^RY OF P^llic^ Logical sm'^€> BS 2665 .A132 Abbott, Lyman The epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans THE EPISTLE OK PAUL THE AHOSTLE T(J THE ROMANS WITH NOTES, COMMENTS, MAPS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS BY / Rev. LYMAN ABBOTT AUTHOR OF "dictionary OF RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE," "JESUS OF NAZARETH," AND A SERIES OF COMMENTARIES ON THE NEW TESTAMENT Copyright, 1888 A. S. BARNES & COMPANY NEW YORK AND CHICAGO. PREFACE IT is nearly twelve years since the last volume of this Commentary appeared. The long delay can not be excused on the ground that a very busy life has left little leisure for the careful study which must precede the publication of a Commen- tary on Paul's Epistle to the Romans. The wish of my life is to apply to the problems of human experience, political, social, and individual, the principles incul- cated in the New Testament for the government of human conduct, and the up-build- ing of human character. A careful study of the New Testament is an essential part of that work. The labor of reducing to writing the conclusions is not relatively very great, and this would need to be done, both to perfect and to preserve them, even if there were no intention of giving these results to the public in a Commentary. I can not, therefore, ask indulgence, either for the imperfections of this volume, or the long delay in its appearance, on the familiar ground that it has been prepared in the intervals of an otherwise fully occupied life. But, twenty years ago, in making some preliminary studies for a Life of Paul, it appeared to me that the traditional view oi his character was not borne out by such a knowledge as we possess of the facts of his life ; that he was an evangelist rather than a philosopher, and^a poet rather than a I scholastic. A careful study of his writings confirmed this impression, while it neces- sarily involved an interpretation of those writings different in some important respects from that which has very commonly obtained. The further this study was pursued, the more important seemed the difference, and at the same time the clearer becamcj the conclusions as to the true principles of interpretation to be applied, and the results which those principles would furnish. These results have been embodied in the In- troduction; sharply contrasted with those of the forensic school of interpreters, on pages 76 and 77 of the Introduction ; and still more compactly embodied in the paraphrase, on pagcSS^, of the doxology with which Paul closes his Epistle. It is needless to re- jtoat them here. Suffice it to say, that I believe that scholastic theology has beeni imputed to Paul's writings not deduced from them ; that he i s essent ially a ChrisJ;ian | mystic ; that his teaching, although cast in a different mold, is in its spirit essen- tially that of the Fourth Gospel ; that his doctrine of righteousness is in its antagonism to that of the Pharisaic, or external school, precisely that of the Sermon on the Mount. These are not the views of the theologians and the commentators generally ; not even of such scholarly authorities as Tholuck, Meyer, Godot, and Alfonl ; })ut they seem to me to be confirmed Ijy tlie hymnology and the spiritual and devotional litera- vi PREFACE. tare of the Church. I was not, however, willing to embody them in a volume with- out taking time to meditate them ; to study and re-study the Epistle ; to compare it carefully with Paul's other writings, and with those of the other inspired writers ; to submit them by fragmentary publications to public criticism and debate ; and to present them, both practically in sermons and public addresses, and critically be- fore ministerial gatherings, that the spiritual results in the one case ami the critical discussions in the other might test them. The only result has been to confirm and deepen my early impressions. The effect on my own life-experience and work has fully repaid the time and labor so expended. I trust the volume will be found the better and more trustworthy for the delay. The reader will observe also a peculiarity in the mechanical construction of the volume. The Introduction gives a general view of the Apostle's life, character, and writings, as they are interpreted in this volume. The volume itself consists of two parts, though interwoven ; chapters accompanying the Revised Version, which may be read through as a continuous and connected book by one who wishes to get the general interpretation of the Epistle presented in this volume ; and annotations in each chapter accompanying the Old Version, in which the student will find stated in some detail the critical reasons for that interpretation. "With these words of explanation, this volume and its conclusions are submitted to the candid consideration of the Christian public, in the hope that, whatever may be the final verdict as to either its spirit or its methods, it may lead to a fresh study of the Epistle to the Romans, and so confer the intellectual and spiritual benefit which such study always confers on the candid and painstaking student of Scripture. LYMAN ABBOTT. CoRNWALL-ON-HuDSON, August, 18SS. TABLE OF CONTENTS. THE COMMENTAEY. CHAP. PAGE Introductokv 11 I. — Saul of Tarsus 15 II. — The Conversion of Paul. 19 III. — Paul the Missionary 27 'IV. — Paul the Writer 35 v.— The Pagan World 42 VI. — Paul's Kemedy for Sin 52 VII. — Conclusion 76 THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. I. — The Evolution of Sin (new version.) 85 I. — The Epistle to the Romans (King James' version.) 89 II. — God's Dealing with the Heathen 100 III. — Justification nv Faith Ill IV.— The Old Testament Doctrine of Faith 12."i V, — The End of Sacrifice 130 V. — (Continncd.) Pauls Doctrine of the Fall 130 VI. — Paul's Doctrine of Redemption 143 VII.— The Battle ok Like 150 viii COX T K NTS. OH A p. PAGC VIII. — More than Conquerors 160 IX. — Paul's Theodicy 172 X. — Paul's Missionary Argument 182 XL — Our Debt to Judaism 189 XII.— Paul's Law of Ethics 199 XIII. — The Christian State 206 XIV. — Paul's Principles of Casuistry 21.3 XV. and XVI. — Conclusion 223 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. NO. PAOB 1. St. Paul in the Market Place Frontispiece 2. Grecian Peasant 29 3. Roman Plebeians 29 4. Roman Library 33 x5. Tombs Along the Appian Way 41 6'. Rome (view from citadel. Coliseum in distance, Foriim in the background). 42 7. A Greek Symposium 45 8. The Gladiators (" Pcjllice Verso." From the painting by Gerome) 46 9. Grecian Ladies and Attendant 47 10. Coin of Nero 48 //. Rome in the Time of Augustus C^sar 82 ]^. Roman Soldiers 83 LIFE AND EPISTLES OF PAUL THE APOSTLE BEING INTRODUCTORY TO COMMENTARY ON THE PAULINE EPISTLES. A ^ ji> Jf^ /^ n The Life and Letters of the Apostle Paul. INTEODUCTOET. THERE have arisen in certain eras of the world's history some rare geniuses who, gifted above other men, appear to be in a certain sense revel ators of truth, and who have furnished the world with the raw material of thought on which for centuries after it has expended all its energies, weaving, spinning, embroidering, making up, in short, into divers fabrics. Such a man was Moses, to whom the world owes nearly all it has ever learned concerning pohtical economy. Such a man was Plato, from whom, as from a deep and exhaustless well, modern metaphysics still draws a great part of its supplies. All astronomy centers around the one law which Newton was the first to enunciate, as the planets center around the sun. Thus, there are men who belong to no age or nation, but to all time and to all mankind, who are never otherwise than modern. Whatever place religious revei'ence may award to Saul of Tarsus among inspired prophets, whatever Church-given honors skeptical philosophy may deny him, this much is at lea.st undeniable, that no man of any era, except him whom he delighted to call Master, has done so much to mould the thoughts and pattern the character of men, and so to shape the very framework of our modern civili- zation. There is a bigotry of skepticism ; and doubless there are men, not a few, who turn from any study of Paul's wiitings and any measure of his influ- ence with contempt, as there are those who would refuse to consider what were the teachings of Voltaire and Diderot, and their influence on the human race. But the truly rational philosopher, who is really, interested in considering what are the influences which, in point of fact, have proved most potent in shaping the religious opinions and inspiring the religious life of mankind, can hardly fail to look with syjecial interest on the literary remains of Paul ; while, to the great body of devoutly thoughtful men and women, those remains are immeasur- ably more than a curious contribution to the religious literature of mankind ; they are a divine guide and a powerful inspiration, whose effect upon their souls is unlike that produced by any modern writer however devout, however eloquent. The life of the great Apostle was not uneventful ; but it was not the life of Paul which has widely affected mankind, nor is it the story of his life which/ has for us the greatest interest. What Paul did time has long since undone.' The Churches which he founded have crumbled with the cities in which they were established, and with the civilization in the midst of which they were placed. Their very sites are unknown. The nature of their organization is to the present day a matter of hot dispute among contending ecclesiastics, each anxious to secure for his own denomination the honor and the influence of the 12 INTRODUCTORY. Apostle's name. Full of dramatic interest as is the story of his labors, his journeys, and his sufferings, it is not more so than that of many a later disciple. He traveled less than St. Francis Xavier ; lived in times less tempestuous than Luther. The materials for any connected biography of him are very scant. There is absolutely nothing which histoiy can account reliable, except the book of the Acts, and the incidental allusions which his letters afford. All that imagination can do to depict in glowing colors the exterior circumstances of Paul's life, M. Renan has done with a power as marked as is the singular weak- ness which characterizes his estimate of the character and his analysis of the teachings of the great Apostle. All that painstaking research and elaborate scholarship can do to carry the student back from the nineteenth century to the age in which Paul lived and labored, Conybeare and Howson have done with a pre-Raphaelite tideUty, which leaves them v^dthout a rival, and should preserve them even from imitation. In short, so many and so able are the pens which have narrated the story of the Apostle's outer life, that to repeat it would be a work of the purest literary supererogation. But though what Paul did has long since yielded to the corrosive work of time, what he taught is immeasurably more influential now than at any previous period in the world's history. The letters which he addressed to the Churches within the sphere of his itinerant ministry, and which certainly they and prob- ably he never anticipated would outlive the age to which they were addressed, or answer any other purpose than to meet the specific occasions which called them forth, have survived alike the persecutions of an irate age, and the more dangerous embraces of a corrupt one. They are the acknowledged source of modem theology, and the disciples are the first to confess that they have never equaled their master. The stream has never been as pellucid as the fountain. Claimed as the authorized exponent of their various systems by contending schools, they rise far above the clash and din of all theologic warfare. Discussed, debated, commented on by innumerable erudite theologians, who have exhausted scholarly ingenuity in criticism and analysis, theyueceive their best interpretation in the unwritten commentaries which are evolved in the hearts of the unlearned,' out of their own spiritual experience of the truth. Enunciating principles far in ' a"crvance of the age to which they were primarily addressed, the broad charity and enlarged freedom of religious thought and feeling which characterize the present era are but the tardy efflorescence of the seed-thoughts which they con- tain ; thoughts planted by the Apostle's hands in the first century and now at last awakening into larger life, after eighteen centuries of tardy growth or winter sleep. There is, however, one aspect in which the life of Paul is scarcely less important than his teaching. Philosophy may be purely intellectual. It is not necessary to know the life of Euclid to comprehend the science of Greometry, nor that of Solon to understand the spirit of his legislation, nor that of Newton or Kepler to comprehend their discoveries, nor that of Aristotle to weigh aright his philosophic teaching. But religion is not a mere philosophy ; it is a life. To comprehend what Thomas a Kempis and Madame Guyon wrote, or even to understand adequately the writings of Augustine or Arminius, it is necessary to know the writer. For religious philosophy — at least that which takes any INTRODUCTORY. 13 hold on human hearts — is the evolution of a real experience. Augustine's Con- fessions let us into the secret of Augustine's Theology. Luther the monk was tlie father of Luther the reformer. Loyola devoured romances in his boyhood that he might enact them in his manhood, and served in early life his mistress with the same chivalric enthusiasm and the same zealous intolerance of rivals which he afterwards carried into the service of his Church and his order. The roots of Calvinism are easily traced to the severe and even austere character which gave to the young Romish lawyer before his conversion, and while yet a boy in college, the title of "The Accusative." To understand the teaching of Paul we must understand Paul himself. To read aright his philosophy it is necessary to decipher somewhat his religious experience. For his philosophy was evolved out of his experience. Indeed the richest and most inspiring of his writings are those in which he depicts the life within. That he is the most powerful religious- writer of any age is, in part at least, due to the fact that he is so naively egotistical. In his case, to read the writer we must read the man. The life interprets the teaching. What, then, I have to ask the impartial reader is, that he will lay aside as far as possible any previous theological predilection, as I also pledge myself to do, and accompany me in this introductory study into the life and literary remains of Paul, not to find buttresses to support a favorite system of theology, nor yet to gather ammunition with which to bombard the system of a theolog- ical adversary ; but for the purpose of ascertaining by a calm, and as far as possible an independent investigation, what is the secret power of these ancient letters, what it is that has made them a source of comfort, of strength, and of real salvation to so many souls, what light they throw on the great problems of religious thought and experience of to-day, what is the fundamental concep- tion of religion, as a life, which they afford, and what, above all, they contain of real assistance for ourselves in solving the great mystery and conducting to- a successful issue the great campaign of life. CHAPTER I. SAUL OF TARSUS. "VTEAR wliovo tlio soutliorn coast of Asia Minor and the western cnust of Syria intersect, -i-^ the Taurus mountains, retiring from the sea, leave the fertile and once famous plains of Cilicia. In the center of this j^lain, irrigated by the clear cold waters of the Cydnus, flowing fresh from the snowy reservoirs of the surrounding peaks, formerly stood the capital of the Province, the city of Tarsus. " No mean city," Paul tells us, with pardon- able pride, was this home of his childhood. It was indeed one of the chief cities of Greece. Its commerce rivaled that of Corinth, its schools those of Athens and Alexandria. In every Grecian city there was a Jewish (quarter. In every Greek community were intermixed Jewish citizens ; sometimes attracted from their native land by hope of gain, ofteher expatriated by the fortunes of war. Industrious, but rarely generous ; prosperous, but never honored ; virtuous, but haughty ; their religion a bigotry and their patriotism an intolerance, they lived, as after eighteen centuries of dispersion they still live, a .separate caste in the communities in which they were compelled to make what they accounted but a temporary home. For witli a faith, which time has not weakened, they looked forward to the speedy restoration of Israel to the land of their nativity. Among these Jewish residents of the city of Cilicia were the parents of Paul, both Hebrews, both Pharisees of the straiter .sect.' An eccle.siastical tradition reports them as having emigrated from Gischala in Galilee. The foreigner carried away captive by Roman arms became a Roman slave. The Roman sla\'e emancipated became a Roman citizen. The son inherited his citizen.ship. To .scourge him, to submit him to any personal violence, to deny him the right of appeal from any magistrate, under the Republic, to the people, under the Empire, to the Emperor, was an unpardonable offense against Roman law.'' For the Roman, careless of individual life, was never oblivious of national honor. Paul, though born of Hebrew parentage in a Greek city, was a Roman citizen— free-born.^ That his parents purchased this privilege at a great price or earned it by a great service is possible but not proljable. That they were among the captives carried away from their native land by the triumphant arms of Pompey is a more reasonable .surmise. That Saul knew Roman servitude more intimately than as a mere observer, his subsequent writings indicate.* In this city of Tarsus — composite in population, Roman in government, Greek in language, in philo.sophic thought and in social civilization — young Saul spent the first ten or twelve years of his life. He could hardly have done .so and not have imbibed something of (ireek thought, caught up Greek proverbs in the street, learned, despite him.self, the Greek language, and become familiar with Grecian life, if not with Grecian literature. But all the Greek schooling he received was, we may be sure, o f that sort which a boy catches on ' Phil, iii : 5 ; Acts xxvi : 5. ' ISee Alford on A('ts xxv : ii ; McClintoch and Strong'.s lye. art. Citizen and Appeal ; 8inith'.s Die. of Ant.; arts. apjxllatis ; libertines ; Livy i : 26 ; ii : 8 ; iii : 55. ' Acts xvi : 37 ; xxii : 25-29 ; xxv : 11, 12. * Both by his frequent references to slavery as an illustration, see Romans i : 1 ; vi : 16, 20 ; compare Ephesians ii : 12, 13 ; and by his evident sympathy with and appreciation of the position of slaves, Ephes. vi : 5, 8; Col. iii : 22-25 ; Philemon 12, 16. 16 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. the street, despite his fother's prohibition and hi;^ fathers care. To the Pharisees the Greeks were heathen and the heathen were accursed of God. Sooner far might a Puritan instruct his boy in the baneful philosophy of Voltaire and Diderot ; sooner far a devout papist teach his son the theology of Luther and of Calvin, than an honest Pharisee give his diild a glimpse of the infidel literature of Socrates and of Plato. Young Saul went to the parish school wliich was attached to every synagogue. He learned by rote the JeAxish law and something of the commentaries of the scribes thereon. Rabbinical precepts require every parent to teach his child a trade. The plains of Cilicia were famed for their goats whose hair, woven into coarse fabrics, were an important article of commerce. Young Saul learned to weave and spin ; and in later life often worked with his own hands, providing for himself the support which lie proudly refused to receive from the churches, and some- times using his trade to introduce himself and his doctrine into Jewish circles from which otherwise his apostleship luight perhaps have excluded him.' So quietly passed the boyhood days of that life destined to be so eventful. Beside father, mother and sister, — that sister whose son in after years saved his life from the hand of the assassin,''— Saul had other kinsfolk, some of whom entered the Christian church before him.^ But whether his father and mother, following him, were ever nvim- bered among the disciples of Christ, or whether he had to attest his fidelity to the Master by leaving father and mother to follow Christ, or whether tliey did not live to mourn what they would have regarded as the apostasy of their son, we do not know. It must be accounted a singular circiunstance that one whose feelings were so warm, eind who uttered them so fully, has not in any of his writings left any word by which we can trace the history of his parents ; such, however, is the case. His father intended him ff)r a Jewish Rabbi, and it was not possible for a Greek city to afford the necessary education. Saul was still a mere boy,* when he went up to Jerusalem to complete his studies under the instruction of the most famous of Jewish Rabbis — Gamaliel I. Pharisaism, the religion of Palestine, was divided into two conflicting schools, that of Hillel and that of Shammai. The one insisted on a literal compliance of the law, the other on a spiritual apprehension of it ; the one on Sabbath observance and the washing of hands, the other on faith in God and love toward man ; tlie one educated the Pharisees who sought the life of Christ, the other taught that Simon who feted him, that Nicodemus who came to him by night, that Joseph of Arimathea, in whose tomVj he was buried. The one in short M'as pie Jesuitism, the other the Jansenism of the first century. Gamaliel occupied a position midway between these contending factions. He lived in the last days of Judaism. The conscience of the nation had already grown lax. Pharisaism had degen- erated from a faith to a form, from a religion to a ritual. In theology Gamaliel was a disciple of his grandfather Hillel ; in spirit he was more akin to the rival school of Shammai. He insisted on the rigorous observance of the Sabbath, but he relaxed the rigidity of the petty regulations which encumbered it. He never rose so far above sectional •Acts xviii : 1-3 ; xx:34. XKTjvoiroids is translated by Luther, "carpet maker," liy Miohaelis and Hatilein, " mechanical instrument maker," and by Chrysostom " worker in leather," or " sewer of tents." The interpretation given above is, however, the one now generally accepted. See Davidson's Intro, vol. II., p. 70 ; and Smith's Bib. Dictionary, article Paul. » Act xxiii : 16. ' Romans xvi : 7, 11. * So we judge, not only from the fact that Jewish children were sent away t<^i school at the age of 12, but also from the declaration of Paul : " avareepayevos &i tv rrf jroAei Taiirr) jropo Toiis noSas roMoAirjA," (Acts xxii : 3), very well translated in the English version, " hrmigJit up in this city at the feet of Gamaliel." See also his statement before Afirippa, Acts xxvi : 4. SAUL OF TARSUS. 17 > prejudice as to recognize in all humanity the cliildren of God, but he endeavored to curb the spirit which treated as accursed those in whose veins the blood of Abraham did not flow.' His teacliing was rigid, but his disposition was humane. Comparing him with men of more modern times we should describe him in a word as the Erasmus of his day. Like Erasnms, living in a corrupt age, a member of a corrupt church, like Erasmus he had neither the conscience to commit himself to a party wliose hollow insincerity shocked his moral sense, nor the courage to disavow it and do it battle. A manly heroism might have made him the first of the apostles. Timidity made him only the last of the Jewish Rabbis.* At the feet of this conservative theologian ^ of an already efl'ete religion, Saul received his chief religious instruction. He was taught — this much the literary remains of his age make clear to us — to believe that Jerusalem was to be the mistress of the world, and the Greeks and Romans the servants of the Hebrew ; taught that the children of Abraham alone were the people of Gotl ; taught to look upon the Gentile, as, in the sixteenth century, the Church taught the devout Spaniard to look upon the Jew ; taught to despise the heathen races and to pride himself upon his Abrahamic blood ; taught, in the words of a Hebrew Rabbi, that " a single Israelite is worth more than all the people who have been or shall be." If in his eagerness for study he acquainted himself with Greek and Roman literature, it was only as a modern Jesuit might study the literature of Protestant- ism, or the student at Andover or Princeton the writings of Auguste Comte. If he passed a Gentile in the street he gathered his garments close about him that he might not suffer the pollution of his touch. He bought no meats in open market lest he might be defiled by Gentile contact. He sat at no table where Greek or Roman sat. He waited with im- patient faith for the day, when, humbled, they would sue for mercy at the feet of the triumphant Jew, waited, sure that this day, long prophesied, was not far distant. He was taught, too, that religion consists in obedience — obedience exact and literal to a law of petty and perplexing details. He became the slave of a tjTannical conscience, and measured his life by the exactness with which he fulfilled every precept, not only of the Mosaic law, but of the elaborate traditions which had been superadded to it. He gave tithes of all he possessed. He prayed three times every day, as the Arab still does, kneeling where the hour found him and facing the rising of the sun. He fasted twice in everj^ week. He washed with scrupulous care before every meal." True, Gamaliel relaxed somewhat the burdensomeness of the Pharisaic ritual. True, he modified, by his humane spirit, the precepts of a code which commanded, concerning the Gentile, " Thou shalt love thy neighbor and hate thine enemy." But Saul's mind was too logical to accept half truths, his courage too undaunted and too warlike to content itself with half measures. There are some souls to whom compromises are inherently abhorent, whose intensive energy forbids them from ever recognizing any truth in the ' He decreed that all persons called on the Sabbath to assist either at hostile invasions, or inundation, or fires, or at the*falling dow-n of houses, or even at childbirth, might walk two thousand paces in any direction ! and decreed to the heathen poor the same right to glean as that possessed by the Jews. See Kitto Bib. Cy.., art. Gamaliel. Conybeare and Howsen by confounding him with Gamaliel II., his grandson, have made some curious mistakes, and have erroneously measured his character. ' It is a rabbinical proverb, "With the death of Gamaliel the reverence for the law ceased, and purity and abstinence died away." ' Gamaliel's famous interposition on behalf of the apostles (Acts v : 3.3-39), has given him an undeserved reputation among Christian Mrriters. This is not, however, if the reader will consider it, a plea for toleration or liberty of conscience at all, but only for peace, by one constitutionally afraid of conflict, and is based on no broad principles of human rights, but on the baldest possible fatalism. * Compare Acts xxvi : 5, with Luke xviii : II, 12, and Mark vii : 3. For an account of Pharisaism see Abbott's Jesus of Nazareth, Chaps, xiv : xv : and zx. 18 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. ^ doubtful motto, " In medio tutissimus ibis.''' Such a man was Saul. What he believed he believed with his whole heart ; what he did he did with all his might. Whatever he was, he must be sell-consistent. Between the extreme of a rigorous Pharisaism and the utmost liberty of an enfranchised soul there is no middle ground for such a man to occupy. He drank in the teachings of the School of Hillel without imbibing the liberal spirit of Gamaliel. He accepted the precepts of his teacher's rigid theology, while his whole soul rebounded from the timid conservatism which modified them to suit the degeneracy of the times. We have seen Luther, in an age when monkish devotion was an idle farce, laying aside his ambitions, and even his studies, and entering the monastery to go on its behalf as a beggar, from door to door ; we have seen Father Hyacinthe becoming a bare-footed Carmelite and submitting him- self to all the privations of the most austere order of an ascetic religion, austerities which enter into the very soul of him who really feels the humiliation which his ascetic life symbolizes. The Pharisaism, which to the age was a form, was to Paul a faith ; to him the ritual was a real religion. The earnestness of his nature was never in after life more apparent than in these student days. He distanced all competitors.* In his own sect, despite his youth, he became widely famous.^ His zeal made him a marked man in an age when the fires of a real faith burned low and nothing was left upon the altar but the smoldering ashes of the piety of the past. And yet with all his scrupulousness he knew no peace. An aroused conscience only irritates itself by endeavoring to conform to a ritualistic religion. Saul's impetuous tem- perament continually broke over the bounds which his conscience set. His penances never were sufficient to satisfy his own self-condemnation. At the very time when to others he seemed blameless he was spurring himself to a more vigorous performance of duty, a more painful penance for sin, and a greater zeal in religion.^ The half faith and cold inaction of actual Pharisaism served but as a spur to his morbid conscience. His indignation with others reacted upon himself. Gloomy, austere, self-contained, with warm affections con- tinually trampled under foot, with a faith false but fervent, a conscience blind but relent- less, a religion intolerant toward others, but equally intolerant toward himself, with convic- tions petrified into bigotry and an enthusiasm flaming into fanatical zeal, Saul was well fitted by his narrow creed and his relentless sincerity to light those fires of persecution which it has taken the blood of so many thousands of martyrs to extinguish. ' Galatians i : 14. 3 Acts xxvi : 4, 5. • Compare Phil, iii : 6 with Romans Vllth Chap, passim. Whether the latter describes Paul's experience before or after his conversion is a hotly contested point. It doubtless receives its coloring from his Pharisaic experience. CHAPTER II. THE CONVERSION OF PAUL. THE first step in the transformation of Saul of Tarsus into Paul the Apostle, was the influence exerted upon him by the martyrdom of Stephen. The germ of all Paul's sub.^equent teaching is to be found in Stephen's speech.' A study of his character, and an analysis of his speech, will lielp the ctireful student to a comprehension of the life, character and writings of the great apostle. The differences between the two sections of the Christian church had their origin in analagous differences in the Jewish Church. The rift began in Judea which later grew broad between the Christian churches. The dispersion of the Jews had already begun before the death of Christ ; the children of the dispersed Jews, coming back to their native land, brought back witli them a broader culture and a more generous spirit than their provincial neighbors possessed or could comprehend. Among the four hundred and fifty synagogues which Rabbinical tradition assure, us blessed the city of Jerusalem, the people of nearly every province had their own sanctuary. The Libertines,'' expelled from Italy by Tiberius, the dark-liued proselytes returning to the home of their fathers from Northern Africa, the emigrants from Alexandria bringing with them from the dreamy atmosphere of Egypt the mystical philosophy of Philo, the children of the dispersed Jews scattered throughout Cilicia and the province of Asia, each had their own synagogue. Untrammeled by the inflexible prejudices of the Judeans, their minds insensibly broadened by their intercourse with Gentile nations, these naturalized citizens of Judea furnished the nascent religion with most of its first adherents. Prominent among these converts from the Grecian proselytes ' was Stephen. He held a subordinate office in the little church, as steward of its poor fund. That ecclesiasticism which forbids all preaching except by duly" appointed ofiicials was, in the simplicity of the early Church, unknown. Under the ancient Jewish hiw, whoever felt the truth burdening his heart was free to utter it. No ordination was required to constitute a prophet. In tlie Synagogue service the sermon was rarely preached by the minister. Whoever had a word of exhortation to the people spoke. The formalism of a later age had not yet been imposed upon a service which inherited the spirit of liberty from the religion it supplanted. Thus Stephen became a popular and powerful preacher of the new religion. He was a man of devoted piety, of intense moral convictions, and of that native grace of character, of manner and of diction, which, combined with clear conceptions of truth, and a resolute adherence to it, never fails to give its pos.sessor power over his more pliable fellows.* The clearness of his moral vision made him im])atient of religious pretense, and his impetuous temper made him unguarded in rebuking it. He habitually attended the synagogues of the Jews of foreign birth, and availed himself of the opportunities which the service afforded to proclaim the advent of the long-expected Messiah, ' Acts vii, Prel. Note. • For different interpretations of the word see Smith's Bible Dictionary, article " Libertines." • This name indicates that he was of Greek descent ; and the brief description of his ftuieral rites that his friends were chiefly proselj'tes, Acts viii : 2 ; compare Acts vi : 5. • Acts vi : 8, XapiTo? not ttio-ti?, " grace " not " faith." The use of the word here as in Luke iv : 22, indicates the natural quality rather than a divine and special gift But Alford contra. 20 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. and in terms so bold as to provoke continuous and bitter controversy.' Of his teaching we have indeed but very brief intimations. But both the character of the accusation lodged against him and the nature of his defense are such as to indicate very clearly the spirit of the man and of his teaching. He was brought before the Sanhedrim charged with the offense for which Christ had been condemned to death — blasphemy. The historian tells us that witnesses were suborned. History, however, has fulfilled the prophecy imputed to him ; and there is no good reason to suppose that the charges were not substantially true. He was accused of having declared that Jesus of Nazareth would destroy the Temple and change the customs which Moses had delivered to the nation.^ The Temple has long since been destroyed and its solemn ritualistic service supplanted by the cross of Christ. Stephen's only offense consisted in foreseeing the future and striving to prepare the nation for it. He only preached, perhaps enigmatically, what Paul afterward declared so clearly, that Christ was the end of the law.^ Indeed, in his defense, the prisoner did not deny the substantial truth of the accusation. He proceeded to reiterate his doctrine and to prove it by a recital of Jewish history from the Jewish sacred writings. The favor and blessing of God (such was the substance of his address) had not been confined to Judea and its people. God appeared to Abraham in a land of idolatry (Acts 7 : verse 2) ; caused his seed to dwell in a nation of idolaters (verses 6, 10) ; educated Moses in pagan philosophy (verse 22) ; called him from a sojourn in a pagan land to become Israel's deliverer (verses 29, 30) ; appeared long before the Temple, or the Holy City, to Moses in Midian, to Joseph in bondage, to Israel in the wilderness (verses 2, 9, 10, 30, 33). David was a man after God's own heart, but David was forbidden to build the Temple (verse 46). Both David and Solomon declared that no Temple could hold the Most High (verse 48). From their origin to their dispersion the Israelitish people had steadily resisted God's holy will, by their repudiation of Moses, by their defection at Mt. Sinai, by their sub.sequent idolatry, by their persecution of the prophets (verses 9, 27, 39, 41, 42, 43, 51, 52). It was neither strange nor blasphemous doctrine which he preached, that they had now rejected the Messiah and were rejected of God. Their whole history illustrated and enforced it. I have said that the germs of Paul's teaching are to be found in Stephen's speech. The curious reader may verify the statement by comparing the martyr's last address with Paul's first reported sermon (Acts chap. 7 : with Acts chap. 13) : or the doc- trines of the former with such declarations from Paul's single Epistle to the Romans as those in Rom. 3 : 9-19 ; 5 : 14 ; 9 : 7-16. At first Stephen's intent was not very clear. But as he proceeded and the full signifi- cance of his address appeared more clearly the faces of his accusers contracted with passion. Stephen saw the change and perceived its significance, broke off in his address, and, by one of the sudden transitions which is the peculiar privilege of saintly and fervid souls, passed from the contemplation of the visible to that of the invisible world. The court-room and the angry assembly faded from his sight, and another and sublime judgment bar openeil before him. " Behold," he cried, " 1 see the heavens opened and the Son of man standing on the right hand of God." The whole assembly counted this declaration as a confession — nay, as an act of blasphemy ! The court was transformed into a mob. Marcellus, the successor of Pilate, was a more complaisant ruler, and winked at disorders which did not directly threaten the authority of Rome. The mob felt little fear of either interference or punishment from Roman legions. Without waiting for deliberation or even pronouncing ' Acts vi : 9. > Acts vi : 11-14. ' Romans x : 4. End in time and in aim ; the accomplishment and so the completion of the law, which has fulfilled its purpose and no longer remains, at least no longer lives. CONVERSION OF PAUL. 21 a formal venlict, the infuriated people seized the unresisting martyr and dragged him with- out the city walls, there to stone him to death. The witnesses were required by Jewish law to hurl the first stones; Saul of Tarsus took their tunics in his keeping. He had listened to the address, shared with the mob its anger at Stephen's interpretation of Jewish history, and was a willing witness to his death. But to such a man as Saul there is no victory in killing an adversary. He only is con- (juered who is converted. The death of the speaker only fastened his words ineffaceably in Saul's mind. He hated them too intensely to forget them. That Stephen should brave the indignation of the people, the judgments of the Jewish Supreme Court, and the punishment wliich the law of God denounced against him for his blasphemy, and in the very hour of his death, triumph over his antagonists, converted Saul's anger into a passion. He was determined, at whatever cost, that these heretics should yield to him. He became exceed- ingly mad against them. He went from house to house in search of their conventicles. He spared neither man nor woman. At many a cruel scourging in the synagogue he pre- sided. He added jeer and insult to the punishments which he inflicted. As a wild beast infuriated, he ravaged the young church. He endeavored in vain to compel its disciples to renounce their Lord. More than one followed Stephen to share with him the martyr's coronation.' And still the new religion grew apace, and its adherents, fleeing as the Lord had bid them from this new danger, carried with them the Gospel into other communities. Every blow on the red-hot iron struck out sparks for the illumination of the surrounding darkness. The people wearied of this perpetual controversy. The priests, Sadducees at heart, and sha'ring with their Roman patrons the Roman indifference respecting all religion, looked with almost equal contempt on the zeal which inflicted and the zeal which suffered martyrdom. They wanted peace. Saul kept them in a fever of perpetual excitement. They cared far less about religion than about their places. These irregular proceedings endangered their harmonious relations with the Roman Court. They were, as priests are apt to be, a lazy, self-indulgent, good-natured caste, inclined always to cry out, " Peace ! Peace ! " where there was no Peace. Paul's religious faith was a rebuke to their skepticism, his zeal a rebuke to their lazy indiff"erence, and, if we may judge anything of his char- acter then by its development afterward, his rebuke \va? not always a silent one. The priesthood was shamefully degenerate and corrupt. Paul at least was honest, and to a cor- rupt priesthood an honest adherent is more obnoxious than an open foe. We have already had occasion to compare Saul of Tarsus w^th Loyola. In character and in tlie circumstances of their positions there is much resemblance. Both were fanatically zealous adherents of a false religion. Both lived in an age when universal skepticism had eaten out the heart of the national worship and left it a bloodless formalism. Both pos- sessed a military impatience of insubordination. To both heresy was the capital crime. There is no reason to suppose that young Saul was any more popular in Jerusalem than young Loyola in Spain. When, therefore, not sjvtisfied with scattering heresy, but deter- mined to extirpate it, he applied to the High Priest for letters to the Synagogue of Damas- cus, that he might prosecute his religious campaign there, I imagine the High Priest was only too glad to grant them, only too glad to be rid of one who, even as a Jew, was "a pestilent fellow " and " turned the world upside down." Yet it is certain that Saul was far from being at peace in his own soul. The kindli- ness of a nature always tenderly .sensitive, and the better though but half-conscious convictions of a conscience not wholly perverse, remonstrated with liiin. There was that ' Acts viii : 3 ; xxii : 4 ; xxvi : 10, 11 and Alford thereon ; I. Tim. i : 13 and Alford thereon- 22 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. in the almost audacious heroism of such a man as Stephen which ccnild not fail to awaken all the better impulses of Saul's kindred soul. The very radicalism of the martyr's speech affected the tiery persecutor far more than a more cautious utterance could have done. Tlie stern denunciations of the degenerate age chimed in only too well with his own perhaps not unuttered sentiments. There were times when he questioned with himself whether he might not have read the prophets wrongly, whether the subjugation of the Gentile world was not to be accomplished in some method other than he had been led to expect, whether it were possible that indeed the hope of Israel had been fulfilled in the advent of its long-promised Messiah, and the hope of the world was to be realized tlirough the cross on which he had been crucified. He who felt so keenly in every new martyrdom a new defeat sometimes felt, perhaps, though he did not acknowledge it even to himself, that the Great Martyr was in fact a victor even in his death. Implicitly accepting tlie faith of his age in the influence of evil spirits, he perhaps attributed these doubts and forebod- ings to the suggestions of Satan, and banished them resolutely from his mind only to be haunted by them on the morrow. The more that, despite himself, his mind secretly mis- gave him, the more he gave himself to this work of persecution, striving with the same blow to extirpate the heresy without and that which in his inner consciousness he recognized in his own soul. A resolute and self-willed man is often thus embittered by arguments which he cannot answer, and endeavors to compensate for the conscious weakness of his cause by the virulent vigor with which he maintains it. Every new assault upon the nascent religion reacted with terrible force upon the soul of the self-tortured persecutor. Through- out this period of turbulent zeal, he was fighting against his own better nature, his own interior but unconfessed convictions of the truth. Something such I conceive to have been Saul's state of mind when he entered upon the road which leads from the most sacred to the most ancient city of the world. It is by the slow processes of Oriental travel a six days' journey. It gave the fiery zealot time, and the past few weeks or months had furnished him with abundant food for thought. During these hours of comparative repose all the old doubts returned in ten-fold force. The patient faces of the martyred men and women attesting by their lives their love for Jesus haunted him. All the testimonies they had adduced from Scripture, and the weightier testimonies which they had produced by the purity of their lives and the quiet heroism of their uncomplaining sufferings and death, martialled themselves before him. He felt, as never before, that the resolute action of his life was only a mask to hide the weakness and irresolution and indecision within. It needed but one striking and startling testimony to turn the trembling scales of his mind, now held almost in equipoise. That one last testimony God vouchsafed. He that left Jerusalem a persecutor entered Damascus a Christian. It must be frankly confessed that the event which constitutes the turning point in the career and even the character of Paul is involved in some mystery. We have indeed three accounts of the heavenly vision, but they all probably proceed from the same witness, at least there is no evidence that Luke obtained his account from any other quarter. We are not accustomed to place imjilicit credence in stories of supernatural voices, visions, and dreams, however much we may honor the man who imagines that he has enjoyed the privilege not vouchsafed to his more phlegmatic neighbors. That men of a skeptical turn of mind should question the historical accuracy of the account which Paul has given us of his eventful journey, without, however, calling his veracity in question, ought not to surprise us. It is, however, to be remembered that the sudden, and, in some respects, mysterious CONVERSION OF PAUL. 23 change which converted Saul the persecuting zealot into Paul the persecuted Christian, is not without its frequent parallel in the history of human experience. It is neither his- torically less certain nor intrinsically less crediljle than the conversion of Constantine the heathen Emperor into Constantine the imperial patron of Christianity, Augustine the dissolute rou(5 and mystic philosopher into Augustine the father of theology, Loyola the martial cavalier into Loyola the self-denying and self-torturing monk, Luther the willing slave of an intolerable monastic bondage into Luther the emancipator of Christendom, Bunyan the drunken tinker into Bunyan the poet preacher. These surprising transforma- tions of character are also often believed ])y their subjects to be accompanied, if not pro- duced, by supernatural phenomena. Paul saw a great light and heard a voice from heaven. Constiintine beheld in the meridian the lununous trophy of the cross inscribed with the motto which became thereafter the motto of his life. Loyola in his cave at Manresa saw in the hetivens the hosts of Babylon and those of Jerusalem set in battle array. Luther, climbing Pilate's staircase, heard a voice speaking in audible tones, "The just shall live l)y faith." Even if these conversions were isolated phenomena, it would be necessary for a rational psychology to afford some reasonable interpretation of them. But such is not the case. They are historically more prominent, but not individually more remarkable, than similar changes taking place about us every day. In fine, whatever theoretical philosophy might lead us to expect, character is not iii fact a gradual development. It is, on the contrary, subject to changes surprisingly sudden ■and surprisingly radical. Of these transformations there is no more reasonable interpre- tation to be offered than that which is afforded by the faith that our heavenly Father deals directly with his children, that the mind of man is susceptible not only to God's truth but to God himself, that neither the spirit which rested upon Moses nor that Daemon which communed with Socrates is a myth, and that, when the soul is translated into the heaverdy atmosphere and truly " walks with God," it receives the endowment of a new life, and sees with clear vision the truths which were before at best but dindy discerned, " as trees walk- ing." If this indeed be true, the rest is neither incredible on the one hand, nor impor- tant on the other. ^Vliether Paul heard a real voice, or the voice spoke only within his soul ; whether Constantine saw a Cross suspended in the heavens, or whether it was but a vision that entranced him ; whether some invisible spirit really whispered to Luther the golden text of his life, or whether his memory, quickened by God's spirit, was the angel who bore to him the message ; whether, in short, the spiritual result in these and kindred cases is produced by a miraculous appearance and a miraculous voice, or by a no less miraculous impression upon the brain without even the aid of the external symbol, is a question which has so slight and so distant a connection with faith in a living God and a vital religion that it is a marvel that so many hours have been wasted in its discussion. The account, as it comes to us, leaves no room, at all events, to doubt either what was the impression produced on Saul or Avhat the result ujuju his character. His journey drew t(jward its end. The ruins of the ancient Roman roads remain to indicate the track he followed. He had traversed the hill country of Judea, passed close by the city of Samaria, where already the ministry, which Christ began in his lifetime, was being prosecuted by Philip and Peter and John,' descended into the plains near the foot of Mount Tabor, cros.sed the Jordan valley a little south of the Sea of Galilee, the scene of Christ's busiest and happiest ministry, pa.s.sed through the environs of the city of Gadara, and journeying thence in a north-easterly direction close along the foot of the eastern spurs of thf anti- ' John iii : 40 ; Acts viii : 5, 14. 24 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. Libanus, had already perhaps reached the point where the mountain road descends into the plain, and where, even to-day, sin-cursed and war-riven as that country is, the traveler stops entranced by the view of a valley, tlie floral beauty of whose luxuriant gardens is. enhanced by comparison with the sterile mountain ranges which encompass them. It was mid-day. The sun was shining clear and bright from out a cloudless sky. Suddenly a glory, before which the brilliance of the sun paled, as pales the moon before the glory of her stellar Lord, shone athwart their vision. Saul's companions were trans- fixed with wonder and with awe. Saul fell stricken to the ground. A voice addressed to him the question which he had already asked himself a thousand times, but never answered, " Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me 1 " The bitterness of his long-continued battle had prepared him for this hour. And yet, even now, awe-struck as he is, he yields not his life-long convictions to the startling vision, nor accepts what may be but the phan- tasy of the moment without cross-examination. " Who art thou, sire ?"' he cries. The answer, " I am Jesus of Nazareth, whom thou persecutest," is enforced by a sight vouch- safed of the Crucified One whom Stephen had seen standing on the right hand of God — a sight, in the long years that ftjUow, never to be forgotten. At the same time the heavenly voice discloses to him the secret battle of his own soul. " It is hard for thee to kick against the pricks," it cries. The way of true righteousness is always the way of interior peace. Saul's life has been a continual battle against the goads and remonstrances of his own better nature. He has indeed found it hard to kick against the pricks. Now for the first time he experiences a sense of fear. The reading of his heart's secret is more truly awful than voice or vision. Trembling and astonished he instantly yields his allegiance to him who is hencefortli to be his Lord and Master. He neither stops to repine over the lost past nor to count the cost of the self-sacrifices of the future. Yet, even in that trial moment, his Pharisaic faith impregnates his reply : " Lord, what wilt thou have me to do ? " For to him still religion is only a service. Stunned by the suddenness of the revelation, blinded by the brilliance of the light, he rose from the earth to grope his way into Damascus, led by the hands of his companions. Never to his dying day did he forget that sublime hour. Never did he entirely recover from its physical eff'ects. To his latest day he carried about with him in the body the marks of the Lord Jesus.'' To his latest day he wrote his letters, with perhaps one single exception, by the hand of an amanuensis.' His friends feeling poignantly the deprivation which he suffered in his weakened eye-sight would, in their zealous love, have fain plucked out their eyes and have given them to him.'' Every student who feels how his own intellectual life depends upon eyes that never weary and that never fail, and who can com- prehend what, to such a nature as Paul, it would be to have the treasures of Greek philoso- phy substantially closed against him, can hardly doubt that it was that thorn in the flesh which he thrice earnestly besought the Lord to remove, but which remained to chasten his spirit and restrain his intellectual pride, the infirmity, which remaining to attest the reality of the heavenly vision, became his glory, because a silent and unanswerable witness to the glory of his Eeedeemer.^ For three days he remained without sight, and neither did eat nor drink. There are heart experiences which can never be revealed except to him before whom the heart's most sacred secrets lie open. Such an experience was that of Moses in the sacred Mount, of Christ in the Garden of Gethsemane, of Saul in the silence and solitude of that protracted ' Lord is a general term of address like the Sire of the French, or the Seignor of the Spanish, and does not necessarily imply any recognition on Saul's part that he is addressing a divine being. ' Gal. vi : 17. ^ Romans xvi : 22 ; 2 Thess. iii : 17 ; Gal. vi : 11. * Gal. iv : 14-16. » 2 Cor. xii : 7-10. CONVERSION OF PAUL. 25- luiihiij^lit. It is not ixKssihle for us to draw aside tlie vail beneath which the apostle has hid these most eveuti'nl hours of his life. We cannot honor the curiosity which would seek to do so. We only know that Saul was far from pliable. His will was resolute. His con- victions had not been hastily formed and were not easily abandoned. He inherited the intense patriotism of the Hebrew race, and was bound to his nation and his kinsfolk by ties luird for a heart as affectionate as his to sever. His pride of character was sUilwart ; his love of approbation strong ; his fear of the misinterpretation of his former friends greater than his fear of death. What a struggle it cost him to yield all to his new convic- tion of the truth, as it is in Christ Jesus, we do not know, but we may be sure the struggle was long and bitter. We only know tliat when at length Ananias, encouraged by a vision from God, came to his house to lead him into the light and receive him by baptism into tlie Church he had endeavored to destroy, the transformation was completed, and the persecutor of the Church had already become to the Christian disciple, " brother Saul." CHAPTER III. PAUL THE MISSIONARY. THE three years which immediately follow Paul's conversion are involved in some obscurity. According to one account, we should infer that the convert's zeal involved him in immediate difficulty ; that he returned after a very brief interval to Jerusalem ; that he there became introduced to the fellowship of the Apostles, and labored with them in preaching the Gospel in the Temple and the synagogues of the Holy City, until driven from Judea by persecution.' According to the other account, we should infer that he did not return to Jerusalem for three years, that he then saw only two of the Apostles, and that only for a brief conference, and that he was not really received into full fellowship by the church at Jerusalem till a later period.^ It is not impossible to reconcile these accovints, though it is impossible to tell with any certainty which of the various hypothetical recon- ciliations which have been proposed is the correct one. Enough, however, is told to make tolerably plain the general course of his history, though not the details of his life. It is clear that he did not yet fully understand the commission which had been given to him, and the records which have come down to us tell the story not of his life, but of his mission. He was baptized at once.' As yet there were no conditions attached to membership in the new community, except a profession of repentance for sin and faith in Jesus of Nazareth as the long-promised Messiah. The Sabbath following his baptism Paul, to the surprise alike of Jew and Christian, preached in the synagogue the faith which he had come to Damascus to destroy.* He waited neither for orders nor for theological education. The letters which he took from the high priest were the last ecclesiastical authority which he ever recognized. Of his preaching only a very brief rej^ort has been preserved to us ; enough, however, to show that he grasped, in his very first utterances, the radical truth of the new doctrine of which he sub.sequently afforded by far the most complete and satis- factory interpretation. The Jews had long expected a Messiah. But their expectation had been of a national deliverer, a Kossuth, a William the Silent, a George Washington. Paul laid the foundation of his future life-work by proving from the Jewish prophets that the Messiah was the Son of God, a teaching which carries with it the truth that the deliverance which he affords is a divine and a spiritual deliverance. The excitement against him was intense. His life was not safe in any place where Jewish influence could follow him. He fled from Damascus to Arabia.^ Possibly he felt the need of repose, that he might recon- sider his position and adjust and settle his own convictions. Possibly he desired to try for himself what power the Gospel would have over the heathen. Possibly he hoped that time » Acts ix : 19-30. » Gal. i : 15-24. » Acts ix : 18. * Acts ix : 20, 21. ' Gal. i : 17. I agree with Alford in putting this self-exile at the 22d verse of Acts ix : Davies (Smith's Bible Diet., article Paul), following Pearson, puts it between verses 19 and 20, i. e., prior to Paul's preaching ; Conybeare and Howson between verses 22 and 23 ; Neander and Wordsworth, during the many days mentioned in verse 23. The " straightway " of verse 20 is conclusive against the ecclesiastical inference of such writers as Wordsworth that " new converts ought not to be admitted to exercise the functions of the ministerial office without some proba- ilonary term of silence after their conversion." PAUL THE MISSIONARY. 27 woiiltl allay the feverish excitement which his seemin;^ apostasy had produced a 2 Cor xi : 32, 33 ; Acta ix : 24, 25 ; compare Joshua ii : 15. ' Act» ix :26. Note tliat It does not say that tlie flist-iplcs liad not heard of Paul's conversion, but that they did not be)'3ve in its genuineness. ' Acts ix : 27 witli Gal. i : 18. ' Acts xxii : 17-20. »-\cLa viil 1, 4 ; xi : l'.». • Acts ii : 4«i, 47 ; iv : 24-27 ; Luke xxii : 15, It) ; Ephes. v : lit : Col. lii : 16. 28 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. Tliey liad no ordained ministry ; whoever had a word of comfort, inspiration, or counsel, gave it. They had no organized form of government ; sometimes the househokl man- aged all questions in purely democratic fashion ; sometimes they had a Board of Elders, after the fashion of the Jewish Synagogue ; sometimes they yielded to the judgment of an apostle or messenger from the older churches who appointed their officers or admonished their disciples for them.* Such a household of faith had sprung up at Antioch. It was not a site which one would have chosen for the birthplace or the cradle of a missionary church. Yet having been chosen for this purpose by the providence of God, we can now see its fitness for its appointed purpose. Of all cities of Palestine it was the most cosmo- politan. Its commerce made it a meeting ground for all peoples. Greek art and Eastern sensuality combined to make it the handsomest and most immoral city between the Lebanon range and the Delta. Its public buildings were magnificent, its statues beautiful, its climate delightful, and its population corrupt. Its half a million of inhabitants included repre- sentatives of almost every tribe ; every dialect was to be heard and every costume seen upon its thoroughfare and in its markets ; but every form of vice was also shamlessly prac- ticed within its walls. Frivolous amusements were the industries, selfish vice the business of life. Here, where all that was beautifi;l in nature and in art had created a sanctuary for the perpetual festivities of vice, and where the name of Christian was first issued in derision, to be converted in subsequent ages into the synonym for intelligence, A'irtue, and honor, had gathered a little body of disciples almost as cosmopolitan as the city itself.* The success of this little church among the pagans of this pagan city afforded the first call to missionary work. Some direct intimations from the Spirit of God interpreted this call.^ The church accepted the double indication of the Divine will. Saul had been summoned hither by his old friend Barnabas.'' A day of fasting and prayer was appointed ; the laity ^//^■^■laid hands on the ministers ; and, ordained by their own church, they went forth on the first ■'^ / missionary journey to the pagan world. Twelve years hail elapsed since Saul's conversion. It is not easy for us to conceive the amount of courage necessary to such an enterprise. It was heroic — radical. The Old Testament abounds with prohibitions of association with pagan nations. The dangers of such association were immediate and easily recognized ; the advantages of association were remote and obscure. Though " hate thine enemy " is not to be found among the requirements of the Mosaic law, it was the Pharisaic gloss upon the Mosaic law.* Christ himself had never preached the Gospel in any pagan city, or to any pagan community. In his first commission he had bidden the twelve not to go into any heathen or even any Samaritan village. It is true we now find an easy way to recon- cile these facts with the catholicity of Christianity ; true that we put emphasis on the sermon at Nazareth, in which Christ deduced the universality of God's grace from Olil Testa- ment history, and in the Sermon on the Mount in which he deduced it from the operations of nature, and on the great commission in which he bade his disciples, Go into all the world and preach the Gospel unto every creature. But it is very certain that the apostles did not themselves read either Christ's teaching or his life during the first ten years after his death as we read it now. Not one of them had gone outside of Palestine. Most of them remained in or near Jerusalem, expectant of his second coming. When the message came to Peter from Cornelius to ask for instruction in righteousness, it was necessary by a special vision to teach Peter that he might go. When he did go, he was astonished beyond measure that the ' Act i : 23-26 ; vi : 3, 5 ; xiii : 1-3 ; xiv : 23 ; xx : 17 ; 1 Cor. iv : 19-21 ; Titus i : 5. For fuller c. nsideration of character of primitive church, see notes on Tlie Epistles to the Corinthians. " See Acts xiii : 1 and note there. ' Acts xiii : 2. • Acts xi : 25, 26. ' Matt. \ : 43. PAUL THE MISSIONARY, 29 GRECIAN PEASANT. Holy Ghost sliould he given to a Roman centurion, be he ever so devout. When persecu- tion drove the Christians out of Jerusalem, and they traveled as far as the heathen cities of Phenice, and Cyprus, and Antioch, they preached to the Jews only.' When tidings came back to the Christians at Jerusalem that at last some had ven- tured to preach the Gospel unto Gentiles, the Metropolitan church, startled at such disorderly proceedings, sent down Barnabas to inquire into the matter.'' The Philip who ventured to l)apti7,e the Ethiopian was himself a Greek ; the Stephen who was martyred for intimating that God was the God not of the Jews only but also of the Gentiles, was probably a proselyte from Greece. The first instance of a direct preaching of the Gospel to an absolute pagan is that of Paul's preaching to Paulus, the proconsul of Cyprus. No wonder that Mark's heart failed him at the very boundaries of paganism, and he returned from a mission which neither the judgment nor the conscience of the great majority of the Chris- tian disciples of that age approved. Nor must we forget that all access to the pagan world seemed to be utterly cut off. There was no hope of obtaining a hearing from the cultured classes ; even Paul, if he ever entertained such a hope, soon abandoned it. And the character of the Greek and Roman peasantry was such as to be far more forbidding to the missionary of the first .century than is the character of the least accessible of our foreign popula- tion to the missionary of the nineteenth. But the audacity of this missionary movement was soon eclipsed by the audacity of the consequent innovation upon the practices of the fathers. Circumcision was tlie most ancient and the most sacred of ceremonials. It was older than the Jewish nation itself. It had been in.stituted under Abraham, re-enacted under Moses, and continued without a break to the days of Paul, a period of over eighteen centuries. It was thus older than baptism ; and it was com- manded in terms far more express and explicit. It was God's ordained method of public jirofes- sion of faith and public consecration to him. It separated the child of God from the child of the world. It had not been set aside, nor its obliga- tion weakened, by any act or any direct word of Jesus Christ. He had been circumcised him- self. Accused of breaking down the laws of Moses, he had denied the accusation and declared that not the lease jot or tittle of that law should pass away till all were fulfilled. His apostles had all been chosen from among circumcised Israelites. But Paul found in the very begin- ning of his mission this rite standing in the way of his work. The heathen would not sub- mit to circumcision. It was a painful operation ; it subjected them to humiliating insults ROMAN PLEBEIANS. 30 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. in the public baths to wliicli they were accustomed to resort. They were drawn to the new life, to which tliey were called by Christ, towards the new manifestation of God offered by Christ ; but Jews they would not be. Paul, therefore, abandoned all attempt to make them Jews ; he discontinued circumcision. He laid no claim to any direct divine authority ; he asked for no ecclesiastical authority ; he discontinued it because, instead of promoting, it hindered moral and spiritual life. Experience was his teacher ; he accepted her teaching as the teaching of God. Of course such a radical departure from the traditions of eighteen centuries, enforced apparently by the Word of God, and certainly by the almost universal sentiment of the church, did not pass unquestioned. The return of Paul and Barnabas to Antioch was followed almost immediately by an investigation which resulted in a sort of church trial. A self-constituted deputation came down from Jerusalem to Antioch to call Paul to account. But Paul declined to be called to account. He declined to recognize their authority. He did not yield to them ; no, not for an hour. He was wholly impracticable. He would not even go to Jerusalem to confer with the brethren there until instructed so to do by a special revelation from God. When he did go, it was not to submit the question to them for adjudication. Indeed, there was no question to submit. He had preached the Gospel ; it had been accompanied by miracles ; men had been converted in very considerable numbers ; they had abandoned idols and idol-worship and turned to the one true God ; and, for Paul,, that was enough. When he went he took an uncircumcised Greek with him. He stopped at the churches on his way to tell them of his work. When he reached Jerusalem he opened no question. He simply repeated to the brethren there assembled the same story of his mission labors and the results. The Pharisaic Christians vehemently assailed the regularity of his proceedings. It does not appear that he made any reply. At length what is called the Council was convened. It was really a meeting of the church or churches in Jerusalem. It does not appear that a single delegate from any other church was present, except those that had come from Antioch. The object was not to decide authoritatively a question submitted to the assembled wisdom of the churches ; it was to bring about, if possible, a good understanding between the two churches concerned. The apostles and the elders of the church or churches in the city constituted a sort of com- mittee. They discussed the matter long and earnestly before they arrived at a conclusion. It was unanimous. To make it so they united on a compromise. If I read the narrative aright, this conclusion was reached first in committee and then reported to the church in mass-meeting. Peter paved the way for the reception of the report by reminding the church how God had bestowed his Spirit upon the uncircumcised twelve or fifteen years- ago. Paul and Barnabas followed with an account of the miracles which had accompanied their labors, and attested the divine approval. Then James announced the report officially. It was that the Gospel should be preached to the Gentiles as to the Jews ; that circumcision should not be required ; but that, as the laws of Moses were read every Sabbath in the Synagogues, to prevent misapprehension and quarrels the Gentiles should abstain from blood, and things strangled, and meat that had been offered to idols. The assembly ratified the report ; it was reduced to writing ; it was sent back to the church at Antioch, and the danger of a schism was passed.' » The language of chap, xvi : 4. may be thought inconsistent with the view here given of this so-called Council. " And as they (Paul and Silas) went through the cities, they delivered them the decrees for to keep that were ordained of the apostles and elders which were at Jerusalem." But the word here rendered decrees is primarily opinions, then resolutions publicly enacted, only secondarily decrees emanating from some acknowledged authority. The language does not necessarily convey the idea of any ecclesiastical authority, or indeed, of any authority other I'AUL THE MISSlONAliY. 31 From this time forth the lilc of Paul was tliat of a missionary to pagan hinds. He traveled through Asia Minor, visiting its chief cities. He crossed the Egean Sea, going as far west as Athens and Corinth. Wherever he went, he ignored the distinction between Jew and Gentile, and disregarded the hallowed prescriptions and ritual of the Jewish law. Indeed, to ritual and regulation of every kind he paid but small deference. He rarely rir- cumcised ] but he baptized no oftener.' He disregarded the regulations of the Old Testa- ment ; but he paid no greater resj>ect to those of the Christian church at Jerusalem. Within .^iTorTnght years after the .so-called Council at Jerusalem had decreed that heathen converts keep themselves from things strangled and from blood, Paul was teaching them to eat what- ever was offered in the markets, asking no questions for conscience' sake.'^ Never was man jnore iiidifferent to religious conventionalism. When the Synagogue was opened to him he preached in the Synagogue ; when it was closed to him, he preached in the market-place or open square, which was a characteristic feature of every Greek and Roman city. When he could not get a large audience, he talked to the people in groups of twos and threes. A few poor Jewish women gathered outside the walls of a city that had no Synagogue was not a con- gregation he despised. Sometimes he preached in his own house or that of his h'ost. Once he used an abandoned school-house and turned that into a chapel.' He accepted the hospi- tality of friends when it was offered him ; when it was not, he earned a living liy the trade of tent-making, which he had acquired in his youth. Having neither wife nor child, his wants were few, and he was equally independent of frieiids and of foes.'' At length he was mobbed in Jerusalem by Jews who thought he had brought Greeks up to pollute by their presence the Temple. He was brought before the Roman governor as a disturber of the peace ; having no hope of a fair trial he appealed, as every Roman citizen had a right to do, from the Provincial government to the Emperor. He was sent to Rome under a guard, and there history leaves him. Tradition reports his acquittal, further missionary journeys — certainly one, perhaps several — a second arrest, and a final martyrdom under Nero in about the 60th year of his age. Of his personal appearance we know very little. Tradition has painted his picture • but the traditions of the fourth and subsequent centuries are of very little value. They represent him as round-shouldered and under height, with aquiline nose, gray eyes, meeting eyebrows, pale-reddish complexion, and an ample beard. Some of these features are con- firmed, however, by his references to contemptiious descriptions of him by his adversaries a-s- in bodily presence weak and in speech contemptible.* Nevertheless, he must have been an orator of no mean power. When the superstitious pagans of Lycaonia thought that he and Barnabas were gods come down to earth in the likeness of men, they regarded Paul as Mer- cury — the god of elofjuence.* When he had been rescued from the mob at Jerusalem, by the Roman soldiers, and with disheveled garments and bound in chains, stood on the tower stairs and beckoned with his hand, there was something in his presence, round-shouldered and short of height though he may have been, which silenced the multitude.'' He evi- dently had confidence in his own powers. When the cultured but scornfully skeptical than such as tlie younger churches wo\ild naturally impute to the Mother Church at Jerusalem, confirmed by the unanimous assent of the immediate life-companions of the Lord. How little permanent control they exercised over the apostolic churches in general, or the Apostle Paul in particular, is indicated by the fact that in less than seven years Paul declared in the most emphatic inanner that there was nothing unclean in meats offered to idols, and main- tained the right of disciples to buy and eat whatever was sold in Uie open market. ' Acts xvi : 3 ; 1 Cor. i : 16. Observe that in Acts xix : 5, it is not stated that Paul baptized. ' 1 Cor. viii : 4 ; x : 25-27. * Acts xiii : 44-47 ; xvi : 13 ; xvii : 17 ; xviii : 7 ; xix : 9 ; xx : 7, 8 ; xxviii : 30. ♦ Acts xviii : 3 ; XX : 34 ; 1 Cor. iv : 11, 12 : vii : 8 ; 2 Cor. xi : 8, 9 ; Thess. ii : 9 ; 2 Thess. iii : 8. • 1 Cor. X : 10. ° Acts xiv : 12. ' Acta xxi : 40. 33 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. Athenians bore him to Mars Hill to address them there ou the new religion, he had no hesitations. When the infuriated mob of ten thousand rushed into the theatre at Ephesus, with his companions he would have hastened to their rescue, strong in his confidence of power to still the tumult, if he had not been dissuaded from his purpose. The conscience- less and corrupt Felix trembled when he reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come — no other case known in which Felix trembled before God, man, or devil.* Evidently, whatever his enemies might say, and however he might contempt- uously disregard the rules of the rhetoricians,^ who imagined then, as they do now, that eloquence could be put up by rule like an apothecary's prescription, his bodily presence was not weak nor his speech contemptible. History affords few illustrations of speech more effectual than his on two or three critical occasions of his life. Alas ! of his speeches we have but few and fragmentary reports, eight in all ; but these reports are mere abstracts or memorabilia. Paul was not a brief speaker. Men of such fiery earnestness rarely speak by the clock. On one occasion we are told that he preached till midnight.^ But the longest report of any speech which has come down to us can be read deliberately in ten minutes. Wherever he went, organizations of disciples of the new faith sprang up. These organi- zations were of the simplest character. They were in reality as well as in name " house- holds of faith."* The organization of these primitive churches was very simple. Generally, the Jewish Synagogue afforded the model which was followed. A board of elders admin- istered the affairs of the little community ; sometimes they were elected by the congregation ; sometimes they were selected by the teacher whose preaching had given rise to the organi- sation of the church ; in either case they were regarded as chosen by the Holy Gh(j.st. The church possessed neither a ritual nor a creed. It is probable that the Lord's Prayer was used in their services ; some Christian doxologies, modified from the ancient psalms, were also in vogue. The prayers were generally extemporaneous ; the worship was sub- ordinate to instruction. The age was one of universal poetry, and Christian hymns were often written by individual members for the local church, but these were quite as often expressions of Christian truth as of prayer or praise. Baptism was universally employed as a symbol in the admission of new members. The baptismal formula seems to have been in the name of Jesus. The formula in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, is not recorded as in actual use in the first century. The breaking of bread in commemoration of Christ's death, and perhaps in prophetic anticipation of his sacred coming, was an accompaniment of the religious services. It was sometimes followed or preceded by a church supper, which was originally intended as a means of social inter- change, and of providing the poor out of the resources of their more prosperous brethren. But aristocracy crept into the church ; the rich provided for themselves sumptuously, and left the poor to common fare ; agapse, or love-feasts, partook of the social degradation of a Greek symposium, and sometimes broke up in drunkenness and disorder. They were, therefore, early discontinued. The infant churches had no settled places of worship. The houses of the Greeks were generally provided with an upper chamber for company and for feasts ; this furnished the most comfortable place for the simple services of the early Christians. There was but one Christian church in a city ; but the disciples met from house to house, their services being analogous to our neighborhood prayer- meetings. Sometimes a pastor was appointed who fulfilled the functions of a modern pastor, and who received some compensation for his services. More ordinarily the church ' Acts xvii : 19, etc.; xix : 30, 31 ; xxiv : 25. "1 Cor. ii : 1, 4. * Acts xx : 7 ♦ See p. 27. PAUL THE MISSIONARY. 33 service was a prayer-meeting, where both men and wonumparticipated. In Corinth, where tlie customs of society forbade respectable women from taking any part in the publii- services, and where to speak in a promiscuous assemblage was regarded as a sign of lewd- ness, Paul counseled the women to keep silenc^ The sacred l)ooks of thcsu cluirches were those of the Old Testament. Their knowledge of the life of Christ was largely derived from tradition. When, however, a written account of the life and sayings of our Lord came into the possession of any church, it was regarded as a peculiar treasure ; copies were made of it and sent to the neighboring churches. In the same way, a letter from either of the apostles was regarded by a congregation with a reverence second only to that paid to the Old Testament itself; these also were copied and exchanged among the churches. It ROMAN LIBRARY. is .scarcely needful to remind the reader that the only books of these days were manuscripts, tlie only libraries were collections of rolls of parchment. Thus, gradually, the New Testa- ment collections of .sacred writings grew ; it did not come into its present form until the second or third century. The first catalogue of New Testament books, known as the Canon of Muratori, is believed to have been written during the second century. The effect of the general curiosity and suspicion with which the early Christians found themselves regarded by both Jew and Gentile, was to keep them united ; nevertheles.s, differences of opinion and of sentiment grew into divisions. The most serious were those between the Jewi.sh and the Gentile converts ; but then, as now, different teachers impressed their personality on their disciples, and there were followers of Paul, of Apollos, of Peter, and others, who, a.ssuming to be less sectarian, claimed to be pre-eminently the followers of Christ. The churches were generally composed from the lower classes in society. We can hardly con - ceive the degree of social an d political oppr ession which those classes suffered. To them the a.ssurance of the love of God and of the second coming of a King, whose coronation and glory they should share, was full of inspiration and attraction. In the first century, 34 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. however, as in the nineteenth, the moral life of the convert was not always affected by this religious hope, and the admonitions of the Apostles against fornication, uncleanliness, inordinate affection, evil concupiscence, and covetousness, are a significant and a conclu- sive indication that the nujral life of the primitive churches was far below that of the church of to-day. These churches Paul always carried in his heart. Each new church became a new burden. Love generates love ; their affection for him, though certainly less profound, less spiritual, and less enduring, was scarcely less intense. The Galatians would have torn their eyes out for him. The Philippians, poor as they were, made up a box — the first missionary box— and sent it to him.' A^Hien opportunity offered, he sent to these churches a letter of counsel, caution, admonition, or inspiration. Some of these letters have been preserved ; presumptively only a few ; we know that some have been lost.'' Of these letters, only the one written to the church at Rome, is in the nature of a general treatise on the Christian religion ; it is addressed to Ijoth pagan s and je^vs ; his other letters are in no sense treatises." Their aim is not to unfold a general system of theology or philosophy, but to correct a particular abuse, or guard against a particular danger, or inspire to a particular virtue or grace ; and they are addressed not to the human race, but to special and dear friends. They are the utterances of a father to loved children, of different temperaments and in different exigencies. The Ejsistles to the Corinthians, mainly devoted to detailed instrvictions to and moral judgments upon a particular church, afford the best contempo- raneous picture of the moral status of tlie apostolic churches ; the Epistle to the Galatians, written to a church that was relapsing into formalism, gives Paul's s^aecific for that spiritual disease ; the Epistle to the Ephesians, written to tlie most superstitious city of Asia Minor, contains his antidote for Spiritism, ancient and uK^dern, — namely, faith in a God immanent in human experience : for the soul that is filled with all the fullness of God has no room for table-tipping spirits and haunting demons ; the Epistle to the Colossians is the same letter in substance, different only in form ; the Epistle to the Philippians is the great missionary's letter of thanks for the first missionary box ; the letters to the Thessalonians contain his doctrine of the last days ; and those to Timothy and Titus liis counsels respecting church administration and teaching. The whole number of these letters is but^^t welye . The longest of them can easily be read through at a sitting. Altogether they comprise but fifty octavo pages in Bagster's Bible. The orations of Cicero, extant and undisputed, are fifty- nine in number, and constitute a respectable library of eloquence. The writings of Plato in Jowett's English translation fill four octavo volumes of nearly 600 pages each. The entire literary remains of Paul would fill less than a pamphlet of 100 pages of the size of this book and of type the size used on this page. From these literary remains the influence which Paul has exerted upon the world has proceeded ; by these he is to be judged ; from these, the truth he had to give to the world, is to be drawn. But before entering on a detailed study of these writings, I ask the reader to join me in deducing from them some knowledge of the writer. » Gal. iv : 15 ; Phil, iv : 10, 16-18 ; 2 Cor. xi : 28. » Col. iv : 16. ' The Epistle to the Hebrews, addressed exclusively to the Jews, is also general iii its character ; but modem scholars, with few exceptions, agree that it was not Paul's composition. CHAPTER IV. PAUL THE WRITER. TEACHERS may be divided into two classes : lovers of truth and lovers of men — philosophers and philanthropists.' Every lover of truth will, at least theoretically, concede that the value of truth is in its service to men ; every lover of men will concede that truth is the only instrument for the permanent amelioration of their condition. Never- theless the distinction is real ; the classification actual and practical. The philosopher is one whose interest is in truth for its own sake ; he is fascinated by its inherent beauty ; it is to him an art ; the relation of truths to each other, the fitting of thena together, the separation of truth into its constituent parts and the re-composition again, the proc- esses of analysis and synthesis, fascinate him, as the putting together of a dissected map fascinates a child. The .scientific philosopher is interested in scientific investigation, not in the practical application of natural laws to immediately useful inventions ; the sociological philosopher studies the laws which regulate peace and war, marriage and death, health and disease, rather than practical legislation to put an end to war, encourage happy marriages, reduce divorces, and promote sanitary conditions ; the metaphysical philosopher devotes himself to constructing a theory of the divine government of the universe or the nature of man, not to the practical work of bringing men to know and love God or to govern wisely and use effectively their whole nature. The philanthropist, on the other hand, is little interested in truth for its own sake ; he regards it simply as an instrument for better- ing the condition or the characters of his fellow-men. The scientific philanthropist cares little about the inquiry into the nature of electricity, he is busy making a telephone or an electric light ; the sociological philanthropist is indifferent respecting social theories, except as they help him to frame legislation, or to employ influences which will reduce disease, ])auperi.sm, drunkenness, crime, and ignorance ; the religious philanthropist concerns him- self little about systematic theology, he has no theory of the moral government of the universe, he is wholly devoted to inducing men to repent of sin, accept pardon and con.se- crate themselves to a new life of love to God and man. Any theology which will bring about tluit result is good enough for him. Neither of these classes could do without the other. The philosopher forges the weapons, the philanthropi-st uses them. Calvin was a lihilosopher, Luther a philanthropist ; Buckle was a philosopher, Hcjward a ])hilanthropist ; Bacon was a philosopher, Morse and Edison were philanthropists. Now Paul has been studied as a philosopher ; he should be studied as a philantlirojiist. He was not the founder nor the expounder of a new system of philosophy. He was not a meditator upon systems. He was not interested in the formation of a new school of philoso- phy, profounder and more comprehensive than any which preceded. His writings have nothing of the spirit of Plato or of Aristotle. He had neither the time, the aptitude, nor the inclination for philo.sopliical study or philosophical teaching. This is clear from the story of his life, if the reader has followed that story carefully thus far. That life was not spent in a study among books, but among men. The whole period of his authorship ' I use Imtli terms in their nrijiiiial and etyniolngipal sigiiilication. 36 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. covered about twelve years. During that time lie traveled all over Asia Minor ; certainly as far west as Rome, perhaps as far west as Spain. He never spent more than three years in any one city ; and those years were filled to the full with preaching and teaching, and some- times tent-making was added for support. He has compressed his biography into a few lines : Of the Jews five times received I forty strii)es, save one. Thrice was I beaten with rods, once was I stoned, thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night and a day have I been in the deep ; in journey- ings often, in perils of rivers, in perils of robbers, in perils from my countrymen, in perils from the (Jentiles, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren, in labor and travail, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness. Besides these things that are without, there is that which presseth upon ine daily, anxiety for all the churches. ' This is not the biography of a student ; it is not the life of a man whose interest is in new systems of thought, but of one whose whole soul is full of an unquenchable ardor ^ / of enthusiasm for men. He_wasJhejnissionaTy of^Jriithj^j^ the constructor of a sjsteni^ He labored to build up men not philosophy. His letters, with the possible exception of tlie Epistle to the Romans, all grew out of some special exigency, and were addressed to the special want of special friends. There is not the slightest indication anywhere that he ever dreamed that his writings would reach any wider circle of readers than that of the churches to which they were originally addressed, or that they would ever be accepted as the authoritative foundation of a future philosophy of God and his government. He was a^ revivalist, not a theologian ; or a theologian only as every true revivalist must be a thee >- logian. His theology is not set forth by himself as by Calvin in his Institutes ; it must be deduced from his literary remains, as the theology of Moody from his sermons. His writings have been the subject of more study by philosophers anxious to get out of them a comprehensive theory of life, than those of any other writer. These students have dis- covered in the letters what Paul never put into them, because they have unconsciously put into the letters what they wanted to find there. They have assumed that Paul was, like themselves, a philosopher, a lover of wisdom, a constructor of theology. Each school has found in Paul the founder of its own philosophy ; whereas he was in fact the founder of none. The best preparation for the interpretation of Paul's writings would be a foreign missionary field. Paul's true character is indicated by his title : Paul the Apostle, i. e., the messenger. He was the herald of a Person, not the formulator of a philosophy.* As for the life of a philosophic student he had little time or opportunity, so for such a life he had little aptitude, either by nature or by education. The formulating of philoso- phy requires leisure, quiet, meditation. Paul's life was one of incessant and intense activity. It requires a logical, reflecting mind, a cool and cautious temperament, a calm and serene temper. Paul was an enthusiast, whose passionate earnestness made him a cruel fanatic in the early years of his manhood, and was saved from fanaticism in his later years only by his philanthropy and his piety. If the object of Paul's life has been misapprehended, so also the character of his mind has been misinterpreted. He was not a logician, he was an idealist.' > 2 Cor. xi : 24-28. " He himself vigorously repudiated the character which has been so generally given to him, of a philosophic < f teacher, the creator of a new school of theosophic thought. 1 Cor. i : 17-25 ; ii : 1-7. ' This is not the character commonly given to him. Dr. Peabody (Smith's Bible Dictionary, article Paul, page 2400) probably expresses the average judgment of the scholars respecting Paul's character: "Among the Apostle's characteristics as a writer we would name as most prominent, the singular union, throughout the greater K part of his Epistles, of strong reasoning and vivid emotion. He is severely logical, and at the same time full y- of Intense feeling." ^ PAUL THE WRITER. 37 Some minds arrive at truth by slow ami cautious processes of deduction. Tliey con- clude everything from premises, though not always from premises verified by the senses. They argue out a God from nature. He is a logical hypothesis; to be accepted unless"^ sonie other philosophy can afford some other hypothesis which will serve to explain nature ^^ as well, or better. There is a creation ; therefore there must be a Creator. Force and matter are imlestnictiblc ; the soul must be either force or matter ; therefore it mu.st be immortal. God and immortality are " must-bes."' This is the much vaunted " scientitic method." This is logical. There are other minds which arrive at the truth by no such process ; they see it, and that to them is the end of it. They perceive truth as the artist perceives beauty ; if you di) not perceive it, he is .sorry for your lack of art sense, but he cannot compensate for it by a syllogism. These men are the seers and prophets of the world's history. They take in truth at a glance, by a process which they can never explain, and which devotees of the scientific method can never understand. They may use the scientific method to expound the truth to the logician, as you may guide a blind man's hand over the face of a statue which he cannot see ; but they themselves have eyes and see. God is not a " must-be " ; immortality is not a scientific hypothesis. They know God by personal perception ; they «h) not arrive at a guess about hini. He is not an algebraic x to be interpreted by algebraic ])rocesses. They realize immortality in their own consciousness ; they do not conclude that they will be immortal, they know that they are immortal. To this latter class Paul belonged. He was essentially an idealist. Other men have surpassed him in the logical faculty ; but, excepting John, none have equaled him in the clearness of perception of truth — immediate, direct, instant perception. Spiritual truth was never to him an hypothesis, it w^as fact ^ he did not conclude, he saw. This spiritual per- I caption is what_he_means by faith ; to believe is never with Paul to conclude ; it is never an intellectual act ; it is to know, to .see, to perceive. The just live _by their_spiritual^_per-i A^ ception ; it is_ t]i£ir _guide. Relief from the burden of remorse is given, through spirituajl jierception of a merciful and pardoning SavlourT WiW tlie man whose character is still raw) ;fiii rgreeir 1:liis Bpirltual perception of righteousness is couiited unto him for attainment ; iti is enough if ne sees and pur sues righteousness. The righteousness which is rooted anc» grounded m this spiritual perception of truth and goodness and life, and grows out of itl is abiding ; that which is not has no life in it, however guarded by rules and prescriptions a it is like a tree without roots, no box can make it stand. This spiritual perception, working in and thnjugh love, constitutes the new creature in Christ Jesus. This spiritual percep-, ti 2 Thess. iii : 17. CHAPTER V. THE PAGAN WORLD. BEFORE passing from this rapid survey of Paul's life and character to a study of his WTitings, we must stop for a glance at the condition of the world at the time of his writing, that is, at the society to which he addressed himself. And as all his extant letters — unless possibly the Epistle to the Hebrews be an exception— were addressed, if not to KOME. (View from Citadel. Coliseum in distance. pagan communities, at least to churches in pagan communities, it will be sufficient for our present purpose to look simply at the moral condition of the pagan world. It is not difficult to form a tolerably clear conception of its moral character, both because Paul in the first chapter of his Epistle to the Romans has given a graphic and terrible description of Roman society, and because contemporaneous pagan literature abundantly confirms and illustrates his terrible indictment. Space does not allow, nor does my purpose require, any elaborate picture. Roman society in the first century of the Christian era has been often described, THE PAGAN WORLD. 43 and to these ilescriptions the reader is referred whose curiosity prompts and whose time permits a further study.' Even then he will not, can not know the worst. For the worst aspects (jf the best society of Pagan Rome under Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero can not be described, can scarcely be hinted at, in a modern book for modern readers. They are aptly characterizetl by the apostle as works of darkness which it is a shame even to speak of. It must suflice here to indicate in broad lines the characteristic features of this moral degradation. There are six indications of the moral life of a community, either of which is signifi- cant ; when they all agree in their testimony they atford a nearly infallible test of its true character. These are (1) the condition of industry ; (2) the social habits ; (3) the position of woman and the character of the family ; (4) the organization of government and the character of the rulers ; (5) the state of public education ; ((i) the practical bearing of religious doctrine and worship on actual life. These, as they are depicteil by the histories and literature of Rome in the first century, all bear out Fronde's declaration that " within historiccil times the earth has never seen — let us hope it never may see again — such a con- dition of human society as prevailed in the Roman Empire during the centuries which elapsed between the crucifixion and the conversion of Constantine." * I. Of the inhabitants of Rome in the time of Paul fully one half were slaves. They were so numerous that a proposition to dress them in a peculiar garb was negatived, lest, recognizing their own number, they should also recognize their power, and so revolt. The highest intellectual ability and the highest moral worth not infrequently wore chains in Rome. " The physician who attended the Roman in his sickness, the tutor to whom he confided the education of his son, the artists whose works commanded the admiration of the city, were usually slaves."' Some of the noblest deeds of heroism, some of the most magnificent acts of fidelity, recorded in the Roman histories of the period, are recorded of slaves. But neither intellectual ability nor moral excellence were any protection to these unhappy chattels, whose property, industry, powers, and lives were, under the Roman law, the absolute possessions of an irresponsible master. Ovid and Juvenal describe the Roman ladies as torturing their serving maids by thrusting the long pins of their brooches into their flesli. Old and infirm slaves the elder Cato advised should be sold, but his humane advice was often disregarded as involving too much trouble and too little recompense, and they were left to perish on an island in the Tiber. Augustus crucified a slave for having eaten a favorite quail ; Vedius Pt)llio threw a living slave into the fish pond to be food for his fishes. The law provided for the execution of all slaves, not absolutely in chains or helpless through illness, if their master were murdered. This law was no dead letter ; on one occasion four hundred slaves were executed because their master had been assassinated. It is to be said for the credit of the people, that a strong guard was necessary to carry the execution into effect and prevent a threatened rescue. But death was infinitely preferable to the horrible uses to which slaves were often forced when living ; the plaything of the master's lust till it was satisfied and then sold or rented or driven into the seraglios for • The English reader will find the material in Ulhorn's " Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism " ; Pressense'a "Religions before Christ"; Froude's "Short; Studies on Great Subjects," Vols. 3 and 4; Froude's "Ca;sar"; Mommsen's " Rome," Vol. 4 ; Milinan's ".History of Christianity," Book 2 ; Farrar's "St. Paul" ; Conybeare and Howson's "St. Paul"; Renan's "St. Paul"; Renan'.s "English Conferences"; Lecky's "History of European Morals," Chap. II. ; Gibbon's "Roman Empire," Chap. II. ; "The Life of the Greeks and Romans," by Guhl and Koner ; Falke's " Greece and Rome " ; " Business Life in Ancient Rome," by C. G. Herbremann ; Smith's Diction- aries of " Biography" and of " .\ntiquities," various articles; and the various Roman authorities cited in the above, esi>ecially Tacitus, Juvenal, and Cicero. ' Essay on " Origeii and Celsus," in Short Studies. * Lecky's " History of MoTtils," Vol. I., p. 323. 44 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS, iniquities indescribable. The condition of the freemen of the lower class was but little better. The great majority were paupers, always living on the edge of starvation, and prevented from falling over into the abyss below only by great largesses of com bestowed l)y tlie government or the opulent. The wages of a day laborer in Paul's time did not much. e.\ceed twelve or fifteen cents a day. ' Labor is never honorable in a State where it is partlj' performed by slaves. All honorable industry was dishonorable in Rome. Trades, and handicrafts in the towns and cities and agriculture in the country were alike regarded as menial occupations. Commerce was condoned because it brought in such large returns; but the fortunate merchant purchased respectability at the earliest opportunity by buying land and slaves to cultivate it. War was the only thoroughly respectable profession. Middle class there was none. The State was composed of many beggars and a few million- aires. " Nowliere, perhaps, has the essential maxim of the slave State — that the rich man who lives by tlie exertions of his slaves is necessarily respectable, and the poor man who lives by the labor of his hands is necessarily vulgar — been recognized with so terrible a precision as the vindoubted principle underlying all public and private intercourse.'' ' How numerous the poor, how few the well-to-do, is indicated by the reported fact, half a century before the establishment of the empire, that the number of firmly established families among the Roman burgesses did not exceed two thousand. The Roman workingman, degraded to the level of the slave, or below it, with no hope of improving his condition, and with no great fear of actual starvation in a land where life is so easily sustained as in Italy, possessed a beggar's carelessness and a beggar's idleness ; and was fonder of the theater, the tavern, or the brothel, than of his bench, his shop, or his employer's farm. II. The accumulation of wealth, in the hands of the few, was as dangerous a symptom of demoralization as the poverty, the ignorance, and the moral degradation of the many. This concentration of wealth, thoi;gli it has been equaled, if not surpassed, in indi- vidual fortunes in our own day and country, was accompanied by a luxury and self- indulgence which is unparalleled in human history. If a community has moral earnestness this will be shown by its disregard for mere sensuous enjoyments, and its appreciation for and its pursuit of the intellectual and the spiritual. Its employments will be those of the intellect ; its pleasures those of the imagination. The Roman had lost in the time of Paul his old heroic character. Self-denial was an almost extinct virtue ; living only as a memory of the past in the literature of Stoics who continued to preach but not to practice it. Extravagant prices were paid for whims, sometimes almost, sometimes wholly without a reason. Two hundred thousand dollars was paid for a country house whose chief attrac- tion was its fish pond ; fifty thousand dollars for a cj"press-wood table. From two hundred and fifty thousand dollars to four hundred thousand was expended by emperors like Nero and Heliogabalus on a single banquet ; four thousand dollars by a successful actor for a dish of singing birds ; and one historic gourmand, after spending four million dollars on the pleasures of the table, took poison because only four hundred thousand dollars stood between him and starvation. One of the ancient authorities gives us a bill of fare of a Consular entertainment in Caesar's time. The sea-food which was provided before the dinner, included the following courses : sea hedge-hogs, fresh oysters, large mussels, sphondyli, fieldfares with asparagus, fattened fowls, oyster and mussel pasties, black and white sea- acorns, sphondyli again, glycimarides, sea-nettles, becaficoes, roe-ribs, fowls dressed with fiour, becaficoes again, purple shell-fish. This preceded the dinner. The dinner itself we leave to the imagination of our readers. The eagerness with which appetite ran- ' Mommseii's "Rome," Vol. IV : 607. THE PAGAN WORLD. 45 sacked f(»ivi<.;ii countries for some new dainty e(][iialed, if it did not surpass, the eager- ness with which to-(hiy science searches for some new fact. It was not an unusual thing to relieve the over-gorged stomach of its load by an emetic, that the gourmand might complete the feast against which a wise nature would have successfully rebelled. The drinking kept pace with the gorging. Drinking revels ^^^g ^-"— t^J^^H^' - known among the Greeks as Symposia, were imported thence into Rome. A Sym- j)osiarch ruled the revels and required of each drinker that he consume his share of the wine. Music, danc- ing, games, and every de- vice to both tempt the ap- petites and incite the lusts were introduced. But let us give these revelers their due. They had the wit to prolong their bacchanalian entertainments, and then- fore mixed their wines witli water that they might not get drunk too soon. Hap- pily, too, the art of distilla- tion and its poisonous prod- ucts which so (juickly fire the brain and madden the nature, were unknown. "When we turn from the pleasures of the table to those of the bath, the thea- ter, and the .street, the pict- ure grows more appalling. Lust and cruelty are twins ; they were inseparable in the Roman social life of the first century. The crimes which went on in the public baths ; those which were daily perpetrated in the household ; those which Paul has hinted at in the first chapter of his Epistle to the Romans, can not be described, nor even more fully hinted at here. They are among the indescribable wickednesses to which human nature has descended in its worst estate. The excesses of lust can only be suggested by saying that they paralleled the excesses of cruelty ; and these surpass imagination. The gladia- torial combats which had been begun as a religious service and sacrifice, and continued as a means of educating the Roman soldiery to its art of war, had, by the time of Paul, degen- erated into mere spectacles for the amusement of the people whose deadened feelings the mock horrors of the stage could no longer excite. The liighest and most cultured men and women flocked to the arena to feast their eyes on carnage and blood ; and each new emperor invented a new form of horror to add to their pleasure and his fame. Ponipey introduced a new form of combat between men and animals. Cajsar erected the first per- manent arena and brought so many gladiators into the city that the Senate restricted thcii A OKEEIC SYMPOSUM. 46 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. number. Aufj;iistu.s enlarged the number of combatants, allowing one hundred and twenty to fi'dit in a single battle. The wooden structure of Cajsar gave place to the Colosseum with a seating cajjacity for 80,000 spectators. Schools of gladiators were organized. Pro- vincial troops of itinerant gladiators carried this horrible play of life and death into all the neighboring Italian provinces. Slaves were compelled to fight for the amusement of the populace. Death was demanded to keep up the flagging interest ; the spectators determined by a si"n with their thumbs whether the prostrate combatant should live or die ; the usual verdict justified the Greek cynics' protest against the introduction of this barbaric sport into Greece : "You must first overthrow the altar of pity." Death by twos and threes soon ceased to satisfy the horrible appetite for blood. Criminals dressed in the skins of wild beasts were thrown to bulls maddened by red-hot irons. Four hundred bears were killed in a single dav under Caligula ; three hundred in another day under Claudius ; four hun- THE GLADIATORS. (" PoUice Terso." From the Painting by Geromt. J dred tigers fought with bulls and elephants under Nero ; at the dedication of the Colosseum five thousand animals perished ; under Trajan the games continued for four months. " Lions, tigers, elephants, rhinoceri, hippopotami, giraffes, bulls, stags, even crocodiles and serpents, were employed to give novelty to the spectacle. Nor was any form of human suffering wanting. The first Gordian when edile, gave twelve spectacles, in each of w^hich from one hundred and fifty to five hundred pairs of gladiators appeared. Eight hundred fought at the triumph of Aurelian. Ten thousand men fought at the games of Trajan. Nero illumined his gardens during the night by Christians burning in their pitchy shirts. Under Domitian an army of feeble dwarfs was compelled to fight ; and mf)re than once female gladiators descended to perish in the arena."' So implacal)le and unmerciful had pagan Rome become, that even the moralists of the age either openly defended or mildly • Lecky's "History of European Morals," 297, 8. THE PAGAN WORLD. 47 regretted tho^ic spectacles of an incredible inhumanity. It is true that Seneca and Plutarch cundennied them ; but Cicero apologized for them on the ground that " no better discipline against suffering and death can be presented to the eye " ; Juvenal, in all his satires, does not intimate that gladiatorial coml)ats are inconsistent with humanity ; and, according to Lecky, no Roman historian appears to think tliat there was any cause for national humili- ation or public rebuke in the fact that three thousand men were compelled to fight in these shows under Titus and ten thousand under Trajan, nor any other evil discernible than the tendency to ju-oduce a dangerous class. The extent to which custom may brutalize the feelings is singularly illustrated by the fiict that the gentle Suetonius, commending a friend fnr granting a petition of the people of Verona for such a spectacle, adds : "To have refused would not have been firmness — it would have been cruelty " ! III. The position of woman and the condition of the family was what might be imagined in such a state t)f society as I have vent- ured not to describe but to outline. In the early history of Rome, her men were distinguished for their heroism, her women for their chastity, and her homes for their sa- crfdness. The Greek and Oriental seclusion of women was unknown ; and at a time when no Greek wife was permitted to sit at the table with her husband's guests, the Roman matron habitually occupied the post of honor at the head of the table. The ancient legends of the Republic, the stories of the Sabine wn)nen and the mother of Coriolanus, and especially the tragedy of Virginia, which Macaulay has made familiar to every school-boy, show the honor in which woman was held in the best days of Rome, and the care with which her chastity and the sacredness of her commonwealth — the family — was guarded. It was the boast, apparently not a false one, of one of her writers, that for five hundred and twenty years, a divorce was absolutely unknown in Rome. But at the time of which we are writing, the age in which Paul lived and to whicli he spoke, all this had passed away. The voluptuousness of the East had come in with its luxury ; the degradation of women exceeded that of Greece, where wives were ke])t in bondage and harlots were honored in society; the dishonor of the home surpassed that of the East, where the harem still serves as a sorry substitute. Marriage in the Roman Empire had become simply a civil contract ; its most common form was merely an agreement between the parties to live together. The result of this pernicious practice was just what we have seen it in our own day, though it was carried to an extent as yet unseen in America. Divorce was as free and as fretpient as the most libidinous advocate of free-lust in our own age could desire. There was practically no restraint upon it. Either party might dissolve the marriage contract at will ; and when it was dissolved both parties might remarry. The GRECIAN LADIES AND ATTENDANT. 48 PAUL'S LIFE AND LETTERS. highest moral teachers of Rome were not slow to avail themselves of this liberty. Cicero repudiated his wife because he was short of money and wanted a new dowry ; Augustus divorced Lina from her husband that he might take her for himself ; Cato presented his wife to his friend Hortensius, and remarried her after Hortensius died. Any reason sufficed for a divorce ; when none could be found, no reason sufficed equally well. Paulvis Emilius divorced his wife, saying, "My shoes are new and well made ; but no one knows where they pinch me." Such was the fatal facility of separation among the moral teachers ; it may be imagined what it was among those who made no pretensions to morality. Seneca declared that there were women in Rome who measured their years rather by their husbands than by the Consuls ; Martial speaks of a woman living with her eighth husband ; Juvenal of one Avho had married eight husbands in five years ; and St. Jerome is authority for the statement that there existed in Rome a woman who had married her twenty-third husband, and was his twenty-first wife. This freedom of marriage and divorce had no eflfect to confine licentiousness within the flexible limits of domestic life. It was at once a cause and an effect of a passionate self- indulgence which knew no law and imposed on itself no limit. Marriage grew infrequent ; childlessness common. In vain did the Emperor Augustus enact laws against celibacy, and confer special privileges upon the fathers of three children. The disinclination to marriage became so common that men who spent their lives in endeavoring by flatteries to secure the inheritance of wealthy bachelors became a notorious and a numerous class. Slaves were bought and sold in the market for the seraglio ; boys as well as maidens. Liaisons in the first families were so common that only a scandal altogether exceptional gave rise to public comment. Incest was a royal vice, and the fashion set in the palace was quickly followed. Prostitution became so honorable that a special edict was promulgated under Til^erius to prevent members of noble houses enrolling themselves as prostitutes. The edict was unavailing ; his successor on the throne opened a brothel in his palace and sent public invitations to the forum for inmates. But even this incredible enormity was surpassed by Messalina, the wife of the next succeeding emperor, who, under penalty of torture and even death, compelled the ladies of her court to practice the enormities in which she herself rioted. Chastity, which liad been once the pride of the Roman Republic, had become a perilous virtue, which could be maintained only at the liazard of martyrdom, and that inflicted by a woman. Profligacy had reached the bottom of the abysmal depth. It could no farther go. IV. These well attested and unquestioned facts indicate at once the nature of the Roman government and the character of the Roman rulers at this epoch. The govern- ment was a military despot- ism ; the rulers were at once the creatures of the army and its masters. Their power knew no restraint from with- out ; their nature knew no restraint from within. There was no legal limit to their power imposed by any com- petent and legal tribunal ; There was none imposed by public COIN OF NERO. for the Senate was wholly subject to their will. THE PAGAN WORLD. 49 opinion ; Nero, who, in the varied combination of his crimes, perhaps surpassed both hia predecessors and liis successors, was also perhaps the most popular emperor of his epoch. There was none imposetl by public opinion in other nations, or by the fear of interference from them ; for the Empire of Rome tilled the world, and the scepter of the Roman Emperor ruled it. The evils of unlimited power have had many tragical illustrations in human history, but none to compare with that afforded by the eighty years covered by the reigns of Tiberius, Caligula, Clau