tihxaxy of t:he theological ^tminavy PRINCETON • NEW JERSEY John M, Krebs Donation BR 75 .W84 18A5 Wycliffe, John, d. 1384. Tracts and treatises of John de Wycliffe ^}>tUff^ ^^ ^/: ESTABLISHED MDCCCXLIV. FOR REPRINTING A SERIES OF THE MORE SCARCE AND VALUABLE TRACTS AND TREATISES OF THE EARLIER REFORMERS, PURITANS, AND NONCONFORMISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. TRACTS AND TREATISES JOHN DE WYCLIFFE, D.D. SELECTIONS AND TRANSLATIONS FROM HIS MANUSCRIPTS, AND LATIN WORKS. EDITED FOR WITH AN INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR, BY THE REV. ROBERT VAUGHAN, D.D., rilESIDENT OF THE LANCASHIRE INDEPENDENT COLLEGE, MANCHESTER. LONDON : PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY BLACKBURN AND PARDON, HATTON GARDEN. MDCCCXLV. ADVERTISEMENT. When it devolved on the Committee of the Wyclifle Society to decide on the subject of its first volume, they concluded that in eflFect that question was determined for them already by the illustrious name which the Society had adopted, and that they must commence the series with " The Tracts and Treatises of John de Wycliffe." They well knew that one of the corresponding members of the Society was, by his previous researches, more fuUy qualified to engage in the work of preparing such a volume, than probably any other writer in the kingdom : the Committee accordingly requested the Kev. Robert Vaughan, D.D., to undertake the taskj and the present volume is the result. Its contents are divided into three parts : the first is biographical, containing facts and observations concerning the life of Wyclifle. The second part is analytical, supplying a critical account of the writings of Wyclifle that are still in manuscript, with numerous extracts, and also a notice of the Trialogus, with a translation from the original Latin of the more important chapters of that treatise ; wliilst Vlll ADVERTISEMENT. the third part may be called bibliothecal, as it contains those tractates of the Keformer which have been already printed at different periods, and in various forms. The first part therefore includes all that is known concerning the personal history of the Reformer, the result of a most laborious, extensive, and repeated examination of the extant writings of Wycliffe, and of all other materials which could be made available for the purpose. Eespecting the second part. Dr. Vaughan has thus written : *' In the extracts presented in the first section of the first book, I have not retained every obsolete word, and in a few instances, an illegible or obscure sentence has been omitted; but those pas- sages exhibit throughout, the substantial and idiomatic language of the Reformer, and cannot fail to make precisely that impression on the reader, which would be made by them if read from the original manuscript. It has not appeared to me necessary, or desirable, that I should affect greater accuracy in that portion of the work. " The catalogue of the Reformer's writings, in the next section, has been revised with much care, and wiU be found less imperfect than any one previously published. I speak of this catalogue as being only less imperfect than those which have preceded it, because no man acquainted with the subject can expect to see a perfect account of the writings of Wycliffe, distinguishing satis- factorily between the extant and the non-extant, and between the works certainly written by the Reformer, and those attributed to him on probable evidence only. In this connexion, the obscure and uncertain may be diminished, but can never be wholly removed. In the hope of giving more completeness to this sec- tion, I have re-examined many of the WycUfie manuscripts within the last vear. ADVERTISEMENT. ix " There are two editions of the Trialogus : one printed without the name of the place or of the printer, in 1525; the other printed at Frankfort, in 1753. The latter is a reprint from the former. In hoth, the errors of punctuation and typography are frequent, and the man who shall attempt any extended translation of the contents of that work, will be the least disposed to pass a hasty censure on this portion of my labour. That I have suc- ceeded in giving the precise meaning of the author, in every instance, especially in the scholastic and metaphysical portions of his argument, is more than I dare promise myself; but I am satisfied that the reader may confide in the general accuracy of the translation, and that, judging of the doctrine taught in the Trialogus, from the chapters given in the volume, he will be safe from all material error. Some chapters and parts of chapters even in this fourth book have been omitted, but the translations are complete on the subjects to which they relate." In reference to the contents of the third part, it is only neces- sary to add, that the treatise " Against the order of Begging Friars," and the next, intitled " A Complaint to the King and Parliament," were printed in Oxford in 1608, and edited by Dr. James, fi"om which impression they are now reprinted. The piece intitled, " The Wyckett," is printed from the Norembergh edition of 1 545 ; and the tract, " Why Poor Priests have no Benefices," and the other fragments, are transcribed from the first edition of Lewis's Life of Wyclifife, and Fox's Acts and Monuments. It may be expedient to state in conclusion, that while the present volume is, in its typographical and general character, a fair specimen of those that will succeed it, yet in a literary point of view, it must to a great extent be regarded as introductoiy and unique. Nearly five centuries have passed away since Wycliife flou- X ai»ver'iisi;mi;ni. rislied : and the spitefulness of rivals and the malignity of persecutors, the dim shadows of succeeding ages, the progress of the English language, and successive revolutions in the man- ners and maxims of society, have all combined to render the writings of the Reformer obscure, and to require the labours of an editor who would scrupulously examine and faithfully expound them. In succeeding volumes, the reader will find, according to the original plan of the Wycliffe Society, more of the author, and less of the editor; but in the present, the prominence of the editor was unavoidable ; and the reader will doubtless feel happy in the company of so competent and experienced a guide. Robert Ashton. y Seeretariet. John Blackburn. Cunyreyutwnal Library, London, February, 1845. CONTENTS. Page ^art fi. FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE i— xciv WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE. Book I. — 0\ the Writings of Wycliffe still in Manuscript. SECTION I. I. Expositio Decalogi ......... i II. De Hypocritarum Imposituris . . . . . . . . 2 III. De Obedientia Prelatorum . . . . . . . .10 IV. De Conversatione Ecclesiasticoriiin . . . . . . 13 V. Speculum de Antichristo ... ..... 22 VI. Of Clerks Possessioners •.....,. 24 VII. De XXXIIl erroribus Cuiatorum ...... 26 VIII. Of the Order of Priesthood 28 IX. Of good Preaching Priests ....... 29 X. The Great Sentence of the Curse Expounded. . . . . .31 XI. De stipendiis Ministrorum ........ 43 XII. De Preeationibus Sacris . . . . . . . . 43 " XIII. De Episcoporum Erroribus ...... .45 XIV. A short Rule of Life for each man . . . . . . 46 — XV. Three things destroy the world ....... 48 XVI. Impedimenta Evangelizantium . . . . . . . 49 XVII. On the Lord's Prayer and Ave Maria ..... 52 XVIII. How Religious Men should keep Certain Articles . . . . 52 XIX. De Dominis et Servis ........ 52 XX. De Diabolo et Membris . . . . . . . . 54 XXI. For Three Skills lords should constrain clerks, &c. . ■ . 56 XXII. Of Wedded Men and Wives, and their Children . . . . 58 XXIII. How Antichrist and his clerks travail to destroy Holy Writ . . 59 XXIV. De dominis divino ......... 63 XXV. De Papa Roman.a — Sehisma Papae ...... 64 XXVI. Of Perfect Life 65 XXVII. Of the Seven Deadly Sins 66 XXVIII. Vita Saeerdotum .......... 71 _ XXIX. De Blasphemia contra Fratres . . . . . . .71 XXX. De Ecclesiae dominio ......... 74 XXXI. Sermons •■•........ 79 xii CONTENTS. SECTION II. ON THE REMAINING WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE STILL IN MANUSCRIPT, AND INCLUDING SUCH WORKS AS ARE KNOWN ONLY BY THEIR TITLES. Book II. — Wycliffe's Latin Treatise, Trialogus. SECTION I. BEING SOME ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST, SECOND, AND THIRD BOOKS OF THE TRIALOGUS. SECTION II. CHAPTERS TRANSLATED FROM THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE TRIALOGUS RELATING TO THE DOCTRINES OF THE SACRAMENTS, THE HIERARCHY', AND THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. Page I. On the Eucharist 131 II. What is denoted by the pronoun "this" in the words of con- secration . . . . . . . . . .134 III. Showing that the bread remains bread after consecration . . 138 IV. The preceding statements confirmed by argument . . .141 V. How and from what cause the heresy concerning the sacrament of the Eucharist hath grown up . . . . . . . 144 VI. In what way the bread is the body of our Lord, and not the identical body itself ........ 147 VII. On the Identification of the bread with the body of Christ . . 150 VIII. Showing that the body of Christ doth not corrupt . . . 152 IX. Whether two bodies may be at once in the same place . .154 — X. On Baptism 156 XL On the Threefold Baptism 159 161 . 163 . . 169 . 172 . . 178 . 180 . . 182 . 184 XII. On Confirmation ....... XIII. On the sacrament of Order .... XIV. On the avarice of the clergy ..... XV. On their culpability in respect to Endowments . XVI. On Penance XVII. On the signs of Contrition ..... XVIII. On the Extreme Unction ..... XIX. Of the various kinds of ^Ministers XX. On the Begging Friars 186 XXI. Farther showing that the Mendicancy of the Friars is not consistent with Scripture . . . . . . . . .188 XXII. On the letter of the Fraternities ....... 191 XXIII. How the Friars falsely sell their prayers and merits . . .193 XXIV. On Indulgences . . . . . . . . . . 195 XXV. How the orders of Friars were introduced . . . . .199 XXVI. In what respect the Friars are contrary to Christ . . . . 202 XXVII. Of the other Six Abuses of the Friars 204 CONTENTS. XUl Page XXVIII. Showing how the Friars seduce the kingdoms they inhabit . . 207 XXIX. Of the fraud and malice of the Friars 210 XXX. Whether Temporal Lords may and should assist and defend their people against Friars . . . . • . . .213 TRACTATES REPRINTED FROM FORMER EDITIONS. I. — A Treatise of John Wycliffe against Orders of Friars. 217 I. Friars' orders perfecter than Christ's . . . . . . 219 II. Friars hinder the free preaching of the gospel .... 220 III. A man once professed to their religion may never leave it . . 222 IV. No preaching without licence of their sovereign how bad soever . 222 V. The lawfulness of begging maintained by Friars . . . . 223 VI. Friars draw alms from poor and needy men to the maintenance of their sinful and superfluous order 224 VII. Traditions of Friars preferred before Christ's commandments . . 225 VIII. Friars great hypocrites, as poor as Christ in show, as sumptuous as lords and prelates in deed ....... 225 IX. Their stealing of children and enticing of them to their order . . 226 X. Curates defrauded of their dues by means of Friars . . . 227 XI. Friars come in under the name of saints, and forsake the rule . 227 XII. Persecution of True Priests by False Friars .... 228 XIII. Capped friars served as lords or kings at table . . . . 229 XIV. Great flatterers of the people, neither reproving nor removing their sins from among them . . . . . . . 229 XV. How much and how oft they deceive and cozen the lay people by their letters of fraternity ....... 230 XVI. Friars pervert the right faith of the sacrament of the altar, by making it to be an Accident without a Subject . . . . 231 XVII. Their excess in building of great churches and costly houses and cloisters .......... 232 XVIII. Friars teaching the Vow of Obedience contrary to God's Law . . 233 XIX. How they forsake the perfection of their order for worldly respects 234 XX. Their rotten habit esteemed above Christ's body . . . 235 XXI. Friars beg without need, when the poor want, without remorse . 235 XXII. Friars reprove not their brethren as the Gospel willeth, but as themselves will .......... 236 XXIII. Friars lawless in begging the king and mighty ones of the land to maintain their sect, begging their alms and beggaring the whole land 237 XXIV. Friars no peace-makers, but make-bates, strive themselves, and stirrers up of others to wars and dissension . . . . 238 XXV. Judas's children selling Christ, and all for money XXVI. They slander true priests, and flatter wicked men . XXVII. Friars most impatient of all men living in bearing reproof . XXVIII. The holy Scriptures accused by these unholy men of falsehood 239 239 240 241 XIV CONTEXTS. Pag8 XXIX. How strongly wedded to their rotten habit ..... 242 XXX. The pope's dispensation, or commandment of the superior, more regarded than Christ's commandment ..... 242 XXXI. Their usury, simony, covetousness, extortion, rapine, and theft . 243 XXXII. Friars cannot endure to hear of Christ's poverty preached . . 244 XXXIII. Friars like thieves coming into the church by the window, not by the door ........... 244 XXXIV. Bind their novices to impossible things ..... 245 XXXV. The necessity and multitude of their vain and changeable ceremonies .......... 246 •XXXVI. Friars return evil for good ....... 246 XXXVII. Friars, under the habit of holiness, lead men into sin . . . 247 XXXVIII. They persuade men to reckon more of their anathemas, than of God's curse .... ..... 248 XXXIX. Friars' heresy in affirming the wicked to be members of Christ's church ........... 248 XL. Arrogating unto themselves glory due unto other men, and some- times unto God himself ........ 249 XLI. Exalting themselves above Christ himself ..... 2,50 XLII. Christ's rule no sufficient warrant for them to be ruled by . . 250 XLIII. Friars' policy in binding their novices to unknown things . . 251 XLIV. Misspenders of the treasure of their land . .... 251 XLV. Friars holier than other men ....... 252 XLVI. Friars altogether set upon covetousness . . ... 252 XLVII. Friars dead unto the world, but raised by Antichrist to pride, covetousness, and maintenance of sin ..... 253 XLVIII. Spiritual impurity of Friars ........ 254 XLIX. Friars notable factors for the pope in England .... 254 L. Friars most perilous enemies to holy church and to our land . . 255 II. A Complaint of .Tohn Wycliffe, Exhibited to the King AND Parliament ........ 257 III. Wycliffe's Wyckett, which he made in King Richard'.s DAYS, the Second 270 IV. Why' Poor Priests have no Benefices . .... 285 V. Answer of Wycliffe to Richard the Second, as touch- ing the Right and Title of the King and the Pope . 295 VI. Letter of Wycliffe in Excuse to Pope Urban VI. . . 298 VII. Confession of Wycliffe concerning the Eucharist . . ,300 VIII. Confession on the Eucharist, delivered to the Dele- gates at Oxford in 1382 201 Index to the Writings of Wycliffe . . . . ,303 Index to the Life of Wycliffe ....... ,322 ^?art h FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS CONCERNIXG THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. The biographers of Wycliffe all mention the year 1324 as that of his birth." The place of his nativity still TieaB liis name-^a village^a^bout six miles fromtlie towa-ef-RiGlimond in Yorksliire. The name' of Wycliffe, like that of William of Wykeham, is evidently a local one, being written John of Wycliffe ; and in England there is no locahty bearing the name of Wychffe beside the place above mentioned. From the time of the Norman Conquest the parish of Wycliffe had been the residence of a family bearing that name, who were lords of the manor of WycHife, and patrons of its rectory. During the lifetime of our Reformer there were two rectorsof the parish who bore this name : Robert Wyclifi'e, presented to the living by Catherine, relict of Roger WycliflFe ; and William Wycliffe, presented by John de Wycliffe. In 1606 the possessor of this ancient property lost his only son, and by the marriage of his daughter, his patrimony passed to a family of another name.* Dr. Zouch, rector of Wycliffe in the last century, in the inscrip- tion attached to the portrait of Wycliffe, by Sir Antonio More, now an heirloom to the holders of that living, speaks of the " Tanner, Bibliotheca Brit. 767. Lewis, chap. i. Baber ii. * Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, i. 229 — 324. Appendix i. b 11 FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS Reformer without hesitancy — as " a native of this parish." Birk- beck, a ck^rgymau, who officiated in an adjoining parish during the reign of Charles I. speaks no less decidedlv on tliis point in a work intitled the " Protestant Evidence."" But our best authority is that of Leland, who wrote his " Collectanea" about a hundred and fifty years after the decease of Wycliffe, and mentioning the parish of Wycliffe, describes it as the place where " WycHffe the heretic was born." It is true Leland himself has elsewhere given a somewhat difierent account. In his " Itinerary," he makes mention of Spresswell, " a poor village, a good mile from Richmond," as the place where the Reformer was born.*^ But no trace of such a name can be found anywhere in the neighbourhood of Richmond. Leland travelled for much of his information, but it is manifest, from his errors in respect to Richmondshire, that he could not have visited that county more than very partially. Indeed, an author who could describe the rise of the Tees as being in a meadow near Caldwell, at least fifty miles from its real source, must be supposed liable to mistake on a point of this nature. Spresswell may have been the name of the family .mansion of the WyclifFes, or of some property belonging to them in the neigh- bourhood ; but we are more disposed to trust in the account given by Leland in liis " Collectanea," than in that found in the " Itinerary," and to connect the birth of Wycliffe with the spot which was certainly the home of his family, and fi'om which, beyond all reasonable doubt, he derived his name. It must be admitted that the name of the Reformer does not occur in the existing records of the Wycliffe family. But this omission will not occasion surprise, when it is known that all the members of that family continued their adherence to the existing religious system, and that, according to the notions and feelings of the middle age, the man who made hilnself so conspicuous as the opponent of that system, would be regarded, in the language of the Reformer himself, applied to such cases, as " slandering all his noble kindred, who were ever held true men and worsliipful." '^ " Ed. Quarto, cent. xiv. p. 71. * Tom. i. part ii. 329. ' Itinerary, v 99. '' MS. On Wedded Men and Wives, C.C.C. Cambridge. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WVCLIFFE. iii It will appear the more probable that the Eeformer spoke thus, from remembrances connected with his own history, if we bear in mind, that no examination of his writings has served to bring to light anything concerning his intercourse with his kindred. What Leland has said concerning Spresswell, accordingly, is not of sufficient weight to be allowed to disturb the uniform testimony both of tradition, and of the most trustworthy authorities on this subject. Concerning the early years ofJWyclifFe, we possess not a vestige of information. At the age of sixteen, we find him entered as a commoner in Queen's College, Oxford. This was in 1340, the year in which that college was founded. Queen's College owed its origin in j)art to the munificence of Philipj^a, the queen of Edward III., but still more to the praiseworthy zeal of Sir John Eglesfield, her chaplain. Eglesfield was a native of Cum- berland, and the new college was designed chiefly for the benefit of students from the northern counties ; a fact which may account for its being chosen in favour of a .youth from the borders of Westmoreland and Durham. In the age of WyclifFe, the means of education were extended far beyond the precincts of the cathedral or the monastery. Not only in the larger cities, but in every borough or castle, schools are said to have been established. Besides a school in the Abbey of St. Albans, in which every branch of knowledge then culti- vated was taught, there was one in the same town under Mathew, a physician, and Garinus, his kinsman. Garinus was much cele- brated for his knowledge of the canon and civil law ; and the praise bestowed by Matthew Paris on this school, implies that there were many such in the kingdom. Not less than five hundred religious houses had made their appearance in England during the interval from the Conquest to the reign of John ; aud to those houses, schools were generally annexed. It is certain, also, that so early as the year 1138, the instituting of schools in a manner distinct from the monastic establishments, had extended itself in some cases from towns even to villages. No person, however, could act in the capacity of schoolmaster until licensed by a clergyman ; and the clergy, whether fr'omjefilousy or avarice, were often so exorbitant in their demands on such occasions, as at b 2 IV FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS length to jirovoke the intervention of authority. In a general council held in the Lateran church at Kome in 1179, and in another convened at Paris in 1212, all exactions for licences to te.ich as schoolmasters were forbidden. Even the studies at Oxford and Cambridge in those times were for the most part of an elementary kind, and the pupils were children. Such scholars were received into the schools which Wood describes as the " Nurseries of Grammarians," until they became capable of ascending to " higher arts." Children, how- ever, would not often be sent from distant parts of the kingdom to the universities, merely for the sake of such elementary ac- quisitions as might be made with greater facility and equal elFect nearer home. In the northern counties especially, the necessity for so doing was precluded. Edward I. speaks of an establishment as existing in one of the border districts in his time, where two hundred young clerks were receiving education. In some such establishment the northern students generally made such progress as qualified them when they came to the universities to enter upon those higher studies which were peculiar to those celebrated seats of learning. In the provincial schools the Latin language was sedulously taught, as being in those times the only key of knowledge. When thus far instructed, the pupil passed to the study of certain approved works on grammar, rhetoric, and logic ; and obtained some knowledge of arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. These sciences, which, it will be observed, are seven in number, were suj)posed to be so explained as to present within their mystic circle whatever was deemed important, or even pos- sible to be known. But it is not probable that the preliminary studies of the "young clerks" in such seminaries often embraced much beyond the study of grammar ; their progress in the higher arts being reserved to the course awaiting them at the university. " These facts may suggest to our imagination the manner in which Wycliffe had been occupied up to the time of his becoming " ■Wood's Annals, i. 105—107; ii. 712— 717. Collier's Eccles. Hist. i. 497. Tanner, Notitia Monastica, Preface. Matthew Paris, Vit. Abbot. St. Alban. 62. Baconi Opus Majus, Praefat. Brompton Chron. 1348. Hoveden, 589. Dupin Cent. XIII. 92. Henry's Hist. Eng. vi. 195 — 198. Robertson's View of Society, sect. i. H.illani's Middle Ages, ii. 24 — 29. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. V a commoner in Oxford. But the connexion of WyclifFe with Queen's College was not of long continuance. Merton, to which he shortly afterwards removed, was a foundation of great celebrity. It could boast of some of the most scientific scholars of the age: it had supplied the EngUsh church with three primates : its divinity chair had been recently filled by the celebrated Brad- wardine : and within its walls the great schoolmen Ockham and Duns Scotus had put forth those powers, the fame of which filled all Christendom, and was supposed to be immortal. So great was the capacity of Scotus, that, according to his eulogists, had the genius of Aristotle been unknown, here was a disciple who could have supplied his place. His arrival at truth was rather with the readiness and certainty of tuition, than by the slow and doubtful processes common to ordinaiy minds. The Divine attributes he could describe as one descending immediately from the presence of Deity, and the nature of angels as though it were his own. The mysteries of Providence, he could explain as if apprised of all its secrecies ; and the felicities of heaven he could set forth as if they had become the element of his own being. How natural that such a man should be described as the immortal Scotus, and the most powerful and ingenious of the sons of men ! But his contemporary Ockham lived to better pm-pose. He presumed to question the infallibility of Pope John XXII. As a punishment of his temerity, he was compelled to seek the protection of Louis of Bavaria, emperor of Germany ; and his publications in defence of the civil power as opposed to the undue pretensions of the ecclesiastical, if not friendly to his repose, contributed largely to liis fame. One of his compositions is praised by Selden, as the "very best performance published concerning the limits of the spiritual and temporal powers."" Wycliffe appears to have felt the influence of the associations into which he thus passed, and to have given himself to the study of the scholastic philosophy with great ardour. Aristotle, accord- ing to that system, was the only safe guide to the meaning of St. Paul. Aided by the logic and metaphysics of that great ° Hist. Oxford, ii. 89, 113. Lewis, c. i. Brucker, Hist. Philos. iii. 826, 828. Selden, De Syuedriis, lib. i. cap. 10, p. 228. VI FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS master, there was nothing, either kno-wn or supposed to have being, which his disciples did not affect to describe and analyse. In attempting to establish any truth, it was common to state and refute the forms of error opposed to it ; and debates conducted after the manner of a most technical and abstruse logic, became to the inmates of colleges much the same thing which the tourna- ment had long been to knights, and nobles, and princes. In the subsequent portions of this volume, the reader will find sufficient illustration of the nature of this science, and of the skill with which the Keformer could avail himself of its weapons. To his skill in the scholastic philosophy, Wychfte has the repu- tation of having added a diligent study of the civil and canon law. The civil law was a system of jurisprudence wliich had descended from the times of the Eoman empire, and in part even from the times of the repubUc. It was adopted in various degrees by the nations of feudal Europe ; but as it had been moulded for the most part by men who acted in obedience to the will of a military despotism, however wise it may have been in some of its jirovisions, as relating to questions between man and man, it was in every way unfavourable to hberty as between sovereign and subject. The canon law consisted of the decrees of councils and of popes, and constituted an authority which not only took under its jurisdiction every thing properly ecclesiastical, but often infringed upon the province of the civil power. Hence a spirit of rivalry arose between the courts of princes, and the courts of bishops ; between the authority of councils, and the authority of parliaments ; and between the supremacy claimed by princes in regard to ecclesiastical matters within their own dominions, and the pretensions of the pontiffs, as extending to the control of all such matters, in all the nations of Christendom. Thus it came to be a proverb, that no man could be a good canonist, without being a good civiHan — the limits of the canon and the civil law being in many things so difficult to determine, that no one could hope to be expert in the defence of either, without possessing an intimate knowledge of both. But the causes which proved un- favourable to the dominion of the old Roman law, were highly favourable to the growing power of the church ; and the sort of empire wliich the court of Rome laboured to introduce by means CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. VU of its canons, may be said to have come very much into the place of the old empire of the C«esars. In most of the nations of Europe, however, there were many laws and usages of Gothic or / feudal origin, which were much too free or national in their character to accord readily with either of the systems adverted to. This was eminently the case in England ; and the writings of Wycliffe afford abundant evidence of the attention which he had bestowed on all these subjects. He clung with much tenacity to the authority of the civil power, as his own just means of defence against the intolerance of churchmen ; and often appealed to the laws of the land as a sufficient warrant, especially when sus- tained by Holy Scripture, for opposing all foreign usui-pation within the realm of England, whether civil or ecclesiastical. We know not to what extent Wychffe may have applied him- self to mathematical studies, but his acquaintance with natural philosophy generally, as taught in those times, was considerable. His great distinction, however, among the distinguished men of his day, consisted in his manner of inculcating religious truth on the sole authority of Scripture, and in the strict exercise of the right of private judgment, long before those terms had become as a watchword among us. It was this peculiarity which secured liim the honourable appellation of the " Gospel Doctor."" It is not without considerable effort of imagination, that we can at all realise the test which must have been applied in those times, to the courage of a man resolved on pursuing such a course. Mosheim, in his History of the Thirteenth Centuiy, re- marks, " The method of investigating the nature of Divine truth, by_re_ason and philosophy, prevailed so universally, and was followed with such ardour, that the number of those who, in conformity with the example of the ancient doctors, drew their s ystem s of theology from the Holy Scriptures and the writings of the fatFeis;' and who acquired on that account the name of Biblicists, cHminislied from day to day. It is true, indeed, that several persons of eminent piety, and even some of the Koman pontiffs, exhorted with great seriousness and warmth the scho- « Hist, of Oxford, i. 53, 92, 9i. Lewis, c. 1. Father Paul's Council of Trent, lib. ii. vni FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS lastic divines, and more especially those of the university of Paris, to-ehange their method of teaching theology, and laying aside their philosophical abstraction and subtlety, to deduce the sub- lime science of salvation from the Holy Scriptures, with that puritv and simplicity with which it was there delivered by the inspired writers. But these -admonitions and exhortations were without effect ; the evil was become too inveterate to admit of a remedy, and the passion for logic and metaphysics was grown so universal and so violent, that neither remonstrances nor argu- ments could check its presumption or allay its ardour."" To this course of things, however, Wycliffe had courage enough to oppose himself, and deduced his system of theology from the Holy Scriptures, in a manner which evinced as little dependence on the "writings of the Fathers," as on the "logic and meta- physics of the schools." In the year 1345, a pestilence, the most destructive in the annals of the world, if we may credit contemporary writers, appeared in Tartary. Having ravaged various kingdoms of Asia, and spread itself over a great part of Lower Egypt, it passed to the islands of Greece, and making its way along every shore of the Mediterranean, fell with special violence upon the states of Italy. Even the Alps proved not a sufficient barrier against its inroads. It was felt in the most obscure recesses, and by every European nation. Two years had been occupied in its desolating progress, when, as the historians of the time relate, the continent of Europe was shaken from its centre to its borders by a succes- sion of earthquakes. From June to December in the same year, England was visited with incessant rains. In the following August the plague appeared at Dorchester ; it soon reached the metropolis, and there, in the space of a few months, added many thousands to its victims. The infected perished, for the most pai't, in a few hours ; the strongest failed after the second or third day. Wycliffe was now in the twenty-third year of liis age. He saw the distemper passing from men to the brute creation, cover- ing the land with putrid flesh ; the labours of husbandry sus- pended ; the courts of justice closed ; the timid resorting to every device of superstition for security, and perishing around him, " Hist. iii. 249, 250. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. ix sometimes buoyant with delusion, and sometimes frenzied Ly despair. It was said that a tenth only of the human family had been spared. Even grave men supposed that the earth had lost full half its population. Whether the man of three- and-twenty, who was ere long to become distinguished as a Reformer of reU- gion, beheved in one of these rumours or the other, enough, we may be assured, became known to him, on the ground of unques- tionable evidence, to place the calamity before him in aspects deeply affecting ; and from his frequent references to it in after life, we learn that the impression made by it, on his humane and devout mind, was deep and abiding." The moral effect of this event was hardly less lamentable than the physical. The depravity of the people seemed to be maddened rather than subdued by their sufferings. The physician and the priest were often found alike neghgent of their duties. The husband was deserted by the wife, and even children by their parents ; and plunderers employed themselves in rifling the dwelHngs which the malady had depopulated. It has ever been thus with humanity, in the same circumstances. In some instances, such visitations have been fouud to soften the heart, and to produce penitence ; but in a greater number their effect has been to give a greater force and desperateness to the selfish passions. When the pestilence passed away, the clergy who survived were unequal to the duties required from their order, and the same want was felt in every department of agriculture and handicraft. But the great lesson which the living appeared to have derived from what had befallen the dead, was the wisdom of exacting the highest possible remuneration for such sei"vices, sometimes at the rate of a tenfold increase. Laws, accordingly, were issued to repress this rapacity, both among priests' aiixrjpeople.* In reading the lives of distinguished men, two departments of inquiry naturally engage our attention ; the one relating to the degree in which such men have been influenced by their times — " Gio. Villani Chron. lib. xii. c. 83. Matteo Villani, lib. c. 4. II Decamerone prsemio. Knighton, col. 2599 — 2601. Walsingham, Hist. 198. Rot. Pari. ii. 234. Rymer, v. 655, 658, 693. Maitland's Hist. London, book i. c. 2. Barnes' Edward III. book ii. c. 8. Caxton's Chron. and Hollinshed, ad an. * Johnson's Canons, a.d. 1362. "No rector shall give, and no curate shall receive, more than one mark above what had been yearly given for the same services before the plague." X FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS and the other, to the degree in whicli they have given to their age, the impress of their own genius and labour. The effect on the mind of Wycliffe of the direful scourge adverted to, appears to have been to possess him with very gloomy views in regard to the condition and prospects of the human race. At a little more than the age of thirty, he seems to have looked on the state of society generally with painful foreboding, being equally affected by its manifest depravity, by its present sufferings, and by the prospect of the further retribution regarded as assuredly awaiting it. The pestilence subsided in England in 1348. The earliest of the works attributed to Wycliffe bears the date 1866, eight years later. This piece is intitled the " Last Age of the Church." We find in it a weakness of judgment, and the traces of an ill-regulated fancy, such as our general idea in regard to the character of Wycliffe would not have taught us to expect. Thus the passage in the ninety-first Psalm; which speaks of "the terror by night" — of the " arrow that flieth by day" — of the " pestilence that walketh in darkness," and of " the destruction that wasteth at noon-day," is described as setting forth successive stages in the history of the church. The " nightly dread" or the terror by night, denoted the time when those who slew the saints judged that they did God service. The arrow flying by day was signifi- cant of the deceit of heretics. The latter of these tribulations was "put off by the wisdom of saints," as the former was " cast out by the stedfastness of martyrs." The pestilence talking in dark- ness points to " the secret heresies of Simonists ;" and the mis- chiefs of this third tribulation will be so heavy, that " well shall it be to that man of holy church that then shall not be alive." The fourth tribulation, denoted by the evil which cometh at mid- day, is the coming of antichrist. The authorities cited in favour of this view, beside the historian Eusebius, the venerable Bede, and St. Bernard, are the abbot Joachim, and the prophet Merlin. In the same manner, the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet are allegorised, as the figure of two and twenty hundred years, and as having contained a prophetic meaning. A similar intei-pretation is given to the Latin alphabet, as relating to the times of the New Testament ; and the conclusions deduced from CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. xi those sources are said to be as certain " as that in tlic beginning God made heaven and earth." But amidst dreams of this nature, we find indications of thought and feeling in regard to the state of society, the existing religious system, and the doctrines of theology, in harmony with those which occur in the undoubted writings of Wycliffe at a later period. In this curious production, the many evils existing, and the greater evils expected, are traced mfiinly to the character and con- duct of a vicious priesthood. Upon that class of men especially, the judgments predicted are about to descend, and the only refuge for the sincere behever, is in turning from dependence on the ofl&ces of men, and in looking with humility and devotion to the compassion and grace of their Kedeemer. " The vengeance of the sword," he writes, " and mischiefs unknown before, by which men in those days shall be punished, shall fall for the sin of priests. Men shall fall on them, and cast them out of their fat benefices, and they shall say, ' He came into his benefice by his kindred, this by cove- nant made before, he for his service, and this for money came into God's church." Then shall each such priest cry, ' Alas ! alas ! that no good spirit dwelt with me at my coming into God's church !' " In a preceding passage he predicts, on the authority of John of Sahsbury and St. Gregory, that " The pestilent smiting together of people, and hurling together of realms, and other harms, shall come to the earth, because the honours of holy church are given to unworthy men." The tract concludes with the following illustration of a Hebrew tale. " There was a stork had a bird, and his bird was shut in under a vessel of glass ; and when the stork saw his bird; and that he might not come to him, he brought a little red worm out of the wilderness, and with his blood he anointed the glass. Then the glass burst, and the bird flew his way. So our Lord, the Father of heaven, had mankind in hell, which was glazen, that is to say, was as brittle as glass. To break it, he brought such a httle red worm, which was our Lord Jesus Christ, as David saith in the 21st Psalm, ' I am a worm and no man,' and with his blood he delivered mans nature. Zachariah writeth in the ninth chapter, " Thou truly with the blood of witness, or the testament, hast led out them that were bound in the pit.' So when we were sinful, and children of wrath. xn FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS God's Son came out of heaven, and praying liis Father for his enemies, he died for us then ; much rather now, that we are made righteous by his blood, shall we be saved. Paul so writeth to the Eomans : He shall pray for us. Jesus went into heaven to appear in the presence of God for us. Paul to the Hebrews. The wliich presence may he grant us to see, that liveth and reigneth "without end, Amen." We may not feel at liberty to applaud the judgment of the author in the selection of his allegory in this case, but the devout percej)tion and feeling of the above passage is not uninstructive. In attributing tliis piece to Wyclifle, his biographers have been guided partly by its internal evidence, but still more by the fact that it happens to be bound up in a volume containing other pieces which are unquestionably from his pen. The evidence in regard to its authenticity, however, from both these sources is not such as to preclude all ground for suspicion on that point, though from the contents of the document, as well as from the connexion in which we find it, the evidence appears to me to turn strongly in favour of its having been written l)y Wyclifie. Bale has given it a place in his catalogue of the writings of our Eeformer ; and from his description of it, there is reason to think that more than one copy of tliis work was in existence in the time of that author." In the year 1360 WyclifFe began his disputes with the Mendi- cants. In Oxford, where this controversy originated, these new orders were possessed of great power, and numbered among them many of the most able men of the times. The indolence and worldliness of the regular clergy, by scandalising the more severe or the more consistent professors of the Gospel, had been the main causes, some centuries earlier, of the rapid diffusion of the monastic institute — a fault in one extreme disposing many to error in an opposite direction. In the same manner, the great abuse of wealth on the part of the endowed priesthood, taught the Mendicants to throw themselves on a kind of voluntary system ; while the general neglect of preaching in the case of the parochial clergy, was the reason assigned by the Mendicants for giving " No biographer of Wyeliffc had e.\ammed this MS. previously to the publication of the Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, but it has since been printed and edited with much care — with more care I may say than candour — by Dr. Todd. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. xiii tliemselses^aluLQst wholly to that office as preaching friars. With stricter vows of poverty, than had heen adopted by the monastic orders, the friars associated a claim to the most important func- tions of the clergy, and thus aimed to unite in themselves much of the reputation and power belonging to both those classes. They made their appearance in Oxford in 1221. The causes which had given them such speedy popularity on the continent, were no less powerful in this country. Some wise men, dissatisfied with the conduct of the older clergy, became the zealous patrons of these new fraternities. Their supposed se-paration from the corrupting influence of wealth, and their assiduity and ability as preachers, appeared to point them out as the sort of men especially demanded by the times. Among the persons by whom they were thus regarded, was the celebrated Grossteste, Bishop of Lincoln ; but the men who were for a while favourites of that prelate, became the objects of his bitterest censure before his decease. At a later period, their zeal to proselyte the young in the universities, exposed them to much suspicion and disaffection. Loud complaints had been urged against them in Paris, before Fitz-Ealph, who was chancellor of Oxford in 1333, and became archbishop of Armagh in 1347, distinguished himself as an opponent of their opinions and encroachments. He_denied the virtue of their voluntary poverty, censured their inroads on the proVmce of the parochial clergy, and declared, that by their influence, the students of Oxford' had been reducedj^ within Jbis memory, from thirty thousand, to not more than a fifth of that number. In 1357, Fitz-Ealph, better known by the name of Armachanus, submitted his complaints on this subject_to the pope_at_AyigJion. But the decease of this zealous prelate three years later, left his purposes unaccomplished, and the event was hailed by the Mendicants as a triumph to tlioir cause. Wycliffe entered into the labours of Armachanus, and pro- secuted the same object with even greater earnestness. None of the extant writings of WychfTe against the friars can be attributed to so early a period as the year 1360. But his arguments against that class of men are of such constant occurrence in his later works, and are everywhere so much to the same effect, as to leave little room to doubt that the matter of the treatise pubhshed in this volume, under the title of " Objections to Friars," presents xiv FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS the substance of the reasoning employed by him on this subject from the commencement of the controversy rehiting to it. His language uniformly was, that if God might be said to have given the friars to the church, it was as he had given a king to Israel, — as a punishment, and not as a boon. " But a sanction was supposed to be imparted to the practices of the Mendicants by the poverty of Christ and of his apostles ; and this circumstance had imperceptibly induced a habit of appeal to the sacred Scrip- tures, as to a decisive authority. The volume of inspired truth was thus brought from its obscurity, and was vested, though for mistaken purposes, with something of the homage due to it as the only competent arbiter of religious opinion. Such as were dis- pleased by the obtrusive services of the friars, were thus naturally directed to the records of the Gospel, that the justice of these novel pretensions might be thus ascertained or confuted ; and the arguments opposed with most success to the peculiarities of these innovators, were derived from the source to which they had them- selves been the first to appeal. It is scarcely to be questioned, that to these facts we are considerably indebted for WyclifFe's early attachment to the doctrine which affirms the sufficiency of the Scrip- tures with regard to all the purposes of faith and duty — a doctrine in which the right of private judgment was obviously impHed ; and it will hereafter appear, that no modern theologian has been more aware of the importance of these maxims than Wycliife, or more successful in defending them. It is probable, indeed, that he was very far from discerning the ultimate result of his inquiries, when he first became known as the opponent of the new orders ; but we have sufficient evidence to justify the conclusion, that even then, these momentous sentiments had become in a hopeful degree familiar to his mind. The failure of Fitz-Ralph, in his more limited project of reform, had left no room to hope for improve- ment, as to originate with the papacy, or as to be sanctioned from that quarter ; and this state of things appears to have suggested to his successor in the contest, the necessity of a less sparing exposure of existing abuses in the church, and of a more vigorous appeal to the common sense of every class among the people."" « Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, i. 266, 267. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. XV That which distinguished the eflforts of Wycliffe in this con- nexion from those of Armachanus and others, was his setting forth the evils which he describes, as being the natural and necessary consequence of the rules which the friars had pledged themselves to observe. While other disputants were content to seek a reform of particular errors and abuses, Wycliffe sought nothing less than an extinction of the institute itself, as being repugnant to Scripture, and inconsistent with the order and prosperity of the church. Instead of supposing, as some good men had done, that the introduction of such agents would tend better than any other means that might be employed for that purpose to stimulate and improve the character of the parochial priesthood, he insisted strongly that the removal of these intruders was absolutely necessary, if harmony and vigour were to be restored to the ecclesiastical system. He is at the same time careful to distinguish between the institute and the men, being equally concerned to " destroy their errors," and to "save their persons." The men against whom the Reformer committed himself to this extent, were possessed of great power, and so little accus- tomed to hear reproof with meekness, that, in the language of their antagonist, " a lord would more patiently submit to a severe censuring of his least offence, than friars would hear the soft and mild reproving of their greatest sins." Wycliffe of course had to lay his account with the utmost mischief that might proceed from the passions of such opponents. During nearly two centuries, the Inquisition had been pursuing its course of torture and destruction on the continent ; and through the whole of that period its odious business had devolved chiefly on the orders of St. Domiuick and St. Francis. In addition to their power in this form, they were, in the language of Wycliffe, " the confessors, the preachers, and the rulers commonly of all men."" " "I have in my diocese of Armagh," says Fitz-Ralph, "about two thousand persons, who stand condemned by the censures of the church, denounced every year against murderers, thieves, and such like malefactors, of all which number scarcely fourteen have applied to me, or to my clergy, for absolution ; yet they all receive the sacraments as others do, because they are absolved, or pretend to be absolved, by friars." — Fox, Acts and Monuments, ubi supra. XVI FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS The year 1360 has been mentioned as that in which Wycliffe became distinguished by the part which he took in this contro- versy. In the following year the master and scholars of Baliol College presented him to the living of Fylingham, a benefice of considerable value in the diocese of Lincoln. In the same year we find the name of John de Wycliffe entered as that of the newly-elected warden of Baliol." These facts seem to warrant the conclusion that his attempts to defend the regular clergy, and the university, against the obtrusive zeal of the Mendicants, were highly estimated, at least by the parties most interested in his efforts. But four years later we find the name of John de Wycliffe as that of the person filling the office of warden in Canterbury Hall in the same university. Canterbury Hall was founded by Simon de Islep, Archbishop of Canterbury, a prelate who appears to have acquitted himself with much credit in some of the most important ofi&ces in the church and the government. The new hall was designed for the benefit of eleven scholars, eight of whom were to be secular clergymen ; the remaining tlu'ee, and the warden, were to be chosen from the monks of Christ Church, Canterbury. But discord soon arose between the two classes of scholars, and Wood hall the warden took part with the monks. Islep saw the community on which he had lavished his patronage and his substance, conspicuous for dissension rather than improve- ment, and availing himself of a provision in the founding of the institution, he removed the three monks and the warden, and supplying the place of the former by the same number of clerical scholars, he invited John de Wycliffe to the vacant office of warden. Islep died soon afterwards, and Peter Langham, the Bishop of Ely, who had been previously abbot of Westminster, and a private monk, was raised to the primacy. Woodhall and his expelled associates made their appeal to the new primate, alleging that the late changes in Canterbury Hall had been brought about by illegal and dishonest means ; and after the interval of a few weeks, the three monks were restored, and Woodhall was reinstated as warden. -It Avas pretended that what had been done, had been done without the sanction of the founder, or that if such sanction had been given, it was in his " Life of Wycliffe, i. 272, 273. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Xvii last sickness, when he had ceased to be competent to such an office. The only appeal from the judgment of a metropolitan, in such a case, was to that of the sovereign pontiff; and to liim appeal was made." But some doubt has been raised as to whether the John de WycliflFe, of Canterbury Hall, was the same person who had been previously master of Baliol, and who is known to us as the -figformer. The decision of the pontiff, in the case submitted to him from Canterbury Hall, was unfavourable to the appellants; and as the enemies of Wycliffe have been forward to ascribe his zeal as a reformer to this loss of his wardenshij), it appears to have been supposed, that service would be done to the reputation of Wycliffe, by throwing some doubt over the point of his ever having been in possession of the said wardenship. But slight incidents do not thus affect the course of great men. Minds liable to be thus influenced to-day, will be no less open to opposite impressions from opposite influences to-morrow, and will never evince steadiness in anything. Some difficulty indeed arises in accounting for the removal of a man from the office of warden in connexion with the older and larger foundation of Bahol, to so small and recent an establishment as that of Canterbury Hall. But we know not what may have happened at Bahol during the four years which intervened between the two appointments ; and the fact that the founding of Canterbury Hall was a favourite project with the man who was " Primate of all England," may go far to explain a circumstance which would otherwise seem impro- bable. It should be remembered, also, that the appeal in the matter of his wardenship was made in the spring of 1367, and that the decision of the pontiff was not given till the year 1870 ; and Anthony Wood, Fox the martyrologist, and others, agree in ascribing Wycliffe's loss of his wardenship to the zeal which he had manifested on the side of ecclesiastical innovation, before the judgment of the court of Rome on that subject had been pro- nounced. The name of WycliflFe, as we have seen, is of local origin ; and that there should have been two distinguished men « The documents relating to this appointment and dispute may be seen in Lewis, Appendix, Nos. 1 — 9, or, in the Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, i. Appendix 2 — 10. C xviii FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS in Oxford, bearing the name of John de WyclifFe, is most impro- bable. The confounding of the one person with the other would have been so natural, that in many instances care would have been taken to distinguish between them ; and some traces of that dis- tinction would have reached us. If a second John de WyclifFe flourished at the same time in Oxford, we seem shut up to the conclusion, that he must have been of the same family with the Reformer, — a conclusion which it seems hardly possible to admit." While the suit relating to Canterbury Hall was pending, a somewhat violent dispute arose between the crown of England and the court of Rome, concerning the tribute-money which King John had stipulated to be paid by himself and his successors to the treasury of the pontiffs. Urban demanded of the Enghsh monarch the annual pa}Tnent of a thousand marks, as a feudal acknowledgment for the sovereignty of England and Ireland ; those kingdoms being held in fee, it was said, of the successors of St. Peter. Since the decease of King John, this claim had been honoured or neglected, as the favour of the pontiff was felt to be important or otherwise. Thirty-three years had passed since the last annual payment of this nature was made ; and the demand of Urban now was, that the arrears for that interval should be sent to him, and that the annual sum should be regularly transmitted to him in future. In default of such payment, the king was further admonished that he would be cited duly to appear and answer for such neglect in the court of the sovereign pontiff, who had become liis civil no less than his religious superior. Edward received this communication in 1365 : in the following year he submitted the question to the decision of jiarliament. Since the reign of John, the powers of the English parliament, and especially of the House of Commons, had become such that all the greater and more distinctive principles of our constitution may be said to have been called into vigorous exercise. The reign of Edward extended to fifty years, during which period more than seventy parliaments were convened. More than once a See Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, i. 273, where I have touclied on this subject ; also a paper in the Gentleman's Magazine about two years since. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. xix it was solemnly enacted that one such assembly at least should be annually summoned. Edward, in the person of his chancellor, requested the advice of parliament with regard to the answer which should be returned to the claim made upon him and upon the nation by the pope. The prelates solicited a day for private deliberation. On the morrow, the lords spiritual and temporal, and the members of the commons, declared unanimously, that neither King Jolin, nor any other sovereign, had power thus to subject the realm of England, without consent of parHament; that such consent had not been obtained ; and that, passing over other difficulties, the whole transaction on the part of the king was in violation of the oath which he had taken on receiving his crown. By the temporal nobility and commons, it was farther resolved that, should the pope commence his threatened process against the king of England, as his vassal, all possible aid should be rendered, that such usurpation might be effectually resisted." According to the ecclesiastical theory of the middle age, the church is the parent of the state, bishops are as fathers to princes, and the authority of all sovereigns must be subordinate to that of the successors of St. Peter. On the present occasion, men were not wanting to take this high ground in defence of this papal claim, ^n a treatise "published by an anonymous monk, it was maintained, that the sovereignty of England had been legally forfeited to the pope, by the failure of the annual tribute ; and that the clergy were exempt in person and property from all sub- jection to the authority of the magistrate. We may judge of the celebrity of WyclifFe, at this time, from the fact that he is called upon by name to show the fallacy of these opinions.* The Keformer was not ignorant concerning the motives of Ids anonymous antagonist in assailing him with this challenge. He assures us that he had reason to know, that the hope of his opponent was, to expose him to the resentment of the pontiff, that, laden with ecclesiastical censures, he might be deprived of his preferments; also to commend himself and lus own order to the favour of the Roman court, and to augment the possessions of the « Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, i. 278—280. * This document is printed in Lewis, Ap. No. 30. C 2 XX FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS religious orders generally, by placing the kingdom in greater sub- jection to the power of the popes. That he might guard himself so far as possible against the sinister purposes of his opponent, WyclifTe commences by describing himself as a Immble and obedient son of the church, and as meaning to affirm nothing that may be reported to her injury, or that may reasonably offend the ears of the devout. The Eeformer further describes himself as the king's peculiar clerk, from which it appears that he had received the honorary distinction of royal chaplain. The right of the king in connexion with parliament not only to deny the tribute claimed by the pope, but to subject all clergymen to the jurisdiction of the magistrate in all civil matters, and in certain cases even to aUenate the goods of the church, are all affirmed as doctrines shown to be just, both by the written law, and by the ancient practice of the realm. He does not deny that there may be much in the canons of the church opposed to such doc- trines, but he insists that if truly examined these maxims will be found to be in strict accordance with the claims of natural right, with the maxims of civil law, and with the precepts of Holy Scripture. Having thus stated the grounds on which it would be practi- cable to work out a full vindication of the above doctrines, he abstains from pursuing that course, and chooses rather to set forth his views, as contained in the substance of a series of speeches, said to have been delivered by certain secular lords, in reference to the demand lately made on the treasury of the king of England by the pope. By this method of reply, the humble Reformer may have hoped to shield himself, under the authority of the said lords, against the resentment to which his opinions might otherwise expose him. The speeches which have been thus preserved may interest the curious reader as presenting a specimen of the manner in which our senators of the fourteenth century were deemed capable of treating questions demanding a good degree of information and discernment. What is reported from tliem in this document is not of course a complete account of the debate adverted to, but a selection of passages designed to place the series of difficulties inseparable from the claim of the pope in the most lucid form, and in the smallest compass. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. xxi To US the paper is chiefly valuable, as containing opinions which, by adoption at least, are those of WyclifFe himself, and which in the report made of them have lost nothing of their force, pro- bably from coming into contact with the vigour and intrepidity of his own genius. The first lord declared all feudal subjection to be founded in the necessary subordinations of political power. But no subordi- nation of this nature, he maintained, could have been the origin of the alleged subjection of England to the papacy ; and the pre- tension of the pope accordingly being without any foundation of feudal justice, the dependence introduced by King John should not be regarded as a compact at all proper to be continued. Should the pontiff attempt to supply the want of feudal law, in support of this feudal pretension, by resorting to force, the speaker ex- pressed his readiness to place the question on the issue of a trial by such weapons. The next speaker extended this line of argu- ment. Feudal tribute, he observed, could not be justly demanded except by a superior, capable of affording feudal protection. Such protection the pope could not bestow on those from whom he now demanded tribute and homage ; nor could it become him to employ himself in such matters, whatever might be his power in relation to them, seeing that the character distinguishing his holiness should be that of chief in the following of Christ, the Saviour of the world having been without a place to lay his head, and having taught his ministers in this manner by example, the superiority they should evince to all the fascinations of secular possession and authority. The great duty in this case is there- fore said to be not only to resist this pretension to civil dominion on the part of the pontiff, but to insist that the cares of liis holiness be restricted to the spiritual things proper to his office. While it was shown after this manner that the feudal tribute demanded, could not be exacted on the ground of any feudal benefit supposed to be conferred, the third speaker declared that it could not be claimed with greater justice upon any rehgious ground, inasmuch as the influence of the pope and his cardinals was scarcely otherwise felt in England, than in conveying large portions of its treasure to the hands of its enemies. This nobleman was succeeded by a fourth, who stated that one-third XXll FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS of the property of the kingdom had become that of the church, and that over all such property the pope had long claimed dominion, and that in virtue of such claim, the court of Eome exacted the first-fruits from every vacant benefice in England. This interference of the pope in regard to temporal tilings, it was observ'ed, must be either as vassal to the king, or as liis superior. If the former doctrine would be rejected by the court of Kome, the latter should be no less spurned by the people of England ; and it is accordingly recommended that a forcible check should be given to this spirit of usurpation, which may otherwise be found powerful enough, in some interval of disorder, to extend the despotism already imposed on the church, in an equal measure to the state. The remarks of the next speaker were not less pertinent. He professed himself curious to know the expressed condition on which this disputed tribute had been first granted. If granted that absolution might be conferred on the king, or that the papal interdict might be removed from the kingdom, then the whole transaction was a piece of simoniacal dishonesty, proper to be denounced by lords and churchmen. The gifts of the Clu-istian priesthood had been freely bestowed that they might be as freely dispensed ; but the pope, according to tliis view of his conduct, is heard to say, " I will absolve thee, only upon condition that I receive so much money annually and for ever !" If it should be said that the claim preferred had not been made on the ground of any spiritual benefit bestowed, but on the principle of a strict feudal subjection, it is then argued that a plea to dispose of the crown itself might be some day urged with as much appearance of justice. By another lord it was observed, that supposing the land ever to have been the just possession of the pope, his right so to dispose of the goods of the church as to barter an opulent kingdom for the trivial acknowledgment of seven hundred marks a year, was hardly consistent with an honest stewardship. Certainly, the functionary who could depreciate ecclesiastical property after this manner, might alienate it entirely, and must be an authority not greatly to be coveted in the relation of a feudal superior. The same speaker proceeds to state, that " Christ is the supreme Lord, while the pope is a man liable to sin ; and if in mortal sin, according to divines, is unfitted for CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. xxiii dominion." And he concludes by observing, " manifestly, there- . fore, it is enough for us to keep ourselves from mortal sin, to the service of one lord of the kingdom, to communicate of our goods virtuously to the poor, and as in former time to hold our kingdom immediately of Christ, who, as chief Lord, teaches whatever is most lawful and perfect with regard to man's authority." The last speaker exposed the injustice of the papal demand still more forcibly, as an attempt to visit the sins of the monarch on the freedom and property of the subject, and that to remote genera- tions. In the supposed compact it is argued, the people were all certainly interested, and according to the good usage of the realm, the assent of all should have been obtained, in place of which, the seal of the king and of a few apostate lords had been deemed sufficient to bring thraldom upon a whole nation. The grant, accordingly, as being one to which the kingdom had never been a party, is treated as a matter which it should never descend to recognise." WyclifFe speaks of having heard the speeches of which he makes tliis report.* But the reasonings of these secular lords are so pertinent, and for the most part so identical with opinions sub- sequently published, and reiterated in almost every shape in the writings of the Keformer, that it is difficult to avoid the conclusion, either that the supposed debate is altogether a fiction, or at least that Wycliffe has given to the utterances of the speakers a strong colouring from his own views and impressions.*^ His opponent « Lewis, Col. No. 30. * The speeches, he writes, "quam audivi in quodam Concilio a Dominis secularibus." "■ This is especially observable in respect to the doctrine so often imputed to him, but so generally misunderstood, concerning the doctrine of '' dominion founded on grace," — in other words, the doctrine which was said to declare every person in mortal sin as having forfeited all title to any worldly office or possession. But the doctrine of Wycliffe on this subject, whatever it may have been, he states as being that of St Augustine and St. Bernard, and it will not accordingly be regarded, by any man of sense and honesty, as being very favourable to anarchy. In the seventeenth chapter of the fourth book of the Trialogus, he writes, that " a man may possess temporal things by a two-fold title — by a title of original righteousness, and by a title of worldly righteousness. Christ possessed all the good things of the world by the former title— as St. Augustine often declares, that it is by that title, the title of grace, that all things are the right of the godly. But possession in a civil sense, is widely XXIV FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS had stated the claim of Urban in a form of logic from which the escape of an adversary was supposed to be impossible. Having laid down as an axiom, that every dominion granted on condition, is dissolved on a failure of that condition, he proceeds to say, that the pope, as supreme lord, presented the realm of England to King John, after it had been surrendered into his hands, on con- dition that England should pay annually seven hundred marks to the Eoman court. But this condition, he adds, has not been observed, and the king has thereby fallen from the true dominion of England. WycHflFe replied, that the condition assumed in this agreement had been assumed falsely ; neither the king, nor those who acted with him, being competent to transfer the realm and the people of England after this manner to the pope. Having challenged the monk to show the contrary of this opinion, Wychffe concluded by observing, " If I mistake not, the day will come in which all exactions shall cease before such a condi- tion will be proved to be either honest or reasonable." By the parliament which disposed in this manner of the arro- gant claim of the pope to be regarded as the feudal sovereign of England, some wholesome regulations were made with a view to protect the universities against certain mischiefs which had re- sulted from the conduct of the friars. It was determined that no scholar under the age of eighteen should be admitted into any mendicant order, that no document tending in any manner to the injury of the universities should be hereafter received from the pope, and that all differences between the mendicants and the older authorities in those seminaries should be decided in future in the court of the king, and without further appeal." We have no direct evidence on the subject, but it is highly probable, from the part which Wycliffe had taken in this controversy, that the suit of the universities against the friars was not conducted with- out his assistance; and this becomes the more probable if we diiferent from a title of that sort." And Wycliffe never appealed to the former kind of title, to the disturbance of the latter, though he could sometimes speculate on the peculiarity of the former title as a theologian, and in the case of priests, never ceased to declare that the priest in mortal sin ceased de facto to be a priest. See Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, ii. 233—235. " Cotton's Abridgment of Records, 102, 103. Collier's Eccles. Hist., i. 5G0. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. XXV suppose him to liave been present, as he states, when the parhameut discussed the question of the tribute claimed by the pope in the manner described. The parHament adverted to, it will be remem- bered, was the assembly convened in 13G6, and WyclifFe, who was then warden of Canterbury Hall, was soon afterwards numbered, as we have seen, among the royal chaplains. The reign of Edward the Third, who had now reached the fiftieth year of his age, is one of the most remarkable in English history. It was distinguished by mihtary enterprise, but hardly less by general social advancement. The battle of Cressy belongs to the year 1316. The victory of Poictiers belongs to 1356. In the latter year, the king of Scotland was a prisoner in the Tower of London, and the king of France was placed at the head of the many illustrious captives in the hands of Edward the Third. It was natural that such successes should diffuse and strengthen the war passion among the people of England in those times. But much collatei'al benefit resulted fi'om this course of aff'airs. During the reign of Edward, the pontiffs resided at Avignon, and being, together with their cardinals, commonly Frenchmen, the animosity against France disposed the people of England to regard the policy of the papal court as that of a power naturally alhed to France, and to look on all its proceedings with a suspicion and disaffection which might not otherwise have been felt." The great expense, moreover, inseparable fi-om a protracted war, both in Scotland, and through the provinces of France, obliged the king to assemble his parliament every year, the effect of which was greatly to strengthen the power of such assemblies, to define parliamentary usage, and to familiarise the mind of the people to such a mode of government ; while the redress of grievances almost always preceded new grants of money. Commerce also made great progress during this period, and in its train came a marked revival of taste, literature, and general intelligence. " From 1304 to 1378 the following popes succeeded each other, and all were Frenchmen. Clement V. ; John XXII.; Benedict XII.; Clement VI. ; Innocent VI. ; Urban V. ; and Gregory XI. By a variety of mean and selfish contrivances, having "no other end than the acquisition of riches, these inconsiderate pontiffs excited a general hatred against the Roman see, and thereby greatly weakened the papal empire, which had been visibly upon the decline since the time of Boniface." Hist. iii. 316—318. XXVI FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, was the patron of Chaucer and of Wycliffe, and is the only male memher of the royal family whose name is conspicuously associated with the religion of those times. This prince was horn at Ghent in the year 1340, sixteen years suhsequent to the hirth of our Keformer. At the age of twenty- two, he succeeded, as Earl of Richmond, to the title of his deceased father-in-law, Henry, Duke of Lancaster, and to estates wliich rendered him the most opulent suhject of the realm. He un- sheathed his sword in Scotland, France, and Spain, but is less known from his military exploits, than as possessing some taste for literature, and as having evinced a strong sympathy, up to a certain point, with the reforms contemplated by WycHffe. It has been stated that Wycliffe dedicated a collection of his works to the Duke of Lancaster so early as the year 1368. But this is an error. There is a manuscript volume in the library of Trinity College, DubUn, containing several pieces from the pen of Wycliffe, and along the upper line of the first treatise in that collection, is an insertion describing the volume as consisting of the works of Wycliffe which were so dedicated. But this entry is made by a modern hand, and it is certain that the piece on which it was written was not composed earlier than 1380 — that is, subsequent to the papal schism. This description, however, has been copied in a well-known printed catalogue of existing manuscripts, and from that source has been widely adopted." In 1371 an attempt was made by the English parhament to exclude churchmen fi'om those liigh offices of state which hitherto had been almost invariably sustained by them. At that time the offices of Lord Chancellor, and Lord Treasurer, and those of Keeper and Clerk of the Privy Seal, were filled by clergymen. The Master of the Rolls, the Masters in Chancery, and Chancellor and Chamberlain of the Exchequer, were also dignitaries, or beneficed persons of the same order. One priest was Treasurer for Ireland, and another for the Marshes of Calais ; and while the parson of Oundle is employed as surveyor of the king's buildings, the parson of Harwick is called to the superintendence of the " Catalogus Librorum Manuscriptorum Angliae et Hibernia?. Lewis, p. 20. Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, i. 304, 305. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. XXvii royal wardrobe." It is known, also, that the clergy often descended to much lower occupations, and gave themselves to such employ- ments in a manner most inconsistent with the proper duties • of their office. The attempt to put an end to this usage by authority of parliament, is attributed by historians to the secret influence of John of Gaunt ; and concerning the judgment of WyclifFe as strongly opposed to it, the reader will find abundant evidence in the present volume. " Neither prelates," he writes, " nor doctors, priests nor deacons, should hold secular offices, that is, those of Chancery, Treasury, Privy Seal, and other such secular offices in the Exchequer ; neither be stewards of lands, nor stewards of the hall, nor clerks of the kitchen, nor clerks of accounts ; neither be occupied in any secular office in lords' courts, more especially while secular men are sufficient to do such offices."* The prayer of the parliament, and a prayer in which its members appear to have been unanimous, was fully to the effect of the above language. Edward, on receiving it, replied that he would act in the matter with the advice of his council. But in the following month Wilham of Wykeham, the celebrated Bishop of Winchester, resigned his office of Chancellor, and the Bishop of Exeter ceased to be Lord Treasurer. It is hardly probable that the originators of this movement should have regarded their first effort as likely to be attended by a greater measure of success. This proceeding belongs to the year 1371. It was in the year preceding, that the papal court gave its judgment against the claim of Wyclifie with regard to the wardenship of Canterbury Hall. Against the last will of the founder, Woodhall and the three monks were restored, and two years later they rendered their illegal triumph secure, by paying the sum of two hundred marks, as the price of obtaining a confirmation of the decision of the pope from the crown." We have no reason to suppose that WychfFe was « Cotton's Abridgment, 45 Edward III. Fox, Acts and Mon. i. SI?. Collier's Eecles. Hist, i. 438—460. ' MS. Ecclesise Regimen. Brit. Museum. Cott. MSS. Titus, D. i. The substance of this work is, no doubt, the production of Wycliffe, but the copy in the British Museum has been transcribed, and in one or two instances interpolated by the transcriber. Much of its sentiment and language will be found in the work on Prelates, and in other pieces. ' Lewis, 15 — 17. XXVlll FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS greatly disappointed by what had hajipened in this respect. We are not aware of a single reference to it in any of his subsequent writings. In the year 1372, he performed his novitiate for the degree of doctor of divinity ; that degree authorised him to open his own school, as a public teacher of theology in the university. In this capacity he, no doubt, read many of those scholastic pieces still extant among his works, and from this time the influence of liis opinions began to be more sensibly felt in the university. The next point with which the name of WycKffe is connected in our history, relates to the abuses of the papacy in the matter of " provisors." In the sixteenth year of Edward III. the recently- elected pontiff, Clement the Fourth, declared the two next vacancies in the Anglican church which should amount to the annual value of two thousand marks, to be, by provision, the property of two among his cardinals. The moment was not favourable to such a proceeding. Complaints which had been often uttered, both by nobles and commons, on this subject, were now loudly repeated. Edward, in his letter to the pope, declared that the effect of tliis custom of provisors had been to transfer the property designed for the support of rehgion, to the hands of men who neither dwelt in the country nor understood its language, and who, while seizing on the emoluments of office, were alike unable and un- willing to discharge its duties. This custom, he declares to be ahke at variance with his own prerogative, with the authority of the chapters, and with that of patrons in general. His claim accord- ingly is, that this usage in respect to livings may be forthwith abohshed." But the redress of these grievances was difficult to obtain. In 1360 it was found necessary to pass the celebrated statute against "provisors;" and in 1353 to provide a further enactment, well known since that time by the word premunire. The first declared the collation to any dignitary or benefice in a manner opposed to the rights of the king, the chapters, or the patron, to be void ; the second was directed against the custom of appealing on questions of property, from the decision of the English courts, to the court of the pontiffs. But in 1373 " Walsingham, 161. Collier, i. 546, 547, 554. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Xxix complaint is still made against the evils resulting from these prac- tices. The spoliation carried on under such pretexts, is said to be even greater than at any former period. Hence, to save the property of the realm, and to silence the murmurs of his subjects, Edward commissioned Gilbert, bishop of Bangor, Bolton, a monk of Dunholm, and William de Burton and John de Shepey, to lay his own complaint, and that of his parliament, before the papal court. Gregory the Eleventh then filled the papal chair, and resided at Avignon. The change demanded was, " that the pontiff should desist in future from the reservation of benefices in the Anglican church ; that the clergy should henceforth freely enjoy their election to episcopal dignities ; and that in the case of elect- ing a bishop, it should be enough that his appointment should be confirmed by his metropolitan, as was the ancient custom."" In answer to this complaint some fair promises were made ; > but from the spirit in which the English parliament returned to the subject in the same year, it is plain that the promise of amendment was regarded either as too restricted, or as not trust- worthy. In the following year — 'the year 1374 — an inquiry was instituted as to the exact number of benefices in England which, by means of this custom of provisors, had passed into the hands of foreigners.'' As the result of this inquiry, a second embassy was appointed, to present a further and stronger remonstrance against these encroachments. The first name in the list of the persons now appointed, is that of the prelate who had been included in the previous commission, and the second is that of John de Wyclifife. Had the seat of the negotiation wliich followed been at Kome, or even at Avignon, it is probable that such nearer observation of the temper and policy of the papal court, would have given to the mind of the Keformer a strong impulse in the direction toward which it now tended. But the diplomatists met at Bruges. Wycliffe reached that city in August, 1374 ; and in September of the following year, the result of the commission appeared in the shape of six bulls, addressed by the pope to the king of England, and treating of " Barnes's Edward III., 864. Lewis, c. iii. * Fox, Acts and Mon., i. 561. ' Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, i. Ap., No. .x. XXX FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS the questions then at issue between the nation and the pajjacy. In these documents it was provided that no person at present in possession of a benefice in England, should be disturbed in such possession by any intervention of authority from the pope ; that such benefices as had been disposed of, in anticipation of their vacancy, by Urban the Fifth, but which had not yet become vacant, should be left to be filled according to the pleasure of their patrons ; that the titles of certain clergymen which had been questioned by the late pope, should be confirmed, and that all demand on the first-fruits of the Uvings to which those clergymen had been appointed, should be remitted ; and also that an assess- ment should be made of the revenues derived by certain cardinals from livings in England, to effect the repair of the churches and other ecclesiastical buildings holden by them, and which had been allowed to fall into decay — the extent of such assessment to be determined by the verdict of a jury convened from the neigh- bourhood." These provisions j)oiut with sufficient clearness to one class of abuses then prevalent in the English church, consequent on its relation to the papacy. It is plain that it ^vas scarcely within the power of the king, or of the parliament, or of both conjointly, to protect the ecclesiastical revenues of the kingdom against the rapacity of the popes and their dependents. In the documents adverted to, it will be marked that the only admission of error had respect to certain things done by the preceding pontiff, not to any error in principle as regarded the practice of usurping the place of the crown, the chapters, and the patrons of Livings, and alienating their legal property from them, and from the nation, in favour of ahens and enemies. It is admitted that in certain cases the last pope had not exercised this sort of power wisely ; but the only solace to the impoverished nation is, that in future these schemes of spoliation are to be conducted with more precaution and sagacity. That such were the views entertained in England with regard to the papal letters, may be inferred from the continuance of the embassy which produced them. In the April of the following " Rymer, vii. 49 Edward III., Sess. 1. Cotton's Abridgment, ad an. 1376. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. XXxi year, the parliament again petitioned the king on this subject, and Edward repHed, that the matters in dispute were still in the hands of his commissioners at Bruges. But the health of the aged king was declining rapidly, and his power had waned in a degree not less observable.- On the continent his authority and influence were almost annihilated. At home, faction brought its weakness and perplexities. The court of Rome, which never failed to per- ceive the advantage to be derived from delay, or the policy of seizing on some interval of weakness to embrace or extend its power, could not be brought to more than vague and partial reformation, always connecting such conditions with the points which it appeared to concede, as might furnish, ere. long, a sufficient pretext for resuming whatever may seem to have been abandoned. The pope promised not to dispose of Enghsh benefices in the way of reservation, on condition that the crown should be found to abstain from all similar liberties with ecclesiastical pro- perty ; and this was all the fruit of a negotiation of two years' continuance. It is probable that to the insight into the spirit and policy of the papal court thus obtained, we are to ascribe the severity which subsequently marks the strictures of Wycliffe con- cerning the higher clergy generally, and especially concerning the popes, and their immediate coadjutors. Two years of j)i'ecious time expended to so Httle puii^ose, must have been anything rather than soothing in its influence on a man of such a tem- perament. During his absence, however, the Reformer was not forgotten by his sovereign. In November, 1375, he was presented by the king to the prebend of Aust, in the collegiate church of West- bury, in the diocese of Wtsrcester. About the same time the rectory of Lutterworth, in Leicestershire, became vacant. Lord Henry de Ferars, the patron, was then a minor; it, in conse- quence, devolved upon the crown to aj)point the next incumbent, and the royal patronage was again exercised in favour of Wycliff'e." In the mean time the disposition of the commons, and, we have reason to suppose, of the people at large, to indulge in loud « Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, i. 345, 346. XXXll FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS complaint against the court of Kome, rather strengthened than diminished. We can suppose the statistics of the commons, in 1376, to have been somewhat inaccurate when they state that the kingdom, within the memory of the present generation, had lost not less than two-thirds of its wealth and population. But it is instructive to observe, that the disasters, whether of war abroad, or of disease and poverty at home, which were regarded as having changed the condition of the kingdom to such an alarming extent, are imputed mainly to the mal-practices of popes and cardinals. In the preamble to their petition, they state that the taxes paid to the court of Rome for ecclesiastical digni- ties amounted to five times more than those obtained by the king from the whole produce of the realm. " For some on bishopric or other dignity," the pope they say reserves, " by Avay of translation and death, three, four, or five several times ; and while for money the brokers of that sinful city — Rome — promote many caitiffs, being altogether unlearned and unworthy, to a thousand marks' living yearly, the learned and worthy can hardly obtain twenty marks : whereby learning decayeth, aliens and enemies to their land, who never saw, nor care to see, their parishioners, having those livings ; whereby they despise God's service, and convey away the treasure of the realm, and are worse than Jews or Saracens." Against these customs they j)lead " the law of the church," which requires that all such preferments should be disposed of in charity, " without praying or paying." They insist further, that it is the demand of reason, that esta- blishments which owe their origin to devout and humane feeling should continue to be subservient to religion and hospitality; and they are not afraid to add, that " God has given his sheep to the pope to be pastured, and not to be shorn or shaven ; and that lay patrons, perceiving the simony and covetousness of the pope, do thereby learn to sell their benefices to mere brutes, no otherwise than Christ was sold to the Jews." By such means the j)ope is said to derive a revenue from England alone, exceeding that of any prince in Christendom. It is stated, accordingly, that " the pope's collector, and other strangers, the king's enemies, and only lieger spies for EngUsh dignities, and disclosing the secrets of the realm, ought to be discharged." It is added, that the said CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. XXxiii collector, " being also receiver of the pope's pence, keepeth a house in London, with clerks and officers thereunto belonging, as if it were one of the king's solemn courts, transporting yearly to the pope twenty thousand marks, and most commonly more : that cardinals and other aliens, remaining at the court of Rome — whereof one cardinal is a dean of York, another of Salisbuiy, another of Lincoln, another archdeacon of Canterbury, another archdeacon of Durham, another archdeacon of Suffolk, and an- other archdeacon of York, another prebendary of Thane and Nassingdon, another prebendary of York, in the diocese of York — all these, and divers others, have the best dignities in England, and have sent over to them yearly, twenty thousand marks, over and above that which English brokers lying here have ; that the pope, to ransom Frenchmen, the king's enemies, who defend Lombardy for him, doth always, at his pleasure, levy a subsidy of the whole clergy of England ; that the pope, for more gain, maketh sundry translations of all bishoprics and other dignities within the realm ; and that the pope's collector hath this year taken to his use the first fruit of all benefices ; that it would be good, therefore, to renew all the statutes against provisors from Rome, since the pope reserveth all the benefices of the world for his own proper gift, and hath, witliin this year, created twelve new cardinals — so that now there are thirty, whereas there were wont to be but twelve in all ; and all the said thirty cardi- nals, except two or three, are the king's enemies." It is further argued from these facts, that the popes, if left without check, may ere long proceed to confer the civil offices and the states of the realm upon their creatures, after the manner in which they had " accroached" to themselves the appointment of heads to " all houses and corporations of religion." As the only adequate means of protecting the country against a system of spoliation which doomed it to perpetual poverty, and which drained from it the emolument that should be as a bounty to its learning and intelhgence, it is urged, not only that the provisors of the popes should be sternly resisted in all cases, but that " no papal collector or proctor should remain in England, upon pain of life and limb ; and that no Englishman, on the like pain, should d XXXIV FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS become such collector or proctor, or remain at the court of Rome."" Such were the proceedings of an assembly, which, from its enlightened pubhc spirit, in regard to secular as well as to reli- gious questions, obtained the honourable appellation of the "good parliament." About six months intervened between the dissolu- tion of that parhament and the meeting of another ; and the opening of the next parliament is connected with a remarkable event in the life of Wycliffe. It is manifest that the doctrines of the Reformer were now widely diflfused, both among the people, and among that class of persons from whom the representatives of the people in parhament were chosen. The clergy began to be alarmed. It was deemed expedient that something vigorous should be done to prevent the scattering of these seeds of reli- gious change through the land. Courtney, one of the most imperious churchmen of the age, had been recently elevated to the see of London. In the last parliament this prelate had committed himself in a marked degree against the Duke of Lanciister, the known patron of WycHffe; and the bishop now employed himself t6~rouse"and"^c6ncentrate the indignation of his order against the opinions and conduct of the Reformer. The houses of convocation met on third of February, in 1377, a week after the opening of the new parliament, and one of its earhest proceedings was to issue a summons requiring Wyclifte to appear before it, and to answer to the charge of holding and publishing certain erroneous and heretical opinions. The nineteenth day of the same month was fixed for the hearing of his defence, and, in expectation of liis appearance, the place of assembling, which was the cathedral of St. Paul's, was crowded with the populace. WycUfie and the Duke of Lancaster had met recently at Bruges, the Duke to negociate a peace with France, wliile the Reformer was employed in the matter of his treaty with the delegates of the papacy. When Wycliffe presented himself to the convocation in St. Paul's, it was in company with John of Gaunt, and with Lord Percy, who then filled the office of Earl Marshal. It was with difficulty that the authority even of such persons secured an " Cotton's Abridgment, 128. Fox, Acts and Mon. i. 5G1. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. XXXV avenue through the crowd'for the approach of the Reformer to the presence of his judges. The disturbance thus occasioned attracted the attention of Courtney, and the sight of Wycliife, as sustained by the presence of two such powerful personages, was manifestly as unwelcome as it was unexpected. The fol- lowing dialogue is given by Fuller, as having passed on the occasion : — Bishop Courtney. Lord Percy, if I had known what maisteries you would have ke]3t in the church, I would have stopped you out from coming hither. Duke of Lancaster. He shall keep such maisteries here, though you say nay. Lord Percy. Wiclif, sit down, for you have many things to answer to, and you need to repose yourself on a soft seat. Bishop Courtney. It is unreasonable that one cited before his ordinary, should sit down during his answer. He must, and shall stand. Duke of Lancaster. The Lord Percy's motion for Wiclif, is but reasonable. And as for you, my lord bishop, who are grown so proud and arrogant, I will bring down the pride, not of you alone, but of all the prelacy in England. Bishop Courtney. Do your worst, sir. Duke of Lancaster. Thou bearest thyself so brag upon tliy parents, ** which shall not be able to help thee ; they shall have enough to do to help themselves. Bishop Courtney. My confidence is not in my parents, nor in any man else, but only in God, in whom I trust, by whose assist- ance I will be bold to speak the truth. Duke of Lancaster. Rather than I will take these words at his hands, I would pluck the bishop by the hair out of the church. '' These last words were uttered in an under tone, but sufficiently loud to be heard by some of the by-standers. Great pains had been taken by the clergy during the sitting of the last parliament, to conciliate the popular feeling, and to direct it against the duke, as meditating a suppression of the mayoralty of London, and His father was the powerful Hugh Courtney, Earl of Devonshire. Fuller's Church Hist. b. iv. cent. xiv. d y XXXVl FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS other grave inroads upon the liberties of the citizens. The crowd nearest the place of this dispute, consisting probably in great part of the dependents of the clergy, as well as of persons who had been filled with suspicion and disaffection by the above means, raised their voices against the duke, and the disturbance altogether became such, that the meeting separated without anytliing being said by WycHffe, or any of its proper business being entered upon," This meeting, it will be remembered, took place in February, 1377. In the following June, Edward the Third expired ; and in October of the same year, Richard the Second assembled his first parUament. This parliament included nearly all the members who had constituted the " good parliament," and they returned with more determination than ever to their former labour — the labour of concerting measures to prevent the court of Rome from drain- ing the land of its treasure. As a remedy against evils which had hitherto resisted every influence opposed to them, it was urged that the procuring of a benefice by papal provision, should be punished with outlaw ; and that the same penalty should be in- curred by the man who should farm any living in the English church holden by a foreigner. It was also urged, that proclama- tion should be issued, requiring " that aU aliens, as well religious as others, do, by Candlemas next, avoid the realm ; and that during the war, all their lands and goods should be appHed thereto."* The war with France had for some time taken a dis- astrous course. The people had been heavily burdened to sus- tain it ; and the victories which distinguished it, brilliant as they were, yielded no substantial fruit. The temper of the nation, accordingly, was that of irritation and bitter disappointment ; and no power felt the effect of this popular disaffection more imme- diately or strongly than the court of Rome. The above language, set forth as the grave resolution of parliament, seems to bespeak an almost desperateness of feeling on the subject of papal en- croachment ; and it was by this parliament that a question is said to have been submitted to the judgment of Wychffe, to the fol- " Fuller's Church Hist 185. Cont. Murim. 137. Walsingham affirms with indignation that the Londoners were nearly all Lollards. Hist. 191. Spelman, iL 625. * Cotton's Abridgment, 160—162, CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. XXXVll lowing purport : — "Whether it would not be lawful in a kingdom, in case of necessity, and as the means of defending itself, to detain its treasure, that it might not be conveyed to foreign nations, though even the pope himself should demand the same, under pain of his censures, and in virtue of the obedience said to be due to him ?" Wycliffe, as may be supposed, answers this ques- tion in the afl&rmative. The paper setting forth the reasons of this decision, will be found among his works printed in this volume. " In the month of June, 1377, several letters were sent to England by the pontiff, concerning certain false and dangerous opinions said to be holden and promulgated by John de Wycliffe, rector of Lutterworth, and professor of theology in the University of Oxford. One of these letters was addressed to the king, another to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and a third to the university.* The purport of these letters was to require that measures should be immediately taken to ascertain the opinions of the party accused ; to condemn such as should be found erroneous or heretical ; and to prevent the diffusion of such doctrines by every means adapted to that end. When the heads of the university were apprised that such a communication had been sent to them, the propriety of allowing it to be read, or of decHning to receive it, became a matter of serious discussion. Tliis hesitation may be attributed in part to the sympathy of many with the opinions of the Eeformer, but still more probably to that feehng of jealousy in respect to all papal interference, which was so often manifested by the univer- sities of the middle age. Walsingham, the monastic historian of the time, expresses his astonishment that any such hesitancy should have been shown ; but it is evident, from the letters of the pope, that the persons holding the opinions of the Reformer, in a greater or less degree, were known to be numerous and powerful, and that the execution of the papal mandates was expected to be attended with difficulty. The call made upon the hierarchy to be vigilant and resolute in this affair, was met by a more prompt and cordial response. " See pp. 295, 296. ' Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, i. Ap. Nos. xi.— xv, XXXViil FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS Sudbury^ now Archbisliop of Canterbury, wrote to the Chancellor of Oxford, reminding him of the commands received from the pope, and requiring the execution of them with all diligence and faithfulness. The chancellor is required especially to obtain, by the assistance of the most orthodox and skilful divines, correct information in regard to the alleged heresies and errors, and to send along with his statement of the doctrines certainly propa- gated by Wyclilfe, his own judgment respecting them, delivered under the university seal. It was, moreover, enjoined upon him, that, as chancellor, he should cite the erroneous teacher, or cause him to be cited, personally to appear before his ecclesiastical superiors, in the church of St. Paul's, London, on the thirtieth day from the date of the citation. This letter was written on the eighteenth of December, and early in the following year — the year 1378 — Wycliffe appeared before a synod convened at Lambeth. On this occasion the Reformer appeared alone. But though the distinguished men who accom- panied him when he last fi'onted his enemies, w^ere absent, the favour of the powerful, as well as of the people, was still with him. The citizens of London surrounded the place of meeting : numbers forced their way into the chapel where the synod was assembled, proclaiming their attachment to the person and doc- trine of Wycliffe. The dismay produced by this tumult was augmented, when Sir Lewis CHfford entered the chapel, and, in the name of the queen-mother, forbade the bishops proceeding to any definite sentence concerning the conduct or opinions of the Reformer. Walsingham, in relating this disastrous course of things, censures the pusillanimity of the synod in the strongest terms. " The delegates," he remarks, " shaken as a reed with the wind, became soft as oil in their speech, to the open forfeiture of their own dignity, and the injury of the whole church. With such fear were they struck, that you would think them a man who hears not, or one in whose mouth are no reproofs."" Such interferences with regard to matters of public interest, were not unusual in those times. A little previously, the queen-mother had interposed in tlie matter of the dispute between the Londoners and the Duke • Spelman, ii. 625. Walsingham, ad an. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. XXxix of Lancaster. The persons delegated " to entreat the citizens to he reconciled with the duke," were Sir Alfred Lewer, Sir Simon Burley, and this same Sir Lewis Clifford : and " the Londoners answered, that they, for the honour of the princess, would obey, and do with all reverence what she would require."" Walsingham also relates, that a similar tumult arose, some four years later, during the trial of Ashton the Lollard. But the historian who complains in such terms of the conduct of the synod, informs us, that before its members separated, Wycliffe delivered to them a paper, containing a statement of the opinions imputed to him, with explanations annexed. These explanations were not deemed satisfactory; and though no further proceedings were instituted against him at present, he was com- manded to abstain from teaching such doctrines, either in the schools or in his sermons.* This paper has been much misrepre- sented by the enemies of Wycliffe, and much misunderstood by his friends. The former have described his explanations as charac- terised by subtlety, timidity, and evasion ; and the latter, by judging of the several articles separately, in place of regarding the document as a whole, have sometimes contributed to strengthen the prejudice thus created, rather than to remove it. As the con- tents of this paper have been regarded as presenting the most vulnerable point in the history of the Reformer, we shall print it without abridgment, and shall add to it such observations as may serve to give a fair exhibition of its general and real meaning. It commences thus : — First of all, I publicly protest, as I have often done at other times, that I will and purpose from the bottom of my heart, by the grace of God, to be a sincere Christian ; and as long as I have breath, to profess and defend the law of Christ so far as I am able. And if, through igno- rance, or any other cause, I shall fail therein, I ask pardon of God, and do now from henceforth revoke and retract it, humbly submitting myself to the correction of Holy Mother Church. And as for the opinion of chil- dren and weak people concerning the faith which I have taught in the " Fox, Acts and Mon. i. 559. * Bale describes this paper as Answers to Objections. Murimuth, Contin. 137. Walsingham, 206—208. Xl FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS schools and elsewhere, and which by those who are more than children has been conveyed beyond the sea, even to the court of Eonie ; that Christians may not be scandahsed on my account, I am wilHng to set down my sense in writing, since I am prosecuted for the same. Which opinions I am willing to defend even unto death, as I believe all Christians ought to do, and especially the pope of Eome, and the rest of the priests of the church. I understand the conclusions, according to the sense of Scripture and the holy doctors, and the manner of speaking used by them ; which sense I am ready to explain : and if it be proved that the conclusions are contrary to the faith, I am wiUing very readily to retract them. I. The first conclusion is, that all mankind., since Clmsfs coming, have not power, simply or absolutely, to ordain that Peter and all his successors should rule over the world politically for ever. And this is plain, as it is not in the power of man to hinder the coming of Christ to the last judgment, which we are bound to believe according to that article of the creed, from thence he shall come to judge the living and the dead. For after that, according to the faith deUvered in Scripture, all human pohty will be at an end. But I imderstand that poUtical dominion, or civil secular government, does pertain to the laity, who are actually Hving, Avhilst they are absent from the Lord : for of such a pohtical dominion do the philosophers speak. And although it be styled periodical, and sometimes perpetual (or for ever) ; yet because in the Holy Scripture, in the use of the church, and in the writings of the philosophers, perpetuum is plainly used commonly in the same sense as eternal ; I afterwards suppose that term to be used or taken in that more famous signification, for thus the church sings, Gloj^y be to God the Father, and to his only Son, with the Holy Spirit the Comforter, both now and for ever [in perpetuwn^. And then the conclusion immediately follows on the principles of faith ; since it is not in the power of men to appoint the pilgrimage of the church to be vrithout end. Wycliflfe here contents himself with explaining the phrase " for ever" scholastically, in its literal and most extended sense, and as being in that sense opposed to the known pleasure of God in respect to the duration of all earthly powers and relationsliips. But the reader will find, as he proceeds, that if the Eeformer has deemed it sufficient to speak under this article, merely to the point of the perpetuity claimad for the papal supremacy, it was not because he had no other doctrine which he might honestly avow On that subject, but because other articles were to follow with CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. xli which, iu his view, it would be preferable to connect his more peculiar opinions relative to the nature of that power. II, God cannot give civil dominion to any man for himself and his heirs for ever ; in perpetuum. By civil dominion^ I mean the same that I meant above by political dominion, and by perpetual, or for ever, the same as I did before, as the Scripture understands the perpetual or everlasting habitations in the state of blessedness. I said, therefore, that God, of his ordinary power, cannot give man civil dominion for ever. I said, secondly, that it seems probable that God, of his absolute power, cannot give man such a dominion, in perpetuum, for ever, because he cannot, as it seems, always imprison his spouse on the way, nor always defer the ultimate completion' of her happiness. Here the same kind of argument occurs. It is merely saying that the natural power of God has been restricted to a given course by his moral purposes. III. Charters of human invention concerning civil inheritance for ever, are impossible. This is an incident truth. For we ought not to reckon as catholic all the charters that are held by an unjust occupier. But if this be confirmed by the faith of the church, there would be an oppor- tunity given for charity, and a hberty to trust in temporalities, and to petition for them ; for as every truth is necessary, so every falsehood is possible on supposition, as is plain by the testimony of Scripture, and of the holy doctors, who speak of the necessity of things future. Under this article we have the same method of reasoning. But in a second paper, containing answers and explanations con- cerning these alleged errors and heresies, and made public by WyclifFe a short time after the meeting at Lambeth, the Eeformer states, in regard to tliis conclusion, that it was a passing remark which arose in conversation with a certain divine, who magnified such charters so far as to prefer their authority to that of the Scriptures. " To which," he states, " I replied, it would be much better to attend to the defence and exposition of the Scriptures, since many such charters were necessarily such as could not be executed." He complains, accordingly, that opinions should have been imputed to him from hearsay, or as reported by " children and weak persons." But if the reader will pass on from the first three articles in this series, to the last, he will perceive that the Eeformer had simply Xlii FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS reserved his obnoxious doctrine on this subject, that it might be set forth more fully at the right point, and that it is simply scholas- ticism, and not a timid concealment, with which he is chargeable. In that article he is described as saying, that in certain cases an ecclesiastic, and even a bishop of Eome, may be corrected by his inferiors, and not merely by his inferiors among the clergy, but by the laity. He is described also as teaching that this may be done whenever the good of the church shall be thought to require it. Wycliffe does not disown this doctrine, offensive and alarming as he knew it to be. In support of this opinion, he assumes the pontiff to be a peccable brother, sharing, in common with other men, in a tendency to what is sinful; and he thence infers, that popes, in common with other men, are subject to the laws of brotherly reproof and correction. He accordingly writes, " If it be evident, therefore, that the college of cardinals are remiss in performing their service for the necessary welfare of the church, it is manifest that others, and it may chance principally the laity, may reprove and implead him, and bring him to a better life." It is admitted that the impeachment of a pontiff is a grave business, not to be rashly entered upon ; but it is added, that where ground for such a proceeding really exists, to shrink from the duty is not only to know that the pope is an offender, but to conclude that he is an offender beyond the Iwpe of recovery. In conclusion, he exclaims, " God forbid that truth should be condemned by the church of Christ, because it sounds unpleasantly in the ear of the guilty or of the ignorant, for then the entire faith of the Scrip- tures will be exposed to condemnation !" If the laity might be justly employed in impeacliing a pontiff, and in bringing even the successors of St. Peter to a better life, of course the subordinate members of the hierarchy must be regarded as subject to the same kind of discipline. The right of the people also, to judge in such case as to what is, or is not, for the good of the church, is clearly assumed as the foundation of this doctrine. Yet the doctrine is avowed, committed to writing, and deHvered into the hands of the papal delegates : we wonder not that their counsel was, that such opinions should " not be published in schools or pulpits." It is important also to observe, that it does not appear from any source that Wycliffe had committed himself CONCERNING THE LIEE OF WYCLIFFE. xliii against the papacy, previously to this time, in any stronger form than in the matter of the article adverted to : such of his writings as contain stronger expressions on that suhject, I have shown elsewhere to he the productions of a later period. " IV. Every one being or existing in grace justifying finally, has not only a right unto, but in fact hath all the things of God ; or, has not only a right unto the thing, but, for his time, has by right a power over all the good things of God. This is plain from Scripture, Matt, xxiv., because the Truth promises this to those citizens who enter into his joy : Verily I say unto you, that he shall make him rider over all his goods. For the right of the communion of saints in their own country is founded objectively on the universality of the good things of God. V. A mxm can give dominion to his natural or adopted son, whether that dominion be temporal or eternal, ministerially only. This is plain from hence, that every man ought to acknowledge himself in all his works an humble minister of God, as is evident from Scripture : Let a man so account of us as of the ministers of Christ. Nay, Christ himself so ministered, and taught his principal apostles so to minister. But in their own country the saints will give to their brethren the dominion of goods, as is plain from their acting in the body, or their disposal of inferior good things by nature, according to that of Luke vi. : Good measure, pressed down and shaken together, and rtmning over, shall men give into your bosom. This article, and the preceding, relate to an obscure topic, and they are not much elucidated by the sort of explanation attached to them. The doctrine to which they refer is that of " dominion founded in grace," of which mention is made in a preceding portion of this work. VI. If G'Qd^,Jtemporal lords may lawfully and meritoriotisly take away the goods of fortune from d delinquent church. That con- clusion is correlative with tKe first" article of the Creed, / believe in God, the Father Almighty. I understand the word may as the Scriptures do, which grant that God may of stones raise up children u7ito Abraham; for otherwise all Christian princes should be heretics. For the first conclusion the argument is thus formed. If God is, he is Almighty ; and if so, he may prescribe to temporal lords to take away the goods of fortune from a delinquent church ; and if he does thus prescribe to them, they may la-\vfully so take them away. Ergo, from whence, in virtue of that principle, have Christian princes put in " Life and Opinions of Wycliff'e, i. 381 — 383. xliv FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS practice that opinion. But God forbid that from thence it should be believed, that it was my meaning that secular lords may lawfully take them away when and howsoever they please, or by their bare autho- rity ; but that they may only do it by the authority of the church in cases and form limited by law. Concerning the doctrine of Wycliffe on the subject to which this article refers, it is necessary to look to the sixth, the six- teenth, and the seventeenth articles together. In these articles, taken collectively, he is accused of teaching, that all church endowments are left conditionally ; that if the clergy fail to apply their wealth to the end which it was designed to promote, it must devolve on the magistrate to enforce such an application of it ; and that, in every such case, the civil power is not only author- ised so to do, but, if needful to the reformation of the order, to deprive churchmen of their possessions entirely, and tliis notwith- standing any censures from the church which might be fulminated against them. Such is the doctrine which Wycliife is described as holding with regard to the enormous wealth of the clergy and of the religious orders; and in his paper, given to the papal delegates, this doctrine, instead of being denied, evaded, or soft- ened down, is fully avowed as a part of his creed. With the prelacy of England as his judges, and the papal power as their ally, he does not fear to add, that if there be any difference between the obligations of the magistrate to secure the just application of civil or ecclesiastical endowments, his duty to that end in the latter case is even more binding than in the former, inasmuch as the mischiefs consequent on any mal-administration in the matter of ecclesiastical endowments are the more moment- ous. In the theory of Wycliffe, the last appeal in respect to all such questions was to the crown, and not to the mitre. The temporal power of the pope was denied, not merely in respect to the property of the state, but in respect to the property of the church. In his view, the pontiff who claimed such powers aimed at usurpation ; and the clergy who in any way ceded such power to the papacy, did so at the risk of a just allegiance to their sovereign and their country. It was natural, we repeat, that injunction should have been given against the publication of such doctrines " in schools or pulpits." CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. xlv The next article in the pope's schedule is here omitted, and No. VIII. follows, which is here numbered the Seventh. VII. We know that it is not possible tUatlTTe vicar of Christ, merely by his bulls, or by them together with his own ivill and consent, and that of his college of cardinals, can qualify or disable any man. This is plain from the Catholic faith ; since it behoves our Lord in every vicarious operation to maintain the primacy. Therefore, as in every quahfying of a sub- ject, it is first required that the subject to be qualified, be meet and worthy ; so in every disqualification there is first required a deserving from some demerit of the person thus disqualified, and, by consequence, such quahfying or disqualifying is not made purely by the ministry of the vicar of Christ, but from above, from elsewhere, or from some other. This article, and the seven articles following, relate to one subject — the spiritual power of the clergy. VIII. It is not possible that a man should be excommunicated to his damage, unless he be excommunicated first and principally by himself. This is plain ; since such an excommunication must be originally founded on the sin of the party damaged. From whence Augustine, in his twenty first sermon on the words of the Lord : Do thou, says he, not misuse thyself, and man shall not get the better of thee. And to this day the faith of the church sings. No adversity shall do us any hurt, if iniquity does not prevail. Notwithstanding, all excommimication is to be dreaded on many accounts, even although the excommunication of the church be, to the humble excommunicate, not damnable but whole- some. IX. Nobody ought, except in the cause of God, to excommunicate, suspend, or interdict any one, or to proceed according to any ecclesiastical censure by way of revenge. This appears from hence, that every just cause is the cause of God, to which chiefly respect ought to be had. Nay, a love for the excommunicate ought to exceed a zeal or desire of revenge, and an affection for any temporal things ; since, otherwise, even he that excommunicates injures himself. To this ninth conclusion we add, that it is agreeable to it, that a prelate should excommunicate in human causes, but principally on this account, because an injury is done to his God. 13. 9. c. inter querelas. X. Cursing or excommunication does not bind, finally, only as far as it is used against an adversary of the law of Christ. This is plain, since it is God that binds absolutely every one that is bound, who cannot xlvi FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS excommunicate, unless it be for a transgression of, or prevaricating with his own law. To this tenth conchision we add, that it is conso- nant to it, that the ecclesiastical censure be used against an adversary of a member of the church, notwithstanding it does not bind absolutely but secondarily. XI. There is no jyoiver granted or exemplified hy Christ to his disciples to excommunicate a subject (chiejly) for denying any temporalities, hut on the contrary. This is plain from the faith taught in Scripture, according to which we believe that God is to be loved above all things, and our neighbour and enemy more than all our temporalities of this world, necessarily and because the law of God is not contradictory to itself. XII. The disciples of Christ have no power to exact hy civil compulsion, temporalities hy censures ; as is plain from Scripture, Luke xxii., where Christ forbade his apostles to reign civilly, or to exercise any temporal dominion. T'he kings of the Gentiles, says he, exercise lordship over them, hut ye shall not he so. And in that sense it is expounded by St. Bernard, St. Chrysostom, and other saints. We add to this twelfth conclusion, that, notwithstanding, temporalities may be exacted by ecclesiastical censiu'es aecessorie in vindication of his God. XIII. It is not jJossible hy the absolute power of God, that if the pope, or any other Christian, shall pretend that he binds or looses at any rate, therefore he doth actually hind or loose. The opposite of this would destroy the whole catholic faith ; since it imports no less than blas- phemy to suppose any one to usurp such an absolute power of the Lord's. I add to this thirteenth conclusion, that I do not intend by that conclu- sion to derogate from the power of the pope, or of any other prelate of the church ; but do allow that they may, in virtue of the head, bind and loose. But I understand the denied conditional as impossible in this sense : that it cannot be that the pope, or any other prelate, does pretend that he binds or looses at any rate, [or just as he lists,] unless he does in fact so bind and loose, and then he cannot be peccable or guilty of any fault. XIV. We ought to believe that then only does a Christian 2}>"iest hind or loose, when he simply obeys the law of Christ: because it is not lawful for him to bind and loose but in virtue of that law, and by consequence, not unless it be in conformity to it. In the preceding articles, the doctrine of WyclifFe, in regard to spiritual censures, is said to be, that they should never be em- ployed as an instrument of revenge ; that they should never be used as means of extorting temporal contributions from the laity ; and as they should not be employed alone for that purpose, so CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. xlvii neither should they be used to that end conjointly with the author- ity of the magistrate. Tliis the Keformer admits as his doctrine ; and in the paper subsequently published, he repeats, that the use of church censures, and of the authority of the magistrate to extort from the people a revenue for the priesthood, are customs unknown to the better ages of the church, and to be numbered among the corruptions consequent on " her endowment under Constantine." He even proceeds as far as to say, that a state of tilings might arise; in which, to deprive the church of her wealth, would be a much more Christian act than to have bestowed it upon her. But Wycliffe did not restrict his complaints to the bad use which was frequently made of this sort of power ; he questioned the validity of the power itself. He insisted that no man is in reality at all the better for the benediction of a priest, or at all the worse for the anathema of a priest. The judgment of man in such case he accounts as nothing, except as it shall have been in accordance with a previous judgment of God in that case. In the thirteenth proposition, the assumption of an unconditional author- ity in the forms of binding and loosing, so that whatever is bound or loosened by a priest on earth, must be supposed to be bound or loosened in heaven, he has condemned as a tenet destructive of the whole catholic faith, as a usui*pation of authority proper only to God, and as being no less than blasphemy, inasmuch as God himself never bestows pardon thus unconditionally. So com- pletely did the Keformer take man out of the hands of man in . the concerns of rehgion, and thus sapped the entire foundation of the received ecclesiastical system. XV. This ought to he believed as catholic, that every priest rightly ordained, (according to tlie law of grace) hath a power according to which he may minister all the sacraments secundum speciem, and, by consequence, may absolve him who has confessed to him, and is contrite, from any sin. This is plain from hence, that the priestly power is not more or less sufficient in its essence ; notwithstanding the powers of inferior priests are now reasonably restrained, and at other times, as in the last article, of necessity are relaxed. I add to this fifteenth conclusion, that, accord- ing to the doctors, every prelate has a twofold power, viz. — a power of order, and a power of jurisdiction and government ; and that it is as to xlviii FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS this last that they are prelates, as being of a superior majesty and government. This oneness of jDriesthood in the church, and the consequent right of the humblest priest to be occupied in the discharge of every priestly function, the Keformer always maintained. Hence he censured the practice of restricting confirmation to the ofl&ce of the bishop. (See the chapter on Confirmation from the Trialogus.) XVI. It is laioful for hhig&T4ft easts Ihniied-hy^w , i<) take aivay tJie temporalities from churchmen who hahitnally abuse them. This is plain from hence, that temporal lords ought to depend more on spiritual alms, which bring forth greater plenty of fruit, than on alms for the necessities of the body : that it may happen to be a work of spiritual alms to correct such clergymen as damage themselves, soul and body, by mthholding from them the temporalities. The case the law puts is this : when the spiritual head or president fails in punishing them, or that the faith of the clerk is to be corrected, as appears xvi. p. 7, FiUis, 40 di. XVII. If the pope, or temporal lords, or any others, shall have endoived the church with temporalities, it is lawful for them to take aioay in certaiii cases, viz. lohen the doing so is by way of medicine to ewe or prevent sins, and that notwithstanding excommunication, or any other church censure, since these donations ivere not given bid ivith a condition implied. This is plain from hence, that nothing ought to hinder a man from doing the principal works of charity necessarily, and that in every human action the condition of the divine good pleasure is necessarily as in the civil law. Collationis Decorandi, c. 5, in fine Collationis 10. We added to this seventeenth article, God forbid that by these words occasion should be given to the temporal lords to take away the goods of fortune to the detriment of the church. XVIII. An ecclesiastic, even the pope of Rome himself, 7nay, on some accounts, be corrected by their subjects, and for the benefit of the church he impleaded by both clergy and laity. This is plain from hence, that the pope himself is capable of sinning, except the sin against the Holy Ghost, as is supposed, saving the sanctity, humility, and reverence due to so worthy a father. And since he is our peccable brother, or Uable to sin as well as we, he is subject to the law of brotherly reproof ; and when, therefore, it is plain that the whole college of cardinals is remiss in cor- recting him for the necessary welfare of the church, it is evident that the rest of the body, which, as it may chance, may chiefly be made up of the jaity, may medicinally reprove him and implead him, and reduce him to live a better life. This possible case is handled. Diss. 40, si papa fuerit CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. xlix a fide devius. For as so great a lapse ought not to be supposed in the lord pope without manifest evidence ; so it ought not to be presumed possible that when he does so fall, he should be guilty of so great obstinacy as not humbly to accept a cure from his superior with respect to God. Wherefore many chronicles attest the facts of that conclusion. God forbid that truth should be condemned by the church of Christ, because it sounds ill in the ears of sinners and ignorant persons ; for then the whole faith of the Scripture would be liable to be condemned. It will be seen that in this document there is little referring to what may, with strict propriety, be described as theological opinion. But even in relation to such opinion, there is much implied, and implied with all the certainty of direct statement, though little is expressed. Its chief value, however, consists in its presenting a clear and authentic record concerning the doctrine of Wycliffe at this period, in respect to the limits which should be imposed on the pretensions of the papacy ; on the scarcely less extravagant claims of the clergy generally ; on the authority of the magistrate in relation to the wealth of the church, and the persons of church- men ; on the legitimate means of securing to the clergy an appro- priate revenue ; and on the power supposed to belong to the priest, with regard to the present character and future allotment of the worshipper. From the inconsiderate and imperfect notices of this paper by most writers, we are left to suppose that its explanations were such, as to furnish nothing which could awaken the fears or the displeasure of the contemporary clergy. But the silence imposed on WyclLffe by the synod to which the document was submitted, is evidence to the contrary. It was a professor of divinity whose zeal was thus employed to familiarise the mind of the nation with a doctrine which vested the laity with the right to judge, and even to correct, their spiritual instructors, extending this principle of reformation, as circumstances might demand, to the pontiff him- self ; and could such a man be regarded by the ecclesiastics of the fourteenth century as a safe preceptor for youth ? In setting forth the authority of the crown as that which should be final in determining the applications of ecclesiastical property, the Reformer became a teacher of doctrines against which synods, and councils, and the papal court, had directed their most powerful engines of destruction. But so deeply laid was the fabric of the reigning e 1 FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS superstition, that every attack of this nature on its mere outworks, must have rebounded on the head of the assailant, so long as its theory of spiritual power was allowed to remain unquestioned. This successful fiction, by placing the rewards and punishments of a future state at the disposal of the priesthood, served as a basement to the whole superstructure ; and it should be distinctly remembered, that it is against this doctrine that the greater number of the conclusions which WycliJSe is accused of holding, are plainly directed ; and that in his explanations at Lambeth, even according to the showing of Ms enemies, not one of the proposi- tions relating to that system of priestly fraud, was for a moment denied, or in the slightest degree modified. The clergy of the middle age are described as beUeving that the sentence of excommunication exposed the parties excommu- nicated to the fires of purgatory, and often to eternal torments. But if such was their faith, their frequent employment of that sentence to avenge some trivial offence, or to extort some paltry contribution, must be regarded as imparting a most odious aspect to their general character. The readiness, indeed, with wliich such censures were resorted to in those times, obliges us to sup- pose that the confidence of churchmen in the truth of this scheme was more apparent than real. To doubt this, must be to view them as sharing less in the nature of men, than in that of demons. On this subject, the religion and the humanity of Wycliffe spoke forth too loudly to be misunderstood. He saw in the Eomish polity and doctrine, a machinery artfully devised to raise eccle- siastics into the place of the Almighty, so as to connect the doom of impiety with every thing which men should do contrary to their pleasure. In his noble effort to deliver the souls of men from this snare, Wycliffe exposes the inconsistencies, the worldliness, and the cruelty so manifest in the ordinary exercise of that spiritual authority which the clergy had thus assumed. The maxim — " By their fruits ye shall know them," was applied to churchmen no less freely than to the laity ; and to rescue the popular mind fi"om its subjection to this ghostly thraldom, men were urged to study the principles of their faith as set forth in Holy Scripture, and to judge for tliemselves with regard to the pretensions of all persons claiming to be lionoured as spiritual guides. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 11 In his comment on the articles contained in the preceding paper, which the Reformer published immediately after his appear- ance at Lambeth, it is in the following terms that he adverts to the pontiiF: "Let him not be ashamed to perform the ministry of the church, since he is, or at least ought to be, the servant of the servants of God. But a prohibition of reading the Holy Scriptures, and the vanity of secular dominion, and a lusting after worldly appearances, would seem to partake too much of a dispo- sition towards the blasphemous advancement of Antichrist, especially while the truths of a scriptural faith are reputed tares, and said to be opposed to Christian truth by certain leaders, who arrogate that we must abide by their decision respecting every article of faith, notwithstanding they themselves are plainly igno- rant of the faith of the Scriptures. But by such means there follows a crowding to the court of Rome, to purchase a condem- nation of the sacred Scriptures as heretical ; and thence come dispensations, contrary to the articles of the Christian faith." The work in which the Reformer thus speaks, he has described as " A sort of Answer of the Bull," meaning, evidently, the letter addressed by Gregory to the university. In his closing paragraph he observes, " These conclusions have I delivered as a grain of faith separated from the chaff by which the ungrateful tares are set on fire. These, opposed to the Scriptures of truth, like the crimson blossom of a foul revenge, provide sustenance for Antichrist. Of this the infallible sign is, that there reigns in the clergy a Luciferian enmity and pride, consisting in the lust of domination, the wife of which is covetousness of earthly things, breeding together the children of the fiend, the children of evan- gelical poverty being no more." A judgment of the fruit thus produced may be formed also from the fact, that many even of the children of poverty are so degenerate, that either by what they say, or by what they do not say, they take the part of Lucifer ; not being able to stand forth in the cause of evangelical poverty, or not daring so to do, in consequence of the seed of the man of sin sown in their hearts, or from a low fear of forfeiting their temporalities. But the statements which he had now pubhshed, he avows himself prepared to defend, even " to death, if by such means he might reform the manners of the church." e 2 lii FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS This escape of WyclifFe from the power of Ms enemies, and his reiteration, in still^stronger terms, of his most obnoxious opinions, called forth an attack fi'om an anonymous divine, who is described by the Reformer as a "motley theologian :" — the purport of thewhole piece appears to have been to vindicate the infallibility of the pontiff. By this writer, it seems, the pope was affirmed to be incapable of mortal sin, and whatsoever his holiness should ordain, was to be accounted true and just. In reply, Wycliffe observes, that if this doctrine were admitted, the pojie might exclude any book from the canon of Holy Writ; might introduce any novelty into its place ; might alter the whole Bible ; and make the very Scripture heresy, establishing as catholic what is opposed to the truth. The Reformer then adverts to the efforts the pontiff had made to arm the authority of the prelates, the court, and the university against him, because he had ventured to question this assumption, and some others no less impious. The remaining portion of this piece consists of two parts — the first containing a farther explanation of certain articles in the series already objected to him, and to which his answers had been given ; the second, consisting in a spirited exhortation, addressed to his readers to cast off the yoke, both secular and spiritual, which a foreign power had so long imposed on them. The articles cited are the seventh, tenth, and thirteenth ; and also the sixteenth and eighteenth. The sixteenth relates to the office of the magistrate with regard to the goods of the church. The eighteenth, to the correction of an offending pontiff, in extreme cases, by the authority of the inferior clergy, and even by that of the laity. In the instructions of the pope to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the primate is required to ascertain the real ojwnions of Wycliffe, but is not to pronounce any definite sentence con- cerning them, until the judgment of the papal court shall be known. In the course of this tract, the Reformer speaks of the delegates as waiting to receive this decision before proceeding to announce the fate of his conclusions ; and he states for their information, that, according to the report which had reached him, the doctrine which he had confessed in regard to the goods of the church, and the peccability of the pope, had beeu condemned as in n special degree heretical. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. liii From these articles he procee_ds _to those which treat of the power of absolution ; and presuming that the delusion respecting them would be, that the pope and the clergy generally do in every case bind or loose when they affect so to do, his indignation becomes impetuous. The man who should thus make himself equal with God is described as a blasphemer and a heretic, as a delinquent whom Christians ought in no way to tolerate — certainly, not as their leader, since his guidance can only serve to conduct men blindfold to destruction. Secular lords are, therefore, called upon to resist the arrogant claims of the pope, and to do so, not merely with respect to the heresy which the pontiff had imposed on them in declaring them incompetent to withdraw their alms from a delinquent church, nor merely because the same authority had declared it to be heretical to affirm, that any distribution of the goods of the church by the court of Kome can be only ministerial or subordinate, but because that power had taken from them the liberty of the law of Christ, and brought in an Egyptian bondage instead. It is urged, therefore, that no fear of suffering, no thirst of gain, no love of distinction should prevent the soldiers of Christ, as well seculars as clergy, from appearing in defence of the law of God, even unto blood ! Should the lord pope himself, or even an angel from heaven, promulgate doctrines conferring upon a creature a power of absolving peculiar to the Deity, it is asserted, that every member of the Christian commonwealth should feel bound in such case to exert himself to the utmost for " the saving of the faith." In the following manner the Keformer reasons on the bearings of that spiritual authority which the churchmen of the day were so zealous to maintain. " Let it once be admitted that the pope, or one representing him, does indeed bind or loose whenever he affects to do so, and how shall the world stand ? For if, when the pontiff pretends to bind all who oppose liim in his acquisition of temporal things, either moveable or immoveable, with the pains of eternal damnation, such persons assuredly are so bound — it must follow, as amongst the easiest of things, for the pope to sub- vert or to destroy every ordinance of Christ, and to wrest unto himself all the kingdoms of the world. And since, for a less fault than this usurpation of a Divine power, Abiathar was liv FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS deposed by Solomon, Peter was reproved to the face by Paul, nay, and many popes have been deposed by emperors and kings, what should be allowed to prevent the faithful uttering their complaints against this greater injury done to their God ? For on the ground of this impious doctrine it would be easy for the pope to invert all the order of the w^orld ; seizing, in connexion with his clergy, on the wives, the daughters, and all the posses- sions of the laity without opposition ; inasmuch as it is their saying, that even kings may not deprive a churchman of aught, neither complain of his conduct do what he may ; while to what- ever the pope may decree, obedience must be instantly rendered."" So clear and comprehensive were the views of Wycliffe in respect to the sources of false power in the church, and so steadily and firmly did he direct the axe toward the root of that evil. But men who live in the midst of such excitements, need a much greater measure of physical power than commonly falls to the lot of humanity. Judging from his portraits, we must regard Wycliffe, in this respect, as placed at great disadvantage, if com- pared with Luther. The last eight or ten years in the life of our Reformer, must have been years of extraordinary labour. JMuch the greater portion of his works known to us were manifestly written during that interval ; while the almost ceaseless harassing to which he was exposed, from the prosecutions instituted against him, must have made a still further, and, perhaps, a still greater, demand on his strength of body, as well as on the resources of Iris mind. We have reason to think, that the events of 1377 and 1378, together wi.Ii the excessive labour to which he applied himself immediately subsequent to that period, laid the founda- tion of the malady which proved fatal some years later. The sickness which befel the Reformer at this juncture, was such as to leave little prospect of his recovery. Such also was the force of religious prejudice in the fourteenth century, that his old antagonists, the Mendicants, could not regard it as possible, that a heretic so notorious, should suppose himself on the confines of a world to come, without the most terrible apprehensions with regard to the vengeance there awaiting him. But while thus ' Lewis, c. iv. 78 — bO. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Iv persuaded of their own rectitude, and certain that the doctrines taught by the Refoiiner coukl be no other than so many sug- gestions of the great enemy, some advantage, it was thought, might be obtained, if this dying member of the evil one could be brought to utter some sort of recantation. WyclifFe was in Oxford when this sickness arrested his activity, and confined him to his chamber. From the four orders of friars, four doctors, wko were also called regents, were formally deputed to present themselves to their expiring enemy ; and to these the same num- ber of civil officers, called senators of the city and aldermen of the wards, were added. When these persons entered the apart- ment of the sick man, he was seen stretched on his bed. Some expressions of sympathy were dropped, and some of hope con- cerning his better health. But it was presently intimated, that he must be aware of the many injuries wliich the whole Mendicant brotherhood had sustained from his hands, having been the special object of attack in many of his sermons and writings ; and as it was now manifest that death was about to bring his course to its conclusion, it was only charitable to hope that he would not conceal his penitence, but that, with due Christian humility, he should revoke whatever he had said tending to the disreputation of fraternities so eminent in learning, sanctity, and usefulness. Wyclifie continued silent and motionless until this address was concluded. He then beckoned his servants to raise him in his bed ; and this done, he fixed his eyes on the persons assembled, and summoning all his remaining strength, exclaimed, " I shall not die, but live ; and shall again declare the evil deeds of the friars ! " The doctors and their attendants looked confusedly at each other, and retreated in disappointment and dismay. They lived also to feel the truth of the prediction which had been thus sounded in their ears ; nor will it be easy to imagine another scene more characteristic of the parties composing it, or of the times with which it is connected." " Baleus, De Script. Brit. 369. Lewis, c. iv. 82. The indignation of Wyclifie against these orders may appear to some persons excessive, and as betraying moie temper than judgment. But whatever may have been the learning or worth of some of the Mendicants in the times adverted to, their vices generally, and the mischiefs resulting from them, were such as to call for severe reprehension. The following Ivi FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS One of the labours on which Wycliffe was intent at this time, was a translation of all the books of the Old and New Testament, from Latin into English. This work he undertook, that his counfrymen, of every class, having the Scriptures made thus accessible to them in their own tongue, might be armed in the most effectual manner against the errors and superstitions of the times. It was a noble thought, and the name of WycliiFe is that of the first Englishman who gave it lodgment. Before his time, portions of the Sacred Scriptures had been translated into Eng- lish, and passed, probably, in some instances, into the hands of wealthy and distinguished persons among the laity ; but a trans- lation of the whole volume into the language spoken by the people, that the highest and the lowest might be alike readers of the Bible in their own tongue, and that men might everywhere appeal to it as their ultimate authority in respect to all questions of truth and duty, — that truly Protestant purpose, — owes its origin in our ecclesiastical history, to the intelligence, the piety, and the intrepidity of Wycliffe. is Chaucer's description of one of this class of men, and it shows that the poet and the Reformer were of one judgment on this subject. Lordinges, there is in Yorkshire, as I ghesse, A marishe contre, callid Holdernesse, In which there went a Limitour about, To preche, and eke to beg, it is no dout. And so bifell, that on a day this frere Had preched in a chirche in his manere, And specially abovin every thing, Excitid the pepill in his preching To trentalls, and to geve for Goddis sake, Wherewith men mighten holie housis make. There as divine service is honourid. Not there as it is wastid and devourid ; Ne there it nedith not for to be geve, As to possessioners that may els leve, Thonkid be God, in wele and haboundaunce. Trentalls, quoth he, deliverith fro penaunce There frendis soulis as well olde as yonge, If so that they ben hastily ysonge, Not for to holde a preest jolie and gay, (He singith not but o masse in a day,) Delivereth out, quoth he, anon the soulis, Full hard it is with fleshe-hoke, or with oules CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Ivii In the seventh century, Cedman, an Anglo-Saxon monk, pro- duced a composition, which claimed the attention of his countr}'- men, as exhihiting the first application of their language to Christian poetry, and as the first attempt to set forth any part of the Sacred Scriptures in the speech of our forefathers." The poem attributed to Cedman bears all the marks of the antiquity assigned to it ; it touches on the leading events of Old Testament history, — as, the creation of the world ; the fall of angels and of man ; the deluge ; the departure from Eg)^t ; the entrance upon Canaan ; and on some subsequent events. In the follow- ing century, Aldheln, Bishop of Sherborne, and Guthlae, the cele- brated anchorite, produced Anglo-Saxon versions of the Psalter. In the same age, the venerable Bede prefers his claim to the To ben yclawid, or to brenne or bake, Now speede you hastily for Crisis sake. And when this frere had said al his entent, With Qui cum Patre, forth away he went. Whan yfolk in chirche had yeve him what hem lest. He went his way, no lengir wovild he rest, With scrip and tippid staffe ytucked hie : In every house he gan to p ^re and prie. And beggid mele, and chese, or ellis come. His felaw had a stafFe tippid with home, A pair of tables alle of ivory, A poyntell polished full fetously, And wrote alwey the namis as he stode Of all the folk that yave hem any gode Askaunois, as if he wolde for hem prey. Yeve us a bushell whete, or malt, or rey, A Goddis kichell, or a trip of chese, Or ellis what ye list, I may not chese, A Goddis half-peny, or a masse-peny, Or yeve us of your brawn if ye have any, A dagon of your blanket, leve dame. Our sustir dere, lo, here I write your name. Bacon or befe, or such thing as ye find. A sturdie harlot went hem ay behind, That was her hostis man, and bare a sacke, And that man yeve hem laid it on his backe. And when he was out at the dore anon, He playned away the namis everichone. That he before had writtin in his tablis : He servid hem with nyfles and with fables. Sompner's Tale. " Bede, Hist. lib. iv. c. 24. Iviii FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS honour of a literal translation of St. John's Gospel." A ma- nuscript copy of the Latin Gospels, a Saxon version, interlined, known by the name of the Durham Book, is attributed on pro- bable evidence to about the time of Alfred. We possess another Latin transcript of the Gospels, with a Saxon translation, intro- duced after the same manner, known by the name of the Rush- worth Gloss. This manuscript appears to be a production of the tenth century.* Among the valuable manuscripts of Benet College, Cambridge, is a third copy of the Gospels in the Saxon tongue, written a little before the Conquest. And a fourth belonging to the same period, and which appears to have been copied fi'om the former, may be seen in the Bodleian Library. '^ But an ecclesiastic, who did more than all his brethren towards supplying his countrymen with instruction from the Scriptures in their own language, was Elfric. This laborious scholar lived during the reign of Ethelred, and subscribes himself at different periods as monk, mass-priest, and abbot. In his epitome of the Old and New Testaments, composed for Sigwerd, a nobleman, we are informed, that at the request of various persons, he had trans- lated the Pentateuch, the books of Joshua and Judges, those of Esther, Job, and Judith, also the two books of Maccabeus, and part of the first and second books of Kings. In his epitome of the Old and New Testaments, Cedman has not only made his selections from the Scriptures, but has frequently added things to the sacred story from other writings.'* A copy of this work, printed with an English translation, by WilHam ITsle, in 1 623, is in the Bodleian, and another has been for some time in my posses- sion. It begins thus : " Abbot Elfricke greeteth friendly Sigwerd. True it is, I tell thee, that very wise is he who speaketh by his doings ; and well proceedeth he, both with God and with the world, who furnisheth himself with good works. And very plain it is in Holy Scripture, that holy men employed in well doing " Vita Cuthberti. Baber's Historical Accovmt of the Saxon and English Versions of the Scriptures, previous to the opening of the fifteenth centurj'. * This is in the Bodleian, D. xxiv. No. 3964. It is so called from John Rush- worth, Esq. of Lincoln's Inn, its former possessor. '^ Baber, lix. Ix. '' Baber, 3, Ixii. Ixiii. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF AVYCLIFFE. hx were in this world held in good reputation." Alfred is mentioned as having prefixed a translation of several passages from the Mosaic writings to his code of laws, and is said to have made considerable progress in a Saxon version of the Psalms a little before his death. This, however, is the extent of our information on this interest- ing question, as connected with the Anglo-Saxon period of our history. The Anglo-Norman clergy were much more competent to have supplied the people with religious instruction in this form ; but the example of their predecessors in this respect was slighted, or rather disapproved. The first attempt, subsequent to the Con- quest, to translate any complete portion of the Scriptures into English, appears to have been made by the author of a rhyming paraphrase on the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles, intitled " Ormulum." Of nearly the same date, is a huge volume bearing the name of Salus Animae, or, in English, " Sowle Hele," in which the object of the compiler or transcriber seems to have been to furnish a volume of legendary and scriptural history in verse. He professes to set forth an outline of the historical portions both of the Old and New Testaments, but has introduced fragments of religious history with little regard to any principle of selection. The composition of this work is supposed to have preceded the opening of the fourteenth century. In Benet College, Cambridge, there is another work of the same description belonging to the same period, and containing accounts of the principal events recorded in the books of Genesis and Exodus. There is also in the same collection a copy of the Psalms in English metre, which is attributed to about the year 1800 ; and two similar works, of nearly the same antiquity, have been preserved, one in the Bod- leian Library, the other in that of Sir Kobert Cotton." But it is not until the middle of the following century that we trace any attempt to produce a literal translation even of detached portions of the Scriptures. It was about the year 1350, that Richard Roll, better known to ecclesiastical antiquaries as the hermit of Hampole, engaged in a work of this nature. His labours, however, were restricted to a little more than half the book of " baber, Ixii, — Ixv. Ix FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS Psalms ; and to the Psalms which he translated, a devotional com- mentary was annexed. Contemporary with this recluse, were some devout men among the clergy, who produced translations of such passages from the Scriptures as were prominent in the offices of the church ; while others ventured to complete separate ver- sions of the Gospels or Epistles. The persons thus laudably em- ployed were certainly few in number ; but parts of St. Mark and of St. Luke, and several of the Epistles, as thus rendered, have descended to us. It should be added, that these versions, which are of various merit, are generally guarded by a comment. Some Catholic writers have been disposed to deny that there was anything original in the conception of Wycliffe, with regard to the translation of the Scriptures into the vernacular language ;" but the preceding statements will suffice to show in what form, and to what extent, that claim may be urged in favour of our Reformer. Knighton, a contemporary of Wychffe, gives full expression to the different opinions which obtained in his own time on this subject. " Christ," says that historian, " delivered his doctrine to the doctors of the church, that they might admi- nister to the laity and weaker persons according to the state of the times, and the wants of men. But this Master John Wycliffe translated it out of Latin into English, and thus laid it more open to the laity, and to women who could read, than it had fonnerly been to the most learned of the clergy, even to those of them who had the best understanding. And in this way the Gospel pearl is cast abroad, and trodden under foot of swine ; and that which was before precious to both clergy and laity, is rendered, as it were, the common jest of both. The jewel of the church is turned into the sport of the people ; and what was hitherto the principal gift of the clergy and divines, is made for ever common to the laity."* So spoke the canon of Leicester on this matter. Nevertheless, if we may credit some modern Catholics, there was nothing new — nothing inconsistent with sound Catholic usage, in what Wychffe " " The Holy Bible was, long before AVyclille's days, by virtuous ami uell-learncd men, translated into the English tongue, and by good and godly people with devotion and soberness well and reverently read." — Sir Thomas More, Dialog, iii. 14. Lingard, Hist. Eng. iv. 267. * De Eventibus, col. 2644. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. ]xi had done in tins respect ! Not so thought the Englisli clergy, when assembled in council, in 1408, with Archbishop Arundel at their head. Their enactment on this subject reads as follows : — " The translation of the text of Holy Scriptures out of one tongue into another is a dangerous thing, as St. Jerome testifies, because it is not easy to make the verse in all respects the same. Therefore we enact and ordain that no one henceforth do, by his own authority, translate any text of the Holy Scriptures into the English tongue, or any other, by way of book or/treatise ; nor let any such book or treatise now lately composed in the time of John WyclifFe afore- said, or since, or hereafter to be composed, be read in whole or in part, in public or in private, under the pain of the. greater excom- munication."" Before the Conquest, and during a considerable space after- wards, there was little evil to be apprehended from any attempt to translate the Scriptures into the spoken language of the country. The repose of ignorance was too profound to be readily broken, and the vassalage both of the body and of the mind had been too long continued to admit of being speedily disturbed. But in tlie age of Wycliffe, the augmented population of the country, the progress of commerce and of a representative government, and the partial revival of learning, had all contributed to improve- ment ; and, together with the bolder encroachments of the papacy, and the spirit of complaint and resistance which those encroach- ments had produced, proved eminently favourable to the zeal of our Eeformer, as employed in applying the popular language to the pure records of the Gospel. His opponents, we have seen, were by no means insensible to the probable result of his efforts in this respect; and to his own discernment that result was obvious in a much greater degree. Nearly twenty years had now passed since his first dispute with the Mendicants, and during that period his writings disclose a growing conviction with regard to the sufficiency of the Scriptures, and with regard to the truth of tlie doctrine which we designate by the term — the right of private judgment. The success, also, which attended " Wilkins' Concilia, iii. 317. Walden, one of the aiitngonists of Wycliffe, affirmed, that " the decrees of bishops in the church are of greater authority and dignity than is the authority of the Scriptures." — Doc Trial, lib. ii. c. 21. Ixii FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS his controversy with the friars manifestly prepared him for his present enterprise ; the effect of which, according to his enemies, was to make the truths of the Gospel better known to the laity, and even to females, than they had hitherto been to the most dis- tinguished among the clergy." Many passages illustrative of the arguments with which the Eeformer opposed the clamours of his adversaries on this question, will be found in the ensuing pages. In one of his earliest vindi- cations he thus writes : — " Seeing the truth of the faith shines the more by how much the more it is known, and that lords bishops condemn the faitliful or true opinion in the ears of secular lords, out of hatred of the person who maintains it ; that the truth may be known more plainly and diffusively, true men are under a necessity of declaring the opinion which they hold, not only in Latin, but in the vulgar tongue. It has been said, in a former Looking-glass for Secular Lords, written in the vulgar tongue, that they ought wholly to regulate themselves conformably to the law of Christ. Nor are those heretics to be heard vfho fancy that seculars ought not to know the law of God^ but that it is suffi- cient for them to know what the priests and prelates tell them by word of mouth ; for the Scripture is the faith of the church, and the more it is known in an orthodox sense the better. Therefore, as secular men ought to know the faith, so it is to be taught them in whatsoever language is best known to them. Besides, since the truth of the faith is clearer and more exact in the Scripture than the priests know how to express it; seeing, if one may say so, that there are many prelates who are too ignorant of the Scripture, and others conceal points of Scripture, such, to wit, as declare the poverty and humility of the clergy, and that there are many such defects in the verbal instructions of priests, it seems useful that the faithful should themselves search out or discover the sense of the faith, by having the Scriptures in a language which they know and understand. Besides, according to the faith taught by the apostle, Heb. xi., the saints by faith overcame kingdoms, and by the motive of faith chiefly hastened to their own country. Why, therefore, ought not the fountain of faith to be made known to the people by those means by which a man " Knigliloii, De Evcntibus, col. 2(i'14. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Ixiii may know it the most clearly ? He, therefore, wlio hinders this, does his endeavour that the people should continue in a damn- able and unbelieving state. " The laws, therefore, which the prelates make, are not to be received as matters of faith, nor are we to believe their words or discourses any further or otherwise than they are founded in the Scripture, since, according to the constant doctrine of Augustine, the Scripture is all the truth. Therefore this translation of the Scripture would do at least this good, that it would render priests and prelates unsuspected in regard to the words of it, which they profess to explain. Further, prelates, as the pope, or friars, and other means, may prove defective, and Christ and his apostles, accordingly, converted the most part of the world by making known the Scripture in a language which was most familiar to the people. For to this purpose did the Holy Spirit give them the knowledge of all tongues. Why, therefore, ought not the modern disciples of Christ to collect fragments from the same loaf, and after such example open the Scriptures clearly and plainly to the people, that they may know them ? For this is no fiction, unless it be to one who is an unbeliever, and desirous to resist the Holy Spirit. " The faith of Christ is therefore to be explained to the people in a twofold language, the knowledge of which is given by the Holy Spirit. Besides, since, according to the faith which the apostle teaches, all Christians must stand before the judgment- seat of Christ, and be answerable to him for all the goods with which he has intrusted them, it is necessary that tlie faithful should know what these goods are, and the uses of them ; for an answer by a prelate or attorney will not then avail, but every one must then answer in his own person. Since, therefore, God has given to both clergy and laity the knowledge of the faith to this end, that they may teach it the more plainly, and work in faith- fulness according to it, it is clear that God, in the day of judg- ment, will require a true account of the uses to which these goods have been applied. "" Such were the motives of the Reformer In' translating the Bible into English; and the achievement is one which of itself can " Speculum Seeularium Dominionini. MS. apuJ Ele. Usscr. Lewis, c. v. 8G, 87. Ixiv FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS never cease to associate a special honour with the name of Wychffe. In the life of Wycliffe, the controversy relating to the transla- tion of the Scriptures was soon followed hy that relating to the eucharist. Until about the nuddlc of the ninth century, the manner in which the body and the blood of Christ are present in that sacrament was the subject of debate, or rather of a peaceful difference of opinion, among persons holding the highest offices in the church. But in the twelfth century, the advocates of the mysterious dogma, which then began to be known by the name of transubstantiation, became numerous and powerful. The progress of this doctrine, however, was far from being uninterrupted. Among its opponents in those times, the most distinguished place must be allotted to Berengarius, a Gallic prelate, whose learning and genius were greatly above the character of the age. His doctrine was strictly that of the primitive church, and of the existing Protestant communities. The zeal and ability with which he maintained it, called forth the enmity or admiration of the clergy through all the churches of the west. In the cause of his opinions, the disputant submitted to spiritual censure from the pontiff, and from a council assembled at Paris; and the displeasure of the French king, which his zeal had provoked, was followed by the forfeiture of his episcopal revenues. The burden of such wrongs was probably lightened, by remembering that his disciples in France, in Italy, in England, and especially in the States of Germany, were many and increasing. But such it appears was the extent of the suffering, which this advocate of truth and reason was prepared to endure in defence of his tenets. Thrice was he compelled to appear at Rome ; and as often was his doctrine formally renounced, only to be again avowed as the prospect of impunity returned. Towards the close of life, he retired from the agitated scenes wliicli, for more than thirty years, had been familiar to him ; and the remembrance of the indecision which had been allowed to sully his character, is said to have embittered his seclusion. But he died with a reputation of sanctity, and his doctrine never ceased to find disciples." " Mosheim. Hist. Eccles. ii. 555— -569. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Ixv The Vaudois and the Albigenses never rehnquished this doc- trine, and were animated in their opposition to the doctrine of transubstantiation by the labours of Berengarius and his par- tisans. That tlie sectaries had adopted the heresy of that prelate, was often urged against them by their persecutors ; and it is manifest, from certain fr^agments of their reasoning on this subject which their enemies have preserved, that supposing the assertion correct, the' disciples must be acknowledged as by no means unworthy of their master. From one of their adversaries, we learn that they were accustomed to appeal to the Apostles' creed, and to the Nicene and Athanasian creeds, as containing every essential article of Christian doctrine, expressing their surprise, that in those summaries of religious truth no reference should have been made to the matter of transubstantiation. They are described also as exposing the intrinsic and surpassing difficulties of that doctrine with a severity of criticism which must greatly have bewildered their antagonists, — urging, with fluency, almost every question tending to involve the subject in contradiction and absurdity." But we are principally concerned to know the fate of this doctrine in England. Our Saxon ancestors were in general sufficiently obedient to the opinions and customs of the papacy, and we may believe that the doctrine of transubstantiation was not unknown, nor wholly unapproved, by their spiritual guides. We have, however, the most decisive proof, that the dogma so named, was not a part of the national creed in the tenth centui'y. Elfiic, a contemporary of St. Duustan, and an ecclesiastic of " " If the bread should be changed every day into the body of Christ, it would be infinitely increased. They inquire also whether the bread ceaseth to be ; then it is annihilated, and so it is spoiled. Also they ask, how a body of so great a bulk can enter into the mouth of a man ? Whether the body of Christ be eaten, chewed with the teeth, and, consequently, divided into parts ? Whether the bread becomes the body of Christ ? Because then it will really be the body of Christ ; that is to say- something else than it is. Whether the bread becomes the body of Christ ? Because, if so, then bread will be the matter of Christ's body ; also after transubstantiation the accidents remain ; if so, they must be in another subject, — as, for instance, in the air. But if it be there, then some part of the air must be round, and savoury, and white ; and as the form is carried through divers places, so the accidents change their subject. Again, these accidents abide in the same part of the air, and so solidity will be in the air ; because they are solid, and, consequently, the air will be solid. / Ixvi FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS much celebrity in his time, has adverted in one of his epistles to the elements of the eucharist, in a manner which incidentally but most distinctly repudiates the Catholic doctrine. This letter was addressed to Wulfstan, archbishop of York ; and as its translation into the vernacular language was in compliance with the request of that prelate, it must be admitted as a document of no mean authority. According to this writer, the " housel (host) is Christ's body, not bodily, but spiritually. Not the body which he suffered in, but the body of which he spake when he blessed the bread and wine, a night before his sufferings.'" The apostle, he observes, " has said of the Hebrews, that they all did eat of the same ghostly meat, and they all did drink of the same ghostly drink. And this he said, not bodily, but ghostly, Christ being not yet born, nor his blood shed, when that the people of Israel ate that meat, and drank of that stone. And the stone was not bodily, though he so said. It was the same mystei*y in the old law, and they did ghostly signify that ghostly housel of our Saviour's body which we consecrate now." In his homily, " appointed in the reign of the Saxons to be spoken unto the people at Easter," the doctrine of Elfric, and of the Anglo-Saxon clergy generally, on this subject, is still more explicitly presented. The good abbot there repeats Ills allusion to the manna, and to the rock of the wilderness ; and speaks of the bread in the Christian sacrament as being no more the body of Christ, than the waters of baptism may be said to be the Holy Spirit. In describing the difference between the body in which Christ suffered, and the body which is hallowed in the Hence it appears that these accidents are not in the air, neither are they in the body of Christ ; neither can any other body be assigned in its place, in wliich they shall appear to be ; and, therefore, the accidents do not merely seem to remain. Again, when the form or figure in which the body of Christ lieth, is divided into parts, the body of Christ continues no longer in that figure which it had before ; how, there- fore, can the body of Christ be in every part of that host ? Again, if the body of Christ be liid in that little form, where is the head, and where is the foot ? As a consequence, his members must be undistinguishable again. Christ gave his body to his disciples before his passion. Now he gave it them either mortal or immortal ; yet if he gave it immortal, it is certain that then it was mortal ; and, consequently, while it is really mortal it was yet immortal, which is impossible." — Alanus Magnus, contra Albigenses, cited in the Latin by Dr. Allin, in his Remarks on the Churches of the Albigenses, c. xvi. 146. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF VVYCLIFFE. Ixvii bread, he states, that the one was born of Mary, and that the other is formed from a gathering together of many corns, and that " nothing, therefore, is to be understood therein bodily, but all is to be understood ghostly." The bread, which is further described as having a bodily shape, is again contrasted with the body of Christ, wliich is said to be present only in the sense of a " ghostly might." The body, moreover, in which Christ rose from the dead never dieth, but the consecrated bread, that is temporal, not eternal. The latter is divided into parts, and some receive a larger portion and some a less ; but the body of Christ, " after a ghostly mystery," is undivided, and equally in all. This series of distinctions the writer concludes by observing, that the signs appealing to the senses in the eucharist are a pledge and figure of truth, while the body of Christ is truth itself. The authenticity of the document which thus speaks is attested by the signatures of the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and by those of the prelates suffragan to them." But though it is thus plain that the doctrine of transubstantia- tion was not a recognised dogma of the Anglo-Saxon church, it is not to be doubted that there was much in the ignorance and superstitions of those times favourable to that general admission of this tenet which followed immediately after the Conquest. The political influence of the pontiffs in this island was for a while materially impeded by that event. But Lanfranc, who filled the see of Canterbury under the Conqueror, was the most distin- guished opponent of Berengarius : and from that time to the age of Wycliffe, the doctrine of the eucharist, as expounded by Lanfranc, became that of the Anglican church. It is by no means surprising that a study of the sacred Scrip- tures, conducted through so long an interval and so devoutly, and which had led to the abandonment of so many received opinions, should have prepared the mind of the Eeformer to question, and ultimately to reject, this most unreasonable tenet. From the " The printed copy bears the following title: — "A Testimonie of Antiquitie, showing the ancient faythe in the Church of England touching the sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord, here publicly preached, and also received in the Saxon tyme, above six hundred years ago. Printed by John Day, beneath St. Martyn's. Cum privilegio Regiae Maiestatis. 1507." / a Ixviii FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS frequent mention of his doctrine on this subject in his sermons, it is probable that it had been often broached from the pulpit before attention was called to it in his lectures at Oxford. But in the spring of 1381 this new heresy was promulgated in the university." Twelve conclusions were "tlien jpublished, in which the Reformer challenged the attention of the great men in that ancient seat of learning to his exposition of this sacrament. In these conclu- sions, while admitting that the words of consecration conferred a peculiar, and even a mysterious dignity, on the bread and wine, WyclifFe declares that those elements are not to be considered " as Christ, or as any part of him," but simply "as an effectual sign of him." To the easy faith of the people, and even of the learned, in those times, scarcely anything in religion was difl&cult of credence, if it had once been sanctioned by the church. But to some minds it was a matter of strange perplexity that the sensible qualities which had distinguished the bread and wine of the eucharist before consecration, should continue, to all human perception, precisely unaltered, after that ceremony had been per- formed. To counteract this inconvenient verdict of the senses, the genius of the Mendicants struck out a new path in logical science. They affirmed that an accident, or the property of an object, as the whiteness or roundness in the sacramental bread, may be supposed to remain after the bread itself had ceased to exist. This hardy subterfuge was deeply offensive to the discern- ment of WychfFe. From the time when he began to examine this subject with his characteristic independence of thought, his writings abound with allusions to it, and with special denuncia- tions against the fraudulent temper betrayed in the above method of defending it. In the conclusions published at Oxford, the Reformer declares that the bread and wine remain in the sacrament after the conse- cration, and describes the above argument in favour of transub- stantiation as heretical. It was in the nature of this doctrine that it should tend greatly to exalt the notions of the laity concerning the power of the priesthood. Men who could do such wonders as the priest was " Wood's Hist. 188. Lewis, c, vi. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. IxiX supposed to perform, when he pronounced the words of consecration — to what else might they not aspire ? It was a speculative notion which could not exist alone. It carried a mighty influence along with it. On this new ground the Reformer had to lay his account with new and most determined hostility. It appears, also, that much the greater portion of the honours of the university was possessed at this time by the religious orders, notwithstanding the attempts which had been made to reduce their influence. The chancellor, William de Berton, awed by the power of the enemies of Wyclifie, or being opposed to this boldness of opinion, became a party to the measures which were speedily adopted with a view to prevent the difi'usion of the new doctrine. In a con- vention of twelve doctors, eight of whom were either monks or Mendicants, the Reformer was represented as teaching that in the sacrament of the altar the substance of material bread and wine remains without change after the words of consecra- tion ; and that in the same venerable sacrament, there is the body and blood of Christ, not essentially, nor substantially, not even bodily, but figuratively or tropically — so that Christ is not there truly or verily in his own bodily presence. It will be seen that the doctrine of the Reformer, as expounded by his judges, stood directly" opposed to transubstantiation. It was agreed, accordingly, to describe these opinions as erroneous, and as opposed to the decisions of the church ; and at the same time, to set forth what should be regarded as the true doctrine of the eucharist, which is said to be — " That by the sacramental words duly pro- nounced by the priest, the bread and wine upon the altar are tran- substantiated, or substantially converted into the true body and blood of Christ, so that after consecration, there is not in that venerable sacrament the material bread and wine which before existed, considered in their own substances and natures, but only the speciep of the same, under wliich are contained the true body of Christ'and his blood, not figuratively or tropically, but essen- tially, substantially, and corporally — so that Christ is verily there in his own proper and bodily presence."" Wycliffe had challenged " Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, ii. App. Nos. 2, 3. Leland, De Script. Brit. 379. Sir Roger Twisden describes the above judgment concerning this doctrine, as "the first plenary determination of the Church of England" respecting it, and con- Ixx FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS discussion ; he was met by the intervention of authority. By this assembly of doctors, it was resolved, that the sentence of the greater excommunication, suspension from all scholastic exercises, and imprisonment, should be the penalty incurred by any member of the university, who should inculcate, either in the schools or elsewhere, the opinions now published by WyclifFe. Even to listen to such opinions, was to become liable to this punishment. The meeting which adopted these resolutions appears to have been privately convened ; and we are told, that the Reformer was in the room of the Augustinians, lecturing among his pupils on this very doctrine, when a messenger entered the apartment, who, in the name of the chancellor, and of the divines, his coadjutors, read the above sentence concerning the sacrament of the altar, and all persons who should favour the erroneous opinions recently made public on that subject. Wycliffe paused, as if taken by surprise, and in hesi- tancy with regard to the best method of meeting the hostility which had so suddenly assumed this formidable shape. But a moment was sufficient to recover his self-possession. He then rose, and complaining that authority and coercion should have been thus substituted in the place of reason, he challenged any number of his opponents to furnish a fair refutation of the opinions wliich they had thus condemned. Wycliffe had often declared it to be the duty of the magistrate to protect the life, the property, and in all such cases as the present, the personal freedom of the sub- ject. On this maxim he now resolved to act. The alternative placed before him was silence or imprisonment, and the chancel- lor was therefore informed, that since it had been detennined to punish the persons who should avow the condemned opinions with civil penalties, it was his own determination to appeal from the decision of his present judges to the protection of the civil power. They were looking to that power to suppress freedom of thought, — he would look to it in support of such fi-eedom." Some time, however, was to elapse before the meeting of the next parliament, and we may suppose that during that interval the eludes on this ground, that " the opinion of transubstantiation, that brought so many to the stake, had not move than an hundred and forty years' prescription before Martin Luther." — Historical Vindication, pp. 193, 194. " Sudbury Register, in Wilkin?^. Coneil. Brit. iii. 1/0, 171. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. • Ixxi lectures of the Reformer were occupied with topics less dangerous to his personal freedom. The jurisdiction of the chancellor, moreover, was restricted to the university. It did not affect Wychffe as rector of Lutterworth ; and to the silence thus imposed on him at Oxford, we should probahly attribute his great labours as an author so observable during the subsequent period of his history. The summer of this year is memorable for the insurrection of the commons under Wat Tyler. Sudbery, archbishop of Canter- bury, was murdered by the insurgents, and in the following October, Courtney, bishop of London, was raised to the primacy. It will be remembered, that this prelate had already distinguished himself as a haughty opponent of the doctrines of Wycliffe. Early in May in the following year, a new parliament was con- vened at Westminster. At the same time, Courtney adopted mea- sures to convene a synod for the purpose of deliberating with regard to the course which should be taken in respect to certain strange and dangerous opinions said to be widely diffused, " as well among the nobility as among the commons of this realm of England." On the seventeenth of May, accordingly, a meeting was convened, consisting of eight prelates, fourteen doctors of civil and canon law, six bachelors of divinity, fifteen Mendicants, and four monks. The place of meeting was the residence of the Black Friars, in the metropolis, and the course contemplated by the archbishop appears to have been, in the first place, to obtain a formal condemnation of the obnoxious opinions, and then to com- mence a zealous prosecution of all persons who, being suspected of such opinions, should hesitate to renounce them. It happened, however, that the synod had scarcely approached the matters to be adjusted by its wisdom, when the city was shaken with an earthquake, and the courage of some of the parties assembled was so much affected by that event, that they ventured to express their doubts, whether the object before them might not be displeasing to Heaven, and it began to be probable, that the meet- ing would dissolve witl^ut^ com to any decision. But the ready genius of Courtney gave a different meaning to the incident, comparing the dispersion of noxious vapours produced by such con- vulsions to the purity which should be secured to the church, as the result of the present struggle to remove the pestilent from her Ixxii • FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS communion. The courage of the wavering being thus restored, twenty-four conclusions were read, as those which had been preached " generally, commonly, and pubhcly, through the pro- vince of Canterbury and the reahn of England." After the " good deliberation" of three days, it was agreed, that ten of these conclusions were heretical, and the remaining were declared to be erroneous. The doctrines described as heretical, related to the sacrament of the altar, as being perfected without any change in the substance of the bread and wine — to priests and bishops as ceasing to be such on falling into deadly sin — to auricular confession as unne- cessary — to ecclesiastical endowments as unlawful — and to the claims of the pope, when he shall happen to be a depraved man, as being derived solely from the edict of Caesar, and not at all from the authority of the Gospel. The propositions described as erro- neous are those which declare, that a prelate excommunicating any man without knowing him to be condemned of God, is himself a heretic, and excommunicated — that to prohibit appeals from the tribunal of the clergy to that of the king, is to withhold from the sovereign the allegiance due to him — that priests and deacons all possess authority to preach the Gospel, without waiting for the licence of popes or prelates — that to abstain fi'om preaching the Gospel from the fear of clerical censures, must be to appear, in the day of doom, under the guilt of treason against Christ — that tem- poral lords may deprive a dehnquent clergy of their possessions — that tithes are simply alms, to be offered as the judgment or con- science of the laity may determine, and only as the clergyman shall be devout and deserving — and finally, that the institution of the religious orders is contrary to Holy Scripture, and being sinful in itself tends in many ways to what is sinful. " The substance of these doctrines was, no doubt, maintained by WyclifFe and his disciples, but in the above statement, they have some of them received a partial colouring from the ignorance or « Wilkins, iii. 157. Lewis, c. vi. The Gadstow Chronicle, cited by Mr. Lewis, states that the earthquake mentioned in tlic preceding page took place about one o'clock in the forenoon of the Wednesday previous to Whitsuntide, about May 30th. But this was probably a second convulsion, for it is certain, that the synod assembled nearly a fortnight earlier. — Fox. Acts and Monuments. Edition by Pratt. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Ixxiii prejudice of the men who pronounced judgment upon them. The form and pomp with which that judgment was given, were often appealed to in vindication of the measures afterwards adopted to free the land from these religious tares. It is certain that the people of the metropolis were deeply infected with Lollardism ; and Courtney well knew that the same heresy had diffused itself widely in the university, which had been so long the residence of Wycliffe. In a letter addressed to the Bishop of London, having announced himself as legate of the apostolic see as well as metropolitan of all England, the archbishop laments, that in contempt of certain canons which had wisely restricted the office of preaching, whether publicly or privately, to such as are licensed by the holy see, or by their prelates, many were every- where found preaching doctrines subversive of the whole church, " infecting many well-meaning Christians, and causing them to wander grievously from the catholic communion, without which there is no salvation." The bishop is then reminded of the high authority by which the propositions refeiTed to had been con- demned as heretical and erroneous ; and he is, in conclusion, exhorted, in common with all his brethren suffragans of Canterbury, — to admonish and warn that no man do henceforth hold, preach, or defend, the aforesaid heresies and errors, or any of them. To secure this object, it is enjoined, that in future, neither himself, nor any other prelate, shall admit any suspected persons to the liberty of preaching ; shall listen in any degree to the abettors of such pernicious tenets ; nor lean in any way to them, either publicly or privately; but rather resist the publishers of such doctrines, as serpents diffusing pestilence and poison, and that this course be pursued on pain of the greater excommunication, that being the sentence pronounced on all and every one who shall be found in these things disobedient." As this letter was not only sent to the Bishop of London, but to all the prelates suffragans of Canterbury, a copy must be supposed to have reached the Bishop of Lincoln, Wycliffe's diocesan. We know that by that prelate, official documents were immediately addressed to the abbots, and priors, and the different ecclesiastical " Fox, Acts and Monuments, i. 569. Knighton, Coll. 2650, 2651. Ixxiv FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS officers, and to all the rectors, vicars, and parochial chaplains, throughout the district in which the church of Lutterworth was situate. That church is descrihed as in the deanery of Goodlax- ton, in the archdeaconry of Leicester. Wycliffe was thus canoni- cally admonished of his obligations in regard to the heresy of the times, but was not found in a condition to profit by such warning. " That the greater solemnity might be given to this crusade against heresy, it was arranged, that during the ensuing Whit- suntide a religious procession should pass, with many signs of woe about it, through the streets of London. On the appointed day numbers of the clergy and the religious contributed to the edification of the profane laity by moving barefooted through the most crowded places toward St. Paul's. There a Carmelite friar ascended the pulpit, and reminded the mourning multitude of their duty in that foreboding crisis, with regard to the church and her enemies. We do not know in what degree the populace of London ^ere affected by this spectacle ; but in Oxford the course of the perse- cutor was much impeded. At this time, one Peter Stokes, a Carmelite, and a doctor of divinity, had distinguished himself in that university by the ardour with which he had opposed the new opinions. His conduct in this respect procured him the notice and patronage of the archbishop, who, in a letter dated a week sub- sequent to the meeting at the Black Friars, commands the zealous Mendicant to pubUsh the decisions of that assembly in all the schools of the university. In tliis document, which is nearly a transcript of that sent to the bishops, the primate adverts to the contempt of the episcopal office observable in the conduct of the new preachers ; to their doctrine, as being subversive of that faith in which alone there is salvation ; to the great learning and wisdom of the synod by which these novelties had been con- demned ; and having declared that to refuse the needful aid for saving men from such destruction, must be to become chargeable with their blood, he commands that tlie persons maintaining the heresies and errors specified, be holden in the strictest abhorrence, under the penalty of the great anathema. o Fox, Acts and Monuments, i. .569, 570. Knighton, Coll. 2650. Lewis, c. vi. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Ixxv But it was of little avail to despatch such instructions to the university, while its chancellor and a large portion of its mem- bers were the secret, if not the open, disciples of the doctrine thus denounced. That office, which in the preceding year had been sustained by William de Berton, was now filled by Robert Rigge, a scholar who exposed himself to much inconvenience and suffer- ing on account of his known attachment to some of the Reformer's opinions. In the documents of this period the name of Doctor Nicholas Hereford is also of frequent occurrence, as that of a principal follower of Wycliffe. Before the assembling of the late synod, this divine, to use the language of Courtney, had been " vehemently suspected of heresy." At this moment, however, Hereford is called by the chancellor to preach before the uni- versity ; and the service which thus devolved upon him was deemed the most honourable of its class through the year. It was at this time .also that a similar mark of approbation was conferred on Ralph Rippington, who was also doctor of divinity, and equally an admirer of Wycliffe ; and the discourses of both are described as containing a fervent eulogy on the character and the general doctrine of the Reformer. But this exercise of the chancellor's authority was instantly reported to the archbishop, and an expos- tulatory letter was suddenly despatched, advising a more dutiful exercise of his authority. It required him, indeed, to loathe the opinions and fellowship of such " presumptuous men," and, that his own freedom from heretical pravity may be above suspicion, to afford immediate aid to Peter Stokes in giving all publicity to the letters wliich had been sent to the university ; that so the reign of a sect against which the king and the lords had pro- mised to unite their authority might at length be brought to its close." ■ The allusion of the archbishop to the intentions of the govern- ment, was not unadvisedly made. Richard II. was now in the sixteenth year of his age : the difiiculties of his exchequer were many and distressing, and the repeated efforts of his ministers to extricate the vessel of the state seemed only to increase its perils. In the train of tliese perplexities came an insurrection such as " Fox. Acts and M^on. i. 507. 508. Ixxvi FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS had not been hitherto known in our history, and which appeared to menace the overthrow of every privileged order in the state. The zeal and sagacity of such churchmen as the present arch- bishop would not be slow in suggesting to the young king that convulsions of this perilous nature were to be expected if such men as Wycliffe and his followers were allowed to continue their appeal to the unbridled passions of the populace. Amidst the manifest disaffection of the people, it became a point of great importance to propitiate the clergy. Their influence might be used to allay exasperated feeling, and their wealth might enable the government to abolish, or, at least, to abate, that sort of taxation which had recently goaded the commons into madness. Lancaster, too, who, during the late commotions, had been em- ployed in treating with the Scots on the border, had shared much in the resentment of the insurgents ; and there were other causes which rendered him far from acceptable to the existing ministry. The juncture, accordingly, was favourable to a nearer alliance between the mitre and the crown. In these auspicious circumstances the EngUsh clergy united in preferring to the sovereign and the court a series of complaints against the doctrine and practices of the followers of Wycliffe. With a view also to increase the odium so freely cast upon the disciples of the Reformer, they were now designated Lollards — a name which had long distinguished certain sectaries on the con- tinent, to whom, after the manner of the times, almost everything degrading had been imputed. The persons in England now classed with those injured people, are described by the prelates, abbots, and friars, representing the orthodoxy of the times, as teaching, that since the age of Sylvester there has not been any true pope, and that the last to whom that name should be given is the exist- ing pontiff. Urban VI. ; that the power of granting indulgences, and of binding and loosing, as claimed by ecclesiastics, is a delu- sion, and that those who confide in it are deceived and accursed ; that auricular confession is a superfluous service ; that the bishop of Rome has no legislative authority in the Christian church ; that the invocation of saints is an unathorised custom ; that the wor- ship of images or pictures is idolatry, and the miracles attributed to them so much fraud : thai the clergy are bound to reside on CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Ixxvii their benefices, and not to farm tliem to others, and that the men who fail in such duties sliould be degraded as wasters of the goods of the church ; and, finally, that the pomp of the higher orders of the priesthood should be in all things done away, and their doc- trine in regard to the vanity of the world enforced by example. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that doctrines at all of this nature could not have been widely disseminated without deeply irritating the men to whose pretensions they were so explicitly opposed. As the result of this appeal, the clergy obtained the sanction of the king, and of certain lords, to a sort of statute or proclamation, which occurs as the first in our history providing for the punislunent of the crime designated heresy. For this reason, and as it farther discloses the activity and energy with which WycHffe's poor priests were now prosecuting their plans of reform, we shall insert this paper without abridgment. " Foras- much as it is openly known that there are divers evil persons within the realm, going from county to county, and from town to town, in certain habits, under dissimulation of great holiness, and without the license of the ordinaries of the places, or other sufficient authority, preaching daily, not only in churches and churchyards, but also in markets, fairs, and other open places, where a great congregation of people is, divers seimons containing heresies and notorious errors, to the great blemishing of the Christian faith, and destruction of the laws and estate of holy church, to the great peril of the souls of the people, and of all the realm of England, (as more plainly is found, and sufficiently proved, before the reverend father in God, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishops and other prelates, masters of divinity, and doctors of canon and of civil law, and a great part of the clergy of the same realm, especially assembled for tliis cause,) which persons do also preach divers matters of slander to engender discord and dissen- sion between divers estates of the said realm ; which preachers being cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the places, then to answer to that whereof they be impeached, they will not obey to their summons and commandments, nor care for their monitions, nor for the censures of holy church, but expressly despise them ; and, moreover, by their subtle and ingenious words do draw the people to hear their sermons, and do maintain them in their Ixxviii FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS errors by strong hand and by great routs. It is, therefore, ordained and assented to in this present parliament, that the king's commissions be made and directed to the sheriffs and other ministers of our sovereign lord the king, or other sufficient persons learned, and according to the certifications of the prelates thereof, to be made in the Chancery from time to time, to arrest all such preachers, and also their fautors, maintainers, and abettors, and to hold them in arrest and strong prison till they shall justify themselves according to the law and reason of holy church. And the king willeth and commandeth that the chancellor make such commission, at all times, that he by the prelates, or any of them, shall be certified and thereof required as is aforesaid."" Tliis document did not obtain the sanction of parliament ; but, invalid as it was in point of law, it did something towards render- ing the magistracy through the kingdom the passive instruments of that " holy office," which the scheme of the archbishop was meant to set uj) in every diocese. That the suspected through the nation might be placed under immediate " arrest, and in strong prison," the force at the command of the sheriffs was to be subject in every place and at every season to the bidding of the prelates ; and no process instituted was to terminate except as the parties accused should "justify themselves according to the law and the reason of holy church." And if it be remembered that our statute book had not hitherto contained the remotest provi- sion for punishing men, on account of their religious opinions, the matured form in which this oppressive policy was introduced, must be viewed as bespeaking no mean confidence of strength on the part of the ruling clergy. On obtaining the powers set forth in this instrument, the attention of the primate was first directed to Oxford. The synod which held its first meeting on the 17th of May, was again convened in the chamber of the Preaching Friars on the 12tli of June ; and Eobert Kigge, the chancellor of the university, and William Brightwell, a doctor of divinity, appeared at the place of meeting to answer in respect to their late conduct in " Fox, Acts and Mou. i. 575, 576. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Ixxix favour of Hereford and Rippingtou ; and also as to their opinion concerning the " aforesaid articles." Rigge was a zealous advo- cate of the university, as an establishment which should be subject to the authority of the civil power, and not to ecclesias- tical interference of any kind. The religious orders, on the con- trary, were concerned that it should be subject to the authority of the primate as legate of the apostolic see. Wycliffe had main- tained the doctrine embraced by Rigge. To what further extent the chancellor had embraced the opinions, or symj)athised wdth the spirit of the Reformer^ we do not know ; but before the synod he was induced to declare his assent to the judgment which had been passed on the twenty- four heretical or erroneous conclusions in the former meeting; and Brightwell, after some hesitation, followed his example. It is hardly to be doubted, that in this act both were chargeable with some concealment of their opinions, and, perhaps, deemed themselves justified in opposing something of the wisdom of the serpent to the power of the wolf It is certain that a letter was now delivered by the archbishop to " his well-beloved son in Christ, the chancellor of Oxford," requiring him to publish the judgment of the synod concerning the pro- scribed articles in all the schools and churches at the hours of lecturing and preaching ; and to give the greater notoriety to this proclamation, it was to be published in Latin and in the vulgar tongue. In this document, mention is expressly made of John WycliiFe, Nicholas Hereford, Philip Rippington, John Ashton, and Lawrence Redman, as being persons notoriously suspected of heresy ; and referring to these persons, and to all who should in any way favour their persons or their doctrine, the primate says, " We suspend the same suspected persons from all scholastic exercises, until such time as they shall have purified themselves before us ; and we require that you publicly denounce the same to have been, and to be, by us suspended ; and that you diligently and faithfully search after all their patrons and adherents, and cause inquiry to be made respecting them through every hall in the said university : and_ that, obtaining intelhgence of their names and persons, you do compel all and each of them to abjure their errors by ecclesiastical censures, auxL4>y-any canon- ical penalties whatsoever, under pain of the greater anathema, tlie IXXX FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS which we now denounce against all and each who shall not be obedient to these instructions." The primate also adds the following cautious provision : " And the absolving of such as may incur the sentence of this instrument, we reserve wholly to ourselves." But the chancellor had scarcely left the place of meeting, when the suspicions of Courtney appear to have been awakened anew. In a letter dated on the same day with the above, and from the same place, he informs the same Eobert Rigge, that he had learned from credible information, and partly from experience, his disposition to favour " the aforesaid damnable concliisions," and his intention to molest, by his authority as chancellor, the persons who should oppose them in the schools of the university. In consequence of tliis information, the archbishop thus writes : " We admonish thee, Master Robert, chancellor as before named, the first, second, and third time, and peremptorily, that thou dost not grieve, hinder, nor molest judicially, pubUcly nor privately, nor cause to be grieved, hindered, or molested, nor procure indi- rectly by thyself or others, to be grieved, the aforesaid clerks, secular or regular, or such as favour them in the jooints deter- mined in their scholastic acts, or in any other condition what- soever."" In explanation of this proceeding, it should be remembered that the ecclesiastics who had joined with the archbishop in these proceedings against the chancellor of Oxford, were most of them members of the university. On returning to Oxford, the men who had sat in judgment on the chancellor would become subject to his authority, and to protect these men against the probable resentment of " Master Robert," the above monition was ad- dressed to him by Courtney. The synod, we have seen, assembled on the 17th of May, and re-assembled on the 12th of June, was again convened on the 18th, the 20th, and the 28th of the same month, and on the 1st and 12th of the month ensuing. In all these meetings, the prosecution of Hereford and his associates was continued. Wycliffe resided at this time upon his rectory, but was a close " Fox, Acts and Mon. i. 577 — 579. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Ixxxi observer of these proceedings. In one of his sermons, written at this juncture, he clearly refers to the measures in progress against Hereford, and against " Master John Ashton." There is good reason to think that the Reformer was assisted by Dr. Hereford in his translation of the Scriptures, and that divine is supposed to hare been the author of some pieces in English, designed to forward the contemplated reformation. Ashton was known through nearly half the kingdom as an itinerant preacher, and from the account given of him by his enemies, we must suppose that his ability as a preacher was of a highly popular and power- ful description. To the doctrines of WyclifFe he is said to have added some novelties of his own. Knighton, who describes his apjDcaring in coarse attire, and with a staff in his hand, as an affectation of simplicity, bears testimony to the assiduity with which he frequented churches, and mingled in family circles, to secure the dissemination of liis tenets. The same writer has preserved the outline of two sermons said to have been delivered by this pedestrian teacher, the one at Leicester, the other at Gloucester. In these discourses we find the doctrine of Wycliffe in regard to the authority of the crown in relation to the church — the delusions and abuses connected with the spiritual powers assumed by the clergy — the corrupting influence of wealth upon the priesthood — the unscriptural origin of the hierarchical dis- tinctions which had obtained among churchmen — the errors and absurdities involved in the doctrine of transubstantiation, together with much invective against crusades, which are especially denounced as being one of the chief fruits of the dispensing power so mischievously exercised by the clergy. That neither the learning of Hereford, nor the zeal of Ashton, might be longer employed in diffusing opinions so little in accordance with the existing order of things, both were summoned to appear before the archbishop, who in addition to the title of primate, is pleased to describe himself as " chief inquisitor."" In one of his parochial discourses, Wycliffe refers to this process as then pending. These proceedings he attributes mainly to the zeal of Courtney, whom he describes as " the great bishop « Knighton, Col. 2655— 26()0. Fox, Acts and Monuments, 579, 580. Wilkins, Concil. Brit, ubi supra. 9 Ixxxii FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS of England," and as being deeply incensed, " because God's law is written in EngUsh to lewd" men." "He pursuetli a certain priest," says the preacher, "because he writeth to men this Enghsh, and summoneth him, and travelleth him, so that it is hard for him to bear it. And thus he pursueth another priest, by the help of pharisees, because he preacheth Christ's Gospel freely, and without fables. Oh ! men who are on Christ's behalf, help ye now against Antichrist, for the perilous times are come which Christ and Paul foretold ! " * The reader is left to imagine the sympathy with which the auditory of Wycliffe would listen to this impassioned language. But if we may credit the accounts of their persecutors, the efforts made by the men who were thus pathetically adverted to, in hope of escaping from the strong hand of their oppressors, were made in vain. But when the primate had committed himself to this struggle, it was important that he should seem to have done it with suitable precaution and success : and the report transmitted to us is, that Hereford and Kippington, after many attempts to evade any confession of their faith, at length admitted the twenty-four conclusions censured by the synod to be, with certain explanations, partly heretical, and j)artly false. They are described also, as stating that they had not, in any instance, pubhcly avowed the tenets which in those conclusions were imputed to them. This confession, however, such as it was, proved so little satisfactory, that each member of the synod declared it to be, with respect to several articles, " heretical, subtle, erroneous, and perverse." But the accused could not be induced to present any further explanation, and the sentence of excommunication was pro- nounced upon them ; and that it might operate the more power- fully as a warning to the infected, it was pronounced with nauch publicity and form. Ashton conducted his defence with great spirit, but reftised to answer the questions of his judges on the conclusions set forth as containing the heresies and errors with which he was charged. He was repeatedly enjoined to make his communications to the court in Latin, that no injurious impression might be made upon " Laymen. * Homily, MS, Bib. Reg. British Museum. CONCERNING THE L1F8 OF WYCLIFFE. Ixxxiii the mind of the laity who were present. But the consciousness of a bad cause betrayed in this injunction, excited the indignation of the accused, and turning to the crowd which his popularity as a preacher had brought together, he addressed them in their own tongue in such terms, that great noise and disorder ensued, and the archbishop hastened to bring the business of the day to a close. The refusal of Ashton to answer the questions put to him, was construed as proof of his guilt, and he was sentenced to undergo all the penalties which had been attached to the holding of the censured articles. Knighton, indeed, states that Ashton and Hereford deUvered written confessions to the synod on the matter of the eucharist, setting forth the doctrine of transubstantiation in the fullest terms. But it is a suspicious circumstance, that in the Courtney register, where so large a space is assigned to the account of these proceedings, no trace of such documents is to be found. In addition to which, in the paper which Knighton has published, as supplied by Ashton, he is made to declare, that he had not, on any occasion, expressed doubt concerning the received doctrine on that subject, a statement which, according to what the his- torian who has adopted it has said elsewhere, was contrary to fact, and one that must have contained a falsehood in the greatest degree impolitic, inasmuch as it admitted of being so easily exposed. With regard to Hereford, also, his escape would not have been attributed, as it certainly was, to the powerful inter- ference of the Duke of Lancaster, if his confessions had been such as to account for his release without any necessity for such interference. In 1387, Hereford was generally regarded as a disciple of Wycliffe; and so late as the year 1392, he solicited and obtained the protection of the court against the machinations of his enemies as arising from that cause. Eippington ultimately complied with the demands of the church ; and even Ashton so far satisfied his judges, as to be permitted to resume his scholastic exercises ; but it is supposed that the latter died as he had lived." It appears Jfrom a discourse composed by WycliflFe about this time, that he was by no means ignorant of the attempts which " Knighton, De Event. Coll. 2657. Walsinghani, passim. The several docii- nients in Fox, and Lewis c. vi. ^2 Ixxxiv FACTS ANt) OBSERVATIONS were thus made to suppress the intended reformation of religion, by securing the aid of civil power for that end. Commenting on the entombment of Christ, and on the vain efforts of the priests and the soldiers to prevent his resurrection, the preacher adverts to the measures above described in the following terms: " Thus do our high priests and our new religious fear them, lest God's law, after all they have done, should be quickened. There- fore make they statutes stable as a rock, and they obtain grace of knights to confirm them, and this they well mark with the witness of lords ; and all lest the truth of God's laws, hid in the sepulchre, should break out to the knowing of the common people. Oh, Christ ! thy law is hidden thus ; when wilt thou send thine angel to remove the stone, and to show thy truth unto thy flock ? Well I know that knights have taken gold in this case, to help that thy law may be thus hid, and thine ordinances consumed. But well I know, that at the day of doom it shall be manifest, and even before, when thou arisest against all thine enemies ! "" The man who addressed himself in these terms to the people of his charge in Lutterworth, well knew that each step in the progress of the pending prosecutions was preparatory to the meditated blow against himself. Should that blow be struck, and struck effectually, it would be well that his countrymen should know distinctly the opinions for which he suffered. It was at this juncture, accordingly, that Wycliffe published a summary of the most important of his tenets, in the form of a petition (or com- plaint) to the king and parliament. This work is among the treatises printed in this volume. The assembly to which it was addressed, was assembled on the nineteenth of November, 1381, and in this document it is supposed to be already sitting. It appears also to have been known, that the subjects with which the great men of the realm, " both seculars and men of holy church," were about to be occupied, embraced the articles discussed in this paper. This bold and admirable production appears to have made the kind of Impression on the parliament which it was designed to produce. In a petition lo the king, the members of the ' Homily, MS. Bib. Reg. British Museum. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. IxXXV comniQiis^set forth the provisions of the spurious statute which had been recently obtained by the primate, and which, to effect the imprisonment of the new preachers and their abettors, until obedient to the church, had made every sheriff in the king- dom the mere instrument of his diocesan, requiring him to root out by the sword, the errors which neither the persuasions nor the terrors of the hierarchy had been sufficient to destroy. But, inasmuch as this pretended law "was never agreed to nor granted by the commons, but whatsoever was moved therein was moved without their assent," the prayer of the whole parliament is, " that the said statute be disannulled." The petitioners further declare it to be "in no wise their meaning, that either themselves, or such as shall succeed them, shall be farther bound to the prelates than were their ancestors in former times."" But in those times, to procure the enactment or repeal of statutes, was a work of less difficulty than to bring the proceed- ings of the government into strict conformity with the decisions of parliament. Hence the custom so prevalent in the earlier history of our constitution, of confirming anew even its inost acknowledged principles. It is not too much to say, that to this bad faith, the policy of the court of Rome, in the use made of its dispensing powers, greatly contributed. In his letters, Richard had been made to threaten exclusion from the university, imprisonment, and confiscation, against all who should hold the doctrine of Wycliffe, or should in any way favour its abettors. And though the monarch subsequently declared himself pleased with the repeal of the statute on which those instructions had been founded, the violent measures which that piece of fabrication had been devised to sanction, were still pursued, and with only too much success. It was, as we have remarked, on the nineteenth of November, that the parliament and the convocation assembled at Oxford. The primate, in addressing the clergy as there convened, informed them that their first business was to grant a subsidy to the crown, and that their next object must be to apply some remedy to certain disorders which had too long disgraced the university, " Fox, Acts ar.d Monuments, i. 576. Lingard, Hist. Eng. iv. 259. Ixxxvi FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS and the eflfects of which were extending to the community at large, in the diffusion amongst them of many dangerous and fiilse opinions. Wycliffe was summoned to appear before this assembly. There were circumstances, however, which seemed greatly to narrow the ground of impeachment taken up against him at this juncture. By this time the Reformer had given full expression to his obnoxious opinions in his different writings, and he had reiterated most of them in the address which he presented to the parliament now sitting. But the meditated encroachment of the prelates had excited in the said parliament, certain feelings of suspicion and resentment, which it was deemed prudent not to augment by any course of proceeding which might become the occasion of farther umbrage. On this account, it would seem, the convocation determined to restrict their prosecution of WycliflFe to a matter of doctrine, passing over the more questionable matters of polity and discipline. The article selected was that of the eucharist. The doctrine of Wycliflfe on that subject was known to be directly contrary to the doctrine of transubstantiation. Tlie Duke of Lancaster is said to have advised the Reformer to submit in all doctrinal matters to the judgment of his order. This conduct on the part of the duke was highly praised by the clergy, but its only effect on Wycliffe was to call forth new evidence of his firmness and integrity. To have denied his doctrine on the eucharist, or simply to have abstained from teaching it, would have been to continue sheltered from the resentment of the clergy, by the favour of the nobleman of whose power they still stood in much wholesome apprehension. To proceed in opposing the received doctrine on that sacrament, notwithstanding the counsel of the duke, was to front the unre- strained malice of his enemies. The latter course, however, was his choice. We also learn, and from a writer who has shown himself not a little solicitous to fasten the reproach of equivocation upon the name of Wycliffe, not only that the Reformer proved to be as little influenced by the advice of the duke as by the command of the archbishop, but that in his public defence on this sacrament, " like an obstinate heretic, he refuted all the doctors of the second millenary."" » Hist. 283. Wilkins, Con. Brit. iii. 171. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Ixxxvii Fully to understand the zeal with which the Keformer assailed the doctrine of transuhstantiation, the reader must bestow his best attention on the exposition given of that doctrine in the several treatises and chapters contained in this volume. The adoration of a piece of bread in the place of the Deity, Wycliffe denounced as idolatry. The conduct of the ofl&ciating priest, in pretending to remake his Maker, he proclaimed as the last step of presumption and blasphemy. Let this pretension be admitted, and nothing remained, however much opposed to Scripture, to reason, or to the senses, which the same men might not, on the same ground, introduce. The doctrine is described, accordingly, as the master device of Satan, constructed that it might serve as an inlet to every abomination. Hence the opposition of Wycliffe to this doctrine, was, in his view, a defence of the human mind, and of all freedom. It was with such views, not lightly taken up, but thoroughly formed, that Wyclifie appeared before his judges at Oxford. The assembly beforeTiiiii consisted of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Lincoln, Norwich, Hereford, Worcester, Salisbury, and London, with a numerous selection of doctors, together with the chancellor of the university, and many of the inferior clergy. Around him were assembled a crowd of the laity, as auditors variously interested in the object of the meeting. Before this array of power, Wycliffe stood alone and unfriended. The investigation related to a point of theological doctrine, with which neither the parliament nor any secular personage, however power- ful, could interfere, without some appearance of impropriety. More than forty years had now passed since Oxford had first become the home of the Reformer, and during all those years it had been more or less associated with all his purposes and labours. Before him it stood a venerable establishment, formed to nurse the intellect of his country, so that it might well acquit itself in the duties of philanthropy, patriotism, and religion. Hence he had always been amongst the foremost to defend its jurisdiction, as independent of all foreign control, and esjDecially against such control as proceeded from the prelates or from Eome. His hair was now grey, not perhaps from age so much as from those religious solicitudes, and that mental activity, which appear IxXXViii FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS to have always surpassed the strength of his physical nature, and of late to have especially exposed him to the inroads of disease. In that city, where he had now to front liis enemies on such unequal terms, and as one wholly in their power, admiring con- verts had often given loud utterance to their dehght, as his voice was heard proclaiming doctrines dear to the purer ages of the church. Nor is it to be supposed that his numerous followers had become suddenly extinct. But at this moment the ruling clergy had so diffused the terrors of their strength, that the Ee- former, hke another Elijah, stands apparently alone amidst the generation of his countrymen. His defence, we have seen, was such as to extort from adversaries the praise of aSjinrivalled acuteness. His written confessions, which the same adversaries have transmitted to us, contain the most distinct statements of the doctrine which he had pre- viously taught on the sacramenrt to which they relate. Two confessions were presented, one in Latin, and one in English. The Latin confession treats the question in a style which the more learned of his judges must have seen to have been adapted to their taste, simply for the purpose of defeating them with their own weapons. The English document touches but distantly on the distinctions of the schools, and is framed to meet the popular apprehension. In the Latin confession, Wycliffe applies himself to demonstrate that " this venerable sacrament is naturalhj bread and wine, but sacramentally the body and blood of Christ." It is alleged that there are six modes of subsistence which may be attributed to the body of our Saviour: three of these may be aflBrmed of that body as it is present in the eucharist, and three of the state in which it exists in heaven. In the eucha- rist, the body of Christ is virtually, spiritually, and sacrament- ally present ; but his substantial, corporeal and dimensional presence, is said to be restricted to his mode of-existenoe in the celestial state. The Eeformer then repeats the doctrine main- tained on tliis subject by himself and his followers, denies the charge of their adoring the elements of bread and wine, and observes that he had often exposed the fallacies of his opponents, who, in citing the language of the Fathers on this sacrament, were always disposed to confound the notion of a sacramental CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Ixxxix with that of an identical presence. The result of this mistake is said to be, the insane fiction of an accident without a subject, or of a quality without its substance — a notion which he denounces as dishonourable aUke to God and the church." It must be remembered by the reader, that to affirm the exist- ence of bread in the eucharist after the words of consecration were pronounced, was to deny the doctrine of transubstantiation. In these papers, this afiirmation is not only made, but reiterated, and with a plainness which is obvious upon the slightest attention. Nor was it deemed enough to set forth the most explicit state- ments of his own doctrine; he has assailed that of his opponents, and in a manner fully as uncompromising as on any occasion in his history. It must be borne in mind, that the properties of white- ness and soundness pertaining to the sacramental bread, before the act of consecration was supposed to take place, were acknow- ledged as existing afterwards ; but that it was nevertheless con- tended, that the bread itself had ceased to exist. Wycliflfe knew well that this was the formal doctrine of the men who were now before him as his judges. This doctrine, however, he describes as erroneous, heretical, and a mockery of human perception ; as an imputing of blasphemy to Christ, and to his saints ; and of all the delusions suffered to spread themselves through the church since the fatal hour of Satan's enlargement, this is said to be the one most repugnant to the religion of the Bible. We know of nothing written by Wycliffe on this subject previously to his appearance before the convocation at Oxford, or subsequently, which is not in strict agreement with the statements there made. If the confessions adverted to be compared with his Wicket, or with the chapters on this subject in his Trialogus, no room will be left for doubt on this point. He often speaks of the bread as being very God's body, and as being exalted in some sense by the sacred use to which it is assigned; but he never resorts to such expressions in a manner inconsistent with his real doctrine, which is, that the bread remains in the sacrament, that it is not transubstantiated, and that it is the body of Christ only in a sacramental sense. But though all this is clear as evidence can " Life and Opinions of Wycliffe, ii. 112 — 120. Ap. ii., iii., vi. XC FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS render it, Knighton speaks of the Keformer's confessions as a recantation, and Anthony Wood takes up the reproach, but con- tradicts the calumny in the same page, by stating that " this con- fession was encountered by no less than six several antagonists, immediately after its publication." " From this period, and on the authority of letters obtained from the king, Wycliffe was made to desist from his labours in Oxford. But this was not till the seeds of his doctrine had been sown there with such profusion as never to be wholly eradicated. That the penalty inflicted on him was not more weighty must be attributed in part to his popularity, but much more to the favour which had been shown him by the learned and the powerful. Henceforward he is found amidst his duties at Lutterworth, and employing himself in writing the greater number of those tracts and treatises which have come down to us from his pen. It was about this time that WyclifFe was summoned by Urban to appear at Rome, and to answer before that court on the matters imputed to him. His declining health afforded sufficient gTound for his refusing compliance with this citation. His letter on the occasion is printed in this volume. It contains some expressions of courtesy toward his holiness, but teems with that portion of the Reformer's doctrine which must have been most unwelcome to the race of men who claimed to be regarded as the successors of St. Peter. We are now approaching the close of the life of Wycliffe, and it is manifest, that as the evening of his day was felt to be at hand, his zeal to purify the religion of the Bible, as it was pro- fessed around him, his superiority to the fear of man, and his devout anticipation of the end of his course, all became more strongly marked features of his character. The substance of his language is, that to oppose the errors which time, and custom, and law had established, and to publish aloud the too long-for- gotten truths contained in the Holy Scripture, was the imperative obligation of every Christian man. This course he declares to be binding on every such man, though the evils incurred by pur- suing it should be scorn, imprisonment, and death. The course " Hist, of Oxford, 189. Life and Opinions of AVycliffe, ii. 121. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. xci of action which would be sure to bring such consequences along with it, he describes on many occasions, and it is precisely that which his own daily conduct exemplified. The closing years of his life, accordingly, were passed in the full expectation, that incarceration, and probably death at the stake, would ere long be added to that contumely and privation, which he had already so largely incurred. Every man who listened to his instructions, and every man who read his publications, must have known that no wrath could be more merciless, than that which would be excited by such an exposure of those fictions in regard to the soul and the future world by means of which the priesthood had contrived to secure to themselves their vast possessions, and their worldly dominion. But those fictions were nevertheless assailed, and the uses commonly made of tli em ' were' denounced as an impious and selfish fraud, most contrary to the religion of Holy Scripture, but every way becoming the practice of the children of Antichrist. While nations were called upon to reject much of that spiritual authority which their religious guides had assumed, their rulers are admonished, that as they hope to escape at the day of doom, it will behove them to divest that class of men of their vain autliority and needless wealth, which could only serve to constitute them blind leaders of the blind, and to be the ministers of destruction rather than of salvation to the people. It is not, of course,j)retended, thatjtlLe views of ^Wycliffe on these subjecls''were, in all instances, cha.racterised_bx.9.^?^P^'®^^®"^^^®' ness or impartiality. Nor can we undertake to justify the severe language'ih which he often denounces his opponents. But in this occasional oiie-sidedness, and in this strength of invective, we see the character of the age fully as much as that of the man. It may be, that a mind more calm, and more equally balanced in its judgments, would have been ill suited to the kind of service which Wycliffe had to perform. His opinions were, nearly all of them, substantially true, and they were holden with a tenacity, and avowed with an intentness, becoming truth. When all fair deduction of this nature is made, enough remains to place him before us as the most extraordinary man of his times. Wycliffe knew the temper of his opponents sufficiently to be XCll FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS aware, that he owed the continuance of his personal liberty, and even life, to their weakness, more than^to their forbearance. But his anticipations, that the time would come when their power would be equal to their inclination, were not to be realised. The fact admits of explanation. It was known that the Duke of Lancaster, though he had not deemed it expedient to interpose on his behalf, when the point at issue was a question of theology, would probably do so if any severe measures were instituted in regard to him. The papal schism, moreover, absorbed the attention of the pon- tiffs : and disquietude in England had for some time rendered the factions who swayed its affairs fearful of each other. Added to all these causes, as serving to delay the introduction of a more sanguinary policy, was the declining health of the Eeformer. His days, it was presumed, could not be many, and the evil which he had done might be expected to die with him. Some time before his decease, Wycliffe had availed liimself of the assistance of a curate in discharging his parochial duties. Almost the only credible tradition preserved in the town of Lutterworth, as illustrating tlie character of Wycliffe, describes him as most exemplary in the performance of his duties as a parish-priest, devoting a portion of the morning in each day to relieving the needy, administering the consolations of religion to the aged, the sick, and the dying. With that originality and power of intellect which anticipated a reform of Christianity more pure than the genius of Protestantism in the sixteenth cen- tury could attain, Wycliffe united that obscure condescension and assiduity which became the pastor of a village cure. We scarcely need remark, that this consistency so observable in the character of our Eeformer will hardly admit of explanation, except as resulting from deep religious jn'inciple. His sermons, fragmentary as they are, abound with expressions which show that he looked for the reward of his labours from a higher source than the favour of mortals. " If we hope to be rewarded in this life," he writes, " our hope of heavenly bliss perisheth." In another discourse, he remarks, " Christ came into the world to bear witness to the truth, and to enhghten the world. And as Christ, God and man, came hither with this intent, should not the truth keep liis disciples while standing thus for its defence. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. XCIll labouring even unto death ? Christ and the Baptist, and many more, had not their reward here for doing this, but in heaven they have bhss hidden from men."" In this manner the Reformer con- tinued to preach and labour ; and he is said to have been employed in administering the bread of the eucharist, when assailed by his last sickness. The paralysis which then seized him deprived him at once of utterance if not of consciousness. This happened on the twenty-ninth of December, _J^_SsA, and on the thirty-first day of that month, his devout spirit passed to the world of rest. Many good men have prayed that tliey might be summoned to their home while occupied in such services. We know not that Wycliffe ever presented such a petition, but we know that he was " taken from the evil to come." " Thus, prematurely," writes an eminent and liberal churchman, " was terminated the career of this extraordinary man. His days were not extended to the lengtli usually allotted to our species. Ten more years of vigorous exertion might reasonably have been expected, from the virtuous and temperate habits of an exemplary life. But the earthly tenement was probably worn out by the intense and fervid energy of the spirit within ; and if his mortal existence be measured by the amount of his labours and achieve- ments, his must appear to us as full of days as he was of honours. It now remains that we endeavour to form a righteous estimate of him, as he presents himself to our conceptions, through the haze and mist of ages. Unfortunately, he is known to us almost entirely by his writings. Over all those minute and personal peculiarities which give to any individual his distinct expression and physiognomy, time has drawn an impenetrable veil. To us he appears, for the most part, as a sort of unembodied agency. To delineate his character in the fullest and most interesting sense of that word would be to write a romance, and not a biography. During a portion of his life, indeed, he is more or less mixed up with public interests and transactions ; but of these matters our notices are but poor and scanty : and if they were more copious, they would probably do little towards supplying us with those nameless particulars to which biography owes its most powerful charm. With regard to the details of his daily life — the habitual " MS. Homilies. Bib. Reg. British Museum, pp. 15-1, 174. XCIV FACTS AND OBSERVATIONS complexion of his temper — the turn of his conversation — the manner of his deportment among his companions — his inclina- tions or antipathies — his friendships or his alienations — we must be content to remain in hopeless ignorance. The only circum- stance recorded concerning him, that falls within the descrip- tion of an anecdote, is the reply with which he confounded the meddling and insidious friars, who intruded themselves upon him, when they thought he was about to breathe liis last. This incident is, indeed, most abundantly characteristic ; and it makes us bitterly regret that it stands alone. A few more such particu- lars would have been quite invaluable. As it is, we must be satisfied to think of him as of a voice crying in the wilderness, and lifting up through a long course of years, a loud, incessant, heart- stirring testimony against abuses which for ages had wearied the long-suffering of Heaven. " Respecting his gigantic successor, Martin Luther, we are in possession of all that can enable us to form the most distinct con- ception of the man. We see liim in connexion with the wise, and the mighty, and ' the excellent of the earth.' We behold him in his intercourse with sages and divines, with princes and with potentates. We can trace him through all those bitter agonies of spirit through which he struggled on and on, till at last he seized upon the truth which made him free for ever. But to us, Wycliffe appears almost as a soUtary being. He stands before us in a sort of grand and mysterious loneliness. To group him, if we may so speak, with other living men, would require a very strong effort of imagination. And hence it is, that we meditate on his story with emotions of solemn admiration, but without any turbu- lent agitation of our sympathies."** « Le Bas, Life of Wiclif, 294, 295. ^^ait ih ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE STILL IN MANUSCRIPT. BOOK I. ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE STILL IN MANUSCRIPT. SECTION I. In this section the attention of tlie reader will be directed in the first place to the pieces written by WyclrfFe in English, and which, for the most part, were addressed alike to the clergy, to the opulent among the laity, and to the people at large. Even these pieces, though the most popular of the Reformer's productions, were they printed entirely and to the letter, would prove wearisome to most readers in our day, partly from the obsoleteness of their language and allusions, and partly from the frequent repetitions of thought and illustration with which they abound. Such iteration of great principles served an important end in the history of the Reformer, but cannot contribute to the agreeableness of his writings as read by men in diflferent circumstances, and in a later age. My impression is, that the attentive reader may form as correct a judg- ment in respect to the writings of WyclifFe from the present volume, as would be acquired by an immediate perusal of the whole of his works ; nothing characteristic of those works, so far as my knowledge extends, being wanting in the descriptions here given of them, and the selections here made from them. I. ExPOSiTio Decalggi." Wycliffe wrote several expositions of the Decalogue. One forms a part of the collection of treatises, mader the title of "The Poor Caitiif:" another, of much greater extent, in Latin, is pre- served in the Bodleian Library. Similar thoughts and passages appear in all these pieces. From internal evidence, I conclude the piece from which the following passages are selected to be one of the Reformer's earUer productions, of much the same period probably with the several tracts in The Poor Caitiff. " British Museum. MSS. Titus D. xix. In the Bodleian is a tract with the following title; — Compendium X. Mandatorum editum a Majestro Jo. Wicliffe, Doctore Evangelicce veritalis. It is much used by Dr. James, in his " Apology for John WicklitTe." B y ON THE WRITIN(iS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. In the prologue to this exposition, "VYycHfFe laments that men should be found calling God master, and professing to honour " his Son from heaven," and for " forty, threescore, fourscore years," be ignorant of his " ten commandments." lie exliorts his reader, accordingly, after this "vvise, " If thou wilt be God's servant, begin and think how thou earnest first into this world ; how thou wast born of thy mother with pain and sorrow, poor, feeble, and unable to help thyself. Think how thou art set here in this wretched world, to sweat and toil for thy sustenance. Think also that thou shalt go out of this wretched world, poor and naked as thou camest in ; — and that thou shalt have nothing with thee of thy goods, save thy good deeds or thy wicked." He then speaks of the " high bliss of heaven," and of " the j^ains of hell," as supplying motives to the obedience required. The signs of not being in deadly sin are said to be "when a man will gladly and willingly hear the word of God ; when he knoweth himself prepared to do good works ; when he is willing to flee sin ; when a man can be sorry for his sin." The great obligation of man is said to be, that he should honour and love God supremely ; but to this end it is necessary that he should " hear the commandments of God read, preached, and taught, and do after them as God hath bidden. But what man is there now-a-days that dreadeth to break God's commandments, or setteth any price by the sweetest word or the sharpest word in all God's law ? Dear God, it is a wonder of all wonders on earth, that from the beginning of our life even to our last end, we are never weary, either night or day, to labour about worldly goods, pleasing to our "VM'etched body, which shall last here but a Kttle while ; but about the learning of God's commandments, which shall be food and nourishment for our souls that shall ever last in bliss or pain, about such things may we not labour truly to the end even one hour of the day ?" This introduction concludes with an expression of regret and sorrow that the conversation of " bishops, parsons, priests, and friars," no less than that of the people generally, had respect everlastingly to trifles and vanities, " without a word of God or his commandments." In the exposition of the first commandment, men are exhorted to obedience to the Divine will, as procuring them " a part in all the good prayers, and good deeds of aU saints, from the beginning of the world to the last end, and to the everlasting bliss of heaven." The precise mean- ing of this passage is not easily determined, but from the manner in which Wycliffe expresses himself on doctrine of this nature in his undoubted works, and in works belonging no le.«s certainly to the later period of his life, I am disposed to trace this obscurity of language on a point of so much importance, to the partial light which had fallen on the mind of the Reformer when committing it to writing. In the same con- nexion sanction is given to a worship of images, and to the invocation of EXPOSITION OF THE DECALOGUE. 3 saints. By these " dead images," the laity, and the more ignorant espe- cially, are said to learn " how they should worship the saints in heaven, after whom those images are shapen." We know that the term worship was commonly used in the age of WychfFe to denote nothing anore than a decent reverence or homage, and had no necessary connexion with the idea of worship in a religious sense. But the following passage, from the same connexion, while it points to these different uses of the term worship, leaves the word applicable in its higher sense to the regard which should be paid to saints : the man is said to have '* a false god" who "worshippeth or prayeth to. an image made of man, with that wor- ship and prayer that is due only to God, and his saints.'''' This piece bears internal marks of being from the pen of Wycliffe, its thoughts, illus- trations, and language, being in many instances strictly such as we find in his other writings : but, for the reason stated, the above passages obhge us to attribute it to a comparatively early period in his history. This circumstance, however, adds to the interest of the work, in place of detracting from it, inasmuch as we possess ample means of illustrating the opinions of the Reformer in his later yeai's, while the lights relating to his doctrine at an earlier period are few and feeble. In the present treatise we may trace many of the seeds of his ultimate 'principles, and, above all, the eminently devout spirit in which he prosecuted his inquiries. Thus the man who would be obedient to the command which requires him dioly to honour God, is reminded that " he must steadily believe, that Almighty God in Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, three persons in one God, are the noblest object that may be, so that all power, all knowledge, all wisdom, all goodness, all charity, all mercy, is in him, and cometh of him. Also, thou must fear God before all things in this world, and break his commandments for no worldly good. Also, thou must love God before all things, and labour earnestly to understand and know his will ; that thy wiU may be so ruled and set that it may ever accord with God's will. Have a mind also of the goodness of God, how he made thee in his own likeness, and how Jesus Christ, both God and man, died so painful a death on the cross, to buy man's soul out of hell and to the bliss of heaven, with his own heart's blood !" All trust in amulets, or the devices of magic, is descjabed as so much weakness and impiety : and the questi9u is asked — " Since men dread so much the pope's ciu-sing, the bishop's cursing, and other priests' ciu-sing, why do not men fear the rightful, the dreadful, and the terrible cursing that God giveth to those who will not keep his com- mandments ? " In regard to the second commandment, " all men and women who would be called Christians, and who live contrary to the living and b2 4 ON THE WRITINGS OF W^'CLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. teaching of Christ and of his apostles, take God's name in vain; for it is in vain for a man to say that he is a Christian, when he doeth not the works of Christ." Men are further chargeable with taking God's name in vain when they indulge in profane or unlawful swearing. He then cites certain canons which menace profane swearers, if ecclesiastics, with "degradation," and if laymen, with "excommunication;" and adding to that authority the authority of our Lord in his sermon on the mount, he remarks — " These are Christ's own w^ords in his Gospel, and there- fore for love of him who for you shed his blood, beware henceforward night and day of your oathes swearing, and always that you swear not in vain, and much more, that you swear not falsely, for a great clerk hath said, he that sweareth falsely maketh God false, for he maketh God the author of falsehood." Four excuses urged by profane swearers are then mentioned and refuted. It was pretended that even such mention of the name of God tended to keep him in the thoughts of men, and was so far good. In the same manner, it is rephed, it must be good that a conspirator should make mention of the name of his sovereign, though it should be only to betray him. The force of custom was pleaded : — " So the thief might say, I have had so long a custom of theft, that I cannot cease to steal other men's goods." The third excuse was, " that God is merciful, and Avill hardly damn men for a hght oath." But the parties making this excuse are reminded — " Since God is so great a Lord, and commandeth his liege men on pain of hell Avithout end, to keep so easy a command- ment as refraining his tongue from vain and false swearing, he is worthy to be damned the deeper if he breaketh it. It was little in Adam to eat an apple in paradise without the forbidding of God : nevertheless for the eating it against the forbidding of God he and all mankind w^ere justly condemned, till Christ bought them again with his precious blood and hard death upon the cross." The fourth excuse of the profane is — -that they swear in order to be beheved. But such swearing is described as treachery towards God, and as poor evidence of trustworthiness toward man. Adverting to the prevalence of this vice, even among the servants and retainers of the clergy, he exclaims — " Surely it is wonder, apart from the endless mercy of God, that the earth openeth not and swal- loweth-them quick into heU for this treason and others beside!" On the precept concerning the Sabbath-day, it is observed that this day should be kept by " three manners of occupation." First, it should be kept in thinking — " thinking how God is Almighty. Why ? because he made all this world of nought. He is All-knowing. Why ? because he governs all things most wisely. He is All-good. Why ? because he maketh all things turn to the profit of good men who faithfully love him. He is All-just. Why? because he rewardeth all good deeds, and EXPOSITION OF THE DECALOGUE. 5 punishes all trespasses, in dne time, and in due measure, both secret and open, and no creature may withstand his punishing, neither in earth, in purgatory, nor in hell. He is All-merciful. Why? because he is readier to receive sinful men to grace, that would truly leave their sins, than they are to ask mercy." On Sunday it should be matter for our meditation, that creation was completed on that day, that Christ rose from the dead on that day, that knowledge and wisdom came to the earth by the descent of the Holy Spirit on that day, and that on that day, " as many clerks say, shall be doomsday — for Sunday was the first day, and Sunday shall be the last day." " And bethink thee heartily of the wonderful kindness of God, who was so high and worslaipful in heaven, that he should come down so low^ and be born of the maiden, and become our brother to btiy us again by his hard passion, from- our thraldom of the devil. He was beaten, buffeted, and scourged. He was crowned with a crown of thorns for despite, and when the crown, as clerks say, could not sit fast, and close down to his head, for the long and stiff thorns, they took staves and beat them down, till the thorns pierced the place of the brain. He was nailed hand and foot, and with nails sharp and rugged, that his pain shovild be the more, and so at last he suffered a painful death, hanging- full shamefully on the hard tree. And aU this he did and suffered of his own kindness, without any sin of his own, to deUver us from sin and pain, and to bring us to everlasting bliss. Thou shouldst also think constantly, how, when he had made thee of nought, thou hadst forsaken him, and all his kindness through sin, and hadst taken thee to the devil and his service, world without end, had not Christ, God and Man, suffered this hard death to save us. And thus shouldst thou see the great kindness, and all other goodness that God hath done for thee, and learn thereby thy own great iinkindness, and thou shalt thus see that man is the most fallen of creatures, and the unkindest of all the crea- tures that ever God made. It should be full sweet and delightful to us to think thus on this great kindness and this great love of Jesus Christ." The second occupation proper to the Sabbath, is said to consist in speaking. This should be first in confession of sin, made immediately to God — confession of having Uved a false, sensual, and unnatural life, neglecting the study and the observance of his will, after the manner of the brute. This confession being made, Wycliffe's counsel to the penitent is, that he should " cry heartily to God for grace and power to leave all sin, and ever after to live in virtue. And after this be about with thy speaking to bring thy neighbours to better living. And if they are at debate, bring them by thy power to love and charity and 6 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. concord. If thou be a priest, be a true lantliorn to the people, both in speaking, and in doing truly all things that belong to a priest. And seek wisely the ground, and the true office of priesthood, and be thou not led blindly by the lewd customs of the world ; but read God's law, and the exposition of holy doctors thereupon — study it, learn it, and keep it ; and when thou knowest it, preach it to them that are unknow- ing, and look evermore that thy deeds be so rightful, that no man may blame thee with reason." The third manner of occupying the Sabbath-day, was to be careful to attend public worship ; to endeavour to bring pure motives to the service of God ; and that the mind may be in its best state for attending to the duties of that day, it is urged that there be little indulgence in the pleasures of the table. After pubHc worship, says the Reformer, " visit such as are sick or iu mischief, especially those whom God hath made needy by age, or by other sickuesses-^the feeble, the crooked, the lame : these thou shalt reUeve with thy goods after thy power and after their need, for thus biddeth the Gospel. But thou shalt not do so to strong and mighty beggars well arrayed, whether they be laymen, priests, or friars. And so men should not be idle, biit busy on the Sabbath-day about the soul, as men are on the week-day about the body." On the precept concei'ning the honour to be rendered to parents, it is remarked, that we have three fathers — oiu" natural father ; the priest by whose means we become the spiritual children of the chvu-ch ; and our Father in heaven. The mutual obligations of children and parents, are judiciously explained and earnestly enforced. " Thy second father," says WychiFe, " is thy ghostly father, that hath special care of thy soul, and thus thou shalt worship him — thou shalt love him before other men, and obey his teaching, iu so far as he teaches God's law, and shalt help, according to thy power, that he may have a reasonable maintenance, when he doth well his office. And if he fail in his office, by giving evil example, and in ceasing from teaching God's law, thou owest to have great sorrow on that account, and to tell meekly and charitably his defaiilt to him, between thee and him alone." It will be seen from this extract, that "Wycliffe had not proceeded so far at the time when this treatise was written, as to counsel, and even to urge strongly, as he did afterwards, the withholding of maintenance from priests habitually dehnquent. Concerning our third Father, the Reformer writes, " He is best of all," and for his sake his true children are prepared to meet aU suffering, and even death itself On the remaining precepts the observations are of a general nature, ONTHE LEAVEN OF THE PHAEISEES. 7 and present little remarkable. " But it is thus the Reformer expresses himself at the close of the work : — "Many think if they give a penny to a pardoner, they shall be absolved of breaking all the commandments of God, and therefore they take no heed to keep them. I say thee for certain, though thou hire priests and friars to pray for thee, and though thou hear every day many masses, and found chauntries and colleges, and go on pilgrimage all thy life, and give all thy goods to pardoners, aU this shaU not bring thy soul to heaven. But if thou keep the commandments of God to thy life's end, though thou have neither penny nor halfpenny, thou shalt have everlasting pardon, and the bhss of heaven !" Christ, it is added, said, " Suffer for me as I have suiFered for thee, for it behoveth the membel-s to follow the head. Jesus Christ is oiu" head, and we are his members, if we do well. What apostle, martyi", confessor, or virgin, or saint, ever came to God without suffering ? Then what shall we wretches say, that herein read the lives of saints, which through many torments went to God joying and singing. We wretches that bear falsely the name of Christian men, when only touched by a little short breath of our neighbour's tongue, we lose charity and patience, and mindfulness of ovu- death, of the quaking judgment, of the day of doom, of the everlasting pains of hell, of the everlasting joys of heaven !" 11; In a manuscript volume in Corpus Christi CoUege, Cambridge, including a series of the most interesting of the tracts .and treatises pub- Ushed by Wyclifle in English, the first in order is a piece intitled, De Hypocritarum Imposturis. It consists of a commentary on the text, " Beware of the leaven of the Pharisees," and is meant to identify the mendicant orders with that sect of ancient religionists, in respect to their want of sincerity. It begins with the words, Christ commandeth to his disciples, and to all Christian men^ to understand and flee the sour doiv of the Pharisees, which is hypocrisy.^ The volume has been injured by damp, " The passage following, on the precept, Thou shalt not kill, resembles the extracts on the same subject, given in a subsequent page, from the work under the title of the Seven Deadly Sins. " Therefore, each man beware that he do no manslaughter, for we are all brethren, and the sons of God. But how shall he be hardy to stand before God, who has slain the son of God ? It is a wonder how any man dare destroy that creature which .God made in his own likeness. If a man of craft hath so great love to his work, that he may not suffer it to be harmed, how much guess you that God loveth that creature he made to his likeness;" The deed is further described as a "despising and scorning of the passion and the painful death of Jesus Christ, who died to save men's lives unto the bliss of heaven." The following glance at the common life of the fourteenth century, is perhaps worth transcribing. "But, alas for sorrow, if a man sit among men or women now-a-days, and speak of such things, or warn them of their oaths, many and fell, of their cursing and swearing, and of their false leasings that they make of their neighbours, and so of other sins, anon they wUl begin to wax heavy, and sorry, and evil essayed if they might for shame, and be full weary of his fellowship." » MS. Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, pp. 1—22. Trinity College, Dublin. Class C. Tab. iii- No. 12. pp. 1—17. 8 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. and nearly the whole of the first page is illegible. In a portion of that page remaining, the Reformer speaks of the importance of " bringing men cleanly to the Gospel, and the peace and freedom of Christ's order, that being the most perfect, and the most easy to win heaven by." The treatise extends to twenty-two pages, double columns, in quarto, and from its re- ference to the papal schism, and to the disputes concerning the eucharist, it manifestly belongs to the later period of the Reformer's life. "■ " See noAV," he writes, " where these friars break falsely all the com- mandments of God. If they choose to be ruled . more after the ordi- nance of sinful men and idiots, than after the clean ordinance of Christ ; and say that sinful man's ordinance is better, and truer for man, and more perfect than is the clean ordinance of Christ — then they worship false gods, and are heretics and blasphemers, and so they break the first commandment of God. If they dread more, and punish more for break- ing of sinful man's traditions, than for breaking the commandments of God ; and study and love more their private rules, than the hests * of God, then they worship, love, and dread sinful man, and, it may be damned devils, more than God Almighty — for as Austin saith, a man maketh that thing his God the which he dreadeth most and loveth most." " If they hinder curates and poor priests from teaching man God's law, by hypocrisy and help of Antichrist's laws, for dread lest their hypo- crisy be perceived, and their winning and worldly pride laid down, they are cursed manquellers,'' and the cause of the damnation of all the souls that perish through their default in not knowing and keeping God's commandments. If they preach principally for worldly muck and vain- glory, and so preach to be praised of men, and not simply and plainly the Gospel of Christ for his glory, and gaining, of men's souls, they are corruptors of God's word, as Paul saith." Of the clergy generally, he remarks, that a schism having grown up in the papacy — " One part holdeth with one pope, and the other \a\h another pope, and each party saith, and teacheth as belief, that this pope is true, and none other, and that all who beUeve not so are accursed heretics, and out of belief, and are bringing all others out of behef. And yet they in common judge both parties as Christian men; and so they say one thing and do the contrary." " On the death of Gregory the Eleventh in 1378, commenced a memorable schism in the papacy, the church having during the next half century two or three heads at the same time, each of the contending popes forming plots, and thundering out anathemas against his rival. See Mosheim, iii. 125 — 128. Tliis it will be remembered was about six years before the death of Wyclifle, and from the reference to this event in the MS., as well as from its allusions to the disputes concerning the eucharist, the date of this production, as written sometime during the above interval, is deter- mined. ' Commandments. ' Man-killers. ON THE LEAVEN OF THE PHARISEES. 9 It is in the following terms that he exhorts men to Christian fidelity : " It is cowardice in Christ's disciples if they spare for bodily pain and death to tell openly the truth of God's law. And therefore telleth Christ afterwards to his disciples, that they should dread God and nothing else sovereignly." Sothely,* saith Christ, ' I say to you, my friends. Be ye not afraid of them that slay the body, and after these things have no more which they shall do. But I shall show to you whom you shall dread : dread ye him who after he hath slain, he hath power to send into hell ; and so I say to you, Dread him.' Here Christ will that men dread no thing principally, but God and his offence. For, if men dread bodily pains and death, and therefore cease to tell openly the truth, they are with this unable to regain the bliss of heaven, and if they say openly and sadly '^ the truth of God, nothing may harm them, so that they keep patience and charity." He then remarks, that what our Lord spoke concerning the sparrows, was to " comfort his disciples" under suffering and persecution ; and adds, that " nothing may come without his knowing and his ordinance, and that it is all for the best." Christ, he writes, " maketh us willing to die for his law by reward of the bliss of heaven, when he saith thus, that such as acknowledge me before men, man's Son shall acknowledge him before the angels of God." Towards the close of the treatise, the Re- former indulges in much lamentation over the sale of benefices, said to be common everywhere, but most common at Eome, " where he who can bring most gold shall soonest be opened to great benefices." The men so introduced are described as setting " an example of pride, lechery, and other sins, hindering other true priests from teaching God's law. And this is one way of greatest vengeance which God taketh ou sinful men, to suffer such hypocrites to rule the people, and draw them to hell by withdrawing from them God's law." In common speech, such men were described as "able curates, and great men of holy church;" but such language the Reformer denounces as " Antichrist's blasphemy." Having censured the vices, not only of the mendicants, but of the regular clergy, he extends his rebuke to " seciilar lords." These also are said to " fail foul in charity." In maintenance of their worldly dignity they will labour much, and fight valiantly; "but to maintain God's law, and to stand for the worship to which they are bound upon pain of losing their lordship, and body and soul in hell without end, who is that lord will truly speak, labour, and suffer meekly, despite of per- secution, in time of need ? Those lords ought to quake against dooms- day, and against the time of their death, that travail more largely to maintain their little worldly lordship, and to seek their own worship, than they travail to maintain the rightful ordinance of Jesus Christ in • Supremely. '' Truly. » Steadily— firmly. 10 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. his church, and to noimsh and maintain Christian souls in good govern- ance and holy hie." Merchants, and all classes, are said to be aiFected by this insincere and worldly temper, " but the hypocrisy of the Phari- sees is the most accursed and poisonous of all." III. The next treatise in this collection is intitled, De ObedIentia Pre- LATORUM. The English title is, Hoio men owe Obedience to Prelates, ^c. It begins with the words. Prelates slander poor priests, and other Chris- tian men, that they will not obey to their sovereigns, nor fear the curse, nor dread nor keep the law, but despise all things that are against their liking."- On this account they are said to be " worse than Jews and Pagans, and all lords, and prelates, and mighty men should destroy them, for else they will destroy holy church, and make each man to Uve as him hketh, that so they may the more destroy Christendom." " But here poor priests and true men say they would meekly and ■\viUingly obey to God and holy church, and to each man in earth, inas- much as he teacheth truly God's commandments, and ^^rofi table truth for their souls. And no more oweth any man to obey to Christ, God and man, nor to any apostle. And if any worldly prelate aseth more obe- dience, he surely is Antichrist,'and Lucifer's master, for Jesus Christ is the God of righteousness and truth, and peace and charity, and may not do against righteousness and truth, nor against the health of man's soul, nor against charity, since he may not he nor deny himself. How then should any sinful prelate charge and constrain men to do against righteousness, and the health of their souls in good conscience ? For Christ saith in the Gospel of John, that the Son may not do but that thing which he seeth the Father do ; and therefore Christ commanded all men that they should not beheve in him, but as he did the works of the Father in heaven. Why then should Christian men be constrained by Antichrist's clerks to do after their commandments, when they do no works of God, but works of the_ fiend? And thus Christ sj^eaketh to the Jews, and axeth why they beheve not to him, if he saith truth. There- fore, also, Christ saith to the Jews, Who of you shall reprove me of sin? and he would that each man had so done, if he might have done so truly. Therefore in the time of his passion he said to the bishop's ser- vant who sipote him in the face, ' If I have spoken evil, bear thou witness of the evil.' And thus, if prelates are vicars of Christ, they ought to follow him in this obedience, and axe no moi'e of any man." " MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. Trin. Coll. Dub. Class. C. Tab. iii. No. 12. pp. 17—23. It does not appear that the itinerant labours of the persons so Often mentioned in the writings of Wycliffe under the title of " poor priests," had become such as to attract much attention from the ruling clergy until within some five or six j'ears of the Reformer's death : and throughout this work, " On Obe- dience," there is so much said concerning the manner in which the bishops employed their authority to silence this new and irregular class of teachers, as to place it beyond doubt that this piece wai written by the Reformer sometime within the space above-mentioned. ON OBEDIENCE TO PRELATES. 1 1 WyclifFe then complains that prelates should thus demand greater reverence and submission than had been claimed by the apostles, or by Christ himself, while their life commonly bore so little resemblance to that of the Redeemer. He bids them remember that " Christ, God and Man, sought man's soul, lost through sin, thirty years and more, with great travail, and weariness, and many pains, by many thousand miles upon his feet, in great cold, and storm, and tempests !" To this example, it is contended, his vicars should be, at least in some good measure, con- formed : and it is demanded with some warmth, " Wliy should a sinful idiot claim more obedience than did Christ and his apostles ?" It is maintained further, that no man should leave the greater duty in favour of the less, and the duty, to continue to preach the Gospel must be more manifest, than the obligation to obey any summoning from pre- lates who would gladly prevent such preaching. This summoning of prelates, he insists, " is not grounded in Christ's life, nor in the life of his apostles, nor in reason, but in Antichrist's power, through the endow- ing of the church with secular lordship contrary to Holy Writ. Thus,' instead of Christ's meekness, and poverty, and charity, and true teaching of the Gospel, is brought in the -worldly pride of priests, and simony, and covetousness, and dissension among Christ's people, and bodily tor- menting of them by priests, as though they were worldly lords of the king's liege men." Concerning such men, as putting forth such claims, he demands — " Where are more false Antichrists, more poisonous heretics, or more accursed blasphemers ?" The maxim expounded in the next section is, that " no man oweth to put God's biddings behind, and the biddings of sinful man before ;" and since God biddeth every man to dis- charge his natural obligation to wife and children, all contrary bidding notwithstanding, much more is every priest bound to the discharge of his spiritual duties toward the flock committed to him, and not to " leave his sheep luikept among the wolves of hells" Prelates may enjoin the contrary, but in such case no prelate is to be obeyed. " Christ, also, saith in the Gospel, that if the blind lead the blind, they fall'both into the lake. These worldly prelates are blind in God's law, both in the knowing thereof and in life, and accordingly no man should be led by them, for dread lest they both fall into hell-ward, for ignorance of Holy Writ. " By reason, also, and by man's law, if a man be summoned together by the higher judge and a less, he shall be excused from the less by virtue of the higher. But each man is summoned first of God to wor- ship him with all his wit, and with all his might — and by virtue of this chief dominion, he OAveth to be excused from the less. " Men of law say, and reason also, that it is worst of all to take doom under a suspected doomsman. But these worldly prelates are suspected 12 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. doomsmen against God's servants, for they are enemies to the persons of Christ's servants, and also to the cause of God. And the new religious assessors of these worldly prelates are more to be suspected than any other, for they put the decrees of the church and of their founders before the law of God, and thus charge deficiency and evil on the author of Holy Writ, deceiving lords and ladies in matters of faith and charity, and making them to trust that it is alms to destroy true men, that stand fast for God's law and true living. And thus the damnable ignorance of God's law, and the accursed life of these worldly prelates, and the strong maintaining of their own sin, and the sins of other men, is the cause why poor priests and Christian men have been suspected of heresy, and counted enemies both of God's cause and of his servants. " But let prelates study busily and truly Holy Writ, and live openly weU thereafter, and destroy open sin of other men, and poor priests and Christian men, without any summoning, would with great travail, and cost, and wilhngness, by land and by water, meekly come to them, and do them obedience and reverence, as they would to Peter and Paul. Let the world judge whether these divisions come from worldly prelates, ignorant, and cursed in life, or from poor priests and true men that fain desire night and day to know God's will and worship, and to do it before all tilings. " As to cursing," Christian men say truly, that they dread it so much, that they would not willingly, or knowingly, deserve God's curse for any good in earth or in heaven : nor man's curse, in so far as it accord- eth with the rightful curse of God. But they will, with great joy of soul, rather suffer ma,n's wrongful curse, than knowingly or willingly break any commandment of God, for to -svin thereby all the worshiping of this world, and to keep their body in all good never so long, and rather to suffer slandering, and backbiting, and imprisoning, and exile, hanging, drawing, quarteiing, and burning, with the help and grace of God, than to forsake the truth of Holy Writ, and the life of Christ. " As to law, true men say, that they will meekly and wilfully dread and keep God's law, up to their knowledge and might ; and each law of man's making, in so far as they know that it accordeth with God's law, and reason, and good conscience. Christian men know well from the faith of Scripture, that neither Peter nor Paul, nor any creature, may do aught lawfully against the truth of Holy Writ, nor against the edification of holy cluu'ch — that is, against the good teaching, governing, and amending of Christian souls. Wliat power have these worldly prelates to make so many wicked laws, since God curseth those who make wicked laws, and commandeth that no man shall add to his words, nor take • This term is commonly used by Wycliffe to denote church censures. ON PRELATES. 13 from them, on pain of the great curse of God ? — that is to say, let no man add a false interpretation," or a false gloss to Holy Writ, — for then as Jerome saith, he is a heretic ; and let no man draw any truth away from God's words, for they include all needful truth, all truth profitable for man's soul. And to this intent saith Paul in his epistle, if even an apostle, or an angel from heaven, preach other thing than is taught of Christ and his apostles, we must not obey." Having insisted in such terms on the sufficiency of Holy Scripture, and the right of private judgment, as opposed to all church pretensions, he concludes this treatise by saying, " Let worldly prelates cease to slander poor priests, saying that they will not obey their sovereigns, nor dread the curse, but despise the law — for in these three things they are clear before God and man, if right, and reason, and charity, be well sought." IV. The next treatise in this series is in titled, De Conversatione EccLESiASTicoRUM. Its purport is indicated in the words with which it commences — Here it telleth of j^^elates, that jyrelates leave preaching of the Gospel^ and are ghostly manqiieller's of meii's souls. ^ The former treatise related to the obedience which prelates were wont to demand ; the present relates to the duties devolving on that order of persons, and to their negligence in the matter of those duties. It is in this respect that this piece " On Prelates" is distinguishable from the piece "On Obedience to Prelates." The strictures of the Reformer on this svibject extend to forty- three chapters. In the first chapter it is shown that our Lord and his apostles were devoted to the work of preaching, and were studious that their lives might be commendatory of their doctrine. " Christ," it is said, " ordained all his apostles and disciples, both before his death and after his rising from the dead, to preach the Gospel to all men ; and since prelates and priests, ordained of God, come in the stead of apostles and disciples, they are all bound by Jesus Christ, both God and man,- thus to preach the Gospel." Three things are said to be included in feeding the church after the manner intended by Christ in his injunction to Peter : " Sentence. ' MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. Trin. Coll. Dub. Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. pp. 32—54. This work contains repeated allusions, in common with the preceding, to the conduct of the prelates, in persecuting the " poor priests " who went about preaching to the people. (Chap, vi., xvi., xxiii., xxvii.) In the thirteenth chapter there is a reference to the crusade carried on in Flanders under the command of Spencer, bishop of Norwich, in favour of Pope Urban. The bishop embarked on that enterprise in April, 1383, having raised a force for the purpose chiefly by means of papal pardons and indulgences. " All who should die at this time," says Froissart, " and who had given their money, were absolved from every fault, and by the tenure of the bull, happy were they who could now die, in order to obtain so noble an absolution." Hist, ubi supra. Wyclitfe maintains indignantly that the spiritual weapons of religion should be used "to make peace," and not, after tliis manner, " to make dissensions and war." 14 ON THE WRITINGS OF WVCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. the example of a good life ; the true preaching of the Gospel ; and a wiUingness to suffer death, if need be, to render men stable in the truth, and in the hope of bliss. The case of EH and his sons is cited, as showing the domestic and national evils which follow naturally in the train of an unholy priesthood. The language of Ezekiel also, on the responsibility of the minister of truth, is adduced, as holding forth the same warning. Hence also the language of the apostle — " woe is me if I preach not the Gospel :" and as Peter was called Satan, when opposing himself to the death of Christ, so may prelates be thus designated, if they interpose to prevent that salvation from coming to men, which the death of Christ has brought near to us, " Christ," says Wycliffe, " purged the temple with his own hands, as the Gospel telleth, in token that, if the priests were good, the people would soon be amended. And for this reason, true men say, that prelates are more bound to preach truly the Gospel, than their subjects are bound to pay them dymes ;" for God chargeth that more, and that is more profitable to both parties. Therefore prelates are more accursed if they cease from their preaching, than the people are if they cease to pay tithes, even while prelates do their office Avell," Matins, masses, and chantings, are all described as " man's ordinances," but the preaching of the Gospel is of Divine obligation, as having been enjoined by Christ, both before and after his passion. In the beginning of the second chapter, the authority of the venerable Bede, of Gregory I., of Augustine, and others, is cited in support of the importance which the Reformer ascribes to preaching. Prelates who do not preach themselves, and who prevent others from doing so, are described as monsters who refuse to feed their own offspring, and who will not suffer others to feed them : and they are denounced accordingly, as " procurators to the fiend, enemies of Christ, and traitors to his people ! " In the third chapter, Wycliffe censures, with great freedom, the gay equipag,e, the profanity, the gluttony, and drunkenness, of many among the prelates, and speaks of their establishments, and their general manners, as proclaiming them members of the " devil's church," rather than of " holy church." Prelates, he wi-ites, " rob the poor liege men of the king by false excommunications, put forth under colour of holy correction, but giving men leave to dwell in sin from year to year, and from one seven years to another seven years, and commonly all their life long, if they pay by year twenty shilhngs, or something more ov less." It is then calculated, that should certain bishops live as vendors of this art of merchandise through twenty years, they must amass not ON PRELATES. J 5 less than sixty thousand marks, " all robbed from the king's liege men." In this manner, " these wicked prelates sell Christian men's souls to Satan for money, for which souls Christ shed his precions heart's-blood upon the cross ;" and if secular lords endeavour to amend this state of things, then they are slandered, accursed, and their lands are laid under an interdict ; " and thus almost all men are conqu.ered to the fiend, and these prelates show themselves veiy Antichrists, procurators of Satan, and traitors to Jesus Christ and his people." One prolific source of this corruption, is said to be the prevalence of simony. Most of these dignitaries enter upon their oflSce by such means, and it is said to cleave to them " as a leprosy all through" — a depraved priesthood everywhere producing a depraved people. Lords and ladies who confer benefices on such men, and after such fashion, are admonished, that however plausibly such things may be done, the guilt of simony is upon them, and such proceedings "will remain " to be judged in respect to both parties" in the last day. In the fourth chapter, Wychffe says, " Lords and ladies who hold curates in worldly offices, from the souls of which they have the care, are traitors. For God giveth them lordship and presentation of churches, that they should maintain his law, and help true priests in the preaching of his Gospel ; and if they withhold curates, who are God's treasure, in their worldly services, or prevent them from keeping Christian souls, the which Christ bought with his precious blood, they are foul traitors to Jesus Christ, and to the people whom they thus destroy." But if it is a great sin in the laity thus to bind the clergy to secular things, it is a greater sin in the clergy to consent to be thus boimd, and a greater sin still, when a clerk descends to add craft to worldliness, and to play the false confessor for gain. These " three treasons" are said to be fright- fully prevalent. '■ But the simony of the court of Rome doth most harm, for it is most common, and done most under the colour of holiness, and robbeth most our land, both of men and treasure." The customary exactions of the Eoman see are then describ^ed and censured, especially because those exactions, and the money spent in journeying to Rome, and during the delays which kept men there, were all so much wealth lost to the kingdom. " When a lord hath the gold for presentation, then the gold dwelleth stiU in the land. But when the pope hath the first-fruits, then the gold goeth out, and cometh never again." But the purchase of benefices with money was only one form of simony. " Pardons, if they are aught worth, must be free, and to take money for them, is to sell God's grace, and so simony." Hence masses, and other services, " for which money is taken," are spoken of as so much fraudulent invention, meant to give the priesthood the power of spoiliug the people. The history of Jeroboam, and the fall of Gehazi, 1 6 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. and of Simon Magus, are cited as showing the displeasure with which simoniacal preachers are regarded by the Almighty. " The king and lords," says the Reformer, " are charged of God to destroy this sin and others, and if they do it not, they are consenters to it, and fauterers " thereof." The following passage is from the seventh chapter of this work : — " Worldly prelates command that no man shall preach the Gospel, but at their wiU and Umitation, and forbid men to hear the Gospel on pain of the great curse. But Satan in his own person never dared do so much despite to Christ or his Gospel, for he appHed Holy Writ to Christ, and would have pursued his intent thereby. And since it is Christ's counsel and commandment to priests generally to preach the Gospel, and this thing they must not do without leave of their prelates, who, in some cases, may be fiends of heU, then it follows that priests may not do Christ's counsels and commandments without the leave of fiends ! Ah ! Lord Jesus, are these sinful fools, and, it may be, fiends of hell, more knowing and mighty than thou, that true men must not do thy will without leave from such? Ah ! Lord God, all -mighty, all-knowing, and all fuU of charity, how long wilt thou suffer these Antichrists to despise thee and thy holy Gospel, and to let the health of Christian men's souls ? Endless, rightful Lord ! this thou suiFerest for sin reigning generally among the people ; but, endless, merciful, and good Lord, help thy poor wretched priests and servants to have love and reverence to thy Gospel, that they be not let from doing thy worship and will through the false feignings of Antichrist and his fiends. Almighty Lord God, merciful, and in knowledge endless, since thou sufi^eredst Peter and all the apostles to have so great dread and cowardice in the time of thy passion, that they fled all away through fear of death, and for a little poor woman's voice, and afterwards by comfort of the Holy Ghost thou madest them so strong that they were afraid of no man, nor of pain, nor of death, help now by gifts of the same Holy Ghost, thy poor servants, who all their hfe have been cowards, and make them strong and bold in thy cause, to maintain the Gospel against Antichrist, and against aU the tyrants of the world ! " In the two following chapters, the same subject is continued. Prelates are rebuked as men deriving their chief revenue from the sins of the people. It is because there are so many sins to be confessed, that " the rotten penny " is demanded continually: and by such means "a proud name in the world, and great householding," are sustained. Clerical example, which should conduce to the edification of the people, contributes, in such case, to their destruction. Many of the sins of such ON PRELATES. 17 men " are so open, that it needetli no man to declare tliem ; but of sin against chastity, men say that many prelates are full thereof, and of the most cursed species thereof, such as it would be a shame to write ; and so curates take example from them, and subjects take example from curates, both wedded men and single." In the ninth and tenth chapters are the following passages : — " These prelates charge more their own cursing, that is many times false, than the most rightful curse of God Almighty. And hereby they mean, and show indeed, but falsely, that they are more than Almighty God in Trinity, For if a man be accursed of prelates, though wrong- fully, anon all men are taught by them to flee him as a Jew or a Saracen. And if he dwell forty days under their curse, he shall be taken to prison. But they who are cursed of God for breaking his commandments, as proud men, envious, covetous, gluttons, the unchaste, are not punished thus, but holden virtuous and manly. So God's curse is set at nought, while the wrongful curse of man is chai'ged above the clouds. And yet, though a man be accursed of God, and of a prelate also, if he will give gold he shall be assoiled, " though he dwell in his sin, and so under God's curse. " But see now the sinfulness of man's curse. If a true man shall displease a worldly prelate by teaching and maintaining God's law, he shall be slandered for an evil man, and forbidden to teach Christ's Gospel, and the people shall be charged upon pain of the greater curse, to flee, and not to hear such a man, for to save their own souls. And this shall be done under the colour of holiness ; for they will say that such a man teacheth heresy, and bring many false witnesses and notaries against him in his absence, and in his presence speak no word. And they pretend, by means of this invented and false law, that if three or four false witnesses, hired by money, say each a thing against a true man, that then he shall not be heard, though he could prove the contrary by two hundred." In this manner did the Reformer plead for natural right, and liberty of conscience, against the abuses of power on the part of a worldly and vicious clergy. To concede that such methods of proceeding are just, he remarks, would be to concede the justice of the death inflicted on the martyrs, and on Christ himself, against whom it must, of course, have been easy to produce three such witnesses. By such means, indeed, it were easy to prove " each king of Christendom foresworn, and therefore no king." But as the judgment of Elijah prevailed against that of eight hvmdred false priests, so shall the judgment of one true man prevail against that of a host of prelates ; and if " the clerks of " Absolved. C 18 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. Antichrist curse the sonl into hell, as they pretend, snrely they are evil fathers, who thus violently curse their own children into hell — not for rebellion against God, nor against his law, but because Christian men vnthstand the prelates' covetousness or pride, or because they teach and maintain the Gospel of Jesus Christ." In the next chapter WyclifFe touches on the subject of prayer, on its nature, and its supposed efficacy. " Prayer," he remarks, " standeth principally iri good life, and of this prayer speaketh Christ, when he saith in the Gospel that we must ever pray. For Augustine and other saints say, that so long as a man dwelleth in charity, so long he prayeth well." Prayer is also said to " stand in holy desire," and " in word ;" but prayer in word ■' is nought worth, unless it be done with devotion, and cleanness, and holiness of life. All ! Lord, since prelates are so far from God's law, that they wiU not preach the Gospel themselves, nor suffer other men to preach it, hovy^ abominable is their prayer before God Almighty ! Lord, since prelates know not whether their prayer be acceptable or abominable, why do they magnify it so inuch, and sell it so dear ? For the prayer of a lewd " man who shall be saved, is Avithout measiu'e better than the prayer of a prelate who shall be damned." Vicious priests, it is observed, " need to have new laws, made of sinful fools, to colour their sin by, and to gather greedily tithes, when they do not their office ; for God's law helpeth them not thereto, but condemns their pride, covetousness, and other sins." He then combats the notion that such men are heard " not for their own holiness," but " in virtue of holy church ;" and replies to this " dreaming," that it is " not grounded in Holy Wi-it, for God saith generally that such prayer is abominable." The offering of strange fire on the ancient altar, betokened the offering of prayer without charity. • In the twelfth chapter Wycliffe resumes his censure of the prelates who fine, curse, and imprison men, for preaching the Gospel, and who grant absolutions to the most guilty, on payment of the required " rent to Antichrist." Coercion, he maintains, " belongs to lord's office, as Peter and Paul teacheth," and aU jmnishing of the body, and loss of goods, should come from the secular power only. The thirteenth chapter exposes the frauds practised in the matter of indulgences. Prelates are said to " destroy foully Christian men by these feigned* indulgences or pardons." Such men are described as holding out this proniise of indulgence as procured " by virtue of Christ's passion and mart}Tdom, and holy merits of saints, which they did more than was needful for their own bHss." But this doctrine, it is replied, " Christ taught never in all the Gospel, and never used it, neither Peter • A layman, or an ignorant man. » Counterfeited — invented. ON PRELATES. ]9 nor Paul." Some of these indulgences, it seems, were granted in terms extending over a thousand years, and WyclifFe ridicules such grants by reminding those who value them, that " after the day of doom there will be no purgatory, and no man knoweth how soon that doom may come." But the Reformer pushes his argument on this subject to a length which his opponents must have felt to be not a little inconvenient. " It seemeth that the pope and his are all out of charity, if there dwell any soul in purgatory. For he may mth full heart, and without any other cost deliver them out of purgatory." To confess the want of inclination in this par- ticular, WyclifFe argues, must be to confess a gross want of charity ; and to confess the want of power must be to confess the hypocrisy which makes pretension to such power. Allusion is made to the manner in which these indulgences were dispensed in favour of the recent crusade in Flanders, conducted by Spencer, bishop of Norwich, when it was seen that their use was " not to make peace, biit dissensions and wars." The whole system of indulgences, and pardons, is denounced as " a subtle merchandise of Antichrist's clerks, to magnify their counterfeit power, and to get worldly goods, and to cause men not to dread sin." " " Mar- vellous it is that any sinful fool dare grant anything on the merit of saints, for all that ever any saint did may not bring a soul to heaven with- out the grace and might of Christ's passion." In that passion, it is main- tained "all merits that are needful" will be found, and the judgment of God hereafter will not be found to have been influenced by the caprice or the biddings of man. WyclifFe concludes this instructive chapter by praying that God would of his endless mercy " destroy the pride, covetous- ness, hypocrisy, and heresy of this feigned pardoning, and make men busy to keep his commandments, and to set fully their trust in Jesus Christ." From prelates at home, WyclifFe proceeds to touch on the pretensions of the great prelate abroad — this he does in the following terms : " Also prelates make many new points of belief, and say it is not enough to believe in Jesus Christ, and to be christened, as Christ saith in the Gospel of Mark, unless a man also believe that the bishop of Rome is head of holy church. And certainly the apostles of Jesus Christ never constrained any man to believe thus concerning himself. And yet they were certain of their salvation in heaven. How then should any sinful wretch, who knows not whether he shall be damned or saved, constrain men to believe that he is head of holy church ? Certainly, in such case, they must sometimes constrain men to believe that a devil of hell is head of holy church, when the bishop of Rome shall be a man damned for his sins." In this bold manner did the genius of our Reformer separate between the institutional and the moral, the political and the spiritual, in the ° See pages 2, 3. • c 2 20 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. religion of Christ, inculcating that no reverence should be evinced towards mere office, if not allied with the spirit proper to it — the irreligious man who assumes a rehgious office, becoming only so much the more giiilty, and the more despicable in so doing. It is not difficult to see that this one principle included the germ of all subsequent revolution in religious usage and opinion. Heavily does the Reformer complain of the arro- gance which required that the people should not presume to judge in ' respect to the Hfe or doctrine of the clergy, while Paul from the third heavens, and Jesus Christ, God and man, challenged such scrutiny from friends and foes. But the intention of this doctrine is said to be, that men " may not reprove such persons for any sin whatsoever which they may do ;" and that good men may not presume to preach the Gospel except as bad men shall give them permission, Avhich, according to the right of private judgment, as held in fact, though not in terms, by WyclifFe, was to place the authority of Satan before the authority of Christ. Nor was it enough that this description of clergymen should claim exemption from all popidar censure, — ^they affected the same independence of the highest authorities, and in respect to civil matters no less than the religious. " Prelates most destroy obedience to the law of God, for they say that they are not to be subject to secular lords, to pay them ta.xes, or to heljj the commons ; and are not to be amended l:»y their sub- jects (people) of their open sins, but only by the pope who is their sove- reign, and he by no man on earth, because he is the greatest of all." But the men who avow this doctrine are reminded that Christ paid tribute to a heathen emperor, and to his religion or church, when it was demanded of him, though " he had no secular lordship, nor plenty of tithes, and much more therefore should these rich priests" be made to comply with such demands. In the twenty-second chapter the Reformer resumes his strictures on the pretensions of the sovereign pontiff. It is said openly, he observes, " that there is nothing lawful among Christian men without leave of the bishop of Rome, though he be Antichrist, full of simony and heresy. For commonly, of all priests he is the most contrary to Christ, both in life and teaching ; and he maintaineth more sin, by privileges, excom- munications, and long pleas ; and he is most proud against Christ's meek- ness, and most covetous of worldly goods and lordships." He is de- scribed as the head and representative of all the corruptions by which the ecclesiastical system was disfigured ; and to subject the church to such a sovereignty, it is added, must be assuredly to subject her to the power of Antichrist. In the two subsequent chapters Wycliffe rebukes those martial pre- lates whose passions tended to destroy the inen, body and soul, wliom they ON PRELATES. 21 should have saved ; and renews his lamentations that simony should be allowed so greatly to deprave both priest and people, and to trans- ier the wealth of the country to the coiFers of its enemies. In the twenty-sixth chapter be writes, " Prelates say, that Holy Writ is not sufficient to rule holy chui-ch, and that the teachers thereof are not pro- fitable to the people." But to this, it is replied, that " it is the pride of Luciferj and even greater pride than his, to say that the teachers of man's traditions, made of sinful fools, are more profitable and needful to . Christian people than the preachers of the Gospel." If Christ has not made his law complete, it is argued that this must be either because he covdd not or would not. But to say either of these things, would it not be " to put a foul heresy on Christ ?" This nevertheless is done — done " secretly to maintain their own covetousness and pride." In the two following chapters, it is lamented that notwithstanding the clearness of such arguments, men are found " leaving Holy Writ and reason, for feigned dreams and miracles — ^aud sinful man's traditions full of error :" while prelates convert secular lords into destroyers of men's souls, by converting them into the persecutors of men who preach the Gospel. In the thirtieth chapter Wycliffe remarks, " Worldly prelates say, that since the people should worship Gregory, and Peter and Paul and other true apostles of Christ, and as they themselves come into the place of apostles,' then the people should worship them after the same manner. But they take no account how those apostles came to their state by choosing and ordaining of God, and by holy life and true service Avhich they did to' Christian people, in true teaching of the holy Gospel, both in word and deed." Adverting to the reasonable claims of the clergy on their people, the Reformer observes, " It is good that Christian priests should have worldly goods for their necessary livelihood, and clothing, as Paul teacheth, and reason." But the inordinate wealth of the clergy is said to have filled them \vith pride, to have rendered them the victims of lust, and to have raised a Bible made up of man's traditions, into the place of the true Bible. In the remaining portion of this work, Wycliffe insists that it is just and scriptural thus to rebuke a vicious clergy. " Christ and his apostles reproved Pharisees, and Herod, and heretics, in their absence and before the people, as the Gospels and Epistles witness, and this was for our example, to be followed with charity and discretion." Were it not so, a depraved priesthood might be left to " wax rotten in their liists, rob the people, and destroy Christendom :" and however agreeable such exemp- tion may be to such men, it does not comport with the sense of public duty in some other men that they should be left in the enjoyment of it. Masses, pardons, and pilgrimages, all are described as " novelties," the effect of which is, " to make people believe that if a priest say a certain ^y ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFI'E IN MANUSCRIPT. mass for a soul, it shall anon be out of purgatory, though God in his righteousness ordain that soul to abide there forty year or more, and though the priest himself be accursed for simony and pride, for, as they falsely pretend, the mass may not be impaired by the priest's sin. — Prelates blaspheme against God, the Father of heaven, by taking to themselves the power Avhich belongs only and especially to God — that is, the power of absolving sins, and the full remission of them. For they take on them principally to absolve, and make the people to believe so, when they have only absolved as vicars, or messengers, to witness for the people that God absolveth . on contrition, or else neither angel, nor man, nor God himself absolveth — unless the sinner is contrite, that is, fully have sorrow for his sin." The treatise concludes thus — " In these three and forty errors and heresies, men may see how evil prelates destroy Christendom — for of them and no other is this speech — and how they are the cause of wars, and of evil life in the people, and of their damnation. God of his might and mercy amend these errors, and others, if it be his will !" V. The next piece in the collection under review is intitled. Specu- lum DE Antichristo. Its title in English is, How Ajitichrist and his clerkes feren treiie priests from preaching of Ohrist^s Gospel by four deceits. It begins with the words, First they say that j^reaching of the Gospel maketh dissensions and enmity."- In answer to this first " deceit," it is said, that " Christ came not to make peace for sinful men, by leaving them to live in their fleshly lusts, and worldly joy, at their liking." Christ means his people to be in peace only as they are holy. The second " deceit" is, " that many men will be damned notwithstand- ing the hearing of the Gospel, and the more damned because they hear God's word, and do not thereafter." The reasoning cited on this point is of the true Antinomian complexion, neutralising precept by speculations about necessity. But it is contended that men should continue to pray and preach, even to enemies, assured that as they so do " feAver will be lost, and more will be saved." Even concerning the reprobate it is observed, that " sometimes they have compunction, and leave their sins for a long while, and that to them is better than all this world. And " MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. Trin. Coll. Dub. Class C. Tab. ili. No. 12. Our only evidence in respect to the date of this piece, is from its general contents. It greatly magnifies the office of preaching, charges the friars with doing their utmost to deceive the people, and to "stop poor priests" from endeavouring to bring them out of their ignorance and irreligion ; and it is altogether marked by the opinions, feeling, and language observable in such of the Reformer's works as are known to be the production of his later years. We know of no work strictly of this complexion, that can be shown to have been written by Wycliffe in the early period of his history ; but every- thing known to be from his pen during the last five or seven years of his life carries this impress. FOUR DECEITS OF ANTICHRIST AND HIS CLERKS. 23 God giveth to each man free will to choose good or evil, and God is ready to give them grace if they will receive it. And in this life they do many good deeds of kind, " and because of them they shall have much reward in this world, and at the last a less pain in hell. And it is a great vengeance from God when he withdraweth preaching from a com- munity, accounting them not worthy to hear his word ; and wherever a gathering of people is, there is commonly some good done, and for those who will receive the word principally men preach it." But if none will hear, it is admitted that from such a people, after apostoHc example, the preacher should tiu'n away. The reader will not fail to mark the moral discrimination which is blended with this treatment of a subtle theolo- gical question. It has been too much the practice of divines to estimate the moral and immoral in the unregenerate by the same rule. The third "deceit" is, " that good men shall be saved though there be no preaching, for God saith they may not perish ; while some wicked men shall never come to bHss for any preaching on earth. Here true men say that as God hath ordained good men to come to bliss, so he hath ordained them to come to bHss by preaching, and by keeping his word. So as they must needs come to bHss, they must needs hear and keep God's commandments, and to this end serveth preaching with them. And some wicked men shall now be convinced by God's grace and hearing of his word; and who knoweth the measure of God's mercy, or to whom the hearing of God's word shaU be thus profitable ? Each man should hope to come to heaven, and should enforce himself to hear and to fulfil the word of God. For since each man hath a free wiH, and chooseth good or evil, no man shall be saved except he that readily heareth and steadily- keepeth the commandments of God, and no man shall be damned except he that wihuHy and endlessly breaketh God's commands." It is very difficult to ascertain the real opinions of the Reformer on topics of this nature as set forth in the Latin of his more scholastic pieces. The preceding observations furnish one of the most expliQit expositions of his views that I have met vnth. The fourth " deceit" is, when it is said, " that men should cease from preaching, and give themselves to holy prayers and contemplations, because that helpeth Christian men more, and is better." But in answer, " true men say boldly that true preaching is better than prayer by the mouth, or though it should come from the heart and from pure devotion, and that it edifieth more the people. Therefore Christ espe- cially commanded his apostles and disciples to preach the Gospel, and not to shut themselves up in cloisters or chiu-ches to pray as some men. Hence Isaiah cried, ' Woe is me that I was still ;' and Paul says, ' Woe « Nature — they discharge many natural duties without being religious 24 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. is me if I preach not the Gospel.' Devout prayer in men of good hfe is good in certain time ; but it is against charity for priests to pray evermore, and at no time to preach, since Christ chargeth priests to preach the Gospel, more than to say mass and matins." These enlight- ened views concerning the paramount importance of preaching, exhibit the mind of WycliiFe as some two centuiies in advance of his age ; but he cites Gregory and Jerome in support of these opinions, and as cen- suring customs which deprived society of the benefit of good examples, and led tu much sin in the way of omission. VI. We next come to the treatise intitled. Of Clerks Possessioners. Its object is to expose the irrehgion which, in the view of the Reformer, had resulted from the inordinate wealth, and the secular jurisdiction of the clergy. It consists of forty chapters." In the commencement, St. Augustine, St. Gregory, and St. Bernard, are introduced as censuring the secular lordship of the clergy, declaring it to be opposed to the design and precepts of the Gospel. Clerks who live " a lustful and worldly Hfe," are said to declare, that " the hfe and example of Christ are not a sufficient rule," and in so doing proclaim them as " strong heretics," Such men are " traitors to God, to lords and to the common people." To God they show themselves traitors by deserting his law ; to lords by cvirsing them unless they are prepared to maintain what is called holy cluu'ch ; and to the people by deceiving them, " teaching them openly, that they shall have God's blessing, and bHss in heaven, if they pay truly their tithes and offerings to them." These persons are described as preferring " the smiles of sinful man, to the smiles of Christ, God and man ;" as coming in " under colour of saints," and as living a life contrary to that of their professed patrons ; and this fact is said to account for^ the attempts made by pretended devotees to falsify the hves of their founders. Some men of this class are said to attempt a justification of their assuming a secular lordship by appealing to the example of Christ ; " But Christ saith in the Gospel of St. John, that his kingdom is not of this world. And by worldly lordship he had not once where to rest his head. Therefore it is heresy to put this secular lordship on Christ." Worldly jmisdiction, it is argued, must bring with it worldly and distracting duties, Avhich Christ and his disciples knew not — such as » MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. Trin. Coll. Dub. Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. This treatise speaks of priests as " living poorly and justly, and going about teaching freely God's law," (chap, xvi.) and abounds in complaint that men should be persecuted for so doing. Its condemnation of all kinds of endowment, excepting the form of titlies and ofi'erings, and its doctrine even concerning such reve- nues in the case of ecclesiastics who " trespass by long custom," leave no room to doubt as to the late date of this remarkable production. OF CLERKS POSSESSIONERS. 25 must unfit men " for studying and teaching Holy Writ," and be un- friendly to " devotion, and prayer, and meditation, and heavenly sweet- ness." Such occupations, indeed, cannot fail to ensnare men to " simony, covetousness, gluttony, and idolatry ;" disposing persons professing dead- ness to the world to a life the most worldly ; converting men who should be preachers of the Gospel into preachers of fables ; and teaching them to fight against the truth, and not for the truth. It will be seen from these remarks, that under the title of clerks pos- sessioners, Wycliffe included not only the beneficed and higher clergy, but also the opulent religious orders. But while monks and canons profess to take their model from the community of goods in the church at Jerusalem, they are described as destitute of the well-regulated tem- perance, and the Christian piety, in which that visage originated. Much complaint is made that the private rules ol' religious sects are made to be of more binding authority than the most manifest precepts of Christ ; and that the delinquents who thus place the authority of man before the authority of God, should so commonly betray the nature of the training they receive in their secular offices by becoming persecutors " of good men following the example of Holy Writ, and living poorly and justly, and going about teaching freely God's law." Some fraternities among the religious orders are said to possess " many books," and some copies of Holy Writ, which have come to them by gift or testament ; " but they hide them from secvdar clerks," and suffer their noble books to rot in their libraries, and neither will profit them- selves by studying in them, nor leave them to other clerks that would ; so that seculars and clerks may scarcely have a book of value." The men who thus subordinate learning, as well as religion, to their love of pomp and indulgence, are reminded that they cannot fail to know from their own laws, as well as from Holy Scripture, that what- ever they possess as more than necessary to decent " livehhood," is not their own, but " poor men's goods ;" and they are admonished, accord- ingly, to cease their visitings of the great, and to become visitors of the poor, the fatherless, and the widow. The claim of the clergy to be exempt from the loss of their goods by any judgment from the civil power, even " though they should be trespassers by long custom," is treated as arrogant and unjust, otherwise " God's law is false, which giveth power to kings and seciilar lords to punish generally, out -taking no man." In the remaining chapters of this treatise the Reformer exposes the foUy of supposing that the existing race of clergymen woiild be found equal to the duties of " two lordships," the secular and the spiritual, while ' By secular clerks, the regular clergy are meant, as distinguished frorti the religious orders 26 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE'IN MANUSCRIPT. Christ and his apostles were so careful to avoid such a weight and mixture of obligation. He laments, also, the many instances in which the laws of God are "put aback," and the laws of men advanced to their place ; and all this that priests may be sustained in pleading exemption from the authority of the civil power, and from the usual burdens of the state, and persecuting aU good men, who, by living a holy life and preaching truly the Gospel, reprove them for their sins. He concludes the piece, as was his custom, by a prayer. " God Almighty, stir up priests, lords, and commons, to know the hypocrisy, and treason, of Antichrist's worldly clerks, and to know and maintain the rightful ordinance of Christ, and the profit and freedom of the Gospel. Amen." VII. The work intitled De XXXIII. Erroribus Curatorum, has for its EngUsh title. How the Offi/ie of Curates is ordained of God ; and begins thus — For the. office of curates is ordained of God, and feiv do it well, and many fall evil."' In the Cambridge Collection this piece follows that " On Clerks Possessioners." The term curate in this tract is used to denote the regular parochial clergy. This piece, accordingly, relates to the faults of the inferior clergy, as the three preceding pieces related to the favdts of their superiors. As may be expected, the same errors come again luider review, and much of the same kind of reasoning is employed to expose and correct them. It will be sufficient, in consequence, to cite a few passages. The following extract includes the whole of the first chapter : — " For the office of curates is ordained of God, and few do it well, and many full evil. Therefore, tell we some of their defaults, to amend them with God's help. " First, they are more busy about worldly goods, than about virtues, and the keeping of men's souls. For he who can best get the riches of this WQj'ld together, and hold great household and worldly array, he is holden a worthy man of holy church, though he know not the least point of the Gospel. And such a one is up in fidl favour of the bishop and of his officers. But the curate who giveth himself to study Holy "Writ, and teach his j)arishioners to save their souls, and who hveth in meekness, penance,* and busy travail about ghostly things, and seeketh nought of worldly worship and riches, is holden a fool, and a disturber " MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. Trin. Coll. Dub. Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. pp. 103—116. The reference in the twenty-sixth chapter of this work to the objections made against the reading of the Scriptures by the laity in the mother tongue, fixes the date of the tract as written by the Reformer not more than two or three years before his death. The passage will be found in the text. The greater part of this work has been printed in the work intitled, The British Reformers, i. 123—141, published by the Religious Tract Society. ' The word " penance" is used by Wycliffe in the sense of contrition, penitence, or humility. THE OFFICE OF CURATES ORDAINED OF GOD. 27 of holy church, and is despised and persecuted of high priests, and pre- lates, and their officers, and hated of other curates in the country. And this maketh many curates to be neghgent in their ghostly cures, and to give themselves to occupation and business about worldly goods. But these negligent curates think full little how dearly Christ bought man's soul with his precious blood and death, and how hard a reckoning he will make for those souls at doomsday. Certainly, it seemeth that they are out of the faith of Christian men. For they make themselves not ready to come and answer how they came into their benefices ; and how they lived, and taught, and spent poor men's goods. For if they had this faith ready in their mind, they would begin a better life, and con- tinue therein." The following passage is from the tAventy-sixth chapter : — " They (the worldly clergy) are Antichrists, forbidding Christian men to know their belief, and to speak of Holy Writ. For they say openly that secular men should not intermeddle themselves Avith the Gospel to read it in the mother tongue, but attend to a holy father's preaching, and do after such in all things. But this is expressly against God's teacliing. For God commandeth generally to each layman, that he should have God's commandments before him, and teach them to his children. And the wise man biddeth every Christian man, that all his telling be in the commandments of God, and that he have them evermore in his mind. And St. Peter biddeth us, as Christians, be ready to give a reason for our faith and hope to each man that asketh it. And God commands his priests to preach the Gospel to each man, and the reason is, because all men should know it, and ride their hfe according to it. Lord ! why should worldly pi'iests forbid secular men to speak of the Gospel, and of God's commandments, since God giveth them great mt of kind," and great desire to know God, and love him? For the more goodness they shall know of God, the more they shall love him ; while worldly priests, from their own ignorance, sloth, idleness, and pride, stop Christian men from knowing God, and shut up from them the gifts which God hath given to them. Since the beginning of the world, none have heard higher craft of Antichrist, whereby to destroy Christian men's belief and charity, than is this blasphemous heresy — that laymen should not intermeddle with the Gospel." * The next passage is from the thii'tieth chapter : — " They take not tithes and ofterings by form of the Old Testament, " Strong natural discernment. » " The fourth error is, tliat they think more of statutes of sinful men, than of the most reasonable law of Almighty God. For they dread the pope's law, and statutes made by bishops, and other officers, more than the noble law of the Gospel. Therefore they have many great and costly books of man's law, and study them much ; but few curates have the Bible and good expositions on the Gospel : they study them but little, and do them less. But would to God that every parish church 28 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. parting them in common to all priests and ministers of the church. Nor according to the form of the Gospel, taking a simple livelihood, given of free devotion of the people, without constraining, as Christ and his apostles did. But by the new law of sinful men, one priest chal- lengeth to himself all the tithes of a great country, by a worldly plea, and by new censures ; while he neither liveth as a good priest, nor teacheth as a curate, nor giveth the residue to poor men, but wasteth it in pomp, and gluttony, and other sins, and hindereth true priests from doing the office laid on them by God Almighty. Surely it seemeth that these priests are not after God's law, but after some ordinance of sinful men, and would be masters of God, and lords over Christian people, since they never hold the law of God. And as to tithes, them they take by violence, and by strong curses, against men's good will, and make the people out of patience and charity by their pleading, and do not well their ghostly office." " VIII. It will be seen from these extracts, that the work on the Office of Curates breathes a spirit of earnest piety, and that it gives prominence to the soiindest Protestant principle. The piece Avhich is next in suc- cession, intitled. Of the Order of Priesthood,* is of the same complexion, touching vigorously on the same evils, and pointing to the same remedy. The matter of this treatise is di\'ided into twenty-nine sections, or chap- ters, but, as in the preceding work, with more of the appearance of order than of the reality. It concludes with the following devout appeal : — " But good priests, who live weU, in pureness of thought and speech and deed, and in good example to the people, and who teach God's law up to their knowledge, and who travail fast night and day to learn it better and teach it openly and constantly, are very jirophets of God, and holy angels of God, and spiritual lights of the world, as God saith by his prophets, and Jesus Christ in the Gospel, and saints declare it well by authority and reason. Ye priests, think on this noble and worthy office, and do it readily according to your knowledge and power. Think also, in this land had a good Bible, and good expositions on the Gospel, and that the priests studied them well, and taught truly the Gospel and God's commandments to the people ! Then should good life prevail, and rest, and peace, and charity ; sin and falseness should be put back — God bring this end to his people ! " — British Reformers, i. 125. " This subject has been touched upon in a preceding section of the treatise. "The ninth error is, that they waste poor men's goods on rich fuis and costly clothes, and worldly array, and feasts of rich men, and in gluttony, drunkenness, and lechery. For they sometimes pass great men in their gay furs, and precious clothes, fat horses, with gay saddles and bridles. St. Bernard crietli, Whatever curates hold of the altar more than simple livelihood and clothing, is not theirs, but other men's." — Ibid. i. 127. * MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. Trin. Coll. Dub. Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. pp. 116—125. The doctrine of this work, concerning the duty of lords in regard to the wealth of the delinquent or indolent among the clergy, and the manner in which it sets forth preaching as compared wilh other priestly services, seem to determine its date as contemporaneous with the works imme- diately preceding. OF GOOD-PREACHING PRIESTS, 29 ye lords and mighty men who support priests, how dreadful it is to maintain worldly priests in their lusts, who neither know God, nor will learn, nor live holily in this noble order. For ye may easily amend them, Avithout cost or travail, only telling them that ye will not support them, but as they do their duty, live well, and preach the Gospel. And certainly they would then do so. And think, ye great men, were not this a thousand-fold better than to conquer all the world? Hereby there should be no great cost to you nor travail, but honour to God, and endless good to your ownselves, to priests, and to all Christendom. God, for his endless mercy and charity, bring this holy end ! Amen." IX. The piece which concludes thus, is followed by a tract intitled, Of GooD-PiiEAcmNG Priests. It begins in the following terms : — " The first general point of poor priests that preach in England is this — that the law of God be well known, taught, maintained, magnified. The second is — that great open sin that reigneth in divers states be destroyed, and also the heresy and hypocrisy of Antichrist and his followers. The third is — that true peace and prosi^erity, and burning charity, be increased in Christendom, and especially in the 7'ealm of England, for to bring men readily to the bliss of heaven."'^ Then foUows a series of articles which expose and reprove existing abuses, and various means are dwelt upon, Avhich, if duly apj^lied, might, with the Divine blessing, go far towards restoring to the Christian reUgion its primitive simplicity, purity, and devout feeling. Thus it is urged that " the accursed heresy of simony," so inwrought with aU the usages of the clergy, should be destroyed — destroyed alike " in benefices, orders, sacraments, and pardons ;" and that "the ravening and extortion of prelates and their officers, which they do under colour of jurisdiction and alms, in the maintaining of sin for an annual rent, and the like, be wisely and truly stopped, and that they be well chastised for thus robbing the king's liege men." It is demanded also, "that clerks should be meek and obedient to worldly lords, as Christ and his apostles were, and that they be not nourished in great sin by exemption from the clerks of Antichrist, lest Christian kingdoms be destroyed because of the suffering and maintaining of accursed sin." The next principle of the needed reformation laid down is — " that Christian men fear more the rightful curse of God, for breaking his commandments, than the wrongful curse of sinfi.il men, who curse men for the true preaching of <■ MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. The first sentence of this work shows that it was written in behalf of a class of men , wlio, as we have before observed, do not become known to us until near the close of the life of the Reformer. Its doctrine throughout is that of WycliiTe when his views were most matured. If this and similar pieces be compared with the " Pore Caitif," or the " Last Age of the Church," the reader will be sensible to the force of this kind of evidence. 30 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. the Gospel, and the fulfilling of the works of mercy ; for God blesseth where they curse." It is argued further — " that Christian men of the realm should not be robbed by simony, of the first fruits to go to the bishop of Rome ; nor by the bishops at home for the hallowing of churches, altars, and such things ; that Christian men should give more heed to Christ's Gospel and his Ufe, than to any bulls from the sinful bishops of this world, or else they forsake Christ, and take Antichrist and Satan for their chief governor : — .that no Hege man of the king should be imprisoned for the wrongful cursing of the prelates, while he is ready to justify himself by Holy Writ, and while he does truly his oflfice : — and that whosoever doth most simony, and maintaineth most sin, should be judged, known, and treated, as in the most degree a heretic, as most the adversary of Jesus Christ, and as Antichrist." Wycliffe then adds, " If any man can prove by Holy Writ or reason that these points are false, poor priests will meekly amend them, and heartily pray all good men to help them in the true cause, for the honour of God, the health of their souls, and the salvation of Christian nations." But the Reformer has not concluded his intended series of innovations, — he moves farther, " That the alms of lords, given to prelates and the religious upon certain conditions, namely, to feed certain poor men, and to other hospitalities, and to maintain a certain number of good priests, be wisely amended by the king and the lords, whenever those goods are turned into means of pomp, gluttony, lechery, and maintaining of sin : — That the poor commoners be not charged with taxes, while clerks, and mainly the rehgious, have a superfluity of gold and silver, and such vessels, and other jewels, since all these goods are poor men's goods, and clerks are not lords of them, but merely procurators to spend them faith- fully, according to poor men's need, as God's law and man's law wit- nesseth : — That the wasted treasure hanging on stocks and stones be wisely spent in defence of the kingdom, and relieving of the poor commons, that the people of our land be not brought to theft nor lechery under the colour of pilgrimage, nor alms be drawn from poor needy men, bought with Christ's precious blood : — That the clergy of our land be restrained from pride, glorious array, and worldly occupation, and especially that our prelates and curates be charged by the king and lords to teach well their subjects by example of good life, and open and true preaching of the Gospel, as busily and readily as they ask their tithes: — That none of the clergy be hindered from keeping truly and freely the Gospel of Christ in good living and true teaching on account of any feigned privilege or tradition, founded by sinfid wretches: — That no priest or religious man in our land be imprisoned without open doom, and true cause fiilly known to our king, or to his true council ; else worldly priests and SENTENCE OF THE CURSE EXPOUNDED. 31 feigned religious may stop true men from preaching of Holy Writ and magnifying of the king's regalia, and may condemn the king's liege men mthout answer: — That fairs be not allowed on hoUdays, never on Sundays: — That adultery and open impurity be not suffered in great places in our realm, nor maintained for an annual rent, as that is utterly against God's bidding : — That worldly clerks, and the feigned religious, usurp not the king's regalia, nor steal from him his holy pc^wer, granted to him of God, for no cursing or hypocrisy, since they are bound to be true tp the king, and to forward his worship and the profit of his land : — and that the king and lords govern themselves in their state as God ordained it, in great wisdom, might of men, and sufficient riches, to againstand v^Tong and misdoers, and in their lordships to help poor men, the fatherless and motherless, and widows and aliens, and to honour and reward true men, and clerks living in meekness, wiUing poverty, and busy spiritual labour for the help of man's soul, as Christ and his apostles did." X. The next piece, xinder the title of The Great Sentence of the Curse Expounded, is much more extended than the one preceding it, and throughout is in the same degree pregnant with the seeds of reformation. It begins with the words — F'irst, all heretics againstanding the faith of Holy Writ be cursed solemnly four times in the year, and also maintainers or consenters to heresy or heretics in their errors.^'- The matter of this treatise is distributed into seventy-nine chapters, and extends to nearly a hundred ■ quarto pages. The reference in the sixteenth chapter to the war then going on in Flanders " for the love of two false priests, who are open Antichrists," and some other allusions to contemporary events, show that this piece was written by the Reformer not more than two or three years before his death.* The points in this treatise, which engage the attention of the writer, are those which came before the people from quarter to quarter as this periodical anathema was pro- nounced in their hearing. The Reformer begins by defining heresy, on the authority of Augustine and other clerks, as " error maintained against Holy Writ." But our worldly prelates, he remarks, maintain error against Holy Writ " in the matter of preaching the Gospel of Christ, and therefore they are them- selves cursed heretics. For when Paul asks how men should preach but as they are sent, they uuderstand that of such men only as are sent by the pope, and other worldly prelates." On this ^^lea, it is observed, they not only silence many good men, causing the servants of God to MS. C.C.C. Cambridse. The further f videnee in re^^peet to date is in chapters iii. xv. xvi. xix. xxvi. 82 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. depend for liberty to preach on approval from the children of the fiend, but even an angel from heaven would not dare deliver the message of the Almighty to save men's souls, because some worldly priest has presumed to contravene the commandment of God. But Avhatever may be the doctrine or practice of the rulers of the church in this respect, " sending by those worldly prelates is not enough, without a sending of God, as Paul saith." Nevertheless, it is so, that " poor priests are slandered as heretics, accursed, and imprisoned, mthout answer, forasmuch as they stand up for Christ's life and teaching, and the maintenance of the. king's regalia." According to the " Great Sentence," all persons were accursed, who should " spoil, or take away any right from holy church, or defraud holy church of any endowment." On this point, it is remarked, that " Christian men, taught in God's laAv, call holy chiirch, the congregation of just men, for whom Jesus Christ shed his blood, and they do not so call stones, and timber, and earthly rubbish, which Antichrist's clerks magnify more than God's righteousness, and the souls of Christian men. True teaching is most due to holy church, and is most charged of God, and most profitable to Christian souls. Insomuch therefore as God's word, and the bliss of heaven in the souls of men, are better than earthly goods, insomuch are those worldly priests who withdraw the great debt of holy teaching worse than thieves, and more accursedly sacrilegious than the ordinary thief who breaks into churches and steals thence chaHces, and vestments, and never so much gold," The fault, and the just doom of such men, are illustrated by an allusion to feudal rela- tionships. They hold their office to certain ends, such as Christ and the apostles had set before them ; and inasmuch as they not only fail to perform the duties of that oifice, but prevent others who are able and willing to perform them from so doing, they are pronounced traitors to the said lord, and their place is said to be a forfeiture. The third chapter commences with the often -repeated complaint, that the clergy should so commonly apply the revenues of the church to the purposes of luxury, and neglect the poor. But the lieaviest censure in this connexion is directed against the pontiff. " Certainly some men understand that the cruel manslayer of Rome is not Peter's successor, but Christ's enemy, and the emperor's master, and poison under colour of hoHness, and that he maketh most unable curates." Again-^" This evil manslayer, poisoner, and burner of Christ's servants, is made by evil clerks to be the ground and root of all the misgovernance of the church: and yet they make bHnd men believe that he is head of lioly church, and the most holy father, who may not sin!" Grosstete" is " The celebrated Bishop of Lincoln. SENTENCE OF THE CURSE EXPOUNDED. ;53 mentioned as having been of a different judgment concerning the papacy in his day, and as having expressed that judgment to the pontiff himself with an integrity and fearlessness ever to be admired. The fourth, fifth, and sixth chapters treat of the simony connected Avith admission to orders, the obtaining of benefices, and the administration of the sacra- ments. The ecclesiastical system is said to be so constructed in all respects as to favour the enriching of the priesthood, and the plunder of the people. But while the exercise of every priestly function carried its tax along with it, some of its acts imposed a heavier bu.rden than others. " If men foohshly make a vow to go to Rome, or Jerusalem, or Canterbury, or on any other pilgrimage, that we deem of greater weight than the vow made at our christening to keep God's commandments, to forsake the fiend and all his works. But though men break the highest commandments of God, the rudest parish priest shall anon absolve him. But of the vows made of our ovm head, though many times against God's will, no man shall absolve bvit some great worldly bishop, or the most worldly priest of Rome — the master of the emperor, the fellow of God, and the deity on earth !" On the sale of masses Wycliffe writes — " Ah Lord ! how much is our king and our realm helped by the masses and the prayers of simonists and heretics, full of pride, and envy, and who so much hate poor priests for teaching Christ's life and the Gospel." But the following passage shows that until within a year or two of his death Wycliffe believed in the existence of an intermediate state, and that the devout intercessions of -the living might be in some sense beneficial to the dead who had not passed beyond that state. " Saying of mass, with cleanness of holy ^- life, and burning devotion, pleaseth God Almighty, and is profitable to Christian souls in purgatory, and to men living on earth that they may withstand temptations to sins." The following passage shows also that he still thought highly of the functions of the priest as exercised in consecrating the elements of the eucharist. " Think, therefore, ye pure priests, how much ye are beholden to God who gave you power to sacred" his own precious body and blood of bread and wine, a power which he never granted to his own mother or to the angels. Therefore with all your desire, and reverence, and devotion, do your office in the sacrament !" The eighth chapter commences with passages from St. Gregory, St. Augustine, St. Bernard, and others, concerning the duties of the pastoral office. On these passages suitable comment is made ; and it is especially remarked, that the men who have filled this office with the greatest success have generally been men on whom it has been forced. It is said that ' Consecrate. D 84 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANITSCEIPT. no man should seek it, inasmuch as that would be to forget the admoni- tion of Scriptui'e — " No man taketh this honour upon himself, but he that is called of God, as was Aaron." When bishoprics were poor, and to become a bishop was to be exposed to martyrdom, it might have been well to aspire to such distinction ; but in these later times, when the office is connected with much temptation to indulge in every sort of Avorldliness, a devout man may with good reason avoid, rather than seek such an elevation. Such persons are said to calumniate Christ and his disciples, as having failed to present a true pattern of hfe to their followers, so long as their own life presents an example so widely different from that which has been thus placed before them. " It is a great sin to witness falsely against a poor man ; it is a greater sin so to witness against a holy man ; but most of all to do so with the name of Christ, the Head of all saints, and the Lord of all lords. Also it is a great sin to lie, and to defraud men of their temporal goods ; much more to deprive them of spiritual goods, of virtues, and good life, and most of all to deprive them of faith, and of the mirror of Christ's life, which is the ground of all well-being hereafter." The following passage expresses Wycliffe's opinion respecting the middle-age usage well known by the name of " the rights of sanctuary," which consisted in extending the privilege of the Hebrew cities of refuge to certain ecclesiastical edifices, and that not merely in respect to manslaying, but to offences of all descriptions. The communities of such places are said to " challenge franchise and privilege, that wicked men, open thieves, and manslayers, and those who have borrowed their neighbours' goods, and are in power to pay and make restitution, shall there dwell in sanctuary, and no man impeach them by process of law, nor oath sworn on God's body ; and they maintain stiffly that the king must confirm this privilege, and such nests of thieves and robbery in his kingdom ! " In rude states of society, some usage of this nature has generally obtained ; but in the age of the Reformer, its abuses had become greater than its uses. Wycliffe regarded all such obtrusions of the authority of the priest on the province of the civil magistrate with suspicion, and remarks in this treatise, that a man has better prospect of justice if cited before " the king or the emperor," than if obliged to appear before any tribunal called " court Christian." Hence few things excited more indignation in the Reformer, than that the clergy, who were generally so much disposed to invade the sphere of the magistrate, should have set up a claim of exemption from his authority even in civil matters. " Worldly clerks, and feigned religious," he writes, " break and destroy much the king's peace and his kingdom. For the prelates of SENTENCE OF THE CURSE EXPOUNDED. 35 this world, and priests, more or less, say fast, and write in their law, that the king hath no jurisdiction nor power over their persons, nor over the goods of holy church. And yet Christ and his apostles were most obedient to kings and lords, and taught all men to be subject to them, and to serve them truly and skilfully in bodily works, and to dread them and worship them before all other men. The wise king Solomon put down a high priest who was false to him and his kingdom, and exiled him, and ordained a good priest in his room, as the third book of Kings telleth, " And Jesus Christ paid tribute to the emperor, and commanded men to pay him tribute. And St. Peter commandeth Christian men to be subject to every creature" of men, whether unto the king as more high than others, or unto dukes as sent of him, to the vengeance of evil-doers, and the praise of good men. Also St. Paul commandeth, by authority of God, that every soul be subject to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, Princes be not to the dread of good workers, but of evil. Wilt thou not dread the power — do good and thou shalt have praising of the same. For he is God's minister to thee for good. Surely if thou hast done evil, dread thou, for he beareth not the sword in vain.* " Our Saviour, Jesus Christ, suffered meekly a painful death under Pilate, not excusing himself from his jurisdiction by his clergy.'' And St. Paul professed himself ready to suffer death by doom of the emperor's justice, if he were worthy of death, as Deeds of the Apostles showeth. And Paul appealed to the heathen emperor from the priests of the Jews, for to be under his jurisdiction, and to save his life. Lord ! who hath made our worldly clergy exempt from the king's jurisdiction and chastening, for since God giveth kings this office over all misdoers, clerks, and particularly high priests, should be most meek and obedient to the lords of this world, as were Christ and his apostles, and should be a mirror before all men, teaching them to give this meekness and obedience to the king and his righteous laws. How strong thieves and traitors are they now to lords and kings, in denying this obedience, and giving an example to all men in the land to become rebels against the king and lords. For in this they teach ignorant men, and the commons of the land, both in Avords and laws, and open deeds, to be false and rebellious against the king and other lords. And this seemeth well by their new law of decretals,*^ where the proud clerks have ordained this — that our clergy shall pay no subsidy nor tax, nor keeping of our king, and our realm, without leave and assent of the worldly priest of Rome. « Ordinance of man. 4 1 Peter ii. 13, 14. Rom. xiii. 1—4. <• By any ecclesiastical pretext, or plea of priesthood. '' Forged decrees, meant to sustain the more extravagant pretensions of the papacy. D 2 80 0\ THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. And yet many times this proud worldly priest is an enemy of oui' land, and secretly maintaineth oiir enemies in war against us with our own gold. And thus they make an alien priest, and he the proudest of all priests, to be chief lord of the whole of those goods which clerks possess in the realm, and that is the greatest part thereof! Wliere, then, are there greater heretics to God or holy church, and particularly to their liege lord in this kingdom ? To make an alien worldly priest, an enemy to us, the chief lord over the greater part of our country ! " And commonly the new laws which the clergy have made are contrived with much subtlety to bring down the power of lords and kings, and to make themselves lords, and to have all in their power. Certainly it seemeth that these worldly prelates are more bent to destroy the power of kings and lords, which God ordained for the government of his church, than God is to destroy even the power of the fiend : — for God setteth the fiend a term which he shall do, and no more ; but he still suflfereth his power to last, for the profit of Christian men, and the great punishment of misdoers ; but these worldly clerks would never cease, if left alone, until they have fully destroyed kings and lords, with their regalia and power." •* The next chapter relates to the excommunication commonly pro- nounced against all perjured persons : and prelates, and the beneficed clergy generally, are admonished, that to this sentence they are them- selves jiistly exposed, by reason of the many things in their conduct which are contrary to their oaths, taken when entering upon their office. Another point against which this periodical anathema was directed, was the conduct of men who should in any way prevent the due execution of the " will of a dead man." But our blessed Lord, in his testament, is said to " bequeath to his disciples and their successors, peace in them- selves, and in the world persecution and tribulation for his law. But worldly clerks break shamefully this worthy testament of Jesus Christ, for they seek the peace and prosperity of this world — peace with the fiend, and with their flesh, and will endure no labour for keeping or teaching God's law, but rather persecute good men who would teach it, and so make Avar upon Christ and his people, to obtain worldly muck, which Christ forbids to clerks. In the life of Christ, and in his Gospel, which is his testament, and in the life and teaching of his apostles, our clerks will find nothing but poverty, meekness, spiritual labour, and the despisings of worldly men, because reproved for their sins, and great reward in heaven for their good Ufe, and true teaching, and cheerful suffering of death. — Therefore Jesus Christ was so poor in this life, that he had no house of his own by worldly title to rest his head in, as « Chap. xi. sp:ntence of the curse expounded. 87 he himself saith in the Gospel. And St. Peter was so poor, that he had neither silver nor gold to give to a poor crooked man, as he witnesseth in the book of the Apostles' Deeds. St. Paul was so poor in worldly goods, that he laboured with his hands for his Livelihood, and suffered much persecution and watchfulness, and great thought for all churches in Christendom, as he himself saith, and as is said in many places of Holy Writ. And St. Bernard writeth to the pope, that in this worldly array, and plenty of gold, and silver, and lands, he is successor of Constantine the emperor, and not of Jesus Christ and his disciples. And Jesus said, on confirming this testament after rising from the dead — As my Father sent me, so I send you, that is, to labour, and per- secution, and poverty, and hunger, and martyrdom !"" Thus, in the judgment of WyclifFe, the church, and especially the clerg}^, should be regarded as in the place of executors to the will of Chiist, that will being strictly confined to the setting forth of it in Holy Scripture ; and the ecclesiastical persons of the age are charged with grossly violating their obligations in respect to that testament, both by their teaching and example. The next anathema was that pro- nounced on all persons who should " falsify the king's charter, or assist thereto." But it is alleged that the lands of the clergy were granted by the king for certain specified piu'poses, and that clergymen commonly apply the produce of such lands to purposes the opposite of those specified, and that in so doing they sin against the charter both of their earthly and their heavenly sovereign. "AJso they falsify the king's charter by great treason, when they make the proud bishop of Rome, who is the chief manqueller on earth, and the chief maintainer thereof, the chief worldly lord of all the goods which clerks possess in our realm, and that is almost all the realm, or the more part thereof For he should be the meekest and the poorest of priests, and the most busy in God's service to save men's souls, as were Christ and his apostles, since he caUeth himself the chief vicar of Christ. Hereby these worldly clerks show themselves traitors to God, and to their liege lord the king, whose law and regalia they destroy by their treason in favour of the pope, whom they nourish in the works of Antichrist, that they may have their worldly state, and opulence, and lusts maintained by him." The sixteenth chapter commences with these words : " All those who falsify the pope's bulls or a bishop's letter, are cursed grievously in all churches four times in the year." Here Wycliffe proceeds to ask.: — " Lord, why was not Christ's Gospel put in this sentence by our worldly clerks ? Here it seems they magnify the pope's bull more than " Chap. xiv. 38 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. the Gospel ; and in token of this they punish more the men Avho tres- pass against the pope's bulls than those who trespass against Christ's Gospel. And hereby men of this world dread more the pope's lead," and his commandment, than the Gospel of Christ and God's commands ; and thus Avretched men in this world are brought out of belief, and hope, and charity, and become rotten in heresy and blasphemy, even worse than heathen hounds. Also a penny clerk, who can neither read nor understand a verse of his psalter, nor repeat God's commandments, bringeth forth a bull of lead, witnessing that he is able to govern many souls, against God's doom, and open experience of truth. And to pro- cure this false bull they incur costs, and labour, and oftentimes fight, and give much gold out of our land to ahens and. enemies, and many thereby are dead by the hand of our enemies, to their comfort, and our confusion. Also the proud priest of Rome getteth images of Peter and Paul, and maketh Christian men beUeve that all which his bulls speak of is done by aiithority of Christ ; and thus, as far as he may, he maketh this bull, which is false, to be Peter's, and Paul's, and Christ's, and in that maketh them false. And by this blasphemy he robbeth Christen- dom of faith, and good life, and worldly goods. " And if any poor man tell the truth of Holy Writ against the hypo- crisy of Antichrist and his officers, nought else follows but to curse him, to imprison, burn, and slay him, without answer. It now seemeth that John's prophecy in the Apocalypse is fulfilled, that no man shall be hardy enough to buy or sell without the token of the cursed beast ;* for now, no man shall do aught in the street without these false bulls of Anti- christ ; not taking reward^ to the worship of Jesus Christ and of the Holy Ghost in men's souls, but all to these dead bulls, bought and sold for money, as men buy or sell an ox or beast !" In the seventeenth chapter the Reformer says : — " The Gospel telleth that at doomsday Jesus Christ shall reckon gene- rally with men for works of mercy, and if they have not done them, then, as Christ biddeth, they shall be damned without end. But Christ shall not then speak a word of tithes. If indeed men grant that tithes are works of mercy and alms, as feeding and clothing poor men, certainly it seemeth that all this cursing is for their own covetousness, not for the sins of the people, or any trespass against God. For then their curse shoidd be most where there is most sin, and despite against God. But this is not done, as all knowing men see manifestly." The law, it is alleged, teaches — that no man who is himself '' rightfully cursed" may lawfully cui'se another ; but the clergy who fail to discharge the duties of their solemn office are under the curse of the Head of the church, and are sinners " a • The seal attached to papal documents. * Rev. xiii. 17, ' Not having regard, kc. SENTENCE OF THE CURSE EXPOUNDED. 39 thousandfold more" ihan are their people when their great fault is, that " they pay not their tithes." The Reformer expands this grave accusation in the follo^\4ng terms : — " Christ said that the Son of man came not to lose men's lives and souls, but to save them, as the Gospel of Luke -witnesseth. Why then dare these wayward curates to curse so many men's souls to hell, and bodies to prison, and to the loss of chattels, and sometimes to death, for a little muck, while they are themselves cxirsed of God for simony done at their entrance into office, and for failure in preaching, and in example of holy life, tithes being not therefore due to them, but only pain in hell ? Oftentimes they are evil tormentors, and slay the soul bought with Christ's precious blood, which is better than all the riches of this world. They are not spiritual fathers to Christian soids who would damn them to hell by their cursing for the sake of a little perish- ing clay. Even pagan persecutors were content to torment the body, and not the soul for evermore ; but these children of Satan cast about by all means in their power to slay the soul in everlasting pain ! Certainly these wayward curates of Satan seem in this thing worse than the fiends of hell ; for in hell they torment no soul except for everlasting sin, while these clerks of Satan curse souls to hell for a Httle temporal debt, which they will pay as soou as they are able, and oftentimes when it is no debt, except by long error, and theft, and custom, brought in against God's commandments !" In the next chapter, the Reformer insists, that the clergy, in place of demanding tithes from the more needy of their flock, should employ their influence with the rich to procure relief for the necessities of the poor. " Men wonder highly," he observes, " why curates are so charrouse to the people in taking tithes, since Christ and his apostles took no tithes as men do now ; and neither paid them, or even spoke of them, either in the Gospel, or the Epistles, which are the perfect law of freedom and grace. But Christ lived on the alms of Mary Magdalene, and of other holy women, as the Gospel telleth, and apostles lived, sometimes by the labour of their hands, and sometimes took a poor livelihood and cloth- ing, given of free-will and devotion by the people, without asking or constraining. And to this end Christ said to his disciples that they should eat and drink such things as were set before them, and take neither gold nor silver for their preaching, or giving of sacraments. And Paul giving a general rule for priests, saith thus, ' We having food and clothing to hile" us, with these things be we assayed, ** as Jesus Christ.' And Paul proved that priests preaching truly the Gospel should live by the Gospel, and said no more of tithes. Certes,"" as tithes was due to priests and deacons in the old law, so bodily circumcision was • Cover us. * Satisfied— content. ' Certainly— surely. 40 ON THE WKITTNGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRirX. tlieii needful to all men, but it is not so now, in tl»e law of grace ; and yet Christ was circumcised. But we read not where he took tithes as we do, and we read not in all the Gospel where he paid tithes to the high-priest, or bid any other man do so. Lord, why should oui' worldly priests charge Christian people with tithes, offerings, and customs, more than did Christ and his apostles, and more than men were charged in the old law ? For then all priests, and deacons, and officers of the temple were maintained by tithes and offerings, and had no other lordship. But now, a worldly priest, who is more unable than others, by means of a bull of Antichrist, hath all the tithes and offerings to himself ! If tithes were due by God's commandment, then everywhere in Christen- dom woidd be one mode of tithing. But it is not so. — Would God that all wise and true men would inquire whether it were not better for to find" good priests by free alms of the people, and in a reasonable and poor livehhood, to teach the Gospel in word and deed, as did Christ and his apostles, than thus to pay tithes to a worldly priest, ignorant, and negUgent, as men are now constrained to do by bidls and new ordi- nances of priests.'"' Wycliffe then demands to know who has given this coercive power to churchmen, seeing that Christ and his disciples had it not, and adds — " If the first ordinance of Christ and his apostles come again to Christen- dom, then shall Christian people be free to take their tithes and offer- ings from wayward priests, and not maintain them in sin." But it is at the same time said, that they must contribute " reasonable Uvelihood to good priests, and this were much better and easier, both for priests and commons, for this world and the other." In the beginning of the next chapter, there is mention of the council in London, at time of the " earth-shaking," an allusion which farther shows that this treatise was written not more than two years at the most before the decease of the Eeformer. The clergy present on that occasion are said to have introduced a " new dispensation," declaring it to be error to say, " that secular lords may at their doom (in the exercise of their own opinion or authority) take temporal. goods from the church which trespasseth by long custom." To which it is repHed, " If this be error, as they say falsely, then the king, and secular lords, may take no farthing nor farthing's worth from a worldly clerk, though he should owe him, or his liege men, never so much, and may well pay it, but will not." It is insisted, that on this principle, were the college of cardinals to become an organised banditti, the authority of the king should not be exercised to curb their marauding. Should such men send money out of the land to never so great an extent, the monarch must not • Support— maintain. > Cliap. xviii. SENTENCE OF THE CURSE EXrOUNDED. 41 suppose that it pertains to him to prevent such impoverishment of the realm ; and were a body of monks, friars, or clerks, to conspire the poisoning of the king, the queen, and all the lords of the realm, " yet the king, with all the lords, may not punish such offenders with the loss of one farthing's worth of their goods ! " The same exemption, it is argued, might be pleaded were these persons to defile the bed of the sove- reign, to devise the death of the king and queen, to attempt the extinc- tion of all the gentle blood of the land, and to combine to make one of themselves "king of all the world." Let it be presumed that the sovereign may not touch the property of such persons, and it must be concluded that he may not touch their persons, seeing that their persons are held to be the most sacred, and thus to concede this clerical preten- sion would be at once to sheathe the sword of the magistrate, and to give a license to all wickedness. But such men should know, it is observed, that holy church consists not of the clergy, " but of all men and women who shall be saved ;" and that to take away the goods which worldly churchmen misapply, and to give them to men who will apply them to their scriptural uses, must be to do the good deeds proper to the vicar of God, and no king need fear the censures of the clergy in so doing. In several of the remaining chapters, mention is made of the right of sanctuary claimed by " Westminster, Beverley, and other places ;" and the abuses which had grown up in connexion with them are forcibly exposed. It is remarked that the cities of refuge, to which these places professed to be conformed, afforded shelter to the manslayer only, and to such an one when he had slain a man unawares, while these Christian sanctuaries became a hiding-place to wilful and known offenders, and to such as might make reparation for their crimes. But it was not enough thus to prevent the course of civil justice—^ the magistrate was often censured because he could not be made to do unjustly. " Then these worldly clerks ciu'se the king, and his justices, and officers, because they maintain the Gospel, and true preachers thereof, and will not punish them according to the wrongful command- ment of Antichrist and his clerks. But where are fouler heretics than these worldly clerks, thus cursing true men, and stirring the king and his liege men to persecute Jesus Christ in his members, and to exile the Gospel out of our land ?" In many instances, however, the attempt to make such use of the civil sword was successful, and kings and lords were constrained to " torment the body of a just man, over whom Satan has no power, as though he were a strong thief, casting him into a deep prison, to make other men afraid to stand on God's part against their heresy." Some observations on legal studies occur in this part of the treatise- 42 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. The civil law is said to be studied unduly, and as " ovir people are bound by the king's statutes," these are accounted as more worthy of being studied and taught by the clergy. The emperor's law, it is said, should be studied, and its authority admitted, only in so far as " it is inclosed in God's commandments ;" and it is demanded of those who profess to study the civil law, " for the reason they find in it," whether the volume placed in their hands by the Author of reason, is not likely better to repay their labour in that respect ? The pope, says WycUffe, has forbidden the study of civil law, and for once, he adds, " the pope's intent is good ;" but he obserf es fui'ther, that the canon law is more hostile to the religion of the Bible than the code of Justinian. The whole of the twenty-fourth chapter relates to this subject. In the next chapter is the following striking observation on one of the most disgraceful usages in the history of rehgious intolerance. " All those who commune with accursed men, are cursed by oirr prelates, par- ticularly if they do it knomngly. But by this sentence it would seem that God himself is accursed, since no accursed man may be in this life unless God shall knowingly commune with him, and give him breath and sustenance, whether he be wrongfully cursed or rightfully : and if he be ready to give such a man grace and forgiveness of his sins, if he ask it worthily, and even before he ask it, this sentence seems too large, since our God may not be accursed." In this manner did theRefoi'mer deal with a practice in which men have been taught to assign rehgious reasons for doing violence to all the deeper instincts of our moral natiu-e. It is one of the strong forms in which we read the demoralising tendency of religious bigotry. The treatise concludes with the following earnest utterances : — " Men wonder much why prelates and curates curse so fast, since St. Paul and St< Peter have commanded men to bless, and not to have a vrill to ciu-se. And Jesus Christ blessed his enemies, and heartily prayed for them even while they nailed him to the cross. Still more men wonder why they curse so fast in their own cause, and for their own gain, and not for injury done to Christ and his majesty, since men should be patient in their own wrongs, as Christ and his disci- ples were, and not suffer a word to be done against God's honoiu- and majesty, as by false and vain swearing, ribaldry, lechery, and other filth. But most of all men wonder why worldly clerks curse so fast for breaking of their own statutes, privileges, and wayward ciistoms, more than for the open breaking of God's commandments, since no man is cursed of God but for so doing, whatever worldly wretches may blabber; and no man is blessed of God, and shall come to heaven, but he who keepeth God's commandments : and particularly in the hour of death, let a man have never so many thousand bulls of indulgence, or pardon, and letters of fraternity, and thousands of masses from priests, and ox FINDING PRIESTS. ON PllAYER OF GOOD MEN. 43 ' monks, and friars, and it shall be A^ain. Let prelates and curates there- fore leave these particulars in their censuring, for many of them are as false as Satan, and let them teach God's commandments, and God's curse, and the pains of heU, as inflicted on men if they amend not in this life, and what bliss men shall have for keeping of them, as they thereby teach truly Christ's Gospel, in word, and in example of holy life, and the mercy of God in the highness of his blessing, and so help all to that end, in right behef, and hope toward God, and fuU charity toward God and man ! God grant us this end. Amen !" XI. The treatise which concludes -with this passage is much longer than most of WycliiFe's English pieces. The next in order, De Stipendus MiNiSTRORUM, with the English title, How men should find Priests^ is restricted to one full quarto page. It begins, Think ye wisely, ye men that find priests, that ye do this alms for God's love, and help of your souls, and help of Christian men, and not for jjride of the world, to have them occupied in worldly office and vanity. "■ It exhorts the laity to support worthy priests, and such only ; admonishing them, that if they furnish the means of subsistence to men of an opposite character, they will be found partakers in all the sin, mischief, and punishment attendant on the course of such unfaithful stewards. Men should be urged to the study of the Bible, and the aim of the clergy should be the scriptm-al edifica- tion of the people, not allowing them to suppose that rehgion can consist in being pleased with chiu-ch singing, or in being attentive to mere ceremonies. XII. The tract, De Precationibus Sacris, bears the EngUsh title. How prayer of good men helpeth much, and prayer of sinful men displeaseth God, and harmeth themselves and other men. It commences with these words. Our Lord Jesus Christ teacheth ics to pray evermore for all needful things both to body and soul. * It is taught in this tract, that the most effectual prayer is a holy life. To be holy without ceasing is to pray Avithout ceasing. It was in this manner that the Reformer endeavovired to beat down the popular confi- dence in the efficacy of prayer proceeding, as it too commonly did, from the Ups of an unwortliy priesthood. Prayer with a view to our own weU-being, and intercessory prayer, are of inestimable value ; but every- thing depends on the faith and piety of the heart from which it proceeds. Hence James speaks of the fervent effectual prayer of the righteous man as availing much. The prayers of truly devout ministers in behalf of • MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. * MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. Trin. Coll. Dublin. Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. pp. 125—131; and another copy, Class C. Tab. i. No. 14. 44 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. their people, giving them victory over their enemies, was betokened in the Hfting up of the hands of Moses that Israel might prevail against Amalek, The lengthened life of Hezekiah ; the going back of the shado^v on the dial of Ahaz ; the standing still of the sun in the time of Joshua ; all are adverted to as showing the efficacy of prayer when j^ro- ceeding from a beheving and devout mind. Christians are reminded also, of the promise of Christ to be wherever two or three shall meet in his name ; and of his assui-ance that if we being evil know how to give good gifts unto our children, much moi;e our Father in heaven gives his Holy Spirit to them that ask it. This description of the kind of prayer which is profitable, is followed by a description of the prayer which displeases God, and which brings with it harm rather than profit. Passages of Scriptvure are cited, in which the Almighty declares that he will receive no sacrifice at the hand of the wicked ; that the solemn feasts of svich men are hateful to him ; that the worshipper regarding iniquity in his heart cannot be accepted ; that not every one saying to Christ, Lord, Lord, shall enter the kingdom of heaven, but those who do the will of God ; and that even the sacrifices of the wicked are an abomination to the Lord, With these passages from Scripture, others are introduced from the writings of devout men in the history of the church. St. Augustine, St. Gregory, and St. Chrysostom, are cited as teaching that the odour and efficacy of prayer come from a holy life. The plea that praying priests, if not heard on their own account, are still heard on account of the merits of holy church, is treated as a fraud devised by Satan since his loosening. By this means the arch-enemy aims to deceive the people, and would perpetuate the corrupt character of the priesthood, by perpetuating the practice of paying for masses. This is the great point to which the argument of the piece tiu'ns — the folly of reliance on mere priestly services, where the priest is not a devout man ; and the folly of relying on the prayer of a priest more than on the prayer of any other man, supposing both to be in the same degree men of piety. Reference is made to a canon in which the pope requires that clergy and laity should separate themselves from any priest refusing to put away his concubine, or his wedded woman ; and Wychffe argues with great freedom, that if that circumstance be a just ground of separation from a priest, the guilt of such a man is not greater than the guilt of the simonist, the envious, the covetous, and the utterly worldly, and that separation in the latter case, must, in consequence, be as justifiable as in the former. This piece extends to nine quarto pages. EIGHT THINGS WHICH DECEIVE. 45 Xlir. The work intitled, De EpiscoroRiBi Erroribus, begins with the words, There are eight things by which simple Christian men be deceived." The eight points on which much delusion is said to prevail among the people are enumerated, and these points are — holy church — law — ' religion — obedience — Ksursing — the goods and rights of holy church — - commandment and counsel — deadly sin and venial. Thus, in the first place, " when men speak of holy church, they understand anon prelates and priests, monks, and canons, and friars ; and all men who have crowns,* though they live never so cursedly against God's law. And they call not seculars men of holy church, thoiigh they live never so truly after God's law, and in perfect charity, Neverthe--- less, all who shall be saved in bliss of heaven are members of holy church, and no more." But in consequence of the false manner of speaking prevalent on this subject, simple men are taught to account many as great men of holy church, who are in fact " enemies thereof, and of the synagogue of Satan." In respect to " law," the complaint is, that by that term men under- stand human statutes and regulations, forgetting the primary apjiUcation of the term to those injunctions which man has received from his Maker. God is the great lawgiver, and it is to his enactments that all others should be subordinate, The same error happens in respect to " religion." By that term men do not understand the system of truth and piety set forth in Holy Scripture, but " a religion made of sinful man." Tradition has come into the place of Scripture. The authority of man has been placed before the authority of God. The teacher who may not err, has been superseded by teachers beset with every kind of infirmity. By religion, accordingly, men do not now understand what Christ and his apostles taught, but what worldly priests and prelates have substituted in the stead of such teaching. " Also when men speak against prelates and religious, alleging Christ's poverty and meekness, and other virtues, they say that such teachings of Christ are his counsels, and not his command- ments, and therefore, that the bishop of Rome — who is most contrary to Christ's teaching and life — may dispense with them," In this manner the authority of Scripture was displaced by the authority of Romanism, and religion underwent a corresponding change. It is observed further, that " when men speak against sin, anon they say, though this be sin it » MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. Trin. Coll. Dublin. Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. pp. 131—136; and another copy, Class C. Tab. i. No. 14. The contents generally of this work, in common with Nos. X. and XI., forbid, and on the same grounds, our ascribing it to an early period in the career of the Reformer. ' Referring to the manner of wearing the hair peculiar to ecclesiastical persons. 4f) 0\ THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. is venial, and not deadly ; and venial sins are washed away with a pater noster, with holy water, with pardons, with a bishop's blessing, and in many other light ways, as men pretend. But true men say that in this life, without a special revelation, men know not Avhat sin is venial, and what is deadly, and that these terms, venial and deadly, are inventions of new men, " without authority of Holy Writ." It is repeated afterwards, that pardons, holy water, and similar observances, have been devised to siistain " the state, pride, and covet- ousness" of the clergy, and to "blind the people." Every man, says WycliflPe, " should have great and lasting sorrow for his sin, and a mind intent on Christ's righteousness and wisdom, and on Christ's passion, death, and mercy to forgive sin on true repentance ; and let each man put his full trust in God's mercy, and in his own good life, and not in false pardons, nor in vanities, which men invent to avail after men's death for love of money, for such things avail not any man, but destroy those who trust in them." The fruit awaiting the good man hereafter, will be found to be exclusively the fruit of his own character, and of the Saviour's passion. XIV. In this series is a tract under the title, A Short Rule of Life, FOR EACH MAN IN GENERAL, AND FOR PRIESTS, AND LORDS, AND LABOURERS IN SPECIAL, HOW EACH SHALL BE SAVED EST HIS DEGREE. This tract commences with directions concerning the best method of cultivating a meditative and religious spirit ; and these directions are followed by counsels of a moral and religious nature, addressed to the priest, the lord,* and the labourer. The tract is interesting as exhibiting the manner in which the Reformer was accustomed to employ the sanctions of rehgion as means of strengthening the bonds of civil society. It may be taken as a specimen of the manner in which WyclifFe had learned to address the lessons of morality and religion to the highest and the lowest, and shows the devotional temper in which such service was performed. '' His instruction to the humblest class is in the following tenns : — " Men of later times — modern. ' The term is used to denote master, superior, any person in authority. "■ The following extract contains the devotional introduction of this tract, and the counsels addressed to the priest, and the lord, as printed in the work intitled British Reformers, published by the Religious Tract Society. The passages given in the text in this instance, as in all instances, are from my own papers. But as the gentlemen who made the collection adverted to, were pleased to consult me on the subject, I feel the less scruple in availing myself of a few passages from their publication in the way of notes. " First, when thou risest, or fully wakest, think upon the goodness of thy God ; how for his own goodness, and not for any need, he made all things out of nothing, both angels and men, and all other creatures, good in their kind. The second time, think on the great sufferings and willing death that Christ suffered for mankind. When no man might make satisfaction for the guilt of Adam and Eve, and others more, neither any angel might make satisfaction therefore, then Christ, of his endless charity, suffered such great passion and painful death, that no creature could suffer so SHORT RULE OF LIFE. 47 " If tliou be a labourer, live in meekness, and truly and willingly do thy labour, that if thy lord or thy master be a heathen man, he, by thy willing and true service, may not have to grudge against thee, nor slander thy God, nor Christendom (Christianity), but rather be con- strained to come to Christendom. And serve not to a Christian lord much. Think the third time, how God hath saved thee from death and other mischief, and suffered many thousands to he lost that night, some in water, some in fire, and some by sudden death, and some to be damned without end. And for this goodness and mercy thank thy God with all thine heart, and pray him to give thee grace to spend in that day, and evermore, all the pov,-ers of thy soul, as mind, understanding, reason, and will; and all the powers of thy body, as strength, beauty, and thy five senses, in his service and worship, and in nothing against his commandments, but in ready performance of his works of mercy, and to give good example of holy life, both in word and deed, to all men about thee. Look afterward that thou be well occupied, and no time idle, for the danger of temptation. Take meat and drink in measure, not too costly, nor too lickerous, and be not too curious thereabout. But such as God sendeth thee with health, take it in such measure, that thou be fresher in mind and understanding to serve God. And always thank him for such gifts. Besides this, look thou do right and equity to all men, thy superiors, equals, and subjects, or servants ; and stir all to love truth, and mercy, and true peace, and charity; and suffer no men to be at dissension, but accord, if thou canst, in any good manner. Also, most of all, fear God and his wrath ; and most of all, love God, and his law, and his worship : and ask not principally for worldly reward, but in all thine heart desire the bliss of heaven in mercy of God, and thine own good life ; and think much of the dreadful doom of pains of hell, to keep thee out of sin ; and on the endless great joys of heaven, to keep thee in virtuous life ; and according to thy skill teach others the same doing. In the end of the day, think wherein thou hast offended God, and how much, and how oft, and therefore have entire sorrow, and amend it while thou mayest. And think how many God has suffered to perish that day, many ways, and to be damned everlastingly, and how graciously he hath saved thee ; not for thy desert, hut for his own mercy, and goodness, and therefore thank him with all thine heart. And pray him for grace that thou mayest dwell and end in his true and holy service, and real love, and to teach other men the same doing. " If thou art a priest, and e.specially a curate, live thou holily, surpassing other men in holy prayer, desire, and thinking, in holy speaking, counselling, and true teaching. And that God's commands, his Gospel, and virtues, be ever in thy mouth ; and ever despise sin to draw men there- from : and that thy deeds be so rightful, that no man shall blame them with reason, but that thy open deeds be a true book to all subjects and unlearned men, to serve God and do his commands thereby. For example of good life, open and lasting, more stirreth rude men, than true preaching by word only. And waste not thy goods in great feasts of rich men, but live a humble hfe, of poor men's alms and goods, both in meat, and drink, and clothes : and the remainder give truly to poor men that have not of their own, and may not labour for feebleness or sickness, and thus thou shalt be a true priest both to God and man. "If thou art a lord, look that thou live arightful life in thine own person, both in respect to God and man, keeping the commands of God, doing the works of mercy, ruling well thy five senses, and doing reason and equity, and good conscience to all men. In the second place, govern well thy wife, thy children, and thy household attendants in God's law, and suffer no sin among them, neither in word nor in deed, that they may be examples of holiness and righteousness to all others ; for thou shalt be condemned for their evil life and their evil example, unless thou amend it according to thy might. In the third place, govern well thy tenants, and maintain them in right and reason, and be merciful to them in their rents and worldly mersements, and not suffer thine officers to do them wrong, nor be extortionate to them. And chastise in good manner, them that are rebels against God's com- mands and virtuous life, more than for rebellion against thine own cause ; or else for that thou lovest more thine own cause than God's, and thyself more than God Almighty, thou wcrt then a false traitor to God. And love, reward, praise, and cherish the true and virtuous of life, more than if thou sought only thine own profit. And reverence and maintain truly, according to thy skill and might, God's law and true preachers thereof, and God's servants, in rest and peace. For thereby thou boldest the lordship of God, and if thou failest of this, thou misdoest against God, and all thy lordship in body and in soul. And principally if thou maintainest Antichrist's disciples in their errors against Christ's life and his teaching, for blindness, covetousness, and worldly friendship ; and helpest to slander and pursue true men that teach Christ's Gospel and his hfe, and warn the people of their great sins, and of false prophets and hypocrites that deceive Christian men in faith, virtuous life, and worldly goods." 48 ON THE WRITINGS OF WVCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. with grudging, and serve him not only in his presence, but truly and willingly in his absence. Not only for worldly dread or worldly reward, but for the fear of God, and conscience, and a reward in heaven. For that God Avho putteth thee in each service, knoAveth what state is best for thee, and will reward thee more than all other lords may, if thou doest this truly and willingly for his ordinance. And beware, in all things, of grudging against God and his visitations, in great labour, and long and great sickness, and other troubles. And beware of wrath, of cursing, and of speaking in passion against man or beast ; and ever keep patience, and meekness, and charity, both to God and man. " Thus each man in the three estates oiight to live, to save himself, and to help other men : and thus should good life, rest, peace, and love, be among Christian men, and they be saved, and heathen men soon con- verted, and God magnified greatly in all nations and religions that now despise him and his law, for the false living of wicked Christian men." The preacher whose counsels were of this description, was not the man to become the agent of insurrection, after the fashion of John Ball and Wat Tyler, as some of his ingenuous opponents have insinuated. His doctrines as a Reformer, were all meant to give stability to every just form of authority, and especially to the authority of the magistrate. But it is hardly surprising, if amidst the boldest attacks upon the false, the true, with which the false is commonly blended, should some^- times seem to be in danger. XV. Three Things destroy the World. This is the title of a tract consisting of five pages." The three things complained of prove to be three classes of persons— false confessors, false merchants, and false men of law. The confessors intended, are principally the mendicants ; the lawyers are the men engaged in chapters and consistory courts ; and the merchants are those who fall under the temptations conamon to men intent on buying and selling to get gain. The false confessor destroys the world by using his spiritual office as a means of worldly gain, seek- insr to enrich himself rather than to reform such as confess to him. Concerning the second class of offenders, it is said that "jurors, for a dinner or a noble, wiU forswear themselves, and that so commonly, that thovigh a man possess never so open right to a lordship, yet for a little money, against man's law, and against God's law, many will knowingly swear that it is not his. But among lawyers of the consistory, in their chapters, is more sin and hypocrisy to show, for they have men in their courts only to push them more aback, though tlieir right be never so plain." » MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. IMSS. Jamesii, Bodleian Library. OF FEIGNED CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE. 49 XVI. Biit if the business of the world has its temptations, so has the condition of the men who endeavour to separate themselves from it after the most rigid fashion. In the piece, Impedimenta Evangelizantiuji, with the English title, Of Feigned Contemplative Life,"^ the Reformer shows that asceticism was hardly more to his taste than worldliness. His comjDlaint is, that when a man insists on the paramount importance of preaching the Gospel, " the fiend blindeth hypocrites to excuse him, by teaching a feigned contemplative life, and to say, that since that is the best, and they may not do both together, they are needed for the charity of God, to leave the preaching of the Gospel, and to live in contempla- tion." But this reasoning is denounced as hypocrisy, and as manifestly contrary, both to the example and the teaching of Christ and his apostles. Every true priest is as a prophet from the Lord, and bound, as St. Gregory has taught, to show to the people their sins. " In this manner shall each priest be an angel of God, as Holy Writ saith. Also Christ, and John the Baptist, left the desert, and preached the Gospel to their death ; and this, therefore, was most charitable, or else they were out of charity, or feigned a charity that might not be in them, and that may not be, since the one was God, and since no man after Christ has been hoUer than the Baptist, and he sinned nought by this preaching. Also the holy prophet Jeremiah, hallowed in his mother's womb, might not be excused from preaching by his contem- plation, but was charged of God to preach the sins of the people, and to suffer hard pain for doing so ; and so was it with all the prophets of God. Ah ! Lord, since Christ, and John, and all the prophets of God, were needed by charity to come out of the desert to preach to the people, and to leave their solitary prayers, how dare these feigned hypocrites say that it is better to be still, and pray over their own feigned ordinance, than to preach Christ's Gospel? Lord ! what cursed spirit of leasing stirreth priests to close themselves within stone walls for all their life, since Christ commandeth to aU his apostles and priests to go into all the world, and to preach the Gospel. Certainly they are open fools, and do plainly against Christ's Gospel ; and if they maintain this error, they are accm-sed of God, and are perilous hypocrites and heretics also. And since men are holden heretics that do against the pope's law, — and the best part of the pope's law saith that every man coming to priesthood taketh the office of a beadle or crier, to go before doomsday, to cry to the people their sin, and the vengeance of God, — why are not those priests heretics who leave to preach Christ's Gospel, and compel other true men <■ MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. Trin. Coll. Dub. Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. pp. 13C— 141. The piece under this title in the collection of treatises called the " Poor Caitif," is an earlier and shorter work than that from which the above extracts are taken. British Reformers, i. 121 — 123. E 50 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. to leave preaching of tlie Gospel, since this law is St. Gregory's law. grounded openly in God's law, and in reason and charity, and other laws of the people are contrary to Holy Writ, and reason, and charity, to maintain the pride and covetousness of Antichrist's worldly clerks ?" The great argument in favour of a contemplative life is said to be, that it was the choice of Mary, as distinguished from her sister Martha, and that it was praised by Christ as " the better part." WyclifFe replies that this example might serve if priests were women ; and in the absence of that consideration it might have some weight, if the Saviour had not made his doctrine on this point much more clear in other scriptures. But granting the justice of the inference deduced from this passage, the Reformer maintains, that the substance of the argument thus assumed is, " that Christ chose the worse life for this world, and has obUged all his priests to leave the better, and to choose the worse." In this manner, it is remarked, " do these feigned hypocrites put error on Jesus Christ." In answer to the argument urged in favour of the contemplative life from the scriptural injunctions to ceaseless prayer, the Reformer ob- serves — " that Christ and Paul meant by prayer holy life, and not the mere babbling of the lips, which no man may do without ceasing ;" and since a disobedient life renders a man incapable of praying acceptably, " those priests who preach not the Gospel, as Christ hath bidden, are not able to pray to God for mercy, but deceive both themselves and the people, and despise God, and stir him to wrath and vengeance." The mischiefs which are not done by the delusion which teaches men to deem a contemplative life preferable to an active life, are said to be in great part accomplished by the superstitious place assigned to chiu'ch psalmody. Chanting, and singing, according to the " Ordinal of Salis- burj^," and other books of that nature, are described as tending to call the attention of men away from the study of the law of God ; and by kindling the passions unduly, as disposing many toward the indulgence of their vices, rather than toward the devout exercise of religion. " In all the law of grace," it is remarked, " God chargeth no such song, but devotion in the heart, and true teaching, and holy speaking in tongue and good works." He further observes, that this practice, like other novelties which have arisen from the folly and pride of man, came in by degrees, and men are admonished that whether it be by means of " song, or mass, or matins to our ladj^," that their attention to the words of God is prevented^ it Avill behove them " to remember the sharp words of St. Augustine, who saith, — As often as the song liketh me more than doth the sentence that is sung, so often I confess that I sin grievously." On the argument in favoiu' of such practices as derived from the example of the Romish church, the Reformer observes, that such exam- OF FEIGNED CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE. 51 pies are binding on lis, only as Christ and his apostles have given them a renewed obligation. The moral belonging to the previovxs dispensation remains, but the ceremonial has passed away ; and with regard to the fact that the angels in heaven are described as singing, it is deemed enough to reply that they have " no conflict" to sustain, and that it is not their lot to dwell in " a valley of weeping." So much were men pleased wdth this part of the established worship, that in some places they were known to pay " many marks and pounds a year to proud priests and loose fellows," who were engaged in conducting it. " But where," it is demanded, " is more deceit than to suppose that they honour Cxod most by such things, w^hen there are forty or fifty in a choir, three or four proud vicious fellows shall so play the most devout service, that no man shall hear the sentence, and all others shall be dumb, and look on as fools, while strumpets and thieves praise Sir Jack or Hobb, and William the proud clerk, saying. How small they j)lay their notes, and that they serve well God and holy church, while they despise God to his face, and hinder other Christian men of their devotion." Men who do not conform to services of this nature, are said to be punislied more than men who fail in obedience to the commands of God. But the Reformer asks with indignation — " Was not the priest's office ordained of God, before ' Sahsbury Use' was made of proud and lecher- ous and drunken priests ?" The Jews, it is remarked, were not nearly so much burdened with ceremonies as the Christian worshipers of these later ages, "though the old law must needs cease, to make room for the freedom of the Gospel." His advice, accordingly, is, that men should " study the ordinance of God, and live in Christian freedom, without heeding those novelties of sinful men, which only hinder priests froiii their better occupation." At the same time, they were not to abuse this liberty, but to discard vain ceremonies, only that they might give them- selves with more devotion to the duties of their Christian calling. " Ah ! Lord," he exclaims, " if all the study and labour that men have now about ' Salisbury Use,' with a multitude of new and costly books, were tiu'ned into the making of Bibles, and in studying and teaching of them, how much should God's law be furthered, and known, and kej^t, where now it is hindered, unstudied, and unread ! Lord ! how shall rich men be excused who spend so much in great chapels, and in costly books of man's ordinance, for fame and nobility in the world, and will never spend so much about the books of God's law, or to aid men to study them, and teach them, though this were Avithoiit comparison better on all sides." He concludes with stating, that men who know the liberty of the Gospel, still join in the established formularies, lest they should offend " sick consciences :" devoting, however, all the time that may be pru- E 2 02 ON THE WRITINGS OF WVCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. dently withdrawn from such services, to the discharge of more enlight- ened and more Christian duties. In so doing, they do not take council of the ruling clergy, who, for the most part, are so much given to worldly business, as to resemble " bailiffs rather than bishops." XVII. In the Cambridge Collection the piece On a Feigned Contempla- tive Life, is followed by two papers, consisting of comments on the Lords Pi'ayer, and on the Ave Maria. The comments on the Lord's Prayer extend to three pages, those on the Ave Maria to four : and they consist, for the most part, of complaint in respect to the want of sympathy on the part of the clergy with the temporal and spiritual necessities of their people. XVIIL Then follows a paper, with a heading prefixed by a later hand, in the following terms : — How Religious Men should keep certain Articles. It begins — Christian men pray meekly and devoutly to Almighty God, that he grant the grace, for his endless mercy to our reli- gious, both possessioners and mendicayits, &c." This piece fills six pages in the quarto volume, and presents, in the shape of fortj^-four articles, a kind of summary of the doctrine of Wyclifie in relation to faith, politj-, worship, and religion generally. XIX. The paper next in this collection is intitled, De Dosiinis et Servis; or, in English — Of Servants and Lords, how each should keep his degree. It begins — Servants should truly and gladly serve to their lords or masters, and not he false, nor idle, nor grudging.^ This piece extends to something more than five-and-twenty pages, and contains many valuable illustrative passages. The Reformer having incidcated the lessons of obedience in the language of Peter and Paul, proceeds to say — " But here the fiend moveth some men to say, that Christian men should not be servants or vassals to heathen lords, since they are false to God, and less worthy than Christian men. Neither to Christian lords, for they are brethren in kind, and Jesus Christ bought Christian men on the cross, and made them free." But against this " heresy" Paul and Peter are again cited, and their words are expounded in a manner, which, if open to the charge of faidt at all, is faulty on the side of teaching an undue submission to the ■\Aall of the powerftd. " Yet some men," he observes, " who are out of <■ MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. * MS. ibid, and Trin. Coll. Dub. pp. 156 — 167. This piece, it is plain, did not appear until the dortrine of the Reformer, by means of his other writings, and of the preaching of his " poor priests," had become so prevalent as to be much misunderstood or misrepresented. I should accoimt it quite one of his latest works, called forth, probably, in great part, by the Wat Tyler insurrection. ON CERTAIN ARTICLES, SERVANTS AND LORDS, ETC. 53 charity slander poor priests with this error, that servants and tenants may laAvfully withhold rents and service from their lords, when their lords are openly wicked in their living. And they invent and utter this falsehood against poor priests, to make lords to hate them, and not to maintain the truth of God's law, which they teach openly for the honour of God, and the profit of the realm, and the establishing of the king's power, and the destroying of sin." The following passage explains the origin of this " slander." " This is a feigned saying of Antichrist's clerks — that if subjects may lawfully withdraw tithes and oiFerings from curates, who openly live in lechery, or in other great sins, and do not their office, then servants and tenants may LiAvfully withdraw their service and rents from their lords, who live openly a cursed life." The reply to this imputation is, that the with- holding of the means of support from professed ministers of religion in the supposed case, is a course of duty prescribed alike by Holy Scripture and by human reason ; while in the case of the magistrate, " Men are charged of God by Peter and Paul to be thus subject to -wicked lords, and Christ and his apostles accordingly paid tribute to the heathen emperor ; while we read not that he, or any apostle, paid tithes to the wicked high-priests, after the time that he began to preach. — By the Gospel, and Christ's life, and that of the apostles, priests have no such power to constrain men to pay them tithes," as the magistrate has to compel men to be obedient, " especially while they fulfil not the duties of their spiritual office, but harm men by false teaching and by evil example. Even though they did well their office, and men would not pay tithes, they should not curse men, but suffer meekly, as did Jesus Christ." But if the people owe obedience to lords, lords owe justice, protection, and kind offices to those below them. " See we now how lords should live in their state. First, they should know God's law, and study it, and maintain it, and despise wrong doing, and maintain poor men in their right, to Hve in rest, and peace, and charity, and suffer not men, under colour of their authority, to do extortions, to do violence to men, or to hold poor men out of their right by strength of lordship." Kings and great lords should not give themselves to keeping many wives, but remember the evils which have come in the train of such indulgences. They should seek wisdom from on high. They should be a terror to the wrong doer. They shoidd be as eyes to the blind, and feet to the lame ; as " fathers to the poor, and the cause which they know not, that should they search out. They should break the jaws of the wicked, and pluck the spoil out of his teeth."" Magistracy, it is " Job xxix. 15 — 17. 51 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. insisted, was instituted to these ends, and men who fill such offices without attending to the proper duties of them , should lay their accoimt with meeting the displeasure of the Almighty, and Avith seeing their authority pass ere long to more worthy hands. In conclusion, the clergy who slander poor priests in the manner stated, are censured on account of their simony, their insincerity, and especially on account of their hypocrisy in vending their pretended pardons. " There cometh no pardon," says WyclifFe, " but of God, for spiritual good begiiuaeth and endeth in charity, and this may not be bought or sold as chaffering" prelates in these days say, for whoever is in most charity is best heard of God, be he shepherd or lewd man,* in the church or in the field." As a whole, this piece is opposed through- out to aU unjust pretension on the part of priests or magistrates, pointing- out the delinquencies of both with the same freedom ; while obedience, both in reHgious matters and in civil matters, is inculcated under the guidance of scriptural authority, and enhghtened reason. The piece consists of twelve quarto pages. It abounds in the seeds both of order and advancement, in the ecclesiastical and in the secular. XX. De Diabolo et Memeris. The Enghsh title of this piece is — Hoio Satan and his priests^ and his feigned religious, casten'^ hy three cursed heresies to destroy all good living, and to maintain all manner of sin. It begins thus — As Almighty God in Trinity ordaineth men to come to the bliss of heaven hy three grounds, by hioiving the Trinity, by sad faith, hy true keeping of God's commandments, and by perfect and endless charity: so Satan cj^d his ivorldly clei'hs, and his feigned religious, fidl of subtle hypocrisy casten to destroy all virtuous life, and justice, and maintain all manner of sin, hy these three cursed grounds: — the first is, that Holy Writ is false; the second is, that it is lawful and medeful^ to lie; the third, that it is against charity to cry openly against prelates' sins, and other men's. " We have seen that ecclesiastics, when the authority of certain passages of Scripture was alleged against them, were accustomed to reply that the literal rendering of such texts would lead to absurdity and untruth, and that by adopting a freer interpretation of such passages they generally contrived to explain away their meaning. This Wycliffe denounces as " putting falsehood on Holy Writ" — and only concedes to clerks the liberty thus to destroy the certainty and truth of Holy Writ, and all motive to religion or virtue is said to be destroyed. It is in this " Traflicking— marketing. * An untaught man — a layman. ' Contrive— catt abimt. '' Meritorious. • MS. C.C.C. Cambridge. Trin. Coll. Dub. Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. pp. 177—184. SATAN, HIS PRIESTS, AND HIS FEIGNED RELIGIOUS. 55 manner that this first heresy is said to be opposed to " all good living," and to be favourable to the maintenance " of all manner of sin," and its abettors are reproached as " feigning to be wiser than God." On the charge, that it is against charity to speak openly against the sins of prelates, and other men, the Reformer expatiates largely. It is argued, that if this charge were true, it would follow that the teaching of Christ and his apostles, and not less the teaching of the prophets imder the Old Testament dispensation, must be included in it, as nothing is more conspicuous in their preaching than the denunciation of sin, and not only of sin in general, but of classes and persons. " Almighty God, full of charity, commandeth to the prophet Isaiah, to cry and cease not, and to show to the people their great sins. Sin in the commons is great, sin in mighty and wise men is more, but sin in prelates is most, and most blindeth the people. True men, therefore, are bound by God's commandment to cry most against the sin of prelates, since it is the most, and harmeth most the people." The language of the Almighty to the prophet Ezekiel is cited as sho-\ving that the priest Avho shall fail to warn sinful men of their danger, will be held responsible for the souls which perish through such want of fidelity. Concerning such of the clergy as complained that their faults were exposed in their absence, Wycliife observes, " Antichrist maketh them so mighty, that in their presence no man dare speak against their open sins, but if he would be dead anon." To prohibit complaint in their absence, accordingly, was to impose the most absolute silence concerning any of their evil deeds. The following passage wiU indicate the notion of our Eeformer in respect to the materials of which ecclesiastical councils Avere generally composed. On such occasions, " worldly prelates make a congregation of themselves and of clerks assenting to them ; some assenting for worldly favour, some for gold and the hope of benefices, and some for fear of the curse, of losing benefices, of slander, of imprisoning and burning." The assemblies thus constituted are described as doing their utmost to dis- parage the word of God, and to prevent the people from taking it as their guide ; but it is maintained that everything thus alleged concern- ing the supposed insufficiency of Scripture, is so much imputation cast upon the wisdom or benevolence of its Author. In this tract Wycliife censures the manner in which the religious orders sometimes attempted to recruit their forces from among the young and unwary. " It is an accursed fraud," he exclaims, " to draw young children that have but little discretion to these new feigned religious, by gifts, and by j^romises of worldly lordships, honour, and sureness of bodily welfare, more than by telling them of willing poverty, and penance, and despite, and of the forsaking of all things. All this is simony and heresy, if it be well s-ought. But it is a more accursed liiise- 5(1 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. hood still to Steal young children from their friends, and by false deceits make them to be professed, sometimes against their will, and not to suffer them to go out of their vain order though they know themselves unalDle thereto." The following sentiment also, bearing in mind when and where it was uttered, will be seen as one of great force and interest. " Christian men should know, that whosoever Hveth best, prayeth best ; and that the simple paternoster of a ploughman who hath charity, is better than a thousand masses of covetous prelates and vain religious !" The piece con- cludes thus: " Almighty God in Trinity, destroy these nests of Antichrist and his clerks, and strengthen all manner of men to maintain the truth of Holy Writ, to destroy falsehood, and openly to preach against the hypocrisy, heresy, and covetousness of all evil prelates, and priests, and feigned religious, both in Avord and deed, for then shall good Hfe and truth, and peace, and charity reign among Christian men ! Jesus Christ ! for thine endless mercy grant us this end ! Amen !" XXI. For three Skills Lords should constrain Clerks to live in MEEKNESS, WILFUL POVERTY, AND DISCREET RENANCE, AND GHOSTLY TRAVAIL. This is the title of another English tract. It begins thus — Open teach- ing of God's law, old and neiv, open examjjle of Christ's life, and his glorious apostles, love of God, dread of pains, and God's curse, and hop>e of great reivard in the bliss of heaven, shoidd stir all priests and religious to live in great meekness, luilling poverty, according to the Gospel, and discreet pienance and travail, to stop) pride, covetousness, and fleshly lusts, and idle- ness of ivorldly men, and to run fast to heaven by the right way of God's commandments. '^ On the duty of the laity, and especially of men in authority, to be employed in endeavouring to bring both the clergy and the people gene- rally into this better state, WycUffe expresses himself as follows : " Ivings and lords should know that they are ministers and vicaxs of God to avenge sin, and to punish wrong doers, and to praise good doers, as Peter and Paul teach. And hereto teacheth St. Isodore in the law of the church, that it is the office of the king and lords, by fear, and by bodily rigour, to constrain men to keep the law of God, when they would not so do by the preaching of priests. And God shall ask a reckoning of worldly lords, whether holy church be increased by their governance." Having adverted with his usual freedom to the faults of the clergy, he adds, " These sins Avorldly lords are in debt to amend, for else they love not God, since they do not the execution of God's commands, and avenge » MS. C.C.C. Canibridgf. Tiiii. Coll. Dul). Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. pp. 184—1!).!. This treatise and the preceding' hear all the marks of belonging to a late period in the life of the Reformer, hut we have no nieaui) of determining their date with precision. FOR THREE SKILLS LORDS SHOULD CONSTRAIN CLERKS. 57 not the wrong and despite done to him. — Also Paul saith, that not only men doing sin are worthy of death, but also they who consent to it ; and since lords may amend these great sins of pride, covetousness, extortions, and simony in clerks, they are damnable with the sinners themselves unless they so do. — And since adversities and wars come for sins reigning which are not amended, till those sins are amended lords should have neither respite nor peace. For lords have their lord- ship of God to destroy sin, and to maintain righteousness and holy life, and no man so withstanding God's law shall have peace. If then they pay not to God this rent, well should they know that God must punish them as he teacheth in his law. And, certainly, if lords did well this office, they should surely come to the bliss of heaven." These observations all relate to the first " skill," or reason, why lords should constrain clerks in the manner proposed ; namely, a dread of the consequences which must follow neghgence in this particular. The second reason that should dispose them to make such use of their station and influence is — the great gain in respect to piety, and the peace proper to it, that would thus accrue to clerks, lords, and commoners. It is stated, that at present " prelates and great possessioners are [so occu- pied in heart about worldly lordships and pleas of business, that they may not be in exercises of devotion, in prayer, in thoiight on heavenly things, on the sins of their own hearts, or on the sins of other men, or in study and preaching of the Gospel, and visiting and comforting poor men." He then ridicules the idea that " rich clerks of the Chancery, of the Common Bench, of the King's Bench, and in the Exchequer, and those who serve as justices, and sheriffs, and stewards, and baiUffs," should be priests in a condition to reprove the worldUness of the laity. Such men, moreover, not only fail of the duty which they owe to their respective churches, but these especially are the persons who are wont to " set an idiot for vicar or parish priest, that cannot and may not do the office of a good curate, and yet the poor parish findeth him, and no tongue in this world can tell what sin and wrong cometh hereby." The third reason that should constrain lords to this course, is the great strengthening of the state which must follow from such a purifica- tion of the church, and the putting of such discountenance on every form of irreligion and immorality. In this manner especially " the poor commons would be discharged from heavy rents, and wicked customs brought m by covetous clerks ; and of many heavy tallages and extor- tions by which they are now burdened and robbed. And thus by restoring of lordship to secular men, as is due by Holy Writ, and by bringing of clerks to meekness, and willing poverty, and busy spiritual labour, as lived Christ and his apostles, sin would be destroyed in each degree of holy church, and holy life brought in, and secular lords nmch 58 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCIIIPT. strengthened, and the poor commons relieved, and good government, both spiritual and worldly, come again." With regard to the censures Avhich may be fulminated against them, in attempting this thorough and greatly needed reformation, they are reminded that the wiser among them well know " that though all the clerks on earth should curse them, because of their labour, with a clean conscience, to bring clerks to this holy life, ensampled and commanded by Christ, and to restore secular lordships to secular men, as this would be according to- God's laws, God, and all angels, and saints, will bless them for this righteousness. The curses of these men harm no one, neither their interdicts, nor any censure which Satan may feign. Almighty God, stir our clerks, our lords, our commons to maintain the rightful ordinance of Jesus Christ made for clerks, and to dread the curse of God, and not the curse of Antichrist, and to desire speedily the honour of God and bliss of heaven, more than their own honom" and worldly joy. Amen!" XXII. Of Wedded Men and Wives, and of their Children also. This piece commences — Our Lord God Almightij speaketh in his law oj two matrimonies, or loedlocks."' Matrimony in the first sense, is stated to be that which subsists between Christ and his church, which ends in bringing his redeemed children to heaven : matrimony in the second sense, is that which takes place " between man and woman by just consent, after God's law." Marriage in this latter sense, was approved of God in paradise, by Jesus Christ when on earth, and by his apostles, one of whom has mentioned " forbidding to marry," as a mark of the heresy which should arise in the last days. But while this " bodily matrimony" is spoken of as a " sacrament," it is in the following terms that Wycliffe speaks respecting the constrained celibacy of the clergy. " Since fornication is so perilous, and men and women are so frail, God ordained priests in the old law to have -wives, and never forbid it in the new, neither by Christ nor by his apostles, but rather approved it. But now by the hypocrisy of the fiend and of false men, many bind themselves to priesthood and chastity, and forsake wives according to God's law. — Nevertheless, virginity is so high and so noble, that Christ commanded it not generally, but said, he who may should take it. And St. Paul, therefore, gave no command of virginity, but gave counsel to them that were able thereto. Thus priests who keep clean chastity, in liody and soul, do best ; but many, on account of these MS. C'.C.C. Cambridge. OF WEDDED MEN AND WIVES. 59 new bonds, needlessly made, take this charge upon them indiscreetly, and slander themselves foully before God and his saints." The Eeformer censures such as marry women unsuitable in age for their wealth, as exposing themselves to great temptation, and many evils. He reproves parents also, who constrain their children to marry against their inchnations ; and in the conjugal relation, while assigning govern- ment to the man, he enjoins considerateness and affection in all things, using the language of Peter and Paul. On parental duty he writes, " Paul biddeth that the father noiuish his children in the love and chastening of God. And God commandeth ■in the old law, that fathers should teach their children God's command- ments, and the wonders and miracles which he did in the land of Egypt, and in the Red Sea, and in the waters of Jordan, and in tlie land of promise. And much more are fathers and mothers holden to teach their children belief in the Trinity, and in Jesus Christ, how he is very God, without beginning, and was made man through most burning charity to save mankind, by strong penance, hard treatment, and a bitter death ; also, all the common parts of Christian behef. — Parents who maintain their children knowingly in sin, are worse than those cruel fathers and mothers who killed their children, and offered them to stooks." Baptism, and repeating a paternoster, will not avail to such children. They must repent, and keep the commandments of God, if they would be saved from being " deep damned in hell." It is added — " There are three faults seen many times in Avedded men and women. The first is, that they make sorrow of their children, if they are naked or poor, but they charge it as nothing that their children are wanting in virtues ; and with much labour and cost they obtain great riches, and high estates, and benefices for .their children, oftentimes to their greater damnation. But they will not seek for their children the goods of grace, and a virtuous life, and will not suffer them to retain such goods freely prof- fered to them, but hinder them rather as uauch as they may, and say if the child incline himself to meekness and poverty, and flee covetous- ness and pride, from the dread of sin, and to please God, that he Avill -never be a man, and shall never cost them a penny, and will curse him if he live well and teach other men God's law, to save men's souls ; for by so doing the child getteth many enemies to his elders, and they say that he slandereth all his noble kindred, who were ever held true men and worshipfvil." XXIII. How Antichrist and his Clerks travail to destroy Holy Writ, and to make Christl\n Men unstable in the Faith, and to set their ground in Devils of Hell. The tract with this title begins— CO ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. As our Lord Jesus Christ ordained to make his Gospel sadly hnoivn, and maintained against heretics, and men out of belief., by the writings of the four Evangelists; so the Devil casteth by Antichrist and his ivorldly false clerks to destroy Holy Writ, and the belief of Christian men by four sursed ways or false reasonings.'^ These four ways are — " First, that the church is of more authority and more credence than any Gospel. Secondly, that St. Augustine saith he woidd not believe in the Gospel, but if the church taught him so. Thirdly, that no man now alive kiiows which is the Gospel, but if it be by approving of the church. And, fourthly, if men say that they beheve that this is the Gospel of Matthew or John, they ask, Why believest thou that this is the Gospel ? since whosoever believeth this hath no cause except that the church confirmeth it and teacheth it. "First, they say that Nicodemus, and many more, wrote the Gospel of Christ's life, and his teaching, and the church put them away, and approved these four Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. Then the church might as well have put out these four Gospels, and approved the other, since it was in the free-will and power of the chiu-ch to approve and condemn which they would, and to approve and accept what they liked, and therefore men should believe more to the church than to any Gospel." Wycliffe says in reply — " First, these forecasting heretics understand by the clnu-ch the pope of Rome, and his cardinals, and the multitudes of worldly clerks, assenting to his simony and Avorldly lordships above all kings and emperors of the Avorld. For else it were not to their purpose thus to magnify the church. True men, then, say that the clergy which first was, knowing men, and holy of life, were stirred by the Holy Ghost to take these Gospels, and to charge not Christian people with more, since there are enough and profitable to the full, and those four witnesses were accepted of the Holy Ghost for many reasons, which we may not now tell. But certainly the church might not have put away these Gospels, and accepted the other, for then it had done against the doom of God, and against the truth of Jesus Christ, and against the charity of the Holy Ghost." But the Divine illumination -whit h enabled the earher ministers of the chiu'ch thus to distinguish between the genuine records of inspiration and all spurious Avritings, is said to have been sadly wanting in the clergy of later times. Speaking of the contemporary priesthood, WycHffe observes — " Jesus Christ saith his Gospel is an everlasting testament, but these would fordon'' it with a stinking blast from the mouth of M.S. C.C.C.Cambrklije. Tiiii. Coll. Dub. Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. pj). 173—17?. Undo — destroy. ANTICHRIST AND HIS CLERKS DESTROY HOLY WRIT. CI Antichrist. Lord ! liow dare Christian men maintain such heretics against God's teaching, and the peace of Christian people ? Such heretics arc full vinable to rule prelates, and lords, and commons, to shrift in preaching and praying, and to do other points concerning their soiJs' health, for they destroy them in faith and good life, that their own pride, and covetousness, and lusts may be borne up ; and draw all men to hell that are ruled by such false confessors, false preachers, and false counsellors." WyclifFe then proceeds to what he describes as the " second wheel" in the machine of this adversary. " They bear upon Austin," he writes, " that he saith he would not believe in the Gospel, but if the church saith it is true. Men answer, that Austin saith to this intent, that he would not believe thereto, unless Christ, head of holy church and saints in heaven, and the apostles of Christ that are holy church, said and approved the Gospel. And this understanding is full true, and according to the letter of Austin ; but they understand it thus, that unless the cursed multitude of worldly clerks approve this for the Gospel, Austin would not believe to the Gospel of Jesus Christ." But to make the church consist in a degenerate priesthood, to the exclusion of the body of the faithful, and to reason thus on that assumption, is said to be to make everything valuable in the religion of Christ depend on approval from men who have shown themselves its enemies — " but whose heresy," he exclaims, "might sooner destroy the behef of Christian men? — and God forbid that Austin should be found in poisonous heresy. It is accursed falsehood, therefore, to slander Austin with this acciu-sed error, by the name of this holy doctor colouring their own false understanding and heresy. For by this cursed wheel Antichrist's clerks condemn the faith of Christian men, and the commandments of God, and points of charity, and bring in their own wayAvard laws. — Therefore Christian men shovild stand to the death for the maintenance of Christ's Gospel, and the true understanding thereof, obtained by holy life, and great study, and not set their faith nor trust in sinful prelates, and their accursed clerks, nor in their understanding of Holy Writ, for with their worldly life and pride they are unable to see the truth thereof." " See now," the Reformer proceeds to say, " the third wheel of Satan's chair. — They say that no man can know what is the Gospel, btit by the approving and confirming of the church. But true men say that, to their understanding, this is full of falsehood. For Christian men are certain of belief by the gracious gift of Jesus Christ, that the truth taught by Christ and his apostles is the Gospel, though all the clerks of Antichrist say never so fast the contrary, and require men to believe the contrary, on pain of cursing, prisoning, and burning. And this belief is not founded on the pope and his cardinals, for then it might 02 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. fail and be undone, as they fail and be sometimes destroyed ; but on Jesus Christ, God and Man, and on holy Trinity, and so it may never fail, but in his default wlio shoidd love God and serve him, and who faileth in these two points. For Almighty God and his truths, are the foundation of the faith of Christian men; and as St. Paul saith, other foundation may no man set, besides that which is set, that is Jesus Clu-ist. Therefore, though Antichrist and all his accursed clerks be buried deep in hell for their accursed misery and pride, and other sins, yet the Christian's faith faileth not, and plainly because they are not the ground thereof, but Jesus Christ is the ground thereof For he is our God, and our best master, and ready to teach true men all things profit- able, and needful for their souls." " The fourth wheel of Belial's cart is this, — ^If Christian men say they know by belief that this is Christ's Gospel, these malicious heretics ask. Why they believe that this is Gospel ? But true men ask of them againward, why they believe that God is God, and if they tell a good sufficient cause, we tell the same cause why we believe that this is Christ's Gospel. But they say, whatever the prelates teach, teach openly, and maintain stedfastly, were of as great authority, or more, than is Christ's Gospel, and so they woidd destroy Holy Writ, and Christian faith, and maintain that whatever they do is no sin. But Christian men take their faith of God by his gracious gift, when he giveth to them knowledge and understanding of truths needful to save men's souls by grace to assent in their heart to such truths. And this men call faith, and of this faith Christian men are more certain than any man is of mere worldly things by any bodily wit.° And therefore Christ reprov- eth most defect of belief, both in the Jews and his disciples, and there- fore Christ's apostles prayed most to have stableness in the faith, for it is impossible that any man please God without faith. And so Christ prayed principally that the faith of Peter, and of the other disciples, might not fail of ever. And God's law telleth how by faith saints wrought all the great wonders and miracles that they did. And if Anti- christ here say that each man may feign that he has a right faith, and a good understanding of Holy Writ, when he is in error, let a man seek in all things truly the honour of God, and live justly to God and man, and God will not fail to him in anything that is needful to him, neither in faith, nor in understanding, nor in answer against his enemies." This piece concludes thus : " God Almighty strengthen his little flock against Antichrist, and to seek truly the honour of Christ and the salva- tion of men's souls, to despise the feigned power of Antichrist, and will- ingly and joyfully to suffer reproof in the world for the name of Jesus " Knowledge by the senses. FALSE GLOSSES MAKE GOD^S LAW DAPvE. 03 Christ and liis Gospel, to give good example to others to follow and to conquer the high bliss of heaven by glorious martyrdom as other saints did before ! Jesus, for thine endless might, endless A\isdom, endless goodness and charity, grant to us sinful wretches this love ! Amen ! " In this examination of the writings of Wycliffe, I have followed thus far the manuscripts in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, from which all my extracts are taken, except in the instance of number fifteen — the piece iutitled, " Of Feigned Contemplative Life" — my extracts from that treatise being taken, for the most part, from the manuscript in Trinity College, Dublin. XXIV. De Domnis Divino. The piece thus described, begins — Since false glosses make Goers law dark, and hinder secidar men to sustain and keep it, of such false glosses should each man be aware."' The false glosses of which most complaint is made, are those resorted to with a view to sustain the present endowed state of the church. In this tract, as in many of the preceding, Wycliffe denounces the sort of endowment adverted to, as contrary both to the Jewish and the Christian law. The effect of attempting to sustain religion by such means has been, to sub- ject the clergy generally to the influence of covetous and worldly pas- sions ; and with such examples before them in the priesthood, secular lords take license to conduct themselves oppressively towards their tenants — " and so this endowing against God's law, doeth harm to lords, and clerks, and commons, both bodily harm, and harm in their souls." The Eeformer urges, accordingly, that men should retrace their steps in this particular, and that the chiu'ch should be freed from this form of incumbrance and mischief, notwithstanding all the laws, whether of church or state, which may exist in its favoiir. If it be alleged against this bold counsel, that the system thus menaced has been approved by many holy men, and that its sanctity has been fiu'ther established by a host of miracles, Wycliffe replies, " Here men should knoAv, that many such figures* come often of the fiend for man's first sin. So as St. Paul saith, the fiend hath power for to figure himself unto an angel of light. And so he is an untrue man that troweth^ to such signs as much as he troweth to the faith of God's law. And so is it no belief that all those men are saints which are hired of the pope to be holdcn such. And few men know how those wonders came which Ave call miracles, whether of good or evil. For well Ave know that the fiend doth often much good. Stand Ave stable in our belief, for that may never fail." Wycliffe extends his censure from these points to the conduct of the « MS. Trin. Coll. Dub. Class. C. Tal). iii. No. 12. pp. 188—193. '' Appearance.^. •' Trusteth. Ci ON THE WRITINGS OF WVCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. clergy in claiming exemption iVom the authority of the civil magistrate. He affirms it to have been the ancient law and practice of the kingdom for the secular tribunals to take cognisance of all civil offences on the part of the clergy. In judging on all such questions, the laity, it is main- tained, possess, in every respect, fully as much fitness as the priesthood. XXV. The tract beginning, For this uncouth dissension that is hetwixt these popes, seemeth to signify the perilous times that Paul said should come, is that which sometimes has the titles, De Papa Romana, and SCHISMA PAPiE." The writer commences by adverting to the circumstance of this schism in the papacy as favourable to a free discussion of questions relating to the church. He speaks of the present as a fitting occasion on which to sever from the papacy, and from the clergy generally, their ill-gotten lordships and endowments. He thus concludes the first chapter : " Trust we in the help of Christ on this point, for he hath begun to help us gra- ciously, in that he hath clove the head of Antichrist, and made the two parts fight against each other. For it is no doubt that the sin of the popes, whicli has been so long continued, hath brought in this division. And so if both these heads last, or one by itself, then shall the last error be worse than the first. Emperors and kings, therefore, should help in this cause, to maintain God's law, to conquer their own heritage, and to destroy this foul sin — saving persons. And then were peace estabhshed and simony destroyed." In the second chapter it is stated that the advocates of this kind of change are said to be "heretics, wicked men,- and few against others." Wycliffe adds — " A comfort it is that these three reasons mean nothing." The third chapter commences with a reference to the pretended infallibility of the pope, on which the Reformer observes — " Here should the children of the fiend learn their logic and their philosophy, that they be not heretical in a false understanding of the law of Christ." The election of cardinals or princes is declared to be of no value if not in accordance vvith the law of God. The only proper appointments to priesthood or government in the church, are the appointments of virtuous, able, and holy men. Concerning the power of binding and loosing assumed by the clergy, it is said — " That there is no greater heresy than for a man to beheve that he is absolved from his sins if he give money ; or if a priest lay his hand on the head and say that he absolveth thee. For thou must be sorrowful in thy heart, and make asseeth'' to God, else God absolveth thee not." " MS. Trill. Coll. Dub. Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. pp. 193—208. The first sentence of this work fixes its date as subsequent to 1378, and No. xxiii. manifestly belongs to the same period. ' Satisfaction — amends. OF PERFECT LIFE. G5 In the next chapter the subject is renewed. " This confession which is made to man, hath often been varied with the varying of the church. For first, men confessed to God, and to the common people, and this confession was vised in the time of the apostles." But since that kind of confession among Christians, — confession to God, and one to another, — has given place to the practice of confession to a priest, great mischiefs have followed, priests being commonly wanting in the qualifications necessary to a wise discharge of the duties which thus devolve on them. The whole argument on this subject is in the boldest and most vigorous style, tending to expose the folly of the confidence generally placed in the efficacy of priestly absolution, and the special absurdity of the popish doctrine concerning the supposed supererogatory merits of priests, and the uses to which the clergy affected to apply them. His advice accord- ingly is — •" Shrive thee to God, in constancy and contrition, and God may not fail, he will absolve thee," XXVI. The tract by Wycliffe intitled, Of Perfect Life, is one of a series of short pieces known by the title of the Poor Caitif, of which some account will be given hereafter. It commences thus — Christ, not compelUnrj, but freely counselling each man to perfect life, saith thus. The language cited is that of our Lord in the ninth chapter of Luke, "If any man will come after me, let him deny himself, and take his cross, and follow me." On which, the Reformer thus comments : — " Forsake we otu-selves in what we have made ourselves by sin, and dwell we such as we are made by grace. If a proud man be converted to Christ, and is made meek, he hath forsaken himself. If a covetous man ceaseth to covet, and giveth his own things, he hath denied him- self. If a lechei'ous man changeth . his life to chastity, he hath denied himself; as St. Gregory saith, He denieth himself who forsaketh and withstandeth the unreasonable will of his flesh. The cross of Christ is taken when despisings fOr the love of truth be not forsaken, when the flesh is punished by abstinence, and when compassion and pity toward our neighbour is truly kept ; when a man is crucified to the world, and the world is crucified to him, setting at nought the joy thereof. It is not enough to bear the cross of painful life, except men follow Christ in virtues, not by steps of bodily feet, but by meekness, love, and heavenly desire. Meekness maketh a good soul to Christ what Martha was. As St. Bernard says, Love maketh a soul the spouse of Christ. Heavenly desire raiseth the soul on high, and maketh it to forget the world, and all the likings thereof. He taketh the cross, and is ready to meet all peril for God, and if need is, to die rather than to forsake Christ. And who- soever taketh not thus his cross, and followeth not Christ thus, is not worthy to be his disciple, nor to possess him, as he himself saith." F 66 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. But men are cautioned against such a reliance on the mercy of God, as may dispose them to delay repentance, and to heap sins upon one another ; since St. Austin saith : — "The most mercifid Lord forgiveth sin to men flying to penitence, but makes us not so sure of the Lord's mercy that we keep sins. Neither say we, while the strength of the flesh endureth, have we now our covet- ings, and at the last in age, do we penance for our sins, for the Lord is merciful, he shall not mind of our sins. I beseech you, saith St. Austin, think you not so, for it is the highest folly to think such things. There- fore haste we to repentance, and the last day be ever before our eyes. Restrain we our bodies from vice, and from evil covetings, and ever let our heart think on heavenly things. Lord Jesus ! turn us to thee, and then we shall be turned. Heal thou us, and we shall be verily holy, for Avithout grace and help from thee may no man be truly turned or healed. For they are but scorners who to-day turn to God, and to-morrow turn away ; to-day doing penance, and to-morfow turning again to their former evils. What is turning to God ? nothing but turning from the world, from sin, and from the fiend. What is tiu-ning from God ? nothing but turning to the changeable goods of this world, to works of the fiend, and to lusts of the flesh. To be turned from the world is to set at nought, and to put out of mind, all joys and mii'ths thereof, and to suffer meekly all bitterness, slander, and deceits thereof, for the love of Christ ; and to leave all occupations unlawful, and unprofitable to the soul ; and to be dead to every such thing as the world worshippeth and loveth." He concludes by observing that Satan frequently presents occasions of temptation before the men who are most eminent in holiness, and are the least likely to be influenced by them. " But he studieth to blow against us all manner of temptations and tribulations, by how much that he seeth that by the mercy of God we are escaped out of his power. For he seeketh no thing so much as to separate a man from the pure and ever- lasting love of Jesus Christ, and to make him love failing things, and the uncleanness of this world."" XXVH. Of the Seven Deadly Sms. The work under this title begins thus — Since belief teaches us that every evil is only sin, or comes of sin, sin should be fled as all manner of evil. * This treatise extends to eighty quarto pages, and after the above • These extracts are from the MS. Class C. Tab. v. No. 24. in the library of Trinity College, Dublin. The substance of the piece has been printed in The British Reformers, from a copy in the British Museum. ' MS. Bodleian Library. Archiv. A. 83. There is a short tract under this title among the WyclilTe MSS., in Trinity College, Dublin. Class C. Tab. v. No. C. pp. 35—38. The allusion toward the close of this extended treatise to the popes, as encouraging all mischiefs and bloodshed of a crusade, in support of their worldly pretensions, settles the date of this work as being not earlier ■than 1383. THE SEVEN DEADLY SINS. 67 initial sentence, proceeds thus : — " And since nothing is fled by the wisdom of man, except as the harm of that thing is known, every true man should know sin well, and so should know the fruit thereof. All manner of evil is only sin, or else the pain which comes only from sin. Pain comes from sin in five manners. Pain comes to Christ, to buy man from sin. Pain comes to the condemned, to avenge sin. Pain comes to God's children, to purge them from sin. Pain comes to many men to keep them from sin. Pain comes to other men to show that God hates sin. And so as God is the best thing in the world, sin is the worst thing in the world. And so while all other things are God's creatures, sin is made without God, as St. John saith. " God may not bid man sin, for his. own goodness. Sin may not serve God, although it profit. The sin of our first father might not be bought away, except by God and man, who is above the angels. If thou wouldest flee death, and pain, in any manner, then flee sin more, for pain is a good medicine which Christ himself took to heal man of sin. For the righteousness of God may not suffer sin, except he shall punish it, and this was the cause of the pain which Christ suffered for man." WycUffe then states, as he has done in the " Poor Caitif," the " Tria- logus," and several other works, that the sin never forgiven, — the sin against the Holy Ghost, — is that of the man who dies iu a state of impenitence. " Sin," he proceeds, " is called deadly, because it brings death to the body and soul, and that without end. And sin is called venial, because God's Son forgives it. But men should be at war with all sin, because of the peril thereof, since they know not deadly sin from venial ; inasmuch as they never know whether this sin shall ever have end, or whether this man shall be damned through being hai'dened in his sins." After these introductory observations, the Keformer proceeds to enumerate and describe the different " manners of sin that come to man." The first sin mentioned is pride, which is said to arise some- times separately, and sometimes otherwise, as from " the gifts of grace; the wit that God has given ; the gifts of kind, as bodily strength, or bodily beauty ; or from the goods of fortune, and the riches of the world." All these gifts are said to be from God, and each man should possess them in humility, endeavouring " meekly to sei've his God, according to the gifts he hath of him." The craftsman should know his occupation, and the scholar be conversant with human learning, but the knowledge of Holy Scripture is a science with which all men should be acquainted. Every man must know the will of God, in order to the doing of it ; and he nuist do the will of God, in order to be happy ; " so each man here must needs con divinity — some more, some less, if f2 68 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. he will be saved." The more men strive to hide this " science of God," the more it increases. The friars oppose themselves to the diffusion of this knowledge, and would fain convert these spiritual treasures into articles of merchandise ; " but since this science is freely given to men, it shoiild be freely delivered ; and because the telling of God's law would be most profitable to his church, the fiend is full busy in preventing such spiritual profit." ^ In the next section, the Eeformer censures the costume of the age as fanciful, costly, and often injurious to the body, as well as to the mind. K the force of custom be pleaded, his answer is, that the force of the reasonable should be stronger, and that " to conform to the world, is to conform to an enemy." The next topic is the folly of family pride. To be related to Christ and his church is the highest dignity. " Of this kindred we should have joy, and not of earthly kindred, for they were sometimes beggars, or servants, or fools ; and, therefore, Jesus Christ came only of poor kindred, and would not make them rich in the world, except in virtues. He was not ashamed of the poverty of his kindred ; but hath taught us to be glad in the kinship of virtues, for joy in such kindred is the bliss of heaven." The pride of wealth is next adverted to, as being little more rea- sonable than pride of family. To hoard wealth, is to sin. To be employed in distributing it, never so wisely, as Avhen we en- deavour to abate the force of evils which would never have been known if sin had not entered into the world, and such-like service, relating to what is merely temporal, is to be in danger of withdrawing ovir attention injuriously from what is more immediately spiritual. Hence, it is said, that the clergy should have " food and clothing needful to them, and therewith should hold themselves paid, for more would tarry them." In the ninth section of this treatise, the author divides the church into three parts — preachers — defenders — and laboui-ers. He speaks of the apostles as the " spiritual knights" of the Gospel ; and of Christ as "going into all the world, not to fight with the cold arms of the body, but with the arms of charity." He then states, that the only gradation, rank, or oflace known in the church of Christ, in its earlier history, was that of " priests and deacons, living clerks' life. — By ordinance of Christ, priests and bishops were all one ; but afterwards the emperor departed" them, and made bishops lords, and priests their servants, and this was the cause of envy, and quenched much charity. And so if possessioners were brought to that state which Christ ordained to his clerks, then should men have charity, both with secular ' Separated — distinguished lictween them. THE SEVEN DEADLY SINS. 69 clerks, and also with religious." It has been the work of the fiend, he observes, to change this simpler state of things into one of " many- colours, as secular and religious ; and both have many parts, as popes, and cardinals, and bishops, and archdeacons ; monks, canons, hospital- lers, and friars. And each of these orders loves more his brother, than he loves a man of another strange order, and will defend his order by personal aifection." Amidst such separations of men into classes and sections, "no wonder," says WyclifFe, " if charity be put away."" In the section following it is remarked, that " as virtues in priests qiiicken the church, sins and vices in them make the church venomous." But the heaviest charge to be brought against the clergy is said to be, that to please some great men " they hide God's law, and persecute priests for preaching the truth." The parties thus opposed to religion are said to be no less opposed to humanity, combining to plunder and oppress the commonalty of the land. The preceding observations have respect to the first of the three classes into which the church is divided, namely, the preachers, — the observations following are addressed to the two remaining classes, described as defenders and labourers ; the former consisting of lords and knights, and the latter of the body of the people. They are observations pointed especially against the irreligion and inhumanity attendant on the practice of war. The war carried on in Flanders in favour of Pope Urban is adverted to, and appears to have disposed the mind of WyclifFe to the tone of expression observable in this part of the work. He com- plains much of the conduct of the clergy in this respect. He observes, " They should be labourers for peace, bvit in word and deed they favour war, taking it as law that it is right to annoy an enemy in whatever way Ave can. But the charity of Christ bids the contrary. — The virtue of charity should be most in clerks, but envy is most in them when they are turned to evil." The advocates of war made "tlieir appeal to the Old Testament. The reply of WycUffe was — " In the old law men fought with God's enemies, to avenge God's injuries, and by no other cause, and neither will men now if their fighting be lawful." Men, he contends, should war as the Israelites did, only when commissioned as they were. Attention to this rule would bring the fulfilment of the prophecy — " Men shall break theii' swords into ploughshares, and learn war no more." But " yet Antichrist argues to keep men fighting, though humanity teaches that men should not fight. Their saying is — Since an adder by his nature stings a man that treads on him, why should not we fight against our " ' ' Touchingholy orders, he held that there were but two — viz. of deacons and priests, so do we." — " James's Apology for John WicklifFe, showing his nonconformity to the now Church of England," Oxford, 1608. 70 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. enemies, for else they will destroy us? Wliat man that hath wit cannot see this fallacy? "Well I know that angels withstood fiends, and many men with right of law withstand their enemies, and yet they kill them not, neither fight with them ; and wise men of the world hold it well thus to vanquish their enemies without striking ; and wise men of the Gospel vanquish by patience, and come to rest and peace by suffering of death. Well I know that worldly men will scorn this sentence, but men who would be martyrs for the law of God will hold with it." The argument of Wycliffe seems to involve, to the full, the Quaker principle on the subject of war. He admits that God has " approved that knights should defend his law by strength," but insists that he has not granted them permission to " kill any man." It was said — "But the pope approves crusades ;" and the answer was, that siich a fact proves nothing, unless it can be proved that the pope is nearer infallibility dian Peter. " Christ is a good shepherd, for he puts his own life for the saving of the sheep.; but Antichrist is a wolf of ravening, for he does ever the reverse, for he puts many thousand lives in the place of his own wretched life. By forsaking things which Christ bids priests forsake, he might cease all this strife. Why is he not a fiend, though a priest, who fights in this cause, stained foul with homicide ? For if manslaying in others be odious to God, much more in priests, that shovdd be vicars of Christ. And certain I am, the pope, and all the men of his council cannot produce a spark of reason to show that he should do this." Wycliffe, it is plain, was not insensible to the difficulties attendant on the principle which he thus advocates, but he appears to have been prepared to abide by the worst supposable consequences of it, rather than consent to see the substitution of the Avar principle, in any shape, in its room. What is called the right of conquest, he treats as only so much robbery on a larger scale. If the Almighty should " bid con- quest," such a title might become valid, not otherwise. " Lord !" he exclaims, " what honour falls to a knight that he kills many men ? — the hangman kiUeth more, and with a better title. It Avere better be butchers of beasts than butchers of our brethren, for this were more unnatural." Many would, probably, complain of his strong language on this subject, especially as' applied to the popish crusade ; his answer was, that the men are sharers in evil deeds, who, by a " coward dumb- ness," fail to oppose them. His desire was, that priests should " all give themselves to a heavenly life, as angels sent from God, to draw men from the world :" in place of being more beset with the seven deadly sins than other men. THREE THINGS TROUBLE THE REALM. 71 XXVIII. Vita Sacerdotum. This piece begins — This peril of friars is the last of eight that fall to man in this ivay."- In its conamencement, WyclifFe makes mention of the clergy as attempting to vindicate their claims to ecclesiastical endowments by appealing to the provisions of the Jewish law in that particular. But the reply given, as on many similar occasions, is, that the Levitical priesthood were wholly destitute of endowments in the sense intended ; that the provision made in their case was, that they should not be possessed of landed property in any shape, and that they should depend wholly on the current tithes and offerings of the people. Such was the arrange- ment made in respect to the support of the priesthood under the old law ; and secular lords are reminded that they are competent to reduce the Christian priesthood to the same condition, and that it behoves them to do so. This tract consists of eight quarto pages. It contains an allusion to the council in London, which had condemned the doctrine of Wycliffe, as opposed, in the above sense, to ecclesiastical endowments. It contains the following passage also, whicl:^ is equally decisive in respect to the late date of this production: "Either God's law is false, or the realm of England shall be punished sharply, for persecuting poor priests, only for saying that Antichrist should be ashamed of their manner of life, and that the bread of the altar is very God's body, as the Gospel saith, and as common faith holds." In attempting the needed reformation, " some should help by prayer, some by good sj^eech, some by Avorldly power, and some by good life." XXIX. De Blasphemia contra Fratres. The copy of this work in the Bodleian Library has the follomng title, De Tribus BLASPHEnnis MoNACHORUM. Its initial words are — It is said that three things stoiirhlin'' the realm, especially heresies This work is much more extended than the preceding — it numbei's forty pages. Wycliffe commences by defining the word blasphemy as used in this treatise. The term is used in respect to God in the same sense with the term slander as applied to man : and the blasphemies charged upon the friars are especially three — the errors inculcated by them in regard to the eiicharist ; their pleading the example of Christ as giving sanction to their practice of mendicity ; and their conduct in pretending to dispense pardons and indulgences to the people » MS. Bebl. Bodl. Archiv. A. 3072. « Disturb— trouble. ' Archiv. A. 83. The discussion in this work opposed to the doctrine of transubstantiation is evidence of its late date. It is not probable tha< it appeared earlier than in 1380, or at furthest in the year preceding. See Life and Opinions of Wj-cliffe, vol. ii. chap. iii. 72 ON THE WHITINGS OF WYCIJFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. for money. Men are said to blaspheme " when worthiness proper only to God is put to a poor creature : when imperfection is piit upon God ; and when dignity is denied to God that must accord to him from his great lordship." If blasphemy, in these senses, " is scattered among many men, this heresy is most common with the friars." In regard to the first point, the eucharist, he writes, " We say surely, of our faith, that the white thing and round, which the priest consecrates, like to the unconsecrated host, and which is broken and eaten, is verily God's body in the form of bread." He cites St. Augustine as teaching, that the bread remains after consecration ; and as opposed, accordingly, to the received doctrine of transubstantiation, which teaches that after the words of consecration the bread does not remain, but is transub- stantiated into the body of Christ. Such is truly the doctrine of tran- substantiation, the bread ceasing to be, by becoming the body, soul, and divinity of the Saviour. The friars, as the advocates of this doctrine, are described as precluding men from exercising their senses in respect to religion, as well as from the just use of their higher faculties. The strongest of the senses, according to philosophers, are touch and taste ; but if friars are to be credited, men should not allow any place to the office of these senses in the matter of the sacrament. Against the absurdity of this doctrine "WycliiTe pours forth his strongest invective. The men who hold it are said to be more stupid than " Jews or Pagans;" and no more capable of explaining what they mean than the brute. " Would Gk)d that the clerks of Antichrist who teach cur belief, and charge more the words of Ambrose than those of the Gospel, woTild give us leave truly so gloss" St. Ambrose. "Wlien he says that after the sacreding the sacrament should not be holden bread, the saint means, as he often does, that this should not be known afterwards as principally bread. For thus (in this sense) St. Ambrose says the thing that was bread is now God's body — and well may we know that Ambrose says not that the bread goes to nought, as Antichrist says." The sacrament, he repeats emphatically, " is Christ's body, and bread also ;" and then adds, " so thus it is that this bread turns into Christ's body, and so the substance of the bread offered upon the altar shall be turned into the substance of Christ's own body, as St. Ambrose says, and neither shaU be brought to nought, for these are not contrary." On this subject we should confide in the law of Scripture and reason more than in any law from popes and cardinals — " so that if we had a hundred popes, and all the friars were cardinals, yet should we trust more to the law of the Gospel than to all this multitude." The following passage is an instance of the manner in which WycUffe - Interpret — explain THREE THINGS TROUBLE THE REALM. 73 opposed the experience of the plain man to the subtleties of this church doctrine. " Since bodily eating was bidden of Christ, and this bodily eating might not be unless there Avere bread, then this bi ead lasts after the sacreding."" The second article sets forth, as we have seen, that the practices of the begging friars are according to the example of the Saviour. One instance adduced by the mendicants, in support of this conclusion, was, that Christ solicited water from the woman of Samaria. In answer, it is observed, that the persons who make such use of this passage, should look to the context, where it appears that our Lord had sent his disciples into the city, not to beg bread, but to purchase it. It was usual to allege the language of the Saviour to Zaccheus for the same purpose. But it is replied that our Lord spoke to Zaccheus as a superior, and not as a sup- phcant; and that Christ, moreover, came to the earth in the exercise of a peculiar lordship — the lordship which pertained to human nature in innocence. It was one thing to receive temporal alms, another to become petitioners for them. But the error under the third article is deplored as especially perni- cious. This vending of pardons, "without condition," is denounced as in the last degree presumptuous and cruel ; and as a course of proceedino- in which mendicants do not scruple to enrich themselves at the cost of deceiving the souls of men, so as to sink them to perdition. But friars do not blush to allege that these spiritvial treasures are to the priesthood what worldly treasures are to secular lords, goods entrusted to them, to be expended at their pleasure, and for their behoof. But the " idiots who argue by way of such likeness, do more harm to men than if they cut their throats." Do not these deceivers knoAv, that men who have the disposal of temporal goods, have their superiors, and known laws, to which they are responsible, while the dealers in these supposed " merits of men," dispense their wares " after their own will ? " Even the letters of pardon granted by the pope, make some mention of the signs of penitence, " but these friars, in their letters, speak of no contri- tion." What more natural than that the people should be neghgent of their own works, " seeing they may pui'chase after this manner in li^i of them ? " Wycliffe's conclusions are — that by the first of these errors, that relat- ing to the eucharist, tlie friars impeach the wisdom of God, setting him » " Here may we see how falsely the fiend beguiles the church by this false principle, that if the more part of such men (men forming church councils) assent to a sentence, then all holy church shall know that as gospel." — Uiid. Wycliffe then remarks that the faith which served the church a thousand years while Satan was bound, has not suffered since he has been loosed — hence these councils. " We ought to know that Christ may not fail in any ordinance or law sufficient for his church i and whosoever reverses this sentence blasphemes against Christ." — Ibid. 74 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. forth as the patron of contradictions and impossibihties — that by the second error, they charge him with, inconsistency, representing him as an abettor of the kind of indolence and poverty which he has so decidedly condemned throughout the Old and New Testaments — and that in the third error, they slander his purity, in describing him as authorising priests to dispense pardons after a manner which could only conduce to their own corrupt aggrandisement, and to the grossest irreligion and depravity among the people. XXX. De EccLEbLE DoMiNio. This work consists of about fourteen closely-written folio pages. Tts English title is, Of the Church of Christ, of her Members, and of her Governance; and it begins, Christ's church is his spouse that hath three parts. "■ It then immediately proceeds as follows — " The first part is in bliss with Christ, head of the church, and containeth angels and blessed men that now be in heaven. The second part of the church be saints in purgatory, and these sin not anew, but purge their old sins. And many errors fallen* in praying for these saints, and since they all are dead in body, Christ's words may be taken of them: sue^ we Christ as our hfe, and let the dead bury the dead. The third part of the chi.irch are true men that here live, that shall be afterwards saved in heaveh, and who live here the hfe of Christian men. The first part is called the overcom- ing part, the middle is called the sleeping, the third is called the fighting. And all these make one church, and the head of this church is Jesus Christ, both God and man. This church is mother to every man who sh;ill be saved, and containeth no other." ' ' He then derides the folly of regarding the church as the spouse of Christ, and of supposing that the offspring of Belial can be among its members. In the present world, no man can possibly know himself to be a member of the church of Christ except as he is enabled to live a holy life ; few, if any, being so taught of God as to know their ordination to the bliss of heaven. In allusion to the Urban crusade, he. censures the folly of men who " fight for the pope more than for belief," and who in so doing probably " fight for the fiend." In the next section he proposes to trace the rise of secular power in the church, founding his statements, partly, in " belief," or Holy Scrip- ture, and partly on " common chronicles," but proceeding always, as he hopes, under the guidance of charity. The church militant is described » MS. British Museum. Bib. Reg. 18. B. ix. Trin. Coll. Dub. Class C. Tab. 5. No. vi. pp. 38—63. My extracts are taken from the MS. in the British Museum, sometimes described by the titles, De EcclesiCi Catholicd, and De Ecclcsid Dominin. Baber, 42. The marked allusion of this work to the papal schism, and the crusade, fix its date as among the works written bj- the Reformer during the last year of his life, or, at the furthest, in the year prectding, the year 1383. * Befall. 'Follow THE CHURCH^ HER MEMBERS^ AND GOVERNANCE. 75 as consisting of persons who conform themselves to " the example of ^^ Christ, to come to heaven as he came : " and then follows a sketch of the history of the Saviour, and mention of the descent of the Holy Spirit on the apostles, and earnest praise of their labours among Jews and Gentiles. " And thus the apostles of Christ filled the world with God's grace. But long after, as chronicles say, the fiend had envy thereat, and by Silvester, priest of Rome, he brought in a new gmle, and moved the emperor of Rome to endow his church. When the life of the priest was thus changed, his name was changed. He was not called the apostle, or the disciple of Christ, but he was called the pope, and head of all holy church : and afterwards came other names, by the feigning of hypo- crites, so that some say he is even with the manhead of Christ, and highest vicar of Christ, to do on earth whatever he liketh ; and some flourish other names and say that he is most blessed father, — because hereof cometh benefices which the priest giveth to men, for Simon Magus never more laboured in simony than do these priests. And so God would suffer the fiend no longer to reign in one such priest only, but for the sins which they had done, made division among two, so that men might the more lightly in Christ's name overcome both. For as a virtue is Stronger when it is gathered, than if it be scattered ; so malice is stronger when it is gathered in one person, and it is of less strength when it is dispersed among many. And this moveth poor priests to speak now heartily in this matter, for when God will help his church, and men are slothful and will not work, their sloth is to be condemned for many causes." In several of his works, the Reformer speaks in this manner of the schism in the papacy, as having greatly encouraged himself and others in their endeavours to direct the attention of men to the corruptions of the church. In the claim of the pope to be regarded as the successor of St. Peter, two things are to be supposed — that he is the vicar of Christ, and a follower of Christ. But in respect to the first, " Christ biddeth the Jews, that they should trust to his works ; and thus by Christ's vicar, should be" the poorest man of all other men, and the meekest of all others, and of most labour in Christ's church. But this choosing of cardinals, and procuring of benefices, and taking of new names, be fiill far from that state. Thus Peter lived after Christ, and chaUenged no such names, nor to be head of holy church, but studied hard rather meekly to serve it. Each apostle also in his country wrought according to Christ's law^, and none of them had need afterwards to come to Peter to be confirmed." We do not learn, he observes, that Christ ever left ^^ preaching to sell ofiices in the church : — " all these things that popes do, teach that they are Antichrists. If they say that Christ's church must " We should understand. 76 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. have a head here on earth, true it is, for Christ is the head which must be here with his church until the day of doom." To say there is need of another head, is to impeach the power and the grace of Christ. Some men, however, have invented "a false tale" on this subject, saying, "when Christ went to heaven, his manhood went on pilgrimage, and that he made Peter, with all these popes, his stewards to rule his house, and gave them full power thereto, before all other priests alive. Here this dream proceeds amiss, turning the church upside down, for Peter was a true helper, Avith Paul, and John, and the other apostles ; but none of these servants dreamed that he was head of holy church, or that he loved Christ more than any of his brethren did. It seems hkely, to many men, that Peter loved Christ more, in a manner, than any of these other apostles ; but he was not taught to strive on that account, for other apostles, in other manner, loved Christ more than did Peter, as John loved him more heavenly, and Paxil laboured more in the church." "We do not affirm as belief," he adds, "that if a man be chosen as pope, then he is chosen to bliss, though here he is called blessed father. Many know by their works, that these be deepest damned in hell, for they charge themselves as hypocrites, both in office and in name, and so they sit in the first place here, and at the last day of doom they shall be in the last place, that is, the deepest i~»lace of hell. Here let us hold ourselves in bonds of behef, that stand in general and conditional words, and let us not judge foolishly, but we may say by supposal, that we guess it to be so : and his part should soonest he supposed, who bringeth most evidence." The Eeformer then proceeds to complain of three heresies which deceive men. The first is involved in the practice of calling the pope "most blessed father." This is said to be done in flattery, and for gain ; and it includes heresy, inasmuch as it supposes, that where there is the highest office, there is the highest sanctity, all true blessedness being attendant on character and not on office. If the principle on which this practice proceeds were just, then it might be just to give the title "most blessed father," to Judas, and to multitudes resembling him. Another heresy is, " that if the pope determine aught, that so deter- mined is truth, and to be believed." This pretension is denied, and censured as most sinful and pernicious. Apj^eal is made to the infirm- ities of Peter, as fatal to the doctrine of infallibility as thus assumed by his successors. Some men say, that on such dignities the church rests, as on her proper foundation. Wychffe answers, that from that source, rather, the church has to trace her greatest mischiefs, especially as evinced in the matter of indulgences, and in the manner of administering absolution. He proceeds to show still fiu-ther how these supposed infallible THE CHURCH, HER MEMBERS, AND GOVERNANCE. 77 " stewards uia}' err in regard to the ordinance of Christ." The monks are said to have come in because of the laxity and degeneracy of the regular clergy. Canons and friars came in from the same cause in the place of monks. All these in their turn have degenerated, so that were Christ to come again to the earth, he would judge them as so many clerks of Antichrist. The laws of these several institutes are dwelt upon as unscriptural, their history is shown to have been unfavourable to the purity of religion, and it is demanded whether the popes, the great patrons of these orders, can be regarded, in the face of such palpable blunders, as infallible ? " The apostles of Christ, and other disciples long after them, were not busy about tithes, but held themselves paid in the little that the people readily gave them ; and so housing and clothing, as Paul saith, shovdd be enough." But this Roman " steward so chaffereth " in appropriating churches, that the people dwell untaught, and unserved in spiritual help. Who should be blind, therefore, if not this steward, that doeth this without leave of the Lord, and openly against his bidding ? If any man should be damned, this steward should be deepest damned : and alyates* for he feigneth power, and new laws, which God made never. And yet he gabbeth '' vipon God, that all this is God's work : but in the time of the Old Testament, such a blasphemer would have been stoned to death." In the fifth section the friars are censured as the advocates of war, and especially as having favoured " this last journey that the English made into Flanders," an enterprise by which the realm was not a little despoiled " of men and money." In the next section it is argued that the converts made by these men, degenerate as the effect of such con- versions ; and that the rival popes have in fact no greater enemies than these zealous allies. But the time has come in which all men should apply themselves to the work of purifying the church, some by scriptural learning, some by secular power and influence, some by a Christian example, and all by earnest jjrayer to God — " for in him lieth the help here against the cautels'^ of the fiend." The lleformer then proceeds to counsel his reader in respect to the best method of reasoning with the friars on the doctrine of the eucharist. " The people trust commonly, that this host is God's body. Here friars should begin, and tell man if this be true. If they say that this host is in no manner God's body, then flee them as heretics, for Christ and his church say the contrary. If they say that this host is an accident, as colour and figure, without a sxibject, and so is not God's body, well we know that old belief, grounded in the words of Christ, saith that it is God's body. And if they say that this " Marketeth — tradeth. ' By all means — eery way. '■ Prates fiction, or falsehood. '' Wariness — cunning. nJ 78 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. sacrament is God's body, as it is in heaven, then these friars speak as idiots." They were thus to insist, that the accidents of whiteness and roundness pertained to real bread, after the words of consecra- tion ; and they were to maintain equally, that the bread is God's body, in a figurative and sacramental sense. In the remaining part of the trea- tise, WyclifFe resumes his strictures on the ^pretensions of the papacy. " After this, should men know concerning the pope's power in absolving, granting indulgences, and other vain privileges, with cursing. For just as the popes feign that they do miracles, when they" . . . more wonder- fully than ever did Christ or his apostles ; so in absolving and cursing, they feign to themselves an unknown power, and blaspheme and harm the church. Christian men believe, that Peter and Paul, and other apostles, took power of Christ, but only that they might edify the church. And thus all priests, that are Christ's knights, have power of him to that end ; and which of them has the greatest power, it is' vain for us to treat. But concerning the deeds of priests Ave suppose, that he who profiteth the church most, hath most power of Christ. And thus by the (kind of) power which Christ gave to Peter, no man may prove that this priest, the bishop of Kome, hath more power than other priests." In fact, where the test of spiritual utility is especially needed, it is found, as before shown, to be especially wanting. It does not follow in a papal election, " that God must sign, when these cardinals have chosen." Nor should the promise, " Lo, I am with you alway, even to the end of the Avorld," be iznderstood as relating exclusively to an order of priesthood, but as relating to the whole church, and as a declaration, " that Christ shall thus be with his mem- bers that he hath ordained to bless." Adverting to the Romanist interpretation given to the words of our Lord addressed to Peter, — Whatever thou shalt bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven ; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth, shall be loosened in heaven,' — the Reformer observes, that this reasoning is "fall of folly from many causes." Truly, Christ said thus to Peter, but so he said to the other apostles. Why should Peter have power by this, more than other apostles of Christ ? Also, men should know, that these words, which Christ said to Peter, are of no avail to this pope, but as he shall follow Christ and Peter in life. And suppose that all this be truth ; " the power intended by Christ cannot have been such as is now dreamt of, since in that case Peter must have sinned in many ways, inas- much as he did not use tliis power ;" and it is demanded, " Who shall excuse him of this sin ? " " Men should understand what is to bind man above '' earth. And » Illegible. * Matthew xvi. 19. ' On earth. THE CHURCH, HER MEMBERS, AND GOVERNANCE. 79 men must needs see here, tliat their priest bindeth man above earth, when he bindeth man after God, and not for the flesh, nor for covetons- ness. And so this pope should teach men tliat he bindeth thus above earth, and neither in the earth, nor under the earth, but according to the keys above. But this will he never teach, before that Gabriel blows his horn. And if he teach that the church above bindeth thus, or absolveth thus, at his instance, yet he proveth not this great power, and thus grounding (or authority) from God's law, faileth here shame- fully. But if Christ said to Peter, ' Whatsoever he bound above the earth, is bounden in heaven,' then it foUowetli of this jwpe now living, that whatever thing he feigneth him to bind, is bound of God. But certainly the most ignorant man in this world might shame of such a reason. Furthermore, if we give this pope such power as he feigneth, and if we take heed to his deeds, he shall shame (be ashamed) of such power ; for the law of charity would teach, that if he had such power, he should absolve all his subjects from pain, and from trespass, for then he would bring all men to heaven, and suffer no man to go to hell ; and since charity standeth in using the gifts of God to this end, he were too slow in God's service, denying to men the gifts of God ; for as he took freely his power, Christ biddeth that he should freely give." Christ, alone, it is maintained, could be equal to the just exercise of such authority, as that claimed in this instance by the popes ; and the pontiffs, in claiming the power to do such miracles, in relation to the soul, are shrewdly challenged to furnish evidence of their claim, by doing similar wonders in relation to the body, as in expelling diseases — " Prove ye this greater power," says Wycliffe, " by this less." The cupidity and extortions of the popes in other respects are then dwelt xipon, as in their encouragement of appeals to their autho- rity ; in their practices with respect to provisions and commendams ; and in their demand of the first-fruits from vacant benefices. By some flatterers of the papacy, it was alleged that " the pope could do no simony, because all benefices are his." Wycliffe replies, that had the pope ever been in possession of such a title, it has been long since forfeited by abuse; "for it often faileth, according to their law, that a tyrant, and a member of the fiend, is put before a member of Christ." Hence it has come to pass, that " a man's doing according to the school of Christ, without any other sin," shall be sufficient to bring him to ruin. XXXI. The only remaining portion of the A\ritings of AVychffe still in manuscript, to which I shall invite the attention of the reader, in this section, will be his sermons. We have seen in many of the preceding extracts from his various works, that preaching, in the judgment of 80 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. Wycliffe, was the great agency by which men were to be brought under the influence of reHgion, and by which they were to be continually edified when they had become religious. The sacraments, and the other services of the chiirch, miglit have their value ; but not such as to supersede, in the slightest degree, the office of preaching — the great office relating to instruction. Wycliife is never Aveary of reiterating, that men can never be rehgious, except as they are enlightened ; and that if they were to make advances in devout feehng, and in Christian conduct, it must be as the result of their increasing knowledge of Divine truth. In tlie esteem of the Reformer, accordingly, the priest or prelate who did not labour assiduously as a preacher, was a man negligent of his great duty, and justly exposed to the severest judgments both from God and man. As holding such doctrine, and as labouring with the greatest earnestness to give to it the utmost publicity, we of course expect to find in "Wycliffe a man who will be eminent in the labours of the pulpit. His reputation as a scholar may render it expedient that he should sometimes address himself to the solution of questions which perplexed the less learned intelligence of senators and kings ; and his celebrity as a schoolman, and the novelties broached by him in that character, may impose on him the duty of entering the arena of contro- versy with the most cultivated intellects of his age : but if Wycliffe, in the rector of Lutterworth, is to be judged according to his own doctrine, he must be known within that narrow space as the diligent pastor, and as the laborious preacher. He must not be so occupied with the great and the distant, as to overlook the less, and the more immediate. He may be zealous as a Reformer of the church, but he must be considerate, condescending, exemplary, as the minister of his particular cure. It is sufficient to say, that the Reformer appears to have been, in this respect, all that consistency demanded. We know not the number of sermons composed by Wycliffe, but ihat copies of nearly three hundred should have been preserved, notwithstanding all the effort made to destroy whatever had proceeded from his pen, is proof that his labours as a preacher must have been abundant. Until about the beginning of the thirteenth century two methods of preaching had prevailed : these were technically called " declaring" and " postiUating." According to the former, the preacher commenced by announcing the subject on which he meant to discourse, and pro- ceeded to deliver on the topic thus introduced something more like an oration or essay than a sermon. To postillate was to commence with reading a portion of Scripture, and then taking its parts in the order of the writer, to offer such remarks upon them as tended to explain their meaning, and to secure their appHcation. To the latter method, which was the same Avith our own custom of " expounding," another was PREACHING — SERMONS. 81 added about this time, and one by whicla the ancient practice of declar- ing was soon almost superseded, and the far better practice of postillating became much less frequent. The sacred text had been recently divided into its present order of chapters, and the dialectic art, to which the schoolmen were so much devoted, suggested the selecting of some brief portion of Scripture as the basis of a sermon, and that the matters intro- duced to illustrate and establish the doctrine or duty of the passage, should be divided and subdivided in the manner still so generally retained among preachers. This scholastic method of preaching was for some time much opposed, and its follies and mischiefs appear to have been many and considerable. Anthony Wood introduces Roger Bacon as censuring this new custom, and as accounting for its prevalence in the church in a manner which shows that the good friar's estimate of the mind of the clergy in his time, even of such as rose to the dignity of prelacy, was not much more favourable than that so often expressed by WyclifFe. " The greater part of our prelates," he writes, " having but little knowledge in di\dnity, and having been little used to preaching in their youth, when they become bishops, and are sometimes obliged to preach, are under a necessity of begging and borrowing the sermons of certain novices, who have invented a new way of preaching, by endless divisions and quibblings ; in which there is neither sublimity of style, nor depth of wisdom, but jnuch childish trifling and folly, unsuitable to the dignity of the pulpit. May God banish this conceited and artificial way of preaching out of his church, for it will never do any good, nor elevate the hearts of the hearers to anything that is great or excellent." " Wycliffe adhered as a preacher to the postillating or expository method. His " postils" appear to have been produced at different times through the interval from 1376, when he became rector of Lutterworth, to the close of 1 384, the time of his decease. In some instances, these discourses consist of little more than a few brief notes, attached to an EngUsh translation of the lesson for the day ; in others, they approach nearer to the length of modern sermons. But when filling several closely-written folio pages, we know not how far to regard them as exhibiting anything more than the general manner of the Reformer's efforts as a preacher. In many instances they resemble mere outUne preparations for the pulpit, topics being briefly indicated rather than fully expoimded or discussed. Nor have we any reason to suppose that their being made public was at all the act of the Reformer. Piirvey, his curate at Lutterworth, was a man who would not fail to attach great value to such documents, if we suppose them to have fallen into his hands after the decease of their author. But through whatever channel « Wood'.s Hist. Oxfiii. :>«, 59. Henry's History of England, viii. 1S2— 185. fi2 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. the copies of these discourses now extant have been transmitted, we may safely conckide that they contain the very matters which were delivered to the people of Lutterworth by their rector. And there is hardly a peculiarity of opinion promulgated by Wycliffe the nature or the pro- gress of which might not be illustrated from these discourses. It should be stated, also, that these compositions are strictly popular in their character. References to abstruse and speculative questions fre- quently ai'ise, either from the import of tlie text, or from the reasonings suggested by it ; but these are soon dismissed that the attention of the people might be directed to " things more profiting." Through the whole, the manifold corriTptions of the hierarchy are vigorou.sly assailed, as forming the great barrier to all religious improvement. The duties of men, in all relations, are frequently discussed, and always with a careftd, and mostly with a judicious reference to the authority of Scripture : while the doctrines of the Gospel are uniformly exhibited, as declaring the guilt and the spiritual infirmities of men to be such, as to show the atonement of Christ to be their only way of pardon , and the grace of the Divine Spirit to be their only hope of purity. We sometimes feel the want of more clearness in the statement of these truths, and we often wish to see them more fully developed, but no room is left to doubt as to their being there, and there as the full substance of the doctrine taught. In an exposition on the passage from Isaiah, in which the promised Messiah is said to preach the Gospel to the poor, and which our Lord applied to himself in the synagogue of Galilee, Wycliffe has the follow- ing observations on reading sermons, and on preaching generally. " From this deed of Christ, men say that it is lawful to write, and after- wards to read a sermon, for thus did Christ, our all-perfect Master. For if men may thus improve the people, what should hinder them to have this manner ? Certainly the labour of the preacher, or the fame of having a good -wit, should not be the end of preaching, but profit to the souls of the people ; and however this end cometh best, that is most pleasing to God. But curious preaching of Latin is fuU far from this end, for many men thus preach themselves, and leave to preach Christ."* On the text, " Let a man so guess of us as of the ministers of God and dispensers of his services"* — the preacher remarks : " If each Chris- tian man should be found true in this respect, priests, both high and low, should be more true. And the sin of failure in this respect among priests is most foul. As if the pope and his bishops were ashamed to be Christ's servants, in their manner of living they show an emperor's life, and are lordly in the world. Since Christ hated this kind of life, they give no ground to guess them to be ministers of Christ. And so in " Postils, p. 21. * 1 Cor. iv. 1, et seg. SERMONS, 83 the first word of this belief wliich Paul teacheth, they fail. Lord, what good doth this prating that the pope will here be called most blessed father, and bishops most reverend men, since their Ufe discardeth from Christ ? ■ They show in the taking of this name that they are on the fiend's side, children of the father of leasings. For if he say, after Gregory, that he is the servant of servants, his life reverseth his name. He faileth to follow Christ, since he is not the dispenser of services which God hath bidden, but he departeth to the lordship which the emperor hath given. And so all the services of the church which Christ hath limited to his priests, are turned to the contrary side, and so to the ser- vice of the fiend. So that if men take heed to the service of the church as Christ hath limited it, it is all turned upside down, and hypocrites are become rulers." Thus the signs of a true priestly character are said to be often wanting where the oflSce of priesthood is assumed, and in such cases the people owe not the reverence due to priesthood. The apostle proceeds to say, " To me it is for the least thing that I be judged of you, or else of man's judgment, but I judge not myself." On this passage the preacher observes — " And thus men shall not be harmed because of the blind judgment of man, for God himself will judge all men, either to good or evil. Therefore Paul taketh little heed to the judg- ment that man judgeth, for he knew well from Scripture, that if God judgeth thus, then the judgment must stand, and that nothing else will stand but God's judgment. Thus there are two days — the day of the Lord, and man's day. The day of the Lord is the day of doom, when he shall judge all manner of men. The day of man is now pre- sent, in which man judgeth, according to man's law ; and this judgment will be reversed if it aught reverse reason. But at the last day of doom all shall stand to God's judgment. So that will be the day of the Lord, for all shall then be as he wills, and his judgment shall not be contravened, for nothing may reverse it. Therefore Paul saith, Judge nothing before the time : xintil the time of the Lord come, the which shall light the hidden things of darkness, and shall make known the counsels of the hearts. This moveth many men to think upon God's law day and night, for that disposeth to know what is God's will ; and with- out knowing this should a man do nothing, and this moveth many men to flee man's judgment. Paul chargeth not the judgment of men, whether priests or lords, but the truth of Holy Writ, which is the will of the first Judge, was enough for him until doomsday. And thus stewards of the church should not judge wickedly by their own will, but merely after God's law, in things of which they are certain. But the laws and judgments which Antichrist hath brought in, putting God's law behind, mar too much the church of Christ. For to the stewards of the church, the laws of Antichrist are rules to make oflicers therein, and g2 84 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRirT. to condemn the laity. Antichrist challengeth here to be fully God's fellow, for he saith that if he judgeth thus, his will should be taken for reason, and this is the highest point that falleth to God in respect of his Godhead. Popes and kings, therefore, should seek a reason above their own will, for such blasphemy often bringeth to men more than the pride of Lucifer. For he said, he should fly up and be like the highest lord, but he challenged not to be God's fellow, even with him, or passing him. God bring down this pride, and help that his word reverse the word of the fiend ! Well, indeed, I know, that this smoke shall disappear when it is at the highest." The attentive reader will be sensible that in these passages the thoughts and language of WyclifFe come strongly before him, and Avill require no further evidence in respect to the authorship of these discourses. In the exposition of the gospel for Christmas day, WycliiFe proceeds thus : — " On Christmas day we may say a little child is born to us, for Jesus by our belief is born. — We take it as our belief, that as our first parents had sinned, satisfaction must be made for sins to the righteous- ness of God. For as God is merciful, so he is full of righteousness. But how shall he judge all the world, but if he keep his righteousness here. For the Lord against whom this sin is done, is the Lord all-mighty, and all-righteous, since no sin may be done, but it is done against God. And ever, the higher the lord is against whom the sin is done, ever the greater is the sin — as it were a great sin to do against the king's bidding. But the sin is more without measure to do against God's bid- ding. But God, according to our belief, bid Adam not to eat the apple. Yet he broke God's commandment, and was not held excused therein ; neither by his own folly, nor by Eve, nor by the serpent ; and thus by the righteousness of God, this sin must always be punished. "And it is a light word to say, that God might of his power forgive this sin without the aseeth" which was made for it, for God might do so if he would ; but his justice would not suffer it, but requires that each trespass be punished, either in earth or in hell. And God may not accept a person to forgive him his sin withoiit satisfaction, for in so doing he would give free leave to man and angel to sin ; and then, sin were no sin, and our God were no God. "We conclude also that the man who should make satisfaction for the sin of our first father must needs be God and man. For as man's nature trespassed, so man's nature must make satisfaction. And therefore it was not possible that an angel shoiild make satisfaction for man, for he has not the might, nor was it a nature like his which in this case had " Satisfartion. SERMONS. 85 sinned. But since all men are one person, if any member of this person maketh satisfaction, he maketh satisfaction for all this person. By this we may see that if God had made a man of nought, and anew, after the manner of Adam, yet he were holden to God as much as he might for himself, and so he might not make satisfaction for himself, and for Adam's sin. And so, since satisfaction must be made for Adam's sin, as it is said, the person making satisfaction must be both God and man ; for then the worthiness of the person's deed were even with the worthiness of the sin." The third point, which must needs foUow from the two before, is said to be — " that a child is born to man to make atonement for man's sin, and this child mvist needs be God and man, given to man. And he must needs bear his empire on his shoulders, and suffer for man; and this child is Jesus, whom we suppose was born to-day. And we sup- pose that this child was born to those only who follow him in his man- ner of living, for he was born against others. The men who are unjust, and proud, and rebel against God, have this judgment in Christ, that they must needs be condemned of him, and most certainly if they are grievous to their death towards his Spirit. And thus, if we covet well that this child is born to us, have we joy of this child, and follow we him in these three virtues ; in righteousness, meekness, and patience for oiu- God. For whoever is opposed to Christ and his Spirit in these virtues unto his death, must needs be condemned of this child, even as all others must be saved. And thus, the joy of this child, who was all meekness, and fuU of virtxies, should make men to be little in malice, and then they should hold well this feast. Study we how Christ came in the fulness of time, when he should ; how he came in meekness at his birth ; how he came in patience from his birth unto his death ; and follow we him in these three, for joy that we have of him, for this joy in this patience bringeth to joy that ever shall last." The extract fqllowing was meant, no doubt, to show to the people ot Lutterworth, that the itinerant labours of the Reformer's " poor priests," were in imitation of the highest possible example. " This Gospel telleth of the office that should fall to Christ's disciples, and so it telleth how priests should now, both greater and less, occupy themselves in the church in serving God. And first, Jesus showeth truly the love that he taught. The Gospel saith how Jesus went about in the country, both in great places and less, as cities and castles, to teach, and to profit men generally, and not to forbear to preach to a people because they be few, and our fame may be little. For we should labour for God, and from him hope for our thanks. By castles, we understand little towns, and no doubt Christ went to small uplandish towns, as lo Beth- phage, and Cana in Galilee. For Christ went to those places where he 86 ON THE WIUTINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCKIPT. wished to do good, and he travelled not for money, for he was not smitten either with pride, or with covetousness."" It is then deplored, that the jurisdiction set up by the prelates prevented good men from following the example of Christ in this particular. He was freely ad- mitted to synagogues, which, WycliiFe remarks, " were then, what churches are among us." In another of his discourses, he observes on this subject, " Jesus ever had this manner, — to speak God's words where he knew that they might profit the people who heard them. And so Christ preached often, now at meat, and now at supper, and at whatever time it was convenient for others to hear him."' The following passage may be taken as a specimen of the Eeformer's more practical and familiar method of teaching. "As men in fevers desire not that which is best for them, so men in sin covet not that which is best for them in this world. The world said that the apostles were fools, and forsaken of God ; and so it would say to-day of all who live like them, for worldly joy and worldly good pleaseth them, and they savour not of heavenly things, nor of a right following after Christ. And this judgment by the world is a manifest witness against men, that they are not holy, but turned aside to worldly things : for as the palate of a sick man, distempered from good meat, moveth him to covet things contrary to his health, so it is of man's soul that savoureth not of God's law. And as the want of natural appetite is a sign deadly to man; so this want in respect to the knowledge of God is a sign of his second death." Some men, the preacher observes, have learned to interpret the success of their worldly enterprises as a mark of the Divine approval ; but it is added — " We should leave these sensible appearances, and take the examples of holy men, as of Christ and his apostles, how they had not here their bliss; but that here Christ ordained the pam, and the hatred of the world, much suflfering to the men whom he most loved, that we might be taught to follow after him. And thus patient suffering in this earth should be taken as the sign of God's love."/ In the following terms WyclifFe speaks concerning the sufferings of Christ — " Men mark the passion of Christ, and print it in their hearts, somewhat to follow it. It was the most willing passion that ever was, and the hardest passion ever man suffered. It was thus willing, and so most meritorious ; and therefore Christ foretold the form of his passion to his twelve disciples, when he went to Jerusalem. And therefore Christ, who before had concealed himself to come to the city, came now to suffer, in a way to show his free will. Therefore he saith at the supper. With desire have I coveted to eat of this passover with you. The desire of his Godhead, and the desire of his manhood, moved him • Postils, p. 134. 4 Ibid. p. 169. • Ibid. p. 7S. SERMONS. 87 to eat thereof, and to suffer after. But all this was significant, and in figure of his last supper which he eateth in heaven, with the men whom he hath chosen. And since Christ suffered thus cheerfully for the sin of his brethren, they should suffer thankfully for their own sin, and purpose to forsake it. And this is the cause why God would have the passion of Christ rehearsed, for the profit of his brethren, and not for his own. This pain of Christ's passion passed all other. For he was a most tender man, and in middle age, and God by miracle allowed his mind to suffer, else by reason of joy he might not have known sorrow. But in Christ's passion were all things that could make pain hard, and to make it the more meritorious. The place was most solemn, and the day also, and the hour the most solemn to Jews or heathens. And the despite was most, for men who should most have loved Christ ordained this most foul death against his surpassing kindness. We should believe also that Christ suffered not in any manner except for some certain reason, for he is both God and man, who made all things in their number, and so would shape his passion to answer to the greatness of man's sin. So follow we after Christ in his blessed passion, and gather we our devout mind from him." " Our next extract touches on some points of theological doctrine. It occurs in an exposition of the narrative concerning the healing of the centurion's servant. " We should know that faith is the gift of God, and so God may not give it to man except he give it graciously. And thus all the goods which men have are gifts of God. And thus when God rewardeth a good work of man, he crowneth his own gift. And this is of grace, for all things which men have from the will of God, are of grace. God's goodness is the first cause why he giveth men these goods, and so it may not be that God doeth good to men, except he confer these goods freely by his own grace, and with this we shall grant that men deserve of God. Learn we of this knight to be meek in heart, and in word, and in deed ; for he granted first, that he was under man's power, and yet by power of man he might do many things. Much more should we know that we are under God's power, and that we may do nothing but by the power of God. And if we disuse this power, woe shall be to us. But this root of meekness shall beget other virtues in us, and grace of God to deserve meed in heaven, as it was in this gentle knight." It will be seen, that though the expressions here employed by the Eeformer are to us somewhat strange, his real doc- trine is, that the graces which fit men for rising to the enjoyment of rewards, and the rewards themselves, are alike from the grace of God — it is God crowning his own work, according to a principle of " Postils, p. 61. 88 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. moral congruity or fitness." In another of these discourses the Re- former adverts, with his characteristic force and boldness, to the intoler- ance of hierarchy. " Freedom is much coveted, as men know naturally, but much should Christian men covet the better freedom of Christ. But it is known that Antichrist hath now more enthralled the church than it was under the old law, while men might not bear that service. And Antichrist maketh new laws now, and groundeth them not on God and man ; for more ceremonies are now brought in than were in the old law ; and more do they tarry men to come to heaven than did the scribes and Pharisees by their traditions. And the root of this thraldom is the lordship which Antichrist hath, for he challengeth to be full lord, both of spiritual and temporal. He so preventeth Christian men from serving Christ in freedom, that they may say, as the poet saith in his proverb the frog said to the arrow — Cursed be so many masters ! For now Christian men are oppressed, now with popes, and now with bishops, now with cardinals under popes, and now with prelates under bishops, as one would buffet a football. But surely if the Baptist were not worthy to loose the latchet of Christ's shoe. Antichrist hath no power thus to hinder the fi-eedom which Christ hath bought. Christ gave this freedom to man to come lightly to the bliss of heaven, but Antichrist wearieth man to give him money. Ever do these hypocrites fear, lest God's law should be shown, and they be thus convicted of their falsehood. For God and his law are stronger than they, and these hypocrites may only hold man for a time in this fiend's thraldom."' In a subsequent discourse, Wycliffe speaks thus on the connexion between suffering in the cause of Gt)d, and the enjoyment of his favour. "Whosoever sufFereth here, never so much, for God's sake, his sutFering must have reward that shall pass all his travail. But since this is certain, who would grudge against God for this travail ? and since God sustaineth man, and moveth him, and helpeth him, for to travail such travail, how should it not be of grace? And thus reward for this travail must needs all come of grace. V a man suffer to the death, in a " " Paul saith that God doeth by his grace all things that he doeth, and withdraweth never his grace except as man shall disable himself, and then the righteousness of God needeth that this sinner should be punished. We suppose from Scripture, that each good thing we have, be it state, be it knowledge, each such thing is God's grace, for God giveth it graciously, that man should serve to him by it. And thus he taketh God's grace in vain, who taketh his grace and leaveth his ser- vice. And, therefore, beginneth Paul thus, ' We admonish you, that ye take not thus the grace of God in vain.' These words might be said to each man in this life. Default is not in God, but all the default is in his servants." — Ibid. p. 1 7. " Since among the works of man, thinking seemeth most in his power, and yet his thought must come of God, much more each other work of man. It is a known thing to clerks, that no creature may do aught, but as God shall do first that same thing, and help his creature to do it. And since we have a better procurator (mediator) in time of grace, to pray to (jod, than men had under tlie old law, no wonder if this be a better time. Thus v,e should put ofi" pride, and wholly trust in Jesus Christ; for he that may nought l/iink of himself, may nought do of himseir, but all our sutficiency i.s of God, through Jesus Christ." * Postils p. .32. SERMONS. 89 good manner, in God's cause, he hath everlasting life, which is better. Man was made in a state that he might ever live in, and, without death and other mischiefs, be translated into the bliss of heaven. But by sin he is needed to suffer pain and death. But Christ has bought him again to the state he should first have had. And thus these reasonings of the apostle move men gladly to suffer for Christ; and as God re- wardeth man by grace, over that he deserveth, so the state which man hath now in heaven, is better than was the state of innocence. And this fact should move men to become martyrs for the love of Christ."" We give, in conclusion, a few shorter passages, such as abound in these discourses, and such as, compared with the other works of the Reformer, contribute to establish the identity of authorship. " As no word of God's law hath any strength but as Christ speaketh it; so no word ^of man's law should be loved but if Christ speak it. Christ is truth, and no word should be loved but for its truth — since he is God his words may not be amended."* The third homily speaks of baptism in three- fold, by blood, by water, and by the Holy Ghost, of which the last is the best, and that must be from God. In the seventh he says, " John is not Elias personally, as he himself confesseth, but he is Elias figuratively — and just so the sacred host is very bread in kind,^ and God's body in figure." In an early part of this volume allusion is made to King Richard as then reigning. This passage, and others containing similar references to contemporary circumstances, help, as elsewhere observed, to determine the date of these productions. Thus, when the Reformer says, in a subsequent page, that the "two bishops," Annas and Caiaphas, did not prevent the preaching of John the Baptist, and that from this fact " it seemeth to many men that prelates who hinder tiiie priests from preaching freely the Gospel are worse than these two bishops," the reference to the labours and difiiculties of the " poor priests " is suffi- ciently plain.'^ In the same connexion the preacher speaks of '' fleeing the sour dow of the Pharisees :" and censuring the secular lordship of the clergy, ascribes it to the evil of ecclesiastical endowments. " There- fore say many prelates that no man who hath a cure should live but on God's part, that is on tithes and offerings, and so by clear title of alms should they have goods ; for thus lived Christ, the highest pope : and who art thou that thou wilt not live thus, — wouldst thou be greater than Christ, who is Lord of all this world?" But while the people are said to owe such contributions to true priests, as much as they owe any debt to any man, it is asked — " By what reason should he have tithes and « Postils, p. 93. * Ibid. 2n(l. '■ Its nature. '' In pages HI, 142, H6, I'd, 1.S2, llie papal schism, and in several places the papal crusade.s are distinctly mentioned. In page 163 is a farther allusion to Richard as reigning. 90 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIPFE IN MANUSCRIPT. offerings from the people, that liveth in lust and idleness, and profiteth not to his people ? Certainly this were a fiend's law to give God's part to such men."" On the papal supremacy he did not scruple to speak thus — " We suppose that Antichrist, the head of all these evil men, is the pope of Rome." * SECTION II. ON THE REMAINING WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE STILL IN MANUSCRIPT, AND INCLUDING SUCH WORKS AS ARE KNOWN ONLY BY THEIR TITLES. XXXII. Contra Mendicitatem Validam. In English, and beginning — Most Worshipful and Gentlest Lord Duke of Glocester. It sets forth the substance of a discussion before the duke on questions at issue between a clergyman and a friar. The former half of it is occupied in giving a summary of the debate as it respected certain theological opinions ; the latter presents some of the most plausible things to be said in favour of the begging practices of the friars, with the common arguments opposed to that usage. In the preliminary discussion Wycliffe states, " God is so good, that in each goodness he is before, and in each evil he cometh after the effect." This is one of a collection of MSS. in Trinity College, Dublin. Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. The volume containing it is thvis described in the " Catalogus Librorum Manuscrip- torum Angliae et Hiberniee," published in Oxford in 1697, as "Jo. • Postils. In pages 10, 122, 12G, 134, 151, 152, 159, are similar passages. * Ibid. p. 176. " True men say, that so long as Christ is in heaven, the church has in him the best pope, who is head of all saints, and distance either more or less hindereth not Christ to do his deeds as he promiseth, and he saith he is with his own always to the end of the world. It is granted that the church beneath hath a head, that is Christ, head of angels and of men, all that are or shall be saved, and we dare not put two heads lest the church be monstrous. Peter was not head of the church, but captain of the church ; and surely warriors would scorn the reasoning which saith that if a man is captain he is head. Peter was captain for a time, and afterwards Paul was captain. But these blind buzzards should first know what Christ's church truly is. There are three churches of Christ. One that hath vanquished and is above ; another that sleepeth in purgatory ; and neither of these requireth such a pope. But the third is fighting here ; and this, with tlie others, require Christ as their head. And the man who is most meek, most poor, and most serviceable to the church, is its captain, by the judgment of the Head above. If men seek well they shall find that it may not be l)roved that it is reasonable to have such a pope, for nothing should prove it except of these three — a right understanding of the words of Christ ; evidence of man's law ; or custom, with the opinion of much people. But none of these may prove anything in this case." — Postils, p. 181. Two pages further on the preacher states, that the only authorised and requisite orders in the church are priests and deacons. CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS. 91 Wicliffe's Works to the Duke of Lancaster in 1368." But this descrip- tion is by a modern hand, and is erroneous. Most of the pieces in that volume are manifestly of a much later date. There is no ground to sup- pose that any of them should be ascribed to a period so early as 1368, except the piece intitled, De Ultima uEtate Ecclesle, of which mention will be made in the section relating to works of the Keformer which have been printed. The mention of the year 1356 in that tract, has probably led to the error in respect to the date of the other pieces. We have no means of fixing the date of this piece addressed to the Duke of Glocester. It should not, 1 think, be placed among his earher or his latest productions. XXXIII. De SATHAN.iE ASTU CONTRA FiDEM. This tract begins, The fiend seeketh many ways to mar men in belief. It consists of two pages only, and is in the same volume with the preceding piece, in Trin. CoU. Dub. XXXIV. In Regulam Minoritakum. In EngUsh, in C.C.C. Cambridge. Sometimes described as the Eule of St. Francis — the Testajvient of St. Francis. XXXV. Determinationes Eucharistle : — Ad rationis Kyningham : — and, Determinationes Magistri J. Wicklyff contra Carmelitam Kyning- ham, appear to be different descriptions of the same treatise, which was an answer to a Carmelite friar concerning a pretended miracle urged in support of the doctrine of transubstantiation. C.C.C. CoUege, Cambridge. Lambeth Library. Knighton de Event. Anglise, p. 2650. XXXVI. De Questionlbus varus contra Clerum. In EngUsh, in Lambeth Palace Library. Cat. MS. 151. Another copy in the same libraiy. No. 30, called Questiones XXVI. It begins. Almighty God in Trinity^ Father^ Son, and Holy Ghost, both in the old law and the new. XXXVII. De Modo Orandi. In English, in the Bodleian Library, Laud., C. 3, and in the British Museum, Cotton MSS. Titus D. xix. It is also intitled, De Duodeclm Laipedimentis Precationum, or. The Twelve Lettings of Prayer. Li the prologue of the MS. in the British Museiun, the twelve hinderances of prayer are enumerated — " sin, doubting, asking things we ought not," &c. XXXVIII. De Anima. A part of this treatise, under the title, De Incarnatione Verbi, is in the British Museum. Bib. Reg. 7, B. iii. XXXIX. De ViRTUTiBUS et Vitus. In the British Museum, is a short 'J2 ON THE WRITINGS OF WVCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. tract under tliis title. Titus, D. xix. It treats on the following mat- ters : The seven works of mercy, bodily and ghostly ; five bodily WITS ; FIVE WITS ghostly ; THE CARDINAL VIRTUES ; SEPTEM MORTALIA PECCATA. " In Bib. Reg. 7, A. xxvi. is another copy of this tract which varies considerably from the former : in some instances the chapters are abridged, in others the chapters considerably altered, — a liberty very common with the transcribers of those times. This MS. varies from the preceding in another respect, as it treats of the Seven Sacraments ; Six Manners of consenting to Sin ; Four Things that needen to man." Baber, 47. XL. Pauper Rusticus ; Confessio derelicti Pauperis ; and the Pore Caitif — different titles of the same treatise. It consists of a series of tracts in English, intended to present the elements of religious instruc- tion in a form adapted to the hxuublest of the people capable of reading. It is described by its author, as " sufficient to teach simple men and women, of good-will, the right way to heaven." There are copies of this work in the Lambeth Palace Library ; in Trinity College, Dublin ; and in the British Museum. These collections vary a httle from each other. The pieces included in the DubUn MS. are as follows : Of the Creed. — The ground of all goodness is stedfast faith, &c. Of the Coji- mandments, — A man asked of Christ tvhat he shoidd do, &c. Of the Paternoster, — Christ saith, Who that loveth me shall keep my command- ments, &c. Of Perfect Life, — Christ, not compelling, hid freely counsel- ling each man, &c. Of Temptation, — But he that is verily fed with this bread that came down, &c. Of the Charter of our Heavenly Herit- age, — Every ivise man that claimeth his heritage, &c. Of Ghostly Battle, — The Almighty saith by holy Job, &c. Of the Love of Jesus, Whoever you be that araiest thee to love God, &c. Of Man's will, — Every deed punishable, either reproveable of man's ivill, &c. Of Contem- plative Life, — Christ loved much Mary, and Alartha her sister, &c. Of Chastity, — / write this treatise in Jive short chapte7's, &c. The substance of this work has been printed in the British Ileformers, from the copy in the British Museum. XLI. ExposiTio Orationis Dominic.e. This is a different comment on the Lord's Prayer from tliat which forms part of the " Pore Catif." It enters more on the subject of ecclesiastical abuses. " In Lambeth Librar}-, Cott. MSS. 594, is a transcript of the ' Prologus in Expositionem Orationis Dominic*.' Herein are condemned the lucrative catholic tenets of works of supererogation, indulgences, and auricular confession, and the Romish hierarchy are reproved for withholding from the people the scriptures in the vernacular tongue." Baber, 48. Lewis, No. 89. CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS. 93 XLir. In Apocalypsin. This is an exposition of parts of the Apocalypse. It begins thus — Saint Paul the apostle saith that all those ivho would live meekly in Christ Jesus, &c. It is in the British Museum, Bib. Reg. E. 67. XLIII. Sermo in festo Animarum ; de Sermone Domini in Monte ; and OcTE Beatitudines, appear to be different titles of the same work. It is in English in the British Museum, Cott. MSS. Titus, D. xix. It is in Latin in Trinity CoUege, Cambridge, MS. 362. S.C. 5. 8. No. 13. The English discourse hegms—Fi'iends, St. John Chrysostom on the homily upon this Gospel saith, &c. Wyclifte was charged with having pub- lished seventy-four erroneous opinions in this discourse. XLIV. In XVI r. CAPUT Joannis. Puhlevatis oculis in coelum Jesus. This is a homily in English, beginning — This Gospiel of John telleth what loves, &c. It is among the Wyclitfe MSS. in C.C.C. Cambridge. XLV. De Surdo et Muto apud Marcum. Iterum exiens de finibus Tyri. This is another homily in English. It begins — This Gospel telleth. a miracle, &c. It is in Trinity College, Cambridge, MS. 349. Class 4. XL VI. De Pharis^o et Publicano. This is a detached homily also, attributed to Wychffe. Lewis, No. 97. It begins — Tliis Gosp)el telleth in a parable, &c. XL VII. Speculum Peccatoris. Quoniam in via sumus vitcB labentis. This tract has the English title — Visitation of sick men, and begins thus — My dear son or daughter, it seemeth that thou lightest fast, &c. &c. It is attributed to WycUffe, and is in the British Museum. Bib. Reg. E. 1732. XL VIII. Augustinus arguam te quando nescis. It begins — The holy Doctor St. Austin, speaking in the person of Christ. It is in the col- lection, C.C.C. Cambridge. XLIX. Speculum Secularium Dominorum. Cum Veritas fidei eo plus rutilet. "Archbishop Usher tells us that a copy of this tract is in MS. in the King's Library, in Latin. By what his grace has transcribed from it, it appears that Dr. Wiclif had written before, Prospeculum Secularum Dominorum, in English." Lewis, No. 137. L. De Blasphemia. " Archbishop Usher quotes this tract in his book 94 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. De Christianarum Ecclesiarum Successione, and tells us that in it Wiclif observes that the true doctrine of the sacrament of the eucharist was retained in the church a thousand years, ' even till the loosing of Satan.' " Lewis, No. 199. LI. Five Bodily Witts. There is a tract under this title in Trinity College, Cambridge, B. 8. 37. It begins — Thus sJwuhl a man ride his Jive bodily witts. LII. Seven Works of Bodily Mercy, and Seven Deeds of Ghostly Mercy. Works with these titles are in the Public Library of Cambridge, 120. No. 467. LIII. Of Pride. It begins — Pride is too much love that a man hath to himself, &c. Bib. Reg. Titus, D. xix. LIV. De Actubus Aniji^. There is a Latin treatise under this title in C.C.C. Cambridge, attributed to WyclifFe. It begins — Gratia dicen- darum restat tractatus de acttibus. LV. Here beginneth the Nine Virtues, &c. There is a tract in the British Museum under this title, attributed to WyclifFe. Bib. Reg. E. 1732. It begins — All matme?' of men should hold God's biddings, &c. ' LVI. A Discourse in old English against the Vices of the Clergy, and the Usurpations of the Bishop of Rome in the Affairs of the Church of England, drawn up in Thirty-seven Articles. Trinity College, Dublin, Class C. Tab. i. No. 14. This work is also in the British Museum, Bib. Reg. Titus, D., and is attributed to WyclifFe by Wanley. It is throughout expressive of WyclifFe's opinions, and many passages are transcripts from his different works.: it may be the work of the Reformer, or it may have been an attempt on the part of some disciple to bring the sum of his doctrines together, in the shape of so many distinct articles. LVII. Of Temptation of the Fiend. There is an imperfect work under this title in Trinity College, Dublin, Class C. Tab. iii. No. 12. LVIII. How Men of private Religion should love more the Gospel OF God's Hests, and his Ordinance, than any new Laws, new Rules, and Customs of sinful Men. This is a piece which immediately follows the preceding in the same collection, pp. 152 — 15G. CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS. 95 LIX. Tractatus Evangelii de Sermone Domini in Monte, cum Expo- siTORio Orationis DoMiNiCiE. This is the title given to the first section of a manuscript volume in Trinity College, Dublin, Class C. Tab. i. No. 23. These expositions, with a further exposition of the sixth and seventh chapters of Matthew, extend, if my notes may be trusted on this point, to page 195 of the volume. Tbactatus de Antichristo, cum expositorio in xxiii. xxiv. xxv. cap. St. Matthew, This work closes with page 313. Tractatus in Sermonem Domini, quem fecerat valedicendo discipulis suis. pp. 313—333. These three pieces, as bearing three distinct titles, have been not unnaturally described separately, in the catalogue of the Trinity College MSS., and by Bale, Lewis, and other writers. It is plain, however, from certain passages, that they have a connexion with each other, though they appear to have been written as separate treatises, and to have been first known as such to the Reformer's disciples. LX. Tractatus de statu Innocenti^. This work is in the same volume. It extends to about seventeen pages, and begins — Ut sitpra- dicta magis appareant oportet parumper disgredi. To what this " supra- dicfa" refers, does not appear ; and it is not uncommon in the writings of WyclifFe to find parts of treatises thus detached, and known by separate titles, — a circumstance which has added much to the difficulty of presenting a complete and accurate account of his productions. LXI. Tractatus de Tempore. This work is detached from its original connexion. It is the treatise described by the same title in Trinity College Library, Cambridge, and nimibers thirty-seven pages in the Dublin volume, but not more than ten of the large folio volume in Cambridge. The remaining part of this volume is occupied with pieces expository of different passages of Scripture, and with one document under the following title : — LXII. De Captivo IIispanensi — filia comitis de Dene incarce- RATO INFRA SEPTA Westmonast. It relates to a question concerning the rights of sanctuary. I am not aware of the ground on which it has been attributed to Wycliife. WycliiFe's connexion with John of Gaunt may have led to his giving publicity to such a paper. Mention is made of the case to which it refers by several historians, and a number of papers relating to it may be seen in Rymer's Foedera. LXIII. De Veritate ScriptuRjE. A large work under this title is 06 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIFT. preserved in the Bodleian Library, and in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. The copy in the Bodleian is imperfect at the beginning, the first page commencing in a jDart of the first chapter. The copy in Dublin, which is perfect, commences with these words, — Restat parumper discutere errores et concordias circa sensus Scripturce hodie plus solito seminatos, turn quia in ea consistit salus Jideliitm. The treatise ends thus, — Istud itaque dixerim pro nunc in communi de heresi, tit sciatur ex fructu veritatis Scripturce notare et cavare hereticos, et ut planius intelligatur tractatus de simonia, quern si Deus voluerit diffusius pertractare. The close of the Bodleian MS. agrees with that of the MS. in DubUn, but the first page is without any initial letter or heading, and begins in the middle of a sentence. In both manuscripts the chapters are thirty-one in number, but the chapters six and seven are not duly marked in the Bodleian copy. This copy closes on the middle of the last page, and the scribe has indicated the completeness of the work by placing its title in the space below. The volume in the Bodleian is a small folio; it numbers 621 pages, and each page consists of about twenty-six lines. The Dublin copy does not exceed 244 pages, but the pages are larger, and double- columned, with nearly a thousand words in each. The volume in the Bodleian includes no other treatise ; in the Dublin volume the De Veritate Scripturce is followed by three other treatises, bearing the following titles : — De Simonia — De Apostasia — De Blasphemia. The treatise De Simonia begins thus, — Post genercdem sermonem de heresi, restat de ejus partibus jjertractandum. It consists of eight chapters, and extends to about forty pages. The treatise De Apostasia commences — Restat ulterius ponere aliud principium pro ambitu heresis simoniacce perscridando ; quamvis enim simonia^ blasfemia, et apostasia committuntur ad subsistendi, &c. It extends to nearly twenty pages, and is divided into two chapters. The remaining part of the volume is occujDied with the treatise De Blasphemia, which begins — Restat succincte de blasfemia pertractandum. Est autem blasfemia insipiens detractio honoris domiin. It has been supposed, partly from the order in which these pieces succeed each other, and partly from the references made in them from one to the other, that they were all portions of a large theological work. This notion derives some support also from the manner in which the names of these pieces occur in a work bearing the title Summa Theologica. " This title appears in a very ancient manuscript cata- logue of Wycliife's writings, which is in the imperial library at Vienna. The work is described as consisting of twelve chapters, the titles of which are as follows :■ — 1 . Di: Mandatts. 2. De Statu Innocenti^. catalogue of manuscripts. 97 3, 4, 5. De Dominio. 6. De Veritate Scriptur^e. 7. De Ecclesia. 8.- De Officio Eegis. 9. De Postate Papji:. 10. De Simonia. 11. De Apostasia. 12. De Blasphemia," — Baber, xlvi. Here it will be seen that three pieces intervene between the De Veritate Scriptural, and the three treatises which immediately succeed it in the Dublin MS. On what authority the title Summa Theologica is given to the whole collec- tion we do not know. That title is possibly of a later date than the works themselves. Indeed, few things were more common among the transcribers of the fourteenth century, than to place a number of treatises together, all having completeness in themselves, and all, it may be, published separately, while certain of them contain allusions, and have, probably, some relation to each other. In the writings of WycIifFe, references in one treatise, to the contents of another, are very common, without being meant to indicate more than that it was not necessary to discuss a topic again which had been discussed elsewhere. It is important to remark, that in the tenth chapter of the Bodleian copy of the De Veritate Scriptui'se, there is a reference to the vigil of the annunciation in 1378, which determines the date of this produc- tion. This work, in both the existing copies, is exceedingly difficult to read, consisting as it does, in great part, of obscure discussions, which have been rendered still more unintelligible by the bar- barous and technical Latin in which they are clothed, and by the abbreviated, and almost illegible, character of the writing. Dr. James, the author of the work intitled " An Apology for John Wicliffe," was the librarian of the Bodleian, in the time of James I. In that work he has given many passages from the De Veritate Scrip- turae, but in the manuscript volume of extracts from the writings of Wycliffe, preserved in the Bodleian, in the hand-writing of iDr. James, there are characteristic passages transcribed from the De Veritate Scriptm-ae, extending to nearly a hundred pages. These passages, and such parts of the work itself as may be deciphered with an approach to certainty, warrant the description which I have given of his treatise in the " Life and Opinions of WycIifFe." LXIV. In a volume in Trinity College, Dublin, are the following works attributed to Wycliffe. Class C. Tab. 5. No. 6. I. Three pieces, on the Creed, the Paternoster, and the Ave Maria, two pages each. The first begins — It is sooth that belief is grounded, &c. The second — We shall believe that this Paternoster, &c. The third — Men greet commonly our Lady, God's moder, &c. n. Of the Seven Heresies. It begins — For false men multiply books of the church,&c. The seven heresies are divided into seven cliapters. The contents of this piece sliow it to be from the pen of Wycliffe, the 98 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. . whole being directed after his manner against the friars ; and the fourth heresy, which is said to consist in saying, " that the sacred host is in no manner bread, but either nought, or an accident without a subject," shows that this is one of the Reformer's later productions. Fol. 4 — 9. m. Of the Decalogue. This begins — All manner of men should hold God^s biddings. The part of the decalogue relating to God, is treated in twelve chapters ; that relating to man in twenty-eight. Fol. 9 — 27. IV. On Faith, Hope, and Charity. It begins — For it is said in holding of our holiday. This is a work in six chapters, but does not exceed six pages. Fol. 27 — 30. V. Of the Seven Works of Bodily Mercy. It begins — If a man were sure that to-morrow he should come hefo7x a judge. Fol. 30 — 35. w. Opera Caritatis. Beginning — Sith we should serve our parishioners in spiritual alms. Fol. 35 — 38. This piece, and the two preceding, are in the Ubrary of New College, Oxford. \^I. Septem Peccata Capitalia. Beginning — Since belief teacheth us that every evil is either sin or cometh of sin. This is the work of which an account is given from the copy in the Bodleian in the preceding pages. See pp. 66 — 71. It extends, in the MS. from page 38 to 63. vin. De Ecclesia et Membris ejus. This work is also in the British Museum, and for an account of it see pp. 74 — 79 of this volume. Fol. 63 to 75. DC. De Apostasia et Dotatione Ecclesle. It begins — Since each Christian man is holden. It exhibits, as the title suggests, the doctrine of Wycliffe concerning the evils of ecclesiastical endowments. Fol. 76 — 80. X. Tractatus de pseudo Freris. It begins — For many beren heavy that friars be called pseudo, or hypocrites. It consists of arguments against the pecuKarities of the religious orders. Fol. 81 — 95. XI. Of the Eight Woes that God wished to Friars. Beginning — " Christ biddeth us betvare with these false prophets.''^ This piece relates to the same subject with the preceding, but consists of a parallel between the Pharisees and the mendicants. Fol. 95 — 101. XH. Egressus Jesus de templo. It begins — This Gospel telleth much wisdom that is hid to many men. Homily on Matt. xxiv. Also, in Trinity College, and C. C. C. Cambridge. This is a detached homily. In the volume of hoiniUes in the British Museum, Bib. Eeg. 18 B. ix. p. 175, is the following passage — " All our west land is with one pope or the other, and he that is with the one hateth the other and all his. And yet hypocrites feign that aU this is for charity, but this hypocrisy is worse than the sin before." The first part of this sentence, it seems, is in the Dublin MS., and comparison would probably show that it is merely a strayed postil. Fol. 101 — 116. xm. Of Antichrist and his Meynee, or train — followers. This begins CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS. 99 — David saith, Lord, set thou a law-maker upon me. This is probably the tract mentioned under the title De Antichristo et Membris. But the latter piece, according to Bale, begins — Quemadmodum Dominus Jesus ordinavit. Fol. 116 — 124. XIV. Of Antichrist's Song in the Church. It begins — Also prelates, priests, and friars, put on simple men, that they say that God's office or service he not to he sung with note. Fol. 124 — 126. XV. Of Prayer, a Treatise. Beginning — Also bishops and friars putten to poor men that they say, &c. This piece ends on the next fol., 127. XVI. Nota de Confessione. This work extends to eleven pages, and begins — Two virtues be in man's soid, by ivhich a man should be ruled. Fol. 127—138. xvn. Christ, forsooth, did all that he could to obey Lords. This is the beginning of a tract without title, ending on the same page. XVIII. Nota de Sacramento Altaris. It begins — Christian mens belief, taught of Jesus Christ, God and man. — Fol. 138 — 145. XIX. Chrysostom saith, that fishers and buystouse men, making each day nets. This is the beginning of a piece without a title. It does not exceed two pages. Fol. 146. XX. St. Bernard speaketh thus to the Pope. This is the beginning of another piece without title. Fol. 146 — 152. XXI. God moveth Holy Church by many manner of speeches to KNOW. This also is the beginning of a piece without title. It consists of a dialogue between Christ and Satan. Fol. 152 — 154. XXII. Neither man nor woman may perfectly do the seven works OF MERCY — Clerks know that a man hath five wits outward. These are the beginnings of pieces without title. They extend to little more than a page each. They appear to be shorter tracts on subjects which the Reformer had discussed more largely in other works, if indeed they are to be regarded as from his pen. XXIII. Here are questions and answers put that are ^VRITTEN here- after. The work which thus begins is without title. It extends over more than forty leaves — from page 164 to 218 of the volume : and I had taken this note of its extent at the time of examining it, but from some subsequent oversight I failed to describe it correctly in my former catalogue of the AVycliiFe MSS. This is the piece which has been recently published by the Camden Society, under the editorship of Dr. Todd, librarian of Trinity College, Dublin. It is published under the title of " Wycliffe's Apology," but I have shown elsewhere that it is not a work of the Reformer's." " Tlie reader will find this question discussed, and some other points at issue between Dr. Todd and myself, in tlie Eclectic Review for January, 1843. Soon after tliat article appeared, a paper was h 2 100 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. XXIV. The following are the beginnings of three other short pieces, forming the conclusion of this volume. It is ivritten in the first hook of Holy Writ, that there ivere three patjnarchs. These be the nine points that the Lord Jesus answered a holy man. Of the deeds of mercy God ivill speak at the dreadful day. Fol. 218, 219. LXV. In the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge, is a folio volume with the following works attributed to WycUiFe. MS. 326. c. 5, 8. They consist of scholastic treatises on philosophical and theological topics, and the uninitiated reader will be able to form a sufficient notion of their character from the accoiuit of the first three books of the Trialogus in the present volume. I. De ente ComjMUNI. In primis supponitur ens esse, hoc enim non pro- hari potest nee ignorari ah aliqiio. Fol. 1 — 5. II. De ente Primo. Extenso ente secundum ejus mojcimam ampliatio- nem, possihile est venari in tanto amhitu ens primum. Fol. 5 — 9. ni. De Purgando Errores et Veritate in ComiuNi. Consequens est pur gave errores. Fol. 15 — 23. IV. De Purgando Errores et Universalibus in Communi. Tractatu continentur dicta de universalibus. v. De Universalibus. Tractatus de universalibus continet xvi. capitula cujus primum. Fol. 23 — 37. VI. De Tempore. /?? tractaiido de temp)ore sunt aliqua ex dictis superius capienda. Fol. 37 — 47. VII. De Intellectione Dei. Illorum quce insunt Deo commimiter qtia:- dam insunt sibi soli. Fol. 47 — 53. VIII. De Scientia Dei. Mv dictis superius satis liquet quod scie7itiam quam Deus. Fol. 53 — 70. IX. De Volitione Dei. Tractando de volitione Dei quam oportet ex dictis supponere. Fol. 70 — 91. X. De Personarum Distinctione. Superest investigare de distinctioiie et convenieiitia jiersonarum qiias credimus plena fide. Fol. 91 — 115. XI. De Ydeis, Tractando de ydeis primo oportet qucsrere si sunt. Fol. 115—122. XII. De Potentia productiva Dei. Veritatum quas Deus non potest renovare. Fol. 122 — 134. inserted in the British Magazine, purporting to show, that Mr. Lewis, .the biographer of Wyeliffe, has left evidence among his private papers of being acquainted with the series of Dublin MSS. which I had ventured to describe as unknown to him. But strange enough, the proof furnished by these papers is, that Mr. Lewis did certainly possess some second-hand knowledge of the Dublin MSS. he (?ot'.« mention, but that he possessed no knowledge whatever of those he does nni mention ! This was precisely my impression of the matter, and this led me to describe my catalogue of the writings of Wyeliffe as containing mention of nearly forty MSS. unknown to the Reformer's biographers. CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS. 101 xiii. De Sermone Domini in ra. part. Licet totum Evangelium. Fol. 134_141. LXVI. De Universalibus. Eccl. Cathed. Lincoln. A. 9. LXVII. De ente Universali et Attributis Divinis. Trin. Coll. Dub. LXVIII. De Temporis Quidditate. In the library of the cathedral church at Lincoln (A. 9.) is a part of this treatise under the title De Tempore. The manuscripts which follow are in the Imperial Library of Vienna : they are mentioned in Mr. Baber's catalogue of the writings of WychfFe prefixed to his edition of the Reformer's New Testament, and are copied from Denis's Cat. of the Latin Theol. MSS. in the Imperial Library. LXIX. I. De MiNORiBus Fratribus se Extollentibus. This and the piece intitled De Perfectione Statuum, are the same tract. II. De Sectis Monachorum. It exists in the same collection, intitled De concordatione Fratrum cum sectd shnplici Christi. m. De Quatuor Sectis Novellis. This tract is also intitled, De Pr^varicatione Pr^ceptorum. IV. De fundatione Sectarum. V. De solutione Sathan^. VI. Responsiones ad XIV. Argumenta Radulphi Strodi." VII. Litera parva ad quendam Socium. VIII. Speculum Militantis Ecclesi^. IX. De Oratione et Ecclesi^ Purgatione. X. De gradibus Cleri. XI. De Graduationibus. XII. De duobus geniribus Hereticorum. The persons here denomi- nated heretics, are those who have contracted the guilt of either simony or apostacy. XIII. De quatuor Interpretationibus. xrv. Super impositis Articulis, and Socii argumentum contra verita- tem, are different titles given to the same tract. » Radulphus Strodes, noii Anglus sed Scotus, in Monasterio Dryburgh, provinciae Teviotdale, educatus, Ord. Fratrum Praedlcatorum, poeta-laureatus, Oxonii diu studuit, socios collegii Merto- netisis, Galliam peragravit et Italiam, Syriam item Terram Sanctam, contra Wiclefi dogmata acri- ter disputans circa A. c. 1370. Musices quoque fuit studiosus. Scripsit fabulas, panegyricos, con- sequentiamm formulas, (Ven. 1517. 4to. impressas) summulas logioales, sophismatum strophas, phantasma carmen elegiacum, itinerarium Terrae Sanctee, positiones et xiv. argumenta contra Wiclefum opuscula. Fabricius. Bib. Med. Lat. lib. xviii. Baber. 41. 102 ON THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. XV. De citationibus Frivolis et ALUS Versuths Antichristi. XVI. De juramento Arnoldi (de Grannario) collectoris Pap^. xviri. De sex jugis. A treatise upon the relative duties. xvm. De Exhortatione novi Doctoris. This is conjectured to be an exercise performed for the degree of Doctor in Divinity. XIX. De ordine Christiano. Twelve opinions subversive of the power of the pope were extracted from this book. MSS. Twini, A. 218. XX. De Vaticinatione. XXI. DiALOGus inter Veritatem et Mendacium. XXII. Epistola, de peccato in Spiritibi Sanctum. XXm. LiTERA PARVA AD QUENDAM SOCIUM. XXIV. Epistola ad ARcmEPiscoPUM Cantuar. XXV. Litera ad Episcopuji Lincoln, de amoke, sive de quintuplici QU^STIONE. XXVI. De Eucharistia et Pcenitentia. In' this treatise WycHffe opposes the doctrine of transubstantiation, and questions the use of auri- cular confession. XXVII. De octo qu^stionibus Propositis Discipulo. It is a letter upon the subject of tithes. xxvin. De triplici Vinculo Ajioris. XXIX. De origlne sectarum, and De novis ordinibus, are the same tract under different titles. A part of this tract is in the Imperial Library at Vienna, intitled De sectarum perfidia. XXX. SusiMA Theologica. This title appears in a very ancient manu- script catalogue of WycHffe' s writings, which is in the Imperial Library at Vienna. The work here called Summa Theologica^ is described as con- sisting of twelve chapters, the titles of which are as follows : — i. De Mandatis. u. De Statu Innocentle. " m. iv. v. De Dominio.* vi. De Veritate Scripture. '^ vii. De Ecclesia. vin. De Officio Eegis. Lx. De Postate Pap^. x. De Simonia. '^ xi. De Apostasla. xii. De Blasphema. The following are the titles of extinct works, or different names given to some of the preceding treatises. They are found in the lists pubhshed » Biographia Wiclefiania, sive elenchus multorum ejus operum cum eorum initiis, uiide CataJogi Balei et Tanneri non parum supplevi et perfice possint. Inter alia disco, tractatus varies, qui nunc separatiin feruntur, partes esse SummcE Theologic^e nostri. — Verum id esse, vel horuni librorum initia comprobant Cod. Ssec. XV. Denis, Cat. Lat. Theol. MSS. in Bib. Pal. Vind. 391. xii. In C. C. College, Oxford, is a manuscript intitled — Quaedam abstracta ex Summa, doctoris Anglici, Wiclefi. MS. 1 16. Baber. 46. See XXXII. in this series. ' See No. XXX. of this series. There are two copies of the De Dominio in the Imperial Library. Forty-four opinions in the part of this treatise intitled De Dominio Civili, were condemned. MS. Twini, A. 220. <■ See No. LXIII. of the preceding series. '' Thirty-four opinions in this tract were censured. MS. Twini, A. 217. CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS. 103 by Bale, Tanner, and snbsequent wTiters, with no other description than is here given : and they appear to have l^een, for the most part, treatises or tracts on grammar, philosophy, and a variety of scholastic questions. LXX. I. QUESTIONES LOGICALES. n. LOGICA DE SINGULIS. m. LoGICA DE AGGREGATIS. IV. De propositionibus TEMPORALIS us. Sequiturjam ultimo deproposit. V. De insolubilibus. VI. De exclusivis exceptivis. Secundarie superius est promissum. VII. De causalibus. Pertractandum venit de causalihus. vin. De coMPARATivis. Consequens est ad dicta superad. IX. De conditionalibus. Primo supponitur omnem hypotheti. X. De disjunctivis. Tertio sequitur de disjunctivis. XI. De copulativis et relativis. Sequitur de copulativis pertract. xn. Grajimatic^ tropi. xm. Metaphysica vulgaris. XIV. De uotverso reali, XV. Metaphysica novella. XVI. De summa intellectualium. XVII. De forms idealibus. xvm. De spiritu quolibet. XXI. De speciebus hypotheticis. XX. De esse INTELLIGIBILI CREATURiE. . XXI. De esse suo prolixco. xxn. De arte sophistica. XXIII. De una communis generis essentia. XXIV. De essentia accidentium. XXV. De temporis ampliatione. XXVI. De physica naturali. xxvn. De intentio physica. xxvm. De materia et forma. Cum materia et forma sint iini. XXIX. De materia celestium. XXX. De raritate et densitate. Videthr ex tertio sequi quod nihil. XXXI. De mota locali. Sequitur de localibus pertract. xxxn. De velocitate motus localis. Tarn ultimo restat videre quid. xxxm. De centro infiniti. The pieces thus described appear to have been treatises, or, more probably, short tracts, or detached parts of treatises, on'grammar, logic, and philosophy, embracing, as before intimated, such topics as are found in the first and second books of the Trialogus. The titles which follow 10-1 THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. denote works more strictly theological, and some of them no doubt i exhibited many of the distinctive opinions of the Reformer. * XXXrV. DiALOGUS DE FRATRIBUS. XXXV. Johannes a rure contra fratres. Ego Johannes a rure Deum verum precor. XXXVI. De charitate fraterna. Premum cum qiiolibet homine qui. XXXVII. D^MONUJI ^STUS EN SUB VERT AND A RELIGIONE. Ut omnipotens Dens homines disponit. xxxvm. De Diabolo millenario. Cum consummati fuerint mille anni. XXXIX. De peeverso Antichristi dogmate. Cum purl concionatores doceant Dei verbum. XL. Defensio CONTRA iMPios. EvangelH predicotionem lites suscipere. XLi. Contra P. Stokes." xLn. Responsio ad Argumenta Monachi de Salley. XLin. Contra Monachum Dunelmensem.* xLiv. De imTATE Christi. XLV. De unico salutis Agno. XLVi. Christus alius non expectandus. XLvn. De humanitate Christl xLViu. De defectione a Christo. XLix. De fide et pehfidia. L. De fide sacra:>ientorum. Li. De fide evangelii. Ln. Constitutiones ecclesle. LIU. De censuris ecclesi^. Quantum ad excommunicationem attigit. liv. De bacerdotio Levitico. LV. De sacerdotio Christl lvi. De statuendis pastoribus ad plebem. Lvn. Speculum cleri per dialogum. Sed adhuc arquitur si querus sic. Lvin. De non saginandis sacerdotibus. Cavete qui sacerdotes ad honestatem. Lix. De jhnistrorum conjugio. Fuit in diebus Herodes sacerdos. Lx. Cogendi sacerdotes ad honestatem, Apertam eruditionem in Dei lege. LXI. De RITIBUS sacramentorum. LXU. De quiddite hosti^ consecrati^. Lxni. De QuiNTUPLici Evangelic. LXIV. DETERinNATIONES QU^DAM. " Stokes was a Carmelite friar. He was commanded by the Archbishop of Canterbury to publish at Oxford the condemnation which had been pronounced against the opinions of Wycliffe and his disciples by the court assembled in the Preaching Friars. » This monk was named Ughtred Bolton, and had written several tracts against Wyclitfe. CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS. 105 Lxv. De Trinitate. Superest investigare de distinctione. Lxvi. De excommunicatis absolvendis. Quoniam sub poena ex- commiinicationis . LXVII. DiSTINCTIONES RERUM THEOLOGICARUM. Lxviii. De fonte errorem. Lxix. De falsatoribus leg^ divtn^. Postquam interpretes subdoli legem. Lxx. De bimortalitate anim^e. Lxxi, Ceremoniarum chronicon. Lxxii. De cessatione legalium. Redeiindo autem ad propositum de. Lxxm. De dilectione. In quolihet homine peccatore. LXXrV. CONCORDANTI^ DOCTORUM. Lxxv. De contrarietate duorum DoinNORUM. Sicut est imiis, verus et summus. Lxxvi. De lege divina. Ut de legibus loqiiar Cliristianorum. Lxxvn. De necessitate futurorum. Lxxvm. De operibus spiritualibus. Quia parcecianos spiritualihm. Lxxix. De operibus corporalibus. Si certus esset homo quod in. Lxxx. De ordine Christiano. Lxxxi. De ordinaria laicorusi. Lxxxn. De ordine sacerdotali. Lxxxra. De purgatorio piorum. LXXXIV. POSITIONES VARLE. LXXXV. RePLICATIONES et POSITIONES. . Lxxxvi. De pr^scito ad beatitudinem. Lxxxvn. De quaternario doctorum. Lxxxvin. De religiosis prfvatis. Omnes Christiani in spiritus fervore. Lxxxix. De studio lectionis. Malum est in eis perseverare ea. xc. De servitute civili. Oum secundum philosophos sit relativorum. xci. Theologi^ Placita. xcn. De virtute orandi. Ut sabbatizatio nostra sit Deo acceptabilis. xcm. Contra monachum de S. Albano. xcrv. De compositione hominis. Tria enovent me ad tractandum. xcv. De homine jusero. xcvi. Scholia Scripturarum. XCVH. GlOSS^E SCRIPTURARUIVI. xcvm. Glossy vulgares. xcix. Glossy manuales. c. Glossa novella. CI. CojniENTARii vulgares." Stobat Johannes, et ex discipidis. Quia presbyterorum ordo instituitur. Dona eis, Domine requiem semper. ' " It is probable that the six preceding titles are various descriptions of the same work." — Baber. 48. 106 THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE IN MANUSCRIPT. cn. Lectiones in Dantalem. cm. De dotatione ecclesle, and De dotatione C^sareA, are different titles oj the same icork, beginning — Utnim clems dehiierit dotationem. crv. De Antichristo et membris. Quemadmodmn Dominus Jesus ordinavit. cv. Iterum de Antichristo. Nota quod Antichristus 4 co77i. cvi. Speculum milit.\ntis Ecclesle. Cum identitas mater sit fastidii. cvn. religionem, cvin. CLX. ex. officium sit. CXI. cxn. cxm. cxiv. cxv. cxvi. cxvn. quodlibet. cxvni. CXLX. shnplices. cxx. fratres. cxxi. cxxn. salutare. cxxm. cxxrv. cxxv. cxx VI. cxxvn. cxxvm. cxxix. cxxx. cxxxi. De perfectione evangelica. Primo fratres dicunt suam De officio pastorali. Cum duplex debeat esse officium. De Sbionl\ sacerdotlii. Heu magni sacerdotes in tenebris." Super penitentius enjungendis. Pro eo quod curatorum De divite apud Marcum. Cum egressus esset in viam salvator. De REJnssiONE fraterna. Si autetn peccaverit in te frater. De tribus sagittis. Quisquis mente tenere cupit quid. De ecclesia catholica. Sunt sacerdotes qui certis rationibus. De mandatis Divtots. Pi'cemissa sententia de Domino. CoNCiONES DE MORTE. Beati qui in Domino moriuntur. De peccatis fugiendis. Dum fides nos doceat malum De ablatis restituendis. Quceritur V utrum omnium errum. De seductione seviplicium. Septem sunt quibus decipiuntur De ocio et mendacitate. A manuum labor e excusantur In symbolum fedei. Gertum estfidem esse omnium virtutum. Super salutatione angelica. Solent homines Christissaram Ad smPLiCES sacerdotes. Videtur meritorium bonos coloi^e. Ad quinque questiones. Quidamfidelis in Domino qucerit. Supplementum Trialogi. De trusto amoris vinculo. Contra concilium terre motus. De solutions Satan.^. De spiritu quolibet. Omnis plantatio. Si quis sitit. " These words are the commencement of the piece entitled "The Last Age of the Church," of which mention will be made elsewhere. CATALOGUE OF MAxNUSCRinS. 107 cxxxu. Dk confessione Latinorum. cxxxin. De CnRisTiANORTOi Baptismo. cxxxiv. De clavis regni Dei. cxxxv. De clavium potestate. CXXXVI. De HOfflNE MISERO. cxxxvn. Contra cruciatum Pap^. cxxxvm. De legibus et veneno. CXXXIX. COLLECTIONES CONTRA DOMINICANOS. cxL. Eesponsiones ARGUMENTORUM. cxLi. Ad rationes Kynxngham. cxLii. Contra Bynhajiusi jionachum. cxLin. Replicationes et positiones. CXLIV. De BULLIS PiVPALIBUS. cxLv. De veritate et mendacio. cxLvr. De prevaricatione preceptorum. CXLVH. DiALOGORUM SUORUM. cxLvm. De vera innocentia. cxLix, De VII. DONis Spiritus Sancti. CL. De versatiis pseudo cleri. CLi. Of Wedlock. CLE. The Life of the Virgin Mary. BOOK 11. SECTION I. BEING SOME ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST^ SECOND, AND THIRD BOOKS OF THE TRIALOGUS. The work of oiir Reformer which bears the name of the Trialogus, is so called because it consists of a series of coUoquies between three speakers. The names of these speakers are Alithia, Pseudis, and Pheonesis — or Truth, Falsehood, and Wisdom. The opinions and rea- sonings of Alithia, accordingly, are to be regarded as those of Truth ; those of Pseudis as being the contrary of truth ; while- in the person of Phronesis, Wycliffe himself speaks ; and in setting forth his judgment on the points at issue, he generally assigns such reasons for his opinions as tend to expose the sophistry of Pseudis, and to sustain the views of Alithia. Many of the opinions discussed are not of a nature to interest a mo- dern reader, and the debates relating to such opinions are valuable chiefly as they serve to illustrate the history of theological speculations. In many instances, also, the method of the argumentation is not more to our taste than the matter of it. It was one of the pecuharities of the scholastic process of reasoning, that in attempting to establish any doctrine, fuU expression should be given to every conceivable form of objection against it ; and though it often happened from this cause, that the dis- putant raised the spirit of the doubter, without being well able to lay it again, the practice itself served to whet the faculties, and to bring them to their office with the greatest degree of circumspection and force. Thus in the Trialogus, the language of Pseudis gives expression to the captious and sceptical spirit of the middle age on the great questions relating to philosophy, morals, and theology ; while the speeches of Alithia and Phronesis, embody the sounder views of those times on such subjects, and along with the opinions generally received, come those bolder utterances which distinguish the writings of Wycliffe as those of a Reformer. THE TRIALOGUS. 109 But the argument is conducted, especially in the earlier part of the treatise, and as relating to its more obscure topics, in the prescribed scholastic form, the method of reasoning, and the technical expressions frequently recurring in it, being such as have no place even in the most scientific treatises in our own age." In one respect, indeed, the works of the ancient schoolmen bear a strong resemblance to our later litera- ture, inasmuch as there is very little in the speculations of the modern sceptic which may not be found in the writings of those middle-age churchmen. In some instances the polemic may have secretly sympa- thised with the freedom of thought which he affected to condemn ; but in general, the atheist, the infidel, and the heretic, were imaginary foes, conjured up that the militant ecclesiastic might indulge, as in a species of tournament, in such displays of his skill as shovild secure to him the honours of a victory. That there should have been men during the middle age disposed to bestow a laborious attention on such a system of dialectics, is not sur- prising ; but WycliiFe was a man of earnest piety, of an impassioned temperament, and with a mind eminently practical, was intent through life on bringing about great practical reforms. Nevertheless, if we may credit the testimony of enemies in his favour, even that of the most bitter among them, we must believe that no man of his age was more deeply learned, or more thoroughly skilled in the science of the school- men. According to Knyghton, a contemporary and an adversary, — " As a theologian, he was the most eminent in his day ; as a philoso- pher, second to none; and as a schoolman, incomparable. He made it his great aim, Avith learned subtlety, and by the profundity of his own genius, to surpass the genius of other men." * Instances, indeed, are not wanting, in which the speculative and the practical, the abstract and the " The following passage is the first in the treatise, and may be taken as a specimen of the obscurity ■which attaches very generally to the metaphysical portion of the work — an obscurity which renders it impossible that a literal translation should convey to a modern reader any intelligible meaning. " Alithia. Licet dixit insipiens in corde suo, non est Deus, tamen videtur supponendum, omnium hominum Deum esse, quia aliter tibi nemo negaret aliquid, vel aliquam veritatem esse, cum negando illud statim concederet ejus oppositum. Quia si aliquid est, illiui vel est finituni vel infinitum, sive sic, vel illud, vel causa illius, est Deus, cum supponitur omne quod est prima causa non causatum ab alio, esse Deum. Et extendo hoc nomen aliquid ad omne eus, vel per se, vel aggregatum, vel aftirmativam, aut negativam, vel possibilem veritatem. " PsEUDis. Praecipui Logici multipliciter sic instarent, non claudit contradictionem formalem, nuUem eus esse, cum ex nulla negativa sequatur formaliter atlirmativa, non ergo sequitur pro primo loco Deum esse, quia tunc sequeretur formaliter, si nihil est aliquid est. Item stat verita- tem esse cum hoc, quod non sit aliquid, cum Veritas potest est qucd nihil sit, et tunc non est aliquid. Et tertio possibile est esse processum in infinitum in caussalibus, non ergo sequitur, si causa est, tunc prima causa est, cum in ordine causarum homo posset procedere infinite. Sicut enim diviso lumine in suas partes proportionales caussatur a secunda, et sic in infinitum, et sic etiam in infinitis casibus, quibus oportet procedere infinite." * " Doctor in theologia eminentissimus in diebus jllis. In philosophia nuUi reputabatur secun- dus : in scholasticis disciplinis incomi>arabilis. Hie maxime nitebatur aliorum ingenia subtilitate scientia et profunditate ingenli sui transcendere." — Knyghton, p. 2644. 10 THE TRIALOGUS. impassioned, have been united in strong proportions in the same men. In Pascal, that purely intellectual concentration which is so necessary to success in the exact sciences, was combined with the imagination of the poet, and with the feeling of the saint. But opposites of this nature meet in something like equal apportionments in the weak, much more frequently than in the strong : and among the reformers it is in the genius of Calvin that we see, in this respect, the nearest reflection of the mind of WyclifTe. The first and second books of the Trialogus, are the least extended, and the least valuable. The third and fourth books embrace more than three-fourths of the whole treatise, and abound in matter more or less interesting to every sincere Protestant. BOOK I. The first book is wholly occupied with arguments to prove the being of a God, and with other speculations relating to the Divine perfections, and to the mysteries of the Divine nature. The first chapter is designed to show that " God is the first cause of all things ;" the second exhibits him as taking necessary precedence of all things ; and in the third he is set forth as the great reality, whose nature is such, that our thoughts can never rise to the conception of any higher excellence. The fourth chapter is intended to demonstrate that " God is, whatever it is better to be than not to be ;" and this conclusion being established, all the Divine perfections are deduced from it, inasmuch as it is manifestly better that the Divine nature should be just, wise, omnipotent, and the like, than that it should be devoid of such perfections. In the sixth chapter it is maintained that the reasoning which is thus satisfactory a.s leading to sound conclusions in regard to the Divine perfections, is no less so as serving to show " the Lord of all to be a Trinity :" and in the remaining chapters of this book, an attempt is made to demonstrate the doctrine of the Trinity from the light of nature, and to exhibit the old philosophical doctrine concerning " ideas," as in harmony with the pre- vailing notions of the schoolmen in respect to the manner of the Divine existence. In this preliminary portion of the work, we find none of the opinions peculiar to Wycliffc, as a reformer, except that in two instances he BOOK THE FIRST, 111 censures the conduct of some men in making an undue use of the authority of tradition ; and the following passage on the sufficiency and excellence of the Scriptures, may be regarded as of the same complexion. " It is plain, that all error in the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, by which weak men do so falsify and debase them, proceeds from ignorance of grammar and logic. And unless Go shall assist us in respect to the understanding of these rudiments of faith, the faith of the Scriptures will be too little estimated. The opinion, that if there be any truth, it is in the Scripture, which is often inculcated by Augustine, is manifestly just. Nothing, indeed, is to be named as subtle in grammar, in logic, or in any other science, but the same may be found in more excellence in Scripture."" The most curious portion of the metaphysical speculation found in this book, consists in the attempt made in some sense to explain, as well as to prove, the doctrine of the Trinity, by natural reason. Psuedis accounts it "great presumption" in any man to pretend that such articles of faith may be demonstrated by the light of nature. Phronesis maintains that the diiferent opinion of Alithia on that subject is not liable to such a charge ; and having spoken at some length on the subordination of the light of natiu-e to the light of faith, and on the agreement of the one with the other, he reminds Psuedis of the doctrine of Plato in respect to a trinity of some kind in the Divine nature, and then endeavours to show, not only that the doctrine of Plato is according to reason, but to show also, and on strictly metaphysical grounds, why the Divine Trinity is described as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. In pursuance of this argviment it is said, that the "potentia" of the Divine nature, in the sense in which that term is used by the speaker, is God the Father ; the " notitia," or power of self-knowledge in the Divine nature, is God the Son; and the "quietatio" — the repose — the calm rest of the Divine essence, is God the Holy Spirit. Care is taken to explain the purely metaphysical sense in which the term person is used in relation to such a subject ; but to the above properties of the Divine existence that name is applied, and these three persons are described as being co-eternal and co-equal. These refinements are pushed so far, that in the sense of " causation" or procession, but not in the sense of "divinity," God is said to be "the cause of God;" not, however, in any such sense but that it is still true that " these three persons are one first cause, as they are one God, and not three causes, as they are not three Gods." In another place, the mind of man is viewed as consisting eminently in " memory, reason, and ^vi]l ;" and these are not only regarded as a « Chap viii. 23. 112 THE TRIALOGUS. kind of trinity in man, but as a species of revelation in man concerning the Trinity in the Divine nature. To the modern metaphysician, reasoning of this nature "will appear as singularly open to objection, and many of the objections to which it is exposed were strongly iirged agamst it even in those times ; but such is the potency of circumstances and fashion, even in respect to such matters, that this method of treating theological subjects long retained its hold upon the learned, and is only partially superseded even in our own day. BOOK II. As the discussions in the first book relate principally to the existence and perfections of the Divine nature, those in the second book extend our thoughts from the Deity to his works, and relate both to the origin of the world, and to the constitution of created things generally. In thus passing from the Creator to the created, the elements of nature, the powers of the human mind, and the relation of the human spirit to the body, and to the material world — the natui-e, the gradations, the fall, and the wars of the angels, and the foreknowledge and predestination of the Almighty as affecting the condition of his Avorks^, all come under review. In this book, in common ^vith the one preceding, we find none of the distinctive doctrines of the Reformer ; but there is a much greater portion of matter in this part of the treatise, which may be translated so as to be intelligible to a modern reader, and Avhich to many such readers may not be uninteresting. This, however, is more than can be said of the contents of the first seven chapters, which consist of observations and reasonings concerning the office of the senses, the powers of the human intellect, and the history and properties of the material universe. But the following is a translation of the eighth chapter, " On the immortality of the soul as deduced from reason." " Alithia. Pray tell me, brother, whether the immortality of the soul, a doctrine you so often assume, may be deduced from reason. " Phronesis. On this point, Ave neither of us entertain any doubt but that the soul of man is truly immortal ; and consequently, since that soul is identical with the individual man, it follows that the individual in this case Avill ever remain immortal. And this Avas the reason Avhy the apostles underwent death with such courage and boldness, well BOOK THE SECOND. 113 knowing, as they did, that the imprisonment and burden of the flesh was an irksome restraint and oppression to them, and rejoicing that they had met their death in a just cause. " But philosophers assign many reasons whereby to establish this opinion. In the first place, we learn on the authority of Aristotle, and in fact from common experience, that a certain energy in the mind of man is immortal. But no energy or operation can be more permanent than that which is its subject — that is, the mind, or soul, and therefore we must grant that the soul is immoi-tal. Aristotle gives weight to his assumption on this point, by adducing in its favour the intellect of man, which, so far from being enfeebled, is rather invigorated by the weakness of the body, for there is an increase of keenness in the speculative intellect of the old, even when every corporeal faculty has failed them. This perceptive faculty must have a foundation of some sort to rest upon, of a nature not to require such an instrument as the body, and we must therefore rank the human intellect above all the animal faculties aforesaid. For in those faculties animals surpass man, as saith the poet, who shows it from experience, 'the boar excels us in hearing, the spider in touch, the vulture in scent, the lynx in sight, the ape in the sense of tasting.' And thus is it with the five organic interior faculties aforesaid. For since man does not surpass animals in power of body, or in any merely animal sense, we are shut up to the conclusion that he excels them in the operation of his intellect. But what advantage would have been given him, if in the very ponit which constituted his felicity he had been compelled to part with that felicity at death ? For in such case God would seem to cast contempt on his favoured offspring. Man has, therefore, an imderstanding which he takes away from the body along with himself, and which abides for ever. Furthermore, man has a feeling within himself of natural desire to exist for ever, and the wiser men are, the more do they bear testimony to this truth. Since, then, nature is not to be frustrated in a purpose of such consequence, it appears that there is in man, according to natui'e, a certain understanding which exists for ever, and so he is immortal. " In respect to every man we must come to this same conclusion. For if we affirm that immortality belongs to the nature of any one individual, this same property must necessarily be inherent in every individual of a like uatm-e ; otherwise, it would not be inherent by nature, but by chance, or from some other adventitious cause, which we cannot describe, because supposing that soul might have been destroyed in the lapse of time by its contrary, or by any other cause, every one would have become liable to destruction ; otherwise there would have been in it a liability to destruction, without any cause. For things which come I 1 14 THE TRIALOGUS. to their termination at the end of certain periods of time, do not last for ever, because if they did, they would become possessed of an infinite power, beyond that belonging to things of a similar species, which endure only for a limited space. Since, then, man has a longing to exist together with God, as the noblest and most natural limit of his desires, no reason can be assigned, apart from his own demerit, which should hinder the accomplishment of such a purpose, especially when we remember that the destruction of the body does not annihilate that soul, but rather gladdens it. " Hence philosophers and natural reason teach us that it is well to die for the public good, and to avoid what is disgraceful and criminal. But this preference cannot be shown to be rational, unless the man who so dies, can be made possessor of a life after this life. Hence our con- clusion follows. " Our point may be elucidated thus. A man belonging to a com- munity altogether just, may justly consent to die for the salvation of that community, inasmuch as then, greater advantage would accrue both to the individual who died, and to the community ; and inasmuch, moreover, as every man oiight to desire, as an object of preference, that good which, as belonging to the community, is called the pubhc good. For it appears that a man should, in such an emergency, so choose death, that, . according to the law of nature, the possible advantage of the community may be rather chosen. Nor is it to be doubted, but that in many cases, it might be made advantageous to the community that a certain individual should die, than that the same individual should live any longer even virtuotisly. " The same reasoning applies to a man who is put to choose between committing a crime, and following the dictates of virtue, and under- going ternporal death. Suppose, then, it were determined, as by a conscience within the man, that it would be virtuous, and more expedient for him so to die, it might be asked, when the advantage, supposed to arise out of death, would accrue to him — whether before death, or after ? Now it cannot be before death, for death brings no advantage before it comes ; and if it be after death, then it must be the spirit which will, after death, reap that advantage ; and it thus follows that the spirit will remain, for that is not dependent on the body. " Of this sort are the many reasons, amounting almost to demonstra- tion, which have induced the wisest and best-informed to die in this way. In such a cause they have not died in vain, for then wotdd they have been the most wretched and senseless of all men, in common with many beside who persevere in virtue to the end of then- days. Another kind of reward, then, must, in the end, be assigned them by an aU-bountiful Deity, not in this life, inasmuch as God has determined they should die BOOK THE THIRD. 115 in the course of virtue, and we are thus obliged to conchide that it will be in a life to come, and, in consequence, that the soul of man will sur- vive the death of the body. For God justly distributes rewards to the virtuous, without respect of persons, as in the case of the two men before mentioned, — one of whom hves virtuously, and the other hves out the full period of his Hfe-time in vice. It is proper, that according to some admeasurement of time, a reward should, in justice, be allotted to each according to his deserts, — not in this life, as is manifest from the fact of the case, and, therefore, necessarily after death. " And inasmuch as Scripture is full of testimony to this truth, it is most necessary that man shoixld embrace it. It is just as imperative that the Christian should believe that the soul wiU exist after this life, as that he should believe that God is, and that he is the rewarder of the good." " The next foiir chapters consist of observations, partly scriptural, and partly conjectural, regarding the nature of angels, their different ranks and offices, and their fall, punishment, and conflicts. The fourteenth chapter treats of prescience and predestination, in which an attempt is made to reconcile strong opinions on that subject, with sound doctrine concerning human responsibility. The last chapter in this book consists of some discoursing with respect to the heavens, including observations on the seven planets, the stars, the four elements, and the moon, and her influence on the humid properties of the earth. This chapter, while presenting an outline of the defective philosophy of the age, is chiefly remarkable from the intelligent scepticism with which it touches on the dreams of the astrologer and alchemist ; alleging that fancies of that natvu-e had done much to injure the science of medicine, and hardly less to detract from the certainty of the necessary tru.ths proper to the " venerable science of theology." BOOK III. The first chapter in this book is " On the Virtues." Phronesis inti- mates his intention of stating his views on this subject, both practically and speculatively, and accordingly commences by enumerating the various classes of virtues. He divides them into the created and vmcreated. The former are separated into natural and moral. The natural virtues are described as the divisible and indivisible. The " pp. —58. i2 IIG THE TRIALOGUS. moral virtues consist of such as belong to man naturally, and of such as are termed theological, — as faith, hope, and charity. Virtue of the former description is defined by Aristotle as consisting in that dispo- sition, or habit of mind, which chooses the medium most suitable to the individual, according to the dictates of reason. The cardinal virtues are four, — ^justice, fortitude, prudence, and temperance. The intellectual virtues of which man is capable are five, each of them regu- lating, according to reason, the moral virtue which corresponds to it. These five virtues, or powers, are — wisdom, intellect, science, art, and prudence. In this class of virtues "wisdom holds the highest rank. Intellect is defined as that faculty by which we gain our knowledge of the fundamental principles of science, such as that the same thing cannot be, and not be, at the same time, and that the whole must be greater than its parts. By science, we arrive at the results of scien- tific investigation. Art consists, not so much in the manual dexterity which enables us to create works of art, as in a theoretic knowledge of the principles on which all such works should be modelled. Lastly, the office of prudence is direct and practical, and is most closely connected with the moral virtues, each one of which may be said to have its special kind of prudence belonging to it. Aristotle connects the moral virtues with the irrational part of our nature, and calls them elective, because they lead one to choose and delight in the natural end of their being, making it the great object of pursuit ; and because these virtuous dispositions maintain a medium betAveen two extremes, which are alike vicious, he defines this kind of virtue as a disposition which makes choice of the mean course. StiU we are to guard against considering virtue and vice, and the actions consequent upon them, as things having any independent existence. For the medium, as Aristotle reminds us, must not be confounded with an absolute and invariable, or with an arithmetical mean, but must be regarded as one solely relative to ourselves. The medium, then, must be adapted to the circumstances of the follower of virtue, because various means suit various individuals. Every virtue, accord- ingly, miist be accompanied by an appropriate exercise of prudence, and, in consequence, Aristotle completes his definition by saying, that the choice of this mean is determined by the dictate of reason. If the reader does not perceive the meaning of this moral analysis, the fault is not so much with the Reformer, as with the distinguished philo- sopher whose system he is endeavouring to expound. The rest of the chapter is occupied with observations on the conduct of a man who squanders away his property by a profuse generosity; and Phronesis shows that it is not true, as may at first appear, that a virtuous habit has become a vicious one merely by a change of circumstances, but that BOOK THE THIRD. J 1 7 the man continues to give beyond his means, not from a principle of virtue, but from the force of habit ; and that this habit of profusion, while thus unregulated by prudence, is anything but a virtue. In the second chapter, Phronesis defends his departure from Ari- stotle, and shows that the cardinal virtues should be assigned to the will, or to the intellect of man, and should thus occupy a higher place than has been assigned to them by that philosopher. " Neither these," he observes, " nor any of the moral virtues, can dwell in man without the assistance of God's grace. How, I ask, can man merit happiness by living and acting according to the good pleasure of God, imless God shall, of his abundant grace, accept such service ? So whatever man does, or may, as it were, beget in himself by nature, is not called a moral virtue wortliy of reward and everlasting praise, unless it shall have come to him from another, and conseqiiently from the grace of God himself : and no man can ascertain whether he be virtuous in this sense or not except by aid of a revelation from God." Aristotle, he proceeds to say, maintains that the fact of a man's find- ing pleasure in pursuing the dictates of reason, is a sign to him of his having been in the practice of virtue. But this is a sign by no means sufficient to prove the point intended, inasmuch as a man without grace, may feel at times a sincere pleasure in the performance of a virtuous action, and the disbelief of this great fact has been the source of much delusion, disposing many to think " that a man may be absolved from his sins, by the mere form of words, or the laying on of hands in the sacrament." Phronesis then discusses the subject of Faith. He remarks, that the term is sometimes used to denote the act of believing, sometimes a believing habit of mind, and sometimes the truth which is believed. There is, according to the schoolmen, a faith which is incomplete, as that of devils who believe and tremble ; and another kind of faith Avhich becomes perfect, as being inwrought by charity. This charity belongs necessarily to all who are true believers, and all men destitute of it are in a sense unbelievers. There are three properties belonging to faith. First, that it relates wholly to truth, to the exclusion of all error — truth which the believer should defend, even to the death. Secondly, it is proper to faith, that the object of it should not admit of demon- stration, that it should be obscure to the eye of sense, inasmuch as we cannot be said to believe in that which we see. Thirdly, faith is the foundation or substance giving to the pilgrim rest in the objects of his behef — the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen." " " Quamvis autem fidelis noscat confuse omnes articulos fidei, et habeat evidentiam, etiam de- monstrationem, ad aliquos articulos fidei cofjiioscendum, iion tamen oportet ipsaiii ex liinc, a merito suo excidere. Licet viator uon ut sic habeat rationem meriti, et crediderit veritatem sensibilem. 118 THE TRIALOGUS. The believer is further described as a man who has bestowed upon him by God, a faith which is unmixed with hesitation.'* It is added, that every man committing sin must so do as an unbeliever ; for had he been mindful of the punishment to be inflicted on the sinner, of the in- spection of God as constantly over him, and of the other objects of faith always present to a believer, he would not have so done. The third chapter treats of Hope and Charity. Hope is said to be distinguished from faith in three respects. First, hope has regard only to the realising of some future good, but faith has respect to truth universally, and simply as such. Secondly, hope falls short of that evidence and knowledge concerning its object which belong to faith, but rests in the medium between doubt and credulity; and so logicians say concerning the objects of hope, that they neither deny, know, nor doubt respecting them, but simply suppose them. Thirdly, hope has reference only to a good which is possible to the person hoping. Faith, on the contrary, has respect to things which may be advantageous or disadvan- tageous to the person who believes, as Avell as to things with which he has no concern. But the virtue especially necessary to the Christian pilgrim is charity. Without charity no man can enter heaven. It is the wedding-garment, the want of which must bring condemnation in the last judgment. True charity consists in loving God with all the heart, and soul, and mind — and these three terms have reference to the love due to the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit respectively. This command, though the first and the greatest, is but poorly observed by our fallen and unhappy race. The second command is like the first — that we love all the works of God, and especially that we love our neighbour as ourselves. We all profess to be observant of this miitual charity, but our actions proclaim the con- trary, and our actions are intitled to more credence than our words. To love God is the same thing as to love his law. This is plain from the Gospel, " If ye love me, keep my commandments.'"' We may test our love to the law of God by three things — by our atten- tion to it, our observance of it, and our readiness to defend it. " Do not the laws of men," it is observed, " and other created objects, convict us of ignorance and contempt with regard to the law of God ? Do we not love other things more, to which we give more attention ? Wlio is there, I ask, who doth not reckon of more importance his own advantage in the Et sic intelUgi potest Grego. in Otnilia de octava paschae, quod fides non habet meritum et cet. Nee video quomodo viator posset in statu isto peregrinando proficere ad beatitudinem promerendam, nisi prinio omnium sit fidelis."- — pp. 84, 85. • " Fidelis autem est, qui liabet fidcm a Deo infusam sine aliqua trepidatione fidei contraiia, qu THE TRTALOGUS. means free from blame : his sin, as an individual, might be light, but he gave occasion to his weak successors to sin in a far greater degree ; for before the time of that endowment, when apostolic men were more humble, men were regarded as deserving in proportion as they were found useful to the church." " But now, by reason of endowments, while they are boimd to be more humble, they are less so ; foolishly under- taking to serve the church beyond their powers of service, and in this very way they incapacitate themselves for being useful to the church, and become negligent of the counsel and command of Christ in respect to temporal things, and dominion over them." In the remaining part of the chapter, the degrading nature of the vice to which it relates, is strongly set forth ; and the saying of Constantine, " That gluttony destroys more men than tlte sword," is cited against it. Wycliffe con- cludes by advising the practice of moderate fasting as alike beneficial to mind and body. The twenty-fourth chapter, " On the Proneness of Man to Sin," contains some curious thoughts in respect to the connexion which is supposed to subsist between sin as pertaining to the soul, and mortality as affecting the body. Alithia, speaking of the condition of man in paradise, says, it was, as relating to the body, a state of mor- tality ; but as the well-being of the body is dependent on the influence " Dante, who appeared about half a century earlier than Wycliffe, makes repeated mention of this supposed endowment of the church by Constantine, in the time of Sylvester, bishop of Rome. Ah, Constantine ! to how much ill gave birth, Not thy conversion, but that plenteous dower Which the first wealthy father gained from thee ! Inferno, Canto xix. The following is a further reference to the same fact: — As in Soracte, Constantine besought, To cure his leprosy, Sylvester's aid. Ibid. Canto xxvii. In his treatise De Monarchia, Dante thus expresses himself. — Dicunt quidam adhuc, quod Con- stantinus Imperator, mundatus a lepra intercessione Sylvcstri, tunc summi pontiticis, imperii sedem, silicet Romam, donavit ecclesiae, cum multis aliis, imperii dignitatibus. "There are those who still say that the Emperor Constantine, having been healed of a leprosy, through the intercession of Sylvester, then supreme pontiff, gave Rome, the seat of the empire, to the church, along with many other imperial dignities." — Lib. iii. In the same book Dante further touches on this subject. — Ergo scindere imperium, imperatori non licet. Si ergoaliqufe dignitates per Constantinum essent alienata (ut dicunt) ab imperio, &c. — " Therefore to make a rent in the empire, exceeds the lawful power of the emperor himself. If then some dignities were alienated by Constantine (as they say) from the empire," &c. Milton's version of this story is as follows : Ah, Constantine ! of how much ill was cause. Not thy conversion, but those rich domains That the lirst wealthy pope received of thee ! Then passed he to a flowery mountain green. Which once smelt sweet, now stinks as odiously ; This was that gift, if you the truth will have. That Constantine to good Sylvester gave. Gary's Dante, Canto xix. xxvii. BOOK THE THIRD. 127 of the mind, man, through the innocence of his spiritual nature, was immortal. Hence, of necessity, when the soul drew back from God, through sin, and man became wanting in the fall influence of God, so far as the soul was concerned, his body, from that cause, became subject to suffering, and being in the lowest grade of the existences endowed with immortality, man sunk necessarily below that grade, and became subject to death, and corporeal suffering. In concluding, Phronesis expresses his conviction, that through the infinite compassion of God, the fall of man fi-om a state of innocence, has been made to subserve the introduction of a greater amount of good than would have resulted from his continuance in that state. The next chapter is on the question, " Why the Sin of Satan is not to be forgiven ? " and contains some speculations still further removed from the range of the comprehensible. " In order to the forgiveness of sin," it is said, " there must be an active virtue in the agent, and some disposition toward penitence. But this is not the case with Satan, and so his sins are not forgiven. Again, the sin of Satan is the sin against the Holy Ghost, the sin of final impenitence; and as Adam committed sin against the wisdom of God the Father, whose wisdom became on that account incarnate, so for the salvation of Satan, it would be necessary that the third person in the Trinity should become incarnate ; and as that cannot be, the sin of Satan cannot be forgiven." In this manner did the greatest geniuses of the middle age meddle with questions which were " too high" for them. On " the Incarnation," the Reformer discourses as follows ; — " As we discern the uncreated Trinity, by reasoning a posteriori from the trinity of the soul, so from the union of the soul and body we become acquainted with the incarnation of our Lord. For as the created spirit, united to the animated body, makes one human person, the same as to the spirit, however the corporeal nature may vary, so we must, in great part, form our conception in regard to the person of the Word ; because he assumed in the unity of his person, a comj)lete humanity, becoming that human person which had an eternal pre- existence, inasmuch as according to his nature, as the Word, he had existed from- eternity. We are not to understand, that the created spirit in man has any perception which it does not communicate to the compound person of man, but whatever the human spirit perceives, that the compound person perceives, and vice versa. We must consider in the same light the person of the Word, and the manhood assumed, so that the compound divine person perceives whatever the person of the Word perceives. And whatever the assumed humanity suffers, that compound person suffers. We are not to understand that the person of the Word, or the Deity, is part of that man, just as the aforesaid spirit is not 128 THE TRIALOGUS. an integral part of man, but in reality the whole man. Hence we see, that as in the matter of the Trinity, three persons are the same di\dne nature, so in the matter of the incarnation, three natui'es, namely, — body, soul, and the Divine nature, are each the same person of the "Word." The twenty-eighth chapter is " On the Number of the Saved." Phronesis thinks, that as many of the human race will be finally saved, as there were angels that fell, or as many as would have been created, supposing our race to have remained in innocence ; so that by the grace of God, the fall of angels, and the fall of man, have been made produc- tive of good. The next chapter touches on one of the most conspicuous elements in the false rehgion of the times — the worship offered to saints. Phronesis states, that the Divine perfection of Christ is far beyond the reach of any human attainment, and absolutely necessary to the salvation of mankind ; and proceeds to observe, that in consequence of this acknow- ledged principle, holy men are to be praised only in so far as they have been followers of Christ. " This custom is, with reason, observed by our chiirch, that who- soever entreats a saint, should direct his prayer to Christ as God, not to the saint especially, but to Christ. Nor doth the celebration or festival of such a saint avail anything, except so far as it tends to the magni- fying of Christ, inciting us to honoiu- him, and provoking and inflaming our love to him. And, accordingly, if there be any celebration of the saints, which is not retained within these limits, it is not to be doubted that cupidity, or some other evil, is the cause of such services. Hence many think it would be profitable to the church, were aU festi- vals of that nature to be abolished, and those which have relation to Christ alone retained ; because, say they, the memory of Christ would be kept more freshly in the mind, and the devotion of the common people would not be unduly distributed among the members of Christ. But however this may be, it is certain that the solemn services, and the devotion paid to any such saint, is of no use, except in so far as it incites to love of Christ, and is such as may tend to procure his advo- cacy. For our faith assures us, that Christ is the mediator between God and man. Hence many are of opinion, that when prayer was directed only to that middle person of the Trinity for spiritual help, the church was more flourishing, and made greater advances than it does now, when many new intercessors have been found out and introduced." The closing chapter of this book is meant to show, " How the Law of Christ is infinitely superior to aU other Laws." Alithia opens the dialogue on this subject by expressing apprehension that Phronesis will obtain small thanks from the " Satraps" of the age, for the opinions BOOK THE THIRD. 129 broached in the last chapter; adding, that so many are the assailants of the authority of Scripture on such subjects, that few seem to be capable of estimating it at its just value. " I have learnt from experience," replies Phronesis, " the truth of your observation, and the chief cause of this state of things is, I doubt not, our unbelief We do not sincerely believe in our Lord Jesus Christ, or we should hold the authority of the Scripture, and especially that of the evangelists, as of infinitely greater weight than any other. "Inasmuch as it is the desire of the Holy Spirit," he proceeds to say, " that our attention should not be dispersed over a large number of objects, but be concentrated on one necessary matter, it is his will that the books of the old and new law should be read and studied ; and that men should not be taken up with other books, which, true as they may be, and containing Scripture truth as they may by implication, are not to be confided in explicitly. Hence Augustine (Book II. De Ordine Rerum) often enjoins it on his readers, that none should give credit to his writings or his words, except in so far as tliey have their foundation in Scripture, wherein, as he often saith, is contained all truth, either exphcitly or implicitly. Of course, we should judge in the same manner concerning the writings of other holy doctors ; and much more so concerning the writings of the Romish church, and doctors of a later date. "Accordingly, that the Holy Scriptures may be more duly estimated, every truth which is not manifest to the Christian from the simple evidence of his senses, should be deduced Irom Scripture, at least if the faithful are to place credence in it. And then the Scriptures would be held in reverence, and the papal bulls superseded, as they ought to be, and the veneration of men for the laws of the papacy, as well as for the doctrines of our modern doctors, promulgated since the loosing of Satan, would be kept within due bounds. How do writings of this sort concern the faithful, save as they are honestly deduced from the fountain of Scripture ? By such a course, we should not only reduce the mandates of the popes, and of other prelates, to their just place, but the errors of the new orders would be corrected, and the worship of Christ would be purified and elevated. In this view, those upstart doctors are to be accounted as especially worthy of all detestation, who endeavour to maintain, that Holy Writ, of aU writings or sayings, is the most false, and especially the words of Christ in the Gospel of John, which they think they can clearly demonstrate by their logic. In truth, of aU heretical doctrines, I know of none more damnable than this, of none more fit for the purposes of Antichrist, none more hvirtful to the faith of Christ. All the sophistries of Antichrist on this subject, lie concealed under this foul covering — ' I understand Holy Writ in this way, and K 130 THE TRIALOGUS. according to my logic it ought so to be understood ; but the sense which I attach to it amounts to an impossibihty ; therefore Scripture, if logically interpreted, and by consequence the Author of Scripture, must be accoxmted false, and most unworthy of credit.' " It is by reasoning, which, pushed to its results, must lead to impiety of this complexion, that the anti-scripturahsts have generally endeavoured to vindicate their conduct, when substituting some other authority in place of the immediate authority of the Divine word. Phronesis meets this argument by saying — " It is no faiilt of the Scripture, if the heretic be found understanding it in a wrong sense. It is not subject to his judgment. On the con- trary, it condemns him. The error of his understanding Hes mainly in his pride, in his foolish confidence in his own logic ; whereas the logic of Scripture itself is the most correct, the most subtle, and to be most followed." It is expedient, he adds, to the obtaining of such a complete ac- quaintance with the Scriptures, that the believer should be instructed in sound logic, and by a philosophy chastened from the Lord. Then follows a reference to the "manifold armour" with which the disciple of truth should be provided, when opposed to " the disciples of Anti- christ." The modern reader will probably smile, when he finds among _ the requisites enumerated, such matters as the following — just views in respect to " universals ; " such an acquaintance with "the metaphysics of the schools " as may include a knowledge of " the quiddity of time, and ■ other accidents, and how it is that accidents are nothing but dispositions formally inherent in their subjects ; " such an acquaintance, moreover, with the nature of the Creator and the created, and the relations between them, as to see that God is an " everlasting ideal," an " eternal existence in his own genus, and a necessary antecedent;" and to see that " the essence of matter is everlasting, and material forms only so many arrangements of it, though they are quiddities of species and genera ! " But we must concede much in this form to the tastes of a man who — " In philosophia nulli I'eputabatur secundus : in scholas- ticis disciplinis iucomparabilis." ON THE EUCHARIST. LSI SECTION II. CHAPTERS TRANSLATED FROM THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE TRIA- LOGUS RELATING TO THE DOCTRINE OF THE SACRAMENTS^ THE HIERARCHY, AND THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. I. ON THE EUCHARIST. Alithia. I wish, brothei" Phronesis, you would speak of the Eucha- rist, the last sacrament but one, because it is regarded with greater reverence than the other sacraments, and appears to have most founda- tion in Scripture, especially as in our own day this matter has been the subject of so much intricate discussion. And to prevent our being entangled in equivocal terms, it will be necessary to specify the quiddity of this venerable sacrament. " <• Many ecclesiastics of tlie time wrote in refutation of the doctrine of Wycliffe, especially as set \ forth in this treatise. The most distinguished person in this class was the friar William Wodeford, | or Woodford. Woodford wrote several pieces opposed to the doctrine of the Reformer, but the piece I best known is on the eighteen articles from the Trialogus condemned in the Synod of London is 1396. This work was written at the command of Arundal, Archbishop of Canterbury. It was first ' printed in 1535, and was reprinted in 1690 in the Fasciculus Rerum edited by Brown. The work extends to seventy-five closely-printed folio pages. The articles on the eucharist, condemned in the synod referred to, are the following : 1. That the substance of the bread remains on the altar after the consecration, and that the bread ^ does not cease to be. 2. That as John was Elias figuratively and not personally, so the bread is figuratively and not i/^ naturally the body of Christ. 3. That the sacrament of the eucharist is naturally true bread, speaking conformably (as before) concerning material bread, white and round. Which the court of Rome determined in the chapter — Ego Berengarius. Tlie method of Woodford in dealing with these articles is, in the first place, to adduce against thenr the authority of fathers, doctors, and ecclesiastical writers from the earliest time to his own, and then to reason, in the manner usual on such topics, in favour of the received doctrine. The mental contrast between the Reformer and his antagonist is striking and instructive : on the side a spirit of bold innovation meets us everywhere ; on the other all is abject submission Woodford we see the mind which Anrf been; in Wycliffe the mind which M>as to be. Fasciculus Rerum, 1. 190 — 204. Concilium Londinense. Acta Conciliorum, Harduin. vii. 1723. k2 l^ le one J-t 1. In \ I 132 THE TRIALOGUS. Phronesis. We must be aware by the ordinary testimony of our senses that the priest approaches the altar, and makes or consecrates out of the bread and mne a something that remains, and is cognisable by the senses, which the common people understand to be the body and blood of Jesus Christ. Accordingly, let vis speak first of the round white wafer, to all appearance like a host which has not been hallowed by a consecrated presbyter, which the priest afterwards breaks and eats, and which undergoes changes like those to which an unconsecrated host is subject; as, for instance, it may be eaten by a mouse, may grow mouldy with time, and such hke. Let us speak first of this. Now there are certain modern heretics, ■who declare that this is not a sacrament, that they may escape the in- consistencies which follow from their errors. These men, opposed as much to the ancient as to the modern divines, must be assailed with caution, by asking at the outset what the ordinary sacrament of the eucharist strictly is, and they will either be driven to equivocate or be unable to escape, since this consecrated host must be a sacrament of some kind. The same holds of the other sin sacraments ; they are plainly of a modical entity and permanence like this. No reason can be adduced to show that this is not a sacrament of the church in the same sense vfith the other sacraments. This is plain from a cursory examination of the quiddity of baptism, confirmation, and the other four above mentioned. We must adopt the common language here also, but the church in her prayers commonly calls this thing a sacrament, while the papal enactments call it a sacrament and not a thing, and the doctors generally say it is sacramentally the body of Christ. Since, then, the sacrament of the eucharist is a thing of some kind, and the body of Christ is not therein visible, we are shut up to the conclusion that the sensible sign, the sacrament, does not remain in it, except what is signified by the differentia of the accidens. There is, however, a threefold distinctive mode in this sacrament, in common with the others, namely, that of the sacrament, and the thing ; the thing and not the sacrament ; the sacrament and not the thing : these terms shoidd be clearly understood. The body of the Lord, which is above, is called the sacrament and the thing. It is called a sacrament because it is the sensible sign of the soul, the deity, and the grace of Christ ; and since it is itself signified by the host which we consecrate, it is called, in this respect, the thing of this same sacra- ment; and this thing, Avhich is naturally the body of Christ, is called the eucharist, the host consecrated before the death of our Lord, and a mul- titude of other names, which have supplied matter for many tedious argu- ments. .Again, this sensi]:)le f A f//^, commonly called the consecrated bread, is called a sacrament and not a thing, not in the sense of its not being ON THE EUCHARIST. 138 anything, since, as we see, it is obvious enough to the senses, but in the sense of its not being that holy thing primarily signified by the sensible sign which we see, because it is not naturally the body of Christ. As to the third member of the devisers, making it a thing and not a sacra- ment, the term has reference to the union of Christ with the church, which is designated necessarily by this sensible sacrament. Many are the errors into which men have fallen with regard to the quiddity of this sensible sacrament. Some, for instance, say, that it is an accident without a subject ; others, that it is nothing, since it is an aggregate of many accidents not all of one genus, against which I have many a time inveighed, both in the language of the schools and of the common people ; for of all the heresies that have ever sprung up in the church, I think there is not one more artfully introduced by hypocrites, or a more manifold fraud upon the people. It wrongs the people, and causes them to commit idolatry. It denies Scripture, and by its unbe- lief often provokes the truth to wrath.* • ^ In this place I shall briefly set forth the doctrine as supported by the i,,-'^ testimony of Scripture. In the first place, this sacrament is the body of Christ in the form of bread. And whereas many heretics oppose this statement, and say that this sacrament is an accident, or nothing, and cannot be the body of Christ, even though the body of Christ were every particle hidden in it, they are all of them manifestly wily heretics, — I say wily, because they are aware that the majority hold the doctrine I have stated, and these men will not, know not how, or else are afraid to ^-J^;^ make known their belief. Since this article_ofjca tholic beli ef is so ^ i broadly expressed in Scripture, the doctrine contrary to it is manifestly ^ heretical. Can any one thing, I ask, be more contrary to another than the doctrine which affirms this sacrament to be sacramentally the body of Christ, and the self-contradictory doctrine maintaining that this sacrament cannot be in any sense the body of Christ ? Again, in regard to the second part, what can be more opposed than the doctrine which says that this sacrament is natiu-ally real bread, and tliat which contradicts itself, and holds that this sacrament cannot be bread, because it is a mere accident — or nothing? It would be well for the church imiversal to attend to this matter, and anxiously to examine what it is they should believe on the ground of Scripture, because this matter is decided with greater complete- ness, authority, and moderation, in the Gospel of Christ than in the court of Eome. This very court, before the loosing of Satan, was plainly in agreement with the ancient doctrine aforesaid, as is evident from Con. Dis. II. c. Ego Berengarius, and so were all the holy doctors « Sic—" ad iracuudiara provocat veritatem " 134 THE TRIALOGUS. who treated of the subject prior to that time."' After that time, however, the Scriptures were neglected, and many heresies were circulated on this subject, especially among the friars, and the disciples of that school — as, ,in fact, the two errors mentioned above sufficiently show. The friars especially maintain these errors, and defend them with obstinacy, not only Haspheming Christ, and the commandments of his holy word, bu.t slan- dering the pope, and the couat of Eome, in defence of their nest, as well as prelates, secular lords, simple priests, and the whole mass of the common people. Thus saith the Scripture, Matt, xxvi., " And as they were eating Jesus took bi'ead,'''' &c. and the same in Mark xiv. ; Luke xxii. ; and ICor. xi. Accordingly our church vises this form at the consecration of the host. Qui pridie j)ateretur^ &c. Corpus meum, &c. In all these places the meaning is the same, though there is a slight difference in the terms em- ployed. From a faith so authoritatively promulgated, I would argue as follows with heretics : — Christ, who cannot^ejSaid^^that the^read he took in his hands was really his body ; in this he did not err, he did not assert what was fals'e, accordingly it was tr uly&o! This reasoning gives evSTjriSeliever full warraSOo abominate the aforesaid heresies, and whereby to convict the friars and their accomphces of heresy. Hence, prior to the loosing of Satan, Jerome, that distinguished student of Scrip- ttire, in treating of this subject in a letter to Helvidius, concludes in the following terms : " We may hear," saith he, " that the bread he brake and gave to his disciples to eat, is the body of our Lord and Saviour by his own words — ' this is my body.' " II. WHAT IS DENOTED BY THE PRONOUN "THIS" IN THE WORDS OF CONSECRATION. Alithia. I am delighted, brother, with yom- clear statement in regard to the faith of the church, which has been only too long hidden. I see not how the friars, or others, can escape your reasoning, without <• On the doctrine of Berenger, as opposed to tlie notion of transubstantiation, and on the unfixed state of that doctrine in the church of Rome, until the age to which Wycliffe refers, see Mosheim, ii. 465, 466, 548—569. ON THE EUCHARIST. 135 either inventing a sense for this passage of Scripture, or actually refusing to believe it. Phronesis. Neither we ourselves, nor any one besides, can deny the force of this reasoning, and the good cathoHc should cherish it with care, as very dear to him. But heretics have assigned various signifi- cations to this ScriptiU'e. In the first place, they say, that the pronoun ^\this" in the proposition of the sacrament, " this is my body,''' denotes simply the body of our Lord, and not the bread, for otherwise, accord- ing to them, the proposition would be falser. As to what John, " On God," and other ilhterate heretics maintain, that the pronoun denotes nothing, I pass it over, as not worthy to be mentioned, and proceed to bring argument in full against the first heresy. The former. of these pronouns denotes the bread which Christ took in his hands, and the pronoun following it, the same thing which was before denoted by the other. The subject, therefore, of the sacramental proposition, refers to this same bread. How is the believer to comprehend that Christ took bread in his hands, blessed, brake it, and gave it his disciples to eat, u.nless he understands by the former pronoun, " bread ? " For the sacramental words had not yet been uttered, that it should cease to be bread. Our opinion is confirmed by Matt, xxvi., where Christ bids all his apostles di-ink of that cup, which they did. Also Mark xiv., " And he took the cup, and when he had given thanks, he gave it to them, and they aU drank of it," and in the same way, concerning the bread ; whence the apostle's words, in 1 Cor. xi. are " For as often as ye eat this bread," &c. : and from all this it appears, either that the Author of Scripture gives us a false representation, or that the apostles ate of the bread offered them by Christ. From the same source it is also plain, that the second pronoun denotes the same bread which is made the subject of the sacramental proposition, — " this is my body," for, otherwise, the causal would be in every view absurd; and, besides, Christ would have been deluding his church. This reasoning, founded on the object denoted by the pronoun, ought to give the faithful abundant confidence. The words of Christ j)oint out the object of which the apostles took cognisance; but it is incon- sistent to make them denote the mere body of Christ in its proper nature. Our Lord's words, then, must denote something else ; and nothing can they denote pertinently, more than the bread which Christ had held out to them in his hand. If the^ mere.„natural body of our Lord is meant, then the signification of these vyords of Christ wovxld be, " This my body is my body." But with this the apostles were acquainted before ; and it would be out of place, in connexion with the injunction, that they should each eat of the bread. Again, if the reference of the pronoun to bread be out of place in 13G THE TRIALOGUS. this connexion, how can it consistently be taught that the transubstan- tiation of the bread, by virtue of the words pronounced at the sacra- ment, is an accident witliout a subject, and an innovation of Christ's body in place of the sacramental bread ? This fictitious reference, which they ascribe to these pronouns, does away ^vith the entire mean- ing of the sacrament. Again, in the second sacramental clause concerning the wine, that wine in the cup is meant; therefore, by the connexion from a suificient resemblance between this clause about the wine, and the former one in which the bread is consecrated, it appears plainly, that this same bread must be referred to, because no catholic would deny that the contents of the cup are meant, by metonymy; for Christ, in Markxiv. speaks thus — " This is my blood of the new testament." There is no catholic in existence, who believes that cup of metal to be, sacramentally, the blood of Christ, but understands the term as referring to the wine contained in it. Further, to lay bare the "\vily turnings of this sophistry, the Holy Spirit ordained that it should be written in the masculine gender, Hie est sanguis meiis^ (this is my blood;) wherefore, among the many significations of scriptural passages, concerning which we are certain, this is one of the most certain, that in this, the proposition of the sacra- ment, bread, or wine, is meant. This being admitted, the catholic must pass over to the complex signification of the sacramental proposition, " this is my body," abandon- ing, as the height of heresy, the opinion that the Gospel, especially the words of Christ, can contain anything impossible or inappropriate. But since every word of Christ's is true, and, in the highest sense of the term, catholic, and Christ has said that this bread is his body, it follows, manifestly, that this is true. It is about this point, however, that heretics maintain their struggle ; they cannot deny that the pro- noun denotes bread, and so they assign an extremely heretical compound, threefold signification. They say, first, that this, — namely, the bread, — is not the body of Christ, but that, by virtue of the sacramental words, it will be, in a certain way, the body of Christ. The second method appears more heretical still, for the opinioii, that the bread will after- ward become the body of Christ, is as inadmissible as the heretic's own error; for, according to his showing, that bread would then be turned into, or identified with, the body of Christ, and, consequently, it would end in transubstantiation, and hence be the veritable body of Christ. Thus, in tlie second interpretation, we correct the first, — that this bread will become, in a certain manner, the body of Christ. The third course, again, (it being evident that nothing of that biead will remain in the body of Christ,) consists in denying any prior sense at all, saying, that the Author of Scripture means that this accident, per se, ON THE EUCHARIST. 137 without any subject, is the sacramental sign of the body of Christ. And this is the signification of the proposition, — " This is my body." The heretic sees that neither the matter, nor the form of bread, is trans- muted into the body of Christ. In fact, the things themselves do not ' agree in subject; accordingly, he regards it as evident, that the catholic should not admit, that out of this bread Avill be made the body of Christ, as a statue is made out of bronze, or day is made out of night, (for they are both incongruous in subject,) but because these accidents, />er se, without a subject, are sacramentally the figures of the body of Christ. Oh, howjibqmijQable is that figment, which would make it appear, that it is not bread which is denoted by that pronoun, — as is shown above ! An impossibihty, according to our modern doctors, is incomprehen- siljle ; and according to Augustine, and other saints, it cannot be included even in the Divine Omnipotence, and so concerning the whole affair, these men are at a loss to express the genus of the accident to which this venerable sacrament should be referred. They speak falsely, there- fore, when they say, that it might be meaner than horse-food, or than anything that may be named. So then, as these heretics, subseqixent to the time of the loosing of Satan, have had no more understanding of this term than magpies, and as they falsely assert that neither Christ nor his apostles understood it, and so, of course, none of the fathers who came after them; Ave need not directly refute this error, for believers well know how constantly the body of Christ is made anew by an idiotic and unworthy priest; and it is ncrt until these sacramental words have been duly uttered, that the accident "without a subject is cre- ated ; so that the demonstrative pronoun of the sacramental proposition may remain for ever without denoting an accident without a subject, so long as the bread continues bread. It is tMs doctrine of the saints, that whosoever imposes upon Scrip- ture a sense foreign to it, such as the Holy Spirit requireth not, such a man must be a heretic. This sense given to the above terms, by the persons alkided to, neither Scripture, revelation, nor reason can estab- hsh. No one of the saints, prior to the loosing of Satan, was acquainted with it." Jerome, Augustine, and other saints, and a vigorous reason, aU totally contradict it. The doctrine, then, must be whoUy abandoned, as one of special ftilsehood. These men must amend Holy Writ, and make it say, not that the accident Avithoiit a subject, which they cannot com- prehend, is the body of Christ, but that it is the sign of thebody of Christ, ■ But how then, by virtue o f_this sentence, comes t ransubstan- tiationj,or the accident without a subject ? Since this accident without a subject, may eqiially signify the body of Christ, these heretics cannot state at what instant transiibstantiatipn, or the accident withotit a subject, really takes place. 138 . THE TEIALOGUS. Thus, then, is this three-fold doctrine annihilated, a doctrine con- temptible and erroneous, after the manner of aU other heresies which affect to be the doctrine of Christ. We must abide,._ihen,-liyL ±he \ ,'opinion of the learned and acute Jerome, who says, that the bread, by y virtue of Christ's word, is, sacramentally, the body of our Saviour. Of what sort tliatjaread is, and of what it is in its o^Yn natiu'e, the true 'theologian can see by observation of other hosts, not consecrated. \ III. SHOWING THAT THE BREAD REMAINS BREAD AFTER CONSECRATION. Alithia. I am delighted with your stringent and lucid replies to the heretics in this matter, and the more so, because so great a multitude of friars, and others, who call themselves Christians, exclaim against your doctrine, and plot in various ways against your life. According to your former statements, these men are, of necessity, manifest heretics, and, consequently, should be expelled the church, or, at least, excluded from every grade of ecclesiastical dignity, and so from all holding of temporalities and receiving of alms. I_pray you^ uow, to explain how it is that the bread remains bread after consecration, for many declare that if they had behoved thus, they would never have observed the ceremony as they have done. Phkonesis. On a subject of this nature, we must attend to the -words of Scripture, and give them absolute credence. And the words of Scripture tell us tTiatl;hi's~sacrament is the body of Chri st, n ot_that it rvill be, or that it is sacrameutally"a"j'i(/^