerned at St Paul's danger, and so some went with him to Jerusalem. Perhaps the nucleus of the Church may be dated from the baptism of Cornelius, and Philip settling in Ccesarea carried on what had been begun by St Peter. and brought with them] There is no special v/ord in Greek for the last two English words. The original is a participle, meaning " lead- ing." Therefore the Rev. Ver. renders " <^rm^7«^," and adds "with them" in italics. But seeing that " to lead " is " to bring somebody with you," the A.V. seem.s justified in printing "with Uiem " in Roman letters as being necessary to the sense and implied in the meaning of the verb. one Mnason of Cyprus] This man belonged to Cyprus, but had now his home in Jerusalem. Just as Barnabas and his sister Mary, the mother of John Mark, who were also Cypriotes, seem to have ■done. an old disciple] Rev. Ver. "early." He had become a Christian in the first days of the gospel preaching, in the beginning oi the Church of Jerusalem. with... lodge] At such a time this was no unnecessary precaution, for at the Feast Jerusalem was certain to ' be full ot people, and by this arrangement made in Ccesarea, the whole party was saved the trouble of searching for a lodging when they arrived. To find a house in -which the Apostle and those with him might all be received would probably have been attended with much difficulty. To be the owner of such a house Mnason must have been one of the wealthier members of the congregation. His name is Greek, and he was most likely one of the Hellenists. Or, if he were a Jew, Mnason was perhaps substi- tuted for some Jewish name, e.g. Manasseh. w. 17—20.] THE ACTS, XXL 291 17 — 36. Arrival at Jerusalem. PauV s Reception by the Church and by the People. And when we were come to Jerusalem, the brethren 17 received us gladly. And the day following Paul went in is with us unto James ; and all the elders were present. And 19 when he had saluted them, he declared particularly what things God had wrought among the Gentiles by his ministry. And when they heard /'/, they glorified the Lord, and said 20 17 — 36. Arrival at Jerusalem. Paul's Reception by the Church and by the People. 17. And... gladly] The brethren, whose joy is here spoken of, would be those Christians who first learnt of the arrival of Paul at Mnason's house. It is not the public reception which is here intended, for however welcome Paul may have been to individuals, the heads of the Church were manifestly apprehensive of trouble which might arise from his presence in Jerusalem. 18. And the day following... J amcs\ This was the Church's recep- tion of the returned missionaries. Notice of their arrival would soon be given, and the authorities who were at the time resident in Jeru- salem were gathered together. There was not any Apostle there or St Luke would hardly have failed to mention the fact, as he was one of those present. Paul took with him to this interview all who had shared in his labours, that their work, as well as his own might receive the recognition of the mother church of Christ. The James here men- tioned is the same Avho appears recognised as the head of the congrega- tion in Jerusalem (xii. 17, xy. 13). He was most probably one of our Lord's brethren. See note on xii. 17. and... present] These men, with James, formed the government of the Church, and were the persons to whom the Apostle would naturally And it came to pass that, as I made my journey, and was come nigh unto Damascus about noon, suddenly there shone 7 from heaven a great light round about me. And I fell unto the ground, and heard a voice saying unto me, Saul, Saul, ceedingly mad against them, I persecuted them even unto strange cities." 5. the high priest doth bear me witness^ The Apostle refers not to the high priest at the time when he was speaking, but to him who had held that office when (ix. i) in his earnestness against the Christians he had desired a commission from the authorities to carry his persecuting measures as far as Damascus. Josephus {Ant. xviii. 5, 3) tells us that in A.D. 37 Theophilus, son of Ananus, was made high priest in the place of his brother Jonathan. The high priest to whom St Paul here alludes was one of these two brothers, for Theophilus held office till he was removed by Agrippa and his place occupied by Simon, called Kantheras (see Jos. A7it. xix. 6, 2, and cp. Farrar's St Paul, i. 178). Ananias was high priest at the time of St Paul's arrest. See xxiii. 1. and all the estate of the elders'] Though it was now more than twenty years since St Paul's conversion, yet it was not improbable that some members of the Sanhedrin which granted him his commission were still alive, and the records of the transaction were doubtless preserved and could be appealed to. letters unto the brethren] i.e. to the Jewish authorities in Damascus. The Jews spake of all their race as brethren from early times (cp. Deut. xviii. 15). to bring them which were there, bound unto ycriisalem] The English of the A. V. is not free from ambiguity. The Greek is plain, and the Rev. Ver. gives the sense clearly " to bring them also which were there unto Jerusalem in bonds." 6. about noon] The time of the day at which the vision occurred is not noticed in chap, ix., but in chap. xxvi. the Apostle also mentions that it was "at mid-day," at which time the heavenly brightness must have been very overpowering to shine above the glare of an Eastern sun. 7. and heard a voice] As in chap. ix. 4 and 7, so here, and below in verse 9, the case of the noun is varied, so as to mark that the hearing in St Paul's case was diffisrent from the hearing of his companions. The verb can be connected with either a genitive or accusative case. In both the narratives a variation is made, and it was not without its significance (see notes on chap. ix.). St Paul heard intelligible words, the others heard a sound, but it was not speech to them. Cp. the narrative in Daniel x. 6 — 9. vv. 8—12.] THE ACTS, XXII. 305 why persecutest thou me ? And I answered, Who art thou, s "Lord? And he said unto me, I am Jesus of Nazareth, whom thou persecutest. And they that were with me saw 9 indeed the hght, and were afraid ; but they heard not the voice of him that spake to me. And I said. What shall I 10 do. Lord ? And the Lord said unto me, Arise, and go into Damascus ; and there it shall be told thee of all thirigs which are appointed for thee to do. And when I could not n see for the glory of that light, being led by the hand of them that were with me, I came into Damascus. And one Ana- 12 nias, a devout man according to the law, having a good 8. of NazaretK\ This is found only here in chap, xxii., the other two accounts omitting the words, though in some MSS., to make one story exactly like the other, they are inserted in ix. 5. Such assimila- tion of verses to each other is not uncommon in the Acts. 9. and were afraid\ These words are omitted in the oldest MSS. and have been left out in the Rev. Ver. But they are not like any- thing in the other two accounts, the one of which (ix. 7) describes Saul's companions as being "speechless," the other (xxvi. 14) as "all faUing to the ground." Therefore it seems best to retain them, as not being due to any annotation, or to the assimilation of one form of the story to another. The last three letters of this phrase are the same as those of the phrase preceding it, and the eye of a scribe in early times may have passed from one to the other, and thus words belonging to the earliest form of the narrative may have been omitted. heard not the voice\ i.e. the words which were spoken to Saul. They were only conscious of a sound around them. See above on verse 7. 10. which are appointed for thee to dd\ God explained this to Ananias (see ix. 15), how Saul was a chosen vessel to bear His name before Gentiles and kings and the children of Israel ; and still more about his labours was to be revealed to the new Apostle himself. According to xxvi. 16 — 18 the character of the work to which he was called was from the first indicated to Saul ; though as no mention is made of Ananias in that passage, it may well be that the Apostle there brings into one statement botli the words he heard on the way, and those which were afterwards spoken to him by Ananias. 11. could not see for the glory of that light'\ This explanation of the reason of the Apostle's blindness is only given in this place. 12. Ananias, a devout man according to the law, &c.] The Apostle neglects nothing in his address which can conciliate his audience, and so- he tells them that the messenger whom God sent to him was "well reported of by all the Jews that dwelt in Damascus." (For Ananias se& note on ix. 10.) The hostility towards Christians, which was so strong in Jerusalem, had not at the time of St Paul's conversion manifested itself 3o6 THE ACTS, XXII. [vv. 13—16. 13 report of all the Jews which dwelt there, came unto me, and stood, and said unto me, Brother Saul, receive thy sight. 14 And the same hour I looked up upon him. And he said, The God of our fathers hath chosen thee, that thou shouldest know his will, and see that Just One, and shouldest hear the 15 voice of his mouth. For thou shalt be his witness unto all 16 men of what thou hast seen and heard. And now why so greatly in Damascus, since Ananias ' * a disciple " was still in good repute with the Jews there. 13. and stood'\ The fuller force of the compound verb is given by the Rev. Ver. " and standing by me." receive thy sight... I looked tip, &c.] The verb is the same in both places, and this the Rev. Ver. has noted in the margin. But the word is used in both senses elsewhere in N. T., as of Jesus (Luke xix. ^) look- ing up and seeing Zaccheeus in the sycomore tree, and (John ix. 11) of the blind man who received his sight. And the same hourl Rev. Ver. with strict grammatical warrant, ^^and in that very hour." 14. The God of our fathers, &c.] Ananias spake naturally as one Jew to another. At the commencement of the Christian Church there was no thought of a rupture with Judaism, and nothing is more to be noticed in the Acts than the gradual advance made by the Apostles and their companions in appi-ehending what the result of their mission would be. hath chosen thee\ The verb, which is found only in the Acts in the N. T., has the sense of committing a work into anyone's hands. So Rev. Ver. " appointed." that thou shoiddest know his will] For this i-eason it is that St Paul so often in the commencement of his Epistles speaks of himself as an Apostle according to the will of God. i Cor. i. i ; 2 Cor. i. i ; Eph. i. r ; Col. i. i, &c. The whole passage Eph. i. i — 11 is a comment on this clause. and see that Just One] Rro. Ver. " see the righteous One," i.e. Jesus, called "the Holy One and the Just" (Acts iii. 14) and " the Just One" (vii. 52), in both which places the R. V. reads " Righteous," thus connect- ing all the passages with i John ii. i, "We have an Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous." and shotddcst hear the voice of his mouth] Rev. Ver. *' a voice from, .&c." In this way Paul was taught of Jesus as the other Apostles. 15. For thou shalt be his witness, &c.] Thus the commission of the later-called Apostle was in the same terms as those in which Christ had spoken (Acts i. 8) to the eleven before his Ascension. tcnto all men] Paul does not utter the word "Gentiles" until he is forced to do so. of what thou hast seen and heard] For by revelation the Apostle was made aware of the whole scope of Christian truth, and of those doctrines which Christ in His life on earth had communicated to the Twelve. vv. 17, 18.] THE ACTS, XXII. 307 tarriest thou ? arise, and be baptized, and wash away thy sins, calling on the name of the Lord. And it came to pass 17 that, when I was come again to Jerusalem, even while I prayed in the temple, I was in a trance, and saw him say- is 16. why tarriest thou ?] According to the narrative in ix. 1 5 the message of Ananias had already proclaimed the gift of the Holy Ghost to Saul, and the favour of God had been shewn in the recovery of his sight. So the question of Ananias becomes parallel to that of St Peter in the house of Cornelius : " Can any man forbid v^^ater that these should not be baptized, which have received the Holy Ghost as well as we?" arise, and be baptized'] Though the gift of the Spirit was announced, yet God directs that the riieans of grace, the sacrament of baptism, which the Apostle must offer to others, should also be received by himself. and wash away thy sins'] The close connexion of the sacramental sign with renewing grace is spoken of in like terms by the Apostle in his Epistle to Titus (iii. 5) " according to His mercy He saved us, by the washing of regeneration, and the renewing of the Holy Ghost." calling on the name of the Lord] The oldest authorities give ' * calling ■on His name," which refers back to " the Just One." Probably the Textus Recepttis is due to a desire to make the phrase accordant vidth ii. 21. 17. when I was come again toy ertisalevi] Rev. Ver. "had returned." This refers to that visit of the Apostle recorded in Acts ix. 26 seqq. We learn from Gal. i. 18 that three years had elapsed between the conversion of Saul and this visit to Jerusalem, which period is supposed to have been consumed in Arabia (cp. Gal. i. 17). The preaching of Saul at Jerusalem we are told in the Acts roused the anger of the Greek-speak- ing Jews, and that in consequence of their attempts against Saul the Christian congregation sent him away first to Csesarea and then to Tarsus. even while I prayed in the temple\ It is worthy of note how often in this address St Paul incidentally expresses himself in such wise as to conciliate the crowd. His visit to the temple for the purpose of prayer was at once a proof that he was not likely to despise Jewish ordinances and religious observances. / was in a trance] Better (with Rev. Ver.), " I fell into a trance." This was the occasion of one of those ' ' visions and revelations of the Lord" of which St Paul speaks to the Corinthians {2 Cor. xii. i) and with which, from his conversion onwards, he was many times instructed and comforted. 18. and saw him saying tenia me] In Acts ix. 29 — 30 no mention is made that a vision had appeared to Saul commanding him to depart from Jerusalem. It is only said that "the disciples" sent him away. But these two statements are not inconsistent with each other. Saul might be warned to go, and the disciples at the same time prompted to send him. In the same way two different causes, one natural, the other 3o8 THE ACTS, XXII. [vv. 19—21. ing unto me, Make haste, and get thee quickly out of Jerusa- lem : for they will not receive thy testimony concerning me. 19 And I said, Lord, they know that I imprisoned and beat in 20 every synagogue them that believed on thee : and when the blood of thy martyr Stephen was shed, I also was standing by, and consenting unto his death, and kept the raiment of 21 them that slew him. And he said unto me. Depart : for I will send thee far hence unto the Gentiles. supernatural, are mentioned Acts xiii. 1 — 4, viz. the prompting of the Holy Spirit, and the act of the Church of Antioch. And still more like is the statement of St Paul (Gal. ii. 2), that he went up to Jerusalem "by revelation," when it is placed side by side with Acts xv. 1 where we are told that the Christians of Antioch determined that Paul and Barnabas should go up to consult the church in Jerusalem. get thee quickly out of J ertisaleni\ We know from Gal. i, 18 that the duration of the Apostle's stay was but fifteen days. receive thy testimony concerning me'] Better (with Rev. Ver.), " receive of thee testimony, &c." The Apostle, as is clear from what follows in the next verse, considered that he would be specially a messenger likely to persuade and convince men of the truths of the Christian faith. God, in the vision, points out that this will not be so. 19. Lord, they know, &c.] The Rev. Ver. gives " they themselves know" to mark that the pronoun is emphatic. This is not English, but there seems to be no other way of indicating in our language the emphasis which is expressed in the original. Saul is confident that he will be well known by many to whom he is speaking, and that his zealous persecution of the Christians less than four years before cannot have fallen out of men's memories. / imprisoned and beat] The Greek implies that this conduct was of some continuance. Saul was regularly engaged in the work. in every synagogue] For the synagogues as places where such punish- ment was inflicted cp. Matth. x. 17, xxiii. 34, Mark xiii. 9, Lukexxi. 12. That they were also places in which charges were heard is seen from Luke xii. 11. 20. thy martyr Stephen] Better, " Stephen, thy -witness." The Greek word had not yet come to be applied as it afterwards was to those Christians who bore witness to the truth by their death. and consenting unto his death] The oldest authorities omit the last three words, which are added to bring the phrase into exact accord with viii. I. kept the raiment] cp. vii. 58. 21. J ivill send thee far hence, 8lC.] Rev. Ver. *' will send thee forth far hence, &c." We need not understand the command as implying that the Apostle's missionary labours were to begin from that moment, but that God's work for him was now appointed, and would begin in His own time, but would be not among Jews or Greeks at Jerusalem, but among the Gentiles in distant places. vv. 22— 24.] THE ACTS, XXII. 309 22 — 29. Fury of the Jews. The Chief Capiai7i orders Paul to be scourged, hut on hearmg that he is a Roman^ recalls the order in alarm. And they gave him audience unto this word, and then lift 22 up their voices, and said, Away with such a fellow from the earth : for it is not fit that he should live. And as they 23 cried out, and cast off their clothes, and threw dust into the air, the chief captain commanded him to be brought into 24 unto the Gentiles'] St Paul had kept back the word which he was sure would rouse their anger as long as ever he could, and we may well suppose from the conciliatory tone of much of his speech that the atten- tion of the crowd had been enlisted, for the speaker was a man of culture and spake their own tongue. But when the Gentiles are spoken of as recipients of God's message they break forth into all the excitement of an Oriental mob. 22 — 29. Fury of the Jews. The Chief Captain orders Paul TO BE scourged, BUT ON HEARING THAT HE IS A ROMAN, RECALLS THE ORDER IN ALARM. 22. unto this word] It is probable that, though listening, they were not well-pleased at some things which they heard. Their pent-up feel- ings broke into instant execration at the hated word. and then lift up\ The Rev. Ver. omits " then" for which there is no •word in the original, but it is needed for the English sense, and would be therefore better retained. for it is not ft] The best authorities read *' It was not fit." And this no doubt expresses the feeling of the mob. They had listened for a time, but when the speaker made mention of "the Gentiles" they were at once clear that he ought long ago to have been destroyed. He had been all along a man who was not fit to live. 23. cast off their clothes] i. e. the loose upper robe, which could easily be laid aside, and which in such an excitement would interfere with their movements. Compare the conduct of the crowd when our Lord rode into Jerusalem, and also the behaviour of Jehu's friends, 2 Kings ix. 13. and threw dust into the air] Compare the action of Sliimei, 1 Sam. xvi. 13, where the marginal rendering shews that the dust was thrown at David. Perhaps it may have been meant in the present case to be thrown at St Paul, who was above the crowd, at the top of the stairs. The attempt to reach him with what they threw was futile, but it shewed what they would fain have done. For a like action as a sign of grief cp. Job ii. 12. 24. the chief captain, &c.] Probably the chief captain knew nothing of what St Paul had been saying, and would be surprised at the out- break of rage on the part of the people, and conclude from it that there 3IO THE ACTS, XXII. [vv. 25—28. the castle, and bade that he should be examined by scourg- ing; that he might know wherefore they cried so against 25 him. And as they bound him with thongs, Paul said unto the centurion that stood by, Is it lawful for you to scourge a 26 man that is a Roman, and uncondemned ? When the cen- turion heard that, he went and told the chief captain, saying, Take heed what thou doest : for this man is a Roman. 27 Then the chief captain came, and said unto him. Tell me, 28 art thou a Roman ? He said, Yea. And the chief captain answered, With a great sum obtained I this freedom. And was some serious charge laid against him which he might best ascertain by subjecting his prisoner to torture till he should confess. wherefore they cried so agauist hini\ The Rev. Ver. has "for what cause they so shouted against him," and the verb is rendered "gave a shout" (Acts xii. 22), but there it is the voice of the applauding crowd that is spoken of. In this verse and Luke xxiii. 21 (the only other passage in which the word is found in N. T.) "cry "seems to express better in English the utterance of an infuriated mob. It is true that a different verb is rendered by " cry" in verse 23, but that proves that the Greeks had two verbs which they could use for the noise of a mob, while in English we appear not to be so rich. In the A. V. "shout" seems always used of triumph and exultation. 25. Atid as they bound him with thongs'] Rro. Ver. "And when they had tied him up with the thongs." This gives more of the force of the verb in the Greek which implies the stretching of the prisoner forward, so that he may be in a position to receive the blows. Some have trans- lated "for the thongs," but the word rendered "thongs" is one which is always used for straps employed for straining or binding tight, and rarely, if ever, for the implement by which the chastisement is in- flicted. the centurion that stood by] He was superintending the work of fastening the prisoner to the whipping-post, which was done by the common soldiers. a man that is a Roman] It was an offence punishable with the severest penalties for a man to claim to be a Roman citizen, if he were not one. The peril of such an assertion, if it were not true, convinces the centurion at once, and though we are not told so expressly we may feel sure that the operation of " tying up" was stopped. 26. Take heed what thou doest] The oldest texts omit the word for *' take heed " and so make the remainder to be a blunt question *' What art thou about to do?" And thus Rev. Ver. It was forbidden, under heavy penalty, by the Lex Porcia, to scourge a Roman citizen (Liv. X. 9). 28. obtained I this freedom] 'QeiiQX ^^ this citizenship" {Rev. Ver.). Probably at the time when the A. V. was made "freedom" conveyed somewhat of this sense as we speak still of bestowing on any one the vv. 29, 30.] THE ACTS, XXII. 311 Paul said, But I was free born. Then straightway they de- 29. parted from him which should have examined him : and the chief captain also was afraid, after he knew that he was a Roman, and because he had bound him. 30. The Chief Captain brings Paul before the Sanhedrin. On the morrow, because he would have known the cer- 30. tainty wherefore he was accused of the Jews, he loosed him from his bands, and commanded the chief priests and all . "freedom " of a city, meaning thereby all the rights of a citizen. It was the Roman boast " I am a Roman citizen,^'' (Cic. in Verr. v. 63). The sale of the freedom of Rome was at times the perquisite of some of the Imperial parasites and favourites, who made what they could of such a privilege. / was free born\ Rev. Ver. " I am a Roman born." How St Paul came to be a Roman citizen by birth we cannot tell, probably some ancestor for meritorious conduct had been rewarded with enfranchise- ment. Tarsus was a free city, and had its own laws and magistrates, but that did not constitute its inhabitants Roman citizens. 29. which should have examined hi?7i\ This is old English for "which were about to examine him" which the Rev. Ver. gives. The verb is euphemistically employed for the scourging which it was proposed to- administer to obtain information from St Paul. because he had botind hi?n'\ i.e. bound him for the purpose of scourging. To be bound with a chain as a prisoner was not prohibited in the case of Romans. Hence we find St Paul speaking often in the Epistles, written during his imprisonment at Rome, of the bonds and the "chain" with which he was afflicted. Cp. Phil. i. 7, 13, 14, 16; Col. iv. 18; Philem. 10, 13. Also Acts xxviii. 20, while the next verse in this chapter shews that though the Apostle was unloosed from the whipping- post, he was still kept in bands. 30. The Chief Captain brings Paul before the Sanhedrin. 30. because he would have known'] Literally and better (with Rev. Ver.) " desiring to know." The Chief Captain was anxious as-a Roman officer, that justice should be done, and this could only be by having both sides before some authoritative council. he loosed hit?t from his bands'\ The oldest MSB. do not contain the last three words, but- they are to be understood, whether expressed or not. and commanded the chief priests'] He had discovered thus much that the offence charged against his prisoner was concerning the religion 01 the Jews. He therefore summons the chiei religious authorities as those who were best able to decide whether any wrong had been done. and all their council] The oldest text omits " their." The council intended was the whole Jewish Sanhedrin. 312 THE ACTS, XXIII. [vv. i, 2. their council to appear, and brought Paul down, and set him before them. I — 10. St Paul before the Sanhedrm. Disagreement between the Pharisees afid Sadducees. 23 And Paul, earnestly beholding the council, said, Men and brethren, I have lived in all good conscience before 2 God until this day. And the high priest Ananias com- to appear] i.e. to be assembled in some place to which he might bring Paul, and have the case fairly discussed. The place where the San- hedrin met for their own consultations was called Lishkath-Haggazith and was a hall built of cut stone so situate that one half was built on holy, the other half on the profane ground, and it had two doors, one to admit to each separate section. T. B. Jovia 25*. But whether this was the place of meeting at this time we have no means of deciding. brought Paul doivii] The castle was situate on the highest part above the temple, so that wherever he had to go, the Chief Captain must come down. set him before thevi\ He appears to have left him there (see xxiii. \o) and to have given him over to them for examination, though still taking care that he should not be the victim of mob-law. XXIII. 1—10. St Paul before the Sanhedrin. Disagreement BETWEEN the PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES. 1. And Paul, earnestly beholding the council'] The verb is one which St Luke very frequently employs to note a speaker's expression at the commencement of a speech, and it is one of those features in the Acts which shew us where the compiler has acted as editor to the narratives which he used. He very generally gives some word to indicate the gesture or look of the person who speaks. This verb is often rendered in A.V. "looking stedfastly" and that rendering the Rev. Ver. gives here. Men and brethren] Better, *' Brethren." See note on i. 16. / have lived in all good conscience before God until this day] The pronoun " I " is emphatically inserted in the Original. It is as though the Apostle would say, 'You see me before you as though I were an offender, but personally I feel myself innocent.' The verb is one which in profane authors signifies 'to discharge the duties of a citizen.' St Paul implies by its use that he has been obedient to God's laws, as a good citizen would be to the laws of his country. So far as being devoted to God's service, his whole life up to the present moment had been of one piece, it was only that his conscience had been enlightened, and so his behaviour had changed. He had at first lived as a con- scientious and observant Jew, his conscience now approved his conduct as a Christian. 2. And the high priest Ananias] This was Ananias the son of Nebedseus. (Joseph. Ant. xx. 5, 2.) In the time of the Emperor vv. 3— 5-] THE ACTS, XXIII. 313 manded them that stood by him to smite him on the mouth. Then said Paul unto him, God shall smite thee, 3 thou whited wall : for sittest thou to judge me after the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law? And they that stood by said, Revilest thou God's high priest? 4 Then said Paul, I wist not, brethren, that he was the high s Claudius he had been suspended from his ofifice for some offence and sent to Rome [Ant. XX. 6. 2) but afterwards seems to have been held in great reputation in Jerusalem {Ant. XX. 9. 1). to smite him on the. month\ No doubt St Paul's address, before the high priest gave this order, had extended much beyond the single sentence which St Luke records, and he only preserves for us that which appears to have moved the anger of the authorities, by his claim to have led a life of which in God's sight he was not ashamed. The action was intended to put a stop to what would be counted the pre- sumptuous language of St Paul. 3. God shall smite thee., thou ivhited ivall\ Here we may see how veiy far even the excellence of St Paul comes short of the behaviour of the Divine Master, who when he suffered threatened not, and when reviled, reviled not again. We need not however consider that St Paul's language here was a wish for evil upon the high priest, but only an expression of confidence in God that such conduct as that of Ananias would not be allowed to go unpunished. We know from Josephus {Wars, II. 17. 9) that Ananias did come to a violent end. St Paul calls him "whited wall" because he bore the semblance of a minister of justice, but was not what he seemed. Cp. "whited sepulchres" (Matth. xxiii. 27). for sittest thou., &c.] The original has merely the copulative con- junction, which the Rev. Ver. consequently represents by "and sittest thou., &c." The translation misses the force of the Greek, which has the pronoun emphatically expressed. The connexion seems to be this. The Apostle had just named the high priest "a whited wall;" he then continues "and dost thou (such an one) sit, &c." after the la%u\ i. e. according to the law (as Rev. Ver.). Cp. Pr. Bk. "Deal not with us after our sins." cojit?-ary to the law] For St Paul had not yet been heard. Cp. John vii. 51. 4. God's high priest] So styled because he sat on the judgment- seat as God's representative, cp. Deut. xvii. 8 — 13. In the Old Test, the priestly, and even other, judges are sometimes called by God's own name "Elohim." (See Exod. xxi. 6, xxii, 8, 9 and cp. Ps. Ixxxii. i.) 5. / zuist not., brethren, that he was the high priest] Several ex- planations have been given of this statement of St Paul. Some think that it may have been true that St Paul from defect of sight, with which he is supposed to have been afflicted, could not distinguish that the speaker was the high priest ; others that the high priest was not in his official position as president of the court ; or that owing to the ACTS 2 2 314 THE ACTS, XXIII. [v. 6. . ii. priest: for it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of 6 the ruler of thy people. But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees, and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, Men and brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee : of the hope and resurrection of the troublous times, and St Paul's recent arrival in Jerusalem, he was not aware who was high priest ; or that he was speaking in irony, and meant to imply that the action of the judge was of such a character that none would have supposed him to be high priest ; or that he meant by "I wist not" that for the moment he was not thinking of what he was saying. It is most consonant with St Paul's character to believe that either his own physical deficiency, or some lack of the usual formalities or insignia, made him unable to distinguish that he who had given the order was really the high priest. for it is ivritten'] The quotation is from Exod. xxii. 28 and is another illustration of what was said above on verse 4. The whole sentence of the O.T. is "Thou shalt not revile the gods, nor curse the ruler of thy people" and the marginal note on "gods" is " (^r, judges " which margin should be in the text. The Rev. Ver. in this verse omits " the" befoi^e "high priest" and renders "a ruler" instead of '■'the ruler." 6. But wken Paul perceived, &c.] We are not told in what way the knowledge which the Apostle here acted on was gained. Perhaps the Pharisees, as in the parable of the Pharisee and publican, kept them- selves apart ; or to a Jewish eye some mark of their dress may have been enough to bespeak a difference of party. St Paul used this party spirit in a perfectly legitimate manner. What he did was not done merely to set them by the ears, but to secure an opportunity for speaking on that central doctrine of Christianity, the resurrection of the dead. (Cp. xxiv. -21.) Men and brethreft] Better ^^ Brethren. ^^ See note on i. 16. the son of a Pharisee'] The best MSS. give a son of Pharisees. This reading has the advantage of removing St Paul's language beyond the questioning which has sometimes been raised about it. " I am a Pharisee," he says. And the question has been raised, whether he had a right to describe himself thus. When he continues " a son of Pharisees " we see that he is stating that by descent and birth his family had for generations been members of that party. Having said this, he then propounds that doctrine which, of all their teaching, was that which severed them from the Sadducees. That this point also was the central doctrine of Christianity makes St Paul's address not disingenuous, but an appeal to those who agreed with him thus far in his belief, to hear what he had further to say which might meet with their acceptance. And it is not as if the Apostle had raised the question in their midst on some side-issue. The whole teaching of the Christian church rested on the truth of the resurrection, and therefore with much wisdom and without any thought of deception he cries, "I am a Pharisee, and for w. 7— lo.] THE ACTS, XXIIT. 315 dead I am called in question. And when he had so said, 7 there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sad- ducees : and the multitude was divided. For the Sadducees s say that there is no resurrection, neither angel nor spirit : but the Pharisees confess both. And there arose a great 9 cry : and the scribes that were of the Pharisees' part arose, and strove, saying, We find no evil in this man : but if a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him, let us not fight against God. And when there arose a great dissension, the chief 10 teaching the doctrine of the resurrection (which they hold) I am now called in question.' 7. and the multitnde {Rev. Ver. assembly] was divided] The verb in the original is that from which our EngUsh "schism" is derived, and this points to the character of the division. God made the division work for the safety of his servant, as He many times brings good out of evil. 8. the Sadducees say that there is no resurrectiori] It is said that their teaching had its rise in the thought that "God's servants should not do service with the hope of reward. " As the life to come would be a reward we are told that their doctrine developed into the denial of the Resurrection. As we meet with them in the New Testament, they are mainly members of the priestly order, and appear to have accepted only the written Law, as distinct from tradition, yet in spite of the mention of angels in the Pentateuch they appear to have ex- plained the language in such wise as to identify these angelic appear- ances with some manifestation of the divine glory, and thus to have come to deny the existence of any spiritual beings distinct from God Himself. In political matters they were on the side of Rome, and in consequence are found uniting at times with the Herodians. 9. And there arose a great cry {Rev. Ver. clamour] The noise was of an excited mob. It is the same word that is used in the parable of the Ten Virgins, to describe the shout "the bridegroom cometh." and the scribes that were of the Pharisees' part] The best authorities read "some of the scribes of the Pharisees' part.^"" let us not fight against God] These words are not found in the oldest MSS, and it may be that St Luke left the sentence as an incomplete exclamation. This the Rev. Ver. has endeavoured to represent by rendering the preceding clause "And what if a Spirit hath spoken to him, or an angel." The temper of these Pharisees is so very much akin to the counsel of Gamaliel in chap. v. 39, that it is not difficult to understand how a thoughtful reader filled up on his margin the un- finished exclamation by an adaptation of Gamaliel's language, and that these words found their way in a short time into the text. 10. the chief captain] He must have been in some position where he could watch all the proceedings, though we can hardly think that he was presiding in the Sanhedrin. 3i6 THE ACTS, XXIII. [vv. ii, 12. captain, fearing lest Paul should have been pulled in pieces of them, commanded the soldiers to go down, and to take him by force from among them, and to bring him into the castle. II — 25. Paul is cheered by a Visioii. The Jews conspire to kill him. " And the night following the Lord stood by him, and said, Be of good cheer, Paul : for as thou hast testified of me in 12 Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome. And when it was day, certain of the Jews banded together, and pulled in pieces of thetn] The Pharisees had constituted themselves protectors of the Apostle, and so the possession of his person had become the object of a struggle between them and their opponents. commanded the soldiers] They were in the tower of Antonia, over- looking the Temple-precincts, and so were ready to interfere in the struggle as soon as they were bidden. They were in considerable numbers, for below (ver. 27) the A. V. renders this word by "army." Jerusalem was at this time in such an excited state that the presence of a large Roman force was necessary. 11—25. Paul is cheered by a Vision. The Jews conspire to KILL HIM. 11. And the night follozuing] The Apostle was now, though not rightly a prisoner, yet kept, that he might be out of harm's way, under the charge of the Roman soldiers. The hearing of his case having been interrupted, another time was to be appointed when the examination should be completed. the Lord stood by himl Appearing in a vision as before at Corinth, cp. xviii. 9. Be of good cheer'] The Apostle could hardly be otherwise than down- cast with the events of the previous day. He had entered the Temple and undertaken the Nazarite vow with a view of conciliating the Jews and he had only been saved from being torn in pieces of them through the interference of the Roman commander. so must thotc bear wittiess also at Rome] He had already written to the Roman church of his "longing to see them," and that "oftentimes he had purposed to come unto them (Rom. i. ir — 13)," and St Luke (Acts xix. 21) records the intention in the history of St Paul's stay at Ephesus. The way to compass such a visit had not yet been found, but now it is pointed out by the Lord Himself. 12. And rvhen it zvas day] While Paul was receiving comfort from the Lord, the Jews were plotting to secure his destruction and they let no time be wasted. Their plans are ready by the next day, and as soon as it arrived they set about their execution. certain of the Jezus banded together] The best MSS. omit certain of The addition looks like a marginal comment of some one who felt that vv. 13— 15.1 THE ACTS, XXIII. 317 bound themselves under a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul. And they were more than forty which had made this conspiracy. And they came to the chief priests and elders, and said, We have bound ourselves under a great curse, that we will eat nothing until we have slain Paul. Now therefore ye with the council signify to the chief captain that he bring him down unto you to morrow, as though ye would inquire some- thing more perfectly concerning him : and we, or ever he the plot would only be contrived by the Sadducees. The men who banded themselves thus together were probably belonging to the Zealots of whose fanaticism Josephus gives several instances. bound themselves wider a curse\ Lit. placed themselves under an anathema. The noun is used in very solemn language twice over by St Paul (Gal. i. 8, 9), "Let him be accursed." It was an invocation of God's vengeance upon themselves, if they failed to do the work which they undertook. they 7vould jieither eat nor drink] So that there was no time to be lost ; their work must be promptly executed. 13. 7nore than forty] Shewing the excited state of popular feeling at this moment among the Jews. They may have been prompted to this method of getting rid of the Apostle, because they had not the power of life and death any longer, and were not likely to procure Paul's death at the hands of the Roman authorities, on any accusation connected with a religious question. 14. they came to the chief priests and elders] Who were most likely of the Sadducees' part, and who therefore would have no wish to save St Paul's life. Wc have bound ourselves under a great curse] Lit. "with a curse have we cursed ourselves." A Hebrew mode of expressing the intensity and earnestness of any action. Cp. " to die the death, &c." that we will eat nothing] More literally (with Rev. Ver.) "to taste nothing." 15. Alow therefore ye with the council, &c.] Rev. Ver. '■'■ do ye^ to mark more clearly the imperative. The chief priests and elders, of the Sadducees' party, were to use their influence in the council, that a request might proceed from the whole body of the Sanhedrin, that Paul should be again brought before them by the chief captain. From what we read of the Sadducees, in the N. T. and Josephus, it is easy to believe that they would be in a majority. that he b7'ing him doxvn] i. e. from the tower o! Antonia to the place where the Sanhedrin held its meetings. tmto you to inorrow] The oldest MSS. omit the last word. It is found in verse 20 below, and may have been early inserted here to make that verbal accord of the desire for which the received text 01 the Acts 01 the Apostles furnishes so many illustrations. 3i8 THE ACTS, XXIII. [vv. i6— 18. 16 come near, are ready to kill him. And when Paul's sister's son heard of their lying in wait, he went and entered into 17 the castle, and told Paul. Then Paul called one of the centurions unto hi?}i, and said, Bring this young man unto the chief captain : for he hath a certain thi7ig to tell him. is So he took him, and brought him to the chief captain, and said, Paul the prisoner called me unto him, and prayed me as though ye would inquire something more perfectly concerni^ig him'\ Rev. Ver. "as though ye would judge of his case more exactly," which is more in accordance with the classical meaning of the verb. we... are ready to kill himl So that the suspicion of complicity in the crime would not fall upon the chief priests and elders. Their intention would appear to have been to give St Paul a fair hearing, and the murder would seem to be the work of some fanatics unconnected with the Council. 16. And when PauVs sister's son, &c.] The Rev. Ver. keeps to the Greek construction, "But Paul's sister's son heard... and he came, &c." We have no other mention of the family of St Paul anywhere in the history. It seems improbable that the sister and her son were settled inhabitants of Jerusalem, or we should have been likely to hear of them on Paul's previous visits. His imprisonment at this time was only to keep him from being killed, and so any relative or friend was permitted to come to him. he went and entered into the castle] The margin of the Rev. Ver. gives the rendering of the text with a different punctuation : " he heard of their lying in wait, having come in upon them and he entered, &c." 17. Then Paul called 07ie of the centurions, &c.] The Apostle was under the charge of a military guard, and so would have no difficulty in getting his message conveyed. And the knowledge that he was a Roman citizen, and that by birth, would have spread among the soldiery and would not be without its influence. for he hath a certain thing [Rev. Ver. something] to tell him] We have nothing to guide us to a knowledge of how Paul's nephew became acquainted with the plot to murder his uncle. As we know nothing of any kinsmen of St Paul being Christians we may perhaps be right in supposing that the young man was a Jew, present in Jerusalem on account of the feast, and that he had heard among the Jewish popu- lation about the uproar, and the undertaking of the would-be assassins. In his interview with the chief captain it is clear that he was prepared with evidence which M^as convincing to that officer. 18. he took him, and brought him, &c.] With soldier-like obedience and raising no questions. Patil the prisoner'] A name which St Paul was often afterwards to apply to himself. Cp. Eph. iii. i, iv. i ; Philemon i and 9, &c. ajid prayed me] In the older English the verb "pray" as here used is no more than "ask," which latter verb is here given by the Rev. Ver., but it is a needless interference with the older diction. vv. 19—22.] THE ACTS, XXIII. 3^9 to bring this young man unto thee, who hath something to say unto thee. Then the chief captain took him by the 19 hand, and went with him aside privately, and asked him^ What is that thou hast to tell me ? And he said, The Jews 20 have agreed to desire thee that thou wouldest bring down Paul to morrow into the council, as though they would inqure somewhat of him more perfectly. But do not thou 21 yielc unto them : for there lie in wait for him of them moe than forty men, which have bound themselves with an oath, that Ihey will neither eat nor drink till they have killed him : and now are 'they ready, looking for a promise from thee. So the chief captain then let the young man depart, and 22 charged hifu^ See thou tell no 7nan that thou hast shewed 19. the chief captain took him by the hand'\ The messenger from a Rorr.an citizen was entitled to some consideration, and the action of the chief captain is meant to encourage the young man. The chief captain would naturally incline to favour Paul after his conversation with him, rather than his Jewish accusers. We can gather this from the tone of the letter which he subsequently sent to Csesarea. and zvent with him aside pHvately, and asked him'] The adverb ** privately" is better joined with the verb "asked" as in the Rev. Ver.: this is more in accordance with the Greek order, and such an adverb is somewhat out of place with the first verb, in which privacy is implied without such an addition. 20. as though they would inquire] The oldest MSS. give '■^ as though tliou wouldest inquire.'''' It is more probable that this older reading was altered to agree with the plural in verse 15, than that the plural was changed into the singular. It was natural enough for the speaker among the Zealots to say to the chief priests "as though ye would inquire," and it is equally natural that Paul's nephew, speaking to the chief captain, who had control of the v/hole proceedings, should say "as though thoti wouldest inquire." 21. But do not thou yield unto them] More literally, "Do not thou therefore yield, &c." (with Rev. Ver.). which have bound theniselves with an oath] The Greek is the same as in verse 12. It is better therefore to render as there "bound them- selves under a curse." Beside which, the invocation implied in the original is much stronger than is indicated by our English "oath." And to vary the English rendering gives an idea of variation in the Greek, which in one continuous narrative should be avoided. looking for a p^-omise] Rev. Ver. "the promise " i.e. the one which they are coming to ask you to make. 22. So the chief captain then let the young man depart] There is but one conjunction in the original, v/hich is doubly rendered here by So and then. It is better to omit the latter. and charged him^ See thou tell no man, &c.] The Rev. Ver. has 320 THE ACTS, XXIII. [w. 23-25. 23 these things to me. And he called unto hi?}i two centurions, saying, Make ready two hundred soldiers to go to Cesarea, and horsemen threescore and ten, and spearmen two hundred, at 24 the third hour of the night ; and provide the7n beasts, that they may set Paul on, and bring hi?n safe unto Fehx the 25 governor. And he wrote a letter after this manner : "charging him, Tell no man, &c." The Greek is literally "charging him to tell, &c." but though this is correct enough in Greek wlen a sentence like " that thou hast shewed, &c." is to follow it cannot stand in English ; so for the infinitive "to tell" an imperative or its equiralent must be substituted. The A. V. has taken the one, the Rev. Vtr, the other way of rendering. that thoji hast shewed [Rev. Ver. signified] &c.] This change is made because the same word was so rendered in verse 15. 23. to go to Cesarea'] The residence of the Roman governor and the seat of the chief jurisdiction. The preposition is not the usual one. Hence the Rev. Ver. gives "to go as far as Csesarea." The distance between Jerusalem and Csesarea is about 70 miles. and spcar7neii\ The Greek word is an unusual one, and signifies •graspers by the right hand.' Hence it has been explained, as in the A. v., of soldiers who carried a spear in their right hand; others have thought a military guard was meant who kept on the right hand of the prisoners of whom they had charge. The Vulgate gives lancearii, lancers. at the third hour of the night] This would be, according to Jewish reckoning, at 9 P. M. 24. and pi'ovide them beasts] Here is an infinitive, in dependence on the verb in the previous verse, to mark which the Rev. Ver. inserts he bade them. Felix the governor] He was made procurator of Judsea by Claudius in A. D. 53. He was the brother of Pallas, the favourite freedman of Claudius, and it was by the interest of his brother, that Felix was advanced, and retained in his position even after the death of Claudius. The character of Felix, as gathered both from Roman and Jewish historians, is that of a mean, profligate and cruel ruler, and even the troublous times in which he lived are not sufficient to excuse the severity of his conduct. After his return to Rome, on the appointment of Festus to be governor in his stead, Felix was accused by the Jews of Caesarea and only saved by the influence which his brother Pallas had with Nero, as he had had with his predecessor. Felix was con- nected with the Herodian family by his marriage with Drusilla the daughter of Herod Agrippa I. He continued to hold office at Csesarea for two years after St Paul's coming there (xxiv. 27) and during the whole of that time the Apostle was his prisoner. 25. a letter after this mafiner] {Rev. Ver. form]. As both the writer and receiver of the letter were Romans, it is most likely that Latin would be the language of the original, and that St Luke has vv. 26—28.] THE ACTS, XXIII. 321 26 — 30. Letter of Claudius Lysias to Felix. Claudius Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix 26 sendeth greeting. This man was taken of the Jews, and 27 should have been killed of them: then came I with an army, and rescued him, having understood that he was a Roman. And when I would have known the cause 28 given us a representation of the substance of the document rather than its very words. 26 — 30. Letter of Claudius Lysias to Felix. 26. the most excellent governor] The title " most excellent " is that w^hich is given by St Luke at the beginning of his Gospel to the Theophilus for whom he wrote it. Hence it is probable that Theophilus held some official position, it may be under the Romans in Macedonia, where St Luke remained for some time and where he may probably have written his gospel. sendeth greetmg] The Rev. Ver. omits the first word. The original^ has only the infinitive " to rejoice " which is of course governed by some word indicating a wish, i.e. = " biddeth to rejoice," " wisheth joy." 27. This man was taken of the fews] The verb implies a seizure or arrest. It is used (Matth. xxvi. 55 ; Mark xiv. 48) of the party of men who came to seize our Lord, and (Acts xii. 3) of Herod Agrippa's arrest of St Peter. It is to be noted that the chief captain employs the word for ?na7t, which in the original implies respect, no doubt because he was presently about to mention that he was a Roman citizen. The same distinction exists in Latin as in Greek, so that the original may have been in either language. There can be little doubt that Roman officers at this time were familiar enough with Greek to write in it, if need were. and should have been killed of the?n'] The Rev. Ver. modifies the obsolescent English, and reads "was about to be slain of them." The chief captain does not give a very exact report of what had happened. He says nothing about the strife between the two religious parties ; per- haps he did not understand its nature and cause. then came I with an army, and rescued him] Rev. Ver. *^when I came upon them zoith the soldiers, and, &c." This must refer rather to the first rescue from the mob in the Temple-precincts (xxi. 32). There is no word said of what happened afterwards, the binding with two chains, and the intention of scourging the prisoner. havijig u7tderstood [R. V. learned] that he was a Roman] The chief captain put this in such wise as to claim credit for interference on behalf of a Roman citizen, and in so doing omits to state that it was only when Paul was about to be scourged and protested against it, that he was dis- covered to be a citizen of Rome by birth. 28. And when I would have known, &c.] The Rev. Ver. more literally "and desiring to know, &c." The method by which the chief 322 THE ACTS, XXIII. [w. 29—32. wherefore they accused him, I brought him forth into their 29 council : whom I perceived to be accused of questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy 30 of death or of bonds. And when it was told me how that the Jews laid wait for the man, I sent straightway to thee, and gave commandment to his accusers also to say before thee what they had against him. Farewell. 31 — 35. Paid is brought to Cesarea, and kept prisoner by Felix. 31 Then the soldiers, as it was commanded them, took Paul, 32 and brought him by night to Antipatris. On the morrow captain proposed to learn the charge against Paul was by scourging the prisoner. Cp. xxii, 24. 29. whom I perceived \^R. V. found] to be accused, &c.] At first he would have discovered that the outcry against St Paul had something to do with the regulations of the temple, then that there was a dispute about the resurrection of those who were dead, and that on this point* some of the Jewish leaders sided with Paul. Such questions about their law would seem to the Roman officer quite as unworthy of consideration as they did to Gallio at Corinth (xviii. 15). 30. And zvhen it 7vas told me how that the yews laid wait for the man] In the oldest MSS. there is no mention made of "the Jews." The J^ev. Ver. therefore renders "and when it was shewn to me that there would be a plot against the man." / sent straightway to thee] i.e. I sent him. The pronoun is supplied in the Rev. Ver. as needful to the sense. Of course Lysias implies by his language that he felt that Felix was a more fit person than himself to deal with such a case. and gave cofn7)iandment, &c.] By reason of the text in the oldest MSS. the Rev. Ver. has, in the latter part of this clause, "to speak against him before thee." The word "Farewell" is also unsupported by the earliest authorities. 31 — S5. Paul is brought to Cesarea, and kept prisoner BY Felix. 31. Then [So] the soldiers, 8ic....took Paul] i.e. they formed a party for his escort, and took him among them. and drought him by night] i.e. that same night, starting off early in the night and travelling during night-time, thus getting clear away from Jerusalem before the ambush of the Jews was prepared. to Antipatris] This place "was 42 miles from Jerusalem and 26 from Csesarea. It was in early times called Capharsaba, but Herod the Great rebuilt it and named it Antipatris in memory of his father Anti- pater. It lay in a beautiful part of the Vale of Sharon and was both well watered and rich in wood. The remains of a Roman road have been vv. 33— 35-1 THE ACTS, XXIII. 323 they left the horsemen to go with him, and returned to the castle : who, when they came to Cesarea, and delivered the 33 epistle to the governor, presented Paul also before him. And when the governor had read the letter, he asked of 34 what province he was : and when he understood that he was of Cilicia; I will hear thee, said he, when thine accusers are 35 found close by it. For notices of the older city, see Josephus, Ant. xvi. 5. 2; I Mace. vii. 31 ; of the place as rebuilt, see Josephus, B.y. i. 4. 7; II. 19. I and 9; IV. 8. i. 32. On the morroiv\ The original has a conjunction which the Rev. Ver. represents by "But." These men^vould return to Jerusalem again on the day of the intended plot. they left the horsemai to go with hini] Now that they were far away from Jerusalem and in no fear of a surprise, seventy horsemen were guard enough for the remainder of the way. But it may give us some idea of the dangerous state of the countiy at the time when we consider that the chief captain thought it needful to send with this one prisoner a guard of 470 soldiers. We may also form some idea of what the garrison in Jerusalem must have been when so many men could be detached at a moment's notice. and returned to the castle\ Apparently coming back as quickly as it was possible for them to do so. As the road was one much travelled they were probably able to obtain a change of horses here and there. 33. who, when they came to Cesarea] The Rev. Ver. breaks up the relative into a conjunction and a personal pronoun. "And they, when, &c." This makes the reference to the horsemen more clear. and delivered the epistle [letter] to the govertior] It is not easy to see what led the A. V. to give "epistle" here and "letter" for the same word in ver. 25. Sometimes rhythm may account for such a variation, but that is not the case here. presented Paul also] If the letter as given above be a copy of the original, the prisoner was not mentioned in it by name, but the soldiers would merely declare that this was the man that had been committed to their charge. 34. And when the governor had read the letter] The oldest MSS. have nothing either for "the governor" or "the letter." Read (with Rev. Ver.) "And when he had read it." of what province he was] Cilicia had been at one time, and perhaps still was, attached to the province of Syria. It was so in the time of Quirinus. This will explain why at once Felix without question de- cided that, at the proper time, he would hear the cause. 35. / will hear thee] The verb implies a complete and thorough hearing of a case. "I will give thee a full hearing." The Rev. Ver. renders "I will hear thy cause." whe7i thine accusers are also come] Assuming that they would appear, since they had been bidden to do so by the chief captain, as he had explained in his letter. Of course Lysias had not said a word of this 324 THE ACTS, XXIV. [v. i. also come. And he commanded him to be kept in Herod's judgment hall. 1 — 9. An'ival of the Accusers. Speech of Tertullus, their advocate. 24 And after five days Ananias the high priest descended with the elders, and with a certain orator 7tamed Tertullus, to the Jews when his letter was written, but intended to do so when Paul was safely on the road to Caesarea. to be kept in Herod's judgmetit hall\ The word rendered "judgment hall" is "prsetorium," and may signify either the palace of a prince, the tent of a general, or the barracks of the soldiery. Here it is probably the name of the palace which Herod had erected for himself, and which now was used as the governor's residence. It seems (from xxiv. •24 — 26) that it was close to the quarters of Felix himself, and that Paul could speedily be sent for. Render " Herod's palace " (with y?^z/. Ver). The verb employed in the sentence only implies that Paul was to be taken care of; he was not kept in close imprisonment. "A Roman and un- condemned" would not be subject to needless indignities, when his accusers were Jews who could make no such claim for consideration. Cf. xxiv. 23. XXIV. 1—9, Arrival of the Accusers. Speech of Tertullus, THEIR ADVOCATE. 1. And after five days\ Most naturally this means after St Paul's arrival in Caesarea, and the events narrated at the end of chap, xxiii. But it may mean five days after the departure of the Apostle from Jeru- salem. The chief captain would give notice to the high priest of what he had done as soon as it was safe to do so. After learning that they must go to Caesarea with their accusation, the enemies of St Paul would spend some little time in preparing their charge for the hearing of Felix, and in providing themselves with an advocate. And as they would not probably travel with as much haste as St Paul's convoy did, five days is not a long interval to elapse before they arrived in Caesarea. Ananias the high priest} He would be sure to be hot against the Apostle after that speech about the "whited wall." descended} Rev. Ver. [came down], i.e. from the capital to the sea- coast city of Caesarea. with the elders} The best MSS. have "■with certain elders."" It is not likely that all the elders came. There would be some, who belonged to the Pharisees, who would rather have spoken in favour of St Paul. Those who came would be Sadducees, and so only a portion of the Council. and with a certain oratornamed Tertullus} Rev. Ver. '■^ and with an orator, one Terttdlus." This man, as we may judge from his name, which is a modification of the Latin Tertius, was a Roman, and would be chosen because of his knowledge of Roman law, and his ability vv. 2, 3.] THE ACTS, XXIV. 325 who informed the governor against Paul. And when he was 2 called/?/-//^, Tertullus began to accuse him^ saying, Seeing that by thee we enjoy great quietness, and that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy provi- dence, we accept /'/ ahvays, and in all places, most noble 3 to place the case before Felix in such a light as to make it seem that Paul was dangerous to the Roman power, and not merely a turbulent and renegade Jew. We see below that he endeavoured to do this. 7vho informed, &c.] Better with Rev. Ver. "And they informed." Thus it is shewn that the relative in the original refers not merely to Tertullus but to the whole deputation. The verb is one which St Luke uses in other places (Acts xxv. 2, 15) of the laying a formal information before a judge. It is also used, Esther ii. 22, of Esther laying the information of the plot of the two chamberlains before king Ahasuerus. 2. And when he was called forth'\ There is nothing in the original to represent " forth " which is consequently omitted by the Rev. Ver. The "calling" referred to is that of the crier of the court calling on the case. Tertullus began to accuse him\ St Luke has given us but the digest of the advocate's speech. The seven verses, in which it is included, and a large part of which is occupied with compliments to the judge, would not have occupied three minutes in the delivery. Seeing that by thee we enjoy great qtcietness'] [much peace] The orator seizes on almost the only point in the government of Felix on which he could hang any praise. By severity he had put down false Messiahs, and the partizans of an Egyptian magician, as well as riots in Csesarea and Jerusalem, so that the country was in a more peaceful condition than it had been for a long time past. and that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence"] Better (with Rev. Ver. and in accordance with the oldest MSS.) "and that by thy providence evils are corrected for this nation." The word rendered "providence" is found 2 Mace. iv. 6 where what is literally " without the king's providence " is rendered " unless the king did look thereto." It was by the severe looking thereto of Felix that disorders were corrected, though we learn from Tacitus {Hist, v, 9; Ann. xii. 54) that his severity in the end bore evil fruit, and it seems probable that his main motive in suppressing other plunderers was that there might be the more left for himself. 3. we accept it always [Better, in all ways] and in all places] The word rendered " in all ways " is only found here in N. T. and does not mean " always." Some would join " in all ways and in all places" with the former part of the sentence thus: "evils are corrected for this nation in all ways and in all places." "We accept it" means "we acknow- ledge and are glad of it." most noble {^R. V. excellent] Felix] The adjective is the same title which was given to Felix in the letter from Claudius Lysias, and which is afterwards given to Festus by St Paul (Acts xxvi. 25). 326 THE ACTS, XXIV. [vv. 4— 6. 4 Felix, with all thankfulness. Notwithstanding, that I be not further tedious unto thee, I pray thee that thou wouldest 5 hear us of thy clemency a few words. For we have found this man a pestilent/d'//(?2£/, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world, and a ringleader of the 6 sect of the Nazarenes : who also hath gone about to pro- 4. be not... tedious] The notion in the verb is that of stopping a person's way and so hindering him. TertuUus would imply that Felix was so deeply engaged in his public duties that every moment was precious. 5. For we have found this man a pestilent fellow\ The Greek literally says "a pestilence." The same word in the plural is translated "pestilent fellows" in i Mace. x. 61, and it is further explained there by "men of a wicked life." When they say "we have found" it is implied that they have already spent some pains in detecting the evil ways of the prisoner. and a mover of sedition] (insurrections, with oldest MSS. and Rev. Ver.). The first charge had been one of general depravity. On coming to particulars Tertullus puts that first which would most touch' the Roman power, and against which Felix had already shewn himself to be severe. Insurrections were of such common occurrence that one man might at this time be readily the prime mover in many. among all the Jews throughout the world] We must bear in mind that Paul had been assailed at a time when Jerusalem was full of strangers come to the feast. It is not improbable that from some of the Jewish visitors particulars had been gathered about the Apostle's troubles at Philippi, Corinth, Ephesus and elsewhere, which in the minds and on the lips of his accusers would be held for seditious conduct, conduct which had brought him at times under the notice of the tribunals. This Tertullus would put forward in its darkest colours. "The world" at this time meant "the whole Roman Empire." Cp. Csesar's decree (Luke ii. i) that "all the world " should be taxed. a ringleader] The word is used in classical Greek of the front-rank men in an army. of the sect of the Nazarenes] The adjective is used as a term of reproach equivalent to "the followers of him of Nazareth," which origin was to the mind of the Jews enough to stamp Jesus as one of the many false Messiahs. Cp. on the despised character of Nazareth, John i. 46. 6. %vho also hath gone about [who moreover assayed R. V.] to pro- fane the temple] The old English "gone about" was equivalent to " attempted." Cp. Shaks. Mids. Nt. D. iv. i. 212 : "Man is but an ass, if he go about to expound this dream." But the expression is somewhat obsolete now. It is noteworthy that the Jews no longer adhere to their definite charge as made xxi. 28, but only impute to St Paul the attempt at profanation. vv. 7, 8.] THE ACTS, XXIV. 327 fane the temple : whom we took, and would have judged according to our law. But the chief captain Lysias came 7 upon us, and with great violence took hi??t away out of our hands, commanding his accusers to come unto thee: by s examining of whom thyself mayest take knowledge of all 7vhom we fook] i.e. by main force. They would represent their proceedings as an arrest of a grave offender. and would, &c.] These words, as well as verse 7 and verse 8 down to "come unto thee" are omitted in nearly all the oldest MSS., and by the Rev. Ver., while the Greek Text, in those MSS. where if is found, exhibits many variations. But in spite of this it is very difficult to see how the advocate could have avoided some allusion to the circumstances mentioned in these words. Of course he puts the matter in a light most favourable to the Jews. " We would have judged him according to our law " is very different language from that in which (xxiii. 27) Lysias describes Paul as in danger to be killed by the Jews. The action of Lysias too is described by Tertullus as one of great violence. Probably the Roman soldiers would not handle the mob tenderly. But Tertullus is trying to cast blame upon the chief captain and to represent his party as doing all things according to law. atcording to our law'] Tertullus identifies himself, advocate-like, with the Jews whose mouthpiece he is. 7. But the chief captain Lysias] If this verse be an interpolation, . it differs from others in the Acts very greatly. In other parts of the book such insertions have merely been made to bring the whole of a narrative under view at once, and there has been no variation of an account previously given elsewhere. But here we have a passage not representing the facts as stated before, but giving such a version of them as might make Lysias appear to have been in the wrong, and to have exercised his power in Jerusalem most arbitrarily against men who were only anxious to preserve the purity of their sacred temple. As both the Syriac and the Vulgate represent the passage it is not quite satisfactory to reject it. 8. commanding his accusers to come unto thee] Which Lysias had not done till Paul was removed beyond reach of pursuit. by examining of whom] In the A.V. the relative "whom" is here naturally referred to "accusers." A glance at the Greek shews that this cannot be, for it is in the singular number. The Rev. Ver. gives the literal rendering of the passage thus, ^' Ft-om whom thou zuilt be able, by exat}iininghim thyself to take kttow ledge, &c." If the supposed interpola- tion be accepted as text', then "whom" and "him" would most properly be referred to Lysias. Felix might on the arrival of the chief captain question him and learn the truth of what had taken place. And with this the remark of Felix in verse 22 fits in, "When Lysias the chief captain shall come down, I will determine your matter." If however the doubtful words be rejected, then the pronouns must refer to St Paul. But it is curious, to say the least, that Tertullus should suggest to Felix 328 THE ACTS, XXIV. [vv. 9— ii. 9 these things, whereof we accuse him. And the Jews also assented, saying that these things were so. 10 — 21. St PauVs answer to the charge. to Then Paul, after that the governor had beckoned unto him to speak, answered, Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years a judge unto this nation, I do the II more cheerfully answer for myself : because that thou mayest understand, that there are yet but twelve days since that the truth of his case should be supported by an examination of the person accused. It has therefore been suggested that the word rendered " examining" has regard to some process of torture by which a prisoner might be forced to confess the truth. But for this no sufficient support has been found. The noun derived from this verb is employed (xxv. 26) for the inquiry before Agrippa. On the whole there seems quite as much to be said in favour of the Textus Receptus from internal evidence, as can be brought against it by the evidence of MSS. 9. And the jfews also assented] [Rev. Ver. joined in the charge.] The verb implies much more than assent. They made common cause with their representative, and by their own language reiterated the accusation. saying {R. V. affirming) that these things were so] Ananias and the elders must have first instructed their orator. So that the speech was what they had supplied him with, and must have their accord. 10—21. St Paul's answer to the charge. 10. Then Paul, &c.] "When the governor had given him leave to speak the Apostle addressed his defence to the points charged against him. He had not excited the people, nor been the leader of any body of Nazarenes, nor had he polluted the temple. thou hast been of many years a fudge] We have arrived in the history at about A. D. 58 or 59, and Felix had been made procurator in A. D. 52. So that "many years" is about six or seven. But many of the governors were recalled before they had held office so long. In verse 17 "many years" must be about four or five. / do the more cheerfully, &c.] The best MSS. have the positive, "I cheerfully make my defence." St Paul was so far of good courage, be- cause the experience of Felix, and his knowledge of Jewish manners and customs, would enable him to appreciate the statements which related to the Apostle's presence in Jerusalem. 11. because that thou mayest understand] Rev. Ver. taking a slightly different reading, "Seeing that thou canst take knowledge." The Apostle means that it was easy to find evidence about all that had happened in such a short space of time. Beside which Felix's know- ledge of Jewish customs would tell him that this was just the time at which foreign Jews came to Jerusalem. that there are yet but twelve days] The Rev. Ver. has the more vv. 12—14.] THE ACTS, XXIV. 329 I went up to Jerusalem for to worship. And they neither found me in the temple disputing with any man, neither raising up the people, neither in the synagogues, nor in the city: neither can they prove the things whereof they now : accuse me. But this I confess unto thee, that after the way which they call heresy, so worship I the God of my fathers, modern English, which is also closer to the Greek, "that it is not more than twelve days." The time may be accounted for thus : the day of St Paul's arrival, the interview with James on the second day, five days may be given to the separate life in the temple during the vow, then the hearing before the council, next day the conspiracy, the tenth day St Paul reached Caesarea, and on the thirteenth day (which leaves five days (xxiv. i), as Jews would reckon from the conspiracy to the hearing in Csesarea) St Paul is before Felix. See Y2j:x2ix\StPaiil, ii. 338 (note). since I went up to y erusalevi for to worship\ The Rev. ?^^r. gets rid of the antiquated English by rendering, "since I went up to worship at Jerusalem." But the A. V, gives more of the emphasis which St Paul intended to lay on the object of his visit. He went on purpose to wor- ship. Was it likely that he would try to profane the temple? And the verb which he uses expresses all the lowly adoration common among Orientals. The Apostle probably chose it for this reason. He would have Felix know that it was in a most reverent frame of mind that he came to the feast. 12. And they neither found me, &c.J The Apostle gives a flat denial to the charge of insurrection, and challenges them to prove any single point of it. He had not even entered into discussion with any man. raising tip the peopWl Rev. Ver. "stirring up a crowd." For the crowd was gathered by the Jews. 13. neither can they prove [Rev. Ver., with MS. authority, adds to thee) the things, cScc] The proof must be such as the law required, not the mere multiplied assertions of the accusers. The verb implies a formal setting-forth of evidence, and is used by Josephus {De vita sua, 6) of aji array of proof which he has set forth to shew that his fellow- countrymen did not enter on a war till they were forced. 14. after the way which they call heresy^ Better (with Rev. Ver.) "after the Way which they call a sect." The word is the same which is used in verse 5 for the "sect" of the Nazarenes. St Paul employs the expression "the Way," in that sense in which it soon became well known, to signify "the Christian religion." See note on ix. 2. so worship I the God of my father s^ Better, as Rev. Ver., "so serve I the God of our fathers." The verb is not the same as in verse 11. Here the notion is of service which a man is bound to pay. The Apostle means that he has cast off no morsel of his* old allegiance. The ad- jective can equally be rendered by " my fathers" or '•'•our fathers," but St Paul's aim is to shew that he has not severed himself from the ancestral faith of the whole nation, and so his thought would include himself with them. ACTS 23 330 THE ACTS, XXIV. [vv. 15— 17. believing all things which are written in the law and the 15 prophets : and have hope towards God, which they them- selves also allow, that there shall be a resurrection of 16 the dead, both of the just and unjust. And herein do I exercise myself, to have always a conscience void of 17 offence toward God, and toward men. Now after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and offerings. believing all things which are written in the law and the prophets'\ The Rev. Ver. gives very literally "all things which are according to the Law, and which are written in the Prophets." The Apostle thus testifies to his complete acceptance of all the Jewish Scriptures. Some- times the division is given as "the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms" (Luke xxiv. 44), but more frequently, as in the text, only two sections are named (cp. Matt. vii. 1-2, xi. 13, xxii. 40; Luke xvi. 16; John i. 45)- 15. and have {R. V. having) hope... which they themselves also allow\ {R. V. look for). Here the Apostle is of course alluding only to the Pharisees among his own people, but he puts them as representatives of the larger part of the nation. The Rev. Ver. renders "which these also themselves look for," If the Apostle employed the words in that sense he would be turning towards the body of Jews in the court rather than to the Sadducees and their spokesman. that there shall he a resurrection of the dead'\ The best MSS. give nothing for the last three words. St Paul adheres to the point- which had before provoked the anger of Ananias and his party, and they must have been the more irritated because the words of the Apostle declare their opponents, the Pharisees, to be holding the true faith, and imply that such is the general belief of the Jewish people. both of the just and unjust'\ Speaking in the presence of Felix, the Apostle seems to have chosen words to touch the conscience of the Procurator. 16. And herein do I exercise myself "^ "Herein" i.e. in the worship, faith and hope spoken of in the two last verses. While holding this belief, and because I hold it, I try to keep my conscience clear. "I ex- ercise myself" that I may, by constant training and striving, at length get near to what I aim after. to have ahvays a conscience void of offence, &c.] The Rev. Ver., to preserve the Greek order, puts "alway" at the end of the verse. A man who strove for such an object was neither likely to be a profaner of the Temple, nor a pestilent mover of sedition. His religion was worked into his life. 17. Now after many years'] He had come to Jerusalem on the return from his second missionary journey in A. D. 53. It was now A. D. 58, so that his absence had lasted four or five years (see note on verge 10). / came to bring alms to my nation^ These consisted of the money which had been collected in the churches of Macedonia and Achaia at vv. I8-20.] THE ACTS, XXIV. 331 Whereupon certain Jews from Asia found me purified is in the temple, neither with multitude, nor with tumult. Who ought to have been here before thee, and object, 19 if they had ought against me. Or else let these same 20 here say, if they have found any evil doing in me, while St Paul's request, and which is often alluded to in his epistles (cp. i Cor. xvi. r ; Rom. xv. 26; 2 Cor. viii. 4, &c.). There could be no desire to wound the feelings of the Jews in a man who had come for such a pur- pose. It is noticeable too that he describes the alms as not for the Christians only, but for his nation, conveying by the word the impres- sion of his great regard for all the Jews. and offerings] These were the sacrifices connected with the vow which he had undertaken. They must be offei-ed in the Temple, and the offerer was not likely to be one who thought of profaning the holy place. 18. Whereupoii\ According to the best MSS. the relative here, by its gender, must be referred to the "offerings" which have just been named. Read (with Rev, Ver.) Amidst whicli, i.e. engaged in offering which oblations. certain Jews from Asia] These words should, according to all authorities, be placed in the latter clause of the verse. Read ''Amidst which they found, &c." found me purified] i.e. abstaining from ail things forbidden by the law of the Nazarites. See Numb. vi. 3 — 8. neither with 7?ncltitude, &c,] The gathering of a crowd and raising a disturbance would have been the first steps towards some act of profa- nation. But even this he had not done. The original requires that we should continue the sentence, "but there were certain Jews from Asia," as in the Rev. Ver. It was from the Asiatic Jews, perhaps those from Ephesus, that the uproar had at first been originated. It would appear also that part of Tertullus' argument was derived from their information. Of these Asiatic Jews St Paul was now about to speak, but he checks himself, and does not say any word against them, only that they ought to have been here to explain the offence for which he had been as- sailed. 19. and object] Better (with i?i?z;. ?^r.), "and to make accusation." They had set the cry against him, and now did not come to say what he had done wrong. They were probably on their way home, now that the feast was over. 20. Or else let these same here (R. V. these men themselves) say] i. e. the Sadducees with Ananias. The assailants of St Paul were of two classes, first the Asiatic Jews, who were furious against him because of his preaching among the Gentiles in their cities, then those in Jerusalem who hated him for preaching the resurrection. He challenges them both, and when the former do not appear, he turns to the other. if they have fotmd any evil doing in me] The oldest MSS. have "what wrong doing they found," omitting "in me." 332 THE ACTS, XXIV. [v v. 21— 23. 21 I stood before the council, except it be for this one voice, that I cried standing among them, Touching the resur- rection of the dead I am called in question by you this day. 22 — 27. Adjournment of the cause. Felixes treatment of St Paul. 22 And when Felix heard these things^ having more perfect knowledge of that way, he deferred them, and said, When Lysias the chief captain shall come down, I will know 23 the uttermost of your matter. And he commanded a while (Better, when) I stood before the council'\ Up to the moment, when in the presence of the council he had spoken of the resurrection and so produced a division in the assembly, there was no act of St Paul which had to do with any disturbance. The tumult in the temple and while he was speaking from the Tower-stairs was all caused by the Jewish mob. 21. except it be for this one voice\ i.e. this exclamation or cry. From xxiii. 6 we see that St Paul lifted up his voice, when he mentioned the resurrection. I am called in question by [R. V. with MSS. before\ yoti\ "To call in question" means "to put one on his trial." Cf Shaks. Henry IV. (pt. 2) I. 1. 68, "He that was in question for the robbery." 22—27. Adjournment of the cause. Felix's treatment of St Paul. 22. having more perfect knowledge of that way] Better " the way," i.e. the Christian religion, for which this soon became the accepted name. See on ix. 2. Felix was more likely to understand something of the relations between Judaism and Christianity, because he had a Jewish wife, Drusilla, daughter of Herod Agrippa I., one who had been brought by her position into connexion with the movements of the time. For those introductory words of this verse represented in A.V. by "when he heard these things," there is no Greek in the oldest MSS. Read (with Rev. Ver.) " But Felix, having, &c." When Lysias the chief captain shall come down] There had been nothing said in the letter of Lysias, so far as we have it, about his coming to Csesarea, but no doubt he went often between Jerusalem and the residence of the governor. The language of this verse gives some support to the genuineness of verse 7. (See note there.) / 7uill know the uttermost of your matter] Better, "I will determine." Cp. xxiii. 15. 23. And he cominanded a centurion] The Greek noun has the article, therefore the Rev. Ver. gives "the centurion." It might V. 24.] THE ACTS, XXIV. 333 centurion to keep Paul, and to let him have liberty, and that he should forbid none of his acquaintance to minister or come unto him. And after certain days, when Felix 24 came with his wife Drusilla, which was a Jewess, he sent perhaps be one of the two whom Lysias had put in charge of the conveyance of Paul (xxiii. 23). One might be appointed to go on to Cassarea, while the other returned with the larger part of the convoy from Antipatris. to keep Pajtl\ The best MSS. omit the proper name. Read (with Rev. Ver.) "that he should be kept in charge." The verb only conveys the idea of safe keeping, not of severe detention, and it is clear that for some reason Felix shewed himself well-disposed towards the Apostle. Either his conscience moved him, or his hope of gain, or perhaps the flattery and compliments of Tertullus had overshot their mark. and to let him have liberty] Better, "and should have indulgence." That is, there should be a relaxation of prison rules in his case. arid that he should forbid none of his acquaintance] In order to join on better with the previous clause, read (with Rev. Ver.) "and not to forbid any of his friends." The original has a word stronger than " acquaintance." It refers more particularly to such matters as country, home, family and friends, which are specially a man's own. Here from our limited knowledge we are only able to think of Philip the Evangelist who would be particularly a friend of St Paul, but he had been more than once before in Csesarea, and he had no doubt made himself known there as in other places. Those unnamed disciples of Csesarea (xxi. 16) would be among those who had a warm interest in St Paul, and it is clear from St Luke's language that there were friends at hand and ready to visit the Apostle when they were allowed. to mitiister or coine unto hini\ The best MSS. have no Greek for "or come." The verb "minister" implies the doing of those services of which a prisoner even under such liberal conditions must ever stand in need. They would be his means of communication vidth the outer world. And the cupidity of Felix may have suggested that through these friends the means might be supplied for purchasing the Apostle's release. 24. And after certain days, when Felix came, &c.] To conform to the Greek more strictly, the Rev. Ver. reads " But after certain days, Felix came, &c." It is difficult to say what is gained by this. FeHx did not always reside in Csesarea. After the first hearing of St Paul's cause he had gone away for a time, but on his return he sent for the Apostle to question him on his doctrine. Perhaps those words about the resurrection of the just and the unjust had made him uneasy. with his wife Drusilla, which tuas a Jewess] She was a daughter of Herod Agrippa I. and so sister of Agrippa II. and of Bernice. She had formerly been married to Azizus, King of Emesa, but had been induced by Felix to leave her husband, and become his wife. Though she had been only six years of age when her father died (Acts xii. 23) she may have heard of the death of James the brother of John, and the 334 THE ACTS, XXIV. [vv. 25, 26. for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ. 25 And as he reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come, FeHx trembled, and answered. Go thy way for this time; when I have a convenient season, 26 I will call for thee. He hoped also that money should marvellous delivery of St Peter from prison. For such matters would be talked of long after they had happened, and perhaps her father's sudden death may have been ascribed by some to God's vengeance for what he had done against the Christians. Her marriage with the Gentile Felix shewed that she was by no means a strict Jewess, and what she had heard of Jewish opposition to St Paul's teaching may have made her, as well as her husband, desirous to hear him. sent for Paul] The Apostle was lodged in some part of the procu- rator's official residence (see xxiii. 35, note) and so was close at hand. and heard him concerning the faith in Christ'] The best MSB. add yesus. What St Paul would urge was not only a belief in the Christ, "for whose coming all Jews were looking, but a belief that Jesus of Nazareth was the Messiah whom they had so long expected. 25. And as he reasoned... and judgme?it [R.V. the judgement] to come] It was to be no barren faith which St Paul commended, but was to have its fruits in the life. Felix perhaps expected some philo- sophical dissertation on the subject of the resurrection, and the life after death. His own conduct, of which Tacitus {Ann. xii. 54, Hist. V. 9) speaks as mean and cruel and profligate, would make the subjects on which St Paul addressed him peculiarly disturbing. For what if this man's teaching should be true ? Felix trembled] The expression is much stronger. It implies that he was filled with fear. Therefore the Rev. Ver. gives "was terrified." It can hardly be conceived that St Paul was ignorant of the character of those to whom he was speaking. Felix had been in office long enough to be well known. And the Apostle's themes were exactly those by which he could find the joints in the governor's harness. Of "righteousness" his life's history shews no trace, and for temperance, i.e. self-control, the presence of Drusilla by his side proved that he had no regard. Well might such a man be full of fear at the thought, as St Paul would urge it home, of the judgment after death. But the influence of his terror passed away, for we do not read that the Apostle ever beheld such signs of penitence as led him to quiet the terror, by preaching Christ as the atonement for sin. when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee] [Rev. Ver. call thee unto me]. The convenient season never arrived. Felix did not change his conduct. When two years more of his rule were ended and he was superseded by Festus, the Jews in Csesarea brought an accusation against him before Nero, and had it not been for his brother Pallas' influence he would have been punished for his cruelty and injustice. We have no i:ecord of how long he lived after his recall from Ciesarea. 26. He hoped also {Rev. Ver. withal) that nioney should have been V.27.] THE ACTS, XXIV. 335 have been given him of Paul, that he might loose him: wherefore he sent for him the oftener, and communed With him. But after two years Porcius Festus came into 27 Felix' room: and Felix, wilHng to shew the Jews a plea- sure, left Paul bound. (^. V. would be) given him of Paul] He had heard the Apostle speak of the contributions which he had gathered for the Jews in Jerusalem. His thought would naturally be that if he could raise money for the needs of others, he could do so for his own release. that he might loose hini\ These words are unrepresented in the oldest MSS., and read exactly like a marginal explanation which in :ime made its way into the text. wherefore {R. V. wherefore also) he sent... communed with hini\ The Driginal gives two reasons why Felix sent for Paul. First he desired to hear about the faith in Christ, and secondly to give the Apostle a chance of offering him a bribe. The verb "communed" implies that he brought about somewhat of a friendly intercourse with his prisoner. In this way the proposal for any terms of release would have been made easy. 27. But after two j-ears] More literally the Rev. Ver. "But when two years were fulfilled;" and it may be that St Luke would indicate by his expression, that it was not a reckoning of time such as was usual among the Jews, where portions of a year were sometimes counted for a whole, but that the Apostle's detention endured for two years complete. Porcius Festus came into Felix' room"] Festus was made governor by Nero probably in A. D. 60 and died in about two years. Josephus {B. J. II. 14. i) gives him a far better character than his predecessor, but he had the same kind of difificulties to deal with in the outbreaks of the populace and the bands of assassins with which the country was infested. (Jos. Ant. xx. 8. 10) The Rev. Ver. "Felix was succeeded by Porcius Festus " comes nearer to the literal rendering " Felix re- ceived Porcius Festus as a successor," but does not make the meaning clearer, and to put "Felix" as the subject in this sentence and in that which immediately follows gives an awkward sound to the English, which was neatly avoided in A.V. a7id Felix., willing to shew the Jews a pleasure] The literal sense is "to store up for himself favour with the Jews," therefore the Rev. Ver. gives the proper rendering, "and desiring to gain favour with the Jews." Of course it may be said that if he shewed favour to them he would gain favour with them. But what he particularly desired at this time was to blunt the anger which the Jews (especially those of Csesarea) felt against him, that they might be less bitter in their charges against him on his recall. And so he used Paul as his "Mammon of un- righteousness" and left him detained that he might make himself friends thereby. left Paul bound"] \R. V. in bonds.] This seems to indicate that before his departure Felix withdrew the indulgence w'hich had been 336 THE ACTS, XXV. [vv. 1—3. I — 12. Arrival of Festiis. PauVs cause heard before hint. Paul appeals to the Emperor. 25 Now when Festus was come into the province, after 2 three days he ascended from Cesarea to Jerusalem. Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him 3 against Paul, and besought him, and desired favour against previously granted to Paul, and put him in bonds, so as to give to his successor the impression, which the Jews desired, that he was deserving of punishment. It would be very interesting to know what St Paul did during the two years that he was kept at Csesarea. Various con- jectures have been ventured on, but none with any ground of certainty. Some, accepting St Paul as the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, point to this period as the time of its composition. Others assign to this imprisonment those letters of the Apostle which speak so much of his bonds, viz. to the Ephesians, the Philippians, the Colossians and Philemon, but the evidence in favour of Rome as the place whence they were written seems far to outweigh all that can be said on behalf of Csesarea. Our only reflection on such a gap as this in the history of St Paul's work must be that the Acts was not intended to be a narrative of any man's labours, but how God employed now this servant, now that, for the establishment of the Kingdom of Christ. The remembrance of this will prevent us seeking from the book what it was not meant to give. XXV. 1 — 12. Arrival of Festus. Paul's cause heard before HIM. Paul appeals to the Emperor. 1. Noiu when Festus was come into the proznnce\ This may either mean "when he had reached Csesarea," to which, as the seaport, he would naturally come first; or, with margin of the Rev. Ver., "\vhenhe had entered upon his province." The former seems to be the preferable sense because of what follows. after three days he ascended {R. V. went up)] He took a very short time to make himself acquainted with what would be his principal resi- dence, and then went up to the capital. 2. Then the high priest^ 7?. K "And the chief priests." For the best MSS. give the plural. No dotibt Ananias, as before, was the leader of the accusation, but he got others of his own class to support him in Jerusalem. He was their representative when the hearing w;as in Csesarea. and the chief of the yews'] This might mean " the chief part ; " there- fore it is better, with R. V., to read "the pi-incipal men of the Jews." The wealthiest men of the nation belonged to the Sadducees. informed him against Paul] The verb indicates that the proceedings here assumed a legal form. It was no mere mention in any irregular way, but a definite charge was made, no doubt in the same terms which Tertullus had used before. vv. 4-6.1 THE ACTS, XXV. 337 him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to kill him. But Festus answered, that 4 Paul should be kept at Cesarea, and that he himself would depart shortly thither. Let them therefore, said he, which s among you are able, go down with me, and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him. And when he had 6 3. and desired favour against hini] i.e. they begged that their case might have some special consideration. They' were many and rich; the accused man was alone and an obscure person, and it was much easier to bring one man from Csesarea, than for their whole body to undertake a journey from Jerusalem thither. No doubt too they hoped that with a new governor their influence and good position would not be without weight. laying wait in the way to kill hini] They still adhered to their plan of assassination, than which no crime was more common at this time in Judasa. Perhaps too those men who had bound themselves by a vow, though they had been forced to break it, yet felt dissatisfied tlaat Paul was still alive. 4. But Festus answered, that Paul should be kept, ho,^ This hardly gives the force of the original, which is better rendered in the Rev. Ver., "that Paul was kept in charge at Caesarea." The governor's position was that the prisoner had been placed by his predecessor in a certain state of custody, and that this could not be interfered with. zvould {R. V. was about to) depart shortly thither'] A governor newly arrived must move about actively, and could not remain long even in the capital. To have waited till all the arrangements, which the accusing party were supposed to be ready to make, were complete, would have consumed time, which must be occupied in learning the details of his provincial charge. 5. Let them therefore... which among you are able] R. V. " which are of power among you." The words of Festus do not refer to whether some of them could go to Csesarea or not, but to the character of those who should go down, that they should be men of influence and character, such as would fitly represent the powerful body who appealed to him. go down with me] For they were evidently wealthy persons, whose companionship on the journey might be no discredit to the governor. Festus was no doubt willing to conciliate the influential people in the nation, though he had refused to break through a regulation of his pre- decessor at their request. and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him] A large number of MSS., with the Text. Rec, give no word for "wickedness." But in some of the oldest Texts there is a word which signifies "out of the way." The Rev. Ver. therefore gives " and if there is anything amiss in the man, let them accuse him." The adjective is the same that is so rendered, Luke xxiii. 41, "This man hath done nothing amiss." 338 THE ACTS, XXV. [w. 7— 9. tarried among them more than ten days, he went down unto Cesarea; and the next day sitting in the judgment 7 seat, commanded Paul to be brought. And when he was come, the Jews which came down from Jerusalem stood round about, and laid many and grievous complaints 8 against Paul, which they could not prove. While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cesar, have 9 I offended any thing at all. But Festus, willing to do 6. more than ten days\ The oldest texts read "not more than eight or ten days." This seems the more likely reading. It is more probable that the writer would use words to mark the shortness of the stay, than a form which would seem to describe ten days as a long residence at Jerusalem. Festus was evidently full of business and anxious to get it done. and the next day'] Rev. Ver, "on the morrow." The Jewish autho- rities must have accepted the governor's invitation, and have gone down along with him, so that the hearing could begin at once. 7. the yews which canie^ &c.] Better, with Rev. Ver., "which had come, &c." stood round about] The best authorities give ^^ round about him." They were eager to set upon him, and so compassed him on every side. aJid laid many and grievous complaints against Paul] The best MSS. have nothing for the last two words. Read, with Rev. Ver.^ following a slightly different text, "bringing against him many and grievous charges." In the two years lapse of time they had gathered up every rumour which they could collect, and these they brought forward, even though they could not support them by evidence. 8. While he answered for Jiimself] Rev. Ver., with MSS., "While Paul said in his defence." He offered an "Apologia" for himself. He did not make a defence against the unsubstantiated charges, but alluded only to those points on which they would try to prove their case, i. e. his alleged attempt to defile the Temple, his breaches of the Jewish law, and any insurrectionary outbreaks, in which the accusers would try to prove him a leader, and which might be construed into opposition to the Roman power. On this last his accusers would lay most stress. St Luke has only given us the three heads of St Paul's Apologia. Neither against the law of the yeivs] The accusation on the former occasion had not dwelt on this point, but in the course of two years they had discovered that the Apqstle had taught among the Gentiles that circumcision was no necessary door for admission to Christianity, and this they would construe into an offence against the Jewish law. have I offended any thing at all] Rev. Ver.^ "have I sinned at all." 9.. But Festus, willing to do the yeivs a pleasure] Better (with R. V.) "desiring to gain favour with the Jews." Cp. xxiv. 27. Though he had vv. 10—12.] THE ACTS, XXV. 339 the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me? Then said Paul, I stand at Cesar's judgment 10 seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest. For if I n be an offender, or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die: but if there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them. I appeal unto Cesar. Then Festus, whea 12 not consented to their request when he was in Jerusalem, he now went some way towards doing so by his question to Paul. Wilt thou...befo7-e ine\ What Festus proposed was equivalent to acquitting the Apostle of any charge which would come under Roman law. He is therefore appealed to on the other accusations. The offences against the law of the Jews and against the Temple must be heard before the Sanhedrin. Would Paul accept an acquittal on one count and submit to a trial before his own people on the rest? And Festus would be present to see that right was done. 10. I stand at Cesar'' s jiuigme7it seat'\ Better (with ^^. ?^r.) "I am standing before Caesar's judgment seat." This represents more nearly the sense of the original, which implies, " I have been and am standing." The Roman authorities had taken charge of him and had kept him in custody for two years. Of this he reminds the governor, and refuses to be turned over to another tribunal, where he would have for judges, if he ever were allowed to live till his trial, those persons who had been cognizant of the plot to murder him. uohere I ought to bejudged'\ Because I am a Roman citizen. as thou very -well knowest] Rev. Ver. "as thou also, &c." St Paul does not mean to say that Festus is to be blamed for his proposal. Probably he saw that the governor was acting with a view to conciliate the Jews. But he intends to say that after all that the governor has heard, any man would say at once that there was no case against the prisoner. 11. For if I be an offender] The best MSS. have not " For." Read, with Rev. Ver., "If then I am a wrong-doer." He has asserted that he was innocent so far as the Jews are concerned. If there be anything against him, it is for the civil jurisdiction of Rome, not for the religious tribunal at Jerusalem, to decide upon. no man niay deliver me tmto them] The full idea of the verb is ex- pressed by the margin of the Rev. Ver., "no man may grant me by favour." The use of this word confirms the notion that St Paul saw through what the governor was doing. The word "may" represents the Greek "is able," and therefore the "can" of the Rev. Ver. is to be ap- proved. There is no power anywhere which can give me up to them. / appeal tmto Cesar] The final tribunal being the hearing of the Emperor himself. 340 THE ACTS, XXV. [vv. 13, 14. he had conferred with the council, answered, Hast thou appealed unto Cesar? unto Cesar shalt thou go. 13 — 22. Fesius consults King Agrippa about his prisoner. Agrippa wishes to hear PauVs defence. C3 And after certain days king Agrippa and Bernice came [4 unto Cesarea to salute Festus. And when they had been there many days, Festus declared Paul's cause unto the king, saying, There is a certain man left in bonds by 12. when he had conferred %vith the council'\ Having taken the opinion of those who sat as assessors with him. Such persons would be specially needed for a new governor, and the governors of Judaea were changed frequently. Of the existence of such assessors in the provinces, see Suetonius Tib. 33; Galba 19. 13 — 22. Festus consults King Agrippa about his prisoner. Agrippa wishes to hear Paul's defence. 13. And after certain days] More literally, but with no manifest gain, Rev. Ver. gives "Now when certain days were passed." kittg Agrippa^ This was Herod Agrippa II., son of Herod Agrippa I., and consequently a great-grandson of Herod the Great. He was therefore brother of Bernice and Drusilla. On account of his youth he was not appointed to succeed his father when he died. But after a time the Roman Emperor gave him the kingdom of Chalcis, from which he was subsequently transferred to govern the tetrarchies formerly held by Philip and Lysanias, and was named king thereof. Plis kingdom vras afterwards increased by the grant of other cities which Nei'o gave him. At the fall of Jerusalem he retired to Rome, with his sister Bernice, and there died A. D. 100. He had sided with the Romans in the war against the Holy City. Festus was likely to avail himself of an opportunity of consulting Agrippa, for he would expect to be soundly advised by him on any question of Jewish law. and Bernice] She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I. She had first been married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis. Her connexion with her brother Agrippa II. was spoken of both by Roman and Jewish writers as sinful. She was subsequently married to Polemon, king of Cilicia, but soon left him and lived with Agrippa II. in Rome. came unto Cesarea to salute Festus] Rev. Ver., following MSS., gives "arrived at Caesarea, and saluted Festus," with a marginal rendering "having saluted." This would seem to imply that the salutation had taken place elsewhere than at Caesarea. This is very improbable. Csesarea was the official residence of the governor, and thither would the vassal-king Agrippa come to pay his formal visit of welcome to the representative of Rome. 14. And Tuhen they had been there many days] Rev. Ver. "And as they tarried there many days;" a rendering which may be taken to mean that the length of their stay was a reason why Festus set Paul's vv. 15—19.] THE ACTS, XXV. 341 ■^ ~