QJ.'- 
 
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NEW,  USEFUL,   AND  VALUABLE 
 
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 PUBLISHED   BY 
 
 EFFINGHAM    WILSON, 
 
 ROYAL  EXCHANGE,  LONDON, 
 
 iSoofescllcr  to  t\)e  lEmpcror  of  all  tje  Mui8<itas. 
 
 VOYAGES  AND  TRAVELS. 
 
 CALABRIA, 
 
 DURING  A  MILITARY  RESIDENCE  OF  THREE  YEARS. 
 
 In  a  Series  of  Letters. 
 
 Bv  A  GENERAL  OFFICER  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY. 
 
 From  the  Original  MS.     In  one  vol.  8vo. 
 
 In  2  vols,  post  8vo.  with  a  Portrait,  Price  21s. 
 TOUR    OF    A    GERMAN'    PRINCE. 
 
 TOUR    IN    GERMANY,    HOLLAND,    AND    ENGLAND: 
 Forming  the  two   concluding   volumes   of  the  Tour  of  a  German 
 Prince.     Comprising,  London, — The  Nobility,  and  their  Mansions, 
 &c. — the  Ascot,   Newmarket,  Doncaster,   and    York    Races; — and 
 Tour  to  the  North  of  England,  &c. 
 
 Also,  price  18s.  a  New  Edition  of  Vols.  I.  and  II. ; 
 
 Comprising  the  SOUTHERN  and  WESTERN  PARTS  of  ENG- 
 LAND, WALES,  IRELAND,  and   FRANCE. 
 
 "  The  Tour  of  a  German  Prince  is  a  work  of  much  interest  to  Englishmen,  since  it 
 tells  with  truth  and  without  ceremony,  what  an  individual  capable  of  judging,  really 
 thinks  of  our  country  and  its  people.  The  writer,  indeed,  appears  to  liave  carefully 
 committed  to  paper  the  events  of  every  day  at  its  close  ;  hence  the  impressions  are 
 most  distinct,  striking  and  lively  ;  so  graphic  and  true,  indeed,  are  his  pictures, 
 that  we  feel  as  if  we  were  the  companions  of  his  Journey,  and  the  partakers 
 of  his  adventures." — Scotsman,  \lth  Jatmary,  1832. 
 
 The  Work  complete  in  4  Vols.  Price  39s. 
 
 SKETCHES  OF  BUENOS   AYRES,  CHILI,  &  PERU. 
 
 By  SAMUEL  HAIGH,  Esq. 
 
 "  We  recommend  the  book  as  an  unpretending  production,  abounding  in  fair  and 
 impartial  observations,  in  interesting  facts,  in  description  of  manners  faithful,  while 
 they  are  picturesque." — Athencsum. 
 
 1  Vol.  8vo.,  with  a  Map.     Price  12?.  boards. 
 
 ^iketclbts  of  ^BcrmuUa,  or  Vomers'  )[slantrs. 
 
 With  a  Map  and  Plates, 
 By  RICHARD  COTTER,  R.N. 
 This  is  the  only  separate  account  of  the  Bermudas  ever  pubhshed. 
 V     In  One  Vol.  8vo.,  Price  7s.  6d.  in  cloth  boards. 
 
2  MEDICAL    BOOK?. 
 
 EMIGRATION  TO   C. IX. -IDA. 
 INQUIRIES    OF    AN    EMIGRANT, 
 
 Being  the  NARRATIVE  OF  AN  ENGLISH  FARMER  from  the 
 year  1824  to  1830,  during  which  period  he  traversed  the  United 
 States  of  America  and  the  British  Province  of  Canada,  with  a  view 
 to  settle  as  an  Emigrant;  containing  Observations  on  the  Manners, 
 Soil,  Climate,  and  Husbandry  of  the  Americans ;  with  Estimates  of 
 Outfit,  Charges  of  Voyage,  and  Travelling  Expenses,  and  a  compa- 
 rative Statement  of  the  Advantages  offered  in  the  United  States  and 
 Canada  :  thus  enabling  persons  to  form  a  judgment  on  the  propriety 
 of  Emigration, 
 
 By  JOSEPH  PICKERING, 
 Late  of  Fennv  Stratford,  Buckinghamshire,   and   now  of  Canada. 
 
 "  The  author  of  this  little  work  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  a  plain,  practical 
 English  farmer.  His  Narrative  is  interspersed  with  a  number  of  amusinf;  incidents 
 and  useful  hints,  accompanied  also  with  such  other  remarks  as  occasion  and  circum- 
 stances seemed  to  require.  Tlicre  is  one  quality  in  this  little  work  which  we  cannot 
 but  value — and  which  is,  the  absence  of  ail  attempt  at  deception." — Farmer's  Journal. 
 
 A  New  Edition,  with  correct  information  on  the  Soils  of  the 
 different  Locations,  and  Ilis  Majesty's  Commissioners'  Regulations 
 for  Emigrants. 
 
 MEDICAL  BOOKS, 
 
 FOR     FAMILY     AND     PROFESSIONAL     USE. 
 
 ON   INDIGESTION    AND    COSTIVENESS, 
 
 With  Hints  to  both  Sexes  on  the  important,  safe,  and  efficacious  means 
 of  relieving  Diseases  of  the  Digestive  Organs  by  Lavements  ;  in- 
 eluding  Directions  for  the  selection  and  use  of  Apparatuses  for  their 
 Administration ;  and  the  best  Medicinal  Preparations  for  Intestinal 
 and  other  Injections.  To  which  is  added,  Observations  on  the  mode 
 of  preserving  Health  and  prolonging  Life,  by  Air,  Exercise,  Sleep, 
 Clothing,  &c.  ;  including  many  useful  Family  Prescriptions.  The 
 whole  illustrated  by  Wood  Engravings. 
 
 By    EDWARD    JUKES,    Surgeon, 
 Inventor  of  the  Stomach  Pump. 
 
 Second  Edition,  with  considerable  Additions  and  Extra  Plates. 
 Price  5s.  cloth  boards. 
 
 '•  Mr.  Jukes  deserves  well  of  society  for  the  information  he  has  given  in  tliis  book. 
 He  is  both  an  ingenious  mechanic,  and  a  man  of  sound  professional  abilities." 
 
 Metropolitan. 
 
 ELLIOTT'S    MEDICAL    POCKET-BOOK, 
 
 Containing  a  short   but  plain  Account  of 
 THE    SYMPTOMS   AND   TREATMENT    OF    DISEASES, 
 With  the   Properties  and   Doses  of  the   principal  Substances  used 
 medicinally.     Including  the   History,    Mode  of  Preparation,  Form 
 and  Doses  of  the  New  Medicines,  &c.     The  whole  carefully  revised, 
 improved,  and  augmented. 
 
 By  A  MEDICAL  PRACTITIONER, 
 
 Of  St.  Thomas's  and  Gui/'s  Hospitals. 
 
 A  New  Edition,  Royal   IRmo.,  Price  5s.  in  cloth  boards,  or  bound 
 as  a  Pocket  Book,  with  tuck,  blank  leaves,  and  Pencil,  7s.  6d. 
 
MEDICAL    BOOKS.  3 
 
 A  FAMILIAR 
 TREATISE    ON   NERVOUS    AFFECTIONS, 
 
 Disorders   of  the   Head  and  Chest,   Stomach  and  Bowels,   SjC. 
 Also  on  the  Means  of  repairing  a  Debilitated  Constitution,  through 
 the  Establishment  of  a  Healthy  Digestion ;  including  Prescriptions 
 in  plain  English,  from  the  Writings  and  Private  Practice  of  eminent 
 Physicians. 
 
 By  J.  STEVENSON,  M.U. 
 
 Author   nf  The   History  and    Treatment  of  Coughs,    Colds,   and  other    Winter 
 
 Complaints,  <5-c. 
 
 "  Dr.  Stevenson's  Work  upon  Nervous  Affections  merits  the  attention  of  all  prudent 
 people." — Gentleman's  Magazine. 
 
 Third  Edition,  Royal  IBmo.,  Price  3s.  6d.  boards. 
 
 Influence  of  Climate  on  the  Constitution. 
 
 TriE 
 
 HISTORY  AND  TREATMENT  OF  COLDS  AND   COUGHS, 
 
 An  Epitome  of  Precepts  on  Diet  for  Elderly  People,  <^c.  ^c. 
 With  Directions  for  the  Management   of  Colds, — Regulation  of  the 
 Sick  Room, — The  Selection  and  Use  of  Aperient  and  other  Medi- 
 cines, &c.  &c. 
 
 By  J.  STEVENSON,  M.D. 
 
 "  This  is  another  work,  by  the  same  author,  also  intended  for  popular  use, 
 and  contains  a  great  deal  of  very  useful  and  instructive  matter,  which  it  would  be 
 well  if  every  one  knew  something  about." — Gentleman's  Magazine. 
 
 Royal  18mo.,  Price  3s.  boards. 
 
 SIMPLICITY  OF  HEALTH. 
 
 Exemplified    by    HORTATOR. 
 
 The  main  object  of  this  Treatise  is,  the  Preservation  of  Health,  inde- 
 pendent of  Medicine,  as  far  as  is  consistent  with  prudence  and 
 safety  ;  and  the  best  criterion  of  its  merit  is,  the  important  fact,  that 
 Mr.  Abernethy  has  given  it  a  favourable  character, which  is  inserted 
 in  the  Work  by  his  permission. 
 
 "  This  is  a  very  useful  manual  to  be  in  every  one's  hands.  There  is  great  good  sense 
 in  the  advice  it  offers,  so  interesting  and  momentous  to  all  readers.  Its  contents  are 
 divided  into  four  hundred  and  tliirty-three  sections,  and  are  rendered  as  clear  as  pos- 
 sible, so  that  the  meanest  capacity  may  readily  profit  by  them.  It  may  farther  be  ad- 
 ded in  its  favor,  that  it  has  obtained  the  special  approbation  of  Mr.  Abernethy.  It 
 is,  in  short,  a  work  of  most  extended  usefulness,  equally  free  from  medical  mysti- 
 cism on  the  one  hand,  and  the  imposition  and  cant  of  quackery  on  the  other.  We  can 
 safely  recommend  it  even  to  hypochondriacal  readers." — Xew  Moiit/,/!/  Magus    . 
 
 Second  Edition,  One  Vol.  12mo.,  Price  6s. 
 
 HEALTH   WITHOUT    PHYSIC, 
 
 OR, 
 
 CORDIALS  I'OR  YOUTH,  MANHOOD,  AND  OLD  AGE: 
 
 Including  Maxims  Medical,  Moral,  and  Facetious,  for  the  Prevention 
 of  Disease,  and  the  attainment  of  a  long  and  vigorous  Life. 
 
 By  an  old  physician. 
 
 With  a  beautiful  Emblematical  Frontispiece,  designed  by  Richter. 
 
 ••  Numerous  as  have  been,  of  late,  the  publications  on  medical  subjects,  written  in 
 a  popular  style,  and  for  the  instruction  of  non-medical  persons,  we  question  much 
 whether  any  of  them  have  had  an  object  of  greater  utility   to  accomplish  it  than  the 
 
 present. We  have  marked  so  many  passages  in  this  sensible  and  pleasing  volume 
 
 for  extract,  that  we  are  now  actually  at  a  loss  which  to  se\ect."— Morning  Advertiser. 
 In  One  Vol.  12mo.,  Price  7s.  6d. 
 
TllADE    AND    COMMERCE. 
 
 "  Good  Tucth,  independent  of  their  gre/tt  utilil;/,  are  essential  to  Female  Beauti/." 
 
 ECONOMY  OF  THE  TEETH,  GUMS,  AND  INTERIOR 
 OF  THE  MOUTH, 
 
 INCLUDING    THE 
 
 Medical,  Mechanical,  and  Moral  Treatment  of  the  most  frequent 
 Diseases  and  Accidents  incidental  to  tiie  Structure  and  Functions  of 
 those  delicate  Parts,  with  the  Means  of  correcting  and  purifying  a 
 tainted  or  unpleasant  Breath,  or  other  Personal  or  Atmospherical 
 Effluvia  arising  from  Local  or  Constitutional  Causes  or  Injuries. 
 By  AN  OLD  ARMY  SURGEON. 
 
 "  In  your  person  you  should  be  accurately  clean  ;  and  your  teeth  should  be  super- 
 latively so; — a  dirty  mouth  has  real  ill  consequences  to  the  owner,  for  it  infallibly 
 tauses  the  decay,  as  well  as  the  intolerable  pain,  of  the  teeth." — Cliesteifield. 
 
 "  This  little  work  displays  considerable  knowledge  and  judgement.  Having  been 
 sufferers  from  tooth-ache,  wc  have  been  induced  to  try  some  of  the  author's  receipt* 
 for  that  "  hell  o'  a'  diseases,"  as  Burns  emphatically  terms  it ;  and  we  have  no  hesi- 
 tation in  pronouncing  them  superior  to  any  that  we  have  yet  met  with.  We  par- 
 ticularly recommend  to  the  attention  of  our  readers  those  chapters  which  speak  of 
 the  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  the  use  of  powerful  acids,  and  other  corrosive 
 liquids  ;  they  contain  a  salutary  caution  to  all  those  who  are  afflicted  with  this  horri- 
 ble complaint.  This  work  is  published  at  a  price  that  renders  it  available  to  all 
 classes." — Olio. 
 
 In  a  neat  Pocket  Volume,  with  a  Frontispiece,  Price  4s. 
 
 "  Delicate  Hands  and  Handsome  Feet  are  indispensable  to  Female  Beauty." 
 
 Also,  by  the  same  Author, 
 
 ECONOMY  OF    THE    HANDS,   FEET,   FINGERS, 
 
 AND    TOES; 
 
 WHICH    INCLUDES    THE 
 
 PREVENTION,    TREATMENT,   AND    CURE  OF  CORNS,  BUN- 
 NIONS,  AND  DEFORMED  NAILS, 
 
 The  Removal  of  Excrescences,  superfluous  Hairs,  Freckles,  Pimples* 
 Blotches,  and  other  cutaneous  Eruptions  ;  with  safe  and  certain 
 methods  of  rendering  the  Skin  white,  soft,  and  delicate,  without  detri- 
 ment to  health. 
 
 "  We  sfiould  grudge  the  room  wliich  is  occupied  by  this  very  copious  title-page, 
 were  it  not  that  it  so  clearly  indicates  the  nature  and  object  of  the  book,  as  to  render 
 almost  superfluous,  whatever  we  might  be  disposed  to  advance  respecting  its  contents, 
 which  we  have  no  doubt  will,  in  many  instances,  prove  eminently  serviceable;  in  fact, 
 the  best  evidence  that  we  can  offer  of  our  approval  is,  that  we  have  already  set  apart 
 two  or  three  of  its  recipes  for  our  Melanges  of  the  month." — La  Belle  Assemblee. 
 
 Third  Edition,  corrected  and  enlarged,  in  a  neat  Pocket  Volume, 
 royal  18mo.,  with  a  Frontispiece,  Price  4s. 
 
 TRADE  AND  COMMERCE. 
 
 NEW  CAMBIST. 
 MANUAL    OF   FOREIGN  EXCHANGES, 
 
 In  the  direct,  indirect,  and  cross  operations  of  Bills  of  Exchange  and 
 Bullion  ;  including  an  extensive  Investigation  of  the  Arbitrations  of 
 Exchange,  according  to  the  piactice  of  the  first  British  and  Foreign 
 Houses,  with  numerous  Formulae  and  Tables  of  the  Weights  and  Mea- 
 sures of  other  Countries,  compared  with  the  Imperial  Standards. 
 By  WILLIAM  TATE. 
 
 "  This  Manual  ought  to  have  a  place  in  every  Merchant's  Counting-house,  and  in 
 every  School  where  Youth  is  educated  for  mercantile  pursuits.  Theauthor  is  a  man 
 of  undoubted  ability,  and  has  been  employed,  we  understand,  to  make  the  Bullion 
 Calculations  for  the  Royal  Mint." — Mcrrnntile  Journal. 
 
 In  One  Volume,  8vo.  Price  8s.  cloth. 
 
TRADE    AND    COMMERCE. 
 
 A  FAMILIAR  COMPENDIUM  OF 
 THE   LAW  OF    DEBTOR   AND   CREDITOR: 
 
 COMPRISING 
 
 The  whole  of  the  Bankrupt  Laws,  with  t-he  Alterations  and  Amend- 
 ments recently  enacted  by  the  Legislature ;  the  whole  of  the  Consoli- 
 dated Laws,  as  now  in  operation,  relating  to  Insolveivt  Debtors, 
 with  Forms,  &c. — Arrangements  between  Debtor  and  Creditor,  in- 
 cluding Compositions  and  Deeds  of  Trust — the  Law  of  Arrest  on 
 Mesne  Process — the  Law  relating  to  Property  entrusted  to  Factors 
 or  i^gents — the  recent  Act,  confirming  the  Statute  of  Limitations, 
 and  regulating  the  Law  concerning  Representations  of  Character,  &c. 
 — and  Lord  Brougham's  New  Bankruptcy  Court  Act. 
 
 With  the  New  Bankrupt  Court  Rules,   the  New  Rules  of  the 
 Courts  of  Law,  and  a  Copious  Index. 
 
 By  JOHN  H.  BRADY, 
 
 Author  of  "  Plain  Instructions  to  Executors  and  Administrators,"  <5c.  i^c. 
 
 "  This    exposition    of  the   bankrupt   laws  will  be    found  of    general  utility." — 
 Sunday  Times^ 
 
 Price  5s. 
 
 THE  LONDON   COMMERCIAL    DICTIONARY, 
 
 AND  SEA-PORT  GAZETTEER, 
 
 Exhibiting  a  clear  and  comprehensive  View  of  the  Productions, 
 Manufactures,  and  Commerce  of  all  Nations  ;  the  various  Moneys, 
 Weights,  and  Measures,  and  the  proportion  of  each  to  those  of  Eng- 
 land ;  a  description  of  all  Articles  of  Merchandize,  with  their  Marks 
 of  Excellency  and  Names  in  every  European  Language. 
 By  WILLIAM  ANDERSON. 
 A  New  Edition, 
 
 Containing  the  Import  and  Export  Duties  and  Drawbacks,  com- 
 mencing on  the  5th  of  July,  1826;  and  an  Abstract  of  all  the  Acts 
 relating  to  Finance,  Commerce,  and  Navigation,  passed  in  each 
 Session  of  Parliament,  since  1823. 
 
 In  One  large  8vo.  Volume,  Price  21s.  boards. 
 
 A  PRACTICAL   TREATISE  ON   BANKING; 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 AN  ACCOUNT   OF    THE    LONDON   AND    COUNTRY    BANKS, 
 
 Tlieir  System  of  Book-keeping,  Terms  of  doing  Business,  Method  of 
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 change.   Also  a  View  of  the   Joint  Stock  Banks,  and  the  Branch 
 Banks  of  the  Bank  of  England,  Banks  of  Scotland  and  Ireland. 
 By  WILLIAM  GILBART, 
 
 Manage]'  of  the   Kilkenni/  Provincial  Bank  nf  Ireland. 
 
 Second  Edition,  Price  3s. 
 
 PUBLIC  FUNDS, 
 
 INFORMATION  on  Matters  connected  with  the  TRANSAC- 
 TIONS of  Business  in  the  Public  Funds;  chiefly  intended  to 
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 London  Agents.     By  A  BANKER'S  CLERK.    Price  2s.  6d. 
 
TRADE    AND    COMMERCE. 
 
 BOOK-KEEPING. 
 
 A   NEW    CHi3CK   JOURNAL, 
 
 UPON   THE   PRINCIPLE    OF    DOUBLE    ENTRY. 
 
 Which  exhibits  a  continued,  systematic,  and  self-verifying  Record  of 
 Accounts  of  Individual  and  Partnership  Concerns,  and  shews,  at  one 
 view,  the  real  state  of  a  Merchant's  or  Trader's  Affairs,  by  a  Single 
 Book  only,  even  should  a  Ledger  not  have  been  kept.  The  whole 
 familiarly  explained,  and  forming  a  complete  and  Practical  System 
 OF  Book-Keeping  by  Single  and  Double  Entry.  To  which  is  ap- 
 pended, a  New  and  moje  Simple  Method,  or  Double  Entry  by  Single. 
 
 By  GEORGE  JACKSON, 
 
 Accountant. 
 
 Corrected,  Enlarged,  and  grea/lj/  Improved  ,•    with  copious  lUvstrations    of 
 Interest  Accounts,  Joint  Adventures,  and  Joint  Purchases. 
 
 "  If  simplicity,  brevity,  and  clearness,  may  be  esteemed  important  to  the  accurate 
 record  of  commercial  accounts,  this  work  of  Mr.  Jackson's  will  be  found  a  valuable 
 assistant  to  all  men  of  business.  It  places  all  matters  connected  with  the  mercantile 
 world  in  such  a  plain  light,  that  the  confusion  attendant  upon  irregularity  or  ignorance 
 may  be  avoided  and  prevented  by  a  mere  mechanical  observance  of  the  system  he 
 lays  down.  His  plan  is  practical  and  conclusive,  and  the  improvements  he  suggests 
 upon  the  works  of  his  predecessors  are  the  evident  results  of  long  experience  and  , 
 consideration." — Atlas. 
 
 Fourth  Edition,  in  One  Vol.  8vo.,  Price  6s. 
 
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 TABLES   OF  INTEREST, 
 
 On  a  New  Flan, 
 
 By  which  the  Interest  of  any  Sum,  consecutively  from  One  Pound 
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 will  be  found  at  one  View,  without  the  trouble  or  risk  of  Additions. 
 Also,  the  Fractional  Parts  of  a  Pound,  and  from  One  to  Ten  Thou- 
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 To  which  is  added,  a  separate   Supplement,  that   renders  these 
 Tables  equalli/  applicable  to  any  other  Rate  per  Cent. 
 By  DAVID  BOOTH. 
 
 "  I  have  examined  '  Mr.  Booth's  Interest  Tables ;'  the  arrangement  is  novel  and 
 perspicuous ;  and  I  have  no  hesitation  in  affirming,  that  the  work  will  be  far  more 
 useful  to  the  public  than  any  one  which  has  hitherto  appeared  on  the  subject. 
 
 "  Charles  Cartwrioht, 
 Aceountant-General  to  the  East  India  Company." 
 
 In  4to.   Price  \l.  16s.  boards. 
 
 THE  MERCHANT'S  AND  TRADESMAN'S  ASSISTANT, 
 
 AND 
 
 ©ompktest  iileati|)  Mttfeoiur. 
 
 Being  Tables  for  Business  in  general,  on  a  New  Plan,  shewing,  with 
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 any  Price  per  Ounce  ;  any  Number  of  Pounds  Weight,  at  any  price 
 per  cwt.  ;  also  the  Number  of  Grosses,  or  Thousands,  in  the  Weight 
 of  any  Article  so  counted. 
 
 By  DAVID  BOOTH. 
 
 In  One  V^olume  8vo.,  Price  6s. 
 
LANGUAGES    AND    EDUCATION. 
 
 AN    ESSAY   ON    AVERAGE, 
 
 AND    ON  OTHER    SUBJECTS  CONNECTED  WITH   THE    CONTRACT    OF 
 MARINE  INSURANCE  AND  ARBITRATION. 
 By  ROBERT  STEVENS,  of  Lloyd's. 
 
 "  This  work  is  the  standard  for  determining  Average  in  all  the  Marine  Insurance 
 Establishments  in  the  Kingdom." 
 
 Fourth  Edition,  in  One  Vol.  8vo.,  Price  12s.  boards. 
 
 THE  MEASURING  COMPANION ; 
 
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 tile World,  and  those  engaged  in  Shipping,  &c. 
 By   FRAiNCIS  CHAiTIELD. 
 "  Mr.  Chatfield  has  here  presented  to  us  a  publication  which  cannot  fail  to  be  ex- 
 tremely useful  to  every  commercial  man,  but  more  especially  to  those  at  all  connected 
 with  Shipping  and  Ship-Building." — Public  Ledger. 
 
 In  Royal  8 vo.  price  8s.  bds. 
 
 CHINA  TRADE. 
 The   FOREIGN    TRADE   of   CHINA,    divested   of  Monopoly, 
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 LE  TRADUCTEUR; 
 
 Ok,  HISTORICAL,  DRAMATIC,  AND  MISCELLANEOUS 
 SELECTIONS, 
 From  the  best  French  Writers,  on  apian  calculated  to  render  reading 
 and  translation  peculiarly  serviceable  in  acquiring  the  Speaking  and 
 Writing  of  the  French  Language;  accompanied  by  Explanatory 
 Notes,  a  Selection  of  Idioms,  and  concise  Tables  of  the  Parts  of 
 Speech,  and  of  Verbs. 
 
 By  P.  F.  MERLET.  » 
 
 Teacher  of  the  Fretich  Language  at  the  University  of  London. 
 
 In  this  Edition,  the  author  has  made  every  improvement  In  the  selection  of  Pieces, 
 as  well  as  the  Explanatory  Notes,  (both  of  which  have  been  considerably  increased,) 
 which  constant  practice  in  teaching  could  suggest. 
 
 "  We  pretend  to  judge  somewhat  more  accurately  of  the  quality  of  this  work  than 
 most  of  our  neighbours  ;  and  we  have  no  hesitation  in  recording  our  opinion  to  be, 
 that  it  has  deservedly  reached  a  Second  Edition,  and  that  it  ought  to  go  through  many 
 more.  It  is  decidedly  the  best  work  of  the  kind  with  which  we  have  yet  met,  and 
 ought  to  be  in  the  hands  of  every  one  who  is  desirous  of  becoming  acquainted  with 
 the  structure,  the  idioms,  and  the  niceties,  of  tlie  French  language." — Morning 
 Advertiser. 
 
 "  The  author  has  been  careful  to  select  such  pieces  only  as  are  instructive  and 
 entertaining,  and  may  be  placed,  without  reserve,  in  the  hands  of  youth  of  both 
 sexes  ; — to  embrace  every  possible  variety  in  word,  phrase,  or  sentence;  and  to  afford 
 a  ready  exemplification  of  the  rules  of  grammar,  by  appropriate  remarks  and  nume- 
 rous notes  on  those  peculiarities  which  form  the  most  difficult  parts  of  the  French 
 language." — Gentleman's  Magazine. 
 
 •  "  A  judicious,  instructive,  and  entertaining  selection,  free  from  every  immoral  or 
 irreligious  thought  or  expression  which  the  French  language  contains. — Literary 
 Panorama. 
 
 Second  Edition,  much  improved.  Price  5s.  6d.  handsomely  bound. 
 
LANGUAGES    AND    EDUCATION. 
 
 Also  in  the  Press, 
 
 LE    TRADUCTEUR, 
 
 VOL.  II, 
 
 Comprising  the  higher  parts  of  Literature,  and  the  elegant  Writings  of 
 the  present  day. 
 
 A    FRENCH    GRAMMAR, 
 
 Divided  into  Four  Parts. 
 
 The  Pronunciation ;  the  Accidence;  tlie  Syntax;  and  the  Appendix. 
 
 By  P.  F.  MERLET, 
 
 Teacher  of  the  French  language  at  the  University  of  London. 
 
 "  All  the  rules  we  find  arranged  in  this  Grammar  with  the  utmost  simplicity  and 
 perspicuity,  none  occupying  more  than  two  lines,  and  arranged  in  bo  convenient  a 
 manner  as  to  render  references  very  easy.  At  the  same  time  every  rule  is  illustrated  by 
 a  number  of  plain  practical  sentences,  such  as  are  wanted  in  the  common  intercourse 
 of  life,  and  are  made  familiar  by  exercises  of  a  similar  kind.  The  Tables  of  Declen- 
 sions and  Conjugations  are  also  admirably  clear.  It  is  almost  impossible  to  represent 
 sound  to  the  eye;  yet  the  rules  of  Pronunciation  laid  down  in  this  book  are  so  sys- 
 tematic and  precise  as  to  render  them  a  great  help  to  those  who  have  had  some  oral 
 instruction.  The  Appendix,  or  a  '  Dictionary  of  Difficulties,'  which  also  sells  sepa- 
 rately, will  be  found  an  excellent  book  of  reference  to  the  more  advanced  student, 
 more  useful  than  Frencli  works  of  this  kind,  as  it  is  evidently  the  work  of  a  man  who, 
 by  long  practice, has  made  himself  fully  acquainted  witti  all  those  points  in  his  lan- 
 guage which  offer  difficulties  to  the  English  learner." — Monthly  Review. 
 
 In  One  thick  Vol.  12mo.,  Price  10s.  boards,  or  10s.  6d.  bound. 
 The  separate  Paris  may  be  had  at  the  following  Prices  : 
 
 Part  I. — Treatise  on  French  Pronunciation.  Price  2s.  6d. 
 bound. 
 
 Part  II. — The  Accidence.  Second  Edition.  Offering  tabular 
 views  of  all  the  Parts  of  Speech  in  the  French  Language,  with 
 brief  and  simple  Explanations,  Examples,  and  easy  Exercises 
 on  each.     Price  3s.  bound. 
 
 Part  III. — ^TiiE   Syntax.     Containing   the   most  necessary  Rules, 
 clearly  and  concisely  explained.     Price  3s.  6d.  bound. 
 N.  B.  These  Three  Parts  form  a  complete  Grammar,  bound  in  one  vol.  price  8s. 
 
 Part  IV. — The  Appendix;  or  Dictionary  of  Difficulties,  Idioms, 
 Synonimes,  and  Niceties  of  ihe  French  Language.  Price  3s.  6d. 
 bound. 
 
 SYNOPSIS  OF  THE  FRENCH  LANGUAGE. 
 
 By  p.  F.  MERLET, 
 
 Teacher  of  the  French  Language  in  the  University  of  London. 
 
 •**  To  those  who  have  already  gone  through  the  French  Grammar,  this  little  work 
 will  be  of  infinite  service,  as  it  will  enable  them,  at  one  view,  to  rcfresli  their  memory, 
 by  means  of  Tables  representing  the  verbs,  and  the  most  essential  rules  concisely 
 expressed,  and  each  accompanied  by  an  example,  so  arranged  as  to  make  the  whole 
 a  Tabular  View  of  French  Grammar. 
 
 12mo.,  Price  2s.  6d.  bound  in  cloth. 
 
 *,*  Such  is  the  confidence  of  the  Publisher  in  the  decided  siiperioj'ity  of 
 the  Works  of  Professor  Merlet,  which  have  already  been  adopted 
 at  the  University  of  London,  uwl  many  of  the  most  rspectable  Semi' 
 naries  of  Education,  that  he  offers  to  the  Heads  of  Schools  and  to 
 Teachers,  vho  may  become  prirchasers  of  them ,  to  return  the  money  for  any 
 of  rchich  they  may  not  approve. 
 
LANGUAGES    AND    EDUCATION.  9 
 
 UTILITY  OF   LATIN    DISCUSSED, 
 
 For  the  Consideration  of  Parents,  or  those  who  have  Influence  in  the 
 Choice  or  Direction  of  Juvenile  Education. 
 
 In  this  little  treatise,  the  important  subject  of  classical  utility  is  placed  in  an  origi- 
 nal and  highly  interesting  point  of  view,  and  entirely  free  from  the  prejudices  that 
 are  usually  brought  in  aid  of  such  discussions. 
 
 By   JUSTIN  BRENAN, 
 
 Author  of  "  Composition  and  Punctuation,"  SjC, 
 
 "  We  are  happy  in  having  another  opportunity  of  complimenting  the  author  of 
 '  Composition  and  Punctuation,'  on  a  work  which,  unlike  many  of  the  present  day, 
 contains  multum  in  parvo,.  in  which,  in  short,  good  sense  and  practical  utility,  are  'in 
 an  immense  ratio  to  its  size  and  page." — Edinburgh  Literary  Journal. 
 
 Price  2s.  boards. 
 
 THE    FOREIGNER'S    ENGLISH    CONJUGATOR ; 
 
 By  JUSTIN  BRENAN, 
 
 Author  of  "  Composition  and  Punctuation,"  S^c. 
 
 No  fewer  than  seven  different  Languages,  exclusive  of  English,  are 
 here  put  in  requisition,  to  illustrate  our  Conjugators,  but  most  par- 
 ticularly SHALL  and  WILL,  with  their  derivatives,  should  and  would, 
 which  have  hitherto  proved  such  stumbling  blocks  to  the  Foreigner. 
 It  is  presumed  that  this  work  will  much  encourage  strangers  to  learn 
 our  language,  as  its  chief  difficulties  are  now  explained  in  that  clear 
 and  familiar  manner,  for  which  the  author  is  so  distinguished. 
 
 "  Mr.  Brenan  has  conferred  an  obligation  on  foreigners  and  on  Englishmen,  by  the 
 devotion  of  so  much  time  to  this  subject,  and  by  the  agreeable  manner  in  which  he 
 has  communicated  the  knowledge  he  has  attained.  This  work  is  abundantly  useful, 
 as  it  points  out  the  misuse  of  the  '  conjugators  ;'  the  difference  between  our  '  shall  ' 
 and  '  WILL,'  and  the  German  'sollen'  and  '  wollen,'  is  clearly  proved.  There 
 are  some  Latin,  some  Italian,  some  Spanish,  and  a  few  Danish  and  Swedish  illustra- 
 tions ;  we  would  they  had  been  more  abundant,  as  they  are  curious." — Atlas. 
 
 In  1  Vol.  12mo.     Price  4s.  6d.  boards. 
 
 COMPOSITION   AND   PUNCTUATION 
 
 iFamtltarIg  (!?iplainflr, 
 
 I'OR   THOSE   WHO   HAVE   NEGLECTED   THE   STUDY   OF   GRAMMAH. 
 
 This  popular  work  is  now  re-produced  with  very  important  attractions.  Not  only 
 is  every  article  revised  with  great  attention,  but  so  much  has  been  added,  that  the 
 present  edition  may  be  considered  as  almost  a  new  work. 
 
 By   JUSTIN    BRENAN, 
 
 Author  of  "  The  Foreigner's  English  Conjugator,''  4-c. 
 "  We  have  read  this  little  book  with  much  satisfaction.  Something  of  the  kind 
 has  been  long  wanted,  and  the  want  is  now  very  ingeniously  supplied.  '  My  object,' 
 says  the  author,  '  is  to  instruct  those  who  know  how  to  read  and  write,  but  who 
 are  unacquainted  with  grammar.  I  propose,  strange  as  it  may  appear,  to  show  such 
 persons  how  they  may  compose  sentences,  of  which  they  may  not  at  least  be  ashamed, 
 and  how  tliey  may  express  tlieir  meaning  intelligibly,  without  exciting  a  laugh  at  their 
 expense.'  This  object  Mr.  Brenan  has  attained  in  a  simple  and  agreeable  manner, 
 and  we,  therefore,  confidently  recommend  his  book  to  those  whose  early  education 
 has  been  neglected,  and  who  are  now  afraid  to  enter  upon  all  the  difficulties  of  gram- 
 mar. We  shall  ourselves  present  copies  of  it  to  several  mechanics  and  others,  in  whose 
 progress  we  take  an  interest." — Edinburgh  Literary  Journal. 
 
 Third  Edition,  considerably  augmented,  18mo.  Price  4s.  boards. 
 
IfD  LANGUAGES    AND    EDUCATION. 
 
 THE  PHENOMENA  OF  NATURE, 
 
 Familiarlt/  Explained. 
 
 A  Book   for    Parents  and   Instructors,   and   especially   adapted  to 
 
 Schools. 
 Translated  from  the  German  of  WILHELM  VON  TURK. 
 
 "  Its  object  is  to  bring  before  the  young  pupil,  in  a  familiar  manner,  the  different 
 phenomena  of  nature.  It  presents  a  variety  of  subjects  for  the  child's  consideration, 
 tlie  Itnowleilge  of  wliich  is  useful,  and  besides  admirably  calculated  to  draw  out  his 
 powers  of  observation" — Juuruul  of  Kducalion,  Nu  1. 
 
 "  This  is  the  best  and  most  practical  lesson. book  on  Nature,  in  the  language.  We 
 strongly  recommend  its  introduction  into  schools,  and  all  places  of  education,  public 
 and  private.  We  would  have  the  work  made  a  school-room  companion  for  three  or 
 four  years,  between  the  ages  of  eight  and  twelve,  and,  in  the  course  of  that  time, 
 mastered  from  end  to  end  by  the  pupil." — Spcetatur,  3rf  March,  1832. 
 
 Price  4s.  6d.  cloth. 
 
 PRINCIPLES    OF    PUNCTUATION: 
 
 OE,  THE  ART  OF  POINTING   FAMILIARIZED. 
 
 Composed  for  the  Use  of  Seminaries  of  Education^  and  for  all  who 
 aspire  to  accuracy  in  Composition. 
 
 By    CECIL    HARTLEY,    M.A. 
 
 18mo.  Price  3s.  bound. 
 
 RHYMES    FOR   YOUTHFUL    HISTORIANS, 
 
 Dksigned  to  assist  the  Memory  in  Retaining  the  most  Important  Events 
 IN  Ancient  and  Modern  History; 
 
 ■j  With  Thirty-three  Portraits  of  Kings  of  England. 
 
 <•  You  must  not  laugh  at  this,  for  Chronologists  do  not  pique  themselves  on  their 
 poetry-;  they  make  use  of  numbers  and  rhymes  merely  as  assistants  to  meHiory,  being 
 so  easily  learned  by  heart." — Mrs.  Chapune. 
 
 Second  Edition,  Price  Is. 
 
 CHRISTIAN     EDUCATION, 
 
 IN   SPIRIT  AND   IN   TRUTH, 
 
 The  Forerunner  of  a  New  Dai/. 
 
 In  a  Course  of  Lectures,  delivered  in  London. 
 
 By  dr.  BIBER. 
 "  The  great  complaints  brought  forward  by  Dr.  Biber  against  the  modern  System 
 of  Education  are,  that  it  has  no  moral  object  in  view  ;  that  it  is  merely  a  worldly 
 Education,  having  reference  to  the  'things  of  this  world'  only,  and  in  but  few 
 respects  calculated  either  to  increase  the  happiness  of  the  individual  here,  or  to  fit 
 him  for  enjoyment  hereafter  ;  his  Lectures  are  characterised  throughout  by  great 
 eloquence  of  style  and  much  shrewd  observation,  and  we  shall  indeed  be  greatly  mis- 
 taken, if  they  are  not  as  extensively  read  as  they  deserve  to  be  most  maturely  con- 
 sidered."—  Weekly  Free  Press. 
 
 In  One  Vol.  8vo.,  Price  7s.  6d. 
 
 23Iue  ^oat  ^cj^ool, 
 
 With  a    correct   List  of  the  Governors,  (Jor  which  alone  One  Guinea    is 
 cluuged  ut  the  School,)  and  the  Mode  of  obtaining  Presentation. 
 
 A    BRIEF    HISTORY    OF    CHRIST'S    HOSPITAL    IN 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 FROM   ITS  FOUNDATION   TO   THE  PRESENT  TIME, 
 
 '■■  ■  •  JVith  a  View  of  the  N'ew  Hall,  ^c. 
 
 "  This  entertaining  little  volume  is  the  production  of  a  grateful  scholar  of  this 
 matchless  and  most  extensively  useful  foundation.  Every  species  of  information  that 
 can  reasonably  be  desired  will  be  found  in  Mr.  Wilson's  History." — Gentleman's  Mag. 
 
 Fifth  Edition,  in  l'2mo.,  Price  5s.  boards. 
 
LANGUAGES    AKD    EDUCATION.  11 
 
 FOR  THE  USE  OF  FAMILIES  AND  SCHOOLS. 
 
 A  FAMILIAR 
 
 ^nalgsis  of  i^z  ©akntrar  of  tje  ®]&urc5  of  lEnglanlr, 
 
 AND   PERPETUAL   GUIDE    TO   THE  ALMANAC; 
 
 In  the  form  of  (Question  and  Answer  : 
 
 Illustrated  with  a  variety  of  Anecdotes,  and  Descriptive  Sketches  of 
 the  Origin  of  Popular  Customs  at  particular  periods  of  the  Year,  and 
 authenticated  by  references  to  Scriptural  and  other  Authorities. 
 
 By  the  rev.  HUGH  F.  MARTYNDALE,  A.M. 
 
 "  This  book  is  useful,  as  well  as  amusing,  and  will  form  a  very  convenient  object 
 of  reference  in  families  respecting  topics  of  interest,  whicli  one  time  or  other  must 
 come  under  their  consideration." — Monthhj  Review. 
 
 Price  5s.  6d.  neatly  bound. 
 
 A  SUITABLE  PRESENT  FOR  YOUTH. 
 
 TAIiES     OF     OTHER     DAYS. 
 
 IhLVSTRATIVE  OF  HISTORY. 
 By  J.  Y.  A. 
 
 WITH     ENGRAVINQS,     AFTER     DESIGNS     BY 
 
 ICEOItGE   CXtVXKSHANK. 
 
 "  This  is  one  of  tlie  most  attractive  publications  we  have  lately  seen;  it  consists 
 of  a  series  of  remarl<ab!y  well  written  and  interesting  Tales  of  the  olden  time,  with 
 Illustrations  by  George  Cruikshank.  Of  these  Illustrations  it  is  scarcely  possible 
 to  speak  in  any  other  than  terms  of  unqualified  praise — they  combine  so  much  of 
 the  ludicrous  and  the  terrible,  and  are  so  completely  in  Cruiksliank's  best  style,  that 
 we  feel  justified  in  expressing  an  opinion  that  this  publication  will  even  add  to 
 that  unrivalled  artist's  fame.  The  volume  is  altogetlier  well  got  up — the  printing  is 
 remarkably  neat,  and  the  Tales  are  of  a  pleasingly  varied  character." — Weekly  Dispatch, 
 
 See  also  Literary  Gazette,  Athenceum,  ha  Belle  Asseniblee,  Sunday  Times,  Sjc.  ^c. 
 
 In  a  handsome  Post  8vo.  Volume,  Price  9s.  cloth. 
 
 *,*  A  few  Impressions  of  the  lUustratious  are  taken  off  on  India  Paper 
 Price  5s. 
 
 LECTIONES    LATINJB; 
 
 Or,  lessons  IN  LATIN  LITERATURE: 
 Being  a  choice  Collection  of  Amusing  and   Instructive   Pieces,  in 
 Prose  and  Verse,  selected  from  the  Writings  of  the  most  celebrated 
 Latin  Authors. 
 
 IN  FOUR  PARTS. 
 Part  I. — An  Interlinear,  Literal,  and  Free  Translation. 
 Part  II. — A  Poetic  Translation,  and  an  Ordo  with  a  Literal  Trans- 
 lation. 
 Part  III. — An  Ordo,  with  a  Literal  and  Free  Translation. 
 Part  IV. — A  Translation  of  the  most  difficult  Words  and  Phrases. 
 
 Preceded  by  an  Introductory  Grammar,  and  interspersed  with  various 
 Grammatical  Notes,  and  other  Explanations. 
 
 adapted    tor    schools    and    private   students. 
 
 By  J.  ROWBOTHAM.  F.R.A.S.  London, 
 
 Author  of  Gm'man  Lessons,  French  Lessons,  a  German  Grammar,  a  French  Grammor 
 
 Algebra  and  Key,  t^c. 
 
12  POETRY. DOMESTIC    POLITY. 
 
 POETRY. 
 
 A    TALE    OF    TUCUMAN. 
 
 WITH    DIORESSIONS,    ENGLISH    AND    AMERICAN. 
 
 By  JUNIUS  REDIVIVUS. 
 
 Stat  nominis  umbra. 
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 boldly,  and  without  pausing  to  consider  whether  he  is,  or  is  not,  wounding  the  esta- 
 blished prejudices  of  our  amour  propre." — Examiner. 
 
 In  Post  12mo.,  price  5s. 
 
 POEMS,    CHIEFLY    LYRICAL. 
 
 By    ALFRED    TENNYSON, 
 
 Of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
 
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 tered thoughts  are  eminently  beautiful." — Atlas. 
 
 "  Mr.  Tennyson  has  made  some  very  touching  and  some  very  animating  melodies ; 
 he  is  master  of  musical  combinations;  his  Songs  set  themselves,  and  generate  their 
 own  tunes,  as  all  Songs  do  which  are  good  for  anything." — f-Vestmiiister  Review. 
 
 In  One  Volume,  Foolscap  8vo.,  5s.  boards. 
 
 THE  PARSON'S  HORN-BOOK. 
 
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 Embellished  with  Numerous  Engravings.      Two  Parts  in  1  Volume. 
 Cloth  boards,  price  10s.  6d. 
 
 Part  II.  separate.     Price  5s.,  cloth. 
 
 DOMESTIC  POLITY. 
 
 FACTS    RELATING    TO     THE    PUNISHMENT  OF 
 nEATH   IN    THE   METROPOLIS. 
 
 Second  Edition.     With  an  Appendix,  concerning  Murder  rou  the 
 
 Sale  of  the  Dead  Body. 
 
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 In  One  Volume,  8vo.,  Price  7s.  6d.  boards. 
 "  To  Mr.  Wakefield  we  are  indebted  for  a  masterly  exposition  of  this  subject." 
 
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 FACTS, 
 
 Shewing  the  Workings  of  the  Borough  System  in  Church  and 
 State;  and  how  the  Reform  Bill  will  benefit  the  People!  being 
 Extracts  from  the  EXTRAORDINARY  BLACK  BOOK. 
 
 Price  One  Penny,  or  5s.  per  100. 
 
DOMESTIC    POLITY.  13 
 
 NEW  AND  IMPROVED  EDITION  OF  "THE  BLACK  BOOK." 
 
 Enlarged  and  corrected  to  March,  1832,  and  complete  in  One  Volume 
 8vo.  ;  embellished  with  Portraits  of  the  Friends  of  the  Reform  Bill, 
 Price  18s„ 
 
 THE  EXTRAORDINARY  BLACK  BOOK; 
 
 An  Exposition  of  Public  Abuses  in  Church,  State,  Courts  of  Law, 
 Representation,  and  Corporate  Bodies  :  with  an  Address  to  Alarmists 
 and  Reformers ;  and  a  Precis  of  the  House  of  Commons,  past,  pre- 
 sent, and  to  come. 
 
 Besides  correction,  this  Edition  has  been  greatly  enlarged,  especially 
 the  articles  on  the  Church,  Bank,  and  East  India  Company,  and  new 
 Chapters  added  on  the  State  of  Corporations  in  tlie  chief  Cities  and 
 Towns  ;  the  Principles  and  Working  of  Taxation,  with  valuable  Statis- 
 tical Tables  illustrative  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Patronage  of  each  of  the 
 Nobility,  of  Finance,  the  Reform  Bill,  Representation,  House  of  Lords, 
 Commons,  East  India  Company,  Bank,  Inns  of  Court,  Trinity  College, 
 Clerical  Magistracy, Colonies,  Irish  Tithes,  CJiurch  Rates,  Dissenters,  &c. 
 
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 nary Black  Book.  The  oftener  we  look  at  this  catalogue  of  the  crimes  of  an 
 irresponsible  Government,  the  more  we  are  astonished  at  the  patient  endurance  of  the 
 people.  Nothing  but  the  Ministerial  plan  of  Parliamentary  Reform  can  prevent  a 
 repetition  of  the  gross  injustice  which  this  book  so  ably  exposes  ! !  !  If  there  can 
 now  be  found  any  disinterested  man,  be  he  Lord  or  be  he  Commoner,  who  has  a  rational 
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 REVENUES  OF  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND, 
 
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 By  GEORGE  COVENTRY, 
 
 Author  of  "An  Enquiry  relative  to  Junius." 
 
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 that  is  new,  interesting,  and  important." — AthentBum. 
 
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 PLAN     OF     PARLIAMENTARY     REFORM, 
 
 WlfH   REASONS  FOR  EVERY  ARTICLE. 
 
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 Inadequacy  of  Moderate  Reform. 
 
 By  JEREMY  BENTHAM,  Esq. 
 
 Second  Edition ;  in  One  Volume  8vo.,  Price  5s.  boards. 
 
 INTRODUCTION   TO     THE     PRINCIPLES    OF 
 MORALS    AND    LEGISLATION. 
 
 By  JEREMY  BENTHAM,  Esq. 
 
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MISCELLANEOUS    LITERATURE.  15 
 
 THE    ROYAL    BOOK    OF    DHEAMS, 
 
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 may  discover  those  Secrets  of  Fate,  v>'hich  the  universal  Fiat  of  all 
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 by  Dreams  and  Nocturnal  Visions. 
 
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 In  One  Vol.  12mo.,   Price  5s. 
 
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 THOUGHTS    ON    MAN, 
 
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 Particulars  respecting  the  Author. 
 
 By  WILLIAM  GODWIN,  Esq. 
 Author  of  "  The  History  of  the  Commonwealth." 
 
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 tixne,"— Carlisle  Patriot. 
 
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16  MISCELLANEOUS    LITERATURE. 
 
 HAZIiITT'S    I.IFI:    OF   NAPOIiEON; 
 
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 Liberality  of  Sentiment. — Human  Inconsistencies. — The  Imagina- 
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THE 
 
 EXTRAORDINARY 
 
 BI.ACK  BOOK: 
 
 AN  EXPOSITION  OF  ABUSES 
 
 IN 
 
 CHURCH    AND    STATE, 
 
 COURTS  OF  LAW,  REPRESENTATION, 
 ifHuntcipal  anti  (Sovvovatt  )3otite0; 
 
 WITH    A    PRECIS    OF 
 
 THE     HOUSE     OF     COMMONS, 
 
 PAST,    PRESENT,    AXD    TO    COME. 
 
 Greatly  enlarged  and  corrected  to  the  present  time. 
 
 BY  THE  ORIGINAL  EDITOR. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PUBLISHED    BY 
 
 EFFINGHAM  WILSON,  ROYAL  EXCHANGE. 
 
 MDCCCXXXII. 
 
LONDON : 
 
 M.MUIIANT,    I'lUNTEK,    INOH AM-COl' KT. 
 
ADVERTISEMENT  TO  THE  NEW  EDITION. 
 
 The  rapid  sale  of  a  large  impression  of  The  Black  Book  has 
 speedily  afforded  an  opportunity  for  again  subjecting  it  to  severe 
 revision,  and  this  it  has  undergone  in  eveiy  department.  Besides 
 improving  the  arrangement,  the  Lists  of  Places,  Pensions,  and 
 Pluralists  have  been  carefully  corrected,  and  the  illustrative 
 notes  revised.  The  reductions  in  salaries  and  allowances,  the 
 settlement  of  the  Civil  List,  and  other  economical  arrange- 
 ments of  Ministers,  either  actually  effected,  or  in  contemplation, 
 have  been  noticed. 
 
 Besides  correction,  many  parts  have  been  greatly  enlarged,  as 
 those  on  the  Church,  Legal  Sinecures,  the  Bank  of  England, 
 and  East-India  Company ;  in  the  former  a  section  has  been 
 added  on  the  Numbers,  Wealth,  and  Educational  Efficiency  of  the 
 Dissenters  ;  and  in  the  last  have  been  comprised  the  chief  facts 
 and  considerations  involved  in  the  approaching  renewal  of  the 
 charters  of  these  two  powerful  associations.  In  addition,  several 
 new  chapters  have  been  introduced  on  subjects  of  immediate 
 national  interest;  one  on  the  Origin  and  Present  State  of  Cor- 
 PORATioNs  TN  CiTiES  AND  TowNS,  and  on  Companies, 
 Guilds  and  Fraternities:  these  form  branches  of  the 
 ancient  institutions  of  the  country,  and  an  account  of  them  was 
 essential  to  the  completeness  of  our  work.  A  chapter  has  Sbeen 
 added  on  the  Principles  of  Finance,  Abuses  in  the  Government 
 Expenditure,  and  the  Workings  of  Taxation.  Also  a  Precis 
 of  the  House  of  Commons,  Past,  Present,  and  to  Come;  with 
 details  illustrative  of  the  Reform  Bill,  and  the  present  state  of 
 parties  and  opinions. 
 
IV  ADVERTISEMENT    TO    THE    NEW    EDITION. 
 
 In  the  Appendix  will  be  found  many  new  articles  and  tables 
 of  value,  as  those  on  the  Ecclesiastical  Patronage  of  the  Nobility 
 —the  House  of  Lords— Inns  of  Court— Church  Rates— Trinity 
 College— Colonial  Statistics —Civil  Contingencies— Remarks 
 on  the  Reports  on  Irish  Tithes— Commissioners  of  Sewers — 
 Lay  and  Clerical  Magistrates,  &c. 
 
 Notwithstanding  our  anxiety  to  be  correct,  we  cannot  be  sure 
 that  in  every  case  we  have  succeeded.  Our  work  is  an  assem- 
 blage of  facts  and  principles,  and  it  would  be  wonderful,  if,  in  so 
 great  a  number,  some  errors  had  not  escaped  vigilance.  Of 
 errors  of  intention  we  know  we  are  guiltless  ;  of  those  which 
 have  originated  in  the  inaccuracy  of  the  official  returns  and 
 other  sources  of  information  on  which  we  have  relied,  we  cannot 
 be  so  confident. 
 
 All  parliamentary   and   pubhc   documents,   whatever    could 
 throw  light  on  the  Ecclesiastical  Establishments,  the  Civil  List 
 and  Hereditary  Revenues,  the  Courts  of  Law  and  Judicial  Ad- 
 ministration, the  Aristocracy,  Pubhc  Offices,  Funding  System, 
 Public  Revenue,  Pensions,  Sinecures,  and  other  departments  of 
 our  work,  have  been  consulted.     Our  object  has  been  an  honest 
 one,  and  we  have  sought  to  attain  it  by  honest  means :  nothing- 
 has  been  exaggerated,  nor  has  a  single  fact  been  wilfully  mis- 
 stated ;   we  needed  not  the  aid  of  falsehood,  our   case  being- 
 strong   enough  without  it,  and  we  refer  to  the  references  on  our 
 pages  to  attest  the  veracity  of  our  sources  of  intelligence.     The 
 statements  we  have   made  we  shall  at  all  times   be  ready  to 
 defend,  but   cannot  answer  for  those   which  have   been  mis- 
 takenly imputed  to  us.     It  has  unfortunately  happened,  either 
 from  similarity  of  name  or  other  circumstance,   many  represen- 
 tations have   been  placed  to  our  account  with  which  we   had 
 nothing  in  common,  and  of  which  any  one  might  be  convinced 
 by  reference  to  our  publication.     In  a  high  quarter  we  have 
 l)een  most  unjustly  aspersed  :  we  believe  it  was   unintentional ; 
 but,  consistently  with  honour,  atonement  ought  to  liave  been 
 
ADVERTISEMENT    TO    THE    NEW    EDITION.  V 
 
 made  by  open  acknowledgement  in  the  same  place  where  the 
 injury  was  inflicted.  Instead  of  exaggeration  we  have  leaned 
 to  an  opposite  course  ;  whenever  we  had  doubts,  from  the  ab- 
 sence of  authentic  information,  about  the  correctness  of  a 
 statement,  we  omitted  it  altogether  :  if,  in  the  statements  of  the 
 emoluments  of  individuals,  the  errors  on  the  side  of  redundancy 
 were  compared  with  those  of  deficiency,  we  know — and  many 
 names  inscribed  on  our  pages  know  too — which  would  prepon- 
 derate. These,  however,  are  the  evils  of  a  day,  while  the  good 
 we  have  done  will  be  lasting.  By  the  improvement  of  the  Game 
 Laws  the  Aristocracy  have  torn  out  one  leaf  from  our  pages  ; 
 when,  in  like  manner,  they  have  torn  out  the  rest,  our  labours 
 will  cease — and  not  till  then. 
 
 The  Black  Book  is  the  Encyclopedia  of  English  politics  for 
 the  Georgian  era,  and  will  last  as  long  as  the  abuses  it  exposes 
 shall  endure.  It  was,  originally,  brought  out  in  periodical 
 numbers  twelve  years  ago,  and  laboured  under  the  disad- 
 vantages incident  to  that  mode  of  publication.  Defective  as 
 the  publication  was,  it  excited  unusual  interest;  though  ill- 
 arranged,  rough  in  manner,  and  incorrect  in  matter,  it  con- 
 tained a  striking  development  of  Oligarchical  abuse,  and  thus 
 fixed  the  attention  of  the  public.  It  was  oftentimes  reprinted, 
 and  upwards  of  14,000  copies  were  sold,  almost  without  the 
 expense  of  advertisement,  or  any  of  those  helps  from  literary 
 notices  which  are  usually  deemed  essential  to  give  celebrity  to 
 the  productions  of  the  press.  In  the  edition  of  last  year  an 
 endeavour  was  made  to  remedy  the  defects  of  the  first  under- 
 taking; in  this  we  flatter  ourselves  the  task  has  been  nearly 
 completed. 
 
 The  object  of  the  Editor  at  first  was,  and  now  has  been,  to 
 show  the  manifold  abuses  of  an  unjust  and  oppressive  system ; 
 to  show  the  dire  calamities  it  has  inflicted  on  the  country,  and 
 by  what  ramifications  of  influence  it  has  been  supported. 
 
 Government  has  been  a  corporation,  and  had  the  same 
 interests  and  the  same  principles  of  action  as  monopolists.     It 
 
VI  ADVERTISEMENT    TO    THE    NEW     EDITION. 
 
 has  been  supported  by  other  corporations ;  the  Church  has  been 
 one,  the  Agriculturists  another ;  the  Boroughs  a  third,  the 
 East-India  Company  a  fourth,  and  the  Bank  of  England  a 
 fifth:  all  these,  and  interests  like  these,  constituted  the  citadel 
 and  out-works  of  its  strength,  and  the  first  object  of  each  has 
 been  to  shun  investigation.  We  have,  however,  rent  the  vail ; 
 those  who  before  doubted  may,  if  they  please,  come  and  see, 
 and  be  convinced. 
 
 In  lieu  of  the  old  system  we  are  told  a  new  one  is  in  pro- 
 gress of  being  substituted ;  intelligence,  not  patronage,  is  to 
 form  the  pivot  of  public  authority :  the  idea  is  a  grand  one, — it  is 
 worthy  of  the  age,  and  we  wait  in  hope  to  see  it  practically 
 realized. 
 
 In  conclusion  we  must  observe  that  many  opinions  have 
 been  introduced,  from  which,  we  doubt  not,  our  readers  will 
 dissent;  we  regret  this,  but  it  is  unavoidable.  Our  object  has 
 been  Truth,  not  to  compromise  with  error,  nor  knowingly 
 pander  to  any  prejudice,  aristocratic  or  democratic.  We  have 
 an  aversion  to  war,  foreign  and  domestic  ;  nor  do  we  love 
 spoliation  either  on  the  part  of  the  People  or  their  Rulers.  The 
 land  is  full  of  miseries;  we  share  them  not,  neither  do  we 
 profit  by  them;  but  it  is  the  impulse  of  our  nature  to  wsh  to 
 see  them  alleviated.  In  place  of  a  bad  government  we  wish  a 
 good  one  substituted ;  for  it  is  not  individuals,  but  the  power  of 
 the  State,  directed  by  intelligence,  which  must  administer  to 
 the  maladies  of  a  nation.  And  erven  wisdom  and  good  inten- 
 tions, without  co-operation  on  the  part  of  the  community,  would 
 be  unavailing.  Public  disorders  of  long  standing  and  ex- 
 tremely complicated  require  deliberation  as  well  as  remedial 
 applications.  But  while  we  crave  indulgence  for  an  Admi- 
 nistration we  believe  patriotic,  it  must  be  an  indulgence 
 accompanied  with  constant  watchfulness,  and  even  suspicion, 
 on  the  part  of  the  People. 
 
 March  \6th,  1832. 
 
ADDRESS  TO  THE   NEW  EDITION. 
 
 :l'  '  '■   l-:"!: 
 
 In  our  Dedication,  written  about  a  twelvemonth  suicc,  we  ex- 
 pressed a  want  of  confidence  in  the  Whig  Ministry.  In  the 
 interval  they  have  gained  on  our  esteem.  They  mean  well,  but 
 the  difficulties  they  have  to  surmount  are  great.  Arrayed 
 against  them  are  all  the  interests  identified  with  public  abuses, 
 and  which  have  so  long  flourished  by  the  ruin  of"  the  country; 
 •but  they  must  be  compelled  to  yield.  The  People  are  (piiesceut; 
 it  is  the  quiescence  of  hojte :  should  doubt  prevail,  tliey  will 
 rise  in  their  might  and  scatter  the  band — the  factious  band  that 
 r  would  interpose  its  selfish  ends  between  the  weal  of  twenty-four 
 millions  of  persons. 
 
 The  People  have  nobly  done  their  duty,  and  Mmisiors  must  do 
 
Vlll  ADDTIESS    TO    THE    NEAV    EDITION. 
 
 theirs.  In  the  words  of  their  chief,  they  are  individually  pledged 
 to  the  Reform  Bill;  it  is  the  tenure  of  administration.  They 
 know  their  power;  and  to  have  held  office  so  long  without  the 
 means  and  determination  to  accomplish  the  public  wish,  would 
 have  been  basely  perfidious, — it  would  have  been  treachery  to  the 
 nation.  Their  honour  is  bound  up  in  the  Bill — our  patriotic 
 Monarch  is  faithful — the  People  are  unanimous — and  it  must  be 
 carried  in  all  its  integrity.  Every  interest  in  the  empire  is 
 abased,  shaken,  or  powerless,  except  that  of  Reform,  and  it 
 must  triumph :  it  is  essential  to  the  harmony  of  the  Constitution 
 and  the  peace  of  the  community. 
 
 Hitherto,  in  their  domestic  policy,  Ministers  have  claims  on 
 the  confidence  of  the  public.  In  Ireland  they  have  endeavoured 
 to  substitute  national  interests  and  toleration,  for  the  reign  of 
 factions  and  religious  feuds.  They  have  not  fomented  plots, 
 nor  sought  by  new  laws  to  abridge  popular  liberties.  They  have 
 entered  on  the  Augean  stable  of  judicial  abuses.  They  have 
 cut  down  a  part  of  our  enormous  establishments;  they  have 
 even  touched  their  own  salaries,  and  meditate  further  reductions. 
 In  the  work  of  economy  has  consisted  their  greatest  difficulty; 
 it  tends  to  generate  opposition  and  discontent  among  those  who 
 ought  to  be  their  servants,  and,  by  impairing  future  prospects, 
 dilutes  the  zeal  of  mercenary  supporters ;  but  it  has  conciliated 
 the  esteem  of  the  People. 
 
ADDRESS    TO    THE    NEW    EDITION.  IX 
 
 Abroad  they  have  maintained  peace  and  leaned  to  the  side  of 
 constitutional  governments.  The  battle  of  continental  freedom 
 is  not  yet  won.  A  terrible  phalanx  is  couched  in  the  North  and 
 East,  which  waits  only  the  acquiescence  or  neutrality  of  this 
 country  to  open  a  new  crusade  against  liberal  institutions. 
 While  England  and  France  are  united,  the  hordes  of  Tyrants  will 
 not  break  from  their  ambush.  Englishmen  are  awake  !  Feudal 
 pretexts  of  national  rivalry  and  hereditary  hate  will  not  excite 
 hostile  feelings  towards  a  nation  with  which  so  many  interests 
 in  common  ought  to  unite  them  in  amicable  bonds.  They 
 rightly  appreciate  the  Aberdeen  school  of  foreign  politics  ;  they 
 will  not  again  suffer  the  produce  of  industry  to  be  squandered 
 and  future  calamities  entailed  in  support  of  aristocratic  wars, 
 —in  support  of  wars  to  defend  Misrule  at  home  and  Despotism 
 abroad ! 
 
 So  long  as  Ministers  pursue  national  objects,  they  will  be  sup- 
 ported. They  have  opposed  to  them  only  that  delinquent 
 Muster-roll  with  whose  names  are  associated  every  lavish  grant 
 — every  attack  on  public  liberty — every  insolence  of  authority 
 for  the  last  forty  years.  That  they  should  be  vanquished  by  a 
 set  like  this,  when  supported  by  the  People,  is  impossible. 
 While,  however,  we  seek  for  them  popular  aid,  it  is,  we  repeat, 
 an  aid  accompanied  with  unceasing  vigilance.     Government  is 
 
X  ADDRESS    TO    THE    NEW    EDITION. 
 
 power,  and  its  agents  will  luxuriate  in  the  enjoyment  without 
 strict  responsibility.  Its  inherent  tendency  is  to  abuse,  not  to 
 improvement.  Individuals  are  slow  to  reform  without  impera- 
 tive motives ;  governments  are  still  more  reluctant :  they  are 
 always  prompt  to  bequeath  the  redemption  of  their  follies  to 
 their  successors ;  while  posterity  has  cause  to  lament  that 
 justice  has  not  been  contemporary  with  guilt. 
 
 March  17%  1832. 
 
DEDICATION  TO  THE  PEOPLE. 
 
 To  the  People  our  labours  may  be  fitly  inscribed — they  are  the 
 tribunal  of  last  resort, — also  the  victims  of  Misrule, — and  to 
 them,  therefore,  may  be  properly  dedicated  a  record  of  the 
 abuses  from  which  they  have  long  suifered,  and  of  the  means 
 by  which  they  may  be  alleviated. 
 
 All  the  blessings  the  nation  ought  to  enjoy  have  been  inter- 
 cepted,— the  rewards  of  industry,  science,  and  virtue  have  been 
 dissipated  in  iniquitous  wars  abroad — at  home,  in  useless  es- 
 tablishments, in  Oligarchical  luxury,  folly,  and  profusion. 
 
 If  we  wanted  proof  of  misgovernment — of  incapacity  and  tur- 
 pitude— Ireland  affords  a  frightful  example :  it  is  not  Mr.  O'Con- 
 nell  who  causes  her  agitation ;  he  is  only  one  of  the  fruits  of 
 Tyranny, — an  effect,  not  the  cause,  of  the  disorders,  which  have 
 originated  in  the  neglect  of  her  vast  resources,  in  an  unemployed 
 population,  an  absentee  proprietary,  and  a  plundering  church. 
 To  the  wretchedness  of  Ireland,  England  is  fast  approaching,  and 
 
Xll  DEDICATION. 
 
 just  as  little  from  the  efforts  of  individual  disturbers.  It  is  not 
 the  manufacturing,  but  the  agricultural  districts  which  are  now 
 excited ;  these  have  always  formed  the  exclusive  domain  of 
 the  Clergy  and  Aristocracy  ; — the  rural  population  is  exactly 
 what  tithes,  game-laws,  the  country  magistracy,  Church-of- 
 Engiandism,  and  a  luxurious  and  non-resident  priesthood  have 
 made  them.  And  what  do  we  behold  ?  The  people  have  risen 
 against  their  pastors  and  landlords,  and  have  resorted  to  nightly 
 outrage  and  revenge — the  last  resort  of  the  oppressed  for  wrongs 
 for  which  neither  remedy  nor  inquiry  has  been  vouchsafed. 
 
 We  are  not  of  the  number  of  those  who  inculcate  patient 
 submission  to  undesei*ved  oppression.  A  favourite  toast  of  Dr. 
 Johnson  was,  "  Success  to  an  insurrection  of  the  Blacks  !" 
 Shall  we  say — Success  to  the  rising  of  the  Whites  !  We 
 should  at  once  answer  yes,  did  we  not  think  some  measures 
 would  be  speedily  adopted  to  mitigate  the  bitter  privations  and 
 avert  the  further  degradation  of  the  labouring  classes. 
 
 A  new  era,  we  are  told,  is  about  to  commence : — no  more 
 liberticide  wars — no  more  squanderings  of  the  produce  of  in- 
 dustry in  sinecures  and  pensions — and,  above  all,  reform  is  to 
 be  conceded.  We  wait  in  patience.  Our  diseases  are  manifold 
 and  require  many  remedies,  but  the  last  is  the  initiative  of  all 
 the  rest,  involving  at  once  the  destmction  of  partial  interests — 
 of  monopolies,  corn-laws,  judicial  abuse,  unequal  taxation, — 
 and  giving  full  weight  and  expression  to  the  general  weal  and 
 intelligence.  If  Ministers  are  honest,  they  deserve  and  will 
 require  all  the  support  the  People  can  give  them  to  overturn  a 
 system  which  is  the  reverse  :  if  they  are  not,  they  will  be  soon 
 passed  under  the  ban  of  their  predecessors,  with  the  additional 
 
DEDICATION,  XUl 
 
 infamy  of  having  deceived  by  pledges  which  they  never  meant 
 to  redeem.     We  have  hope,  but  no  confidence. 
 
 Pubhc  opinion,  and  not  ParUament,  is  omnipotent;  it  is 
 that  which  has  effected  all  the  good  which  has  been  accom- 
 plished, and  it  is  that  alone  which  must  effect  the  remainder. 
 Unfortunately,  Government  can  never  be  better  constituted 
 than  it  is  for  the  profit  of  those  who  share  in  its  administration  ; 
 they  have  no  interest  in  change,  and  their  great  maxims  of  mle 
 are, — first,  to  concede  nothing,  so  long  as  it  can  with  safety  be 
 refused  ;  secondly,  to  concede  as  little  as  possible ;  and,  lastly, 
 only  to  concede  that  little  when  eveiy  pretext  for  delay  and 
 postponement  has  been  exhausted.  Such  are  the  arcana  of 
 those  from  whom  reform  is  to  proceed,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to 
 suggest  the  watchfulness,  unanimity,  and  demonstrations  by 
 which  they  must  be  opposed. 
 
 Some  of  the  Ministers  are  honest — they  are  all  ingenious, 
 and,  no  doubt,  will  have  an  ingenious  plan,  with  many  in- 
 genious arguments  for  its  support,  concocted  for  our  acceptance, 
 — a  plan  with  many  convolutions,  cycles,  and  epicycles — and, 
 perhaps,  endeavour  to  substitute  the  shadow  for  the  substance  ! 
 But  it  will  avail  them  nothing  ;  the  balance  is  deranged,  and  it 
 must  be  adjusted  by  a  real  increase  of  democratic  power.  The 
 remedy,  too,  must  be  one  of  immediate  action,  not  of  gradual 
 incorporation ;  it  must  not  be  patch-work — no  disfranchising  of 
 non-resident  voters — the  transfer  of  the  right  of  voting  to 
 great  towns — the  lessening  of  election  expenses — and  stuff  of 
 that  sort.  Such  tinkering  will  not  merit  discussion,  and  would 
 leave  the  grievance  precisely  in  its  original  state. 
 
XIV  DEDICATION. 
 
 We  have  fully  stated  our  views  on  the  subject  in  the  con- 
 cluding article  of  our  work :  by  their  accomplishment  a  real 
 reform  would  be  obtained,  and  all  good  would  follow  in  their 
 train.  Our  last  wishes  are,  that  the  Peoplk,  to  whom  we 
 dedicate  our  labours,  will  be  firm — united — and  persevering ; 
 and,  rely  upon  it,  we  are  on  the  eve  of  as  great  a  social  re- 
 generation as  the  destruction  of  Feudality,  the  abasement  of 
 Popery,  or  any  other  of  the  memorable  epochs  which  have 
 signalized  the  progress  of  nations. 
 
 February  ls<,  1831. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Advertisement  to  the  New  Edition •>"> iii 
 
 Address  to  the  New  Edition      A'ii 
 
 Dedication  to  the  People   -       xi 
 
 CHAPTER  I. 
 
 CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 
 
 Introduction  : — Christianity  peculiarly  the  worship  of  the  people       1 
 
 Conduct  of  public  men  in  respect  oi"  religious  institutions 2 
 
 Tyburn  or  Tartarus  the  needful  moral  restraint  of  some  persons   •  •        3 
 England — the  only  country  to  which  ecclesiastical  reform  has  not 
 
 extended 4 
 
 The  un-Christian  conduct  of  the  established  Clergy — supporters  of 
 aristocratic  wars  —  favoarable  to  the  African  slave-trade — not 
 favourable  to  education — not  given  to  charity — and  communi- 
 cate little  useful  knowledg'e  to  the  people •        6 
 
 Religious  opinions  determined  by  education 8 
 
 Division  of  the  subject 9 
 
XVI  CONTENTS. 
 
 I. — ORIGIN    AND    TENURE    OF    CHURCH    PROPERTY. 
 
 Origin  and  fourfold  division  of  tithes     10 
 
 New  disposition  of  ecclesiastical  property  at  the  Reformation 13 
 
 Church  property  proved  to  be  public  property  from  legislative  acts     16 
 
 Eagle's  Legal  Argument  on  tithes « 17 
 
 Tenure  of  the  clergy — same  as  other  public  functionaries 18 
 
 Clergy,  tenants-at-will,  may  be  ejected   by   their   parliamentary 
 
 landlords 19 
 
 II. PATRONAGE    OF    THE    CHURCH. 
 
 Dr.  Lushington's  error  in  considering  advowsons  private  property     19 
 
 Evasion  of  the  laws  against  simony 20 
 
 Jews  and  Infidels  may  select  persons  for  the  Gospel  ministiy   •  •  •  •  20 
 
 Instance  of  sale  advowsons   21 
 
 Patronage  among  the  bishops,  the  king,  aristocracy,  and  gentry*  •  21 
 
 Recommendations  of  the  present  bishops  to  promotion 23 
 
 Examples  of  perversion  of  patronage  by  bishops  Sparke,  Sutton, 
 
 and  Pretyman     •-. 24 
 
 Clerical  monopoly  illustrated  by  examples • 28 
 
 Number  of  the  clergy  and  number  of  preferments  shared  among 
 
 them « 30 
 
 Singular  division  of  parochial  benefices  into  pluralities 30 
 
 More  than  one-third  of  incumbents  pluralists    • 31 
 
 III. — SINECUlllSM.  —  NON-RESIDENCE.  —  PLURALITIES. 
 
 CHURCH    DISCIPLINE. 
 
 Uncouth  habiliments  and  dress  of  the  clergy 32 
 
 Duties  of  the  several  orders  of  clergy 33 
 
 Discoveries  of  Mr.  Wright  on  church  discipline 34 
 
 Pretexts  of  the  clergy  for  non-residence 35 
 
 Parsons'  indemnity  bill 39 
 
 Dr.  Johnson's  employment  before  he  received  a  pension  •  •  • 40 
 
 Primate  Sutton's  principle  of  church  government 41 
 
 The  priestly  motto  on  Lambeth  window 41 
 
CONTENTS.  XVU 
 
 IV. — REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH. 
 
 Suggestions  for  an  authentic  return  of  ecclesiastical  revenues   •  •  •  •  42 
 
 Examples  of  increase  in  value  of  church  property 43 
 
 Quarterly  Review's  estimate  of  church  revenues  .........  c  c    . .  45 
 
 Estimate  of  value  of  sees  from  authentic  data 47 
 
 Lectureships,   public  charities,   surplice  fees,   new  churches,  and 
 
 other  sources  of  clerical  income 48 
 
 General  Statement  of  church  revenues,  from  tithe,  church  fees,  &c.  52 
 
 Revenues  of  the  church  monopolized  by  7694  individuals     ......  53 
 
 Impositions  practised  in  repect  of  poor  livings    55 
 
 Question  briefly  stated — Bishops,  Dignitaries,  and  Aristocratic  Plu- 
 
 ralists,  chiefly  engross  church  income    • 5Q 
 
 Church  of  England  without  Poor  Clergy,  unless  it  be  curates  •  •  •  •  58 
 Proportion  in  which  revenues  are  divided  among  the  several  orders 
 
 of  clergy     58 
 
 Observations  on  unequal  division  of  ecclesiastical  revenues    59 
 
 Comparative  cost  of  Church  of  England  and  other  churches 63 
 
 v. —  RAPACITY    OF    THE    CLERGY    EXEMPLIFIED. 
 
 Conduct  of  the  rich  clergy  in  respect  of  First  Fruits 64 
 
 Rapacious  claims  of  the  London  clerg-y  • 67 
 
 True  policy  of  the  church  expounded     70 
 
 Conduct  of  the  clergy  in  respect  of  tithe  compositions 71 
 
 Dean  and  chapter  of  Ely's  rapacious  claim    -  71 
 
 Mode  suggested  for  retaliating  on  the  clergy    72 
 
 VI. —  ORIGIN    AND    DEFECTS    OF    THE    CHURCH    LITURGY. 
 
 Dr.  Middleton's  researches  in  church  history    73 
 
 Similarity  of  Catholic  and  Church  of  England  worship 74 
 
 Opposite  conduct  of  Whigs  and  Tories  in  respect  of  religion 75 
 
 Defects  in  the  book  of  Common  Prayer    76 
 
 Church  Catechism • 77 
 
 Strange  mode  of  ordaining  priests 78 
 
 Preference  of  church  service  to  the  random  out-pourings  of    the 
 
 conventicle 79 
 
 b 
 
XVlll  CONTENTS. 
 
 VII. NUMBERS,     WEALTH,      MORAL     AND     EDUCATIONAL 
 
 EFFICIENCY    OF    THE    DISSENTERS. 
 
 Dissenters,  like  Roman  slaves,  never  numbered    ■ 79 
 
 Number  of  places  of  worship  and  attendants •  80 
 
 Comparison  of  moral  and  educational  efficiency  of  Separatists  and 
 
 Episcopalians 81 
 
 A  Dissenter's  reasons  for  the  non-payment  of  tithe 83 
 
 Tabular  statement  of  religious  denominations  in  England 85 
 
 VIII. WHO    WOULD    BE    BENEFITED    BY    ECCLESIASTICAL 
 
 REFORM  ? 
 
 Church  reform  benefit  the  many  and  injure  a  few 86 
 
 Unfitness  of  the  Clergy  for  secular  functions    86 
 
 Unequal  extent  of  benefices 87 
 
 Tithes  should  be  commuted  for  an  equivalent  assessment  on  landlords  88 
 
 Opinions  of  Lord  Brougham,  Burke,  Watson,  and  Paley,  on  tithes  89 
 
 Rights  of  lay-impropriators  examined 91 
 
 Ought  compensation  to  be  allowed  for  Church  Patronage?    91 
 
 Necessity  of  religious  worship  of  some  kind 92 
 
 Scotch  example  of  church  reformation 93 
 
 Example  of  Dissenters  and  Americans 94 
 
 Puerile  attempts  of  the  Bishops  to  save  the  church 95 
 
 CHAPTER  II. 
 
 Alphabetic    List  of  Bishops,    Dignitaries,    and    Plu- 
 
 RALisTS  of  the  Church  of  England 96 
 
 Valuation  of  Sees  and  Dignities  in  the  King's  Book 131 
 
 CHAPTER  III. 
 
 CHURCH  OF  IRELAND. 
 
 Ireland,  an  illustration  of  Oligarchical  government    138 
 
 A  more  revolting  spectacle  of  ecclesiastical  abuse  than  England    •  •  1 39 
 
 Irish  proprietary  mistake  their  true  policy L39 
 
 Extent  of  acres  appertaining  to  the  Irish  sees   140 
 
CONTENTS.  XIX 
 
 Wealth  bequeathed  to  their  families  by  the  bishops ♦    142 
 
 Biographical  notice  of  the  late  bishop  Warburtou      143 
 
 Injurious  tendency  of  Act  for  composition  of  tithes   144 
 
 Pluralities,  unions,  and  extent  of  benefices    145 
 
 Statement  of  sums  to  be  paid  in  lieu  of  tithes  in  several  parishes, 
 
 the  names  of  incumbents  and  patrons    148 
 
 Return  of  parishes  whi-ch  have  compounded,  and  total  amount  of 
 
 lay  and  clerical  tithes     • 152 
 
 Ministers'  money  and  church  fees 153 
 
 Estimate  of  the  revenues  of  the  Protestant  establishment 154 
 
 Number  of  clergy  among  whom  the  revenues  are  divided •  •  •    1 54 
 
 Constitution  of  the  Deans  and  Collegiate  Chapters    1 55 
 
 Eight   hundred   and  fifty  individuals  possess    3195    ecclesiastical 
 
 offices 157 
 
 Tabular  statement  of  church  patronage 1 58 
 
 Non-residence  of  bishops  and  parochial  clergy 160 
 
 Oppressiveness  of  the  Tithe  System  illustrated 163 
 
 Appointment  of  tithe  committee  in  the  House  of  Lords   164 
 
 Proportion  of  Roman  Catholics  and  Protestants    166 
 
 State  stipends  paid  to  Dissenters — origin  of  Regium  Donum  •  •  •  •    169 
 
 Management  of  the  first  fruits  fund 170 
 
 Return  of  promotions  in  the  Irish  church 172 
 
 Intolerance  of  the  church  towards  Dissenters  and  Catholics 176 
 
 Crisis  of  the  Irish  church  at  the  close  of  1831 179 
 
 General  conclusions  on  the  United  Church  of  England  and  Ireland   1  82 
 
 CHAPTER  IV. 
 
 REVENUES  OF  THE  CROWN. 
 
 Delusion  practised  in  respect  of  the  crown  revenues •  •  •  •  1 84 
 
 Origin  and  history  of  the  crown  lands    186 
 
 Abuses  in  the  management  of  the  landed  revenues    189 
 
 Amount  and  appropriation  of  landed  revenues    192 
 
 Expenditure  on  Regent-street,  Charing-cross,  Windsor  Castle,  &c.  193 
 
 Pickings  from  palace  jobs 193 
 
 Official  statement  of  income  and  expenditure  of  landed  revenues*  •  194 
 
 62 
 
XX  CONTENTS. 
 
 Estimate  of  the  value  of  crown  lands 1 95 
 
 Sale  of  them  recommended     » 196 
 
 Droits  of  the  crown  and  admiralty     197 
 
 Origin  of  and  examples   of  application  of  produce  of   admiralty 
 
 droits     197 
 
 Four-and-a-half  per  cent.  Leeward  Island  duties 202 
 
 Expended  in  parliamentary  jobbing — Burke's  pension 203 
 
 Curious  expedient  of  Tory  ministers  for  raising  a  jobbing  fund  •  •   205 
 
 West-India  church  establishment 205 
 
 Scotch  hereditary  revenues     • 207 
 
 Gibraltar    duties  —  duchies   of  Cornwall  —  escheats  —  fines  —  and 
 
 penalties     208 
 
 Statement  of  produce  of  hereditary  revenues  of  the  crown    210 
 
 CHAPTER  V. 
 
 CIVIL  LIST. 
 King's  household — its  Gothic  origin — and  expensive  establishment  212 
 Departments  of  the  lord  chamberlain,  lord  steward,  and  master  of 
 
 the  horse     213 
 
 Origin  of  the  privy-purse  and  court  pension-list    215 
 
 Publication  of  the  court  pension-list 216 
 
 Civil  list  allowance  augmented  a  quarter  of  a  million  in  1  820  •  •  •  •    217 
 
 Civil  lists  of  George  III.  and  George  IV. 218 
 
 Settlement  of  civil  list  of  William  IV.     219 
 
 Remarks  on  the  Whig  civil  list 221 
 
 Royal  debts  and  expenditure  during  the  two  last  reigns    221 
 
 Total  expenditure  from  accession  of  Geo.  III.  to  the  death  of  Geo. 
 
 IV.  one  hundred  millions 225 
 
 The  King  exempt  from  taxes  —a  court  and  levee 266 
 
 Policy  and  character  of  the  two  late  reigns    » 228 
 
 Peculiar  death  of  Geo.  IV.  and  his  chief  counsellors   234 
 
 Civil  list  accounts • 235 
 
 Return  of  the  incomes  of  the  royal  family 237 
 
 Expenditure  on  Windsor  Castle  and  Buckingham  Palace 238 
 
 Ancient  payments  out  of  English,   Scotch,    and   Irish    civil  lists, 
 
 with  illustrative  notes     239 
 
CONTENTS.  XXI 
 
 CHAPTER  VI. 
 
 PRIVY  COUNCIL— DIPLOMATIC   MISSIONS— AND 
 CONSULAR   ESTABLISHMENTS. 
 
 Number  and  constitution  of  the  king's  privy  council 244 
 
 Sir  James  Graham's  motion  on  the  emoluments  of  privy  counsellors  245 
 
 Ambassadors  and  diplomatic  missions    •  • .  • 247 
 
 Consular  establishments 250 
 
 Official  returns  relative  to  foreign  ministers  and  consuls   251 
 
 Salaries  and  allowances  as  fixed  by  the  Whig  ministry     252 
 
 CHAPTER  VII. 
 
 THE  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 Triumphs  of  knowledge  over  feudal  barbarisms  ■  ■  .  •  • 254 
 
 Clergy,  lords,  and  commons  deviated  from  original  objects  of  their 
 
 institution 256 
 
 Tendency  of  right  of  primogeniture  and  entails 258 
 
 Objectionable  privileges  of  the  peerage 260 
 
 Injustice  of  aristocratic  taxation     262 
 
 Incomes  of  landed  interest,  the  legitimate  fund  for  taxation 265 
 
 Specimen  of  partial  exemptions  from  taxes    •    266 
 
 Aristocratic  game   laws — a  specimen  of  late  tyranny  of  the  Bo- 
 
 roughmongers 268 
 
 Incomes  of  the  aristocracy • 271 
 
 Anti-property  theories  of  Robert  Owen  and  St.  Simon 272 
 
 Diminutive  income   of  the   Peerage  compared  with  that  of  other 
 
 classes     275 
 
 Different  classes  of  society  and  their  respective  incomes    277 
 
 Taxes  levied  on  the  industrious  orders 278 
 
 Increase  of  the  peerage 281 
 
 More  prolific  than  other  classes  of  the  community     281 
 
 Influence  of  Toryism  of  late  reigns  on  character  of  the  Peerage  •  •    282 
 
 V^otes  of  the  lords  on  Reform  Bill 283 
 
 Absurdity  of  hereditary  legislation • 283 
 
 Sources  of  aristocratic  monopoly  and  abuse 284 
 
XXli  CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER  Vlli. 
 
 LAW  AND  COURTS  OF  LAW. 
 
 Boasted  independence  of  the  Judges  considered   • 286 
 
 Confused  state  of  statute  and  common  law 287 
 
 Judges  do  not  understand  the  law,  though  the  people  are  expected 
 
 to  comprehend  it    •••  288 
 
 Dunning's  mode  of  expounding  acts  of  parliaments 289 
 
 A  lawyer's  library  described 290 
 
 Causes  of  the  multiplication  of  statutes 291 
 
 Obscure  language  in  which  they  are  drawn— example  from  sir  R. 
 
 Peel's  acts 293 
 
 Hodge-podge  acts  —  blunder  in  the  forgery  act  of  sir  J.  Scarlett*  •  •  •  295 
 
 Legislation,  an  after-dinner  amusement  of  the  house  of  commons  296 
 
 Number  and  emoluments  of  the  professional  classes       297 
 
 Debtor  laws  chief  source  of  litigation  and  legal  emoluments ......  299 
 
 Courts  of  request,  &c.  encourage  a  vicious  system  of  credit 301 
 
 Summary  of  Legal  Abuses  and  Defects: 
 
 Objections  against  a  stipendiary  magistracy •  ••  303 
 
 Different  laws  in  different  places   304 
 
 Different  laws  for  different  persons    305 
 
 Absurdities  of  fines  and  recoveries 307 
 
 Defects  in  agreements  for  leases  and  conveyances     • 308 
 
 Arrest  for  debt — its  injustice 308 
 
 Inconsistent  liabilities  of  property  for  debt     309 
 
 Insecurity  of  titles  to  estates 312 
 
 Inconsistences  of  the  marriage-laws 312 
 
 Monstrous  costs  of  law-suits 313 
 
 Law  of  debtor  and  credito  r     315 
 
 List  of  absurdities  in  judicial  administration 316 
 
 Oppressions  under  the  excise-laws. 321 
 
 Prospects  of  legal  reform 325 
 
CONTENTS.  XXm 
 
 Official  returns  illustrative  of  law  and  courts  of  law ■  •  •    329 
 
 Working  of  the  insolvent  debtors'  act 332 
 
 CHAPTER  IX. 
 
 PROGRESS  OF  THE  PUBLIC  DEBT  AND  TAXES. 
 
 Effects  of  taxes  on  wages  and  profits • 334 
 
 Objects  of  the  parliamentary  wars  waged  since  1688    335 
 
 Short  view  of  each  reign,  from  the  accession  of  William  III.   •  •  •  •  336 
 Increase  of  debt  and  taxes  consequent  on  each  war  since  the  Revo- 
 lution   •••  336 
 
 Cost  of  war  against  independence  of  United  States  of  America'  •  •  •  339 
 
 Cost  of  the  French  war  from  1793  to  1815 340 
 
 Conclusions  on  disastrous  policy  of  the  Borough-government   •  •  •  •  342 
 
 CHAPTER  X. 
 
 EXPOSITION  OF  THE  FUNDING-SYSTEM. 
 
 Feudal  system  had  one  advantage 343 
 
 Funds,  exchequer-bills,  and  navy-bills  explained 344 
 
 Progress  and  state  of  the  Debt,  to  the  year  1831     346 
 
 Annual  charge  entailed  on  the  country  by  the  war  of  1793 348 
 
 Plans  for  redemption  of  the  debt 349 
 
 Dead-weight-annuity  project 354 
 
 New  suggestions  for  liquidating  the  Debt 356 
 
 Catastrophe  of  the  funding-system    • 359 
 
 Examination  of  question  on  violation  of  national  faith 360 
 
 Severe  distress  consequent  of  an  attack  on  the  funds    360 
 
 A  violation  of  national  faith  perpetuate  the  power  of  the  Oligarchy  362 
 
 The  last  resort  of  the  Aristocracy •  • . .  363 
 
XXIV  CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER  XI. 
 
 TAXATION  AND  GOVERNMENT  EXPENDITURE. 
 
 General  principles  of  finance  and  taxation    366 
 
 Examples  of  the  violation  of  these  principles    368 
 
 Expense  of  public  offices 371 
 
 The  great  "  exchequer  job" 372 
 
 Audit-office    374 
 
 Civil  department  of  the  army — Woolwich  academy 375 
 
 Department  of  the  navy  and  dock-yards 376 
 
 Increase  in  peace- establishments    377 
 
 Expenditure  of  the  Colonies — utility  of    379 
 
 Losses  sustained  by  the  colonial  system 381 
 
 Factory  system  and  slave-trade 382 
 
 Lord-lieutenant  of  Ireland 383 
 
 Coronation  expenditure — absurdity  of  the  pageant 384 
 
 II. —  WORKINGS    OF    TAXATION. 
 
 Effect  of  monopolies  in  augmenting  prices    • 385 
 
 Soap  duties     • 385 
 
 Silk  and  hemp  duties 386 
 
 Glass,  paper,  pamphlet,  and  advertisement  duties   386 
 
 Sea  policies,  fire  insurance,  and  stamp  duties • 387 
 
 Exemption  of  Ireland  from  taxation 387 
 
 Taxes  on  newspapers,  and  their  influence  on  the  press     388 
 
 The  press,  a  fourth  estate 389 
 
 Proposal  to  manage  the  public  journals 390 
 
 Irresponsible  power  of  the  Times  newspaper     391 
 
 Newspaper  press  not  injured  by  abolition  of  stamp  duties     393 
 
 Reduction  in  duties  on  like  discovery  of  an  useful  invention    •  •  •  •  393 
 
 CHAPTER  Xn. 
 
 THE  EAST  INDIA  COMPANY. 
 
 Political  influence  of  Bank  and  East  India  Company   394 
 
contents;.  XXV 
 
 Origin  and  progress  of  the  Company 395 
 
 Decennial  settlement  of  lands  in  India 398 
 
 Indian  wars  and  territorial  acquisitions 401 
 
 Population  and  extent  of  the  Anglo-Indian  empire 401 
 
 Exploits  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  in  India 404 
 
 Government  and  patronage  of  India 405 
 
 Territorial  revenues  of  India 412 
 
 Commercial  intercourse  with  the  Chinese 413 
 
 Commercial  profits  of  the  Company 414 
 
 People  of  England  pay   the  Company's  dividend  in  the  monopoly 
 
 price  of  tea    • 415 
 
 Thoughts  on  the  renewal  of  the  Company's  charter 418 
 
 House  list— treatment  of"  East   Indians" — colonization — India- 
 press  • 420 
 
 Rupture  with  the  Chinese — Select  Committee  and  Messrs.  Lind- 
 say &  Co. 422 
 
 The  real  point  of  interest  between  the  Company   and  the  people 
 
 stated 423 
 
 Extravagant  expenditure  of  Company  and  necessity  of  retrench- 
 ment    424 
 
 Facts  relative  to  the  India  question    425 
 
 Accounts  of  the  revenues  and  debts  of  the  Company 426 
 
 Postscript  on  East  India  Company    • 45 1 
 
 CHAPTER  XIII. 
 THE  BANK  OF  ENGLAND. 
 
 A  class  of  politicians  with  one  idea 428 
 
 Mistaken  views  of  political  economists 428 
 
 Origin  and  progress  of  the  Bank 430 
 
 Provisions  of  the  Bank  charter 430 
 
 Compelled  to  pay  in  shillings  and  sixpences 431 
 
 Issue  notes  of  a  low  denomination     432 
 
 Contemporary  increase  of  issues  and  government  advances 432 
 
 Bank -restriction-act — legal  tender — Lord  King    433 
 
 Resumption  of  cash-payments  in  1 823     435 
 
 Mischiefs  of  irresponsible  power  of  Bank  over  the  circulation    •  ■  436 
 
XXVI  CONTENTS. 
 
 Sources  of  Bank  profits,  and  their  enormous  amount 436 
 
 Pitt  and  plunder  system  the  chief  source  of  Bank  profits-  .......  439 
 
 Exclusive  privileges  of  the  Bank 442 
 
 Directors  have  not  acted  on  sound  principles  of  banking 442 
 
 Thoughts  on  a  New  Bank  of  England 443 
 
 Terms  on  which  the  Bank  charter  ought  to  be  renewed    444 
 
 Dividends  on  Bank  Stock,  from  establishment  of  Company 445 
 
 Return  of  persons  convicted  of  forgery     446 
 
 Statement  of  affairs  of  the  Bank •. 447 
 
 Annual  sums  payable  to  the  Bank  by  the  public 448 
 
 Account  of  distribution  of  profits  among  proprietors     449 
 
 Returns  of  circulation  of  notes  in  each  year  since  1792 450 
 
 Postscript  on  Bank  and  East  India  Company 672 
 
 CHAPTER  XIV. 
 
 MUNICIPAL  CORPORATIONS,  COMPANIES,  GUILDS,  AND 
 FRATERNITIES. 
 
 Difficulty  of  fixing  the  public  mind  on  a  new  subject   • 452 
 
 Corporations  do  not  embody  the  interests  of  cities  and  towns  •  •  •  •  453 
 
 Origin  of  corporations,  guilds,  and  fraternities     .• 454 
 
 How  popular  constitution  of  corporate  bodies  destroyed    455 
 
 Customs  and  institutions  of  the  ancient  guilds .••  456 
 
 Rise  and  downfal  of  Merchant-Tailors  Company  of  Bristol 458 
 
 Management  and  revenues  of  companies  of  the  City  of  London  •  •  460 
 
 Oppressive  and  vexatious  powers  exercised  by  the  City  Companies  460 
 
 CORPORATIONS    OF    CITIES    AND    TOWNS. 
 
 Corporation  of  City  of  London 464 
 
 Corporation  of  Bristol   467 
 
 Corporation  of  Liverpool   468 
 
 Corporation  of  Bath 469 
 
 Corporation  of  Preston * 471 
 
 Corporation  of  Lichfield 4/1 
 
 Corporation  of  Stafford * 472 
 
 Corporation  of   Northampton     472 
 
 Corporation  of  Gloucester • 473 
 
CONTENTS.  XXvii 
 
 Corporation  of  Leeds 474 
 
 Conduct  of  the  corporations  of  Newcastle  and  Bristol •  • .  474 
 
 Suggestions  for  the  reform  of  corporate  bodies 475 
 
 Estate  of  the  City  of  London    476 
 
 Dr.  Brady's  interpretation  of  "  communitatis" 477 
 
 CHAPTER  XV. 
 
 PLACES,   PENSIONS,   SINECURES,    REVERSIONS,  HALF- 
 PAY,  AND  SUPERANNUATIONS. 
 
 Progress  through  the  recesses  of  the  Oligarchy 479 
 
 Salaries  and  number  of  persons  employed  in  the  public  offices-  •  •  •  480 
 
 One  million  per  annum  might  be  saved  by  reductions  in  salaries  •  •  48 1 
 
 Civil  and  military  pluralities •  •  • .  482 
 
 Half-pay  and  superannuations    482 
 
 Sinecures,  reversions,  and  pensions 484 
 
 Monstrous  legal  sinecures  in  courts  of  law    485 
 
 Pension-roll  amounts  to  £805,022  per  annum ....  489 
 
 Infamous  pension-act  of  57  Geo.  III. •  490 
 
 Unjust  principle  of  granting  compensations 491 
 
 List  of  "  high  and  efficient  public  men"    492 
 
 Pensions  to  ex-lord-chancellors  and  judges    493 
 
 Compensation  and  retired  allowances 493 
 
 Pensions  under  bankruptcy  court  act     494 
 
 Salaries  and  pensions  exceeding  £1000     • 497 
 
 Classification  of  965  placemen,  receiving  £2,161,927  per  annum-  •  499 
 
 Sumptuous  pickings  of  lawyers 499 
 
 Conduct  of  lawyers  in  respect  of  court  fees 500 
 
 Reductions  of  the  Whig  ministry 500 
 
 General  statement  of  annual  expenditure  of  the  country  in  salaries, 
 
 pensions,  sinecures,  &c.     502 
 
 Principles  on  which  government  has  been  carried  on  by  Tory  admi- 
 nistrations   • 503 
 
XXVIll  CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER  XVI. 
 
 Alphabetic  list  of  placemen,  pensioners,  sinecuuists, 
 compensationists,  and  grantees.   505 
 
 Addendum  to  Place  and  Pension  list 589 
 
 CHAPTER  XVII. 
 HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  PAST,  PRESENT,  AND  TO  COME. 
 
 I. —  PROGRESS  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION    UP  TO  THE  REFORM   BILL. 
 
 Iniquities  of  the  Borough   System  doomed,  and  need   not  further 
 
 exposure     • • 591 
 
 Progress  of  the  constitution  up  to  the  Reform  Bill    592 
 
 Condition  of  the  people  under  the  Saxons   592 
 
 Origin  and  influence  of  the  Middle  Orders   • 593 
 
 House  of  Commons  began  to  exercise  legislative  functions  only  a 
 
 short  time  anterior  to  the  Civil  Wars     594 
 
 Revolution  of  1688  did  not  concede  to  the  industrious  orders  their 
 
 share  of  political  power 595 
 
 Causes  of  public  prosperity  subsequent  to  the  Revolution 595 
 
 Constitutional  deductions • 597 
 
 II, ADEQUACY    OF    THE     REFORM     BILL     TO    THE    WANTS    OF    THE 
 
 NATION     INVESTIGATED. 
 
 Two  principles  on  which  the  Reform  Bill  is  founded •  •  •  •  598 
 
 Groundless  fears  of  the  Alarmists 598 
 
 Real  objects  sought  by  the  people      599 
 
 Previous  political  changes  not  altered  the  status  of  the  Aristocracy  599 
 
 Absurd  apprehensions  about  levelling  doctrines 600 
 
 Principles  which  ought  to  determine  the  elective  qualification  •  •  •  •  601 
 
 Universal  suffrage,  impracticability  and  mischievousness  of 603 
 
 Ten-pound  qualification  not  a  property  qualification 605 
 
 Comparative  results  of  universal  and  household  suffrage    606 
 
CONTENTS.  XXIX 
 
 III. —  PRACTICAL    RESULTS    FROM    THE    ADOPTION    OF    THE 
 REFORM    BILL. 
 
 Constitutional  changes  valueless  in  themselves 606 
 
 When  settled  people  cease  to  agitate  questions  of  civil  rights    •  •  •  •  607 
 
 Practical  benefits  from  parliamentary  reform  enumerated 608 
 
 IV. — STATISTICS    OF    REPRESENTATION. 
 
 Freeholders  in  England  and  Wales    •  • 609 
 
 Registered  freeholders  in  Ireland   » 610 
 
 Population,  electors,  houses,  &c.  of  the  fifty-six  boroughs  disfran- 
 chised by  the  Reform  Bill ih. 
 
 Population,  electors,  &c.  of  the  thirty  semi-disfranchised  boroughs  611 
 
 Population,  houses,  &c.  of  boroughs  not  disfranchised 612 
 
 Welsh  boroughs     » 614 
 
 Population,  houses,  &c.  of  the  proposed  New  Boroughs    615 
 
 Population,  electors,  &c.  of  the  Scotch  cities  and  burghs      616 
 
 Limits  of  the  proposed  New  Boroughs    • 617 
 
 Number  of  parliaments  held  in  each  reign     621 
 
 List  of  ancient  boroughs     622 
 
 Progress  of  representation  in  different  reigns     622 
 
 V. —  RETROSPECTIVE    GLANCE    AT    PAST    HOUSES    OF    COMMONS.  623 
 
 Analysis  of  the  house  of  commons  elected  in  1830    626 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 1 .  Inns  of  Court  and  Chancery 627 
 
 2.  Trinity  College,  Dublin 623 
 
 3.  Return    of  cities    and    towns    with    a    population   exceeding 
 
 10,000,  not  included  in  the  Reform  Bill   636 
 
 4.  Expenditure  of  the  army,  navy,  ordnance,  &c. 637 
 
 5.  Sums  expended  under  the  head  of  Civil  Contingencies 638 
 
XXX  CONTENTS. 
 
 6.  Returns  of  Army  and  Navy  half-pay  and  retired  allowances'  •  640 
 
 7.  Number  of  public  creditors  and  amount  of  their  dividends*  •  •  •  642 
 
 8.  Population,    free    and    slaves,    imports    and    exports    of   the 
 Colonies 643 
 
 9.  House  of  Lords,  origin  and  character  of 644 
 
 10.  Borough  lords  and  their  Representatives    646 
 
 1 1 .  Ecclesiastical  Patronage  of  each  of  the  Nobility,  and  the  value 
 
 of  Rectories  and  Vicarages  in  their  gift    650 
 
 12.  Return  of  the  amount  of  church  rates,  county  rates,  and  high- 
 
 way rates,  &c.  in  each  county  of  England  and  Wales  •  •  •  •  668 
 
 13.  Return  of  lay  and  clerical  magistrates    669 
 
 14.  Commissioners  of  sewers,    institution  of,  and  abuses  in  their 
 administration    • 670 
 
 15.  Progress  of  Population  in  Great  Britain 672 
 
 16.  Postscript   672 
 
ADDENDUM. 
 
 MINISTERIAL  PLANS   ON  TITHES. 
 
 We  thought  of  submitting  some  observations  on  the  recent  reports  of 
 the  two  Houses  of  ParHament  on  Irish  tithes,  and  the  resolutions 
 founded  upon  them,  but,  in  looking  over  what  we  have  written,  we  find 
 the  subject  has  been  nearly  exhausted  in  our  copious  articles  on  the 
 united  churches  of  England  and  Ireland.  If  the  project  of  Ministers 
 for  converting  arrears  of  tithes  in  Ireland  into  debts  of  the  crown,  and 
 levying  them  by  government  process,  be  enforced,  it  concedes  at  once  the 
 important  principle  in  dispute  as  to  the  tenure  of  church  propert3\  If  an 
 evasion  of  tithes  may  be  prosecuted  by  the  attorney-general,  like  an  eva- 
 sion of  the  excise  or  revenue  laws,  then  is  the  income  of  the  church 
 identified  with  the  income  of  the  State,  and  the  clergy  admitted  to  be  the 
 stipendiaries  of  the  public.  Nothing,  however,  we  apprehend,  will  ulti- 
 mately result  from  the  government  measure :  these  are  not  the  times  to 
 harden  the  tithe  laws,  and  convert  what  has  been  hitherto  treated  as  a 
 civil  delinquency,  when  committed  by  a  whole  body  of  Christians,  into  a 
 criminal  charge  when  committed  by  an  entire  kingdom.  Ministers  in 
 this,  as  other  emergencies,  will  be  compelled  to  succumb  to  events. 
 Public  opinion  obviously  points  to  two  inevitable  conclusions, — first,  the 
 abolition  of  the  Irish  protestant  establishment  as  a  national  church  ;  and, 
 secondly,  the  appropriation  of  the  tithes  and  ecclesiastical  revenue  to  the 
 wants  of  society,  and  not  suffering  the  former  to  be  amalgamated  with 
 the  rents  of  the  landlords. 
 
 The  increasing  numbers  and  wealth  of  Dissenters  indicate  that  the 
 fate  of  tithes  in  Ireland  involves  their  fate  in  England.  Such  are  the 
 conflicting  claims  of  religionists  that  in  all  measures  of  general  improve- 
 ment, whether  as  respects  popular  education  or  parliamentary  reform, 
 the  Government  is  embarrassed  rather  than  supported  by  its  alliance  with 
 any  ;  and  we  doubt  not  the  question  will  soon  arise  whether  it  would  not 
 be  better  policy  for  the  State  to  withdraw  its  support  from  the  privileged 
 worship,  rather  than  be  compelled  to  adopt  the  alternative,  which  will  be 
 speedily  forced  upon  its  consideration,  of  granting  a  common  support 
 both  to  separatists  and  members  of  the  national  church. 
 
 In  these  movements  there  is  nothing  to  excite  alarm ;  least  of  all  in 
 the  prompt  extinction  of  tithe.  It  is  an  impolitic  and  impoverishing 
 impost  condemned  by  Mr.  Pitt  and  every  statesman  of  eminence,  and 
 the  only  miracle  is  that  it  has  been  so  long  upheld.  The  attempt  to 
 confound  rent  with  tithe  is  monstrous.  One  is  as  much  private  property 
 as  the  wages  of  the  operative,  and  every  one,  rich  or  poor,  is  alike 
 interested  in  maintaining  its  inviolability.     The  difference  between  them 
 
XXXll  ADDENDUM. 
 
 is  almost  as  great  as  that  between  useful  industry  and  downright  robbery  ; 
 or  the  sinecure  of  lord  Ellenborough  and  the  salary  of  an  efficient 
 servant  of  the  public. 
 
 The  most  difficult  part  of  the  question  is  the  settlement  of  existing 
 interests.  A  substantial  difference  has  always  appeared  to  us  to 
 subsist  between  the  claims  of  the  clerical  and  lay-tithe  owner,  and 
 we  have  expressed  as  much  on  a  former  occasion  {p.  91).  Beyond 
 a  life  interest  we  imagine  no  one  Avould  claim  a  compensation  for  the 
 clergy,  and  even  for  this  it  would  be  fair  to  accept  a  compromise.  It  is 
 a  plain  case  of  bankruptcy,  and  in  lieu  of  receiving  the  full  value  they 
 must  be  content  with  a  dividend.  If  such  is  their  lot,  they  will  not  be 
 alone  in  misfortune.  What  a  sinking  in  the  condition  of  most  classes  at 
 this  moment,  and  how  many  fortunes  have  been  cut  from  under  the  pos- 
 sessors within  the  last  twenty  years !  What  fluctuations  have  been 
 wrought  by  changes  in  the  currency,  the  introduction  of  machinery,  and 
 improvements  in  mercantile  law  !  The  clergy  cannot  expect  to  be  exempt 
 from  the  vicissitudes  of  life.  They  ought,  themselves,  to  practise  the 
 precepts  of  resignation  it  has  been  their  duty  to  inculcate  in  others,  and 
 place  their  aflfections  on  treasures  more  enduring  than  temporal  pos- 
 sessions. 
 
 If  the  occupation  of  the  clergy  be  gone,  it  is  their  own  fault,  and  they 
 have  only  themselves  to  blame.  Government  has  always  been  prompt 
 to  lend  its  aid  to  support  the  ecclesiastical  establishment ;  but  the  days 
 are  past  when  the  "  arm  of  flesh"  could  be  put  forth  to  control  the  re- 
 ligious faith  of  a  nation.  The  basis  of  the  contract  between  Church 
 and  State  is  that  the  latter  shall  afford  protection,  on  condition  the  former 
 affords  spiritual  instruction,  to  the  people.  If,  however,  the  people 
 secede  from  the  established  communion,  or  if  its  ministers,  from  want  of 
 zeal — correct  discipline — or  soundness  of  doctrine — fail  to  make  converts 
 of  the  community  over  which  they  are  the  appointed  pastors;  why,  then, 
 it  may  be  reasonably  inferred  that  as  the  duties  have  ceased,  or  failed  to 
 be  discharged,  the  stipends  annexed  to  them  ought  to  cease  also;  or, at 
 least,  the  servants  of  the  fallen  or  abandoned  worship  ought  only  to  be 
 paid  temporary  allowances — as  was  the  case  with  the  Catholic  clergy 
 at  the  Reformation — till  such  time  as  they  can  adjust  themselves  to  the 
 altered  circumstances  of  society 
 
 A  consideration  of  a  peculiar  nature  tends  to  augment  the  difficulties 
 of  this  embarrassing  subject,  and  the  apprehensions  naturally  felt  by 
 many  at  the  sinking  state  of  the  Irish  protestant  establishment.  By  the 
 articles  of  Union  the  churches  of  the  two  kingdoms  are  united  into 
 one  episcopal  church,  under  the  denomination  of"  the  United  Church  of 
 England  and  Ireland."  It  was  no  doubt  esteemed  good  policy  in  the 
 framers  of  this  great  legislative  measure  to  support  the  weakness  of  one 
 church  by  the  strength  of  the  other;  but  in  the  existing  circumstances 
 of  the  two  countries  it  is  likely  the  English  hierarchy  will  consider  it 
 true  wisdom  to  imitate  the  example  of  a  certain  order  of  the  creation, 
 remarkable  for  prescience  of  coming  calamites,  and  endeavour  to  scape 
 fiom  so  perilous  an  alliance  ! 
 
THE    EXTRAORDINARY 
 
 CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 
 
 Religion  and  the  institution  of  property,  the  pursuits  of  science, 
 literature,  and  commerce  have  greatly  benefited  the  human  race. 
 Christianity  is  peculiarly  the  worship  of  the  people:  among  them  it 
 originated,  and  to  the  promotion  of  their  welfare  its  precepts  are  especially 
 directed.  Under  the  influence  of  its  dogmas  the  pride  of  man  is  rebuked, 
 the  prejudices  of  birth  annihilated,  and  the  equal  claim  to  honour  and 
 enjoyment  of  the  whole  family  of  mankind  impartially  admitted. 
 
 Men  of  liberal  principles  have  sometimes  shown  themselves  hostile  to 
 the  Gospel;  forgetting,  apparently,  that  it  has  been  the  handmaid  of 
 civilization,  and  that  for  a  long  time  it  mitigated,  and,  finally,  greatly 
 aided  in  breaking  the  yoke  of  feudality.  They  are  shocked  at  the 
 corruptions  of  the  popular  faith,  and  hastily  confound  its  genuine  prin- 
 ciples with  the  intolerance  of  Bigotry,  the  oppression  of  tithes,  the 
 ostentation  of  prelacy,  and  the  delinquencies  of  its  inferior  agents,  who 
 pervert  a  humble  and  consoling  dispensation  into  an  engine  of  pride, 
 gain,  and  worldliness.  In  spite,  however,  of  these  adulterations,  the 
 most  careless  observer  cannot  deny  the  generally  beneficial  influence  of 
 the  Christian  doctrine,  in  promoting  decorum  and  equality  of  civil  rights, 
 in  spreading  a  spirit  of  peace,  charity,  and  universal  benevolence. 
 
 As  education  becomes  more  diffused,  the  ancillary  power  of  the  best 
 of  creeds  will  become  less  essential  to  the  well-being  of  society.  Reli- 
 gions have  mostly  had  their  origin  in  our  depravity  and  ignorance;  they 
 have  been  the  devices  of  man's  primitive  legislators,  who  sought,  by  the 
 creations  of  the  imagination,  to  control  the  violence  of  his  passions,  and 
 satisfy  an  urgent  curiosity  concerning  the  phenomena  by  which  he  is 
 surrounded.  But  the  progress  of  science  and  sound  morals  renders 
 superfluous  the  arts  of  illusion  ;  inventions,  which  are  suited  only  to  the 
 nurseiy,  or  an  imperfect  civilization,  are  superseded;  and  men  submit- 
 ting to  the  guidance  of  reason  instead  of  fear,  the  dominion  of  truth, 
 unmixed  with  error,  is  established  on  the  ruins  of  priestcraft. 
 
 B 
 
 ^ 
 
4>  CHUK(  H    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Even  now  may  be  remarked  the  advance  of  society  towards  a  more 
 dignified  and  rational  organization.  The  infallibility  of  popes,  the 
 divine  right  of  kinc^s,  and  the  privileges  of  aristocracy,  have  lost  their 
 influence  and  authority :  they  once  formed  a  sort  of  secular  relig-ion, 
 and  were  among-  the  many  delusions  by  which  mankind  have  been 
 plundered  and  enslaved.  Superstition,  too,  is  gradually  fading  away 
 by  shades ;  and  it  is  not  improbable  it  may  entirely  vanish,  ceasing  to 
 be  an  object  of  interest,  further  than  as  a  singular  trait  in  the  moral 
 history  of  the  species.  Formeily,  all  sects  were  bigots,  ready  to  torture 
 and  destroy  their  fellow-creatures  in  the  vain  effort  to  enforce  uniformity 
 of  belief;  now,  the  fervour  of  all  is  so  far  attenuated,  as  to  admit  not 
 only  of  dissent,  but  equality  of  claim  to  civil  immunities.  The  next 
 dilution  in  pious  zeal  is  obvious.  Universal  toleration  is  the  germ  of 
 indifference ;  and  this  last  the  forerunner  of  an  entire  oblivion  of  spiri- 
 tual fiiith.  Such  appears  the  natural  death  of  ecclesiastical  power; 
 it  need  not  to  be  hastened  by  the  rude  and  premature  assaults  of 
 Infidelity,  which  only  shock  existing  prejudices,  without  producing  con- 
 viction :  while  the  priesthood  continue  to  aid  the  civil  magistrate,  their 
 authority  will  be  respected;  but  when,  from  the  diffusion  of  science, 
 new  motives  for  the  practice  of  virtue  and  the  maintenance  of  social 
 institutions  are  generally  established,  the  utility  of  their  functions  will 
 cease  to  be  recognized. 
 
 Sensible  men  of  all  ages  have  treated  Avith  respect  the  established 
 worship  of  the  people.  If  so  unfortunate  as  to  disbelieve  in  its  divine 
 origin,  they  at  least  classed  it  among  the  useful  institutions  necessary 
 to  restrain  the  passions  of  the  multitude.  This  was  the  predominant 
 wisdom  of  the  Roman  government.  Speaking  of  this  great  empire,  in 
 its  most  triumphant  exaltation,  Gibbon  says,  "  The  policy  of  the 
 emperors  and  the  senate,  as  far  as  it  concerned  religion,  was  happily 
 seconded  by  the  reflections  of  the  enlightened,  and  by  the  habits  of  the 
 superstitious  part  of  their  subjects.  The  various  modes  of  worship 
 which  prevailed  in  the  known  world  were  all  considered  by  the  people 
 as  equally  true ;  by  the  philosopher  as  equally  false ;  and  by  the  ma- 
 gistrate as  equally  useful.  And  thus  toleration  produced  not  only  mutual 
 indulgence,  but  even  religious  concord."*  Further  on  he  continues, 
 "  Notwithstanding  the  fashionable  irreligion  which  prevailed  in  the  age 
 of  the  Antonines,  both  the  interests  of  priests  and  the  credulity  of  the 
 people  were  sufficiently  respected.  In  their  writings  and  conversation, 
 tlie  philosophers  asserted  the  independent  dignity  of  reason ;  but  they 
 resigned  their  actions  to  the  command  of  law  and  custom.  Viewing 
 with  a  smile  of  pity  the  various  errors  of  the  vulgar,  they  diligently 
 practised  the  ceremonies  of  their  fathers,  devoutly  frequented  the 
 temple  of  the  gods,  and,  sometimes  condescending  to  act  a  part  on  the 
 theatre  of  superstition,  they  concealed  the  sentiments  of  the  atheist 
 under  the  sacerdotal  robes.  Reasoners  of  such  a  temper  woi'e  scarcely 
 incHned  to  wrangle  about  their  respective  modes  of  faith  or  of  worship. 
 
 *  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  vol.  i.  p.  40. 
 
CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND.  O 
 
 It  was  indifferent  to  them  what  shape  the  folly  of  the  multitude  might 
 choose  to  assume ;  and  they  approached  with  the  same  inward  contempt 
 and  the  same  external  reverence  the  altars  of  the  Libyan,  the  Olympian, 
 or  the  Capitoline  Jupiter." 
 
 Can  it  he  supposed  the  statesmen  and  teachers  of  the  nineteenth 
 century  are  less  adroit  and  sagacious  than  those  of  pagan  Rome  ?  Can 
 it  be  supposed  those  whose  minds  have  been  enlightened  by  foreign 
 travel,  who  have  witnessed  the  conflict  of  opposite  creeds,  "and  who  have 
 escaped  the  mental  bondage  of  cloisters  and  colleg'es  in  the  freedom  of 
 g'eneral  intercourse,  are  less  penetrating*  than  the  magnates  of  the  ancient 
 world  ?  Like  them  too,  they  will  be  equally  politic  in  maintaining  an 
 outward  respect  for  the  errors  of  the  vulgar.  In  the  prevailing  worship 
 they  recognize  an  useful  auxiliary  to  civil  government ;  prosecuting  no 
 one  for  dissent,  it  can  as  little  offend  the  philosopher  as  politician ;  and 
 the  topics  of  all-absorbing  interest  it  holds  forth  to  every  class,  divert 
 the  vast  majority  from  too  intense  a  contemplation  of  sublunary  mis- 
 fortunes, or  from  the  painful  contrast  of  their  privations  with  the 
 usurpations  and  advantages  of  their  superiors. 
 
 The  policy  of  governing  nations  by  enlightening  the  few  and  hood- 
 winking the  many,  is  of  very  old  standing.  It  is  strongly  inculcated 
 by  Machiavel  in  his  Prince,  and  Dugald  Stewart  remarks,  that  public 
 men  of  the  present  day  mostly  hold  the  double-doctrine  ;*  that  is,  they 
 have  one  set  of  principles  which  they  openly  profess  in  complacence  to 
 the  multitude,  and  another,  comprising  their  real  sentiments,  which  they 
 keep  to  themselves,  or  confide  to  intimate  friends.  The  result  of  this 
 sinister  policy  may  be  constantly  remarked  in  the  proceedings  of  legis- 
 lative assemblies :  in  the  discussion  of  questions  bearing  on  the  social 
 interests,  especially  such  as  involve  the  principles  of  government,  the 
 theory  of  morals,  or  population,  there  is  invariably  maintained  a  con- 
 ventional latitude,  beyond  Avhich  if  any  one  trespass,  it  is  deemed  more 
 creditable  to  his  sincerity  than  understanding.  It  is  only  the  vain  and 
 superficial  who  unreservedly  assail  popular  opinions,  and  prophane  with 
 invective  and  ribaldry  the  sanctities  of  religion.  Such  rash  controver- 
 sialists are  ignorant  of  the  points  d'appui  upon  which  the  welfare  and 
 harmony  of  society  depend ;  and  though  it  may  happen  that  honour, 
 philanthropy,  or  patriotism  be  sufficient  guarantees  for  the  discharge  of 
 social  duties  by  some,  there  are  others  w'hose  turpitude  can  only  be 
 restrained  by  the  fear  of  Tyburn  or  Tartarus.  Hence  theological  in- 
 quiries have  lost  much  of  their  interest,  and  are,  in  fact,  placed  beyond 
 the  pale  of  discussion.  The  mysteiies  of  religion  are  well  understood 
 by  the  intelligent  of  all  classes  ;  it  is  considered  for  the  good  of  society 
 that  some  should  "  believe  and  tremble,"  while  others  enjoy,  in  private, 
 the  consciousness  of  superior  light ;  and  to  those  who  impugn  and  to 
 those  who  dogmatise  in  matters  of  faith,  the  same  indulgence  is  extended 
 as  to  well-meaning  disputants,  who  utter,  as  new  discoveries,  common- 
 place or  self-evident  truths. 
 
 *  Supplement  to  the  Encyclopedia  Britannica. 
 
 B   2 
 
4  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Having  made  these  general  observations  on  the  utiHty  of  religion, 
 considered  as  a  civil  institution  for  the  government  of  mankind  during 
 a  period  of  ignorance,  we  shall  proceed  to  our  more  immediate  object — 
 an  exposition  of  the  Established  Church  of  this  country. 
 
 In  our  elucidations  of  this  important  inquiry,  it  is  not  our  intention 
 to  interfere  -with  tlie  doctrines  of  the  national  religion.  We  have  heard 
 that  there  are  more  than  one  hundred  diiferent  sects  of  Christians  :  so  it 
 would  be  highly  presumptuous  in  mere  laymen  to  decide  which  of  these 
 multifarious  modes  of  worship  is  most  consonant  to  the  Scripture.  A 
 certain  Protestant  Archbishop  said,  "  Popery  was  only  a  religion  of 
 knaves  and  fools  ;"  therefore,  let  us  hope  the  Church  of  England,  to 
 which  the  Right  Reverend  Prelate  belonged,  comprises  the  honest  and 
 enlightened.  The  main  purpose  of  our  inquiries,  is  not  the  dogmas,  but 
 the  temporalities  of  the  Church.  To  us  the  great  possessions  of  the 
 clergy  have  long  appeared  an  immense  waste,  which  wanted  surveying 
 and  enclosing,  if  not  by  act  of  parliament,  by  the  act  of  the  people. 
 Like  some  of  our  political  institutions,  the  excellence  of  our  religious 
 establishment  has  been  greatly  over- rated  ;  it  has  been  described  as  the 
 most  perfect  in  Europe ;  yet  we  are  acquainted  with  none  in  which 
 abuses  are  more  prevalent,  in  which  there  is  so  little  real  piety,  and  in 
 which  the  support  of  public  worship  is  so  vexatious  and  oppressive  to 
 the  community. 
 
 Most  countries  on  the  Continent  have  reformed  their  church  esta- 
 blishments :  wherever  a  large  property  had  accumulated  in  the  hands 
 of  the  clergy,  such  property  has  been  applied  to  the  service  of  the  na- 
 tion; and  we  are  now  the  only  people  who  have  a  large  mass  of  eccle- 
 siastical wealth  appropriated  to  the  maintenance  of  an  indolent  and 
 luxurious  priesthood.  Even  in  papal  Rome  the  church  propert}-^  has 
 been  sold  to  pay  the  national  debt ;  so  that  far  more  property  belonging 
 to  the  clergy  is  to  be  found  in  any  part  of  England  of  equal  extent  than 
 in  the  Roman  state.  The  cardinals  of  Rome,  the  bishops,  canons, 
 abbotts,  and  abbesses,  have  no  longer  princely  revenues.  A  cardinal 
 who  formerly  had  thousands  has  now  only  four  ov  five  hundred  pounds 
 a- year.  Residence  is  strictly  enforced,  an-d  no  such  thing  as  pluralities 
 is  known ;  the  new  proprietors  of  the  Church  estates  live  on  them  and 
 improve  them  to  the  best  advantage.  In  France,  there  has  been  a  still 
 greater  ecclesiastical  reformation.  Before  the  Revolution  the  clergy  formed 
 one  fifty-second  part  of  the  population.  The  total  number  of  ecclesias- 
 tics, in  1789, was  estimated  at  460,000,  and  their  revenues  at£7,400,000. 
 At  present  the  total  number  of  ecclesiastics  of  all  ranks,  Protestant 
 and  Catholic,  is  about  40,000,  and  their  total  incomes  £1,460,000.* 
 Throughout  Germany  and  Italy  there  have  been  great  reforms  in  spiri- 
 tual matters ;  the  pi'operty  of  the  church  has  been  sold  or  taxed  for  the 
 use  of  the  state,  and  the  enormous  incomes  of  the  higher  have  been 
 more  equally  shared  among  the  lower  order  of  the  clergy.  In  the  Ne- 
 therlands,   the   charges    for  religion,  which  supply  the  wants  of  the 
 
 *  Scotsman  Newspaper,  May  11,  1831. 
 
CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND.  6 
 
 whole  community,  except  those  of  a  few  Jews,  do  not,  in  the  whole, 
 exceed  £252,000,  or  lOd.  per  head  per  annum,  for  a  population  of  six 
 millions.*  Even  in  Spain,  under  the  most  weak  and  bigotted  govern- 
 ment, ecclesiastical  reform  has  made  progress.  A  large  portion  of  the 
 produce  of  tithe  is  annually  appropriated  to  the  exigences  of  the  State, 
 and  the  policy  adopted  of  late  has  dispossessed  the  clergy  of  their 
 wealth;  and  this  body,  formerly  so  influential,  is  now  lightly  esteemed, 
 and  very  moderately  endowed. 
 
 Wherever  these  reforms  have  been  made,  they  have  been  productive 
 of  the  most  beneficial  effects ;  thejJ^  have  been  favourable  to  religion  and 
 morality,  to  the  real  interests  of  the  people,  and  even  to  the  interests 
 of  the  great  body  of  the  clergy  themselves  ;  they  have  broken  the  power 
 of  an  order  of  men  at  all  times  cruel  and  tyrannical,  at  all  times  op- 
 posed to  reform,  to  the  progress  of  knowledge,  and  the  most  salutary 
 ameliorations;  they  have  diffused  a  spirit  of  toleration  among  all  classes, 
 removed  the  restrictions  imposed  by  selfish  bigotry,  and  opened  an  im- 
 partial career  to  virtue  and  talent  in  all  orders ;  they  have  spread  plenty 
 in  the  land  by  unfettering  the  efforts  of  capital  and  industry,  paid 
 the  debts  of  nations,  and  converted  the  idle  and  vicious  into  useful 
 citizens.  Wherever  these  changes  have  been  introduced,  they  have 
 been  gratefully  received  by  the  People,  and  well  they  might ;  for 
 with  such  changes  their  happiness  is  identified,  liberty  and  intelligence 
 diffused. 
 
 To  England,  however,  the  spirit  of  ecclesiastical  improvement  has 
 not  yet  extended  ;  though  usually  foremost  in  reform,  we  are  now  be- 
 hind all  nations  in  our  ecclesiastical  establishment;  though  the  Church 
 of  England  is  ostentatiously  styled  the  reformed  Church,  it  is,  in  truth, 
 the  most  xinreformed  of  all  the  churches.  Popery,  in  temporal  matters 
 at  least,  is  a  more  reformed  religion  than  Church  of  Englandism. 
 There  is  no  state,  however  debased  by  superstition,  where  the  clergy 
 enjoy  such  prodigious  wealth.  The  revenues  of  our  priesthood  exceed 
 the  public  revenues  of  either  Austria  or  Prussia.  We  complain  of  the 
 poor-rates,  of  superannuation  charges,  of  the  army  and  navy,  of  over- 
 grown salaries  and  enormous  sinecures  ;  but  w'hat  are  all  these  abuses, 
 grievous  as  they  are,  to  the  abuses  of  our  church  establishment,  to  the 
 sinecure  wealth  of  the  bishops,  dignitaries,  and  aristocratical  rectors 
 and  incumbents  ?  It  is  said,  and  we  believe  truly,  that  the  clergymen 
 of  the  Church  of  England  and  Ireland  receive,  in  the  year,  more  money 
 than  the  clergy  of  all  the  rest  of  the  Christian  world  put  together. 
 The  cleigy  of  the  United  Church  cost  at  least  seven  times  more  than 
 the  whole  of  the  clergy  of  France,  Catholic  and  Protestant,  while  in 
 France  there  is  a  population  of  32,000,000;  whereas,  of  the  24,000,000 
 of  people  comprising  the  population  of  our  islands,  less  ikvdsi  one-third, 
 or  8,000,000,  are  hearers  of  the  Established  Religion. 
 
 Such  a  system,  it  is  not  possible,  can  endure.  While  reform  and  re- 
 duction are  in  progress  in  other  departments,  it  is  not  likely  the  clergy 
 
 *  Foreign  Quarterly  Review,  No.  X.  p.  394. 
 
6  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 should  remain  in  undisturbed  enjoyment  of  their  possessions.  To  pro- 
 tect them  from  inquiiy,  they  have  neither  prescriptive  right  nor  good 
 works  to  plead.  As  a  body  they  have  not,  latterly,  been  remarkable 
 for  their  learning,  nor  some  of  them  for  exalted  notions  of  morality. 
 It  would  be  unfair  to  judge  any  class  from  individual  examples  ;  but  it 
 is  impossible  to  open  the  newspapers  Avithout  being-  struck  by  the  re- 
 peated details  of  clerical  delinquency.  When  there  is  an  instance  of 
 magisterial  oppression,  or  flagrant  offence,  it  is  almost  surprising-  if 
 some  father  in  God,  some  very  reverend  dean,  or  some  other  reverend 
 and  holy  person,  be  not  accused  or  suspected.  In  this  respect  they 
 resemble  the  clergy  of  the  Church  of  Rome  before  the  Reformation. 
 It  is  known  that  the  catholic  priesthood  in  the  fourteenth  century  ex- 
 ceeded all  other  classes  in  the  licentiousness  of  their  lives,  their  oppres- 
 sion, and  rapacity;  it  is  known,  too,  that  their  vices  arose  from  the 
 immense  wealth  they  enjoyed,  and  that  this  wealth  was  the  ultimate 
 cause  of  their  downfal. 
 
 It  is  not  to  the  credit  of  the  established  clergy,  that  their  names 
 have  been  associated  with  the  most  disastrous  measures  in  the  history  of 
 the  counti-y.  To  the  latest  period  of  the  first  war  against  American 
 independence,  they  were,  next  to  George  III.  its  most  obstinate  suppor- 
 ters ;  out  of  the  twenty-six  English  Bishops,  Shipley  was  the  only 
 prelate  who  voted  against  the  war- faction.*  To  the  commencement  and 
 protracted  duration  of  the  French  revolutionary  war,  they  were  mainly 
 instrumental ;  till  they  sounded  the  ecclesiastical  drum  in  every  parish, 
 there  was  no  disposition  to  hostilities  on  the  part  of  the  people  ;  it  was 
 only  by  the  unfounded  alarms  they  disseminated,  respecting  the  security 
 of  property  and  social  institutions,  the  contest  was  made  popular.  In 
 this,  too,  the  episcopal  bench  was  pre-eminent.  Watson  was  the  only 
 bishop  who  ventui-ed  to  raise  his  voice  against  the  French  crusade,  and 
 he,  finding-  his  opposition  to  the  court  fixed  him  in  the  poorest  see  in 
 the  kingdom,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life  appeared  to  waver  in  his 
 integrity.  In  supporting-  measures  for  restraining  the  freedom  of 
 discussion,  and  for  interdicting  to  difterent  sects  of  religionists  a  free 
 participation  in  civil  immunities,  they  have  mostly  been  fore- 
 most. 
 
 Uniformly  in  the  exercise  of  legislative  functions,  our  spiritual  law- 
 makers have  evinced  a  spirit  hostile  to  improvement,  vihether  political, 
 judicial,  or  domestic,  and  shown  a  tenacious  adherence  to  whatever  is 
 barbarous,  oppressive,  or  demoralizing-  in  our  public  administration. 
 The  African  slave-trade  was  accompanied  by  so  many  circumstances  of 
 cruelty  and  injustice,  that  it  might  have  been  thought  the  Bishops  would 
 have  been  the  most  forward  in  their  endeavours  to  etfect  its  abolition. 
 Yet  the  fact  is  quite  the  contrary.  They  constantly  supported  that 
 infamous  traffic,  and  so  marked  was  their  conduct  in  this  respect,  that 
 Lord  Eldon  was  led,  on  one  occasion,  to  declaie  that  the  commerce  in 
 human  bodies  could  not   be  so  inconsistent  with  Christianity  as   some 
 
 *  Belsham's  History  of  Great  Britain,  vol.  x.  page  349. 
 
CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND.  7 
 
 had  supposed,  otherwise  it  would  never  have  been  so  steadily  supported 
 by  the  right  reverend  prelates.  The  efforts  of  Sir  Samuel  Romilly  and 
 others  to  mitigate  the  severity  of  the  Criminal  Code  never  received  any 
 countenance  or  support  from  the  Bishops.  But  the  climax  of  their 
 legislative  turpitude  consists  in  their  conduct  on  the  first  introduction 
 of  the  Reform  Bill.  Setting  aside  the  political  advantages  likely  to 
 result  from  this  great  measure,  one  of  its  obvious  consequences  was  the 
 destruction  of  the  shameless  immoralities  and  gross  perjuries  committed 
 in  parliamentary  elections.  Yet  the  Heads  of  the  Church,  in  their  anti- 
 reform  speeches,  never  once  adverted  to  this  improvement ;  their  fears 
 appeared  chiefly  to  centre  on  the  ulterior  changes  in  our  institutions 
 which  might  flow  from  the  Bill,  and  which  might  involve  a  sacrifice  of 
 their  inordinate  emoluments,  and  under  this  apprehension  they  voted 
 against  the  people  and  reform. 
 
 Public  education  is  a  subject  that  appears  to  have  peculiar  claims  on 
 the  attention  of  the  clergy;  unless  indeed,  as  instructors  of  the  people, 
 their  functions  are  extremely  unimportant,  and  certainly,  in  this  world, 
 do  not  entitle  them  to  much  remuneration.  Yet  this  is  a  duty  they  have 
 generally  neglected.  Had  not  a  jealousy  of  the  Dissenters  roused  them 
 into  activity,  neither  the  Bell  nor  Lancaster  plans  of  instruction  would 
 have  been  encouraged  by  them.  A  similar  feeling  appears  to  have  ac- 
 tuated them  in  the  foundation  of  King's  College,  in  which  their  object 
 is  not  so  much  the  diffusion  of  knowledge,  as  the  maintenance  of  their 
 influence,  by  setting  up  a  rival  establishment  to  the  London  University. 
 In  short,  they  have  generally  manifested  either  indifference  or  open 
 hostility  to  the  enlightenment  of  the  people,  and,  in  numerous  instances 
 of  eleemosynary  endowments,  they  have  appropriated  to  their  own  use 
 the  funds  bequeathed  for  popular  tuition. 
 
 So  little  connexion  is  there  between  the  instruction  of  the  people 
 and  the  Church  establishment,  that  it  may  be  stated  as  a  general  rule 
 that  the  ignorance  and  degradation  of  the  labouring  classes  throughout 
 England  are  uniformly  greatest  where  there  are  the  most  clergy,  and  that 
 the  people  are  most  intelligent  and  independent  where  there  are  the 
 fewest  clergy.  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  for  instance,  are  pre-eminently 
 parsons' counties  ;  Norfolk  has  731  parishes,  and  Suffolk  510.  Yet 
 it  has  been  publicly  affirmed,  by  those  well-informed  on  the  subject,* 
 that  so  far  as  instruction  goes,  the  peasantry  of  these  two  counties  are 
 as  ignorant  as  "  Indian  savages."  The  same  observation  will  apply  to 
 the  southern  and  midland  counties,  which  have  been  the  chief  scene  of 
 fires  and  popular  tumults,  and  where  the  people  have  been  debased  by 
 the  maladministration  of  the  poor-laws.  Compare  the  state  of  these 
 districts  with  that  of  the  north  of  England,  in  which  it  is  generally 
 admitted  the  people  are  best  instructed  and  most  intelligent,  and  where, 
 from  the  great  extent  of  parishes,  they  can  have  little  intercourse  with 
 the  parsons.     Cumberland  has  104  parishes,  Durham  75,  Northumber- 
 
 Morniiig  Chrouicle,  October  21,  Ibal. 
 
8  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 land  88,  Westmoreland  32,  Lancaster  70,  West-Riding  of  Yorkshire 
 193,  Chester  90.  It  appears  that  Norfolk  alone  has  a  great  many 
 more  parsons  than  all  these  northern  counties,  containing  about  one- 
 third  of  the  population  of  the  kingdom.  In  Lancashire  there  are  only 
 70  parsons  for  a  million  and  a  half  of  people ;  yet  so  little  detriment 
 have  they  suffered  from  the  paucity  of  endowed  pastors,  that  barristers 
 generally  consider  the  intelligence  of  a  Lancashire  common  jury  equal 
 to  that  of  a  special  jury  of  most  counties. 
 
 A  feeling  of  charity  is  the  great  beauty  of  Christianity;  it  is,  indeed, 
 the  essence  of  all  virtue,  for,  if  real,  it  imports  a  sympathy  with  the 
 privations  of  others  divested  of  selfish  considerations.  The  rich  and 
 prosperous  do  not  need  this  commiseration ;  if  they  are  not  happy,  it 
 is  their  own  fault,  resulting  from  their  artificial  desires  and  ill-regulated 
 passions.  But  the  poor,  without  the  means  of  comfortable  subsistence, 
 have  scarcely  a  chance  of  happiness,  though  equally  entitled  with 
 others  to  share  in  the  enjoyments  of  life.  It  is  the  especial  duty  of 
 the  clergy  to  mitigate  extreme  inequalities  in  the  lot  of  their  fellow- 
 creatures.  Yet  it  is  seldom  their  labours  are  directed  to  so  truly  a 
 Christian  object;  though  wallowing  in  wealth,  a  large  portion  of  which 
 is  the  produce  of  funds  originally  intended  for  the  destitute  and 
 unfortunate,  they  manifest  little  sympathy  in  human  wretchedness. 
 As  a  proof  of  their  ordinary  callousness,  it  may  be  instanced  that,  at 
 the  numerous  public  meetings  to  relieve  the  severe  distress  of  the  Irish, 
 in  1822,  not  a  single  Irish  bishop  attended,  when  it  was  notorious  the 
 immense  sums  abstracted  by  that  class  from  the  general  produce  of  the 
 country  had  been  a  prominent  cause  of  the  miseries  of  the  people. 
 
 The  clergy  might  be  usefully  employed  in  explaining  to  popular 
 conviction  the  causes  of  the  privations  of  the  people,  and  in  enforcing 
 principles  more  conducive  to  their  comfort  and  independence.  In  the 
 agricultural  districts,  where  their  authority  is  least  disputed,  and  wdiere 
 the  sufferings  of  the  inhabitants  are  greatest,  such  a  course  might  be 
 pursued  under  peculiar  advantages.  Their  remissness  in  this  respect 
 is  less  excusable,  since  they  are  relieved  from  cares  which  formerly 
 engaged  anxious  attention.  In  the  time  of  Hoadley,  Barrow,  and 
 Tillotson,  much  of  the  zeal  and  talent  of  the  church  was  "consumed 
 in  theological  controversy  :  the  removal  of  civil  disqualifications  has 
 tended  to  assuage  the  fervour  of  ecclesiastical  disputation,  and  the 
 clergy  have  only  tithes,  not  dogmas,  to  defend.  This  tendency  to 
 religious  tranquillity  has  been  also  promoted  by  the  indifference  of  the 
 people,  who  discovered  that  little  fruit  was  to  be  reaped  from  polemical 
 disquisitions,  which,  like  the  researches  of  metaphysicians,  tended  to 
 perplex  rather  than  enlighten.  Men  now  derive  their  religions  as  they 
 do  parochial  settlements,  either  from  their  parents  or  birth-place,  and 
 seldom,  in  after  life,  question  the  creed,  whether  sectarian  or  orthodox, 
 which  has  been  implanted  in  infancy.  The  all-subduing  influence  of 
 early  credulity  is  proverbial.  Once  place  a  dogma  in  the  catechism,  and 
 it  becomes  stereotyped  for  life,  and  is  never  again  submitted  to  the' 
 ordeal  of  examination. 
 
CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND,  9 
 
 By  education  most  have  been  misled, 
 
 So  they  believe  because  they  so  were  bred ; 
 
 The  priest  continues  what  the  nurse  began, 
 
 And  thus  the  child  imposes  on  the  man  \—Hind  and  Panther. 
 
 It  is  the  inefficiency  of  the  clergy  as  public  teachers,  the  hurtful 
 influence  they  have  exerted  on  national  affairs,  and  their  inertness  in 
 the  promotion  of  measures  of  general  utility,  that  induce  men  to 
 begrudge  the  immense  revenue  expended  in  their  support,  and  dispose 
 them  to  a  reform  in  our  ecclesiastical  establishment.  To  the  Church 
 of  England,  in  the  abstract,  we  have  no  weighty  objection  to  offer ; 
 and  should  be  sorry  to  see  her  spiritual  functions  superseded  by  those 
 of  any  other  sect  by  which  she  is  surrounded.  Our  dislike  originates 
 in  her  extreme  oppressiveness  on  the  people,  and  her  unjust  dealings 
 towards  the  most  deserving  members  of  her  own  communion.  To  the 
 enormous  amount  of  her  temporalities,  and  abuses  in  their  administra- 
 tion, we  particularly  demur.  It  is  unseemly,  we  think,  and  incon- 
 sistent with  the  very  principles  and  purposes  of  Christianity,  to 
 contemplate  lofty  prelates  Avith  £20,000  or  £40,000  a-year,  elevated 
 on  thrones,  living*  sumptuously  in  splendid  palaces,  attended  by  swarms 
 of  menials,  gorgeously  attired,  and  of  priests  to  wait  upon  their 
 persons,  emulating  the  proudest  nobles,  and  even  taking"  precedence 
 of  them  in  all  the  follies  of  heraldry.  Beneath  them  are  crowds  of 
 sinecure  dignitaries  and  incumbents,  richly  provided  with  worldly  goods, 
 the  wealthiest  not  even  obliged  to  reside  among  their  flocks ;  and  those 
 who  reside  not  compelled  to  do  any  one  act  of  duty  beyond  providing 
 and  paying  a  miserable  deputy  just  enough  to  keep  him  from  starving. 
 Contrasted  with  the  preceding,  is  a  vast  body  of  poor  laborious 
 ministers,  doing  all  the  work,  and  receiving  less  than  the  pay  of  a 
 common  bricklayer  or  Irish  hodman :  but  the  whole  assemblage,  both 
 rich  and  poor,  paid  so  as  to  be  a  perpetual  burthen  upon  the  people,  and 
 to  wage,  of  necessity,  a  ceaseless  strife  with  those  whom  they  ought  to 
 comfort,  cherish,  and  instruct. 
 
 These  are  pait  of  the  abuses  to  which  we  object,  and  which  we  are 
 about  to  expose ;  and  as  we  intend  our  exposition  to  be  complete,  it 
 may  be  proper  to  state  the  order  in  which  the  several  subjects  will  be 
 treated. 
 
 1.  We  shall  inquire  into  the  origin  and  tenure  of  Church-property, 
 clearly  showing  that  Church-property  is  public  property,  originally  in- 
 tended for,  and  now  available  to  public  uses. 
 
 2.  We  shall  inquire  into  the  tenure  of  patronial  immunities ;  exhibit 
 the  present  state  of  Church-patronage,  and  show,  by  examples,  its 
 abuses  and  perversion  to  political  and  family  interests. 
 
 3.  We  shall  expose  the  system  of  Pluralities,  Non-residence,  and 
 other  abuses  in  Church  Discipline. 
 
 4.  We  shall  treat  on  the  enormous  Revenues  of  the  Established 
 Clergy,  frgm  tithes,  church-lands,  surplice-fees,  public  charities,  Easter- 
 offerings,  rents  of  pews,  and  other  sources. 
 
 5.  We  shall  detail  some  extraordinary  examples  of  Clerical  Rapacity, 
 
10  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 exemplilled  in  the  conduct  of  the  higher  clergy,  in  regard  to  Queen 
 Ann's  Bounty,  and  of  the  Clergy  generally,  as  regards  First  Fruits, 
 Moduses,  and  Tithes  in  London. 
 
 (>.  We  shall  advert  to  the  history,  origin,  and  defects  of  the  Church 
 Liturgy. 
 
 7.  We  shall  compare  the  Numbers,  Wealth,  Moral  and  Educational 
 efficiency  of  the  Protestant  Dissenters  with  the  Established  Clergy. 
 
 8.  We  shall  inquire, — Who  Avould  be  benefited  by  a  Reform  in  the 
 Church  Establishment  ? 
 
 Lastly,  we  shall  give  a  statement  of  the  Incomes  of  the  Bishoprics 
 and  principal  Dignities,  and  an  Alphabetical  List  of  Pluralists  in 
 England  and  Wales,  showing  the  number  of  livings  and  other  prefer- 
 ments held  by  each  individual,  the  names  of  their  patrons,  their  family 
 connexions,  and  influence. 
 
 I.    ORIGIN    AND    TENURE    OF    CHURCH    PROPERTY. 
 
 A  late  dignitary  of  the  church,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Cove,  inclines  to  the 
 idea  that  the  consecration  of  a  tenth  part  to  the  clergy  was  the  conse- 
 quence of  "  some  unrecorded  revelation  made  to  Adam;"  which,  he 
 says,  is  not  only  "  a  most  rational,  but  the  most  probable  solution"  of 
 the  origin  of  tithes.  To  what  parish  church  Adam  paid  his  tithe,  this 
 zealous  partizan  of  the  establishment  has  left  unascertained ;  if  Adam 
 paid  tithe,  he  must  have  paid  it  to  himself,  or  a  very  near  relation, — 
 a  practice  which,  if  tolerated  in  his  descendants,  would  render  them 
 less  averse  from  the  impost,  though  it  might  be  fur  from  advantageous  to 
 the  church  establishment. 
 
 The  only  people  who  can  pretend  to  place  the  right  to  tithe  on  divine 
 authority  are  the  Jews ;  but  such  a  right,  if  it  ever  existed  among 
 them,  certainly  ceased  with  their  theocracy.  The  Jews  of  this  day 
 pay  no  tithes  for  the  support  of  their  rabbis ;  nor,  indeed,  have  any 
 tithes  been  paid  by  this  nation  since  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  and 
 consequent  dispersion  of  the  tribe  of  Levi. 
 
 It  is  so  inconsistent  with  reason,  that  it  may  be  almost  affirmed  to  be 
 an  unquestionable  fact,  that  there  never  was  a  religion,  either  Jew  or 
 Gentile,  which  could  legally  claim  for  its  maintenance  a  tenth  part  of  the 
 yearly  produce  of  land  and  labour.  For  the  clergy  to  be  entitled  to  a 
 tenth,  they  ought  to  form  one-tenth  of  the  ])opulation  ;  but  there  never 
 was  a  mode  of  worship  which  required  one-tenth  of  the  people  to  be 
 teachers  and  ministers.  The  tribe  of  Levi  had  a  tenth,  because  they 
 formed  a  tenth  of  the  population,  and  had  no  other  inheritance ;  but 
 Aaron  and  his  sons  had  only  a  tenth  of  that  tenth ;  so  that  the  clergy 
 received  no  more  than  the  hundredth  part,  the  remainder  being  for 
 other  uses,  for  the  rest  of  the  Levites,  for  the  poor,  the  stranger,  the 
 widow,  the  orphan,  and  the  temple. 
 
 Christianity  contains  less  authority  for  tithe  than  Judaism.  Jesus 
 Christ  ordained  no  such  burden  ;  and  in  no  part  of  his  history  is  any 
 compulsory  provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the  clergy  mentioned. 
 Both  our  Saviour   and    his  Apostles  unceasingly  taught   poverty    and 
 
ORIGIN  AND  TENURE  OP  CHURCH  PROPERTY.     11 
 
 humility  to  their  followers,  and  contempt  of  worldly  goods.  Hear  their 
 exhortations  :  "  Carry  neither  scrip  nor  shoes  ;  into  whatever  house  ye 
 enter,  say.  Peace."  "  Take  no  care  of  what  ye  shall  eat,  nor  what  ye 
 shall  drink,  nor  fo)'  your  bodies  what  ye  shall  put  on."  "  Beware  of  co- 
 vetousness ;  seek  not  what  ye  shall  eat,  but  seek  the  kingdom  of 
 God."  *'  Give  alms  ;  provide  yourselves  with  bags  that  wax  not  old, 
 a  treasure  in  Heaven  that  faileth  not."  Again,  "  Distribute  unto 
 the  poor,  and  seek  treasures  in  Heaven."  And,  again,  "  Take  care 
 that  your  hearts  be  not  charged  with  surfeiting  and  drunkenness,  and 
 the  cares  of  this  life." 
 
 In  all  this  there  is  no  authority  for  tithing,  and  the  fathers  of  the 
 Church  were  equally  hostile  to  this  species  of  extortion.  The  council 
 of  Antioch,  in  the  fourth  century,  allowed  the  bishops  to  distribute 
 the  goods  of  the  Church,  but  to  have  no  part  to  themselves.  "  Have 
 food  and  raiment,  be  therewith  content,"  says  the  canon.  It  was  only 
 as  real  Christianity  declined,  that  tithing  began.  When  the  simple 
 worship  of  Christ  was  corrupted  by  the  adoption  of  Jewish  and  Pagan 
 ceremonies  ;  a\  hen  the  saints  and  martyrs  were  put  in  the  room  of  the 
 heathen  deities ;  when  the  altars,  the  bishops,  prebends,  and  other 
 corruptions  Avere  introduced ;  then  tithes  commenced,  to  support  the 
 innovations  on  the  primitive  faith. 
 
 It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  exactly  the  period  Avhen  tithes  were  first 
 introduced  into  this  countrj'.  During  the  first  ages  of  the  Church, 
 its  ministers  were  supported  by  charity,  by  oblations,  and  voluntary 
 gifts.  According  to  Blackstone,  the  first  mention  of  tithes  in  any 
 written  English  law  is  in  a  constitutional  decree  made  in  a  synod  held 
 A.D.  786,  wherein  the  payment  of  tithes  is  generally  enjoined.  But 
 this  was  no  law,  merely  a  general  recommendation,  and  did  not,  at 
 first,  bind  the  laity.  They  are  next  mentioned  in  the  Fcedus  Echvardi 
 et  Guthurni,  or  treaty  agreed  upon  between  King  Guthrun,  the  Dane, 
 and  Alfred  and  his  son  Edward  the  elder,  successive  kings  of  England, 
 about  the  year  900.  Guthrun  being  a  Pagan,  it  was  thought  necessary 
 to  provide  for  the  subsistence  of  the  Christian  clergy  under  his  do- 
 minion ;  accordingly  the  payment  of  tithes  was  enjoined,  and  a  penalty 
 imposed  for  its  non-observance  ;  which  law  is  countenanced  by  the  laws 
 of  Athelstan,  and  this,  according  to  the  Commentator,  is  all  that  can 
 be  traced  out  with  regard  to  their  legal  origin.*  In  fact,  this  inquiry, 
 like  all  others  into  the  early  constitutional  historj'  of  the  country,  is 
 involved  in  darkness  and  contradiction.  We  are  not  even  satisfactorily 
 informed  of  the  origin  of  the  civil  divisions  of  the  kingdom  into 
 counties,  hundreds,  and  parishes.  These  have  been  commonly  ascribed 
 to  Alfred  ;  but  the  iTsearches  of  late  writers  have  traced  them  to  a 
 period  of  much  earlier  date. 
 
 One  thing,  however,  is  certain  as  regards  tithes,  namely,  that  in 
 England,  in  France,  and,  probably,  in  all  Christian  countries,  they 
 were  divided  into  four  portions  :  one  for  the   bishop,  one  for  the  poor, 
 
 *  Commentcuic's,  b.  ii.  ch.  3. 
 
12  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND 
 
 one  for  the  repair  of  the  church,  and  one  for  the  priest.  A  late  writer* 
 attempts  to  controvert  the  fourfold  division  of  parochial  tithes ;  but 
 the  fact  rests  upon  such  unquestionable  authority,  that  it  may  be  deemed 
 a  tiTjth  placed  beyond  dispute.  Without  digressing  into  any  learned 
 research,  it  may  be  observed  that  the  quadrupartite  division  of  tithes  is 
 still  retained  in  many  parishes  in  Ireland ;  a  point  which  appears  to  have 
 been  overlooked  by  the  reviewer.  In  the  Diocesan  Returns  to  Parliament 
 in  1820,  the  bishop  of  Clonfert  and  Kilmacduagh  and  the  bishop  of 
 Kildare  remarked  that  in  their  dioceses  is  preserved  the  old  episcopal 
 establishment  of  the  quarta  pais ;  that  is,  a  portion  of  the  parochial 
 tithes  out  of  every  parish  is  payable  to  the  bishop. 
 
 The  right  of  the  poor  to  share  in  the  tithe  is  established  by  the  tenor 
 of  ancient  statutes  made  to  protect  them  from  the  consequences  of  the 
 appropriation  of  paiishes  by  spiritual  corporations.  After  these  appro- 
 priations had  been  effected,  the  religious  houses  were  wont  to  depute 
 one  of  their  own  body  to  perform  divine  service  in  those  parishes  of 
 which  the  societies  had  become  possessed  of  the  tithes.  This  officiating 
 minister  was  in  reality  no  more  than  the  curate  or  vicar  of  the  appro- 
 priators,  receiving  from  them  an  arbitrary  stipend.  Under  this  system 
 the  poor  suffered  so  much,  that  the  legislature  was  obliged  to  interpose, 
 and,  accordingly,  the  15  Rich.  II.  c.  6  provides,  that  in  all  appropriations 
 of  churches  the  diocesan  shall  order  a  competent  sum  to  be  distributed 
 among  the  poor  parishioners  annually  ;  and  that  the  vicar  shall  be 
 sufficiently  endowed.  "  It  seems,"  says  Blackstone,  "  the  parishes 
 were  frequently  sufferers,  not  only  by  the  want  of  divine  service,  but 
 also  by  withholding  those  alms  for  which,  among  other  purposes,  the 
 payment  of  tithes  was  originally  imposed;  and,  therefore,  in  this 
 act,  a  pension  is  directed  to  be  distributed  among  the  poor  parochians  as 
 well  as  a  sufficient  stipend  to  the  vicar."t 
 
 One  or  two  facts  well  attested  are  better  than  a  hundred  ingenious 
 deductions  and  learned  conjectures.  What  we  have  advanced  not  only 
 establishes  the  original  fourfold  division  of  parochial  tithes,  but  also  the 
 right  of  the  poor  to  a  portion  of  them.  It  also  incidentally  establishes 
 another  fact  deserving  attention,  in  showing  the  falsity  of  those  repre- 
 sentations made,  from  time  to  time,  of  the  charity  and  hosjntality  of 
 the  abbeys  and  monasteries.  By  masses  and  obits  and  other  sanctimo- 
 nious pretexts,  the  monks  possessed  themselves  of  a  large  number  of 
 the  benefices  in  the  kingdom  ;  instead  of  applying  the  revenues  of  these 
 to  the  purposes  of  religion  and  charity,  they  perverted  them  to  the 
 enriching  of  their  own  fraternities,  and  a  compulsory  act  of  the  legislature 
 was  necessary  to  compel  them  to  restore  to  the  poor  a  portion  of  their 
 rights,  and  allow  a  decent  maintenance  to  the  parish  priest.  The  little 
 charity  of  the  religious  houses  might  be  inferred  from  the  general 
 principles  of  human  nature  without  the  aid  of  facts.  It  is  notorious 
 that  they  had  become  the  abodes  of  luxury,  indolence,  and  crime.  W  ho 
 would  expect  from  societies  so  depraved,  eitlier  charity  or  hospitality  ? 
 
 »  Quarterly  Review,  No.  83.       t  Couimciituries,  b.  i.  chap.  11. 
 
ORIGIN    AND    TENURE    OF    CHURCH    PROPERTY.  13 
 
 The  rich,  the  sensual,  and  vicious,  rarely  sympathise  with  indigence. 
 For  their  own  ease,  and,  as  a  motive  to  indiiference,  they  are  mostly 
 prompt  to  calumniate  the  poor  with  unjust  aspersions,  and  represent  a 
 lively  zeal  in  their  welfare,  either  as  undeserved  or  mistaken  bene- 
 volence. 
 
 The  practice  of  appropriating  livings  was  first  introduced  by  the  Nor- 
 mans ;  and  within  three  hundred  years  after,  the  monks  had  become  the 
 proprietors  of  one-third  of  all  the  benefices  in  the  kingdom,  and  these 
 for  the  most  part  the  richest.  At  the  dissolution  of  the  religious  houses 
 by  the  27  and  31  Hen.  VIII.  these  benefices,  by  the  common  law,  Avould 
 have  been  disappropriated,  had  not  a  clause  been  inserted  in  these 
 statutes  to  give  them  to  the  King  in  as  ample  a  manner  as  the  abbots, 
 &c.  had  held  the  same  at  the  time  of  their  dissolution.  Having  thus 
 become  the  proprietor  of  one-third  of  the  benefices  as  well  as  all  the 
 plate,  revenues  and  wealth  of  the  abbeys,  the  manner  in  which  this 
 monarch  disposed  of  the  treasure  he  had  acquired  accounts  for  the  pre- 
 sent state  of  ecclesiastical  property.  With  a  part  of  it  he  founded  new 
 bishoprics,  colleges,  and  deaneries ;  large  masses  of  it  he  gave  to 
 courtiers  and  noblemen ;  a  portion  he  retained  in  his  own  hands, 
 and  the  remainder  applied  to  the  maintenance  of  the  reformed  religion. 
 Individuals,  corporations,  and  colleges,  who  obtained  grants  from  the 
 Crown,  obtained,  also,  all  the  rights  annexed  to  them  ;  and  the  present 
 proprietors  of  the  abbey-lands  are  proprietors  of  the  tithes  and  benefices 
 formerly  attached  to  these  lands.  Hence  it  is  so  large  a  portion  of  the 
 tithes  are  in  the  hands  of  laymen.  It  is  calculated  there  are  3845  im- 
 propriations in  England ;  that  is,  benefices,  in  the  hands  of  persons  not 
 engaged  in  the  service  of  religion,  but  who  receive  the  great  tithes, 
 leaving  only  the  vicarial  tithes  or  other  minor  endowments  for  the 
 maintenance  of  the  incumbent. 
 
 The  effect  on  society  of  this  new  disposition  of  ecclesiastical  proper- 
 ty has  been  differently  represented  by  writers.  Discontent  is  inseparable 
 from  the  reform  of  every  established  practice  and  institution.  Those 
 who  profit  by  abuses,  and  those  who  are  benefited  by  their  removal  must 
 view  in  different  lights  and  hold  forth  different  representations  of  mea- 
 sures by  which  they  are  oppositely  affected.  With  the  dissatisfaction 
 of  the  monastic  orders,  there  can  be  no  surprise ;  their  condition  was 
 that  of  drones  forced  from  the  hives  in  which  they  had  devoured  in 
 idleness  the  fruits  of  others'  industry  ;  but  the  dissatisfaction  of  other 
 classes  cannot  be  so  readily  explained.  Mr.  Hallam  states  that  the 
 summary  abolition  of  the  religious  houses  led  to  the  great  northern 
 rebellion:*  it  is  certain  from  the  popular  ballads  of  the  time,  this  im- 
 portant measure  was  a  subject  of  regret  to  the  lower  orders  ;  and  old 
 Harry  Jenkins  laments  that  "  those  days  were  over  in  which  he  used  to 
 be  invited  to  the  Lord  Abbot's  chamber,  to  feast  on  a  quarter  of  a 
 yard  of  roast  beef  and  wassail  in  a  black  jack."  Two  reasons  may  be 
 assigned  for  the  existence  of  this  feeling;  either  it  may  be  ascribed  to 
 
 *  Constitutional  History  of  England,  vol.  i.  p,77. 
 
14  CMDRCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 the  cessation  of  the  almsgiving'  and  hospitality  of  the  conventnnl 
 bodies,  or  to  the  general  ignorance  of  the  people.  The  limited  extent 
 of  the  former  has  been  alieady  shown ;  if  the  populace  could  be  concili- 
 ated by  such  miserable  charity  as  we  have  adverted  to,  their  fatuity  may 
 be  likened  to  that  of  the  multitude  in  more  recent  times,  who  are  often 
 blinded  to  their  just  claims  by  doles  of  soup  or  salt  fish,  or  a  bonus  of 
 100  guineas  out  of  an  enormous  civil  list.  The  extreme  ignorance  of 
 the  people  was,  doubtless,  the  principal  cause  of  their  hostility  to  the 
 reformation,  and  disqualified  them  from  duly  estimating  the  advantages 
 likely  to  ensue  from  so  great  a  revolution.  While  the  people  continue 
 unenlightened,  they  must  always  be  subject  to  their  superiors,  or  those 
 who  possess  influence  enough  to  delude  or  direct  them.  The  Forty- 
 Shilling  freeholders  of  Ireland  were  the  alternate  slaves  of  aristocratic 
 landlords  and  fanatic  priests,  and  in  the  votes  they  gave  at  the  instiga- 
 tion of  each,  as  well  as  in  the  tameness  with  which  they  submitted  to 
 be  disfranchised,  they  have  manifested  a  like  rational  view  of  their 
 ultimate  interests.  The  monks  of  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.  were  not 
 less  omnipotent  over  the  multitude  than  the  priests  of  Ireland,  or  those 
 of  Spain  and  Portugal ;  under  the  influence  of  the  former  the  populace 
 sung  out  whatever  note  they  were  directed ;  and,  unquestionably,  such 
 views  of  the  tendency  of  the  reformation  would  be  impressed  upon  them 
 as  best  accorded  with  the  interests  of  their  spiritual  guides. 
 
 To  this  cause  we  ascribe  the  popular  feeling  as  regards  the  disso- 
 lution of  monastic  establishments.  The  same  spirit  opposed  the  opening 
 of  turnpike-roads,  and  the  introduction  of  the  cow-pox  and  machinery. 
 But  it  is  extremely  erroneous  to  maintain  that  the  Reformation  was  not 
 a  great  blessing  to  the  country,  and  tended,  most  essentially,  to  better 
 the  condition  of  the  working  classes.  Had  popery  (such  popery  we 
 mean  as  existed  at  that  day)  continued  the  established  religion,  the 
 present  condition  of  the  people  would  have  been  no  better  than  that  of 
 the  degraded  rabble  who  have  restored  Don  Miguel  and  Don  Ferdinand, 
 and  whose  miseries,  in  spite  of  the  almsgiving  and  hospitality  of  con- 
 vents, are  sufficiently  acute  to  prevent  an  increase  in  their  numbers. 
 From  the  general  poverty  of  the  Peninsula,  and  the  state  of  its  agri- 
 culture, commerce,  and  population,  fettered  and  oppressed  by  aristocra- 
 tic, ecclesiastic,  and  corporate  immunities,  we  may  form  an  idea  of 
 what  England  would  have  been  without  the  Reformation.  Knowledge 
 was  incompatible  with  the  power  of  the  monks,  whose  influence  was 
 founded  on  the  general  belief  of  miracles,  the  sanctity  of  relics,  and 
 other  pious  frauds,  to  which  popular  illumination  would  have  been  fatal. 
 Without,  therefore,  the  excitement  produced  by  their  dispersion,  and 
 the  freedom  of  discussion  with  which  it  was  accompanied,  the  people 
 would  have  remained  intellcctuallv  debased;  their  ignorance  was  neces- 
 sary to  the  ascendancy  of  those  in  whose  hands  they  were,  and  of  course 
 they  would  have  been  kept  in  that  state,  and  withheld  from  the  only 
 means  by  which  their  condition  in  society  could  be  ameliorated.  If 
 more  substantial  benefits  have  not  resulted  from  the  Reformation, 
 it  may  be  easily  traced  to  other  causes.     That  great  event  certainly  put 
 
ORIGIN  ANT)  TENURE  OF  CHURCH  PROPERTY.    15 
 
 the  people  in  possession,  by  removing  the  mental  incubus  of_a  deg^rading 
 superstition,  of  the  most  powerful  instrument,  by  Avhich  they  can  be 
 obtained. 
 
 It  is  to  be  regretted  that,  at  the  dissolution  of  the  abbeys,  the  immense 
 revenue  at  the  disposal  of  the  Crown  was  not  appropriated  in  a  manner 
 more  advantageous  to  the  community.  One  of  the  great  evils  in  our 
 social  economy  is  the  unequal  division  of  property — the  vast  masses 
 in  which  it  is  accumulated  by  entails  and  rights  of  primogeniture  in 
 the  hands  of  individuals.  This  evil  was  aggravated  by  transferring  the 
 endowments  of  the  monks  to  the  aristocracy,  and  thus  Avas  lost  a 
 favourable  juncture  for  obtaining  better  security  for  the  liberties  of  the 
 people,  by  a  more  equal  partition  of  proprietary  influence.  Instead  of 
 wasting  the  spoils  of  the  church  on  rapacious  courtiers,  it  might  have 
 been  appropriated,  as  in  Scotland,  to  the  establishment  of  a  system  of 
 parochial  education;  or,  it  might  have  been  applied  to  sustain  the  dig- 
 nity of  the  Crown,  or  defray  the  charges  of  government  without  bur- 
 thening  the  people,  or  to  other  undertakings  of  general  and  permanent 
 interest.  Of  the  magnitude  of  the  opportunity  thrown  away,  Ave  may 
 form  some  idea  from  the  almost  incredible  wealth  of  the  monastic 
 institutions. 
 
 Of  the  annual  value  of  388  religious  houses,  aa'C  liaA^e  no  estimate ; 
 but,  computing  the  value  of  these  in  the  same  proportion,  as  of  the  653 
 of  Avhich  AA'e  haA^e  the  returns,  the  total  revenue  of  the  1041  houses 
 in  England  and  Wales  Avas  £273,106: — a  prodigious  sum  in  those  days, 
 if  AA'e  consider  the  relative  value  of  money,  and  the  smallness  of  the  na- 
 tional income.  But  incredible  as  this  revenue  is,  it  Avas  only  the  reserved 
 rents  of  manors  and  demesnes,  Avithout  including  the  tithes  of  appro- 
 priations, fines,  heriots,  reneAvals,  deodands,  &c.  which  would  probably 
 have  amounted  to  tAvice  as  much.  Upon  good  authority  it  is  stated  the 
 clergy  Avere  proprietors  of  seven-tenths  of  the  Avhole  kingdom;  and, 
 out  of  the  three  remaining  tenths,  thus  kindly  left  to  king,  lords,  and 
 commons,  Avere  the  four  numerous  orders  of  mendicants  to  be  maintained, 
 against  Avhom  no  gate  could  be  shut,  to  Avhom  no  provision  could  be  de- 
 nied, and  from  Avhom  no  secret  could  be  concealed. 
 
 Mr.  Cobbett  often  amuses  his  readers  by  excl;miations  of  astonishment, 
 in  contemplating  the.  splendid  cathedrals  of  Lincoln,  Ely,  Canterbury, 
 and  Winchester;  considering  them  incontestable  evidence  of  the  great 
 Avealth  and  population  of  the  country  at  the  period  of  their  erection. 
 But  it  would  be  quite  as  correct  for  future  generations  to  refer  to  Wind- 
 sor Castle  or  Buckingham  Palace  as  evidence  of  the  general  contentment 
 and  prosperity  of  the  kingdom  under  the  government  of  the  Borough- 
 mongers.  The  fact  is,  it  Avas  not  necessary  either  the  population  or 
 general  wealth  of  the  community  should  be  very  great  to  enable  the 
 Catholic  priesthood  to  erect  those  magnificent,  but  comparatively  useless, 
 structures.  Pious  souls !  they  had  possessed  themselves  of  nearly  the 
 Avhole  land  and  labour  of  the  community,  and  Avould  have  gTasped  the 
 remainder,  had  it  not  been  for  the  interference  of  the  legislature.  Such 
 have  been  the  religious  propensities  of  the  English,  at  all  times,  that 
 
16  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 the  fervour  of  their  piety  has  oftoner  required  checking  thnn  encourag'ing 
 by  their  rulers.  It  was  Avith  this  view  the  Mortmain  Act  was  passed, 
 in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  which,  hy  prohibiting  the  bequest  of  pro- 
 perty to  the  ecclesiastical  bodies,  prevented  the  patrimony  of  almost 
 every  family  in  the  kingdom  from  being  engulphed  by  the  cunning  and 
 insatiable  monks.  Had  the  vast  amount  of  landed  property  acquired 
 by  spiritual  corporations,  previously  to  the  passing  of  this  statute, 
 remained  tied  up  in  their  hands,  it  must  have  formed  an  insuperable 
 obstacle  to  the  developement  of  the  productive  powers  of  the  country, 
 and  under  such  a  system  neither  the  riches  nor  numbers  of  the  people 
 could  have  greatly  augmented. 
 
 The  statements  of  church  property  before  the  Reformation  would  ap- 
 pear exaggerated,  had  we  not  illustrative  proof  in  the  present  state  of 
 Ireland  and  other  countries.  The  mere  remnant  of  the  estates  of  the 
 church,  now  held  by  the  Irish  Protestant  Establishment,  is  calculated 
 at  two  elevenths  of  the  entire  soil  of  the  kingdom.  In  Tuscany, 
 before  the  French  Revolution  had  partially  regenerated  the  dukedom, 
 the  priesthood  was  found,  from  inquiries  instituted  by  the  grand  duke, 
 to  enjoy  seventeen  parts  in  twenty  of  the  land.  In  Spain  and  Portugal, 
 and  in  France,  the  monopoly  of  the  church  was  nearly  as  great. 
 
 But  we  shall  now  leave  the  subject.  We  could  not  treat  on  the  origin 
 of  church  property  in  this  countiy,  without  adverting  to  the  changes 
 «ifected  by  the  Reformation.  We  shall  next  advert  to  the  tenure  on 
 which  the  property  of  the  church  devolved,  and  continues  to  be  holden 
 by  our  Protestant  Establishment. 
 
 It  seems  almost  a  work  of  supererogation  to  set  about  proving  that 
 the  property  of  the  established  church  is  public  property,  the  bare 
 terms  of  the  proposition  apparently  involving  the  demonstration.  What 
 can  be  understood  by  an  established  church,  but  a  church  endowed  by 
 the  state,  and,  if  so  endowed,  subordinate  to  the  state,  and  for  the  benefit 
 thereof?  This  principle  has  been  recog'nized  in  every  country  in  Europe. 
 Wherever  church  property  has  been  interfered  with,  (and  we  know 
 none  where  it  has  not  been  interfered  with,)  it  never  appears  to  have 
 been  surmised  that  the  state  had  not  only  the  power  but  the  right  to 
 give  a  new  disposition  to  ecclesiastical  endowments,  either  by  appropri- 
 ating them  to  the  maintenance  of  a  different  religion,  or  to  the  neces- 
 sities of  the  community.  In  England  this  power  has  been  distinctly 
 admitted,  as  appears  from  the  measures  adopted  at  the  Reformation:  at 
 that  period  a  commission  was  appointed  to  investigate  the  abuses  of  the 
 church  ;  a  return  was  made  of  the  value  of  all  monasteries  and  religious 
 houses,  of  parochial  livings,  episcopal  and  cathedral  dignities,  and  every 
 other  species  of  ecclesiastical  revenue,  and  the  whole  entered  in  a  book, 
 called  Liber  Regalis,  or  the  King's  Book.  This  important  document 
 has  been  recently  reprinted  by  the  Commissioners  of  Public  Records ; 
 it  is  the  only  authentic  survey  of  the  revenues  of  the  church  ;  and 
 the  result  was,  as  before  described,  an  entire  new  disposition  of  eccle- 
 siastical property.  No  claim  appears  to  have  been  set  up  that  the 
 property  was  sacred,  and  in  every  succeeding  period  it  has  been  treated 
 
ORIGIN  AND  TENURE  OF  CHURCH  PROPERTY.     17 
 
 in  a  similar  manner.  It  has  been  always  considered  public  propert)', 
 and  the  g-overnment,  for  the  time  being,  whether  a  monarchy  under  a 
 Tudor,  or  a  commonwealth  under  Cromwell,  has  always  exercised 
 the  right  of  applying-  it  to  secular  uses,  or  to  the  maintenance  of 
 whatever  form  of  faith  might  be  in  vogue,  whether  Catholic,  Protestant, 
 or  Presbyterian. 
 
 Down  to  our  own  time  the  same  principle  has  been  constantly  acted 
 upon  by  parliament.  In  the  numerous  acts  of  parliament,  passed  within 
 the  last  thirty  years,  for  regulating  the  sale  and  exchange  of  parsonage- 
 houses  and  glebe-lands,  of  mortgages  in  cases  of  buildings  and  repairs, 
 church  property  is  invariably  treated  as  public  property,  the  ownership 
 of  which  is  vested  in  the  State.  Were  it  not  so,  the  legislature  could 
 have  no  more  right  to  interfere  in  the  disposal  of  the  property  of  the 
 church  than  of  the  property  of  private  individuals.  It  could  have  no 
 right  to  pass  the  act  for  prohibiting  the  sale  of  spiritual  preferment,  by 
 making  it  penal  to  present  to  any  benefice  for  money,  gift,  or  reward. 
 It  could  have  no  right  to  pass  the  act,  by  which  an  incumbent  is  com- 
 pelled to  pay  to  his  curate  the  whole,  or  a  proportionate  part  of  the  income 
 of  his  benefice.  It  could  have  no  right  to  pass  the  Church-Building 
 Acts,  authorizing  the  division  of  parishes,  glebes,  and  tithes ;  nor  the 
 various  statutes  for  reg-ulating  the  discipline  of  the  clergy,  by  compel- 
 ling them  to  reside  on  their  benefices,  or  refrain  from  exercising  any 
 trade,  or  taking  any  farm  of  more  than  eighty  acres  of  land.  It  is  never 
 attempted  by  such  legislative  interference,  to  control  the  conduct 
 and  possessions  of  laymen.  The  possessor  of  an  estate  can  sell  it  to 
 another  in  his  lifetime,  or,  after  his  death,  bequeath  it  to  posterity;  but 
 the  clergy  have  no  such  power  over  their  possessions.  They  have  at  most 
 only  a  life-interest ;  and  even  of  that  they  may  be  disinherited  at  the 
 pleasure  of  their  diocesan.  The  tenure  of  their  property  is  similar  to 
 that  by  which  any  public  servant  holds  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State, 
 or  the  Chancellorship  of  the  Exchequer. 
 
 The  church  is  now  as  anxious  to  disown  connexion  with  the  state  as 
 it  formerly  was  to  claim  its  alliance  and  protection.  With  this  view 
 ingenious  theories,  for  they  are  nothing  more,  have  been  put  forth  to 
 prove  that  ecclesiastical  property  has  not  been  derived  from  any  public 
 grant  or  concession.  It  has  been  alleged,  for  instance,  that  tithes  and 
 other  profits  of  ecclesiastical  benefices  were  not  derived  from  the  state, 
 but  from  the  bounty  of  private  individuals,  by  whom  such  benefices 
 were  founded  and  endowed.  This  assumption  has  been  refuted  by  Mr. 
 Eagle  in  his  admirable  Legal  Argument  on  Tithes:  he  has  proved  by  the 
 most  incontestable  authorities,  that  parochial  tithes  formed  no  part  of 
 the  original  endowment  of  benefices  ;  that  the  dowry  of  churches  at  the 
 time  of  their  foundation  consisted  of  house  and  glebe  only,  and  that 
 tithes  were  subsequently  assigned  to  incumbents  by  the  state.  But 
 were  it  otherwise,  and  could  it  be  shewn  that  the  gifts  of  individuals 
 formed  part  of  the  endowments  of  benefices,  still  the  public  nature  of 
 the  purposes  to  which  they  were  appropriated  has  made  them  the  pro- 
 perty of  the  public  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  claimants. 
 
 c 
 
18  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Others  again  attempt  to  defend  the  claims  of  the  clergy,  upon  the 
 principle  that  they  possess  corporate  rights,  and  hence  contend  that 
 though  the  existing  race  of  hishops,  deans,  prebendaries,  rectors,  and 
 vicars  might  compromise  their  interests  with  the  state,  they  could  have 
 no  power  to  enter  into  any  arrangement  for  the  future,  by  which  their 
 successors  might  be  deprived  of  the  reversion  of  church  property. 
 
 To  this  it  has  been  answered,  that  bodies  politic  and  corporate  are 
 civil  institutions  created  by  the  law,  and  what  the  law  has  power  to  create 
 it  has  power  to  abrogate.  Therefore  if  the  legislature,  in  the  exercise  of 
 its  undoubted  right  to  dissolve  by  the  law  that  which  was  created  by  the 
 law,  should  think  fit  to  put  an  end  to  the  corporate  capacity  of  the 
 clergy,  their  right  to  the  tithes  and  other  profits  of  their  benefices  would 
 necessarily  cease.  For  they  could  not  claim  as  individuals  that  which 
 they  had  held  and  enjoyed  in  their  corporate  capacity  only.  Their 
 possessions  would  revert  to  the  state,  from  which  they  had  been  derived, 
 to  be  disposed  of  in  the  manner  best  calculated  to  promote  the  welfare 
 of  the  nation. 
 
 But  it  is  useless  to  contend  with  mere  legal  fictions,  shadows,  and 
 assumptions.  The  entire  argument  on  church  tithes  may  be  comprised 
 in  a  very  small  compass,  and  rests  on  recent  and  indubitable  authority. 
 The  tenure  of  ecclesiastical  property  was  prescribed  by  the  Statutes  of 
 Dissolution  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  The  legislature  of  that  day 
 made  a  new  disposition  of  the  possessions  of  the  church,  and  reserved  to 
 itself,  and  has  constantly  exercised  the  power  of  altering  that  disposition 
 in  future.  Any  title  or  claim  of  the  clergy  antecedent  to  these  acts  is 
 superseded  on  the  well-known  principle  that  posterior  abrogate  prior 
 laws.  If  the  acts  of  Henry  VIII,  be  invalid,  if  the  parliament  of  the 
 sixteenth  century  be  deemed  to  have  exceeded  its  powers,  what  would  be 
 the  consequences  ?  Why  precisely  those  which  have  been  forcibly  pointed 
 out  by  Mr.  Eagle,  All  the  grantees,  lay  and  ecclesiastical,  of  the  lands 
 and  tithes  of  the  dissolved  monasteries  would  not  have  a  shadow  of 
 a  legal  title,  and  therefore  the  Duke  of  Bedford  and  eveiy  other  de- 
 scendant of  the  grantees  would  be  liable  to  be  called  to  account  for  the 
 past  rents  and  profits  accruing  from  their  possessions. 
 
 To  conclude,  the  estaljlished  clergy  are  a  great  body  of  public  sti- 
 pendiaries, engaged  for  the  discharge  of  specific  duties  ;  and  their  rights 
 and  constitution  resemble  more  those  of  our  military  establishment 
 than  any  other  department  of  the  national  service.  Like  the  army,  the 
 clergy  have  their  own  laws,  and  may  be  tried  by  their  own  courts.  A 
 regular  subordination  exists  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest  ;  from  the 
 curates,  who  are  privates  in  the  ecclesiastical  corps,  to  the  rectors  and 
 vicars,  who  are  regimental  officers  ;  from  thence  to  the  bishops  and  arch- 
 bishops, who  are  generals  and  field-marshals :  there  are,  also,  district 
 generals,  inspectors,  and  quarter-masters-general  under  the  names  of 
 archdeacons,  deans,  and  prebendaries.  The  bishops  have  their  regular 
 staft'  of  commissaiies,  chaplains,  secretaries,  and  apothecaries.  No 
 clergyman  can  be  absent  without  leave,  and  is  liable  to  be  broken  or 
 cashiered  for  neglect  of  duty.     The  king  is  the  supreme  head  of  the 
 
PATRONAGE    OF    THE    CHURCH.  19 
 
 Church  and  the  Army ;  he  appoints  to  all  the  principal  commissions, 
 and  in  both  a  plurality  of  commissions  may  be  holden.  Supplies  are 
 voted  by  the  parliament  for  both  branches  of  service  ;  either  may  be 
 augmented  or  diminished,  or  entirely  discontinued,  as  circumstances 
 require.  Lastly,  the  military  have  the  same  property  in  their  muskets, 
 barracks,  and  accoutrements,  that  the  clergy  have  in  their  pulpits,  tithes, 
 and  cathedrals ;  both  may  be  transferred  from  the  present  possessors  to 
 others,  or  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  community. 
 
 Such  being  the  tenure  of  ecclesiastical  immunities,  it  is  mere 
 sophistry  to  contend  that  the  property  of  the  church  is  as  sacred  as 
 any  other  property.  No  analogy  exists  betwixt  the  rights  of  indivi- 
 duals, or  even  of  corporations,  and  the  rights  of  the  church,  and  this 
 view  of  the  subject  is  confirmed  by  the  history  of  the  church  itself,  and 
 the  example  of  every  European  government.  If  the  church  ever  had 
 an  indefeasible  claim,  it  could  only  have  appertained  to  the  catholic 
 church,  to  which  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  were  originally  granted. 
 But  whatever  corporate  or  other  rights  the  catholic  church  might 
 claim,  they  were  annihilated  at  the  Reformation,  and  the  legislators  of 
 that  period  plainly  dealt  with  the  possessions  of  the  clergy,  as  neither 
 perpetually  attached  to  any  particular  class  of  persons,  nor  to  any  par- 
 ticular form  of  worship.  They  evidently  treated  church  endowments 
 as  a  sort  of  waif  or  e stray ;  and,  in  assigning  them  pro  tempore  io 
 the  protestant  establishment,  they  only  assigned  them  on  the  terms  of 
 a  tenancy-at-will,  subject  to  such  conditions  of  occupancy,  ejectment, 
 forcible  entry,  &c.  as  the  parliamentary  landlords  might  think  expedient  . 
 from  time  to  time  to  promulgate. 
 
 II.    PATRONAGE    OF    THE    CHURCH. 
 
 If  the  possessions  of  the  clergy  are  not  inviolate,  the  rights  of  patrons 
 appear  to  have  a  still  less  substantial  guarantee.  It  has,  however,  been 
 atfirmed  by  an  eminent  ecclesiastical  judge.  Dr.  Lushington,*  that, 
 whatever  opinion  might  be  hel.d  on  the  general  tenure  of  ecclesiastical 
 property,  there  could  be  no  doubt  advowsons  were  strictly  private  pro- 
 perty. As  this  is  a  point  of  great  importance,  it  may,  be  proper,  before 
 we  give  an  exposition  of  the  present  state  of  church  patronage,  shortly 
 to  elucidate  the  nature  and  origin  of  patronial  immunities.  Our  obser- 
 vations will,  of  course,  apply  solely  to  the  rights  of  private  indivi- 
 duals :  of  the  tenure  of  the  patronage  vested  in  the  king,  the  lord 
 chancellor,  the  bishops,  deans  and  chapters,  there  cannot  be  any  diffe- 
 rence of  opinion  ;  all  these  exercise  their  patronage  ex  officio,  and  un- 
 questionably the  same  legislative  power  which  has  authority  to  regulate 
 the  functions  of  these  offices,  may  make  regulations  as  to  the  disposi- 
 tion of  the  ecclesiastical  patronage  appertaining  to  them. 
 
 A  patron,  as  is  well  known,  is  one  who  has  the  right  to  present  to 
 ecclesiastical  preferment.  The  exercise  of  this  right  is  called  a  pre- 
 sentation,   and  the   right  itself   an  advowson.     When  the  Christian 
 
 *  House  of  Commons,  April  27(li,  1830. 
 
 C  2 
 
20  rnuRCH  of  encland. 
 
 religion  was  first  established  in  England,  the  sovereign  began  to  build 
 cathedrals,  and  afterwards,  in  imitation  of  him,  lords  of  manors  founded 
 churches  on  part  of  their  demesnes,  endowing  them  with  house  and  glebe, 
 reserving  to  themselves  and  heirs  a  right  to  present  a  fit  person  to  the 
 bishop  as  officiating  clergyman.  Hence  most  advowsons  were  formerly 
 appendant  to  manors,  and  the  patrons  parochial  barons :  it  was  only  by 
 the  corruptions  of  later  ages  the  lordship  of  the  manor  and  the  patro- 
 nage of  the  church  were  dissevered,  and  any  one,  however  mean  and 
 disreputable,  might,  by  puichase,  aspire  to  the  dignity  of  patron. 
 
 Still  such  presentative  right,  however  valuable  it  might  be  as  a 
 provision  for  relatives  and  friends,  was  deemed  purely  an  honorary 
 function,  from  the  exercise  of  which  no  lucrative  benefit  ought  to 
 accrue  to  the  possessor.  For  the  better  security  of  this  principle,  severe 
 laws  have  been  enacted  to  punish  patrons  who  dispose  of  spiritual 
 preferment  from  interested  motives.  If  a  patron  present  any  person 
 to  a  benefice  for  a  corrupt  consideration,  by  gift,  promise,  or  reward, 
 the  presentation  is  void,  and,  for  that  turn,  lapses  to  the  Crown.  If  a 
 person  procure  a  presentation  for  money  or  profit,  and  is  presented, 
 he  is  disabled  from  holding  the  living.  Even  general  bonds  given  to 
 resign  a  benefice  at  the  request  of  a  patron,  or  in  favour  of  some  par- 
 ticular person,  have  been  declared  a  violation  of  the  statutes.*  Such 
 transactions  have  been  termed  simony,  from  their  supposed  relation  to 
 the  offence  of  .Simon  Magus,  who  offered,  with  money,  to  buy  the 
 Holy  Ghost.  The  design  of  the  Legislature  was  to  prevent  the  obtru- 
 sion of  improper  persons  in  the  ministry,  and  guard  against  the 
 patronage  of  the  Church  being  perverted  to  objects  of  mere  lucre  in  lieu 
 of  promoting  religion  and  virtue.  For  the  same  salutary  end,  bishops 
 may  refuse  to  institute  the  presentee  of  a  patron  who  is  not  sufficiently 
 learned,  or  labours  under  moral  or  canonical  disqualification. 
 
 In  practice,  however,  all  these  precautions  are  nugatory,  and  the 
 laws  against  simony  are  as  easily  evaded  as  those  against  usury  or  the 
 sale  of  seats  in  the  House  of  Commons.  Preferment  in  the  Church  is 
 as  regular  a  subject  of  sale  as  commissions  in  the  army;  and  a  pati'on 
 would  as  soon  think  of  rewarding  an  individual  for  his  learning  and 
 piety  with  the  gift  of  a  freehold  estate  as  a  church  living.  Hence,  the 
 door  of  the  church  is  open  to  all,  whether  they  have  a  call  or  not,  pro- 
 vided they  possess  a  golden  key ;  and,  in  the  Metropolis,  offices  are 
 openly  kept  in  which  spiritual  preferment  is  sold  as  regularly  as  offices 
 in  the  East  Indies,  medical  practice,  or  any  other  secular  pursuit.  Not 
 unfrequently,  a  cure  of  souls  is  brought  under  the  hammer  of  an 
 auctioneer,  and  a  Jew,  who  maintains  our  Saviour  was  an  impostor, 
 may,  if  he  please,  purchase  the  right  to  select  a  proper  person  for 
 the  ministry  of  the  Gospel.  In  short,  church  patronage  is  dealt  with 
 as  a  mere  commodity ,  and  the  produce  of  tithe   and  glebe,  instead  of 
 
 *  31  Eliz.  c.  6 ;  12  Ann,  stat.  2,  c.  12  ;  also,  the  cases  of  Bishop  of  London 
 f.  Ffytclic,  and  of  Fletcher  v.  Lord  Sondes. 
 
PATRONAGE  OF  THE  CHURCH.  21 
 
 being  employed  as  the  reward  of  religious  zeal  and  service,  is  bought, 
 like  a  life  annuity,  as  a  provision  and  settlement  for  families.* 
 
 These  abuses  must  al\\'ays  continue  while  the  law  tolerates  the  sale  of 
 advowsons  ;  it  is  in  vain  to  prohibit  the  corrupt  presentation  to  an  eccle- 
 siastical benefice,  if  a  third  person  may  purchase  the  right  to  present, 
 and,  under  the  semblance  of  a  gift,  convey  the  benefice  to  his  employer. 
 But  such  perversion  can  in  no  way  strengthen  the  claims  of  patrons, 
 and  entitle  them  to  set  up  a  mere  incoi"poreal  immunity  as  real  property. 
 The  history  of  church  patronage,  as  well  as  the  enactments  of  the  law, 
 are  repugnant  to  the  idea  of  treating  church  patronag'e  as  houses  and 
 land.  In  cases  of  bankruptcy  and  insolvency,  the  assignees  can  neither 
 sell  nor  present  to  a  vacant  ecclesiastical  benefice ;  this  is  a  personal 
 function  which  cannot  be  delegated  or  assigned  like  a  mere  chattel,  but 
 must  be  discharged  by  the  insolvent  himself.  Were,  therefore,  the 
 Church  reformed  to-morrow,  and  all  its  ministers  placed  on  an  uniform 
 salary  of  £250  a-year,  the  patrons  of  livings  could  not  claim  a  com- 
 pensation for  the  loss  of  tithe  and  church  estate.  They  never,  either 
 in  law  or  in  equity,  had  a  beneficial  interest  in  the  Church ;  their  in- 
 terests were  purely  honorary  and  functional:  and  were  the  patronage  of 
 livings  continued  to  them  under  a  reformed  system,  however  much  the 
 value  of  advowsons  might  be  depreciated  in  the  market,  whatever 
 interest  they  legally  possessed  would  have  been  abundantly  respected. 
 
 Having  shortly  exhibited  the  origin  and  tenure  of  patronial  immu- 
 nities, we  shall  next  explain  the  present  distribution  of  church 
 patronage,  and  the  mode  and  purposes  foi'  which  it  is  usuallj'  employed. 
 
 The  patronage  of  the  Church  is  in  the  king,  bishops,  deans  and 
 chapters,  universities,  collegiate  establishments,  aristocracy,  and  gentry. 
 The  king's  patronage  is  the  bishoprics,  all  the  deaneries  in  England, 
 thirty  prebends,  twenty-three  canonries,  the  mastership  of  the  Temple, 
 
 *  All  the  offices  of  the  Church  being  professedly  of  a  spiritual  nature,  and 
 executed  for  spiritual  objects,  an  American  bishop,  Dr.  Hobart,  during  his 
 sojourn  in  this  cjuntry,  lelt  much  scandalized  by  reading  the  following  details 
 of  secular  traffic  in  the  Morning  Chronicle,  July  13,  1824  : — 
 
 "  The  church  livings  in  Essex,  sold  on  tlie  1st  instant,  by  Mr.  Robins,  of 
 Regent-street,  were  not  the  absolute  advowsons,  but  the  next  presentations 
 contingent  on  the  lives  of  Rlr.  and  Mrs.  W.  T.  P.  L.  VVellesley,  aged  tliirty-six 
 and  twenty-five  years  respectively,  and  were  as  under : — 
 
 Sold  for. 
 
 £2,440 
 4,200 
 1,600 
 1,520 
 2,000 
 900 
 580 
 
 The  biddings  appeared  to  be  governed  by  the  age  and  health  of  the  in- 
 ciunbents,  residence,  situation,  and  otlier  local  circumstances,  with  which  the 
 parties  interested  seemed  to  be  well  acquainted," 
 
 Place. 
 
 Description. 
 
 Estimated 
 Annual  Value. 
 
 Age  of 
 Incumbent. 
 
 Wanstead 
 
 Rectory 
 
 . . .      £653     . . 
 
 ..      62      , . 
 
 Woodford 
 
 Ditto 
 
 . ..      1,200     .. 
 
 ..      58      .. 
 
 Gt.  Paindon 
 
 Ditto 
 
 500     . . 
 
 .  .     03      . . 
 
 Fifield 
 
 Ditto 
 
 525      .. 
 
 . .     59      . . 
 
 Rochford 
 
 Ditto 
 
 700     . . 
 
 . .     62     . . 
 
 Filstead 
 
 Vicarage     . 
 
 400     .. 
 
 ..     50     .. 
 
 Roydon 
 
 Ditto 
 
 200     , . 
 
 . .     46     . . 
 
22  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 the  wardenship  of  the  collegiate  church  of  Manchester,  and  1048 
 livings.  The  lord  chancellor  presents  to  all  the  livings  under  the  value 
 of  £20  in  the  king's  book,  which  are  about  780;  he  also  presents  to 
 six  prebendal  stalls  in  Biistol  cathedral,  and  to  five  in  each  of  the 
 cathedrals  of  Gloucester,  Norwich,  and  Rochester ;  the  other  ministers 
 present  to  the  remaining-  patronage  of  the  crown.  Upwards  of  1600 
 pieces  of  church-prefennent  are  in  the  gift  of  the  bishops ;  more  than 
 600  in  the  presentation  of  the  two  universities;  57  in  the  colleges  of 
 Eton  and  Winchester:  about  1000  in  the  gifts  of  cathedrals  and  col- 
 legiate establishments ;  and  the  remainder  in  the  gift  of  the  aristocracy 
 and  private  individuals. 
 
 The  population-returns  of  1821  make  the  number  of  parishes  and 
 parochial  chapelries  in  England  and  Wales  10,674;  which,  divided 
 into  rectories  and  vicarages,  exhibit  the  following  classification  of  pa- 
 rochial patronage : — 
 
 In  tlie  gift  of  Rectories.  Vicarages. 
 
 The  crown 558 490 
 
 The  bishops    592 709 
 
 Deans  and  chapters    190 792 
 
 University  of  Oxford 202 •      112 
 
 University  of  Cambridge  ••••      152 131 
 
 Collegiate  establishments    •  •  •  •        39 1 07 
 
 Private  individuals 3,444 3,1 75 
 
 In  addition,  there  are  649  chapels  not  parochial,  making  the  total 
 number  of  benefices  in  England  and  Wales,  without  allowing  for  the 
 consolidation  of  the  smaller  parishes,  11,342.  To  this  number  ought 
 to  be  added  227  new  churches  and  chapels  erected  under  the  authority 
 of  the  Church-Building-Acts,  and  which  must  hereafter  greatly  aug- 
 ment the  patronage  and  revenues  of  the  established  church.  All  these 
 churches  and  chapels  constitute,  by  the  statutes,  so  many  separate  be- 
 nefices, their  ministers  are  incumbents,  and  bodies  corporate,  empowered 
 to  take  endowments  in  land  or  tithes. 
 
 The  benefices  now  in  the  gift  of  the  Crown  were  reservations,  when 
 the  manors  to  which  they  were  appendant  were  granted  away,  or  were 
 acquired  by  lapse,  or  conferred  on  Henry  VIII.  and  his  successors,  by 
 act  of  parliament,  at  the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries  to  which  they 
 belonged.  The  livings  belonging  to  the  bishoprics,  the  deans  and 
 chapters,  the  jiniversities,  and  colleges,  were  the  gifts  of  their  mu- 
 nificent founders.  Those  in  the  hands  of  private  individuals  have  come 
 into  their  possession  along  with  their  estates,  or  they  have  purchased  or 
 inherited  the  advowson  dissevered  from  manorial  rights. 
 
 Directly  or  indirectly  the  entire  patronage  of  the  church  may  be  said 
 to  be  vested  in  the  Crown.  No  one  is  eligible  to  church-preferment, 
 vmless  first  ordained  by  the  bishop ;  when  eligible,  no  one  can  enjoy 
 any  benefice  unless  instituted  by  a  bishop :  the  bishops,  therefore,  by 
 ordination  and  institution,  have  a  double  power  to  exclude  obnoxious 
 persons :  and  the  bishops  themselves  being  appointed  by  the  king,  the 
 
PATRONAGE    OF    THE    CUUIfCII.  23 
 
 latter  has,  virtually,  the  whole  patronage  of  the  church,  having  a  veto 
 on  all  ecclesiastical  appointments  by  the  aristocracy,  the  gentry,  ca- 
 thedrals, and  other  bodies  in  which  church  patronage  is  vested. 
 
 It  is  easy  to  conceive  how  much  the  power  of  the  Crown  is  thereby 
 augmented.  The  clergy,  from  superior  education,  from  their  wealth 
 and  sacred  profession,  possess  greater  influence  than  any  other  order  of 
 men,  and  all  the  influence  they  possess  is  as  much  subservient  to 
 government  as  the  army  or  navy,  or  any  other  branch  of  public  service. 
 Upon  every  public  occasion  the  consequence  of  this  influence  is  apparent. 
 There  is  no  question,  however  unpopular,  which  may  not  obtain  coun- 
 tenance by  the  support  of  the  clergy :  being  everywhere,  and  having- 
 much  to  lose,  and  a  great  deal  to  expect,  they  are  always  active  and 
 zealous  in  devotion  to  the  interests  of  those  on  whom  their  promotion 
 depends.  Hence  their  anxiety  to  attract  notice  at  county,  corporate, 
 and  sessional  meetings.  Whenever  a  loyal  address  is  to  be  obtained,  a 
 popular  petition  opposed,  or  hard  measure  carried  against  the  poor,  it 
 is  almost  certain  some  reverend  rector,  very  reverend  dean,  or  vene- 
 rable archdeacon,  will  make  himself  conspicuous. 
 
 It  has  been  before   remarked  that  church  patronage  is  a  reg-ular 
 article  of  sale.     Besides  being  sold  for  money,  spiritual  preferment  is 
 devoted  to  political  objects,  and  to  the  emolument  of  powerful  families, 
 chiefly  the  nobility.     Fcav  individuals  attain  high  honour  in  the  church, 
 unless  remarkable  for  their  devotion  to  government;  any  show  of  libe- 
 rality or  independence  is  fatal  to   ecclesiastical  ambition,  as  may  be 
 instanced  in  the  history  of  a  Watson,  a  Paley,  or  a  Shipley.     On  the 
 contrary,  hostility  to  reform,  subserviency  to  ministers,  and  alacrity  in 
 supporting  them  on  all  occasions,  is  sure  to  be  rewarded.     We  do  not 
 think  the  conduct  of  the  Bishops  in  voting  against  the  reform  bill  any 
 objection  to  this  imputation.      They,    doubtless,    calculated,    as   Lord 
 Brougham  remarked,  on  "  tripping  up  the  heels"  of  the  Whig  Ministers. 
 That  they  have  mostly  thriven  by  subserviency,  will  be  apparent  from 
 adverting  to  the  claims  to  promotion  of  the   individuals    rewarded  by 
 mitres  under  Tory  administrations.     Two  of  them  are  generally  known 
 as  "  the  Lady's  Bishops,"  from  the  nature  of  the  court  influence  to 
 Avhich  it  is  supposed  they   were  indebted   for  their  exalted  stations. 
 Marsh,  one  of  the  most  orthodox,  was  a  political  pamphleteer,  who 
 wrote  a  book  in  favour  of  Pitt's  war;  after  which  he  received  a  pension, 
 then  a  bishopric.     Blomfield  owed  his   first  preferment  to  a  noble  lord, 
 whom  he  had  pleased  by  his  dexterity  in  rendering  some  Greek  verses ; 
 his  subsequent  elevation  is  said  to  have  been  purchased  by  a  compromise 
 of  principle  on  the  catholic  question :  he  did  not  vote  on  the  first  intro- 
 duction of  the  reform  bill,  divided,  probably,  by  a  sense  of  gratitude  to 
 his  early  patron  lord  Spencer,  and  uncertainty  as  to   future  events. 
 Dr.  Monk  is  also  an   eminent  haberdasher  in  "  points  and  particles." 
 He  was  raised  to  the  throne  of  Gloucester,  from  the  deanery  of  Peter- 
 borough  and  rectory  of  Fiskerton;  and  to  which  elevation  it  is   not 
 unlikely  he  paved  the   way  by  a  fulsome  dedication  of  his  "  Life  of 
 Beiitley"  to  his  fiiend  and  patron,  the  bishop  of  London.     Tlie  tergi- 
 
24  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 versations  and  subserviency  of  Dr.  Philpotts  are  too  notorious  to  require 
 description.  The  archbishop  of  Canterbury  is,  as  far  as  we  know, 
 without  any  particular  trait  of  distinction,  either  in  his  history  or  cha- 
 racter. He  was  formerly  dean  of  the  Royal  Chapel,  and  tutor  to  the 
 prince  of  Orang-e ;  he  seems  a  man  of  great  singleness  of  mind ;  for 
 in  one  of  his  charges  to  the  clergy,  he  deplores  the  absence  of  that 
 "  humble  docility"  and  "  prostration  of  the  understanding"  which  for- 
 merly rendered  the  people  such  apt  subjects,  either  of  religious  or  political 
 knavery.  The  bishop  of  Durham  is  of  Dutch  extraction,  and  some 
 years  since  underwent  a  severe  prosecution  for  non-residence  on  a  bene- 
 fice in  the  City,  of  which  he  was  then  incumbent.  Burgess  is  a  protege 
 of  lord  Sidmouth,  who  is  now  living  in  retirement  on  a  pension  of  £3000 
 a  year,  granted  for  "  high  and  efficient"  services  to  church  and  state. 
 Coplestone  is  the  writer  of  a  satirical  squib,  called  "  Hints  to  a  Young- 
 Reviewer,"  directed  against  a  well-known  northern  periodical.  John 
 Bird  Sumner  is  considered  a  person  of  some  merit,  and  has  written 
 several  articles  in  the  Edinburgh  Encyclopedia.  Carey,  too,  who 
 was  sub-almoner  to  George  HI.  is  also  an  author  and  has  published  a 
 sermon,  preached  on  the  occasion  of  the  famous  "  Jubilee."  With  the 
 exception  of  Bathurst  and  Maltby  little  is  known  of  the  rest;  they  have 
 mostly  been  indebted  for  promotion  to  marriage,  or  to  their  connexions 
 with  the  aristocracy,  either  by  relationship,  or  from  having  filled  the 
 office  of  tutor  or  secretary  in  their  families.  In  this  roll  of  services, 
 of  accident  of  birth,  of  situation,  and  connexion,  there  is  evidently  no 
 claim  of  public  service  or  utility  to  entitle  the  bishops  to  their  princely 
 revenues  and  vast  patronage. 
 
 One  of  the  greatest  abuses  in  the  disposal  of  patronage  is  monopoly, 
 in  a  fcAV  individuals,  of  influence  and  connexion,  sharing  among  theni 
 the  most  valuable  emoluments  of  the  church.  In  all  spiritual  offices  and 
 dignities,  there  is  a  great  difference  in  value,  and  also  in  patronage;  and 
 the  great  object  of  ecclesiastical  intrigue  is,  to  secure  not  only  the  most 
 valuable,  but  the  greatest  number  of  preferments.  Hence  arises  the 
 present  disposition  of  church  property.  Scarcely  any  preferment  is  held 
 single;  the  sees,  dignities,  rectories,  and  vicarages,  being  mostly  held 
 with  other  good  things,  and  the  most  valuable  monopolized  by  the  rela- 
 tions and  connexions  of  those  who  have  the  disposal  of  them ;  namely, 
 the  Crown,  the  Bishops,  and  Aristocracy.  The  bishops  are  frequently 
 archdeacons  and  deans,  rectors,  vicars,  and  curates,  besides  holding 
 professorships,  clerkships,  prebends,  precentorships,  and  other  offices 
 in  cathedrals.  Their  sons,  sons-in-law,  brothers,  and  nephews,  are 
 also  pushed  in  to  the  most  valuable  preferments  in  the  diocese.  We 
 shall  give  an  instance  of  the  manner  of  serving  out  the  loaves  and  fishes 
 of  the  church  in  particular  families,  from  the  example  of  Spaukk, 
 bishop  of  Ely,  who  owed  his  promotion  to  the  circumstance  of  having 
 been  tutor  to  the  duke  of  Rutland.  The  exhibition  is  limited  to  the 
 two  sons  and  son-in-law  of  the  bishop,  without  including  appointments 
 to  distant  relatives.  In  the  shiftings,  exchanges,  resignations,  movings 
 Hbout,  and  heaping  up  of  offices,  we   have   a  complete  picture  of  the 
 
PATRONAGE  OF  THE  CHURCH.  25 
 
 ecclesiastical  evolutions  which  are  constantly  being  performed  in  almost 
 every  diocese  of  the  kingdom. 
 
 1815.  The  Rev.  John  Henry  Sparke,  the  eldest  son,  took  his  degree  of  B.A.; 
 he  was  then  about  21 ;  he  was  immediately  appointed  by  his  father  to  a 
 bishop's  fellowship  in  Jesus  College,  Cambridge. 
 
 1816.  He  was  appointed  steward  of  all  his  father's  manorial  courts. 
 
 1818.  He  took  his  degi'ee  of  M.A.,  and  was  presented  to  a  prebendal  stall  in 
 Ely  Cathedral,  on  the  resignation  of  the  Rev.  Archdeacon  Brown,  who 
 had  been  holding  it  one  year:  he  was  also  presented  to  the  sinecure  rec- 
 tory of  Littlebury,  and  in  the  following  month  he  was  presented  to  the 
 living  of  Streatham-cura-Thetfoid,  by  an  exchange  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Law 
 for  the  living  of  Downham,  which  last  living  had  been  held  for  three 
 years  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Daubeny,  the  bishop's  nephew,  who  now  resigned 
 it  in  favour  of  fllr.  Law,  and  retired  to  the  living  of  Bexwell. 
 
 1819.  The  Rev.  J.  H.  Sparke  had  a  dispensation  granted  him  from  the  arch- 
 bishop of  Canterbury,  permitting  him  to  hold  the  living  of  Cottenhani 
 with  his  other  preferments. 
 
 1818.  The  Rev.  Henry  Fardell,  the  bishop's  son-in-law,  was  ordained  deacon. 
 
 1819.  He  was  pi'esented  to  a  jirebendal  stall  in  Ely,  the  degree  of  M.A.  having 
 been  conferred  on  him  by  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury. 
 
 1821.  He  was  presented  to  the  living  of  Tyd  St  Giles. 
 
 1822.  He  was  piesented  to  the  living  of  Waterbeach,  on  the  resignation  of  the 
 Rev.  Mr.  Mitchell. 
 
 1823.  He  resigned  Tyd  St.  Giles,  and  was  pi-esented  to  Bexwell,  on  the  resig- 
 nation of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Daubeny,  the  bishop's  nephew,  who  was  presented 
 to  Feltwell;  but  in  a  few  weeks,  when  the  value  of  Feltwell  was  better 
 understood,  Mr.  Daubeny  was  required  to  resign  Feltwell  and  return  to 
 Bexwell.  This,  it  is  said,  he  did  with  great  reluctance ;  he  was,  however, 
 presented  to  Tyd  as  well  as  Bexwell,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Fardell  was  then 
 presented  to  Feltwell.  " 
 
 1824.  The  Rev.  J.  Henry  Sparke  was  appointed  Chancellor  of  the  diocese,  and 
 this  year  he  resigned  the  prebendal  stall  he  held,  and  was  presented  to 
 the  one  which  became  vacant  by  the  death  of  the  Rev.  Sir  H.  Bate 
 Dudley;  the  house  and  gardens  belonging  to  the  latter  stall  being  consi- 
 dered the  best  in  the  College. 
 
 1826.  The  Rev.  Edward  Sparke,  the  bishop's  youngest  son,  took  his  degree  of 
 B.A.,  and  was  immediately  presented  by  his  father  to  a  bishop's  fellow- 
 ship in  St.  John's  College;  Cambridge,  ou  the  resignation  of  Charles 
 Jenyns,  Esq.  a  friend  of  the  family,  who  had  been  holding  it  three  years. 
 He  was  also  appointed  Register  of  the  diocese. 
 
 1827.  The  Rev.  J.  Henry  Sparke  resigned  the  livings  of  Cottenham  and  Stretham, 
 and  was  presented  to  the  rich  living  of  Leverington. 
 
 1829.  The  Rev,  J.  Henry  Sparke  was  presented  to  Bexwell. 
 
 1829.  The  Rev.  Edward  Sparke  took  his  degree  of  M.A.  and  was  presented  to 
 a  prebendal  stall  on  the  resignation  of  Rev.  Ben.  Park  (another  friend 
 of  the  family)  who  had  been  holding  it  three  years. 
 
 He  was  also  this  year  presented  to  the  living  of  Hogeworthingham, 
 and  to  the  living  of  Barley. 
 
 1830.  He  resigned  Hogeworthingham,  and  was  presented  to  Connington.  This 
 year  he  resigned  Barley  also,  and  was  presented  to  Littleport. 
 
 1831.  He  resigned  Connington,  and  was  presented  to  Feltwell,  at  the  same  time 
 he  resigned  his  prebendal  stall,  and  was  presented  to  the  one  become 
 vacant  by  the  death  of  the  Rev.  George  King — the  rich  living  of  Sutton 
 being  in  the  gilt  of  the  possessor  of  the  latter  stall. 
 
 1831.  The  Rev.  Henry  Fardell  resigned  Feltwell,  and  was  presented  to  the  rich 
 living  of  Wisbech. 
 The  Rev.  J.  Heniy  Sparke  now  holds  the  living  of  Leverington,  the  sinecure 
 rectory  of  Littlebury,  the  living  of  Bexwell,  a  prebendal  stall  in  Ely  Cathedral, 
 
26  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 is  steward  of  all  his  father's  manorial  courts,  and  Chancellor  of  the  diocese. 
 The  estimated  annual  value  of  the  whole,  £4,500. 
 
 Tlie  Rev.  Henry  Fardell  now  holds  the  living  of  Waterbeach,  the  vicarage 
 of  Wisbech,  and  a  prebcndal  stall  in  Ely  Catliedral.  The  estimated  annual 
 value  of  his  preferments,  ±"3,700. 
 
 Tlie  Rev.  Edward  Sparke  holds  the  consolidated  livings  of  St.  Mary  and  St. 
 Nicholas,  Feltwell,  tlie  vicarage  of  Littleport,  a  prebcndal  stall  in  Ely,  is 
 Register  of  the  diocese,  and  Examining  Chaplain  to  his  father.  The  estimated 
 annual  value  of  his  appointments  not  less  than  £4000. 
 
 The  bishop's  see  of  Ely  and  dependencies,  £27,742. 
 
 Total  income  of  the  Sparke  family,  £39,942. 
 
 In  the  Ordination-Service  a  bishop  is  said  to  be  intrusted  with  office 
 for  "  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  edification  of  the  Christian  flock."  He 
 is  particularly  enjoined  not  to  be  "  covetous,"  nor  "  greedy  of  filthy 
 lucre,"  and  he  promises  to  be  "  faithful  in  ordaining,  sending,  and 
 laying  hands  on  others."  How  far  bishop  Sparke  has  observed  these 
 matters,  we  shall  not  presume  to  say;  it  is  obvious,  however,  that  the 
 faithful  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  office  does  not  allow  the  "  sendiyig" 
 of  relations  and  connexions  on  the  service  of  the  church,  unless  duly 
 and  properly  qualified.  For  any  thing  we  know,  his  sons  and  son-in-law 
 may  be  amply  qualified  for  these  numerous  endoAvments  ;  indeed,  they 
 must  be  men  of  extraordinary  capabilities,  to  be  able  to  discharge  the 
 duties  of  so  many  and  important  offices. 
 
 Bishop  Sparke  is  not  the  only  prelate  who  has  shown  regard  to  the 
 temporal  welfare  of  his  family.  Other  prelates  seem  to  agree  with  lord 
 Plunket  and  sir  R.Inglis,  in  considering  church  property  of  the  nature 
 of  private  property,  which  cannot  be  better  employed  than  in  providing 
 handsome  marriage  portions  for  their  sons  and  daughters.  Several 
 prelates  are  of  too  recent  elevation  to  have  had  time  to  send  oft"  nume- 
 rous branches  into  the  church;  but  an  example  or  two  from  their 
 immediate  predecessors  on  the  bench  Avill  illustrate  the  ordinary  work- 
 ing of  the  system.  The  late  archbishop  Sutton  is  an  eminent  instance 
 of  the  perversion  of  ecclesiastical  patronage.  The  Suttons  remaining  in 
 the  church  are  very  numerous ;  among  seven  of  them  are  shared  sixteen 
 rectories,  vicarages,  and  chapelries,  besides  preacherships  and  dignities 
 in  cathedrals.  Of  the  eleven  daughters  of  the  archbishop,  several  had 
 the  prudence  to  marry  men  in  holy  orders,  w^ho  soon  became  amply 
 endowed.  Hugh  Percy,  son  of  the  earl  of  Beverly,  mairied  one 
 daughter;  and,  in  the  course  of  about  as  many  years,  was  portioned  off 
 with  eight  dift'erent  preferments,  estimated  to  be  worth  £10,000  per 
 annum ;  four  of  these  preferments  were  given  in  one  year,  probably  that 
 of  the  nuptials,  and  intended  as  an  ontjit.  This  fortunate  son-in-law  is 
 now  bishop  of  Carlisle,  to  Avhich  see  he  was  translated  from  Rochester. 
 According  to  law  he  ought  to  have  resigned  all  the  preferments  he  held 
 at  the  time  of  being  promoted  to  a  bishopric;  but  somehoiv  he  has  con- 
 trived to  retain  the  most  valuable  prebend  of  St.  Paul's,  worth  £3000 
 per  annum,  and  also  the  chancellorship  of  Sarum.  Another  daughter 
 of  the  airhbishop  married  the  Rev.  James  Croft,  who  is  archdeacon  of 
 Canterbury,  piebendary  of   Canterbury,   curate   of  Hythe,    rector   of 
 
PATRONAGE    OF    THE    CHURCH.  27 
 
 Cliffe-at-Hone,  and  rector  of  Saltwood — all  preferments  in  the  gift  of 
 the  archbishop. 
 
 Archbishop  Sutton  kept  a  favourable  eye  towards  collaterals  as  well 
 as  those  in  a  direct  line.  A  sister  married  a  Rev.  Richard  Lockwood, 
 who  was  presented,  in  one  year,  with  the  three  vicarages  of  Kessing- 
 land,  Lowestoff,  and  Potter-Heigham:  all  these  livings  are  valuable,  and 
 in  the  gift  of  the  bishop  of  Norwich,  and  were  presented  by  his  grace 
 when  he  held  that  see.  The  archbishop  left  the  Rev.  T.  M.  Sutton  and 
 the  Rev.  Evelyn  L.  Sutton,  chaplains  to  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
 a  nephew  with  several  livings  ;  but  we  cannot  state  particulars. 
 
 The  late  bishop  of  Winchester  is  another  instance  of  a  man  who  pro- 
 vided well  for  his  family  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  church.  This  pre- 
 late first  held  the  sea  of  Lincoln,  and  changed  his  name  from  Pretyman 
 to  Tomline,  on  acceding  to  a  larg'e  estate  bequeathed  by  a  relation.  He 
 had  been  tutor  to  the  "  heaven-born  Minister,"  to  whom  he  was  in- 
 debted for  his  earliest  preferments.  His  children,  it  will  be  seen,  from 
 the  subjoined  enumeration,  are  not  left  destitute  in  the  world. 
 
 G.  T.  Pretyman  : 
 
 Chancellor  and  Canon  Resiclentiaiy  of  Lincoln, 
 Prebendary  of  AVinchester, 
 Rector  of  St.  Giles,  Chalfont, 
 Rector  of  Wheat-Harapstead, 
 Rector  of  Harpenden. 
 
 Richard  Pketvman  : 
 
 Precentor  and  Canon  Residentiary  of  Lincoln, 
 Rector  of  iMiddleton-Stoney, 
 Rector  of  Walgrave, 
 "S'^icar  of  Htmnington, 
 Rector  of  Wroughton. 
 
 John  Pretyman  : 
 
 Prebendary  of  Lincoln, 
 Rector  of  Sherrington, 
 Rector  of  Winwick. 
 
 The  younger  Pretymans  had,  also,  some  nice  pickings  out  of  the 
 Mere  and  Spital  charities,  the  wardenship  of  which  the  father  got  hold 
 of  by  the  exchange  of  a  living  in  his  gift;  but  as  the  subject  has  already 
 been  before  the  public,  we  refrain  from  dwelling  upon  it. 
 
 The  Sumners,  Blomfields,  and  Marshes  are  growing  thick  in  the 
 church  calendar,  but,  as  before  remarked,  they  have  been  too  recently 
 planted  to  have  yet  struck  their  roots  wide  and  deep  in  the  Lord's  vine- 
 yard. The  death  of  a  bishop  causes  a  movement  in  the  church,  like  a 
 change  of  ministers  in  the  state.  Expectations  are  excited,  nume- 
 rous removes  follow,  the  adherents  and  connexions  of  the  deceased 
 are  got  out  of  the  way  as  fast  as  possible,  and  all  vacancies  filled  with 
 the  follovi'ers  of  the  new  diocesan.  No  regard  is  apparently  paid  to 
 "  the  faithful  ordaining,  sending,  or  laying  hands  on  others ;"  the 
 great  ol)ject  is  to  secure  the  dignities,  the  fat  living,  the  fine  living,  the 
 noble  living  to  the  next  of  kin.     The  excessive  greediness  of  filthy. 
 
28  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 lucre  has  long  been  the  reproach  of  the  episcopal  bench,  and  it  is  known 
 that  former  diocesans  of  London,  Durham,  Winchester,  and  Canter- 
 bury, have  died  loaded  with  the  spoils  of  the  church.  The  wealth  they 
 amassed  was  due  to  the  poor,  to  God,  and  the  unfortunate  of  their  own 
 order.  In  the  epistle  which  is  read  at  their  consecration,  it  is  required 
 of  them  that  they  should  "  be  given  to  hospitality:"  they,  likewise, 
 solemnly  promise  to^  assist  the  "  indigent,  and  all  strangers  Avho  are 
 destitute  of  help."  But  who  ever  heard  of  a  bishop  being  generous,  of 
 being  given  to  hospitality,  or  assisting  the  unfortunate?  who  ever  heard 
 of  them  employing  their  immense  revenues  in  any  useful  work ;  of  their 
 patronag!  of  science,  of  literature,  or  the  arts?  Most  of  them  have 
 been  only  intent  on  amassing  immense  fortunes,  and  leaving  behind 
 them  their  million  or  half  million,  like  Jew-jobbers,  loan-contractors, 
 and  commercial  speculators.  They  live  out  of  the  world,  consuming, 
 in  solitary  indulgence,  the  spoil  of  the  industrious,  and  without  sym- 
 pathy with  the  misfortunes  and  vicissitudes  of  life.  They  have  no 
 bowels  even  for  the  indigent  of  their  own  class  :  in  the  rich  diocese  of 
 Durham  it  is  known  begging  subscriptions  are  had  every  year  for  the 
 poor  clergy  and  their  families ;  and  measures  introduced  into  Parliament 
 for  the  general  relief  of  the  inferior  clergy  have  usually  failed  from  the 
 opposition  of  the  higher  class  of  ecclesiastics. 
 
 In  the  disposal  of  Parochial  Patronage  there  is  the  same  abuse  and 
 monopoly  as  prevail  in  the  higher  departments  of  the  church.  The 
 most  valuable  benefices,  like  the  most  valuable  sees  and  dignities,  fall 
 into  the  hands  of  those  whose  chief  claims  are  their  families  and  con- 
 nexions. By  bringing  forward  the  poor  livings,  it  is  usual  to  make  out 
 a  favourable  case  for  the  parochial  clergy;  but  from  the  small  number 
 of  individuals  among  whom  parochial  preferments  are  shared,  there  are 
 few  except  the  curates  entitled  to  much  sympathy.  We  shall  illustrate 
 this  point  by  laying  before  the  reader  a  list  of  incumbents,  selected 
 almost  at  random,  which  Avill  at  once  show  the  measureless  rapacity 
 that  directs  the  disposal  of  church-preferment. 
 
 Robert  Affleck,  prebendary  of  York ;  rector  of  Silksloii,  \'iith  Bretton-Monk 
 and  Stainbury  cliapelries  ;  rector  of  East  Mediety  ;  rector  of  West  iMediety, 
 Tresswell ;  perpetual  curate  of  Thockerington ;  vicar  of  Westow. 
 
 IJenry  Anson,  vicar  of  Buxton,  with  rectory  of  Oxnead  and  rectory  of  Skeyloii ; 
 rector  of  Lyng  with  vicarage  of  Wliitwell. 
 
 H.  Eatliurst,  archdeacon  of  Norwich  ;  rector  of  North  Creake;  rector  of  Oby 
 with  rectory  of  Ashhy  and  rectory  of  Thurne. 
 
 J.  W.  Jieadon,  precentor  and  prebendary  of  Wells ;  precentor  of  Brecon ; 
 rector  of  Farley -Chamberl ;  rector  of  Christian-Mai. 
 
 J.  T.  Cusherd,  prebendary  of  Wells  and  Llandafl';  also,  one  rectory,  lour  vicar- 
 ages, and  two  cliapelries. 
 
 Charles  W.  Eyre,  prebendary  of  York  ;  rector  of  Carlton,  in  Lindrick  ;  rector 
 of  Hooton-Koberts ;  vicar  of  Kilnwick-Percy  ;  vicar  of  Pocklington  with 
 the  chapehy  of  Yapham. 
 
 John  Fisher,  arciideacon  of  Berks  ;  canon-residentiary  of  Sarum ;  also,  two 
 vicarages  and  three  chapelries. 
 
 Dr.  Forester,  prebendary  of  Worcester ;  rector  of  Broseley ;  rector  of  Little 
 VVenlock,  with  the  chapelries  of  Barrow  and  Bentliali;  vicar  of  St.  John's, 
 Worcester. 
 
PATRONAGE  OF  THE  CHURCH.  29 
 
 Dr.  Goddard,  archdeacon  and  prebendary  of  Lincoln  ;  chaplain  to  the  king ; 
 
 vicar  of  Bexley  ;  vicar  of  Louth;  rector  of  St.  James,  Garlichythe,  London. 
 Dr.  GoodaU,  provost  of  Eton  j  canon  of  Windsor;    vicar  of  Bromham  ;  rector 
 
 of  Hitcham  :  rector  of  West  Ilsley. 
 Dr.  E.  Goodcnough,  dean  of  Bath  and  Wells  ;  prebendary  of  Westminster ;  ditto 
 
 of  Carlisle  ;    ditto  of  York  :  vicar  of  Wath,  All  Saints-on-Dearne,  with  the 
 
 chapelries  of  Adwick  and  Brampton  Bierlow. 
 W.  Goodenough,  archdeacon  of  Carlisle  ;  rector  of  Marebam-le-Fen ;  rector  of 
 
 Great  Salkeld. 
 Hon.  T.  de  Grey,  archdeacon  of  Surrey  ;  prebendary  of  Winchester  and  chap- 
 lain to  the  king  ;  rector  of  Calbourne  ;  rector  of  Fawley  with  the  chapelry  of 
 
 Exburg ;  rector  of  Merton. 
 Earl  of  Guildfurd,  rector  of  New  and  Old  Alresford,  with  chapelry  of  Med- 
 
 stead ;  rector  and  precentor  of  St.  Mary,  Southampton  ;  master  of  St.  Cross 
 
 with  St.  Faith's. 
 A.Hamilton,  archdeacon  of  Taunton ;  prebendary  of  Wells;   chaplain  to  the 
 
 Ring;  rector  of  Loughton  ;  rector  of  St.  Mary-le-Bow,  of  St.  Pancras,  and 
 
 of  Allhailows,  London. 
 W.  Hett,  prebeudaiy  and  vicar-choral  of  Lincoln  ;  vicar  of  Dunholme ;  rector 
 
 of  Enderby  Navis  ;  vicar  of  SL  John's  and  rector  of  St  Paul's,  Lincoln ; 
 
 minister  of  Greetwell  and  Nettleham  chapelries;    rector  of  Thorpe-on-the 
 
 Hill. 
 Hon.  H.  L.  Hobart,  dean  of  Windsor  and  of  Wolverhampton  ;  rector  of  Hase- 
 
 ley  ;  vicar  of  Nocton  ;  vicar  of  Wantage. 
 Dr.  Hodgson,  dean  of  Carlisle  ;  vicar  of  Burgh-on-Sands  ;  vicar  of  Hillingdon  ; 
 
 rector  of  St.  George's,  Hanover-square. 
 Hon.  E.  S.  Keppel,  rector  of  Quiddenham,  with  rectory  of  Snettevton  ;  vicar  of 
 
 St.  ]Mary's  and  All  Saints,  Shottisham  ;  rector  of  Tittleshall  with  rectories  of 
 
 Godwick  and  Wellingham. 
 Dr.  Madan,  prebendary  and  chancellor  of  Peterborough  ;  chaplain  to  the  King ; 
 
 rector  of  Ibstock,  with  chapelries  of  Dunnington  and  Hugglescote  ;  rector  of 
 
 Thorpe  Constantine. 
 Herbert  Marsh,  bishop  of  Peterborough  ;  rector  of  Castor,  with  chapalries  of 
 
 Sutton,  St.  Michael,  and  Upton  ;  rector  of  St.  Clement  and  St.  John,  Ter- 
 
 rington. 
 Dr.  Oldershaic,  archdeacon  of  Norfolk,  with  perpetual  curacy  of  Coston  ;  vicar 
 
 of  Ludham  ;  vicar  of  Ranworth,  with  the  vicarage  of  St.  Margaret,  Upton  ; 
 
 rector  of  liedenhall  with  chapelry  of  Harlestone. 
 Hon.  (i.  Pe'dew,  dean  of  Norwich  ;  prebendary  of  York ;  and  rector  of  St.  Dionis 
 
 Backchurch,  London. 
 F.  D.  Perkins,  chaplain   to  the  King;  vicar  of  FoleshiU;  ditto  of  Hatherley- 
 
 Down ;  ditto  of  Sow;  ditlo  of  Stoke;  rector  of  Swayfield;  ditto  of  Ham. 
 Lord  Win.  Somerset,  prebendary  of  Bristol ;  rector  of  Crickhowel ;  rector  of 
 
 Llangallock,  with  chapelries  of  Llanelly  and  Llangenneth. 
 Lurd  John   Thijnne,  prebendary  of  AVestminster ;  rector  of  Kingston-Deverill ; 
 
 rector  of  Street,  with  ciiapelry  of  Walton.'^ 
 Wm.  Trivett,  vicar  of  Arlington  ;  ditto  of  Willington  ;  ditto  of  Ashburnhara, 
 
 with  rectory  of  Penshurst ;  rector  of  Bradwell. 
 James  Webber,  dean  of  Ripon  and  prebendai^  of  Westminster ;  vicar  of  Kirk- 
 ham  ;  rector  of  St.  ^lary,  Westminster. 
 Fras.  Wranghayn,  archdeacon  of  York  and  piebendary  of  York  and  Chester ; 
 
 rector  of  Dodleston  ;  vicar  of  Hunmanby,  wtth  chapelry  of  Fordon;  vicar  of 
 
 Muston. 
 
 Abundant  other  examples  of  equal  or  greater  enormity  will  be  found 
 in  the  List  of  Pluralists  subjoined  to  this  Article.  But  nothing,  in  a  small 
 compass,  attests  more  strikingly  the  abtises  in  patronage,  and  the  scan- 
 
30  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 (lalous  manner  in  which  offices  are  heaped  on  favoured  individuals,  than 
 a  comparison  of  the  whole  number  of  ecclesiastical  preferments  with 
 the  whole  number  of  persons  among  whom  they  are  divided.  This  is  a 
 test  which  may  be  applied  with  perfect  accuracy.  The  only  description 
 of  ecclesiastics  whose  number  cannot  be  ascertained  with  precision  are 
 the  curates  and  the  inferior  classes  connected  with  cathedral  and  col- 
 legiate churches;  the  rest  may  be  easily  reckoned  up  from  the  Clerical 
 Guide,  which  contains  the  names  of  all  the  episcopal,  dignified,  and 
 beneficed  clergy.  From  this  work  we  find  that  the  whole  number  of 
 prelates,  dignitaries,  rectors,  vicars,  and  perpetual  curates,  in  England 
 and  Wales,  is  only  seven-thousand  six-hundred  and  ninety-four. 
 Those  who  make  the  established  clergy  amount  to  18,000  must  needs 
 include  the  parish-clerk,  sexton,  and  grave-digger ;  but  these  function- 
 aries of  the  church  not  being  in  holy  orders,  they  certainly  ought  not 
 to  be  included  in  the  ecclesiastical  corps,  any  more  than  the  groom, 
 valet,  or  other  menials  of  clergymen.  Neither  ought  curates  to  be  in- 
 cluded :  they  are  merely  the  hired  deputies  of  their  principals,  without 
 institution  or  induction,  and  always  subject  to  removal  at  the  pleasure 
 of  the  bishop  or  incumbent.  Omittftig  these  classes,  we  affirm  that  the 
 whole  number  of  endowed  and  beneficed  clergy  is,  as  we  have  stated, 
 7694,  and  by  this  diminutive  number  are  the  Avhole  preferments  of  the 
 church  monopolized.  These  preferments  are,  as  we  collect  from  Cove 
 and  other  sources,  as  under : — 
 
 Sees 26 
 
 Chancellorships 26 
 
 Deaneries  of  cathedral  and  collegiate  churches  •  •  28 
 
 Archdeaconries 61 
 
 Prebends  and  canonries  •  •  •  •  • 514. 
 
 Minor  canonries,  priest-vicars,  vicars-choral,  and 
 other  dignities  and  offices,  without  including 
 
 lay-offices  in  cathedrals 330 
 
 Rectories,  vicarages,  and  chapelries    11 ,342 
 
 Total 12,327 
 
 Thus,  there  are  12,327  places  of  preferment  divided  among  7694  indi- 
 viduals, affording  nearly  two  for  each.  This  extraordinary  monopoly 
 of  offices  accounts  for  the  vast  number  of  pluralists.  The  whole 
 number  of  incumbents  in  England  and  Wales  is  7191  ;  of  this  number, 
 2886  hold  t\vo  or  more  rectories,  vicarages,  and  chapelries.  From  data 
 in  the  last  edition  of  the  Clerical  Guide,  published  in  1829,  we  have 
 drawn  up  the  following  classification  of  parochial  patronage,  exhibiting 
 the  number  of  individuals  and  the  number  of  parochial  preferments 
 enjoyed  by  each. 
 
PATRONAGE  OF  THE  CHURCH.  31 
 
 Parochial  Patronage,  shoicing  the  Number  of  Individuals,  and 
 the  Number  of  Rectories,  Vicarages,  and  Chapelries  held  by  each. 
 
 Number 
 
 of 
 
 Livings  held 
 
 Total  Number 
 
 Individuals. 
 
 by  each. 
 
 of  Livings. 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 35 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 72 
 
 64 
 
 5 
 
 320 
 
 209 
 
 4 
 
 836 
 
 567 
 
 3 
 
 1701 
 
 2027 
 
 2 
 
 4054 
 
 4305 
 
 1 
 
 4305 
 
 7191 
 
 11,342 
 
 According  to  strict  ecclesiastical  discipline,  no  minister  ought  to  hold 
 more  than  one  living;*  and,  for  the  better  care  of  the  souls  of  parish- 
 ioners, he  ought  to  reside  on  his  benefice.  Laws  have  been  made,  and 
 are  still  in  force, f  imposing  forfeitures  and  penalties  on  clergymen  who, 
 having  one  living,  accept  another,  or  who  absent  themselves  from  their 
 parishes.  These  laws,  however,  in  practice,  like  the  representation 
 of  the  people  in  the  lower  house  of  parliament,  are  little  more  than  the 
 theory  of  church  government.  By  dispensations  and  licenses,  a  clergyman 
 may  hold  as  many  livings  as  he  can  get,  and  he  need  not  reside  on  any 
 of  them.  Hence  it  is  that  considerably  more  than  one-third  of  the 
 whole  number  of  incumbents  are  pluralists.  Many  have  five,  four, 
 and  three  livings.  Majendie,  late  Bishop  of  Bangor,  who  died  in  1830, 
 held  no  fewer  than  eleven  parochial  preferments.  These  preferments 
 we  presume  are  held  by  his  successor,  and  what  an  extraordinary  divine 
 he  must  be  to  be  able  to  administer  his  various  episcopal  and  parish 
 duties  !  In  the  above  classification  are  not  included  cathedral  dignities, 
 fellowships  in  the  universities,  chaplainships,  professorships,  masterships 
 of  grammar-schools,  and  other  offices  held  by  incumbents,  and  to  which 
 members  of  the  Establishment  are  exclusively  eligible.  It  merely  shows 
 the  cutting'-up  of  parochial  benefices,  and  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  add 
 that  those  who  are  in  possession  of  the  most  valuable  and  g'reatest  num- 
 ber are  connected  by  birth,  marriage,  politics,  or  in  some  other  way, 
 with  those  who  have  the  disposal  of  them.  Indeed,  it  is  impossible  to 
 peruse  the  list  of  dignitaries  and  highly-beneficed  clergy,  without 
 remarking  that  many  of  them  are  "  honourable  lumber,"  who  have 
 been  turned  over  to  spiritual  pursuits  from  inability  to  succeed  in  the 
 
 *  For  the  sense  iu  which  the  term  living  has  been  used  in  the  preceding  clas- 
 sification, see  the  Explanations  prefixed  to  the  List  of  Pluralists  at  the  end  of  this 
 
 t  Statutes  21  Henry  VIII.  c.  13,  and  57  Geo.  III.  c.  99. 
 
32  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 more  arduous  professions  of  the  laAv,  the  army,  or  the  navy.  In  the 
 church,  as  in  the  state,  those  chiefly  work  for  the  pubhc  who  have  no 
 other  dependence,  who  are  of  plebeian  extraction,  and  without  support 
 from  family  interest  or  aristocratic  cormexion. 
 
 III.    SINECURISM — NON-UESIDENCE  —  PLURALITIES  —  CHURCH 
 DISCIPLINE. 
 
 Sinecurism  abounds  more  in  our  ecclesiastical  than  civil  establish- 
 ment. In  the  church  almost  every  thing  is  done  by  deputy, — a  conse- 
 quence naturally  resulting  from  her  great  wealth  ;  for  w'here  large 
 salaries  are  annexed,  great  duties  are  seldom  discharged.  Those  with 
 large  incomes  have  varipus  reasons  for  not  burthening  themselves  with 
 official  toil.  First,  they  can  afford  to  pay  for  a  deputy  ;  secondly,  they 
 can  purchase  or  influence  the  connivance  of  others  for  neglect  of  their 
 own  duties ;  thirdly,  they  have  the  means  for  indulgence  and  recrea- 
 tion, which,  consuming  much  time,. leave  little  leisure  for  more  serious 
 avocations.  Hence  has  arisen  sinecurism  in  both  Church  and  State ; 
 presenting  the  singular  spectacle  of  one  class  receiving  the  pay,  and 
 another,  born  under  less  favorable  auspices,  doing  the  work  for  which 
 the  pay  is  received. 
 
 Among  the  different  orders  of  our  ecclesiastical  polity,  there  are  none, 
 with  the  exception  of  the  curates  and  a  few  beneficed  clergy,  who  reside 
 and  do  the  duties  of  their  parishes  ;  the  remainder  being  clerical  sine- 
 curists,  filled  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  to  share  in  the  rich  endowments 
 of  the  church.  The  bishops  are  most  amply  remunerated,  and,  as  is 
 usual  in  such  cases,  perform  the  least  service.  They  employ  archdea- 
 cons to  visit  for  them  ;  rural  deans  and  others  to  preach  for  them  ;  and 
 a  vicar-general  to  issue  licenses,  hold  courts,  and  perform  other  drud- 
 gery ;  if  otherwise  engaged,  they  employ  a  brother  bishop  to  ordain  for 
 them.  They  have  their  own  chaplains,  commissaries,  and  secretaries  ; 
 in  short,  their  work  must  be  light,  and  chiefly  consists  in  keeping  an 
 eye  to  the  next  translation,  and  the  falling  in  of  the  rich  livings.  In 
 the  Ordination  Service,  however,  they  are  enjoined  strict  and  abstemious 
 duties.  It  is  there  said  a  bishop  must  be  "  blameless,"  they  are  admo- 
 nished diligently  to  preach  the  word,  and  be  conspicuous  examples  of 
 various  Christian  virtues."  They  are  now  chiefly  known  among*  the 
 people  by  their  grotesque  attire.  They  are  the  only  vien  (save  exqui- 
 sites) who  continue  to  dress  in  imitation  of  the  female  sex,  or  take  pains 
 to  disguise  themselves  under  uncouth  habiliments.  The  shovel,  or  coal- 
 scuttle hat  is  particularly  distinguishable.  It  is  the  remains  of  the  old 
 hat  worn  by  Roman  Catholic  priests  in  their  days  of  splendour,  and  still  to 
 be  seen  on  the  Continent.  Under  this  chapeau  is  a  bush  of  false  hair, 
 plastered  and  twisted  into  a  most  unnatural  size  and  ridiculous  shape, 
 resembling  any  thing  but  what  w^e  may  suppose  to  have  been  the  fashion 
 among  the  apostles.  To  these  distinctions  may  be  added  the  long- 
 gaiters  and  "  lady's  maid  apron,"  from  the  hips  (o  the  knees  only,  so 
 
SINECURISM — NON-RESIDENCE — PLURALTTIES.  33 
 
 that  the  gaiters  may  not  be  concealed.  These  gaiters  are  of  vast  im- 
 portance, importing  that  the  wearers  are  meek  and  lowly,  and  con- 
 stantly walking  about  doing  good.*  Nevertheless  they  often  ride  in 
 dashing  style  through  the  streets,  attended  by  grooms  in  purple  liveries, 
 and  some  of  them  are  very  Nimrods  in  the  country. 
 
 Many  of  the  church  dignitaries  are  distinguishable  by  peculiarities  of 
 dress,  as  the  shovel  hat  and  kirtle.  Their  duties  are  less  onerous 
 than  those  of  the  bishops.  For  instance,  what  are  the  duties  of  the 
 very  reverend  Dean  ?  he  is  chiefly  known  among  sextons  and  monument- 
 builders.  Mr.  Gordon,  in  the  debate  on  the  Curates'  .Salary  Bill,  said  he 
 knew  a  clergyman  who  was  dignitary  in  no  fewer  than  six  cathedrals. 
 Were  there  any  duties  to  perform,  how  could  a  man  discharge  the  duties 
 of  so  many  different  offices,  in  so  many  different  places,  perhaps  at  the 
 distance  of  some  hundred  miles  from  each  other?  Archbishop  Cran- 
 mer,  in  a  letter  to  Cromwell,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  denounces 
 the  canons  and  prebendaries  as  a  "  superfluous  condition. "f  He  says, 
 a  prebendary  is  neither  a  "  learner  nor  a  teacher,  but  a  good  viander, 
 who  v/astes  his  substance  in  superfluous  belly  cheer.''  If  they  were  a 
 "  superfluous  co)iditio7i"  under  a  Popish  regime,  they  must  be  much 
 more  so  under  a  Protestant  establishment.  The  prebends,  however,  are 
 very  valuable,  some  of  them  worth  £3000  a  year,  which  will  be  a  good 
 reason  with  many  for  retaining  them  as  a  part  of  the  venerable  estab- 
 lishment. What  further  adds  to  their  value  is,  that,  being  benefices  not 
 having  cure  of  souls,  they  may  be  held  with  other  preferment  without  a 
 dispensation  for  phirality. 
 
 The  Parochial  Clergy  are,  for  the  most  part,  a  mass  of  sinecurists. 
 In  one  respect,  Church  of  Englandism  is  an  improvement  on  the  original 
 simplicity  of  the  gospel,  by  rendering  the  discharge  of  its  duties  almost 
 a  mechanical  operation.  No  long  and  expensive  course  of  education  is 
 requisite  to  prepare  her  ministers :  all  her  service  is  written  ;  no  extem- 
 pore preaching  or  praying  ;  it  requires  no  mind,  merely  to  be  able  to 
 read  is  enough.  To  perform  such  a  puerile  and  heartless  ceremony,  it 
 is  not  surprising  a  majority  of  the  clergy  conceive  it  unnecessary  to 
 reside  on  their  benefices.  Of  the  violation  of  the  law  in  this  respect, 
 of  the  penalties  incurred  by  this  violation,  and  of  the  Bill  of  Indemnity 
 passed  by  our  immaculate  representatives  to  screen  the  delinquents,  we 
 shall  relate  an  extraordinary  example. 
 
 It  is  necessary  to  premise  that,  under  the  43d  Geo.  III.  c.  84,  every 
 spiritual  person,  possessed  of  any  archdeaconry,  deanery,  or  other 
 dignity  or  benefice,  is  required  to  reside  on  his  preferment  ;  if  he 
 absent  himself  without  license  from  the  bishop,  or  some  special  cause  of 
 exemption,  he  is  subject  to  penalties  varying  from  one-third  to  three- 
 fourths  of  the  annual  value  of  his  dignity  or  benefice,  recoverable  by 
 action  of  debt  by  any  person  suing  for  the  same.     This  act  was  passed 
 
 *  The  Church  and  Nothing  but  the  Church,  p.  12. 
 
 t  Bentham's  Ckurcli  of  Englandism,  p.  250,  where  this  curious  epistle  is 
 inserted  at  length. 
 
34  CHURCH    or    ENGLAND. 
 
 to  amend  a  statute  of  Henry  VIII.  as  regards  the  residence  of  the 
 clei-gy  ;  it  has  been  subsequently  modified  by  the  57th  Geo.  III.  c.  99, 
 and  was  introduced  by  Sir  William  Scott,  (now  Lord  Stowcll,)  and 
 solemnly  enacted,  in  the  year  1803,  by  king,  lords,  and  commons.  In 
 the  year  1811,  Mr.  Wrig-ht  commenced  nearly  200  different  actions 
 against  the  incumbents  in  the  dioceses  of  London,  Ely,  and  Norwich, 
 to  recover  the  penalties  imder  the  statute.  This  gentleman  had  been 
 secretary  to  four  right  reverend  bishops — the  bishops  of  London,  Norwich, 
 Ely,  and  some  other  prelate — and,  of  course,  had  enjoyed  the  most 
 ample  opportunities  for  procuring  correct  information  of  the  conduct  of 
 the  clergy.  Those  opportunities  appear  not  to  have  been  neglected. 
 In  a  series  of  letters  published  in  the  Morning*  Chronicle,  betwixt  the 
 6th  November,  1813,  and  the  11th  March,  1814,  he  favoured  the  public 
 with  many  curious  disclosures  which  had  come  to  his  knowledge  during 
 the  discharge  of  his  otficial  duties. 
 
 In  his  letter  of  November  20th,  he  says  that  he  has  selected  from 
 well  authenticated  documents  10,801  benefices,  on  which  there  are  only 
 4,490  incumbents,  even  said  to  be  resident,  so  that  there  are  6,311 
 confessedly  non-resident  incumbents  ;  to  supply  whose  places  1 ,523  resi- 
 dent curates  are  employed,  which  leaves  4,788,  which  are  acknowledged 
 to  have  neither  a  resident  curate  nor  incumbent.  The  whole  number 
 of  curates,  whether  resident  or  not,  employed  to  supply  the  place  of 
 non-resident  incumbents,  is  only  3,730,  and  only  1,793  of  these  are 
 licensed ;  whereas,  according  to  the  canon  and  statute  law,  no  person 
 has  a  right  to  officiate  until  he  is  licensed.  In  one  diocese,  he  says, 
 one-third  of  the  livings  have  had  duty  reduced  from  twice  to  once  on  a 
 Sunday ;  and  in  another  diocese,  one-third  of  the  parsonage-houses 
 were  returned  in  bad  repair ^  as  an  excuse  for  the  non-residence  of  our 
 gentlemen  pastors.  Speaking  of  the  false  pretences  made  use  of  by 
 the  clergy,  in  order  to  avoid  residing  among  their  parishioners,  and  the 
 scandalous  lives  they  lead,  he  says, — 
 
 "  Now  ill-health  of  the  incumbent  himself,  or  his  wife,  or  daughter, 
 is  a  common  pretext,  Avhen  no  other  legal  cause  can  be  found  of  avoid- 
 ing- residence.  Of  twenty-two  licenses  granted  in  one  diocese  for  this 
 reason,  three  only  of  the  persons  are  in  a  state  of  health  to  warrant  it, 
 and  the  benefices  from  which  they  so  absent  themselves  are  very  valua- 
 ble. Whether  the  ministers  whom  I  thus  challenge  as  using  false  pre- 
 tences deserve  the  imputation,  Avill  best  appear  by  the  mode  of  life  they 
 adopt.  Some  live  in  town  during  the  winter ;  and  although  night  air 
 certainly  cannot  benefit  a  valetudinarian,  they  may  be  constantly  seen  at 
 card  parties,  routs,  or  the  theatres.  In  summer,  enjoying  the  amusements 
 of  fashionable  watering  places  ;  whilst,  too  often,  their  curates,  by  the 
 parsimonious  stipends  they  ahord  them,  are  with  a  numerous  family  in 
 a  state  of  the  greatest  poverty.  Others  have  beneficial  schools  in  the 
 neighbourhood  of  London.  Others  are  continually  to  be  met  with  near 
 their  residence  in  more  pleasant  parts  of  the  country,  enjoying  the 
 sports  of  the  field,  or  vigorously  endeavouring  to  detect  some  poor 
 countryman  who  may  have  an  unfoitunate  inclination  to  taste  game  ! 
 Others  may  be  seen  most  days  driving  their  own  carriage  !     Some  are 
 
SINECURISM — NON-RESIDENCE  —  PLURALITIES.  35 
 
 in  debt,  and  some  are  Curates  near  the  Fens !  and  all  to  observers  seem 
 •perfectly  healthful;  yet  a  certificate  fiom  a  medical  man  is  deposited 
 with  the  bishop  that  they  are  not  so ;  probably  it  is  six  or  eight  j'ears 
 before  when  there  might  have  existed  a  degjee  of  temporary  ill-health, 
 but  after  the  cause  ceases,  the  same  plea  is  continued ;  and  a  license 
 once  granted,  is  renewed  as  a  matter  of  course." — Lett.  IV,  Jan.  6,  1814. 
 
 Thus  we  see  how  these  reverend  gentlemen  are  employed  ;  not  in 
 administering  spiritual  instructionto  the  ignorant,  comfort  to  the  afflicted, 
 or  alms  and  clothing  to  the  naked.  Oh  !  no  ;  these  are  ignoble  pursuits, 
 the  mere  theory  of  the  profession.  They  pretend  sickness. in  order  to 
 obtain  a  license  for  non-residence,  that  they  may  bawl  at  the  card-table, 
 frequent  the  playhouse,  tally-ho,  shoot,  play  at  cricket,  brandish  the 
 coachman's  whip,  and  bully  at  fashionable  watering-places.  Remember, 
 these  jovial  spirits  are  all  filled  with  the  Holy  Ghost, — empowered  to  for- 
 give or  not  to  forgive  sins  — have  the  cure  of  souls;  that  their  poor 
 curates  are  starsnng  on  a  wretched  stipend,  and  that,  in  the  maintenance 
 of  both,  the  industrious  are  deprived  of  the  fruits  of  their  labour,  and 
 the  necessar)'^  comforts  of  their  families  wasted  in  the  profligate  and 
 dissipated  lives  of  their  parochial  ministers. 
 
 In  Letter  V,  Jan.  18th,  1814,  Mr.  Wright  gives  the  following  state- 
 ment, collected,  he  says,  with  infinite  pains,  of  the  state  of  the  ecclesias- 
 tical discipline  in  the  small  diocese  of  Ely,  in  1813,  compared  with  the 
 year  1728:  — 
 
 In  1728.  In  1813. 
 
 On  140  livings,  70  Resident  In-  On  the  same  140  livings,  45  Re- 
 cumbents.  sident  Incumbents. 
 
 Thirty-four  who  reside  near  and  Seventeen  who  reside  near  and 
 perform  the  duty.  perform  the  duty. 
 
 Thirty-one  curates  who  reside  in  Thirty-five  curates,  some  of  whom 
 the  parish  or  near  it.  reside  eig'ht,  ten,  or  twelve  miles  off. 
 
 The  population  was  56,944  souls.  The  population  is  82,176  souls. 
 The  duty  was  performed  261  times  The  service  is  performed  about  185 
 every  Sunday.  times  every  Sunday. 
 
 And  their  income  £12,719  per  And  their  income  is  now  £6 1,474 
 annum.  per  annum. 
 
 This  is  singular — duty  neglected  in  proportion  as  it  became  more  im- 
 portant and  better  paid.  The  population  increased  one-half,  and  the 
 number  of  times  service  is  performed  diminished  one-third.  The  reve- 
 nues increased  almost  fivefold,  and  the  number  of  resident  incumbents 
 decreased  one- third.  What  sincere  and  conscientious  labourers  in  the 
 vineyard  of  the  Lord !  How  strikingly  it  confirms  the  observation 
 that  "  Religion  brought  forth  wealth,  and  the  daughter  devoured  the 
 mother." 
 
 "  The  number  of  these  (says  Mr.  Wright,  Lett.  II.)  who  have  ne- 
 glected their  duty  in  contempt  of  the  law,  and  in  direct  violation  of 
 solemn  oath  and  bond,  are  far  more  than  can  be  contemplated  without  a 
 considerable  degree  of  alarm,"  One  vicar  obtained  a  license  from  a 
 bishop  for  non-residence  on  one  living,  stating  that  he  was  going  to  re- 
 
 d2 
 
36 
 
 CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 side  near  another  in  a  different  part  of  the  kingdom.  On  inquiring  far 
 him  at  the  place  where  he  was  supposed  to  reside,  he  was  gone  to  a 
 more  fashionable  part  of  the  country.  On  another,  to  '  encourage 
 him,'  the  great  tithes  were  settled,  worth  near  £1200  :  when  he  Avas 
 instituted,  he  took  an  oath  to  re  side,  which  he  afterwards  neglected  to 
 observe.  A  rector,  holding  two  valuable  rectories  worth  £1200  per 
 annum,  to  obtain  which  he  gave  bond  to  the  archbishop  that  he  would 
 constantly  reside  on  one,  and  keep  a  resident  curate  on  the  other,  him- 
 self preaching  on  the  benefice  where  he  did  not  reside  thirteen  sermons 
 every  year :  this  worthy  son  of  the  church  contrived  to  evade  these  con- 
 ditions, and  got  a  poor  devil  of  a  curate  to  do  the  work  of  both  livings 
 for  £84  a  year.  Another  rector  holding  two  livings,  one  worth  £500, 
 the  othej"  £400 — he  lived  200  miles  off,  and  had  neither  resident  nor 
 licensed  curate  ! 
 
 On  the  subject  of  pluralities  and  of  non-residence  together,  the  Se- 
 cretary to  four  bishops  says,  "  In  one  diocese  there  are  about  216 
 clergymen,  who  each  hold  two  livings ;  40  who  hold  three  each;  13 
 who  hold  four  each  ;  1  who  holds  five ;  1  who  holds  six,  besides  digni- 
 ties and  offices:  and  although  many  of  these  thus  accounted  sinyle  be- 
 nefices are  two,  three,  four,  or  five  parishes  consolidated,  yet  a  great 
 part  of  these  pluralists  do  not  reside  on  any  of  their  preferments."  In 
 Lett.  VII.  he  says,  "  I  will  prove  that  there  are  pluralists  holding- 
 more  than  seven  benejiccs  and  dignities." 
 
 It  might  be  thought  these  statements  of  Mr.  Wright  Avere  exagge- 
 rations or  the  result  of  personal  pique,  had  they  not  been  fully  support- 
 ed by  the  Diocesan  Returns  laid  before  the  Privy  Council,  and  ordered 
 by  the  House  of  Commons  to  be  printed.  Prom  these  returns  in  the 
 years  1809,  1810,  1811,  and  1827,  we  shall  insert  an  abstract,  and 
 then  a  few  explanations :  it  will  shew  at  once  the  state  of  church  dis- 
 cipline both  at  present,  and  when  the  Secretary  was  arrested  in  his  at- 
 tempt to  bring  the  delinquents  to  justice. 
 
 1.  Resident  on  other  benefices 
 
 2.  Absent  witliout  licence  or  exemption  . . . 
 
 3.  Exemptions  not  notified 
 
 4.  Infirmity  ol  incumbent  or  family 
 
 5.  Want  or  unfitness  of  parsonage-house   . 
 C.  Incumbents  residing  in    the   neighliourhood, 
 
 and  doing  duty 
 
 7.  Unenumerated  cases  confirmed  by  the  Archb 
 
 8.  Dilapidated  churches 
 
 9.  Sinecures 
 
 10.  Livings  held  by  Bishops    
 
 11.  Recent  institutions 
 
 12.  Miscellaneous  cases 
 
 Total  open  to  connivance 
 
 Total  of  non-residents  _. 
 
 Tola!  of  residents 
 
 Total  of  residents  and  non-residents  together. . .. 
 
 CASES 
 
 op  NON 
 
 -RESIDENTS  IN 
 
 YEARS 
 
 1809. 
 
 1810. 
 
 1811. 
 
 1827. 
 
 1240 
 
 1846 
 
 2059 
 
 2163 
 
 672 
 
 650 
 
 1033 
 
 405 
 
 817 
 
 363 
 
 155 
 
 9 
 
 465 
 
 389 
 
 396 
 
 395 
 
 944 
 
 943 
 
 1068 
 
 1389 
 
 5C5 
 
 348 
 
 301 
 
 815 
 
 54 
 
 35 
 
 2G 
 
 13 
 
 23 
 
 34 
 
 56 
 
 39 
 
 233 
 
 70 
 
 68 
 
 33 
 
 20 
 
 35 
 
 21 
 
 10 
 
 54 
 
 33 
 
 71 
 
 1271 
 
 38 
 
 51 
 
 41 
 
 6310 
 
 4903 
 
 5268 
 
 5383 
 
 7358 
 
 5840 
 
 6311 
 
 6120 
 
 38S6 
 
 4421 
 
 4490 
 
 4413 
 
 11,194 
 
 10,261 
 
 10,801 
 
 10,533 
 
SINECURISM— NON-RESIDENCE— PLURALITIES.  37 
 
 The  first  of  these  totals  contains  the  twelve  preceding  classes,  in 
 each  class  of  which  there  is  room  for  connivance  on  the  part  of  the 
 bishops  to  whom  the  returns  are  made,  and  of  falsehood  and  evasion 
 on  the  part  of  the  incumbents.  The  second  total  exhibits  the  whole 
 number  of  non-residents ;  and  the  fourth,  the  total  number  of  resi- 
 dents and  non-residents  together,  in  England  and  Wales.  Hence  it 
 appears,  that  considerably  more  than  one-half  of  the  whole  number  of 
 incumbents  do  not  reside  on  their  benefices  ;  receive  large  salaries  for 
 nothing  ;  and  the  little  duty  that  is  performed  is  performed  by  their 
 curates. 
 
 As  the  Diocesan  Returns  for  1827*  are  the  latest  printed,  it  may  be 
 proper  to  exhibit  more  particularly,  as  follows,  the  state  of  church  disci- 
 pline in  that  year. 
 
 Residents  : 
 
 Resident  in  the  parsonage-house    3598 
 
 Resident  within  two  miles  of  the  church  or  chapel, 
 
 there  being  no  parsonage-house 815 
 
 Total-residents    4413 
 
 Non-Residents  : 
 
 Non-residents  exempt 2619 
 
 Non-residents  licensed 2147 
 
 Cases  which  could  not  be  included  among  licenses 
 
 or  exemptions ■  .......      1313 
 
 Miscellaneous  cases    41 
 
 Total  non-residents 6120 
 
 Total  number  of  benefices  returned 10,533 
 
 Thus,  only  3598  incumbents  consider  the  parsonage-houses  good 
 enough  to  reside  in  ;  the  rest  are  absentees.  According  to  Mr.  Wright, 
 want  or  unfitness  of  parsonage-house  is  a  comuion  pretext  for  ob- 
 taining a  license  for  non-residence  :  in  one  diocese,  he  says,  one-third  of 
 the  parsonage-houses  Avere  returned  in  bad  repair.  In  1827,  this  aver- 
 sion of  the  clergy  to  their  domicile  appears  to  have  augmented  ;  in  that 
 year  1398,  or  more  than  one-eighth  of  the  whole  number  of  parsonage- 
 houses  in  the  kingdom  were  returned  as  not  fit  places  for  our  aristocratic 
 pastois  to  reside  in ;  or,  in  other  words,  as  an  excuse  for  a  license  to 
 desert  their  parishes,  and  roam  about  the  country  in  quest  of  more  lively 
 amusements  than  churching,  christening,  and  spiritually  instructing  their 
 parishioners. 
 
 Among  the  clergymen  exempt  from  residence,  a  large  portion  con- 
 sists of  those  who  reside  on  other  benefices ;  that  is,  holding  more 
 livings  than  one,  they  cannot,  of  course,  reside  on  both.  The  ex- 
 emptions also  include  such  privileged  persons  as  chaplains  to  the 
 nobility ;  preachers  and  otlicers  in  the  royal  chapels  and  inns  of  court ; 
 wardens,  provosts,  fellows,   tutors,  and  ushers  in   the   universities,  col- 
 
 *  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  471,  Sess,  1830. 
 
38 
 
 CHURCH    OF    i;N(iLAND. 
 
 leges,  and  public  schools ;  the  principal  and  professors  of  the  East-India 
 college  ;  and  officers  of  cathedral  and  collegiate  churches.  The  duties 
 of  many  of  these  offices  are  such  as  ought  to  disqualify  the  possessors 
 altogether  from  church  preferment.  For  instance,  what  reason  is  there 
 in  masters  of  the  Charter-house  claiming  exemptions ;  in  other  words, 
 seeking  to  hold  benefices  and  dignities  in  addition  to  their  other  offices 
 and  duties  ?  Surely  the  management  of  a  great  public  foundation,  with 
 upwards  of  800  scholars,  and  incomes  of  near  £1000  per  annum,  afford 
 sufficient  both  employment  and  remuneration,  without  incurring  the 
 responsibility  of  a  cure  of  souls.  The  same  remark  applies  to  the 
 heads  of  colleges,  and  the  masters  and  teachers  of  endowed  charities. 
 With  so  many  friendless  curates  in  the  country,  starving  on  miserable 
 stipends,  there  is  no  need  that  any  class  of  persons  should  be  overbur- 
 thened  with  duties,  or  corrupted  b}'  the  aggregation  of  extravagant  salaries. 
 Of  the  other  cases  of  non-residence,  mentioned  in  the  above  table,  we 
 shall  offer  only  some  brief  remarks.  The  cases  of  those  who  plead 
 sickfiess  and  injirmity  have  been  sufficiently  illustrated  by  an  extract 
 from  Mr.  Wright,  page  34.  Sinecures  hardly  need  explaining ;  they 
 are  offices  yielding  masses  of  pay  without  any  duty  whatever.  Livings 
 held  by  bishops  present  a  curious  anomaly  ;  the  right  reverend  prelates 
 commit  the  very  offence  of  absenteeism,  which  it  is  their  duty  to  prevent 
 being  committed  by  the  subaltern  clergy  of  their  diocese.  Lastly,  among 
 the  miscellcmeous  cases  are  included  those  livings  held  in  sequestration. 
 In  these  instances,  the  incimibent  being  insolvent,  possession,  at  the  in- 
 stance of  some  creditor,  had  been  taken  of  the  benefice,  to  raise  money 
 for  the  discharge  of  his  debts.  In  1811  the  number  of  livings  held  by 
 sequestration  was  seventy-eight ;  in  1827,  forty-eight. 
 
 Such  is  a  brief  exposition  of  the  state  of  church  discipline,  as  exhi- 
 bited by  official  documents,  and  the  averments  of  Mr.  Wright,  when 
 that  gentleman  commenced  his  actions  against  the  clergy.  We  have 
 stated  that  the  number  of  actions  amounted  to  200 ;  and  had  Mr. 
 Wright  been  allowed  to  recover,  the  penalties  would  have  amounted  to 
 £80,000.  To  this  sum  he  had  an  indisputable  claim  ;  a  claim  as  sacred 
 as  any  person  can  have  to  an  estate  devised  by  will,  or  on  mortgage,  or 
 other  legal  security ;  his  claim  had  been  guaranteed  to  him  by  a  solemn 
 act  of  the  legislature.  Moreover,  this  gentleman  had  been  basely  treated 
 by  the  right  reverend  bishops  ;  and  it  Avas  partly  to  indemnify  himself 
 for  losses  sustained  in  their  service,  that  he  endeavoured  to  recover  the 
 penalties  to  which  the  clergy  had  become  liable  by  their  connivance  and 
 neglect.  In  Letter  I.  he  says,  "  At  a  committee  of  bishops,  after  a 
 deliberation  of  nearly  Two  Years,  it  was  decided  that  each  bishop 
 should  give  his  secretary  an  annual  sum  of  money.  I  have  received  it 
 from  not  one  of  them,  except  my  late   lamented  patron,  the  Bishop  of 
 
 London." "  Commiseration  may  have  been  given,  (Letter  VII.)  but 
 
 it  was  all  I  ever  received  from  any  one,  and  that  would  have  been  un- 
 necessary, if  the  sums  had  been  paid   which   were  acknowledged  to  be 
 
 my  due." "  Two  secretaries  have,  within  the  last  ten  years,    fallen 
 
 victims  to  dei)rossiou  of  mind,  arising  from  a  want  of  sufiicient  income." 
 
SINECURISM — NON-RESIDENCE — I'Ll!  R  ALITIES.  39 
 
 Most  merciful  bishops  !  most  Christian  bishops  !  What,  not  pay  your 
 poor  secretaries  their  stipends !  drive  two  of  them  to  despair  by  your 
 barbarous  avarice  !  Surely  you  might  have  spared  them  the  odd  hun- 
 dreds, out  your  10,  20,  and  40,000  pounds  per  annum.  But  you  are 
 right  reverend  fathere,  you  can  lisp  about  charity,  turn  up  your  eyes, 
 talk  about  treasures  in  heaven,  but  your  treasures  are  all  in  this  world; 
 there  your  hearts  are  fixed  upon  translations,  pluralities,  fat  livings,  and 
 heavy  fines  on  leases  and  renewals. 
 
 These,  however,  are  private  anecdotes  betwixt  Mr.  Wright  and  his 
 right  reverend  employers.  Let  us  speak  to  the  public  part  of  the  ques- 
 tion. It  is  clear,  from  what  has  been  said,  that  Mr.  Wright  was  in 
 possession  of  valuable  information ;  he  had  resided  in  the  Sanctum  Sanc- 
 torum of  the  Temple,  and  was  intimately  acquainted  with  the  secret 
 management  of  the  holy  church.  The  clergy  were  terribly  alarmed  at 
 his  disclosures:  they  resorted  to  every  artifice  to  avert  the  storm,  and 
 save  their  pockets :  clubs  were  formed  among  the  higher  order  of  ec- 
 clesiastics :  lies  and  calumnies  of  every  shape  and  description  were 
 vomited  forth  to  blacken  the  cliaracter  of  Mr.  Wright ;  he  was  stigma- 
 tized as  an  "  informer,"  who,  availing  himself  of  his  official  situation, 
 was  in  part  the  cause  of  and  then  the  betrayer  of  their  guilt.  In 
 short,  he  became  exposed  to  the  whole  storm  of  priestly  cunning,  ma- 
 lignity, and  fury.  But  facts  are  stubborn  things  ;  and  this  gentlemr„n 
 had  secured  too  firm  a  hold  of  his  object  to  lose  his  grasp  by  the  wiles 
 and  malice  of  the  church.  Their  guilt  was  unquestionable;  there  was 
 no  chance  of  escape  from  the  verdict  of  a  jury ;  but  that  protection  which 
 it  was  in  vain  to  expect  from  an  English  court  of  justice,  they  found  in 
 the  great  sanctuary  of  delinquency,  a  boroughmongering  House  of 
 Commons. 
 
 On  the  17th  November,  1813,  Bragge  Bathurst  brought  in  a  bill  to 
 stay  all  legal  proceedings  against  the  clergij  on  account  of  the 
 penalties  they  had  incurred  under  the  Clergy  Residence  Act.  This  bill 
 shortly  after  passed  into  a  law,  almost  without  opposition.  The  whigs  were 
 silent.  Mr.  Whitbiead  and  Mr.  Brand  indeed  said  something  about  the 
 absurdity  of  enacting  laws  one  day,  and  abrogating  them  the  next ;  of 
 the  injustice  of  tempting  people  by  reuards,  and  after  they  had  earned 
 them,  interfering  to  prevent  their  being  granted.  But  this  was  all. 
 These  gentlemen  agreed  it  was  necessary  to  protect  the  clergy ;  and, 
 with  the  exception  of  the  present  Earl  of  Radnor,  we  do  not  find,  in 
 Hansard's  History  of  the  Debates,  a  single  individual  who  raised  his 
 voice  against  the  principle  of  this  nefarious  transaction.  Mr.  Wright, 
 too,  finding  it  vain  to  hope  for  justice  fiom  such  a  source,  ceased  his 
 communications  to  the  public  relative  to  the  clergy :  the  Parsons' 
 Indemnity  Bill  passed  into  a  law,  and  the  church  received  a  com- 
 plete white-washing  from  the  State  for  all  its  manifold  sins  and  trans- 
 gressions. 
 
 After  the  passing  of  the  Bank  restriction  Act,  Gagging  Bills,  Se- 
 ditious Meeting  Bills,  Press  Restriction  Bills,  and  of  the  Habeas 
 Corpus  Suspension  Bills,  it  can  hardly  excite  surprise  that  a  bill  passed 
 
40  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 to  indemnify  the  clergy.  In  the  latter  case,  however,  there  appears 
 something  more  unprincipled  and  contemptible  than  in  the  former  un- 
 constitutional measures.  The  law  imposing  the  penalties  which  Mr. 
 Wright  sought  to  recover  had  only  been  enacted  in  1803:  the  professed 
 object  was  to  remedy  the  ciying  evil  of  non-residence ;  and  to  give 
 greater  encouragement  to  prosecutions,  the  act  provided  that  the  whole 
 of  the  penalties  should  be  given  to  the  informer.  Only  eight  years 
 elapse,  an  informer  comes  forward,  relying  on  the  faith  of  parliament ; 
 prosecutions  are  commenced;  when  the  legislature  interferes — in  utter 
 contempt  of  justice  and  consistency — belying  its  former  professions, 
 violating  its  pledge,  robbing  an  individual  of  his  reward,  and  screens 
 the  delinquents  which  its  own  laws  had  made  liable  to  punishment.  It 
 is  impossible  for  the  people  to  feel  any  thing  but  contempt  for  such  a 
 system  of  legislation.  Laws,  it  is  clear,  are  not  made  to  principles,  but 
 to  men,  and  are  only  terrible  to  the  weak,  not  to  the  wicked. 
 
 Since  the  memorable  actions  of  Mr.  Wright,  nothing  has  intervened 
 to  improve  the  state  of  church  discipline.  An  act  of  parliament,* 
 passed  some  years  after,  was  rather  in  favour  of  the  clergy  than  other- 
 wise, by  abolishing  the  oaths  formerly  exacted  of  vicars  to  reside,  by 
 augmenting  the  monitory  poAver  of  the  bishops,  and  increasing  the 
 difficulties  in  the  way  of  prosecution.  Accordingly,  the  great  abuses 
 in  ecclesiastical  discipline  remain  unabated.  Lord  Mountcashell  states 
 that,  since  1814,  the  number  of  incumbents  has  decreased  to  the 
 amount  of  2,500  ;t  consequently,  there  has  been  a  proportionate  in- 
 crease in  pluralities.  Of  the  number  of  resident  and  non-resident  in- 
 cumbents, the  latest  returns  printed  are  for  the  year  1827  ;|;  in  that 
 year,  we  have  seen,  the  returns  were  from  10,583  benefices  in  England 
 and  Wales,  of  which  benefices  4,413  had  resident,  and  6,120  non- 
 resident incumbents.  Many  incumbents  who  reside  on  their  benefices 
 do  no  duty  ;  they  are  only  attracted  to  their  parishes  by  a  fine  cover  for 
 game,  an  excellent  trout-stream,  or,  perhaps,  they  seek  a  quiet  retreat, 
 having  worn  out  the  better  part  of  their  existence  in  the  dissipation  of  a 
 town  life. 
 
 Even  those  who  reside  and  do  duty,  and  are  called  the  working 
 clergy,  perform  a  service  requiring  so  little  intellectual  exertion,  that 
 it  hardly  merits  the  remuneration  of  a  tide-waiter.  They  have  scarcely 
 ever  occasion  to  compose  and  deliver  an  original  sermon.  The  late  Dr. 
 Johnson,  before  he  received  his  pension,  was  regularly  employed  in  the 
 manufacture    of  this  description  of  commodity.     The   market  is  now 
 
 •  ."ST  Geo.  III.  c.  99,  the  act  which  now  regulates  the  residence  of  the  clergy. 
 
 t  House  of  Lords,  May,  4, 1830. 
 
 %  I'arlianieDtiiry  Paper,  No.  471,  Sess.  1830.  After  what  has  been  explained, 
 it  is  perhaps  unnecessary  to  observe  that  there  are  not  actually  so  many  indi- 
 vidu'-ils  as  the  number  of  resident  and  non-resident  incumbents  in  the  Keturns 
 import.  The  apparent  inconsistency  results  from  pluralilics.  Kvery  benefice 
 with  cure  has  an  incumbent;  but,  as  each  incumbent  ofien  holds  two  or  niore 
 benefices,  it  reduces  the  number  of  individuals  to  the  amount  we  have  stated, 
 (page  30,)  namely,  7191. 
 
SINECURISM  —  NON-RESIDENCE  —  PLURALITIES.  41 
 
 overstocked ;  we  seldom  turn  over  a  newspaper  without  meeting-  with 
 advertisements  for  the  sale  of  MS  sermons,  which,  next  to  manufac- 
 tures, seem  the  most  abundant  of  all  things.  Sometimes  parcels  are 
 advertised  in  lithographic  type ;  this  type  being  an  imitation  of 
 writing-,  sermons  composed  in  it  pass  with  the  congregation  for  original 
 compositions,  and  the  minister  has  the  credit  of  propounding  a  good 
 discourse,  the  result  of  the  previous  week's  hard  study  and  prepara- 
 tion. A  lot  of  sermons  of  this  description  would  be  invaluable,  and 
 might  be  transmitted  from  father  to  son,  like  a  freehold  estate.  If  they 
 became  stale,  they  might  be  sold  or  exchanged  with  a  neighbouring  in- 
 cumbent :  this  is  a  common  practice  with  ministers  who  wish  to  indulge 
 their  parishioners  with  novelty;  they  exchange  one  old  batch  of  sermons 
 for  another,  from  a  different  part  of  the  country. 
 
 But  enough  of  this.  One  is  at  a  loss  to  imagine  what  the  bishops 
 have  been  doing  while  the  church  has  been  running  to  seed.  These 
 right  reverend  prelates  are  expressly  appointed  to  watch  over  the  morals 
 and  conduct  of  the  inferior  clergy  ;  they  are  amply  endowed,  and  have 
 numerous  corps  of  officers  to  assist  in  the  dischage  of  their  episcopal 
 functions.  Yet  they  have  been  strangely  remiss  in  attention  to  their 
 subaltern  brethren.  Translations  have  tended  greatly  to  produce  this 
 apathy ;  they  divest  the  bishops  of  a  pei-manent  interest  in  their 
 dioceses,  and  prevent  them  becoming  intimately  acquainted  with  the 
 character  and  demeanour  of  incumbents.  Until  they  attain  the  summit 
 of  prelatical  ambition,  they  consider  themselves  only  birds  of  passage; 
 in  their  sees,  what  they  chiefly  take  an  interest  in  is,  to  fill  up  the  vacant 
 commissions,  and  then  keep  a  steady  eye  on  Durham  or  Winchester. 
 
 Under  the  primacy  of  the  late  Archbishop  Sutton,  energetic 
 measures  of  reform  were  not  likely  to  be  counten-anced  ;  the  career  of 
 this  mild  but  rapacious  prelate  was  not  an  inapt  exemplar  of  the  favourite 
 priestly  motto  on  the  Lambeth  arms, — "  Unite  the  meekness  of  a 
 dove  with  the  subtlety  of  a  serpent."  His  grace  and  his  grace's 
 family  shared  too  largely  in  the  advantages  of  the  existing  system  to 
 relish  innovation.  His  lordship  had  profound  views  of  the  true  policy 
 of  our  spiritual  establishment ;  was  always  for  yielding  a  little  to  keep 
 things  quiet,  rather  than  make  a  noise;  knowing  that  the  less  was  said 
 about  the  church  the  more  she  would  shine.  Some  of  the  primate's 
 successors,  on  the  episcopal  bench,  appear  hardly  yet  so  rife  in  the 
 mysteries  of  ecclesiastical  dominion.  A  few  years  since,  Marsh,  of 
 Peterborough,  Avas  tormenting  his  clergy  with  some  unintelligible  points 
 of  doctrine,  and  Bishop  Blomfield  lately  astounded  the  inhabitants  of 
 London  and  Westminster  with  a  "  Letter  on  the  Profanation  of 
 the  Lord's  Day."  Had  the  strictures  of  this  right  reverend  prelate  been 
 directed  only  against  the  baneful  habit  of  drinking  to  excess,  and  other 
 vices  which  disgrace  the  Sabbath,  they  might  have  passed  without  ani- 
 madversion ;  but  when  he  assails  the  Sunday  press,  and  those  innocent 
 relaxations,  conducive  only  to  health  and  harmless  enjoyment,  he 
 betrays  a  puritanism  unsuited  to  the  age.  His  lordship  seems  to  opine 
 a  poor  man  is  born  only  to  work  and  pr-ay,  while  a  lord  or  a  bishop  may 
 
42  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 have  his  concerts,  card-parties,  and  grand  dinners  every  day,  not  even 
 excepting  the  seventh.  Such  idle  cant  deceives  no  one  ;  it  only  excites 
 contempt  or  disgust.  Men's  professions  now  pass  unheeded ;  every 
 thing  is  put  into  the  scale  and  taken  at  its  intrinsic  worth.  People 
 quietly  askwhyshould  the  clergy  take  tex  millions  annually  out  of  the 
 produce  of  land  and  industry?  What  services  do  they  render  society? 
 Do  they  instruct  the  rising  generation  ?  No ;  they  teach  them  little 
 that  is  useful  and  a  great  deal  positively  injurious.  Are  they  adminis- 
 trators of  justice  ?  No ;  God  forbid  they  should.  Are  they  profound 
 statesmen  ?  Do  they  often  originate  or  encourage  measures  for  the 
 good  of  the  country  ?  No ;  they  are  most  miserable  politicians,  and  as 
 to  any  project  for  bettering  the  condition  of  the  great  body  of  the  people, 
 they  appear  not  to  have  a  single  idea.  Well,  but  they  are  ministers  of 
 religion  !  Very  few  of  them  are  so  employed,  and  as  to  that  the  Dis- 
 senters are  not  less  teachers  of  their  flocks,  and  they  receive  no  tithes, 
 build  their  own  chapels,  and  altogether  do  not  cost  one-tenth  as  much 
 as  the  mere  sinecure  rectors  of  the  Establishment. 
 
 IV.       REVENUES    OE    THE    ESTABLISHED    CLERGY. 
 
 It  is  impossible  to  produce  a  complete  and  accurate  statement  of  the 
 revenues  of  the  clergy.  The  bulk  of  ecclesiastical  revenue  consists 
 of  tithe  ;  but  besides  tithe,  an  immense  revenue  is  drawn  from  other 
 sources.  The  clergy  are  almost  in  entire  possession  of  the  revenue  of 
 charitable  foundations.  They  hold,  exclusively,  the  professoiships, 
 fellowships,  tutorships,  and  masterships  of  the  universities  and  public 
 schools.  Immense  landed  property  is  attached  to  the  sees,  cathedrals, 
 and  collegiate  churches.  The  clergy  have  also  a  very  considerable 
 income  from  glebe-lands,  surplice-fees,  preacherships  in  the  royal 
 chapels,  lectureships,  town-assessments,  Easter-offerings,  rents  of  pews 
 in  the  new  churches,  stipends  of  chapels  of  ease,  chaplainships  in  the 
 army  and  navy,  chaplainships  to  embassies,  corporate  bodies,  and  com- 
 mercial companies ;  besides  which  they  monopolize  nearly  all  profitable 
 offices  in  public  institutions,  as  trustees,  librarians,  secretaries,  &c. 
 
 The  bishops,  who  hold  the  chief  estates  of  the  church,  and  to  whom 
 the  parochial  clergy,  on  obtaining  licenses  for  curates  and  dispensation 
 for  plurality,  are  required  by  law  to  state  the  yearly  value  of  their  bene- 
 fices, could  furnish  the  most  valuable  information  relative  to  the  incomes 
 of  the  clergy.  But  even  this  would  be  insufficient;  nothing  would 
 throw  complete  light  on  the  subject,  but  every  member  of  the  establish- 
 ment, whether  in  lay  or  spiritual  capacity,  making  a  return  of  his  in- 
 come and  emoluments.  The  times,  we  doubt  not,  are  fast  approaching 
 when  this  defect  in  public  statistics  will  be  supplied,  and  one  of  the 
 lirst  objects  of  a  reformed  parliament  be  an  inquiry  into  the  amount  and 
 distribution  of  ecclesiastical  revenues.  Until  this  period  arrive,  we  are 
 compelled  to  rely  on  collateral  and  inferential  evidence.  The  endow- 
 ments of  the  church  are  nearly  as  ancient  as  the  first  introduction  of 
 Cluistianity  into  Britain,  and  we  know  from  the  results  of  recent  inqui- 
 
REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH.  43 
 
 ries  into  the  incomes  of  grammar-schools  and  other  charitable  founda- 
 tions, which  are  nearly  of  cotemporary  antiquity,  that  the  increase  in 
 the  value  of  ecclesiastical  estates  must  be  immense.  The  returns  in 
 Liber  Regis  are  usually  relied  upon,  in  estimating  the  revenues  of  the 
 church,  and,  perhaps,  with  other  helps,  it  is  the  best  authority  to  which 
 we  can  resort.  Of  the  vast  increase  in  the  value  of  land  since  the  Valor 
 Ecclesiasticus  was  obtained,  the  history  of  St.  Paul's  School  affords  a 
 striking  and  appropriate  exemplification.  The  estates  of  this  foundation 
 are  situated  in  A-arious  parts  of  the  kingdom;  in  A.  D.  1524,  they  pro- 
 duced an  income  of  £r22  :  0  :  11  ;  in  the  year  1820,  the  yearly  income 
 derived  from  the  same  estates  was  £5252  :  2  :  1 1  g.*  Here  is  an  increase 
 in  value  of  necirly  Jifh/  fold,  under  the  wasteful  and  negligent  manage- 
 ment of  a  city  company.  The  colleges  of  Eton  and  Winchester  were 
 endowed  for  the  education  and  maintenance  of  only  seventy  poor  and 
 indigent  scholars;  their  revenues  amount  respectively  to  £10,000  and 
 £14,000  a  year.  The  founder  of  Hemsworth's  hospital  in  Yorkshire 
 estimated  its  revenues  not  to  exceed  £70  a  year ;  they  are  now  more 
 than  £2000.  Leeds'  o-rammar-school  was  endowed  in  the  reion  of 
 Philip  and  Mary,  for  the  maintenance  of  two  masters,  and  the  endow- 
 ments probably  calculated  to  yield  £80  a  year;  they  now  produce  £1595. 
 Birmingham  grammar-school  has  a  revenue  of  near  £5000  per  annum. 
 The  valuation  of  the  rectory  of  Alresford  in  the  king's  book  is  only  £8 
 a  year ;  the  composition  now  paid  for  tithes  by  the  parishioners  is  £300 
 per  annum,  being  an  increase  of  more  than  thirty-seven  fold.  The  rec- 
 tor)'- of  Stanhope,  Durham  county,  Mr.  Phillpotts  admits  to  yield  an 
 income  of  £2500  ;  the  valuation  in  Liber  Regis  is  £67  :  6  :  8,  Ilfra- 
 combe,  in  Devonshire,  is  returned  at  £50  :  4  :  4 :  the  tithes  are  leased  to 
 a  layman,  and  worth  £1000  a  year.  The  tithes  of  the  adjoining  parish 
 of  Morthoe  are  also  leased  out  to  a  layman  for  £700  or  £800,  although 
 the  valuation  in  the  king's  book  is  only  £19  :  19  :  3.  Besides  affording 
 a  curious  illustration  of  the  increase  in  the  value  of  ecclesiastical  pro- 
 perty, we  may  observe,  in  passing,  that  the  two  last  mentioned  parishes 
 are  a  curious  example  of  the  state  of  church  discipline.  Ilfracombe  is 
 attached  to  a  prebendal  stall  of  Salisbury  120  miles  distant;  Morthoe 
 belongs  to  the  dean  and  canons  of  Exeter ;  although  the  tithes  are  so 
 considerable,  the  working  minister  of  each  parish  receives  only  a  stipend 
 of  £100  a  year.  In  Morthoe  the  glebe  is  also  leased  out, — the  vicar, 
 having  no  residence,  lives  five  or  six  miles  off",  and  service  is  performed 
 once  on  Sunday,  which  is  all  the  return  the  parishioners  receive  for 
 their  tithe-assessment  of  £800  per  annum. 
 
 Other  facts  might  be  cited  to  illustrate  the  increase  in  the  value  of 
 church  property  since  the  ecclesiastical  survey  of  the  sixteenth  centurj' ; 
 but  we  consider  the  examples  we  have  selected  from  various  parts  of  the 
 kingdom  sufficient  to  afford  a  criterion  of  the  proportional  increase  in 
 the  revenues  of  the  church.     The  increase  in  population,  by  increasing 
 
 Third  Report  of  the  Clharity  Commissioners,  p.  230. 
 
44  CHURCH    OF     RNGLAND. 
 
 the  number  of  church-fees,  has  tended,  as  well  as  the  increased  value  of 
 land,  to  swell  the  revenues  of  the  church,  and  no  doubt  many  benefices 
 are  worth  two  hundred  fold  what  they  were  at  the  time  of  the  Reforma- 
 tion. The  vicarage  of  Ilillingdon,  held  by  the  present  rector  of  St. 
 George's,  Hanover-square,  is  an  instance  of  the  vicissitudes  in  clerical 
 income.  This,  it  appears,  from  the  original  record  preserved  in  the 
 archives  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  St.  Paul's,  was  a  mere  trifle,  the 
 great  tithes  of  which,  in  the  year  1281 ,  were  bestowed  on  the  Bishop  of 
 Worcester  towards  defraying  the  expenses  of  his  journeys  to  the  metro- 
 polis, and  for  repair  of  the  church,  the  small  tithes  being  reserved  for 
 the  maintenance  of  a  vicar,  to  be  appointed  by  the  Bishop  of  London. 
 That  part  of  the  contract  relating  to  the  expense  of  repairs  has  always 
 been  left  to  be  performed  by  the  parishioners,  the  Right  Reverend  Pre- 
 lates of  Worcester  contenting-  themselves  with  receiving  their  share  of 
 the  tithes,  and  reading  a  sermon  to  the  inhabitants  about  once  in  a 
 twelvemonth.  These  tithes  have  been  of  considerable  value,  and  the 
 management  of  them  not  a  little  extraordinary.  The  practice  has  been 
 to  let  them  to  the  highest  bidder,  by  granting  a  lease  of  them  for  three 
 lives,  the  purchaser  paying  down,  in  ready  money,  about  £8000.  Even 
 on  these  terms  it  is  said  to  have  been  a  profitable  bargain ;  the  last  spe- 
 culator in  this  spiritual  traffic  was  the  late  Lord  Boston,  of  whom  the 
 Bishop  demanded  the  exorbitant  sum  of  £8000,  for  the  insertion  of  a 
 new  life,  one  of  the  former  having  dropt.  His  lordship  neglecting  to 
 complete  the  agreement,  the  lease  was  nominally  made  over  to  the 
 bishop's  daughter,  who  gave  receipts  in  her  own  name  for  the  amount 
 of  tithes  collected. 
 
 Affairs  continued  in  this  state  until  the  year  1812,  when  an  act  of 
 parliament  was  obtained  for  enclosing  and  exonerating  from  tithes  cer- 
 tain lands  in  the  parish  of  Hillingdon  ;  which  was  promptly  acted  upon, 
 and  a  distribution  of  lands  took  place,  by  which  765  acres  were  set 
 apait  and  appropriated  in  lieu  of  lectorial  and  vicarial  tithes  for  ever. 
 By  this  arrangement  the  bishop  and  vicar  have  obtained  a  line  estate  in 
 exchange  for  £16  a  year,  the  valuation  of  the  living  in  the  time  of 
 Henry  VHL  All  parties  are  more  independent  of  each  other — no  con- 
 tention about  tithes  nor  compositions  for  tithes.  The  bishop  repairs  a 
 chapel  in  lieu  of  the  church ;  the  vicar  is  an  absentee,  leaving  a  curate 
 for  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  inhabitants ;  and  the  only  parties  who 
 have  sustained  any  loss  are  the  poor,  in  being  deprived  of  the  rights  of 
 common  which  their  forefathers  enjoyed. 
 
 Leaving  these  incidental  illustrations  of  church  property,  let  us 
 endeavour  to  ascertain,  upon  some  general  principle,  the  amount  of  the 
 revenues  of  the  clergy.  The  estimates,  by  individuals,  of  ecclesiastical 
 revenues  are  mostly  limited  to  a  valuation  of  tithe  and  the  landed  estates 
 of  the  church.  Of  the  unfairness  of  this  mode  of  proceeding  Ave  shall 
 hereafter  speak ;  at  present  we  shall  submit  to  the  reader  two  estimates 
 of  the  revenues  of  the  church,  drawn  up  on  very  different  principles,  and 
 by  parties  who  entertain  very  different  views  of  the  state  of  our  eccle- 
 siastical establishment.     The  first  statement  is  from  the  third  edition  of 
 
REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH.  45 
 
 a  work,  entitled  "  Remarks  on  the  Consumption  of  Public  Wealth  by 
 
 the  Clergy." 
 
 Estimate  of  the  Revenues  and  Property  of  the  Established  Church 
 in  England  and  Wales. 
 
 Annual  value  of  the  gross  produce  of  the  land  of  England  and 
 
 ^^ales £150,000,000 
 
 One-third  of  the  land  of  England  and  Wales  not  subject  to  tithe 
 
 for  the  clergy,  being  either  tithe-free  or  lay -impropriations  ....       50,000,000 
 
 Leaving  the  amount  on  which  tithes  for  the  clergj-  are  levied  ....     100,000,000 
 Supposing  the  clergy  to  levy  one-sixteenth,  they  get 0,250,000 
 
 T'ithes C,-250,000 
 
 Estates  of  the  bishops  and  ecclesiastical  corporations    1 ,000,000 
 
 Assessments  in  towns,  on  houses,  &c '  250,000 
 
 Chapels  of  ease  stipends 100,000 
 
 Total £7,600,000 
 
 From  the  Quarterly  Review,  No.  58. 
 
 Total  number  of  acres  in  England  and  Wales 37,094,400 
 
 Deduct  waste  land,  about  one-seventh 5,299,200 
 
 Number  of  acres  in  tillage   31,795,200 
 
 Abbey-land,  or  land  exempt  by  modus  from  tithe,  one-tenth    ....         3,179,520 
 
 Number  of  acres  actually  subject  to  tithes   28,015,680 
 
 This   number,   divided   by   10,693,    the  number  of  parishes,   gives 
 2,676  tithable  acres  to  each  parish. 
 
 In  the  Patronage  of  the  Croivn,  the  Bishops,  Deans  and  Chapters, 
 the  Universities  and  Collegiate  Establishments. 
 
 1733  Rectories,  containing  4,037.508  acres,  at  3s.  6(/ £      811,503 
 
 2341  Vicarages,  containing  6,264,516  acres,  at  Is.  3(i 391,532 
 
 Annual  value  of  Public  Livings 1 ,203,095 
 
 In  the  Gift  of  private  Patrons. 
 
 3444  Rectories,  containing  9,210,144  acres,  at  3s.  6rf 1,012,825 
 
 2175  Vicarages,  containing  5,820,300  acres,  at  Is.  3d 303,708 
 
 1000  Perpetual  curacies,  averaging  £75  each 75,000 
 
 649  Benefices,  not  parochial,  averaging  £50  each 32,450 
 
 Annual  value  of  Private  Benefices 2,084,043 
 
 8000  Glebes,  at  £20  each  100,000 
 
 Total  income  of  parochial  clergy     3,447,138 
 
 Income  of  bishoprics 150,000 
 
 Ditto  of  deans  and  chapters 275,000 
 
 Total  revenue  of  the  Established  Clergy £3,872,138 
 
46  .  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 We  shall  first  solicit  attention  to  the  estimate  from  the  Quarterly 
 Review,  which  is  such  an  unfair  and  misleading  representation  of  the 
 revenues  of  the  clergy,  that  we  ought  almost  to  apologize  to  the  reader 
 for  laying  it  before  him.  Arthur  Young,  who  is  no  bad  authority  in 
 these  matters,  says  the  revenue  of  the  church  was  five  millions  in 
 1790,  and  how  greatly  it  must  since  have  augmented  from  the  vast 
 increase  in  population  and  produce.  Notwithstanding  the  evasions 
 and  omissions  under  the  Property-Tax,  the  returns  for  1812*  make 
 the  tithe  of  that  year  amount  to  £4,700,000,  and,  allowing  for  the 
 increase  in  produce  and  fall  in  prices,  it  is  not  likely  a  less  sum  would 
 be  returned  at  present.  During  the  war,  the  tithe  was  usually  esti- 
 mated at  one-third  of  the  rent ;  it  is  not  much  less  now,  but,  suppose 
 it  only  one-fourth,  and  the  rental  of  England  and  Wales  £31,795,200, 
 or  one  pound  for  every  acre  in  tillage  ;  then  the  whole  amount  of  tithe 
 collected  is  £7,948,200 ;  from  which,  if  we  deduct  one-third  for  lay- 
 tithes  and  land  exempt  from  tithe,  the  church-tithes  alone  amount  to 
 £5,297,200. 
 
 Upon  whatever  principle  we  test  the  statement  in  the  Quarterly 
 Review,  its  erroneousness  is  apparent.  The  reviewer  supposes  the 
 rectorial  tithes  to  average  only  3s.  6d.  per  acre,  and  the  vicarial  tithes 
 only  Is.  3d.  Both  these  sums  are  assuredly  too  low.  The  vicarage 
 tithes,  in  consequence  of  the  turnip-husbandry  and  other  improvements 
 in  agriculture,  are  often  more  valuable  than  the  parsonage.  The  returns 
 to  the  circular  inquiries  by  the  Board  of  Agriculture  make  the  tithe 
 throughout  the  kingdom,  in  1790,  average,  per  acre,  4s.  O^d.;  in  1803, 
 5s.  3^d.;  in  1813,  7s.  9M.  Adopting  the  rate  of  tithe  of  1803,  and 
 taking,  with  the  reviewer,  the  land  in  tillage  at  31,795,200  acres,  the 
 whole  amount  of  tithes  collected  is  £10,267,200 ;  from  which,  if  we 
 deduct,  as  before,  one-third  for  lay-tithes  and  tithe-free  land,  the 
 amount  of  church-tithes  is  £6,844,800  per  annum. 
 
 Again :  the  reviewer  greatly  misrepresents  the  proportion  between 
 rectories  and  vicarages.  It  is  well  known  to  every  one  the  impropriate 
 livings  barely  equal  one-third  of  the  whole  number.  Yet  the  reviewer 
 makes  the  number  of  vicarages  4516;  whereas,  according  to  Archdeacon 
 Plymley,  there  are  only  3687  vicarages  in  England  and  Wales. f  But 
 it  suited  the  sinister  purpose  of  the  writer  to  exaggerate  the  number  of 
 vicarages,  in  order  to  calculate  the  tithes  of  so  many  parishes  at  only 
 Is.  3d.  per  acre. 
 
 The  estimate  of  the  income  of  the  Bishoprics  at  £150,000  is  greatly 
 below  the  truth.  The  revenues  of  the  four  sees  of  Winchester,  Durham, 
 Canterbury,  and  London  alone  exceed  that  sum.  A  vast  deal  of  mystery 
 is  always  maintained  about  the  incomes  of  the  bishops ;  but  the  public 
 has  incidentally  been  put  in  possession  of  some  certain  data  on  this  point. 
 In  1829,  the  late  Archbishop  Sutton  applied  for  a  private  act  of  parlia- 
 
 *  Nos.  248  and  250,  for  1814  and  1815. 
 
 f  Charge  to  the  Clergy  of  the  County  of  Salop. 
 
REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH.  47 
 
 ment  to  raise  a  loan  of  £37,000,  to  assist  in  altering  and  improving- 
 Lambeth -pal  ace ;  when  it  came  out  that  the  revenue  of  the  see  of  this 
 poor  member  of  the  "  college  of  fishermen"  was  only  £32,000  per 
 annum.  This  is  the  representation  of  his  own  officer.  Doctor  Lushing'- 
 ton.  Mr.  A.  Baring  stated  that  the  revenue  of  the  see  of  London 
 would,  by  the  falling  in  of  leases,  shortly  amount  to  £100,000  a  year.* 
 The  Bishop  of  London,  in  reply  to  this,  alleged  that  his  income,  allow- 
 ing for  casualties,  did  not  amount  to  one-seventh  of  that  sum.  His 
 lordship,  of  course,  meant  his  Jixed  income,  and  did  not  include  fines 
 for  the  renewal  of  leases,  nor  the  value  of  his  parks,  palace,  and  man- 
 sions. We  can  assure  this  right  reverend  prelate  that  the  public  never, 
 in  truth,  thoug-ht  his  income,  or  that  of  his  Grace  of  Canterbury,  was 
 so  extravagantly  high  as  on  their  own  showing  they  appear  to  be.  The 
 see  of  Winchester  is  supposed  to  be  worth  £50,000  per  annum.  In 
 one  year  the  bishop  of  this  diocese  received  upwards  of  £15,000  in 
 fines  for  the  renewal  of  leases. 
 
 But  let  us  ascertain  the  total  income  of  all  the  sees.  In  Liber  Regis, 
 the  King's  book,  we  have  an  authentic  return  of  the  value  of  the  bishop- 
 rics in  the  reign  of  Henry  Ylll.  As  this  return  was  to  be  the  founda- 
 tion of  the  future  payment  of  first  fruits  and  tenths,  we  may  be  sure  it 
 was  not  too  much.  However,  in  these  returns,  the  See  of  Canterbury 
 is  valued  at  £2682  :  12  :  2  per  annum;  the  See  of  London  at  £1000. 
 This  was  at  a  time  when  a  labourer's  w'ages  were  only  a  penny  a  day. 
 NoAv,  it  appears,  from  the  admissions  of  Doctor  Lushington  and  the 
 Bishop  of  London,  that  the  present  incomes  of  these  sees  are  £32,000 
 and  £14,444  a-year.  So  that  one  see  has  increased  in  value  twelve 
 and  the  other  more  than  fourteen-fold.  The  other  bishoprics  have,  no 
 doubt,  increased  in  a  similar  proportion.  Hence,  as  the  incomes  of  the 
 twenty-six  sees  in  Liber  Regis  amount  to  £22,855  a-year,  their  pre- 
 sent value  cannot  be  less  than  thirteen  times  that  sum,  or  £297,115, 
 instead  of  £150,000,  as  stated  in  the  Quarterly  Review.  This  does 
 not  include  the  dignities  and  rectories  annexed  to  the  sees,  or  held  in 
 commendam,  nor  the  parks  and  palaces,  the  mansions,  villas,  warrens, 
 fines  for  renewals,  heriots,  and  other  manorial  rights,  enjoyed  by  the 
 bishops,  and  which  would  make  their  incomes  equal  to,  at  least,  half-a- 
 million  per  annum. 
 
 The  revenues  of  the  Deans  and  Chapters  may  be  approximated  to  on 
 the  same  principle.  Their  incomes,  like  those  of  the  bishops,  arise 
 principally  from  lands  and  manors,  and  certain  payments  in  money. 
 In  the  King's  Book,  the  deans  and  chapters  are  valued  at  £38,000 
 a-year ;  consequently,  they  do  not  amount,  at  present,  to  less  than 
 £494,000  per  annum,  instead  of  £275,000.  But  the  returns  in  the 
 Valor  Ecclesiasticus  are  far  from  complete ;  several  deaneries,  pre- 
 bends, and  other  offices  are  omitted ;  it  follows,  our  estimate  is  far 
 below  the  annual  worth  of  the  ecclesiastical  corporations. 
 
 *  House  of  Commons,  April  27,  1830. 
 
48  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 The  Reviewer  considers  each  glebe  to  be  worth  only  £20  a-year; 
 but,  when  he  is  desirous  of  illustrating-  the  penury  of  the  church  by 
 comparing  its  endowments  with  those  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  he 
 values  the  glebes  of  the  latter  at  £30  per  annum.  The  writer  omits  to 
 estimate  the  value  of  the  parsonage-houses :  they  must  be  worth  some- 
 thing, as  they  save  rent  to  the  incumbents  or  their  curates. 
 
 But  enough  of  the  estimate  in  the  Quarterly  Review.  The  princi- 
 ples and  purposes  of  this  publication  are  so  notorious  that  every  one  is 
 on  his  guard  against  receiving,  implicitly,  any  representations  relative 
 to  the  church  from  so  suspicious  a  source.  The  first  statement,  from 
 the  "  Remarks,"  &c.  contains  some  inaccuracies  and  omissions  which 
 we  shall  endeavour  to  supply.  Before,  however,  we  submit  a  complete 
 view  of  the  revenues  of  the  church,  it  will  be  proper  shortly  to  advert 
 to  some  items  of  ecclesiastical  emolument  usually  omitted  in  inquiries  of 
 this  nature. 
 
 Besides  tithe  and  the  landed  estates  of  the  church,  there  are,  as 
 before  remarked,  various  other  sources  from  which  the  clergy  derive 
 very  considerable  advantages.  Of  these,  the  first  we  shall  notice  are 
 Public  Charities.  The  inquiries  by  the  Royal  Commissioners,  so  far 
 as  they  have  proceeded,  tend  to  confirm  the  accuracy  of  Lord  Brougham's 
 estimate  of  the  revenues  of  charitable  foundations  at  nearly  two  mil- 
 lions a-year.  From  the  tenure  of  charitable  endowments,  the  clergy 
 have  almost  entire  possession  of  this  immense  fund.  In  England  and 
 Wales,  according  to  the  returns  under  the  Gilbert  Act,  there  are  3898 
 school  charities,  of  which  the  clergy  enjoy  the  exclusive  emolument ; 
 and,  in  the  remaining  charities,  they  largely  participate  as  trustees, 
 visitors,  or  other  capacity.  The  pious  credulity  of  our  ancestors  in- 
 duced them  to  place  implicit  reliance  on  the  clergy,  little  foreseeing 
 how  their  confidence  would  be  abused.  Three-fourths  of  charitable  pro- 
 perty, at  least,  were  thus  placed  at  the  mercy  of  ecclesiastics.  It  is 
 certain  that,  in  the  inquiries  recently  instituted  into  charitable  founda- 
 tions, the  worst  abuses  have  been  found  under  their  management.  The 
 school  of  Pocklington,  in  Yorkshire,  was  a  flagrant  instance,  in  which 
 a  member  of  the  established  church  was  receiving  a  snug  income  of  nine 
 hundred  pounds  a-year  for  teaching  one  scholar.  A  right  reverend 
 prelate,  who  had  been  left  in  trust,  and  his  family,  had  appropriated 
 the  funds  of  the  Mere  and  Spital  charities.  The  grammar-schools  in 
 almost  every  town  have  become  mere  sinecures,  seldom  having  more 
 than  two  or  three  foundation-scholars ;  and  the  buildings  piously  in- 
 tended for  the  gratuitous  accommodation  of  pooi'  scholars,  have  been 
 perverted  into  boarding  and  pay  schools  for  the  emolument  of  their 
 clerical  masters.  Bristol  and  Bath,  Birmingham,  Wolv^erhampton, 
 Ripon,  and  Preston,  are  striking  examples  of  this  sort  of  abuse  and 
 perversion.  In  the  principal  foundations  in  the  metropolis  and  neigh- 
 bourhood, in  the  Charter-house,  Christ's  Hospital,  the  great  schools  of 
 Westminster,  St.  Paul's,  Harrow,  Rugby,  and  the  Gresham  Lectures, 
 they  derive  great  advantages  as  Avardens,  visitors,  provosts,  high 
 masters,    senior   masters,  ushers,  lecturers,  and  assistants.     Many  of 
 
REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH,  49 
 
 these  offices  are  held  by  pluralists,  who  are,  also,  dignitaries,  and 
 yield  salaries  of  £800  a-year,  besides  allowances  for  house-rent,  vege- 
 tables, and  linen,  and  large  pensions  of  one  thousand  a-year,  or  so,  on 
 retirement.  The  present  head-master  of  the  Charter- house,  and  the 
 late  and  present  head-master  of  St.  Paul's  School,  are  examples  of  this 
 sort  of  monopoly.  In  the  colleges  of  Eton  and  Winchester,  again, 
 the  established  clergy  have  a  nice  patrimony.  The  government  of  these 
 foundations  is  vested  in  a  certain  number  of  reverend  fellows,  and  a 
 provost,  who  is  a  reverend  also.  The  value  of  a  fellowship,  including 
 allowances  for  coals,  candles,  and  gown,  is  about  £1000  a-year;  and  a 
 provostship,  in  good  years,  has  netted  £2500  per  annum  ;*  besides 
 which,  the  fellows  generally  help  themselves  to  a  good  fat  living  or 
 two,  which  are  in  the  gift  of  the  colleges.  Again,  the  established 
 clergy  have  exclusive  possession  of  the  revenues  of  the  Universities,  to 
 the  exclusion  of  dissenters,  and  all  persons  of  delicate  consciences,  who 
 are  scrupulous  about  taking  oaths,  and  subscribing  to  articles  of  faith 
 they  neither  believe  nor  understand. f  The  value  of  a  university  fellow- 
 ship is  generally  less  than  a  fellowship  at  Eton  or  Winchester ;  though 
 the  incomes  of  some  of  the  fellows  are  handsome  enough  to  induce  them 
 to  prefer  celibacy  and  college  residence  to  a  benefice  in  the  country  : 
 add  to  which  the  professorships  and  tutorships,  which,  bringing  the 
 possessors  in  contact  with  the  youth  of  the  aristocracy  and  gentry,  lead 
 to  livings  and  dignities.  Numerous  livings  are  also  in  the  gift  of  the 
 Universities,  as  well  as  in  the  other  foundations  we  have  mentioned, 
 believe  some  of  the  offices  in  the  Universities  are  incompatible  with 
 church-preferment. 
 
 From  these  details  we  may  conclude  the  established  clergy  share 
 largely  in  the  revenues  of  Public  Charities ;  supposing  the  college  and 
 school  charities  average  only  £175  each,  they  will  produce  £682,150 
 a-year. 
 
 Church  or  Surplice  Fees,  as  they  are  commonly  called,  form 
 another  abundant  source  of  revenue  to  the  clergy.  Originally,  surplice- 
 fees  were  paid  only  by  the  rich,  and  were  intended  for  charity :  what 
 was  formerly  a  voluntary  gift  has  been  converted  into  a  demand,  and, 
 
 *  Evidence  of  Dr.  Goodall,  Third  Report  of  Education-Committee. 
 
 t  It  is  to  this  hour  the  practice  at  one  of  the  Universities,  in  obedience  to  the 
 statutes  of  Laud,  to  demand  of  every  student  on  his  matriculation,  provided 
 he  liave  attained  the  mature  age  of  twelve  years,  his  written  assent  and  consent 
 to  all  and  every  of  the  thirty-nine  Articles  of  religion! — and  at  the  other, 
 where  candidates  for  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  are,  for  the  first  time,  re- 
 quired to  subscribe,  I  can  solemly  declare, — from  my  own  positive,  personal, 
 knowledge, — that  the  most  reckless  levity — the  most  dangerous  trifling  with  the 
 sacred  engagements  of  truth,  are  found  to  prevail  on  these  occasions!  I  ask 
 are  such  the  approved  methods  of  laying  the  foundation  of  a  national  morality? 
 I  ask  are  these  mockeries  an  exemplification  of  the  position  so  recently  pro- 
 claimed by  Captain  Basil  Hall,— that  '  it  is  the  aristocratical  classes,  and  they 
 alone,  who  can  give  a  right  tone  to  manners,  by  setting  the  fashion  in  everything 
 which  is  true  in  principle,  or  practically  wise  in  morals  and  in  politics  V — The 
 Church:  its  Civil  Establishment  indefensible, — Hunter,  London,    1831. 
 
 £ 
 
50  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 instead  of  the  poor  receiving  these  donations,  they  arc  pocketed  by  the 
 clergy,  and  poor  as  well  as  rich  are  now  compelled  to  pay  fees  on 
 burials,  marriages,  churchings,  and  christenings.  The  total  sums 
 netted  from  this  source  we  have  no  means  of  estimating  con-ectly.  In 
 London,  church-fees  are  supposed  to  be  equal  to  one-third  of  the  piiest's 
 salary.  Besides  the  regular  fee,  it  is  usual,  on  the  burial  of  opulent 
 people,  to  get  a  compliment  of  a  guinea  or  niore  for  hat-band  and 
 gloves  :  at  marriages,  five  guineas;  at  christenings,  a  guinea.  In 
 Ireland,  the  surplice-fees,  aided  by  a  few  voluntary  gifts,  form  the 
 only  maintenance  of  the  catholic  priesthood  :  and,  in  this  country,  the 
 total  revenue  derived  from  fees  and  gratuities,  is  little  short  of  one 
 million  a-year.  The  late  Rev.  Dr.  Cove,  whose  estimate  of  church 
 property  is  seldom  more  than  one-half  of  its  real  amount,  calculates 
 the  annual  value  of  the  glebe  and  surplice-fees  of  each  parish,  on  an 
 average,  at  £40  a-year,  making,  according  to  him,  a  tax  upon  the 
 population  of  half  a  million  per  annum. 
 
 Easter-Offekings,  Oblations,  &c.  form  a  third  source  of 
 ecclesiastical  emolument.  These  Offerings,  or  Dues,  as  they  are  some- 
 times called,  are  certain  customary  payments  at  Easter  and  all  church- 
 festivals,  to  which  every  inhabitant -housekeeper  is  liable.  Their 
 amount  varies  in  different  parts  of  the  country.  In  the  North,  they 
 commonly  pay  sixpence  in  lieu  of  an  offering-hen;  a  shilling  in  lieu  of 
 an  offering-goose  or  turkey;  one  penny,  called  smoke-penny;  one 
 penny-halfpenny  for  eveiy  person  or  communicant  above  the  age  of  six- 
 teen, and  so  on.  We  have  no  means  of  judging  the  annual  value  of 
 these  good  things.  All  that  we  can  say  is,  that  in  some  parts  they  are 
 very  pertinaciously  levied,  and  considered  by  the  established  clergy  as 
 part  of  their  "  ancient  rights."*  Probably,  the  value  of  Easter-offer- 
 ings may  be  taken  at  £100,000  a-year. 
 
 The  Lectureships,  in  towns  and  populous  places,  are  another 
 branch  of  clerical  income.  Where  there  is  no  endowment  for  a  lecture- 
 ship, the  parishioners,  if  they  desire  a  novelty  of  this  sort,  in  addition 
 to  the  ordinary  routine  of  church-service,  provide  one  at  their  own 
 charge.  The  value  of  a  lectureship,  of  course,  varies  with  the  number 
 and  liberality  of  the  subscribers.  No  person  can  officiate  as  a  lecturer 
 unless  approved  by  the  incumbent  and  diocesan.  Frequent  squabbles 
 arise  from  this  cause ;  the  parishioners  choosing  a  popular  preacher, 
 who,  from  a  miserable  feeling  of  jealousy,  is  not  approved  by  the  less 
 gifted  incumbent.  The  lectureships  are  generally  held  with  other  pre- 
 ferments.    Their  total  value  may  be  stated  at  £60,000  per  annum. 
 
 The  next  branch  of  revenue  we  shall  notice  are  Chaplainships 
 and  those  public  offices  which  the  Clergy  may  be  said  to  hold  ex  officio, 
 and  to  which  they  have  always  the  preference.  The  value  of  chaplain- 
 ships  to  the  nobility,  to  ambassadors,  public  bodies,  and  commercial 
 companies,  must  be  considerable  ;  but  of  the  value  of  these,  and  of  the 
 
 •  Trial  of  Peter  Watson,  in  the  Consistory  Court  of  Durlmm,  for  the  sub- 
 Btraction  of  Easter  Ofl'erings. 
 
REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH. 
 
 51 
 
 places  held  by  the  clergy  in  public  institutions,  it  is  hardly  possible  to 
 estimate.     Suppose  £10,000  a-year. 
 
 Beside  all  these  sources  of  ecclesiastical  revenue,  another  and  onerous 
 burthen  is  imposed  on  the  people  by  the  New  Churches  erected 
 under  the  authority  of  the  Commissioners  appointed  for  that  purpose. 
 The  sum  of  £1,367,400  in  Exchequer-bills  has  been  already  issued  in 
 aid  of  the  voluntaiy  contributions  towards  this  undertaking.*  The 
 salaries  of  the  secretary,  surveyors,  office-keepers,  and  other  undei-lings 
 of  this  commission  cost  the  country  more  than  £5,000  a-year.  One 
 hundred  and  nine  churches  and  chapels  have  been  completed,  and  one 
 hundred  and  five  more  are  in  different  stages  of  progress  :  what  is  the 
 whole  number  intended  to  be  erected,  or  the  total  expense,  nobody  can 
 tell,  for  the  Commissioners  have  been  recently  incorporated,  and  in  all 
 probability  their  pious  labours  will  be  protracted  for  ages  to  come.  Had 
 the  rich  clergy  contributed  their  just  share  to  the  First  Fruits  Fund, 
 there  would  have  been  no  necessity  for  imposing  this  additional  tax  on 
 the  public.  But  the  first  outlay  is  far  from  being  the  worst  part  of  this 
 extraordinary  proceeding.  All  those  neAV  churches  and  chapels  will 
 have  to  be  kept  in  repair  by  rates  levied  on  the  parishioners — dissenters 
 as  well  as  churchmen,  and  this,  though  many  have  opposed  their  erec- 
 tion as  unnecessary.  Then  there  are  the  stipends  of  ministers,  clerks, 
 beadles,  pew-openers,  and  though  last,  not  least,  the  guzzlings  and  feed- 
 ings of  sextons,  churchwardens,  and  chapelwardens  to  be  provided  for  ; 
 for  though  the  patronage  of  the  new  churches  is  given  to  the  patron  or 
 incumbent  of  the  mother-church,  yet  the  salaries  of  the  minister  and 
 other  officials,  instead  of  being  deducted  from  the  income  of  the  rector 
 or  vicar,  are  to  be  raised  by  a  charge  for  the  rents  of  peivs.  Only 
 think  of  this  novel  device  for  augmenting  the  revenues  of  the  eccle- 
 siastical order !  Notwithstanding  the  immense  sums  levied  for  the 
 maintenance  of  the  established  religion,  and  though  the  frequenters 
 of  the  new  churches  are  actually  compelled  to  pay  tithes  to  the  in- 
 cumbents of  their  parishes,  yet  they  are  obliged  to  contribute  an  addi- 
 tional sum  in  pew  rents  to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  the  national  communion, 
 and  if  they  desire  a  third  service  on  Sundays,  they  must  contribute 
 additional  for  that  too.f  How  much  the  revenues  of  the  clergy  will  be 
 ultimately  increased  from  this  source,  we  have  not  the  means  of  esti- 
 mating. The  incomes  settled  on  some  of  the  new  ministers  by  the 
 Commissioners  are  very  considerable  ;  that  of  the  minister  of  St.  Peter's, 
 Pimlico,  is  £900  a  year ;  and  those  of  the  rectors  of  the  three  new 
 churches  in  the  parish  of  St.  Mary-le-bone  are  £350  per  annum  each. 
 Suppose  the  annual  charge  of  each  new  church  £450  per  annum,  it 
 will  shortly  add  to  the  other  permanent  revenues  of  the  church  a  yearly 
 sum  of  £94,050. 
 
 *  Eleventh  Annual  Report  of  the  Commissioners,  Session,  1831. 
 t  Clmrch-Building-Acts  the  58  Geo.  III.  c.  45  ;   59  Geo.  III.  c.  134  ;  3  Geo. 
 IV.  c.  72 ;   5  Geo.  IV.  c.  103  j    7  &  8  Geo.  IV.  c.  72  ;  9  Geo.  IV.  c.  42. 
 
 e2 
 
52  CMUllCII    or    ENGLAND. 
 
 We  shall  now  collect  the  different  items  and  exhibit  a  general  state- 
 ment of  the  revenues  of  the  Established  Clerg'y.  The  sum  put  down 
 for  tithe  is  church-tithe  only,  after  deducting-  the  tithe  of  lay-impro- 
 priations,  and  allowing  for  abbey-land  and  land  exempt  by  modus  from 
 tithe.  The  church-rates  are  a  heavy  burden  on  the  people,  but  being 
 levied  at  uncertain  intervals,  for  the  repair  of  churches  and  chapels, 
 they  do  not  form  a  part  of  the  personal  income  of  the  clergy,  and  are 
 omitted. 
 
 Revenues  of  the  Established  Clergy  of  England  and  Wales. 
 
 Church-tithe    £6,884,800 
 
 Incomes  of  the  bishoprics    297,1 15* 
 
 Estates  of  the  deans  and  chapters 494,000 
 
 Glebes  and  parsonage-houses 250,000 
 
 Perpetual  curacies  £75  each 75,000 
 
 Benefices  not  parochial  £250  each     32,450 
 
 Church-fees  on  burials,  marriages,  christenings,  &c.  •  •  500,000 
 Oblations,  offerings,  and  compositions  for  offerings  at 
 
 the  four  great  festivals    80,000 
 
 College  and  school  foundations 682,150 
 
 Lectureships  in  towns  and  populous  places     60,000 
 
 Chaplainships  and  offices  in  public  institutions 10,000 
 
 New  churches  and  chapels 94,050 
 
 Total  Revenues  of  the  Established  Clergy*  •£9,459,565 
 
 We  are  confident  several  of  these  sources  of  emolument  are  rather 
 under-rated.  Perhaps  it  may  be  alleged  that  some  items  do  not  pro- 
 perly appertain  to  ecclesiastical  income — that  they  are  the  rewards  pro 
 opera  et  labore  extra-officially  discharged  by  the  clergy.  But  what 
 would  be  said  if,  in  stating  the  emoluments  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington, 
 we  limited  ourselves  to  his  military  pay,  without  also  including  his 
 pensions,  sinecures,  and  civil  appointments  ?  The  sums  placed  to  the 
 account  of  the  clergy  are  received  by  them  either  as  ministers  of  religion, 
 or  from  holding  situations  to  which  they  have  been  promoted  in  con- 
 sequence of  being  members  of  the  Established  Church.  There  are 
 several  sums  annually  raised  on  the  people  which  we  have  omitted,  but 
 which,  in  strictness,  ought  to  be  placed  to  the  account  of  the  clergy. 
 Large  sums  are  constantly  being  voted  by  Parliament  for  building 
 churches  in  Scotland,  as  well  as  in  England;  more  than  £21,000  has 
 been  granted  for  building  churches  and  bishops'  palaces  in  the  West 
 Indies;  £1,600,000  has  been  granted  for  the  aid  of  the  poor  clergy, 
 as  they  are  called,   and  who  have  been  also  favoured  by  their  livings 
 
 •  The  see  of  Sodor  and  Man  is  not  in  charge  in  the  King's  Book,  and  is 
 omitted  in  this  estimate. 
 
REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH.  53 
 
 being  exonerated  from  the  land-tax  ;  nearly  a  million  has  been  granted 
 for  building  houses  and  purchasing  glebes  for  the  clergy  in  Ireland  ; 
 upwards  of  £16,000  a-year  is  voted  to  a  society  for  propagating  Church 
 of  England  ism  in  foreign  parts;*  and  more  than  £9,000  is  granted 
 to  some  other  Society  foi-  Discountenancing  Fzce,  — a  duty  which  one 
 would  think  especially  merged  in  the  functions  of  our  established  pastors. 
 All  these  sums  have  been  omitted  ;  they  certainly  tend  to  augment  the 
 burthen  imposed  on  the  public  by  the  Church  :  but  as  it  is  to  be  hoped 
 they  do  not  all  form  permanent  branches  of  ecclesiastical  charge,  they 
 are  excluded  from  our  estimate  of  clerical  income. 
 
 The  next  consideration  is  the  Nicmber  of  Persons  among  whom  the 
 revenues  of  the  Church  ai'e  divided.  It  has  been  already  shown  that 
 the  number  of  prelates,  dignitaries,  and  incumbents,  is  only  7,694, 
 and  by  this  diminutive  phalanx  is  the  entire  revenue  of  £9,459,565 
 monopolized,  alibrding  an  average  income  of  £1,228  to  each  individual. 
 Except  the  clergy,  there  is  no  class  or  order  of  men  whose  incomes 
 average  an  amount  like  this.  The  average  pay  of  officers  in  the  army 
 or  navy  will  bear  no  comparison  with  that  of  the  Clergy.  Take  the 
 legal  classes  — the  most  gainful  of  all  professions;  add  together  the 
 incomes  of  the  lord-chancellor,  the  judges,  the  barristers,  conveyancers, 
 proctors,  special-pleaders,  and  every  other  grade  of  that  multitudinous 
 craft — the  pettifogger  of  most  limited  practice  included — and  divide  the 
 total  by  the  number  of  individuals,  and  it  will  yield  no  average  income 
 like  that  of  dignitaries,  rectors,  and  vicars.  Still  less  will  the  fees  and 
 gains  of  the  medical  classes — the  physician,  surgeon,  and  apothecary — 
 bear  a  comparison  with  the  Church.  The  pensions,  salaries,  and 
 perquisites  of  employes  in  the  civil  department  of  government  are  justly 
 deemed  extravagant ;  but  compare  the  united  incomes  of  these  with 
 ecclesiastics,  from  the  first  lord  of  the  treasury  to  the  humblest  official 
 in  the  Stamp  Office,  and  the  difl'erence  is  enormous.  The  Church  is  a 
 monstrous,  overgrown  Croesus  in  the  State,  and  the  amount  of  its 
 revenues  incredible,  unbearable,  and  out  of  proportion  with  every  other 
 service  and  class  in  society. 
 
 An  average  estimate  of  the  incomes  of  the  Clergy,  however,  aftbrds 
 no  insight  into  the  mode  in  which  the  enormous  revenues  of  the  church 
 are  squandered  among  its  members.  Next  to  pluralists,  the  greatest 
 abuse  in  the  establishment  results  from  the  unequal  amount  of  income 
 possessed  by  individuals  of  the  same  rank  in  the  ecclesiastical  order, 
 and  the  unequal  burthen  of  duties  imposed  upon  them.  The  incomes 
 of  some  bishops,  as  those  of  Llandaff,  St.  Asaph,  and  Bangor,  barely 
 
 *  The  efforts  to  promote  Church  of  Englandism  by  expensive  establishments 
 are  attended  with  as  little  success  in  the  Colonies  as  in  the  mother  country.  In 
 Upper  Canada,  out  of  235  clergymen,  only  33  are  clergymen  of  the  church  of 
 England.  The  Moravians  are  tlie  sect  whose  mission  is  most  successful  in  the 
 "West  Indies.  They  mix  familiarly  with  the  Indians,  instruct  them  in  the  arts 
 of  agriculture  and  building,  and  thus  hold  out  to  them  advantages  more  readily 
 comprehended  than  the  mysteries  of  the  Trinity,  election,  and  the  incarnation. 
 
54 
 
 CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 equal  that  of  a  clork  of  the  Treasury,  or  of  rectors  and  vicars  whose 
 conduct  they  arc  appointed  to  superintend  ;  while  the  incomes  of  others 
 exceed  those  of  the  highest  functionaries  in  the  land.  Yet  we  are  told, 
 by  Mr.  Burke,  that  the  revenues  of  the  hig;her  order  of  ecclesiastics 
 are  to  enable  them  to  rear  their  "  mitred  fronts  in  courts  and  palaces 
 to  reprove  presumptuous  vice."  But  if  one  bishop  requires  a  large 
 i-evenue  to  support  his  dignity  in  high  places,  so  does  another.  Among- 
 the  archdeacons  is  like  inequality,  their  incomes  vaiying  from  £200  to 
 £2000  a-year.  And  among  the  dignitaries  and  members  of  cathedral 
 and  collegiate  establishments  is  similar  disproportion.  Many  of  the 
 deaneries,  as  those  of  Westminster,  Windsor,  St.  Paul's,  Salisbury, 
 Lincoln,  Exeter,  and  Wells,  are  very  valuable,  yielding,  probably,  to 
 their  possessors,  incomes  of  £10,000,  £8,000,  £5,000,  £2,000, 
 £1,900,  and  1,500  respectively.  The  prebendaries  and  canonries 
 vary  in  amount  from  £250  to  £2,000  a-year.  Some  of  the  precentor- 
 ships  are  Avorth  not  less  than  £900  a-year ;  and  many  of  the  chan- 
 cellorships,  treasurerships,  succentorships,  and  we  know  not  how  many 
 other  official  ships,  afford  snug  incomes  of  £400,  £500,  and  £800  per 
 annum.  The  minor  canons  some  of  them  have  £250;  the  vicars-choral 
 £350;  the  priest-vicars,  the  chanters,  and  sub-chanters,  and  a  hundred 
 more  popish  names  and  offices,  are  all  amply,  though  unequally,  re- 
 munerated for  their  services. 
 
 In  the  incomes  of  the  parochial  clergy  there  is  similar  diversity  and 
 injustice.  Many  rectories,  as  before  observed,  are  more  valuable  than 
 bishoprics,  having  incomes  from  £8,000  to  £10,000  a-year.  The  same 
 may  be  said  of  the  vicarages,  being  possessed  of  large  g-lebes  or  larg'e 
 endowments,  and  sometimes  both.  While,  again,  it  cannot  be  denied 
 that  there  are  some  rectories,  and  in  particular  vicarages,  whose  tithes 
 are  in  the  hands  of  laymen,  and  without  even  a  parsonage-house.  In 
 some  instances,  the  deficiency  of  income  has  been  so  great,  that  it  has 
 been  found  necessary  to  unite  the  incomes  of  two  or  three  parishes  to 
 produce  an  adequate  maintenance  to  the  officiating  minister,  who,  in 
 the  care  of  so  mvuiy  churches,  cannot  have  time  to  officiate  at  any  of 
 them  properly ;  and  thus,  no  doubt,  are  many  souls  lost  which  might 
 be  saved  ;  some,  straying  into  the  fold  of  sectarianism,  become  jaco- 
 bins and  dissenters,  to  the  great  injury  of  the  mother  church,  and  the 
 eternal  reproach  of  the  right  reverend  bishops,  the  very  reverend  deans, 
 the  venerable  archdeacons,  and  other  reverend  dignitaries,  who  waste, 
 in  the  pomp,  vanities,  and  luxuries  of  the  Avorld,  the  sums  which  ought 
 to  be  appropriated  to  the  augmentation  of  these  poor  livings. 
 
 The  penury  of  one  part  of  the  church  is  not  less  objectionable  than 
 the  bloated  and  sinecure  opulence  of  another.*     At  the  establishment  of 
 
 *  The  poverty  of  the  Welch  clergy  is  proverbial ;  many  of  the  curates  receive 
 no  more  llian  £10  or  £15  per  annum.  They  seldom  taste  animal  food,  a  meagre 
 allowance  of  bread  and  potatoes  being  all  their  scanty  means  afford.  In  North 
 "Wales  we  have  heard  (Church  Regcneraiion  and  Unhersity  Reform)  there 
 is  a  clergyman  of  tl)e  establishment  wiio  receives  no  more  than  the  miserable 
 "Stipend  mentioned.     He  has  a  wife  and  six  children.     In  the  day-time  he  cou- 
 
REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH.  55 
 
 Queen  Anne's  bounty,  in  the  beginning  of  the  last  century,  there  were 
 5597  livings  (above  one-half  of  the  whole  number)  whose  incomes  did 
 not  exceed  £50  per  annum.  The  Diocesan  Returns  in  1809  gave  the 
 following  classifications  of  poor  livings  under  £150  per  annum:  — 
 
 £  Livings. 
 
 Not  exceeding     10  12 
 
 ■ 20  72 
 
 30  191 
 
 .         40  353 
 
 50  433 
 
 60  407 
 
 ■ 70  876 
 
 80  319 
 
 90  309 
 
 • 100  315 
 
 . 110  283 
 
 120  307 
 
 • 130  240 
 
 140  206 
 
 150  170 
 
 Total 3998 
 
 It  is  by  grouping  these  poor  livings  with  the  rich  ones,  and  averaging 
 the  whole,  that  a  plausible  case  is  often  attempted  to  be  made  out  in 
 favour  of  the  clergy.  One  writer,  for  instance,  whose  statement  has 
 been  often  quoted,  makes  the  average  income  of  each  living  in  England 
 and  Wales  only  £303  per  annum.*  The  Rev.  Dr.  Cove,  adopting 
 different  principles  of  calculation,  makes  the  average  income  of  the 
 parochial  clergy  only  £255  each.f  Both  these  estimates,  it  is  apparent 
 from  what  has  been  advanced,  are  very  wide  of  the  truth.  There  are 
 11,342  benefices,  and  only  7,191  incumbents;  and  these  incumbents 
 engross  the  entire  revenue  of  the  parochial  clergy  arising  from  tithe 
 and  other  sources.  Turning  to  the  statement  at  page  52,  and  deducting 
 from  the  total  revenues  of  the  established  clergy  the  incomes  of  the 
 bishoprics  and  ecclesiastical  corporations,  it  will  be  found  that  the 
 parochial  clergy  alone  have  a  total  revenue  of  £8,668,450,  which, 
 divided  by  the  number  of  benefices  and  the  number  of  incumbents, 
 gives  £764  for  the   average  value  of  each  benefice,  and  £1,205  for  the 
 
 trives  to  scrape  together  a  few  pence  by  conducting  a  boat  in  which  passengers 
 cross  a  river :  he  is  the  barber  of  the  village,  shaves  for  a  penny  every  Saturday 
 night ;  and  five  evenings  in  the  week  he  teaches  the  children  of  the  poor  villagers 
 reading  and  writing,  for  which  he  receives  a  small  acknowledgement.  O,  ye 
 ecclesiastical  potentates,  ye  Blomfields  and  Sumners,  for  one  moment  lay  aside 
 your  silken  attributes,  stop  your  postillions  at  the  foot  of  Snowdon,  and  visit  a 
 poor  afflicted  brother  ! 
 
 In  Liverpool,  Mr.  Morgan  Jones  affirms,  within  these  last  five  years  there  have 
 been  discovered  among  the  prostitutes  of  that  dissolute  sea-port  no  less  than 
 twenty-five  young  women  the  daughters  of  Welch  clergymen. 
 
 *  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  xxix.  p.  554. 
 
 t  Essay  on  the  Revenues  of  the  Church,  p.  124. 
 
56  CHURCH    Ol'     ENGLAND. 
 
 average  income  of  each  incumbent.  From  this  enormous  income,  the 
 paltry  stipends  of  £40  or  £60  a-year,  paid  by  some  of  the  beneficed 
 clergy  to  their  curates,  are,  of  course,  to  be  deducted. 
 
 The  representation  which  the  Quarterly  Review,  and  other  mis- 
 leading pubUcations,  is  desirous  of  impressing  on  the  public  is,  that 
 there  are  about  10  or  11,000  benefices,  held  by  about  as  many  indi- 
 viduals— rectors,  vicars,  and  perpetual  curates — whose  average  income 
 is  the  very  moderate  sum  of  £255  or  £303  each.  Such  a  statement, 
 if  true,  would  render  the  amount  of  the  revenues  of  the  clergy,  and 
 the  distribution  of  these  revenues,  very  little  objectionable  indeed.  But 
 we  will  soon  show  this  is  all  mystification  and  delusion. 
 
 The  real  situation  of  the  Parochial  Clergy  is  this :  in  England  and 
 Wales  there  are  5098  rectories,  3687  vicarages,  and  2970  churches 
 neither  rectorial  nor  vicarial;  in  all,  11,755  churches.*  These  churches 
 are  contained  in  10,674  parishes  and  parochial  chapelries;  and,  proba- 
 bly, after  a  due  allowance  for  the  consolidation  of  some  of  the  smaller 
 parishes,  form  about  as  many  parochial  benefices.  Now,  the  whole  of 
 these  10,674  benefices  are  in  the  hands  of  7191  incumbents;  there  are 
 2886  individuals  with  7037  livings;  517  with  1701  livings;  209  with 
 836  livings;  64  with  320  Hvings.  Look  again,  at  page  31,  and  the 
 whole  mystery  of  parochial  monopoly  is  solved.  Or  let  any  one  look 
 into  the  Clerical  Guide,  and  he  will  find  nearly  one-half  the  whole 
 number  of  incumbents  are  pluralists.  Some  are  rectors  at  one  place, 
 vicars  at  another,  and  curates  at  another;  some  hold  three  or  four 
 rectories,  besides  vicarages  and  chapelries;  some  hold  two  vicarages, 
 a  chapelry,  and  a  rectory;  in  short,  they  are  held  in  every  possible 
 combination.  But  what  does  the  secretary  to  four  bishops,  Mr.  Wright, 
 the  "  Informer,"  as  the  late  Bragge  Bathurst  termed  him,  say  on  this 
 subject:  in  one  diocese  the  majority  of  the  clergy  held  three  livings, 
 some  five,  and  some  six,  besides  dignities,  and  "  yet  a  great  part  of 
 them  did  not  reside  upon  any  of  their  preferments." 
 
 This  is  exactly  the  way  in  which  the  property  of  the  church  is  mono- 
 polized. Some  persons  imagine  that  there  are  as  many  rectors  as 
 rectories,  vicars  as  vicarages,  prebendaries  as  prebends,  deans  as  deane- 
 ries, &c.  No  such  thing:  the  26  bishops,  700  dignitaries,  and  about 
 4000  non-resident  incumbents,  principally  belonging  to  the  Aristocracy, 
 enjoy  nearly  the  v;hole  ecclesiastical  revenues,  amounting  to  more  than 
 NINE  MILLIONS,  and  averaging  upwards  of  £2000  a-year. 
 
 And  for  what  service  ?  what  duties  do  they  perform  ?  what  benefit  do 
 the  people  derive  from  their  labours  ?  The  bishops  ordaiu  the  priests ; 
 sometimes  visit  their  dioceses;  sometimes  preach;  and  this  we  believe 
 is  the  extent  of  their  performances,  and  which,  in  our  opinion,  amount 
 to  very  little.  As  to  the  venerable,  very  reverend,  and  worshipful  dig- 
 nitaries, they  perform  still  less.  Let  any  one  visit  the  cathedral  or 
 collegiate  churches;  go  into  St.  Paul's,  Westminster  Abbey,  or  York 
 
 Archdeacon  I'lymley's  Charge  to  the  Clergy  of  the  County  ot  Salop. 
 
REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH.  57 
 
 Minster,  for  instance ;  and  observe  what  is  doing  in  those  places.  No 
 service  is  performed  which  interests  the  public.  Persons  may  be  found 
 admiring-  the  stone  and  mortar;  but  the  vicars-choral,  the  priest-vicars, 
 the  chanters,  or  sub-chanters,  or  fifth  or  sixth  canons,  are  very  little 
 regarded;  and  as  to  the  dignitaries  themselves,  why  they  are  never  to 
 be  seen;  many  of  them  probably  reside  some  hundred  miles  off,  in 
 more  pleasant  parts  of  the  country,  enjoying  the  amusements  of  the 
 chase,  or  whiling  away  their  time  at  card-tables  or  Avatering-places. 
 Then,  as  to  the  non-resident  incumbents,  it  must  be  admitted  they  are 
 sinecurists,  whose  duty  is  performed,  and  for  which  they  receive  the 
 salary,  by  deputy.  Thus,  it  appears,  that  these  three  classes,  without 
 performing  any  duties  of  importance,  absorb  almost  the  entire  revenues 
 of  the  church. 
 
 The  labouring  bees  in  the  established  church  are  the  curates,  who 
 receive  a  very  small  share  of  its  emoluments.  In  a  parliamentary 
 paper,  ordered  to  be  printed  on  the  28th  of  May,  1830,  containing  the 
 diocesan  returns  relative  to  the  number  and  stipends  of  curates  in 
 England  and  Wales,  we  find  that,  for  the  year  1827,  out  of  4254  in- 
 dividuals of  that  class,  there  were  1639  with  salaries  not  exceeding 
 £60,  and  only  eighty-four  out  of  the  whole  number  with  salaries  ex- 
 ceeding £160.  There  were  fifty-nine  curates  with  incomes  between 
 £20  and  £30,  and  six  with  incomes  between  £10  and  £20.  There 
 Avere  1393  curates  resident  in  the  glebe  houses,  and  805  more  resident 
 in  their  parishes.  So  that,  either  for  want  of  parsonage-houses,  or 
 other  cause,  a  vast  number  of  parishes  had  neither  resident  curate  nor 
 incumbent.  Supposing-  the  stipends  of  the  curates  average  £75  a-year, 
 which  is  higher  than  the  bishops,  under  the  55  Geo.  III.,  have  in  many 
 cases  authority  to  raise  them,  their  share  of  the  church-revenues  amounts 
 only  to  £319,050.  Yet  it  is  this  useful  and  meritorious  order  which 
 performs  nearly  the  whole  service  of  the  national  religion. 
 
 To  the  curates  we  may  add  the  possessors  of  the  poor  livings,  as  a 
 portion  of  the  clergy  who  really  discharge  some  duties  for  their  emolu- 
 ments. These  livings  may  be  considered  the  mere  offal,  or  waste  land 
 of  the  church,  on  which  those  who  have  neither  rotten  boroughs  nor 
 family  influence,  are  allowed  to  graze.  Their  incomes  not  being  sufii- 
 cient  to  allow  for  the  maintenance  of  a  curate,  many  of  the  incumbents 
 reside  on  their  benefices  and  perform  the  duties  of  their  parishes.  But 
 even  this  class  is  not  in  the  indigent  state  some  persons  are  apt  to 
 imagine.  The  returns  we  have  cited  of  the  value  of  poor  livings  in 
 1809,  were  considered,  at  the  time,  a  gross  imposition  on  che  public 
 and  parliament.  In  consequence,  however,  of  these  returns,  true  or 
 false,  the  incomes  of  the  poor  clergy  have  subsequently  been  greatly 
 augmented.  Besides  Queen  Anne's  bounty,  £100,000  has  been  voted 
 annually  by  parliament;  the  benefactions  in  money,  by  private  indivi- 
 duals, amount  to  upwards  of  £300,000;  other  benefactions,  in  houses 
 for  the  residence  of  ministers,  in  lands,  tithes,  and  rent-charges,  are 
 very  considerable :  to  which  we  may  add  the  advantages  small  benefices 
 have   derived  from  being  exonerated  from  the  land  tax,  and  from  the 
 
58  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 increase  in  population,  and  in  the  value  of  tithes  from  agricultural  im- 
 provements. 
 
 Another  point  necessary  to  be  borne  in  mind,  in  considering  the 
 situation  of  the  poor  clergy,  as  tliey  are  called,  is,  that  they  are, 
 like  the  non-resident  aristocratical  incumbents,  nearly  all  pluralists. 
 Few,  indeed,  only  hold  one  living;  and,  probably,  the  whole  3998 
 livings  under  £150,  are  hold  by  1500  or  2000  individuals.  That  this 
 is  the  case,  is  evident,  from  the  returns  made  to  the  Commissioners 
 appointed  to  exonerate  small  benefices  from  the  land-tax,  and  Avhich  are 
 noAv  lying  before  us.  In  these  returns  for  1820  we  find  2137  livings, 
 or  other  ecclesiastical  benefices  of  less  than  £150  in  clear  yearly  value, 
 had  been  exonerated  from  the  land-tax.*  Of  419  benefices  exonerated 
 from  the  land-tax  in  1814,  there  were  only  ninety-two  with  incomes  of 
 less  than  £100  each,  held  without  other  preferment. f  Hence  we 
 conclude  that  the  poor  clerg-y,  whose  incomes  Dr.  Cove  made  about 
 £80,  have,  from  pluralities,  consolidation,  and  the  other  advantages 
 mentioned,  incomes  of  at  least  £150  each,  and  that,  with  the  exception 
 of  curates,  there  are  few  poor  clergy  in  England. 
 
 We  have  now  afforded  the  reader,  without  exaggeration  or  distortion 
 of  facts,  a  complete  and  intelligible  view  of  the  total  amount  and  dispo- 
 sition of  the  immense  revenues  of  the  Established  Clergy.  The  chief 
 points  to  be  borne  in  mind  are  the  diminutive  number  of  the  beneficed 
 clergy,  their  sinecurism,  and  relative  efficiency  in  the  discharge  of 
 religious  duties,  and  the  monstrous  inequality  in  their  incomes.  These 
 points  will  best  appear  from  the  succinct  statement  we  subjoin. 
 
 Statement,  showing  the  Mode  in  ivhich  the  Revenues  of  the  Church, 
 amounting  to  £9,459,565,  are  divided  among  the  different  Orders 
 of  Clergy. 
 
 Average  inrome       Total 
 Class.  of  each  individual,     incomes. 
 
 Episcopal   C      2  Archbishops   £26,465      £52,930 
 
 Clergv,     I    24  Bishops 10,174      244,185 
 
 •  28  Deans    1580         44,250: 
 
 61   Archdeacons 739         45,126 
 
 26  Chancellors   494  12,844 
 
 514  Prebendaries  and  Canons  ••  545       280,130 
 
 DiGNiTA-  J  330  Precentors,  Succentors,  Vi-"\ 
 cars-General,  Minor  Ca-# 
 nons.  Priest- Vicars,  Vi-f  „„„  ,,.  „^ 
 cars-Choral, &otherMem-(  ' 
 
 hers  of  Cathedral  and  Col- 
 ^  legiate  Churches  » • 
 
 HIES,     &C. 
 
 S 
 
 Carried  forward  £791,085 
 
 1 
 
 •  I'ail.  papers,  vol.  xi.  No.  303,  Session  1820. 
 t  I'ail.  I'apers,  vol.  xii.No.  474,  Session  1815. 
 
 X  The   vahie  of  the   deaneries,  prebends,  and  other  dip;nities,  is  ealcuhited 
 froni  the  returns  in  the  Kings  book,  allowance  being  made  for  the  increase  in  the 
 
REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH, 
 
 59 
 
 Parochial^ 
 Clergy, 
 
 Brought  forwai-d  £791,085 
 
 ''2886  AnstocraticPluralists,most- ' 
 ly  non-resident,  and  hold- 
 ing two,  three,  four,  or 
 more  livings,  in  all  7037 
 livings,  averaging  each, 
 tithes,  glebes,  church-fees, 
 
 &c.  £764 
 
 4305  Incumbents,    holding    one' 
 living  each,  and  about  one- 
 half  resident  on  their  be- 
 nefices     
 
 4254  Curates,  licensed  and  unli- 
 censed, whose  average  sti- 
 pends of  about  £75  per 
 annum,  amounting  toge- 
 ther to  £319,050,  are  in- 
 cluded in  the  incomes  of 
 the    pluralists    and   other 
 
 l^  incumbents. 
 
 1863  5,379,430 
 
 764  3,289,020 
 
 Total 
 
 £9,459,565 
 
 Observations. 
 
 The  above  statement  affords  room  for  important  remarks,  in  order  to 
 distinguish  the  over  from  the  under  paid,  and  the  useful  and  meritorious 
 from  the  mere  sinecurists,  in  our  ecclesiastical  polity. 
 
 Every  thing  in  this  countiy  is  formed  upon  an  aristocratic  scale. 
 Because  some  noblemen  have  enormous  incomes,  ergo  the  bishops  must 
 have  enormous  incomes,  to  be  fit  and  meet  associates  for  them.  Thus, 
 one  extravagance  in  society  generates  another  to  keep  it  in  counte- 
 nance ;  because  we  have  a  king  who  costs  a  million  a  year,  we  must 
 have  lords  with  a  quarter  of  a  million,  and  bishops  with  fifty  thousand 
 a  year;  and  as  a  consequence  of  all  this,  a  labourer's  wages  cannot  be 
 more  than  lOd.  a  day — he  must  live  on  oatmeal  and  potatoes,  and  have 
 the  penny  roll  not  bigger  than  his  thumb.  But  why  should  the  income 
 of  a  bishopric  so  far  exceed  that  of  the  highest  offices  in  the  civil  de- 
 partment of  government  ?  Burke's  argument  is  not  consistent.  A 
 Secretary  of  State  has  to  show  his  "  front  in  courts  and  palaces,"  as 
 well  as  a  bishop  ;  he  is  in  constant  intercourse  w-ith  dukes  and  princes, 
 
 value  of  ecclesiastical  property  in  the  proportion  of  thirteen  to  one.  The 
 result  is,  we  are  aware,  an  average  value  greatly  below  the  truth.  Some  single 
 prebends,  as  the  golden  ones  of  St.  Paxil's,  Winchester,  Ely,  Lincoln,  and 
 Durham,  are  worth  from  £800  to  £2000  a-jear.  But,  in  the  absence  of  more 
 authentic  information,  we  have  been  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  either  pro- 
 ceeding on  the  general  principle  mentioned,  or  of  relying  on  private  reports — 
 and  we  preferred  the  former. 
 
60  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 yet  his  salary  does  not  exceed  £6000  a  year.  The  bishops  have  their 
 private  fortunes  as  well  as  others,  and  there  is  no  just  reason  why 
 their  official  incomes  should  he  so  disproportionate  to  that  of  a  lord  of 
 the  Treasury,  or  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer. 
 
 An  Archdeacon  is  considered  the  deputy  of  the  bishop,  and  assists 
 in  the  discharge  of  the  spiritual  duties  of  his  diocese.  As  such,  we 
 think  the  deputy  ought  to  be  paid  out  of  the  income  of  his  principal, 
 and  the  revenues  of  the  archdeaconries  applied  to  a  fund  to  be  raised, 
 in  lieu  of  tithes.  Many  bishops  are  not  overburthened  with  duty,  and 
 have  little  need  of  assistants.  One  bishop  of  the  United  Church,  it  is 
 well  knoAvn,  spent  all  his  time  in  Italy,  where  he  dissipated  the  revenues 
 of  an  immensely  rich  see.  Some  English  bishops  do  not  reside  in  their 
 dioceses.  We  knew  a  bishop  who  resided,  within  the  last  eight  years, 
 not  more  than  a  mile  from  St.  James's  Palace  ;  he  lived  till  he  sunk  into 
 a  state  of  dotag-e  and  imbecility ;  he  was  in  fact  left  to  the  care  of  a 
 Avet-nurse,  who  treated  him  like  an  infant :  we  never  heard  the  church 
 sustained  any  injury  from  the  suspended  services  of  this  right  reverend 
 prelate,  and  he,  or  some  one  for  him,  continued,  till  his  death,  to  receive 
 the  revenues  of  his  see. 
 
 The  Dean  and  Chapter,  consisting  of  canons  and  prebendaries, 
 are  considered  the  council  of  the  bishop.  This  is  about  as  much  of  a 
 farce  as  O'Conn ell's  great  crucifix  in  Merrion-Square,  or  the  virtues 
 of  relics  and  holy  water.  It  is  notorious,  the  bishop  and  his  chapter 
 are  oftener  at  open  loggerheads,  than  sitting  in  harmonious  conclave 
 to  devise  measures  for  the  good  of  the  Church.  The  bishop  of  St. 
 David's  is  his  own  dean,  and  so  endeavours  to  avoid  such  unseemly 
 dissensions  by  being  part  council  to  himself.  One  of  the  most  impor- 
 tant offices  of  the  dean  and  chapter,  is  to  elect  the  bishop ;  that  is 
 choose  the  appointee  of  some  court  favourite,  and  in  the  exercise  of 
 which  franchise,  they  discharge  as  virtual  functions  as  the  electors  of 
 Cockermouth  or  Ripon,  who  adopt  the  nominees  of  Earl  Lonsdale  and 
 Miss  Lavvrence.  The  deaneries,  prebends,  canonries,  and  other  cathe- 
 dral dignities,  are  in  fact  honorary  offices  of  great  value ;  they  are  en- 
 dowed with  vast  estates,  numerous  manors,  and  other  good  things, 
 and  have  valuable  livings  in  their  gift ;  all  of  which  advantages  are 
 so  much  public  income  idly  squandered.  We  have  before  adverted  to 
 the  sinecure  nature  of  these  appointments  before  the  Reformation,  and, 
 as  a  further  proof  that  they  are  offices  without  duties,  we  may  mention 
 that  nominations  to  them  are  sometimes  suspended.  In  1797,  when 
 the  cathedral  of  Lichfield  was  about  being  repaired,  an  act  of  par- 
 liament was  obtained  to  defray  the  expense,  by  sequestrating  the  re- 
 venues of  two  vacant  prebends.  If  the  duties  of  these  two  offices  could 
 be  suspended  for  an  indefinite  term,  they  might  for  perpetuity,  and  the 
 revenues  of  all  similar  situations  appropriated  to  the  establishment  of  a 
 fund  in  lieu  of  tithes,  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Working  Clergy. 
 
 Next  in  order  come  the  Aristocratic  Pluralists.  These  are  so 
 many  clerical  sinecurists  who  receive  immense  incomes,  without  render- 
 ing any  service  to  the  community.     They  are  mere  men  of  the  world. 
 
REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH.  Gl 
 
 whose  element  is  the  race-course,  the  ball-room,  and  billiard-table. 
 They  seldom  see  their  parishes  :  their  residence  is  in  London,  at  Paris, 
 Naples,  or  Florence.  If  they  visit  their  benefices,  it  is  not  in  the  capa- 
 city of  pastor,  but  of  sui-veyor  or  tax-gatherer,  who  comes  to  spy  out 
 improvements,  to  watch  the  increase  of  stock  and  extension  of  tillage, 
 and  see  how  many  hundreds  more  he  can  squeeze  out  of  the  fruits  of  the 
 industry  and  capital  of  the  impoverished  farmer.  The  poor  parishioner, 
 who  contributes  his  ill-spared  tithe  to  the  vicious  indulgence  of  these 
 spiritual  locusts,  is  neither  directed  by  their  example,  instructed  by  their 
 precepts,  nor  benefited  by  their  expenditure. 
 
 From  the  preceding  table,  it  is  evident  that  about  2152  incumbents,* 
 and  4254  curates,  discharge  nearly  the  entire  duties  of  the  established 
 relig'ion ;  that  their  average  income  is  £301,  which  is  more  than  the 
 average  income  of  the  Scotch  clergy ;  more  than  the  income  of  the 
 dissenting-  clergy  in  England,  and  the  catholic  clergy  in  Ireland ;  that, 
 therefore,  £1,974,503,  the  total  revenue  of  these  classes,  constitutes 
 nearly  the  whole  expenditure  the  national  worship  requires  for  its 
 maintenance  and  the  discharge  of  its  spiritual  functions. 
 
 It  is  further  evident  that  the  Bishops,  Dignitaries,  and  Non-resident 
 incumbents,  amounting  to  6,025  individuals,  receive  £7,485,062  per 
 annum,  or  seven-ninths  of  the  revenues  of  the  church  ;  that  these 
 classes  hold  either  merely  honorary  appointments,  discharge  no  duties, 
 or  are  greatly  overpaid ;  that,  in  consequence,  by  abolishing  non-resi- 
 dence, stalls,  and  other  sinecures,  and  by  reducing  the  salaries  of  the 
 higher  clergy  to  a  level  with  those  of  appointments  in  the  State,  or  to  a 
 level  with  those  of  the  best  paid  clergy  in  Europe,  several  millions  of 
 public  income  might  be  saved,  to  be  applied  either  to  the  establishment 
 of  a  fund  for  the  maintenance  of  the  operative  cler^,  in  lieu  of  tithe 
 and  other  ecclesiastical  imposts ;  or,  it  might  be  applied,  as  a  great 
 portion  of  it  was  originally  intended,  as  a  provision  for  the  maintenance 
 of  the  poor ;  or,  as  a  substitute  for  those  public  taxes  whose  pressure  on 
 "  the  springs  and  sources  of  industry"  tends  to  produce  national 
 poverty  and  embarrassment. 
 
 Further,  it  is  clear,  from  an  impartial  inquiry  into  the  origin  and 
 tenure  of  church  property,  that  it  has  been  always  considered  public 
 property;  that  it  was  dealt  with  as  such  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII., 
 and  by  parliament  in  the  reigns  of  George  III.  and  IV.,  and  the  same 
 policy  has  been  pursued  towards  ecclesiastical  possessions  in  every 
 European  state :  that,  in  consequence,  the  legislature,  after  making  a 
 provision  for  the  life  interests  of  the  present  possessors  of  the  church 
 revenues,  as  was  done  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation, f  is  authorized  by 
 
 *  The  Diocesan  Returns,  laid  before  the  privy  council,  for  1827,  state  that, 
 of  the  non-resident  incumbents,  1590  do  duty ;  but  the  amount  of  duty  they 
 discharge  is  not  stated.  Many  incumbents  who  reside  do  no  duty.  Allowing 
 for  the  non-residents  who  do  duty,  and  the  residents  who  do  none,  we  believe 
 the  number  of  incumbents,  who  actually  perform  the  duties  of  parishes,  is  not 
 greater  than  we  have  mentioned. 
 
 t  Hallam's  Constitutional  History  of  England,  p.  78. 
 
62  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 precedent  and  the  example  of  other  nations ;  and  may,  without  injustice 
 or  inhumanity,  adopt  such  measures  for  introducing  a  new  disposition 
 of  clerical  endowments,  as  is  most  conducive  to  the  general  interests  of 
 the  community. 
 
 Lastly,  it  appears,  on  the  authority  of  the  ablest  writers  on  ecclesi- 
 astical pelity,  that  a  religious  establishment  of  any  kind  is  no  part  of 
 Christianity — it  is  only  the  means  of  inculcating  it ;  that  a  church 
 establishment  is  founded  solely  on  its  utility  ;*"  that  the  public  endow- 
 ment of  any  church  implies,  it  is  intended  to  be  subordinate  and 
 auxiliary  to  the  pul)lic  good ;  that  the  endowments  of  the  Church  of 
 England  w^ere  not  originally  granted  for  the  support  of  a  particular  sect 
 of  religionists,  but  the  general  support  and  diffusion  of  the  Gospel : 
 that,  in  consequence,  our  episcopalian  establishment  is  not  an  essential 
 part  of  religion,  but  a  mean  of  social  advantage,  and  its  policy  and  dura- 
 tion ought  to  be  determined  solely  by  its  bearing  on  the  public  interest ; 
 and,  that,  on  any  future  interference  with  the  revenues  of  the  church, 
 the  two  most  important  considerations  are— ^rs^,  that  if  appropriated  to 
 the  maintenance  of  religion  at  all,  they  ought  to  be  appropriated  to  the 
 maintenance  of  the  teachers  of  Christianity  generally,  without  distinc- 
 tion of  creed;  and,  secondly,  that  the  amount  and  proportion  in  which 
 they  are  so  appropriated,  ought  to  be  determined  by  one  sole  object — 
 the  only  true  end  of  religion,  government,  law,  and  every  social  institu- 
 tion— namely,  the  general  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  People. 
 
 We  cannot,  perhaps,  more  appropriately  conclude  this  section  than 
 by  a  comparative  estimate  of  the  cost  of  Church  of  Englandism  and  of 
 Christianity  in  other  countries.  England  affords  the  only  grand  monu- 
 ment of  ecclesiastical  wealth  remaining  to  shew  the  intellectual  bondage 
 of  men  in  times  of  superstition,  before  the  more  general  diffusion  of 
 knowledge  and  education.  Except  in  this  country,  the  people  have 
 every  where  cast  off  the  prejudice  impressed  upon  them  during  the  dark 
 ages,  that  it  was  necessary  to  yield  up  a  large  portion  of  their  property 
 and  the  fruits  of  their  industry,  to  be  consumed  by  a  numerous  body  of 
 idle  and  luxurious  ecclesiastics.  Abroad  those  clergymen  are  only 
 respected  and  supported  who  zealously  labour  in  their  ministry,  and  are 
 the  real  spiritual  pastors  of  the  people.  Formerly  clergymen  were 
 almost  the  only  persons  who  knew  how  to  read  and  write ;  they  took 
 an  active  part  in  the  administration  of  the  laws,  and  were  in  universal 
 request  as  secretaries  and  clerks.  This  was  some  excuse  for  their 
 number  and  endowments.  But  these  days  are  past,  and  the  subjoined 
 comparison  will  show  that  the  churches  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith 
 present  as  singular  a  contrast  with  their  ancient  endowments  as  with 
 the  present  enormity  of  Church  of  England  opulence. 
 
 •  Paley's  Principles  of  Moral  and  Political  Philosophy,  book  vi.  chap.  10, 
 
REVENUES    OF    THE    ESTABLISHED    CHURCH.  63 
 
 Comparative  Expense  of  Church  of  Englandism  and  of  Christianity 
 in  all  other  Countries  of  the  World. 
 
 Expenditure  Total  Amoi\nt 
 
 Name  of  the  Nation,  Nnmber  of       on  the  Clergy,  of  the  Expen- 
 
 Hearers.         per  Million  of  diture  in  each 
 
 Hearers.  Nation. 
 
 France   32,000,000  £62,000  £2,000,000 
 
 United  States 9,600,000  60,000  576,000 
 
 Spain 11,000,000  100,000  1,100,000 
 
 Portugal     3,000,000  100,000  300,000 
 
 Hungary,  Catholics 4,000,000  80,000  320,000 
 
 Calvinists 1,050,000  60,000  63,000 
 
 Lutherans 650,000,  40,000  26,000 
 
 Italy 19,391,000  40,000  776,000 
 
 Austria 18,918,000  50,000  950,000 
 
 Switzerland    1,720,000  50,000  87,000 
 
 Prussia 10,536,000  50,000  527,000 
 
 German  Small  States 12,763,000  60,000  765,000 
 
 Holland 2,000,000  80,000  160,000 
 
 Netherlands 6,000,000  42,000  252,000 
 
 Denmark   1,700,000  70,000  119,000 
 
 Sweden 3,400,000  70,000  238,000 
 
 Russia,  Greek  Church 34,000,000  15,000  510,000 
 
 Catholics  and  Lutherans.  8,000,000  50,000  400,000 
 
 Christians  in  Turkey 6,000,000  30,000  180,000 
 
 South  America 15,000,000  30,000  450,000 
 
 Christians  dispersed  elsewhere  . .  3,000,000  50,000  150,000 
 
 The  Clergy  of   203,728,000  people  receive  9,949,000 
 
 Eng-land  and  Wales 6,500,000  1,455,316      9,459,565 
 
 Hence,  it  appears,  the  administration  of  Church  of  Englandism  to 
 6,500,000  hearers  costs  nearly  as  much  as  the  administration  of  all 
 other  forms  of  Christianity  in  all  parts  of  the  world  to  203,728,000 
 hearers. 
 
 Of  the  different  forms  of  Christianity  the  Romish  is  the  most  ex- 
 pensive. A  Roman  Catholic  clergyman  cannot  go  through  the  duties  of 
 his  ministry  well  for  more  than  1000  persons.  The  masses,  auricular 
 confessions,  attendance  on  the  sick,  and  other  observances,  make  his 
 duties  more  laborious  than  those  of  a  Protestant  clergyman  with  double 
 the  number  of  hearers:  add  to  which,  the  cost  of  wax  lights,  scenery, 
 and  other  accompaniments  peculiar  to  Catholic  worship.  Notwith- 
 standing these  extra  outgoings,  we  find  that  the  administration  of  the 
 Episcopalian  Refonned  Religion  in  England  to  one  million  of  hearers, 
 costs  the  people  fourteen  times  more  than  the  administration  of  Popery 
 to  the  same  number  of  hearers  in  Spain  or  Portugal,  and  more  than 
 forty  times  the  administration  of  Popery  in  France. 
 
 Dissenters,  like  churchmen,  are  compelled  to  contribute  to  the 
 support  of  the  ministers  and  churches  of  the  established  religion,  besides 
 having   to   maintain,  by  voluntary  payments,  their  own  pastors  and 
 
64  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 places  of  worship.  In  France  all  religions  are  maintained  by  the  state, 
 without  distinction ;  all  persons  have  access  to  the  universities  and 
 public  schools :  in  England,  only  one  religion  is  maintained  by  the 
 state  ;  and  all  dissenters  from  the  national  worship  are  excluded  from 
 the  universities  and  colleges,  and  from  the  masterships  of  grammar- 
 schools,  and  other  public  foundations,  endowed  by  our  common  ancestors, 
 for  the  general  promotion  of  piety  and  learning. 
 
 Dr.  Pa  LEY,  a  writer  of  great  eminence,  and  whose  principal  work 
 has  been  adopted  as  a  text-book  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  has  shown 
 that  it  is  the  policy  of  ever}'^  government  which  endows  a  particular  form 
 of  religion,  to  make  choice  of  that  religion  which  is  followed  and  believed 
 in  by  a  majority  of  the  people.  This  principle,  however,  is  not  acted' 
 upon  in  this  country.  Notwithstanding  the  immense  endowments  of 
 the  established  clergy,  their  gradation  of  rank,  and  protection  by  the 
 state,  it  seems  that,  owing  to  laxity  of  discipline,  want  of  zeal,  defects 
 in  the  Liturgy,  or  other  causes,  the  adherents  of  the  privileged  wor- 
 ship constitute  a  minority  of  the  nation. 
 
 England  and  Ireland  are  the  only  countries  in  the  world  where  a  tenth 
 of  the  produce  is  claimed  by  the  clergy.  In  Popish  Italy  the  ecclesias- 
 tical tithe  is  only  a  fortieth,  and  is  taken  in  kind.  A  prosecution  by  a 
 clergyman  for  tithe  is  nearly  unknown  ;  whereas,  in  the  United  Kingdom, 
 tithe  causes,  often  forming  the  most  costly  and  intricate  source  of  litiga- 
 tion, are  of  frequent  occurrence.  In  France  the  expense  of  all  religions, 
 Protestant  and  Catholic,  is  defrayed  out  of  the  taxes,  like  other  branches 
 of  the  public  service.  In  the  United  States  of  America  all  the  different 
 modes  of  worship  are  maintained  by  their  respective  followers. 
 
 The  monstrous  excess  in  the  pay  of  the  English  clergy  appears  from 
 comparing  their  average  income,  with  the  incomes  of  the  clergy  of 
 equal  rank  in  other  countries.  In  France  an  archbishop  has  only 
 £1041  a-year  ;  a  bishop  £625;  an  archdeacon  £166;  a  canon  or 
 prebend  £100;  a  rector  £48  ;  a  curate  £31.  In  Rome  the  income  of 
 a  cardinal,  the  next  in  dignity  to  the  pope,  is  £400  to  500  a-year ;  of 
 a  rector  of  a  parish  £30;  of  a  curate  £17:  compare  these  stipends 
 with  the  enormous  incomes  of  the  English  clergy ;  and,  making  allow- 
 ance for  difference  in  the  expence  of  living  in  the  respective  countries, 
 the  disparity  in  ecclesiastical  remuneration  appears  incredible. 
 
 V.     RAPACITY    OF    THE    CLERGY    EXEMPLIFIED. 
 
 Though  the  avocations  of  the  clergy  are  professedly  of  a  spiritual 
 nature,  no  class  has  manifested  so  greedy  an  appetite  for  temporal  ad- 
 vantages and  enjoyments.  They  have  been  like  the  daughters  of  the 
 horse-leech,  their  cry  has  constantly  been  give  !  give  !  A  brief  notice 
 of  the  application  of  First  Fruits  and  Tenths,  and,  subsequently,  of 
 parliamentary  grants  to  the  augmentation  of  ecclesiastical  revenues,  will 
 show  as  much  rapacity  on  the  part  of  the  clergy  and  as  wasteful  expen- 
 diture of  public  money  on  the  church  as  was  ever  exhibited  in  the 
 darkest  ages  of  monkish  superstition. 
 
ABUSES    OF    THE    FIRST    FRUITS    FUND.  65 
 
 First  Fruits,  as  is  \vell  known,  are  the  first  year's  whole  profit  or 
 value  of  any  spiritual  preferment.  The  Tenths  are  the  tenth  part  of 
 the  annual  A'alue  of  each  living-.  Both  first-fruits  and  tenths  were  for- 
 merly paid  to  the  pope.  The  first-fruits  were  paid  to  his  Holiness  on 
 promotion  to  any  new  benefice,  and  the  tenths  were  an  annual  income- 
 tax  of  ten  per  cent,  out  of  the  revenue  of  the  clergy.  As  the  clergy 
 would,  when  it  was  contrary  to  law,  persist  in  the  payment  of  these 
 foreign  exactions,  Henry  VHl.  determined,  on  the  dissolution  of  the 
 monasteries,  to  keep  them  to  the  yoke  to  which  they  had  voluntarily 
 subjected  themselves,  and  annexed  the  revenue  arising  from  first-fruits 
 and  tenths  to  the  crown ;  excepting,  however,  from  tlie  payment  of 
 first-fruits,  all  vicarages  under  ten  pounds,  and  rectories  under  ten  marks 
 per  annum. 
 
 According  to  the  valuation  in  the  King's  Book,  the  first-fruits  and 
 tenths  were  paid,  as  the  1st  of  Elizabeth  has  it,  to  "  the  g-reat  aid, 
 relief,  and  supportation  of  the  inestimable  charges  of  the  Crown :"  and 
 so  continued  till  the  2d  year  of  queen  Anne,  1703,  when  an  act  passed 
 giving  to  a  corporation,  which  was  to  be  erected  for  the  augmenta- 
 tion of  small  livings,  the  Avhole  of  the  first  fruits  and  tenths.  This 
 is  what  is  called  Queen  Anne's  Bounty,  and  amounted  to  about 
 £14,000  per  annum:  it  has  been  subsequently  increased  by  an  annual 
 grant  of  £100,000  from  parliament  and  the  benefactions  of  individuals. 
 By  another  act  of  the  queen,  the  bishops  are  required,  by  oaths  of  wit^ 
 nesses,  to  ascertain  the  clear  improved  yearly  value  of  every  benefice 
 "with  incomes  not  exceeding-  £50  per  annum,  and  certify  the  same  to 
 the  exchequer,  in  order  to  be  discharged  from  the  payment  of  firstr 
 fruits :  and  all  above  that  value  to  contribute,  by  the  payment  of 
 first-fruits  and  tenths,  to  the  augmentation  of  the  former. 
 
 The  object  of  the  queen  in  establishing-  this  fund  was  to  relieve  the 
 poor  clergy  ;  the  real  and  only  eftect  has  been  to  relieve  the  ricli  clerg-y 
 from  a  charge  to  which  by  law  they  were  liable.  In  the  26th  Henry 
 VHI.  a  provision  was  made  for  revising,  from  time  to  time,  the  valua- 
 tions under  which  the  first-fruits  and  tenths  were  paid.  It  is  probable 
 the  clergy  of  1703  were  apprehensive,  as  the  nation  was  then  engaged 
 in  an  expensive  war,  that  such  a  revision  might  be  made  ;  and  in  per- 
 suading the  pious  queen  to  renounce  a  portion  of  the  heieditary  revenue 
 for  the  sake  of  "  her  poor  clergy,"  they  artfully  contrived  to  insert  a 
 clause  (the  last  in  the  act)  by  which  the  payment  of  first-fruits  and 
 tenths  was  made  perpetual  at  the  original  rate  of  valuation  ! 
 
 The  cunning  of  the  rich  clergy  in  thus  shifting-  from  themselves  the 
 burthen  of  contributing-  to  the  relief  of  their  poorer  brethren,  is  only  to 
 be  matched  in  degree  by  the  folly  shown  in  the  application  of  the 
 diminished  revenue  which  this  trick  of  theii'S  still  left  for  the  improve- 
 ment of  small  livings.  At  the  time  when  the  Bounty-Fund  was 
 established,  there  were,  according  to  the  returns,  5597  livings  in  Eng- 
 land and  Wales  with  incomes  not  exceeding-  £50,  and  which  the  slow 
 operation  of  the  fund,  aided  by  parliament,  would  not  raise  to  £150 
 in  two  centuries.     Under  such  circumstances  any  rational  being  would 
 
66  CHURCH    or    ENGLAND. 
 
 suppose  the  governors  and  the  legislature,  by  whom  the  disposal  of  the 
 fund  was  superintended,  would  have  made  some  inquiry  into  the  condi- 
 tion of  these  livings.  Some  of  them  were  of  very  small  extent  and 
 scarcely  any  population ;  and  might,  therefore,  have  been  advanta- 
 geously united  with  one  another  or  with  other  parishes.  In  others,  the 
 number  of  hearers  was  very  great,  and  the  parishes  so  large,  they  might 
 have  been  advantageously  subdivided.  No  attention  was  paid  to  these 
 different  circumstances.  The  governors  of  the  bounty  proceeded  boun- 
 tifully :  they  distributed  a  part  of  their  money,  in  sums  of  £200,  on 
 any  poor  living  to  which  any  private  person  Avould  give  an  equal  sum ; 
 the  rest,  and  greater  part,  they  distributed  by  lot,  letting  each  poor 
 living  take  an  equal  chance  for  a  £200  prize,  without  any  regard  to 
 persons  or  urgency  of  claim.  After  this  the  story  of  Bridoye  deciding 
 suits-at-law  by  dice,  after  making  up  a  fair  pile  of  paper  on  each  side, 
 appears  no  longer  an  extravaganza.  Up  to  the  year  1815  the  governors 
 had  made  in  this  way  7323  augmentations  of  £200  ;  but  with  benefices, 
 as  with  men,  fortune  is  not  proportioned  to  desert  or  necessity.  Some 
 of  the  least  populous  parishes  had  a  wonderful  run  of  luck.  In  the 
 diocese  of  Chichester,  for  instance,  the  rectory  of  Hardham,  which, 
 in  1811,  contained  eighty-nine  inhabitants,  has  received  six  augmen- 
 tations by  lot,  or  £1200.  The  vicarage  of  Loddington,  with  forty-eight 
 people,  has  had  six  augmentations, — £1200.  In  the  diocese  of  Salis- 
 bury, Bremilham  drew  a  prize  ;  it  contained  fourteen  people.  Pertwood 
 drew  another  ;  it  had  but  twelve  people.  Calstone  had  £1000,  including 
 a  benefaction  of  £200  ;  its  population  was  nineteen.  In  the  diocese  of 
 Winchester,  St.  Swithin's,  with  twenty-four  people,  has  received  £800  ; 
 and  £200  has  been  expended  on  Ewhurst,  which  has  seven  people,  and 
 the  living  returned  worth  £99.  In  the  diocese  of  York,  Butterwick,  with 
 sixty-two  people,  has  had  five  prizes, — £1000  ;  while  Armley,  with  2941 
 people,  and  Allendale,  with  3884,  haA'e  only  gained  one  each.  Even  in 
 cities,  where  the  scattered  condition  of  the  population  could  afford  no 
 pretext  against  the  union  of  parishes,  the  same  random  plan  of  augmen- 
 tations has  been  piirsued.  In  Winchester  separate  augmentations  have 
 been  given  to  seven  parishes,  the  population  of  which,  all  united,  would 
 have  amounted  only  to  2376,  and  would,  consequently,  have  formed  a 
 very  manageable  and  rather  small  town  parish.  In  short,  the  whole  of 
 the  returns*  teem  with  instances  of  extravagance,  and  clearly  demon- 
 strate this  clerical  little-go  has  been  managed  for  a  very  different  pur- 
 pose than  relieving  the  penury  of  part  of  the  establishment.  Indeed  it 
 is  supposed  that  the  church  looks  upon  the  poverty  of  some  of  her 
 members  as  sturdy  beggars  look  upon  their  sores,  considering  them  a 
 valuable  adjunct  for  exciting  an  ill-judged  compassion  for  tiie  whole 
 body,  and  securing  impunity  in  idleness  and  over-feeding. 
 
 Had  it  not  been  for  the  fraudulent  substraction  of  the  higher  clergy 
 from  the  burthen  of  contributing  to  the  relief  of  their  poor  brethren, 
 
 *  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  115,  Session  ISl). 
 
RAPACIOUS    CONDUCT    OF    THE    LONDON    CLERGY.         67 
 
 there  would  have  been  no  need  of  resorting-  to  eleemosynary  aid  from 
 parliament.  If  the  first-fruits  and  tenths  had  been  paid,  subsequently  to 
 the  gift  of  Queen  Anne,  according  to  the  rate  Avhich  the  law  provided, 
 that  is,  according  to  the  real  value  of  the  benefices,  instead  of  a  million 
 and  a  half,  at  least  thirty  millions  would  have  been  received  from  those 
 taxes  ;*  a  sum  not  only  quite  sufficient  to  have  removed  the  poverty  of 
 all  the  poor  livings  in  the  kingdom,  but  to  have  established  schools  in 
 every  parish,  and  left  a  surplus  beside  for  building  additional  churches, 
 or  any  other  useful  purpose. 
 
 The  funds  at  present  in  the  hands  of  the  governors  are  very  conside- 
 rable :  not  long  since  these  faithful  trustees  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor 
 clergy  advanced  a  loan  for  the  repair  of  the  palace  of  the  rich  arch- 
 diocese of  Canterbury ;  and  it  is  said  they  have  come  to  a  resolution  to 
 discourage  as  much  as  possible  the  purchase  of  lands,  and  to  make 
 certain  annual  allowances  to  clergymen  with  small  livings  from  the 
 dividend  of  the  stock.  By  this  latter  proceeding  the  heads  of  the 
 church  have  themselves  begun  to  pay  the  clergy  out  of  the  public  funds  ; 
 affording  an  example,  from  high  authority,  of  the  practicability  of  this 
 mode  of  paying  the  clergy  generally. 
 
 In  the  course  of  the  augmentations  no  security  has  been  taken 
 against  non-residence  or  plurality.  The  governors  have  gone  on  in- 
 creasing the  income  of  two  small  livings,  in  order  to  make  each  of  them 
 capable  of  supporting  a  resident  clergyman,  while,  after  as  well  as  be- 
 fore the  augmentation,  one  incumbent  may  hold  them  together — reside 
 on  neither — and  allow  only  a  small  part  of  the  accumulated  income  to  a 
 curate,  who  performs  the  duties  of  both. 
 
 Rapacity  and  finesse  appear  inseparable  traits  in  the  character  of  the 
 clergy  at  all  times ;  and  the  recent  conduct  of  our  spiritual  guides  in  the 
 metropolis  is  a  worthy  counterpart  to  that  of  the  clergy  in  the  time  of 
 Queen  Anne.  The  situation  of  the  clergy  of  the  City  of  London  is 
 different  from  that  of  the  clergy  in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom.  In  the 
 reign  of  Henry  VIII.  continual  altercations  took  place  between  the 
 citizens  and  their  pastors  relative  to  tithes  and  ecclesiastical  dues.  To 
 put  an  end  to  these  unseemly  disputes,  the  37th  Henry  VIII.  established 
 a  commission,  at  the  head  of  which  was  the  archbishop,  with  full  power 
 to  give  to  their  decrees  the  force  of  law,  if  they  were  enrolled  in  the 
 Court  of  Chancery  before  March,  1545.  By  a  decree  of  this  com- 
 mission the  tithe  of  houses  and  buildings  is  fixed  at  the  rate  of  2s.  9d. 
 for  every  20s.  yearly  rent,  and  2d.  for  each  of  the  family  for  the  four 
 yearly  offerings.  Great  disputes,  however,  have  arisen  between  the 
 inhabitants  and  tithe-holders  respecting  the  validity  of  this  decree  ;  for 
 it  appears,  on  the  authority  of  Tomline  and  Raithby,  that  it  never  was 
 enrolled  agreeably  to  the  obligation  of  the  act.  The  clergy,  however, 
 have  continued  to  urge  their  claim  to  2s.  9d.  in  the  pound,  which  they 
 modestly  term  their  "  ancient  rights"  and  would,  doubtless,  yield  a 
 
 *  Edinburgh  Review,  No.  75. 
 
08  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 very  handsome  remuneration.  An  assessment  of  Is.  in  the  pound,  as 
 stated  by  the  City  tithe-committee,  would,  in  the  smallest  and  poorest 
 parishes,  yield  an  income  of  £500  a-year;  and  an  assessment  of  2s.  9c?. 
 would  raise  the  lowest  living  to  £1400  a-year.  To  this  exorbitant  pre- 
 tension the  clergy  have  long  looked  with  extreme  desire,  beholding  the 
 increasing  wealth  and  population  of  the  City  with  feelings  similar  to 
 those  ascribed  by  Milton  to  Satan,  when  contemplating,  with  malign  eye, 
 the  happiness  of  our  first  parents  in  the  garden  of  Eden. 
 
 Thou<_'h  the  decree  emanating  from  the  37th  Henry  VIII.  was  of 
 doubtful  validity,  it  has  formed  the  principle  on  which  the  assessment  has 
 been  raised  for  the  maintenance  of  the  city  clergy.  The  clergy,  indeed, 
 do  not  generally  exact  the  2s.  9d.  but  content  themselves  with  2s.  Is.  9d. 
 or  Is.  or,  in  short,  any  thing  they  can  obtain, — insisting,  however,  at 
 the  same  time,  on  their  extreme  forbearance  in  thus  generously  forego- 
 ing their  "  ancient  riyhts."  Even  the  37th  Henry  did  not  intend  to 
 vest  in  the  clergy  the  2s.  9d.  for  their  exclusive  maintenance,  but  also 
 for  relieving  the  poor  and  repairing  the  edifice  of  the  church.  This  they 
 have  always  kept  out  of  sight :  the  parishioners  apparently  acquiesced 
 in  their  pretended  rights ;  and  it  was  only  owing  to  the  ill-timed  rapacity 
 of  the  Fire-Act  Clergy  which  led  to  the  explosion  of  their  unfounded 
 claims.  Of  the  proceedings  of  the  Fire-Act  Clergy  it  may  be  Avorth 
 while  to  give  some  account. 
 
 After  the  37th  Henry  VIII.  the  clergy  in  the  city  were  maintained 
 by  a  certain  pound-rate  levied  on  the  rental  of  buildings  in  their  respec- 
 tive parishes.  This  practice  continued  till  the  great  fire  laid  the  major 
 part  of  the  city  in  ashes,  burning  down  or  damaging  eighty-five  parish- 
 churches.  After  this  catastrophe,  the  legislature  enacted  that  some  of 
 the  parishes  destroyed  should  be  united  ;  that  only  fifty-one  churches 
 should  be  rebuilt ;  and  that  the  ministers  of  those  churches  should,  in 
 lieu  of  their  former  allowance,  receive  certain  fixed  sums,  levied  by  an 
 equal  pound-rate  on  the  houses.  This  was  the  22d  and  23d  Charles  II. 
 termed  the  Fire- Act.  The  clei-gy  subject  to  the  provisions  of  this  act 
 were  perfectly  satisfied,  till  the  effects  of  the  fire  began  to  disappear, 
 the  rents  of  the  houses  to  rise,  and  the  city  to  get  rich  again.  Then 
 it  was  our  reverend  gentlemen  became  discontented ;  they  saw,  with 
 grudging  eyes,  the  increasing  wealth  of  the  capital,  of  which  their  fixed 
 stipends  would  not  allow  them  to  participate  ;  they  talked  unceasingly 
 of  their  former  pound-rate,  of  their  "  ancient  rights,"  and  at  length 
 determined,  in  good  earnest,  to  apply  to  parliament. 
 
 This  was  in  1804,  and,  in  consequence,  parliament  made  valuable 
 additions  to  their  salaries ;  the  lowest  incomes  were  raised  to  £200  a- 
 year,  and  many  of  the  larger  parishes,  nearly,  if  not  quite,  to  £600 
 a-year,  exclusive  of  surplice-lees  and  other  valuable  emoluments.  Such 
 augmentation,  to  all  reasonable  men,  appeared  quite  sufficient :  not  so 
 to  the  clergy.  In  1817  they  applied  for  a  further  augmentation.  This 
 application  was  refused.  In  1818  they  came  forward  a  third  time,  with 
 their  famous  petition  of  the  4th  February,  filled  with  grievous  lamen- 
 tations about  the  loss  of  their  "  ancient  rights."     The  bubble  now  burst. 
 
CHURCH    DISCIPLINE    IN    THE    METROPOLIS.  69 
 
 Parliament,  disgusted  with  the  rapacity  of  these  "  sturdy  beggars," 
 determined  to  refer  their  petition  to  a  committee.  It  was  soon  discovered 
 their  "  ancient  rights"  had  no  foundation  ;*  that  they  never  were  en- 
 titled to  2s.  9(i.  on  the  rental,  or  any  part  of  it ;  that  with  the  37th 
 Henry  VIII.  which  they  had  foisted  into  their  petition,  they  had  nothing 
 to  do,  except  it  were  to  exhibit  the  craving  and  rapacious  spirit  which 
 actuated  them. 
 
 Various  other  disclosures  were  made.  Of  the  thirty-five  poor  clergy- 
 men who  had  signed  the  petition,  none  of  them,  on  an  average,  was 
 receiving  less  than  £500  a-year.  Twenty-five  out  of  the  number  were 
 pluralists,  and  not  a  few  of  them  the  fattest  pluralists  of  the  profession. 
 Some  of  the  incumbents  received  annually  £1200,  £1500,  and  even 
 £2000,  while  they  did  not  pay  their  curates  more  than  £60,  £70,  or 
 £80  a-year. t  Instead  of  residing  in  the  parsonage-house,  among  the 
 parishioners,  the  parsonage-houses  of  many  were  let  to  the  merchants 
 and  manufacturers  for  counting-houses   and  warehouses,  for  which  they 
 
 *  Parliamentary  Papers,  vol.  viii.  Sess.  1819. 
 
 t  The  incumbents  in  London  are  usually  careful  to  select  curates  whose  abili- 
 ties are  not  likely  to  eclipse  their  own.  Some  do  not  stop  here,  but  actually 
 make  personal  appearance  an  object  of  consideration,  always  taking  care  to 
 choose  a  curate  of  a  less  imposing  figure  than  themselves.  Hence  many  parishes, 
 in  order  to  have  a  tolerable  discourse  once  on  Sunday,  and  a  decent-looking 
 man  for  a  preacher,  go  to  the  expense  of  paying  an  evening  lecturer  of  their 
 own  choice ;  but  here  again  they  are  often  toiled  by  the  reverend  rector,  or 
 reverend  vicar,  refusing  to  let  him  preach  in  his  pulpit.  A  Reverend  Mr.  Gunn, 
 a  man  well  remembered  by  many  in  London,  was  once  placed  in  this  predica- 
 ment :  he  mentioned  the  circumstance  to  a  former  Bishop  of  London  ;  on  which 
 his  Lordship  replied,  alluding  to  the  rector  in  question,  "  Ah,  Mr.  Gunn,  you 
 can  shoot  too  well  for  him."  The  lecturers  are  paid  by  voluntary  subscription  ; 
 the  lecturer  going  round  with  his  subscription-book  among  the  butchers,  bakers, 
 and  publicans,  humbly  requesting  "  Mr.  Pumpkin  or  Mr.  Samuel  Blewett  to 
 put  down  his  name  for  anj  trifle  he  pleases." 
 
 IMuch  of  the  spiritual  duty  in  the  metropolis  is  performed  by  job-parsons. 
 These  are  unfortunate  men,  who,  being  without  powerful  influence  or  connexion, 
 are  unprovided  with  a  regular  curacy  or  benefice ;  or,  perhaps,  some  of  them 
 Lave  been  cast  on  the  world  from  an  unlucky  adventure  at  college,  an  ungovern- 
 able propensity  to  strong  cordials,  or  an  untoward  issue  of  a  love-affair  in 
 their  native  parishes.  AV'hatever  is  the  cause,  they  are  met  with  in  great  num- 
 ber in  diflerent  parts  of  the  town,  and  may  be  generally  known  from  their 
 care-worn  appearance,  soiled  linen,  and  threadbare  clothes.  Like  coopers, 
 carpenters,  and  other  branches  of  operatives,  they  have  their  houses  of  call, 
 where  they  inform  themselves  of  the  state  of  ecclesiastical  employment  and  the 
 current  rate  of  remuneration.  It  is  to  these  places  the  well-fed  pastors  of  Lon- 
 don resort,  when,  from  indisposition — that  is  the  usual  pretext — or  some  unfore- 
 seen emergency,  they  require  a  deputy,  or  assistant,  to  pass  through  the 
 morning-service.  In  this  resource  they  are  never  disappointed,  for,  unfortu- 
 nately, the  market  is  overstocked  with  labourers  in  the  vineyard,  and  the  un- 
 attached sons  of  the  church  may  be  always  met  with  in  readiness,  like  so  many 
 ticket-porters,  for  any  half-crown  or  dollar  engagement. 
 
 From  these  traits  may  be  learned  the  manner  in  which  the  churches  are 
 served,  and  the  degraded  state  of  discipline  in  the  metropolis,  where  the  reve- 
 nues are  more  than  ten  times  sufficient,  if  properly  distributed,  to  pay  for  the 
 permanent  services  of  men  of  first-rate  talents,  independence,  and  character. 
 
70  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 received. exorbitant  rents  of  £200  or  £300  a-year.  Some  of  them  were 
 archdeacons,  royal  chaplains,  or  honourable  and  very  reverend  deans ; 
 some  canons  at  St.  Paul's,  some  were  precentors,  prebendaries,  and 
 held  other  dignified  situations  in  cathedral  and  collegiate  churches. 
 Had  they  not  been  the  most  unreasonable  and  rapacious  men  breathing, 
 there  is  little  doubt  but  they  would  have  considered  the  emoluments 
 arising  from  their  numerous  preferments  sufficient.  But  the  w^ealth  of 
 India  Avould  not  satisfv  the  cravings  of  spiritual  men.  Some  of  them 
 were  mean  enough  to  lay  in  wait  for  the  members  going  to  the  House 
 while  their  petition  was  pending,  and  beseech  them  to  support  their 
 claims  for  an  increase  in  their  stipends.  It  reminds  us  of  the  monks  of 
 St.  Swithin's.  These  gluttons  had  thirteen  dishes  a  daj'.  Hume  re- 
 lates that  they  threw  themselves  prostrate  in  the  mire  before  Henry  II. 
 and,  with  doleful  lamentations,  complained  that  the  Bishop  of  \Vin- 
 chester  had  cut  off  three  dishes  a  day.  "  How  many  has  he  left  ?" 
 said  the  King.  "  Ten,"  replied  the  disconsolate  monks.  "  I  myself," 
 said  Henry,  "  have  only  three,  and  I  enjoin  the  Bishop  to  reduce  you 
 to  the  same  number." 
 
 The  emoluments  of  the  metropolitan  clergy  generally  exceed  those  of 
 the  provincial  clergy.  The  practice  of  uniting  parishes,  which  is  allowed 
 by  37th  Henry  VIII.  c.  21,  when  churches  are  not  more  than  one  mile 
 apart,  and  under  the  value  of  £6,  has  been  carried  to  a  great  extent  in 
 London.  The  City  alone  reckons  108  parishes,  which  have  been  formed 
 into  no  more  than  seventy-eight  benefices,  having  alternate  patrons. 
 Some  of  these  livings  are  very  valuable.  For  instance,  the  rectory  of 
 St.  Botolph,  Bishopsgate,  held  by  the  dean  of  Hereford,  and  in  the  al- 
 ternate gift  of  the  King  and  Bishop  of  London,  is  worth  £2500  a-year. 
 The  rectory  of  St.  Andrew's,  Holborn,  held  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Beresford, 
 and  in  the  patronage  of  the  Duke  of  Buccleugh,  is  probably  worth 
 £3500.  In  Westminster,  the  rectoiy  of  St.  George's,  Hanover-square, 
 held  by  the  Dean  of  Carlisle,  and  in  the  gift  of  the  Bishop  of  London, 
 is  worth,  at  least,  £4000  per  annum.  The  living  of  St.  Giles's,  held 
 by  the  Rev.  J.  E.  Tyler,  and  in  the  gift  of  the  Lord  Chancellor,  is 
 another  valuable  rectory.  We  could  enumerate  others,  but  these  must 
 suffice. 
 
 In  considering  the  incomes  of  the  metropolitan  clergy,  it  must  be 
 remembered  that  they  have  many  other  sources  of  emolument  besides 
 their  benefices.  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  and  Westminster-Abbey  have 
 many  valuable  dignities,  equal  in  value  to  good  livings,  and  which  are 
 principally  shared  among  the  London  ecclesiastics.  Then  there  are  the 
 appointments  in  the  royal  chapels,  public  libraries  and  museums,  and 
 the  salaries  they  receive  as  ushers,  masters,  &c.  in  the  numerous  and 
 wealthy  charitable  foundations,  and  which  altogether  must  make  their 
 incomes  immense. 
 
 From  this  representation  of  the  situation  of  the  clergy  of  the  metro- 
 polis, it  is  clearly  their  wisest  course  to  follow  the  policy  of  primate 
 Sutton,  and  keep  quiet.  They  should  constantly  bear  in  mind  the 
 fable  of  tho  dog  with  a  piece  of  flesh,  and  not  endanger  what  they 
 
COMPOSITIONS  —  DEAN     AND    CHAPTER    OF     ELY.  71 
 
 possess  by  grasping  at  too  much.  But,  somehow,  the  clergy  ordinarily 
 evince  so  little  general  knowledge,  and  are  so  blindly  intent  on  imme- 
 diate gain,  that  they  usually  adopt  the  most  contracted  and  mistaken 
 views  of  their  permanent  interests.  Their  conduct  in  respect  of  com- 
 positions for  tithes  strikingly  exemplifies  these  traits  in  the  clerical  cha- 
 racter. In  order  to  render  this  part  of  the  subject  intelligible,  it  will 
 be  necessary  to  premise  a  few  explanations. 
 
 A  real  composition  for  tithes  is  when  an  agreement  is  made  between 
 the  landlord  and  parson,  with  the  consent  of  the  ordinary  and  patron, 
 that  certain  land  shall  be  discharged  from  the  payment  of  tithes,  by 
 reason  of  some  land,  or  other  recompense,  given  to  the  incumbent  in 
 lieu  thereof.  Such  agreements  were  anciently  very  frequent,  till,  by 
 the  13th  Elizabeth,  it  was  provided  that  no  composition  for  tithes  should 
 be  valid  for  a  longer  term  than  three  lives,  or  twenty-one  years.  This 
 tended  greatly  to  restrain  compositions,  and  they  are  now  rarely  heard 
 of,  unless  by  authority  of  parliament.  To  establish  the  validity  of  these 
 agreements  previously  entered  into,  it  is  necessary  to  produce  the  deed 
 itself,  executed  between  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Richard 
 the  First  and  the  restraining  act  of  Elizabeth,  or  such  evidence  from 
 whence,  independent  of  mere  usage,  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  deed 
 once  existed.  Now  this  is  often  impossible.  Time,  as  Lord  Ellen- 
 borough  once  said,  is  a  greedy  devourer  of  patents  and  parchments,  as 
 of  other  things,  and,  probably,  in  the  lapse  of  240  years,  the  deed  has 
 been  lost  or  destroyed,  or  other  circumstances  utterly  preclude  the  pro- 
 duction of  the  necessary  proof.  Clergymen,  however,  have  often  been 
 found  greedy  enough  to  avail  themselves  of  this  strange  peculiarity  in 
 the  law,  and  suddenly  claim  the  tithes  from  land  that  had  been  exone- 
 rated for  centuries,  and  for  which  there  could  be  no  doubt  a  composition 
 had  been  once  granted.  This  was  done,  not  many  years  since,  by  some 
 sinecure  priests  of  the  cathedral  of  Exeter.  We  well  remember  the 
 case  of  Dr.  Peplow  Ward,  the  rector  of  Cottenham.  This  was  a  real 
 composition  traced  so  far  back  as  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century;* 
 the  parson  claimed  Iris  tithes,  and  kept  the  land  too,  given  in  lieu  of 
 them,  because  the  unfortunate  owner  could  not  produce  the  deed  of 
 conveyance. 
 
 A  recent  instance  of  clerical  rapacity  has  been  evinced  by  the  dean 
 and  chapter  of  Ely,  and  was  brought  before  parliament  in  the  session 
 of  1831,t  by  the  owners  of  Lakenheath-fen,  a  district  of  5000  acres. 
 The  fen-owners  claim  exemption  from  tithe  by  prescription ;  and  the 
 property  has  been  purchased,  made  the  subject  of  wills,  family  settle- 
 ments, and  contracts,  as  tithe-free  land.  But  the  legal  maxim  is,  that 
 the  elapse  of  no  time  bars  the  claim  of  the  church,  and  the  petitioners 
 are  bound  to  prove  an  uninterrupted  exemption  from  the  payment  of 
 
 •  Hansard's  Parliamentary  Debates,  vol.  xxxvii.  p.  551. 
 f  Cobbett's  Register,  October  29,  1831. 
 
72  riirucii  op  England. 
 
 tithe  for  nearly  650  years.  The  dean  and  chapter  of  Ely,  who  possess 
 the  rectory  and  %'icarage  of  Likenheath,  have  availed  themselves  of 
 this  diBiculty,  to  revive  their  claim  of  tithe  over  the  fen.  For  nineteen 
 years  have  the  owners  of  the  fen-land  been  harassed  by  their  spiritual 
 oppressors  ;  they  have  already  expended  £5000  in  litigation,  and  more 
 law  is  now  threatened  them ;  the  dean  and  chapter  having  granted  a 
 concurrent  lease  of  the  rectory  to  Mr.  Evans,  their  solicitor  and  agent, 
 who  has  renewed  the  persecution  for  the  tithe  of  the  fen. 
 
 A  7nodus,  or  accustomed  rate  of  payment  for  tithe,  no  more  than  a 
 composition,  is  never  alloAved  to  stand  after  the  clergyman  wishes  to 
 terminate  it,  unless  it  can  be  proved  to  have  existed  prior  to  A.D.  1189. 
 Day  after  day  rant  moduses,  as  they  are  called,  though  they  have 
 continued  from  time  out  of  mind,  yet  bear  evidence  of  not  having- 
 existed  before  the  return  of  King  Richard  from  the  Holy  Land,  are  set 
 at  naught.  Why  our  leg^l  sages  should  have  adopted  this  antiquated 
 era  for  the  bounds  of  legal  memory,  and  to  which,  for  the  validitv  of 
 a  custom  or  prescription,  it  is  necessary  to  trace  an  uninterrupted  ob- 
 servance, no  one  can  divine,  unless  it  arise  from  the  obvious  interest 
 they  have  in  involving  every  rule  regarding  the  rights  of  persons  and 
 property  in  the  greatest  possible  obscurity  and  contradiction.  The 
 parsons,  however,  avail  themselves  of  this  dictum,  and  set  aside  every 
 customary  payment  for  tithe  they  do  not  like,  which  cannot  be  proved 
 to  have  continued,  without  interruption,  from  the  twelfth  century. 
 Hence  no  modus  for  hops,  turkeys,  or  other  thing  introduced  into 
 England  since  that  period,  is  valid.  The  keenness  Avith  which,  on 
 various  occasions,  the  clergy  have  litigated  these  points  is  astonishing; 
 and  their  conduct,  both  as  regards  compositions,  first  fruits,  and  tithes 
 in  London,  shows  the  inherent  rapacity  of  the  order,  and  that  there  is 
 no  stratagem  to  which  they  will  not  resort,  in  order  to  avoid  payments 
 to  which  they  are  justly  liable,  or  to  fasten  on  the  public  some  of  their 
 own  dormant  pretensions.  They  cannot,  therefore,  expect  any  indul- 
 gence, nor  complain  if  a  similar  measure  of  justice  be  dealt  to  them. 
 One  mode  of  retaliation  would  be  to  insist  on  the  payment  of  first  fruits 
 and  tenths,  according  to  the  present  value  of  benefices,  whereby  the 
 condition  of  the  inferior  clergy  would  be  improved  out  of  the  redundant 
 incomes  of  the  rich  ecclesiastics. 
 
 But  quite  as  equitable  and  a  more  effective  blow  might  be  dealt 
 the  priesthood,  by  the  poor  insisting  on  their  old  common  law  right 
 to  one-thiid  of  the  tithes  of  benefices.  If  the  clergy  will  persist  in 
 reviving  Avorn-out  claims,  why  should  the  people  sufer  their  oAvn  just 
 rights  to  remain  in  abeyance?  That  the  poor  are  entitled  to  one-third 
 of  the  tithes  has  been  unanswerably  proved  by  Ruggles  and  Eagle. 
 No  time  has  elapsed  to  defeat  the  claims  of  the  poor  any  more  than  the 
 claims  of  the  Church.  There  stands  their  right,  guaranteed  to  them 
 by  the  old  common  law  of  the  land,  sanctioned  by  centuries  of  unin- 
 terrupted usage,  and  never  repealed  by  any  statute  of  the  realm. 
 
ORIGIN    OF    THE    LITURGY. 
 
 VI.    ORIGIN    AXD    DEFECTS    OF    THE    CHURCH    LITURGY. 
 
 73 
 
 New  religions  are  seldom  genuine.  Like  new  constitutions  of  go- 
 vernment, they  are  mostly  established  by  being  incorpprated  with  pre- 
 existing opinions  and  institutions.  This  observation  will  appear  evident 
 from  an  advertance  to  the  origin  and  history  of  the  Church  Liturg}', 
 by  which  will  be  seen  the  successive  gradations  of  Paganism,  Popery, 
 and  Protestantism,  through  which  it  has  emerged  and  been  trans- 
 muted. 
 
 Dr.  MiDDLETOX,  an  eloquent  and  learned  divine  of  the  Church  of 
 England,  was  the  first  to  lead  the  way  in  this  inquiry.  In  his  cele- 
 brated letter  from  Ptome,  he  exhibits,  in  a  very  perspicuous  manner,  the 
 great  conformity  between  Paganism  and  Popery,  and  proves  that  the 
 religion  of  the  present  Romans  is  entirely  derived  from  that  of  their 
 heathen  ancestors  : — in  the  use  of  incense,  holy  water,  tapers  and 
 lamps,  in  their  worship;  in  the  practice  of  pomps  and  processions, 
 penance,  pretended  miracles,  and  pious  frauds;  in  the  making  of  votive 
 gifts  and  oiierings,  and  erecting  rural  shrines;  in  the  orders  of  their 
 priesthood,  nuns,  monks,  and  begging  friars,  and  in  the  use  of  boys 
 clothed  in  sacred  habits,  to  attend  the  olnciating  priest :  all  of  which 
 he  has  shown  to  have  been  practised  by  tlie  Pagans,  and  by  the  Papists, 
 in  imitation  of  them.  But  here  Dr.  Middleton  stopped  in  his  compa- 
 rison, unaware,  apparently,  that  in  his  zeal  to  depreciate  a  rival  church, 
 he  had  fuinished  weapons  of  no  ordinary  temper,  with  which  that  to 
 which  he  belonged  might  be  assailed. 
 
 This  task  has  been  executed  in  the  well-known  work  of  De  Lauxe, 
 in  his  Plea  for  the  Nonconformists,  where  he  has  exhibited  learning 
 and  ability  not  inferior  to  Dr.  Middleton.  He  shows  that  in  the  several 
 particulars  of  kneeling  at  the  Sacrament,  the  use  of  the  surplice,  the 
 sign  of  the  cross,  the  rite  of  confirmation,  the  use  of  sponsors  in  the 
 baptism  of  infants,  of  a  liturgy  or  form  of  prayer,  and  of  altars,  the 
 observance  of  fasts  and  festivals,  the  ceremony  of  marriage,  bowing  at 
 the  name  of  Jesus,  and  towards  the  east,  the  authority  of  episcopacy, 
 and  the  dedication  of  churches  to  saints ;  the  church  of  England  sym- 
 bolizes not  with  primitive  Christianity,  but  with  the  idolatrous  forms  of 
 Popeiy.  Such  resemblance  ceases  to  be  matter  of  surprise,  when  it  is 
 known,  on  the  authority  of  Calderwood,  that  the  English  service  was  put 
 together  out  of  three  Romish  channels  :  viz.  1 .  The  breviary,  out  of 
 which  the  common  prayers  are  taken;  2.  The  ritual,  or  book  of  rites, 
 out  of  which  the  administration  of  the  sacraments,  burial,  matrimony, 
 and  the  visitation  of  the  sick,  are  taken;  and,  3.  The  mass-book,  out 
 of  which  the  consecration  of  the  Lord's  supper,  collects,  epistles,  and 
 gospels  are  taken. 
 
 The  Rubric,  or  Service-book  of  Henry  VHL's  time,  was  no  other 
 than  the  Romish  liturgy,  partly  translated  into  English.  In  the  reign 
 of  Edward  VI.  the  whole  was  rendered  into  the  vernacular  tongue,  but 
 otherwise  was  little  altered.  This  fact  was  distinctly  avowed  by  the 
 proclamation  of  the  king  and  council  made  at  the  rebellion  of  some  en- 
 
74  CHURCH  of  England. 
 
 thusiasts  in  the  West  of  England,  who  had  been  excited  thereto  by  the 
 priests ;  it  is  thus  :  "  As  for  the  service  in  the  English  tongue,  it  per- 
 chance seems  to  you  a  neiv  service,  and,  yet,  indeed,  it  is  no  other  but 
 the  old,  the  self-same  words  in  English  ;  for  nothing  is  altered  but  to 
 speak  with  knowledge  that  which  was  spoken  with  ignorance,  only  a 
 few  things  taken  out,  so  fond,  that  it  had  been  a  shame  to  have  heard 
 them  in  English."*  Between  that  period  and  the  reign  of  James  I.  it 
 is  true  that  some  alterations  were  effected,  but  notwithstanding  we  find 
 that  monarch  thus  speaking'  of  the  same  service.  "  As  for  our  neigh- 
 bour Kirk  of  England,  their  service  is  an  evil  said  mass  in  English ; 
 they  want  nothing  of  the  mass,  but  the  liftings." f  It  is  allowed,  that 
 after  this  period  there  were  some  other  alterations  made  in  the  service, 
 but  we  find  that  Charles  II.  in  his  preface  to  the  Common  Prayer,  an- 
 nexed to  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  thus  expresses  his  opinion:  "the 
 main  body  and  essentials  of  it  (as  well  in  the  chiefest  materials  as  in 
 the  frame  and  order  thereof)  have  still  continued  the  same  unto  this 
 day,  notwithstanding  all  vain  attempts  and  impetuous  assaults  made 
 against  it."  Now  the  obvious  inference  from  these  testimonies  is,  that 
 the  service  of  the  Church  of  England,  with  little  alteration,  is  the 
 same  as  that  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  But,  to  show  more  satisfactorily 
 the  resemblance  between  the  two  churches,  we  shall  insert  the  following 
 comparison  from  an  ingenious  and  elaborate  publication,  entitled  "  The 
 Church  Establishment  founded  in  Error  :"J; 
 
 "  The  breviary  and  calendaj-  of  the  Church  of  Rome  divides  the 
 year  into  fasts,  vigils,  feasts,  and  working  days.  The  same  division  is 
 adopted  by  the  Church  of  England,  with  this  exception,  that  there  are 
 less  of  the  former ;  but  of  those  that  ai-e  observed  they  stand  in  the 
 same  order,  and  are  evidently  borrowed  from  the  calendar  of  the  Roman 
 Church.  Their  feasts  are  divided  into  moveable  and  fixed ;  so  are 
 ours ;  and  of  thirty-six  of  them  the  observance  is  the  same  in  both 
 churches.  The  fast-days  of  both  are  alike.  In  the  Church  of  Rome 
 the  service  itself  is  divided  into  matins  and  even  songs  ;  so  is  ours ; 
 theirs  is  appropriated  to  the  particular  feasts,  fasts,  vigils,  &c. ;  so  is 
 ours;  the  substance  of  their  service  consists  in  collects,  confessions, 
 absolutions,  psalms,  epistles,  gospels,  prophets,  apocrypha,  litanies,  an- 
 thems, &c.  so  does  ours.  In  the  Church  of  Rome,  the  people  kneel 
 at  confession  or  absolution,  repeat  after  the  priest  the  pater-noster, 
 stand  at  gloria  patri,  stand  up  and  repeat  the  apostle's  creed,  kneel  and 
 repeat  after  the  minister,  Lord,  have  mercy  upon  us ;  Christ  have 
 mercy  upon  us ;  make  responses  at  the  saying  of  the  litany,  kneel  at 
 the  altar  when  they  partake  of  the  eucharist,  or  Lord's  supper,  kneel 
 and  ask  mercy  and  grace  after  the  rehearsal  of  the  decalogue  ;  read  the 
 psalms  alternately  with  the  priest,  verse  by  verse ;  sit  at  reading  the 
 lessons,  say  the  psalms  to  the   accompaniment  of  music,  bow  to   the 
 
 •  Acts  and  Mon.  vol.  ii.  p.  1189  ;  quoted  by  De  Lanne. 
 
 t  (^alderwood,  Hist.  Ch.  of  Scot.  p.  256  ;  quoted  by  De  Launc. 
 
 t  London,  E.  Wilson,  1831. 
 
POPERY    AND    PROTESTANTISM    COMPARED.  lo 
 
 east  and  at  the  name  of  Jesus.  All  this  is  done  in  the  Church  of 
 Rome,  and  so  is  it  performed  in  the  Church  of  England.  The  places 
 of  worship  which  the  Church  of  England  at  present  occupies,  and  the 
 endowments  it  possesses,  were  built,  consecrated,  and  bestowed  by  the 
 Papists,  and  as  they  were  dedicated  by  them  to  various  saints,  so  they 
 continue  dedicated  by  the  Church  of  England.  The  Church  of  Rome 
 has  its  archbishops,  bishops,  deans  and  chapters,  prebends,  archdeacons, 
 and  other  graduated  dignities  ;  so  has  the  Church  of  England,  which 
 retains  also  distinguishing  habits  for  each,  as  formerly  practised  by  the 
 Roman  Church.  And  the  ordination  services  in  both  churches  so 
 closely  resemble  each  other,  that,  with  a  few  unimportant  alterations, 
 they  are  verbatim  the  same.  A  parallel  so  singular  and  striking  cannot 
 fail  to  convince  every  unprejudiced  mind,  that  one  system  has  given  rise 
 to  the  other." — pp.  44-5. 
 
 Having  gone  through  the  historical  part  of  our  inquiry,  we  shall 
 next  come  to  a  notice  of  the  church  service  as  now  administered. 
 Apart  from  the  temporalities  of  the  Church,  we  do  not  think  there  is 
 much  to  give  offence  in  the  established  worship,  notwithstanding  its  im- 
 pure and  idolatrous  origin.  Man  is  said  naturally  to  be  prone  to  reli- 
 gion, and  were  he  deprived  of  his  present  idols,  it  is  not  improbable 
 he  might  create  others  with  more  onerous  pretensions.  Those,  how- 
 ever, most  attached  to  the  national  establishment,  cannot  deny  there  are 
 defects  in  its  ritual,  which,  if  they  could  be  quietly  abscinded,  would 
 be  a  great  improvement.  The  church  has  partaken,  in  some  degree,  of 
 the  improvements  of  the  age.  It  has  been  argued  out  of  intolerance 
 towards  every  Christian  sect.  Some  doctrines  still  retained,  as  part  of 
 the  Athanasian  creed  and  Thirty-nine  Articles,  are  viewed,  we  appre- 
 hend, in  the  same  light  as  special  pleading  and  other  legal  fictions, 
 rather  as  curious  relics  of  a  past  age  than  as  dogmas  of  practical  use 
 and  belief.  In  its  rites  and  ceremonial,  the  services  it  exacts  are  of 
 easy  performance  to  every  class.  The  enforcement  of  the  sabbath  is 
 an  unmixed  good  to  the  industrious  orders,  while  the  hebdomadal  incul- 
 cation of  a  future  state  of  reward  and  punishment  supports  with  hope 
 or  restrains  with  fear  those  who  cannot  appreciate  the  claims  of  a  more 
 enlightened  morality.  Philosophers  can  hardly  begrudge  the  devotion 
 of  one  morning  out  of  seven  to  a  parish  church ;  if  their  feelings  are 
 not  interested  in  the  iterations  of  the  Liturgy,  their  souls  may  be 
 soothed  by  music  and  psalmody,  and  thus  be  enabled  to  range,  with 
 less  disturbance,  through  the  regions  of  science. 
 
 Mere  politicians,  who  usually  look  on  the  sanctions  of  religion  as 
 more  useful  than  credible,  are  little  under  its  influence.  The  Tories  were 
 formerly  a  godly  race  of  men, — they  had  religion  at  the  heart,  but  with 
 the  Whigs  it  never  went  beyond  the  lips.  Speaking  of  these  once 
 notable  factions,  the  late  Mr.  Fox  observes,  "  While  the  Whigs  con- 
 sidered all  religion  with  a  view  to  politics,  the  Tories,  on  the  other  hand, 
 referred  all  politics  to  religion.  Thus  the  former,  in  their  hatred  to 
 Popery,  did  not  so  much  regard  the  superstition  or  even  idolatry  of  that 
 unpopular  sect,  as  its  tendency  to  establish  arbitrary  power  in  the  state ; 
 
76  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 while  tlic  latter  revered  arbitrary  monarchy  as  a  divine  institution,  and 
 cherished  passive  obedience  and  non-resistance  as  articles  of  religious 
 faith."*  With  few  exceptions,  both  parties  are  now  agreed  in  treating 
 religion  as  an  engine  or  ally  of  the  state, — a  branch  of  the  police,  or 
 civil  power,  very  useful  for  repressing  disorders,  or  assisting  that  famous 
 tax  machine,  a  mock  representation,  in  extracting  money  out  of  the 
 pockets  of  the  people. 
 
 The  Church  appears  inclined  to  cultivate  a  spirit  of  indifference  and 
 quietism,— the  most  favourable  course  it  could  take  for  a  lengthened 
 duration.  It  prosecutes  no  doctrine,  controls,  with  a  gentle  hand,  the 
 passions  of  the  multitude,  gives  full  scope  to  the  pleasures  of  the  great, 
 and  is  mostly  prompt  to  throw  the  weight  of  its  influence  into  the  scale 
 of  government.  So  far  is  well  and  judicious.  But  there  are  some  parts 
 of  the  Liturgy  so  staringly  preposterous,  and  so  inconsistent  with  genu- 
 ine Protestantism,  that  we  think,  if  they  are  not  shortly  got  rid  of,  they 
 must,  ere  long,  attract  a  dangerous  share  of  popular  attention.  The 
 reformation  of  Henry  VIII.  from  the  first  needed  reforming,  and,  after 
 an  elapse  of  more  than  two  centuries,  the  task  cannot  surely  be  deemed 
 premature. 
 
 The  portion  of  the  book  of  Common  Prayer,  to  which  we  shall  first 
 call  attention,  is  the  Church  Catechism.  This  includes  the  elements  of 
 Church  of  Englandism,  and  is  of  the  utmost  importance  from  being  first 
 impressed  on  the  minds  of  the  rising  generation.  To  the  bad  grammar 
 and  logic  of  this  manual  we  do  not  attach  much  importance,  though, 
 entering  as  it  does  into  early  instruction,  it  ought  to  be  unobjectionable 
 on  these  points.  But  what  is  more  serious,  is  the  impracticable,  super- 
 fluous and  unintelligible  matter  it  contains. 
 
 Vox  example : — in  the  baptismal  service,  the  godfather  and  g'od- 
 mother  renounce,  in  the  name  and  behoof  of  the  child,  "  the  devil  and 
 all  his  works,  the  vain  pomp  and  glory  of  the  world,  Avith  all  covetous 
 desires  of  the  same,  and  the  carnal  desires  of  the  flesh ;"  and  this  en- 
 gagement the  child  solemnly  promises  to  fulfil.  But  the  utter  impos- 
 sibility of  performance  reduces  the  whole  to  an  unmeaning  ceremony  : 
 sponsors  offer  up  their  pledges  without  consideration,  and  christenings 
 next  to  marriages  are  scenes  of  the  greatest  levity  and  indecorum. 
 
 That  part  where  the  child  engages  to  make  "  no  graven  image,  nor 
 the  likeness  of  any  thing  that  is  in  heaven  above,  or  in  the  earth  be- 
 neath, or  in  the  water  under  the  earth,"  is  superfluous, inapplicable,  and 
 liable  to  be  misunderstood.  Though  the  golden  calf  was  never  more 
 worshipped  than  at  present,  it  is  the  most  roniote  possible  from  a  reli- 
 gious worship.  The  injunction  was  delivered  to  the  Jews  when  they 
 were  surrounded  by  nations  of  idolaters  ;  but  the  nearest  idolatry  is 
 distant  from  England  at  least  a  thousand  leagues,  and  children  can  find 
 no  type  of  it  in  this  country,  except  in  the  productions  of  the  artist,  to 
 which  they  may  mistakenly  think  it  applies. 
 
 In  anotherplace  occurs  the  phrase  "  all  the  elect  people  of  God,"  which 
 savours  strongly  of  that  Calvinism  against  which  Lord  Chatham  directed 
 
 *  History  of  James  II. 
 
DEFECTS    OF    CHURCH    CATECHISM.  77 
 
 his  anathema,  and  which  we  verily  believe,  next  to  the  anarchical  princi- 
 ples of  the  French  revolutionists,  is  the  most  anti-social  doctrine  ever  pro- 
 pagated. Unless  religion  aids  the  cause  of  virtue,  it  is,  comparatively, 
 valueless  ;  but  the  doctrine  of  election  divests  the  Christian  faith  of 
 every  moral  obligation.  Of  what  importance  can  an  individual's  con- 
 duct be,  if  his  salvation  depends  solely  on  the  fiat  of  a  foregone  conclu- 
 sion. In  the  words  of  JoHX  Wesley,  who  has  stated  the  case  with 
 equal  force  and  truth,  the  sum  of  all  is  this  :  "  one  in  twenty  (suppose) 
 of  mankind  are  elected;  nineteen  in  twenty  are  reprobated  !  The  elect 
 shall  be  saved,  do  what  they  will :  the  reprobate  shall  be  damned,  do 
 what  they  can."^'  Affirm  till  doomsday  that  there  can  be  no  election 
 without  faith,  and  no  faith  without  works,  this  is  the  essence  of  Cal- 
 vinism ;  for  which,  diabolism  w^ould  be  a  better  name  ;  and  in  the  worst 
 and  bloodiest  idolatry  that  ever  defiled  the  earth,  there  is  nothing  so 
 horrid,  so  monstrous,  so  impious. 
 
 Transubstantiation,  or  the  real  presence,  was  the  great  test  of  popery 
 at  the  time  of  the  Reformation,  If  a  man,  like  Mr.  O'Connell,  for 
 example,  were  to  affirm  his  belief  that  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  are 
 actually  taken  and  swallowed,  at  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper, 
 he  was  hurried  off  to  the  stake,  without  pity  or  remorse.  Yet,  for  the 
 life  of  us,  we  cannot  attach  any  other  than  a  real  and  corporeal  inter- 
 pretation to  the  following  interrogatories  in  the  Catechism : — 
 
 Question. — What  is  the  inward  part  or  thing  signified  ? 
 
 Answer. — The  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  which  are  verily  and  indeed  taken 
 and  received  by  the  faithful  in  the  Lord's  Supper. 
 
 Question. — What  are  the  benefits  whei'eof  we  are  partakers  thereby  ? 
 
 Answer. — The  strengthening  and  refreshing  of  our  souls  by  the  body  and 
 blood  of  Christ,  as  our  bodies  are  by  the  bread  and  wine. 
 
 If  this  is  not  transubstantiation  we  do  not  know  how  it  can  be  other- 
 wise expressed.  But  it  may  be  urged,  that  our  apprehensions  are 
 wholly  groundless,  and  no  harm  is  done :  that  the  catechism  is  intended 
 only  for  the  instruction  of  children ;  that  it  is  mere  words  learnt  by 
 rote,  like  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  Apostles'  Creed,  and  the  Ten  Com- 
 mandments, at  an  age  when  the  understanding  is  so  little  unfolded  that 
 no  ideas  are  attached  to  them.  Granted  :  but  if  the  formula  is  to  be  so 
 construed,  we  think  it  had  better  be  consigned  to  the  exclusive  use 
 of  the  dame  shools,  and  the  public  saved  the  expense  of  maintaining  so 
 many  well-fed  clergymen,  chiefly  employed  in  impressing  and  confirm- 
 ing it  on  the  minds  of  our  juvenile  population. 
 
 Another  morceau  from  the  mass-book  is  retained  in  the  Visitatio7i 
 of  the  Sick  ;  in  which  the  Protestant  priest  actually  grants  absolution 
 of  sin  with  as  much,  sang  froidyinA.  authority  as  Leo.  X.  The  sick  per- 
 son is  directed  to  make  a  confession  of  his  sins,  if  he  feel  his  conscience 
 troubled  in  any  weighty  matter  ;  the  priest  then  tenders  a  carte  blanche 
 in  manner  and  form  following  :  — 
 
 "  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  hath  left  power  to  his  church  to  absolve  all  sin- 
 
 •  Dr.  Southey's  Life  of  Wesley,  vol.  i.  p.  371. 
 
78  CHURCH    OF    ENGF.AND. 
 
 ners  who  truly  repent  and  believe  in  him,  of  his  great  mercy  forgive  thee  thine 
 offences  ;  and  by  his  authority,  committed  to  me,  I  absolve  thee  from  all  thy  sins, 
 in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost. — Amen. 
 
 In  the  Morning  Service  is  a  form  of  absolution ;  but  the  terms  in 
 which  it  is  g^iven  are  less  explicit ;  and  the  priest  only  declares  a  re- 
 mission of  sins  to  those  who  truly  repent.  Considering  the  era  when 
 the  Common  Prayer  was  framed,  it  is  not  surprising  it  retains  some 
 remnants  of  the  superstition  out  of  which  it  was  fabricated.  For  aught 
 we  know,  the  power  of  granting  absolution  may  have  scriptural  au- 
 thority ;  at  all  events  it  must  often  prove  salutary,  affording  consolation 
 at  a  moment  when  human  nature  most  needs  support,  and  compensating 
 for  any  fears  and  anxieties  which  may  have  been  felt  during  past  life, 
 by  the  certain  hope  held  out  of  future  forgiveness  and  beatitude. 
 
 The  mode  of  filling  a  Church  of  England  priest  with  the  Holy  Ghost, 
 and  endowing  him  with  the  invaluable  elixir  to  forgive  sins,  and  keep 
 out  of  hell,  or  let  drop  into  it  whom  he  pleases,  is  not  less  extraordi- 
 nary than  the  gift  itself.  It  must  be  premised  that  no  person  can  be 
 admitted  to  any  benefice  unless  he  has  been  first  ordained  a  priest ;  and 
 then,  in  the  language  of  the  law,  he  is  termed  a  clerk  in  orders.  The 
 mode  of  such  ordination  is  thus  described  in  the  Liturgy. 
 
 •'  The  bishop,  with  the  priest  present,  shall  lay  their  hands  severally  upon 
 every  one  that  receiveth  the  order  of  priesthood  ;  the  receivers  humbly  kneeling 
 upon  their  knees,  and  the  bishop  saying;:, 
 
 "  Receive  the  Holy  Ghost,  for  the  office  and  work  of  a  priest  in  the  church 
 of  God,  now  committed  unto  thee  by  the  imposition  of  our  hands. —  Whose  sins 
 thou  dost  forgive,  they  are  forgiven ;  and  whose  sins  thou  dost  retain,  they  are 
 retained." 
 
 Truly  this  is  marvellous  in  our  eyes  !  The  bare  idea  of  any  one  who 
 can  swallow  three  bottles  of  wine,  and  leap  a  five-barred  gate,  being 
 filled  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  makes  the  gorge  rise.  But  then  the  necro- 
 mancy of  this  wonderful  infusion.  The  bishop,  only  imposing  his  right 
 reverend  hands,  saying,  "  Receive  the  Holy  Ghost,"  and  instantly, 
 with  the  suddenness  of  the  electric  fluid,  the  Holy  Ghost  passes  from 
 the  fingers  of  the  bishop  into  the  inside  of — perhaps,  a  Clogher,  a  Phil- 
 potts,  a  Hay,  a  Blacow,  or  a  Daniels. 
 
 Talk  of  miracles  having  ceased, — they  are  performing  daily.  Talk 
 of  popery,  of  indulgences,  and  absolutions.  Talk  of  the  poor,  naked, 
 godless,  unenlightened  Indian,  who  wanders  on  the  banks  of  the  Niger 
 or  the  Orinoque.  Talk  of  the  Chinese,  who  cuts  his  deity  with  scissars, 
 or  moulds  him  in  paste.  Talk  of  the  wretched  Hindoo,  who  immolates 
 his  victim  to  Juggernaut;  or  of  the  wild  Tartar,  who  worships  the 
 invisible  Lama.  Talk  of  all  or  any  of  these,  or  go  to  what  age  or  coun- 
 tiy  we  may,  for  examples  of  supernatural  pretension,  can  we  find  any  to 
 match  this  part  of  the  rites  of  the  Church  of  England  ? 
 
 We  shall  now  leave  to  the  Reader's  further  consideration  the  subject 
 of  the  church  ritual.  It  is  only  a  work  of  men's  hands,  and  cannot,  of 
 course,  claim  the  same  infallibility  as  the  Holy  Scriptures.  An  order 
 in  council  is  any  time  sufficient  authority  for  introducing  alterations  in 
 
NUMBER    AND    WEALTH    OF    DISSENTERS,  79 
 
 the  Liturgy;  and,  even  within  our  OAvn  time,  it  has  been  subjected  botli 
 to  curtailment  and  additions.  George  IV.,  it  will  long  be  remembered, 
 ordered  the  name  of  Queen  Caroline  to  be  struck  out,  as  a  person  un- 
 worthy of  the  prayers  of  the  people.  Lord  Sidmouth,  who  now  forms  a 
 fragment  of  the  dead  weight,  during  his  secretan,'ship,  directed  four 
 prayers  to  be  interpolated,  and  they  form  a  regular  portion  of  the  church 
 service.  In  the  few  observations  we  have  ventured  to  put  forward,  our 
 purpose  has  been  only  to  advert  to  such  parts  as  seemed  most  startling 
 to  vulgar  apprehension;  and  in  doing  this,  we  trust,  nothing  irreverent 
 has  escaped  us,  or  in  derogation  of  the  general  utility  of  the  Book  of 
 Common  Prayer.  With  all  its  imperfections  we  greatly  prefer  the 
 established  ceremonial  to  the  random  out -pourings  of  the  conventicle  ; 
 and  think  the  measured  solemnities  deliberately  framed  for  the  various 
 occasions  of  life,  preferable  to  those  wild  exhortations  which  have  no 
 standard  but  the  intellect  of  the  preacher,  his  thirst  of  gain  or  popularity, 
 or  the  passions  and  fatuity  of  his  hearers. 
 
 VII.     NUMBER,    WEALTH,     MORAL    AND     EDUCATIONAL    EFFICIENCY 
 OF    PROTESTANT    DISSENTERS. 
 
 The  Roman  slaves  were  never  numbered  lest  they  should  discover 
 their  power  and  importance.  A  similar  policy  appears  to  have  been 
 observed  towards  the  dissenters.  Although  we  have  had  three  censuses 
 of  the  people  within  the  last  thirty  vears,  in  the  taking  of  which  various 
 inquiries  were  made  into  the  numbers  employed  in  different  trades  and 
 occupations ;  no  inquiry  was  made  into  the  number  of  the  different 
 religious  sects.  Were  the  legislature,  in  this  case,  apprehensive  that 
 they  might  be  called  upon,  agreeably  to  the  dogma  of  Dr.  Paley  on  the 
 policy  of  patronizing  the  most  popular  faith,  to  commence  another  reli- 
 gious reformation,  by  altering  the  present  disposition  of  ecclesiastical 
 endow-ments  ?  Whatever  may  have  been  the  motive,  the  fact  is  as  stated 
 — that  no  public  inquiry  has  ever  been  instituted  into  the  relative 
 number  of  Separatists  and  Episcopalians. 
 
 In  the  session  of  1829,  returns  were  ordered  by  the  House  of 
 Commons  of  the  number  of  churches  and  chapels  of  the  establishment, 
 and  of  the  number  of  places  of  worship  not  of  the  establishment.* 
 With  the  exception  of  Lancaster,  no  returns  have  yet  been  published 
 from  any  other  county.  The  only  public  document  which  throws  light 
 on  the  question,  is  a  parliamentary  paper,  ordered  to  be  printed 
 May  29th,  1812,  and  re-printed  by  the  Lords  in  1818.  This  document 
 comprises  only  the  results  of  returns  from  parishes  containing  a  popula- 
 tion of  1000  persons  and  upwards.  In  1881  parishes  of  this  descrip- 
 tion, containing  a  population  of  4,937,789,  there  were  2, .533  churches 
 and  chapels  belonging  to  the  established  church  ;  the  number  of  persons 
 they  would  contain  1,856,108:  in  the  same  number  of  parishes  there 
 were  3,438  dissenting  places  of  worship.     From  this  it  might  be  in- 
 
 *  Votes  of  the  House  of  Commons,  June  19,  1829. 
 
80  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 ferred  the  number  of  dissenters  considerably  exceeds  the  number  of 
 conformists.  No  doubt  many  small  parishes  not  included  in  the  return 
 would  have  a  church  and  not  a  dissenting  chapel.  On  the  other  hand, 
 the  manufacturing  population  consists  chiefly  of  dissenters ;  and  it  is  to 
 be  observed,  that  dissenting-  chapels  are  generally  more  crowded  and 
 afford  greater  seat-room  in  the  same  space  than  the  churches  of  the 
 establishment.  A  dissenting  minister  cannot  subsist  without  a  large 
 audience,  but  the  income  of  a  Church  of  England  priest  is  secure,  if  he 
 have  no  audience  at  all,  nor  even  a  church  to  preach  in.  The  struc- 
 ture, too,  of  churches — the  system  of  proprietary  pews — generally 
 empty  and  locked  up  to  guard  against  intrusion — the  vast  space  taken 
 up  by  the  mayor's  pew,  the  churchwardens'  pew,  and  other  parish 
 officials,  leaves  little  accommodation  for  the  poor,  and  they  have  no 
 alternative  but  to  be  crammed  up — often  standing  in  aisles,  or  driven  to 
 what  are  called  free-seats,  where  they  can  neither  hear  nor  see — or 
 resort  to  a  dissenting  chapel. 
 
 In  the  absence  of  more  complete  official  returns,  the  Dissenters  them  • 
 selves  have  attempted  to  solve  this  important  question  in  public  statistics. 
 
 The  supplement  to  the  Congregational  Magazine  fov  December,  1829, 
 comprises  the  results  of  very  elaborate  inquiries  into  the  number  of  the 
 places  of  worship  of  different  religious  persuasions.  There  are  some  inac- 
 curacies in  this  statement  which  we  cannot  reconcile  ;  but  the  data  it 
 affords,  aided  by  information  from  other  sources,  will  enable  us  to  make 
 out  a  tolerable  exposition  of  the  relative  numbers,  and  the  religious  and 
 educational  efficiency  of  the  several  classes  of  religionists. 
 
 The  great  religious  denominations  of  the  day  are  those  of  the  Esta- 
 blished Church,  the  Roman  Catholics,  and  the  Protestant  Dissenters. 
 The  number  of  churches  and  chapels  of  the  Establishment  is  1 1 ,600  ;* 
 of  Roman  Catholics,  388  :f  of  Protestant  Dissenters,  7,634.  Sup- 
 posing the  number  of  attendants  at  each  place  of  worship  is  the  same, 
 the  following  will  be  the  result :  — 
 
 Churches,  Sfc.  Attendants. 
 
 Established  Church 11,600    x    300  =   3,480,000 
 
 Roman  Catholics^ 388    x    300=       116,400 
 
 Protestant  Dissenters 7,634    X    300   =  2,290,200 
 
 *  Church  Establishment  founded  in  Error,  p. 86.  This  estimate,  we  apprehend, 
 has  been  founded  on  erroneous  data.  In  many  parishes  there  is  no  church  at 
 all,  though  the  tithe  in  these  parishes  is  collected  with  as  much  rigour  as  in  the 
 rest.  In  the  fine  county  of  Kent  there  are  thirteen  parishes  whicii  iiave  no 
 churches,  and  forty-four  parishes,  each  having  less  than  100  inhabitants,  none 
 of  whom  hardly  ever  see  the  face  of  a  parson,  and  yet  who  have  tithes  exacted 
 from  them  to  the  last  blade  of  grass.  It  is  obligatory  both  on  bishops  and  in- 
 cumbents that  parsonage  houses  should  not  fall  into  decay,  yet  it  is  a  fact  that 
 tiicre  are  3000  churches  and  parochial  chapels  to  whicli  neither  house  nor  glebe 
 is  attached.  Witii  the  immense  revenues  of  the  established  churcli  it  must  be 
 sickening  and  disgusting  to  her  best  friends,  to  think  how  lier  interests  have 
 been  neglected  by  those  who  have  been  wallowing  in  her  wealth. 
 
 t  Catholic  Laity's  Directory. 
 
EDUCATIONAL    EFFICIENCY    OF    DISSRXTEKS.  81 
 
 It  appears  from  this  that,  in  point  of  number,  the  advantage  is  on 
 the  side  of  the  national  establishment.  But  from  what  has  been  pre- 
 viously observed,  it  may  be  presumed  that  this  is  a  partial  mode  of 
 stating  the  question.  It  is  probable  the  Church  of  England  has  the 
 greatest  number  of  ministers  and  places  of  religious  worship  ;  we  doubt, 
 however,  its  numerical  superiority ;  at  all  events,  the  efficiency  of  an 
 army  is  not  to  be  estimated  by  its  skeleton  regiments,  or  even  by  its 
 numerical  strength,  but  by  the  skill,  energy,  and  devotedness  which 
 animate  its  soldiery.  In  these  points  the  Dissenters  may  claim  pre- 
 eminence, as  appears  from  a  comparison  of  missionary  and  educational 
 exertions. 
 
 During  the  year  1828-9,  the  Church  of  England  party  raised,  for 
 missionary  purposes,  asunder:  — 
 
 £       s.     d. 
 
 Society  for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge — Fo- 
 
 reign  Objects 9,208     9     5 
 
 Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel  •  •  • 6,239   10     5 
 
 Church  Missionary  Society 52,080   19     1 
 
 £67,528   18   11 
 
 The  Protestant  Dissenters  alone,  during  the  same  period,  contributed 
 the  following  sums : — 
 
 £       s.     d. 
 
 Wesleyan  Missionary  Society • 41,846   12   10 
 
 London  Missionary  Society 37,207     0     6 
 
 Particular  Baptist  Ditto 9,305   10     2 
 
 General  Baptist  Ditto 1 ,65 116 
 
 £90,010     5     0 
 
 Thus  it  appears,  that  although  the  numerical  strength  of  the  Church 
 of  Englandists  exceeds  that  of  the  Protestant  Dissenters,  they  do  not 
 contribute  so  much  by  £22,481  per  annum,  towards  the  cause  of 
 evangelizing  the  world,  as  the  non-conformists. 
 
 For  the  mental  improvement  of  their  countrymen,  the  Protestant 
 Dissenters  are  not  less  strenuous  in  their  exertions  ;  and  on  the  subject 
 of  education,  notwithstanding  the  superior  advantages  of  the  Establish- 
 ment party,  they  likewise  bear  the  palm. 
 
 Children. 
 
 The  National  School  Society  educates 704,730 
 
 The  Sunday  School  Society  educates    720,717* 
 
 In  exhibiting  the  exertions  of  the  two  great  parties  of  Conformists  and 
 Dissenters,  Ave  have  taken  no  notice  of  what  is  done  by  the  Catholics, 
 
 Church  Establishment  founded  in  Error,  p.  92. 
 
82  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 which  cannot  be  inconsideiable ;  if,  therefore,  we  add  the  amount 
 of  their  efforts  to  our  previous  calculation,  we  shall  find  that  the  classes 
 of  religionists  without  public  endowments,  not  only  possess  the  greatest 
 share  of  Christian  zeal,  but  of  moral  and  educational  energy. 
 
 With  so  many  things  to  be  proud  of,  it  is  not  surprising  the  Dissenters 
 have  begun  to  manifest  symptoms  of  dissatisfaction  with  the  favour 
 shown  to  the  national  establishment.  Hitherto  they  have  submitted  to 
 this  inequality  in  an  exemplary  manner,  and  steadily  refrained  from  any 
 thing  like  political  agitation.  Some  fifty  years  ago,  it  is  true,  their 
 ministers  were  said  to  be  "  men  of  close  ambition"  and  the  way  in 
 which  this  imputation  was  met  deserves  to  be  recorded.  It  was  occa- 
 sioned by  the  introduction  of  a  bill,  in  1772,  to  relieve  dissenters  from 
 the  hardship  of  subscribing  to  the  thirty-nine  articles.  The  bill  passed 
 the  House  of  Commons,  but  was  lost  in  the  House  of  Lords  by  the 
 weight  and  influence  of  the  episcopal  bench,  particularly  Dr.  Drum- 
 mond.  Archbishop  of  York,  who  strongly  inveighed  against  dissenters. 
 Pitt,  the  eloquent  Earl  of  Chatham,  in  reply  to  the  archbishop,  said, 
 "  whoever  brought  a  charge  against  dissenters  without  proof,  defamed." 
 After  a  pause,  he  felt  the  workings  of  a  generous  and  indignant  enthu- 
 siasm, and  thus  proceeded  :  "  The  dissenting'  ministers  are  represented 
 as  men  of  close  ambition — they  are  so,  my  lords ;  and  their  ambition 
 is  to  keep  close  to  the  college  of  fishermen,  not  of  Cardinals ;  and  to 
 the  doctrine  of  inspired  apostles,  not  to  the  deciees  of  interested 
 bishops.  They  contend  for  a  spiritual  creed  and  spiiitual  worship. 
 We  have  a  Calvinistic  creed,  a  Popish  liturgy,  and  an  Arminian  clergy. 
 The  reformation  has  laid  open  the  Scriptures  to  all ;  let  not  the  bishops 
 shut  them  again  Laws,  in  support  of  ecclesiastical  power,  are  plead- 
 ed, which  it  would  shock  humanity  to  execute.  It  is  said,  that  religious 
 sects  have  done  great  mischief,  when  they  are  not  kept  under  restraint ; 
 but  histoiy  affords  no  proof  that  sects  have  ever  been  mischievous,  but 
 when  they  were  oppressed  by  the  ruling  church," 
 
 The  chief  oppression  of  which  dissenters  have  to  complain  is  the  in- 
 justice of  having  to  pay  tithe  and  church-rates.  Building  their  own 
 chapels  and  maintaining  their  own  ministers ;  supporting  their  own  col- 
 leges to  the  number  of  twenty  ;  educating  upwards  of  700,000  children 
 in  their  Sunday-schools ;  and  expending  nearly  £150,000  in  diffusing 
 their  religious  tenets — impose  on  them  duties  and  sacrifices  suflficiently 
 onerous,  without  being  compelled  to  aid  in  the  support  of  the  Episcopal 
 establishment.  It  is  apparent,  therefore,  if  land-owners,  farmers,  and 
 politicians  were  to  be  silent  on  ecclesiastical  grievances,  they  would  not 
 be  much  longer  tolerated  by  the  vast  body  of  separatists — who  in  Eng- 
 land probably  equal,  and  certainly  in  the  United  Kingdom  greatly  ex- 
 ceed, in  number  the  members  of  the  national  communion.  The  dis- 
 senters have  already  begun  to  sound  the  tocsin  of  discontent,  and  several 
 papers,  extensively  circulated,  sufficiently  indicate  the  spirit  working 
 within  them.     We  subjoin  one  of  these  documents. 
 
TWENTY    REASONS    A(;AINST    TITHES.  83 
 
 Twenty  Reasons  why  Dissenters  should  not  be  compelled  to  pay 
 Church  Rates  and  Tithes,  or  in  any  luay  to  support  the  Church 
 of  England. 
 
 1.  Because  it  is  a  flagrant  violation  of  equity,  to  compel  people  to  pay  for  in- 
 
 struction, which  they,  in  conscience,  cannot  receive. 
 
 2.  Because  it  is  a  denial  of  our  Saviour's  interpretation  of  the  law :  "  All  things 
 whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them ;  for 
 this  is  the  law  and  the  prophets." — Matt.  vii.  12. 
 
 3.  Because  no  passage  in  the  Bible  sanctions  compulsion  in  supporting  religion. 
 
 4.  Because  Christianity  is  slandered  by  its  professors  using  compulsion  for  its 
 
 support. 
 
 5.  Because  compulsory  payments  were  not  known  in  the  purest  ages  of  Christ- 
 
 ianity. 
 
 6.  Because  the  Constitution  of  the  Church  of  England,  with  the  peculiar  names, 
 
 titles,  and  offices  of  its  clergy,  has  no  foundation  in  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
 
 7.  Because  no  writer  in  defence  of  the  Church  of  England,  has  ever  dared  to 
 
 rest  its  claims  upon  the  declarations  of  the  Holy  scriptures. 
 
 8.  Because  the  Church  of  England  is  a.  fearful  system  of  traffic  in  the  souls  of 
 
 men. — Rev.  xviii.  13.* 
 
 9.  Because  the  Church  of  England  gives  the  chief  occasion  to  infidels  to  slander 
 
 Christianity  as  a  system  of  mere  Priestcraft, — infidels  of  this  class  are  found 
 in  every  parish. 
 
 10.  Relinquishing  unscriptural  claims  would  remove  a  foul  blot  from  the  Church 
 
 of  England. 
 
 11.  Because  Dissenters  bear  all  the  expenses  of  their  own  Colleges,  Chapels, 
 
 Ministers,  and  Schools. 
 
 12.  Because  Dissenters  in  the  United  Kingdom  far  exceed  in  number  those 
 
 who  attend  at  church. 
 
 13.  Because  religion  flourishes  most  in  the  United  States  of  America,  without 
 
 tithes  or  church  rates,  but  supported  by  voluntary  contributions. 
 
 14.  Because  religion  is  known  to  flourish  most  at  those  places  in  the  Church  of 
 
 England,  in  which  all  their  expenses  are  met  by  voluntary  contributions. 
 
 15.  Because  the  system  of  compulsion  leads  the  clergy  grievously  to  oppress 
 
 each  other. 
 
 *  St.  James's  Chronicle,  of  Nov.  20  to  23,  1830,  contains  the  following  articles 
 of  "  Property  for  Sale,"  advertised  and  specified  in  numbers  from  1  to  79: — 
 20  "  Advowsons,"  income  from  £300  to  £2000  per  annum. 
 14  "  Next  Presentations,"  income  from  £150  to  £700  per  annum. 
 45  Other  "  Livings,"  for  sale  or  exchange,  including  "  a  sinecure  of  two 
 —     parishes  in  Ireland,"  for  which  "  a  dispensation  has  been  granted," 
 79     and  two  Livings,  one  of  £700,  the  other  of  £1000  per  annum!  ! 
 Compare  this  with  the  Oath  on  Simony. 
 
 g2 
 
84  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 16.  Because  the  curates  of  the  church  are  worse  paid  than  any  class  of  educated 
 
 men;  and  the  majority  of  tliem  far  less  than  journeymen  mechanics. 
 
 17.  Because  the  working  clergy   would  be  incomparably  better   supported  by 
 
 free  contributions. 
 
 18.  Because  Christianity,  left  to  its  own  resources,  would  become  universal, 
 as  in  the  first  ages. 
 
 19.  Because  no  priesthood,  in  any  age  or  nation,  has  received  tithes  to  the 
 
 extent  of  our  clergy. 
 
 20.  Because  the  tithes  of  the  Israelites  were  not  for  the  clergy,  but  for  the 
 
 whole  tribe  of  Levi,  about  a  tenth  of  the  population,  who  were  not  allowed 
 to  possess  a  single  acre  of  freehold  land;  and  these  were  the  judges, 
 magistrates,  lawyers,  physicians,  and  instructors  of  the  nation. 
 
 A  desirable  fact  to  ascertain  is,  the  relative  strength  of  religious 
 sects  in  the  several  counties  of  England.  Official  returns,  as  before 
 stated,  have  been  received  for  the  county  of  Lancaster,  (Pari.  Paper, 
 No.  664,  Sess.  1830,)  but  for  no  other  county.  From  these  returns  it 
 appears  the  number  of  parish  churches  in  Lancashire  is  65,  parochial 
 chapels  157,  chapels  of  ease  59:  total  number  of  churches  and  chapels 
 of  the  establishment,  281,  The  total  number  of  dissenting  places  of 
 worship  is  590,  and  of  sectarians  255,411.  So  that  one-fourth  of  the 
 population  of  Lancashire  are  open  and  professing  non-conformists. 
 
 We  shall  conclude  with  stating  the  results  of  the  inquiries  of  the 
 Dissenters  on  this  subject.  They  have  exhibited  a  statement  of  the 
 number  of  church  livings  and  the  number  of  chapels  or  congregations 
 in  each  county  in  England.  Their  statement,  we  apprehend,  is  not 
 far  from  the  truth;  it  is  certainly  not  exaggerated,  as  will  appear  from 
 comparing  the  results  of  their  inquiries  with  the  official  returns  for 
 Lancashire.  It  does  not  contain  the  unitarian  chapels  in  England  and 
 Wales  ;  this  sect  has  1 69  chapels ;  they  are  a  numerous  and  increasing- 
 body;  in  Lancashire  alone  there  are  28  congregations  of  that  persuasion, 
 with  5,099  members. 
 
 In  the  next  chapter,  on  the  Church  of  Ireland,  we  shall  endeavour 
 to  ascertain  the  proportion  of  Conformists  and  Separatists  in  the  United 
 Kingdom. 
 
NUMBER  OF  CHAPELS  AND  CHURCHES. 
 
 85 
 
 CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND    AND    DISSENTING    PLACES    OF    WORSHIP. 
 
 COUNTIES. 
 
 "c 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 c 
 
 c 
 a 
 a 
 
 ft 
 
 c 
 
 S 
 S 
 
 c 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 w   C 
 
 "  c3 
 
 Zi 
 
 c 
 
 c 
 c 
 
 1 
 
 > 
 
 c 
 a. 
 
 •D 
 
 c 
 
 3 
 
 >1 
 
 1 
 
 £ 
 
 H 
 o 
 
 6 
 
 Q  t 
 
 ^-5 
 
 b 
 u 
 
 Bedfordshire 
 
 8 
 
 21 
 
 4 
 
 35 
 
 _ 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 71 
 
 115 
 
 Berkshire    
 
 a 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 21 
 
 11 
 
 28 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 34 
 25 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 — 
 
 1 
 
 37 
 
 81 
 121 
 
 150 
 
 Buckinghamshire  .... 
 
 190 
 
 Cambridgeshire 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 23 
 
 19 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 85 
 
 162 
 
 Cheshire 
 
 7 
 2 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 10 
 
 27 
 31 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 10 
 22 
 
 48 
 
 219 
 
 32 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 30 
 39 
 11 
 
 1 
 4 
 2 
 
 153 
 
 320 
 105 
 
 145 
 
 Cornwall     
 
 187 
 
 Cumberland   
 
 139 
 
 Derbyshire     
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 36 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 84 
 
 3 
 
 22 
 
 1 
 
 182 
 
 161 
 
 Devonshire 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 3 
 
 65 
 22 
 
 31 
 5 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 93 
 21 
 
 — 
 
 18 
 22 
 
 10 
 3 
 
 247 
 
 88 
 
 442 
 
 Dorsetshire    
 
 248 
 
 Durham 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 5 
 
 7 
 2 
 4 
 
 13 
 64 
 
 S8 
 
 8 
 24 
 
 27 
 
 — 
 
 7 
 20 
 13 
 
 72 
 
 36 
 53 
 
 1 
 11 
 
 28 
 
 7 
 
 28 
 21 
 19 
 
 177 
 
 175 
 177 
 
 91 
 
 Essex  
 
 413 
 
 Gloucestershire 
 
 290 
 
 Hampshire      
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 49 
 
 22 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 27 
 
 6 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 128 
 
 258 
 
 Herefordshire    
 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 16 
 
 1 
 
 — 
 
 4 
 
 49 
 
 201 
 
 HertfortI  shire     
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 28 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 62 
 
 129 
 
 Huntingdonshire  .... 
 
 _ 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 36 
 
 74 
 
 Kent    
 
 81 
 
 4 
 J6 
 
 44 
 
 88 
 
 30 
 29 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 9 
 25 
 
 90 
 156 
 
 15 
 9 
 
 75 
 
 6 
 
 210 
 504 
 
 395 
 
 Lancashire     
 
 287 
 
 Leicestershire    
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 13 
 
 17 
 
 4 
 
 08 
 
 — . 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 144 
 
 208 
 
 Lincolnshire 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 18 
 
 14 
 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 211 
 
 2 
 
 24 
 
 1 
 
 304 
 
 598 
 
 London  and    ) 
 
 Middlesex ] 
 
 21 
 
 15 
 
 91 
 
 55 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 59 
 
 22 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 289 
 
 233 
 
 Monmouthshire 
 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 24 
 
 28 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 72 
 
 118 
 
 Norfolk 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 21 
 
 35 
 
 32 
 40 
 
 2 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 74 
 61 
 
 1 
 
 24 
 
 5 
 
 181 
 
 153 
 
 683 
 
 Northamptonshire. . . . 
 
 303 
 
 Northumberland    .... 
 
 I'J 
 
 50 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 29 
 
 . 
 
 22 
 
 _ 
 
 136 
 
 97 
 
 Nottinghanisliire   .... 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 77 
 
 — 
 
 41 
 
 — 
 
 15. 
 
 178 
 
 Oxfordshire   
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 12 
 
 10 
 
 44 
 
 — 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 99 
 
 203 
 
 Kutland 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 25 
 47 
 
 1 
 15 
 37 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 7 
 32 
 91 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 13 
 102 
 254 
 
 40 
 
 Shropshire 
 
 209 
 
 Somersetshire     
 
 456 
 
 Staffordshire 
 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 32 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 82 
 
 
 
 41 
 
 7 
 
 213 
 
 178 
 
 Suffolk    
 
 4 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 33 
 27 
 
 35 
 21 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 10 
 
 40 
 
 1 
 
 n 
 
 — 
 
 5 
 27 
 
 132 
 101 
 
 486 
 
 Surrey 
 
 142 
 
 Sussex     
 
 6 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 31 
 
 30 
 
 13 
 16 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 12 
 
 20 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 5 
 
 87 
 108 
 
 300 
 
 Warwickshire    
 
 209 
 
 Westmoreland    
 
 ') 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 — 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 41 
 
 08 
 
 Wiltshire    
 
 "i 
 
 1 
 8 
 
 38 
 10 
 
 31 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 7 
 
 37 
 24 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 8 
 21 
 
 4 
 1 
 
 129 
 104 
 
 274 
 
 Worcestershire' 
 
 8 
 
 175 
 
 Yorkshire 
 
 13 
 23 
 
 154 
 5  172 
 i202 
 
 51 
 
 52 
 
 107 
 
 9 
 
 64 
 3  i 
 5  S 
 
 532 
 214 
 
 1 
 300 
 
 147 
 
 It 
 
 2 
 0 
 0 
 
 1019 
 |ll00 
 
 809 
 
 North  \V  ales \ 
 
 South  Wales J 
 
 299  I 
 
 526  i 
 
86  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 VIII.       WHO    WOULD    BE    BENEFITED     BY    A    REFORM    OF    THE 
 CHURCH  ? 
 
 A  reform  of  the  Church,  like  most  other  reforms,  would  permanently 
 benefit  the  many,  and  only  temporarily  injure  the  few.  The  lawn- 
 sleeves,  the  shovel-hats,  silk-aprons,  and  monopolizing  incumbents 
 would  be  the  chief  sufferers ;  while  the  condition  of  the  most  numerous 
 and  useful  order  of  the  clergy  would  be  improved.  Such  odious  abuses 
 as  non-residence  and  pluralities  would  be  abolished,  and  the  shameful 
 injustice  of  one  man  doing  the  duty  and  another  receiving  the  reward 
 would  be  no  longer  tolerated.  Eveiy  district,  or  parish,  requiring  the 
 services  of  an  otKciating  clergyman  would  be  provided  with  one  to  w'hom 
 the  degrading  epithet  of  "  j)oor  curate"  or  "  poor  parso7i"  could  never 
 be  justly  applied.  By  mitigating  the  penury  of  the  working  clergy,  their 
 respectability  and  influence  would  be  augmented,  and  every  neighbour- 
 hood enjoy  the  advantages  which  are  known  to  result  from  the  perma- 
 nent abode  of  at  least  one  educated,  intelligent,  and  exemplary  indivi- 
 dual. The  clergy  alike  profess  to  be  engaged  solely  in  the  work  of 
 religious  instruction,  and  no  class  can  boast  superior  piety  or  attainments 
 by  which  to  lay  claim  to  superior  reward.  Why  then  should  there 
 exist  such  disparity  in  income?  Why  should  the  rector  enjoj  his 
 £2000  per  annum,  the  vicar  receive  but  £400,  and  the  curate  only 
 £80  or  £100? 
 
 The  equalizing  of  the  value  of  sees  would  remove  the  abuse  of  trans- 
 lations, and  thereby  effect  a  great  improvement  in  the  bench  of  bishops. 
 It  is  only  a  few-  lucky  individuals  who  obtain  the  rich  prizes  of  Canter- 
 bury, Winchester,  London,  Ely,  and  Durham,  that  are  benefited  by 
 the  unequal  revenues  of  the  bishoprics.  Many  prelates  have  barely 
 income  enough  to  support  the  dignity  of  their  stations;  yet  they  share, 
 in  common  with  the  rest,  the  public  odium  attached  to  their  class  from 
 the  inordinate  wealth  of  their  more  fortunate  brethren.  It  is  this  in- 
 equality, and  the  desire  consequently  excited  to  move  to  the  wealthier 
 endowments  that  gives  to  the  bishops  their  political  animus,  and  renders 
 them  the  most  self-seeking  men  in  the  country.  Without  translations 
 they  would  be  as  independent  in  their  conduct  as  the  judges  are  said 
 to  be ;  but  with  the  help  of  them  government  has,  generally,  the  power 
 to  render  them  subservient  to  its  purposes. 
 
 The  exercise  of  legislative  functions  by  the  bishops  has  become  ex- 
 tremely unpopular  since  their  mischievous  vote  on  the  Reform  Bill. 
 The  House  of  Lords  has  always  been  to  them  the  great  scene  of  jobbing, 
 intrigue,  and  ambition.  On  no  occasion  have  they  done  themselves 
 credit  there;  they  appear,  indeed,  totally  void  of  legislative  aptitude, 
 and  never,  by  one  act,  have  they  rendered  substantial  service  to  the 
 State,  or  done  honour  to  themselves  and  the  Church.  Whether  as 
 magistrates  or  legislators,  clergymen  are  inherently  disqualified  for  the 
 discharge  of  secular  duties.  It  is  not  so  much  in  their  character  of 
 churchmen  as  of  laymem  that  they  have  become  so  universally  disliked  ; 
 
UNEQUAL    DISTRIBUTION    OF    CHURCHES.  87 
 
 and  we  verily  believe,  had  they  been  eligible  to  seats  in  the  lower  house 
 as  they  are  to  the  upper,  the  additional  opportunity  thereby  aftorded  to 
 render  themselves  odious,  v^ould  have  hastened  the  downfal  of  the 
 establishment. 
 
 Besides  the  deprival  of  their  leaislative  functions,  a  substantial  im- 
 provement in  the  prelacy  would  consist  in  the  abolition  of  their  -patro- 
 nage. As  it  is,  a  rigid  discharge  of  their  duties  is  often  incompatible 
 with  their  interests,  or  at  least  their  feelings.  Their  proper  functions 
 are  the  superintendence  of  the  subaltern  clergy  of  their  dioceses;  but 
 many  of  these  clergv  have  been  promoted  by  themselves  to  their  bene- 
 fices; they  are  their  very  good  friends,  and  not  a  few  their  own  flesh 
 and  blood.  Hoav,  in  such  cases,  can  it  be  expected  they  will  be  strict 
 in  the  enforcement  of  pastoral  duties ;  that  they  Avill  not  be  indulgent 
 in  the  granting  of  licenses  for  non-residence,  and  dispensations  for 
 pluralities ;  or  that  they  will  insist  on  the  payment  of  suitable  stipends 
 to  the  curates.  A  bishop,  like  a  pope,  ought  to  have  no  relations, 
 and  thus  escape,  as  Benedict  II.  remarked  of  the  successors  of  St. 
 Peter,  the  opprobrium  of  pen^erting  the  patronage  of  the  church  to  the 
 aggrandizement  of  his  famil}'.  Under  the  existing  system  the  chopping, 
 exchanging,  bargaining,  and  moving*  about,  that  ensue  in  a  diocese 
 on  a  translation  or  consecration,  are  a  disgrace  to  the  church,  and 
 render  the  discharge  of  episcopal  duties  more  like  a  game  on  the  chess- 
 board, in  which  the  rooks,  knights,  and  other  prime  pieces,  represent 
 the  "  kit  and  kin"  of  the  new  diocesan. 
 
 The  unequal  extent  of  benefices  has  been  urged  in  favour  of  ecclesias- 
 tical reform.  In  most  cases,  the  extent  of  the  livings  is  made  to  answer 
 antiquated  boundaries  ofparishes,  by  Avhich,  sometimes  five  or  six  churches 
 are  to  be  seen  within  a  mile  of  each  other,  in  a  thinlv  populated  country, 
 while,  again,  parishes  of  from  eight  or  ten  miles  in  length  afford  but 
 the  accommodation  of  one  church  to  a  large  population.  Thus  the 
 distribution  of  the  churches  and  livings  bears  no  proportion  either  to  the 
 inhabitants  or  the  acres,  as  will  appear  from  the  following  list:  — 
 
 Inhabitants. 
 
 England  and  Wales  12,912,106  and  58,.5d4 
 
 Bedfordshire  70,213  and 
 
 Durham  207,073  and 
 
 Lincolnshire  283,058  and 
 
 Northumherland  19.5,96.5  and 
 
 London  and  Middlesex  2,370,225  and 
 
 Lancashire  1,052.859  and 
 
 Huntingdon  48,771  and 
 
 Rutland  18,487  and 
 
 Norfolk  344,368  and 
 
 Anomalous  and  disproportionate  as  are  these  numbers,  the  above 
 remark  is  still  more  strikingly  displayed  by  reference  to  individual  cases ; 
 thus  the  livings  of — 
 
 Easton  Neston  Xorthamptonshire  contains        137  inhabitants. 
 
 liaton-sacon  Bedfordshire  2,039      ditto. 
 
 Eccles  Lancashire 23,331       ditto. 
 
 EcclesQeld  Yorkshiif;  7,163       ditto. 
 
 .  Miles. 
 
 Livings. 
 
 Av.  Inh.         Av. 
 
 Miles. 
 
 8,554   . 
 
 .    10,872 
 
 ..   1.187  and 
 
 5.38 
 
 463   . 
 
 115 
 
 ..      610  and 
 
 4.00 
 
 1,040   . 
 
 91 
 
 . .  2.282  and 
 
 11.42 
 
 2,748   . 
 
 598 
 
 473  and 
 
 4.59 
 
 1,850   . 
 
 97 
 
 ..  2.020  and 
 
 19.07 
 
 282   . 
 
 250 
 
 .   9.490  and 
 
 1.12 
 
 1,831    . 
 
 287 
 
 . .   3.665  and 
 
 6.38 
 
 370   . 
 
 74 
 
 ..      659  and 
 
 5.00 
 
 149   . 
 
 40 
 
 ..      462  and 
 
 3.72 
 
 1,710   . 
 
 683 
 
 504  and 
 
 2.50 
 
OO  CHUKCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Edburton  Sussex  contains         92  inhabitants 
 
 Edgcot  Northamptonshire    67       ditto. 
 
 Egmore  Norfolk  47       ditto. 
 
 "  Thus  we  see,"  as  observed  by  the  author  from  whom  the  preceding: 
 statement  is  copied,  "  that  the  State  provides  the  same  extent  of  accom- 
 modation for  47  as  for  23,331  persons,  so  that  as  far  as  secular  autho- 
 rity is  concerned  for  the  religious  instruction  of  the  people,  a  large 
 proportion  of  them  are  wholly  unprovided  for;  while,  on  another  portion,- 
 its  goodness  is  showered  to  redundancy.  And  should  the  former  class 
 think  it  necessary  to  have  a  second  church  in  the  same  parish,  they 
 can  have  no  clergyman  to  perform  the  services  therein  Avithout  an 
 increase  of  their  ecclesiastical  burdens,  notwithstanding  they  may  already 
 raise  £3,000  per  annum,  for  the  purpose  of  an  adequate  supply  of 
 religious  instruction.  That  income  is  the  freehold  of  the  rector,  and 
 any  other  instruction  than  what  he  can  afford  in  a  church  not  large 
 enough  to  contain  one-tenth  part  of  the  inhabitants,  at  a  distance  of 
 five  or  six  miles  from  many  of  their  homes,  must  be  paid  for  by  a 
 separate  imposition." — Church  Establishment  fonndedin  Error,  p.  70. 
 Having  adverted  to  the  benefits  the  church  would  derive  from  eccle- 
 siastical reform,  let  us  next  advert  to  those  it  would  confer  on  the  com- 
 munity. 
 
 In  the  first  place  the  abolition  of  non-residence,  of  pluralities,  of 
 sinecure  offices  in  cathedrals,  and  the  reduction  of  extravagant  incomes, 
 and  the  substitution,  in  lieu  of  these  abuses,  an  uniform  and  graduated 
 rate  of  payment  to  the  different  order  of  ecclesiastics,  proportioned  to 
 rank  and  duty,  would  not  only  effect  a  vast  improvement  in  church  dis- 
 cipline, but  a  saving  of  at  least  seven  millions  per  annum  of  public 
 income.  Away  then  would  go  the  tithe, — the  most  unjust  and  impo- 
 litic impost  the  ingenuity  of  rulers  ever  devised  for  tormenting  God's 
 creatures,  and  crippling  national  resources.  Of  course  we  do  not 
 mean  the  tithe  would  be  simply  repealed ;  that  would  be  merely 
 throwing  so  much  additional  rent  into  the  pockets  of  the  land-owners 
 witliout  benefiting  tlie  farmer  or  general  consumer  of  his  produce.  The 
 tithe  is  a  tax,  and  forms  part  of  the  public  income  levied  for  public 
 purposes.  Its  simple  removal,  without  purchase  or  commutation,  would 
 only  yield  so  much  increase  of  revenue  to  be  lavished  on  opera  dancers 
 and  Paganinis  ;  or  dissipated  in  gaming-houses,  in  concerts,  coteries, 
 and  grand  dinners ;  or  wasted  at  Paris,  Florence,  and  Naples,  and 
 which  had  better  continue  to  be  spent,  as  much  of  it  now  is,  by  sinecure 
 silk-aprons  and  non-resident  pluralists,  at  Bath,  Cheltenham,  and  Ton- 
 bridge.  Tlie  measure  contemplated  by  the  people  is  the  sale  of  the 
 tithe  outright  to  the  landowners,  or  its  commutation  by  a  land-tax. 
 Tliis  would  be  a  real  reform ;  the  other  is  only  delusion. 
 
 With  such  a  resource  as  church  property  would  yield,  all  tlie  rabble  of 
 taxes  might  be  repealed  which  now  Aveigh  down  to  annihilation  the  springs 
 and  sources  of  industry,  and  oppress  a  man's  "  house,  even  his  heri- 
 tage." The  farmers  and  working  agriculturists  would  share  in  the 
 general    benefit,  not  only  by  an  increase  of  profits  and  wages  and  the 
 
TITHE    NOT    A    RENT-CHARGE.  89 
 
 mitigation  of  public  buithens,  but  also  by  the  extinction  of  an  inquisi- 
 torial impost,  whose  pressure  augments  with  every  increase  in  industry, 
 skill,  and  capital.  For  the  tithe  is  not,  as  it  has  been  alleged,  a  rent- 
 charge  imposed  on  the  land,  it  is  a  virtual  income-tax  levied  on  stock 
 and  industry.  A  rent-charge  is  paid  by  reason  of  the  land,  but  tithes 
 are  not,  but  by  reason  of  the  stock  and  labour  of  the  occupier.  If 
 there  be  no  annual  increase,  no  profit  made,  or  crop  planted,  no  tithe 
 can  be  demanded  ;  but  for  non-payment  of  a  rent-charge,  he  on  whom 
 it  is  settled,  may  enter  upon  and  possess  the  land  ;  whereas,  he  that 
 claims  tithe  can  only  avail  himself  of  the  produce. 
 
 Nothing  can  more  pointedly  illustrate  the  stagnating  influence  of  our 
 aristocratic  institutions  on  the  mind  and  energies  of  the  coi^munitv  than 
 the  continuance  of  the  tithe-tax  so  long  after  its  impolicy  and  injustice 
 have  been  demonstrated.  Even  IMr.  Pitt,  who,  throughout  his  political 
 life  was  the  slave  of  a  paltry  ambition  for  place,  and  the  tool  of  a  des- 
 picable faction,  meditated  its  removal.  It  has  been  denounced  by 
 Bishop  Watson,  by  Dr.  Paley,  by  Burke,  by  Malthus,  and  every  w>-)t<i» 
 and  statesman  with  the  least  pretensions  to  intelligence  and  patriotism. 
 It  is  supported  by  the  example  of  no  country  in  Europe.  Though  Eng- 
 land swarms  with  separatists,  and  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  a  national 
 religion,  yet,  for  the  maintenance  of  one  handful  of  spirituals,  the  whole 
 nation  is  insulted  and  the  operations  of  rural  industry  fettered  and 
 impeded. 
 
 Our  neighboui's,  the  Scotch,  have  long  since  wiped  out  this  abominable 
 stain.  Among  them  tithe  is  a  valued  and  commuted  rate  of  payment, 
 forming  a  trifling  and  invariable  impost,  to  the  extent  of  which,  alone, 
 the  landlord  can  ever  be  made  liable  to  the  church.  This  reform  they 
 commenced  about  the  time  they  got  rid  of  prelacy  and  cathedrals,  in 
 the  days  of  John  Knox.  With  this  superiority  Scotland  would  be  the 
 laud  to  live  in,  were  it  not  for  her  rag-money,  her  myriads  of  legalists 
 and  placemen,  her  host  of  servile  MTiters,  the  barrenness  of  her  moors 
 and  mountains,  and  the  griping  keenness  of  her  population.  "  Strange 
 as  it  may  seem,"  says  lord  Brougham,  in  one  of  his  eloquent  ha- 
 rangues, "  and  to  many  who  hear  me  incredible,  from  one  end  of  the 
 kingdom  to  the  other,  a  traveller  will  see  no  such  thing  as  a  bishop — 
 not  such  a  thing  is  to  be  found  from  the  Tweed  to  John  o'Groats  :  not 
 a  mitre,  no  nor  so  much  as  a  minor  canon,  or  even  a  rural  dean — and 
 in  all  the  land  not  a  single  curate — so  entirely  rude  and  barbarous  are 
 they  in  Scotland — in  such  utter  darkness  do  they  sit  that  they  support 
 no  cathedrals,  maintain  no  pluraiists,  suil'er  no  non-residence ;  nay,  the 
 poor  benighted  creatures  are  ignorant  even  of  tithes  !  Not  a  sheaf,  or 
 a  lamb,  or  a  pig,  or  the  value  of  a  plough-penny,  do  the  hopeless  mor- 
 tals render  from  year's  end  to  year's  end  !  Piteous  as  their  lot  is,  what 
 makes  it  infinitely  more  touching  is  to  witness  the  return  of  good  for 
 evil,  in  the  demeanour  of  this  wTetched  race.  Under  all  this  cruel 
 neglect  of  their  spiritual  concerns,  they  are  actually  the  most   loyal, 
 
90  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 contented,  moral,  and  religious  people  any  where,  perhaps,  to  be  found 
 in  the  world."* 
 
 Bishop  Watson,  said  "  a  reformer,  of  Luther's  temper  and  talents, 
 would,  in  five  years,  persuade  the  people  to  compel  parliament  to  abolish 
 tithes,  to  extinguish  pluralities,  to  enforce  residence,  to  confine  episco- 
 pacy to  the  overseeing  of  dioceses,  to  expunge  the  Athanasian  creed 
 from  our  Liturgy,  to  free  dissenters  from  Test- Acts,  and  the  ministers 
 of  the  establishment  from  subscription  to  human  articles  of  faith." — 
 Letter  to  the  Duke  of  Grafton. 
 
 Mr.  Burke  said,  he  "  wished  ministers  to  preach  the  gospel  with  ease, 
 but  their  possessions  to  be  such  that  the  pastor  would  not  have  the  in- 
 auspicious appearance  of  a  tax-gatherer." — His  Works,  vol.  x.  p.  146. 
 
 The  progress  of  public  reform  is  at  a  snail's  pace,  and  so  numerous 
 and  strong  are  the  holds  of  abuse,  that  many  pitchec}  battles  have  to 
 be  fought  before  a  single  inch  can  be  gained  from  the  waste  of  corrup- 
 tion. But  the  interests  identified  with  a  reform  of  the  church  are  so 
 many,  important,  and  self-evident,  that  we  feel  certain  it  is  a  measure 
 that  cannot  be  much  longer  averted.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
 we  are  sure,  may  save  himself  the  trouble  of  putting  forward  his  cun- 
 ningly-devised scheme  for  a  comj^osition  for  tithes,  for  a  limited  period, 
 at  a  fixed  rate  of  payment.  The  country  will  never  sanction  any  plan 
 tending  to  give  permanency  to  an  odious  impost  which,  to  our  great 
 opprobrium,  has  loug  been  suftered  to  survive  the  natural  term  of  its 
 existence.  The  worthy  primate  seems  to  feel  that  the  foundations  of 
 Mother  Church  are  giving  way,  and  he,  doubtless,  deems  it  good  fore- 
 sight in  himself  and  brethren  to  lay  hold  of  something  certain  for  at 
 least  the  next  twenty  3'ears,  the  probable  term  of  their  earthly  pilgri- 
 mage. But  he  may  rely  upon  it  the  owners  and  occupiers  of  land,  in 
 England,  will  not  be  so  easily  overcome  by  ecclesiastical  artifice  as 
 some  of  them  have  been  in  Ireland  :  a  man  must  be  totally  regardless 
 of  the  aspect  of  the  times,  he  can  know  nothing  of  the  state  of  opinion, 
 as  indicated  by  private  conversations,  by  proceedings  at  public  meetings, 
 by  newspapers,  by  parliamentary  debates,  by  the  petitions  from  Roches- 
 ter, Devonshire,  and  other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  who  is  not  convinced 
 that  tithes,  two  years  hence,  will  neither  impoverish  the  soil  nor  re- 
 proach the  wisdom  of  domestic  policy  :  the  attention  of  the  people  is 
 rivetted  on  the  vast  possessions  of  the  church,  and  to  them  they  look 
 as  the  best  resource  in  their  privations  and  difficulties.  In  the  language 
 of  Scripture,  and  of  the  followers  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  they  may 
 truly  exclaim,  "  Come  hither,  all  ye  that  are  heavy  laden, — Here  is 
 the  real  El  Dorado  for  reducing  the  boroughmongers'  debt,  and  lighten- 
 ing the  burden  of  taxation.     Here  is  the  fund  for  colonizing,  for  miti- 
 
 *  Trial  of  Jolm  Ambrose  Williams,  for  a  libel  on  the  Clergy  of  Durham, 
 Aug.  IGth,  1822,  p.  43.  The  defendant  had  given  umbrage  to  the  haughty 
 clergy  of  tlie  Palatinate  by  commenting,  in  a  newspaper,  on  their  servile  con- 
 duct in  prohibiting  the  bells  to  be  tolled  on  the  occasion  of  tiie  death  of  the 
 Queen  of  George  iV. 
 
RIGHTS    OF    LAY    IMPROPRIATORS.  91 
 
 gating-  poor-rates,  repealing  corn-laws,  and  creating  employment ;  and 
 none  but  fools  look  for  any  other  !" 
 
 Considering,  then,  a  great  bettering  in  the  condition  of  the  operative 
 clergy, — the  improvement  of  church  discipline, — the  abolition  of  tithes, 
 — and  the  saving  of  many  millions  of  public  income,  as  the  certain  and 
 prominent  advantages  of  ecclesiastical  reformation,  we  will  next  advert 
 to  one  or  two  interests  in  society  which,  at  first  sight,  appear  to  present 
 some  obstruction  to  this  salutary  revolution. 
 
 First,  of  the  rights  of  lay -impropriators.  It  is  necessar}'  to  bear 
 in  mind  the  distinction  which  has  been  before  adverted  to  between  the 
 tithes  of  the  church  and  the  tithes  of  laymen.  These  last  are  consi- 
 derable, amounting,  perhaps,  to  one-fourth  or  one-fifth  of  the  whole 
 tithes  of  the  kingdom.  They  have  been  estimated — though,  we  think, 
 on  incorrect  principles — to  be  worth  £1,752,842  per  annum.*  Now, 
 these  tithes  are  unquestionably  of  the  nature  of  private  property,  and 
 bear  no  analogy  to  clerical  tithes.  How  they  originated  has  been  ex- 
 plained, (page  12,)  but  that  has  no  bearing  on  their  present  tenure. 
 We  must  take  things  as  we  find  them,  and  adopt  such  rights  of  property 
 as  the  laws  and  usages  of  society  recognize,  without  ascending  to  their 
 remote  origin.  Upon  this  principle  we  quickly  discern  the  different 
 tenure  of  church  and  impropriate  tithes.  The  former  have  always  been 
 dealt  with  as  a  portion  of  the  public  income,  payable  to  certain  persons 
 while  engaged  in  the  service  of  such  form  of  worship  as  the  State 
 choose  to  patronize ;  the  latter  has  been  considered  a  rent-charge  due  to 
 individuals,  and  with  which  the  legislature  had  no  concern.  Hence 
 the  parliament  has  no  more  thought  of  interfering  with  impropriate 
 tithes  than  with  the  estates  in  land  obtained  at  the  Reformation.  The 
 tithe-owner  has  dealt  with  them  as  part  of  his  patrimonv,  which  he 
 could  rightfully  sell  or  devise  to  whom  he  pleased,  and  which  immunities 
 of  ownership  have  been  shown  not  to  appertain  to  ecclesiastical  posses- 
 sions. To  sequestrate  lay-tithes  would  be  gross  spoliation,  but,  in  the 
 secularization  of  church-property,  the  legislature  would  only  exercise 
 an  authority  it  has  always  possessed  ;  and,  were  the  life-interests  of 
 present  possessors  fairly  commuted,  neither  loss  nor  injustice  w'ould  be 
 sustained  by  any  person.  It  follows,  impropriate  tithes  do  not  at  all 
 enter  into  the  question  of  church  reform ;  they  must  continue  a  charge 
 on  land,  or  lands  liable  thereto  may  be  exonerated  on  such  terms  as  can 
 be  agreed  upon  by  the  landlords  and  lay-impropriators. 
 
 Next,  as  to  the  interests  of  private  patrons  in  advowsons.  A  right 
 of  presentation,  in  its  origin  and  in  acts  of  the  legislature,  has  been 
 shovrn  to  have  been  always  considered  merely  an  honorary  function, 
 which  ought  not  to  be  exercised  for  gain  or  family  interests,  but  the 
 promotion  of  religion  and  virtue.  Private  patrons,  therefore,  could  not 
 expect  to  be  indemnified  for  the  loss  they  would  sustain  by  ecclesi- 
 astical reform,  according  to  the  present  value  of  benefices.  All  they 
 could  expect  would  be  the  continuance  to  them  (as  was  the  case  in  Scot- 
 
 *  Quarterly  Review,  voi.  xxix.  p.  556. 
 
1)2  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 land)  of  the  right  of  nominating  the  ministers  of  the  Reformed  Church, 
 subject,  as  at  present,  to  the  .ipproval  of  the  bishop.  For  the  public  to 
 purchase  their  interests,  according  to  the  present  value  of  tithes  and 
 church-fees,  would  be  nothing  less  than  at  act  of  national  simony  ; 
 it  would  be  converting'  a  spiritual  function  into  a  temporal  possession, 
 and  the  state  committing  the  very  crime  in  wholesale  which  had  been 
 condemned  and  punished  when  perpetrated  in  a  less  degree  by  indivi- 
 duals. 
 
 Nothing  has  yet  been  said  of  the  provision  for  the  Established  Clergy, 
 to  be  substituted  in  lieu  of  tithes  and  church  estates, — whether  they 
 ought  to  be  paid  stipends  by  Government,  or  out  of  the  poor-rates,  the 
 county-rate,  or  some  other  rate  levied  e-xpressly  for  the  purpose,  or 
 whether  theyought  to  be  supported  bythe  voluntary  contributions  of  their 
 hearers.  The  discussion  of  these  matters  will  be  time  enough,  when  the 
 people,  or  their  representatives,  have  determined  upon  the  seculariza- 
 tion of  church  property.  The  proceedings  of  the  Church-building 
 Commissioners  offer  an  example  which  some  may  think  it  wise  to  follow. 
 They  have  shown  not  only  how  episcopalian  phurches  may  be  built  by 
 subscription,  but  how  the  minister's  stipend  may  be  paid  out  of  pew- 
 rents,  and  other  voluntary  contributions,  without  the  aid  of  the  com- 
 pulsory and  odious  provision  of  tithes.  It  may  be  thought  a  similar 
 plan  might  be  extended  to  all  the  churches  of  the  establishment;  but, 
 for  our  parts  we  are  in  favour  of  a  national  religion — a  Liturgy— and 
 an  endowed  clergy  ;  provided  the  endowment  is  moderate  — fairly  ap- 
 portioned among  the  working  clergy — and  does  not  exceed  about  a  mil- 
 lion and  a  half  per  annum.  A  public  worship  protected  by  the  state  has 
 formed,  with  few  exceptions,  a  part  of  every  well-ordered  community. 
 The  French  tried  to  do  without  it;  the  experiment  was  productive  of 
 enormous  crimes,  and  after  floundering  for  a  time  in  the  waves  of 
 anarchy,  they  were  compelled  again  to  resort  to  the  aid  of  spiritual 
 faith.  Religion  contains  now  little  to  give  offence  to  the  most  liberal 
 mind ;  it  is  not,  as  formerly,  like  the  demon  of  some  German  story — 
 recluse,  bloody,  and  unrelenting;  its  worst  features — bigotry  and  in- 
 tolerance— have  been  removed  bythe  progressof  science  and  philosophy, 
 and  what  remains  may  be  considered  a  good  with  scarcely  any  admixture 
 of  evil. 
 
 Whether,  however,  we  have  an  endowed  clergy  or  not,  no  fear  need 
 be  entertained  about  the  interests  of  religion  suffering.  The  fear  at 
 present  is  all  the  other  way,  lest  a  people  evidently  verging  into 
 the  gloom  of  puritanisin,  may  not  afterwards  recoil  into  the  opposite 
 extreme  of  licentiousness  and  unbelief.  This  has  been  termed  an  age 
 of  cant,  and  every  thing  tends  to  show  its  ascendancy.  Nothing  but 
 cant  can  live  in  literature,  the  drama,  trade,  or  politics.  Let  any  one 
 deny  the  popular  faith,  and  the  doors  of  the  legislature  are  closed  upon 
 him;  he  is  a  "  doomed  man,"  whose  future  life  is  "  bound  in  storms  and 
 shallows,"  and  he  is  shunned  as  if  he  had  caught  the  plague  from  some 
 infectious  lazaretto.  This  is  the  state  of  opinion  among  tlic  lower  and 
 middle  orders;  among  the  higher,  there  is  less  scrupulosity;  and  a  lord 
 
ON    A    FREE-TRADE    IN     RELIGION.  93 
 
 or  a  gentleman  of  £10,000  a  year  may  admire  Voltaire,  Diderot,  or 
 Spinoza,  without  being-  ejected  out  of  the  pale  of  social  communion. 
 
 While  men's  fortunes  depend  on  their  faith,  we  may  be  sure  there 
 will  be  enough  of  it,  or  at  least,  the  profession.  Like  the  French  sati- 
 rist, every  one  thinks  it  necessary  he  should  live,  and  of  course  will 
 adopt  the  means  essential  to  the  end  in  view.  It  is  possible,  however, 
 the  artificial  encouragement  of  devotion  may  produce  it  in  excess,  be- 
 yond the  wants  of  the  state,  and  thus  generate  the  extreme  to  which 
 we  have  adverted  at  the  Restoration  of  Charles  II.  There  is  always 
 some  danger  in  meddling  with  spiritual  opinions  as  with  temporal  interests; 
 and  many  may  think  the  wisest  course  to  be  adopted  towards  religion 
 would  be  to  follow  the  policy  recently  become  popular  in  respect  of 
 trade — leaving  it  free  ;  neither  attempting  to  depress  one  sect  by  the 
 drawback  of  civil  disabilities,  nor  to  encourage  another  by  the  bounty 
 of  protection.  It  is  certainly  a  fact  that  religion  will  generally  abound 
 in  proportion  to  the  wants  and  demands  of  society ;  where  there  is  much 
 ignorance  and  mental  debility,  there  will,  as  there  ought,  be  much  faith; 
 on  the  other  hand,  where  there  is  a  strong  and  enlightened  reason,  the 
 motives  for  good  conduct  will  be  sufficiently  apparent,  without  being- 
 aided  by  the  hopes  and  fears  of  superstition. 
 
 However,  as  before  hinted,  we  are  not  the  partizans  of  a  free-trade 
 in  religion,  and  think  a  worship  patronized  by  the  state  is  best,  pro- 
 vided it  be  cheap.  Our  reason  for  this  preference  may  be  somewhat 
 peculiar,  and  not  shared  in  by  our  readers.  We  prefer  an  established 
 worship,  not  less  as  a  means  of  maintaining  a  rational  piety,  than  as  a 
 counterpoise  to  fanaticism.  Without  religion  at  all,  men  are  seldom 
 better  than  beasts ;  but  if  their  rulers  have  no  control  over  the  popular 
 faith,  the  people  will  be  at  the  mercy  of  every  pretender,  whose  warm 
 imagination  or  an  over-w'eening  conceit  may  have  filled  with  the  delusion 
 of  a  divine  commission.  With  an  endowed  corps  of  ecclesiastics  the 
 state  possesses  a  medium  through  which  religion  may  be  kept  in 
 countenance  among-  the  hig-her  classes,  (adopting  the  slang  of  aristo- 
 cracy,) and  its  temperature  among  the  lower  be  regulated.  Of  course 
 Ave  mean  a  race  of  clergymen  differently  qualified  from  the  present. 
 These,  good  easy  souls !  have  little  influence  or  authority;  they  have 
 ministered  away  their  flocks,  and  remain  themselves  objects  of  derision 
 or  cupidity,  not  veneration. 
 
 With  the  near  and  long-standing  example  of  the  Presbyterian  esta- 
 blishment. North  of  the  Tweed,  it  is  surprising  the  task  of  ecclesiastical 
 reform  has  made  no  progress  either  in  England  or  Ireland.  In  the  Kirk 
 of  Scotland,  it  has  been  already  remarked,  there  are  no  bishops,  nor 
 dignitaries,  nor  tithes.  The  incomes  of  the  national  clergy  are  paid  by 
 the  Court  of  Session  out  of  a  fund  formed  from  the  ancient  tithes  of 
 the  country.  Some  of  the  benefices  being  considered  of  too  small  value, 
 they  were,  in  1810,  augmented  by  an  annual  grant,  from  Parliament,  of 
 £10,000,  which  made  the  poorest  livings  worth  £150  a-year,  and  the 
 income  of  some  of  the  ministers  are  considerably  more,  amounting  to 
 £300  or  £350.     Exclusive  of  house  and  glebe,  the  average  income  of 
 
94  CHURCH  of  England. 
 
 the  clergy  is  £245,  which  to  948  pastors,  makes  the  whole  annual 
 expenditure  on  the  Kirk  only  £234,900.  This  cannot  be  considered 
 extravagant  to  a  ministry  with  upwards  of  a  million  and  a  half  of 
 hearers ;  and  upon  the  whole  there  are  many  things  to  admire  in  the 
 Scotch  Establishment.  The  Scots  do  not  pay  a  quarter  of  a  million  for 
 laiv7i-sleeves  ;  nor  half  a  million  for  cathedral  and  collegiate  sinecurists. 
 There  are  no  curates ;  the  parochial  clergy  reside  upon  their  benefices  ; 
 exhortinp:,  catechising,  instructing,  and  performing  all  those  duties  to 
 their  parishioners,  for  which  they  receive  their  incomes.  The  Scotch 
 Church,  though  it  cannot  now  be  termed  poor,  yet  its  wealth  is  not  so 
 exorbitant  as  to  corrupt  its  ministry.  The  wealth  of  the  English 
 Church  is  the  source  of  all  its  vices — sinecurism,  pride,  luxury,  and 
 inefficiency. 
 
 The  Dissenters  afford  an  example  of  the  efficient  support  of  religion 
 without  any  compulsory  provision.  In  England  and  Wales  there  are 
 upwards  of  9,000  ministers  supported  by  Dissenters.  This  is  certainly 
 not  done  at  a  less  expense  than  £120  each,  or  rather  more  than  a  mil- 
 lion per  annum.  Again,  America  is  another  proof  of  what  can  be  done 
 by  voluntary  contributions.  There  are  not  less  than  1 1 ,000  ministers 
 of  all  denominations  in  the  United  States,  the  great  majority  of  Avhom 
 derive  their  subsistence  from  the  free-will  offerings  of  the  people,  inde- 
 pendent of  legislative  provision.  The  option  left  to  the  people  has  not 
 operated  to  the  decay  of  virtue  or  religion ;  on  the  contrary,"  religion 
 flourishes  among  them  to  an  extraordinary  extent — it  pervades  all  ranks 
 and  conditions  of  men — it  is  associated  with  all  their  pursuits — not,  in- 
 deed, as  a  second  head  of  the  social  body,  dividing  the  intellect  and 
 strength  of  its  frame,  but  as  a  pursuit  distinct  from  political  combina- 
 tions, altogether  a  personal  concern,  and,  therefore,  purposely  discarded 
 by  the  constitution.  Notwithstanding  this  absence  of  state-worship  the 
 United  States  have  become  a  mighty  empire,  which,  in  spite  of  the 
 solemn  pedantries  of  Capt.  Basil  Hall,  may  be  advantageously  compared 
 with  any  other  in  the  world,  whether  measured  by  the  standard  of 
 morals,  personal  prowess,  commercial  enterprize,  or  national  wealth 
 and  power. 
 
 We  have  now  done,  and  having  finished  our  exposition  of  the  Church 
 of  England,  can  truly  say  we  have  "  nothing  extenuated,  nor  set  down 
 aught  in  malice."  Our  statements  we  know  cannot  be  impugned  ;  but 
 it  is  possible  our  opinions  may  be  misunderstood.  It  may  be  thought 
 we  are  Jacobins,  Liberals,  or  worse.  Of  this  we  take  no  note,  know- 
 ing we  are  as  good  subjects  as  tnie  Christians.  We  have  no  dislike  to 
 the  Church,  but  we  object  to  it  as  we  do  to  the  borough  system,  because 
 it  does  not  reward  merit,  and  oppresses  the  honest  and  industrious. 
 Our  humble  endeavour  has  been  to  expose  the  corruptions  of  the  esta- 
 blishment. If  the  duties  of  the  Church  be  of  importance  to  Govern- 
 ment, or  to  the  interests  of  religion  and  morality,  it  is  a  strong  reason 
 for  reforming,  not  protecting  its  abuses.  It  must  be  clear  to  the  most 
 common  observers  it  cannot  long  continue  in  its  present  state.  Without 
 adverting  to  the  number  of  dissenters — to  defects  in  discipline, — the 
 
THE    CATASTROPHE.  95 
 
 Liturgy — ill-proportioned  revenue — or  the  conduct  of  the  clergy  them- 
 selves, the  mere  fact  of  a  body  of  men,  not  exceeding  eight  thousand 
 in  number,  and  of  no  g-reat  social  importance — claiming  in  the  most 
 vexatious  manner  a  tenth  of  the  natural  and  artificial  produce  of  a  soil, 
 raised  for  the  support  of  Fourteen  Millions,  is  so  staringly  out- 
 rageous, as  to  throw  all  argument  out  of  court,  and  leave  the  Church  a 
 barefaced  and  unparalleled  oppression,  without  precedent  or  palliative. 
 Further  reasoning  on  such  a  subject  is  out  of  place,  and  the  only  ques- 
 tion is — Who  will  rise  to  abate  the  colossal  nuisance?  Will  Govern- 
 ment timely  interfere  and  aftord  the  Church  a  chance  of  prolonged 
 duration,  under  a  less  obnoxious  form,  or  will  it  supinely  wait  and 
 behold  it  swept  off  in  a  whirlwind,  leaving  "  not  a  wreck  behind,"  by 
 a  simultaneous  rush  of  the  tiers  etat  ? 
 
 If  the  Church  is  to  be  saved  it  must  be  saved  by  a  wisdom  very  different 
 from  that  which  directs  the  councils  of  the  heads  of  the  Establishment. 
 They  are  obviouslv  as  insensible  to  the  position  in  which  they  stand  as 
 the  child  unborn.  Only  think  of  the  nature  of  the  bills  introduced  by 
 them  last  year  for  the  reform  of  the  Church.  The  character  of  one  — 
 that  for  a  composition  for  tithe — has  been  already  noticed.  Of  the 
 remaining  two,  one  is  for  augmenting  the  incomes  of  vicarages ;  the 
 other  for  shortening  the  time  of  prescription  in  cases  of  moduses  and 
 exemptions  from  tithes.  In  the  last  is  a  proviso  which  prevents  it  from 
 interfering  with  any  suit  which  may  be  commenced  within  three  years. 
 Ah,  my  Lords  Bishops,  the  crisis  will  be  past  long  before.  Do  not,  we 
 beseech  you,  lay  the  flattering  unction  to  your  souls  that  there  will  be 
 litigation  about  moduses,  prescription  terms,  and  nullu7n  temfus  maxims 
 three  years  hence.  Your  days  are  assuredly  numbered ;  your  lease  is 
 expired.  The  fatal  vote  given  on  the  Reform-Bill  has  sealed  your 
 doom,  and  no  depth  of  repentance  can  again  establish  you  in  the  esti- 
 mation of  the  people.  Solemn  pledges  will  be  demanded  from  a  re- 
 formed parliament  that  tithe  shall  be  abolished,  and  that  haughty  pre- 
 lates shall  cease  to  haunt  the  chambers  of  legislation.  A  terrible  stonu 
 is  impending-  over  the  Church,  and  nothing  can  avert  its  destructive 
 ravages  save  a  timely  abandonment  of  all  that  has  long  excited  popular 
 indignation — its  enormous  wealth — its  avarice,  pride,  and  self-seeking — 
 its  insolent  and  oppressive  power. 
 
LIST 
 
 OF 
 
 BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS 
 
 OF    THE 
 
 CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 
 
 EXPLANATIONS. 
 
 The  name  of  the  Pluralist  comes  first.  After  the  name  comes  the  first  living 
 of  tlie  Pluralist  in  italic,  and  an  initial  letter  denoting  its  title — namely,  r.  for 
 rectory,  v.  for  vicaraffe,  c.  for  chapelry,  p.  c.  for  perpetual  curacy,  d.  for  dona- 
 tive, d.  r.  for  district  rectory,  and  d.  c.  for  district  chapelry.  The  name  of  the 
 Patron  is  put  after  the  living  or  livings,  supposing  more  than  one  living,  of 
 which  the  same  person  is  patron.  Ahp.  is  put  for  archbishop,  bp.  for  bishop, 
 archd.  for  archdeacon,  dn,  for  dean,  cli.  for  chapter.  When  a  living  is  in  the 
 gift  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  Oxon  is  put ;  when  of  the  University  of  Cam- 
 bridge, Camb,  When  a  nobleman,  as  the  duke  of  Newcastle,  or  the  marquis 
 of  Exeter,  is  patron,  the  of  in  the  title  is  omitted  both  for  brevity  and  pro- 
 priety. The  "  of"  expresses  territorial  jurisdiction,  but  as  peers  do  not 
 possess  such  authority  at  the  present  day,  the  term  by  which  it  is  implied  may 
 be  properly  dropped. 
 
 In  the  language  of  churchmen  a  living  or  benefice,  which  are  synonymous, 
 is  a  rectory  or  vicarage  only  ;  but  many  chapelries  are  equally  entitled  to  fall 
 under  this  denomination,  and  have  been  so  considered.  There  are  free  chapels 
 perpetually  maintained,  and  provided  with  a  minister,  without  charge  to  the 
 rector  or  parish.  In  some  places  chapels  of  ease  are  endowed  with  lands  and 
 tithes  ;  they  have  by  custom  a  right  to  a  distinct  minister,  to  baptize,  to  admi- 
 nister sacraments  and  burial :  such  parochial  chapelries  differ  only  in  name 
 from  parish  churches.  Parish  is  a  vague  term.  In  the  north,  parishes  comprise 
 thirty  or  forty  square  miles,  which  is  seven  or  eight  times  the  area  of  parishes 
 in  the  south.  Under  13th  Charles  II.  certain  townships  and  villages  are  allowed 
 to  maintain  their  own  poor ;  hence  these  townships  became  so  many  distinct 
 parishes.  There  are  200  extra-parochial  places,  many  of  which  are  as  large  as 
 parishes ;  these  are  exempt  from  poor-rate,  because  there  is  no  overseer  on 
 whom  the  magistrate  can  serve  an  order ; — from  militia,  because  no  constable 
 to  make  a  return  ;  from  repairing  highways,  because  no  surveyor.  The  37  Hen. 
 VIII.  c.  31,  (also  4  and  5  Will.  &  Mary,)  allows  the  union  of  churches,  when 
 not  more  than  one  mile  apart,  and  under  value  of  £G.  Under  these  acts  churches 
 have  been  united  :  the  city  of  London  reckons  108  parishes,  forming  no  more 
 than  78  benefices;  in  Norwich,  70  parishes  have  been  compressed  into  37  bene- 
 fices. Contrary  to  tiie  rule  of  ecclesiastics,  we  have  considered  all  parishes 
 held  cum,  or  with  another,  distinct  benefices  ;  the  only  reason  for  an  opposite 
 course  is,  that  they  form  only  one  presentation,  though  such  presentation  is 
 often  held  by  two  patrons,  who  present  alternately  ;  and  many  of  such  consoli- 
 dated parishes  (Upham  cum  Durlcy,  for  instance,)  have  two  churches,  and  two 
 sets  of  overseers  and  churchwardens. 
 
 Tiie  district  rectories  and  district  chapelries,  established  in  such  parishes  as 
 liavc  been  divided  into  ecclesiastical  districts  by  the  Royal  Commissioners  for 
 
EXPLANATIONS.  97 
 
 Building  New  Churches,  under  the  authority  of  powers  granted  to  them  by 
 Parliament,  form  so  many  distinct  livings  or  benefices,  each  having  a  separate 
 maintenance  for  a  minister,  independent  of  the  mother  church. 
 
 Apart,  then,  from  the  corruptions  and  mystification  of  the  Church,  we  have 
 deemed  every  parochial  preferment,  chapelry,  vicarage,  or  rectory,  a  living; 
 and  we  consider  every  clergyman  a  pluralist  wlio  holds  tvro  sucli  preferments, 
 whether  separate  or  united.  A  curucij,  without  any  great  impropriety,  might  be 
 styled  a  living,  as  a  stipend  is,  or  oaght  to  be,  annexed  to  the  ofhce,  adequate  to 
 the  maintenance  of  at  least  one  individual :  but  as  curates  are  removable  at  the 
 pleasure  of  incumbents,  they  are  excluded  from  our  List,  which  includes  only 
 beneficed  clergymen. 
 
 The  abuse  of  holding  two  livings  or  more  is  so  prevalent,  that  to  have  enume- 
 rated all  the  transgressors  (about  2880  in  number,)  would  have  extended  our 
 List  to  an  inconvenient  length,  without  corresponding  utility  ;  our  object  has 
 been  to  exhibit  the  more  flagrant  breaches  of  ecclesiastical  discipline  ;  and  with 
 this  view,  we  have  restricted  ourselves  to  such  shameful  monopolists  among 
 the  parochial  clergy  as  hold  three  or  more  preferments.  We  have  also  included 
 tl)e  bishops  and  principal  dignitaries  of  the  church. 
 
 The  21  Hen.  YIII.  c.  13,  prohibits  a  person  holding  a  second  benefice  when 
 the  first  is  worth  eight  pounds  in  the  King's  Book.  But  a  man,  by  dispensation, 
 may  hold  as  many  benetices,  without  cure,  as  he  can  get;  and,  likewise,  so 
 many  with  cure  as  he  can  get,  ail  of  them,  or  all  but  the  last,  being  under  the 
 value  of  eight  pounds;  provided  the  person  to  be  dispensed  withal  be  not 
 otherwise  incapable  thereof.  By  the  41st  Canon,  however,  of  1G03,  the  two 
 benefices  must  not  be  farther  distant  than  thirty  miles  ;  and  persons  obtaining 
 dispensation,  must  at  least  be  INI.  A.  But  the  provisions  of  this  i;anon  are  not 
 regarded  or  enforced  in  the  courts  of  law  ;  and  the  privileges,  ex  officio,  entitling 
 to  grants  of  dispensation,  are  so  numerous,  andtlie  facilities  for  obtaining  them, 
 through  favour  or  evasion,  so  easy,  that  there  can  hardly  be  said  to  exist  a 
 practical  check  to  the  most  aggravated  cases  of  plurality. 
 
 In  tlie  disposal  of  every  living,  three  parties  are  principally  concerned  :  first, 
 the  patron ;  second,  the  incumbent ;  third,  the  bishop.  The  patron  is  the  per- 
 son in  whom  tlie  right  of  presenting  to  a  living  is  vested.  The  person  nominated 
 by  the  patron  is  the  incumbent.  The  oflice  of  the  bishop  is  to  grant  institution  to 
 the  living  to  which  the  incumbent  is  presented.  By  refusing  institution,  the 
 bishops  have  a  veto  on  appointments  by  patrons  ;  this  veto,  however,  is  i-arely 
 exercised,  and  it  is  seldom  that  the  patron  and  the  diocesan  are  at  issue.  The 
 most  important  personage  in  the  ali'air  is  the  patron.  It  will  be  seen  from  the 
 List  that  the  patronage  is  sometimes  in  individuals — sometimes  in  public  bodies. 
 Sometimes  the  incumbent  is  his  ottvi  patron,  and  presents  himself ;  sometimes 
 the  incumbent's  wife  is  patron,  and  presents  her  husband  ;  sometimes  the  hus- 
 band and  wife  are  co-patrons.  In  some  instances  the  patronage  is  divided, 
 the  nomination  being  in  one  party  and  the  appointment  in  another.  Many 
 ladies  are  patrons,  and  though  otherwise  ineligible  to  tlie  exercise  of  civil 
 rights,  no  doubt  they  are  well  qualified  to  select  spiritual  persons  for  the  cure 
 of  souls. 
 
 Nearly  all  the  livings  in  the  metropolis,  and  the  most  valuable  livings  in  the 
 large  towns  in  the  counti-y,  are  in  the  gift  of  the  crown,  which  adds  enormously 
 to  its  influence.  The  patronage  not  in  the  crown  is  chiefly  in  the  aristocracy 
 and  gentry,  the  universities,  and  the  bishops.  The  patronage  of  the  aristocracy 
 and  gentry  is  chiefly  bestowed  on  the  members  of  their  own  families ;  the  pa- 
 tronage of  the  universities  on  the  members  of  those  places  ;  the  patronage  of  the 
 bishops  on  their  connexions  and  relations  to  the  hundredth  degree.  A  great 
 mass  of  patronage,  however,  remains,  which  cannot  be  disposed  of  in  any  of 
 these  ways  ;  for  though  the  families  of  the  aristocracy  have  been  recently  proved 
 to  be,  on  the  average,  more  prolific  than  those  of  the  democracy,  they  are  not 
 sufficiently  so  to  till  all  oSices  in  the  army,  na\'y,  law,  church,  and  public  de- 
 partments ;  and,  consequently,  there  is  a  surplus  patronage  to  be  brought  into 
 the  market,  which  is  disposed  of,  like  other  commodities,  to  the  highest  bidder. 
 
 II 
 
98  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 It  would  have  been  more  satisfactory,  bad  we  been  able  to  state  the  present 
 imlue  of  livings  ;  but  there  is  no  authentic  data  for  the  purpose  :  parliamentary 
 returns,  it  is  true,  have  been  made  of  the  poor  livings,  biit  none  of  the  rich  ones; 
 and  tliere  have  been  returns  of  ilic  number  of  all  livings  above  and  below  the 
 value  of  £300,  having  non-resident  incumbents :  returns  were  also  ordered  in 
 the  session  of  Ib'iO  of  the  value  of  livings  in  the  gift  of  the  crown.  These 
 last  returns  have  not  yet  been  made,  or  at  least  printed  :  they  would  add  some- 
 thing to  our  knowledge  of  the  present  value  of  church-property  ;  but  what  the 
 public  wants  is  the  separate  value  of  every  see,  dignitj',  benetice,  and  ecclesias- 
 tical preferment,  and  the  proporlion  in  which,  and  number  of  individuals  among 
 whom,  tiiey  are  shared.  I'y  such  data  would  be  shown  what  the  Church  of 
 England  really  is,  and  indisputably  prove  the  existence  of  those  enormous 
 abuses,  which,  in  our  preliminary  article,  we  have  fully  proved  to  pervade  the 
 ecclesiastical  establishment. 
 
 We  have  only  one  more  remark  to  make,  and  that  refers  to  our  accuracy. 
 The  movements  tiiat  are  daily  and  almost  hourly  occurring  in  the  Church,  from 
 deaths,  translations,  resignations,  and  exclianges,  render  it  probable  that  altera- 
 tions have  intervened  since  our  List  was  sent  to  the  press.  Hut  this  does  not 
 defeat  our  object.  If  one  pluralist  has  been  removed  another  has  succeeded.  So 
 that  our  List  will  continue  to  exhibit  a  correct  picture  of  ecclesiastical  patronage 
 as  long  as  the  present  system  of  church  discipline  is  tolerated. 
 
 Adams,  J.  C.  Saxlchy,  r.  lord  Aylesford.  Shilfon,  c.  Anstye,  c.   the 
 
 King'. 
 Affleck,  R.  preb.  of  York  ;     Silkston,  r.  luith  Bretton,  Monk,  and 
 
 Stainhorourjh  chapelries,  abp.  of  York.   Treswell,  East  Medicty, 
 
 r.    West  Mediety,  r.  dn.  and  ch.  of  York   and  Mr.   Stevenson. 
 
 Thockerington,  p.  c.  Prebendary.      Westow,  v.  abp.  of  York. 
 Alban,  T.  Llandrillo,  v.  bp.  of  St.  Asaph.     Eaton,  v.   H.  and  W. 
 
 Lloyd.     Snead,  c.  P.  Morris. 
 Aldrich,  W.  Boyton,  r.  lord  Rous.     Stoive-Market,  v.  zvith  Stowe- 
 
 Upland,  c.  Mr.  Aldrich. 
 Allen,  R.  Driffield,  r.  precentor  of  York.      Whaream  Pier,  v.  Misses 
 
 Isted  and  Englefield.      Little,  p.  c.  unknown. 
 Allen,  S.  Haslingjield,  v.  C.  Mitchell.     Lynn,  St.  Margaret  and  St. 
 
 Nicholas,  c.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Norwich. 
 Allen,  D.  B.  preb.  of  St.  David's  and  Brecon.  Burton,  r.  sir  W.  Owen. 
 
 Manordiffy ,  r.  Llandewn  Welfrey,  r.  the  King. 
 Allen,  S.  Dunton,  v.  T.  W.  Coke.     Wulterton,  v.  with  Wickmere,  r. 
 
 earl  of  Oxford. 
 Allfree,  E.  M.  minor  canon  of  Rochester;    Canterbury ,  St.  Andreiu, 
 
 r.  and  St.  Mary,  Bredon,  r.  abp.  of  Cant,  and  dn.  and  ch.  of 
 
 Cant.     Strood,  r.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Rochester. 
 Alison,  A.  preb.  of  Sarum;  Ercall,  v.  H.  Pulteney.     Roddington,  r. 
 
 the  King. 
 The  pluralist  is  senior  minister  of  the  episcopal  chapel,  Canongate,  Edin- 
 burgh, and  a  native  of  Scotland  ;  being  related  to  the  late  bishop  Douglas, 
 that  prelate  gave  him  a  stall  in  his  cathedral,  and  procured  for  him  the  vicarage 
 of  High  Ercall,  in  Shropshire,  to  which  was  afterwards  added  the  rectory  of 
 Roddington,  in  the  same  county.     INIr.  Alison  is  the  author  of  a  work  on  Taste. 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  99 
 
 Allington,  W.  Bardford  Lit.  r.  Twywell,  r.  J.  Williamson.    Swinhop, 
 
 d.    Mrs.  Allin^on. 
 Anson,  H.   Buxton,  v.  with  Oxnead,  r.  and  Skeyton,  r.  lord  Anson. 
 
 Lyng,  r.  with  Whitwell,  v.  T.  Anson, 
 Uncle  of  earl  of  Lichfield,  master  of  the  buckhounds.     Another  uncle  is  rector 
 of  Longford,  and  rector  of  Sudbury,  of  which  benefices  Mr.  Coke  of  Norfolk, 
 and  lord  Vernon,  both  connected  with  the  family  by  marriage,  are  respectively 
 the  patrons. 
 Ashfield,    C.  R.   Great   Blakenham,    r,  Eton  Coll.     Dodington,    r. 
 
 duke    Buckingham.     Stewkley,   v.  bp.   of  Oxon.     London,  St. 
 
 Benet  Finck,  c.  dn.  and  canons  of  Windsor, 
 Apthorpe,  F.  preb.  of  Lincoln ;    Bicker,  v.   dn.  and  ch.   of  Lincoln. 
 
 Farndon,  v.   with  Balderton  and  Fiskerton,  chapelries,  preb.  of 
 
 Lincoln.  Gumley,  r.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Lincoln. 
 The  grandfather  of  this  gentleman  was  a  merchant  at  Boston,  in  America. 
 His  father  was  rector  of  St.  Mary-le-Bow,  and  bad  the  valuable  prebend  of 
 Finsbury,  in  St.  Paul's.  His  brother-in-law,  Dr.  Cory,  is  master  of  Emanuel 
 College,  Cambridge.  Another  brother-in-law  is  master  of  Shrewsbury  gram- 
 mar-school. 
 Atlay,  H.  Great  Casterton,  r.  Pickworth,  r.  marq.  Exeter.     Great 
 
 Ponton,  preb.  of  Sarum. 
 Astley,  H.  N,  Foidsham,  r.   sir  H.  Astley.     Little  Snoring,  r.  with 
 
 Bashan,  v.  bp.  of  Norwich. 
 Atkinson,  R.  Miisgrove,  r.  bp.  of  Carlisle.      Upelby,  c,  J.  B.  Elliot. 
 
 Claxby  with  Normanby ,  r.  Rd.  Atkinson. 
 Bagot,  Richard,  bishop  of  Oxford  and  dean  of  Canterbuiy. 
 
 Brother  of  lord  Bagot  and  of  sir  C.  Bagot,  ambassador  to  the  Netherlands, 
 who  married  a  daughter  of  lord  Maryborough. 
 Bankes,  E.    king's   chaplain  and  preb.  of  Gloucester  and  Norwich; 
 
 Corfe  Castle,  r.  Henry  Bankes,  M.P. 
 Son-in-law  of  lord  Eldon.     The  inhabitants  of  Corfe  Castle  must  feel  greatly 
 indebted  to  the  late  member  for  Dorsetshire :  lie  appoints  one  of  his  sons  to  watch 
 over  their  spiritual   welfare,  and  sends  another  into  the  house  of  commons  to 
 take  care  of  tiieir  temporal  aifairs. 
 Baker,  T.  canon  res.  of  Chichester ;  Bexhill,  v.  Rodmell,  r.   bp.  of 
 
 Chichester.     Fahner,  v.  earl  Chichester. 
 Barker,  F.  H.  St.  Alban's,  St.  Stephen,  v.  A.  Fisher.     North  Church, 
 
 r.  the  King.     Steppingley ,  v.  duke  of  Bedford. 
 Barker,  T.  Acaster  Malb.  v.  T.  B.  Thompson.     Kilburn,  p.  c.  Thirk- 
 
 leby,  V.  abp.  of  York. 
 Barrington,    viscount,   preb.  of    Durham ;    Sedgefield,    r.    with   Em- 
 
 bleton,  c.  bp.  of  Durham. 
 Bathurst,  Henry,  bishop  of  Norwich  :   Sapperton,  r.  earl  Bathurst. 
 Bathurst,    H.   archdn.   of  Norwich ;   North  Creake,  v.   earl   Spencer. 
 
 Oby,  r.  with  Ashby,  r.  a7id  Thurne,  r.  bp.  of  Noi'wich. 
 Barrow,  R.   vie.   chor.  Southwell ;   Barnoldby  le  Beck,  r.  Hallough- 
 
 ton,  p.  c.   South  Muskham,  v.  Hampton,  v.  South  Wheatley ,  r. 
 
 Southwell,  Collegiate  chapter. 
 
 The  small  collegiate  church  of  Southwell  has  attached  to,  in  the  gift  of  the 
 chapter  and  prebendaries,  twenty-seveo  livings,  amongst  them  several  of  the 
 large  aad  populous  parishes :    of    these  there  are  four  resident  incumbents, 
 
 H  2 
 
100  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 very  few  of  them  have  any  resident  officiating  minister,  and  almost  all,  if  not 
 all,  of  the  parsonage  houses  have  been  suffered  to  fall  into  decay.     The  follow- 
 ing particulars  will  exemplify  the  state  of  ecclesiastical  discipline. 
 In  the  gift  of  the  Chapter  : — 
 
 7  Rectories    None  resident. 
 
 4  Vicarages  One  resident. 
 
 3  I'erpetual  Curacies One  resident. 
 
 1  Chapelry Not  resident. 
 
 In  the  gift  of  I'rebendaries  : — 
 
 11  Vicarages Three  resident. 
 
 4  Ditto Believe  none  resident. 
 
 Many  of  these  are  hold  by  clergymen  living  in  Southwell,  who  are  pluralists, 
 
 and  several  of  the  curates  also  live  in  Southwell,  so  that  the  people  of  the 
 parishes  never  see  their  ministers  except  on  a  Sunday  in  the  pulpit.  That  they 
 find  Southwell  more  agreeable  than  living  in  a  retired  village  is  possible ;  but 
 ought  they  not  to  remember  that  their  duty  is  to  visit  the  sick  and  afflicted,  and 
 to  go  about  doing  good.  They  are  tiuis  suffered  to  neglect  their  duty,  and  to 
 let  fall  down  their  houses,  because  they  are  in  the  gift  of  the  church,  and  yet 
 they  expect  to  be  esteemed  and  their  delinquencies  overlooked. 
 Bartlett,  T.  Canterbury  All  Saints,  r.  All  Saints  St.  Mary's  church, 
 
 r.   All  Sai7its  St.  Mildred,  v.  lord  Chan.     Kingston,  r.  sir  E. 
 
 Brydges. 
 Bartlett,  W.  P.  Great  Cranford,  v.  G.  T.  Brice.     Cranford,   r.  earl 
 
 Berkeley.      Worth  Mallravers,  v.  rev.  T.  C.  Bartlett. 
 Bastard,  J.   Strafjieldsay,  v.  Stratjieldsay  Turgis,  r.  lord  Welling- 
 ton.    Belchalwell,  r.  Fifehead  Neville,  r.  lord  Rivers. 
 Basnett,  T.  G.  vie.  chor  of    Southwell ;     Bonsall,    r.    dn.   Lincoln. 
 
 Edingley,  v.  Halam,  p.  c.  Southwell  College. 
 Beadon,  F.  North  Stoneham,  r.  J.  Fleming-.     Sidham,  r.  J.  Wilder. 
 
 Titley,  p.  c.  Winton  College. 
 Chancellor  and  canon  res.  of  Wells.    Several  other  Beadons  aie  in  the  church, 
 who  are  indebted   lor  their  preferments  to  the  late  bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells, 
 who  had  been  tutor  to  the  duke  of  Gloucester. 
 Beauclerk,  lord  F.  Kempton,  v.  Redburn,  St.  Albarts,  St.  Michael, 
 
 V.  lord  Verulam. 
 Beauchamp,  Brian,   Cove,  c.  chapel  in  Tiverton.     Haivkridge,  v.  with 
 
 Wifhypoole,  c.  Miss  Wood.      Thoverton,  c.  vie.  Thoverton. 
 Beauchamp,  T.  W.  H.   Chedgrave,  r.  Langley,  c.  Buckenham  Ftrry, 
 
 r.  with  Hassingham,  r.  sir  T.  B.  Proctor. 
 Bechcr,  J.  T.  preb.  of  Southwell;  Hoveringham,  p.  c.  sir  R.  Sutton. 
 
 Thurgorton,  p.  c.  Trinity  Coll.  Camb.     Farnsfield,  v.  Southwell 
 
 Coll. 
 Beckett,  G.  preb.  of  Lincoln;  Barnsley,  p.  c.  abp.  of  York.     Fpworth, 
 
 r.  the  King.      Gainsborough,  v.  preb.  of  Corringham. 
 Beekc,  H.  dean  of  Bristol. 
 Beevor,  Miles,   Bircham  Newton,  r.   earl  Orford.      Toft  Bircham,   r. 
 
 sir  T.  Beevor.     Hethell,  r.  Ketteringham,  v.  E.  Atkins, 
 Bellaman,  J.  Ewerby,  v.  lord  Chan.     Kirkby   Green,  v.  the   King. 
 
 Kyme  South,  c.  sir  A  Hume. 
 Belfield,  F.  St.  Martin,  r.  viscountess  Sandwich.     Stoke  Gabriel,  v. 
 
 Exbourne,  r.  F.  Belfield. 
 Beynon,  T.  archdn.  of  Cardigan,  preb,  of  St,    David's  and   Brecon  ; 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  101 
 
 Llnnfchanriel  Aberbythych,    r.  bp.  of  St.   Asaph.     Llandevey , 
 
 p.  c.  Llanviha?i  Kilwayn,  r.  Penboyr,  r.  ivitli  Ydriyidod,  c.  earl 
 
 Cawdor. 
 Berkeley,    H.    R.    fell,   of   Winton    Coll.  ;    Coiheridge,    c.    Himself. 
 
 Shelsea  Beauchamp,  r.  lord  Foley.      Onibury,  r.  bp.  of  Hereford. 
 Bertie,  hon.  F.  Aldbury,  r.  IVooton,  p.  c.    Wigtham,  r.  earl  Abing- 
 don. 
 Bethell,  Christopher,  D.D.  bishop  of  Bagnor  ;  Kirkly  Wiske,  r.  duke 
 
 of  Northumberland. 
 Biddulph,  T.  T.  Bristol,  St.  James's,  c.  corp.  of  Bristol.     Dursion,  d. 
 
 rev.  R.  Gray.     Lyiieham,  c.  Mr.  Long. 
 Binney,  H.  Hackthorne,  v.  Hamvorth  Cold,  r.  Rt.  Cracroft.      West 
 
 Moidsey,  p.  c.  rev.  Dr.  Binney. 
 Birch,  Samuel,   D.D.  president  of  Sion  Coll.  preb.  of  St.  Paul's,  and 
 
 professor  of  geometry  at  Gresham  College ;  .S"^.  Mary  Woolnoth, 
 
 and   St.    Alary    Woolchurch,    r.     London,    the    King    and   Mr. 
 
 Thornton  alternately;  the  former  this  turn. 
 As  this  gentleman  is  one  of  the  Gresham  professors,  a  short  notice  of  the  pre- 
 sent state  of  tlie  college  may  not  be  out  of  place.  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  tiie 
 munilicent  founder  of  the  Royal  Exchange,  lor  the  convenience  of  commerce, 
 was  also  the  founder  of  a  college  for  the  advancement  of  learning ;  the  rents 
 of  the  former  were  bequeathed  for  the  maintenance  of  the  college ;  seven 
 learned  men  were  perpetually  to  reside  there,  for  the  culJivation  of  science  ; 
 and  during  term  time — every  day — tliey  were  to  deliver,  in  English  and  Latin, 
 gratuitous  lectures  to  the  public,  on  astronomy,  civil  law,  music,  rhetoric, 
 geometrj-,  divinity,  and  medicine.  All  the  remains  of  this  endowment  are  the 
 professors,  their  salaries  of  £100  per  annum  each,  and  an  obscure  nook  in  the 
 south-east  angle  of  the  Exchange,  adjoining  the  premises  of  our  publisher; 
 no  lectures  are  delivered,  or  none  that  the  public  think  worth  hearing.  An 
 attempt  was  lately  made  to  revive  tlie  college  by  removing  the  lectures  to 
 the  London  Institution.  It  failed,  we  believe,  from  tlie  reluctance  of  the  pro- 
 fessors to  concur  in  the  new  arrangement.  The  fact  is,  the  Greshanj  lectures 
 have  degenerated  into  a  city  job  ;  the  professors  had  received  their  appointments 
 as  sinecures,  through  personal  favour  or  relationship,  and  liad  not  suHiciently 
 devoted  themselves  to  scientilic  pursuits  to  be  prepared  to  convert  tlieir  profes- 
 sorsliips,  as  the  founder  intended,  into  chairs  ofeflicient  popular  instruction.  It 
 is  not  pleasant  to  be  always  reverting  to  abuses ;  l)ut  there  is  such  a  principle 
 of  vitality  in  thein  tliat  it  is  only  by  repeated  exposures  tliey  can  be  rooted  out. 
 Birch,  Thomas,   D.C.L.  dean  of  Battle,  archdeacon  of  Lewes;    West- 
 
 Jicld,  V.  bp.  of  Chichester. 
 Blandford,  Joseph,    Carlton  in  Morcland,  v.  w,  Stajdeford,  c.  lord 
 
 Middleton.     Klrton,  x.  Mapplebeck,  c.  duke  Newcastle.    Wellow, 
 
 c.  hon.  and  rev.  J.  L.  Saville. 
 Bloraberg,  F.  W.  canon  res.  of  St.  Paul's,  deputy  clerk  of  the  king's 
 
 closet,  chap,  in  ord.  to  H.  M.;   Bradford,  v.  w.  Atworth,  Holt, 
 
 Stoke,  Wraxhall,  Winslcy,  and  South,  chapelries,  dn.  and  ch.  of 
 
 Bristol.      Shepton  Mallett,  r.  the  King. 
 Blomfield,  Charles  James,  D.D.  bishop  of  London,  provincial  dean  of 
 
 Canterbury,  and  dean  of  the  chapels  royal. 
 Bower,  H.  Orchard  Portman,  v.  Taunton,  St.  Mar.  v.  Staple  Fitz- 
 
 jioine,  r.  E.  B.  Portman. 
 Bowes,  T.  F.  F.   chaplain  to  the  king;    Coivlam,  r.    Cake,  r.    B.  F. 
 Bowes.     Barton  le  Clay,r.  the  King. 
 
102  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Bracllcy,  W.  Baddesley  Ensor,  p.  c.   Inhabs.  of  Polesworth.     Mere- 
 vale,  c.  D.  S.  Dugdale.      Whitncre  Over,  c.  earl  Howe. 
 Brice,  J.  Aisholt,  r.  Incumbent.      Grenton,  r.  S.  Kekewich.     Catcott, 
 
 p  c.  lord  Henniker. 
 Bromley,    W.    D.    Bagginton,    r.    Oxhill,    r.   rev.  W.   D.   Bromley. 
 
 Cojiesthorne,  c.  D.  Davenpoite. 
 Brown,  H.  Ayleston,  r.  vnth  Little  Glen,  c.  Lubbesthorpe,  c.  duke 
 
 Rutland.     Hohy,  r.  Incumbent. 
 Father-in-law  of  the  rev.  Gilbert  Beresford,  rector  of  St.  Andrew's,  Holborn, 
 by  whom  Ayle.-iton  was  resigned  on  account  of  the  distance. 
 Brown,  L.  R.  Carlton,  r.  with  Kelsale,  r.  rev.  B.  Bence.     Prestbiiry, 
 
 V.  Mrs.  Leigb.     Sax7nu7idham,  r.  D.  L.  North.      Thorington,  r. 
 Browne,  J.   H.  archdeacon  of  Ely;   Cotgrave,     \st   Mediety,  r.   2cZ 
 
 Mediety,  r.  Eakring,  v.  earl  Manvers. 
 Browne,  W.  Charsfield,  p.  c.  W.  Jennens.     Great  Glemham,  c.  with 
 
 Little  Glemham,    r.   D.   L.  North.      Marlesford,  r.   A.  Arce- 
 
 deckne. 
 Buckle,  W.  Banstead,  v.  rev.  W.  Buckle.     Pirton,  v.  Christ  Church, 
 
 Oxon.     Shireborn,  v.  lord  Macclesfield. 
 Bulwer,  A.   Haydon,  r.  W.  W.   Bulmer.      Cawston,  r.   Pemb.   Hall. 
 
 Corjnisty,  v.  sequestrated. 
 Burgess,  Thomas,  D.  D.  bp.   of  Salisbury,  and  provincial  precentor  of 
 
 Canterbury. 
 Burgess,  Geo.  Atherington,  r.  Fra.  Bassett.     Halvergate,  v.  bp.   of 
 
 Ely.  Moulton,  v.  Tunstall,  c.  rev.  H.  Anguish. 
 A  relation  of  the  bishop  of  Salisbury  and  of  the  duke  of  St.  Alban's.  The 
 bishop  is  the  son  of  a  grocer  at  Odihara,  Hants,  where  he  was  born,  about  1755. 
 His  first  patron  was  the  bishop  of  Durham,  who  gave  him  a  prebend,  first  in  the 
 cathedral  of  Salisbury,  and  afterwards  at  Durham.  At  Durham  he  continued 
 till  the  administration  of  Mr.  Addington  (now  Sidniouth),  who  had  been  his 
 companion  at  Winchester  College,  conferred  on  him,  in  1802,  the  See  of  St. 
 David's.  In  1796,  the  bishop  married  a  Miss  Bright  of  Durham,  half-sister  of 
 the  marchioness  of  Winchester. 
 
 Burrard,  Geo.   Middleton-Tyas,  r.  the   King.      Yarmouth,  r.   Shal- 
 fieet,  V.  sir  H.  B.  Neale. 
 This  pluralist  is  also  a  magistrate  and  a  king's  chaplain.     He  is  brother  to  sir 
 H.  Burrard   Neale  and  to  lady  Rook,  who  has  a  pension,  and  son-in-law  to 
 admiral  Bingham. 
 Butler,  Samuel,   D.D.   archdn.   of  Derby,  preb.   of  Lichfield;  Kenil- 
 
 worth,  V.  lord  Chan. 
 Several  more  Butlers  are  in  the  church.     Dr.  Butler  is  head  master  of  Shrews- 
 bury gransmar-school.     He  married  a  daughter  of  Dr.  Apthorpe,  a  pluralist. 
 His  son,  W.  Butler,  is  author  of  a  pamphlet  on  the  French  Revolution. 
 Bull,  archdn.  D.D.  preb.  York,  canon  res.  of  Exeter,  archdn.  of  Barn- 
 staple; Lezant,  r.  bp.  of  Exeter. 
 Butler,  W.  J.  Nottingham,  St.  Nicholas,  r.  Thwing,  \st  Midicty,  r. 
 
 2d  Mediety,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 Calvert,  W.  Childerly,  r.  Hunsdon,  r.  Pelham  Stocking,  r.  Nicholas 
 
 Calvert. 
 Candler,  P.  Biirnham   Market,  v.  lord  Chan.     Little  Hautboys,  r. 
 
 Lammas,  c.  rev.  P.  Candler.     Letheringsett,  r.  Mrs.  Burrell. 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  103 
 
 Carr,  G.  Great  Eversden,  v.  lord  Chan.     Little  Eversden,  r.  Queen's 
 
 Coll.     Ipswich,  St.  Margaret,  c.  rev.  W,  Fonnereau.     Ipswich, 
 
 St.  Mary,  c.  Parishioners. 
 Cage,  Ed.  Bearsted,  v.   dn.  and  ch.  of  Rochester.     Badlesmere,  r. 
 
 Eastling,  r.  Newnham,  v.  cum  Leveland,  r.  lord  Sondes. 
 Campbell,  C.  Wesenham,  All  Saints,  v.  St.  Peter,  v.  Shingham,  r. 
 
 Beechamwell,  All  Saints,  r.  the  King. 
 Canon,  R.  Broxholme,  r.  North  Carlton,  p.  c.  lord  Monson.      West- 
 
 bury -on-trim,  p.  c.   with  Minehampton,  c.  G.  Edwards  and  J. 
 
 Baker,  alternately. 
 Cantley,  T.  Cambridge,  St.  Clement,  Camb.     Griston,  v.  bp.  of  Ely. 
 
 Gawston,  V.  R.  Huddleston. 
 Carey,  Wm.  bishop  and  archdeacon  of  St.  Asaph. 
 Carr,  Robert  James,  bishop  of  Worcester,  canon  res.  of  St.  Paul's,  and 
 
 clerk  of  the  closet  to  the  king. 
 The  prelate  is  brother  of  sir  H,  W.  Carr,  the  gentleman  who  married  Perce- 
 val's widow  alluded  to  in  the  Pension  List. 
 Capper,  G.  Blackenha?)i,  Lit.  r.    Gosbeck,  St.  Mary,  r.   T.  Vernon. 
 
 Wherstead,  v.  the  King. 
 Capper,    J.   preb.   of   Chichester;    Ashurst,    r.  duke   Dorset.      Wil- 
 mington, V.  hon.  G.   A.   H.  Cavendish.     Lollington,  v.  bp.  of 
 
 Chichester. 
 Casberd,  J.  T.  preb.  of  Wells  and  Llandaft';  Eghvystotuis,  r.  R.  Jones. 
 
 Llanover,  v.  ch.  of  Llandaff.     Llantude,  v.  Penmark,  v.  dn.  and 
 
 ch.  of  Gloucester.     Lysevanoth,  v.  lord  Plymouth.     Mamlad,  c. 
 
 Trevethan,  c.  vie.  of  Llanover. 
 Champness,  T.  minor  canon,  Westminster  and  Windsor;    Cottesford,  r. 
 
 Eton   Coll.    Upton,  v.   the   King.      Fulmer,    c.      Wyrardsbury, 
 
 V.  with  Lang  ley,  c.  dn.  and  canons  of  Windsor. 
 Chaplin,  W.  West  Halton,  r.  abp.  of  Canterbury.     Raithby,  r.  tvith 
 
 Hallington,  r.  and  Maltby,  c.  lord  Chan.     Hougham,  v.  seques- 
 trated. 
 Several  more  Chaplius  in  the  church;  they  are  cousins  of  the  late  archbishop 
 Sutton. 
 Chandler,    G.   dean  of   Chichester;    Southam,    r.    Marylebone,    All 
 
 Souls,  Lnngham  Place,  r.  the  King. 
 Chester,  W.   Denton,  r.  abp.    of  Cant.      Woodrising ,  r.   J.  Weyland. 
 
 Walpole,   St.  Peter,  r.  the  King'. 
 Clarke,  J.  S.  canon  of  Windsor,  dep.  clerk  of  the  closet  to  the  King, 
 
 chap,  in  ord.   to  H.  M.     East  Preston,  w.  Hove,  v.  Tillington, 
 
 r.  lord  Egremont. 
 Son  of  the  late  rev.  Edward  Clarke,  rector  of  Huxtcd,  Sussex ;  he  was  formerly 
 a  chaplain  in  the  navy,  and  owed  his  appointment  in  the  royal  household  to  his 
 intimacy  with  admiral  Payne.     He  is  author  of  a  Life  of  Nelson,  and  esta- 
 blished the  periodical  miscellany  tlie  Naval  Chronicle. 
 Clapham,  Samuel,  Christchurch,  v.  with  Bransgore,  c.  and  Holden- 
 
 hurst,  c.   dn.  and   ch.  of  Winton.      Gussage,  St.  Mie.  r.  I.  and 
 
 R.  Randall.      Great  Ouseborn,  v.  the  King. 
 This   gentleman   is   a  nati\e  of  Leeds,  Yorksliire,  where   he   wafi  educated. 
 He  was  first  patronized  by  lord  Loughborough,  then  lord  chancellor,  who  pre- 
 
104  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 sented  film  to  tlie  living  of  Great  Ouseborn.  Asa  remuneration  for  his  Abridge- 
 ment uf  the  Bishop  of  Winchester's  (I'retyman)  Elements  of  Christian  Theology, 
 that  prelate  obtained  for  him  the  vicarage  of  Christchurch  and  the  rectory  of 
 Glissade.  He  is  an  acting  magistrate  for  the  county,  and  compiled  an  Index  to 
 Burn's  and  Williams's  Justice,  Blackstone's,  Hawkins*,  &c.  law-books. 
 
 Clarkson,  T.  Hinxton-Comhes,  v.  Sivovesey,  v.  Camb.    Acton  Scott, 
 
 r.  R.  J.  Stackhouse. 
 Cleaver,  J.  F.  preb.  of  Southwell.     Holme  Pierrepont,  r.   earl  Man- 
 
 vers.     Applet07i-in-the-Street ,  v.  Aviotherby,  c.  Camb. 
 Cleaver,  J.  Edwinstow,  v.  Ollerton,  c.  Carburton,  c.  PoletJiorpc,  c. 
 
 (In.  and  ch.  Lincoln. 
 Cleaver,  J,  F.  canon  and  reg.  of  St.  Asaph.     Coriven,  r.  Rug,  c.  bp. 
 
 St.  Asaph.  Great  Coxivell,  v.  bp.  of  Sarum. 
 The  pluralists  owe  their  preferments  to  their  father,  the  bishop  of  St.  Asaph, 
 who  died  in  1815.  The  bishop  was  tutor  to  the  marquis  of  15uckingham,  with 
 vphom  he  went  to  Ireland  during  his  viceroyship.  His  brother  was  first  made 
 bishop  of  Ferns,  then  archbishop  of  Dublin.  He  himself  first  obtained  a  prebend 
 of  'Westminster,  was  next  elevated  to  the  see  of  Chester,  and,  after  one  or  two 
 more  move.s,  to  the  see  of  St.  Asaph.  He  married  a  INIiss  Asheton,  sister  of 
 Wm.  A.  of  Lancashire,  from  whom  the  present  are  descended. 
 Cobbold,  T.  Ipswich,  Sf.  Mary  Tower,  c.  Parishioners.      Welby,  r. 
 
 rev.  N.  White.      Woolj)et,  r.  rev  T.  Cobbold. 
 
 There  are  three  more  Cobbolds  in  the  church,  one  vicar  of  Selbourne,  and  a 
 witness  at  the  Winchester  trials  under  the  special  commission;  a  riotous  assem- 
 blage of  farmers  and  labourers  had  endeavoured  to  compel  the  reverend 
 gentleman  to  consent  to  reduce  his  tithes  from  £600  to  400  a-year,  the  last — 
 four  pounds  a  week — being  deemed  sufficient  remuneration  to  a  parish  priest 
 in  the  opinions  of  the  rural  logicians.  In  the  existing  state  of  popular  feeling, 
 how  is  it  possible  for  the  tithe  system  to  be  upheld  ?  it  does  not  answer  a  single 
 good  purpose;  and  its  compulsory  exaction  is  wholly  impracticable.  The  ends 
 of  religion  can  never  be  furthered  by  an  impost  which  generates  social 
 animosity,  and  tends  to  exhibit  ministers  and  parishioners  more  in  the  relation 
 of  wolves  and  sheep  than  pastors  and  their  Hocks. 
 Cockburn,  Wm.  dean  of  York. 
 Coldham,  J.   Anmer,  r.   J.  Coldham.     Snettisham,  r.  H.  Styleman, 
 
 Stockton,  r.  P.  Randall. 
 Combe,  E.    Barringlon,  p.  c.   rev.    Dr.   W.    Palmer.     Donyatt,   r. 
 
 Earnshill,  r.  Drayton,  p.  c.  R.  T.  Combe. 
 Colson,  T.  M.  Pilesdon,  r.  with  Stratton,  c.  hon.  C.  Darner.     Cha- 
 
 ?ninster,  c.  Mr.  Trenchard.     Linkenholt,  r.  Mrs.  Worgan. 
 Collet,  A.  Aldringham,  c.   luith    Thorpe,  c.    Great  and  Little  Lin- 
 stead,  c.  lord  Hunting-field.     Heveningham,  r.  the  King. 
 Collett,  W.  Swanton  Morley,  r.  sir  J.  Lambe.     Surlingham,  r.  rev. 
 W.  Collett.     Egmere,  r.  T.  W.  Coke. 
 Last  year  the  parishioners  of  Surlingham  gave  to  the  rector  the  alternative 
 of  either  accepting  a  compensation  for  tithes,  or  gathering  them  in  kind;  the 
 reverend  jjluralist  dexterously  endeavoured  to  ward  otT  this  blow^,  by  sowing 
 division  in   the  enemy's  camp;  and  in  a   hand-bill,  signified  his   intention  to 
 distribute,  as  a  gift,  among  the  "  poor  and  deserving  families   of  his  parish, 
 all  the  eggs,  milk,  pigs,  poultry,  and  fruit,  Avhich  would  in  future  belong  to 
 hiiTi,  as  small  tithes,  on  the  occuiiations  of  certain  of  the  rebels  whose  names 
 were  men'inned."     Avery  adroit  stratagem  this!  but  it  is   a  pity  the  worthy 
 rector  did  not  think  of  the  "  poor  and  deserving  families"  before  the  Finns,  and 
 the  union  of  tiie  labourers  and  farmers.     Other  parsons  have  endeavoured  to 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS,  105 
 
 conciliate  their  parishioners,  by  circulating  hand-bills,  in  which  they  try  to 
 prove  that  tithes  are  good  things  for  the  labourers — that  they  do  not  oppress 
 the  farmer,  being  only  part  of  his  rent,  which  if  not  paid  to  the  incumbent, 
 M'ould  be  exacted  by  the  landlord — and  that  the  average  incomes  of  the  bene- 
 ficed clergy  are  so  small  that  it  is  impossible  they  should  be  objects  of  cupidity 
 ■with  any  reasonable  person.  All  these  sophistries  "we  have  exposed;  it  is  not 
 the  average  income  of  the  clergy,  but  the  total  amount  of  the  revenues  of  the 
 church  and  the  unequal  distribution  of  them  that  are  objected  to ;  neither  is  it 
 meant  that  tithe  should  be  simply  abolished^that  would  certainly  only  add  to 
 the  rents  of  the  landlords — but  that  it  should  be  commuted  for  an  equivalent  and 
 less  objectionable  assessment,  levied  on  the  landed  interest,  and  this  commuta- 
 tion be  available  to  the  relief  of  the  productive  classes. —  On  these  matters,  see 
 p.  53,55,  and  p.  88. 
 
 Corbett,  S.  LL.D.  Kirkhamioith,  r.  chan.  du.  Lancaster.     Scraying- 
 
 ham,  r.  with  Leppington,  c.   the    King.       Wortley,  c.   rec.   of 
 
 Tankersley. 
 Cooke,  G.  Rissingtoii  Hick,  r.    the   King.      Cubhington,  v.  Honing- 
 
 ham,  p.  c.  I.  H,  Leigh. 
 Professor  of  natural  philosophy,  and  keeper  of  the  archives  in  the  University 
 of  Oxford. 
 
 Copleston,  Ediv.  bishop  of  Llandaff  and  dean  of  St.  Paul's. 
 Crabbe,  Geo,  Trowbridge,  r.  Staverion,  c.  Croxton  Kerrial,  v.  duke 
 
 of  Rutland. 
 A  popular  poet,  who  was  chaplain  to  the  late  duke  of  Rutland,  from  -whom 
 he  obtained  his  preferments,  and  whose  funeral  sermon  he  preaclied  at  lielvoir. 
 Crawley,  C.   Broadwater,  v.  Miss  Mills.     FZax/ey,  d.  sir  J.  Crawley. 
 
 Stoiv,  Nine  Churches,  r.  rev.  J.  L.  Crawley. 
 Croft,  James,  archd.   and    preb.    of  Canterbury.     Cliff e-at-Hone,    r. 
 
 Saltwood,  T.w.  Hythe,  c.  abp.  of  Cant. 
 Married  a  daughter  of  the  late  archbishop  Sutton. 
 Crook,  Ch.   Bath,   St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  v.   St.  Mary  Mag.    Ch. 
 
 St.  Michael,  r.  Widcombe,  c.   Mayor  and  Corporation. 
 Oust,  Heury,   Cockayne-Hatley ,  r.  Syiuell,   r.    Raisen  Mid.   Tup- 
 holm,  V.  earl  Brownlow.    Willoughby,  St.  Helen,  r.  lord  Gwydyr. 
 Dallen,  J.  vie.  chor.  York.     Rudsfon,  v.   Trinity  in   Goodramgate, 
 
 r.  St.  John  Delpike,  r.  and  St.  Maurice  without  Monk,  v.  abp. 
 
 of  York. 
 Dampier,  J.  Codford,  St.  Peter,  r.  H.  Kellow.  Lang  ton  Matravers, 
 
 r.  Incumbent.     Pitcombe,  c.   Breivham,  c.  sir  R.  C.  Iloare. 
 Davles,  G.  J.    Grovenhurst  Superior,  r.  Trustees.      Marjieet,  c.  H. 
 
 Grylls.     Sutton,  c.   H.  Broadley. 
 Davy,  Geo.  M.A.  dean  of  Chester;  vacated  by  Dr.  Phillpotts. 
 Davy,  C.   Barking,  r.  Combes,  r.   Badley,  c.  earl  Ashburnham. 
 Dawson,  F.  Chiselhurst,  r.  Hayes,  r.  Orpington,  (sinecure,)  r.  with 
 
 Doivn,  c.  abp.  of  Cant. 
 Day,  G.  minor  canon  of  Norwich.     Barton  Bendish,  r.  sir  H.  Berney. 
 
 Hemblington,  c.   Norioich  Eaton,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Norwich. 
 Day,  J.   Seething,    c.    St.  Peter,  Mundham,  c.  Corp.  of  Norwich, 
 
 Yelverton,  r.   lord  Chan.  • 
 
 Digby,  C.  canon  of  Windsor.     Chiselboro",  v.ioith  West  Chinnock,  c. 
 
 Middle  Chinnock,  v.  Pensehvood,  r.  lord  Ilchester. 
 
106  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Dillon,  H.  L.   Carhampton,  v.  Mrs.  Langham.     Carkampton,    p.  c. 
 
 H.  P.  Wyndham.     Litchet,  r.  W.  Trenchard. 
 Dixon,  W.  H.  preb.  of  York  and  Ripon.     JBishopsthorpe,  v.  abp.  of 
 
 York.      Cawood,  c.  preb.  of  Wistow.     Mappleton,  v.  archdn.  E. 
 
 Riding.      Topcliffe,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  York. 
 Doveton,  J.  F.   Betchworth,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Windsor.     Burnet,  r. 
 
 Corp.  of  Bristol.  Mells,  r.  xvith  Leigh  on  Mendip,  c.  T.  G,  Horner. 
 D'Oyley,  Geo.    Lambeth,  r.  with  Stockwell,  c.  Sundridge,  r.  abp. 
 
 of  Cant. 
 
 Chaplain  to  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,   and  christian  advocate  in  the 
 University  of  Cambridge. 
 Dudley,    J.    Humberstone,   v.  Incumbent.     Sileby,  v,     W.  Pochin. 
 
 Himby,  r.  earl  Dudley. 
 Dowland,  J.  J.  G.     Broad  Windsor,   v.    the  King.      Tuniworth,  v. 
 
 bp.  of  Sarum.      Winterbourne  Whitchurch,  v.  E.  M.  Pleydell. 
 Edge,  W.  Hollesley,  r,  Noughton,  r.  Nedging,  r.  rev.  W.  Edge. 
 Ellis,  J.   Llangarndimell,  v.   Llankerrig,  r.  bp.  St.  David's.     Llan- 
 
 badrig,    v.    the   King.      Wooten    Waven,    with     Uttenhall,    c. 
 
 King^'s  Coll.   Cambridge. 
 England,  W.    archdn.  of  Dorset.      Ower    Maine,    r.     Winterbourne 
 
 Came,  r.  and  St.  Germain,  r.  lady  Damer.     West  Stafford,  r. 
 
 Mrs.  Floyers. 
 Fardell,  H.  preb.  of  Ely.      Wisbech,  v.    Waterbeach,  v.  bp.  of  Ely. 
 
 See  a  chronological  statement  of  the  progress  of  this  gentleman  in  the  church, 
 p.  25. 
 Fellowes,  J.    Bramerton,  r.  Easton,  r.    Mottisham  Mantby,   v.  R. 
 
 Fellowes.     Bratton  Clovelly,  r.  bp.  of  Exeter. 
 Field,  R.  Mendlesham,  v.  Pearson  and  Wyatt.     Sutton,  All  Saints, 
 
 V.  Oxon.     Ramsholt,  c.  J.  Pennington. 
 Finch,  H.    Oakham,  v.  loith  Barleythorpe,  c.  and  Brooke,  c.  Latig- 
 
 ham,  c.  Eggleton,  c.  lord  Winchelsea. 
 Finch,  H.   Great    Mclford,     v.     Little   Melford,    r.     W.  F.  Finch. 
 
 Longstanton,  All  Saints,  bp.  of  Ely. 
 Nine  Finches  in  the  church,  vfith  eighteen  livings,  besides  dignities.   Most 
 of  them  are  honourahles,  and  branches  of  the  family  of  lord  Winchelsea. 
 Fisher,  John,  archdn.  of  Berks,  can.  res.  of  Sarum.    Gillingham,  v.  w. 
 
 East  and  West  Stover,  c.  Motcombe,  c.    Osmington,  v.  bp.  of 
 
 Salisbury. 
 Fisher,  Jona.  P.  D.D.  can.  res.  of  Exeter.     Farringdon,  r.  Rockbear, 
 
 V.  bp.  of  Exeter. 
 F'isher,  P.     Elton,  r.  Messrs.   Shafto  and  Hogg.      Whapload.  v.  the 
 
 King.     Stoke  Canon,  d.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Exon. 
 
 Thirteen  more  Fishers  viith  benefices  and  offices.  They  are  all,  we  suspect, 
 relations  of  the  lale  bishop  of  Salisbury,  and  are  an  instance  of  that  monopoly 
 which  is  the  disgrace  of  the  establishment.  The  bishop  was  preceptor  to  the 
 princess  Charlotte  of  Wales  and  the  Duke  of  Kent.  Having  obtained  a  prebend 
 of  Windsor  and  the  iuchdeaconry  of  Exeter,  he  was,  in  1803,  promoted  to  that 
 see;  and,  in  1808,  translated  to  Salisbury.  The  patronage  of  the  diocese  is 
 forty  livings  and  thirty-live  i)rel)cnds,  from  vvliich  fund  he  made  a  conir()r(;d)le 
 provision  for  his  family.    P.  Fiskcr,  beside  his  three  livings,  has  a  prebend  at 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  107 
 
 Norwich,  and  another  at  Salisbury,  and  is  head  master  of  the  Charter-house. 
 This  man  is  really  insatiable.  His  salary  at  the  Charter-house  is  £800  a  year, 
 with  a  house,  candles,  vegetables,  and  an  allowance  for  linen.  He  had  a 
 nephew  lately  on  the  foundation,  and  two  sons  exhibitioners  at  the  Universities, 
 with  allowances  of  £80  a  year  from  the  charity. 
 Fletcher,  W.  chan.  of  d.  of  Carlisle,  and  preb.  of  York.     Bromjield, 
 
 V.   Dalston,  v.  Lazonhy,  v.  bp.  of  Carlisle. 
 Fly,  H.  D.D.  sub-dean  of  St.  Paul's,  London.     Trinity,  Minories,  c. 
 
 the  King.      Willesdon,  v.  Kingsbury,    p.  c.    with  Twyford,  c. 
 
 dn.  and  ch.  of  St.  Paul's. 
 Forester,  T.  preb.  of  Worcester.     Broseley,  r.  Little  Wenlock,  with 
 
 Barroiu,  c.  and   Benthall,    c.    lord   Forester.      Worcester,  St. 
 
 John  Bedivardine,  v. 
 Foxton,  G.   Queensbury,    v.    with  Ragdale,    c.  E.  Loveden.     New 
 
 Town,  T.  bp.  of  St.  Asaph.      Tioining,  v.  Christ-church,  Oxon. 
 Frome,  R.  Folke,  r.  rev.  W.  Chafin.     Goathill,  r.  earl  Digby.  Min- 
 
 tern,  r.   Mrs.  Sturt. 
 Gabell,  H.  D.  Ashoiu,  r.  C.  Leigh.  Binfield,  r.    Winchester ,  St.  Lau- 
 rence, r.  lord  Chan. 
 Gaisford,  T.  dean  of  Oxford. 
 Garnier,  Thomas,  Bishop's  Stoke,  r.  Brightwell,  r.    Foxhull,  c.  lip. 
 
 of  Winton. 
 The  patronage  of  the  church  is  an  excellent  resource  for  comfortable  marriage- 
 settlements.  A  son  of  the  pluralist  married  a  daughter  of  Brownlow  North, 
 late  bishop  of  Winchester,  and  was  portioned  off  with  the  rectory  of  Droxford, 
 a  prebend  of  Winchester,  and  the  mastership  of  St.  Cross's  Hospital,  which  has 
 great  patronage.  A  daughter  married  Thomas,  second  son  of  the  late  lord 
 Walsingham,  who  is  archdeacon  of  Surrey,  prebendary  of  ^\'inchester,  rector  of 
 Colbourne,  and  king's  chaplain.  A  son  of  this  last  is  prebendary  of  Winchester, 
 and  rector  of  Alverstoke  and  of  Havant.  The  Norths,  who  are  numerous  in  the 
 church,  are  relations  of  the  former  bishop  of  Winchester,  and  had  more  than 
 thirty  livings  shared  among  them. 
 
 Geldert,  J.  Aldjicld,  c.    Mrs.  Laurence.     Barnwell,  c.   Cambridge 
 
 Less,  c.  Kirk  Deighton,  r.  rev.  Dr.  Geldart. 
 Goddard,    C.    archdn.    and   preb.   of  Lincoln,   chaplain  to  the  king; 
 Bexley,  v.  viscount  Sidney.     Louth,  v.  preb.  of  Louth.     Lon- 
 don, St.  James's,  Garlicky  the,  r.  bp.  of  London. 
 Goddard,    E.    Eartham,    v.    preb.  of  Eartham.     Easthampstead,   r. 
 Chr.   Ch.    Oxon.     Pagham,  v.    ivith    Bognor,  c.  abp.  of  Cant. 
 Sidleshdiri,  v.  preb.  of  Sidlesham. 
 Goodacre,  W.  Mansjield  Woodhouse,  p.  c.  Skegly,  p.  c.  duke  Port- 
 land.    Sutton  Aslifield,  p.  c.  duke  Devonshire. 
 Goodall,  J.  provost  of  Eton  Coll.  canon  of  Windsor ;     Bromham,  v. 
 Hitcham,  r.  Eton  Coll.    West  Ilsley,  r.  dn.  and  ens.  of  Windsor. 
 The  rev.  plui-alist  being  the  head  of  a  great  public  school,  we  shall  give  a 
 brief  account  of  one  of  these  foundations,  the  boasted  nursery  of  our  legislators 
 and  statesmen.     They  are  receptacles  of  abuse,  and  present  a  singular  contrast 
 to  similar  institutions  in  a  neighbouring  country  ;  while  the  latter  produce  phi- 
 losophers, heroes,  and  patriots,  the  former  send  forth  a  plentiful  crop  of  exqui- 
 sites, air-gun  shooters,  and  at  best  pedants  and  Payleyean  politicians.     From 
 the  seed  sown  such  fruit  may  be  expected ;  tlie  scholar's  time  is  misspent  in 
 grammatical  and  metrical  trifling,  and  little  is   read  or  studied  but  Horace, 
 
108  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Virgil,  and  Homer.  Leaving  these  matters,  let  us  come  to  the  founslation  ot 
 Eton  and  its  management. 
 
 Eton  college  is  situated  near  Windsor,  and  was  founded  by  Henry  VI.  for 
 the  education  of  seventy  poor  and  indigent  scholars,  who  were  enjoined  by  the 
 founder  to  swear  tiiey  had  not  ^3  :  6s.  a  year  to  spend.  The  exact  amount  of 
 the  revenues  it  is  not  easy  to  ascertain,  as  it  is  a  fact  carefully  concealed  by  the 
 heads  of  the  college ;  but,  according  to  the  evidence  of  Mr.  Hinde,  they  amount 
 to  considerably  more  than  flO.OOO  a  year,  and  arise  from  various  manors, 
 estates,  rectories,  and  tenements  belonging  to  the  foundation.  The  g()\  ernment 
 of  the  college,  and  the  management  of  this  large  income,  is  vested  in  the 
 provost  and  sec  en  fellows;  the  salaries  of  the  latter,  according  to  the  statutes,  are 
 £10  a  year,  and  of  the  former  double  that  sum.  The  bishop  of  Lincoln  is  visitor. 
 Besides  the  foundation  scholars  there  are  more  than  400  oppidens,  or  town  scho- 
 lars, who  pay  for  their  education;  though,  like  the  rest  of  the  boys,  they  are 
 entitled  to  i>:ratititoiis  instruction.  The  scholars  are  instructed  by  masters  and 
 assistants,  who  in  fact  do  all  the  business  of  the  college,  and,  as  is  usual  in  such 
 cases,  get  the  worst  paid;  the  head  master  receives  only  £03  a  year;  the  under 
 master  fares  still  worse  and  is  paid  in  a  trilling  ''allowance  of  bread  and  beer."* 
 
 The  more  interesting  subject  for  inquiry  is,  what  becomes  of  the  revenue  when 
 all  the  work  js  done  at  such  a  cheap  rate?  Nearly  the  whole  of  this,  at  the  pre- 
 sent, appears  to  be  divided  betwixt  the  provost  and  the  fellows;  the  share  of 
 the  former  in  good  years  has  amounted  to  £2500  ;  but  the  incomi-s  of  the  latter 
 are  made  up  of  such  variety  of  items,  they  are  not  easily  estimated.  It  is 
 certain,  how-ever,  their  incomes  are  enormous.  Besides  the  total  income  of  the 
 college,  thirty-seven  livings,  some  of  which,  worth  £800  per  annum,  are  in  the 
 gift  of  the  iellows  ;  they  have  the  power  of  presenting  themselves  to  one  of  these 
 livings,  which  of  course  would  not  be  the  worst.  They  receive  about  £5.50  in 
 money  annually  from  the  fines;  a  yearly  stipend  of  £50;  and  a  liberal  allow- 
 ance for  gowns,  coals,  candles,  &c.  INIoreover,  they  generally  confer  some  ollice 
 on  themselves  in  the  college,  as  bursar,  precentor,  sacrist,  or  librarian  ;  for  which 
 they  receive  a  salary.  These  are  the  principal  items;  but  it  is  impossible  to 
 discover  exactly  what  the  fellows  receive  in  all:  their  gross  incomes  cannot  be 
 much  less  than  £1000  a  year  each. 
 
 After  Dr.  Goodull  has  taken  the  lion's  share,  and  the  fellows  nearly  as  much 
 as  they  please,  the  remainder  is  applied  to  sui)port  tiie  establishment.  According 
 to  the  statutes,  the  scholars  ought  to  be  fed,  clothed,  educated,  and  lodged,  free 
 from  expense;  they  have  reduced  their  meals  to  two,  namely,  dinner  and  sup- 
 per ;  clothing  they  have  none ;  for  their  education  they  pay  a  gratuity  of  six 
 guineas  to  the  master,  and  their  other  yearly  expenses  amount  to  about  sixty 
 pounds ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  they  swear,  or  ought  to  swear,  they  have  not 
 three  pounds  six  shillings  a  year  to  spciid  ! 
 
 These  exactions  are,  however,  so  shameless,  unjustifiable,  and  so  directly  in 
 the  teeth  of  the  statutes,  that  when  any  person  ventures  to  object  to  their  pay- 
 ment, to  prevent  enquiry,  the  charges  are  remitted.  The  indulgence  is  extended 
 to  a  very  small  number;  and  to  prevent  such  a  dangerous  example  spreading 
 through  the  school,  the  fact  is  carefully  concealed  from  the  reSt  of  the  boys. 
 That  this  illegal  demand  for  teaching  may  excite  as  little  notice  as  possible,  it  is 
 always  thrust  into  the  bill  of  the  person  Avith  whom  the  boys  board.*' 
 
 Such  is  a  brief  account  of  the  royal  college  of  Eton.  It  only  now  remains 
 to  point  out  the  more  llagrant  abuses  which  prevail  in  its  management,  and  the 
 manner  the  poor  have  been  robbed  of  their  rights  and  interests  in  this  celebrated 
 foundation. 
 
 First,  instead  of  the  revenues  being  expended  in  feeding,  educating,  and 
 clothing,  "  seventy  poor  and  indigent  scholars,"  they  are  divided  among  eight 
 clerical  sinecurists ;  and  children  of  opulent  persons,  who  can  afford  to  pay  £70 
 
 *  Third  Report  of  the  Education  Committee,  Sess.  1818,  p.  72. 
 
 t  Third  Report  of  Education  Committeo,  p.  71,  evidence  olthe  Rev.Dr.Goodall. 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  109 
 
 a-year  for  (heir  education,  are  alone  ailtnittetl  lo  the  benefits  of  the  foundation. 
 The  statutes  jiroviile,  that  one-tliird  part  of  the  .yearly  saviny;  shall  be  placed  in 
 tlie  treasury,  for  the  use  of  the  college  ;  although  there  has  been  annually  a  sur- 
 plus revenue  to  a  very  considerable  amount,  instead  of  being  applied  to  the 
 enlargement  of  the  college,  or  any  other  laudable  object,  it  has  been  divided 
 and  pocketed  by  the  reverend  fellows  and  the  provost;  one  hundred  marks,  too, 
 piously  left  to  clothe  the  ''  poor  and  indigent  scholars,"  have,  in  like  manner,  been 
 shared  as  lawful  plunder  by  the  same  reverend  persons.  In  consequence  of  the 
 spoliation  of  Edward  the  IVth.  the  number  of  fellows  was  reduced  from  ten  to 
 seven  ;  but  although  the  revenues  have  increased  so  enormously,  that  they  would 
 very  well  support  the  old  statutable  number,  yet  they  have  for  centuries  been 
 kept  at  the  present  amount,  contrary  to  the  intentions  of  the  founder.  Finally, 
 the  reverend  fellows  have  all  sworn  not  to  obtain  a  dispensation  for  the  holding 
 of  livings  ;  or,  if  obtained,  not  to  use  it;  yet,  notwithstanding  their  oaths,  not- 
 withstanding the  dreadful  maledictions  of  the  founder,  such  has  been  their 
 greediness  for  the  emoluments  of  the  church,  that  they  have  obtained  a  dispen- 
 sation to  hold  church  preferment ;  and  the  right  reverend  visitor  has  sanctioned 
 this  infringement  of  the  ordinances  of  Henry  VI. 
 
 Goodenough,  E.  dn.  of  Bath  and  Wells,  and  preb.  of  Westminster,  Car- 
 lisle, and  York  ;    Wath,  All  Saints    on  Dearne,  v.  Adivick,  c. 
 
 Brampton  Bierlow,  c.   Christ  Ch.  Oxon. 
 Goodenough,  S.   J.  preb.  of  Carlisle;  Broughton  Poges,  r.  rev.   J. 
 
 Goodenough,     Hampton,  v.  the  King. 
 Goodenough,  William,  archdn.  of  Carlisle,  with  Marehavi  le  Fen,  r. 
 and  great  Salkeld,  r.  bp.  of  Carlisle. 
 Three  more  Goodenoughs  ;  they  are  of  the  family  of  the  late  Bishop  of  Carlisle. 
 The  prelate  obtained  the  deanery  of  Rochester  in  1802,  and  in   18i!8  was  pro- 
 moted to  the  See  of  Carlisle,  through  the  interest  of  lord  Sidmouth,  his  brother 
 having  married  the  sister  of  the  letter-of-thanks-man. 
 Gordon,  G.  dn.  of  Lincoln;  Harhling,  v.  with  Briggend,  c.  bp,  of 
 
 Lincoln.      Whittington,  r.  dn.  of  Lincoln.     JLedgbrook,  \st  arid 
 
 2d  Mediety  r.  with  East  Ailing  ton,  c.  lord  Chan. 
 Gordon,  G.   Bentley  Fenney,  r.  Dr.  Gordon.     Muston,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 
 Whittington,  c.  dn.  of  Lincoln. 
 Gower,  G.  L.   St.  Mabyn,  r.  St.  Michael  Penkevil,  r.  lord  Falmouth. 
 
 Tatsjield,  r.  Titsey,  r.  W.  L.  Gower. 
 Grant,  J.  T,  Merston,  v.    Wrabness,  r.  The  King.     Butterleigh,  r. 
 
 lord  Chan. 
 Grant,  R.  fellow  of  Winton   Coll.  ;    Bradford    Abbass,    v.  marquis 
 
 Anglesea.      Clifton    Mayhank,   r.    \Vinton  Coll.     Portsea,    St. 
 
 Paul's,  p.  c.  vicar  of  Portsea.  ^ 
 Gray,  Robert,  bishop  of  Bristol,  and  prebendary  of  Durham. 
 Green,  J.  C.  Rillington,  v.  the  King.      Thornton-le-Moor,  r.  bp.  of 
 
 Ely.     Birdsall,  p.  c.  marquis  Hertford.     fVhaream-in-the-Strect, 
 
 V.  lord  Middleton.     Rustington,  v.  bp.  of  Chichester. 
 Grey,  hon.  Thomas  de,  archd.   of  Surrey;    Calbourne,  v.  Faiuley,  x. 
 
 with  Exbury,  c.  bp.  of  Winton.  Merton,  r.  lord  Walsingham. 
 The  honourable,  venerable,  and  reverend  pluralist  is,  also,  a  king's  chaplain, 
 and  prebendary  of  AVinchester.  He  is  uncle  of  lord  \ralsingham,  and  related 
 to  the  Norths  and  Garniers,  whom  see.  Three  more  Greys  are  in  the  church  ; 
 one  of  them  is  brother  of  the  earl  of  Stamford,  and  is  rector  of  Wickham  and 
 prebendary  of  Durham.  Another  relation  of  the  earl  has  a  living  worth  £1500 
 a-year. 
 
110  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Grey,  hon.  E.  dean  of  Hereford,  and  prebendary  of  Hereford  ;  St. 
 Botolph,  Bishopsgate,  r.  bp.  of  London  and  the  King  alternately. 
 Youngest  brother  of  earl  Grey,  who  married,  firstly,  Miss  Croft,  by  Avhoni  he 
 had  a  family  often  children,  nine  of  whom  survive  ;  secondly.  Miss  Adair,  the 
 daughter  of  Sir  R.  Adair,  the  minister  to  Belgium,  by  vvliom  he  had  also  a 
 family  ;  and,  thirdly,  the  very  reverend  dean  married  Miss  Innes,  the  daughter 
 of  an  opulent  merchant,  formerly  M.P.  for  Grampound. — A  bishop,  lord 
 chancellor,  or  first  lord  of  the  treasury,  with  vast  patronage  and  a  host  of  ex- 
 pectants about  him,  always  appears  to  our  mind  like  the  man  at  the  head  of  the 
 table  with  a  fine  turkey  before  him,  which  he  is  prepared  to  carve  for  the  benefit 
 of  his  family  and  guests.  "  Which  part  do  you  preler — here  is  a  leg — the  wing 
 or  the  apron."  Just  so  in  the  distribution  of  public  offices  and  preferments  ; 
 there  is  a  benefice  for  one,  a  dignity  for  another,  and  an  embassy,  secretaryship, 
 or  commissionership  for  a  third.  We  do  not  in  this  place  complain  ;  earl  Grey 
 has  certainly  lost  no  time  in  moving  his  brother  nearer  to  Durham  or  Winchester ; 
 but  it  is  not  the  advancement  of  the  meritorious — though  they  be  relatives — but 
 the  worthless  that  excites  indignation.  With  the  exception  of  the  dispute  about 
 the  payment  of  the  stipend  of  the  minister  of  the  new  church,  the  dean,  like  his 
 predecessor  in  the  parish  of  St.  Botolph,  bears  an  exemplary  character,  and  the 
 public  is  gratified  rather  than  otherwise  by  his  promotion. 
 
 GriflBth,  C.  preb.  of  Brecon ;   Disserth,  r.  bp.  of  St.  David's.  Glondecjla, 
 
 p.  c.  bp.  of  St.  Asaph.  Llanvayes,  v.  archdn.  of  Brecon. 
 Guildford,  earl  of,  Alresford,  New  and  Old,  r.  with  Medsted,  c. 
 Southampton,  St.  Mary,  prec.  and  r.  St.  Cross,  with  St. 
 Faith's  Master,  bp.  of  Winchester. 
 The  family,  of  which  his  lordship  is  the  head,  was  some  years  since  widely 
 ramified  in  the  church,  engrossing  upwards  of  thirty  livings  and  dignities. 
 These  numerous  preferments  were  derived  through  Brownlow  Noitk,  uncle  of 
 the  present  lord  Guildford  and  former  bishop  of  Winchester.  Tiie  bishop  was 
 a  younger  brother  of  lord  North,  the  minister  under  whose  administration  tlie 
 inglorious  war  was  waged  against  the  independence  of  North  America.  The 
 bishop  owed  his  promotion  to  his  brother,  and  his  advancement  to  the  bench 
 was  much  resisted  by  the  minister's  colleagues,  on  account  of  his  youth.  Lord 
 North,  however,  observed — "  that  when  he  should  become  of  more  matured  age, 
 he  would  not  have  a  brother  prime  minister."  Under  such  powerful  auspices 
 the  bishop  rose  rapidly  in  the  church.  He  was  first  preferred  to  a  canonry  of 
 Christ  Cluirch,  Oxford.  A  few  months  afterwards  he  was  pushed  into  the 
 deanery  of  Canterbury,  and  the  following  year  advanced  to  the  diocese  of 
 Lichfield  and  Coventry.  Soon  after  he  was  translated  to  Worcester,  and  in 
 1781  to  the  rich  See  of  Winchester,  which  he  held  more  than  forty  years,  and 
 must  have  netted  from  the  revenue  of  his  diocese  upwards  of  one  million  and  a 
 half  principal  money. 
 
 Haden,  A.  B.    Ware,   c.  O.  Crewe.     Saddington,  r.   Wednesbury ,  v. 
 
 the  King. 
 Haggitt,  D'Arcy,  Branxto7i,  v.  dn.  and  c.  of  Durham.      Cornhill,  c. 
 
 W.  N.  Darnell.     Fershore   St.  Andreiv,  v.  and  Holy   Cross,  c. 
 
 with  Besford,  c.  Bricklehampton,  c.  Defford,  c.  and  Fenvin, 
 
 c.  dn.  and  ens.  of  Westminster. 
 Harbin,  J.    North  Barro^u,  r.    E.  B.   Portman.     Kingston,  r.   Mr. 
 
 Harbin.      Wheathill,  r.  Mrs.  Phillips. 
 Harvey,  B.  Alsager,  c.  lord  of  the  Manor.      Blackmorc,  v.  the  King. 
 
 Dodding hurst,  r.  J.  Henrick. 
 Hasted,    H.   Bury  St.   Mary,  c.  Corporation.      Chcdlmrg,  r.  with 
 
 Ickworth,  r.  chap,  of  Worcester.      Braisworth,  r.  marquis  Corn- 
 
 wallis.     H or 7iing sheath,  r.  lord  Bristol. 
 
 \ 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  Ill 
 
 Hett,  W.  Enderhy   Navis,  r.  Incumbent.      Greetwell,  c.  ch.  of  Lin- 
 coln.    Lincoln,  St.  John  in  New,  v.  and  St.  Paul,  r.  archd.  of 
 Lincoln.      Dunholme,  v.   the   King.      Nettleham,  c.  chanc.  of 
 Lincoln.      Thorpe-on-the-Hill,  r.  chap,  of  Lincoln. 
 Three  rectories,  a  vicarage,  and  two  chapelries,  are  not  enough  for  this  re- 
 verend pluralist.     He  is  prebendary  and  vicar  choral  of  Lincoln,  and  chaplain 
 
 to  the  marquis  of  Stafford.     His  recommendation  to  all  these  good  things  are — 
 
 The  Genuine  Tree  of  Liberty,  or  the  Royal  Oak  of  Great  Britain ;  a  political 
 
 squib  of  1793;   a  Fast-day  Sermon;    Letter  upon  Restrictions  on  Dissenting 
 
 Teachers,  .Sec. 
 
 Holdsworth,  Robt.  preb.  of  Exeter;  Brixham,  v.  with  Kingsiveare, 
 c.  the  King.  Dartmouth,  St.  Sav.  c.  Corporation.  Toivnstall, 
 V.  Churston  Ferrers,  c.  corp.  of  Clifton. 
 
 Hales,  R.  Hemesby,  v.  J.  T.  Hales.  Herringswell,  r.  H.  Sperling. 
 Hillington,  r.  sir  W.  J.  B.  Folkes. 
 
 Hamond,  R.  Beechamwell  St.  John  and  St.  Mary,  r.  J.  Molleaux. 
 Pensthorpe,  v.  East  Walton,  v.  Gayton  Thorpe,  r.  A.  Hamond. 
 
 Hanbury,  T.  Burrough,  r.  Somerby,  v.  Langton  Church,  r.  with 
 Langton  Tur,  c.  a7id  Thorpe  Langton,  c.  W.  Hanbury. 
 
 Hankinson,  r.  Pentney,  c.  sequestrated.  Walpole  St.  Andrew,  v.  T. 
 Hankinson,  West  Bilney,  p.  c.  J.  Dalton. 
 
 Harries,  G.  preb.  of  St.  David's.  Letterston,  r.  Llanwair,  c.  Nolton, 
 r.  Rock,  c.  Rupa  Castle  yn  Graig,  v.  lord  Chan. 
 
 Harries,  J.  Langattock,  r.  earl  Abergavenny.  Llandett,  r.  T.  H. 
 Gvvynne.  Newcastle  in  Emlyn,  c.  with  Bettws,  c.  and  Lla~ 
 lestone,  c.  T.  Lewis. 
 
 Hawkesley,  J.  W.  Knotting,  r.  tvith  Souldrop,  r.  rev.  J.W.  Hawkes- 
 ley,   Melchburn,  v.  lord  St.  John.      Turvey,  r.  D.  C.  Higgins. 
 
 Heathcote,  G.  archdn.  of  Winchester,  fellow  of  Winton  Coll.,  treasurer 
 of  Wells  Cathedral.  Andover,  v.  luith  Foscot,  c,  Winton  Coll. 
 Hursley,  v.  Otterburn,  c.  sir  G.  Heathcote. 
 
 Hewgill,  F.  Littleborough,  p.  c.  J.  Hewett.  Soiindby,  r.  North 
 IVheatley,  v.  lord  Middleton.  Sturton  in  the  Clay,  v.  dn.  and 
 ch.  of  York. 
 
 Hill,  R.  Berrington,  r.  with    Little   Ness,  c.   Sutton   St.  John,  r. 
 
 Thornton  Mayoiu,  r.  lord  Berwick.      Great  Bolas,  r.  sir  R.  Hill. 
 
 Several  other   Hills  in  the  church.     The  pluralist  is  uncle  of    lord    Hill, 
 
 commander  of  the  forces,  and  of  Rowland  Hill,   the  well   known  dissenting 
 
 preacher. 
 
 Hobart,  hon.  H.  L.  Haseley,  r.  the  King.     Nocton,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of 
 Cant.      Wantage,  v.  dn.  and  ens.  of  Windsor. 
 This  hon.  and  very  reverend  pluralist  has  two  deaneries,  that  of  Windsor,  the 
 
 other  of  Wolverhampton.     A  brother  is   canon    of  Hereford,  and  rector  of 
 
 Beer  Ferrers  ;    of  which  rectory,  his  nephew,  the  duke  of  Buckingham,  is 
 
 patron.     Another  Hobart,  a  son,  we  suspect,  of  the  plural  dean,  has  a  valuable 
 
 rectory,  and  prebend  of  Wolverhampton. 
 
 Hodgson,  R.  dn.  of  Carlisle.     Burgh  on  Sands,  v.  lord  chan.      West- 
 minster, St.  George's,  Hanover -square,  r.  Hillington,  v.  bp.  of 
 London. 
 Nephew  of  Porteus,  late  bishop  of  London.     Many  other  Hodgsons,  with 
 
 livings,  offices,  and  dignities. 
 
112  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Hodson,  G.  Birmingham,  Christ  Church,  c.  Cohvick,  v,  with  Frods- 
 well,  c.  bp.  of  Lich.  and  Cov.     London,  St.  Katharine  Cree,  v. 
 
 Mag-.  Coll. 
 Holland,  VV.  Wm.  vie.  of  Chichester  cath.     JBapchild,  v.   Burphavi, 
 
 V.  dn.  and  cli.  of  Chichester.     Chichester  St.  Andrew   and  St. 
 
 Martin,  r.  dn.  of  Chichester. 
 Holland,  S.,  M.D.  precent.  and  preb.  of  Chichester.     Beaudesert,  r. 
 
 Poynings,  r.  IVarehorn,  r.  the  King. 
 This  is  a  remarkable  instance  of  the  secular  uses  to  which  church  property  is 
 applied  by  tliose  who  have  the  disposal  of  it.  The  reverend  pluralist  was  ori- 
 ginally a  physician  ;  but,  happening  to  marry  a  daughter  of  lord  Erskine,  while 
 his  lordship  held  the  great  seal,  he  took  holy  orders,  with  a  view  to  qualify 
 himself  for  a  share  of  the  good  things  in  the  gift  of  his  father-in-law.  Erskine 
 gave  him  the  three  rectories,  worth  about  £2000  a-year,  during  the  short  period 
 of  his  chancellorship.  Doctor  Holland  has  written  a  book  to  vindicate  the 
 clergy  from  the  charge  of  neglecting  their  duties.  Who  may  the  preceding  plu- 
 ralist of  this  name  be  ? 
 Holt,  J.  Elston,  r.  W.  B.  Darwin.      Gringley,  v,   Camb.     Kelstern, 
 
 V.  sir  J.  C.  Hawkins.      Wrawby,  v.  7oith  Brigg,  c.  Clare  Hall, 
 
 Camb. 
 Hoste,  J.    Barioick  in  Brakes,  v.  Mrs.  Hoste.     Longham,  c.  Wend- 
 
 ling,  T.  T.  W.  Coke. 
 Housen,  H.  vicar  choral  of  Southwell.     Bleashy,  v.  Hoiverby,  r.  with 
 
 Beesby  in  the  Marsh,  c.  Southwell,  v.  prec.  and  preb.  of  Nor- 
 
 manton.     Aslacton,  p.  c.  Southw-ell  Coll. 
 Howard,  J.  Fujidenhall,  d.   T.  T.  Burney.  Morley,  St.  Botolph  and 
 
 St.  Peter,  r.  B.  N.  Cooper.      Tacolneston,  r.  Mrs.  Warren. 
 Howard,  R.  D.D,  Denbigh,  r.  bp.  St.  Asaph.     Llandegfan,  r.  with 
 
 Beaumaris,  c.  Llanvewgan,  c.  R.  W,  Bulkeley. 
 Howes,  F.  min.  can.  of  Norwich.     Attlehridge,  v.  with  Aldcrford, 
 
 r.    Baxoburgh,  v.   Norwich,   St.   George,  col.  r.  dn.  and  ch.  of 
 
 Norwich. 
 Howes,  T.    Fritton,   r.  T.    L.  Hodges.       Tharston,  v.  bp.    of   Ely. 
 
 Thorndon,  r.  rev.  T.  Howes. 
 Howley,  Wm.  primate  of  all  England;  consecrated  bishop  of  London, 
 
 1813,  and  elevated  to  the  primacy  in  1828,  on  the  decease  of 
 
 archbishop  Sutton. 
 
 We  have  nothing  to  add  to  our  notice,  page  24,  of  this  prelate.     It  may  be 
 
 inferred,  from  the  strictness  with  which  the  preserves  are  watched  at  Adding- 
 
 ton,  and  the  severe  persecution  of  poachers,  that  his  grace  is  very  fond  af  game. 
 
 Hudleston,  A.   Bownes,  r.   Morresby,  r.    Whitehaven   St.  Nicholas, 
 
 c.  lord  Lonsdale. 
 Hume,  T.  II.  treas.  and  can.  res.  of  Sarum.     Figheldcan,  r.  Treas.  of 
 
 Sarum,    Kewstoke,  v.  lord    Chan.     Stratford-under- Castle,  c. 
 
 dn.  anci  ch.  of  Saiiim. 
 Huntingford,  G.  H.  bishop  of  Hereford;  consecrated  bishop  of  Glou- 
 cester, 1802;  translated  1815. 
 Hurt,  T.  Lindby,  r.  Papplewick,  c.  hon.  F,  Montague.     Scrooby,  v. 
 
 witli  Sutton-on- Lound,  v.  duke  of  Portland. 
 Jacob,  S.  S.    Waldcr shore,  v.  Whitjield,  p.  c.  abp.  of  Cant.      Wool- 
 lavington,  v.  da.  and  cans,  of  Windsor. 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  113 
 
 Ibbotson,  J.  Ayton,  p.  c.  rev.  W.  Marwood.     Newton,  p.  c.  rev.   S. 
 
 Shepherd.     Nunthorpe,  p.  c.  T.  Simpson  and  W.  Richardson. 
 Ibbotson,  T.   Garton,  v.  the  King.     Lowthorpe,  p.  c.  sir  A.  Quentin. 
 
 Skerne,  p.  c.  R.  Arkvvright. 
 Jenkinson,  J.  Banks,  bishop  of  St.  David's,  dean  of  Brecon,  and  dean 
 
 of  Durham. 
 Jepson,  G.  preb.  and  vie.  chor.  of  Lincoln.     Ashby  Pueror,  v.  Glen- 
 
 tkan,  V.   Normanby,  v.  dn.   and  eh.   of  Lincoln.     Lincoln  St. 
 
 Botolph,  p.  c.  preb.  of  St,  Botolph. 
 Inman,  G.   Kibisea,  v.   L.  Thompson.     Skejiing,  v.  rev.  N.  Holme. 
 
 Easing  ton,  v.  abp.  of  York. 
 Johnson,  P.  Beeston,  r.  Sustead,  p.  c.  the  King.     Ingworth,  r.    VV. 
 
 Wyndham. 
 Jones,  H.  Lewishayn,  v.  lord  Dartmouth.      Talgarth,  v.  dn.  and  cans. 
 
 of  Windsor.     Mablethorpe,  r.  with  Stane,  r.  col.  Jones. 
 Iremonger,   L.    preb.  of  Winchester.      Wherwell,  preb.  sin.     Good- 
 worth   Clatford,  v.   J.   Iremonger.     Kevil,  v.    Wanborough,  v. 
 
 dn.  and  ch.  of  Winton. 
 Brother-in-law  of  lord  Gambler,  who  has  a  nephew  with  three  livings. 
 Karslake,  W.   Culmstock,  v.  dn.   and  ch.  of  Exeter.     Dalton,  r.  J. 
 
 Cleveland.     Loxbeare,  r.  sir  T.  D.  Acland. 
 Kaye,  John,  bishop  of  Lincoln,  ditto  prebendary,  and  provincial  chan- 
 cellor of  Canterbury. 
 Keith,  P.  Marr,  p.  c.  earl  Kinnoul.     Ruckinge,  r.  Stalisjield,  v.  abp. 
 
 Cant. 
 Kelly,   A.  P.    Barnham,  p.    c.   Little  Hampto7i,  v.  bp.  Chichester. ' 
 
 Hoxton,  c.  archdn.  of  London. 
 Kempthorne,  J.  preb.  of  Lichfield.     Gloucester  St.  Michael,  r.  and 
 
 St.  Marg.  de  Grace,  c.  lord  Chan.     Northleach,  v.  Preston,  v. 
 
 bp.  of  Gloucester.      Wedmore,  v.  dn.  of  Wells. 
 Kent,  G.  D.   preb.  of  Lincoln.     Netvton,  r.  T.  Smith.     Lincoln  St. 
 
 Martin,  v.  bp.  of  Lincoln.     Scothern,  v.  lord  Scarboro'.      Conis- 
 
 holme,  r.  hon.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Robinson.     East  Winch,  v.  E.  Kent. 
 Kett,  W.  Darsham.  v.  Sir  J.  Rous.     Shottisham,  r.  Mr.  Kett.     Wal- 
 
 dringjield,  r.  N.  Randall. 
 Keppel,  hon.  E.  G.  Quiddenham,  r.  with  Snetterton,  r.  Shottisham 
 
 All  Saints,  v.  and  St.  Mary,  v.  earl  of  Albermarle.  Tittleshall, 
 
 r.  with  Godwick,  r.  and  Welling  ham,  r.  T.  W.  Coke. 
 Third  son  of  lord  Albemarle,  master  of  the  horse,  and  brother-in-law  of  Mr. 
 Coke,  of  Norfolk. 
 
 Kidd,  T.    Croxton,    r.    sir  G.  W.  Leeds.     Eltisley,  v.    lord  Chan. 
 
 Norwich,  St.  Stvithin,  r.  bp,  of  Norwich,  sequest. 
 Kipling,  C.    Coston,  r.   Ne7vport  Pagnall,  v.  lord  Chan.      Wolver- 
 
 ton,  V.  tvith  Stratford  Tony,  c.  W.  Drake, 
 Kipling,  J.  Chearsley,  c.  sir  C.  Dormer.      Chilton,  p.  c.   Oakley,  v. 
 
 sir  J.  Aubrey.      Upper  Winchendon,  p.  c.  sir  C.  Cave. 
 KnatchbuU,  W.,    D.D.    Aldington,   r.    with    Smeath,  c,  abp.   Cant, 
 
 Bircholt,  r.  lady  Bankes.      Wesbere,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 
 I 
 
114  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Kynaston,  sir  E.  chap,  in  ord.  to  H.M.     Farnham,  St.    Genev.  r. 
 
 with  Risby,    r.   Kitmersley,   v.  the   King.     Hordley,  r.    J.  K. 
 
 Powell. 
 Lade,  W.  Graveney,  v.  with  Goodnestone,  r.    Wickhamtreux,  r.   J. 
 
 Lade,  Knowlton,  r.  sir  N.  D'Aeth. 
 Langdon,  G.    Houghtoii,    r.  E.   M.   Pleydell.     Milton  Abb.    v.  lord 
 
 Dorchester.      West  on- Patrick,  p.  c.  W.  T.  L.  Wellesley. 
 Landon,  W.  dn.  of  Exeter  and  preb.  of  Sarum.      Bishopstone,  r.  preb. 
 
 of  Bishopstone.     Branscombe,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Exeter.      Croft, 
 
 T.  with  Yarpole,  c.  Mrs.  Johnes. 
 Lates,  J.  J.   Charlton  Abbot,  c.  F.  Pyson.     Sudely,  r.  lord  Rivers. 
 
 Winchcombe,  v.  with  Gretton,  c.  lord  Tracey. 
 Law,  G.  H.  bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells;  consecrated  bishop  of  Chester, 
 
 1812. 
 Law,  Henry,  archdeacon  of  Wells  and  canon  residentiary. 
 Lax,  W.   Ijjpolitts,  V.   with  Great   Wymondley ,  v.   Marshworts,  v. 
 
 Camb.      Orwell,  v.  rev.  J.  H.  Renouard. 
 Lee,    H.    fellow   of  Winton   Coll.    and    preb.  of   Hereford.     Ash,  r. 
 
 Frimley,  p.  c.  Hound,  v.  with  Bursledon,  c.  and  Hamble,  p.  c. 
 
 Winton  Coll. 
 
 See  Bishop  Sumner  for  an  account  of  Winton  College. 
 Lewis,  D.  C,  min.  can.  of  Windsor.      Colnbrook,  c.  Pem.  Coll.  Oxon. 
 
 Newington,  v.  Eton  Coll.     Ruislip,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Windsor. 
 Lewis,  J.   Buttsbury ,  c.  rev,  D.  Lloyd.     Ingatestone,  r.  N.  W.  Lewis. 
 
 Ravenhall,  r.  C.  W.  Western. 
 Leyson,  T.   Bassalleg,  v.  bp.  Llandaflf.     Panteague,  r.  Treddunnock, 
 
 r.  C.  H.  Leigh. 
 Linton,  H.  Diriton,  v.   with    Great    Teffont,  c.  Mag.    Coll.    Oxon. 
 
 Fritwell,  v.  North  Aston,  v.  T.  F.  Willes. 
 Long,   R.  C.   Dunston,  c.  Misses  S.  and  G.  Long.      Illington,  r.  Mrs. 
 
 Kellett.     Newtoji   Flotman,    r.  Miss    Long.      Swarsthorpe,    r. 
 
 rev.  R.  C.  Long. 
 Lord,  J.    Berfreyston,  r.  Oxon.     Northiam,  r.  Miss  Lord.     Dray- 
 ton Par  slow,  r.  rev.  J.  Lord. 
 Lowe,  J.     Tankersley ,  r.  Stvinton,  c.    Wentworth,   p.  c.   earl  Fitz- 
 
 wiiliam.      Brotherton,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  York. 
 Lowndes,  R.   Astwood,  v.  the  King.     North  Crawley,  r.  Miss  Dun- 
 combe.     Farley,  r.  Oxon. 
 Lucas,  G.    Caijield,    r.    Stokesby    with   Heringby,   r.    W.    Downs. 
 
 Billockby,  V.  Filby,  r.  C.  Lucas. 
 Luxmore,  C.  S.  dean,  with  Heullan,  v.  annexed,  chanc.  of  see  of  St. 
 
 Asaph,  and  preb.  of  Hereford.     Bromyard,  2d  Port,  r.  and  v. 
 
 West  Cradley,  r.  bp.  of  Hereford.     Daroven,  r.   Gurlsjield,  v. 
 
 bp.  of  St.  Asaph. 
 Luxmore,  John,  joint  regist.  of  Hereford,  preb.   of  St.  Asaph.     Ber- 
 
 riew,  V.  bp.  of  St.  Asaph. 
 
 Three  more  Luxmores  in  the  church.     They  are  sons  and  nephews  of  the 
 late  bishop  of  St.  Asaph.    The  prelate  owed  his  promotion  to  his  connexion 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  115 
 
 with  the  family  of  the  duke  of  Buccleugh.  He  first  obtained  the  living  of  St. 
 George  the  Martyr,  Queeu's-square,  which  he  vacated  upon  being  presented  to 
 the  neighbouring  rectory  of  St.  Andrew's,  Holborn,  which  he  held,  in  coinmen- 
 dam,  with  the  see  of  Hereford.  To  the  last  see  he  was  translated  from  the 
 diocese  of  Bristol,  before  which  he  held  the  deanery  of  Gloucester.  He 
 was  translated  to  St.  Asaph  in  1815.  The  progress  of  the  bishop,  like  most  of 
 his  brethren,  may  be  generally  traced  from  the  number  of  relations  and  depen- 
 dents which  they  leave  behind  them  in  possession  of  the  most  valuable  prefer- 
 ments ia  their  gift. 
 
 Madan,  Spencer,  preb.  and  chan.  of  diocese  of  Peterborou2:h,  chap,  in 
 ord.  to  the  King.     Ibstock,  r  with  Hugglescote,  c.  Dunnington, 
 c.  bp.  of  Rochester.      Thorpe  Constantine,  r.  W.  P.  Inge. 
 Son  of  the  late  bishop  of  Peterborough,  nephew  of  the  late  bishop  of  Lich- 
 field, and  cousin  of  the  marquis  Curnwallis.     Except  a  fast-day  sermon  or  two, 
 we  do  not  know  any  other  claim  of  this  reverend  pluralist  to  his  appointments. 
 His  uncle,  the  bishop,  to  whom  he  is  chiefly  indebted  for  bis  preferments,  was, 
 at  first,  intended  tor  the  bar,  and,  with  that  view,  entered  himself  a  student  of 
 the  Temple  ;  but  the  elevation  of  his  uncle  to  the  archbishopric,  on  the  death 
 of  Dr.  Seeker,  opened  a  more  lucrative  prospect,  and  he  devoted  himself,  with- 
 out any  particular  call  that  way,  to  the  church.     His  first  preferment  was  the 
 rich  rectory  of  Wrolham,  in  Kent,  soon  after  which  he  obtaiaed  a  prebend  of 
 Westminster,  and  shortly  after  succeeded  Dr.  Moore  in  the  deanery  of  Canter- 
 bury.    On  the  translation  of  bishop  Hurd,  he  was  raised  to  the  throne  of  Lich- 
 field and  Coventry ;  and,  on  the  death  of  bishop  Douglas,  he  succeeded  him  as 
 dean  of  Windsor,  which  he  vacated  for  the  richer  deanery  of  Durham. 
 Maddy,  J.  Somerton,  r.  Incumbent.      Stansjield,  r.  Hartest,  r.  Box- 
 ted,  r.  the  King. 
 Markham,  Robert,  archd.  of  York,  and  canon,  res. 
 Maltby,  Edward,  bishop  of  Chichester,  and  preacher  to  Society  of  Lin- 
 coln's Inn:  consecrated  in  1831. 
 Manning,  H.  C.   Burgh  Castle,  r.  the  King.      Thetford  St.  Cuth.  c. 
 and  St.  Peter,  r.    duke  Norfolk.      Satiton,  r.  Corp.  of  Thetford. 
 Mapleton,  J.  H.  Southwark,    Christchiirch,  r.  Trustees  of  Marshall's 
 charities.      Whaddon,  v.   New  Coll,    Oxon.      Mitcham,  v.    Mrs. 
 Simpson. 
 Marsh,  Herbert,  bishop  of  Peterborough,  professor  of  divinity,  Cam- 
 bridge. 
 Marsham,  hon.   and  rev.  J.  Ailing  ton,  r.  earl  Romney.      Watering- 
 bury,  V.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Rochester.     Kirby   Overblow,   v.    earl 
 Egremont. 
 Canon  of  Windsor,  prebend  of  Bath  and  Wells,  ditto  of  Rochester.     Brother 
 of  lord  Romney. 
 
 Marsham,    C.    Cavenjield,    v.    dn.    and   ch.    Rochester.     Edgcott,  r. 
 Stoke  Lyne,  v.  J.  Coker.     Islington,  v.  dn.  and  cans.  Windsor. 
 Marsham,  E.  Sculthorpe,   r.  sir  G.  Chadd.     Wramplingham,  r.  Strat- 
 
 ton  Strawless,  r.  R.  Marsham. 
 Massingberd,  F.  C.  Calceby,v.  Dribg,  r.Kettlesby,  r.  South  Ormesby^ 
 
 c.  C.  B.  INIassingberd. 
 Mavor,  W.  Bladun,  r.  Hurley,  v.  Woodstock,  c.  duke  of  Marlborough. 
 This  is  the  well-known  compiler  of  useful  books,  and  a  native  of  Aberdeen. 
 He  was,  at  first,  a  schoolmaster,  and  being  employed  by  the  duke  of  Marlbo- 
 rough to  instruct  the  junior  branches  of  the  family  in  writing,  he  obtained  such 
 favour  as  to  get  a  title  for  holy  orders.  Soon  after  he  was  rewarded  with  the 
 livings  of  Hurley  and  Woodstock. 
 
 i2 
 
116  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Methold,    T.  preb.  of  Norwich.     Apsal-stoneham,   r.  W,  Middleton. 
 
 Kilverton,  r.  lord  Chan.      Wetheringsett,  r.  Mrs.  Close. 
 Millard,  C.  F.  Henley,  v.   Norwich  St.  Giles,  r.  and  at  Palace,  d. 
 
 dn.  and  ch.  Norwich.     Hickling,  v.  Mr.  Micklethwaite. 
 Miller,  E.    Chesterton,  c.    lord  Willoughby  de   Broke.     Radway,  v. 
 
 Uatley,  v.  lord  Chan. 
 Millers,  G.  min.  can.  of  Ely.     Hardwich,  r.  Runham,  v.  Stanford, 
 
 V.  bp.  of  Ely. 
 Mills,  T.  chap,  to  the  King.     Bumpstead  Helion,,  v.  Camb.     Little 
 
 Henney,  r.  Stutton,,  r.  N.  Barnardiston. 
 Mitford,  J.    Benhall,   v.  W.   Mitford.      Wtston,  St.   Peters,  r.  the 
 
 King.  Stratford  St.  Andrew,  r.  chan.  of  du.  of  Lancaster. 
 Monk,  John  H.  bishop  of  Gloucester,  and  prebendary  of  Westminster : 
 
 consecrated  in  1830. 
 Monins,  J.   Charlton,  near  Dover,  r.  Ringwould,  r.  rev.  J.  Monins. 
 
 FaivkenhiLrst,  r.  Hurst,  r.  Miss  Carter. 
 Moore,  G.    Croxby,  r.  lord  Chan.     Lincoln  St.  Margaret,  with  St. 
 
 Peter,  p.  c.  precent.  and  preb.  Lincoln  Cath.      Ownby,  r.  chan. 
 
 du.  of  Lancaster. 
 Moore,  R.    preb.    of   Canterbury.     Eynesford,    r.    Hollinghourn,    r. 
 
 Hunton,  r.  Latchingdon,  r.  abp.  of  Cant. 
 Morgan,  H.   H.   can.  res.   of   Hereford.     Foivnhope,  v.  Wolhope,  v. 
 
 dn.  and  ch.  of  Hereford.     Moccas,  r.  sir  G.  Cornwall. 
 Mounsey,  G.  Forest,  c.  lord  Derby.     Fairfield,  p.  c.  Trustees.  Rush- 
 ton  Spencer,  c.  lord  Macclesfield. 
 Mount,  C.   Bath,  Christchurch,  c.  rev.  C,  A.  Moysey.     Hannington, 
 
 V.  R.  Montgomery.     Helmdon,  r.  Suttesbury ,  r.   Oxon. 
 Moysey,  C.  A.  archdn.  of  Bath,  preb.  of  Wells.     Bath,    Wolcot,  r. 
 
 dame  Gay.     Boarhunt,  d.  T.   Kethwayte.     Southicick,  d.  Mr. 
 
 Thistlethwayte. 
 Mucklestone,  J.  F.   preb.  and  vie.  of  Lichfield,  and  preb.  of  Wolver- 
 hampton.     Tong,  p.  c.  G.  Durant.     Weeford,  c.  chan.  of  Lich- 
 field.     Wybunbury,  v.  bp.  of  Lich.  and  Cov. 
 Mules,  J.  H.  Abbot's  Isle,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Bristol.     Broadwater, 
 
 c.  Broadway,  c.  rev.  W.  Palmer.     Ilminster,  v.  H.  Hanning. 
 Murray,    Geo.    bishop   of  Rochester,    dean   of  Worcester,    rector   of 
 
 Bishopsbourne,  and  chaplain  to  abp.  of  Cant, 
 Nelson,  J.  vie.  chor.  of  Lincoln.     Ruskington,  v.  the  King.     Searby, 
 
 r.    Wellingore,  r.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Lincoln.     Snarford,  r.  sub-dn. 
 
 of  Lincoln.     Lincoln  St.  Mark,  p.  c.  precent.  of  Lincoln. 
 Nevile,  viscount,   Byrling,  v.  Holveston,  r.  tvith  Burgh  Apton,  r. 
 
 Otley,  r.  lord  Abergavenny. 
 
 Third  son  of  the  noble  patron.    Another  son  is  vicar  of  Trant,  in  Sussex,  and 
 rector  of  Birling,  in  Kent. 
 Newsam,  Clement,    Harbury,  v.  Miss  Newsam.     Portbury,  r.  with 
 
 Tickenham,  v.  bp.  of  Bristol. 
 Nicholas,  John,    D.D.    Bremilham,    r.   lady  Northwich.     Fisherton 
 
 Ange,  r.  W.  H.  F.  Talbot.     Westport,  v.  with  Brockenboroiigh, 
 
 c.  lord  Chan. 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    A  iN  D    PLURALISTS.  117 
 
 Nicolay,  G.  F.  L.  one  of  the  brethren  of  St,  Katharine ;  Little  Mar- 
 
 lotu,  V.  rev.  G.  F.  L.  Nicolay.     London,  St.  Michael  Royal  and 
 
 St.  Martin  Vintry,  r.  abp.  Cant,   and  bp.  Worcester,  alt. — See 
 
 Nicolay,  in  the  Place  List. 
 North,  Henry.    Heacharn,    v.   H.   Spelman,      Great  Ringstead,  St. 
 
 Andrew  and  St.  Peter,  r.  H.  Styleman. 
 Northcote,  Hugh,    Dowlan,  p.  c.     Monkoakhampton,    r.    Okhamp- 
 
 ton  St.  James,  r.    Upton  Pyne,  r.  sir  H.  Northcote. 
 Nott,  G.  F.,  D.D.  preb.  of  Winton,  Chichester,  and  Sarum.     Har- 
 
 rietsham,  r.  All  Souls'  Coll.  Woodchurch,  r.  abp.  of  Cant. 
 This  gentleman  has  been  for  a  long  time  ntissing  ;  should  this  meet  his  eye, 
 we  beg  to  inform  him,  tliat  the  parishioners  of  Woodchurch  are  very  desirous  of 
 seeing  him,  and  they  wish  to  know  where  he  may  be  found ;  they  have  been 
 served  with  notices  for  the  payment  of  tithes  by  the  solicitor  of  the  reverend 
 pluralist,  who  has  only  been  once  in  the  parish  during  the  whole  of  last  reign, 
 aad  that  for  a  day  only. 
 Oakes,  James.     Gipping,  d.  C.  Tyrrel.      Thurston,  v.  Rattlesden,  r. 
 
 James  Oakes,  esq.   Tostock,  r.  Mr.  Moseley. 
 Oldershaw,  John,  D.D.  archdn.  of  Norfolk,  with  Cos.ton,  p. c.  Ludham, 
 
 V.  bp.  of  Norwich.     Ranworth,  v.  with  Upton,  St.  Margaret,  v. 
 
 bp,  of  Ely.     Redenhall,  r.  ivith  Hailestone,  c.  duke  of  Norfolk, 
 
 on  nom.  of  bp.  of  Norwich. 
 Onslow,  G.  W.    Send,  v.  with  Ripley,  c.  earl  Onslow.     Wisley,  r. 
 
 with  Perford,  v.   Shalford,  v.  with  Bramley,  c.  lord  Chan. 
 Onslow,  R.  F.  archdn.  of  Worcester,  preb.  of  Sarum,    Kidderminster, 
 
 V.  w.  Loiver  Mitton,  c.  lord  Foley.  Newent,  v.  hon.  E.  Foley. 
 The  venerable  archdeacon  is  son  of  the  late  dean  of  Worcester,  whose  father 
 was  a  lieutenant-general,  and  brother  of  the  famous  Arthur  Onslow,  who  was 
 forty  years  speaker  of  the  Collective  Wisdom.  A.  C.  Onslow,  rector  of  St.  Mary, 
 Newington-butts,  of  which  benefice  the  bishop  of  Worcester  is  patron,  is  a 
 brother  of  the  archdeacon. 
 Oxenden,  Mont,    Boning  ton,  r.  T.   Papillon.     Luddingham,  r.  lord 
 
 Chan.      Wingham,  p.  c.  sir  H.  Oxenden. 
 Palmer,  G.  Leominster,  v.  Eton  Coll.     Parham,  r.  baroness  Zouch. 
 
 Sidling  ton,  r.   N.  Tredcroft. 
 Parkinson,   J.    D.D.    Brocklesby ,  r.  lord  Yarborough.     Healing,   r. 
 
 rev.  R.  Parkinson.     Immingham,  v.  W.  Amcotts. 
 Parkinson,    T.    D.D.   preb.    St.    Paul's,    chan.   of   dioc.    of   Chester, 
 
 archdn.  of  Leicester;  Kegworth,  v.  with  Isley  Walton,  c.  Christ 
 
 Coll.  Camb. 
 257  livings  are  in  the  gift  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  and  292  in  the  gift  of 
 Cambridge.  The  livings  are  situate  in  different  parts  of  the  country  ;  many  of 
 them  in  the  metropolis.  Some  of  the  livings  are  annexed  to  the  provostships 
 and  professorships  of  the  different  colleges,  but  for  the  most  part  they  are  in 
 the  gift  of  the  fellows.  By  the  statutes  of  the  universities  the  holding  of  a 
 fellowship  is  incompatible  with  the  holding  of  a  college  living.  Vt'hen,  however, 
 a  living  is  more  valuable  than  a  fellowship,  a  fellowship  is  vacated  for  the  sake 
 of  being  eligible  to  the  living. 
 
 Parsons,    H.  preb.  of  Wells;    Durleigh,    v.   Mr.   Dunning.      Goat- 
 hurst,  T.  lady  Tynte.     Wembdon,  v.  C.  K.  Tynte. 
 Payne,  Henrj'  Thomas,    can.   res.   of  St.   David's,  preb.  of   Brecon; 
 
 Devunnuck,    v.   ivith    Blaen  Glyn    Tavy,  c.  bp.  of  Gloucester. 
 
 Ystradvellty,  p.  c,  Llanbedr,  r,  Patricio,  p.  c.  duke  Beaufort. 
 
118  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Pearce,  Thomas,  Folkstone,  v.  Hawking  e,  r.  abp.  of  Cant.     Hart  lip, 
 
 V.  dean  and  c.  of  Roch.        Merston,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 Pearson,  H.  dean  of  Salisbury. 
 Pellew,  hon.  G.  D.D.  dn.  of  Norwich,  preb.   of  York;  London,  St. 
 
 Dionis  Backchurch,  r.  dn.  and  can.  of  Cant. 
 This  honourable  and  very  reverend  dignitary  is  son  of  lord  Exmouth,  who 
 has  a  pension  of  £2000  a-year,  and  son-in-law  of  lord  Sidinouth,  who  has  a 
 pension  of  £3000  a-year.  He  was  originally  inlended  for  the  legal  profession, 
 but  his  abilities  not  lying  that  way,  he  was,  after  eating  a  few  terms,  turned 
 over  to  the  church.  His  progress  in  this  line  has  been  very  successful:  in  1819 
 he  was  presented  to  the  vicarage  of  Naseing,  worth  £1200  a-year;  next  year  he 
 was  presented  to  the  rectory  of  Sutton,  said  to  be  worth  £4000  a-year;  and, 
 within  a  few  months  after  he  had  a  prebend's  stall  in  St.  Paul's:  these  appear 
 to  have  been  subsequently  resigned  or  negotiated  for  his  present  prt-ferinenls. 
 Penrico,  Charles,   Smallburgh,  r.  bp.  of  Norwich.      Witton,  r.  ivith 
 
 Hrundall,     r.  and  Little  Pliimstead,  r.  J.  Musket. 
 Pepys,  H.  preb.  of  Wells;  Aspeden,  r.  lord  Hardwicke.     Westmill,  r. 
 
 More  ton,  r.  St.  John's  Coll. 
 Percy,  hon.    Hugh,  D.D.  bp.  of  Carlisle,  chan.  of  Saruni,  preb.   of 
 
 St.  Paul's.  — See  page  26. 
 Perkins,  F.  D.  chap,  in  ord.  to  H.  M.;  Doion-Hatherlcy ,  v.  Sow,  v. 
 
 with  Stoke,  V.  Swayficld,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 Perkins,  John  David,  D.D.  Dawlish,  v.  bp.  Exon.     Exeter,  St.  Lau- 
 
 rence,  r.  Manhead,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 Pett,  Phineas,  D.D.  archdn.  of  Oxford,  can.  of  Christ  Church,  preb.  of 
 
 Sarum.    Chilbolto^z,  r.hp  ofWinton.    Newing  tan,  r.  ahp.  of  Cant. 
 Phillpotts,  Heniy,  bishop  and  treasurer  of  Exeter,  and  prebendary   of 
 
 Durham, 
 The  honest  retraction  of  an  error  does  credit  to  the  heart  and  understanding; 
 but  if  a  man  from  mercenary  motives  suppresses  or  disguises — for  he  cannot 
 abandon  them — his  convictions,  he  is  a  traitor  to  truth,  and  merits  the  most  igno- 
 minious brand  that  public  opinion  can  inflict.  The  most  charitable  cannot  i)ut 
 a  favourable  construction  on  the  conduct  of  Dr.  Phillpotts,  and  he  is  given  up, 
 by  all  parties,  as  one  guilty  of  unpardonable  crimes.  The  tirst  exploit  we  remem- 
 ber of  this  spiritual  adventurer  was  a  pamphlet  imputed  to  him  in  defence  of  the 
 Manchester  massacre,  in  which  800  poor  creatures,  men,  women,  and  children, 
 were  killed,  cut-down,  and  maimed,  under  the  sabres  of  a  ferocious  yeomanry. 
 He  next  signalized  himself  by  his  writings  against  catholic  emancipation,  and 
 finally  astonished  people  by  voting  for  a  minister,  at  Oxford,  wlio  was  favour- 
 able to  the  catholic  relief  bill.  Thus  he  was  all  things  to  all  men,  and  at  last 
 receives  his  reward — universal  conten)pt  and  a  mitre!  As  the  political  bishop 
 had  succeeded  in  fastening  on  the  See  of  Exeter,  we  would  have  sulfered  him 
 to  have  held  Stanhope  rectory  too,  with  the  fine  house  to  live  in  he  had  built 
 at  an  expense  of  £12,000:  there  appeared  a  paltriness  in  the  Whigs  attempting 
 to  blink  Ihe  transaction  by  suffering  the  prelate  to  exchange  the  rectory  with 
 Mr.  Darnell  for  a  stall  at  Durham. 
 
 Pierce,  W.  M.  Burwell,  v.    with  Walmsgate,  c.  Goulsby,  v.  M.  B. 
 
 Lister.     Fulletby,  r.  bp.  of  Lincoln. 
 Plater,  Charles  Eaton,  River,  v.  Whitstable,  c.  abp.  of  Cant.     Sea- 
 
 salter,  V.  d.  and  c.  of  Cant. 
 Plimley,  Henry,  chan.  of  diocese  of  Chichester,  preb.  of  Chichester; 
 
 Cuckjield,  V.  Shoreditch,  v.  bp.  of  Chichester. 
 Poison,  J.    H.    P.    preb.   of  Exeter;  Exeter  Major,  r.   d.  and  c.    of 
 
 Exeter.     Upton  Hclion,  r.  Jos.  Poison,  esq. 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  119 
 
 Poore,  J.  Bicknor,  r.  lord  Chan.    Murston,  r.  St.  John's  Coll.    Rain- 
 ham,  V.  abp.  of  Cant. 
 Potchett,  William,  preb.  of  Sarum;   North  and  South  Grantham,  v. 
 
 icith    Great  and  Little    Gunnerby,   v.    Londonthorpe,   v.   and 
 
 Bracehy,  v.  cath.  of  Sarum. 
 Pott,  Jos.   Holden,  archdn.  of  London,  preb.   of  St.  Paul's,  chan,   of 
 
 Exeter  Cath.;  Kensington,  v.  bp.  of  London. 
 Poulter,  Edm.   preb.   of  Winton;  Alton,  v.  with  Holy  bourn,  c.  dn. 
 
 and  can.   of  Winton.     Meonstoke,  r.   with   Soberton,  c.   bp.  of 
 
 Winton. 
 Pratt,  J.   S.   preb.   of  Peterboro';  Maxey,  v.  Paston,  r.   with  Wer- 
 
 rington,  c.  dn.  and  ens.  of  Peterboro'.     Peterboro\  %c.  v.  bp.  of 
 
 Peterboro'. 
 Preston,  W.  preb.   of  York ;  Bulmer,  r.  earl  Fitzwilliam.     Btitter- 
 
 wich,  c.  Parson  Foord.     Ergham,  r.  T.  Grimstone.     Sculcoates, 
 
 V.   the   King-.      Whenby,    v.   W.    Garforth.      Wold  Newton,    v. 
 
 hon.  M.  Langton. 
 Pretyman,  G.  T.   chan.   and  can.   res.  of  Lincoln,  preb.   of  Winton; 
 
 Chalfont  St.  Giles,  r.  Wheathampstead,  r.  with  Harpenden,  v. 
 
 bp.  of  Lincoln. 
 Pretyman,  John,  preb.  of  Lincoln;  Sherringtoyi,  r.  Winwick,  r.  bp. 
 
 of  Lincoln. 
 Pretyman,  Richard,  prec.  and  can.  res.  of  Lincoln;  Middleton  Stoney, 
 
 T,  Walgrave,  r.  with  Hannington,  v.  bp.  of  Lincoln.      Wrough- 
 
 ton,  r.  bp.  of  Winton. 
 
 Having,  at  page  27,  noticed  the  numerous  ecclesiastical  emoluments  of  the 
 Pretymans,  we  shall  only  give  some  account  of  the  rise  of  the  bishop,  to  whom 
 the  family  is  indebted  for  its  preferments.  Tomline,  formerly  Pretyman,  the 
 late  bishop  of  ^Vinchester,  was  the  son  of  a  tradesman  at  Bury  St.  Edmund's, 
 at  the  grammar-school  of  which  town  he  and  his  brother,  Dr.  John  Pretyman, 
 the  archdeacon  of  Lincoln,  received  the  elements  of  their  education ;  after 
 which  they  removed  to  Cambridge.  The  bishop  was  distinguished  at  the 
 university  as  a  good  classical  scholar  and  expert  arithmetician.  Having  the 
 good  fortune  to  become  tutor  to  "  the  Heaven-born  minister,"  he  soon  ex- 
 perienced the  patronage  of  his  pupil,  who  appointed  him  his  private  seci'etary, 
 and  gave  him  a  prebendal  stall  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter,  Westminster.  In 
 1787  he  was  made  bishop  of  Lincoln,  to  which  preferment  was  added  the 
 deanery  of  St.  Paul's;  and  on  the  death  of  Dr.  Randolph,  he  was  ofl'ered  the 
 See  of  London,  but  that  dignity  he  declined,  from  an  expectation  of  something 
 more  substantial,  in  which  calculation  he  was  not  disappointed;  for,  on  the 
 death  of  Brownlow  North,  he  obtained  the  rich  See  of  Winchester,  the  summuin 
 bonum  of  episcopal  ambition. 
 
 Price,  Morgan,  Knebtvarth,  r.  Letchworth,  r.  R.  W.  Lytton.     Llan^ 
 
 gedwyn,  c,  sir  W.  W.  Wynne.      Tallachdu,  r.  Parson   GritBths. 
 Proby,  Charles,    can.  of  Windsor;   Tachbrook   Bishops,  v.   Lichfield 
 
 Cath.      Twickenhavi,  v.  d.  and  can.  of  Windsor.      Waddesden, 
 
 3rd  Port,  r.  duke  Marlborough. 
 Probyn,  John,  archdn.  of  Llandaff;  Abbenhall,  r.  E.  Probyn.     3Ia- 
 
 thern,  v.  rvith  Caerwent,  v.  archdn.  of  Llandaff. 
 Proctor,    Joseph,    D.D.  preb,  of   Norwich;    Conington,    r.    Gidding 
 
 Steepiing,  r.  J.  Heathcote. 
 
120  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Prosser,  Richard,  D.D.  preb.  of  Durham,  with  Easing  ton,  r. 
 
 Raddiffe,  John,  Doddington,  v.  Teynham,  v.  archdn.  of  Cant.  Lime- 
 house,  r.  Brazenose  Coll. 
 
 Ramsden,  W.  B.  Croxton  All  Saints,  v.  Christ  Coll.  Great  Stam- 
 bridge,  r.  govs,  of  Charter  House.  L.ittle  Wakering ,  v.  St. 
 Bart.  Hospital.      Witcham,  v.  d.  and  c.  of  Ely. 
 
 Randolph,  J.  H.  preb.  of  St.  Paul's;  Burtan  Coggles,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 Fobbing,  r.  the  King.     Nothall,  v.  bp.  of  London. 
 
 Randolph,  T.  preb,  of  St.  Paul's,  and  chap,  to  the  King;  Great  Had- 
 ham,  r.  and  Little  Hadham,  c.  bp.  of  London. 
 
 Raymond,  Oliver,  Belchamp  Walters,  v.  with  Bulmer,  v.  Middle- 
 ton,  r.  Trustees  of  S.  R.  Raymond. 
 
 Rennell,  Thomas,  D.D.  dn.  of  Winchester,  preb.  of  St.  Paul's.  Bar- 
 ton Stacey,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Winton. 
 
 The  prebend  was  resigned  to  Dr.  Rennell,  by  his  father,  on  his  obtaining  a 
 fellowship  in  the  university.  Having  obtained  the  patronage  of  the  Grenvilles, 
 he  was  presented  to  a  living  in  the  city,  and,  in  1798,  was  made  master  of  the 
 Temple.  On  the  death  of  Dr.  Holmes  he  was  presented  to  the  deanery  of  Win- 
 chester. The  dean  married  a  daughter  of  judge  Blackstone,  by  whom  he  has  a 
 son,  who  is  also  in  the  church.  He  was  suspected  of  being  concerned  in  a 
 fo^jlish  book,  called  the  Pursuits  of  Literature,  but  this  charge  he  publicly  dis- 
 avowed. He  is  the  author  of  several  political  sermons,  one  delivered  in  Win- 
 chester cathedral,  in  1793,  on  the  Violence  and  Blood  Guiltiness  of  the  French 
 Revolution;  another  thanksgiving  sermon  for  the  success  of  his  majesty's  arms, 
 preached  before  the  Collective  Wisdom,  1798.  We  mention  these  forgotten 
 squibs,  thinking  they  may  afford  a  hint  to  spiritual  aspirants,  who  may  seek  to 
 avail  themselves  of  passing  events,  by  serving  up  au  rechauffe  the  labours  of  the 
 venerable  dean. 
 
 Rice,  lion.  E.  dn.  of  Gloucester,  and  precentor  of  York.      Great  Ris- 
 sington,  r.  lord  Dynevor.      Oddington,  r.  precentor  of  York. 
 Brother  of  lord  Dynevor,  and  brother-in-law  of  the  Markhams. 
 
 Richards,  Charles,  preb.  of  Winton.  Chale,  r.  Incumbent.  Winches- 
 ter, St.  Bartholomeiv,  v.  the  King. 
 
 Richardson,  J.  vie.  chor.  of  York.  Cramhe,  v.  Huttons  Amho,  p.  c. 
 abp.  of  York.  Fryston  Ferry,  v.  vie.  chor.  of  York.  Heslin^ton, 
 V.  Huntington,  v.  York  Cath. 
 
 Rodney,  hon.  Spencer,  Neio  Romney,  v.  All  souls  ColL  Stvarraton, 
 I.  A.  Baring,   M.P.    Wonstow,  v.  T.  Swineston. 
 
 Brother  of  lord  Rodney,  a  pensioner;  another  brother  vicar  of  Eye,  of  which 
 the  lord  Chancellor  is  patron. 
 
 Roles,  W'illiam,    liaunds,  v.  Upton  Lovel,  r.  Sharncot,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 
 Rolfe,  Robert,  Caldecot,  r.  Mrs.  Tynte.  Cockley  Cley,  r.  R.  Dash- 
 wood.  Hempnall,  v.  John  T.  Mott.  Yaxley,  r.  Thurgarton,  r. 
 bp.  of  Norwich. 
 
 Rooke,  George,  Wolford,  v.  with  Burmington,  c.  Wnohercot,  c.  Mer- 
 ton  Coll.      Yardley  Hastings,  r.  marquis  Northampton. 
 
 Rowley,  Joshua,  East  Bergholt,  r.  with  Brentham,  r.  Incumbent. 
 Stoke  by  Nay  land,  r.  sir  W.  Rowley. 
 
 Royle,  James,  Islington,  v.  the  King.  Stanjield,  r.  rev.  W.  New- 
 come.     Werehanty  p.  c.  with  Wreiton,  c.  Edw.  W.  Pratt, 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALlSTS.  1'21 
 
 Rycroft,  Henry,  preb.  of  Lincoln.      Greet  ham,  r,  Mumby,  v.  bp.  of 
 
 Lincoln. 
 Ryder,  hon.  Henry,  D.D.  bp.  of  Lichfield  and  Coventry,  with  Pitch- 
 ley,  r.  annexed,  and  prebendary  of  Westminster. 
 Brother  of  lord  Harrowby,  andiincleof  lord  Sandon,  M.P.  late  secretary  to  the 
 India  Board.  The  prelate  was  raised  to  the  see  of  Gloucester  on  the  translation 
 of  Huntingford  to  the  neighbouring  bishopric  of  Hereford,  from  which  Luxmore 
 had  been  removed  (o  St.  Asaph.  It  is  necessary  to  attend  to  these  translations, 
 as  they  afford  an  important  key  in  the  disposal  of  patronage;  the  successive 
 removes  of  bishops  and  dignitaries  generally  being  indicated  by  trails  of  rela- 
 tions left  behind  in  possession  of  the  most  valuable  preferments. 
 
 Sandiford,  P.,  D.D.  Ashbury,  r.  bp.  of  Bath.     Fulmodeston,  r.  with 
 Croxton,     v.  Corpus  Christi  Coll.     Newton  in  the  Isle,  r.  bp.  of 
 Ely. 
 Sargent,  J.  Graffham,  r.  Woolavington,  r.  ivith  Punton,  v.  J.  Sar- 
 gent, esq. 
 Savory,  Samuel  H.  Barmer,  c.  earl  Oxford.     Houghton-in-the-Hole , 
 
 V.  marquis  Cholraondely.      Twyford,  r.  G.  Thomas. 
 Seale,  J.  B.,   D.D.  Anstye,  r.  Camb.     Stisted,  r.  abp.  Cant.      Wil- 
 
 lingale  Spain,  r.  bp.  of  London. 
 Simms,  W.  Eratt,  Nayland,  c.  sir  W.  Rowley.     Santon  Downham, 
 p.  c.  Jord  Cadogan.      West  Bergholt,  r.  W.  Fisher.     West  Toft, 
 r.  J.  Mosely. 
 Simpson  ,T.  Boynton,  v.  Carnaby,  v.  Fraisthorpe,  c.  sir  G.  Strickland. 
 
 Auborn,  p.  c.  dn.  of  York. 
 Singleton,  Thomas,  archdn.  of  Northumberland  xcith  Elsdon,   r.  an- 
 nexed, preb.  of  Worcester. 
 Skurray,  Francis,  Horningham,  p.  and  p.  c.  dn.  of  Sarum.     Lulling- 
 ton,  r.  marq.  Bath.      Winterbourne    Abbas,  r.   and  Steepleton, 
 r.  Lincoln  Coll.  Oxon. 
 Slaney,  Richard,  Kemberton,  r.  with  Sutton  Maddock,  v.   P.  Brough- 
 ton.     Penkridge,  p.  c.  with  Coppenhall  Hay,  c.  Dunston,  c.  a}id 
 Woodbaston,  c.  sir  E.  Lyttleton. 
 Sleath,  John,  D.D.  head  master  of  St.  Paul's  School,  preb.  of  St.  Paul's, 
 and  chaplain  to  the  King. 
 As  Dr.  Sleath  is  high  master  of  St.  Paul's  school,  we  cannot  help  adverting 
 to  the  abuses  in  the  management  by  the  Mercer's  company  of  that  munificent 
 foundation  of  dean  Colet.    The  landed  revenues  of  the  school  amount  to  upwards 
 of  £6000  per  annum  ;  and  by  the  aid  of  sundry  outgoings  in  dinners,  commit- 
 tees, pensions,  repairs,  gratuities,  and  medals,  it  is  contrived  that  the  expendi- 
 ture  shall   nearly  equal  the   income.     It   is  now  admitted,   the  charity   was 
 intended  for  all  who  could  avail  themselves  of  it,  whether  rich  or  poor ;  why 
 then  should  the  benefits  of  so  wealthy  a  foundation,  situated  in  the  centre  of  the 
 metropolis,  be  limited  to  the  precise  number  of  153  scholars?    The  company  are 
 invested  with  full  authority  to  modify  the  statutes  of  the  school,  as  the  changes 
 of  the  times  may  require.     When  the  number  153  was  fixed,  the  income  of  the 
 foundation  was  not  one-fiftieth  part  of  its  present  amount,  and  that  number  was 
 fixed  solely  from  a  superstitious  notion  of  the  founder.* 
 
 But  if  the  company  are  scrupulous  about  violating  the  ordinances  of  dean 
 Colet,  it  is  strange  they  have  already  violated  so  many.     The  dean  ordained 
 
 *  Account  of  Public  Charities,  abridged  from  the  Commissioners'  Reports, 
 with  Notes  and  Comments,  by  the  Editor  of  the  *'  Cabinet  Lawyer,"  p.  15. 
 
122  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 that,  every  morning,  the  chihlren  should  be  at  the  school  by  seven  o'clock  ; 
 that,  thrice  every  day,  prostrate,  they  should  say  their  prayers ;  that,  at 
 ("hildermas-day,  they  should  "  come  to  Paule  Church  and  hear  the  Childe 
 Bishop's  sermon,  and  after  be  at  the  high-mass."     Are  these  things  observefl  ? 
 
 The  statutes  of  St.  Paul's  school  are  venerated  in  the  same  way,  we  suspect, 
 as  those  of  the  colleges  of  Eton  and  Winchester ;  just  as  much  of  them  is  ob- 
 served as  suits  the  interest  of  those  having  the  management,  the  rest  is  given  to 
 the  winds.  On  this  principle  the  high-master's  salary  of  a  inark  a  week  is  in- 
 terpreted to  mean  £()I3  per  annum,  besides  gratuities;  and  the  surmaster's 
 salary  of  Gs.  8d.  a  week  £300  per  annum.  From  what  part  of  the  ordinances 
 the  annual  gold  medal  to  the  accountant-surveyor,  or  the  fee  of  one  guinea  for 
 attendance  on  committees  is  derived,  we  have  not  been  able  to  discover. 
 
 From  the  evidence  of  the  high-master,  Dr.  Sleath,  it  appears,  the  children 
 mostly  belong  to  the  clergy,  the  professional  gentlemen,  and  medical  men  in 
 the  neighbourhood,  and  to  gentlemen  in  Doctors'  Commons.  It  has  been  sug- 
 gested the  instruction  of  the  school  should  embrace  reading,  writing,  and 
 mathematics,  but  we  have  not  heard  this  plan  has  been  adopted.  There  cer- 
 tainly apixsivs  no  just  reason  why  the  education  of  the  school  should  be  limited 
 to  the  acquirement  of  Latin  and  Greek.  Dean  Colet  contemplated  no  such 
 restriction  when  he  said,  "  desiring  nothyiige  more  thanne  education  (ivd  bring- 
 ing ujtpe  children  in  good  mariners  and  literature."  Without  deviating  from  the 
 literal  expression,  education  might  be  interpreted  to  include  many  other 
 branches  of  knowledge  beside  an  acquaintance  with  the  learned  languages. 
 
 The  profusion  in  the  expenditure  of  the  school  is  wholly  indefensible.  There 
 can  be  no  doubt  but  the  same  number  of  boys  might  be  taught  Latin  and  Greek 
 at  a  much  less  sum  than  was  paid  in  pension  to  the  late  high-master ;  but  it  ia 
 mostly  thus  in  foundations  under  the  management  of  corporate  bodies ;  no 
 efforts  to  economize  or  to  multiply  the  objects  of  the  charity.  If  there  be  a 
 surplus  revenue  it  is  sure  to  be  exhausted  in  the  expenses  of  committees,  law- 
 agency,  and  surveyors'  charges  ;  in  extra  repairs  and  improvements  ;  in  osten- 
 tatious buildings ;  in  luxurious  feasting  for  the  parties  and  their  friends  ;  and 
 in  pensions  and  gratuities.  There  is  never  too  much — generally  too  little,  and 
 the  charity  in  debt. 
 
 Smith,  S.,  D.D.  dn.  of  Christchurch,  preb.  of  York.     Daventry,  f.  c. 
 
 Dry  Drayton,  r.  O.xon. 
 Smith,  Sidney,  preb.  of  Bristol,  and  canon  res.  of  St.  Paul's.     Foston,  r. 
 
 lord  chan.  Londesboro',  v.  duke  of  Devonshire. 
 Somerset,  lord  Wm.  preb.  of  Bristol.     Crick  Loivel,  r.  Llangattock.  r. 
 
 with  Lonelly  and  Liang ennett ,  c.  duke  Beaufort. 
 Sparke,  Bowyer  Edward,  D.D.  bishop  of  Ely;    consecrated  bishop  of 
 
 Chester,  1809. 
 Sparke,  J.  H.  preb.  and  chan.  of  the  diocese  of  Ely,     Levcrington,  r. 
 
 with  Parson  Drove,  c.  Littlebury,  sinecure,  r.  bp.  of  Ely. 
 
 Son  of  the  preceding  ;  the  father  had  the  good  fortune  to  become  tutor  to 
 the  duke  of  Rutland,  and  his  advancement  followed  of  course.  From  the 
 deanery  of  Bristol  he  was  raised  to  the  see  of  Chester  ;  and,  on  the  death  of 
 Dr.  Dampier,  removed  to  the  valuable  see  of  Ely.  Besides  an  immense  revenue 
 and  numerous  cathedral  appointments,  he  has  one  hundred  and  eight  livings  in 
 his  gift.  For  an  account  of  the  preferments  the  rev.  prelate  has  heaped  on  his 
 family  see  p.  25. 
 
 Spooner,  William,   archdn.  of  Coventry,  preb.  of  Lichfield.     Acle,  r. 
 
 lord  Calthorpe.     Elmdon,  r.  L  Spooner. 
 Spry,  J.  Hume,    D.D.  preb.   of  Canterbury.     Hanbury,  v.  bp.  Lich. 
 
 and  Cov.     St.  Marylebone,  r.  the  King. 
 
 The  commissioners  of  woods  and  forests  purchased  of  the  duke  of  Portland 
 the  advowson  of  the  opulent  and  populous  parish  of  Mary-lc-bone,  out  of  the 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  123 
 
 produce  of  the  crown  lands,  for  £40,000 ;  this  was  considered  less  than  the 
 value,  but  his  grace  was  content  to  make  a  sacrifice,  rather  than  the  patronage 
 of  so  important  a  district  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  dissenters. 
 
 Stabback,  William,   East  Anstye,  r.  corp.  of  Exeter,     St.  Stephen,  r. 
 
 bp.  of  Exeter.     Sancread,v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Exon. 
 Stanhope,  Hon.  F.  H.  R.  >S'^.  Buryan,  d.  and  r,  with  St.  Levari,  c.  the 
 
 King.      Cattan,  r.  Wressle,  v.  lord  Egremont. 
 Stawell,  Wm.  M.   Creacombe,  r.  rev.  W.  Karslake.     Filleigh,   r.  with 
 
 East  Buckland,  r.  earl  Fortescue.     Hig h- B icking ton,  r.  rev.  W. 
 
 Stawell. 
 Stevens,  Robert,  D.D.  dn.  of  Rochester,  preb.  of  Lincoln.      West  Far- 
 
 leiyh,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Rochester. 
 Stopford,  hon.  R.  B.  preb.  of  Hereford,  can.  of  Windsor,  chap,  in  ord.  to 
 
 H.  M.     Barton  Seagrave,  r.  duke  Buccleugh. 
 Strong,  Philip,  Aston  Abbots,  v.  lord  Chesterfield.     Colchester,   St. 
 
 Michael,  Mile  End,  t.  My  land,  r.  countess  de  Gre)'. 
 Stubbin,  N.  J.  Higham,  v.  Offton,   r.  with  Little  Bricet,  c.  So/ners- 
 
 ham,  T.  Trustees. 
 St  John,  J.  F.   preb.    of    Worcester;     Chaddesden,    c.    H.   Gilbert. 
 
 Powick,  v.  Severnstoke,    r.  lord    Coventry.       Spondon,  v.  with 
 
 Locker,  c.  and  Standley,  c.  D.  W.  Lowe. 
 Sumner,  C.  H.  V.    Farmborough,  r.   G.  H.  Sumner,     Newdigate,T. 
 
 lord  chan.     Newington  Butts,  Trinit7j,c.  rec.  of  Newington. 
 Sumner,  Charles  Rich.  D.D.  bishop  of  Winchester,  sub-dean  of  Canter- 
 bury, prelate  of  the  order  of  the  garter,  and  visitor  of  Winchester 
 
 College. 
 The  right  rev.  prelate  being  visitor  of  Winchester  College  it  may  not  be  im- 
 proper to  call  the  attention  of  his  lordship  to  the  abuses  which  have  crept  into 
 the  foundation,  and  which  in  the  exercise  of  his  power  of  inspection  and  super- 
 intendence he  may  have  authority  to  reform.  The  college  was  founded  by 
 William  of  Wykham,in  the  fourteenth  century,  and,  like  that  of  Eton,  intended 
 for  the  education  of  seventy  "  poor  and  indigent  scholars."  So  careful  was  tlie 
 founder  to  confine  the  benefits  of  his  institution  entirely  to  the  poor,  that  the  boys, 
 when  they  attain  the  age  of  fifteen,  solemnly  swear  they  have  not  three  pounds 
 six  xhUlings  a  year  to  spend;  and  it  is  expressly  ordered,  if  ever  any  scholar 
 come  into  the  possession  of  property  to  the  amount  of  five  pounds  a  year,  he 
 shall  be  expelled.  The  management  of  the  college  is  vested  in  the  warden,  the 
 bishop  of  Hereford,  and  ten  reverend  divines,  termed  "  fellows,"  subject  to  the 
 visitation  of  the  bishop  of  ^^'inchester.  The  warden,  fellows,  and  scholars,  all 
 swear  to  observe  the  statutes,  "according  to  their  plain,  literal,  grammatical 
 sense  and  understanding."  Peculiar  privileges  are  secured  to  the  founder's  kin, 
 ten  or  twelve  of  whom  were  lately  upon  the  foundation.  The  revenue  of  the 
 college  amounts  to  about  £14,000,  and  the  expenditure  to  £11,000.  The  value 
 of  a  fellowship,  according  to  the  evidence  of  Mr.  Williams,  is  four  or  five 
 hundred  pounds  a  year,  with  meat  and  drink  gratis  in  the  college  ;  also  the  use 
 of  knives,  forks,  plates,  and  as  many  church  livings  as  they  can  obtain.  The 
 emoluments  of  a  warden  are  double  those  of  a  fellow,  with  travelling  expenses,  &c. 
 The  scholars  are  chosen  yearly,  by  six  electors;  their  ordinary  fare  is  breail  and 
 butter  to  breakfast:  beef,  bread,  and  cheese  to  dinner;  mutton,  bread,  and 
 cheese  to  supper,  with  beer  at  every  meal.  They  have  no  spoons,  knives,  nor 
 forks,  nor  vegetables  of  any  sort,  alloued  by  the  statutes,  but  they  have  salt  and 
 wooden  trenchers  found,  and  one  gown  is  given  annually  to  each  scholar  for 
 clothing.  The  allowance  for  the  sustentation  of  the  boys  may  be  varied  agree- 
 ably to  the  statutes,  according  to  the  price  of  corn  and  provisions. 
 
 Such  we  collect  from  the  Third  Report  of  the  Education  Committee,  to  be  the 
 
124 
 
 CHURCH    OF    F,NGLA]ND. 
 
 history  and  nature  of  this  foundation,  which  has  been  very  strangely  perverted 
 and  abused.  First,  instead  of  the  scholars  being  "  poor  and  indigent,"  they  are 
 all  children  of  opulent  persons ;  some,  we  suspect,  of  noble  families,  who,  at  the 
 time  they  solemnly  swear  they  have  not  three  pounds  six  sliiliings  a  year  to  spend, 
 are  paying  ten  guineas  a  year  to  the  masters,  and  the  average  of  their  other 
 expenses  exceeds  fifiy.  By  a  liberal  translation  ot  the  warden,  who  h-is  sworn 
 to  observe  the  statutes  according  to  their  literal  and  grammatical  sense,  one  hundred 
 shillings  are  considered  equal  to  ftiO  :  13  :  4.  It  is  strictly  enjoined  that  no 
 boy  shall  be  admitted  above  twelve  years  of  age.  This  is  wholly  disregarded. 
 The  incomes  of  the  fellowships  are  augmented  to  four  or  five  hundred  pounds 
 a  year,  by  a  liberal  interpretation  of  the  term  describing  their  money  payments  : 
 while  the  strictest  construction  is  adopted  towards  the  scholars  and  founder's 
 kin  ;  the  latter  continuing  only  to  receive  their  old  statutable  allowance  oi forty 
 shillirigs  a  year.  Thus,  too,  while  the  scholars  are  refused  the  convenience  of 
 knives,  forks,  spoons,  plates,  &c.  on  the  ground  that  such  articles  of  furniture 
 were  unknown  in  the  time  of  William  of  Wykham,  the  fellows  are  allowed  (hose 
 accommodations,  althaugh  the  fellowships  were  endowed  at  the  same  early 
 period.  That  a  surplus  revenue  of  three  or  lour  thousand  pounds  may  be 
 divided  betwixt  the  warden  and  fellows,  the  parents  of  the  scholars  pay 
 between  sixty  and  seventy  pounds  a  year  for  their  education  ;  although  it  was 
 intended  by  the  founder  they  should  be  instructed  and  maintained  gratuitously. 
 During  the  inquiries  of  the  Education  Committee,  a  singular  sort  of  delicacy 
 ■was  manifested  by  the  heads  of  this  college  to  screen  the  abuses  of  the  institution 
 from  investigation.  They  affected  to  be  extremely  willing  to  give  every  possible 
 information  relative  to  the  college ;  but  unfortunately  they  had  sworn,  conform- 
 ably to  the  statutes,  not  to  disclose  the  private  affairs  of  the  college ;  and  until 
 their  scruples  relative  to  this  moral  and  religious  obligation  were  removed,  they 
 could  not,  forsooth,  submit  their  concerns  to  the  investigation  of  the  commtttee. 
 Now,  this  would  have  been  all  well  enough,  had  it  not  been  notorious  that  the 
 warden  and  fellows,  on  every  occasion,  when  it  suited  their  interest,  had  shown 
 the  greatest  contempt  both  for  the  oaths  and  ordinances  of  the  founder  ;  nay,  with 
 60  little  respect  had  these  precious  relics  been  treated  by  the  reverend  hjpocrites 
 who  affected  to  be  suddenly  seized  with  a  profound  veneration  for  thein,  that 
 they  had  been  left  exposed  to  the  boys  of  the  school,  who  scrawled  upon  them 
 whatever  nonsense  they  pleased.  But  the  truth  is,  they  wished  to  avoid  in- 
 quiry,— as  well  they  might;  and  iht-y  attempted  to  play  olf  the  same  artifice  on 
 the  committee,  in  the  construction  of  the  statutes,  which  enabled  tiiem  to  deprive 
 the  scholars  of  knives,  forks,  vegetables,  and  the  kinsmen  of  the  founder  of  their 
 yearly  incomes. 
 
 Sumner,  John  Bird,  D.D.  bishop  of  Chester,  tvith  Waverton,  r.  an- 
 nexed, preb.  of  Durham. 
 Surtees,  J.  preb.  of  Bristol ;    Banham,  r.   The   King.       Bristol,  St. 
 Augustine,  v.  and  St.  Mark,  c.   lord  Chanc.      Taverham,  \st 
 and  Id  Mediety,  r.  bp.  Norwich  and  Mrs.  Branthwayte  alt. 
 Brother-in-law  of  lord  Eldon.     For  another  brother-in-law  of  the  ex-chan- 
 cellor see  M.  V.  Surtees,  List  of  Places. 
 
 Sutton,  Charles,  D.D.  Aldehxirgh,  r.  duke  Norfolk.     Holme  (near  the 
 
 Sea)  V.  with  Bishops  Thoriiham,  v.  bp.  of  Norwich.     Norwich, 
 
 St.  Geo.  Tomb/a,  r.  bp.  of  Ely. 
 Sutton,  E.  L.  one  of  the  six  preach,  of  Canterbury,  and  chaplain  to  the 
 
 House  of  Commons  ;  High  Halden,  v.  St.  Peter  s,  v.  abp.  of  Cant. 
 Sutton,  Robert,  preb.   of  Ripon ;   Falford,  c.  York,  St.  Michael  in 
 
 Spurrier  Gate,  alias  St.  Michael  at  Ousebridge,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 Sutton,  T.  M.  preb.   of  Westminster,   and  chaplain  to  the   House  of 
 
 Commons  ;    Great  Chart,  r.  Tunstall,  r.  abp.  of  Cant. 
 Other  Suttons  are  in  the  church,  with  one  or  two  livings.     Most  of  them,  but 
 we  caunot  discover  how  many,  are  related  to  the  late  primate  Sutton,  whose 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  125 
 
 mode  of  disposing  of  church  patronage  has  been  described,  page  26.  The  arch- 
 bishop, like  many  other  noble  persons,  was  indebted  for  his  education  to  the 
 Charter  House,  which  opulent  foundation  was  intended  only  for  the  ''  main- 
 tenance and  education  of  poore  children,"  and  "the  relief  of  poore,  fatherless, 
 decrepit,  aged,  sick,  infirm,  and  impotent  persons."  On  entering  holy  orders, 
 his  grace  obtained  some  ecclesiastical  preferment,  and  soon  after,  by  his  affinity 
 to  the  Rutland  family,  was  raised  to  the  see  of  Norwich,  with  whicli  dignity  he 
 was  permitted  to  hold  the  deanery  of  Windsor.  On  the  death  of  archbishop 
 Moore,  in  1804,  his  lordship,  by  the  special  favour  of  George  III.,  was  elevated 
 to  the  primacy.  It  is  observable  that  a  short  time  before  the  following  panegyric 
 on  his  grace  appeared  in  the  Pursuits  of  Literature,  a  work  ascribed  to  Mr. 
 Mathias,  privy  clerk  to  queen  Charlotte : — "  He  is  a  prelate  whose  amiable 
 demeanour,  useful  learning,  and  conciliating  habits  of  life,  particularly  recom- 
 mend his  episcopal  character.  No  man  appears  to  me  so  peculiarly  marked  out 
 for  the  highest  dignity  of  the  church,  sede  vacante,  as  Dr.  Sdtton."  This  puflf 
 direct,  and  the  writer,  availing  himself  of  those  opportunites  which  his  situa- 
 tion afforded,  is  supposed  to  have  materially  contributed  to  the  sudden  exalta- 
 tion of  the  archbishop.  The  patronage  of  the  archbishopric  is  131  livings,  an 
 archdeaconry,  and  three  prebends.  Out  of  this  fund  his  grace  was  enabled  to 
 provide  comfortably  for  his  numerous  offspring. 
 Swainson,  C.  pieb.  of  Hereford ;   Clunn,  v.  with  Bettws,  c.  Edgton, 
 
 c.  Llanvair  Waterdine,  c.  and  Shipton,  c.  earl  Powis. 
 Swan,  Francis,  Kirton,  v.  loith  Brothertoft,  c.   Mercers'  Comp.  Lond. 
 
 Lincoln,  St.  Pet.  Arc.  r.  and  at  Goats,  p.  c.  Prebendary.      Win- 
 
 teringham,  r.  rev.  J.  L.  Saville. 
 Tanqueray,    Edward,    Ridgmont,    v.    Sequest.     Tampsford,     r.  the 
 
 King.      Tingrith,  r.  Mr.  Treven. 
 Taylor,  C.  D.D.  preb.  of  Hereford  and  chanc.  of  the  dio.  Hereford; 
 
 Madley,  v.  with  Tibberton,  c.  Stanton,  St.  Michael,  v.  dn.  and 
 
 oh.  Hereford. 
 Templer,  G.  H.  preb.   of   Wells;  Shapwick,  v.  Incumbent.      Thorn- 
 ford,  r.  Mrs.  Sampson. 
 Tennyson,  G.  D.D.  Benningworth,  r.  R.  Ainstie.      Great  Grimsby, 
 
 St.  James,  v.  and  St.  Mary,  v.  G.  R.  Heneage.     Somersby,  r. 
 
 R.  Burton. 
 Thackeray,  J.  R.  Downham  Market,  r.  Miss  Franks.  Hadley,  d.  J. 
 
 Penny.    Wiggenhall,  St.  Mary  Magdalen,  v.  Mrs.  Gorforth. 
 Thompson,  John  B.  Luddesdown,  r.  rev.  Dr.  R.  Thompson.    Shrop- 
 
 ham,  V.  Corp.  of  Norwich.      Thompson,  c.  S.  Hethersett. 
 Thornhill,  John,  Cockjield,  r.  Staindrop,  r.  marquis  Cleveland.     Mid- 
 
 dleto7i  in  Teesdale,  r.  the  King. 
 Thorpe,  C.  archdeacon  of  Durham ;  vice  Prosser,  resigned. 
 Thurlow,  Edward  S.  preb.  of  Norwich;  Eastwn,  r.  Stamfordham,  v. 
 
 lord  Chanc.     Houg hton-le- Spring ,  r.  bp.  of  Durham. 
 Three  more  Thurlows  in  the  church,  one  a  pluralist.     Houghton-le-Spring, 
 next  to  Brentford,  is  the  highest  valuation  in  the  king's  book,  and  rated  at 
 £12-1.     The  pedigree  of  these  preferments  will  be  seen  by  referring  to  Thurlow 
 in  our  Place  List. 
 Thynne,   lord  John,   preb.    of  Westminster;  Backwell,  r.    Kingston 
 
 Deverill,  r.  Street,  r.  with  Walton,  c.  marquis  of  Bath. 
 Third  son  of  the  patron  and  son-in-law  of  the  rev.  C.  C.  Beresford. 
 Tickell,  John  A.   Castle  Acre,  v.  T.  W.  Coke.  Hempstead,  near  Holt, 
 
 V.    Wighton,  v.  dn.  and  eh.  of  Norwich. 
 
125  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Timbrill,  J.  D  D.  archdn.  of  Gloucester,  with  Dursley,  r.  annexed, 
 
 Beckford,  v.  with   Alston    Underhill,    c.  Bradforton,  v.  with 
 
 Aldington,  c.  rev.  Dr.  Timbrell. 
 Tredcroft,    Robert,  preb.  of  Cbichester  ;  Fittletvorth,  v.  bp.   of  Chi- 
 chester.     Tangmere,    r.    duke    Richmond.       West    Ichenor,    r. 
 
 lord  Chanc. 
 Trevelyan,  Walter,  preb.  of  Wells;  .Henbury,  v.  with  Aust,  c.  and 
 
 Northwick,  c.  lord  Middleton.      Nettlecom.be,  r.  sir  J.  Trevelyan. 
 Treweeke,  George,  Illogan,  r.  lord  de  Dunstanville.     Manselgamage, 
 
 V.   St.  Menver,  v.  sir  J.  G.  Cotterell. 
 Trivett,  W.    Arlington,    v.     Willingdon,  r.  Chichester  Cath.     Ash- 
 
 burnham,  with  Penshurst,  r.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Cant.    Bradwell,  r. 
 
 the  King. 
 Turner,  Richard,  preb.  of  Lincoln;   Great  Yarmouth,  p.  c.  dn.  and  ch. 
 
 of  Norwich.     Ormesby,  St.  Margaret,   v.  and  St.  Michael,  v. 
 
 with   Scroteby,  c.   Swelling,  r.   Incumbent. 
 Turner,  Samuel,  Attenborough,  v.  with  Bramcote,   r.  F.    Foljambe. 
 
 Nettleton,  r.    rev.  W.   Jackson.      Rothwell,    r.  lord   Middleton. 
 
 Tealby,  v.   G.  Tennyson. 
 Turton,  Thomas,   dn.  of  Peterborough,  preb.  of  Lincoln,  reg.  prof,  of 
 
 div.   Cambridge.      Somersham,  r.  with   Coin  St.  Helen,    c.  a7id 
 
 Pidley,  c.  annexed;    Gimmingham,  r.  with  Trunch,  r.  Cath.  Hall, 
 
 Camb. 
 Underwood,  T.  can.  res.  of  Hereford.     Lugwardine,  v.  with  Bartes- 
 
 try,  c.  Dewchurch,  c.    Heyitland,    c.    Langarrow,  c.     and   St. 
 
 Veep  Wennard,  c.    dn.   and  ch.  of  Hereford.     Ross,  r.  and  v. 
 
 bp.  of  Hereford. 
 Van  Mildert,  W.,  D.D.  bishop  of  Durham  and  custos  rotulorum. 
 Vansittart,  W.,  DD.  preb.  of  Carlisle,    master    of  Wigston's    Hosp. 
 
 Leicester.      Waltham    Abbas,    with    Shottesbrook,    r.  A.    Van- 
 sittart. 
 Vernon- Harcourt,    hon.    Edward  Venables,  primate  of  England,    and 
 
 lord  almoner  to  the  King. 
 Vernon,  hon.  J.  S.  V.  preb.  of  Southwell.     Barton  in  Fabis,  r.  abp. 
 
 of  York. 
 Vernon,   L.  V.   chan.  of  the   church  of  York,   archdn.  of  Cleveland. 
 
 Kirby    in    Cleveland,    sinecure,  r.   Stainton,    St.    Winifrid,  v. 
 
 Stokesley,  r.  abp.  of  York. 
 Vernon,  W.  Venables,  can.  res.  of  York.     Etton,  r.    Wheldrake,  r. 
 
 abp.  of  York. 
 
 Six  more  Vernons,  with  valuable  preferments.  They  belong  to  the  family  of 
 the  archbishop  of  York.  The  Venables  are  also  relations  of  the  archbisliop. 
 The  right  rev.  prelate  is  the  younger  son  of  the  late  lord  Vernon  by  his  third 
 wife,  the  sister  of  the  first  loi'd  Harcourt.  He  married  a  sister  of  the  marquis 
 of  Stafford,  by  whom  he  has  several  children,  all  well  provided  in  church  and 
 state.  The  first  preferment  of  the  bishop  was  a  canonry  in  Christchurch  ;  he 
 was  next  advanced  to  the  bishopric  of  Carlisle,  on  the  removal  of  Douglas  to 
 Salisbury  ;  and,  in  1807,  he  succeeded  Markham  in  the  see  of  York.  The 
 patronage  of  his  grace  is  80  livings,  50  prebends,  besides  precentorships  and 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  127 
 
 sub-deaconries.     We   subjoin  the   following  estimate  of  the  gleanings  of  the 
 
 archbishop  and^re  sons  during  his  primacy  : — 
 
 Revenues  of  the  archdiocese,  23  years   £26,000  —  598,000 
 
 L.   Vernon,   ciiancellorship,   prebend,  and  two 
 
 rectories,  10  years 3,000  30,000 
 
 W.  Vernon,  prebend  and  three  rectories,  10  years  2,500  25,000 
 
 C.  Vernon,  one  rectory,  10  years 2,000  20,000 
 
 G.  Vernon,  chancellor  of  diocese     1,800  1800 
 
 E.  Vernon,  registrar  of  diocese 2,000  2000 
 
 £37,300         070,800 
 
 Vevers,  Richard,  Saxby,  r.  lord  Harborough.    Stoke  Albany,  r.  Wil- 
 
 barston,  v.  lord  Sondes. 
 Vevers,  R.  W.    Coates,  v.  sequestrated.     Marion,  v.  bp.  of  Lincoln. 
 
 Somershall,  r.  lord  Chesterfield. 
 Vincent,  Wm.  preb.  of  Chichester,   London,  Allhallows,    Great  and 
 
 Less,  r.  abp  of  Cant. 
 Son  of  the  late  Dr.  Vincent,  head-master  of  Westminster  school,  dean  of 
 Westminster,  Kiag's  chaplain,  and  rector  of  Allhallows.  The  son  has  appa- 
 rently succeeded  to  most  of  his  father's  prefermenls.  The  doctor  was  patronized 
 by  lord  Sidmouth,  from  whom  he  received  a  prebend  in  the  collegiate  church  of 
 Westminster.  He  preached  and  published  several  loyal  sermons,  which  were 
 carefully  distributed  by  the  Association  for  tiie  "  Protection  of  Property,"  at 
 the  Crown  and  Anchor  Tavern. 
 
 Vivian,  J.  W.,   D.D.  min.  can.  of  St.  Paul's.     London,   St.  Austin 
 
 and  St.  Faith,  r.  Mucking,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  St.  Paul's. 
 Wakeham,  H.  Culford,  r.    with  Ingham,  r.  and   Timworth,  r.  bp. 
 
 of  Lich.  and  Cov. 
 Walker,  A.  J.   Bishops  Stone,  r.  Llangua,  r.    Yazer,  v.  U.  Price. 
 Walpole,  Robert,  Itteringham,  r.  with   Mannington,    r.    lord    Orford. 
 
 St.  Mary-le-bone,  Ckristchurch,  d.  r.  the  King. 
 Ward,  Wm.  D.D.  bishop  of  Sodor  and  Man,  preb.  of  Sarum.      Great 
 
 Horkesley,  r.  countess  de  Grey. 
 Warneford,  S.  W.,  D.D.   Burton  on  the  Hill,  r.  xvith  Morpton   in 
 
 Marsh,  c.  and  Lower  Slaughter,    c.    Liddiard  Millice?it,    r. 
 
 rev.  Dr.  Warneford. 
 Warren,  J.  dean  of  Bangor. 
 
 Watson,  J.  J.,  D.  D.  archdn.of  St.  Alban's,  preb.  of  St.  Paul's.     Digs- 
 well,  r.  Incumbent.     Hackney,  r.  S.Tyssen. 
 Watson,  Richard,   preb.  of  Wells  and  LlandafF.     Dingestoiu,  v.  with 
 
 Tregan,  o.  arch,  and  ch.   liandaff.     Penrice,  v.    Undy,  v.   bp. 
 
 Llandaff. 
 Watson,  Robert,   Barlavington,  r.   South  Bradon,  sinecure,  r.  lord 
 
 Egremont.  Egdean,  r.  Hardham,  r.  sir  G.  F.  Goring. 
 These  Watsons  are  relicts  of  the  late  Dr.  Watson,  bishop  of  Landaff,  arch- 
 deacon of  Ely,  rector  of  Rnoptoft,  professor  of  divinity  in  Cambridge,  with  the 
 rectory  of  Somersham,  in  Huntingdonshire,  annexed.  The  bishop  had  been 
 tutor  to  the  late  duke  of  Rutland,  who  gave  him  the  rectory  of  Knoptoft,  and 
 next  exerted  his  influence  for  his  advancement  to  the  bishopric  of  LandafF. 
 Here  the  prelate  became  stationary :  his  politics  did  not  exactly  accord  with 
 the  Toryism  of  George  III.,  and  the  doctrines  advanced  by  him  in  the  Ameri- 
 can war  and  during  the   French  Revolution,  prevented  his  translation  to  n 
 
128  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 richer  see.  Neither  his  ambition  nor  cupidity,  however,  appear  to  have  been 
 less  than  those  of  his  brethren.  In  the  Posthumous  Memoirs  published  by  his 
 son,  he  complains  bitterly  that  his  "  public  services"  had  not  been  sufficiently 
 rewarded,  though  possessed  of  the  numerous  preferments  mentioned.  He  also 
 declaims  lustily  against  the  statesmen  of  his  time,  declaring  that  they  "  sacri- 
 ficed their  public  principles  to  private  ends,  and  their  honour  to  their  ambition," 
 and  that  their  "  patriotism  vi  as  merely  a  sellisL  struggle  for  power."  In  the 
 latter  opinions  all  men  had  reason  to  concur,  unless  those  blinded  by  prejudice 
 or  personal  attachment. 
 
 Webb,  Richard,  min.  can.  of  St.  Paul's,  Westminster,  and  Windsor. 
 Kensworth,  v.  dn.  and  can.  of  St.  Paul's. 
 
 One  might  exhibit  a  curious  and  authentic  account  of  the  private  history  of 
 this  minor  canon  of  three  churches ;  but  we  wish  to  avoid  personal  details 
 relative  to  the  clergy.  First,  because  to  enter  into  the  private  history  of  the 
 clergy  would  far  exceed  our  limits.  Secondly,  because  we  had  not  materials 
 for  so  doing,  unless  we  chose  to  rely  on  reports  and  statements  which  we  had 
 no  means  of  verifying.  Lastly,  and  this  is  our  principal  reason,  the  best  au- 
 thenticated private  details  serve  only  to  expose  individuals,  not  the  system ; 
 whereas  our  object  has  constantly  been  to  expose  the  systepi,  not  the  individuals 
 composing  it.  As  a  body,  no  doubt  the  clergy  have  improved  in  external  de- 
 meanor as  well  as  other  classes  of  the  community.  Modsrn  manners  do  not 
 sanction  the  gross  vices  which  were  common  forty  or  fifty  years  ago  ;  and  for 
 sake  of  social  intercourse  the  priesthood  have  found  it  necessary  to  conform  to 
 the  altered  fashion  of  the  times.  The  clergy,  therefore,  do  not  frequently  come 
 intoxicated  to  church,  nor  reel  into  the  streets  in  open  day-light :  still  some  of 
 them,  according  to  Mr.  Beverly,  continue  addicted  to  hard  drinking.  "  I  have 
 been  acquainted,"  says  he,  ''  with  drunken  clergymen  at  Cambridge,  and  the 
 intoxication  of  one,  in  particular,  was  so  remarkable,  that  I  have  often  won- 
 dered how  he  was  able  to  clear  his  head  for  the  Sunday  morning's  duty,  after 
 the  Saturday  night's  debauch.  I  state  it  also  as  a  notorious  fact,  that  at  the 
 present  moment  there  are  priests  in  that  University  remarkable  for  (heir  intem- 
 perate habits.  There  was  in  existence,  within  these  five  years,  a  clerical  club, 
 consisting  of  not  more  than  six  members,  who  used  to  meet  at  a  tavern  every 
 Sunday  evening,  after  their  days'  labours,  and  indulge  in  compotations  worthy 
 of  the  hard-drinking  parsons  of  Queen  Anne's  reign." 
 
 Webber,  Charles,  archdn.  and  can.  res.  of  Chichester.    Amport,v.  with 
 
 Appleshaw,  c.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Chichester. 
 Webber,  E.  Bathealton,   r.  bp.  of  Bath.     Runnington,  r.  the  King. 
 
 Thome,  St.  Margaret,  c.  archdn.  of  Taunton. 
 Webber,  James,  preb.  of  Westminster,  dn.   of  Ripon.     Kirkham,  v. 
 
 Christ  Church,  Oxon,   Westminster y  St.  Marg.  r.  dn.  and  ch.  of 
 
 Westminster. 
 Welby,  John  Earle.    Hacehy,r.  W.  G.  Welby.     Harston,  r.  the  King. 
 
 Stroxton,  r.  sir  J.  E.  Welby.      West  Ailing  ton,  r.  dn.  and  ch.  of 
 
 Exon. 
 Welfitt,  William,  D.D.  preb.  of  Canterbury.     Elmstead,  v.  Hasting' 
 
 leigh,  r.  abp.  of  Cant.      Ticehurst,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Cant. 
 Wellesley,  hon.  G.  V^.,  D.D.  preb.  of  Durham,  chap,  in  ord.  to  H.  M. 
 
 Bishop's  Wearmouth,  r.  bp.   of  Durham.      Chelsea,  r.  lord  Ca- 
 
 dogan.      Therjield,  r.  dn.  and  ch.  of  St.  Paul's. 
 
 Brother  of  lady  Ann  Culling  Smith,  and  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  whom  see 
 in  our  Place  List. 
 
 Wells,  George,  preb.  of  Chichester.     Billinghurst,  v.  sir  H.  Goring. 
 Wilson,  r.  C.  Gorinsj:. 
 
BISHOPS,    DIGNITARIES,    AND    PLURALISTS.  129 
 
 Westcombo,  Thomas,  min.   can.  of  Winton.     Preston,   Candover,  v. 
 
 with  Nutley,  c.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Winton.      Winchester,  St.  Peter 
 
 Stoke,  r.  ivith  St.  John,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 Weston,  C.  F.  Melton   Ross,  p.  c.  Prebendary.     Ruckland,  r.  with 
 
 Farforth,  r.  and  Marden  IVell,  c.  lord  Yarborough.      Somerby, 
 
 r.  ivith  Bagenderhy,  v.  the  King. 
 Wetherell,  Henry,  archdn.  of  Hereford  and  preb.  of  Gloucester.     Kent- 
 church,!,  tlie  King.      Kingstone,  v.  dn.  of  Hereford. 
 Whichcote,  Francis,   Asivardby,  r.   Deejnng,  St.  Jaines,  v.   Swarby, 
 
 V.  sir  T.  Whichcote. 
 Whinfield,   H.   Battlesdon,  v.   ivith   Potsgrove,   r.  sir  G.  P.  Turner. 
 
 Tyringham,  r.  ivith  Filgrave,  r.  Wm.  Praed. 
 Whalley,  R.  T.  preb.  of  Wells.      Ilchester,  r.  Yeovilton,  r.  bp.  of  Bath^ 
 Whistler,  W.  W.  Hastings,  All  Saints,  r.  a7id  St.  Clements,  r.  sir 
 
 G.  Webster.   Newtimber,  r.  N.  Newnham. 
 Whitcombe,  Francis,  Ferring,  v.  Prebendary.     Lodsworth,   c.  S.  W. 
 
 Poyntz.     Stanlake,  r.  Magdalen  Coll. 
 White,  Henry,  vie.  of  Lichfield  Cath.      Chebsea,  v.  Dilhorn,  v.  Rid- 
 
 ware  Pipe,  c.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Lichfield. 
 Whittingham,   Paul,   min.  can.   of  Norwich.     Martham,  v.  Norwich, 
 
 St.  Saviour,  r.  Sedgford,  v.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Norwich. 
 Wickham,  Thomas,  preb.  of  Sarum.      North  Newington^  v.  with  Little 
 
 Knoyle,  c.  preb.  of  Sarum  Cath.     Yatto?i,  v.  with  Kenn,  c.  preb. 
 
 of  Yatton. 
 Wilkins,  G.,  D.D.    preb.  of  Southwell.      Lowdham,  v.   Nottingham, 
 
 St.    Mary,  v.     and    St.  Paul,  c.  Sne7iton,  p.  c.  Earl  Manvers. 
 
 Wing,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 Wilkinson,  W.  F.  East  Harling,  r.  W.  F.  Wilkinson.     North   Wal- 
 
 sham,  V.  loith  Antingharn,  St.  Margaret,  r.  Queen's  Coll.  Cam. 
 
 Norwich,  St.  Benedict,  c.  and  St.  Laurence,  r.  Parishioners. 
 Wilkinson,  M.  W.  Harescombe,  r.  with  Pitchcombe,  r.  Mrs,  Parnell. 
 
 Redgrave,  r.  G.  St.  Wilson.      Uley,  r.  lord  Chan. 
 Willoughby,  H.  P.   Birtliorpe,x.  Btirythorpe,  c.  lord  Chan. 
 Wingfield,  Thomas,  Stapleford,  v.  Teigh,  r.  lord  Harborough.    Tick- 
 
 eucote,  r.  J.  ^Vingfield. 
 Wintle,  Robert,  preb.   of  St.    Paul's.      Compton  Beauchamp,  r.   Mr. 
 
 Wright.      Culham,  v.  bp.  of  Oxford. 
 Wodehouse,  hon.  A.      Bixton,  r.    East  and    West  Lexham,    r.    with 
 
 Litchans,   r.    Kimbcrley ,    v.    with    Barnham     Broo?n,    r.  lord 
 
 Wodehouse. 
 Wodehouse,    C.    N.    preb.  of   Norwich.      Geldestone,   r.   lord   Chan. 
 
 Murningthorpe,  r.  the  King. 
 Wodehouse,  Thomas,    can.  res.  of  Wells.     Norton,  r.  Stourmouth,  r 
 
 bp.  of  Rochester. 
 Wodehouse,  hon.  W.  Carlton  Forehoe,  r.  lord  Wodehouse.  Hingham 
 
 r.  Falmouth,  r.  hon.  and  rev.  W.  Wodehouse. 
 The  hon.  and  rev.  A.  Wodehouse,  who  has  four  reclories  and  a  vicarage,  is 
 the  son  of  lord  Wodehouse,  the  patron,  and  son-in-law  of  sir  T.  Beauchamp- 
 
 K 
 
130  CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Proctor.  W.  Wodehouse  is  another  son  of  the  noble  lord.  Several  more  of  the 
 family  are  well  provided  in  church  or  state,  but  a  notice  of  them  does  not  belong 
 to  our  present  subject. 
 
 WoUen,  W.,   D.  D.  Bridgewater,  v.  with   Chilton   Trinity,  v.  Hil- 
 ton, V.  the  King. 
 Wood,   George,     Cann.    St.    Riwibold,  r.   Dorchester,     Trinity,    v. 
 
 Shaftesbury,  St.  Rumhold,  r.  lord  Shaftesbury. 
 Wood,  J.,  D.D,  dean  of  Ely.     Freshwater,  r.  St.  John's  Coll.  Camb. 
 Wood,   Peter,  preb.  of  Chichester.     Broadivater,  r.  Rusper,  r.   Mr. 
 
 Wood. 
 Worsley,   Ralph,    sub-dean    of  Ripon.     Finchley,  r.  bp.  of  London. 
 
 Little  Ponton,  r.  rev.  Dr.  Dowdeswell. 
 Woodcock,  H.  preb.  of  Sarum,  can.  of  Christ  Church.     Longparish, 
 
 or   Middleton  Prebend,  lady  Churchill.     Michaehnarsh,  r.  bp. 
 
 of  Winton. 
 Woodhouse,  J.  C.  dn.  of  Lichfield  and  Coventry. 
 Woodward,  W.  P.  preb.  of  Chichester.     Plurnpton,  r.  Mrs.  Woodward. 
 
 West  Grinstead,  r.  Mr.  Woodward. 
 Woolconribe,  Henry,  Ashbury,  r.  the  King.      High  Hampton,  r.  J.  M. 
 
 Woolcombe.      Pillaton,  r.  W.  Helgar. 
 Worsley,  H.,   D.D.    Gatcomb,    r.   Mr.   Campbell.      St.  Lawrence,  r. 
 
 hon.  C.  A.  Pelham.    Woolverton,  r.  Messrs.  R.  and  J.  Clarke. 
 Wrangham,  Francis,  archdn.  of  East  Riding  of  York  and  preb.  of  York 
 
 and  Chester.      Dodleston,  r.  dn.  and  ch.  of  Chester,    Hunmaiiby, 
 
 V.  with  Fordon,  c.  Miiston,  v.  H.  S.  Osbaldeston. 
 Wrench,  J.  G.,  D.C.L.   Blnkeney,  c.    Haberdashers'  Comp.  i  London. 
 
 Salehurst,  v.  S.  Micklethwait.      Stowting,  r.  rev.  Dr.  Wrench. 
 Wrey,  B,  W.    Combintenhead ,  r.    Tawstock,  r.  Temple  Imp.  c.  sir  B. 
 
 Wrey. 
 Wright,  Thomas,.    East  Clay  don,  v.  Middle,  r.  and  Steeple,  v.   Mr. 
 
 Vacknell. 
 Wyndham,  T.  T.,   D.D.  Hinton  Admiral,  p.  c.   G.  J.  Topps.     Mel- 
 combe,  T.  with    Radipole,  c.  W.  Wyndham.     Pimperne,  v.  lord 
 
 Rivers. 
 Yonge,  Denys,  East  Anthony,  v.  R.  Carewe.     West  Putford,  r.  lord 
 
 Clinton.      Willoughton,  v.  King's  Coll.  and  lord  Scarborough,  alt. 
 Yonge,  James,     CocJmigton,    c.    Tormoham,    c.    rev.    R.    Mallock, 
 
 Stockley  Pomeroy,  r.  bp.  of  Exeter. 
 Yonge,  William,  Chan,  of  d.  of  Norwich.     Hillburgh,  r.  earl  Nelson. 
 
 Swaffham,  v.  ivith  Threxton,  v.  bp.  of  Norwich. 
 Several  more  Yonges  in  the  church.     They  are,  by  marriage,  relations  of  earl 
 Nelson,  prebendary  of  Canterbury,  and  a  pensioner  to  the  amount  of  f  5000  per 
 annum. 
 
VALUATIONS    IN    THE    KING  S     1500K. 
 
 131 
 
 VALUATION  OF  SEES  AND  DIGNITIES  IN  THE  KINg's  BOOK. 
 The  only  authentic  return  of  the  amount  of  church  revenues  is  the  Valor  Eccle- 
 siasticus,  of  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.  This  document  is  incomplete  even  for  the 
 period  it  was  obtained,  many  deaneries  and  ecclesiastical  dignities  having  been 
 omitted ;  and  it  is  still  less  applicable  to  the  present,  owing  to  the  vast  alteration 
 in  the  value  of  land  and  tithe.  Still  it  is  the  only  authentic  basis  for  estimating 
 the  value  of  sees  and  dignities  ;  and,  aided  by  information  from  other  sources, 
 we  may  form  an  estimate  of  the  incomes  of  the  bishops,  deans,  archdeacons, 
 precentors,  chancellors,  and  other  cathedral  and  diocesan  officials. 
 
 In  the  parliamentary  session  of  1830,  Dr.  Lushington  admitted  the  income  of 
 the  See  of  Canterbury  amounted  to  £32,000,  and  the  bishop  of  London  admitted  his 
 income  amounted  to  about  £15,000.  Thus  it  appears  from  the  subjoined  table  of 
 the  valuations  in  Liber  Regis  that  these  sees  have  increased  in  value  twelve  and 
 fourteen  fold.  The  revenues  of  other  sees  and  dignities  being  derived  from 
 sources  similar  to  those  of  Canterbury  and  London,  the  incomes  of  any  of  the 
 bishoprics,  dignities,  and  oflices  in  the  subjoined  statement  may  be  calculated 
 to  have  augmented  in  a  similar  ratio.  In  some  instances  we  have  only  been  able 
 to  insert  the  year  when  the  dignity  was  received  by  the  present  possessor ;  the 
 value  not  being  returned  in  the  Ring's  Book. 
 
 If  churchmen  demur  to  our  mode  of  calculating  their  incomes,  our  reply  is — 
 let  us  have  an  authentic  and  authorised  return  of  the  amount  of  ecclesiastical 
 revenues.     Till  then  we  must  depend  on  collateral  and  inferential  evidence. 
 
 King's  Book. 
 
 Caittrrfiury : 
 
 Archbishop £2082  12     2 
 
 Dean    1827 
 
 Archdeacon 163     1  10 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Wm.  Welfitt    1786 
 
 Geo.  Moore     1795 
 
 Chas.  Norris 1799 
 
 Earl  Nelson    1803 
 
 Robt.  Moore  1804 
 
 Walt.  Brown 1804 
 
 J.  E.  Boscawen 1 822 
 
 Archdn.  Croft     1822 
 
 W.  F.  Baylay 1826 
 
 John  Russell 1827 
 
 J.  Hume  Spry    1828 
 
 John  Peel   1828 
 
 ¥orfe: 
 
 Archbishop 1610     0  0 
 
 Dean 308  10  7 
 
 Chancellor  of  the  Church  85     6  8 
 
 Precentor 96    4  2 
 
 King's  Book. 
 
 Sub-dean £50  14  2 
 
 Succentor 8     0  0 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Robt  Markham   90     3  1 
 
 Eras.  Wrangham 62  14  7 
 
 L.  Ver.  Harcourt 36     0  10 
 
 Wra.  Barrow    61     0  10 
 
 Canons  Residentiary. 
 
 Archdeacon  Markham    ..  82  11  3 
 
 W.  Ver.-Harcourt 40     0  1 
 
 Charles  Hawkins    14     8  4 
 
 W.  H.  Dixon    32  10  5 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Hon.  J.  Lumley  Savile  . .  14     9  9 
 
 H.  Kitchingman 17  17  1 
 
 Samuel  Smith 9  17  1 
 
 Lamplugh  Hird  17  17  1 
 
 Hon.  A.Cathcart 43  19  1 
 
 Robert  Affleck 2  17  1 
 
 W.  R.  Hay    19  10  10 
 
 Edward  Otter 34  11  8 
 
 William  Preston 14     8  9 
 
 R.  Carey  42  17  1 
 
 K  2 
 
132 
 
 CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Hon.  H.  E.  J.  Howard  ..  £11     3     9 
 
 Archd.  Wrangham 35     0     0 
 
 Dean  of  Wells 6     0     0 
 
 Walter  Fletcher 34     7     3 
 
 John  Bull 37  15     5 
 
 Theophilus  Barnes 38  16     0 
 
 Dean  of  Norwich 65  16     0 
 
 C harles  \V .  Ey re 74     7     1 
 
 G.  P.  Marriott 32  13     4 
 
 Henry  John  Todd    38  17  11 
 
 Henry  Markhaui 10     2     6 
 
 Hammond  Roberson    ....  8     0     0 
 
 John  Lowe 33  11     8 
 
 T.  Hutton  Croft 47  16     3 
 
 G.H.Vernon,  Chanc 1818 
 
 iLontlOlt  : 
 
 Bishop 1000 
 
 Dean 210 
 
 Chancellor    33 
 
 Precentor 46 
 
 Treasurer 37 
 
 Archdeaco7is. 
 
 G.  O.  Cambridge 60 
 
 Jos.  Holdcn  Pott     23 
 
 I.  J.  Watson 
 
 Hugh  C.Jones 52 
 
 W.  RoweLyall 50 
 
 Canons  Residentiary. 
 
 Very  Rev.  the  Dean    10 
 
 Thos.  Hughes 6 
 
 F.  W.  Blomberg 7 
 
 Sydney  Smith 7 
 
 Prebendaries  of  St.  Paul's 
 
 William  Gibson    8 
 
 Robert  Watts    5 
 
 Dean  of  Winchester    . . 
 
 Thomas  Wintle    
 
 George  Seeker 
 
 William  Wood 
 
 Richard  Leudon  
 
 Thomas  Randolph 34 
 
 W.  S.  Goddard     8 
 
 Bishop  of  Carlisle, 39 
 
 A.  R.  Chauvel. 
 
 Samuel  Birch 
 
 Joim  H.  Randolph  .... 
 
 Archdeacon  Pott 
 
 John  Sleath 
 
 Dean  of  Christ  Church 
 Archdeacon  Watson  . . 
 Sir  Herb.  Oakeley,  Bt. 
 
 Jon.  Tyeis  Barrett 12 
 
 .8 
 46 
 
 28 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 19 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 14 
 
 21 
 
 0  0 
 
 12  0 
 0  0 
 
 7  6 
 0  0 
 
 0  0 
 
 13  4 
 .1816 
 
 0  0 
 
 0  9 
 
 5  0 
 0  0 
 
 17  1 
 
 13  4 
 
 6  8 
 15  1) 
 
 2  6 
 
 0  0 
 
 13  4 
 
 0  0 
 
 1  3 
 
 8  9 
 G  8 
 
 13  4 
 
 15  1!) 
 
 6  8 
 
 H.  Hand  ley  N  orris 
 C.  E.J.  Dering    . . . 
 
 Charles  Wodsworth     ....  5 
 
 William  Hale  Hale 11 
 
 John  Smith    17 
 
 T.  Hartvvell  Home    13 
 
 John  Lonsdale 28 
 
 6  8 
 
 6  8 
 
 6  8 
 
 0  0 
 
 5  5 
 0  0 
 
 6  8 
 10  10 
 19  2 
 
 6  8 
 
 0  0 
 
 .  20 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 .  20 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 .   13 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 .  15 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 .  16 
 
 15 
 
 11 
 
 .  15 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 .  17 
 
 U 
 
 8 
 
 .  14 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 .  16 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 .   13 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 .  13 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 .1828 
 
 minor  Canons  of  St.  Paul's. 
 H.  Fly,  Sub-dn.  Sf  \st  Can.  £24  17  11 
 
 H.  J.  Knapp 2d  do 
 
 W.Holmes 3d  do 
 
 R.  H.  Barham  ..  4th  do.. 
 
 W.J.Hall 5th  do., 
 
 J.  W.  Vivian 6th  do. 
 
 J.  Lupton 7th  do. 
 
 J.  T.  licnnett  ...   8th  do.. 
 R.  C.  Packman. .  9th  do. 
 E.G.A.BeckwithlOth  do. 
 E.  J.  Beckwith..llthdo., 
 
 C.  Packe    12th  do. 
 
 S.  Lushington,  Chancellor 
 
 Bishop 1821     1     2 
 
 Dean,  Bishop  of  St.  David's  . . .  .1827 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 David  Durell 1801 
 
 Bishop  of  Bristol 1804 
 
 R.  Prosser 1804 
 
 Bishop  of  Chester 1820 
 
 J.  Savile  Ogle   1820 
 
 Th.  Gisborne 1 823 
 
 G.  Townsend 1825 
 
 Wni.  S.Gilly 1826 
 
 G.  V.  Wellesley 1827 
 
 Charles  Thorp    1829 
 
 Bishop  of  Exeter   1 831 
 
 Samuel  Smith    1831 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 C.Thorpe 100     0     0 
 
 Thos.  Singleton    36  13     4 
 
 SSHnc^e^tf  r : 
 
 Bishop  2873  18     1 
 
 Dean,  Thomas  Rennell 1805 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Edm.  Poulter    1791 
 
 Robt.  Barnard    1793 
 
 Lord  Wahjingham 1S07 
 
 Geo.  F.  Nott 1810 
 
 W.  Harrison 1820 
 
 Rd.  Cockburn    1825 
 
 G.  PretAinan 1 825 
 
 Ch.  Richards 1827 
 
 Edw.  James   1828 
 
 Wm.  Dealtry 1830 
 
 William  Vaux    1831 
 
 Thos.  Garnier 1831 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Lord  Walsingham    91     3     6 
 
 Veu.  Chas.  J.  Hoare  ....       67  15     2 
 
 Bishop    1830 
 
 Dean 22  17     3 
 
 Chancellor    0     3     4 
 
 Precentor 0    4     2 
 
VALUATIONS    IN 
 
 Treasurer £  0  18  9 
 
 Archdeacon 13     3  4 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Henry  Warren 29  16  8 
 
 H.  VT.  Majendie 8     5  7 
 
 Canons. 
 
 T.Roberts 1st  Can...  0     3  4 
 
 R.Williams    ..2d  do 0     3  4 
 
 R.  Xewcome  ..3d  do.. ..  0     3  4 
 
 Senior  Vicar  Choral 7  ,-     „  . 
 
 Junior  Vicar  Choral J  17     0  o 
 
 53att)  ann  Z^Utm : 
 
 Bishop  .533     1  3 
 
 Dean  and  Canon  Kes....  121     7  6 
 
 Sub-dean  of  Wells 21  15  7 
 
 Chancellor  of  the  Church  40     5  0 
 
 Precentor 24     6  3 
 
 Treasurer 62     2  3 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Henry  Law 144     2  11 
 
 C.  A.  Moysey 25  15  0 
 
 A.Hamilton 83     7  C 
 
 Canons  Res.  of  Wells. 
 
 Henr^- Gould 4     0  0 
 
 Frederick  Beadon 24     0  0 
 
 Thos.  Arodehouse 4     0  0 
 
 Ch.  Henry  Pulsford 5     6  8 
 
 H.  "\A'.  Barnard 42     0  4 
 
 Archdeacon  Law  1828 
 
 Prebendaries  of  Wells. 
 
 W.F.Browne 7  16  3 
 
 Thomas  Heberden 6     6  10 
 
 Hon.  J.  Marsham    7     0  0 
 
 Henry  Parsons    6  13  4 
 
 J.  Thos.  Casberd. 5     6  8 
 
 John  Williams 7  14  4 
 
 Edward  Willes    "    5     6  8 
 
 Brook  H.  Bridges   14     0  0 
 
 J.  Watson  BeaiJon 15  16  0 
 
 Edward  Edgell    5     6  8 
 
 John  Lukin 5     6  8 
 
 George  H.  Templer 5     6  8 
 
 Thomas  'Williams    5     6  8 
 
 Joseph  Drury    22     8  9 
 
 J.  W.  Hoskins 5     6  8 
 
 A\'.  Hen.  Turner 5     6  8 
 
 Richard  Watson 22  15  5 
 
 William  Lucas    4     0  0 
 
 Francis  Goforth 9     0  0 
 
 Charles  Johnson 8  13  4 
 
 AVilliam  Gimingham   ....  5     6  8 
 
 R.  P.Whish 7     9  9 
 
 Thomas  S.  Escott    4     0  0 
 
 Robert  Forster 4     0  0 
 
 W.  P.  Thomas 1     0  0 
 
 Wad.  KnatchbuU 5     6  8 
 
 Francis  Wane 5     6  8 
 
 Geo.  M.  Coleridge 20  10  0 
 
 THE  king's  book.  133 
 
 Master  of  Balliol £22  0  0 
 
 George  Vanbrugh 4  13  4 
 
 Rob.  Vanbrugh  Law  ....  1113  4 
 
 Archdeacon  Moysey   ....  5  6  8 
 
 Henr}-  Pepys    3  7  6 
 
 Miles  Bland 5  6  8 
 
 Samuel  Blackall 5  6  8 
 
 Clias.  Edm.  Keene 38  0  7 
 
 Archd.  of  Taunton   1  5  7 
 
 W.  A.  Fitzhugh   11  6  g 
 
 Henry  Hoskins    6  12  1 
 
 William  Bowe 22  0  0 
 
 Ar.  B.  Whitehead     11  4  2 
 
 Charles  M.  3Iount 5  6  8 
 
 Bishop £327     5     7 
 
 Dean,  H.  Beeke    1814 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 H.  J.  Ridley 1816 
 
 William  Bond     1818 
 
 John  Surtees 1S21 
 
 Lord  W.  Somerset 1 822 
 
 Samuel  Lee    1S31 
 
 Henry  Harvey   1S31 
 
 Archdeacon  of  Dorset. .. .       82  12     8 
 
 CTarlisie: 
 
 Bishop £420  13     3 
 
 Dean,  R.Hodgson    1820 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Adn.  Markham ISOl 
 
 S.  J.  Goodenough ISIO 
 
 W.  Vansittart    1S24 
 
 Dean  of  Wells    1826 
 
 Archdeacon,  S.J.  Goodenough  ..1S31 
 Chancellor,  W.  Fletcher 1814 
 
 Ori^f  0tf  r : 
 
 Bishop   £420     0     0 
 
 Dean,  G.  Davys    1831 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Archd.  Clarke   ISOl 
 
 James  Slade 1S16 
 
 Archdn.  Wrangham 1S25 
 
 Wm.  Ainger 1S27 
 
 G.  B.  Blomfield 1827 
 
 Robt.  V.  Law 1829 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Unwin  Clarke    1801 
 
 John  Headlam  1826 
 
 Bishop 677  5     3 
 
 Dean 58  9     4 
 
 Precentor 35  0  10 
 
 Chancellor  of  the  Church  27  7     1 
 
 Treasurer 62  0     S 
 
134 
 
 CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Charles  WcLber 38 
 
 Thomas  Birch 39 
 
 Chancellor  of  the  Diocese   
 
 Canons  Residentiary. 
 Archdeacon  Webber  ....       IG 
 
 Thomas  Baker 12 
 
 Charles  E.  Hutchinson  . .       10 
 
 Charles  Webber,  jun 
 
 Canons  Non-rcsideiits. 
 
 3  4 
 15  0 
 .1822 
 
 13  6 
 0  0 
 0     0 
 
 .1829 
 
 Thomas  Heberdeu  . . 
 Treasurer  of  Church 
 Chanc.  of  Church    . . 
 
 R.  Constable 
 
 George  Fred.  Nott  . . 
 
 James  Capper 
 
 Barre  Phipps 
 
 Precent  of  Church , . 
 
 John  G.  Challea 
 
 William  Woodward 
 Thomas  Valintine    . . 
 
 11 
 
 20 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 18 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 Charles  Gray  13 
 
 Edmund  Cartwright    . . 
 
 Hugh  James  Rose  .... 
 
 George  H.  Webber 
 
 Peter  ^^'ood 
 
 George  Shiffner 
 
 Edward  Fulham 
 
 W.  St.  A.  Vincent 
 
 J.  Lettice 
 
 S.  J.Tufnell 
 
 Chancellor  of  Diocese . . 
 
 R.  Tredcroft 
 
 Richard  Bingham    .... 
 
 David  Williams   
 
 George  Wells 
 
 Henry  Atkins 
 
 17  1 
 
 0  0 
 
 0  0 
 
 0  0 
 
 1.5  0 
 
 13  4 
 
 0  0 
 
 0  0 
 
 10  0 
 
 G  8 
 
 10  5 
 
 3  4 
 
 10  0 
 
 C  8 
 
 0  0 
 
 IG  8 
 
 10  0 
 
 6  8 
 
 16     8 
 
 Bishop £2134  18     0 
 
 Dean,  James  Wood 1820 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Archdeacon  Cambridge   1795 
 
 George  L.  Jenyns 1802 
 
 John  H.  Sparke 1818 
 
 Henry  Fardell  1819 
 
 W.  W.  Childers 1824 
 
 E.  B.  Sparke 1829 
 
 Benj.  Parke   1831 
 
 AVm.  French 1831 
 
 Archdeacon 97     5    2 
 
 mmcr : 
 
 Bisliop,  H.  Phillpotts 1830 
 
 Dean,  VV.  Landon 158     0     0 
 
 Canons  Residentiary. 
 J'recontor,  J  homas  Bartlam  99  13     4 
 Chanc.  of  the  Ch.,Adn  Pods  59     0     0 
 
 Treasurer,  The  Lord  Bishop  32    7  3 
 
 Sub-dean,  J.  Parker  Fisher  22  10  0 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 John  Moore 60  15  10 
 
 R.  H.  Froude 37  19  7 
 
 John  Sheepslianks 50     G  5 
 
 George  Barnes 49     0  0 
 
 15  Prebendaries,  £4  each. 
 
 Bishop    £315     7     3 
 
 Dean,  E.Rice    1825 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Hon.  D.  Finch   1792 
 
 G.W.Hall 18H) 
 
 T.  Selwyn 1814 
 
 E.  Bankes 1821 
 
 Adn.  Wetiierell 1 825 
 
 J.  H.  Seymour   1829 
 
 Archdeacon 64  10     o 
 
 Bishop £768 
 
 Dean 38 
 
 Chancellor    14 
 
 Precentor 21 
 
 Treasurer 9 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 J.  J.  Corbett    32 
 
 Henry  W^etherell 41 
 
 Canons  Residentiary. 
 
 T.  Underwood 
 John  Clutton  . . . 
 Hen.  C.  Hobart  . 
 H.  H.  Morgan  . . . 
 Arthur  Matthews 
 
 Canons  or  Prebendaries. 
 
 John  W' all      1 
 
 J.  VV^alker  Baugh    11 
 
 R.  Wetherell    15 
 
 Love  Robertson    23 
 
 Samuel  Picart 7 
 
 Christ.  Swainson 12 
 
 Edward  Barnard 10 
 
 Hon.  R.  B.  Stopford 17 
 
 James  Garbett 7 
 
 Dean  of  St.  Asaph 15 
 
 Henry  Hoskins    II 
 
 H.  Huntingford 15 
 
 Charles  Taylor 20 
 
 Harry  Lee    10 
 
 Archdeacon  Clarke 17 
 
 James  Welherell C 
 
 Hon.  J.  Somers  ('ocks   . .  2 
 
 .Tames  Johnson    2 
 
 Fred.  Twisleton 3 
 
 Hon.  Hen.  liodney 11 
 
 K.  E.  Monev    15 
 
 11 
 
 0 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 17 
 
 11 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 5 
 
 19 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 18 
 
 1 
 
 10  0 
 
 0  2 
 
 6  8 
 
 5  0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 13 
 
 G 
 
 18 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
VALUATIONS    IN 
 
 Dean  of  Hereford    2    7  8 
 
 John  Clutton,  jun 2     3  4 
 
 liishop 55!)  17  3 
 
 Dean  of  Lichfield    40     0  0 
 
 Precentor 40     0  0 
 
 Chancellor    40  13  1 
 
 Treasurer 56  13  4 
 
 J.  Newling  34     0  0 
 
 Spencer  Madan    23     0  0 
 
 Geo.  Hodson    30     0  0 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Samuel  Butler 26  13  4 
 
 William  Spooner 45     9  2 
 
 Edward  Bather    19     0  0 
 
 George  Hodson   30  10  10| 
 
 Prebendaries  of  Lichfield. 
 
 J.  F,  Muckleston 0  10  0 
 
 Dean  of  Bangor 8     0  0 
 
 Thomas  Wythe     10     0  0 
 
 William  Walker 10  11  5 
 
 Archdeacon  Butler 2     3  4 
 
 W.G.Rowland 6  13  4 
 
 Sir  Her.  Oakeley,  Bt.  . .  2     0  0 
 
 Chancellor  Law 1     0  0 
 
 Thomas  Cotton  Fell    13     6  8 
 
 Watson  W.  Dickins 10     0  0 
 
 T.  R.  Bromfield   0     3  4 
 
 Simeon  Clayton   5     0  0 
 
 The  Lord  Bishop 20     0  0 
 
 John  Kempthorne    2  13  4 
 
 Francis  Blick 1     0  8 
 
 Archdeacon  Spooner  ....  2     0  0 
 
 Archdeacon  Bather 2  13  4 
 
 J.  F.  Muckleston,  Succen  14     0  10 
 
 Uincolii: 
 
 Bishop 824     4  9 
 
 Dean  and  Canon  Res 203     9  7 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 Charles  Goddard 179  19  2 
 
 H.  Kaye  Bonney 60  12  3 
 
 Henry  V.  Bayley    25  17  8 
 
 Justly  Hill   87  14  7 
 
 J.  B.  HoUingworth 64  14  2 
 
 T.  Kaye  Bonney 87  19  2 
 
 Precentor 40  13  8 
 
 Chancellor  of  the  Church  42     7  4 
 
 Sud-dean 2     8  4 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 George  Jepson 1     0  0 
 
 Maurice  Johnson 3     0  0 
 
 William  Hett 2  16  8 
 
 George  Moore 32     0  0 
 
 John  Humphrey 7  15  2 
 
 Richard  Turner 25     6  4 
 
 L.C.Humphrey 33  18  6 
 
 Frederick  Apthorpe    ....  30  II  3 
 
 THii   king's   book.  136 
 
 George  D.  Kent   0     3  4 
 
 Robert  Pointer 9  10  0 
 
 R.Williams 15  14  2 
 
 Archdeacon  H.  Bonney..  45     3  3 
 
 James  Cullum 14  10  0 
 
 W.  W.  Drake 7     7  6 
 
 John  Pretyman    36     0  0 
 
 C.  A.  Wheelwright 12  18  9 
 
 C.  Webb  Le  Bas 12     5  0 
 
 J.  H.  B.  Mountain 16  10  2 
 
 SirC.  Anderson,  Bt 1812 
 
 Henry  Craven,  Ord 21  13  1 
 
 Dean  of  Rochester 29  10  2 
 
 Archdeacon  Goddard. .. .  36     3  4 
 
 J.  Henry  Batten 5     5  5 
 
 Charles  Turnor    19     0  0 
 
 William  Palmer 5  12  1 
 
 Edward  Fane 19  14  2 
 
 John  Bouverie 4     9  4 
 
 George  Beckett    38  16  8 
 
 Henry  Rycroft 22  13  4 
 
 Theodore  Bou wens 26     7  3 
 
 Edward  Edwards    13  13  II 
 
 Archdeacon  of  Stow 20     0  10 
 
 Archdeacon  T.  Bonney  . .  5     5  3 
 
 Nathaniel  Dodson 11     0  0 
 
 Francis  Swan,  jun 9    3  5 
 
 Fred.  Borradaile 7     3  4 
 
 Edward  Warneford 24     o  0 
 
 The  Lord  Bishop 17     7  6 
 
 J.  Hobart  Seymour 27     6  3 
 
 Thomas  Turton    20     0  0 
 
 Eras.  V.  Lockwood 12  10  0 
 
 John  Maul    33     2  3 
 
 John  Graham 4     0  0 
 
 Edward  Smedley    II  19  7 
 
 Peter  Eraser    10  19  2 
 
 (Vacant.)    Leighton   ..  68  16  0 
 
 ?tlantiatf: 
 
 Bishop 154  14  2 
 
 Precentor 6    0  0 
 
 Chancellor    2  13  9 
 
 Treasurer 12     2  11 
 
 Archdeacon 38  12  8 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 William  Williams    1     6  8 
 
 John  Fleming 4     0  0 
 
 W.  B.  M.  Lisle    3  10  7 
 
 Richard  Watson 3     5  5 
 
 John  F.  Parker    3   17  1 
 
 H.  Handley  Norris 1     3  4 
 
 J.  Thomas  Casberd 4     0  0 
 
 Thomas  Gaisford 5     6  8 
 
 Edward  James    ........  018  1 
 
 Bishop 834  11  7 
 
 Dean,  George  Pellew 1828 
 
136 
 
 CHURCH    OF    EMGLAND. 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 E.  S.  Thurlow   1788 
 
 J.  Procter 1798 
 
 T.  Methohl 1804 
 
 Philip  Fisher 1814 
 
 C.  IS.  Wodehouse 1817 
 
 Ed.  Bankes     1820 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 J.  Oldershaw  143 
 
 Henry  IJiithurst 71 
 
 H.  D.  Berners 89 
 
 George  Glover 7G 
 
 Bishop 381  11     0 
 
 Canons  r>/  Christ  Church. 
 
 F.  Barnes   1810 
 
 E.  C.  Dowdeswell 1808 
 
 Hen.  Woodcock 1824 
 
 W.  Buckland 1825 
 
 E.  B.  Pusiy    1828 
 
 Edw.  Burton 1S29 
 
 R.  W.  Jell 1830 
 
 John  Bull    1830 
 
 Archdeacon 71     6     0 
 
 Bishop 414  17     8 
 
 Dean,  T.  Turton   1830 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Spenc.  Madan    1800 
 
 S.  Pratt  ,  .1808 
 
 Wm.  Toiirnay     1817 
 
 T.  S.  Hushes 1827 
 
 John  James    1829 
 
 VV.  IMacdouall   1831 
 
 Archdeacon 122    7     1 
 
 Chancellor. 
 Spenc.  Madan    1794 
 
 llocfie&tcv: 
 
 Bishop 358  14     0 
 
 Dean,  Stevens  1G20 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Hon  J.  Marsham 1797 
 
 Hon.  F.   Hothain 1807 
 
 IMatthew  Irving 1824 
 
 W.  V.  Baylay 1827 
 
 Joiin  Griffith 1827 
 
 J^rov.  of  Oriel   1828 
 
 Archdeacon 34  14     9 
 
 Sali^lJUti) : 
 
 Bishop 1385     5     0 
 
 Dean  and  Canon  lies.    . .  204  10     0 
 
 Precentor 69     C     8 
 
 Chancellor  of  the  Church.  56     6  10 
 
 Treasurer 101     3     1 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 John  Fisher 
 
 Liscombe  Clarke 
 
 M.  Macdonald 
 
 Canons  Resldentiar 
 
 T.H.Hume 
 
 A  rclid.  Fislicr 
 
 Archd.  Macdonald 
 
 IMatthew  Marsh  
 
 Hon.  F.  1',  Bouverie  .... 
 
 VV.  L.  Bowles 
 
 Siibdean    
 
 Succentor  
 
 Prehcnd'iries. 
 
 Archibald  Alison     
 
 W    J.  Kcrrich 
 
 Henry  Hetley 
 
 John  A\  iiite 
 
 Francis  Saunders    
 
 Jarvis  Kenrick    
 
 Martin  Whish 
 
 Prof.  Civil  Law,  Oxford  . 
 
 A.  E.  Howmau    
 
 Bishop  of  Sodor  and  Man 
 
 Robert  Morres 
 
 George  Fred.  Nott 
 
 John  Salter  . .., 
 
 Henry  Woodcock    
 
 Dean  of  Exeter   
 
 J.T.  Hurlock 
 
 Archd.  Onslow    
 
 William  Fisher    
 
 Frederick  Browning  .... 
 
 John  Still 
 
 Edward  Fane 
 
 Thomas  H.  Mirehouse   . . 
 
 H.  VV.  Majendie 
 
 Tiie  Lord  Bishop 
 
 William  Potchett    
 
 Edward  Bouverie    
 
 John  Bright 
 
 Archdeacon  Clarke 
 
 G.  A.  Montgomery 
 
 Thomas  Tyrwhitt    
 
 Charles  Grove 
 
 Edw.  C.  Ogle 
 
 W.  S.  Goddard    
 
 Edward  Berens    
 
 Herbert  Hawes  
 
 George  Stanley  Fabcr    . . 
 Francis  Lear 
 
 Bishop 187  11 
 
 Archdeacon  
 
 Dn.  and  Chan,  of  Diocese. 
 
 Precentor 
 
 Chanc.  of  the  Church .... 
 Treasurer  
 
 54 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 70 
 
 U 
 
 8 
 
 64 
 
 18 
 
 9 
 
 101 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 30 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 29 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 35 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 43 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 1 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 14 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 19 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 7 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 18 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 63 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 32 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 39 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 30 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 25 
 
 16 
 
 0 
 
 16 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 17 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 19 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 52 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 62 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 50 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 36 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 35 
 
 15 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 24 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 32 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 29 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 28 
 
 19 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 52 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 22 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 32 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 I 
 
 187 
 
 11 
 
 0 
 
 74 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 45 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 40 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 37 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
VALUATIONS    IN 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 C.  Robson 0  5  5 
 
 H.  Horsley 9  5  5 
 
 J.  H.  M.  Luxnioore     3  6  8 
 
 Cursal  Canons. 
 
 Roger  Clough 2  6  8 
 
 H.H.Edwards 2  G  8 
 
 Rowland  Aniliams 2  6  8 
 
 J.  Francis  Cleaver 2  6  8 
 
 Rowland  Wingfield 2  6  8 
 
 W.  M  iliiams    2  10  7 
 
 T.  G.  Roberts 2  6  8 
 
 Bishop 426     2     1 
 
 Precentor 20     6  10 
 
 Chanc.  of  the  Church.. . .  17  17     1 
 
 Treasurer 24  18     6 
 
 Canons, 
 
 Preb.  of,  5th  Cursal 1800 
 
 Archdn.  of  Brecon 1805 
 
 Arcbdn.  of  Carmarthen    „ .  1810 
 
 Archdeacons. 
 
 St  David's    56  8  8 
 
 Brecon 40  0  0 
 
 Cardigan 18  0  0 
 
 Carmarthen 16  0  0 
 
 Bishop 929    13 
 
 Dean  of  Rochester   1828 
 
 James  IMeakiu  1804 
 
 F.  St.  John 1804 
 
 Wm.  Digby     1813 
 
 Down.  Forester 1815 
 
 Henry  A.  Pye    1818 
 
 John  Davison 1825 
 
 Christ.  Benson 1825 
 
 G.  Faussett 1827 
 
 Adn.  Singleton 1829 
 
 Hon.  J.  S.  Cocks 1830 
 
 THE     king's    book.  137 
 
 Southwell  Collegiate  Cliapter. 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 William  Dealtry 5  2  0 
 
 Henry  Smith     5  0  0 
 
 Archdn.  Barrow 2  11  3 
 
 J.T.  Becher 13  4  7 
 
 James  Jarvis  Cleaver. .. .  22  19  7 
 
 E.  G.  :^Iarsh 9  17  11 
 
 Robert  Chaplin    27  19  7 
 
 Geor-e  Wilkins 22  6  0 
 
 Charles  Nixon 1  1  2  6 
 
 Frederick  Anson 24  10  0 
 
 John  Rudd   8  17  6 
 
 C.  Boothby  32  5  3 
 
 T.  Percival   23  11  4 
 
 Fitzgerald  Wintour     ....  15  7  11 
 
 Thos.  H.  Shepherd 16  15  10 
 
 C.  Yernon-Harcourt   ....  48  1  3 
 Brecon  Collegiate  Chapter. 
 
 Prebendaries. 
 
 Bishop  of  St.  David's 47  0  0 
 
 Precentor 18  0  0 
 
 Chancellor    34  0  0 
 
 H.  Davies  Morgan 7  0  7 
 
 W.  Morgan 3  6  8 
 
 D.Williams 7  13  4 
 
 Richard  Veuables   I  6  8 
 
 Archdeacon  Beynon    ....  768 
 
 Archdeacon  Payne 2  0  0 
 
 W.  J.  Rees 9  15  4 
 
 D.R.Allen 13  0  0 
 
 W.  A.  Barker 3  17  3 
 
 C.Griffith     5  0  0 
 
 J.Jones    12  9  4 
 
 J.  Drake   6  13  4 
 
 J.  Holcombe 10  0  0 
 
 Charles  Thorp 5  S  9 
 
 Edward  Owen 13  6  8 
 
 Jeremiah  Jackson 1  7  1 
 
 J.  Davies 12  0  0 
 
 John  Hughes   7  6  8 
 
 L.  Llewelliu 15  0  0 
 
CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 Having,  in  the  preceding  chapter,  given  a  detailed  account  of  the 
 general  principles  and  management  of  the  Church  of  England,  it  will 
 not  be  requisite  to  be  equally  copious  in  our  exposition  of  the  Irish  Pro- 
 testant establishment. 
 
 In  the  past  and  present  state  of  Ii'elaud  we  have  a  striking  illustra- 
 tion of  the  tendency  of  the  government  that  is  said  to  "  ivork  well," 
 and  the  wretchedness  of  her  population,  her  tithe-system,  her  vast 
 tracts  of  land,  either  ill-cultivated  or  totally  unproductive,  her  judicial 
 and  magisterial  administration,  her  insurrections,  factions,  burnings, 
 desolations,  and  bloody  domestic  outrages, — all  symptomatic  of  a  com- 
 munity entering  on  the  first  stages  of  civilization, — afford  irrefragable 
 proof  of  the  excellencies  of  the  good  working  government.  In  England, 
 it  is  true,  there  are  grievous  abuses  in  the  absorption  of  public  money 
 by  the  Aristocracy,  in  the  denial  of  justice  by  the  cost  and  uncertainty 
 of  legal  decisions  ; — in  the  tolerance  of  commercial  monopolies,  in  corn- 
 laws,  partial  taxation,  and  other  oppressions  ; — but  these  sink  into  in- 
 significance when  contrasted  with  the  sufferings  of  Ireland.  There  the 
 natural  order  of  society  has  been  inverted,  and  the  government  for  many 
 years  existed,  not  for  the  benefit  of  the  people,  but  the  people  ex- 
 isted solely  for  the  benefit  of  the  government. 
 
 Among  the  various  forms  under  which  oppression  has  been  carried  on, 
 the  most  conspicuous  is  the  Church  Establishment ;  one  is  at  a  loss  to 
 conceive  for  whose  benefit  this  institution  exists  in  Ireland.  Is  it  for 
 the  benefit  of  the  clergy,  the  people,  or  the  state  ?  If  by  the  former  is 
 meant  those  who  minister  religious  instruction,  it  can  hardly  be  said  to 
 be  of  advantage  to  them.  The  teachers  of  religion  in  Ireland  are  nearly 
 all  Catholics,  a  vast  majority  of  the  people  are  of  the  same  pei'suasion, 
 and  what  religion  there  is  the  expense  is  chiefiy  defrayed  by  voluntaiy 
 contributions.  Neither  the  really  operative  clergy,  therefore,  nor  the 
 people,  benefit  by  the  church  establishment.  With  respect  to  the  state, 
 the  advantage  appears  not  less  equivocal.  The  alliance  betwixt  churcli 
 and  state  is  founded  on  reciprocal  benefits — that,  on  the  one  hand,  the 
 state  shall  give  its  civil  protection  to  the  church,  and,  on  the  other,  the 
 church  shall  aid  in  sustaining  the  state,  by  its  influence  over  the  people; 
 — this  is  the  basis  of  the  compact ;  and  it  follows,  when  the  church 
 loses  its  influence,  when  it  loses  the  adherence  of  a  majority  of  the 
 population,  when  it  is  no  longer  able  to  sustain  the  state,  the  compact 
 is  dissolved  ;  it  has  no  claim  for  protection,  and  its  alliance  becomes  a 
 source  of  weakness  instead  of  power. 
 
MODE    OF    GOVElJNlNt;     IRELAND.  139 
 
 Such  is  the  actual  condition  of  the  Irish  church,  such  the  advantages 
 it  confers  on  the  government ;  it  adds  little  to  its  authority,  affords  no 
 aid  to  the  civil  magistrate,  neither  the  law  nor  its  ministers  are  rendered 
 more  sacred  by  its  influence — quite  the  reverse.  Authority  is  degraded 
 and  abhorred  in  Ireland,  solely  on  account  of  the  ecclesiastical  establish- 
 ment :  it  is  the  colossal  grievance  of  the  country,  the  source  of  all  its 
 factions,  murmuring,  and  discontent.  Why  then,  it  may  be  asked,  is 
 the  establishment  maintained  ?  On  what  principle  or  pretext  is  it  justi- 
 fied ?  The  godly  cannot  defend  it  from  piety,  the  politician  from 
 reasons  of  state,  nor  the  patriot  for  the  blessings  it  confers  on  the 
 community.  Whose  interest,  then,  is  identified  with  the  odious  system? 
 The  only  rational  answer  that  can  be  given  to  this  question  is  the  fact, 
 that  there  is,  in  Ireland,  as  in  this  country,  an  oligarchical  interest, 
 Avhich  has  entwined  itself  round  her  institutions,  and  Avhose  support  is 
 incompatible  with  public  liberty  and  happiness.  For  many  years  Ireland 
 was  the  prey  of  a  favoured  caste,  a  selfish  and  bigoted  faction,  who 
 divided  her  as  a  spoil ;  and  such  Avas  the  wretched  policy  of  the  general 
 government,  that  it  was  weak  and  unprincipled  enough  to  avail  itself 
 of  the  folly  and  cupidity  of  such  agents  to  preserve  a  precarious  sove- 
 reignty— when,  too,  its  frown  would  have  made  the  same  creatures, 
 who  were  ready,  at  any  time,  to  sacrifice  their  country  for  a  pension  or 
 a  place,  instrumental  to  her  greatness  and  welfare.  Under  the  Wel- 
 lington and  Grey  administrations  attempts  have  been  made  to  introduce 
 a  more  impartial  and  enlightened  system ;  with  what  success  time  must 
 develope  ;  but  it  is  apparent,  so  long  as  her  ecclesiastical  establishment 
 is  continued — it  is  vain  to  expect  contentment  and  tranquillity.* 
 
 The  Irish  branch  of  the  United  Church  is  more  pregnant  with  abuses 
 even  than  its  sister  establishment  in  England ;  presenting  a  more  re- 
 volting spectacle  of  inordinate  incomes,  of  lax  discipline,  of  laborious 
 duties  without  adequate  remuneration,  and  of  an  immense  ecclesiastical 
 revenue  levied  under  circumstances  of  greater  insult,  partiality,  and 
 oppression.  The  points  most  deserving  attention  in  the  exposition  of 
 these  subjects  are,  Jirst,  the  revenue  of  the  Irish  Protestant  establish- 
 ment; secondly,  the  number  of  individuals  among  whom  this  revenue 
 is  divided ;  thirdly,  the  hardships  and  impoverishment  resulting  not 
 less  from  the  amount  than  the   mode  in  which   the  clerical  income  is 
 
 *  While  the  Catholic  religion  maintains  its  influence  over  the  popular  mind, 
 we  esteem  it  quite  impossible  for  any  government  permanently  to  maintain  its 
 authority  without  conciliating  the  priesthood.  Lord  Grey  ouglit  to  make  a  pro- 
 vision for  the  Catholic  clergy  out  of  the  tithes  ;  or  send  over  to  Dublin  his  grace 
 of  Norfolk,  or  other  popish  viceroy,  who  believes  with  O'Connell  in  the  real 
 presence.  The  Irish  proprietary,  too,  have  evinced  a  singular  Avant  of  political 
 philosophy.  The  late  lord  Liverpool  stated  that  nineteen-twentieths  of  th?  pro- 
 perty of  Ireland  belonged  to  protestants  ;  but  how  can  they  expect  to  enjoy 
 their  possessions  in  peace  if  they  continue  to  differ  from  their  peasantry  in  points 
 of  faith.  A  gentleman  ought  to  be  superior  to  the  prejudices  of  sects  whether 
 Catholic  or  Protestant ;  in  such  matters  it  is  best  to  follow  the  multitude,  or  those 
 who  cultivate  his  domains.  Voltaire  built  a  church  for  his  neighbours  at  Ferney, 
 and  occasionally  preached  there. 
 
140  CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 levied;  fourthly,  the  patronage  of  the  Irish  church  ;  lastly,  the  dimi- 
 nutive portion  of  the  population  who  derive  even  a  semblance  of  benefit 
 fiom  the  intolerable  buithen  imposed  on  the  land  and  industry  of  the 
 community.  We  shall  touch  on  these  several  heads  of  inquiry  as  briefly 
 as  possible,  confining  ourselves  strictly  to  such  facts  as  illustrate  the 
 state  of  the  church. 
 
 To  begin  with  our  first  topic  —  the  Irish  Church  Revenue.  Within 
 the  last  ten  years,  a  mass  of  important  details  has  been  laid  before  par- 
 liament relative  to  the  estates  and  revenues  of  the  Protestant  establish- 
 ment ;  but,  either  from  inability  or  reluctance  in  the  parties  interested 
 to  communicate  the  requisite  information,  our  knowledge  is  still  far 
 from  complete  and  accurate  on  this  interesting  branch  of  public  statistics. 
 Upon  the  authority  of  documents  so  communicated  we  shall,  however,  in 
 great  part,  found  our  exposition  ;  and  thus,  by  relying  on  the  statements 
 of  the  clergy  themselves,  their  registrars,  and  other  dependent  otficials, 
 we  shall  at  least  avoid  the  imputation  of  having  arrived,  through  a 
 prejudiced  medium,  at  an  exaggerated  result. 
 
 We  shall  commence  with  the  revenues  of  the  Episcopal  Clergy, 
 The  incomes  of  the  bishops  are  derived  principally  from  land;  but  partly 
 from  tithe.  In  some  dioceses,  in  the  West  of  Ireland,  a  fourth  i^art 
 of  the  tithes  of  almost  every  parish  is  paid  to  the  bishop ;  affording 
 decisive  testimony  of  the  ancient  fourfold  division  of  parochial  tithes, 
 and  of  the  veracity  of  the  allegation  of  those  v^'ho  athrm  that  the  poor 
 were  formerly  entitled  to  share  equally  with  the  bishop  and  priest  in  the 
 produce  of  this  impost.  The  practice,  however,  is  not  universal;  and 
 the  revenues  of  the  bishoprics  chiefly  arise  from  their  immense  landed 
 estates.  In  the  session  of  1824,  returns  were  made  to  parliament  of 
 the  number  of  acres  attached  to  the  several  Irish  sees.*  These  returns 
 are  very  incomplete,  and  were  mostly  compiled  by  the  registrars  from 
 the  fallacious  representations  of  the  tenantry.  Three  dioceses,  Dromore, 
 Down,  and  Raphoe,  made  no  return  at  all;  alleging  that,  on  examining 
 the  leases  of  the  church  lands,  it  was  found  they  did  not  mention 
 "  the  number  of  acres  demised."  In  the  return  from  Armagh,  it  is 
 remarked  that  the  number  of  acres  has  been  calculated  from  the 
 representations  of  the  tenants,  but  "the  lands  have  never  been  surveyed." 
 Of  the  magnitude  of  the  errors  in  these  reports,  we  may  judge  from  the 
 fact  subsequently  ascertained,  that,  in  one  of  them  there  was  a  trifling 
 omission  of  thirteen  thousand  acres.  Enough,  however,  may  be  col- 
 lected from  them  to  show  the  vast  extent  of  ecclesiastical  property :  in 
 fact,  it  is  clear  that  the  bishops'  lands  are  held,  leased,  and  managed 
 much  upon  the  same  liberal  scale  and  principle  that  lands  are  in 
 Australia,  Canada,  and  Nova  Scotia ;  and  the  conjectural  estimates  by 
 Wakefield,  and  other  statists,  of  what  their  immense  incomes,  either 
 actually  are,  or  might  be  made,  under  an  improved  system  of  tenure 
 and  cultivation,  are  not  remote  from  the  truth.     We  shall  insert  the 
 
 '  Piulianientary  Pctpers,  vol.  xxi.  Session  1824. 
 
EXTENT    OF    BISHOPS'    LAND.  141 
 
 number  of  acres  returned  by  fourteen  sees ;  the  acres  are  Irish,  which 
 makes  the  amount  about  one-third  less  than  it  would  be  in  English  acres. 
 
 Numher  of  Acres  of  Land  belonging  to  fourteen  Irish  Sees. 
 
 Name.  See.  Quantity  of 
 
 oee-Lands. 
 
 Lord  J.  G.  Bere.sford,  D.D.    ....    Armagh 63,270 
 
 Power  Le  Poer  Trench,  D.D.*'"   Tuam 49,281 
 
 Richard  Ponsonby,  D.D.     Derry     94,836 
 
 John  Leslie,  D.D.     Elphin 31,832 
 
 James  Verschoyle,  D.D.  <■ Killala    34,6^2 
 
 Lord  Robert  Tottenham,  D.D.     • .   Clogher 27,070 
 
 Nathaniel  Alexander,  D.D.     ....    Meath    18,374 
 
 George  De  la  Poer  Beresford,  D.D.   Kilmnre  • 47,361 
 
 Richard  Whatehj,  D.D. Dublin    21,781 
 
 Samuel  Kyle,  D.D. Cork  and  Ross  22,755 
 
 John  Brinkley,  D.D.     Cloyne    15,871 
 
 Richard  Laurence,  D.C.L Cashel    13,392 
 
 Robert  Folder,  D.D.    Ossory    13,391 
 
 Hon.  R.  Bourke,  D.D.     Waterford  ....  9,996 
 
 Total,  in  Irish  acres 463,962* 
 
 Mr.  Leslie  Foster,  one  of  the  barons  of  the  Irish  exchequer,  estimates 
 the  lands  belonging  to  «^/ the  sees  to  amount  to  617,598  Irish  acres, 
 which  are  equal  to  about  990,000  English  acres. f  This  does  not  in- 
 clude the  demesne  lands  attached  to  the  episcopal  residences,  and  which, 
 by  the  same  authority,  are  said  to  vary  from  100  to  500  acres  each; 
 making  the  entire  patrimony  of  the  bishops  about  623,-598  acres,  or, 
 according-  to  Beaufort's  map  of  Ireland,  one  nineteenth  of  the  entire 
 soil  of  the  kingdom.  This,  it  must  be  allowed,  is  enough  for  the  main- 
 tenance of  twenty-two  bishops,  especially  when  it  is  considered  a 
 population  of  eight  millions  is  to  be  supported  out  of  the  remainder. 
 
 However,  the  area  grasped  by  the  right  reverend  fathers  affords  an 
 inaccurate  idea  of  their  incomes,  Mr.  Baron  Foster  supposes  the 
 average  value  of  the  see-lands  to  be  20s.  per  acre.  Even  at  this  low 
 rate,  the  bishops'  lands,  if  out  of  lease,  would  yield  a  total  revenue  of 
 £623,598,  averaging  £28,340  to  each  prelate.  Some  of  the  wealthier 
 sees,  as  those  of  Derry,  Armagh,  Tuam,  and  Elphin,  would  have 
 incomes,  respectively,  of  £94,836,  £63,270,  £49,281,  and  £31,832, 
 exclusive  of  what  might  be  derived  from  tithes,  patronage,  and  other 
 sources.  But  the  nature  of  ecclesiastical  tenures  precludes  the  bishops 
 from  realizing  incomes  to  this  amount.  It  scarcely  ever  happens  the 
 occupying  tenantry  are  the  bishops'  tenants ;  the  immediate  lessees  hold 
 
 *  Parliamentary  Papers,  vol.  xxi.  No.  402,  Session  1824. 
 t  Parliamentai'v  Papers,  vol.  ix.  page  75,  Session  182.^. 
 
142  CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 from  the  bishops  for  the  term  of  21  years;  the  bishops  renew  the  leases 
 from  year  to  year,  always  leaving-  2 1  years  unexpired  ;  the  rent  reserved 
 to  the  bishops  is  mostly  the  old  rent  payable  in  the  time  of  Charles  II., 
 which  has  become  almost  nominal,  and  the  real  incomes  of  the  bishops 
 proceed  from  the  anmial  Jines  for  renewing  the  leases.  Now  these  fines 
 usually  amount  to  about  one-fifth  of  what  an  ordinary  landlord  would 
 receive  for  rent.  So  that,  if  the  actual  worth  of  the  see  lands  be 
 £623,598,  the  sum  ordinarily  received  does  not  exceed  £124,719. 
 
 We  have  thoug^ht  it  expedient  to  explain  this,  because  it  is  a  subject 
 on  which  there  has  been  a  great  deal  of  misapprehension.  The  fact  is, 
 the  spiritual  tenures  are  one  great  obstacle  to  agricultural  improvement 
 in  Ireland.  The  Church  is  a  principal  proprietor  of  the  soil,  but  the 
 vast  tracts  she  holds  can  never  be  cultivated  to  advantage  under  the 
 uncertainties  of  the  existing;  system.  Much  of  the  land  is  roug-h  pas- 
 ture, bog,  and  mountain,  which  requires,  in  the  first  instance,  a  great 
 expenditure  to  render  productive ;  but  who  would  risk  capital  in  the 
 undertaking  with  a  lease  which,  by  law,  cannot  exceed  txoenty-onc  years ; 
 or  with  a  certainty  of  having  a  fine  levied  on  its  renewal,  augmented 
 in  exact  proportion  to  the  money  and  labour  expended  in  improvement  ? 
 Ag-ain,  an  ecclesiastical  tenant  is  never  sure  of  his  landlord,  being  con- 
 stantly liable  to  be  changed,  not  only  by  death  but  translation.  New 
 lords,  as  the  proverb  says,  often  bring  new  laws.  Although  the  usual 
 course  is  to  renew  every  year  at  one-fifth  of  the  real  worth,  yet  some 
 prelates  act  differently  ;  they  will  have  surveys  made — demand  exorbi- 
 tant fines — or  wait  the  fall  of  the  leases,  Avhich  are  relet  at  a  nominal 
 rent,  perhaps,  to  their  own  relations.  From  these  causes  arises  the 
 non-improvement  uniformly  remarked  in  the  condition  of  the  church 
 lands.  It  is  a  great  obstacle  to  the  public  prosperity  of  Ireland,  and 
 the  practice  is  as  little  favourable  to  the  interests  of  the  bishops  as  to 
 those  of  the  lessees,  by  rendering  the  incomes  of  the  former  not  only 
 less  than  they  otherwise  would  be,  but  uncertain,  varying,  as  they  do, 
 with  the  amount  of  the  fines,  or  perhaps  they  lose  tlie  fines  altogether, 
 the  tenants  electing  to  run  out  their  leases,  and  thus  the  advantage  stands 
 over  to  the  succeeding  diocesan. 
 
 In  spite  of  these  drawbacks,  the  bishops,  from  estates,  tithes,  bro- 
 kerage in  livings  and  other  means,  contrive  to  make  a  very  profitable 
 crusade.  In  the  Edinlmrgh  Review  (vol  xliii.  p.  483)  their  incomes 
 are  stated  to  average  £10,000  a  year  each,  or  £220,000  in  the  whole. 
 The  patronage  of  an  Irish  bishop,  of  which  we  shall  hereafter  speak,  is 
 nearly  as  valuable  as  the  income  of  his  see.  The  vast  revenues  appendant 
 to  the  bishoprics  may  be  inferred  fiom  the  immense  wealth  the  prelates 
 leave  behind  them.  A  former  Bishop  of  Clogher,  (the  predecessor  of 
 the  soldier-bishop,')  who  had  been  Cambridge  tutor  to  lord  Westmoreland, 
 went  over  to  Ireland  without  a  shilling,  and  continued  in  his  bishopric 
 for  eight  years,  and,  at  the  end  of  that  time,  died  worth  between 
 £300,000  and  400,000.     It  was  stated,  by  Sir  John  Newport,*  that 
 
 *  l'arliaii;c'nt;u-y  Debates,  vol.  viii.  p.  8S7. 
 
WEALTH  OF  BISHOPS  —  WARCIITITON  AND  BENNETT.     143 
 
 three  bishops,  in  the  last  fifteen  years,  had  left  the  enormous  sum  of 
 £700,000  to  their  families. 
 
 The  career  of  Warburton,  the  predecessor  of  Dr.  Brinkley  in  the  see 
 of  Cloyne,  is  an  example  of  the  sudden  acquisition  of  wealth  by  the 
 Irish  bishops.  Warburton,  whose  real  name  was  Mungan,  died  in  1826. 
 He  was  the  son  of  a  poor  road-way  piper,  in  a  little  village  in  the  north 
 of  Ireland.  He  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  and  intended  for  that  Church. 
 On  the  continent,  where  he  was  sent  to  study  at  one  of  the  Catholic 
 colleges,  before  the  building-  of  Maynooth,  he  was  thrown,  by  accident, 
 into  the  society  of  the  earl  of  Moira,  and  having  won  his  favour,  was 
 induced  to  change  his  destination  from  the  Roman  to  the  Protestant 
 Church.  He  was,  after  taking  orders,  appointed  chaplain  to  a  regiment 
 in  America,  and  there  he  married  his  first  wife,  a  lady  said  to  have  been 
 particularly  recommended  by  lord  Moira.  That  lady  soon  after  dying, 
 he  married  his  second  wife,  now  his  widow.  With  her  he  changed  his 
 name  to  Warburton.  He  became  dean  of  Ardah,  then  bishop  of  Lime- 
 rick, and  from  thence  was  translated  to  Cloyne.  He  was  a  man  of 
 courteous  manners,  and  much  esteemed  in  the  higher  circles.  His  ruling 
 passion  was  the  acquisition  of  riches,  which  the  retired  situation  of 
 Cloyne  afforded  him  opportunities  for  indulging.  From  the  hour  of  his 
 arrival  there  he  continued  to  amass  wealth,  and  the  result  was  he  left 
 £l '20,000  among  his  children,  three  sons  and  one  daughter,  one  of 
 Avhom  is  a  colonel  in  the  army,  another  a  major,  another  in  the  chui'ch, 
 and  the  daughter  married  archdeacon  Mansell.  The  bishop  was  unex- 
 ceptionable as  a  private  individual,  and  strict  in  the  observance  of 
 religious  forms,  but  he  was  neither  respected  nor  esteemed  in  his  neigh- 
 bourhood. He  drained  the  diocese  of  an  immense  annual  sum,  but  he 
 returned  no  part  of  it  in  works  of  charity.  He  abstracted  himself  from 
 all  society,  and  held  his  station  more  as  a  petty  despot,  exacting  a 
 subsidy  from  the  toil  of  the  people,  than  as  a  Christian  pastor,  in  daily 
 communicating  Avith  his  flock,  to  whose  care  a  great  revenue  was 
 entrusted,  as  the  steward  for  the  children  of  want  and  misfortune.  His 
 palace  was  more  like  a  rack-rent  farmer's  house  than  a  gentleman's 
 mansion.  The  coldness  and  apathy  of  the  people  at  his  funeral  formed 
 the  best  comment  on  his  life  and  character. 
 
 Such  is  the  general  run  of  Irish  prelates ;  without  the  claim  of  public 
 services  or  superior  mental  endowments,  they  succeed  to  honours  and 
 vast  revenues,  obtained  through  intrigue,  family  connexion,  or  political 
 interest,  and  die  loaded  with  spoil,  either  on  a  foreign  soil,  or  amidst  the 
 scorn  and  hatred  of  the  people  whom  they  have  impoverished  and 
 oppressed.  Only  a  month  ago  we  passed  over,  in  Kent,  the  remains  of 
 Dr.  Bennett,  Warburton's  predecessor.  He  was  buried  in  an  obscure 
 grave  in  Plumstead  church-yard,  with  a  common  stone  slab  over  him. 
 He  died  in  1820,  after  holding  the  see  of  Cloyne  tAventy-six  years,  and 
 draining  at  least  a  quarter  of  a  million  from  the  Irish  soil.  Yet  he 
 must  have  been  an  absentee,  otherwise  he  would  have  been  buried  in 
 his  cathedral,  or  among  the  clergy  of  his  diocese. 
 
 Let  us  resume  our  inquiries  into  the  ecclesiatical  revenues  of  Ireland. 
 
144  CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 Of  the  extent  of  the  estates  of  the  Deans  and  Chapters,  we  have  no 
 means  of  forming'  an  estimate,  there  having  been  no  return  laid  befoie 
 parHament  of  the  real  property  of  the  ecclesiastical  corporations.  Many 
 of  the  dignities  as  well  as  the  sees  are  known  to  be  extremely  valuable. 
 The  Deanery  of  Down,  for  example,  in  1790,  was  worth  £2000  per 
 annum;  in  1810,  it  let  for  £3700.*  The  archdeaconry  of  Armagh  is 
 returned  at  £1662  per  annum;!  the  chancellorship  £2385,  and  the 
 precentorship  £2350.  By  comparing  the  cathedral  and  collegiate 
 establishments  of  Ireland  with  those  of  England,  it  may,  perhaps,  be 
 possible  to  form  a  conjecture  of  their  relative  value.  In  England  the 
 income  of  the  Deans  and  Chapters  is  £494,000  :  but,  as  the  number  of 
 members  of  these  corporations  is  double  what  it  is  in  Ireland,  it  is 
 probable  their  endowments  exceed  in  the  same  proportion.  We  may, 
 therefore,  conclude  that  the  Deans  and  Chapters  have  estates  and 
 endowments  a  little  exceeding  those  of  the  Irish  Bishoprics,  and  pro- 
 ducing a  total  revenue  of  £250,000  per  annum. 
 
 Next  in  order  let  us  advert  to  the  incomes  of  the  Parochial  Clergy, 
 from  tithes  and  glebe.  Ireland  contains  18,000,000  of  English  acres 
 of  land,  of  which  900,000  pay  nothing  to  the  church;  4,000,000  pay 
 from  endowments  a'  out  one-third  of  their  tithes,  and  the  remaining 
 13,000,000  and  upwards  are  liable  to  pay  full  tithes.  The  share  which 
 the  clergy  actually  derive  from  the  soil  will  be  best  ascertained  from 
 the  valuations  of  the  Tithe  Commissioners,  acting  under  the  authority 
 of  Mr.  Goulburn's  statute.  Compositions  under  this  act  continue  in 
 force  twenty-one  years  when  the  original  right  to  tithes  revives,  and 
 vary  in  amount  every  third  year,  if  the  average  price  of  wheat  or  oats 
 fluctuate  one-tenth. I  Had  this  act  been  exclusively  framed  by  a  con- 
 clave of  tithe-eaters,  it  could  not  have  more  adroitly  guaranteed  their 
 interests;  and  this  is  strikingly  exemplified  by  the  provision  which 
 provides  that  the  tenant  may  deduct  his  share  of  the  composition  from 
 the  landloid's  rent,  and,  if  in  arrear,  it  must  be  paid  in  preference  to 
 debt,  rent,  or  taxes — that  is,  the  parson's  claim  must  have  piiority  of 
 that  of  a  creditor,  the  landlord,  or  even  the  KI^"G.  It  is  a  very 
 cunningly  devised  measure  for  perpetuating,  without  lightening,  a  most 
 grievous  burden.  A  design  is  entertained  by  the  Heads  of  the  Chuich 
 to  introduce  a  similar  project  into  England,  but  we  trust  the  intention 
 will  be  frustrated.  Its  direct  tendency  is  to  fasten  on  the  community 
 the  tithe-tax  like  the  land-tax ;  with  this  difference,  that  the  latter  is 
 paid  by  the  landlord,  but  the  former  would  have  to  be  paid  by  the 
 tenants,  and  augment  with  every  increase  in  capital  and  industry.  Its 
 tendency  is  also  to  make  the  pastors  completely  independent  of  their 
 congregations,  converting  the  former  into  annuitants  who  derive  their 
 incomes  as  independently  of  their  parishoners  as  if  paid  out  of  the 
 public  treasury.    The  motives  for  residence  will  be  still  further  lessened ; 
 
 *  Wakefield's  Statistical  Account  of  Ireland,  p.  4G9. 
 +  Parliamentary  Paper,  No  328,  Sess.  1831. 
 J  The  Composition-Act,  4  Geo.  IV.  c.  99,  s.  J3, 
 
COMPOSITION-ACT,    GLEBES,    AND    PARISHES.  145 
 
 many  parsons  before,  from  having-  few  or  no  hearers,  had  little  induce- 
 ment, from  the  claims  of  duty,  to  reside  on  their  livings,  but  now  they 
 will  not  even  have  the  tithes  to  look  after, — no  need  of  watching-  the 
 growth  of  potatoes,  the  increase  of  farm  stock,  nor  extension  of  tillage ; 
 their  composition-money,  like  the  rent  of  the  absentee-landlord,  may 
 be  remitted  whole  and  entire  to  "them  at  London,  Paris,  Bath,  or  what- 
 ever place  they  may  select  as  best  calculated  for  unobserved  luxurious 
 indulgence. 
 
 However,  let  us  attend  to  the  workings  of  this  precious  scheme  of 
 Lord  Wellesley's  Irish  administration,  and  the  light  it  throws  on  the 
 value  of  parochial  tithes.  But  first  we  must  give  the  reader  an  idea  of 
 the  rapacious  manner  in  which  church-preferment  has  been  cut  up  in 
 L'eland  ;  how  the  parishes  have  been  compressed  into  unions ;  how  the 
 unions  have  been  dovetailed  into  enormous  pluralities ;  how  the  plu- 
 ralities and  unions  together  have  been  tacked  to  dignities  and  offices  ; 
 and  how  all  these  good  things,  like  so  many  bunches  of  grapes  on  a 
 string,  have  been  heaped  on  the  Beresfords,  Trenches,  Saurins,  and 
 Plunkets,  as  the  means  whereby  the  resources  of  the  country  may  be 
 absorbed. 
 
 Be  it  known,  then,  that  there  are  in  Ireland  2450  parishes.  Now, 
 as  no  parish  (though  some  districts  or  portions  of  land  are)  is  wholly 
 exempt  from  the  payment  of  tithes,  each  parish  ought  to  have  at  least 
 one  resident  minister,  one  church,  one  parsonage-house,  and  one  glebe. 
 This  is  the  ecclesiastical  state  which  ought  to  subsist.  Instead  of  which 
 there  are  only,  according  to  clerical  authority,  one  thousand  and 
 seventy  -Jive  rectors,  vicars,  and  perpetual  curates  in  all  Ireland,  and 
 of  these  not  more  than  two-thirds  are  said  to  reside  on  their  benefices.* 
 In  the  whole  2450  parishes  there  are  only  1100  churches,  and  of  these 
 churches  474  have  been  built  within  the  last  century  by  means  of  grants 
 of  ■public  money.  There  are  only  771  glebe-houses,  and  though  there 
 are  some  benefices  with  two  or  three  glebes,  containing  4000  acres, 
 there  are  many  parishes  without  any  glebe  at  all,  the  land,  through 
 negligence  or  abuse,  having  been  lost  or  alienated,  it  not  being  unusual 
 to  find  a  patch  of  ground,  designated  as  glebe,  situate  in  the  middle  of 
 a  gentleman's  lawn  or  part  of  his  demesne,  to  which  he  lays  claim  in 
 virtue  of  some  patent  right,  granting  him  the  lands  and  tenements  of  a 
 church  for  ever.  It  follows  from  this  that  there  are  more  than  three 
 parishes  to  every  resident  incumbent ;  there  is  less  than  one  church  to 
 every  two  parishes ;  and,  if  every  parish  had  its  pastor,  as  it  ought, 
 there  would  be  nearly  four  parsons  to  live  in  every  g-lebe-house. 
 
 To  accommodate  these  dilapidations  and  inconsistencies  the  policy  of 
 consolidating  the  parishes  into  unions  has  been  resorted  to.  As  in 
 many  parishes  there  were  neither  hearers  nor  a  church,  there  could  be 
 no  need  of  the  services  of  an  officiating  minister.  In  these  parishes  it 
 would  have  been  rational  either  to  have  abolished  the  tithe  or  applied 
 the  produce  of  it  to  some  other  purpose  than  the  support   of  a  sinecure 
 
 *  Ecclesiastical  Register  of  Ireland  for  1830,  p.  33. 
 
146  CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 rector  or  vicar.  But  this  did  not  accord  with  the  temporal  interests  of 
 the  church.  Hence  the  expedient  of  unions  of  parishes  ;  that  is,  clus- 
 ters of  parishes,  in  various  numbers,  from  two  to  a  dozen  and  more, 
 have  been  compressed  into  a  sinyle  benefice,  forming  one  presentation, 
 held  by  a  single  incumbent,  and  this  incumbent,  perhaps,  a  pluralist, 
 holding-  two  or  more  of  these  ecclesiastical  conglomerations.  In  England 
 a  similar  abuse  prevails ;  it  frequently  happening  that  two  or  more  rec- 
 tories, vicarages,  or  parochial  chapelries  are  held  cum,  or  with,  others, 
 forming  a  single  benefice ;  but  the  instances  are  neither  so  numerous 
 nor  outrageous  as  in  Ireland.  In  the  latter  countiy  unions  may  be 
 found  thirty-six  Irish  miles  in  length,  containing  as  many  square  miles 
 of  territory  as  some  of  the  petty  kingdoms  under  the  Heptarchy.  One 
 union,  that  of  Burnchurch,  in  the  diocese  of  Ossory,  formed  by  an  act 
 of  the  privy  council,  and  in  the  gift  of  the  king  and  the  bishop  alter- 
 nately, consists  of  no  fewer  that  thirteen  parishes.  Here  is  a  bene- 
 fice !  If  a  man  is  fortunate  enough  to  obtain,  as  is  not  impossible, 
 two  or  three  such  benefices,  he  is  more  like  a  bishop  at  the  head  of  a 
 diocese  than  a  parish  priest. 
 
 Of  the  whole  2450  parishes  there  are  only  749  held  single,  the  re- 
 maining 1701  parishes  having  been  consolidated  into  517  unions,  form- 
 ing, in  the  whole,  1266  parochial  benefices.  The  territorial  contents  of 
 the  benefices  vary  in  different  districts.  According  to  Mr.  Erck,  in  the 
 northern,  southern,  and  eastern  provinces,  they  average  6544  Irish 
 acres,  or  upwards  of  ten  square  miles,  with  the  exception  of  those  in 
 the  dioceses  of  Clogher  and  Killaloe,  and  in  the  three  western  dioceses 
 of  Elphin,  Clonfert,  and  Killala,  where  they  average  from  10  to  12,000 
 acres;  in  the  dioceses  of  Derry,  Kilmore,  Raphoe,  Ardfert,  and 
 Achonry,  they  average  from  12  to  15,000  acres;  and  in  the  western 
 diocese  of  Tuam  they  average  the  enormous  area  of  25,800  acres.  The 
 union  benefices  have  been  constituted  under  different  authorities,  by 
 parliament,  by  charter,  by  act  of  council,  by  license  of  the  bishops  ; 
 and  some  are  of  such  ancient  date  that  the  period  and  mode  of  their 
 origin  cannot  be  traced.  All  the  unions  are  permanent  except  those 
 under  episcopal  authority,  which  enure  only  during  the  life  of  the  in- 
 cumbent, when  the  parishes  may  revert  to  their  original  state.  But  if 
 an  union  has  been  once  formed  it  is  generally  continued  to  successive 
 incumbents,  and  it  is  not  likely  the  bishops  will  dissolve  them,  espe- 
 cially if  they  happen  to  be,  as  is  mostly  the  case,  the  patrons.  In  fact, 
 it  is  by  the  heads  of  the  church,  whose  duty  consisted  in  the  mainte- 
 nance of  more  strict  ecclesiastical  discipline,  that  the  abuse  of  unions 
 has  been  chiefly  encouraged.  Of  the  5 1 7  unions  230  are  of  episcopal 
 creation,  and  126  more  have  been  established  under  an  authority  almost 
 identical  with  that  of  the  bishops, — namely,  the  privy  council  of  Ireland. 
 We  subjoin  a  classification  of  the  unions  now  subsisting,  as  we  collect 
 them  from  the  Ecclesiastical  Register,  for  1830,  pp.  14,  15.*  So  long 
 
 •  This  work  is  by  John  C.  Erck,  A.  M.,  LL.B.  and  published  in  Dublin.     It 
 s  an  elaborate  and  well-compiled  performance,  abounding  in  much  curious  and 
 
PRIVY   COUNCIL,    CHARTER,  ANb  ^tskoPS'  UNIONS.    147 
 
 established  and  intimately  cemented  have  some  of  these  unions  becotne, 
 that  the  boundaries  of  the  parishes  of  which  they  consist  it  is  extremely 
 difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  trace  ;  and  there  are  among  the  apologists 
 of  ecclesiastical  abuses  those  who  would  avail  themselves  of  this  circum- 
 stance, and  boldly  affirm  that  the  parishes  in  some  unions  are  not  dis- 
 tinct parishes,  only  town  lands,  and  this  though  the  denomination  and 
 names  of  the  parishes  are  fully  set  forth  in  the  titles  of  every  incum- 
 bent! 
 
 A    Statement  exhibiting  the  Number  of    Unions,    the    Number  of 
 Parishes  in  each,  and  their  Denoininations, 
 
 Number  of  Parishes  in  each  Union. 
 
 2!      3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 12 
 IG 
 13 
 
 
 
 44 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 7 
 6 
 5 
 
 23 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 2 
 
 3 
 5 
 
 U 
 
 8    9 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 Total  of 
 Benefices. 
 
 Total  of 
 Parishes. 
 
 Parlianientavy  Unions    .... 
 
 2!  4 
 5!      8 
 
 461  34 
 119    51 
 
 49    34 
 
 221131 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 19 
 
 29 
 
 18 
 
 71 
 
 1 
 
 4    1 
 3 
 
 j  1 
 
 8'  2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 25 
 
 126 
 
 230 
 
 126 
 
 38 
 98 
 
 Privy  Council  Unions    .... 
 
 Episcopal  Unions    
 
 Immemorial  Unions    
 
 440 
 704 
 421 
 
 Total.. 
 
 517 
 
 1701 
 
 Having  explained  the  nature  of  unions  and  their  territorial  magnitude, 
 the  reader  wnll  be  better  enabled  to  judge  of  the  value  of  Irish  benefices, 
 and  he  must  be  convinced  what  a  fortunate  aspirant  he  must  be  who 
 happens  to  be  presented  with  two  or  more  such  benefices,  besides  digni- 
 ties and  office's,  especially  if  he  have  not — as  is  possible — a  church  in 
 any  of  them  to  preach  in,  nor  a  single  Protestant  to  whom  he  need  read 
 prayers.  In  Ireland,  as  in  England,  there  is  great  disparity  in  the 
 value  of  livings ;  some  are  extremely  small  and  insignificant,  while 
 others,  according  to  the  admission  of  his  grace  of  Armagh,  are  worth 
 £2300  per  annum.  We  are  as  averse  to  the  penury  of  one  part  of  the 
 church  as  to  flie  corruptive  opulence  of  another ;  for  we  dislike  all  ex- 
 tremes of  condition,  and  are  quite  of  Agur's  opinion  in  thinking  that 
 neither  excess  of  riches  nor  poverty  is  for  the  good  of  individuals.  The 
 list  of  parishes  we  subjoin  has  been  taken  almost  at  random  from  the 
 Parliamentary  Returns  of  the  amount  of  compositions  for  tithe :  it  will 
 show  the  actual  sums  now  paid  by  parishes  in  lieu  of  tithes,  and,  as  the 
 UNIONS  are  enclosed  in  crotchets,  it  will  be  seen  what  monstrosities 
 some  of  them  are.  The  composition- rent  put  down  is  for  clerical 
 tithes  only ;  the  amount  paid  for  impropriate  tithes  is  omitted,  as  not 
 
 useful  information,  of  great  interest  to  those  enjoying  and  aspiring  to  ecclesiasti- 
 cal emoluments ;  but,  having  been  edited  under  the  sanction  of  the  Board  of 
 First  Fruits,  the  Editor  has  been  careful  not  to  afford  the  slightest  glimpse 
 of  the  discipline  and  immense  amount  and  mal-administration  of  the  revenues  of 
 the  Irish  church. 
 
 L   2 
 
148 
 
 CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 forming  part  of  the  income  of  the  incumbent.  In  some  unions  all  the 
 parishes  have  not  yet  compounded ;  in  others  the  compositions  have 
 been  annulled  by  the  bishops,  (who  have  a  veto  on  these  agreements,) 
 as  not  being  adequate  to  their  reputed  value.  The  names  of  the  patrons 
 and  present  incumbents  have  been  collected  from  the  Ecclesiastical 
 Register  of  Ireland. 
 
 Statement  of  the  Sums  agreed  to  be  paid,  under  the  Co7nposition- 
 Act,  by  several  Parishes  in  lieu  of  Tithes,  and  the  Names  of  the 
 present  Incumbents  and  Patrons. 
 
 [Those  Parishes  marked  X  are  not  compounded  for.] 
 
 Incumbent.  Patron. 
 
 Edward  Hincks     Trin.Col.  Dublin 
 
 Francis  Hall Trin.Col.  Dublin 
 
 Charles  Atkinson Archb.  Armagh 
 
 Hon.  C.  Knox Archb.  Armagh 
 
 E.  Stopford •  •  Archb.  Armagh 
 
 G.  Blacker    Archb.  Armagh 
 
 J.  Campbell Archb.  Armagh 
 
 W.  Pinching     Bp.  Clog  her-  •  •  • 
 
 J.  G.  Porter Bp.  Clogher*  •  • . 
 
 W.  Athill Bp.  Clogher 
 
 T.  De  Lacy Bp.  Meath 
 
 W.  Kellett    The  King 
 
 W.  Pratt Bp.  Meath    
 
 R.  Symes Bp.  Connor  •  •  • . 
 
 A.  Leslie  •  •  • The  King 
 
 G.  Macartney Marq. Donegal'  • 
 
 W.  Knox Bp.  Derry    « •  •  • 
 
 .    „  (  Skinner's  Com. 
 
 A.  Ross     <       T     J 
 
 \      London 
 
 A.  W.  Pomeroy    Bp.  Derry    •  •  •  • 
 
 J.  W.  Ormsby Trin.Col.  Dublin 
 
 W.  Knox Bp.  Derry   .  •  • . 
 
 R.  Babington    Bp.  Derry    •  •  •  • 
 
 Amount  of 
 Parish.        Composition. 
 
 Artrea   £738 
 
 Arboe     507 
 
 Creggan    1 0.50 
 
 ^  Carnteel     406 
 
 ^  Aughaloo 609 
 
 Derrynoose    •  •  • .      646 
 
 Drumcree  • 650 
 
 Forkhill     650 
 
 Carrickmacross  •  •     646 
 Donaghmoine    •  •      953* 
 Findonagh     •  •  •  •      600 
 
 /•Kells 553 
 
 iDuleene     200 
 
 ^  Rathboyne     •  •  ♦  •      270 
 V  Burry  % 
 
 Moynalty 550 
 
 Enniskeen     •  •  • '      900 
 
 Ballymoney  ••••  1015 
 
 Ahoghill    1015 
 
 J  Skerry 419 
 
 I  Racavan    295 
 
 Ballynascreen   •  •      623 
 
 (  Banagher 650 
 
 Bovevagh 580 
 
 Cappagh    1000 
 
 Clonleigh 840 
 
 Cumber  Lower  .  •      560 
 
 *  The  lay  tithes  of  this  parish  have  been  compounded  for  £476,  making  the 
 total  amount  of  composition  £1429  a  year. 
 
COMPOSITIONS    FOR    TITHE    OF    PARISHES, 
 
 Incumbent. 
 F.  Gonldsbury 
 A.  T.  Hamilton 
 
 Patron. 
 
 « Bp.  Derry 
 
 Marq.  Abcrcorn 
 
 Sir  J.  Leig-hton The  Lightons- 
 
 S.  Brownlow 
 J.  S.  Knox  •  •  •  • 
 O.M.  Causland 
 
 J.  Jones  
 
 R.  Allott 
 
 Bp.  Derry 
 Bp.  Derry 
 •  Bp.  Derry 
 Bp.  Derry 
 The  King 
 
 149 
 
 Amount  of 
 Parish.     Composition. 
 Cumber  Upper     £740 
 Donagheady    ••    13.50 
 Donaghniore    ••    1440 
 Leekpatrick     •  •      646 
 
 Magheara    1015 
 
 Tamlaghfinlagan    1 000 
 
 Urney 700 
 
 Raphoe   900* 
 
 Raymochy  ....      650 
 
 J.  Usher Trin.  Col.  Dublin 
 
 E.  Bowen    Marq.  Abercorn 
 
 H.  E.  Boyd     Bp.  Dromore  •  •  •  • 
 
 Crawford     Bp.  A  rdagh  •  •  •  - 
 
 Bourne Duke  of  Leinster 
 
 J«^y    ^"^^  ^f  ^^^"^^^^  I  BamnakilV  '. '. '.  \ 
 
 G. 
 
 W 
 H. 
 
 J.  D.  Wingfiekl Lord  Dig  by 
 
 R.  Vicars     The  King  •  • 
 
 Hon.  J.  Bourke The  King 
 
 1569 
 
 937 
 461 
 
 C  Taughboyne, 
 
 I  All  Saints 
 Drumaragh 
 
 C  Clongesh     « 
 
 I  Killoe 535 
 
 Rathangan  «...  553 
 
 Clonsast 628 
 
 Q5 
 
 Geashill 1292 
 
 J  Coolbanagher  •  •  276 
 
 I  Ardea 259 
 
 ^..                    jAghavoe 789 
 
 ^^"^^ IComer     969 
 
 Callan 550 
 
 Coolagh 383 
 
 G,  Stevenson Marq.  Ormonde 
 
 J,  B.  Ridge     The  King  • 
 
 M.  Monck Bp.  Ossory 
 
 H.  P,  Elrington Bp.  Ferns  • 
 
 Tullomain    • .  • 
 Tullaroan  I 
 Killaloe  I 
 Ballycallan  I 
 Eirke 
 
 C  Rathdowny  •  •  • 
 
 ■I  Glashare  J 
 
 (^  Kildelgy  j 
 Templeshambo 
 Kilmackclooue 
 
 P.  Browne The  King 
 
 y  Ma2:Ioss 
 
 105 
 
 692 
 
 750 
 
 1200 
 
 234 
 
 55 
 
 369 
 
 465 
 
 W. 
 
 M. 
 
 Hore  •  •  • 
 Charters 
 
 Kilkevan  • .  • 
 
 V  Kilnehue 
 
 Bp.  Ferns Kilrush   694 
 
 ("Clone 332 
 
 Bp.  Ferns <  Kilbride 203 
 
 (  Ferns 270t 
 
 *  This  is  an  union  containing  six  more  parishes,  but  as  they  have  not  com- 
 pounded, tlieir  names  are  omitted. 
 
 -f-  Ferns  has  compounded  for  its  impropriate  tithe  for  £553,  making  the  annual 
 sum  payable  by  this  parish  for  lay  and  ecclesiastical  tithes  £823. 
 
160 
 
 CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 Incumbent. 
 H.  Moore    • 
 
 Patron. 
 Bp. Ferns  • 
 
 A.  Lord  •  • . . Archbp.  Cashell 
 
 J.  Pennefather Archbp.  Cashell 
 
 Amount  of 
 Parish.     Composition. 
 
 Carnew £830 
 
 500 
 249 
 
 T.  P.  Le  Fann 
 C.  P.  Coote  . 
 W.  Galway*  •  • 
 
 Bp.  Emly 
 Bp.  Emly 
 ■  Bp.  Emly 
 
 Lord  Brandon 
 
 y  Lordship  of  Cas 
 \      tie  Island  •  •  •  < 
 
 iTempIetonhy 
 Loughmore  •  •  •  • 
 Another  parish  I 
 r  Killoscully  .... 
 1  Kilvolane  .... 
 ^  Kilnerath  .... 
 V  Kilcomenty.  •  • . 
 C  Abington     • .  •  • 
 
 I  Tough      
 
 Doon 
 
 I  Kilmastulla 
 X  Templeichally. . 
 r  Castle  Island  .  • 
 •  7  Ballyncushlane  . 
 
 ^  Dysert     
 
 '  Killentierna     • . 
 Ballynahaglish  . 
 .Anna 332 
 
 323 
 461 
 303 
 323 
 650 
 250 
 830 
 318 
 406 
 638 
 460 
 173 
 823 
 230 
 
 B.  Denny 
 
 Sir  E.  Denny 
 
 Vicars  Choral Vicars  Choral 
 
 J.  Scott The  King  .  •  •  • 
 
 T.  G.  Laurence Bp.  Cork    •  •  •  • 
 
 332 
 226 
 160 
 130 
 
 1569 
 
 W.  Harvey- 
 J.  Jervois    ■ 
 
 Bp.  Cork 
 Bp.  Cork 
 
 A.  Trail The  King  §•  Bp. 
 
 T.  Kenny       •  •. Bp.  Cloyne   • . . 
 
 Hon.  G.  de  1-a  P.  Beresford  Bp.  Cloyne   •  •  • 
 
 J.  Hingstone  • 
 J.  Hing'stone  • 
 A.  Champagne 
 M.  Purcell  •  •  • 
 
 •  Bp.  Cloyne 
 '  Bp.  Cloyne 
 
 •  Bp.  Cloyne 
 Fitzgerald 
 
 'Cloherbrien 
 
 1  Caher 
 
 Killencan    • 
 .  Glanbeagh • 
 J  Lismore  I 
 I  Mocollop     . 
 
 JTubrid     955 
 
 JBallybacon 461 
 
 TMoviddy 507 
 
 I  Kilbonane   •  •  •  •      208 
 
 (.Aglish     379 
 
 J  Kilnaglory  • ... 
 \  Athnowen  . .  • 
 C  Kilmichael  •  • . 
 \  Macloneigh 
 
 Skull 
 
 Donoughmore  • 
 C  Inniscarra   •  •  •        „.^^ 
 
 /.Malthy    513 
 
 Whitechurch  •  •  784 
 Aghabullogue  •  •  750 
 Castlelyons  •  •  •  •  571 
 Dungourney   • .     664 
 
 325 
 425 
 692 
 250 
 850 
 1100 
 636 
 
 *  The  lay-tithes  of  this  parish  have  been  compounded  for  £1142,  making  tlie 
 yearly  composition  for  impropriate  and  clerical  tithes  £1713. 
 
MONOPOLY    OF    THE    ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 151 
 
 Incumbent. 
 
 T.  Newneham< 
 
 Lombard  ■ 
 Palmer  • 
 
 G.  Holmes 
 
 E.  Pi 
 
 Patron. 
 
 •  Bp.  Cloyne 
 
 •  Bp.  Cloyne 
 Bp.  Killaloe 
 
 Bp.  Killaloe 
 
 Bp.  Killaloe . . 
 
 Amount  of 
 Parish.     Composition. 
 
 I  Kilworth £170 
 
 ^^^^1  Macroney    230 
 
 ""  ^  Leitrim    230 
 
 I.  Kilcrumper  •  •  •  •      220 
 
 Kilshannick     ..      738 
 
 fModreeny    533 
 
 l  Arderony  ....  307 
 (  Kilmore 323 
 
 <  Kilnaneave ....  315 
 *  Lisbonny  •  •  • .  323 
 r  Aglishcloghane  .-     161 
 
 <  Lorrha     438 
 
 (Dorrha    415 
 
 From  the  above  statement  it  appears  that  the  amount  of  composition- 
 money  paid  in  lieu  of  tithes,  in  some  unions,  amounts  to  £1410,  £1407, 
 £1554,  £1569,  and  £1758  ;  and  that  single  parishes  have  come  down 
 to  the  tune  of  £1050,  £1200,  £1350.  and  £1440,  in  order  to  rid 
 themselves  of  the  worldly  visitations  of  the  spiritual  locust.  These 
 sums,  it  must  be  remembered,  are  not  the  conjectural  estimates  of 
 individuals  imperfectly  informed  of  the  worth  of  parochial  tithes;  they 
 are  public  and  authentic  returns,  founded  on  an  average  and  impartial 
 valuation.  It  must,  also,  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  composition  is  a 
 net  payment,  obtained  without  the  trouble  of  collecting'  the  tithes,  or 
 the  expense  of  proctors  or  middlemen,  and  the  receipt  of  which  is  better 
 secured  than  the  landlord's  rent  or  public  taxes. 
 
 Many  of  the  incumbents  enjoying-  these  really  fat  livings,  are  plu- 
 ralists,  holding"  other  parochial  benefices,  beside  dignities  and  offices. 
 The  names  of  the  honourable  Charles  Knox,  the  honourable  George 
 de  la  Poer  Beresford,  the  honourable  Joseph  Bourke,  and  other  well- 
 known  signatures,  are  quite  sufficient  to  indicate  their  connexions  with 
 the  episcopacy  and  aristocracy  of  Ireland.  It  Avould  require  pages  fully 
 to  set  forth  the  families,  connexions,  and  influence ;  the  sinecures, 
 places,  offices,  and  pensions  by  which  some  of  these  honourables  have 
 sent  forth  their  absorbents  into  the  substance  of  Church  and  State. 
 There  is  one  man,  however,  Ja.mes  Hixgstone  by  name,  who,  as 
 far  as  we  know,  is  not  oi noble  blood,  unless  it  be  by  some  left-handed 
 tilt ;  yet  he  seems  to  have  reaped  a  plentiful  harvest.  He  has  com- 
 pounded for  the  tithes  of  two  parishes,  that  of  Whitechurch  for  £784, 
 and  that  of  Aghabullogue  for  £750,  making  a  snug  income  of  £1534 
 per  annum.  But  this  is  far  from  being  the  extent  of  his  good  fortune. 
 He  is,  also,  rector  of  Subulter,  and  prebendary  and  vicar-general  of 
 Cloyne.  His  son,  James  Hingstone,  is  vicar  of  Clonmult,  and  vicar- 
 choral  of  the  cathedral  church  of  St.  Colman's.  It  were  easy  to  give 
 similar  illustrations  of  others,  but  this  must  suffice. 
 
 Mr.  Goulbourn's  bait  has  taken  so  well  that  nearly  two-thirds  of  all 
 the  parishes  in  Ireland  have  compounded  for  their  tithes :  the  progress 
 of  the  measure,  up  to  the  present,  will  appear  from  the  subjoined  state- 
 
152  CHURCH    OF    lUELAND. 
 
 ment,  exhibiting:  the  number  of  parishes,  in  each  diocese,  that  have  com- 
 pounded in  the  four  provinces,  the  proportion  between  lay  and  ecclesiastical 
 tithe,'and  the  total  amount  of  the  compositions  for  both  descriptions  of  tithe. 
 
 Lay  Clerical      Conipo- 
 
 PROVINCE  OF  ARMAGH.      Parishes.    Titlies.         Tithes.         sition. 
 Diocese.  £  £  £ 
 
 Armagh 48..       —      ..19,292..     19,292 
 
 Clogher 28   ..      1,291    ..      12,257   ..      13,548 
 
 Meath     137   ..   11,212   ..     21,400  ..     32,618 
 
 Down  and  Connor    40..     1,439..     13,022..     15,001 
 
 Derry 42..        —      ..     22,990..     22,990 
 
 Kaphoe 14   ..      352     ..       7,424   ..       7,777 
 
 Kilmore 19  ..        874  ..       4,813  ..       5,088 
 
 Dromore     9    ..     2,128   ..       2,047   ..       4,775 
 
 Ardagh 21..     2,303..       4,793..       7,097 
 
 PROVINCE  OF  DUBLIN. 
 
 Dublin    91    ..     4,031    ..      15,035    ..      19,000 
 
 Kildare 30..     2,089..       7,303..       9,452 
 
 Ossory    01    ..      1,550   ..      15,557    ..      17,107 
 
 Ferns  and  Leighlin 103   ..     7,181   ..     27,989   ..     35,170 
 
 PROVINCE  OF  CASHEL. 
 
 Cashel  and  Emly 93..     5,083..     19,555..     24,638 
 
 Limerick,  Ardfert,  and  Aghadoe 128..     7,010..     24,349..     31,306 
 
 Walerford  and  Lismore 52..     2,386..     12,500..     14,880 
 
 CorkaudRoss 05..     4,022..     23,282..     27,305 
 
 Cloyne    57   ..     4,345    ..      18,029   ..     22,975 
 
 KiUaloc  and  Rilfenora    121   . .     3,070  . .     23,355  . .     27,032 
 
 PROVINCE  OF  TUAM. 
 
 Tuani 00..     2,945..      11,450..     14,390 
 
 Elphin 54   ..      2,377    ..        0,817   ..        9,194 
 
 Clonfert  and  Kilniacduagh 59   . .  80  . .       8,030   . .       8,723 
 
 Killala  and  Achonry 15   . .     1,098  ..       2,593   ..       3,091 
 
 Total 1,353         67,494        326,303        393,857 
 
 From  the  results  of  the  compositions  already  entered  into  it  is  easy 
 to  calculate  the  value  of  tithes  in  all  Ireland.  Of  the  1353  parishes, 
 the  average  rate  of  composition  for  each  parish,  for  impropriate  tithe,  is 
 £50,  for  church  tithe  £241,  and  for  ecclesiastical  and  lay  tithes  together 
 £291.  Supposing  the  whole  2450  parishes  to  compound  for  tithes  at 
 the  same  average  rate,  the  annual  value  of  impropriate  tithes  is 
 £122,500,  of  church  tithes  £590,450,  making  the  total  burden  imposed 
 by  tithes,  lay  and  ecclesiastical,  on  the  entire  kingdom,  amount  to 
 £712,950  per  annum.  The  average  tithe  for  the  whole  kingdom  would 
 probably  exceed  the  sum  here  stated ;  since  it  is  known  the  most  fertile 
 districts  have  been  the  most  backward  in  compounding  for  their  tithes. 
 
 The  ecclesiastical  tithe  of  £590,450  per  annum  constitutes  only 
 one  item  in  the  yearly  emoluments  of  the  parochial  clergy.  They  have, 
 also,  glebe-houses,  extensive  glebes,  minister's  money,  and  church-fees. 
 In   Ireland,   "  all  things  seem  oddly  made   and   every    thing    amiss." 
 
minister's  money  and  church  fees.  153 
 
 Many  benefices  have  neither  glebe-house  nor  glebe-land ;  while  others 
 have  two  glebe-houses  each,  and  two  or  more  glebes,  comprising  a 
 superficial  area  of  2000  acres.  One-third  of  the  benefices  are  destitute 
 of  any  glebe  whatever,  and,  consequently,  of  any  residence  ;  while  the 
 remaining  two-thirds  of  the  benefices  are  estimated  to  possess  glebe- 
 land  to  the  enormous  extent  of  91,137  acres.  Supposing-,  with  Mr. 
 Baron  Foster,  the  glebe  to  be  worth,  on  an  average,  only  £l  per  acre, 
 it  forms  a  very  considerable  addition  to  the  yearly  revenue  of  the 
 beneficed  clergy. 
 
 Another  source  of  clerical  emolument  is  that  termed  minister's 
 money,  intended  as  a  substitute  for  tithe,  and  which,  as  we  have  no 
 assessment  levied  in  the  same  way  in  England,  it  will  be  proper  to 
 explain.  In  cities  and  towns  corporate,  where  there  are  small  or  no 
 tithes,  a  power  is  vested  in  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  authorising,  by  a 
 commission,  valuations  to  be  made,  from  time  to  time,  of  every  house; 
 upon  a  return  of  such  valuations,  in  which  no  house  may  be  rated 
 above  £60,  the  Lord  Lieutenant  and  six  more  of  the  privy-council  are 
 empowered  to  assess  each  house,  in  a  yearly  sum,  for  the  maintenance 
 of  the  incumbent.  Under  this  authority  valuations  have  been  made  of 
 the  parishes  in  the  cities  of  Dublin,  Cork,  Waterford,  and  Limerick, 
 and  the  towns  corporate  of  Drogheda  and  Clonmel ;  and  it  is  from 
 the  proceeds  of  these  assessments  that  the  incumbents  of  forty- eight 
 city  parishes  are  paid  their  stipends.  We  have  not  any  public  return 
 of  the  incomes  allotted  to  the  ministers  of  these  towns  and  parishes ;  if 
 they  average  £500  each,  it  makes  an  addition  of  £25,000  a-year  to 
 the  revenues  of  the  parochial  clergy.  The  clause  which  provides  that 
 no  house  shall  be  rated  above  sixty  pounds  originated,  no  doubt,  in 
 the  same  selfish  policy  that  dictated  the  abolition  of  the  tithe  of  pasture, 
 and  shows,  in  every  measure,  how  scrupulously  have  been  considered  the 
 interests  of  the  wealthy  Protestants,  when  the  burden  even  of  main- 
 taining the  established  church  of  the  ascendant  party  was  thrown,  with 
 unequal  weight,  on  their  poor  and  politically-disfranchised  catholic 
 brethren . 
 
 The  yearly  sums  derived  from  church-fees  Ave  can  only  conjecture. 
 They  do  not,  of  course,  from  a  vast  majority  of  the  population  being' 
 separatists  from  the  endowed  worship,  form  so  productive  a  source  of 
 emolument  as  in  England.  But,  supposing  the  million  of  Protestants 
 of  different  sects,  in  Ireland,  pay  for  marriages,  christenings,  and 
 burials  only  5s.  a-head,  surplice-fees  yield  an  income  of  £250,000. 
 Without  including,  then,  the  emoluments  derived  by  the  parochial 
 clergy  from  the  dignities  and  offices  they  hold,  from  being  masters  of 
 diocesan-schools,  vicar-general  or  surrogate  of  a  diocese,  or  official  chap- 
 lain at  the  Castle  ;  their  total  revenue,  from  the  four  sources  of  tithes, 
 glebe-land,  minister's  money,  and  church-fees,  cannot  be  less  than 
 £956,587.  If  to  this  sum  we  add  the  incomes  of  the  episcopal  clergy 
 and  the  deans  and  chapters  already  ascertained,  we  shall  have  the  total 
 amount  of  the  burden  imposed  on  Ireland  by  its  Protestant  establishment 
 as  follows : — 
 
154  CilURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 Revenues  of  the  Established  Church  of  Ireland. 
 Archbishops  and  bishops,  average  income  of  each  £10,000'  •  £220,000 
 
 Estates  and  tithes  of  the  deans  and  chapters     250,000 
 
 Ecclesiastical  rectors,  vicars,  and  pei*petual  curates  : — 
 
 Tithes   £590,450 
 
 Glebe-lands 91,137 
 
 Ministers'  money       25,000 
 
 Church-fees 250,000 
 
 956,587 
 
 Total £1 ,426,587 
 
 Here  is,  certainly,  a  noble  revenue  for  the  maintenance  of  a  little 
 insignificant  church,  with  barely  more  than  half  a  million  of  hearers. 
 The  established  church  of  Scotland,  with  a  million  and  a  half  of 
 followers,  is  now  considered  amply  endowed,  although  its  revenues  do 
 not  exceed  £234,900,  or  one  sixth  of  those  of  Ireland.  The  sums 
 expended  on  the  established  priesthood  of  Ireland  are  nearly  equal  to 
 one-half  the  amount  of  the  revenue  paid  into  the  Exchequer,  on  account 
 of  public  taxes  for  the  maintenance  of  an  army  of  30,000  men,  for 
 defraying  the  expense  of  police  and  justice,  for  the  support  of  the 
 local  administration,  for  defraying  the  interest  of  the  public  debt  of 
 Ireland,  and  its  proportional  contribution  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
 general  government.  It  ought  never  to  be  forgotten  that  the  im- 
 mense income  lavished  on  a  luxurious  priesthood,  whose  duties  pre- 
 scribe to  them  charity,  humility,  and  self-denial,  is  wrung  from  a 
 poor  distressed  population,  of  whom  hundreds  perish  annually  from 
 sheer  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  the  vast  majority  of  whom — so 
 little  have  they  been  benefited  by  the  instructions  of  their  well-paid  spi- 
 ritual guides — are  in  such  a  state  of  ignorance  and  destitution  that  they 
 are  little  better  fed,  clothed,  and  lodged  than  the  beasts  of  the  field  ! 
 
 Our  next  inquiiy  is  the  Ninnher  of  the  Clergy,  among  whom  the 
 revenues  of  the  Irish  Church  are  squandered.  The  policy  of  the 
 church,  Hke  that  of  the  City  companies  and  all  corporations,  has  been 
 to  keep  their  numbers  as  few,  and  render  their  rcA'enues  as  productive 
 as  possible.  Formerly  there  were  thirty-two  dioceses  in  Ireland  ;  these, 
 either  by  parliamentary  authority  or  by  annexing  sees  to  others  by 
 way  of  commendam,  have  been  compressed  into  eighteen  su£Fragan 
 bishoprics.  Thus  the  work  of  uniting  sees  has  been  nearly  as  rife 
 as  that  of  uniting  parishes.  The  deans  and  capitulary  bodies  are  kept 
 up  as  in  England,  though  their  functions  are  little  more  than  nominal, 
 and  the  sinecure  offices  and  dignities  appendant  to  them  serving  only 
 to  augment  the  otherwise  redundant  incomes  of  the  priesthood.  The 
 deans  and  chapters  are  endowed  in  some  instances  with  tithes,  in  others 
 with  lands,  and  in  most  cases  with  both ;  but  their  possessions  are,  for 
 the  most  part,  divided,  the  dean  having  one  part  alone  in  right  of  his 
 deanery,  and  each  member  of  the  chapter  a  certain  part  in  right  of  his 
 oilice.     Of  the  thirty  chapters,  eighteen  consist  of  the  four  offices  of 
 
BENEFICED    CLERGY    AND    COLLEGIATE    CHAPTERS.   155 
 
 precentor,  chancellor,  and  archdeacon,  and  of  prebendaries,  varying, 
 intermediately,  from  one,  as  in  the  case  of  Dromore,  to  twenty,  as  in 
 the  case  of  St.  Patrick's,  Dublin.  The  chapters  of  Waterford  and  Kil- 
 fenora  are  without  any  prebends,  and  in  the  chapter  of  Kildare  the 
 eight  prebendaries,  although  they  have  a  voice  in  the  election  of  a  dean, 
 yet  form  no  constituent  part  of  the  chapter,  which  is  composed  of  other 
 officials  and  four  canons. 
 
 The  precentor,  or  chantor,  is  generally  the  first  member  of  the  chap- 
 ter ;  his  duties,  in  the  old  religious  houses  in  papal  times,  were  impor- 
 tant and  various,  consisting  in  the  care  of  the  choir-service,  in  presiding 
 over  the  singing  men,  organist,  and  choristers,  paying  their  salaries,  and 
 keeping  the  seal  of  the  chapter  and  chapter-book.  In  these  cathedrals, 
 where  a  choir-service  is  still  maintained,  of  which  there  are  only  a  few 
 in  Ireland,  the  precentor  has  the  superintendence  of  the  choir,  but  in 
 all  others  it  is  a  mere  title  of  honour,  without  any  duty  whatever  at- 
 tached to  the  office.  The  same  may  be  observed  of  the  chancellors  of  cathe- 
 dral churches,  the  treasurers,  provosts,  and  prebendaries,  many  of  whom 
 are  without  cure  or  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  and  have  nothing  what- 
 ever to  do  for  their  emoluments  and  patronage,  unless  it  be  in  taking 
 their  turn  of  preaching  in  the  cathedral,  and  that  is  mostly  performed 
 by  deputy. 
 
 A  dignity  without  cure  is  not  incompatible  with  a  parochial  benefice, 
 and  both  may  be  holden  together  without  any  dispensation  for  plurality; 
 for  though  the  dignitaries  gain  possession  of  office  by  institution,  they 
 are  not  instituted  to  the  cure  of  souls.  The  cure  attaches  not  to  any 
 office  of  the  chapter  as  such ;  yet  it  is  to  be  observed  that  there  are  no 
 fewer  than  two  hundred  and  nineteen  dignities  and  offices*  to 
 which  either,  by  charter  or  other  means,  one  or  more  parishes  with 
 cure  have  been  annexed,  and  of  which  parishes  the  tithes  and  emolu- 
 ments are  received  by  the  collegiate  sinecurists,  and  the  duties,  where 
 any  exist,  are  mostly  discharged  by  a  stipendiary  curate.  The  for- 
 tunate possessors  of  these  plural  offices  and  parishes  being  eligible 
 to  other  benefices,  one  individual  may  concentrate  in  his  own  person 
 scores  of  dignities,  offices,  and  livings,  and  enjoy  aiT  aggregation  of 
 ecclesiastical  income  and  patronage  almost  incredible. 
 
 Next  let  us  advert  to  the  number  of  the  parochial  clergy,  consisting 
 of  all  ecclesiastical  rectors  having  cure,  vicars,  and  perpetual  curates, 
 and  of  whom  there  are,  according  to  Mr.  Erck,  exclusive  of  ninety- 
 eight  dignitaries  having  cure,  one  thousand  and  seventy-Jive.  The  as- 
 sistant curates,  amounting  to  five  hundred  and  fifty,  do  not,  of  course, 
 form  a  part  of  the  beneficed  clei'gy;  they  are  only  deputies,  removable 
 at  pleasure,  and  discharging  the  duties,  at  very  miserable  stipends,  which 
 ought  to  be  discharged  by  their  principals,  who  receive  ample  remu- 
 neration. Of  lay-rectors,  or  laymen,  possessing  tithes  as  a  lay-fee, 
 there  are  seven  hundred  and  eighteen.  These,  not  being  in  orders, 
 form  no  part  of  the  ecclesiastical  corps ;  they  are  usually  denominated 
 impropriators,  as  being,  according  to  Spelman,  improperly  possessed 
 
 *  Ecclesiastical  Register  of  Irelantl,  p.  24. 
 
156  CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 of  the  tithes  of  the  church;  inasmuch  as  it  severs  labour  from  reward, — 
 a  principle  which  ecclesiastics  profess  to  repudiate,  though  it  is  noto- 
 rious, the  most  amply  endowed  incumbents  of  the  United  Church  of 
 England  and  Ireland  are  as  justly  obnoxious  to  the  opprobrium  of  being 
 impropriators  as  the  secular  parsons — having,  by  the  intervention  of 
 curates  and  other  devices,  unknown  before  the  Reformation,  contrived 
 to  rid  themselves  entirely  of  every  particle  of  spiritual  duty. 
 
 The  whole  number  of  beneficed  parochial  clergy,  without  including 
 collegiate  officials,  is  then  only   1075,  according  to  the   admission  of 
 the  editor  of  the  Board  of  First  Fruits.     This  diminutive  phalanx  one 
 would  think   quite  small  enough,  in  all  conscience,  to  monopolize  the 
 cure  of  the  2450  parishes  of  Ireland.     But  the  fact  is,  the  number  of 
 individuals  is  not  so  numerous  by  a  great  many.     We  have  seen  that 
 1701    parishes  have  been  compressed  into  517  benefices.     Some  pa- 
 rishes are  both  rectorial  and  vicarial;  that  is,  the  same  parish  has  a  rector 
 and  vicar,  united  in  the  same  person,  and  which,  we  suspect,  reckon 
 two  in  Mr.  Erck's  enumeration  of  1075.     Then  how  many  are  Plu- 
 iiALiSTS  ?     The  Ecclesiastical  Register  informs  us,  page  32,  one  hun- 
 dred and  thirty-Jive  benefices  are  held  with  other  benefices  by  faculty, 
 dispensation,    or   permission    of    their   diocesans.      This   reduces   the 
 number  of  individuals  to  940.     There  appear  to  be  587  parishes  w^here 
 the  vicarial  are  united  with  the  rectorial  tithes,  or  where  both  descrip- 
 tions of  tithe  are  united  in  the  incumbent.     It  is  probable,  we   think, 
 the  entire  number  of  rectories,  vicarages,  and  perpetual  curacies  are 
 possessed  by  not  more  than  700  individuals,  who   also  enjoy  the  chief 
 offices  in  cathedrals,  the  diocesan  schools,  and  public  institutions  of  a 
 religious  and  literary  character. 
 
 From  the  Ecclesiastical  Register,  and  other  sources,  we  collect  that 
 the  number  of  preferments  in  Ireland — episcopal,  collegiate,  and  pa- 
 rochial— possessed  by  the  established  clergy,  is — 
 
 Sees 22 
 
 Deaneries 33 
 
 Precentorships    - 26 
 
 Chancellorships 22 
 
 Treasurerships    22 
 
 Archdeaconries 34 
 
 Provostships 2 
 
 Prebends  and  canonries      ••» 188 
 
 Rural  deans   107 
 
 Vicars  choral 52 
 
 Choristers  • 20 
 
 Choir  readers  and  stipendiaries 12 
 
 Diocesan  schools    30 
 
 Offices  in  consistorial  courts 175 
 
 Benefices  consisting  of  a  single  parish 749 
 
 Parishes  compressed  into  517  benefices 1701 
 
 Total  of  offices  enjoyed  by  the  established  clergy  •  -3195 
 
ECCLESIASTICAL    PATRONACE.  167 
 
 Thus  it  appears  there  are  3195  offices  shared  among  about  eight 
 hundred  and  fifty  individuals,  whose  aggregate  ecclesiastical  revenue 
 amounts  to  £1,426,587,  averaging  £167S  to  each  person.  Such  pro- 
 portions between  numbers,  otfices,  and  revenue  are  certainly  without 
 parallel.  There  is  no  example  any  where  of  850  persons  possessing, 
 in  see  lands  and  glebes,  one-eighteenth  part  of  the  soil,  and  claiming 
 one-tenth  of  the  produce  of  the  remainder,  which  supports  eight  millions 
 of  people.  No  country,  however  debased  by  superstition,  ever  abandoned 
 so  large  a  portion  of  its  real  property,  in  addition  to  a  tenth  part  of  the 
 national  income,  for  the  maintenance  of  a  priesthood,  forming  less  than 
 a  nine-thousandth  part  of  the  population. 
 
 It  is  not,  however,  the  average  income  of  either  the  Irish  or  English 
 ecclesiastic  that  constitutes  the  principal  abuse  in  their  respective  esta- 
 blishments. Although  both  churches  might  very  well. spare  two-thirds 
 of  their  aggregate  revenues,  and  enough  remain  for  the  adequate  re- 
 muneration of  spiritual  service,  still  it  is  not  the  redundancy  of  their 
 united  incomes  that  is  so  objectionable  as  the  unequal  and  inhuman 
 manner  in  which  they  are  possessed  by  candidates  of  the  same  grade 
 and  pretension.  We  have  before  enlarged  on  this  point  in  our  exposi- 
 tion of  the  Church  of  England  ;  we  have  there  shown  how  masses  of 
 pay  and  pluralities  of  office  are  heaped  on  clerical  sinecurists  enjoying 
 high  connexions  and  influence ;  while  the  most  useful  and  meritorious 
 labourers  in  the  ministry,  divested  of  patronage,  are  kept  in  the  most 
 miserable  poverty  and  dependence.  Precisely  the  same  injustice  pre- 
 dominates in  the  Irish  church.  In  the  latter  the  grievance  is  more  in- 
 tolerable, for,  in  Ireland,  church-patronage  is  chiefly  in  the  hands  of 
 ecclesiastics,  and  it  is  invariably  observed  that  the  clergy  have  less  re- 
 gard for  their  brethren,  and  are  more  blindly  intent  on  promoting  their 
 own  personal  and  family  interests  than  laymen. 
 
 We  shall  insert  a  tabular  representation  of  the  patronage  of  the  Irish 
 church ;  the  number  of  parishes  in  Ireland  is  greater  than  appears  from 
 the  subjoined  statement,  as  is  evident  from  the  Ecclesiastical  Register. 
 But  it  is  a  point  on  which  there  is  much  difterence  of  opinion,  originating 
 in  the  uncertain  boundaries  of  parishes,  aud  the  extraordinary  manner 
 they  have  been  consolidated,  to  serve  the  purposes  of  clerical  rapacity. 
 
158 
 
 CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 Irish  Church  Patronage. 
 
 I'atronage 
 Bishops. 
 
 Patronage 
 
 of 
 
 Crown. 
 
 Oil 
 
 ers. 
 
 Impropriate 
 
 DIOCESES. 
 
 Lay 
 
 Uni- 
 versit 
 
 Cliurtlics  or 
 Inriiinbents. 
 
 Armagh    
 
 CO 
 
 34 
 43 
 
 107 
 94 
 33 
 63 
 23 
 
 144 
 72 
 30 
 48 
 
 131 
 33 
 
 171 
 34 
 69 
 76 
 15 
 72 
 43 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 10 
 8 
 3 
 
 12 
 
 15 
 2 
 
 27 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 
 27 
 
 81 
 
 26 
 
 6 
 
 24 
 
 22 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 36 
 
 2 
 16 
 
 1 
 24 
 
 36 
 2 
 19 
 65 
 37 
 30 
 3 
 10 
 30 
 
 5 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 Cashell  and  Enily 
 
 Clogher    
 
 Clonfert  and  Kilmacduagh 
 
 Cloy  ne 
 
 11 
 
 Cork  and  Ross     
 
 Derry  
 
 Down  and  Connor 
 
 10 
 
 Dublin 
 
 Klphin 
 
 Kildare 
 
 Killala  and  \clionry 
 
 Killaloe  and  Kilfenora 
 
 17 
 
 Kilniore   
 
 13 
 
 Limerick,  Ardfert,  and  Aghadoe  .... 
 Meath 
 
 35 
 
 Ossorv 
 
 Raphoe 
 
 Tuam  and  Ardagh 
 
 ^laterford  and  Lismore 
 
 9 
 
 Patror 
 Ditto 
 
 1392 
 lage  of  B 
 
 293 
 ishops. . . 
 
 367 
 
 21 
 
 95 
 
 1392 
 
 293 
 
 Ditto  J 
 Ditto 
 
 ^ay 
 
 Jniversity 
 
 .... 
 
 
 
 367 
 21 
 
 2168 
 
 The  Irish  bishops  have  a  far  greater  proportion  of  patronage  than  the 
 English  bishops :  the  former  have  the  gift  of  1392  livings  out  of  2168  ; 
 the  latter  have  only  the  gift  of  1290  out  of  11,598.  The  livings,  too, 
 in  the  gift  of  the  Irish  bishops  are  far  more  valuable.  Those  in  the  gift 
 of  the  Archbishop  of  Cashel  are  worth  £35,000  per  annum;  those  in 
 the  gift  of  the  Bishop  of  Cloyne,  £50,000 ;  of  Cork,  £30,000 ;  and 
 of  Ferns,  £30,000.  In  the  see  of  Cloyne  one  living  is  worth  £3000, 
 one  worth  £2000,  and  three  worth  £1500  each.  A  living  of  £500,  as 
 we  have  seen,  is  but  a  middling  one  in  Ireland,  and  any  thing  beneath 
 it  is  considered  very  low. 
 
 The  king's  ministers  nominating  the  bishops,  and  these  having  the 
 disposal  of  all  the  livings,  Avith  the  exception  of  a  few  belonging  to  the 
 Universities,  lay  lords,  and  those  that  are  tithe  free,  nearly  the  m  hole  of 
 the  tithes  and  church  revenues  of  Ireland  are  in  the  gift  of  the  crown. 
 Hence  we  may  see  how  discouraging  was  the  prospect  of  ecclesiastical 
 
TORY  MANAGEMENT  OF  THE  CHURCH.        159 
 
 rejorm  under  Tory  ministers.  .  The  Irish  sees  were  ahnost  in  the 
 exclusive  possession  of  their  thick-and-thin  supporters,  in  the  families^of 
 the  Beresfords,  the  Clancartys,  Balcariases,  Mayos,  Northlands,  Rodens, 
 Hoaths,  Kilkennys,  Caledons,  &c.  among  whom  one  looks  in  vain 
 for  a  single  scholar  or  celebrated  divine.  Indeed  the  Irish  Protestant 
 Establishment  formed  a  convenient  and  almost  inexhaustible  fund  for 
 parliamentary  corruption  ;  and  appointments  to  it,  like  those  in  the 
 Colonies,  being  out  of  sight  of  the  English  public,  were  often  made 
 without  any  regard  to  decency.  Thus  a  lieutenant  in  the  navy  has  been 
 made  an  archbishop ;  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons,  a  dean ;  a 
 proprietor,  and  it  is  said  editor,  of  a  newspaper,  a  chancellor ;  and  an 
 aide-de-camp  at  the  Castle,  a  rich  rector.  Such  men  as  Sir  Harcourt 
 Lees,  the  heroes  of  Skibbereen  and  Newtonbarry,  and  Warburton  and 
 Percy  Jocelyn,  having  attained  preferments  in  the  church,  are  still 
 more  illustrative.  All  the  Irish  representative  prelates  voted  against  the 
 Reform  Bill  on  its  first  introduction.  Lord  Mountcashel  stated,  in  the 
 House  of  Lords,  that  he  knew  an  archdeacon  in  Ireland  who  kept  one  of 
 the  best  packs  of  fox-hounds  in  the  country.  Another  clergyman,  not 
 seven  miles  distant  from  the  former,  had,  also,  a  pack  of  fox-hounds, 
 with  which  he  regularly  hunted ;  and  he  kncAv  of  a  clergyman  who, 
 after  his  duties  in  the  church  had  been  performed,  used  to  meet  his  bro- 
 ther-huntsmen at  the  co??iwn<?izow-to6Ze,  on  the  Sunday ,  andarrang-e  with 
 them  where  the  hounds  were  to  start  for  next  day.  Can  these  things 
 be,  when  it  is  alleged  by  Sir  Robert  Peel,  that  the  church  has  no 
 support  to  depend  upon  but  her  "  own  purity?" 
 
 However,  the  love  of  sporting  is  not  confined  to  the  clergy  of  the 
 sister  kingdom.  The  English  spirituals  have  also  a  taste  for  rural 
 sports,  and  a  good  pack  of  fox-hounds  is  deemed  a  suitable  appendage 
 to  a  cure  of  souls,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  following  notice :  "To 
 be  sold,  the  next  presentation  to  a  vicarage,  in  one  of  the  midland  coun- 
 ties, and  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  one  or  two  oixh&Jirst  packs 
 of  fox-hounds  in  the  kingdom.  The  present  annual  income  about 
 £580,  subject  to  curate's  salary.  The  incumbent  in  his  60th  year." — 
 Morning  Herald,  April  15,  1830. 
 
 But  it  is  not  these  matters  which  engage  our  attention ;  we  should 
 care  little  about  the  sporting  propensities  of  the  parsons  if  they  would 
 leave  to  the  industrious  the  produce  of  their  labour.  So  far  as  manners 
 and  morals  are  concerned,  the  different  sects  of  religionists  may  be  left 
 to  watch  each  other  ;  and  that  they  will  do  with  the  most  lynx-eyed 
 attention.  Only  read  what  Mr.  Beverley  has  written  on  this  subject  in 
 his  "  Letter  to  the  Archbishop  of  York." 
 
 "  It  surely  is  not  very  edifying  to  behold  a  clergyman  following  the 
 hounds,  and  though  the  fox-pursuing  parsons  are  of  a  different  opinion, 
 and  defend  the  practice  with  orthodox  arguments,  yet  they  cannot  per- 
 suade the  people  to  agree  with  them  ;  in  vain  do  they  sing  a  song  con- 
 cerning '  manly  sport — no  harm,'  &c.  ;  for  their  parishioners  will  not 
 listen  to  such  trash,  but  indignant  at  the  indecencies  of  their  rectors. 
 
160  CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 turn  away  in  disgust  to  find  better  examples  among'st  the  methodists  and 
 independents. 
 
 "  But  indecent  and  unpopular  as  is  the  spectacle  of  a  fox-hunting\ 
 parson,  perhaps  one's  bile  is  not  a  little  agitated  in  these  exhibitions, 
 by  that  sort  of  vestiary  hypocrisy  with  which  they  choose  to  decorate 
 the  scandal :  for  it  seems  to  be  a  received  dogma  of  ecclesiastical  de- 
 corum, that  a  parson  is  not  to  hunt  in  a  red  coat ;  provided  only  the 
 scarlet  does  not  appear,  the  reverend  successor  of  the  Apostles  may 
 leap  over  bodge  and  ditch  without  the  slightest  impropriety  :  g'ive  these 
 successors  of  the  Apostles  a  black  or  dark  grey  jacket,  a  pair  of  Avhite 
 corderoy  breeches,  and  handsome  top-boots,  and  then  you  save  the  cha- 
 racter of  the  church  ;  but  if  a  young  priest  were  to  give  the  view-holloa 
 in  a  red  coat,  all  men  Avould  be  shocked,  and  I  suspect  that  ere  long  a 
 grand  and  verbose  epistle  would  come  to  him  from  Bishoptborpe. 
 
 "  The  same  farce  in  clothing  is  kept  up  throughout ;  at  balls  the  suc- 
 cessors of  the  Apostles  must  appear  clad  in  black,  or  any  of  the  shades  of 
 black.  Thanks,  however,  to  the  ingenuity  of  tailors  and  haberdashers, 
 such  exquisite  tints  have  of  late  years  been  discovered  in  silk  stocking's 
 and  silk  waistcoats,  such  delicious  varieties  of  light  black,  raven  black, 
 French  black,  and  French  whites — the  black  has  been  softened  into 
 winning  lavender-tints,  and  the  white  has  been  so  dexterously  made  to 
 blush  a  morning-  blush,  that  it  requires  very  great  ingenuity  to  discover 
 a  layman  from  a  priest  in  a  brilliant  ball-room.  These,  however,  Avho 
 are  more  apostolical,  take  the  bull  by  the  horns,  and  venture  to  place 
 black-tinted  buttons  on  the  breasts  of  their  shirts,  a  mark  of  the 
 priestly  office  not  easily  to  be  mistaken  !  Of  such  a  toilet  there  is  great 
 hope,  and  it  would  be  a  shame  indeed  if  the  black -button-bearing  priests 
 did  not  become  rich  pluralists  at  last." 
 
 Mr.  Beverley  of  Beverley  is  such  a  nice  connoisseur  in  drapery, 
 that  we  suspect  him  of  being  a  bit  of  an  exquisite  himself:  he  is  evi- 
 dently an  intense  evangelical,  and,  for  aught  we  know,  may  be  a 
 believer  in  Mr.  Irving's  new  revelation  of  a  "  gift  of  tongues." 
 
 No7i-resid€nce  of  the  Irish  Clergy. 
 
 It  is  a  curious  fact  that,  during  the  sway  of  the  Catholic  Church,  no 
 man  was  permitted  to  hold  a  benefice  who  did  not  perform  the  duties  of  it 
 upon  the  spot,  and  it  was  left  for  the  Reformation,  which  is  said  to  have 
 established  religion  in  greater  perfection,  to  entitle  a  man  to  a  large 
 income  for  the  cure  of  souls  in  a  district  which  he  never  visited.  A  great 
 proportion  of  the  Irish  Bishops,  Dignitaries,  and  Incumbents,  are  absen- 
 tees ;  many  of  them  whiling  away  their  time  on  the  Continent,  and 
 others  dissipating  their  large  revenues  in  the  fashionable  circles  of 
 Brighton  and  London.  With  the  single  exception  of  the  Bishop  of 
 Kildare  all  the  archbishops  and  bishops  have  each,  within  their  respec- 
 tive dioceses,  an  episcopal  residence,  or  see-house,  with  parks,  chases. 
 
PRETEXTS    FOR    NON-RESIDENCE.  161 
 
 and  demesne-lands  attached.  Yet  they  spend  little  or  none  of  their 
 time  in  Ireland  in  superintending  the  clergy.  The  families  of  some 
 prelates  reside  constantly  in  England,  and  the  only  duty  performed  by 
 the  bishop  is  to  cross  the  Avater  in  the  summer  months,  take  a  peep  at 
 the  ^'■palace,"  and  then  return  to  give  grand  dinners,  and  mingle  in 
 the  gaieties  of  the  metropolis,  for  the  remainder  of  the  year.  The  late 
 Earl  of  Bristol,  Bishop  of  Derry,  resided  twenty  years  abroad,  and 
 during  that  time  received  the  revenues  of  his  rich  diocese,  amounting  to 
 £240,000.  This  Right  Rev.  Prelate  was  the  intimate  associate  of  Lady 
 Hamilton,  the  kept-mistress  of  Lord  Nelson.  The  bishop  lived  in  Italy, 
 spending  his  princely  income,  wrung  from  the  soil  and  labour  of  Ireland, 
 among  the  fiddlers  and  prostitutes  of  that  debauched  country.  The 
 great  primate  Rokeby  resided  at  Bath,  and  never  visited  Ireland,  The 
 parochial  clergy  are  not  more  exemplaiy.  Upwards  of  one-third  of 
 the  whole  number  of  incumbents  do  not  reside  on  their  benefices.  Some 
 of  them,  with  incomes  of  £.5,000  or  £10,000  a-year,  are  living  in 
 France,  with  their  wives  and  families.  Others  live  at  Bath,  on  account 
 of  the  gout.  Most  of  them  never  see  their  parishes,  deriving  their 
 incomes  through  the  medium  of  agents,  or  of  tithe-farmers,  and  engaging 
 a  curate  at  some  £30  or  £50  a-year  to  attend  once  on  each  Sunday  to 
 read  prayers  ;  often,  perhaps,  only  to  the  parish  clerk. 
 
 According  to  the  Diocesan  Returns,  in  1819,  the  following  was  the 
 state  of  the  provinces,  as  regards  parochial  residence  and  duty  ;  — 
 
 The  province  of  Ulster,  containing  443  parishes  or  unions,  had  351 
 incumbents  resident,  or  7iear  enough  to  do  duty. 
 
 The  province  of  Leinster,  281  parishes  or  unions,  with  189  incum- 
 bents resident,  or  near  enough  to  do  duty. 
 
 The  province  of  Munster,  419  parishes  or  unions,  with  281  incum- 
 bents resident,  or  near  enough  to  do  duty. 
 
 The  province  of  Connaught,  95  parishes  or  unions,  with  65  incumbents 
 resident,  or  near  enough  to  do  duty. 
 
 Thus,  in  354  parishes  or  unions,  there  was  neither  an  incumbent 
 resident,  nor  near  enough  to  do  the  duty  of  his  benefice.  These  returns 
 make  the  number  of  incumbents,  resident  and  non-resident,  amount  to 
 1240.  It  is  unnecessary  to  explain,  after  what  has  been  already  stated, 
 that  there  are  not  actually  so  many  individuals.  The  deception  results 
 from  pluralities.  Every  benefice  with  cure  has  an  incumbent;  but,  as 
 each  incumbent  often  holds  two  or  more  benefices,  or  is  rector  and  vicar 
 of  the  same  parish,  it  reduces  the  number  of  individuals  to  the  amount 
 previously  stated,  namely  seven  hundred. 
 
 One  great  excuse  for  the  neglect  of  duty  by  the  protestant  clergy  is 
 that  they  have  scarcely  any  duty  to  perform.  Notwithstanding  all  the 
 inducements  offered  by  the  established  religion,  notwithstanding  its 
 monopoly  of  tithes,  honours,  power,  and  emoluments,  it  has  scarcely 
 any  followers.  A  protestant  is  as  rare  to  be  met  with  in  Ireland,  as  a 
 Jew  in  England.  Out  of  a  population  of  eight  millions,  there  are  little 
 more  than  half  a  million  communicants  of  the  state  religion.  The  con- 
 sequence is,   that    the  church   establishment   is   little  better  than  an 
 
 M 
 
162  CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 enormous  sinecure,  a  'prodigious  job,  carried  on  for  the  benefit  of  a  few 
 hundred  individuals,  to  the  impoverishment,  disunion,  and  degradation  of 
 all  the  rest  of  the  nation.  The  Irish  Church  has  been  aptly  compared  to 
 some  Irish  regiment,  in  which  there  was  the  whole  train  of  officers,  from 
 the  colonel  downwards,  but  only  one  private.  Just  so  with  the  eccle- 
 siastical establishment ;  there  is  the  whole  apparatus  of  bishops,  deans, 
 archdeacons,  prebendaries,  canons,  rectors,  and  vicars ;  there  are  all 
 these  still,  and,  what  is  better,  there  are  all  the  tithes,  houses,  gardens, 
 glebe  lands,  cathedrals,  and  palaces  :  all  these  remain  ;  but  the  people — 
 those  for  Avhose  benefit  they  were  originally  intended,  they  have  adhered 
 unflinchingly  to  their  old  communion.  Why  then  should  not  the  reve- 
 nues and  church  lands  follow  them — the  ov.'ners,  for  whose  benefit 
 they  were  first  granted  ?  Why  keep  up  twenty-two  bishops  where 
 there  are  scarcely  any  parsons  ?  or  why  maintain  these  parsons,  with 
 large  endowments,  when  they  have  lost  their  flocks  ?  There  are  scores, 
 aye,  hundreds  of  well  paid  rectors  and  vicars,  without  a  single  protes- 
 tant  hearer ;  there  are  thirteen  hundred  and  fifty  parishes,  without 
 even  a  church  to  preach  in ;  yet  in  all  these  parishes  the  tithes  are  levied 
 or  compounded  for  to  the  utmost  farthing. 
 
 The  anomalous  state  of  the  Irish  Church  has  not  escaped  the  notice 
 of  foreigners ;  and  in  the  pleasant  and  instructive  '  Tour  of  a  German 
 Prince,'  there  are  some  curious  details.  "  I  took,"  says  the  writer, 
 "  advantage  of  the  acquaintance  I  made  to  day  to  gain  more  information 
 of  the  actual  proportion  between  Catholics  and  Protestants.  I  found  all  I 
 had  heard  fully  confirmed,  and  have  gained  some  further  details  ;  among 
 others,  the  official  list  of  a  part  of  the  present  parishes  and  livings  in 
 the  diocese  of  Cashell,  which  is  too  remarkable  not  to  send  it  to  you, 
 though  the  matter  is  somewhat  dry,  and  seems  almost  too  pedantic  for 
 our  correspondence. 
 
 Catholics.  Protestants. 
 
 Thurles has 12,000 250 
 
 Cashel 11,000 700 
 
 Clonhoug-hty 5,142 82 
 
 Coppowhyte 2,800 76 
 
 Killenoule 7,040 514 
 
 Boherlahan      5,000 25 
 
 Feathard    7,600 400 
 
 Kilcummin    2,400 
 
 Meckarty 7,000 80 
 
 Golden 4,000 120 
 
 Anacarty    4,000 12 
 
 Donniskeath ^,700 90 
 
 New  Erin 4,500 30 
 
 In  thirteen  districts  78,182  Catholics  and  2879  Protestants. 
 
 "  Each  of  these  districts  has  only  one  Catholic  priest,  but  often 
 fiour  or  five  Protestant  clergymen ;  so  that  on  an  average,  there  are 
 scarcely  twenty  persons  to  each  Protestant  congregation.     Kilcummin 
 
INJUSTICE    OF    THE    IRISH     PARLIAMENT.  163 
 
 ■is  the  place  I  mentioned  to  you,  where  there  is  not  a  single  parishioner, 
 and  the  service,  v/hich  according  to  law  must  be  performed  once  a-year, 
 is  enacted  in  the  ruins  with  the  help  of  a  Catholic  clerk.  In  another, 
 called  Tollamane,  the  same  farce  takes  place.  But  not  a  whit  the 
 less  must  the  non-attending-  parishioners  pay  the  utmost  farthing  of 
 their  tithes  and  other  dues  ;  and  no  claims  are  so  bitterly  enforced  as 
 those  of  this  Christian  church  :  — there  is  no  pity,  at  least  none  for  Ca- 
 tholics. A  man  who  cannot  pay  the  rent  of  the  church  land  he  farms, 
 or  his  tithes  to  the  parson,  inevitably  sees  his  cow  and  his  pig  sold,  (fur- 
 niture, bed,  &c.  &c.  he  has  long  lost,)  and  himself,  his  wife,  and  probably 
 a  dozen  children  thrust  out  into  the  road,  where  he  is  left  to  the  mercy  of 
 that  Providence  who  feeds  the  fowls  of  the  air  and  clothes  the  lilies  of 
 the  field." — Toiir  in  England,  Ireland,  France,  v.  ii.  pp.  50-51. 
 
 Well  may  this  lively  tourist  exclaim,  "  What  an  excellent  con- 
 trivance is  a  state  religion  !" 
 
 Oppressiveness  of  the  Tithe  System. 
 
 Hardship  and  impoveiishment  result  not  less  from  the  amount  than 
 the  mode  in  which  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  are  levied  in  Ireland. 
 By  the  Tithe  Composition  Act,  an  attempt  was  made,  without  at  all 
 lessening  the  amount  of  the  burthen,  to  avert  the  occurrence  of  those 
 disg-raceful  scenes,  which  so  frequently  accompanied  the  collection  of 
 the  tithe-tax.  Under  the  authority  of  this  statute,  it  has  been  seen, 
 many  parishes  have  compounded  with  the  incumbent  for  tithe ;  but  as 
 these  compositions  can  only  be  entered  into  for  a  limited  term,  and  as 
 the  rate  of  them  varies  with  the  fluctuations  in  the  value  and  quantity 
 of  produce,  the  whole  kingdom  may  be  still  considered  to  labour  under 
 the  curse  of  an  impost,  whose  pressure  increases  with  every  increase  of 
 capital  and  industry.  The  expedient  of  compounding  was  early  and 
 readily  adopted  in  the  disturbed  districts  of  Clare  and  Galway ;  and 
 throughout  the  extensive  districts  of  the  dioceses  of  Clonfert,  Kilmac- 
 duagh,  and  Killaloe,  composition  rent  has  continued  to  be  promptly  and 
 willingly  paid.  But  the  measure  has  not  been  equally  successful  in 
 other  parts.  In  the  county  of  Carlow,  King's  County,  Queen's  County, 
 Kilkenny,  and  part  of  Tipperary ;  in  fact,  through  the  finest  lands  of  the 
 kingdom,  composition  has  slowly  and  reluctantly  advanced. 
 
 One  circumstance  especially  deserving  notice  in  the  history  of  the 
 tenth  exaction,  is,  the  abolition  of  tithes  of  agistment,  which  leaves 
 tillage  lands  alone  liable  to  the  burthen.  This  selfish  and  partial 
 enactment  of  the  Irish  parliament  shows  clearly  enough  how  neces- 
 sary it  is  that  the  different  classes  of  society  should  be  represented 
 in  the  legislature ;  otherwise  they  are  sure  to  be  sacrificed,  without 
 regard  to  justice  or  humanity,  to  the  exclusive  advantage  of  the  ruling 
 power.  The  abolition  of  tithe  of  pasture  causes  the  revenues  of  the 
 clergy  to  be  principally  drawn  from  tithe  of  corn,  and  of  the  cattle,  pigs, 
 poultry,  and  potatoes  of  the  cotter  tenantry.  While  tithes  of  ag-istment 
 were  paid,  the  burden,  in  part,  fell  upon  the  opulent  grazier, — the  landed 
 
 >i  2 
 
164  cnup.cn  OF  iref.and. 
 
 aristocracy  of  Ireland  ;  but  now  the  burden  presses  Avith  disproportionate 
 weig'ht  on  the  poorer  cultivators  of  the  soil.  Owing  to  the  increase  in 
 the  numbers,  skill,  and  industi*y  of  this  class,  the  quantity  of  agricul- 
 tural produce  has  been  augmented  a  hundred  fold,  and  in  the  same 
 proportion  has  augmented  the  revenue  of  the  church.  While  the  Irish 
 cultivator  has  been  adding  to  his  income  by  industry,  and  bv  the 
 abridgment  of  the  comforts  and  enjoyments  of  his  family,  he  has  been 
 constrained,  also,  to  add  proportionately  to  the  income  of  the  Protestant 
 priest,  Avhose  religion  he  does  not  profess,  and  whose  intolerant  dogmas 
 long  Avithheld  from  him  his  civil  immunities. 
 
 The  amount  abstracted  from  the  just  rewards  of  industry  is  not  the 
 entire  evil  of  the  tithe  oppression.  Another  class  of  evils  results  from 
 the  variety  of  ecclesiastical  rights,  and  consequent  variety  of  laws, 
 and  the  interminable  litigation  which  these  laws  incessantly  occasion. 
 The  perplexities  arising  from  this  source  are  infinite,  and  it  frequently 
 happens  the  same  ground  is  impoverished  by  the  successive  levies  of  the 
 archbishop,  bishop,  dean  and  chapter,  the  rector  and  vicar.  This  is  the 
 case  in  most  parts  of  the  diocese  of  Clonfert,  and  to  show  the  fleecing 
 and  harassing  nature  of  the  syslem  we  cannot  do  better  than  insert  an 
 extract  from  the  letter  of  a  clergyman  and  magistrate  of  Ireland,  ad- 
 dressed to  Mr.  Secretary  Stanley,  and  read  by  Lord  Melbourne  on  the 
 motion  for  the  appointment  of  the  Tithe  Committee. 
 
 "  The  broken  and  irregular  character  of  tithes,  in  the  rust  of  its  great  anti- 
 quity, renders  the  variety  and  number  of  claims  on  the  land  both  harassing  and 
 vexatious  ;  the  frequency  of  calls,  and  the  uncertainty  of  receivers,  are  so  varied 
 and  perplexing  as  to  occasion  much  annoyance  to  the  poor.  There  are  a  vast 
 number  of  instances  in  my  own  parish,  where  one  poor  man,  whose  whole  tithes 
 annually  do  not  amount  to  more  than  Is.  8d.  per  acre  and  yet  subject  him  to  have 
 his  cow,  sheep,  pig,  or  horse,  taken  and  driven  to  pound  six  times  in  the  year  for 
 tithes,  and  liable,  on  each  and  every  driving,  to  a  charge  of  2s.  6d.  driver's  fees, 
 besides  expense  of  impounding,  and  waste  of  time  from  his  labour  in  seeking  the 
 person  duly  authorised  to  give  him  a  receipt.  He  is  liable  to  be  summoned, 
 moreover,  and  decreed  for  vestry  cess,  once  in  the  year,  making  annually  seven 
 calls,  on  account  of  the  Church,  to  his  little  plot  of  ground;  besides,  his  little 
 holding  is  liable  to  two  calls  in  the  year  for  Grand  Jury  public  money,  and  fre- 
 quently two  calls  more  for  Crown  and  quit  rent.  Thus  eleven  calls  are  made 
 upon  his  small  holding  in  the  year,  besides  his  landlord's  rent,  and  for  sums 
 trifling  in  themselves,  but  perplexing  and  ruinous  in  the  costs  which  attend  them. 
 Surely  such  are  hardships  that  ought  to  be  removed. 
 
 "  Throughout  the  diocese  of  Clonfert  and  Kilmacduagh,  in  which  this  parish 
 is  situated,  the  Bishop  takes  one-fourth  of  every  titheable  acre  of  land.  The 
 county  is  very  much  broken  up  amongst  cotter  tenantry,  holding  small  plots  of 
 an  acre  each,  with  a  cabin  or  cottage  upon  it.  The  whole  diocese  is  compounded 
 for  at  an  average  rate  of  about  one  shilling  per  acre." — House  of  Lords,  Dec.  15, 
 1831. 
 
 In  England,  where,  in  many  parts,  a  man  cannot  cut  a  cabbage,  pull 
 a  carrot,  or  gather  a  bunch   of  grapes,  without  giving  notice  to  the 
 
WORKINGS    OF    THE    TITHE    SYS^C.^r.  165 
 
 parson,  the  system  is  sufficiently  intolerable;*  but  in  Ireland,  from  the 
 mode  of  collecting  tithes,  those  evils  are  ag-g-ravated  tenfold.  The  Irish 
 clergy  generally  employ  an  agent,  called  a  proctor,  who,  immediately 
 before  harvest,  estimates  the  barrels  of  corn,  tons  of  hay,  or  hundred 
 weight  of  potatoes,  he  supposes  are  on  the  ground,  and,  charging  the 
 market  price,  ascertains  the  amount  to  be  paid  by  the  owner.  This 
 notable  ag-ent  generally  holds  his  session  on  Sunday,  at  a  pot-house, 
 where  he  meets  the  farmers.  As  the  terms  are  seldom  agreed  upon  at 
 the  first  meeting,  others  follow,  and  the  reckonings,  on  these  occasions, 
 are  always  paid  by  the  farmers,  which  add  not  a  little  to  their  charges. 
 The  parson  sometimes  leases  the  tithes  out  to  the  proctor,  at  a  fixed 
 rent,  like  a  farm;  while  the  latter,  who,  in  that  case,  is  called  the 
 middle  proctor,  not  unfrequently  relets  them  to  another.  In  the  south, 
 the  tithe  is  set  out  and  sold  by  public  auction  on  the  premises.  And, 
 in  Connaught,  it  is  customary  to  call  a  sale  before  the  harvest,  at  which 
 the  tithe  is  sold  to  any  person  who  chooses  to  collect  it. 
 
 Under  such  a  system,  it  is  easy  to  conceive  what  the  Irish  must 
 endure.  Nothing  escapes  the  vigilance  of  the  spiritual  locust,  or  his 
 agent.  No  bog,  however  deep  —no  mountain,  however  high — nor  heath, 
 nor  rock,  whatever  industry  may  have  reclaimed,  or  capital  fertilized — 
 all  is  liable  to  the  full  penalty  of  having  been  made  available  to  the  uses 
 of  man.  From  the  proctors  and  middle  proctors,  neither  lenity  nor 
 indulgence  can  be  expected.  These  men,  to  Avhom  the  odious  office  of 
 reaping  the  fruits  of  the  industry  of  others  has  been  delegated,  are, 
 probably,  strangers  in  the  parish,  without  motive  for  cultivating  the 
 friendship  of  the  people,  and  having  farmed  the  tithe  for  a  stipulated 
 sum,  it  is  to  be  expected  they  will  collect  it  w^ith  the  utmost  rigour,  in 
 order  to  realize  the  greatest  profit  from  their  bargain.  The  most  dis- 
 tressing scenes  are  sometimes  witnessed  from  their  relentless  proceed- 
 ings, and  the  tithes  not  unfrequently  collected  with  the  aid  of  a  consta- 
 bulary or  military  force.  The  half- famished  cotter,  surrounded  by  a 
 wretched  family,  clamorous  for  food,  frequently  beholds  the  tenth  part 
 of  the  produce  of  his  potatoe  garden,  carried  off  to  fill  the  insatiable 
 maw  of  clerical  rapacity.  "  I  have  seen,"  says  Mr.  Wakefield,  "  the 
 cow,  the  favourite  cow,  driven  away,  accompanied  by  the  sighs,  the 
 tears,  and  the  imprecations  of  a  whole  family,  who  were  paddling  after, 
 through  wet  and  dirt,  to  take  their  last  affectionate  farew^ell  of  this  their 
 only  benefactor  at  the  pound  gate.  I  have  heard,  with  emotions  which 
 I  can  scarcely  describe,  deep  curses  repeated  from  village  to  village,  as 
 
 •  Lord  Mouutcashel,  in  his  speech  on  Church  Reform,  May  4,  1830,  relates 
 a  curious  anectlole,  illustrative  of  the  luscious  keenness  of  the  English  clergy 
 after  tithes.  His  lordship  had  been  recently  in  company  with  a  clergyman, 
 while  looking  after  his  tenths:  and  when  the  man  in  orders  met  a  goose  with 
 its  goslings,  he  stopped  to  count  the  progeny,  and  would  cry,  "  Ah  !  there's  one 
 for  mc."  Or,  if  he  overtook  a  sow  with  her  litter,  he  summed  them  up,  with  the 
 observation,  "  Ak  J  thevt  are  twi  for  iiii  /'  The  noble  lords  were  highly  diverted 
 with  this  example  of  ecclesiastical  cupidity  :  they  laughed  heartily,  and  our 
 readers  may  laugh  too — if  they  like. 
 
166  CHURCH    OF    lUlU.AXD, 
 
 the  cavalcade  proceeded.  I  have  vi'itnessed  the  group  pass  the  domain 
 walls  of  the  opulent  grazier,  whose  numerous  herds  were  cropping  the 
 most  luxuriant  pastures,  whilst  he  was  secure  from  any  demand  for  the 
 titheof  their  food,  looking  on  with  the  utmost  indifterence." — Statistical 
 Accoimt  of  Ireland,  vol.  ii.  p.  466. 
 
 To  spare  the  rich  and  plunder  the  poor  is  certainly  not  Christianity ; 
 it  is  more  like  Church  of  Englandism,  which,  by  the  union  of  church 
 and  state,  has  perverted  the  pure  and  charitable  faith  of  Christ  into  a 
 tremendous  engine  of  political  guilt  and  spiritual  extortion.  There  is, 
 we  are  assur.ed,  plenty  of  law  in  Ireland,  as  well  as  in  this  country,  to 
 punish  injustice  :  there  is  no  wrong,  we  are  told,  without  a  remedy  ; 
 the  courts  of  justice  are  open,  as  the  hypocrites  say  in  England,  for 
 the  punishment  of  either  magisterial  or  clerical  delinquents.  All  this 
 sounds  wells  on  paper,  or  in  the  bloated  harangues  of  an  attorney- 
 general  ;  but  it  is  mere  mockery  and  insult  when  offered  to  the  victims 
 of  oppression.  Law,  in  both  countries,  is  for  those  who  can  pay  for  it 
 —  the  rich,  not  the  poor.  The  poor  cotter,  oppressed  or  defrauded  by 
 the  exaction  of  the  tithe-proctor,  to  the  value  of  £10,  cannot  buy  a 
 chance  of  redress  in  the  lottery  of  the  law  for  less  than  £60.  By 
 victory  or  defeat  he  is  equally  and  irremediably  ruined.  What  resource, 
 then,  have  men  whose  possessions  probably  do  not  amount  to  half  that 
 sum  ?  None.  The  way  to  courts  of  justice,  through  the  impassable 
 barrier  of  attorneys'  and  lawyers'  fees,  is  ot)er  a  bridge  of  gold ;  and 
 to  point  out  these  tribunals  for  redress,  either  to  English  or  Irish  poor, 
 or  even  to  those  moderately  endowed  with  wealth,  is,  in  other  words, 
 to  point  out  to  a  man  the  shortest  way  by  which  he  may  bring  himself 
 to  the  jail  and  his  family  to  the  workhouse. 
 
 Proportion  of  Catholics  and  Protestants  in  Ireland. 
 
 It  has  latterly  become  as  essential  a  part  of  the  system  to  conceal  the 
 number  of  followers  of  the  Irish  Protestant  church,  as  the  amount  of 
 its  revenues.  When  the  last  census  was  taken,  it  had  been  easy  to 
 ascertain  the  respective  proportions  of  Catholics,  Episcopalians,  Pres- 
 byterians, and  other  Dissenters ;  but  government,  for  obvious  reasons, 
 declined  making  such  classification.  The  Avitnesses  examined  by  parlia- 
 mentary committees  in  1825,  evinced  much  diversity  of  opinion. 
 Mr.  O'Connell  thought  the  Protestants  of  all  sects  did  not  exceed  a 
 million.*  Mr.  Leslie  Foster  supposed  them  to  amount  to  1,270,000. 
 Mr.  Mason,  who  had  spent  much  time  in  enquiries  of  this  nature,  cal- 
 culated the  proportion  of  Catholics  to  Protestants  as  3J^  to  1,  which 
 estimate  he  founded  on  returns  from  300  parishes,  or  about  one-eighth 
 of  the  whole  number. f  Another  account,  which  professes  to  be  founded 
 on  the  best  information,  gives  the  following  estimate : — The  census 
 made  the  population  amount  to  6,800,000 ;   if  divided  into  fourteenths, 
 
 *  I'arliamentaiy  Papers,  vol.  ix.  p. 83,  Session,  1825. 
 t  Ibkl.  p.  308. 
 
PROPORTION    OF    CATHOLICS    AND    PROTESTANTS.       167 
 
 it  was  estimated  one-fourteenth  belonged  to  the  established  church,  or 
 490,000  souls ;  Presbyterians,  and  other  Dissenters,  formed  another 
 fourteenth;  so  that  there  remained  5,820,000  Catholics.  The  popula- 
 tion has  since  increased  to  at  least  eight  millions ;  and,  supposing-  the 
 proportion  continues  the  same,  there  are  noAv  571,428  Episcopalians, 
 an  equal  number  of  Dissenting  Protestants,  and  6,857,143  Cathohcs. 
 
 If  to  the  Catholics  and  Dissenting  Protestants  of  Ireland  we  add  the 
 vast  body  of  Separatists  in  England,  we  shall  find  that  together  they 
 form  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  population  of  the  two  kingdoms ; 
 and  that,  therefore,  the  existing*  Protestant  establishment,  having  only  a 
 minority  of  the  people  attached  to  its  communion,  is  not,  according  to 
 the  maxim  of  Paley,  entitled  to  the  support  and  protection  of  govern- 
 ment. One  writer  makes  the  excess  of  non-conformists  over  the  con- 
 formists, in  both  countries,  to  amount  to  four  millions;  but  as  there  is 
 no  certain  data  whereby  this  question  can  be  accurately  decided,  we 
 decline  oft'ering  an  opinion  on  the  precise  numerical  superiority. 
 
 How,  in  Ireland,  the  followers  of  the  established  church  have  come 
 to  bear  so  small  a  proportion,  and  of  the  church  of  Rome  so  large  a  one, 
 can  only  be  accounted  for  by  the  observation  of  a  celebrated  writer,  that 
 you  may  persecute  a  doctrine  up  to  any  number  of  adherents  ;  and  the 
 converse — pamper  it  down  to  any  number.  The  selfish  and  intolerant 
 spirit  which  so  long  swayed  the  destinies  of  the  sister  kingdom,  by 
 drawing  a  broad  line  of  distinction  betwixt  the  dominant  and  proscribed 
 faith,  rendered  defection  from  the  latter  next  to  impossible.  A  sense  of 
 common  injustice  cemented  more  strongly  the  bonds  of  union  among  the 
 Catholics,  and  gave  to  their  civil  disabilities  the  semblance  of  a  martyr- 
 dom, which  no  one,  by  apostacy,  could  escape,  without  suspicion  of  being 
 influenced  by  sordid  considerations.  Hence,  a  close  and  indignant 
 sentiment  was  fostered,  sufficient  not  only  to  withstand  the  claims  of  the 
 reformed  worship,  but  the  influence  of  property,  and  the  coercive  power 
 of  authority.  Fidelity  to  the  religion  of  their  fathers  was  identified 
 with  fidelity  to  their  countrymen  ;  and  no  one  could  secede,  without 
 being  exposed  to  the  double  opprobrium  of  national  treacheiy  and  selfish 
 hypocrisy.  It  follows,  that  the  sectarian  missionaries,  spread  through 
 Ireland,  have  had  little  success  among  the  Catholics,  and  the  proselytes 
 they  have  made  have  been  chiefly  picked  up  in  the  less  guarded  folds  of 
 the  established  pastors. 
 
 The  Catholic  religion,  hoAvever,  has  not  only  kept  its  relative  position, 
 but  has  actually  gained  ground ;  for,  during  the  last  half  century,  the 
 proportion  of  Protestants  has  declined.  In  1766,  the  Protestants  formed 
 nearly  one- half  the  population  ;  in  1822,  they  formed  on\y  one-seventh  ; 
 while  the  Catholics  had  more  than  quadrupled  from  1766  to  1822,  the 
 Protestants  had  scarcely  doubled.  This  striking  fact  Vv'ill  be  more  evident 
 from  the  following  statement,  drawn  up  partly  from  parliamentary 
 returns,  and  partly  from  the  estimate  of  Dr.  Beaufort,  and  other  well- 
 informed  individuals. 
 
168                                          CHURCH    or  11{F,I,AM). 
 
 Year  1766.  Year  1792.  Year  IS22. 
 
 Protestants 544,865  522,023  980,000 
 
 Catholics    1,326,960  3,261,303  5,820,000 
 
 Total 1,871,725  3,783,326  6,800,000 
 
 The  increase  of  Protestants  from  1792  to  1822  is  chiefly  ascribed 
 to  the  exertions  of  the  Methodists.  It  affords  a  striking  illustration  of 
 the  efficacy  of  tithes,  and  large  ecclesiastical  endowments,  in  promoting 
 religion ;  for  it  is  clear,  from  the  above,  that  the  state  worship  has 
 declined,  in  spite  of  its  enormous  emoluments.  Those  who  are  zealous 
 for  the  promotion  of  religion,  ought  not  to  defend  either  the  Irish 
 or  English  establishment ;  for,  under  both  branches  of  the  united 
 church,  the  number  of  their  members  has  relatively  decreased.  Pure 
 Christianity,  indeed,  can  never  flourish  under  the  auspices  of  wealth  and 
 power;  its  precepts  and  origin  are  in  perfect  contrast  to  the  titles, 
 pomps,  and  vanities  of  the  world.  It  has  no  connexion  with  bishops, 
 nor  courts,  nor  palaces  ;  it  was  cradled  in  indigence ;  it  flourished  from 
 persecution,  it  denounced  the  cant  of  hypocrites,  and  never  allied  itself 
 with  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees  of  authority.  They  may,  indeed, 
 baptize  state  religions  under  the  name  of  Christianity,  but  it  has  little 
 to  do  with  them  ;  they  are  only  heathen  institutions,  and  their  followers 
 more  the  disciples  of  Mahomet  than  of  Jesus  Christ. 
 
 Little  more  than  one-fourteenth  of  the  population  of  Ii'eland  belongs  io 
 the  state  religion,  yet  the  teachers  of  this  fraction  of  the  community  claim 
 one-tenth  of  the  produce  that  feeds  the  whole  eight  millions  !  Surely 
 if  church  property  was  intended  for  the  maintenance  of  religion,  it  was 
 intended  for  the  religion  of  the  people,  not  for  an  insignificant 
 minority  of  them. 
 
 But  the  misappropriation  of  ecclesiastical  wealth  is  far  from  being 
 the  extent  of  the  injustice  sustained  by  the  Irish  and  their  real  pastors. 
 The  important  statute  of  the  Session  of  1829  was,  no  doubt,  a  great 
 boon  to  the  aristocracy  and  gentry,  by  qualifying  them  for  seats  in  parlia- 
 ment and  civil  offices ;  still,  as  various  penal  statutes  in  force  against  the 
 priesthood  were  left  unrepealed  by  the  Catholic  Relief  Act,  they  con- 
 tinue to  sustain  great  har(\ship  and  opprobrium.  Some  of  the  penal 
 acts  remaining  in  force  are  very  unjust  and  even  cruel  in  their  provi- 
 sions :  for  instance,  if  a  Catholic  priest  from  inadvertency  or  misinfor- 
 mation marry  two  Protestants,  or,  a  Protestant  and  Catholic,  he  is 
 liable  to  a  penalty  of  £500,  or,  according  tq;.a  decision  of  an  Orange 
 Chief  Justice,  he  is  liable  to  suffer  beath.  The  clergy  are  not  allowed 
 to  officiate  in  any  place  with  steeple  or  bells ;  they  are  prohibited  from 
 appearing  abroad  in  the  costume  of  their  order ;  they  cannot  be  guar- 
 dians, nor  receive  the  personal  endowment  of  any  Catholic  chapel, 
 school-house,  or  other  pious  or  charitable  foundation.  If  thoy  do  not 
 disclose  the  secrets  of  auricular  confession,  which  their  religious  tenets 
 prohibit  them  from  disclosing,  they  are  liable  to  imprisonment ;  if  a  Jesuit 
 
DISSENTERS    PAID    BY    THE    STATE.  169 
 
 enter  the  kingdom  he  may  be  banished  for  life,  and  any  person  enterino- 
 such  religious  order  is  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor.  *  No  Catholic  in  Ire- 
 land is  allowed  for  his  defence  to  have  arms  in  his  house,  unless  he 
 have  a  freehold  of  £10  a-year  or  £300  personal  property.  In  Cork 
 Drogheda,  and  other  cities  and  towns  they  continue  to  be  ineligible  to  be 
 members  of  the  municipal  corporations  of  those  places.  And,  though  a 
 Catholic  is  liable  to  parish  cess,  he  is  disabled  from  voting  at  vestries 
 on  questions  relating  to  repairs  of  churches.  Lastly,  no  Catholic  of  the 
 United  Kingdom  is  eligible  to  the  offices  of  Lord  Chancellor,  Keeper 
 or  Commissioner  of  the  Great  Seal,  Lord-lieutenant,  Deputy  or  Gover- 
 nor of  Ireland,  or  High  Commissioner  in  Scotland  ;  nor  to  any  office  in 
 the  ecclesiastical  courts;  in  the  universities;  the  colleges  of  Eton,  West- 
 minster, and  Winchester. 
 
 The  Catholic  clergy  are  in  number  between  2000  and  3000,  con- 
 stantly residing  among  their  flocks  and  ministering  to  their  spiritual 
 comforts.  From  the  absence  of  any  permanent  provision  for  mainte- 
 nance, and  the  general  poverty  of  their  followers,  they  live  in  indio-ence 
 and  hardship.  Their  chief  dependence  is  on  fees  for  burials,  marriao-es 
 and  christenings,  gifts  on  confessions,  and  bequests  for  the  celebration 
 of  masses  for  the  repose  of  the  dead.  Hence  they  have  seldom  the 
 means  of  comfortable  subsistence,  are  often  without  a  decent  place  for 
 religious  worship,  are  overpowered  by  calls  for  religious  exertion,  live 
 in  misery,  and  die  at  last  without  ever  tasting  those  emoluments  which 
 formerly  belonged  to  their  church,  and  are  now  showered  on  the  Joce- 
 lyns,  Warburtons,  Plunkets,  Beresfords,  Magees,  Trenches  and 
 Knoxes,  of  the  Establishment. 
 
 Although  Dissenters  are  equally  with  Catholics  separatists  from  the 
 establishment,  they  have  been  much  more  favourably  treated  by  oo- 
 vernment  and  the  legislature.  The  ministers  of  the  Presbyterians,  the 
 Seceders,  and  Protestant  Dissenters,  are  in  fact  so  many  pastors  paid  by 
 the  State  receiving  annually  large  sums  for  their  maintenance  from  the 
 Irish  civil  list  and  from  grants  by  parliament.  The  Regium  Donum  was 
 granted  by  William  III.  in  the  year  1690,  to  the  Presbyterians;  it  first 
 amounted  to  £1200,  and  was  augmented  by  George  III.  in  1784,  to 
 £2200  per  annum.  In  1792,  by  authority  of  the  King's  letter,  £5000 
 was  charged  on  the  civil  list  to  be  annually  paid  to  Protestant  Dissentino* 
 ministers,  and  £500  more  to  that  class  of  Dissenters  denominated 
 Seceders.  The  annual  grant  from  parliament  to  the  Dissenters  com- 
 menced in  the  session  of  1804.  It  first  amounted  to  £4,160,  and  ever 
 since  has  been  gradually  augmenting  :  in  1816,  it  amounted  to  £12,228, 
 in  1825,  to  £13,894,  and  in  1831,  the  sum  of  £14,860  was  voted.f 
 The  total  amount  of  the  annual  sums  which  have  been  paid  to  the  minis- 
 ters of  the  three  denominations  of  Dissenters  in  Ireland,  by  payments  out 
 of  the  civil  list,  and  by  g'rants  out  of  public  taxes,  is  £751,452  :  10  :  1-1. 
 
 So  it  is  plain  the    Irish   Dissenters  have   been  receiving  tribute  from 
 
 *  Catholic  Relief  Act,  10  Geo.  l\\  c.  7,  ss.  29—36. 
 t  Parliamentary  Report.   No.  337,  session  1831. 
 
170  CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 the  State,  if  not  in  tithes,  in  something  else.  How  they  reconcile  this 
 provision  with  their  doctrinal  profession  of  the  independence  of  their 
 pastors  of  all  secular  interference  and  support  we  cannot  affirm.  There 
 has  been  some  discussion  among  them,  we  know,  on  this  very  point,  and 
 we  shall  be  curious  to  learn  whether  profit  or  principle  will  triumph. 
 
 Manacjement  of  the  First  Fruits  Fund. 
 
 With  so  large  a  portion  of  the  national  wealth  placed  at  the  disposal 
 of  the  clerg}',  the  very  least  we  might  have  expected  the  Legislature  to 
 do  was  to  enforce  the  payment  of  all  the  taxes  to  which  by  laAv  the 
 Church  was  liable.  We  have  already  seen  by  what  artifice  the  Eng- 
 lish ecclesiastics  avoided  contributing  their  full  share  to  the  First  Fruits 
 Fund ;  we  shall  now  show  that  a  similar  but  more  flagrant  evasion  of 
 their  pecuniary  obligations  has  been  long  tolerated  on  the  part  of  the 
 Irish  clergy.  Having  already  explained  the  nature  of  the  annats 
 (page  65)  it  will  be  only  necessary  here  to  remark  that  a  similar  usage 
 formerly  prevailed  in  both  England  and  Ireland ;  with  this  difference, 
 that  the  Irish  clergy  paid  in  lieu  of  the  tenth,  only  a  twentieth  of  the 
 annual  value  of  each  benefice  to  the  Pope.  In  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII. 
 when  the  papal  rights  were  extinguished,  an  act  passed  for  annexing  to 
 the  crown  the  revenue  arising  from  first  fruits  and  tenths,  and  the 
 same  provision  was  made,  as  in  England,  for  ascertaining,  from  time  to 
 time,  their  real  annual  value.  This  arrangement  continued  till  the  year 
 1710  :  when  Queen  Anne,  acting  under  the  advice  of  her  Tory  ministers, 
 remitted  the  twentieths  to  the  clergy,  rich  and  poor,  without  distinction, 
 and  gave  the  first  fruits,  alone,  to  form  a  fund  for  building  churches, 
 purchasing  glebes  and  glebe-houses,  augmenting  poor  livings,  and 
 other  ecclesiastical  improvements.  The  management  of  the  fund  was 
 vested  in  trustees,  consisting  of  the  higher  dignitaries  of  the  church, 
 and  principal  law-officers  of  the  croAvn,  who  were  empowered  to  "  search 
 ottt  the  just  and  true  value"  of  the  benefices  of  which  they  were  to 
 levy  the  first  year's  income  from  each  incumbent  who  came  into  posses- 
 sion. The  valuation  under  which  the  first  fruits  were  levied  when  they 
 were  given  to  the  ti"ustees,  was  the  same  as  in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII. 
 and  Avas  not  only  very  low,  but  did  not  include  more  than  two-thirds 
 of  the  benefices  of  Ireland.  It  was  of  course  the  duty  of  the  Board  of 
 First  Fruits  to  promote  the  objects  of  the  fund,  to  have  remedied  the 
 inaccuracies,  and  supplied  the  omissions  in  the  original  valuation ;  but 
 this  has  never  been  done,  and  up  to  this  day  the  first  fruits  are  levied 
 according  to  the  defective  valuation  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation. 
 Owing  to  this  mode  of  procedure,  instead  of  the  produce  of  the  first 
 fruits  being  the  real  worth  of  every  vacant  benefice  and  dignity,  it  is 
 a  mere  nominal  sum  paid  by  the  clergj'.  The  bishop  of  Derry,  with  a 
 revenue  of  £12,000,  pays  only  £250  first  fruits ;  the  see  of  Clogher, 
 worth  £7000,  pays  only  £350  ;  and  the  see  of  Cloyne,  worth  £6000, 
 pays  only  £10:    10.     It  is  calculated  that,    at  a  fair  valuation  of  Irish 
 
ABUSES    OF    THE    FIRST    FRUITS    FUND.  171 
 
 benefices,  omitting-  those  under  £150  a-year,  the  first  fruits  would  pro- 
 duce £40,000  a-year:  whereas,  in  the  ten  years  ending  January,  1830, 
 they  produced  only  £5,142  :  15. ;  from  which  £740  was  to  be  deducted 
 for  salaries.*  During-  this  period  of  ten  years,  fifteen  bishoprics  and 
 four  archbishoprics  had  become  vacant,  and  the  successors  thereto  liable 
 to  the  payment  of  first  fruits. 
 
 Can  it  be  believed  that  the  Imperial  Parliament  would  sanction  such 
 an  evasion  of  their  duty  by' the  rich  clergy  of  Ireland?  Such,  however, 
 has  been  the  fact.  Sir  John  Newport,  every  session  for  the  last 
 twelve  years,  has  been  making  motions  to  establish  the  integrity  of  the 
 First  Fruits  Fund;  but  his  laudable  endeavours  have  seldom  met  with  the 
 support  of  more  than  thirtj/ ov  forty  hononrahle  members.  But  this 
 is  not  the  worst  trait  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Collective  Wisdom  of  the 
 Nation:  they  have  actually  voted  large  sums  out  of  the  pockets  of  the 
 people  for  the  very  objects  for  which  this  fund  was  appropriated.  In 
 the  twenty  years  ending-  in  1822,  the  grants  of  parliament  to  the  trus- 
 tees of  First  Fruits  in  Ireland,  towards  building-  new  churches,  glebe- 
 houses,  and  purchasing  glebes,  amounted  to  £686,000.  Thus  has 
 £34,300  a-year  been  levied  on  this  tax-paying  aristocratic  gulled 
 nation,  merely  to  save  the  richest  church  in  the  world  from  contributing 
 to  its  own  necessities.  How  much  more  has  been  levied  by  parochial 
 taxation  on  the  unfortunate  population  of  Ireland,  for  the  repair  of 
 churches  and  cathedrals,  we  have  not  the  means  of  estimating.  It  is 
 well  known  the  sums  raised  for  this  purpose  constitute  one  of  the 
 many  grievances  of  the  sister  kingdom,  the  hardship  of  which  is  aggra- 
 vated by  the  Catholics  being  excluded  from  voting  in  parish  vestries 
 when  the  church-cess  is  imposed.  Had  the  Commissioners  of  First 
 Fruits  done  what  the  law  not  only  authorized,  but  required  them  to  do, 
 there  would  have  been  no  need  of  church-rates,  nor  grants  from  parlia- 
 ment. Why  the  Commissioners  have  not  done  their  duty  and  made  a 
 fair  valuation  of  benefices  is  manifest  enough;  they  are  the  patrons, 
 holders,  or  expectants  of  large  preferments,  and  a  just  valuation  would 
 be  a  tax  upon  themselves  !  Ought,  however,  "  the  Guardians  of  the 
 Public  Purse"  to  have  sanctioned  this  selfish  breach  of  trust?  Ought 
 they,  whose  business  is  to  watch  over  the  interests  of  the  people, 
 yearly  to  have  voted  away  the  public  money,  for  objects  for  which 
 there  was  already  a  legal  and  adequate  provision?  No  innovation, 
 nothing  untried  was  to  be  attempted ;  the  only  measure  requisite  was 
 that  they  should  enforce  the  laiv  of  the  land,  for  which,  on  other  occa- 
 sions, they  profess  such  profound  veneration.  It  is  to  the  deficiencies  of 
 First  Fruits,  and  the  consequent  non- residence  of  the  clergy,  for  want 
 of  parsonage-houses  and  glebes,  that  the  decay  of  Protestantism  has 
 been  ascribed  by  their  servile  defenders:  hence  a  regard  to  the  interests 
 of  our  "  holy  religion"  one  would  have  thought  a  sufficient  motive  for 
 our  virtuous  representatives  to  interfere. 
 
 *  Voles  and  Proceedings  of  the  House  of  Commons,  May  18,  1830. 
 
172  CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 The  most  curious  incident  regarding  the  annats  is  the  result  of  the 
 endeavours  of"  Mr.  Shaw  Mason,  the  Remembrancer  of  First  Fruits  in 
 Ireland,  to  obtain  a  more  authentic  valuation.  When  the  subject  began 
 to  excite  attention,  this  gentleman,  the  woids  of  whose  patent  empower- 
 ed him  "  to  collect,  levy,  receive,  and  examine  the  just  and  true  value 
 of  first  fruits,"  preferred  a  memorial  to  the  Board,  setting  forth  his 
 authority  and  expressing  his  willingness  to  exercise  it  as  his  duty 
 required.  The  announcement  caused  not  a  little  alarm,  the  four  arch- 
 bishops at  the  time  not  having  paid  in  their  arrears.  A  report  was  made 
 to  the  local  government,  Avho,  after  referring  the  matter  to  the  attorney 
 and  solicitor  generals  for  their  opinions,  intimated  to  Mr  Mason  if  he 
 persevered  in  his  design  of  enforcing  the  payment  of  First  Fruits  at 
 their  real  value,  they  would  deprive  him  of  his  patent  office,  which 
 he  held  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Crown.*  The  subject  has  been  sub- 
 sequently revived  by  the  marquis  of  Anglesey,  but  with  no  better 
 success;  Messrs.  Blackburn  and  Crampton,  the  attorney  and  solicitor 
 generals  of  Ireland,  having  delivered  an  opinion  in  accordance  with  that 
 previously  given  by  lord  Plunket — namely,  "  that  the  crown  is  not  now 
 entitled  to  re-value  any  benefice  of  which  a  valuation  has  heretofore 
 been  made  and  certified. "f 
 
 So  the  matter  rests ;  the  rich  clergy  enjoy,  undiminished,  their 
 princely  revenues,  and  the  public  remains  liable  to  the  burthen  of  con- 
 tributing towards  the  purchase  of  glebes  and  houses  for  Irish  parsons, 
 many  of  whom  have  already  half  a  dozen  houses,  residing  in  none  of 
 them,  and  4000  acres  of  glebe. 
 
 Promotions  in  the  Irish  Church. 
 
 An  important  document  was  laid  before  the  House  of  Commons  in 
 the  session  of  1831,  (Pari.  Paper  No.  328.)  It  is  a  return  made  on 
 the  subject  of  the  First  Fruits  in  Ireland,  containing  a  statement  of 
 the  wealth  and  other  information  connected  with  that  establishment. 
 From  the  information  spread  over  its  134  pages,  is  given  the  following 
 abridgement  of  facts. 
 
 Since  the  month  of  August,  1812,  to  which  date  the  returns  go  back, 
 we  find  that  there  were  26  promotions,  or  translations,  to  the  bishoprics, 
 thus: — Lord  John  George  Beresford,  archbishop  of  Armagh,  in  1822, 
 having  been  raised  to  the  see  of  Clogher  only  in  1819,  and  to  the 
 archbishopric  of  Dublin  in  1820  ;  Percy  Jocelyn  to  the  see  of  Clogher 
 in  1819,  and  Lord  Robert  Tottenham  to  the  same  see  in  1822;  William 
 Magee  to  the  see  of  Raphoe  in  1819,  and  William  Bissett  to  the  same 
 see  in  1822;  Nathaniel  Alexander  to  the  see  of  Meath  in  1823; 
 Richard  Mant  to  the  see  of  Down  and  Connor  in  1823;  no  episcopal 
 promotion  in  Derry;  ditto  in  Kilmore;  John  Leslie  to  the  see  of  Dro- 
 
 *  iSIr.  Sprin;;  Kice,  House  of  Commons,  IMay  18,  Session  183D. 
 t  Pari.  I'aper,  No.  185,  Session  1831. 
 
PROMOTIONS    IN    THE    IRISH    CHURCH.  173 
 
 more  in  1812,  and  James  Saurin  to  the  same  see  in  1819;  Lord  John 
 George  Beresford  to  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  Dublin  in  1820,  and 
 William  Mag:ee  to  the  same  in  1822;  in  Kildare  no  episcopal  promotion ; 
 Robert  Fowler  to  the  see  of  Ossory  in  1813;  Lord  Robert  Tottenham 
 to  the  sees  of  Leighlin  and  Ferns  in  1820,  and  Thomas  Elrington  to 
 the  same  sees  in  1822;  Richard  Lawrence  to  the  sees  of  Cashel  and 
 Emly  in  1822;  Thomas  Elrington,  in  1820,  to  the  see  of  Limerick, 
 and  John  Jebb  to  the  same  in  1822;  hon.  R.  Bourke  to  the  see  of 
 Waterford  in  1813;  in  Cork  no  episcopal  promotion;  Charles  M. 
 Warburton  from  Limerick  to  Cloyne  in  1820,  and  John  Brinklev  to 
 the  same  see  in  1826;  Richard  Mant  to  the  see  of  Killaloe  in  1820; 
 Alexander  Arbuthnot  to  the  same  see  in  1823;  and  the  hon,  R.  Pon- 
 sonby  in  1828;  PoMcr-le-Poer  Trench  to  the  archbishoprick  of  Tuam 
 and  see  of  Ardagh  in  1819;  John  Leslie,  in  1819,  to  the  see  of  Elphin; 
 in  Clonfert  no  episcopal  promotion;  in  Killala  no  episcopal  promotion. 
 
 It  will  be  seen  at  once  that  these  names  are  principally  those  of 
 aristocratical  houses,  or  of  families  possessed  of  parliamentary 
 interest;  perhaps  the  only  one  of  the  whole  in  which  such  interest  did 
 not  influence  the  selection  is  that  of  Dr.  Brinkley,  Avho  was  elevated  to 
 the  see  on  account  of  his  great  talent. 
 
 The  yearly  incomes  of  the  archbishops  are  stated  to  be— Armagh, 
 £15,080  :  15  :  6;  Tuam,  £5,548  :  19  :  11 ;  Cashel,  £3,500  and  up- 
 wards, while  of  Dublin  no  return  is  made;  of  the  others,  Clogher  is 
 returned  £9,000  late  currency;  Derry,  £10,000  and  upwards,  late 
 currency;  Meath,  £5,815  :  14":  5;  Raphoe.  £5,379  :  14  :  1  ;  Leighlin 
 and  Ferns,  £5000  to  a  fraction;  Ossory,  £3000  to  a  fraction;  Dro- 
 more,  £4,863  :  3  :  5;  Waterford,  £5000  exact  money;  Cork,  £3000 
 ditto;  Limerick  (renewal  fines,  nearly  as  much  more,  not  included) 
 £2,915  :  19  :  8i ;  Cloyne,  £2000  "  and  upwards  at  the  least;"  Killala, 
 £4,600;  from  the  dioceses  in  Tuam  there  is  no  return  made,  "  as  there 
 is  no  record  of  the  value  of  the  several  bishopricks  and  dignitaries  of 
 the  province  in  the  registrar's  office." 
 
 A  curious  fact  observable  throughout  the  return  is,  the  number  of 
 individuals  of  the  same  name  as  the  bishop  who  had  the  good  luck  to 
 get  into  livings  soon  after  his  attainment  of  the  episcopal  dignity;  for 
 example:  — 
 
 Knox  in  possession  of  Derry  at  the  commencement  of  these  returns; 
 then  follow — J.  Spencer  Knox,  June,  1813,  rectory  of  Fahan,  £360 
 a-year;  Aug"ust  same  year,  hon.  Charles  Knox,  rectory  of  Urney,  £700 
 a-year;  June,  1814,  W.  Knox,  rectory  of  Upper  Brandony,  £396  :  18  :  6 
 a-year;  same  date,  hon.  Edm.  Knox,  rectory  of  Tamlught  O'Crilly, 
 no  amount  specified,  but  564  acres  of  church  land  in  the  city  and 
 county  of  Londonderry;  James  Spencer  Knox  (again)  two  more  rectories, 
 Magheras  and  Kilnonaghan,  £1,365  :  7  :  7^  per  annum,  and  926  acres 
 of  church  land;  April,  same  year,  Wm.  Knox,  rectory  of  Fahan,  £360 
 a-year;  October,  same  year,  William  (the  same  perhaps)  Knox,  rectory 
 of  Tamlaghtard,  £425  per  annum;  August,  1821,  W.  Knox  (again!) 
 rectory  of  Clonleigh,    £840   a-year,  and   427   acres   of  church  land; 
 
174  CHUKCII    or    IRELAND. 
 
 October,  1822,  W.  Knox  (the  fifth  time),  rectory  of  BalHnascrcen, 
 £623  :  1  :  6i  and  543  acres;  and,  finally,  in  June,  1830,  the  last 
 presentation  returned  Ednuind  J.  Knox,  rector  of  Killown,  £160  a-year. 
 Altogether,  the  Knoxes  have  got  since  1812  (mention  is  not  made  in 
 these  returns  of  what  they  had  before)  £5,230  :  7  :  8  per  annum,  and 
 3,555  acres  of  land,  besides  the  annual  income  of  one  of  which  no 
 return  is  made.     There  are  two  Knoxes  in  Dromore  with  1,082  acres. 
 
 W.  Magee,  see  of  Raphoe,  1819,  May,  1820,  John  Magee,  rectoiy 
 and  vicarage  of  Mevagh,  £375  a-year;  July,  1825,  John  Magee  again, 
 prebend  of  Killyman,  £276  :  18  :  5g,  and  450  acres.  Let  us  here 
 follow  his  lordship  to  the  see  of  Dublin,  whither  he  was  translated  in 
 1822.  W.  Magee,  vicarage  of  Finglas,  March,  1823,  no  annual  value 
 stated;  April,  1826,  T.  P.  Magee,  rectory  and  vicarage  of  Inch,  and 
 vicar  of  Kilgorman,  £365  :  9  :  4g  a-year;  T.  P.  Magee,  December, 
 1826,  prebend  of  Tipperkiven,  £127  :  10,  and  78  acres;  T.  P.  Magee 
 (third  time),  same  month  and  year,  curacy  of  St.  Michael,  Dublin,  no 
 amount  stated;  May,  1829,  T.  P.  Magee  (fourth),  prebend  of  St. 
 John's,  no  value  stated;  January,  1830,  W.  Magee,  rectory  of  Dun- 
 ganstown,  no  value  returned;  April,  1830,  T.  P.  Magee  (fifth  time), 
 ■  prebend  of  Wicklow,  so  much  talked  of,  value  not  stated.  T.  P.  Magee 
 seems  either  a  very  fortunate  gentleman,  or  the  brightest  ornament  of 
 the  church,  judging  from  the  number  and  rapidity  of  his  promotions, 
 for  in  addition  to  those  conferred  upon  him  by  his  father,  we  find  him 
 appointed,  in  April,   1830,  archdeacon  of  Kilmacduagh. 
 
 Waterford  and  Lismore. — Hon.  Richard  Bourke  to  the  see  in  1813  ; 
 we  have,  in  Feb.  1817,  Hon.  George  Bourke,  a  prebend  and  rectory; 
 in  Sept.  1819,  the  same  individual  to  two  rectories  and  two  vicarages, 
 value  £471  :  14;  a  third  time,  in  Aug.  1819,  to  the  prebend  and 
 rectory  of  Leskan,  no  value  stated;  again  in  December,  same  year  (for 
 although  the  "  Hon."  is  here  dropped,  it  is  evidently  the  same  favoured 
 gentleman),  to  the  prebendary  and  rectory  of  Kilgobenet,  no  value 
 stated,  and  yet  a-fifth  time,  in  August,  1827,  to  a  precentorship  and  a 
 rector)',  value  £1,569  :  4  :  7  per  annum.  There  is  also  the  Hon. 
 Joseph  Bourke  in  October,  1829,  to  a  chantorship,  value  not  stated. 
 
 In  Cork  the  Hon.  R.  Laurence  was  in  possession  in  1812,  since 
 which  the  promotions  of  the  St  Laurences  have  been  between  three 
 individuals:  the  treasurership  in  1815;  a  vicarage,  June,  1818, 
 £461  :  10s.  :  8d, ;  a  rectory  and  three  vicarages  in  the  same  month  and 
 year  (not  the  same  person,  however),  value  £1,365  :  17s.  :  7d.  per 
 annum;  a  vicarage,  in  June,  1823,  £461  :  10:2;  at  this  time 
 Edward  made  way  for  Robert,  and  got  instead,  three  months  after,  a 
 prebend  and  four  rectories,  value  £1,162  :  10  :  8  a  year,  making  "  a 
 diiference"  of  £700  per  annum  in  his  favour;  May,  1825,  a  vicar 
 choralship ;  and  July,  1826,  a  rectory  and  vicarage,  value  not  given; 
 in  the  diocese  of  Ross,  attached  to  that  of  Cork,  there  are  ten  pro- 
 motions of  the  St.  Laurences,  the  value  of  four  of  which,  the  only  ones 
 stated,  is  £1435  per  annum. 
 
 Kildare. — Dr.  Lindsay,   in  possession  of  the  see   in  1812.     June, 
 
PROMOTIONS    IN    THE    IRISH    CHURCH.  175 
 
 1815,  Charles  Lindsay,  prebend,  rectory,  and  vicarage  of  Harristown, 
 and  second  canonry  of  St.  Bridget's,  £220:  April,  1828,  Charles 
 Lindsay  (again),  archdeaconry,  value  not  stated,  and  March,  1823, 
 Charles  Lindsay  (fourth  time,)  canonry  of  St.  Bridget's,  value  not 
 stated. 
 
 Ossory. — R.  Fowler  to  the  see  in  1812;  in  April,  1824,  Luke 
 Fowler  gets  a  union,  consisting  of  a  prebend,  four  rectories,  and  four 
 vicarages,  value  annually  £874  :  4:  3;  and  in  March,  1828,  Luke 
 Fowler  gets  two  more  vicarages,  no  value  stated. 
 
 Ferns  and  Leighlin. — Thomas  Elrington  to  the  see  in  1821.  Dates 
 of  the  promotions  of  H.  P.  Elrington:  July,  1823,  a  prebend  and 
 vicarage,  no  value  stated:  October,  1824,  a  precentorship,  rectory, 
 and  vicarage,  £1,200  a  year;  February,  1824,  three  vicarages  and  a 
 rectory,  £609  :  4.  :  7.  per  annum. 
 
 In  1819  we  find  Power  le  Poer  Trench  in  the  sees  of  Tuam  and 
 Ardagh ;  then  follow,  November,  1820,  Hon.  C.  P.  Trench,  a  rectory 
 and  vicarage,  £461  :  10  :  9;  November,  1821,  ditto,  an  arch- 
 deaconry; May,  1825,  ditto,  a  prebendary:  same  date,  W.  le  Poer 
 Trench  two  rectories,  value  £315:4:7;  and  October,  1830,  ditto, 
 a  rectory  and  vicarage,  no  value  stated,  but  523  acres  of  church  land. 
 
 In  Killala  and  Achonfy  the  Verschoyles  are  numerous  enough  to 
 justify  a  suspicion  that  they  are  related  to  the  diocesan ;  there  is  one 
 with  six  vicarages  at  one  promotion ;  he  has  also  an  archdeaconry,  a 
 provostship,  a  prebend,  and  a  vicarage ;  another  of  the  same  name, 
 with  a  "sen,"  attached  to  it,  has  four  vicarages  and  a  prebend,  value 
 £949  :  16  :  5  per  annum,  and  727  acres  of  church  lands. 
 
 Meath. — N.  Alexander  to  the  see,  1823;  James  Alexander  to  the 
 rectory  and  vicarage  of  Killucan,  1828. 
 
 R.  Mant,  Down  and  Connor,  1823  ;  R.  M.  Mant,  archdeacon,  1828; 
 R.  M.  Mant  (the  same),  vicarage  of  Billay,  1823. 
 
 In  Dromore,  James  Saurin,  to  the  see  in  1819;  November,  1821, 
 Lewis  Saurin,  rectory  of  Morin ;  and  July,  1827,  James  Saurin, 
 vicarage  of  Seagor,  £500  a  year. 
 
 Cloyne. — Bishop  Warburton  was  translated  from  Limerick,  in  1812, 
 and  in  March,  1822,  his  second  gift  of  a  living  went  to  Charles  War- 
 burton,  to  the  value  of  £323  :  1.  ;  6g.  annually. 
 
 In  1820,  Richard  Mant  was  appointed  to  the  see  of  Killaloe  and 
 Kilfenora  ;  a  promotion  of  R.  M.  Mant  is  found,  three  rectories  and  two 
 vicarages,  value  £498  :  8  :  2  in  July,  1821. 
 
 Even  a  cursory  glance  at  these  returns  shows  the  reader  how  numerous 
 in  the  church  are  the  Beresfords  :  of  that  name  there  are  an  archbishop 
 and  a  bishop;  and  in  the  dioceses,  six  in  number,  where  they  chiefly 
 abound,  they  possess  not  less  than  fourteen  livings,  of  which  only  four 
 have  their  value  annexed,  amounting  to  £1,857:11:2;  and  64,803 
 acres  of  land  !  ! 
 
 The  other  names  which  occur  most  frequently  beside  those  we  haA'e 
 stated  are  Tottenham,  Stopford,  Ottiwell  Moore,  Porter,  St.  George, 
 Pakenham,    Langrishe,    Brabazon,    Alexander,    Hamilton,    Pomeroy, 
 
176  CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 Stewart,  Tonens,  Ponsonby,  Wing-field,  Dawson,  Montgomery,  Ber- 
 nard, and  Brooke. 
 
 We  subjoin  the  summary  of  the  returns  :    fiom  which  it  appears — 
 
 1st.  That  between  the  month  of  August,  1812,  and  the  date  of  this 
 return,  1 ,383  spiritual  promotions,  comprehending  the  same  number  of 
 benefices,  have  taken  place  within  the  several  dioceses  in  Ireland. 
 
 2d.  That  the  1,383  benefices,  to  which  promotions  have  been  so 
 made,  contain  353  dignities,  including  the  archbishoprics  and  bishopricks, 
 and  2,061  parishes,  &c. 
 
 3d.  That  297  of  the  aforesaid  dignities,  and  405  parishes  have  been 
 taxed,  and  are  paying  first  fruits  to  the  amount  of  £9,947  :  11  :  3|  ; 
 and  that  the  remainder  of  said  dignities  and  parishes  are  either  exempted 
 from  payment,  under  the  statute  of  Elizabeth,  or  have  never  been  taxed 
 and  put  in  charge. 
 
 4th.  That  valuations  have  been  made,  under  the  Tithe  Composition 
 Act,  in  1,194  of  the  above -iLentioned  parishes,  to  the  annual  amount  of 
 £303,620  :  0  :  6i. 
 
 5th.  That  1,034  of  the  said  parishes  have  glebes  annexed  to  them, 
 amounting  to  82,645  acres;  and  that  the  see  lands  on  promotions 
 occurring  amount  to  410,430  acres. 
 
 6th.  That  the  total  number  of  acres  contained  in  both  glebe  and  see 
 lands,  as  referred  to  in  this  return,  amount  to  493,075  acres;  and 
 
 7th.  That  the  total  number  of  acres  belonging  to  the  several  sees  in 
 Ireland,  with  the  exception  of  the  dioceses  of  Down  and  Connor, 
 Raphoe  and  Dromore,  amount  to  489,141  acres;  the  pecuniary  values 
 of  which  have  not  yet  been  ofiicially  ascertained. 
 
 Intolerance  towards  Dissenters  and  Roman  Catholics. 
 
 Before  concluding  our  account  of  the  United  Church  of  England  and 
 Ireland,  we  cannot  help  shortly  adverting  to  the  slow  steps  by  which 
 religious  toleration  has  been  established  in  this  country.  Looking  back 
 to  the  history  of  the  Dissenters,  we  see  with  what  difficulty  freedom 
 of  thought  has  been  wrung  from  the  prosecuting  grasp  of  what  is 
 considered  a  reformed  Establishment.  It  was  not  till  the  Revolution  of 
 1688  that  the  public  worship  of  the  Dissenters  was  tolerated;  and  the 
 Act  of  Toleration  at  that  period  required  them  to  take  certain  oaths 
 and  subscribe  to  the  doctrinal  articles  of  the  Church  of  England.  The 
 same  act,  so  much  extolled,  requires  the  places  of  worship  to  be  regis- 
 tered, and  the  doors  kept  unlocked  during  the  time  of  service.  Even 
 liberty  of  worship,  under  these  suspicious  and  odious  restrictions,  it 
 was  subsequently  attempted  to  abridge.  In  the  latter  part  of  Queen 
 Anne's  reign,  an  act  passed,  called  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill, 
 making  it  a  crime  in  any  person,  in  any  office  under  government, 
 entering  a  meeting-house.  Another  bill,  denominated  the  Schism  Bill, 
 passed  in  1714,  suffered  no  Dissenter  to  educate  his  own  children,  but 
 required  them  to  be  put  into  the  hands  of  a  Church  of  Englandist,  and 
 
liNTOLERANCE    OF    THE    PROTESTANT    CHURCH.  17? 
 
 forbad  all  tutors  and  schoolmasters  being  present  at  any  dissenting  place 
 ot"  Avorship. 
 
 The  last  attempt  upon  this  body  was  the  memorable  bill  of  Lord  Sid- 
 mouth  in  1810.  The  meditated  encroachment  upon  their  liberties  was 
 woithy  of  the  sinister  statesman  from  whom  it  emanated.  The  Dis- 
 senters, to  their  immortal  honour,  rushed  forward  at  once  to  repel  this 
 aggression  on  their  rights.  Had  they  suffered  their  ministers  to  be 
 placed  at  the  mercy  of  the  Quarter  Sessions,  the  magistrates,  no  doubt, 
 Avouid  not  only  haA'e  judged  of  their  fitness  for  the  ministry  of  the 
 Gospel,  but  also  of  their  fitness  for  the  ministry  of  the  Borough- 
 mongers. 
 
 This  disgraceful  spirit  of  legislation  is  noAV  only  matter  for  history. 
 The  repeal  of  the  Corporation  and  Test  Acts  and  the  Catholic  Relief 
 Act  haA'e  scarcely  left  any  trace  of  the  formidable  penal  code  which, 
 for  a  long  time,  interdicted  to  a  large  portion  of  the  community  not 
 only  the  enjoyment  of  their  ciAdl  immunities,  but  the  free  disposal  of 
 their  persons  and  property.  Both  Dissenters  and  Roman  Catholics 
 may  still  complain  of  not  being  eligible  to  fill  the  office  of  lord  chancellor, 
 or  be  a  member  of  the  privy  council ;  they  may  complain  of  being- 
 excluded  from  the  national  universities,  and  may  think  it  a  hardship 
 in  case  they  fill  any  judicial,  ciA'il,  or  corporate  office,  that  they  cannot 
 appear  in  their  official  costume,  nor  Avith  the  insignia  of  their  office  at 
 their  own  places  of  AA'orship ;  but  these  are  trifling  grievances,  scarcely 
 Avorth  mentioning.  They  are  subject  to  no  test  on  account  of  religious 
 belief;  and  it  may  be  now  truly  said  that,  with  the  exception  of  Jeavs 
 and  openly  professing  Infidels,  the  honours  and  adA'antages  of  the 
 social  state — so  far,  at  least,  as  spiritual  dogmas  are  concerned — are  fairly 
 opened  to  CA'ery  candidate. 
 
 For  this  salutary  triumph  Ave  have  been  Indebted  solely  to  secular 
 wisdom,  not  to  any  generous  concession  or  enlightenment  proceeding 
 from  our  established  instructors.  The  Church  has  ahvays  shoAvn  itself 
 more  tenacious  of  its  monopoly  than  even  the  Aristocracy.  Of  the 
 lofty  tone  of  intolerance  maintained  by  some  of  our  high  dignitaries,  to 
 a  recent  period,  Ave  have  a  rather  amusing  instance  in  the  conduct  of 
 Dr.  Kipling,  the  late  Dean  of  Peterborough,  and  which  we  shall 
 shortly  relate.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Lingard,  the  distinguished  Roman 
 Catholic  historian,  had,  it  seems,  in  his  Strictures  on  Professor  Marsh's 
 "  Comparative  VieAV,"  &c.  used  the  AA'Oi-ds  "  new  Church  of  England" 
 once,  and  oftener  "  the  modern  Church  of  England."  To  consider  the 
 Church  of  England  "  noAv"  or  "  modern"  appeared  a  mortal  offence 
 in  the  eyes  of  Dean  Kipling.  He  wrote  a  furious  letter  to  Mr.  Lingard ; 
 quoted  a  passage  from  Hawkins;  and  threatened  to  prosecute  him  if  ha 
 did  not,  Avithin  a  limited  time,  prove  Avhat  the  Dean  intimated  it  Avas 
 impossible  for  him  to  prove.  Whether  the  Dean  afterAvards  relented, 
 or  Avhether  Mr.  Lingard  proved  that  the  Chuich  of  England,  as  being 
 the  offspring  or  daughter  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  Avhich,  in  many 
 respects,  she  so  much  resembles,  Avas  "  new,"  we  are  ignorant.     Did 
 
 N 
 
178  CHURCH    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 oui*  limits  permit,  we  Avould  insert  the  Very  Rev.  Dean's  loving  epistle. 
 It  would  show  what  a  meek,  gentle,  Christian  spirit  may  still  rankle 
 in  the  hearts  of  some  of  our  church  dignitaries.  It  would  show  to  Avhat 
 expedients  these  worthies  would  resort  to  uphold  their  faith,  or,  more 
 correctly,  their  temporalities,  were  they  not  restrained  hy  the  march  of 
 philosophy  and  the  public  mind.  It  is  impossible  to  read  Dean  Kipling's 
 letter  without  feeling  persuaded  that,  had  Mr.  Lingard  had  no  better 
 barrier  for  his  personal  safety  than  the  toleiant  spirit  of  the  writer,  he 
 might  still  be  liable  to  be  hung  up  by  the  middle,  with  an  iron  chain, 
 and  roasted  before  a  slow  fire,  according-  to  the  orthodox  piety  of  olden 
 time. 
 
 Men  ought  always  to  set  their  faces  against  prosecution  for  opinions, 
 whether  instituted  under  pretence  of  heresy,  sectarianism,  Judaism,  or 
 even  infidehty.  Under  any  of  these  forms  it  is  the  same  mischievous 
 and  dogmatical  principle.  What  difference,  for  instance,  is  there  in 
 the  principles  of  a  prosecution  instituted  at  this  day  for  Judaism  or 
 infidelity,  and  a  Popish  prosecution  instituted  in  the  reign  of  Queen 
 Mary  on  account  of  the  real  presence.  In  both  cases  difference  of 
 opinion  is  combated  by  corporeal  infliction ;  the  Papist  punished  by  fire, 
 the  modern  intolerant  by  fine,  imprisonment,  or  civil  disability.  The 
 difference  in  the  punishment  makes  no  difference  in  the  motive  ;  in  both 
 cases  it  is  combating  mind  by  physical  force,  and  he  who  employs  such 
 a  weapon  is  as  deeply  immersed  in  the  night  of  Popery,  as  Bishop 
 Bonner,  who  laboured  to  convert  the  miserable  victims  of  his  cruelty 
 by  a  vigorous  application  of  birch  to  the  posteriors. 
 
 The  ingenuous  mind  revolts  from  the  idea  of  maintaining  opinions 
 hy  force  :  to  say  that  any  class  of  opinions  shall  not  be  impugned,  that 
 their  truth  shall  not  be  called  in  question,  is  at  once  to  declare  that  these 
 opinions  are  infallible,  and  that  their  authors  cannot  err.  What  can  be 
 more  egregiously  absurd  and  presumptuous  ?  It  is  fixing  bounds  to 
 human  knowledge,  and  saying  that  men  cannot  learn  by  experience  ; 
 that  they  can  never  be  wiser  in  future  than  they  are  to  day.  The 
 vanity  and  folly  of  this  is  sufficiently  evinced  by  the  history  of  religion 
 and  philosophy.  Great  changes  have  taken  place  in  both ;  and  what 
 our  ancestors  considered  indisputable  truths  their  posterity  discovered  to 
 be  gross  errors.  To  continue  the  work  of  improvement,  no  dogmas, 
 however  plausible,  ought  to  be  protected  from  investigation  ;  and  the 
 only  security  of  the  present  generation  against  the  errors  of  their 
 progenitors,  is  modestly  to  admit  that,  in  some  things,  they  may 
 possibly  yet  be  mistaken. 
 
 The  Papists  are  not  the  only  class  of  religionists  obnoxious  to  the 
 reproach  of  uncharitable  tenets.  Hume  justly  remarks  that  toleration 
 is  not  the'  virtue  of  priests  of  any  denomination ;  and  this  is  amply  con- 
 firmed by  the  history  of  the  Scottish,  Romish,  and  English  churches. 
 They  have  all  shed  blood,  tortured,  and  punished,  when  circumstances 
 gave  them  an  ascendancy.  The  reason  is  obvious.  Religion  is  more 
 the  result  of  feeling  than  of  understanding ;  and  it  may  be  expected 
 
CRISIS    OK    THE    IRISH     CIlLfRCH.  179 
 
 that  its  most  intense  professors  should  be  more  prompt  to  use  the  vulgar 
 weapons  suggested  by  passion  and  violence,  then  listen  to  the  dictates  of 
 reason  and  humanity. 
 
 Crisis  of  the  Irish  Church  at  the  close  of  1831 . 
 
 In  Ireland  ecclesiastical  oppression  appears  to  have  reached  its  term  of 
 duration.  When  a  people  become  unanimous,  their  fiat  is  omnipotent 
 and  without  appeal.  It  is  this  which  will  abase  the  usurpations  of  the 
 Boroughmongers,  and  the  same  power  has  decided  the  fate  of  the  Irish 
 Protestant  clergy.  At  the  time  we  are  writing  there  is  all  but  a  na- 
 tional insurrection  against  the  tithe  system.  In  Queen's  County,  in 
 Kilkenny,  Clare,  and  Tipperary,  the  resistance  to  clerical  oppression  is 
 nearly  unanimous — and  the  spirit  is  rapidly  spreading  to  other  counties. 
 The  incomes  of  many  of  the  clei-gy  have  become  merely  nominal ; 
 instead  of  seizing  and  selling  the  produce  of  others,  they  are  compelled, 
 as  a  means  of  temporary  subsistence,  to  bring  their  own  domestic  chat- 
 tels under  the  hammer  of  the  auctioneer.  Yet  the  law  is  in  their  favour; 
 the  courts  have  power  to  decree  and  the  sheriffs  to  seize  the  goods  of 
 the  refractory.  But  Avho  will  huy  — who  dare  bid  at  a  tithe  auction  ? 
 There  is  the  rub.  Laws  and  acts  of  parliament  are  empty  sounds — they 
 are  mere  "  ink  and  parchment  imless  guaranteed  by  public  opinion." 
 The  police,  the  magistracy,  and  an  army  of  30,000  men  are  powerless 
 against  six  millions  united. 
 
 Ministers,  finding  the  battle  is  lost,  have  brought  the  subject  before 
 parliament.  But  it  may  be  doubted  whether  their  views  are  yet  com- 
 mensurate with  the  vastness  of  the  undertaking.  The  Protestant 
 church  may  be  considered  virtually  dissolved  ;  in  fact  and  opinion  it  is 
 gone.  It  has  fallen,  not  so  much  from  its  secular  oppression  as  its 
 monstrous  incongruities,  and  from  its  failing  to  answer  one  object — 
 moral,  social,  or  political — for  which  a  church  was  ever  established  and 
 supported.  A  composition  for  tithe,  for  the  benefit  of  the  priesthood, 
 is  out  of  the  question ;  nothing  remains  but  a  general  commuta- 
 tion with  the  landed  interest  for  the  benefit  of  the  public — we  say  the 
 public,  because  the  fee  simple  of  church  property  is  not  in  the  clergy, 
 but  in  the  community  at  large.  The  example  of  Scotland  must  be  followed 
 and  improved  upon.  An  equal  provision  or  none  for  the  pastors  oj" 
 all  sects,  a  provision  for  the  poor  and  for  popular  education,  are  the 
 fragments  to  be  seized  out  of  the  wreck  of  the  establishment.  At  all 
 events,  in  the  approaching  transition,  the  tithes  must  not  be  suffered 
 to  slip  into  the  rents  of  an  absentee  proprietary.  No  !  Ireland  must 
 have  the  benefit  of  the  two   millions*  noAV  spent  in  other  climes.     It 
 
 *  Mr.  Leader  estimated  the  sum  annually  drawn  out  of  Ireland  in  tithes  and 
 the  rents  of  glebe  and  bishops'  lands  at  £1,785,000.  (House  of  Commons, 
 December  11th,  1831.)  Our  previous  statements  from  official  returns  will  have 
 satisfied  our  readers  that  this  is  not  an  exaggerated  estimate. 
 
 n2 
 
IHO  CIIIJRCII    OF    IRELAND. 
 
 would  clothe  her   nakedness,  reclaim  her  wastes,  appease  her  hunger, 
 and  civilize  her  generous  but  yet  barbarous  population. 
 
 A  system  like  that  described  in  preceding-  pages  could  not,  by  possibility, 
 be  lasting.  It  contained  within  itself  the  seeds  of  destruction.  Yet  it 
 has  been  long  and  obstinately  persevered  in  through  midnight  outrage, 
 assassination,  and  massacre.  To  enforce  this  abominable  oppression 
 26,000  persons  have  been  butchered  in  twentys  and  tens  within  the 
 last  thirty  years.*  Surely  this  hecatomb  of  victims  is  larg-e  enough  to 
 appease  the  Moloch  of  ecclesiastical  cupidity.  Horrible  as  the  system 
 has  been,  the  mere  proposition  for  reform  has  been  delayed  to  the  twelfth 
 hour.  So  long  as  the  people  only  suffered,  their  cries  were  unheeded.  But 
 the  clergy  themselves  are  now  the  victims  ;  they  have  lost  their  incomes  ; 
 they  did  very  well  without  churches  and  congregations,  but  they  cannot 
 do  without  tithes  ;  so  the  legislature  flies  to  their  relief.  The  millions 
 pleaded  in  vain,  but  their  handful  of  oppressors  is  listened  to.  Is  this 
 justice  ?  No  !  it  is  only  fear  and  selfishness.  Nevertherless,  like  good 
 Christians,  we  must  pardon  injuries — forg-et  the  past  — and  provide  for  a 
 better  futurity. 
 
 While  we  fervently  hope  to  see  the  condition  of  Ireland  improved  by 
 the  cultivation  of  her  vast  resources,  by  the  improvement  of  her  laws 
 and  magistracy,  by  the  annihilation  of  factious  interests,  and  by  a  pro- 
 vision for  her  destitute  poor,  still  we  cannot  help  entering  our  protest 
 against  the  repeal  of  the  Union.  Had  not  the  decree  against  the 
 Boroughmongers  gone  forth,  we  might  have  embraced  such  an  alternative; 
 but  as  the  days  of  the  Oligarchy  are  numbered,  we  can  see  no  good 
 reason  for  separating  the  destinies  of  Ireland  from  those  of  England. 
 It  is  useless  to  disguise — the  ultimate  object  sought  by  the  Repealers  is 
 the  erection  of  Ireland  into  an  independent  state  under  the  president- 
 ship, kingship,  or  something  else  of  the  "  Liberator:"  but  men,  we 
 trust,  are  too  enlightened  to  be  ridden  over  rough-shod,  either  by  the 
 wiles  of  priests,  of  mendicant  patriots,  or  military  adventurers. 
 We  do  not  inquire  what  individuals — but  what  the  people  would  gain  by 
 this  revolution  ?  From  Britain  it  would  sever  the  right  arm  of  her 
 power;  and  what  advantages  would  Ireland  reap  by  a  separate  existence  ? 
 She  does  not  possess,  within  herself,  the  elements  to  constitute  an  united, 
 prosperous,  and  enlightened  community.  Supposing,  for  a  moment,  she 
 escaped  a  century  of  civil  war,  and  forthwith  passed  under  the  yoke  of 
 the  "  ex-king  of  Kerry,"  with  a  deplorably  ignorant  population  for  his 
 lieges — a  fanatical,  but  richly  endowed  priesthood,  as  they  would  be 
 with  the  laiads  and  tithes  of  the  Protestant  establishment — for  the  servile 
 instruments  of  his  sovereignty — what  a  spectacle  Avould  she  present ! 
 Under  such  a  regime,  it  is  easy  to  discern  insuperable  obstacles  to  every 
 social  improvement.  For  ages  she  would  be  no  better  under  her  Jiew 
 autocrat,  than  Portugal  under  Don  Miguel,  or  Naples  under  the  sway 
 of  a  Bourbon.     Every  sincere  well-wisher  to  the  greatness  and  happi- 
 
 •  Statement  made  at  the  Aggregate  Meeting,  Dublin,  August  2ud,  1831. 
 
EVH.S    Ot     A     REPEAL    OF    THE    I MON.  181 
 
 ness  of  England  and  Ireland  must  deplore  the  idea  of  dismemberment: 
 united,  they  may  be  a  source  of  mutual  light  and  power;  dissevered, 
 they  would  be  the  luminaiy  of  day  and  lamp  of  night  struck  from  their 
 orbits.  Such  an  event  holds  out  no  remedy  for  any  specific  evil ; 
 whatever  measures  for  the  good  of  Ireland  could  be  effected  by  the 
 senate  of  College-green,  may  be  effected  by  the  reformed  parliament  of 
 the  united  kingdom;  and  this  without  the  delay,  clash,  and  conflict 
 inseparable  from  rival  legislatures.  A  dissolution,  therefore,  of  the 
 empire  cannot  be  sought  as  the  mean  of  public  good,  but  as  a  mere 
 stalking-horse  to  selfish  aggrandisement. 
 
 Under  an  enlightened  general  government,  England  and  Ireland  may 
 pull  together  for  the  mutual  advantage  of  both,  and,  we  trust,  by  speady 
 and  effective  reforms,  so  unfortunate  a  catastrophe  as  a  legislative  sepa- 
 ration will  be  averted.  It  cannot  be  forgotten  how  Ii-eland  was  governed 
 by  her  own  parliament  — the  most  corrupt,  selfish,  and  ignorant  set  of 
 legislators  that  ever  assembled  between  four  walls.  For  what  then 
 should  it  be  re^^ved  ?  The  true  policy  for  tranquillizing  the  country 
 and  disarming  faction  is  obvious;  remove  grievances  and  confer  benefits. 
 Instead  of  burthening  the  yet  struggling  manufactures  and  agriculture 
 of  the  Irish  Avith  additional  taxes,  as  was  sought  to  be  done  by  the 
 Wellington  ministry,  a  resource  ought  to  be  sought  in  the  crown-lands 
 of  Ireland,  and  in  the  wasted  estates  of  the  Church,  in  the  million  of 
 neglected  acres  possessed  by  absentee  bishops,  and  in  the  million  and 
 more  worth  of  land  and  tithe  possessed  by  the  collegiate  bodies  and  non- 
 resident incumbents.  Here  is  the  panacea  for  cementing  the  Uxiox, 
 producing  contentment,  and  supplying  the  wants  of  an  impoverished 
 Exchequer. 
 
 The  besotted  tyranny  which  has  impeded  the  prosperity  of  Ireland 
 will  hardly  be  credited  by  posterity.  Her  population  is  only  half- 
 civilized ;  in  religion,  manners,  and  domestic  habits,  no  better  than 
 the  rabble  of  the  Peninsula ;  while  her  lauds  in  whole  districts  are  as 
 little  cultivated  as  the  wilds  of  Tartary.  We  do  not  allude  to  the  bog 
 and  mountain  wastes ;  and  these,  in  great  part,  continue  such  from  an 
 obstinate  legislation  which  tolerates,  year  after  year,  the  remains  of 
 baronial  tenures; — but  would  it  be  believed  that  there  is,  or  was,  so 
 recently  as  1821,  a  tract  of  country  in  the  south  of  Ireland,  occupying 
 800  square  miles  of  territory,  in  which  there  is  not  a  single  resident 
 gentleman,  nor  clergyman,  nor  a  single  road  fit  for  a  wheel-carriage  to 
 pass?  This  is  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Baron  Fostek  ;  and  hear  it, 
 Boroughmongers !  you,  who  have  expended  millions  to  fortify  Canada, 
 as  you  did  the  Netherlands,  for  a  rival  power,  and  to  provide  colonial 
 sinecures  and  offices  in  sugar  islands,  converted  into  hells  for  the  inflic- 
 tion of  torture  on  your  fellow-creatures, — hear,  and  look  at  home,  how 
 you  have  governed  and  elicited  the  resources  of  our  great  dependency, 
 placed  at  the  threshhold,  in  the  very  bosom  of  the  empire  ! 
 
 Who  can  revert  to  the  historj'  of  the  Oligarchy  without  indignation  ? 
 Rotten  boroughs  and  tithes,  as  much  as  sinecures,  pensions,  and  exor- 
 bitant salaries,  have  been  the  great  obstacles  to  sound  national  policy. 
 The  holders  and  expectants  of  these  have  been  ever  bandied  together,  no 
 
182 
 
 CllLUCIl    <M-    IRELAND. 
 
 less  by  a  sense  of  common  iniquity  than  common  interest,  to  oppose 
 every  salutary  amelioration.  On  every  public  occasion,  on  every  gene- 
 ral election,  the  priest  and  the  placeman  united  to  oppose  the  enemy  of 
 imposture  and  peculation :  from  these  no  hope  of  good  could  be  indulged ; 
 but  the  people  have  at  length  risen  in  their  might,  and  the  days  of  mis- 
 rule will  speedily  end. 
 
 Conclusion. 
 
 We  have  now  fairly  brought  forward  whatever  can  elucidate  the 
 present  state  of  the  United  Chuixh  of  England  and  Ireland,  and  its 
 claims  to  the  support  and  veneration  of  the  community.  Those  whose 
 vocation  is  to  mislead  and  delude  may  attempt  to  impugn  our  statements 
 and  calumniate  our  motives;  but  their  labour  will  be  vain,  unless  they 
 can  disprove  our  facts.  We  have  trusted  to  nothing-  apocryphal,  and 
 rarely  depend  on  the  testimony  of  individual  observers.  Our  state- 
 ments have  been  chiefly  drawn  from  the  admissions  of  the  paities  who 
 wallow  in  the  corruptions  of  which  we  complain, —  from  official  returns 
 to  parliament, — and  other  accredited  sources  of  information.  On  the 
 results  derived  from  these  we  have  occasionally  submitted  reflections, 
 the  justice  of  which  we  leave  to  the  reader's  consideration. 
 
 If  such  ecclesiastical  establishments  as  we  have  exposed  be  much 
 longer  tolerated  in  their  existing  state,  the  people  will  evince  a  patience 
 and  fatuity  far  exceeding  any  previous  estimate.  No  doubt  there  are 
 mysteries  in  the  art  of  governing,  as  well  as  truths  in  science,  that  have 
 not  yet  been  discovered.  It  is  impossible  to  foresee  what  unheard-of 
 wiles,  delusions,  and  influence,  priestly  cunning*  may  bring  into  play  to 
 stifle  the  claims  of  truth  and  justice.  A  nation,  which,  from  g-roundless 
 fear  of  change,  was  deluded  into  the  support  of  a  thirty  years  war 
 against  human  rights  and  happiness,  and  had  entailed  upon  it  a  debt  of 
 eight  hundred  millions,  may,  by  some  new  fascination,  be  brought  to 
 tolerate  a  church  that  absorbs  annually  eleven  millions  of  public 
 income,  ostensibly  for  religion,  though  it  is  religion's  most  dangerous 
 foe,  and  not  one  hundredth  part  of  which  rewards  the  labours  of  those 
 really  engaged  in  clerical  duty.  A  pretended  anxiety  for  our  spiritual 
 welfare,  will,  however,  no  longer  serve  for  a  cloak  to  temporal  rapacity. 
 The  repetition  of  such  detected  knavery  would  be  a  national  insult  and 
 impertinence  :  some  new-fangled  scarecrows,  therefore,  must  be  devised, 
 other  than  the  dangers  of  irreligion  and  democratic  encroachment,  to 
 consecrate  hereafter  the  oppression  of  tithes  and  the  absurdities  of  rotten 
 boroughs. 
 
 Secular  abuses  sink  almost  into  insignificance  when  compared  with 
 those  of  the  church  establishment.  One  hundred  and  thirteen  privy 
 councillors  receiving  £650,164  a-year  out  of  the  public  taxes,  was  an 
 astounding  fact ;  but  we  are  sure,  and  those  who  have  honoured  us  with 
 attention  in  the  preceding  exposition,  we  are  convinced,  will  believe  us 
 when  we  afllrm  it  vvoiild  be  easy  to  select  a  smaller  number  of  sinecure 
 ecclesiastics  who  receive  more  and  do  less  than  this  devouiing  clan  of 
 01io;archs. 
 
DIGEST    OF    IRISH     BKNEIICES. 
 
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REVENUES    OF    THE    CROWN. 
 
 Royalty,  after  all,  is  an  expensive  government!  \^'hat  is  a  king' 
 ■without  an  aristocracy  and  a  priesthood  ?  and  what  are  any  of  these, 
 unless  supported  in  splendour  and  magnificence  ?  It  is  a  system  in 
 which  men  are  sought  to  be  governed  by  the  senses  rather  than  the 
 understanding,  and  is  more  adapted  to  a  barbarous  than  civilized  state. 
 Pageantry  and  ceremony,  the  parade  of  crowns  and  coronets,  of  gold 
 keys,  sticks,  white  wands,  and  black  rods  ;  of  ermine  and  lawn,  and 
 maces  and  Avigs  ; — these  are  the  chief  attributes  of  monarchy.  They 
 are  more  appropriate  to  the  state  of  the  king  of  the  Biimans  or  of  the 
 i\shantees  than  the  sovereign  of  an  European  community.  They  cease 
 to  inspire  respect  when  men  become  enlightened,  when  they  have  learnt 
 that  the  real  object  of  government  is  to  confer  the  g'reatest  happiness  oa 
 tlie  people  at  f.  e  least  expense  :  but  it  is  a  beggarly  greatness,  an  absurd 
 system,  that  would  perpetuate  these  fooleries  amidst  an  impoverished 
 population, — amidst  debts,  and  taxes,  and  pauperism. 
 
 In  treating-  of  the  revenues  of  the  crown  it  will  be  important  to  ob- 
 serve the  distinction  between  the  ancient  patrimony  of  the  sovoi'eign, 
 denominated  the  hereditary  revenues,  and  the  modern  parliamentary 
 grant,  substituted  in  lieu  of  them,  called  the  Civil  List.  Of  the  nature 
 of  the  latter— the  various  charges  upon  it  in  the  maintenance  of  the 
 king's  household  and  other  disbursements — of  its  extravagant  amount 
 during  the  profligate  reign  of  George  IV,  and  of  the  total  burthen  en- 
 tailed by  the  royal  expenditure  on  the  people,  we  shall  treat  in  the  next 
 chapter.  In  the  present  v.e  shall  confine  ourselves  to  an  exposition  of 
 the  amount,  the  application,  and  management  of  the  hereditary  reve- 
 nues ;  consisting  of  the  landed  possessions  of  the  Crown,  of  Admiralty 
 droits,  Gibraltar  duties,  Leeward-Island  duties,  the  property  of  persons 
 dying  intestate  withor.t  lieirs,  forfeiture  in  courts  of  justice,  the  incomes 
 of  bishoprics  during  vacancies,  surplus  of  the  Scotch  civil  list,  profit  on 
 waifs,  shipwrecks,  treasure-trove,  and  other  minor  sources.  The  other 
 branches  of  the  hereditary  revenue,  arising  from  the  excise,  wine 
 licenses,  and  post-office,  it  does  not  fall  within  our  purpose  to  investi- 
 gate ;  they  have  been  carried  to  the  general  account  of  taxes,  and  dis- 
 bursed, we  believe,  as  honestly  as  other  portions  of  the  public  income. 
 
 Parliament  having  granted  a  specific  annuity,  out  of  the  taxes,  for 
 the  support  of  the  dignity  of  the  Crown,  the  ])ublic  was  led  to  believe, 
 during  the  two  last  reigns,  that  the  produce  of  the  hereditary  revenues 
 had  been  appropriated  to  the  wants  of  the  state.  This,  it  will  be  shown 
 in  the  seijucl,  was  a  complete  and  egregious  delusion.     It  will  be  seen 
 
COMPLACENCE    TO    ROYALTY.  185 
 
 that  the  ancient  revenues  of  the  Crown  '.vere  left  at  the  uncontrolled  dis- 
 posal of  ministers.  That  they  were  chiefly  expended  in  objects  personal 
 to  themselves,  the  king,  or  royal  family;  in  pensions  and  g-rants  to  their 
 parliamentary  supporters,  their  relatives,  and  adherents  ;  in  the  purchase 
 of  tithe  and  church-patronage ;  in  occasional  charitable  donations, 
 ostentatiously  granted,  under  pretext  of  mitigating  the  sufferings  of 
 distressed  artizans  and  manufacturers  ;  in  payments  into  the  privy  purse, 
 for  the  more  lavish  support  of  court  prodigality  ;  in  the  building  and 
 pulling  down  of  palaces ;  in  payments  for  defraying  the  expense  of  the 
 royal  household,  and  other  outgoings,  which  ought  to  have  been  defrayed 
 out  of  the  civil  list :  in  short,  it  Avill  be  seen  that,  for  seventy  years,  the 
 public  was  not  only  burthened  with  an  enormous  provision  for  a  ciAnI 
 list,  but,  by  an  extraordinary  kind  of  Tory  management,  failed  to  derive 
 any  advantage  from  those  funds,  in  lieu  of  which  a  civil  list  had  been 
 specially  granted. 
 
 For  obvious  reasons,  the  leading*  men  in  the  House  of  Commons 
 always  manifested  great  reluctance  to  touch  on  these  subjects.  Although 
 it  is  well  known  that,  allowance  being  made  for  difference  in  the  value 
 of  money,  and  the  charges  transferred  to  other  funds,  the  income  of 
 George  IV.  exceeded  that  of  his  predecessor  by  more  than  half  a 
 MILLION,  not  one  of  the  people's  advocates  —  not  even  the  more  ostenta- 
 tious patriots — Brougham,  Hume,  Russell,  or  Graham — ever  brought  the 
 shameless  extravagance  fairly  befoi'e  the  country.  It  is  possible,  as  we 
 have  hinted,  there  may  have  existed  reasons  for  this  complacence  towards 
 royal  pi'ofusion.  In  spite  of  the  encroachments  of  the  Oligarchy,  a  king 
 of  England  possesses  great  power,  and  ha.s  abundant  means  of  reward- 
 ing expectants  and  supporters  :  he  is  not  oidy  the  fountain  of  honour, 
 but  enjovs,  nearly,  all  the  patronage  in  church  and  state  ;  and  the  more 
 virtuous  aspirants  in  public  life  may  have  felt  reluctant  to  shipwreck  all 
 hope  of  once  basking  in  the  sunshine  of  the  court.  However,  we  feel 
 no  restraint  from  these  considerations.  Moreover  we  consider  the  so- 
 vereign, like  other  state  functionaries,  only  the  servant  of  the  public : 
 and  the  public  sustaining  a  great  burthen  on  his  account,  under  the 
 pretext  that  the  duties  of  his  otHce  are  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the 
 people,  they  have  clearly  a  right  to  be  informed  of  the  amount  and  mode 
 of  his  outgoings.  In  what  follows  it  will  be  seen  Avhat  a  lavish  ex- 
 penditure has  been  tolerated  during  a  period  when  successive  ministers 
 have  been  loud  and  vehement  in  professing  a  desire  to  reduce  every 
 establishment  to  the  lowest  possible  scale,  and  when  it  has  been  often 
 openly  and  boastingly  alleged  that  economy  and  retrenchment  had  been 
 carried  to  the  utmost  limit  compatible  v.  ith  national  service.  Our  ex- 
 position will  also  throw  light  on  the  workings  of  the  borough-govern- 
 ment in  its  highest  departments,  and  uncover  many  streamlets  of 
 corruption  which  meandered  through  the  upper  stratum  of  our  boasted 
 Constitution. 
 
 The  new  disposition  made  of  the  hereditary'  revenues  by  the  Civil 
 List   Act   of   1831,    and  which   continues  in    force  during  the  life  of 
 
186  REVENUES  OV    THE  CROWN. 
 
 the  king-,  we  shall  notice  in  its  proper  place ;  at  present  we  shall  give  a 
 brief  exposition  of  those  ancient  endowments  of  the  monarchy  which 
 long  formed  a  principal  source  of  ministerial  influence  and  parliamentary 
 corruption.      First  of  the 
 
 CROWN    LANDS. 
 
 These  constitute  the  remains  of  the  ancient  patrimony  of  the  sove- 
 reign, originally  intended  to  maintain  the  dignity  and  defray  the  ex- 
 pense of  the  executive  g-overnment.  Formerly,  the  kings  of  England, 
 as  of  other  European  states,  were  supported  from  the  soil,  and  not 
 by  the  system  of  revenue  Avhich  has  been  organized  in  latter  times. 
 Manufactures  and  commerce  were  almost  unknown ;  of  money  there 
 was  little,  and  scarcely  any  imposts.  Gradually  kings  found  out  the 
 means  of  supplying  their  wants  by  loading  their  subjects  with  taxes, 
 which  rendered  the  revenue  derived  from  their  private  domains  of  less 
 importance  ;  and  hence,  contemporaneously  with  the  progress  of  fiscal 
 oppression,  we  may  date  the  neglect  and  alienation  of  the  hereditary 
 revenues.  The  chief  remains  of  these  possessions  are  the  crown  lands, 
 consisting  of  parks,  forests,  chases,  manors,  fisheries,  and  royalties  ; 
 extensive  estates,  numerous  church  livings,  fee-farm-rents,  light-house 
 dues,  mines  of  coal,  tin,  and  copper.  The  property  is  situate  in  almost 
 every  part  of  the  kingdom,  but  principally  in  the  metropolis  and 
 vicinity ;  much  of  it  is  in  Wales  ;  and  there  are  extensive  estates  in 
 Ireland.  The  histoiy  and  management  of  these  royal  endowments,  their 
 subserviency  to  political  purposes,  and  their  present  state  and  value,  we 
 shall  shortly  describe.  .It  is  a  subject  of  much  novelty,  and  one  with 
 which  even  public  men  have  not  taken  great  pains  to  be  informed.  Our 
 information  is  mainly  derived  from  the  Reports  of  the  Commissioners 
 of  Woods  and  Forests,  from  a  publication  entitled,  "  Observations 
 on  the  landed  Revenue  of  the  Crown,"  written  by  a  nephew  of  the 
 celebrated  Viscount  Bolingbroke,  and  from  the  able  speech  in  the  session 
 of  1830,  of  Mr.  D.  W.  Harvey,  the  member  for  Colchester. 
 
 William,  of  Normandy,  possessed  a  landed  revenue  of  £400,000  a- 
 year.  From  that  period  the  territorial  income  of  the  sovereign  declined, 
 till  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  when,  by  the  sequestration  of  the  wealth 
 of  the  religious  houses,  it  was  again  augmented.  The  public  revenue  of 
 Queen  Elizabeth  amounted  only  to  £500,000,  of  which  £132,000  was 
 the  produce  of  the  crown  estates.  During  the  Commonwealth  a  com- 
 mission was  appointed  by  Cromwell  to  ascertain  the  extent  of  the  crown 
 lands  throughout  the  kingdom  ;  and,  though  the  disturbed  state  of  the 
 country,  and  the  jealousy  with  which  the  new  government  was  regarded, 
 did  not  afford  him  an  opportunity  of  making  that  property  produce  as 
 much  as  it  would  have  done  in  more  tranquil  times,  yet  he  disposed  of 
 crown  property  to  the  anumnt  of  two  millions  sterling.  In  CornAvall 
 there  were  52  honours,  manors,  and  estates  belonging  to  the  Crown,  of 
 which  Cromwell  disposed  of  five  or  six  ;  but  only  three  or  four  of  the 
 
HEROES    OF    THE    KEVOLUTION    OF    1688.  187 
 
 v.hole  number  are  now  remaining  in  the  hands  of  government.  These 
 alienations  by  the  Protector  were,  after  the  restoration,  made  sub- 
 servient to  a  system  of  royal  favour  and  proscription.  Those  who  were 
 artful  enough  to  seize  the  proper  moment  for  apostatizing  from  repub- 
 licanism to  royalty  were  never  disturbed  in  their  purchases  ;  while 
 others,  who  were  either  too  tenacious  of  their  principles,  or  had  com- 
 mitted themselves  too  deeply  by  the  part  they  took  in  the  civil  war, 
 were  compelled  to  surrender  the  crown  property.  Neither  Chares  II. 
 nor  James  II.  could  resist  the  solicitations  of  rapacious  courtiers,  and 
 the  hereditar}^  estates  were  leased,  for  long  terms,  to  the  great  families 
 at  almost  nominal  rents. 
 
 But  the  greatest  inroads  on  the  crown  estates  were  committed 
 about  the  era  of  the  Revolution  of  1688.  Such  was  the  rapacity  of  the 
 patriots  of  those  days,  and  their  ingenuity  in  devising  new  taxes  to 
 defray  the  royal  expenditure,  that  William  III.  was  induced  to  grant 
 nearly  the  whole  of  the  crown  estates  to  his  supporters  in  parliament. 
 One  family,  that  of  Portland,  obtained  a  grant  of  five-sixths  of  the  whole 
 county  of  Denbigh.  In  the  next  reign  a  compact  was,  for  the  fii-st 
 time,  entered  into  ])etween  the  sovereign  and  the  people,  by  v;hich  a 
 civil  list  amounting  to  nearly  £700,000  was  given  to  Queen  Anne, 
 as  a  commutation  for  the  land  and  other  revenues  enjoyed  by  her 
 predecessors  ;  and  the  preamble  of  the  Act  is  worthy  of  notice,  for  its 
 object  was  stated  to  be  "  to  defray  pai't  of  the  expense  of  government, 
 and  lessen  the  burthen  on  the  subject  by  means  of  the  preservation 
 and  improvement  of  the  crown  lands."  How  public  burthens  have 
 been  lessened  by  this  and  subsequent  engagements  Avith  the  sovereign 
 for  a  civil  list  will  be  strikingly  illustrated  in  the  sequel.  For  the 
 present  let  us  continue  our  narrative. 
 
 In  the  agreement  with  Queen  Anne,  it  was  settled  that  no  crown 
 estate  should  be  leased  at  a  rent  less  than  one-third  of  its  clear  annual 
 value  ;  the  remaining  two-thirds  being  left  to  the  disposal  of  ministers, 
 who  thereby  were  enabled  to  benefit  their  friends.  Indeed,  they  often 
 neglected  the  injunction  of  the  statute,  by  granting  long  leases  at  a  rent 
 of  a  mark,  Qs.  8d.,  13s.  4d.  or  other  nominal  consideration.  These 
 abuses  afforded  a  pretext  to  Shippen,  Lockhart,  and  other  members, 
 disappointed  in  not  being  permitted  a  share  in  the  spoil,  for  introducing 
 a  bill,  the  object  of  which  was  the  resumption  of  the  crown  property 
 obtained  by  the  heroes  of  the  glorious  Revolution.  The  bill  passed  the 
 Commons,  but  found  its  grave  among  the  delinquents  it  was  meant  to 
 reach,  and  where  many  similar  acts  of  utility  have  been  entombed. 
 
 From  this  period  nothing  more  was  heard  of  the  crown  lands  till  the 
 accession  of  George  III.  >  when  it  was  settled  that  no  lease  of  them 
 should  be  granted  for  less  than  one-eighth  of  their  annual  value  ;  the 
 other  seven-eighths  to  be  taken  in  fines.  Such,  however,  was  the  pro- 
 fligacy of  ministers,  that  they  first  let  the  land  almost  for  nothing,  and, 
 after  taking  an  estimate  of  it  at  that  rate,  sold  it  for  nothing.  Thus 
 an  estate  that  was  worth  £5,000,  was  leased  at  a  rent  of  £10,  and  after- 
 wards sold  for  £200.     An  estate,  comprising  the  whole  of  Piccadilly 
 
188  ni:viiNUF.s  or   riii:  cuoavn. 
 
 from  Park-lane  to  Swallow-street,  tog-etlier  with  all  the  hack  luiios,  was 
 iihsolutely  sold  to  the  Pultenoy  family,  six  years  after  a  lease  had  been 
 granted  at  the  rent  of  £12':  16:  10.  for  £.500.  Thi.s  lease  is  noAv 
 nearly  e.xpircd.  Tlse  fine  park  of  Bowood,  in  Wiltshire,  after  bcitio; 
 leased  at  £30  a-yoar,  was  sold  for  £468 :  1 0.  The  manor  of  Spalding-, 
 of  the  annual  value  of  £4,000,  which,  after  being  held  by  the  trustees 
 of  the  Earl  of  Dalkeith  for  no  consideration  at  all,  Avas  leased  to  the 
 Duke  of  Buccleuch  at  £5  per  annum,  and  afterwards  entirely  severed 
 from  the  crown  without  any  inquiry  whatever.  In  Yorkshire,  the  esta'e 
 of  Seaton,  and  another  place,  together  with  the  alum-works,  were  sold 
 to  Lord  Mulgravo  for  £27,000,  the  annual  value  of  which  was  £2,296, 
 including  the  alum-works,  estimated  at  £20,000.  It  does  not  appear  what 
 became  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sale,  except  that  they  were  paid  into  the 
 Treasury ;  they  may  remain  there  still,  but  it  is  certain  they  have  never 
 been  applied  to  any  known  public  purpose.  An  estate,  forfeited  by  the 
 Earl  of  Derwentwater,  worth  £9,000  per  annum,  was  sold  to  two  of  the 
 Commissioners  of  Woods  and  Forests  for  £l  ,000.  This  was  too  gross  to 
 escape,  and  two  members  of  the  "  Collective  Wisdom,"  having  dabbled 
 in  the  transaction,  Avere  expelled,  and  two  others  reprimanded.  It  is 
 difficult  to  say  whether  the  Whigs  or  Tories  spor-ted  most  in  these  land 
 jobs,  but  the  Whigs  had  certainly  the  best  of  it  in  the  reigns  of  Wil- 
 liam III.  and  the  two  first  princes  of  the  Hanover  family. 
 
 In  1770  the  manor  of  Newark  was  granted  to  the  Duke  of  New- 
 castle, first  Lord  of  the  Treasury,  and  a  nobleman,  accorJing  to  the 
 testimony  of  the  first  Earl  of  Chatham,  much  addicted  to  mendacitv.* 
 The  rent  reserved  on  this  grant  to  the  Pelhams  -was  £482,  and  accord- 
 ing to  law  the  fine  should  have  been  £3374,  instead  of  which  only  £200 
 was  paid.  The  lease  Avas  renewed  by  Lord  Granville,  in  1806,  for  a  term 
 of  thirty  years,  at  a  rent  of  £2000  ;  the  property  now  consists  of  960 
 acres,  covered  with  dwellings,  tolls  of  bridges,  fisheries,  and  markets, 
 and  yields  to  the  proprietor  £4000  a-year  ;  and  were  it  let,  without 
 reference  to  electioneering  purposes,  would  yield  £7000  a-ycar.  But 
 the  great  object  of  the  croAvn-lessee  is  to  maintain  his  political  influence 
 in  the  borough  ;  for  which  purpose  this  property  is  under-let  in  small 
 portions  to  yearly  tenants,  who  are  thus  constrained  to  vote  for  any 
 person  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  thinks  fit  to  nominate.  A  striking  illus- 
 tration of  the  Duke's  influence  was  afforded  in  the  year  1829.  Sir  W. 
 H.  Clinton,  differing  in  opinion  with  the  noble  boroughmonger,  on  the 
 Catholic  question,  he  was  compelled  to  resign  his  seat  for  NcAvark  ; 
 Avhen  his  lordship,  forthwith,  posted  doAvn  Mr.  Sadler  as  the  retirino- 
 member's  accredited  successor.  Some  of  the  inhabitants,  not  likino- 
 the  idea  of  a  total  stranger  being  crammed  doAA-n  their  throats  so  un- 
 ceremoniously, rebelled  against  their  lord,  voting  for  Mr.  Sergeant 
 Wilde,  the  opponent  of  the  duke's  nominee.  This  Avas  not  to  be  borne  : 
 immediately  after  the  election  notices  of  ejectment  Avere  served  on  the 
 
 *  Lord  Melbourne's  Diary,  p.  376. 
 
JOBBING    IN    THE    CROWN     LANDS.  189 
 
 rebels  ;  the  duke  justifying  his  vindictive  proceeding  on  the  tyrant's 
 plea — that  he  had  a  right  to  do  "  what  he  pleased  with  his  own  ;"  af- 
 fording a  practical  commentary  of  the  vast  utility  of  the  constitutional 
 maxim,  which  declares  it  to  be  a  "  high  infringement  upon  the  liberties 
 of  the  people  for  any  peer  to  concern  himself  in  the  election  of  mem' 
 bers  of  the  House  of  Commons." 
 
 Leaving  the  noble  trader  in  boroughs,  we  shall  proceed  with  others. 
 In  Lincoln,  there  was  a  crown  estate  valued  at  £937,  let  to  Sir  W.  G. 
 Guise,  at  £37  a  year,  as  a  means  of  political  corruption.  The  estate  of 
 Rosedale,  in  the  mountain  recesses  of  Yorkshire,  was  held  by  forty 
 tenants,  whose  leases  expired  in  1816,  and  have  since  held,  from  year 
 to  year,  to  the  great  deterioration  of  the  land.  Instead  of  dividing  this 
 property  to  suit  the  tenants,  many  of  whom  would  have  been  purchasers, 
 it  was  put  up  in  one  lot,  on  the  last  day  of  December,  when  the  ground 
 was  covered  v.-ithsnow.  The  reserved  bid  was  £70,000  ;  only  £37,000 
 was  offered.  These  reserved  bids  are  injurious,  for  they  prevent  com- 
 petitors from  coming  forward.  Property  at  Esham  was  let  to  Sir  John 
 Shaw  for  £3920  :  the  crown  lessee  put  it  up  to  sale  in  lots,  and  obtained 
 biddings  to  the  amount  of  £25,000  and  upwards:  this,  it  must  be 
 observed,  was  during  the  excitement  produced  by  paper-money  and  war 
 prices.  In  1815  a  lease  was  granted  to  Sir  John  Throgmorton,  at  a 
 rent  of  £ll5,  of  property  of  which  the  estimated  value,  upon  oath,  was 
 £1 104.  Another  property  of  great  importance,  called  Sunk  Island,  had 
 been  lately  rescued  from  the  sea.  In  the  report  of  the  commissioners  it  is 
 described  as  a  parcel  of  sandy  land,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Humber. 
 From  1771,  it  was  leased  for  thirty-one  years.  In  1802,  another  lease 
 was  granted  for  thirty-one  years,  at  a  rent  of  £700  for  the  first  year, 
 £2000  for  the  second,  and  for  the  remainder  of  the  term  £3100.  In 
 the  second  year  of  his  lease  the  tenant  went  to  an  expense  of  £10,000, 
 in  making  banks  and  in  other  improvements,  and  the  estate  is  now  let 
 by  him  for  £10,000  a-year.  The  Reverend  John  Lonsdale  is  the  crown- 
 lessee,  and,  apparently,  a  good  judge  in  land  speculations.  This  estate 
 consists  of  6000  acres  of  the  finest  soil  in  the  kingdom,  tithe  free,  and 
 worth  fifty  shillings  an  acre.  In  1812,  freehold  estates  to  the  amount  of 
 £1084  of  yearly  value  were  sold  at  twenty  3'ears'  purchase  ;  the  manor 
 of  Eltham,  with  royalties,  lands,  &c.  for  £569;  King's  Cliffe  £148  ; 
 the  manor  of  the  Chapter  of  Beverley,  with  all  rights,  courts,  demesnes, 
 and  tenements  belonging,  for  £224 ;  and  part  of  the  race-course  of 
 Newmarket  for  £154.  All  these  were  sold  at  twenty  years' purchase, 
 the  land-tax  having  been  previously  bought  by  the  Crown  at  thirty- 
 nine  years'  purchase  from  itself,  and  sold  again  at  twenty  years 
 purchase.  It  is  needless  to  remark  that  manors  are  hig'nly  desirable 
 investments ;  with  courts  and  royalties  annexed,  they  give  a  local  dis- 
 tinction and  importance  to  the  purchasers. 
 
 We  shall  next  enter  the  domain  of  Woods  and  Forests,  abounding 
 with  similar  examples  of  waste  and  mismanagement  as  those  already 
 cited.  Here,  again,  we  meet  with  the  Duke  of  Newcastle.  A  broad 
 riding-way  was  cut  for  his  Grace  through  Sherwood-forest :  the  timber 
 
190  REVENUES    or    THE    CROWN. 
 
 cut  down  was  g'iven  to  his  lordship,  and  the  pailing  raised  at  cacli  side  of 
 the  way  was  charged  to  the  -public  at  £1787.  Another  nobleman  had  a 
 right  of  pasturage  for  one  horse,  in  Wolmar-forest,  and,  for  the  pasturage 
 of  this  single  horse,  not  less  than  450  acres  of  forest-land  were  appro- 
 priated. Rockingham-forest  and  an  estate  adjoining  v.-ere  let  to  Lord 
 Westmoreland  at  less  than  one  farthing  an  acre  !  The  interests  of  the 
 crown  in  this  property  were  valued,  so  long  ago  as  1704,  at  £.50,000  ; 
 they  were  bought,  by  Lord  Westmoreland,  for  £10,038,  in  1796,  though 
 the  money  was  not  all  paid  till  1809.  With  so  much  indulgence  and 
 profuse  generosity  is  it  surprising  the  crown  lands  have  contributed  so 
 little  to  relieve  public  burthens  ?  Sherwood- forest  contains  95,000 
 acres,  and,  from  1761  to  1786,  the  disbursements  for  management 
 exceeded  the  receipts  by  £9037.  Some  trees,  which  were  blown  down 
 in  the  forest,  were  valued  at  £'2457  ;  but  the  produce  was  only  £850, 
 the  rest  being  expended  in  fees  and  allowances  to  officers.  In  the 
 forest  of  Littlewood  there  were  5424  acres,  and  not  less  than  seventy 
 officers.  During  the  last-mentioned  period  the  receipts  for  the  crown 
 property,  in  Wales,  amounted  to  £123,717;  the  expense  of  manage- 
 ment to  £124,466;  so  that  the  exchequer  was  minus,  by  the  princi- 
 pality, £749  !• 
 
 Very  inadequate  considerations  appear  to  have  been  received  for  the 
 leases  of  houses  in  the  metropolis.  In  1815,  there  were  no  less  than 
 thirty-one  houses,  in  Piccadilly  and  the  neighbourhood,  let  for  £125 
 a-year,  a  property  which,  in  1786,  Avas  valued  at  £600,  and  must  now 
 be  worth  many  thousands.  Nineteen  houses  were  let  in  Holborn,  near 
 the  Turnstile,  for  £564  and  £100  premium,  which  were  worth  at  least 
 from  £100  to  £130  each.  In  the  Spring-garden-terrace  were  three 
 messuages,  well  worth  £200  each,  all  let  for  £200  and  a  fine  of  £500. 
 Other  houses,  in  Piccadilly  and  Pall  Mall,  have  been  disposed  of  on  terms 
 equally  low  ;  the  rents  must  be  merely  nominal,  nothing  like  what  the 
 houses  are  really  worth.  A  house.  No.  17,  Charles-street,  has  been  let, 
 upon  a  thirty  years'  lease,  at  £110  a-year.  Within  a  month  after  the 
 completion  of  the  lease,  the  tenant  let  it  for  £230  a-year;  thus  clearing- 
 more  than  cent,  per  cent,  by  his  speculation.  The  ground-rents  of  the 
 Crown,  in  London,  produced,  last  year,  £105,000.  Reckoning,  with 
 the  late  Mr.  Huskisson,  the  buildings  at  on\y  five  times  the  value  of  the 
 ground-rents,  the  rental  of  the  Crown,  when  the  leases  fall  in,  will  be 
 £525,000.  What  a  means  of  influence  in  the  capital !  what  accommo- 
 dation it  enables  ministers  to  afford  their  friends  and  supporters  ! 
 
 Indeed,  it  is  important  to  remark  avIio  are  the  tenants  of  the  crown 
 property.  Mr.  Harvey  justly  observed  that  it  presented  a  source  of 
 corruption  sufficient  to  contaminate  any  parliament,  and  pervert  its 
 members  to  any  purpose.  Most  of  the  parties  involved  in  the  preceding- 
 transactions  were  peers  of  the  realm  or  members  of  parliament.  Out 
 of  four  hundred  and  eight  tenants  to  the  rental  of  £200,000  a  year,  in 
 1786,  upwards  of  tioo  hundred  wei-e  men  of  title.  Among  them 
 were  the  Duke  of  St.  Alban's,  Earl  Bathurst,  Viscount  Bacon,  the 
 Duke   of  Gloucester,  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  the  Earl  of  Lichfield, 
 
PRODIGAL    PURCHASES    BY    COMMISSIONERS    OF    WOODS.   191 
 
 and  many  other  noble  lords ;  for,  to  speak  truth,  they  were  as  "  thick 
 as  the  peerage  could  make  them."  It  cannot  be  supposed  these  great 
 personages  would  condescend  to  the  humble  office  of  land-jobbers,  unless 
 something  veiy  substantial  was  to  be  gained  by  it.  It  is  not  unusual 
 for  peers  of  parliament  and  honourable  members  to  take  leases  of  the 
 crown-estates  at  a  low  consideration,  and  then  re-let  them  to  sub-tenants 
 at  exorbitant  rents  ;  but  it  is  not  likely  they  would  submit  to  the  trouble 
 and  degradation  of  acting  as  middle-men,  unless  the  profit  was  really 
 magnificent. 
 
 We  must  now  turn  over  another  leaf.  It  has  been  seen  on  what 
 very  low  terms  Messieurs  the  Commissioners  let  and  sold  the  crown 
 lands  ;  we  shall,  per  contra,  show  how  very  lavish  they  have  been  when 
 they  had  any  thing  to  buy, — a  residence,  for  instance,  for  a  brother 
 placeman,  or  a  piece  of  church-patronage,  or  a  parcel  of  land  to  round 
 off  the  parks,  or  to  improve  the  view  from  the  palaces,  or  the  unfinished 
 house  of  an  insolvent  prince,  or  a  needy  peer.  Whether  they  had 
 authority  so  to  apply  the  proceeds  of  the  land-revenues  may  be  doubted, 
 but  that  they  have  done  so  is  certain,  and  here  follows  a  brief  chronicle 
 of  a  few  of  their  performances. 
 
 Within  a  short  distance  of  Virginia  Water  was  a  public-house,  the 
 Wheat  Sheaf;  to  remove  this  vulgarity  from  the  favourite  resort  of  the 
 late  king  it  was  bought  for  £5000,  and  let  to  Ramsbottom,  the  brewer, 
 and  a  M.  P.  for  £50.  At  Egham,  premises  were  bought  for  £1100, 
 for  which  no  person,  when  they  were  offered  for  sale,  would  give  £500. 
 The  sum  of  £21,000  was  paid  for  Mote-park.  The  house  of  Lord  de 
 Clifford,  in  Spring-gardens,  Avas  bought  for  £4000  for  an  auditor  s 
 office,  while  the  government  Avas  letting  houses  of  their  own  in  the 
 same  place,  and  equally  fit  for  the  purpose,  at  £100  a  year.  In  Pim- 
 lico,  £26,000  was  paid  for  premises  to  enlarge  the  mews.  In  Windsor, 
 a  house  was  purchased  from  the  Honourable  John  Coventry  for  £7000, 
 and  sold  afterwards  to  the  Honourable  Mr.  Westenra  for  £6000.  A  sum 
 of  £56,566  was  lent  to  the  Duke  of  York  to  build  a  house.  GoA^ern- 
 ment  bought  it  for  £81,000,  and  sold  it  again  to  the  Marquis  of  Stafford 
 for  £72,000.  In  1805,  the  Black  Bear,  in  Piccadilly,  Avas  let  under 
 the  CrovA'n  at  a  rent  of  £108  ;  but  it  became  desirable  to  resume  the 
 premises,  and  the  interest  of  the  lessee  Avas  valued  at  £3000.  In  1809, 
 the  Duke  of  Richmond  disposed  of  a  house  to  the  commissioners  for 
 £5000  ;  but  they  took  the  precaution  of  saying  to  his  Grace,  you  must 
 giA'e  us  back  £700  of  this  for  damage  done  in  1791,  and  so  the  sum 
 paid  Avas  reduced,  in  this  way,  to  £4300.  The  perpetual  adxowson 
 of  the  rectory  of  St.  Mary-le-bone  was  bought  of  the  Duke  of  Portland 
 for  the  sum  of  £40,000.  According  to  the  explanation  of  Lord 
 Bentinck,  his  father  accepted  this  diminutiA'e  consideration  rather  than 
 the  living  should  fall  into  "  bad  hands," — the  Dissenters,  who  had 
 oft'ei'ed  a  larger  sum.*  The  bargain  has  not  been  very  advantageous  to 
 the  public.     The  expenses  incurred  in  one  year  subsequent  to  the  pur- 
 
 I 
 
 *  House  of  Commons,  March  30,  1830. 
 
192  REVENUES    OF    THE    CRO\VN. 
 
 chase  were  £10,000.  The  receipt  from  pews  was  only  £800,  and  the 
 rector  was  paid  £2000  a  year.  Bat  an  important  object  was  gained  by 
 this  contract.  Ministers  secured  the  ecclesiastical  patronage  of  one  of 
 the  largest  and  richest  parishes  in  the  metropolis. 
 
 Having'  given  specific  examples  of  the  management  of  crown  property, 
 and  the  purposes  to  which  it  has  been  applied,  we  shall  next  advert  to 
 the  g-eneral  income  and  expenditure  arising  from  this  source. 
 
 The  property  in  Ireland  has  scarcely  yet  been  noticed.  It  is  of  the 
 same  description  as  that  in  England,  consisting  of  estates,  conrposition- 
 rents,  quit-rents,  and  rents  of  plus  acres.  The  gross  proceeds  from 
 these  sources,  in  179G,  were  £61,340.  Since  then  part  has  been  sold, 
 leaving  the  Irish  rental  in  1829,  £56,354. 
 
 The  average  receipts  from  the  crown  lands  in  both  kingdoms,  from 
 1793  to  1829,  has  been  £560,000  per  annum.  Of  this  income  a  very 
 small  portion  indeed  has  been  available  to  the  public  service.  In  the 
 last  thiee  years  £1,500,000  was  received,  and  not  a  single  farthing 
 was  paid  into  the  Exchequer.  During  the  whole  term  of  twenty-six 
 years  only  £234,000  has  reached  the  Treasury,  the  remaining  balance 
 of  upwai'ds  of  fourteen  millions  having  been  expended  in  the  notable 
 bargains  of  the  commissioners  already  mentioned,  in  metropolitan  im- 
 provements, on  the  royal  parks  and  palaces,  in  pensions  and  com- 
 pensations, and  in  the  salaries  of  officers  and  charges  of  manage- 
 ment. 
 
 The  average  expenditure  in  the  three  years  1827,  1828,  1829,  in 
 the  collection  of  rents,  law  expenses,  and  other  charges,  was  £169,020, 
 being,  Avithin  a  trifle,  20  per  cent,  on  the  entire  produce  of  the  crown 
 lands.  The  office  of  Woods  and  Forests,  including  salaries  of  com- 
 missioners, clerks,  &c.  costs  upwards  of  £18,000  ;  in  addition  to  which 
 £6000  and  more  is  annually  paid  for  law  charges,  and  to  auditors  and 
 assistants.  But  the  greatest  and  most  objectionable  objects  of  di.-iburse- 
 ment  have  been  the  parks  and  palaces.  The  total  of  the  ordinary  ex- 
 penditure on  St.  James's  and  Hyde  Parks,  Richmond,  Hampton-court, 
 Bushy,  Greenwich,  and  Vv'indsor  Parks,  was,  in  1826,  £48,810.  In 
 1827,  the  expenditure,  ordinary  and  extraordinary,  amounted  to 
 £92,200.  In  1828  it  was  £116,143.  The  sums  lavished  on  the  palaces 
 have  been  really  prodigious.  For  the  repairs  and  alterations  of  Windsor 
 Castle  £771,000  has  been  granted,  and  still  unjinished.  £27  0,670 
 has  been  expended  in  furniture  for  the  castle,  and  £10,000  more  is 
 required.  Of  the  sum  expended  £1768  was  for  kitchen  ftirniture. 
 The  total  expenditure  on  the  castle  in  furniture  and  building  is  estimated 
 to  amount  to  £1,084, 170.*  The  estimated  expense  of  repairing  and  im- 
 proving that  ill-situated  pile,  Buckingdiam-Palace,  Avas  £432,926  ;  but 
 this  did  not  include  the  expense  of  the  sculpture  of  a  marble  arch- 
 way, alone,  to  cost  £35,000,  and  the  commission  of  architects  and 
 clerks,   amounting  to  £63,243  more.     Lord  Duncannon,  this  session, 
 
 Parliamentary  paper,  271,  Sess.  1831. 
 
PIl'KINGS    FROM    PAI.ACE    JOBS.  193 
 
 required  £78,750   additional,  to  complete  this  monstrous  undertaking, 
 Avhich  does  not  include  the  charge  for  furnishing-  the  palace.* 
 
 The  formation  of  Regent-street  was  estimated  to  cost  £368,000. 
 From  first  to  last  it  has  cost  £1,833,000.  The  rents  of  the  houses  do 
 not  exceed  £36,000,  being  under  2  per  cent,  per  annum  on  the  outlay. 
 Had  not  this  undertaking  been  left  to  the  management  of  Mr.  Nash,  it 
 might,  by  this  time,  have  produced  three  or  four  times  the  present 
 rental.  The  Charing-cross  improvements  were  estimated  to  cost 
 £850,000,  they  have  already  cost  £1,147,000.  The  Strand  improve- 
 ments are  estimated  to  cost  £748,000,  but  Mr.  Arbuthnot  now  admits 
 there  will  be  an  exceeding  on  this  estimate  of  £95,000. 
 
 With  the  purpose  of  the  street-improvements  no  fault  can  be  justly 
 found.  Some  of  them  already  are,  and  others  no  doubt  will  be,  both 
 useful  and  ornamental  to  the  Metropolis ;  and  if  the  land-revenue  had 
 not  be  drawn  upon,  recourse  must  have  been  had  to  the  consolidated 
 fund.  The  chief  objections  that  can  be  urged  against  them  are  the  dis- 
 proportion between  the  original  estimate  and  the  expenditure  ;  the 
 questionable  taste  displayed  in  some  of  the  plans,  and  to  the  individuals 
 employed  to  superintend  their  execution.  For  example,  Mr.  Nash, 
 according  to  the  report  of  a  parliamentary  committee,  "  became  a  lessee 
 of  the  Crown  while  acting  as  its  agent  and  surveyor,  and  in  his  capacity 
 of  the  crown-surveyor  actually  reported  on  the  buildings  erected  by 
 himself,  upon  the  ground  of  which  he  was  the  lessee."t  Other  and 
 more  serious  charges  have  been  alleged  against  this  gentleman,  but  as 
 they  have  not  been  so  clearly  established  we  pass  them  over. 
 
 Throughout  we  have  used  the  term  crown  lands;  they  are  in  fact 
 not  the  lands  of  the  Crown,  but  of  the  public.  Ever  since  the  reign  of 
 Queen  Anne  a  life-annuity  has  been  granted  to  the  sovereign  in  lieu  of 
 the  produce  of  the  hereditary  revenues.  Hence  results  the  mal-appro- 
 priation  in  lavishing  these  funds  in  aid  of  the  royal  expenditure.  Surely 
 the  civil  list  of  the  late  King  was  ample  enough,  not  only  to  defray 
 his  personal  outgoings,  but  to  maintain  his  own  establishments.     The 
 
 •  The  palace  jobs  have  yielded  splendid  pickings  to  the  upholsterers.  Messrs. 
 Morel  and  Seddon's  estimates  fur  furnishing  Windsor  Castle  amounted  to 
 £143,000,  which  were  paid  to  them ;  but  the  bills  they  delivered  were  for 
 £203,963,  leaving  a  balance  of  £00,963.  A  parliamentary  committee  demurred 
 to  the  payment  of  so  large  a  balance  over  the  estimates.  Certain  persons, 
 deemed  competent  judges,  were  appointed  to  examine  the  charges  for  selected 
 articles  of  furniture  which  the  committee  thought  would  be  a  criterion  whereby 
 to  judge  whether  the  general  charges  of  the  bills  were  extravagant.  But  the 
 gentlemen  nominated  by  the  Treasury  to  appraise,  after  a  preliminary  inspection, 
 declined  the  task,  the  furniture  being  of  that  peculiar  sort,  they  were  incapable 
 of  forming  an  estimate  of  its  value.  Messrs.  Morel  and  Seddon  next  delivered 
 a  statement  of  the  sums  actually  expended  by  them  in  materials,  labour,  and 
 trade  charges,  and  the  profit  accruing,  which  statement  was  verified  by  an 
 inspection  of  their  books  by  Mr.  Abbott,  an  accountant.  Witnesses  were  then 
 examined  as  to  the  fair  paoFiT  which  ought  to  he  charged  by  upholsterers,  and 
 the  result  was  the  bill  of  Morel  and  Seddon,  originally  £203,963  :  6  :  5,  Mas 
 reduced  to  £179,300  :  13  :  9. 
 
 t    Pari.  Paper,  No.  343,  vol.  iii.  Session  1829. 
 
 O 
 
194  ADMISSION    OF    PEOPLE    TO    THE    PARKS. 
 
 acts  of  parliament,  establishing  the  administration  of  the  Woods  and 
 Forests,  require  that  the  revenues  arising-  therefrom  shall  be  expended 
 in  objects  of  public  utility.  Was  the  purchase  of  Claremont,  as  a 
 residence  for  Prince  Cobiirg,  or  the  giving  of  a  slice  off  Hyde-paik  to 
 the  Duke  of  Wellington,  to  round  the  area  of  Apsley-house,  objects  of 
 this  nature  ?  Or  can  the  parks  and  palaces  be  considered  such  ?  These 
 last  are  often  very  haughtily  and  insultingly  described  as  solely  for  the 
 use,  recreation,  and  enjoyment  of  the  King.  Let  the  King  then  defray, 
 we  say,  the  expense  of  them.  During  the  late  extravagant  reign  the 
 people  were  very  contemptuously  treated  as  regards  these  matters. 
 They  were  often  capriciously  excluded  from  the  paiks ;  prohibited  from 
 being  seen  in  certain  walks — restricted  from  entering  here  or  walking 
 there  — and  all  these  fantastic  regulations  to  interdict  the  enjoyment  of 
 their  own  property,  and  the  expense  of  maintaining  which  was  defrayed 
 out  of  their  own  pockets.  Waterloo-place,  Regent's  Park,  and  Wind- 
 sor-park, afford  examples  of  royal  or  official  whims  which  will  be  easily 
 recollected.  Under  WiUiam  IV.  there  appears  a  disposition  to  con- 
 ciliate popular  feeling,  but  the  treatment  of  the  public  by  his  prede- 
 cessor was  intolerable. 
 
 We  shall  now  lay  before  the  reader  a  return  of  the  present  income 
 and  expenditure  on  account  of  the  crown  lands.  It  is  for  the  year 
 ending  5th  January,  1829,  and  it  is  abstracted  from  the  last  triennial 
 Report  of  the  Commissioners  of  Woods  and  Forests.  After  that  we 
 shall  subjoin  an  estimate  of  the  present  value  of  the  crown  estates, 
 submitted,  by  Mr.  Harvey,  to  the  House  of  Commons,  March  30th,  1830. 
 
 INCOME  AND  EXPENDITURE  OF  THE  LAND-REVENUES. 
 
 ORDINARY    INCOME. 
 Total  balances,  5th  January,  1828     ' £79,057     3     0* 
 
 England  and  Wales. 
 
 Fee-farm  rents £     6,401  13  8 
 
 Leasehold  rents 138,164  17  11§ 
 
 J'rofits  of  mines,  manors,  &c 12,315  18  0§ 
 
 Light-house-dues,  &c 14,705     0  1 
 
 Fines 13,027  15  4 
 
 Sales  of  old  materials,  &c 3,471     2  0 
 
 188,086     7     1 
 
 Ireland. 
 Quit,  crown,  and  composition  rents,  and 
 
 rents  of  plus  acres 56,354  16     7 
 
 Island  of  Alder ne]/. 
 Rents,   tithes,    royalties,    and  harbour- 
 dues 127     0     0 
 
 Isle  of  Man. 
 Tithes,  quit  rents,  and  alienation-lines. .        1,428     7     1 
 
 57,910     3     8 
 The  royal  forests,  pai  ks  and  woodlands 39,972  15     8 
 
 Total  ordinary  receipts,  including  balances >.    £362,926     9     5$ 
 
INCOME    OF    CKOVVN    LANDS.  195 
 
 EXXRAOUDIXARY     RECEIPTS. 
 Sales   of    estates   and    unimprovable    rents    iu    England 
 
 and  Wales    13D,701  11     1| 
 
 The  like  ill  Ireland    22,919     2     1 
 
 Deposits  upon  sales  to  be  paid    1 09  17     7 
 
 Total  income  for  the  year  ending  January  5,  1829....  £525,7")0     0     3 
 
 ORDINARY    EXPENDITURE. 
 
 Ancient  stipends,  including  payments  to  schools,  chapels, 
 
 churches,  &c £7,486    7     10 
 
 Collection  of  rents,  including  allowances  to  receivers  ... .  4,241     9       8J 
 Local    disbursements   by   receivers,    and    allowances    to 
 
 tenants     4,091     1     4^ 
 
 Expenses  of  the  establishment  of  Woods  and  Forests,  in- 
 cluding salaries   of  commissioners,    clerks,    surveyors, 
 
 officers,  &:c 18,574     6     7 
 
 Salaries  to  auditors  and  assistan  Is 837     1     8 
 
 Law-charges 6,292     .'»     8 
 
 Payments  to  architects,  surveyors,  &c.  expenses  of  jour- 
 neys, and  other  bills 2,849     0     2 
 
 Fees  on  acts  of  parliament,  enrolling  of  leases,  &c 3,637     0     2 
 
 Rates,  taxes,  superannuation-allo%'*  ances,  &c 10,807  19     6§ 
 
 Expenses  on  the  royal  forests,  parks,  and  woodlands  ....  83,797     3     7| 
 
 Total  ordinary  expenditure £142,616  16     4J 
 
 EXTRAORDINARY      EXPENDITURE. 
 
 St.   James's,     Greenwich,     Hyde,     Windsor,    and   other 
 
 royal  parks 68,388     7  3 
 
 In  purclsase  of  estates  and  payments  to  Board  of  Works  for 
 
 Buckingham-palace 137,623  13  4 
 
 Transferred  to  the  Regent-street  fund   116,306  9  3 
 
 464,935  6  2| 
 
 Balance,  5th  January,  1829  60,814  14  5f 
 
 £525,750  0  7i 
 
 Estimate  of  the  Value  of  the  Crown  Lands,  indeijendently  of 
 the  Woods  and  Forests,  and  of  that  Portion  which  may  he 
 considered  to  helong  exclusively  to  the  Royal  Person. 
 
 One  hundred  and  thirty  manors  and  royalties,  at  £1000     £130,000 
 
 Annual  rental  of  estates,  £600,000,  at  25  years'  purchase 15,000,000 
 
 Middlesex,  ground-rents  £50,000  per  annum,  at40  years' purchase   2,000,000* 
 Rents  from  houses,  say  £20,000  per  annum,  at  18  years' purchase       360,000 
 
 Carried  forward £17,490.000 
 
 *  Mr.  Harvey  committed  an  oversight  in  estimating  the  Middlesex  ground- 
 rents  at  £50,000  per  annum.  Last  year  they  produced  £105,000,  and  when  the 
 leases  fall  in  will  be  worth,  according  to  the  estimate  of  Mr.  Huski»son,  £500,000. 
 Instead  of  two,  their  present  worth  is,  at  least,  four  millions. 
 
 02 
 
196  ESTIMATE    or    VALUE    OF    CROWN    LANDS. 
 
 Brought  forward £17,490,000 
 
 Waste  lands  in  forests  not  fit  for  oak  timber,  8e,000  acres,  at  £5 
 
 per  acre   430,000 
 
 Church  livings    100,000 
 
 Pee-farm-rents,  and  other  unimproveable  payments,  in  England 
 
 and  Wales,  at  least  £0000,  at  25  years'  purchase    150,000 
 
 Allotments  under  485  inclosure  acts,  at  £500 242,500 
 
 Irish  estates     2,000,000 
 
 Total £20,412,500 
 
 N.  B.  The  above  estimate  is  exclusive  of  mines  of  coal,  tin,  and  copper,  and  also 
 of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster,  £30,000.  Davcnant,  in  /lis  Treatise  on  the  Lands  of 
 England,  esthmUcs  the  common  rights  of  the  Croicn  at  300,000  acres. 
 
 The  estimate  of  the  value  of  the  land-revenues  does  not  include  the 
 royal  forests.  In  some  of  these  are  intermingling  rights,  and  the 
 Crown  has  no  property  in  the  soil.  Such  are  New  Forest  and  the  fo- 
 rests of  Epping,  Sherwood,  and  Dean  Forest ;  all  the  rights  possessed  by 
 the  Crown  consist  of  the  rigiit  of  herbage  for  the  deer,  although  in  the 
 great  forest  of  Sherwood,  comprising  a  sheet  of  land  of  95,000  acres, 
 not  a  single  deer  is  kept.  In  the  New  Forest,  out  of  90,000  acres,  the 
 Crown  has  the  right  to  enclose  periodically  6,000  acres,  which  may 
 be  dissevered  from  the  pasturage  for  the  growth  of  timber.  The  most 
 valuable  property  undoubtedly  consists  of  the  estates  and  leaseholds 
 alone  worth  upwards  of  tive?ity  millions  sterling.  These  might  be  sold 
 without  encroaching  on  any  possession  in  the  least  conducive  to  the 
 dignity  and  enjoyment  of  the  sovereign.  What  dignity,  indeed,  can 
 there  be  in  the  king  or  his  servants  being  jobbers  in  land,  or  hucksters 
 in  the  sale  of  houses,  leases,  and  ground-rents  ? 
 
 It  is  not,  however,  the  dignity  nor  the  comfort  of  the  king,  but  the 
 patronage  of  his  ministers,  that  is  at  stake.  The  preceding  narrative 
 has  shown  what  an  endless  source  of  jobbing  the  crown-lands  have  been 
 for  centuries ;  of  jobbing  the  most  foul,  rapacious,  and  iniquitous. 
 Not  only  have  the  commons,  but  the  distinguished  names  of  the  peerage  — 
 the  great  historical  cognomens — been  implicated  in  these  peculating 
 transactions.  This  description  is  not  limited  to  the  times  of  the  Edwards 
 and  Henries,  when  there  was  no  law  to  contravene  the  sovereign's 
 pleasure,  or  the  sordid  practices  of  his  servants,  but  applies  to  the 
 period  subsequent  to  the  Revolution,  when  the  constitution  is  supposed 
 to  have  been  puriiied  and  perfected.  Acts  of  parliament,  indeed,  were 
 passed  prescribing  the  minimum  of  rent  (relatively  to  the  full  value) 
 at  which  the  crown-farms  should  be  let, — namely  one-third  before  the 
 reign  of  George  III.  and  one-eighth  after  the  accession  of  the  said  king, 
 stating,  too,  that,  under  the  former  regulation,  two-thirds  of  the  valued 
 rack-rent,  and,  under  the  latter,  seven-eighths  should  be  paid  in  the 
 shape  of  fine.  But  what  of  these  statutory  restraints  ?  They  were  all 
 set  at  nought;  the  "  creatures  were  at  their  dirty  work"  again;  and, 
 in  most  cases,  the  rents  reserved  and  the  fines  exacted  were  merely 
 nominal.  May  it  not  be  said,  after  this,  that  viinisterial  i-esponsihility 
 is  a  farce,  and  that  it  is  sheer  fatuity  to  expect  justice  will  be  enforced 
 
DROITS    Ol'    THE    CROWN    AND    ADMIRALTY.  197 
 
 against  public  defaulters,  when  the  accused  and  his  judges  are  alike 
 participant  in  the  delinquency  ? 
 
 The  sale  of  the  crown-lands  would  not  only  cut  off  a  dangerous 
 source  of  ministerial  influence,  but  render  them  more  conducive  to 
 national  wealth,  and  effect  a  saving  in  the  public  expenditure.  That 
 costly  establishment,  the  Board  of  Woods  and  Forests,  is  in  future,  it 
 appears,  (House  of  Commons,  Dec.  9,  1831,)  to  be  consolidated  with 
 the  Board  of  Works,  whereby  the  expense  of  two  boards  will  be  saved. 
 Mr.  Huskisson  long  depastured  in  this  retreat,  and  retained  to  the  last 
 a  singular  partiality  for  the  existing  mode  of  administering-  the  crown 
 property.  In  the  debate  on  Mr.  Harvey's  motion,  he  observed  that  the 
 House  had  no  right  to  dispose  of  the  hereditary  revenues  of  the  Crown 
 ivithoiit  its  consent.  No  one  could  gainsay  this  constitutional  truism. 
 No  doubt  an  act  of  parliament  w^ould  be  requisite,  and  every  one  knows 
 an  act  of  parliament  is  not  law  till  it  receives  the  royal  assent.  In  this, 
 then,  there  is  nothing  peculiar.  But  the  importance  ascribed  by  this 
 wily  and  selfish  politician  to  the  fact,  that  the  royal  forests  formed  a 
 valuable  nursery  for  the  growth  of  timber,  seemed  a  little  inconsistent 
 with  his  favourite  principles  of  free  trade.  England  depends  much 
 more  on  the  produce  of  her  looms  and  steam-engines  than  of  her  woods 
 and  forests ;  though  we  should  be  sorry,  for  the  sake  of  merely  increas- 
 ing' national  capital,  to  see,  throughout  the  country,  the  latter  entirely 
 superseded  by  the  former.  Agreeably  with  the  dogmas  of  the  school  of 
 which  Mr.  Huskisson  was  long  a  professed  disciple,  our  supply  of  timber 
 would  be  most  advantageously  obtained  from  the  wastes  of  Canada  and 
 Norway,  where  it  can  be  cheapest  produced ;  while  our  own  acres  are 
 best  appropriated  to  the  growth  of  cheap  bread  for  the  artisan  and 
 manufacturer. 
 
 DROITS    OF    THE    CROWN    AND    ADMIRALTY. 
 
 The  next  and  most  important  branch  of  the  hereditary  revenues  of 
 the  Crown  is  the  droits  of  admiralty.  These  droits,  or  rights,  are 
 I'eceived  by  the  king  in  his  capacity  of  lord  high  admiral ;  the  duties 
 of  which  office  are  discharged  by  five  lords  commissioners.  The  principal 
 soui'ces  whence  the  droits  are  derived  are  the  following : — all  sums 
 arising  from  wreck  and  goods  of  pirates ;  all  ships  detained  previously 
 to  a  declaration  of  war ;  all  coming  into  port,  either  from  distress  of 
 Aveather,  or  ignorant  of  the  commencement  of  hostilities ;  all  taken 
 before  the  issuing  of  proclamation  ;  and  those  taken  by  non-commissioned 
 captors  are  sold,  and  the  proceeds  form  droits  of  the  crown  and  admiralty. 
 
 From  this  description  of  the  sources  whence  the  droit  revenue  is 
 constituted,  it  evidently  appears  little  better  than  buccaneer  or  piratical 
 plunder,  obtained  under  circumstances  little  creditable  to  any  govern- 
 ment to  sanction.  Ships  detained  previously  to  a  declaration  of  war, 
 coming  into  port  ignorant  of  hostilities,  or  taken  before  the  issuing  of  a 
 proclamation,  are  all  considered  lawful  prizes:  the  sufferers,  in  these 
 cases,  violate  a  law  of  which  they  are  ignorant,  and  of  which  it  is  im- 
 possible they  should  have  any  knowdedge.    They  are  caught  in  u  spider's 
 
198  DROITS    or    THE    CROWN     AND    ADMIRALTY. 
 
 web  impervious  to  the  sig-ht.  An  ex-post-facto  law,  or  the  la^\■s  of  the 
 Roman  tyrant,  Avho  placed  them  so  high  that  they  were  illegible  to  the 
 beholder,  were  not  more  unjust  and  tyrannical.  In  the  course  of  the 
 late  war — in  the  attack  on  the  Danes,  and  the  seizure  of  the  Spanish 
 ships — we  had  two  memorable  instances  to  what  base  purposes  this 
 principle  may  be  applied.  In  the  attack  upon  Copenhagen,  government 
 might  be  actuated  by  its  fears  as  well  as  its  cupidity ;  it  might  dread 
 the  Danish  ships  of  war  falling  into  the  hands  of  Bonaparte ;  though,  in 
 either  case,  it  was  equally  disgraceful  to  a  great  nation  to  be  excited  to 
 an  act  of  flagrant  injustice  and  violation  of  international  law.  But  what 
 can  be  urged  in  defence  of  the  attack  on  the  Spanish  ships  in  1805? 
 The  object,  in  this  case,  unquestionably,  was  plunder  for  the  droit-fund. 
 There  could  be  no  fear  of  the  Spanish  ships  joining  the  enemy,  because 
 they  were  merchantmen,  and  not  ships  of  war.  We  were  at  peace;  the 
 Spanish  envoy,  in  London,  and  the  English  ambassador,  at  Madrid, 
 were  carrying  on  a  negotiation,  and  yet,  under  these  circumstances,  a 
 squadron  of  ships  of  war  was  fitted  out ;  the  homeward-bound  Spanish 
 fleet,  from  South  America,  loaded  with  treasure,  attacked,  the  crews 
 massacred,  the  ships  burnt,  and  the  proceeds  of  this  unhallowed  enter- 
 prise condemned  as  rights  of  the  Croivn  ! 
 
 Posterity,  in  looking  to  the  foreign  and  domestic  policy  of  England 
 for  the  last  forty  years,  under  the  influence  of  Tory  principles,  will  be  at 
 a  loss  which  most  to  condemn — the  encroachments  on  the  liberties  of  the 
 people,  or  the  atrocious  attacks  on  the  right  of  other  states.  The  balance 
 of  iniquity  seems  nearly  equal.  At  home,  the  liberty  and  property  of  the 
 people  have  been  assailed  by  the  Bank- Restriction- Act,  Seditious 
 Meetings  Bills,  new  Treason  Acts,  and  acts  for  the  curtailment  of  the 
 freedom  of  the  press.  Abroad,  we  may  reckon  among  the  catalog'ue  of 
 offences,  the  attacks  upon  Copenhagen  and  the  Spanii<h  fleet,  and  the 
 affair  of  Terceira  :  to  which  may  be  added,  our  slow  and  reluctaut  re- 
 cognition of  the  independence  of  the  new  States  of  South  America — our 
 suspicious  neutrality,  when  the  liberties  of  Italy  and  Spain  were  sub- 
 verted by  the  interference  of  foreign  armies — our  non- interference  in 
 behalf  of  the  heroic  Poles,  in  their  glorious  struggle  for  national  inde- 
 pendence— and  the  promptitude  with  which  we  have  mostly  availed 
 ourselves  of  every  pretext  for  either  openly  supporting  or  covertly  aiding 
 the  old  European  despotisms  in  their  machinations  against  popular 
 rights. 
 
 To  return,  however,  to  the  droits  of  Admiralty.  The  monies  accruing 
 from  the  droits,  as  well  as  the  crown-lands,  and  other  branches  of  the 
 hereditary  revenue,  were  ostensibly  conceded  to  the  public,  in  lieu  of 
 the  grant  of  a  fixed  sum  for  the  civil  list.  But  instead  of  being  made 
 available  to  the  national  seiTice,  they  have,  prior  to  the  commencement 
 of  the  present  reign,  always  been  kept  in  the  back  ground,  and  in- 
 directly expended,  without  either  the  people  or  their  representatives 
 having  any  control  over  them,  further  than  an  occasional  return  of  the 
 objects  on  which  they  had  been  lavished.  The  management  of  the 
 fund  was  not  more  extraordinary  than  its  application.     It  was  not  paid 
 
PAYMENTS  TO  DR.  STODDART,  POPHAM,  AND  DANIELS.    199 
 
 into  the  Exchequer,  like  the  taxes,  but  remained  in  the  hands  of  the 
 registrar  of  the  high  court  of  Admiralty,  the  receiver-g-eneral  of  droits, 
 the  commissioners  of  prizes,  and  the  Bank  of  England.  There  was  no 
 responsibility  attached  to  the  persons  receiving-  or  issuing-  this  money. 
 No  account  was  kept  of  the  receipts  and  outg-oings  at  the  Treasury.  It 
 was  drawn  out  of  the  Bank  of  England,  not  on  the  authority  of  the 
 privy-seal,  but  of  a  warrant  under  the  sign  manual  only.  In  short,  it 
 was  a  fund  wholly  out  of  the  control  of  parliament,  and  entirely  at  the 
 disposal  of  the  ministers  of  the  Crown :  it  might  be  expended  on  the 
 hirelings  of  the  press,  in  rewarding  spies  and  informers,  in  purchasing 
 votes  of  members  of  parliament,  in  bribery  at  elections,  in  minions  or 
 mistresses,  or  any  other  purpose  of  royal  or  ministerial  corruption. 
 
 The  specific  objects  for  which  the  Admiralty  droits  were  granted  to 
 the  Crown  were  for  "  guarding  and  maintaining  the  rights  and 
 privileges  of  the  seas  ;*  so  that  the  whole  of  the  fund,  agreeably  to 
 its  original  destination,  ought  to  have  been  expended  on  the  ships, 
 oificers,  and  men  of  the  English  navy.  How  differently  it  has  been 
 applied  we  shall  proceed  to  illustrate ;  instead  of  being  devoted  to  mari- 
 time objects,  it  has  been  dissipated  in  rewarding  the  questionable 
 services  of  individuals — in  discharging-  the  arrears  of  the  civil  list  —  in 
 payments  to  Sir  William  Knighton,  for  the  use  of  the  privy-purse — in 
 advances  to  different  branches  of  the  royal  family — paying  tradesmen's 
 and  physicians'  bills — defraying  the  expense  of  visits  from  foreign 
 princes,  and  of  royal  \dsits  to  Ireland,  Scotland,  and  Hanover — and,  in 
 general,  in  discharging  any  casual  debt  or  expense  which  the  caprice  or 
 extravagance  of  royalty  and  its  servants  might  incur. 
 
 In  looking  over  the  returns  to  parliament  of  the  disbursements  to 
 individuals,  the  first  that  struck  us  as  singxdar  were  two  paAinents  to 
 the  editor  of  a  ministerial  newspaper,  namely,  to  Dr.  Stoddart,  now 
 Sir  John  Stoddart,  and  a  judge  in  the  island  of  Malta.  Next  we  came 
 to  a  grant  to  Sir  Home  Popham,  to  indemnify  him  for  losses  he  had 
 sustained  in  his  famous  smuggling  voyage.  Tliis  gallant  officer,  it  seems, 
 had  entered  various  investments  outwards,  in  a  ship  called  Etrusco, 
 commanded  by  Sir  Home,  and  bound  from  one  of  the  ports  of  Italy  to 
 the  East  Indies.  Captain  Robinson,  appointed  on  that  station  for  the 
 prevention  of  smuggling,  seized  the  vessel ;  and  her  cargo,  value  £"25,000, 
 being  contraband  or  smuggled  goods,  was  condemned  as  good  and  lawful 
 prize.  Dr.  Lushington  having-  moved  for  various  papers  relative  to  this 
 transaction,  it  appeared,  by  a  warrant  of  the  Treasui-}",  signed  Charles 
 Long  and  others,  as  lords  of  the  Treasury,  that  the  loss  of  £-25,000  sus- 
 tained by  Captain  Popham,  in  smuggling,  was  made  up  to  him  by  a 
 grant  of  the  same  sum  out  of  the  Droits  of  Admiralty.  When  all  the 
 documents  relative  to  the  airair  were  upon  the  table  in  the  house,  and 
 Mr.  C.  Long  and  Sir  Home  Popham,  being  both  members,  were  present. 
 Dr.  Lushington  moved   "  That  Sir  Home  Popham,  in  being  detected  in 
 
 *  Lord  Brougham,  Parliamentar^^  Debates,  toI.  xxi.  245. 
 
200  DUOITS    OF    Till-:    CROWN     AM)    AUMIUALTY. 
 
 knowingly  cariying  on  an  illegal  traffic,  had  acted  in  contempt  of  the 
 laws  of  his  country,  contrary  to  the  duty  of  a  British  subject,  and  to  the 
 disgrace  of  the  character  of  a  British  officer  ;  and,  further,  that  the 
 grant  of  £25,000  by  Mr,  Long  to  him  out  of  the  Droits  of  Admiralty^ 
 had  been  a  gross  misapplication  of  the  pubUc  money."  After  solemn 
 debate  on  this  question,  not  a  single  fact  being  denied  or  disputed,  '  the 
 Guardians  of  the  Public  Purse'  fully  acquitted  Sir  Home  Popham  and 
 Mr.  Long  of  all  blame,  by  a  majority  of  126  to  51  \  When  one  mem- 
 ber of  parliament  could  thus  give  to  another  such  a  sum  of  money  as 
 £25,000  out  of  the  Droits  of  Admiralty,  it  accounts  for  that  loyal 
 clamour  which  was  so  often  heard  in  Parliament,  of  this  fund  being  the 
 ■private  property  of  the  king. 
 
 The  way  in  which  the  Reverend  W.  B.  Daniels,  the  author  of  a 
 work  on  "  Rural  Sports,"  became  entitled  to  £5077  out  of  the  fund  for 
 the  maintenance  of  maritime  rights,  is  worth  describing. 
 
 A  Mr.  Jacob,  the  owner  of  the  privateer  Daphne,  captured,  in  1799 
 or  1800,  the  French  vessel  Circe,  worth  £30,000,  which  Avas  con- 
 demned as  lawful  prize,  and  all  claim  to  the  contrai  y  disregarded.  The 
 year  and  day  for  appeal  having  transpired,  the  condemnation  became 
 final,  and  £15,000  was  shared  among  the  captors.  Ten  thousand 
 pounds  more  lay  ready  to  be  distributed.  At  this  point  of  time,  infor- 
 mation was  laid  against  Mr.  Jacob,  for  having  disregarded  the  33d  of 
 Geo.  IIL  by  which  the  muster  of  tiie  crew  of  a  privateer  before  sailing 
 is  enacted.  On  the  letter  of  this  law  they  were  convicted  ;  the  £10,000 
 stopped;  and  the  £15,000  recovered;  all  of  which  became  Droits  of 
 Admiralty.  The  mere  ignorance  of  the  law  was  admitted  as  no  excuse 
 for  Mr.  Jacob,  and  the  result  to  him  was,  besides  the  loss  of  his  prize, 
 costs  to  the  amount  of  £1700,  and  utter  ruin.  From  having  been  in  a 
 respectable  trade,  he  was  thrown  into  gaol,  and  reduced  to  beggary.  But 
 on  whose  authority  does  the  reader  imagine  Mr.  Jacob  and  his  family 
 were  reduced  to  beggary?  Here  it  will  be  necessary  to  introduce  the 
 Hev.  Mr.  Daniels.  This  gentleman,  after  publishing  his  work  on 
 "  Rural  Sports,"  had  been  confined  for  debt,  and  reduced,  as  Lord 
 Brougham  stated,  to  the  condition  of  a  '  primitive  Christian.'  After  all 
 other  attempts  to  patch  up  his  broken  fortune  had  failed,  he,  at  last, 
 turned  a  broker  in  evidence,  and  procured  two  men,  of  the  names  of 
 Thatcher  and  Guzman,  one  of  whom  had  been  convicted  of  perjury,  and 
 the  other  had  been  flogged  at  the  cart's  tail,  to  swear  as  much  as  was 
 necessary  to  convict  Mr.  Jacob.  For  this  signal  service,  the  Reverend 
 Mr.  Daniels  received  £5077  out  of  the  Admiralty  Droits,  and  the  first 
 of  his  witnesses  £87  :  13  :  7,  as  a  gratuity  for  evidence  given  ! 
 
 Besides  the  payment  to  Sir  Home  Popham,  and  Messrs.  Stoddart 
 and  Daniels,  there  are  others  quite  as  extraordinary  and  unaccountable. 
 There  is  a  sum  of  £2250  granted  to  Sir  George  Young,  on  the  20th  of 
 September,  1803,  being  one-third  of  the  Dutch  ship  Frederick,  taken 
 at  tlie  Cape.  The  item  is  remarkable,  because  at  the  time  Sir  (George 
 is  represented  capturing  ships  at  the  Cape,  he  was  serving  in  parliament 
 as  member  for  Honiton,  filled  a  lucrative  situation,  and,  on  failing  in  a 
 
ROYAL    FAMILY     AND    POOR    OF    SP  IT  A  LFIE  LDS.  201 
 
 subsequent  election,  was  appointed  governor  of  that  Colony.  The  Earl 
 of  Dunmore  is  also  down  for  the  sum  of  £'2792,  under  similar  circum- 
 stances. Lord  Stowell  is  inserted  for  £932,  "  for  services  in  deciding 
 upon  cases  relative  to  American  captures."  There  are  two  grants  to 
 Lord  Keith  of  £20,521  and  £1800,  to  make  up  losses  he  had  sustained 
 from  an  action  brought  against  him  for  ivrongfully  detaining  an  Ame- 
 lican  ship  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  There  is  a  grant  of  £700  to 
 one  Captain  Temple,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  a  prosecution  for  the 
 alledged  mui'der  of  a  seaman,  of  which  crime  he  had  been  acquitted ; 
 and  another  grant  of  £219  to  a  Turk,  for  some  losses  he  had  sustained 
 at  Constantinople. 
 
 The  objects  for  which  all  these  grants  have  been  made  appear  vfery 
 questionable  and  mysterious.  Let  us  now  come  to  the  larger  sums.  To 
 that  pious  nobleman,  Lord  Gambier,  the  great  pati'on  of  Bible  Societies, 
 and  to  Lord  Cathcart,  is  the  enormous  sum  of  £348,621,  as  their  share 
 oi  i\i&  prize-money  at  the  memorable  expedition  to  Copenhagen.  There 
 is  another  enormous  payment  to  one  John  Alcock,  "  to  be  by  him  paid 
 over  to  the  merchants,  &c.  trading  to  Spain,  whose  property  had  been 
 sequestered  in  1796  and  1797."  Another  singular  item  of  £54,921  is 
 entered  as  an  "  indemnification  to  sundry  commanders  of  his  Majesty's 
 ships  for  condemnations,  by  a  Court  of  Vice- Admiralty,  at  Cape  Nicola 
 Mole,  afterwards  found  not  to  have  jurisdiction.''  A  sum  of  £887 
 to  Captain  Spencer,  in  the  year  1807,  pursuant  to  his  Majesty's  war- 
 rant ;  £10,000  and  £1900  to  William  Bourne  and  others,  as  commis- 
 sioners of  Spanish  and  Portuguese  property. 
 
 The  complexion  of  all  these  grants  is  bad  enough,  AVe  shall  now 
 speak  of  the  immense  sums  taken  out  of  this  fund  by  the  different 
 branches  of  the  Royal  Family  ;  and  the  reader  must  bear  in  mind  that 
 these  grants  are  independent  of  the  enormotis  incomes  they  dejive  from 
 parliamentary  grants.  The  droits  have  formed  an  inexhaustible  mine 
 for  relieving  the  necessities  of  the  king,  the  regent,  the  princes  and 
 princesses,  in  all  their  embarrassments.  The  facility  v.ith  which  money 
 was  granted  by  different  ministers  from  this  fund,  rendered  economy  on 
 their  part  wholly  unnecessarj-.  Prior  to  1812,  there  had  been  taken 
 from  the  droits  the  enormous  sum  of  £760,000,  simply  for  the  payment 
 of  the  tradesmen's  bills  of  the  king's  household.  The  sums  granted  in  aid 
 of  the  civil  list,  from  1793  to  1818,  amounted  to  £1,324,000.  The 
 sums  paid  during  the  same  period,  to  different  branches  of  the  royal 
 family,  amounted  to  £266,331  :  17  :  3.  Besides  these  sums,  £58,000 
 was  granted  to  defray  the  expenses  of  additional  buildings  and  furniture 
 at  Brighton.  The  sum  of  £14,579,  for  additional  expenses  in  the 
 household,  occasioned  by  the  visits  of  foreign  princes.  The  expenses  of 
 i\ie  royal  vis  its  to  Ireland,  Scotland,  and  Hanover,  amounting  to  £70,000, 
 were  paid  out  of  the  Admiralty  droits.  From  the  same  inexhaustible 
 fund  is  the  royal  dole  of  £5000  to  the  poor  of  Spitalfields.  Doubtless 
 this  act  of  charity  Avould  have  been  more  gracious  had  the  donation 
 proceeded  from  the  privy  purse  instead  of  from  a  fund  which,  if  it  does 
 not  belong  to  the  nation,  unquestionably  belongs  to  the  ships,  officers, 
 
202  FOUR-AND-A-HALF    PER    CENT.    DUTIES. 
 
 and  seamen  of  the  navy.  The  last  payment  out  of  the  droits  we  shall 
 notice  is  one  in  1829,  to  John  Ci.lvcrt,  Esq.,  £9,166,  to  defray  the 
 expenses  incurred  in  fitting-  up  and  finishing  the  house  of  his  Royal 
 Highness  the  Duke  of  Clarence. 
 
 With  the  exception  of  the  very  inadequate  payments  to  captors,  we 
 have  mentioned  the  principal  purposes  to  which  the  droits  have  been 
 appropriated  since  the  commencement  of  the  late  war.  The  following' 
 statement,  abstracted  from  a  return  to  parliament,  will  show  the  total 
 produce  of  this  great  naval  or  rather  ministerial  fund,  from  1793  to 
 1818:— 
 
 A  Summary  Account  of  all  Monies  received  as  Droits  of  the 
 Crown  and  of  the  Admiralty y  from  the  \st  of  February,  1793,  to 
 the  29th  of  May,  1818.  —  Ordered  to  be  prijited,  Jtme,  1818, 
 
 £  s.  d. 
 
 Registrar  of  the  High  Court  of  Admiralty 5,077,216  9  0 
 
 Receiver- General  of  droits 489,885  10  9 
 
 Commissioners  for  the  care  of  Dutch  droits     1,286,042  6  10 
 
 Commissioners  for  the  care  of  Spanish  droits 1 ,293,31 3  19  7 
 
 Commissioners  for  the  care  of  Danish  and  other  droits    348,261  6  5 
 
 Total £8,494,719   12     7 
 
 A  period  of  peace  is  not  favourable  to  an  accumulation  of  Admiralty 
 droits.  Accordingly  Ave  find,  from  the  date  of  the  above  return  up 
 to  the  last  annual  return  to  Parliament,  the  proceeds  from  naval  droits 
 have  not  averaged  more  than  £120,000  per  annum. 
 
 lOUR-AND-A-HALF    PER    CENT.    DUTIES. 
 
 Notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  political  writers  to  expose  the  manifold 
 abuses  of  an  antiquated  system,  an  immense  number  remain,  of  which 
 the  public  have  no  knowledge,  and  of  which  they  have  scarcely  any 
 means  of  obtaining  information.  Where,  for  instance,  previously  to 
 the  expositions  afforded  by  this  publication,  could  satisfactory  infor- 
 mation be  obtained  relative  to  the  crown  lands,  the  civil  list,  droits  of 
 Admiralty,  and  the  other  branches  of  the  hereditary  revenues  of  which 
 we  are  about  to  treat  ?  Correct  information  on  these  subjects  can  only 
 be  acquired  from  parliamentary  reports  and  papers,  to  which  few  per- 
 sons have  access,  and  still  fewer  leisure  to  peruse  and  digest  their 
 voluminous  contents.  Unquestionably  this  was  a  defect  in  the  political 
 knowledge  of  the  people,  which  we  have  attempted  to  remedy,  and  we 
 have  little  doubt  that  the  mystery  which  has  heretofore  involved  the 
 crown  revenues,  and  concealed  their  amount  and  application  from  the 
 community,  will  be  hereafter  dissolved. 
 
 After  the  Admiralty  droits,  the  next  considerable  branch  of  revenue, 
 
COUNTESS  OF   MANSFIELD   AND   EDMUND  BURKE.         203 
 
 at  the  disposal  of  ministers,  was  the  Four-and-a-Half  per  Cent.  Leeward- 
 Island  Duties.  This  fund  produces  from  forty  to  fifty  thousand  pounds 
 a-year,  and  consists  of  a  tax  of  4^  per  cent,  imposed  on  produce  in  the 
 island  of  Barhadoes  and  Leeward  Isles.  It  was  created  by  a  colonial 
 law  of  Barhadoes,  nearly  two  hundred  years  ago,  and,  by  the  terms  of 
 the  act,  was  to  be  applied  to  the  erection  of  public  buildmgs,  the 
 repair  of  courts,  and  other  colonial  purposes.  In  the  reign  of  Charles  II. 
 it  was  seized  by  the  courtiers,  and  continued  to  be  abused  till  the  reign 
 of  Queen  Anne ;  when,  on  a  representation  of  the  abuses  of  the  fund, 
 it  was  formally  renounced  by  the  queen  and  parliament  in  favour  of  the 
 island  of  Barhadoes,  and  the  original  purposes  of  the  act  creating  it. 
 It  again  fell  into  abuse  ;  the  natural  children  of  the  king  and  royal  dukes, 
 the  members  of  both  houses  of  parliament,  their  relatives  and  con- 
 nexions, having  got  almost  entire  possession  of  the  fund.  The  parties 
 in  the  smuggling  transaction  related  above  are  inscribed  here.  The 
 gallant  Sir  Home  is  dead,  but  his  pension  of  £500  survives,  being  a 
 reversion  payable  to  his  widow.  The  Countess  of  Mansfield,  the  mother 
 of  the  anti-reforming  peer  who  made  so  stout  a  stand  against  the  second 
 reading  of  the  Reform  Bill  on  its  first  introduction,  is  quartered  on  the 
 Barhadoes  planters  for  £1000  per  annum. 
 
 The  late  General  Crauford  was  a  pensioner,  till  his  death,  on  this 
 fund,  to  the  amount  of  £1200  a-year.  The  way  in  which  fhis  officer 
 entitled  himself  to  £1200  a-year  for  life  is  deserving  of  attention. 
 Many  people  yet  remember  the  fatal  expedition  to  Walcheren,  when  forty 
 thousand  men  were  suffered  to  perish  in  that  pestilential  climate,  owing 
 to  the  incapacity  of  Lord  Castlereagh  and  the  duplicity  of  Mr.  Canning. 
 When  this  business  became  matter  of  discussion  in  the  House  of 
 Commons ;  when  it  was  made  apparent  to  every  man  in  England  that 
 it  was  to  the  squabbles  and  ignorance  of  these  men  that  this  great 
 national  calamity  was  to  be  attributed  ;  it  was,  nevertheless,  resolved, 
 by  a  majority  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-five,  to  negative  the  censure 
 which  was  moved  by  Lord  Porchester  against  ministers  on  that  occa- 
 sion. But  the  triumph  of  ministers  did  not  stop  here.  A  vote  of 
 approbation  of  the  ministers  was  absolutely  moved  and  adopted  by  a 
 majority  of  two  hundred  and  fifty-five.  The  member  who  had  the 
 eftVontery  to  move  this  vote  of  approbation  was  General  Crauford. 
 But  this  officer  had  a  further  claim  on  ministerial  gratitude :  he  had 
 recently  become  connected  by  marriage  with  the  Duke  of  Newcastle ; 
 he  represented  and  commanded  the  parliamentary  interest  of  that 
 nobleman  ;  he  had  eight  votes  to  give  to  ministers  on   any  occasion. 
 
 Many  other  names,  not  without  celebrity,  are  inscribed  on  the  41 
 per  cent,  duties.  The  famous  pension  to  Edmund  Burke  continues  to 
 be  paid  out  of  this  fund.  It  is  entered  to  "  the  executors  of  Mrs. 
 Burke  £2500,"  and  the  date  of  the  grant  being  the  24th  of  October, 
 1795,  the  public,  up  to  this  time,  has  paid,  in  principal  money, 
 £87,500.  How  much  the  world  has  benefited  by  the  labours  of  Mr. 
 Burke  may  be  collected  from  the  sublime  events  daily  transpiring  in 
 Europe.    The  sole  object  of  this  celebrated  renegade  in  his  later  writings 
 
204  lOUU-AND-A-HALF    PER    CENT.    DUTIES. 
 
 und  speeches  was  to  stop  the  progress  of  knowledge  and  liljerty — to  per- 
 petuate the  old  feudal  despotisms — and  he  might  as  well  have  attempted 
 to  stop  the  progress  of  the  great  deep.  All  he  effected  was  to  delay 
 then- /all,  and  so  far  as  he  contributed  to  that  he  was  instnunental  in 
 the  useless  sacrifice  of  millions  of  lives.  Events  have  proved  this  to  be 
 the  issue  of  all  the  efforts  of  this  infatuated  oracle — for  oracle  he  is 
 thought  by  some — and  the  services  of  both  him  and  his  followers  will 
 appear  to  posterity  as  ill-timed  as  the  vain  endeavours  of  those  who,  in 
 the  later  ages  of  idolatry,  sought  to  oppose  the  subversion  of  a  barba- 
 rous worship.  The  defect  of  Burke  and  his  admirers  is  their  blindness 
 to  the  fact  that  the  world  is  undergoing  as  great  a  revolution  as  when 
 the  poj)ular  mind  Avas  converted  from  Paganism  to  Christianity. 
 
 Lady  Augusta  de  Ameland  received  a  pension  of  £1292  from 
 the  4§  per  cent,  fund  to  the  period  of  her  death  in  1830.  All  we  know  of 
 her  ladyship  is  that  she  was  united  to  the  Duke  of  Sussex,  in  Italy,  by 
 a  sort  of  Gretna-Green  marriage,  and  afterwards  repudiated  in  conse- 
 quence of  that  offspring  of  German  pride  and  feudality — the  royal  mar- 
 riage-act. Next  follow  the  five  Misses  Fitz-Clarence,  £2.500 
 — the  natural  daughters  of  the  king,  by  Mrs.  Jordan.  The  Duchess  of 
 Gloucester,  £1000;  the  Princess  of  Hesse-Homberg,  £1000;  Lord 
 Hood,  £1500;  Sir  WiUiam  Sydney  Smith,  £1250;  the  Earl  of  Chat- 
 ham, 3000 ;  and,  in  trust  for  Lady  G.  Tekell,  £300  ;  and  for  the  seven 
 children  of  Lady  Lucy  R.  Taylor,  £139  :  10  each.  Lady  Hester  Lucy 
 Stanhope  brings  up  the  rear  with  a  pension  of  £900  ;  she  is  the  niece  of 
 the  "  Heaven-born  minister,"  and  the  same  lady,  we  believe,  who 
 astonishes  travellers  by  acting  the  Amazon,  dressing  in  man's  attire, 
 and  living  somewhere  about  Mount  Sinai  or  Tadmor,  in  the  deserts  of 
 Arabia. 
 
 These,  we  apprehend,  are  sufficient  for  specimens.  We  have  passed 
 over  several  names  totally  unknown  to  us,  and,  we  believe,  the  public. 
 So  eager  have  the  higher  orders  been  to  be  established  on  this  fund,  that 
 pensions  have  been  gr;mted  upon  it  in  I'eversion,  and  others  charged 
 upon  it  have  not  yet  become  payable.  Of  this  latter  class  is  the  memo- 
 rable provision  for  Lady  Grenville,  of  £1500  per  annum  for  life,  in  the 
 event  of  her  surviving  Lord  Grenville.  Since  Lady  Grenville  obtained 
 this  grant,  she  has  succeeded  to  the  great  possessions  of  her  brother, 
 Lord  Camelford.  Lord  Grenville  holds  a  sinecure  of  £4000  out  of  the 
 taxes  as  Auditor  of  the  Exchequer.  His  eldest  brother,  the  late 
 Marquis  of  Buckingham,  besides  his  great  estates,  held  the  enormous 
 sinecure  of  the  Tellei-ship  of  the  Exchequer,  worth  £30,000  per 
 annum.  Lord  Braybrooke  and  Lord  Carysfort,  who  married  sisters 
 of  Lord  Grenville,  hold,  each  of  them,  through  the  interest  of  the 
 family,  sinecures  that  ai-e  worth  some  thousands  a-year  ;  and  yet,  after 
 all,  the  devoted  planters  of  Barbadocs  are  to  be  mortgaged  for  £1500 
 more  foi-  life.  As  there  has  lately  been  a  great  strain  upon  the  borough 
 establishment,  we  really  wonder  the  Grenvilles  have  not  been  sum- 
 moned to  its  aid :  there  is  no  family  on  whose  services  the  Oligarchy 
 has  so  just  a  claim  ;  for  they  are  completely  bouml  up  with  tiie  system 
 
WEST    INDIA    CHURCH    ESTABLISHMENT.  205 
 
 of  the  last  forty  years;  and  now  that  it  is  perilled  all  the  veterans, 
 the  Sidmouths,  Eldons,  and  the  rest,  who  have  retired  loaded  with  spoil, 
 ought  to  be  again  brought  into  active  service — without  pay! 
 
 The  whole  amount  of  pensions  payable  out  of  the  Leeward- Island 
 duties  is  £27,466,  and  £15,338  more  in  salaries.  The  entire  produce 
 of  these  duties  from  1760  to  the  present  is  about  £2,546,484,  more  than 
 two-thirds  of  which  sum  have  been  lavished  on  court  favourites  and  the 
 members  and  supporters  of  the  Oligarchy.  Ministers  having  been  fre- 
 quently rated  concerning-  the  application  of  this  jobbing  fund,  an  act 
 was  passed,  in  1825,  prohibiting  the  grant  of  pensions  from  it  in  future, 
 and  providing  that  the  surplus  should  be  appropriated  to  the  support  of 
 the  ecclesiastical  establishment  in  the  West  Indies.  By  this  transmu- 
 tation, nothing  was  gained  to  the  public  ;  and  the  ministers  lost  no  por- 
 tion of  their  influence,  only  their  patronage  became  spiritual,  instead  of 
 secular.  A  scion  of  Mother  Church  was  planted  in  a  distant  land, 
 which,  no  doubt,  will  emulate  its  parent  in  all  her  manifold  virtues.  As 
 we  have  omitted,  in  our  exposition  of  the  Church  of  England,  to  g-ive 
 an  account  of  the  staff,  corps,  and  endowments  of  this  distant  branch  of 
 the  church  establishment,  we  shall  insert  it  in  this  place : — • 
 
 Bishop  of  Jamaica £4,000 
 
 Archdeacon  of  Jamaica 2,000 
 
 Seven  clergymen,  at  £300  each     •  •      2,100 
 
 £8,100 
 
 Bishop  of  Barbadoes    4,000 
 
 Archdeacon  of  Barbadoes 2,000 
 
 Archdeacon  of  Antigua 2,000 
 
 Thirteen  clergymen,  at  £300  each  .     3,900 
 Three  catechists,  at  £100  each  •  •  •  •  300 
 
 12,200 
 
 £20,300 
 
 These  worthy  gentlemen,  after  ten  years'  service,  are  to  have  retiring 
 alluivances:  their  salaries  have  hitherto  been  paid  out  of  the  taxes;  the 
 A\  per  cent,  fund  being  so  deeply  mortgaged  in  pensions,  there  is  no 
 surplus  from  it  applicable  to  the  purpose.*  And  the  proceeds  arising 
 from  the  Siuuggling  transactions  in  sugar  and  ginger,  in  which  the  Wel- 
 lington ministers  Avere  detected,  do  not  appear  to  have  been  applied 
 either  to  the  support  of  the  West-India  church-establishment  or  any  other 
 public  object.  But  this  is  another  of  those  secret  modes  of  raising  the 
 wind  with  which  the  public  is  totally  unacquainted,  and  \vhich  it  will 
 be  necessary  to  explain. 
 
 It  had  been  usual  to  remit  the  4g'  per  cent,  duty  in  the  produce  of 
 the  Leeward    Islands,  in  sug-ar  and  ginger;  which,  like  other  commo- 
 
 *  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  561,  Session  1830. 
 
20G  MINISTERIAL    SMUGGLIN(i. 
 
 dities  from  the  British  plantations,  were  sold  for  home-consumption 
 at  the  long  price — the  duty  included  ;  and  the  duty  paid  over,  as 
 hy  private  merchants,  to  the  customs.  This  continued  until  the  year 
 1828;  previously  to  which,  it  has  been  seen,  the  surplus  of  the  4h  per 
 cent,  duty  had  been  appropriated  to  the  support  of  the  West- India 
 church  establishment.  Ministers  appear  not  to  have  relished  the  loss 
 of  their  old  fund  ;  they  had,  it  is  true,  exchanged  lay  for  ecclesiastical 
 patronage,  but  they  seem  to  have  been  anxious  to  secure  both.  For 
 this  purpose,  they  hit  upon  a  most  extraordinary  expedient.  They 
 first  submitted  a  case  to  the  Attorney  and  Solicitor  Generals,  requesting 
 their  opinion  whether  sugars,  granted  to  the  king-  in  kind,  and  not 
 specially  subjoft  to  any  duty,  are  liable  to  the  payment  of  any  custom- 
 duty  ?*  The  lawyers,  no  doubt  foreseeing-  what  sort  of  answer  would 
 be  most  agreeable  to  their  clients,  replied  in  the  negative.  Upon  this, 
 directions  ivere  forthwith  given  to  admit  the  sugars  sent  in  payment  of 
 the  Leeward- Islands  duty  without  charging  the  duty  of  customs, 
 which  had  been  heretofore  paid  as  on  all  other  imported  sugars.  By 
 this  contrivance.  Ministers  obtained  the  command  of  a  fund  unknown 
 to  their  predecessors,  amounting  to  betwixt  thirty  and  forty 
 thousand  pounds  per  annum — the  amount  of  duty  remitted,  and 
 precisely  to  the  same  amount  the  general  revenue  of  the  country 
 suffered  by  the  defalcation  in  the  produce  of  the  customs  appropriated 
 by  parliament  to  the  public  service.  To  what  extent  this  evasion  of 
 the  payment  of  parliamentary  duties,  and  the  raising  of  money  by  the 
 power  of  prerogative,  might  have  been  pushed  it  is  impossible  to 
 foresee.  Ministers  might  not  only  have  imported  sugars  in  payment  of 
 the  4'k  per  cent,  duty,  custom  free,  but  they  might,  also,  by  stretching 
 their  principle  a  little  further,  have  imported  sugars  generally,  ybr  sale, 
 duty  free,  and,  by  retailing  them  at  the  usual  price,  and  appropriating 
 the  duty,  raised  a  fund  for  pensions  and  grants  to  any  amount. 
 
 The  more  we  reflect  on  this  affair,  the  more  w^e  are  astonished. 
 The  idea  of  the  ministers  of  a  great  country  turning  smugglers ;  of 
 resorting  to  the  age  of  the  Tudors  and  Plantagenets  for  precedents  ;  of 
 seeking  to  evade,  under  shelter  of  the  quibbling  opinions  of  lawyers, 
 the  payment  of  duties  imposed  by  themselves,  and  devoted  to  the 
 national  service,  staggers  belief.  It  establishes,  with  infinitely  greater 
 force  than  any  argument  of  ours,  the  vast  importance  attached,  by  the 
 servants  of  the  Crown,  to  those  secret  and  uncontrolled  sources  of 
 influence  we  have  been  exposing,  and  how  essential  they  deem  the 
 exclusive  management  of  them  to  the  working  of  the  machinery  of 
 government.  To  shew  that  our  exposition  of  the  transaction  is  not 
 exaggerated,  we  shall  insert  the  opinion  entertained  of  it  by  Sir  James 
 Graham,  and  expressed  in  the  following  resolution  submitted  by  him  to 
 the  House  of  Commons,  on  the  2d  of  July,   18.30  : — 
 
 "  That  to  exempt  from  duty,  any  article  of  merchandize  imported 
 for  the  Crown,  but  not  intended  for  the  use  of  the  Sovereign,  is  an 
 
 *  Treasury  Minute,  dated  15th  April,  1828. 
 
SCOTCH    CIVIL    LIST.  207 
 
 extension  of  the  King's  prerogative  of  dangerous  example;  and  that  to 
 levy  the  parliamentary  duties  payable  upon  such  articles  when  sold  for 
 home-consumption,  and  appropriate  the  aviount  thereof  icithout  the 
 knoivledgs  and  consent  of  parliament,  is  an  unconstitutional  violation  of 
 the  privileg-es  of  this  House." 
 
 It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  all  the  funds  considered  at  the  irresponsi- 
 ble disposal  of  ministers  during  the  long  reign  of  the  Tories.  The 
 appropriation  of  the  surplus  of  the  French  claims  is  another  instance  of 
 the  power  of  a  Treasury/  Minute  to  raise  supplies  in  case  of  emergency. 
 In  this  case,  a  finance-committee  ascertained  that  a  sum  of  £250,000 
 had  been,  by  a  mere  order  of  the  treasury,  paid  over,  without  the 
 consent  of  parliament,  to  the  commissioners  of  woods  and  forests,  by 
 the  commission  for  liquidating  the  claims  of  British  subjects  on  the 
 French  government,  and  subsequently  expended  in  the  alterations  at 
 Buckingham  House.* 
 
 We  have  little  further  to  add  respecting  the  4^  per  cent,  duties. 
 Mr.  Creevy,  the  late  member  for  Appleby,  calculated  that  these  duties, 
 from  the  accession  of  George  III.  to  the  year  1812,  had  produced 
 £1,600,000.  A  statement,  by  the  same  respected  gentleman,  of  the 
 purposes  to  which  this  enormous  sum  had  been  applied,  is  not  more 
 extraordinary,  we  believe,  than  correct;  and  with  it  we  shall  conclude 
 our  account  of  one  of  the  most  famous  jobbing- funds  of  the  Crown: — ■ 
 
 Pensions  to  persons  in  this  country £740,000 
 
 Special  and  secret  service-money 326,000 
 
 Salaries  to  the  Governors  of  Leeward  Islands*  •  •  •  400,000 
 
 For  civil  list  expenditure • 170,000 
 
 To  different  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury,  supposed 
 
 for  electioneering  purposes    48,000 
 
 SCOTCH     CIVIL     LIST — GIBRALTAR     DUTIES — ESCHEATS DUCHIES 
 
 OF    CORNWALL    AND    LANCASTER FINES    AND    PENALTIES. 
 
 The  Scotch  Hereditary  Revenue  forms  a  fourth  fund  at  the  disposal 
 of  ministers,  over  which,  previously  to  the  accession  to  office  of  lord 
 Grey's  ministry,  there  M'as  no  legislative  control  further  than  when  grants 
 had  been  irrevocably  made  from  it,  they  were,  pro  forma,  submitted  to 
 parliament.  It  yields,  annually,  above  £100,000,  and  accrues  chiefly 
 from  crown-rents,  customs,  hereditary  excise,  fines,  and  forfeitures. 
 About  two-thirds  of  the  produce  are  paid  in  pensions,  the  remainder 
 in  donations  to  the  episcopal  clergy,  to  the  Caledonian  hunt,  for  pro- 
 viding coach-houses  and  stables  for  the  barons  of  the  Exchequer,  and 
 other  objects  of  apparently  no  public  utility.  Scotland  has  lately  got 
 rid  of  the  Tory  incubus  by  which  she  was  long  deluded  and  oppressed. 
 Prior  to  this  relief  she  seldom  petitioned  for  political  reform,  and  the 
 spring  of  her  scribbling  and  clamouring  loyalty  may  be  easily  divined, 
 since  in  no  other  part  of  the  United  Kingdom  was  loyalty  so  well  paid, 
 
 *  Mr.  Angelo  Taylor,  House  of  Commons,  June  23,  1828. 
 
208       lannxLTAR  duties — escheats — troutijack. 
 
 for  in  no  other  part  were  there  such  ample  funds  to  reward  devotion  to 
 ministers.  The  annual  value  of  places  and  pensions  shared  among 
 Scotch  freeholders  and  buryhmongers  was  estimated  at  £1,750,000, 
 equal  to  half  the  rental  of  the  kingdom.  In  the  Third  Report  of  the 
 Committee  on  Public  Expenditure,  in  1808,  it  is  remarked  that  Scotch 
 pensions,  which,  at  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  George  III. 
 amounted  only  to  19,  in  the  year  1797  had  swelled  to  185,  and,  in 
 1808,  to  351,  two-thirds  of  these  pensions  being-  granted  to  females! 
 
 A  fifth  source  of  royal  income  is  the  surplus  of  the  Gibraltar 
 Duties.  It  is  provided,  by  the  original  charter,  granted  to  this  place, 
 by  Queen  Anne,  in  1704,  that,  for  the  augmentation  of  trade,  no  duty 
 or  imposition  shall  be  imposed  upon  any  vessel  trading  or  touching  at 
 the  port;  and  that  the  goods  and  chattels  of  the  inhabitants  shall  enjoy 
 an  immunity  from  taxation.  In  violation  of  these  chartered  privileges 
 various  taxes  have  been  imposed,  and  the  chief  portion  of  the  proceeds 
 therefrom,  during  the  late  reign,  were  paid  over  to  Sir  William 
 Knighton  for  the  use  of  the  king's  pri^^  purse.  These  taxes  were 
 levied  without  the  authority  of  parliament,  merely  on  the  authority  of 
 the  governor;  and  some  recent  impositions  appear  a  tax  on  liberty 
 of  conscience, — one  being  a  capitation-tax,  often  dollars  each,  imposed 
 on  Roman  Catholics  and  Jews.  Taxes  have  also  been  imposed  on 
 licenses  to  sell  spirits,  fishing-boats,  lighters,  and  billiard-tables.  The 
 surplus  of  the  Gibraltar  Duties  produced,  over  and  above  salaries  and 
 charges  from  1760  to  1830,  nearly  two  hundred  thousand  pounds; 
 in  the  year  ending  5th  of  January,  1830,  they  produced  £11,498,  of 
 which  £5000  was  paid  into  the  privy-purse.  The  collector  of  these 
 imposts  resides,  we  believe,  in  Lincoln's  Inn,  and  executes  his  duty 
 by  deputy. 
 
 The  estates  of  lunatics,  bastards,  and  others  dying  intestate  and  with- 
 out heirs,  form  a  sixth  branch  of  the  casual  revenues  of  the  Crown,  under 
 the  denomination  of  Escheats.  The  proceeds  from  this  source  are 
 considerable,  amounting,  in  the  reign  of  George  III.  to  £323,424.*  The 
 King's  share  of  the  estate  of  Mr.  Newport,  a  lunatic,  amounted  to 
 £1 13,000.  Poor  Troutback's  money  shared  a  similar  fate — but  here 
 "  hangs  a  tale,"  which  we  must  explain,  and  for  which  purpose  we 
 shall  first  call  in  Mr.  Waggoner. 
 
 "   Mr.  Frederick  Matthew  Waggoner  called  in  and  examined. 
 
 "  Do  you  know  any  thing  of  the  proceedin,q;s  that  have  been  had  with  rospect 
 to  Mr.  TroM//>f/6A;'s  will? — I  do;  he  bequeathed  £2000  for  evecfinir  an  Orplinn 
 Hospital,  and  the  whole  of  his  money,  amountin<it,  with  accumulations,  to  up- 
 wards of  £100,000,  to  truslees,  for  erecting  an  additional  wing,  or  separate 
 building,  to  the  charity  school  of  St.  John  of  Wappiug,  and  for  maintaining  and 
 educating  poor  children  of  that  parish. 
 
 "  Are  there  as  many  poor  children  as  would  require  the  funds  to  educate? — 
 Yes ;  move  icithin  the  parish. 
 
 "  Do  you  think  £5000  a-year  would  not  educate  the  poor  of  the  parish  ? — The 
 will  is  for  the  education,  clothing,  and  maintenance. 
 
 *  Parliamentary  l*iiper,  No.  1,  Session  182;). 
 
TROUTBACK,   FORFEITURES,  AND  GREEN-WAX   MONEY. 209 
 
 "  What  has  been  done  with  respect  to  it? — We  understand  that  it  has  been  set 
 aside  by  the  Court  of  Chancery;  and  that  the  testator  having  no  next  of  kin, 
 the  money  has  gone  to  the  Crown." — Report  of  the  Education  Committee,  1816, 
 page  289. 
 
 Sure  enong-h  the  "  money  has  gone  to  the  Crovjti."  The  will  was  set 
 aside  by  Lord  Eldon,  and  the  property  applied  to  liquidate  the  royal  debts. 
 It  was  a  windfall  to  the  Sovereign,  of  which,  as  Mr.  Tierney  remarked, 
 the  public  would  nevei'  have  obtained  any  knowledge,  had  not  the  civil 
 list  been  in  arrear,  and  it  became  necessary  to  apply  to  parliament  for 
 an  additional  allowance.*  How  the  civil  list  became  in  arrear  it  may 
 be  worth  wdiile  explaining-.  In  1816  the  late  King,  then  Regent,  had 
 incurred  an  enormous  debt  in  consequence  of  living,  as  he  mostly  did, 
 in  a  profuse  and  riotous  manner.  The  Lord  Chamberlain  applied  to  the 
 Lords  of  the  Treasury  to  know  how  this  debt  was  to  be  discharged.  The 
 Lords  of  the  Treasury,  after  much  consultation,  determined  that  the 
 debt,  amounting  to  £277,000,  should  be  defrayed  partly  out  of  the 
 money  bequeathed  by  Mr.  Troutback,  for  charitable  uses,  partly  out 
 of  the  Droits  of  Admiralty. f  Thus,  the  money  piously  left  to  clothe, 
 educate,  and  maintain  poor  children,  was  applied  to  pay  the  furniture- 
 bills,  tailor-bills,  haberdasher-bills,  and  bills  perhaps  of  a  still  less  creditable 
 description,  of  the  Prince  Regent.  It  vexes  one  to  see  to  what  base 
 purposes  the  best  of  things  may  bo  perverted.  How  many  poor  children 
 of  Wapping  the  money  of  Troutback  would  have  preserved  from  the 
 gallows  and  transportation  it  is  impossible  to  say ;  but  it  is  certain,  had 
 George  IV.  been  more  frugal,  or  a  Prince  who  thought  the  welfare  of 
 his  subjects  of  more  importance  than  vicious  indulgence,  the  money  of 
 Troutback,  notwithstanding  any  informality  in  his  will,  w'ould  have  been 
 suffered  to  go  to  the  noble  objects  for  which  it  had  been  so  generously 
 bequeathed. 
 
 A  seventh  source  of  royal  income  is  from  the  duchies  of  Cornwall 
 and  Lancaster.  When  there  is  no  Prince  of  Wales,  or  during  his  mino- 
 rity, and  there  is  no  Duke  of  Cornwall  of  a  proper  age  to  receive  the 
 revenues  amounting  to  £15,000  a-year,  they  are  claimed  by  the  crown. 
 The  duchy  of  Lancaster  yields  an  income  to  the  King  of  £10,000  per 
 annum.  Both  smns  are  paid  into  the  privy-jmrse — the  nature  of 
 which  will  be  explained  in  the  next  chapter. 
 
 The  remaining  branches  of  the  Crown-revenues  are  too  unimportant 
 to  claim  particular  exposition.  They  accrue  principally  from  fines  and 
 forfeitures  in  courts  of  justice,  from  green-wax  money,  from  the  sale 
 of  spices  in  the  Molucca  Islands,  and  from  quit-rents  and  confiscated 
 estates  in  the  West  Indies.  We  shall  subjoin  a  statement  of  the  produce 
 of  these  and  other  branches  of  the  Crown-revenues  during  the  entire 
 reign  of  Geo.  III.  from  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  1,  Session  1820. 
 
 *  Hansard's  Pari.  Debates,  vol.  34,  p.  272. 
 
 t  Treasury  Minute,  Pari.  Paper,  vol.  1,  Session  1820. 
 
 P 
 
210  REVENUES  OF  THE  CROWN. 
 
 An  Account  of  the  Total  Produce  of  all  Funds  at  the  Disposal 
 of  the  Crown,  and  deemed  not  to  be  under  the  immediate  Control  of 
 Parliament,  from  the  Accession  of  George  III.  to  the  Year  1820. 
 
 Droits  of  the  Admiralty  and  Droits  of  the  Crown  from  1760        f  s.     d. 
 
 to  1820 9,562,614     4     6i 
 
 41-per-Cent.  West-India  Duties,  from  1760  to  1820   2,116,484     0     0 
 
 Amount  of  the  surplus  of  Gibraltar  Kevenues,  remitted  to 
 lingland,  from  1760  to  1820,  after  discharging  garrison- 
 expenses    124,256  10     7 
 
 Scotch  Civil-List  Surplus,  from  1760  to  1820,  now  appi-opriatod 
 as  it  may  arise,  under  the  Act  50  Geo.  III.  c.  Ill,  in  aid  of 
 the  Civil-List  in  England 207,700     0     0 
 
 Escheats  to  his  Majesty,  in  cases  of  illegitimacy  or  otherwise, 
 
 from  1760  to  1820    214,647  15     0 
 
 Escheats  to  his  Majesty,  being  the  property  of  alien  enemies. 
 
 from  1760  to  1820 '.     108,777  17     8 
 
 French  West-India  Islands,  funds  arising  by  sale  of  lands  in 
 
 the  islands;  ceded  at  the  peace  of  176S 106,300     0     0 
 
 Minorca,  Martinique,  St.  Croix,  and  St.  Thomas,  and  from 
 the  settlement  of  Surinam,  while  the  same  were  in  the 
 possession  of  his  Majesty — Revenues  arising  from  these 
 Islands 159,816     0     7 
 
 Quit-Rents,  &c.  in  the  British  Colonies,  and  from  all  other 
 sources  not  before  enumerated,  from  1760  to  1820 — casual 
 revenues  arising  from 104,865     3     2^ 
 
 Total £12,705,461  11     7 
 
 In  the  reign  of  Geoige  IV.  the  same  sources  of  casual  income  yielded 
 about  a  million  and  a  half,  forming,  with  the  income  from  the  Crown- 
 lands,  during  the  period  from  1760  to  1830,  a  total  sum  of  at  least 
 TUiRTY-FivE  millions.  All  this  mass  of  unappropriated  revenue  was 
 left  at  the  disposal  of  the  minister  of  the  day,  and  the  parliament 
 exercised  no  control  over  it,  further  than  that,  for  the  last  ten  years, 
 it  was  permitted,  as  matter  of  courtesy,  annually  or  triennally,  to  look 
 at  the  accounts  after  the  money  had  been  expended  or  guanted  away. 
 The  manner  in  which  these  great  funds  were  managed  and  dissipated 
 has  been,  we  trust,  sulhciently  illustrated  in  the  course  of  this  chapter. 
 With  the  exception  of  the  sums  expended  in  metropolitan  improvements, 
 they  have  been  expended  in  additional  grants  to  the  royal  family  and  in 
 pensions  to  the  aristocracy,  to  ministers,  their  friends  and  supporters. 
 They  have  formed  a  practical  branch  of  the  English  government,  of 
 which  Mr.  Justice  Blackstone  failed  to  give  any  account  to  his  readers, 
 and  we  have  little  hesitation  in  affirming  that  they  had  no  inconsiderable 
 iniiuence  in  the  ruinous  policy  of  the  late  reigns.  The  royal  expenditure 
 always  formed  a  gulph  which  no  man  could  fathom,  and  the  hereditary 
 revenues  were  a  never-failing  source  for  supplying  the  prodigality  of  the 
 king  and  his  servants.  Of  the  studied  mystery  maintained  on  these 
 matters  we  shall  cite  an  instance.  In  1777,  during  the  American  war, 
 the  king's  debts  amounted  to  £618,000;  papers  were  produced  contain- 
 ing a  disguised  statement  how  this  incumbrance  had  been  incurred : 
 vast  sums  were  expended  in  secret   service  money,  and  half  a  million 
 
MISAPPLICATION    OF    HEREDITARY     REVENUES.  211 
 
 Avas  stated  under  the  head  of  the  board  of  tvorks:  but  then,  as  Mr. 
 Belsham  observes,  no  one  could  tell  on  what  palace,  garden,  or  park, 
 the  money  had  been  laid  out.  In  short,  there  is  too  much  reason  to 
 suppose  that  the  debts  of  George  III.  were  mainly  contracted  in  support 
 of  the  system  of  war  and  injustice  in  which  ministers  were  engaged,  in 
 obtaining  the  baneful  influence  which  silences  all  opposition,  which  swept 
 away  all  traces  of  public  liberty,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  present 
 distress  and  embarrassments. 
 
 The  parliament  of  1820  was  guilty  of  a  culpable  dereliction  of  duty 
 in  not  seizing  the  opportunity,  presented  by  the  commencement  of  a 
 new  reign,  to  bring-  under  its  immediate  cognizance  and  control  the 
 hereditai-y  revenues.  Instead  of  availing  itself  of  the  occasion,  they 
 were  left,  as  before,  to  the  irresponsible  disposal  of  ministers.  After 
 what  has  been  said,  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  divine  the  reasons  for  this 
 omission;  but  the  people  had  another  and  opposite  interest.  To  the 
 misapplication  of  the  Crown-revenues  may  partly  be  ascribed  the  long- 
 postponement  of  the  great  measuie  of  Parliamentary  Reform;  and, 
 therefore,  the  public  cannot  help  feeling-  grateful  to  William  IV.  in 
 having  patriotically  surrendered,  during  his  life,  to  public  uses,  nearly 
 the  whole  of  these  abused  funds,  in  lieu  of  leaving  them  to  be  lavished 
 on  court  favourites  and  hireling  legislators. 
 
 P'2 
 
CIVIL    LIST. 
 
 Having  fully  explained  the  nature,  amount,  and  application  of  the 
 ancient  hereditary  revenues,  we  next  come  to  the  modern  parliamentary 
 grant,  substituted  in  lieu  of  them,  denominated  the  Civil  List,  which  is 
 a  sum  yearly  set  apart  from  the  general  income  for  the  personal  mainte- 
 nance of  the  sovereign,  and  to  support  the  honour  and  dignity  of  the 
 Crown, 
 
 Since  the  Revolution  of  1688,  it  has  been  usual,  at  the  commence- 
 ment of  a  new  reign,  to  enter  into  a  specific  arrangement  with  the 
 king,  by  which  the  hereditary  revenues  of  the  Crown  are  surrendered 
 in  exchange  for  an  equivalent  life-annuity.  A  similar  course  has  been 
 pursued  in  respect  of  William  IV. ;  but  before  explaining  the  alterations 
 and  arrangements  introduced  into  the  new  civil  list,  it  will  be  convenient 
 to  premise  some  explanations  of  the  chief  departments  of  the  royal 
 expenditure, — the  king's  household  establishment ;  the  privy  purse ; 
 pensions  on  the  civil  list,  and  other  branches  of  disbursement;  and 
 conclude  with  some  observations  on  the  character  and  policy  of  the 
 last  two  monarchs,  and  the  total  expense  their  profusion  entailed  on  the 
 country. 
 
 The  first  and  most  important  charge  on  the  civil  list  is  the  royal 
 household.  This  forms  a  ponderous  establishment,  and  affords,  by  a 
 reduction  of  useless  offices  and  extravagant  salaries,  scope  for  retrench- 
 ment. It  is  the  great  nursery  of  indolence,  parasites,  and  courtiers.  It 
 is  formed  upon  manners  and  customs  that  have  long  since  expired, — 
 upon  old  baronial  customs  and  arrangements.  It  not  only  retains  traces 
 of  its  feudal  origin,  but  it  is  formed  also  on  the  principle  of  a  body 
 corporate ;  and  has  its  own  law-courts,  magistrates,  and  by-laws. 
 
 In  ancient  times,  these  establishments  were  supported  on  a  system 
 of  purveT/ance  and  receipt  in  kind !  The  household  was  then  vast, 
 and  the  supply  scanty  and  precarious.  The  king's  purveyor  used  to 
 sally  forth  from  under  the  gothic  portcullis,  to  purchase  provisions, 
 not  with  money,  but  power  and  prerogative.  Whole  districts  were 
 laid  under  contribution  by  the  jackals  of  the  royal  table,  who  returned 
 from  their  plundering  excursions  loaded  with  the  spoils,  perhaps,  of  a 
 hundred  markets,  which  were  deposited  in  so  many  caverns,  each 
 guai'ded  by  its  respective  keeper.  Every  commodity  being  received 
 in  its  rawest  state,  it  had  a  variety  of  processes  to  pass  through  before 
 
king's  household.  213 
 
 it  was  prepared  for  the  king  and  his  guests.  This  inconvenient  mode 
 of  receipt  multiplied  offices  exceedingly ;  and  hence  has  arisen  the 
 butchery,  buttery,  pantry,  and  all  that  "  rabble  of  places,"  which, 
 though  profitable  to  the  holder,  and  expensive  to  the  state,  are  almost 
 too  mean  to  mention. 
 
 Let  us  hear  what  Burke  said  on  this  subject,  in  his  reforming 
 days: — "But  when  (says  he)  the  reason  of  old  establishments  is 
 gone,  it  is  absurd  to  preserve  nothing  but  the  burthen  of  them.  This 
 is  superstitiously  to  embalm  the  carcass,  not  worth  an  ounce  of  the 
 gums  that  are  used  to  preserve  it.  It  is  to  burn  precious  oils  in  the 
 tomb:  it  is  to  offer  meat  and  drink  to  the  dead, — not  so  much  an 
 honour  to  the  deceased  as  a  disgrace  to  the  survivors.  Our  palaces 
 are  vast  inhospitable  halls  :  there  the  bleak  winds,  '  there  Boreas,  and 
 Eurus,  and  Caurus,  and  Argestes,  loud,'  howling  through  the  vacant 
 lobbies,  and  clattering  the  doors  of  deserted  guard-rooms,  appal  the 
 imagination,  and  conjure  up  the  grim  spectres  of  departed  tyrants, — 
 the  Saxon,  the  Norman,  and  the  Dane  ;  the  stern  Edwards  and  fierce 
 Henries, — who  stalk  from  desolation  to  desolation  through  the  dreary 
 vacuity  and  melancholy  succession  of  chill  and  comfortless  chaynbers. 
 When  this  tumult  subsides,  a  dead  and  still  more  frightful  silence  would 
 reign  in  the  desert,  if,  every  now  and  then,  the  tacking  of  hammers  did 
 not  announce  that  those  constant  attendants  on  all  courts,  in  all  ages, 
 JOBS,  were  still  alive;  for  whose  sake  alone  it  is  that  any  trace  of 
 ancient  grandeur  is  suffered  to  remain.  These  palaces  are  a  true 
 emblem  of  some  governments  ;  the  inhabitants  are  decayed,  but  the 
 governors  and  magistrates  still  flourish.  They  put  me  in  mind  of  Old 
 Sarum,  where  the  representatives,  more  in  number  than  the  constituents, 
 only  serve  to  inform  us  that  this  was  once  a  place  of  trade,  and  sounding 
 with  the  '  busy  hum  of  men,'  though  now  you  can  only  trace  the  streets 
 by  the  colour  of  the  corn ;  and  its  sole  manufacture  is  in  members  of 
 parliament."*  The  rojal  abodes  at  present,  we.apprehend,  are  neither  so 
 ghostly,  chill,  nor  comfortless,  as  here  described,  otherwise  the  public  has 
 been  saddled  with  the  enormous  bills  of  Messrs.  Wyattville,  Nash,  and 
 Seddon,  to  verj-  little  purpose. 
 
 The  great  branches  of  the  household  are  under  the  direction  of  the 
 lord  chamberlain,  the  lord  steward,  and  the  master  of  the  horse.  The 
 office  of  the  lord  chamberlain  is  to  take  care  of  all  the  officers  and 
 servants  belonging  to  the  king's  chambers,  except  those  belonging  to 
 the  king's  bed  chamber,  who  are  under  the  groom  of  the  stole.  He 
 has  the  oversight  of  the  officers  of  the  wardrobe,  of  tents,  revels,  music, 
 comedians,  handicrafts,  and  artizans ;  and,  though  a  laijman,  he  has  the 
 oversight  of  all  the  king's  chaplains,  heralds,  physicians,  and  apothecaries. 
 It  is  his  office  to  inspect  the  charges  of  coronations,  marriages,  public 
 entries,  cavalcades,  and  funerals  ;  and  of  all  furniture  in  the  parliament- 
 house,  and  rooms  of  address  to  the  king. 
 
 *  Works  of  Burke,  vol.  iii.  pp.  277-8. — Speech  on  Economical  Reform. 
 
214  CIVJL    LIST. 
 
 The  lord  steward  has  the  estate  of  the  household  entirely  committed 
 to  his  care,  and  all  his  commands  in  court  are  to  be  obeyed ;  his 
 authority  reaches  over  all  officers  and  servants  of  the  king's  house, 
 except  those  of  the  king's  chamber  and  chapel.  The  counting-house, 
 (where  the  accounts  of  the  houschokl  are  kept,)  the  treasurer  of  the 
 household,  comptroller,  cofferer,  and  master  of  the  household,  clerks  of 
 green  cloth,  &c.  are  under  his  control. 
 
 The  master  of  the  horse  has  the  charge  and  government  of  all  the 
 king's  stables  and  horses.  He  has  also  the  power  over  equerries,  pages, 
 footmen,  grooms,  farriers,  smiths,  saddlers,  and  all  other  trades  any  way 
 connected  with  the  stables.  He  has  the  privilege  of  applying  to  his  own 
 use  one  coachiij,an,  four  footmen,  and  six  grooms,  in  the  king's  pay, 
 and  wearing  the  king's  livery.  In  any  solemn  cavalcade,  he  rides  next 
 behind  the  king. 
 
 Beside  these  officers,  is  the  lord  privy  seal,  whose  office  is  to  put  the 
 seal  to  all  charters,  grants,  and  pardons,  signed  by  the  king  Before 
 the  privy  seal  is  affixed  to  any  instrument,  it  receives  the  royal  sign 
 manual ;  it  then  passes  under  the  signet,  which  is  a  warrant  to  the 
 privy^  seal;  after  the  privy  seal,  it  receives  the  great  seal  from  the  lord 
 chancellor,  Avhich  is  the  finale.  The  performance  of  these  different 
 formalities  costs  the  public,  perhaps,  £20,000  a-year,  while  the  ivhole 
 of  the  duties  might  be  discharged  as  Avell  by  any  honest  man  and  his 
 clerk  for  about  £400  a-year.  The  remaining  functionaries  are  the  lord 
 president  of  the  council,  whose  office  is  to  manage  the  debates  in  council, 
 to  propose  matters  from  the  king,  and  to  report  to  him  the  resolutions 
 thereupon  ;  the  commissioners  of  the  treasury  are  also  considered  part  of 
 the  household :  but  these,  as  well  as  some  of  the  preceding  officers, 
 more  properly  appertain  to  the  civil  departments  of  government,  and 
 have  been  so  considered  in  the  new  arrangement  of  the  civil  list. 
 
 The  little  necessity  for  this  immense  household  establishment  was 
 evident  during  the  limitations  on  the  Regency.  At  that  time  the  regent 
 discharged  all  the  duties  of  the  executive  with  only  his  establishment  as 
 Prince  of  Wales.  It  did  not  appear  then,  no  more  than  now,  there  was 
 any  Avant  of  attendance  to  give  dignity  and  efficiency  to  the  first  magis- 
 trate. Burke  mentions,  in  his  time,  that  at  least  one-half  the  household 
 was  kept  up  solely  for  influence.  He  also  mentions  that  one  plan  of 
 reform,  set  on  foot  by  lord  Talbot,  was  suddenly  stopped,  because, 
 forsooth,  it  would  endanger  the  situation  of  an  honourable  member  tvho 
 2vas  turnspit  in  the  kitchen  !  Whether  the  duties  of  this  important 
 office  continue  to  be  discharged  by  a  member  of  the  honourable  house 
 we  are  not  sure;  but,  in  looking  over  a  list  of  the  household,  we  observe 
 that  two  noble  lords  occupy  situations  little  inferior  in  dignity  and 
 utility :  the  duke  of  St.  Alban's  is  master  of  the  hawks,  salary 
 £1372,  and  the  earl  of  Lichfield  is  master  of  the  dogs,  salary  £2000. 
 These  offices  sound  rather  degrading  to  vulgar  ears;  but  "love,"  as 
 the  poet  says,  "  esteems  no  oflice  mean  ;"  and  no  doubt  it  is  the  love 
 of  the  sovereign  rather  than  £3000  oi'  the  public  money  which  actuates 
 these  noble  personages.     In  1811  there  were  no  fewer  than  twenty-six 
 
PRIVY     PURSE — COLRT    PENSION     LIST.  213 
 
 peers  and  ^bwr  commoners  who  held  situations  in  various  departments  of 
 the  household. 
 
 The  parade  of  useless  offices  is  not  less  great,  and  still  more  ridiculous, 
 in  the  counties  palatine  of  Durham  and  Chester,  and  the  duchies  of 
 Lancaster  and  Cornwall,  and  the  principality  of  Wales.  These  have  all 
 separate  establishments,  sufficient  for  the  government  of  a  kingdom, 
 while  their  jurisdiction  is  confined  to  a  few  private  estates.  There  are 
 courts  of  chancery,  ecclesiastical  courts,  chancellors,  attorney-generals, 
 solicitor-generals,  pri\y  councillors,  registrars,  cursitors,  prothonotaries, 
 auditors,  and  all  the  other  mimicry  of  royal  government.  They  bring 
 nothing  into  the  public  treasury,  but  greatly  add  ta  the  patronage  of 
 the  Cro\^ni,  whose  dignity  they  degrade.  In  one  part  of  his  kingdom 
 the  sovereign  is  no  more  than  Prince  of  Wales  ;  go  to  the  north,  and  he 
 dwindles  down  to  the  duke  of  Lancaster ;  turn  to  the  west,  and  he 
 appears  in  the  humble  character  of  earl  of  Chester ;  travel  a  feAv  miles 
 farther,  the  earl  disappears,  and  he  pops  up  again  as  count  palatine  of 
 Lancaster.  Thus  does  the  king,  like  Matthews  in  the  play,  perform  all 
 the  different  characters  in  his  own  drama. 
 
 Before  the  reign  of  George  IIL  no  such  thing  as  a.  privy  purse  was 
 known.  The  king's  income  was  always  considered  public  propertv  at- 
 tached to  the  office,  but  not  to  the  person  of  the  monarch.  The  first 
 time  any  mention  is  made  of  the  privy  purse,  is  in  Mr.  Burke's  bill,  in 
 1782,  and  then  again  in  the  39th  of  Geo.  III. ;  but  it  was  not  till  the 
 time  of  the  regency,  when  it  was  vested  in  the  hands  of  commissioners, 
 that  it  was  recognised  as  a  fixed  annual  sum,  the  private  property  of  the 
 king.  But  though  this  anomaly  has  been  only  recently  acknowledged 
 by  any  public  act,  it  has  been  deemed  a  fixed  charge  on  the  civil  list  for 
 the  last  seventy  years.  When  the  sum  of  £800,000  was  set  apart  for 
 the  royal  expenditure,  the  king  was  at  liberty,  with  the  advice  of  his 
 ministers,  to  apply  what  portion  of  it  he  thought  proper  for  his  private 
 use.  The  sum  at  first  set  aside  for  this  purpose  was  £48,000  ;  and  the 
 king's  family  increasing,  it  was  extended  to  £60,000.  No  part  of  this 
 fund  is  applied  to  defray  the  expense  of  the  household,  nor  of  any  other 
 function  of  the  regal  office;  it  is  limited  entirely  to  personal  expenses, 
 and  may  be  more  properly  denominated  the  king's  pocket  money  than 
 his  privy  purse.  Why  it  should  be  separated  from  the  general  income 
 of  the  civil  list,  unless  to  gratify  a  puerile  avarice  in  the  monarch,  it  is 
 not  easy  to  conjecture.  From  this  source,  and  the  revenues  of  the 
 duchies  of  Cornwall  and  Lancaster,  the  private  property  of  the  king  is 
 supposed  to  accumulate. 
 
 The  next  considerable  charge  on  the  civil  list  consists  of  pensions 
 payable  chiefly  to  servants  of  the  household,  and  to  the  personal  favo- 
 rites of  the  sovereign  and  his  ministers  Up  to  the  time  of  the  22  Geo. 
 III.  commonly  called  Mr.  Burke's  act,  court  pensions  were  granted 
 without  limit  and  controul.  In  that  act  it  was  provided  the  amount 
 granted  on  the  English  civil  list  should  be  reduced  to  £95,000  ;  the 
 same  principal  of  limitation  was  subsequently  applied  to  the  Scotch  and 
 Irish  civil  lists  ;  the  pensions  to  be  granted  on  the  former  being  limited 
 
216  CIVIL    LIST. 
 
 to  £25,000,  and  on  the  latter  to  £50,000,  making  the  total  amount  of 
 pensions  chargeable  on  the  civil  lists  of  tlie  United  Kingdom  £170,000. 
 At  this  amount  the  civil  list  pensions  stood  on  the  accession  of  the  king. 
 After  the  death  of  George  IV.  the  Court  Pension  list  was  published, 
 and  excited  in  the  public  mind  a  considerable  sensation.  Most  of  the 
 "  splendid  paupers"  inscribed  upon  it  h:id  never  been  heard  of  beyond 
 the  purlieus  of  the  court ;  tuo  thirds  of  thom  were  females ;  many 
 were  the  late  king's  personal  friends,  or  the  apothecaries,  relatives,  and 
 attachts  of  successive  viceroys  of  Ireland,  and  of  the  great  burgh- 
 monger  of  Scotland ;  some  were  the  mothers,  sisters,  and  nieces  of 
 peers,  ministers  of  state,  and  great  borough  proprietors  in  England  : 
 but  in  the  whole  number  there  was  hardly  one  (Robert  Southey 
 perhaps  excepted)  eminent  for  science,  literature,  or  the  arts,  or  dis- 
 tinguished by  any  kind  of  public  worth  or  claim.  Worthless,  however, 
 as  the  elect  of  court  favour  were,  their  annuities  have  been  continued 
 to  them  during  their  lives,  imder  an  impression  that  to  rescind  them 
 might  be  productive  of  individual  distress,  and  a  departure  from  estab- 
 lished usage  on  the  accession  of  a  new  sovereign.  But  in  the  sequel 
 it  will  be  seen  that  the  Court  Pension  list,  in  future,  is  not  to  exceed 
 £75,000  per  annum. 
 
 The  remaining  charges  on  the  civil  list  consist  of  certain  ancient 
 payments  for  charity;  a  sum  for  special  service  at  the  disposal  of  the 
 lords  of  the  Treasury;  and  the  secret  service  money  of  the  Treasury. 
 
 Other  charges  heretofore  paid  out  of  the  civil  list  have  been  trans- 
 ferred to  the  consolidated  fund ;  such  v.ere  the  payments  to  the  judges, 
 to  the  lords  of  the  Treasury,  to  foreign  ministers,  to  the  speaker  of 
 the  House  of  Commons,  to  the  universities,  and  various  miscellaneous 
 items  to  the  city  of  London,  and  corporations  in  the  country.  The 
 amount  of  these,  and  also  the  expenditure  under  the  several  heads  of 
 the  civil  list  we  have  described,  will  appear  from  the  official  documents 
 which  will  be  subjoined  to  this  article.  At  present  let  us  give  a  brief 
 summary  of  the  progress  and  augmentation  of  the  civil  list,  and  an  ac- 
 count of  its  present  settlement. 
 
 From  the  year  1804  to  1811,  the  average  annual  expenditure  of  the 
 civil  list  amounted  to  £1,102,683.  On  the  commencement  of  the  Re- 
 gency, this  branch  of  expenditure  increased  enormously.  From  1812 
 to  1816,  the  average  annual  expenditure  of  the  civil  list  was  £1 ,37 1 ,000, 
 being  an  increase  of  £208,317  over  the  expenditure  of  George  III. 
 This  augmentation  arose  chiefly  from  the  profusion  in  the  royal  house- 
 hold ;  from  the  expense  ojf  furniture  and  tradesmen's  bills ;  of  up- 
 holsters, jewellers,  glass  and  china  manufacturers,  builders,  perfumers, 
 embroiderers,  tailors,  and  so  on.  The  charge  for  upholstery,  only  for 
 three  quarters  of  a  year,  was  £46,201  ;  of  linen-drapery,  £64,000; 
 silversmiths,  £40,000;  wardrobe,  £72,000.  To  provide  for  these 
 additional  outgoings.  Lord  Castlereagh  introduced  the  Civil-List-Re- 
 gulation-Bill of  1816.  By  this  Bill,  no  check  is  imposed  on  the 
 profusion  of  the  court ;  it  only  provides  that  various  fluctuating  and 
 other  charges,  heretofore  paid  out  of  the  civil  list,  should  be  transferred 
 
INCREASE    IN    CIVIL    LIST    EXPENDITURE.  217 
 
 to  the  consolidated  fund,  or  provided  for  by  new  g-rants  from  parliament : 
 in  other  words,  that  the  civil  list  should  be  augmented  to  the  amount 
 of  its  increased  expenditure.  By  this  arrangement,  an  additional 
 burden  was  imposed  on  the  public,  amounting  to  £25.5,768,  being  the 
 total  of  the  charges  of  which  the  civil  list  was  relieved. 
 
 Among  the  charges  transferred  from  the  civil  list  was  £35,000, 
 payable  to  the  junior  branches  of  the  royal  family,  and  which  was  to 
 be  paid  out  of  the  consolidated  fund ;  also  salaries,  to  the  amount 
 of  £3,268,  to  certain  oificers  and  persons.  AW  the  charges,  for  the 
 outfit  of  ministers  to  foreign  courts,  or  presents  to  foreign  ministers, 
 incidental  expenses  in  the  Treasun,',  deficiencies  of  fees  to  secretaries 
 of  state,  and  in  the  laAV  department,  amounting  to  £197,000,  were  to 
 be  provided  for  by  new  grants  from  parliament.  Various  charges  for 
 furniture  and  other  articles,  heretofore  provided  by  the  lord  chamljerlain 
 for  public  offices ;  the  expense  of  collars,  badges,  and  mantles  for  the 
 orders  of  the  Garter,  Bath,  and  Thistle ;  and  all  expenses  for  repairs 
 of  public  offices  and  buildings  at  the  Tower,  Whitehall,  and  West- 
 minster ;  for  works  in  St.  James's  Park  and  private  roads,  estimated 
 at  £25,000,  were  to  be  provided  for  by  new  grants;  the  total  deduction 
 of  charges  being,  as  before  stated,  £255,768. 
 
 Now  it  is  obvious  that  to  the  amount  of  these  charges  the  income  of 
 the  Cro^Ti  was  augmented,  and  that  the  scale  of  extravagant  expen- 
 diture, in  the  first  four  years  of  the  Regency,  from  1812  to  1816, 
 formed  the  basis  on  which  the  civil  list  of  George  IV.  was  provided. 
 On  the  accession  of  the  late  king,  in  1820,  no  alteration  was  proposed 
 in  the  Civil-List-Regulation-Bill  of  1816  ;  it  passed,  as  is  observed  by 
 the  writer  of  a  ministerial  pamphlet  of  the  day,  with  "  the  entire 
 approbation  of  all  parties ;  that  is,  "  all  parties,"  without  inquiry  or 
 examination,  concurred  in  making  a  permanent  addition  to  the  king's 
 income  of  a  quarter  of  a  million  over  that  enjoyed  by  his  predecessor. 
 
 But  to  judge  of  the  immense  disproportion  in  the  incomes  of  the  two 
 sovereigns,  it  is  necessary  to  advert  to  the  alteration  in  the  value  of 
 vioney.  The  average  expenditure  of  George  III.  from  1804  to  1811, 
 was  £1,102,683.  The  average  price  of  wheat,  from  1804  to  1811,  in- 
 clusive, \^as  87s.  Qd.  per  quarter.  The  average  price  of  wheat,  during 
 the  ten  years  of  the  last  reign,  from  1820  to  1830,  was  58s.  4c?.  per 
 quarter  ;  indicating  a  rise  in  the  value  of  money,  as  measured  by  corn, 
 of  aboA'e  33  percent.  The  price  of  labour,  profits,  tithes,  rents,  and 
 interest,  all  fell  in  nearly  the  same  proportion  ;  so  that  it  Avould  not  be 
 too  much  to  reckon  an  income  of  £67  equivalent  to  an  income  of  £100 
 in  the  peiiod  selected  for  comparison  ;  and,  conseqently,  that  the  ex- 
 penditure of  George  III.  of  £1,102,683,  in  a  depreciated  currency, 
 was  not  more  than  an  expenditure  of  £638,797  at  the  value  of  money 
 during-  the  last  reign.  Had,  therefore,  the  civil  list  of  George  IV. 
 been  fixed  at  the  same  nominal  amount  as  the  civil  list  of  George  III,  it 
 would  have  been  virtually  33  per  cent,  greater  ;  but,  besides  being  fixed 
 at  nearly  the  same  nominal  amount  as  that  of  his  predecessor,  one- fourth 
 less  was  to  pay  out  of  it ;   so  that  the  real  addition  to  the  income  of 
 
218  (IVIL    LIST. 
 
 George  IV.  was  not  less  than  fifty-eight  percent.  — an  arrangement,  we 
 are  told,  with  the  "  entire  approbation  of  all  parties." 
 
 The  extravagant  nature  of  the  settlement  of  the  civil  list  of  George  IV. 
 must  be  plain :  we  have  compared  it  with  the  latest  expenditure  of 
 George  III.  and,  allowing  for  the  alteration  in  the  currency  and  the 
 charges  transferred  to  other  funds,  the  difference  was  more  than  half  a 
 million.  George  III.  was  by  no  means  a  cheap  sovereign  ;  but  in 
 considering  his  expenditure,  it  ought  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  he  was 
 liable  to  many  outgoings  from  which  his  successor  was  exempted.  Of 
 this  nature,  were  a  large  family — sums  expended  in  the  improvement 
 of  Windsor-castle — the  charge  of  furnishing  and  decorating  the  apart- 
 ments in  the  palaces  for  the  princesses — their  removal  to  and  from 
 Windsor,  estimated  at  £20,000 — the  journeys  to  Weymouth  about  ' 
 general  Garth's  affair — and  furnishing  apartments  in  Kensington-palace 
 for  the  Princess  of  Wales ;  all  which  tended  to  swell  the  royal  ex- 
 penditure in  the  seven  years  selected  for  comparison. 
 
 But  it  is  proper  to  observe  respecting  this  pattern-king,  as  many 
 considered  George  III.,  that  his  income  never  equalled  his  expenditure. 
 Allowing  for  the  sums  granted  by  parliament  to  liquidate  the  debts  of 
 the  civil  list  during  his  reign,  amounting  to  upwards  of  three  millions 
 AND  A  HALF,  it  renders  the  disparity  between  his  actual  expenditure 
 and  that  of  his  successor  less  than  we  have  mentioned.  George  IV. 
 incurred  no  debts  after  the  settlement  of  his  civil  list,  and  the  course 
 adopted  to  avoid  future  incumbrances  was^Vs/,  by  relieving  the  civil 
 list  of  all  public  charges  of  an  expensive  and  fluctuating  amount;  and 
 secondly,  by  granting  to  the  king  an  allowance  framed  on  the  most  ex- 
 travagant scale  of  expenditure  ever  known  in  this  country,  and  such  as 
 experience  had  shewn  to  be  adequate  to  his  most  lavish  demands.  By 
 these  precautions,  and  with  the  hereditary  revenues  always  ready  to  meet 
 any  unexpected  outgoing,  it  would  have  been  wonderful  had  not  the 
 scheme  realised  the  expectations  of  the  projectors.  Another  feature  in 
 lord  Castlereagh's  bill  was  the  appointment  of  a  new  officer  under  the 
 name  of  auditor  of  the  civil  list.  The  latter  regulation  can  excite  no 
 surprise,  for  it  cannot  be  forgotten  that  in  all  attempts  to  economize  by 
 Tory  ministers  they  generally  contrived  to  keep  up  the  same  amount  of 
 patronag'e  by  new  creations.  An  instance  of  this  occurred  on  the  aboli- 
 tion of  certain  sinecures  in  1817,  when  a  bill,  the  57  Geo.  III.  was 
 immediately  introduced  to  provide  -pensions  in  lieu  of  them.  Another 
 instance  was  afforded  in  the  consolidation  of  the  revenue  departments  of 
 England  and  Ireland,  when  a  vice-treasurer  and  his  deputy  were  ap- 
 pointed, with  a  salary  of  £3000  a-year,  apparently  for  no  other  object 
 than  to  keep  up  the  patronage  of  the  Treasury.  Again,  when  the 
 further  granting  of  pensions  from  the  Leeward-Islands-fuud  was  pro- 
 hibited, ministers  set  up  the  West-India  church-establishments.  The 
 ostensible  functions  of  the  auditor  of  the  civil  list  were  to  superintend 
 the  accounts  of  the  lord  chamberlain,  lord  steward,  and  master  of  the 
 horse  ;  but  certainly  these  were  the  duties  which  ought  to  have  been 
 performed  by  the  heads  of  these  departments,  and  for  which  they  receive 
 
AUDITORSHIP    OF    CIVIL    LIST.  219 
 
 their  salnries.  Was  it  probable  the  public  would  be  better  secured 
 against  profusion  in  the  royal  expenditure  when  confided  to  the  watchful 
 vigilance  of  a  commoner  than  when  confided  to  three  peers  of  the  realm  ? 
 The  precaution  was  futile,  but  answered  the  purpose  of  a  pretext  for 
 dipping  into  the  pockets  of  the  people.  Mr.  Herries  was  the  first  au- 
 ditor appointed  ;  his  previous  office,  commissary-in-chief,  had  been 
 abolished,  and,  we  presume,  ministers  were  at  a  loss  how  othermse  to 
 dispose  of  him. 
 
 The  Whig  ministry  have  annexed  the  auditorship  to  the  Treasury,  by 
 which  a  saving  of  more  than  £1500  a-year  has  been  effected. 
 
 CIVIL    LIST    OF    WILLIAM    IV. 
 
 Having  adverted  to  the  civil  lists  of  the  two  last  reigns,  let  us  next 
 advert  to  the  civil  list  arrangement  concluded  with  the  present  King. 
 William  IV.  is  so  deservedly  popular  for  his  firm  and  enlightened 
 adherence  to  the  great  renovating  measure  of  parliamentary  reform,  that 
 we  are  sure  the  people  will  not  begrudge  his  Majesty  anyincome  conducive 
 to  his  personal  comfort  and  real  dignity.  But  it  is  notour  province  to 
 act  the  part  of  parasites,  who  mislead  monarchs  and  ruin  empires,  but  to 
 submit  to  our  readers  the  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth.  We  shall 
 then  briefly  state  the  arrangement  of  the  civil  list  established  by  1  Will. 
 IV.,  c.  25.,  and  which  received  the  royal  assent  April  22,  1831. 
 
 The  leading  principle  of  the  framersofthe  act  was  to  relieve  the  civil 
 list  of  every  charge  not  strictly  connected  with  the  royal  expenditure. 
 Hitherto  many  expenses  had  been  included  in  the  civil  list  which  had  no 
 immediate  connexion  with  the  king's  household  or  the  regal  office  ;  ex- 
 penses Avhich,  in  fact,  were  the  expenses  of  the  civil  government  of  the 
 country,  and  as  such  ought  always  to  have  been  under  the  cognizance, 
 and  subject  to  the  control  of  parliament.  All  charges  of  this  descrip- 
 tion have  been  dissevered  and  transferred  to  the  consolidated  fund,  to  be 
 provided  for  out  of  the  general  produce  of  the  taxes.  In  lieu  of  the  civil 
 list  consisting  of  nine  classes  of  payment,  they  have  been  reduced  to  the 
 five  following ;  Jirst,  the  privy  purse  of  the  King,  £60,000,  and  the 
 establishment  of  the  Queen,  £50,000,  making  the  total  sum  allotted  to 
 this  class  £110,000  per  annum.  Second,  the  salaries  of  the  royal 
 household,  including  the  departments  of  the  lord  chamberlain,  £64,450, 
 lord  steward,  £36,500,  master  of  the  horse,  £28,500,  and  master  of  the 
 robes  £850,  making  the  total  sum  allotted  to  this  class  £130,300.  The 
 third  class  consists  of  the  expenditure  in  the  several  departments  in  the 
 second  class,  amounting  to  £171,500.  The  fourth  class  consists  of 
 royal  bounty,  alms,  payments  to  the  poor  of  London,  special  service, 
 and  home  secret  service  money,  amounting  to  £23,200.  The  fifth  and 
 last  class  is  pensions,  which  is  limited  to  £75,000.  The  mode  in  Avhich 
 the  reduction  has  been  effected  under  this  head,  was  by  consolidating 
 the  three  pension  lists  of  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland  in  one  alpha- 
 betical list,  and  by  providing  that   pensions  to  the  amount  of  £75,000 
 
220  CIVIL    LIST    OF    WILLIAM    IV. 
 
 on  the  first  part  of  the  alphabetical  list  should  be  charged  on  the  civil 
 list,  and  the  remainder,  to  the  amount  of  £95,000,  be  charged  on  the 
 consolidated  fund.  By  this  arrangement  the  public  Avill  receive  the 
 benefit  of  the  pensions  which  fall  in  from  that  part  of  them  which  are 
 charged  on  the  consolidated  fund,  while  the  King  has  the  advantage  of 
 the  vacancies  which  occur  in  those  payable  from  the  civil  list. 
 
 KECAPITULATION. 
 
 £  s.  d. 
 
 First  Class.       For  their  Majesty's  Privy   Purse 110,000  0  0 
 
 Second  Class.    Salariesof  His  Majesty's  Household  ••  130,;300  0  0 
 
 Third  Class.     Expences  of  His  Majesty's  Household  •  •  1 7 1 ,500  0  0 
 
 Fourth  Class.    Special  and  Secret  Service 23,200  0  0 
 
 Fifth  Class.      Pensions 75,000  0  0 
 
 £510,000     0     0 
 
 An  important  question  now  arises — What  is  the  amount  of  saving 
 effected  by  the  new  arrangement  ?  There  has  been  n  shifting  oj'weights 
 we  have  seen,  there  has  been  a  transfer  of  charges  from  one  fund  to 
 another,  but  the  vital  question  to  the  public  is,  how  much  less  will  the 
 support  of  the  new  king  cost  than  the  old.      Let  us  enquire. 
 
 The  civil  list  granted  to  William  IV.  is  £510,000;  the  civil  list 
 granted  to  his  predecessor  (the  Irish  civil  list  included)  was  £1,057,000  ; 
 the  difference  is  £547,000.  But  the  saving  is  by  no  means  to  the 
 amount  of  this  difference.  The  civil  list  of  the  King  has  been  relieved 
 of  four  entire  classes  of  disbursement,  the  expenditure  in  which 
 amounted  to  upwards  of  £400,000,  and  Avhich  are  now  provided  for  by 
 annual  grants  from  parliament.  Notwithstanding  this,  we  find,  on  com- 
 paring the  corresponding  classes  of  the  two  lists,  that  there  has  been  an 
 absolute  and  positive  reduction.  In  the  second  class  the  reductions  have 
 been  to  the  amount  of  £10,300;  in  the  third  class  to  the  amount  of 
 £37,500  ;  in  the  fourth  class  to  the  amount  of  £3000;  and  in  the  fifth 
 class  to  the  amount  of  £95,000.  In  the  first  class  there  has  been  an 
 augmentation  to  the  amount  of  £50,000  on  account  of  the  establish- 
 ment of  the  Queen.  The  net  leduction  in  the  royal  expenditure,  below 
 the  amount  in  the  preceding  reigns,  is  £95,000. 
 
 We  have  now  submitted,  as  clearly  and  correctly  as  we  are  able,  from 
 the  official  returns  to  parliament,  the  new  arrangement  of  the  civil  list. 
 In  our  opinion,  it  is  a  material  improvement  on  those  which  have  pre- 
 ceded it,  and  does  credit  to  Earl  Grey's  administration.  It  is  simpler 
 in  form  and  more  economical.  The  cutting  down  of  the  infamous  pen- 
 sion list  is  not  only  a  saving,  but  a  constitutional  improvement  in  the 
 executive  government,  by  destroying  the  miasm  of  the  court  atmosphere. 
 Other  advantages  have  accrued  :  the  masses  of  revenue,  the  nature  of 
 which  was  explained  in  the  last  chapter,  have  been  withdrawn  from  the 
 irres})onsible  disposal  of  ministers.  By  the  transfer  of  charges  to  the 
 consolidated  fund,  a   sum  of  no  less  than  £()96,000  has,  for  the  first 
 
DUCHIES    OF    CORNWALL    AND    LANCASTER.  221 
 
 time,  been  brought  vvithia  the  cos^nizance  and  control  of  parliament,  and 
 which  cannot  fail,  ultimately,  to  lead  to  a  very  considerable  reduction  of 
 expenditure. 
 
 Ag-ainst  these  advantages  we  have  only  two  drawbacks  to  mention. 
 First,  it  does  not  appear  from  the  civil  list  act,  the  revenues  of  the 
 duchies  of  Cornwall  and  Lancaster  have  been  included  in  the  surrender 
 of  the  hereditary  and  casual  revenues  of  the  crown.  The  income  from 
 these  royal  appanages,  we  believe,  is  about  £25,000  per  annum.  The 
 king  enjoys  the  revenue  of  the  former  in  the  absence  of  a  Prince  of 
 Wales,  and  of  the  latter  in  his  own  right  as  Duke  of  Lancaster.  They 
 are  considered  by  some  as  the  private  property  of  the  sovereign,  and,  as 
 such,  not  within  parliamentary  cognizance  any  moie  than  the  income  of 
 his  grace  of  Norfolk,  or  any  other  nobleman.  But  we  cannot  see  the 
 reasons  for  this  construction.  The  king-  is  only  known  in  his  public 
 capacity  of  chief  magistrate,  and  we  apprehend  the  revenues  of  Lan- 
 caster and  Cornwall  might  have  been  as  legally  surrendered  as  the  casual 
 and  hereditary  revenues.  The  duchies  are  notoriously  great  nurseries  of 
 abuse  and  sinecurism,  and  have  long  w'anted  bringing  before  the  public. 
 
 The  second  objection  we  have  to  urge  is,  our  apprehension  lest  the 
 hereditary  revenues  have  not  been  sufficiently  secured  from  ministerial 
 grasp.  In  the  twelfth  section  of  the  Civil  List  Act  various  powers  are 
 reserved  to  the  Crown,  among  others,  to  grant  rewards  out  of  the 
 admiralty  droits  for  meritorious  conduct.  May  not  this  leave  a  door 
 open  for  the  future  encroachments  of  the  servants  of  the  king-  on  these 
 funds  ?  However,  this  is  a  contingency,  which  can  only  occur  from 
 the  supineness  of  the  legislature. 
 
 We  repeat,  therefore,  in  spite  of  these  drawbacks,  that  the  Whig  civil 
 list  is  a  substantial  improvement  on  its  predecessors.  Many,  however, 
 will  still  think,  and  we  think  so  too,  that  the  allowance  of  more  than  half 
 a  million  per  annum  for  the  maintenance  of  one  man  is  a  very  great 
 sum.  But  it  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the  state  and  institutions  of 
 the  society  in  which  we  live.  No  one  can  reasonably  expect  that  a  king 
 of  England  should  have  a  less  annual  income  than  the  greatest  of  his 
 subjects.  Before  reducing  lower  the  royal  income,  we  must  reduce  the 
 incomes  of  the  grandees  of  the  church  and  aristocracy,  by  the  amputa- 
 tion of  tithes  and  corn  laws.  Till  then  we  do  not  imagine  his  Majesty 
 could  w  ell  discharge  the  duties  of  his  high  station  with  a  smaller  revenue ; 
 especially  while  he  has  the  gorgeous  civil  list  of  the  citizen  king  of  the 
 French  to  keep  him  in  countenance.  While,  therefore,  the  monarchical 
 and  aristocratic  institutions  of  the  country  subsist,  the  people  will  be 
 compelled  to  make  a  great  pecuniary  sacrifice  to  mere  state  and  graduated 
 rank,  and  be  under  the  necessity  of  declining  the  tender  of  the  worthy 
 Scotchman,  who  offered  to  discharge  all  the  duties  of  the  regal  office  for 
 £300  a  year,  and  find  good  security  for  the  performance  ! 
 
 ROYAL    DEBTS  AND  EXPENDITURE  DURING   THE    LATE   REIGNS. 
 
 The  state  of  the  civil  list  has  varied  so  much  during  the  reigns  of 
 George  IIL  and  IV,,  that  it  may  be  useful  to  give  a  brief  sketch  of 
 
222  ROYAL    ULBTS    AND    EX  PLN  DITU  RU. 
 
 the  total  amount  of  public  money  applied  to  the  support  of  this  depart- 
 ment of  expenditure,  and  in  extricating  the  Crown  and  the  members  of 
 the  royal  family  from  pecuniary  embarrassments. 
 
 At  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  George  III.  the  king  accepted 
 the  fixed  sum  of  £800,000  per  annum  in  lieu  of  the  hereditary,  tem- 
 porary, and  other  revenues.  This  sum  was  successively  augmented  by 
 parliament  as  follows : 
 
 1  Geo.  III.  c.  1. £800,000 
 
 17  Geo.  III.  c.  21. 100,000 
 
 44  Geo.  III.  c.  80. 60,000 
 
 52  Geo.  III.  c.  6. 70,000 
 
 Surplus  of  exchequer  fees,  applied  by  23  Geo.  III.  c.  82.  •  •  50,000 
 Surplus  of  Scotch  revenues,  applied  by  50  Geo.  III.  c.  87.  •  •  10,000 
 In  1804,  when  £60,000  was  added,  the  civil  list  was  relieved  of 
 annual  charges  to  the  amount  of  £82,000.  The  debts  of  the  king,  paid 
 by  parliament,  were  as  follows :       ' 
 
 In   1769   £513,511 
 
 1777   618,340 
 
 1784   60,000 
 
 1786    210,000 
 
 1802    990,000 
 
 1804   591,842 
 
 1805   10,458 
 
 1814   118,857 
 
 £3,113,061 
 
 Parliament  granted,  towards  the  extraordinary  expenses  of  1814, 
 £100,000,  making  £3,213,061  ;  and  in  January,  1815,  there  was  a 
 further  debt  on  the  civil  list  to  the  amount  of  £421,355.  To  these 
 grants  to  the  king  must  be  added  the  monies  granted  to  the  royal 
 family,  and  to  defray  those  charges  of  which  the  civil  list  had  been 
 relieved,  amounting  to  £9,561,396.*  Besides  which  there  was  applied, 
 either  in  aid  of  the  civil  list,  or  to  liquidate  arrears  thereon,  £1,653,717 
 out  of  the  hereditary  revenues. f  So  far  brings  the  royal  expenditure 
 to  January,  1815.  In  the  following  year  the  civil  list  expenditure 
 amounted  to  £1,480,000;  making  the  total  expenditure,  from  the 
 accession  of  George  III.  to  January,  1816,  £64,740,032. 
 
 This  brings  us  down  to  the  period  when  there  was  a  general  parlia- 
 mentary investigation  of  the  civil  list ;  and  when  it  was  settled  on  the 
 basis  on  which  it  continued,  without  material  alteration,  till  the  recent 
 demise  of  the  Crown.  As  we  have  before  explained  the  profuse  cha- 
 racter of  lord  Castlereagh's  settlement,  and  the  vast  augmentation  the 
 
 *  Pari.  Report  on  the  Civil  List,    Session  1815. — Ordered  to  be  reprinted 
 July  6,  1830. 
 t  Ibid.  p.  5. 
 
PROFUSION    OF    GEORGE    IV.  223 
 
 civil  list  received,  we  shall  not  repeat  our  statement,  further  than  by 
 recapitulating-  the  chief  provisions. 
 
 In  1816  the  civil  list  was  relieved  of  public  charges  to  the  amount  of 
 £255,768,  and  the  future  provision  for  it  was  fixed  at  the  sum  of 
 £1,083,729.  £100,000  more  was  granted  for  the  support  of  the 
 establishment  of  George  III.  at  Windsor-Castle,  and  £10,000  per 
 annum  to  Queen  Charlotte,  afterwards  continued  to  the  Duke  of  York, 
 for  superintendence.  In  the  same  year  £60,000  was  voted  for  the 
 establishment  of  the  Princess  Charlotte  and  Prince  Coburg.  With  the 
 exception  of  the  saving  of  £10,000,  by  the  premature  death  of  the 
 Princess  of  Wales,  in  1817,  all  these  arrangements  continued  until  the 
 accession  of  George  IV.  in  1820,  when  the  civil  list  was  fixed  at 
 £1,057,000,  and  so  continued  to  the  end  of  that  monarch's  reign. 
 
 Having  obtained  the  ordinary  charges  of  the  civil  list,  we  next 
 inquii'e,  what  extraordinary  aids  flowed  into  this  insatiable  gulph.  Like 
 his  predecessor,  George  IV.  was  constantly  receiving,  in  addition  to  his 
 regular  income,  refreshers  out  of  the  Admiralty  droits,  Gibraltar  duties, 
 and  other  branches  of  the  hereditary  revenues,  either  in  aid  of  the  privy 
 purse,  to  defray  travelling  expenses  among  his  lieges,  or  to  meet  extra 
 outgoings  in  the  household.  Besides  these,  many  items  ordinarily  in- 
 serted in  that  annual  budget  of  miscellanies,  the  civil  list  contingencies, 
 ought  in  justice  to  be  placed  to  the  account  of  the  sovereign.  Then, 
 again,  what  masses  of  money  have  been  swamped  in  the  royal  palaces. 
 Upwards  of  £600,000  has  been  already  granted  for  the  repair  and  im- 
 provement of  the  Pimlico  residence.  On  Windsor-castle  the  sum  already 
 expended  amounts  to  £894,500;*  and  £190,670  more  is  requisite  to 
 finish  this  gothic  barbarism.  It  is  said  that  the  pavilion  at  Brighton 
 cost  a  million  of  money ;  and  on  the  cottage  in  the  Great  Park  half  a 
 million  was  expended.  For  the  two  last  facts  we  have  no  ofiicial 
 authority,  but  they  are  traits  of  extravagance  not  improbable  in  a  king 
 who,  in  one  year,  spent  £5000  and  more  in  the  single  article  of  robes  ; 
 whose  stud  of  horses,  though  he  seldom  journeyed  beyond  the  limits  of 
 his  own  pleasure-grounds,  was  upwards  of  200  ;  and  whose  old  clothes, 
 white  kid  inexpressibles  with  white  satin  linings  included,  after  his 
 death,  actually  sold  in  the  heap  for  £15,000  !  Such  are  the  blessings 
 conferred  by  a  monarch  of  taste,  who,  through  the  agency  of  servile 
 ministers  and  a  patient  people,  obtained  ample  means  to  gratify  his 
 most  fantastic  desires. 
 
 Nothing  has  been  yet  said  of  the  burthen  imposed  by  the  younger 
 branches  of  the  royal  family.  The  pensions  of  these  are  paid  out  of  the 
 consolidated  fund,  and  form  a  distinct  charge  from  the  civil  list.  The 
 annuities  payable  at  the  time  of  the  late  demise,  exclusive  of  military 
 pay  and  otficial  emoluments,  amounted  to  £248,500  per  annum. 
 
 Every  change  in  the  personal  relations  of  the  royal  family  entails 
 additional  expense  on  the  community,  whether  it  be  a  marriage,  a 
 christening,  or  a  burial.     In   the   first  case,  there  is   a  grant  for  an 
 
 *  Pari.  Report,  No.  27,  Sess.  1831. 
 
234  SUMMARY    OF    ROYAL    EXPENDITURE. 
 
 outfit ;  in  the  second,  a  grant  for  support  and  education;  and  in  the 
 last,  a  provision  for  the  servants  of  the  deceased.  The  puhlic  is  now 
 paying-  upwards  £30,000  per  annum  for  the  servants  of  Geor«j^c  III., 
 Queen  Charlotte,  and  Queen  Caroline.*  In  1825  an  annuity  of  £6000 
 a-year  was  granted  to  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  to  support  and  educate 
 his  son,  Prince  George-Frederick- Alexander-Charles- Ernest-Augustus 
 of  Cumberland,  (g'racious  heaven,  what  a  long  name  this  child  has  got) ; 
 in  the  same  year  a  like  annuity  to  the  Duchess  of  Kent,  for  Alexandrina- 
 Victoria,  which,  in  1831,  was  augmented  to  her  royal  highness  by  an 
 additional  grant  of  £10,000.  One  might  suppose  these  high  personages 
 had  never  been  married,  and  the  fact  of  having  oflPspring  was  among  the 
 accidents  of  life  for  which  they  M'ero  totally  unprovided. 
 
 People  naturally  wonder  what  becomes  of  the  heaps  of  money  ab- 
 stracted from  them  in  taxes ;  they  arc,  in  fact,  only  imperfectly 
 acquainted  with  the  costliness  of  the  institutions  under  which  they  live, 
 and  the  profusion  with  which  the  produce  of  their  industry  and  skill  is 
 lavished:  we  shall,  however,  endeavour  to  open  their  eyes  on  the.se 
 subjects.  Let  us  see,  then,  what  has  been  the  total  cost  of  the  two  last 
 reigns  ;  after  the  preceding-  explanations  the  reader  will  be  better  able  to 
 comprehend  and  verify  the  subjoined  recapitulation. 
 
 Summary  of  the  Royal  Expenditure,  from  the  Accession  of 
 George  III.  to  the  Death  of  George  IV. 
 
 From  the  accession  of  George  III.  to  January  5,  1815, 
 the  income  of  the  civil  list,  and  padiamentary  grants 
 to  liquidate  debts  thereon £51,623,564 
 
 Parliamentary  p;rauts  to  tlie  royal  family,  and  for 
 judges  luid  other  services,  of  the  charge  for  which 
 the  civil  list  was  relieved 9,561,390 
 
 Monies  applied  out  of  the  hei-editary  revenues 1,653,717 
 
 Debts  on  the  civil  list,  January  1815 421,355 
 
 Civil  list  expenditure  for  the  year  ending  January  5, 
 
 1816 1,180,000 
 
 Total  royal  expenditure  from  the  accession  of 
 
 George  III.  to  the  year  1816    61,710,026 
 
 From  1816  to  1820,  the  income  of  civil  list  by  56  Geo. 
 
 III.  c.  46 4,334,916 
 
 Windsor-castle  establishment  during  the  same  period, 
 
 including  allowance  for  ciistos 4  10,000 
 
 Parliamentary  grants  for  pensions,  salaries,  and  ser- 
 vices, of  which  the  civil  list  was  relieved 1,358,072 
 
 Pensions  and  official  salaries  of  the  royal  dukes  and 
 princesses,  including  Prince  Coburg  and  Queen 
 Caroline    I,:i35,344 
 
 Monies  applied  in   aid  of  the   king  and  royal  family 
 
 from  the  hereditary  revenues    350,000 
 
 Revenues  of  the  Duchies  of  Cornwall  and  Lancaster  ..         100,000 
 
 Allowance  to  Queen  Charlotte  to  her  death  in  1818    . .         116,400 
 
 Total  royal  expenditure,  from  1816  to  1820    8,034,332 
 
 Carried  forward £72,774,358 
 
 *  Annual  Finance  Accounts,  Session  1830,  p.  134. 
 
 r.* 
 
EXPENDITURE    OF    GEORGE    III.    AND    IV,  225 
 
 Brought  forward £72,774,358 
 
 From  1820  to    1830,  the  income  of  the  civil   list,  by 
 
 1  Geo.  IV.  c.  1    10,570,000 
 
 Parliamentary  grants   for  pensions,   salaries,  and  ser- 
 vices, of  vi'hich  the  civil  list  was  relieved 3,.397,680 
 
 Pensions,  salaries,  and  allowances  of  the  royal  dukes 
 
 and  princesses,  including  Prince  Coburg 3,575,000 
 
 Monies  appropriated  to  the  use  of  the  king  and  royal 
 
 dukes,  out  of  Admiralty  droits  and  Gibraltar  duties         150,000 
 
 Revenues  of  the  duchies  of  Cornwall  and  Lancaster 
 
 paid  into  the  privy  purse 250,000 
 
 Allowances  to  the  late  servants  of  George  III.,  Queen 
 
 Charlotte,  and  Queen  Caroline   350,000 
 
 Expense  of  repairing  and  improving  Buckingham-pa- 
 lace, to  1830 496,269 
 
 Grants  for  the  alteration  and  improvement  of  Windsor- 
 castle,  to  January  5,  1830 527,500 
 
 Total  royal  expenditure,  from  1820  to  1830.... 19,316,449 
 
 Grand  Total  of  the  Royal  Expenditure,  from  the 
 accession  of  George  III.  to  the  death  of 
 George  IV £92,090,807 
 
 The  pensions  and  official  emoluments  of  the  royal  dukes,  from  first 
 entering  into  public  life  to  the  year  1815,  are  not  included ;  and  there 
 are  various  fees  and  perquisites  of  which  they  were  in  the  receipt,  and 
 annuities  to  the  princesses  on  the  Irish  ciA'il  list,  of  which  we  have  not 
 been  able  to  obtain  authentic  returns.  The  total  amount  of  the  incomes 
 of  the  king  and  royal  family,  for  the  last  seventy  years,  cannot  have 
 been  less  than  £100,000,000  sterling,  making  the  average  expenditure 
 of  a  single  family  £1,428,571  per  annum. 
 
 The  people  of  England  have  been  so  long  familiarized  to  the  lavish 
 expenditure  of  their  rulers,  that  we  fear  they  are  unable  to  appreciate 
 the  importance  of  one  hundred  millions  of  money.  The  best  way 
 to  bring  the  mind  rightly  to  estimate  the  magnitude  of  this  sum,  is,  to 
 reflect  for  a  moment  on  the  amount  of  evil  it  might  have  averted,  or 
 the  good  it  might  have  accomplished,  had  it  been  judiciously  appro- 
 priated to  the  attainment  of  objects  of  national  utility.  An  annual 
 revenue  of  £1,428,571  is  equal  to  one-third  of  all  the  sums  levied  in 
 poor-rates  during  the  two  reigns,  and  would  maintain  two  millions 
 of  poor  people.  By  the  saving  of  such  a  sum  how  many  trumpery  taxes 
 might  have  been  repealed,  which  harass  and  impede  the  industrious 
 citizen !  What  a  fund  it  would  form  to  mitigate  the  sufferings  con- 
 stantly recurring  from  changes  in  the  seasons  and  the  vicissitudes  of 
 commerce  !  It  is  calculated  that  the  annual  application  of  a  quarter  of 
 a  million  would  enable  to  emigrate  the  whole  of  the  redundant  industry 
 yearly  accumulating  from  the  progress  of  population.  How  much 
 more,  then  might  be  effected  by  the  application  of  £1,428,571  per 
 annum.  What  an  impulse  it  would  give  to  our  mercantile  navy,  by 
 creating  employment  for  shipping  in  the  conveyance  of  settlers : — 
 what  stores — what  implements  of  agriculture,  and  other  necessaries,  it 
 
 Q 
 
226  THE    KING    EXEMPT    FROM    TAXES. 
 
 would  furnish  to  families !  Internal  industry  would  be  stimulated ; 
 new  communities  founded ;  the  waste  and  desolate  parts  of  the  earth 
 reclaimed  and  peopled ;  and  by  opening  new  channels  of  employment 
 and  dert^and,  some  of  the  evils,  which  most  embitter  our  social  state, 
 alleviated. 
 
 A  republican,  perhaps,  would  contend  that  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
 hundred  millions  might  have  been  saved  to  the  community,  and  point  to 
 the  people  of  the  United  States  of  America  for  an  example  of  frugal 
 government.  Their  king  only  costs  five  thousand  a-year,  instead  of  a 
 million  ;  and  their  other  functionaries  are  equally  cheap  and  reasonable. 
 As  for  lords  of  the  bed-chamber,  grooms  of  the  stole,  master  of  the 
 hawks,  master  of  the  robes,  and  other  masters  and  lords,  they  have  none 
 of  these  things.  And  where  is  the  loss  they  have  sustained  ?  Their 
 government  never  appeared  deficient  in  dignity  or  efiiciency  at  home  or 
 abroad  ;  and  the  duties  of  the  executive  magistracy  have  been  discharged 
 quite  as  well  as  in  this  country. 
 
 There  is  much  truth  in  this ;  but  the  British  people  seem  to  have  a 
 taste  for  monarchy,  and  it  is  a  point  now  hardly  disputed,  that  every 
 community  has  a  right  to  choose  its  own  form  of  government.  It  is 
 true  our  chief  magistrate  is  not  the  most  efficient  of  public  servants ; 
 neither  fighting  the  battles  of  the  country,  conducting  its  negotiations, 
 nor  personally  exercising  judicial  administration.  Still,  we  do  not  con- 
 sider him  quite  so  useless  in  his  station  as  "  the  gilded  globe  on  the 
 dome  of  St.  Paul's,"  to  which  the  capital  "  of  the  Corinthian  column" 
 has  been  rather  absurdly  compared.  Every  society  must  have  a  head — 
 a  king,  president,  or  dictator;  and,  in  fixing  the  amount  of  his  revenue, 
 it  is  necessary  to  have  regard  to  the  state  and  income  of  his  subjects. 
 A  richly  endowed  church  and  aristocracy  demand  a  richly  endowed  king 
 to  match  :  simultaneously  with  the  curtailment  of  the  income  of  the 
 monarch  ought  the  revenues  of  the  priesthood  and  nobility  to  be  cur- 
 tailed, by  the  abolition  of  tithes,  the  repeal  of  corn-laws,  and  a  more 
 equal  partition  of  national  burthens. 
 
 ■  The  superior  income  of  the  sovereign,  however,  does  not  comprise  all 
 the  advantages  he  enjoys  over  his  lieges.  The  king  pays  no  house-rent 
 or  taxes  ;  and  if  he  travels  he  pays  no  turnpikes.  If  he  marries  there 
 is  an  outfit ;  if  he  has  a  child  there  is  a  portion ;  if  he  dies  he  is  buried 
 at  the  public  charge,  his  widow  receives  £100,000  a  year  out  of  the 
 taxes,  and  has  two  splendid  mansions  wherein  to  mourn  her  loss.  Thus 
 all  the  relations  and  vicissitudes  of  Ufe  are  so  amply  provided  for  that  one 
 is  at  a  loss  to  conceive  what  the  king  can  have  to  pay,  or  on  what  objects  his 
 immense  income  can  be  expended.  Here  is  certainly  a  mystery.  The 
 conclusion  seems  to  be,  that  the  functions  of  the  regal  office  have 
 degenerated  into  etiquette ;  and  the  exalted  individuals  who  discharge 
 them  have  become,  as  one  of  the  number  observed,  little  more  than  a 
 ceremony,  whose  duties  are  nominal,  and  Avhose  outgoings — great  tliough 
 they  be — consist  only  of  trappings,  attendance,  and  pageantry. 
 
 In  what,  for  example,  consist  the  duties  of  a  king  of  the  old  European 
 fashion  ? — At  first  sight  they  appear  great  and  manifold  :  he  holds  courts 
 
CATECHISM    or    ROYAL    DUTIES.  227 
 
 and  levees — opens  and  prorogues  parliament — chooses  ministers  of  state — 
 examines  and  signs  all  public  grants  and  documents.  These  functions 
 appear  quite  sufficient  to  occupy  the  attention  of  one  individual ;  but  if 
 we  examine  them  more  closely,  we  shall  find  they  are  vain,  shadowy, 
 and  unimportant. 
 
 What,  for  instance,  is  a  cowr^  ? — A  pageant,  a  farce,  in  which  a 
 train  of  useless  officers,  gaudily  attired,  assemble,  and  those  who  have 
 obtained  an  appointment,  a  pension,  or  place,  express  their  gratitude 
 by  kissing  the  royal  hands  ! 
 
 What  is  a  levee  ? — A  larger  muster,  a  presentation  of  titled  mendi- 
 cants and  others,  who  move  in  procession  before  the  king :  they  bow, 
 and  he  bows,  and  sometimes  smiles  ;  they  pass  on,  another  and  another, 
 as  "  great  a  fool  as  t'other ;" — and  this  is  a  levee. 
 
 How  does  the  king  authenticate  public  documents  ?  He  writes 
 W.  R.,  or  W.  Rex,  at  the  top  or  bottom  of  a  piece  of  parchment,  vel- 
 lum, or  paper:  this  was  done  by  a  machine  in  the  last  reign,  and  many 
 were  in  hopes  that  it  would  have  been  retained,  and  a  similar  contri- 
 vance extended  to  other  regal  functions,  by  which  the  monarch  would 
 have  been  able  to  retire  on  half-pay,  or  with  a  superannuation  allow- 
 ance. 
 
 What  is  the  opening  of  parliament  ? — The  king  going  in  great  state 
 to  the  house  of  peers;  reading  about  a  dozen  lines  prepared  for 
 him  by  his  ministers,  containing  nothing  either  rich  or  rare,  and  then 
 returning  in  the  same  state. 
 
 What  is  a  prorogation  ? — Much  the  same  as  the  last ;  with  this  differ- 
 ence, that  the  rogues  are  sent  to  kill  partridges,  instead  of  being  called 
 together  to  talk,  and  talk,  and  nothing  but  talk. 
 
 How  does  the  king  choose  his  ministers  ?  He  does  not  choose  them 
 at  all ;  they  are  chosen  by  a  majority  of  the  parliament,  which  is  chosen 
 by  one  hundred  and  fifty-four  individuals  called  boroughmongers,  who 
 have  been  chosen  by  God  knows  whom,  but  who  appear  to  have  been 
 a  visitation  inflicted  on  the  people  as  a  punishment  for  apathy  and 
 gullibility. 
 
 Are  not  kings  the  fathers  of  their  people  ? — They  are  so  called,  but 
 they  are  very  unlike  fathers,  since,  instead  of  feeding  and  protecting 
 their  children,  their  children  feed  and  protect  them. 
 
 Kings  are  called  the  sovereigns  of  their  respective  states  ? — They  are 
 so  styled,  certainly,  but  this  is  another  fiction  of  feudality  and  priest- 
 craft. The  sovereignty  is  in  the  people  ;  and,  as  every  day  affords 
 experimental  proof  of  the  truth  of  this  position,  there  are  now  few  to 
 call  it  in  question. 
 
 Such  is  a  catechism  of  the  duties  and  attributes  of  what  may  be  de- 
 nominated feudal  kings:  as  to  citizen  kings,  our  experience  of  them  is 
 yet  too  limited  to  decide  whether  or  no  they  are  an  improvement.  But 
 of  the  elder  sort  it  may  be  truly  affirmed  they^  have  little  claim  on  the 
 gratitude  of  mankind  :  formerly  they  were  great  destroyers  of  their 
 species,  and  latterly  they  have  been  great  consumers  of  victual.  "  When 
 we  see,"  says  Rabelais,  "  the  print  of  Garagantua,  that  has  a  mouth 
 
 q2 
 
1-28 
 
 CUAUAcri-.K    Ol'    THE     LATE    REIGNS. 
 
 ;is  large  as  an  oven,  and  swallows  at  one  meal  twelve  hundred  pounds 
 of  bread,  twenty  oxen,  a  hundred  sheep,  six  hundred  fowls,  fifteen 
 hundred  horses,  two  thousand  quails,  a  thousand  barrels  of  wine,  six 
 hundred  peaches,  five  hundred  pine-apples,  &c.  &c.  who  does  not  say — 
 That  is  the  mouth  of  a  King  ?" 
 
 rOLICY    AND    CHARACTER    OF    THE    TWO    LATE    REIGNS. 
 
 Having  dwelt  so  long  on  the  pecuniary  affairs  of  the  late  reigns,  our 
 readers  will,  perhaps,  have  patience  with  us  while  we  submit  a  few 
 strictures  on  their  political  and  social  bearing. 
 
 The  personal  character  of  George  III,,  and  the  predominant  maxims 
 of  his  reign,  are  too  well  known  to  require  elucidation  in  this  place  ; 
 but  one  part  of  his  policy  has  either  not  obtained  the  attention  it  de- 
 serves, or  is  not  so  g-enerally  understood.  It  is  thought  this  prince, 
 like  his  predecessor,  was  held  in  thraldom  by  the  boroughmongers :  this 
 is  an  error.  Although  the  intellectual  endowments  of  the  king  were  not 
 of  a  high  order,  he  is  entitled  to  the  praise  of  being  the  first  of  his  race 
 who,  if  he  did  not  emancipate  himself  from,  at  least  lightened,  the  yoke 
 imposed  on  the  executive  by  the  aristocracy. 
 
 The  great  families  who  had  mainly  contributed  to  the  Revolution  of 
 1688  claimed,  for  their  services,  an  exclusive  right  to  the  government 
 of  the  kingdom ;  having  averted  the  despotism  of  the  Stuarts,  they 
 sought  to  establish  a  despotism  in  themselves,  and  transmit  the  divine 
 riyht  of  power,  wrested  from  the  monarch,  to  their  own  posterity. 
 Parliamentary  reform  had  not  been  agitated  ;  and  the  people  being  of 
 little  political  importance,  the  sovereign  was  the  only  obstacle  to  this 
 oligarchical  pretension.  Hence  their  intrigues  and  encroachments  were 
 exclusively  directed  against  the  Crown.  They  sought  to  render  the 
 regal  office  a  mere  name;  the  king  a  puppet,  to  be  moved  by  wires,  of 
 which  they  held  the  strings,  to  be  brought  out,  like  the  unfortunate 
 Montezuma,  on  sliow  days,  decked  out  in  the  habiliments  of  royalty,  to 
 inspire  the  multitude  with  respect  for  authority.  William  III.  groaned 
 under  this  system  ;  Queen  Anne  patronized  its  opponents  ;  the  first  and 
 second  George,  having  little  knowledge  of  our  institutions,  and  by 
 nature  not  much  qualified  for  the  exercise  of  authority,  submitted  to  it 
 quietly;  but  to  the  credit  of  George  III.,  he  openly  rebelled  against 
 aristocratic  usurpation.  The  king  perceived,  and  his  mother,  the 
 princess-dowager,  in  concert  with  lord  Bute,  demonstrated  to  him  the 
 galling  bondage  in  which  his  predecessors  had  been  held  by  the  arrogance 
 of  the  Devonshire,  the  Pelham,  the  Portland,  and  other  towering  families. 
 "  George,"  said  the  princess,  "  be  King  ;"  and  the  prince  obeyed  her 
 constant  exhortation,  and  became  so  not  only  in  name  but  reality.  The 
 design  was  laudable,  and  even  constitutional ;  the  king  his  prerogatives, 
 and  the  people  their  representatives,  being  the  whole  creed  of  reformers. 
 But  it  was  only  the  first,  not  the  second,  the  king  regarded ;  while 
 grasping  at  the  prerogatives  of  the  Stuarts,  he  was  equally  averse  to  the 
 rights  of  the  Commons, 
 
ROYAL    TRIUMPH    OVER    THE    FACTION  ii.  229 
 
 Lord  Bute  was  appointed  the  first  minister  on  the  new  system.  Being 
 a  man  of  little  capacity,  ignorant  of  public  aflfairs,  and  the  management 
 of  parties,  he  was  compelled  to  retire.  But  the  king  did  not  abandon 
 his  object.  Partly  by  the  untractableness  of  his  own  character,  partly 
 by  the  adroitness  with  which  he  played  the  factions  against  each  other, 
 but  most  of  all  from  the  immense  increase  in  the  power  of  the  Crown, 
 from  taxation,  the  augmentation  of  the  peerage,  the  establishment  of 
 the  banking  interest — aided  with  the  money -jobbers,  contractors,  and 
 speculators,  he  succeeded  in  breaking  the  aristocratic  fetters.  His 
 independence  may  be  dated  from  the  American  war.  That  contest  was 
 purely  his  own.  It  is  even  said  he  first  suggested  the  stamp-duty.  So 
 much,  however,  was  it  considered  the  king's  personal  quarrel,  that 
 those  who  did  not  concur  in  it  were  branded  as  disloyal. 
 
 The  last  attempt  of  the  aristocracy  to  reduce  the  king  to  a  state  of 
 pupilage  Avas  made  in  1783,  bv  the  famous  India  Bill  of  Mr.  Fox,  This 
 great  measure,  framed  by  P.lr.  Burke,  was  intended  to  establish  a 
 countei'poise  to  the  influence  of  the  Crown,  by  vesting  the  patronage  of 
 India  in  fifteen  individuals  chosen  by  parliament ;  in  other  words,  by 
 the  coalition  administration.  Nothing  could  have  been  devised  more 
 eflectual  for  the  purpose  ;  for  it  would  have  placed  the  sovereign  of 
 England  at  the  mercy  of  the  sovereigns  of  Bengal,  and  erected  a  mound 
 from  which  the  palace  of  St.  James's  might  alwavs  be  maintained  in 
 dutiful  and  respectful  obedience.  But  the  king-  penetrated  the  snare 
 that  was  laid  for  him  ;  and,  by  a  vigorous  exertion  of  court  iniluence 
 and  the  artful  excitement  of  popular  clamour,  the  bill  was  thrown  out, 
 and  the  Whigs,  driven  from  power  in  disgrace,  sunk  into  complete  in- 
 significance. Their  union  with  lord  North  exposed  to  the  country  the 
 profligacy  and  rottenness  of  their  public  principles.  It  was  the  death- 
 blow to  party.  "  From  the  moment,"  says  the  bishop  of  Llandaff,  "  the 
 coalition  was  formed  betwixt  lord  North  and  the  men  who  for  many 
 years  had  reprobated  in  the  strongest  terms  his  political  principles,  I 
 lost  all  confidence  in  public  nien.  I  clearly  saw  that  they  sacrificed 
 their  public  principles  to  private  pique,  and  their  honour  to  their  ambi- 
 tion." The  observations  of  Sir  N.  Wraxall  are  to  the  same  purport. 
 Mr.  Nicholls,  in  his  "  Recollections,"  says,  "  from  the  death  of  lord 
 Rockingham  they  became  ?i  faction,  and  their  efforts  were  no  longer 
 employed  for  the  attainment  of  any  great  public  object."  These 
 writers  speak  from  contemporary  impression,  and  consequently  repre- 
 sent the  general  feeling-  excited  by  their  conduct. 
 
 The  subsequent  history  of  this  party  is  too  fresh  in  public  recollection 
 to  require  illustration.  There  are  some  Whigs  yet,  as  there  are  some 
 Jacobites,  Bourbonites,  and  Johannites ;  for  sects  and  parties  hardly 
 ever  become  extinct,  however  absurd  their  dogmas.  But  upon  the 
 whole,  both  Whiggism  and  Toryism  may  be  considered  defunct  super- 
 stitions ;  and  the  impostures  having  been  unmasked,  men  are  now  only 
 shocked  at  the  grossness  of  the  idolatarv  bv  which  thev  had  been  so  lono- 
 enslaved. 
 
 Upon  the  conduct  of  the  Whig;?,  in   their  endeavours  to  controul  the 
 
230  CHAUACTEll    OF    TMK     LATE    llEIGN. 
 
 executive,  one  or  two  observations  may  be  made.  That  the  influence 
 of  the  Crown,  after  its  enormous  augmentation  during  the  American 
 war,  required  abridgement,  there  can  be  no  question  ;  but  the  means 
 employed  for  this  purpose  were  highly  objectionable.  The  Whigs  at- 
 tempted to  throw  the  weight  into  the  wrong  scale  ;  they  saw  the  pre- 
 ponderance of  the  Crown,  but  were  insensible  or  indifferent  to  the 
 humiliation  of  the  People  :  they  looked  only  to  themselves,  and  instead 
 of  raising  the  popular  branch  of  the  constitution,  sought  only  their  own 
 aggrandizement,  and,  by  providing  sinecures  and  places  for  their 
 adherents,  balancing  the  patronage  of  the  monarch.  Hence  the  real 
 friends  of  the  people  viewed  their  policy  not  only  with  contempt  but 
 abhorrence  ;  for  it  contained  no  invitation  to  popular  support —  no  gua- 
 rantee for  public  liberty,  and  was  merely  the  selfishness  of  party 
 struggling  for  the  influence  and  emoluments  of  regality. 
 
 Yet  the  Whigs  have  complained  of  ingratitude,  of  the  people  having 
 been  deluded  from  their  "  Natural  Leaders  !"  Butis  not  this  a  faith- 
 ful history  of  their  conduct?  Is  it  not  notorious,  from  the  Revolution 
 to  the  end  of  the  last  reign,  the  people  had  no  alternative,  save  des- 
 potism in  the  sovereign,  or  despotism  in  an  oligarchy?  Is  it  surprising 
 that  they  revolted  from  both  these  propositions  ;  that  they  repulsed  with 
 equal  scorn  the  open  partizans  of  absolute  power,  and  those  who,  under 
 hollow  and  hypocritical  professions,  sought  to  inveigle  them  out  of  their 
 liberties,  or  render  them  the  passive  instruments  of  personal  ambition  ? 
 From  such  *'  natural  leaders"  it  was  time  the  people  separated,  and 
 established  a  party  for  themselves.  That  the  secession  was  at  length 
 accomplished,  may  be  ascribed  to  the  persevering  and  patriotic  eflForts 
 of  sir  Francis  Burdett  and  the  electors  of  Westminster,  who  were  the 
 first  successfully  to  erect  the  standard  of  revolt  from  aristocratical 
 domination. 
 
 These  strictures  on  the  aristocratical  factions,  it  is  needless  to  remark, 
 apply  only  to  their  public  conduct  during  the  period  under  review. 
 Both  Tories  and  Whigs  have  recently  undergone  a  change  for  the 
 better ;  the  administration  of  lord  Wellington  was  better  than  any 
 preceding  administration  formed  from  the  same  class  of  politicians  :  many 
 Tories  avow  sentiments  which  their  predecessors  would  have  repudiated 
 with  horror ;  and  the  existing  Whig  ministry  we  feel  confident,  from 
 all  we  can  observe  up  to  the  moment  we  are  writing,  (December  22d, 
 1831,)  is  sincerely  bent  on  reforming  the  popular  branches  of  our  in- 
 stitutions, on  reducing  the  government  expenditure,  and  on  improving — 
 if  that  be  possible — the  condition  of  the  great  body  of  the  people  of 
 the  United  Kingdom.  The  fact  is,  there  has  been  a  progression  (sir 
 C.  Wetherell  would  say,  a  retrocession)  of  parties;  the  more  liberal 
 Tories  have  adopted  the  sentiments  of  the  Whigs,  and  the  Whigs  have 
 adopted  the  sentiments  of  the  more  intelligent  Radicals.  But  to  what 
 is  tlie  change  to  be  ascribed?  Why  solely  to  events — events  too 
 obvious  to  be  hero  enumerated.  Had  the  people  remained  quiescent, 
 the  Whigs  would  have  continued  Whigs  still,  and  the  Tories  would  have 
 been  unchanged.     But  the  people  have  become  enlightened   from  ex- 
 
PROGRESSION    liN    POLITICAL    PARTIES.  231 
 
 perience  of  the  evils  inflicted  by  bad  government ;  they  have  tasted  of 
 the  forbidden  fruit  of  knowledge — of  that  fruit  which  many  would  gladly 
 have  kept  out  of  their  reach ;  they  have,  in  short,  read  the  Black  Book, 
 and  the  consequence  is,  they  no  longer  continue  the  duped  spectators 
 of  the  tracasscries  of  faction  ;  they  will  no  longer  suflfer  the  legislature 
 of  a  great  empire,  instituted  solely  for  their  service  and  benefit,  to  be 
 merely  an  arena  for  aristocratic  contention,  intrigue,  and  selfish  am- 
 bition ;    they  care   nothing  about  men  —  who   is  in  or  who  is  out,  but 
 insist  on  the  adoption  of  measures  advantageous  to  themselves — and 
 these  measures  are  an  efficient  reform  of  an  insulting  mock  representa- 
 tion— of  an  oppressive  church — of  an  absurd  and  plundering  legal  system 
 — of  monopoHes  and  taxes  partial  and  unjust.     More  of  these  subjects 
 hereafter ;    at  present  let  us  return  to  our  task,  from  which  we  have 
 deviated  in  order  to  escape  for  a  moment  the  tedium  of  statistical  detail. 
 The    great  theme  of  the  paneg)'rists  of  George  III.  is    his  private 
 virtues.      For  a  king  to  discharge  his  duty  to  the  'people,  it  is  not  suffi- 
 cient that  he  is  neither  passionately  addicted  to  wine,  nor  women,  nor 
 gaming,  and  that  he  does  not  amuse  himself  occasionally,  after  the  fashion 
 of  the  East,  by  cutting  off  the  heads  of  his  lieges.     Betwixt  private 
 men  and  those  who  fill  important  public  stations   there  is  a  wide  dif- 
 ference.    The  former  may  live  and  die  as  it  has  pleased  Heaven  to 
 make  them,  and  society  ha.s  no  right  to  complain,  provided  they  observe 
 the  laws,  and  neither  burthen  the  parish  nor  their  friends.     But  the 
 condition  of  a  king  is  widely  different :  he  has  no  privilege  to  be  inept ; 
 he  is  the  retained  servant  of  the  community,  who  has  grave  duties  to 
 discharge,  and,  his  fees  being  enormous,  it  is  not  sufficient  he  is  harm- 
 less and  inoffensive,  he  ought  to  be  actively  beneficial.     To  judge  of  the 
 blessings  accruing  from  the  reign  of  George  III.  it  would  be  sufficient 
 to  contrast  the  state  of  the  country  when  he  ascended  the  throne  with 
 the  condition  to  which  it  was  reduced  when  his    intellectual   twilight 
 subsided  into  total  darkness.     It  is  hardly  possible  to  imagine  how  any 
 career  could  have  been  more  reckless,  profligate,  and  regardless  of  ulti- 
 mate  consequences  than  that   which  entailed  the  paper  currency,  the 
 monstrous  debt,  the  poor-rates,  and  a  vastly  increased  population  depen- 
 dent for  subsistence  on  the  uncertain  demands  of  commerce  and  manu- 
 factures.    Private  virtues  are  a  poor  set-off  against  national  calamities, 
 especially   if  produced  by  inveterate  obstinacy    and  error,   a's  was  un- 
 questionably the  case  with  the  two  great  ruinous  wars — those  against 
 America  and  France — in  which  George  III.  was  engaged.     Although 
 the  mental  endowments  of  the  king  were  very  moderate,  and  he  possessed 
 no  strength   or  originality  of  mind  to  carry  him  beyond  the  notions  of 
 religion  and  politics  impressed  during  his  education,  yet,  like  others  of 
 the  same  intellectual  grade,  he  had  a  quick  sense  of  whatever  tended  to 
 interfere  with  his  own   interests.     He  fully  comprehended   the   effect 
 likely  to  be  operated  on  the  status  of  his  order  by  the  French  revolu- 
 tion.    When  that  mighty  movement  began  to  manifest  itself,  he  put 
 (says  Mr.  Nicholls)   Burke's  incendiary  publication  into  the  hands  of 
 every  one  he  met.     He  said  to  every  courtier  who  approached  him,  "  H 
 
232  CllAUACTERS    OF    THli     l.ATK    RElGiNS. 
 
 a  stop  is  not  put  to  French  principles  there  will  not  be  a  king  left  in 
 Europe  in  a  few  years."  In  fact,  he  w-as  the  greatest  alarmist  in  his 
 dominions.  Mr.  Burke  and  the  duke  of  Portland  were  only  second  and 
 third  to  him.  Mr.  Pitt  was  averse  to  the  war,  but  acquiesced  from  that 
 truckling  love  of  place,  Avhich  was  the  prominent  featui'e  of  his 
 own  character  and  that  of  most  of  his  adherents.  In  like  manner  the 
 Grenville  Whig  administration  consented  to  abandon  Catholic  Emanci- 
 pation, on  the  condition  of  royal  service.  But  the  renunciation  was 
 not  sufficiently  explicit  to  satisfy  the  jealous  scruples  of  the  king. 
 
 To  conclude,  George  III.  was  not  a  tool  of  the  boroughmongers,  but 
 a  leading  and  active  partner  in  the  Oligarchy.  He  left  the  Crown  to 
 his  successor  in  more  complete  sovereignty — more  independent  of  aris- 
 tocratic influence — disputed  title — favouritism,  or  any  other  control, 
 than  it  had  been  held  since  the  conquest.  His  reign  (as  Bishop  Watson 
 observes)  "  was  the  triumph  of  Toryism.  The  Whigs  had  power  for  a 
 moment  —  they  quarrelled  amongst  themselves,  and  thereby  lost  the 
 king's  confidence,  lost  the  people's  confidence,  and  lost  their  power  for 
 ever;  or,  to  speak  more  philosophically,  there  was  neither  Whigism 
 nor  Toi-yism  left ;  excess  of  riches  and  excess  of  taxes,  combined  with 
 excess  of  luxury,  had  introduced  universal  seljism."* 
 
 As  we  consider  the  next  reign  nothing  more  than  an  elongation  of 
 that  of  George  III. — the  government  being  conducted  on  precisely  the 
 same  principles  and  maxims' — we  shall  be  very  brief  in  our  notice  of  it. 
 
 George  the  Fourth  always  appeared  to  us  nothing  more  than  a  man  of 
 pleasure,  whom  the  accident  of  birth  had  made  a  king.  His  means  of 
 indulgence  were  ample,  and  he  did  not  spare  them.  At  first  he  affected 
 Whigism ;  but  this  might  arise  from  his  favourite  companions  in  horse- 
 racing,  drinking,  and  intriguing  being  of  that  persuasion.  Still  he 
 appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  orthodox  sort ;  for,  like  the  party  gene- 
 
 *  Anecdotes  of  the  Life  of  Bishop  Watson,  p.  194.  This  work,  with  the 
 Memoirs  of  Sir  N.  Wra.xall,  and  the  admirable  Recollections  of  the  Reign  of 
 George  III.  by  ftlr.  NichoUs,  comprise  valuable  materials  for  forming  a  true 
 estimate  of  the  public  men  and  measures  that  distinguished  the  last  century. 
 They  have,  we  believe,  been  either  unnoticed  or  greatly  misrepresented  by  the 
 reviewers  ;  but  this  is  a  point  of  no  great  consequence,  since  Truth  is  in  her 
 nature  buoyant  and  insinuating,  and  must  ultimately  triumph  over  every  dis- 
 advantage. The  monopoly  of  the  press,  like  every  other  monopoly  opposed  to 
 the  general  welfare,  is  fast  tending  to  a  consummation.  The  Memoirs  of  Lord 
 Waldcgrave  \s  Rnoi\\z\-  useful  publication  for  illustrating  the  factious  nature  of 
 the  government  from  the  Revolution,  and  the  entire  want  of  public  principle  in 
 the  men  who  directed  it.  It  is  impossible  to  help  commisserating  the  situation 
 of  George  the  Second,  surrounded  by  venal  statesmen,  not  one  of  whom  would 
 render  him  the  least  service  without  first  bargaining  for  a  batch  of  places  and 
 pensions  for  his  relatives  and  dependents.  Even  Chatham,  with  w  hose  name  it 
 had  been  usual  to  associate  better  things,  appears,  from  the  uoble  author,  to 
 have  been  no  better  than  his  compeers,  and  ready  at  any  time  to  sacrifice  his  public 
 duty  to  his  sellishness  and  ambition.  These  repeated  disclosures  must,  at 
 length,  convince  the  most  incredulous;  and  all  classes  allow  that  the  govern- 
 ment, for  the  last  century  and  a  half,  has  been  the  prey  of  mercenary  adventurers, 
 whose  sole  objects  were  to  plunder  the  people  and  tyrannize  over  the  monarch. 
 
CASTLERLAGH,    CANNING,    AND    HUSKISSON. 
 
 233 
 
 rally,  he  only  adhered  to  his  Whig  principles  while  out  of  place,  and 
 became  a  Tory  on  his  accession  to  power.  But  the  politics  of  princes 
 and  poets  are  seldom  worth  investigating  ;  whatever  a  King  of  England 
 may  profess  while  heir-apparent,  or  whatever  popular  principles  may 
 be  held  bv  a  Whig  lord  while  out  of  oihce,  the  only  principles  com- 
 patible with  the  borouffh  svstem,  and  on  which  they  can  act  on  the 
 assumption  of  power,  are  those  of  Toryism — that  is  corruption  and 
 intimidation ;  and  this  is  no  new  discovery,  since  Mr.  Pitt  declared, 
 almost  fifty  years  ago,  that  no  honest  man  could  carry  on  the  govern- 
 ment without  a  reformed  parliament. 
 
 In  the  choice  of  his  ministers,  as  in  other  things,  the  king  considered 
 his  personal  ease.  At  the  commencement  of  the  Regency,  a  slight 
 eflort  was  made  to  bring  into  the  administration  his  early  friends ;  but, 
 finding  them  fastidious,  pragmatical,  and  disposed  to  meddle  in  his 
 household  establishment,  the  design  was  abandoned,  and  never  again 
 seriously  resumed.  Castlereagh,  Canning,  Huskisson,  and  Sidmouth 
 were  the  most  appropriate  servants  for  a  voluptuous  monarch.  These 
 men  held  no  principles  that  could  interfere  with  his  most  lavish  desires ; 
 theu*  objects  were  limited  to  the  enjoyment  of  power  and  its  emoluments  : 
 how  little  they  cared  about  the  general  weal  may  be  instanced  in  the 
 fact  that,  though  they  managed  the  aii'airs  of  the  empire  during  a  long 
 period  of  profound  peace,  thev  never  set  about  reforming  the  most 
 glaring  and  admitted  abuses  in  its  public  administration,  not  even  en- 
 deavouring to  reform  the  curreucv,  economize  the  expenditure,  reduce 
 the  debt,  improve  the  laws,  nor  the  commercial  system,  for  even  that 
 originated  in  another  quarter.  Their  object  was  only  to  carry  on  the 
 government  and  enjov  the  spoil,  and  this  they  were  ready  to  do  bv  the 
 aid  of  any  shallow  and  temporary  expedient,  totally  regardless  of  the 
 ultimate  loss  and  misery  it  might  entail  upon  the  country.  There  is  one 
 event  connected  with  Canning  deserving  of  notice,  since  it  evinced  both 
 discernment  and  firmness  of  mind  in  the  sovereign.  When  the  poor 
 drivelling  statesmen,  Eldon,  Bathurst,  and  Melville  — the  Polignacs 
 and  Peyronnets  of  the  cabinet- — refused  to  act  with  3Ir.  Canning  as 
 First  Lord  of  the  TreasurA',  as  much,  we  believe,  from  personal  jealousy 
 as  aversion  to  his  more  liberal  ideas,  the  king  stood  manfully  and  mag- 
 nanimously by  his  minister;  and  it  is  due  to  some  of  the  Whigs  to  sav, 
 that  they  did  not  refuse  their  aid  in  the  moment  of  peril.  j\Ir.  Canning- 
 was  the  best  of  his  set,  but  not  to  be  greatly  admired  for  his  patriotism  : 
 he  was  clever  and  accomplished,  but  a  political  adventurer  merely, 
 whose  polar  star  was  his  own  aggrandizement ;  had  he  lived,  he  would 
 not,  we  apprehend,  have  been  long  premier,  and,  before  his  death,  he 
 evinced  symptoms  that  showed  he  would  prove  neither  a  very  useful  nor 
 ver}'  profound  statesman. 
 
 It  is  not  our  intention  to  enter  into  any  personal  history  or  delineation 
 of  George  IV.  ;  for,  in  truth,  we  have  nothing  to  communicate  on  these 
 points  but  what  is  known  to  all  the  world.  He  always  appeared  to  us  to 
 afford  a  striking  confirmation  of  Lavater's  tlieory  — his  physiognomy 
 and  conduct  being  in  such  admirable  keeping.     Some  have  imagined  a 
 
234  chara(:ter  of  i,ate  reigns. 
 
 resemblance  between  him  and  the  Emperor  Tiberius.  Both  disappointed 
 the  expectations  formed  of  them  previous  to  their  accession  to  power. 
 One  lived  secluded  from  the  sight  of  his  subjects  at  the  island  of  Capri  ; 
 the  other  at  Windsor.  Women,  wine,  and  mere  sensual  indulgence 
 formed  their  chief  employment  and  amusement.  Neither  of  them  knew 
 how  to  forgive,  and  hoih  were  implacable  in  personal  resentments.  The 
 persecution,  by  the  King,  of  the  unfortunate  Caroline,  and  all  who 
 supported  her,  was  mean,  ungenerous,  and  unrelenting.  His  love  of 
 dress  and  etiquette  was  coxcomical,  and  detracted  from  the  regal  dignity. 
 His  love  of  seclusion  is  not  difficult  to  explain :  George  IV.  was  a 
 spoiled  child,  who,  through  life,  had  been  accustomed  only  to  do  what 
 ministered  to  his  own  gratification.  In  his  latter  days,  neither  his 
 vanity  nor  desires  were  likely  to  be  flattered  by  a  frequent  appearance  in 
 public  ;  age  had  deteriorated  his  charms  and  enfeebled  his  powers,  and 
 to  mingle  among  the  "  high-born  dames"  of  the  aristocracy,  to  select 
 an  object  to  whom  to  cast  the  royal  handkerchief,  was  not  among  his 
 urgent  necessities. 
 
 To  conclude :  "  God  is  just  in  all  his  ways  !"  George  IV.,  Lord 
 Castlereagh,  Mr.  Canning,  and  Mr.  Huskisson  are  all  gathered  to  their 
 fathers,  and  will  soon  be  forgotten.  They  lived  for  themselves,  and 
 the  public  will  not  cherish  any  lasting  or  grarteful  remembrance  of 
 their  memories.  The  monarch  expired  on  a  chaise  percce — what  a 
 death-bed  for  an  "  exquisite  !"  Lord  Castlereagh  perished  by  his  own 
 hands.  Mr.  Canning,  after  indulging  in  some  unseasonable  jokes  on 
 the  infirmities  of  poor  Ogden — of  which  no  doubt  he  repented — died  of 
 internal  inflammation.  Mr.  Huskisson's  death  was  deplorable.  But 
 what  ought  we  to  learn  from  these  catastrophes  ?  —  Neither  to  envy  the 
 great,  nor  refuse  sympathy  to  the  unfortunate ! 
 
 CIVIL    LIST    ACCOUNTS. 
 
 No.  1. 
 
 Expenditure  in  the  Department  of  the  Lord  Steward  of  his  late  Majesty's 
 Household.— Par/.  Paper,  No.  17,  i>ess.  1830. 
 
 1820.            1823.  1826.  1829. 
 
 £               £  £  £ 
 
 Bread    1,422  ..     1,377  ..  1,946  ..  2,566 
 
 Butter,  Bacon,  Cheese,  and  Eggs    2,405  ..     2,507  ..  4,264   ..  4,269 
 
 Vegetables    307  ..        382  . .  546  . .  679 
 
 Butcher's  Meat    5,785  ..     4.741    ..  7,132   ..  7,283 
 
 Poultry 3,467  ..     2,624   ..  3,315   ..  2,922 
 
 Fish   1,768  ..      1,674   ..  1,619   ..  1,325 
 
 AleandBeer    2,491  ..     2,438  ..  2,746  ..  2,166 
 
 Wax  Candles 3,011  ..     3,021   ..  3,692..  3,813 
 
 Tallow  Candles   989  ..        663  ..  655    ..  720 
 
 Grocery 2,414  ..     2,714   ..  2,686  ..  3,222 
 
 24,059        22,041  28,601  29,2&1 
 
CIVIL    LIST    ACCOUNTS.  235 
 
 £  £ 
 
 Brought  over 24,059  22,041 
 
 Oilery 1,518   ..  l,fiOG 
 
 Fruit  and  Confectionary    622   . .  521 
 
 Milk  and  Cream 718..  725 
 
 Wines,  Liqueurs,  Spirits,  3Iineral  Ma- 
 ters, Corks,  Bottles,  Sec 8,732..  4,480 
 
 Lamps   7,0:iO   ..  6,580 
 
 Washing  Table  Linen    1,702   ..  1,805 
 
 Fuel 7,194   . .  7,478 
 
 Stationary 628  . .  445 
 
 Turnery     206   ..  251 
 
 Braziery,  Ironmongery,  and  Cutlery  ..  367   ..  730 
 
 China,  Earthenware,  and  Glass    1,641    ..  494 
 
 Linen 3,317..  2 
 
 The  Royal  Gardens     19,831  ..  13,762 
 
 Maunday  Expenses     283   ..  274 
 
 Royal  Yachts 1,107..  387 
 
 H.  R.H.  the  Duke  of  Cumberland —  ..  319 
 
 Board  Wages  to  Servants 3,111..  3,286 
 
 Travelling  Expenses  of  ditto     480..  361 
 
 Allowance  for  Table  Beer 608..  427 
 
 Salaries  to  Extra  Servants,  pay  of  hired 
 
 Assistants,  &c 1,354..  2,004 
 
 Board  Wages  to  Yeomen  of  the  Guard  2,230   . .  2,315 
 Compensation  in  lieu  of  Articles  for- 
 merly issued  in  kind 5,542   . .  3,549 
 
 Sundries  and  Disbursements 12,495  ..  7,492 
 
 Amount  paid  in  each  year 104,789  81,372 
 
 Board  of  Green  Cloth,  Uth  Sept.,  1830.  THOMAS  MARRABLE, 
 
 £ 
 
 £ 
 
 28,601 
 
 29,264 
 
 1,134  . 
 
 .   1.446 
 
 445  . 
 
 .  1,056 
 
 1,046  . 
 
 .  1,246 
 
 5,539  . 
 
 .  7,161 
 
 6,184  . 
 
 .  6,758 
 
 2,290  . 
 
 .  2,582 
 
 6,314  . 
 
 .  7,665 
 
 572  . 
 
 697 
 
 272  . 
 
 340 
 
 693  . 
 
 769 
 
 1,046  . 
 
 860 
 
 34  . 
 
 337 
 
 15,187  . 
 
 .  13,309 
 
 274  . 
 
 272 
 
 3,283  . 
 
 .   3,313 
 
 318  . 
 
 357 
 
 4i9   . 
 
 301 
 
 1,900  . 
 
 .  2,622 
 
 2,230  . 
 
 .  2,230 
 
 3,183  . 
 
 .  2,783 
 
 8,213  . 
 
 .  8,212 
 
 88,210 
 
 93,597 
 
 No.  II. 
 
 Expenditure  incurred  in  the  Department  of  his  late  Majesty's  Robes. 
 
 1820 £3,513     0  2^ 
 
 1821 5,249  16  11 
 
 1822 4.625   12  5 
 
 18i3 4,632  18  10§ 
 
 1824 6,152     6  3^ 
 
 1825 4.773   15  2 
 
 1826 5,687  15  8 
 
 1827 6,819  19  6 
 
 1828 5,955  18  3 
 
 1829,  ending  5th  January,  1830 6,673  17  5 
 
 Office  of  Robes,  Uth  Sept.  1830.  TIM.  BRENT. 
 
236                                         civil,    LIST  ACCOUNTS. 
 
 No.  III. 
 Expenditure  of  the  Master  of  the  Horse's  Department. 
 
 1820. 
 
 Liveries    7,729 
 
 Forage 0,556 
 
 Farriery    1,506 
 
 Horses 0,(i82 
 
 Carriages 8,354 
 
 Harness    708 
 
 Saddlery   2,053 
 
 Bitts  and  Spurs 181 
 
 Whips  121) 
 
 Lamps,  Gaslights,  6cc 505 
 
 Coals  and  Wood 838 
 
 Stationary     99 
 
 Turnery  Articles 152 
 
 Candles  and  Soap   105 
 
 Washing    120 
 
 Ironmongery     48 
 
 Allowances  for  Lodging    — 
 
 Sundry  other  small  expenses* 037 
 
 Travelling  expenses  and  disbursementsf  1,000 
 
 Post  horses 049 
 
 King's  Plates 2.126 
 
 Stud  Bills 0,705 
 
 Hunt  Ditto   3,054 
 
 Treasury  and  Exchequer  Fees 586 
 
 51,932 
 Deduct  Proceeds  of  useless  Horses  sold        915 
 
 Net  Expense    51,017 
 
 Master  of  the  Horse's  Office,  1st  Sept.  1830. 
 
 1823. 
 
 1820. 
 
 1829. 
 
 £ 
 
 £ 
 
 £ 
 
 7,530   . 
 
 .      9,057   . 
 
 .     7,560 
 
 5,010   . 
 
 .     6,368   . 
 
 .     6,308 
 
 906   . 
 
 .      1,103   . 
 
 .      1,217 
 
 5,392   . 
 
 .      5,087   . 
 
 .     3,246 
 
 944   . 
 
 .     3,782   . 
 
 .     4,029 
 
 472   . 
 
 785    . 
 
 702 
 
 1,820   . 
 
 817   . 
 
 .      1,906 
 
 48  . 
 
 117   . 
 
 143 
 
 135    . 
 
 133    . 
 
 165 
 
 580    . 
 
 .      1,012    . 
 
 .      1,10S 
 
 1,076   . 
 
 .      1,299   . 
 
 .      1,251 
 
 53    . 
 
 48   . 
 
 57 
 
 208   . 
 
 190   . 
 
 196 
 
 158   . 
 
 172   . 
 
 167 
 
 121    . 
 
 132    . 
 
 140 
 
 105    . 
 
 05    . 
 
 79 
 
 439   . 
 
 W7    . 
 
 477 
 
 576    . 
 
 607   . 
 
 649 
 
 1,487   . 
 
 .      1,984   . 
 
 .      1,701 
 
 652   . 
 
 .      1,488   . 
 
 .     1,130 
 
 2,126  . 
 
 .     2,336   . 
 
 .     2,338 
 
 021    . 
 
 .      1,660   . 
 
 .      1,196 
 
 3,673   . 
 
 .      4,313   . 
 
 .     4,588 
 
 400   . 
 
 494   . 
 
 641 
 
 34,532 
 
 44,024 
 
 40,994 
 
 2,179 
 
 2,856 
 
 1,226 
 
 32,353 
 
 41,168 
 
 39,768 
 
 K. 
 
 W.  SPEARMAN. 
 
 No.  IV. 
 
 An  Account  of  the  Application  of  the  Monies  paid  from  Admiralty 
 Droits,  Gibraltar  Duties,  and  other  Funds  than  Civil  List,  at  the 
 disposal  of  the  Crown,  between  1820  and  1830. 
 
 £ 
 
 The  expenses  of  his  late  Majesty's  journey  to  Ireland 58,201 
 
 Ditto ditto ".to  Scotland    21,439 
 
 Ditto ditto to  Hanover 13,200 
 
 92,906 
 
 *  These  expenses  are  such  as  watci-reht,  pew-rent,  sand,  wheeler's  work, 
 sweeping  chimneys,  blacking,  spirits  of  wine,  and  in  short  all  articles  not  in- 
 cluded in  tlie  foregoing  heads. 
 
 t  The  disbursements  included  in  the  charge  for  travelling  expenses  are 
 those  of  tlie  clerks  of  the  stables,  for  women  employed  to  cleau  the  stable-ser- 
 vants' rooms,  make  the  beds,  tvc.  and  the  allowances  to  servants  in  lieu  of  hair- 
 powder,  wigs,  and  silk  stockings. 
 
PENSIONS    OF    THE    ROYAL    FAMILY.  237 
 
 f 
 
 Brought  over 92,900 
 
 The  expense  of  fitting  np  the  state  rooms  at  St.  James's  54,947 
 
 The  expense  of  certain  repairs  to  the  Royal  Lodge  in  Windsor  Great  Park  14!966 
 
 The  expense  of  repairing  the  stables  at  Brighton  7,113 
 
 The  expense  of  furnishing  the  Royal  Mews  at  Pimlico    lo'o83 
 
 The  amount  issued  to  his  late  Majesty's  privy  purse 86'57S 
 
 The  amount  issued  by  his  late  Majesty's  command  as  contributions  to 
 
 charities 17^648 
 
 Ihe  expense  of  furniture  purchased  for  Windsor  Castle 10  000 
 
 The  expense  incurred  on  account  of  the  visit  of  the  Queen  of  Wirtemberg  16^206 
 The  expense  of  fitting  up  the  apartments  of  his  present  Majesty  as  Duke 
 
 of  Clarence 9  166 
 
 The  amount  advanced  to  the  executors  of  H.  R.  H.  the  Duke  of' York  '.'.     6',440 
 
 326,055 
 
 Of  the  foreg'oing-  Amount,  there  was  applied, — 
 
 To  Privy  Purse £  86,573 
 
 To  Charities    1 7,648 
 
 Services  conducted  by  the  Lord  Chamberlain 1 10,024 
 
 -  -         -         .  Lord  Steward 46,956 
 
 Master  of  the  Horse 14,459 
 
 -  -         -         -  Office  of  Works 22,080 
 
 For  the  Journey  to  Hanover    1 3,206 
 
 Expenses  of  Yachts,   Pursuivants,  &c.  connected  with  the  Journeys  to 
 
 Ireland  and  Hanover 1,011 
 
 For  expenses  connected  with  the  Journey  to  Ireland,  incurred  by  the 
 
 Irish  Government „ 7,653 
 
 To  the  Executors  of  H.  R.  H.  the  Duke  of  York  6,440 
 
 £326,055 
 
 Whitehall,  Treasury  Chambers,  ?  r^rrk   r>   r.  » iiro/^-wxi 
 
 26th  October,  1830.  j  ^JEO.  R.  DAWSON. 
 
 No.  V. 
 ROYAL    FAMILY. 
 
 Return  of  all  Sums  of  Money  paid  from  the  consolidated  Fund  to  the 
 several  Branches  of  the  Royal  Family,  exclusive  of  the  Civil  List. — 
 Pari.  Paper,  No.  186,  Sess.  1831. 
 
 Pension.         Granted. 
 
 Duchess  of  Kent  6,000..     58  Geo.  III. 
 
 Princess  Victoria  for  education 6,000. .       6  Geo.  IV.  * 
 
 *  By  an  act  of  the  Session  of  1831  an  additional  annuity  of  £10,000  is  granted 
 to  the  Duchess  of  Kent;  £4000  thereof  to  be  paid  during  the  lite  of  her  royal 
 highness,  and  £6000  during  the  life  of  the  Princess  Victoria. 
 
 The  provision  for  the  queen,  by  1  and  2  Will.  IV.,  c.  11,  in  case  she  survives 
 the  king,  is  an  annuity  of  £100,000  ;  also  Marlborough  House  and  the  ranger- 
 ship  of  Bushy  Park. 
 
46  Geo.  III. 
 
 47  Geo.  III. 
 
 238  CIVIL    LIST    ACCOUNTS. 
 
 Duke  of  Cumberland 0,000..  5 
 
 n-..  T  nnn      S  18  Geo.  III. 
 
 Prince  George  for  education 6,000. .       6  Geo.  IV. 
 
 T»    1         ro  r  i\nn       M<'  Geo.  III. 
 
 Duke  of  Sussex    6,000..  |  ^^  Geo.  III. 
 
 T^-.t  1-  nnn       S  18  Geo.  III. 
 
 Ditto 1^,000..  J    itieo.  IV. 
 
 Duke  of  Cambridge    ^'^^^*  •  )  47  Geo  III! 
 
 Wo i^.»»"- r?g::'.'v; 
 
 Ditto 6,000..       1  Geo.  IV. 
 
 Duke  of  Gloucester 14,000..  I  ._  q    '  jjj' 
 
 Duchess  of  Gloucester   9,000..     62  Geo.  III. 
 
 Tk*.  A  nnn      5  50  Geo.  III. 
 
 I^'«o 4,000..  J    IGeo.IV.* 
 
 Princess  Elizabeth  of  Hesse  Hombourg 9,000. .     52  Geo.  III. 
 
 T»-..  ^  AAA      5  56  Geo.  III. 
 
 D'tto 4,000.. J    IGeo.IV. 
 
 Princess  Augusta    9,000..     52  Geo.  III. 
 
 T.*f„  A  ixnfi     /56  Geo.  III. 
 
 I^'"o 4.000.. I   IGeo.IV. 
 
 Princess  Sophia 9,000..     52  Geo.  III. 
 
 -..,,  .  f.„„      (  56  Geo.  III. 
 
 I^»"« 4,009..}    IGeo.IV. 
 
 Prince  Leopold    50,000..     56  Geo.  III. f 
 
 Princess  Sophia  of  Gloucester 7,000  •  •  »  47  Geo  III* 
 
 Total £210,000 
 
 No.  VI. 
 
 WINDSOR    CASTLE    .\ND    BUCKINGHAM    PALACE. 
 
 Wiiidsor  Castle. 
 
 Expenditure  for  the  building,  which  has  already 
 
 received  the  sanction  of  parliament £594,000     0     0 
 
 Additional  sum  which  has  been  sanctioned  for 
 
 additional  works  by  the  report  of  the  select 
 
 committee  in  18»0,  is    177,000     0     0 
 
 For  the  building 771,000     0     0 
 
 •  In  case  of  the  demise  of  any  of  tlie  four  princesses,  or  upon  the  marriage  of 
 any  one  of  them,  on  the  payment  of  a  marriage  portion  of  £40,000,  tiie  interest 
 of  such  princess  so  dying  or  being  married  shall  cease,  and  the  annuity  of 
 £36,000  shall  accrue  and  remain  in  the  three  other  princesses  ;  but  none  of  the 
 above  princesses  can  receive  more  than  £12,000  each,  under  the  provisions  of 
 tlie  Act  52  Geo  III.  c.  57,  s.  2. 
 
 The  Ducliess  of  Gloucester  and  the  Princess  of  Hesse  Hombourg  receive,  in 
 addition  to  their  annuities  out  of  tlie  consolidated  fund,  a  jjcnsion  of  £1000 
 each  out  of  the  4^  per  cent.  Leeward  Island  duties. —  Purl.  Paper,  No,  284, 
 Scss.  1831. 
 
 f  Prince  Leopold  resigned  his  pension  in  July,  on  accepting  tlie  crown  of 
 Belgium  ;  stipulating  for  annuities  for  his  servants,  and  the  keeping  up  of 
 Claremout  House. 
 
WIXDSOR    CASTLE    AND    BUCKINGHAM    PALACE.        239 
 
 Amonnt  already  irranted  for  lamiture,  is     ....  £2GT,000     0     0 
 
 Further  amount  reqaired    13.670     9     2 
 
 For  lorniture  . .      2S0.670     9     2 
 
 The  amuuDt  \vhich  has  been  aJreadr  granted 
 
 for  the  purchase  of  land  and  houses,  is 33.500     0     0 
 
 Total  sum  required l.OSt.KO     9     2 
 
 The  amount  already  granted  being 804,500     0     0 
 
 There  is  still  required 190,070     9     2 
 
 On  account  of  -tvhich  it  is  proposed  to  grant 
 in  1S31,  for  the  building  as  reconunended  by 
 the  select  committee  of  ls30 50,000     0     0 
 
 To  pay  the  charge  already  incurred  for  furni- 
 ture beyond  the  grant 3,670     9     2 
 
 For  furniture  required  for  new  rooms 10.000     0     0 
 
 • C3.67fl     9     2 
 
 Leaving  to  be  granted  in  future  years,  according 
 
 to  the  report  of  the  select  committee  of  1S30    127.000     0     0 
 
 Buckingham  Palace. 
 
 The  amount  required   towards   defraying  the 
 
 charge  incurred  of  debt  for  work    done  and 
 
 contracts  made  prior  to  the  appointment  of 
 
 the  select  committee  in  1S31.  is 100,0i»0     0     0 
 
 "Windsor  Castle,  as  above 03.670     9     2 
 
 To  be  granted  in  1831 163.670     0     2 
 
 Whitehall  Treasury  Chambers,  7  d    ;■         ^        d  >-     «-. 
 
 2-th  September,  1^31.  f  Parlia^mutary  Pap^r,  .No.  2. 1. 
 
 No.  VII. 
 
 AxciEXT  Payment?  heretofore  charged  on  the  Civil  List  of  EnglaiKl, 
 Ireland,  and  Scotland,  but  now  payable  out  of  the  Consolidated 
 Fund:  with  Notes  on  the  Origin  of  some  of  these  .Ajinuities. 
 
 The  Clerk  of  the  Hanaper  f^expenses) 2.000     0     0 
 
 The  Chief  Justice  in  F.yre,   North  of  Trent 2.110  10     6 
 
 The  Chief  Justice  in  Eyre,  South  of  Trent 2.155  16  10 
 
 The  Chief  Justices  in  Eyre  are  to  be  abolished  on  the  ex- 
 piration of  existing  interests. 
 
 Master  of  the  Hawks   ..  T 1,372  10     0 
 
 King  James  IL  by  Letters  Patent,  dated  5th  July,  in  the 
 third  year  of  his  reign,  granted  to  Charles  Duke  of  St, 
 Alban's,  and  the  heirs  male  of  his  body,  the  offices  of  master 
 and  keeper  of  the  Hawks  of  his  said  Majesty,  his  heirs 
 and  successors,  after  the  decease  of  Thomas  Feiter  and 
 William  Chiffinch,  who  then  held  those  offices,  and  with 
 the  same  allowances  as  were  enjoyed  by  them,  viz.  i.'30  per 
 month  of  twenty-eight  days,  and  lOs.  a  day  ;  and,  also,  £S00 
 per  annum,  that  is,  £50  per  annum  each  for  four  Falconers, 
 and  £600  for  the  provision  and  maintenance  of  Hawks; 
 in  all,  £1,372  :  10s. 
 
89 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 ,236 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 851 
 
 7 
 
 0 
 
 95 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 H 
 
 37 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 37 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 379 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 189 
 
 4 
 
 0 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 37 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 37 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 379 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 189 
 
 4 
 
 0 
 
 14 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 240  civil,    LIST    ACCOUNTS. 
 
 KccpcM-  of  tlie  Lions  in  the  Tower,  including  extra  allowance  for        £      *•    «'• 
 
 the  maiutcnnvce  of  the  utiimuls 435  16     3 
 
 Tlie  King  bavinj^  presented  the  Tower  Menagerie  to  the 
 
 Zoological  Society,  the  public,  in  future,  will  be  saved  the 
 
 salary  of  the  keeper;  also  the  charge   for  extra  allowance 
 
 to  the  (tniiiials. 
 
 Knight  Harbinger  (to  cease  on  expiration  of  the  existing  interest)        140  13     5 
 
 Keeper  of  the  Tennis  Courts  (to  cease  on  expiration  of  existing 
 
 interest) 
 
 Keeper  of  Records,  Tower,  including  Clerks 1,236 
 
 Keeper  of  Records,  Court  of  Exchequer     
 
 Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Sherifl's  of  London,  for  Imposts  on  Wine 
 University  of  Oxford;  viz. 
 
 For  a  Preacher perpetuity    
 
 Professor  of  Uivinity   ditto 
 
 —  Law ditto 
 
 —  Physic ditto 
 
 —  History    ditto 
 
 —  Botany ditto 
 
 University  of  Cambridge  ;  viz. 
 
 On  a  perpetuity 
 
 For  a  Preacher 
 
 I'rofessor  of  Divinity  
 
 —  Law 
 
 —  Physic 
 
 —  History    
 
 —  Botany.. 
 
 Emanuel  College,  Cambridge,  perpetuity   
 
 These  university  endown)euts  are  royal  grants,  the  earliest 
 instituted  by  Margaret,  countess  of  Richmond,  mother  of 
 Henry  VIL  The  proiessorships  of  history  were  established 
 by  George  I.  and  the  professorships  of  botany  by  George 
 
 in. 
 
 Bean  and  Cliapter  of  Lichfield,  perpetuity 
 
 Vicar  of  Lichlield 
 
 Master  of  the  Temple 
 
 Reader  at  Hampton  Court  Chapel 
 
 Fellows  of  Eaton,  perpetuity 
 
 Dean  and  Cliapter  of  Westminster,  for  French  Ministers,  Savoy 
 
 Ministers,  Isle  of  IMan    
 
 diaries  II.  by  Letters  Patent,  in  the  27th  year  of  liis 
 reign,  granted  an  annuity  of  £100,  to  be  paid  forever,  to 
 the  poor  Ministers  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  out  of  the  Heredi- 
 tary Excise. 
 
 Bishop  ol  Chester,  for  four  Preachers 1S7  14     0 
 
 Queen  Elizabeth  established  four  Preachers  in  the  county 
 of  Lancaster,  to  be  nominated  by  the  Bishop  of  Chester  for 
 the  time  being.  Letters  of  Privy  Seal  have  been  issued 
 at  the  commencement  of  each  reign  e\cr  since  for  the 
 payment  of  £200  per  annum  to  the  Bishop  of  Chester,  for 
 the  use  of  these  Preachers. 
 
 Vicar  of  the  Tower perpetuity 
 
 Minister  of  St.  Botolph,  Aldgate ditto    
 
 Churchwardens  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  for  the  Poor,  perpetuity 
 
 Ditto St.  Michael,  Cornhill ditto ditto. . 
 
 Ditto St.  Magnus ditto ditto . . 
 
 Schoolmaster  of  Southwell,  perpetuitj'    
 
 Corporation  of  Dartmouth . . .  .ditto 
 
 The  first  grant  to  this  Corporation  was  dated  A.D.  1481 ; 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 9 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 38 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 39 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 42 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 93 
 
 19 
 
 0 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 G 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 37 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
ANCIENT    CHARGES    ON    CIVIL    LIST.  241 
 
 it  was  for  the  building  of  a  strong  Tower,  and  for  the  fur- 
 nishing and  keeping  in  repair  a  chain  to  secure  the 
 harbour. 
 
 Mayor  of  Macclesfiehl ., 35     1     6 
 
 Macclesfield  is  a  Chapelry  in  the  large  Parish  of  Prest- 
 bury.  The  Chapel  was  built  by  Edward  I.  and  endowed 
 by  Edward  VI.  with  £5G  :  6  :  8  per  anjium  for  ever.  James 
 I.  in  consideration  of  the  smallness  of  the  stipend,  added 
 i*50  per  annum  during  pleasure.  The  grant  has  been 
 renewed  at  the  commencement  of  each  i-eign,  by  letter 
 patent,  directing  £50  yearly  to  be  paid  to  the  Mayor  for 
 a"  preacher  to  instruct  the  people  of  the  town  of  Maccles- 
 field and  the  neighbouring  villages  in  the  true  knowledge 
 of  God  according  to  the  doctrine  of  t!ie  Church  of  En- 
 gland." 
 
 Corporation  of  Lyme  Regis 
 
 Ditto for  repairing  tlie  Pier    
 
 Corporation  of  Berwick,  for  repairing  a  bridge  over  the  Tweed. 
 
 Christ's  Hospital 
 
 College  of  St.  David's 
 
 Representative  of  Sir  John  Hynde  Cotton,  perpetuity 
 
 Heirs  of  Colonel  Fairfax   ditto 
 
 A  grant  of  Charles  II.  dated  in  1G60,  and  originally 
 charged  on  the  Custom  Duties  of  Hull. 
 
 Heira  of  Nicholas  Yiites,  perpetuity    79  11     0 
 
 A  grant  of  James  II.  to  Nicholas  Yates  and  his  heirs, 
 in  consideration  of  Francis  Yates  and  Margaret  his  wife, 
 having  been  particularly  instrumental  in  the  preservation 
 of  King  Charles  II.  from  the  hands  of  the  Rebels  after 
 the  battle  of  AVoirester,  and  not  having  received  any  marks 
 of  favour,  by  reason  that  the  said  Francis  died  soon  after 
 the  Restoration,  leaving  his  son  Nicholas  an  infant. 
 
 IRISH    CIVIL    LIST. 
 
 95 
 
 19 
 
 0 
 
 95 
 
 19 
 
 0 
 
 93 
 
 19 
 
 0 
 
 SCO 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 400 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 .3 
 
 19 
 
 11 
 
 71 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 Clerk  of  the  Crown  and  Kanaper 
 
 Deputy ditto 
 
 Constable  of  the  Fort  of  Hillsborough  (hereditary)*    216 
 
 Master  of  the  Riding  House  
 
 Physician  to  the  State 
 
 Surgeon  to  the  State 
 
 Master  and  Composer  of  Blusic 
 
 Deputy ditto    
 
 Attendant  on  Balls  
 
 Kettle  Drummer    
 
 Serjeant  Trumpeter  
 
 5  Trumpeters at  £17  :  7  each 
 
 7  Violins at    17  :  7  each   
 
 2  Tenors at    17:7  each 
 
 2  Hautboys at    17  :  7  each 
 
 2  French  Horns at    17  :  7  each 
 
 4  Bass  Viols   at    17  :  7  each   
 
 Dulcimer 
 
 *  All  charges  on  the  Irish  Civil  List  which  follow  this,  expire  on  the  cessation 
 of  existing  interests. 
 
 886 
 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 9G 
 
 4 
 
 0 
 
 216 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 200 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 325 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 325 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 88 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 88 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 91 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 01 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 Gl 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 SG 
 
 15 
 
 0 
 
 121 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 34 
 
 14 
 
 0 
 
 34 
 
 14 
 
 0 
 
 34 
 
 14 
 
 0 
 
 C9 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
242  CIVIL    LIST    ACCOUNTS. 
 
 Usher  to  Council  Chamber 2tiC  10  4 
 
 House  and  M  iirdrobe  Keeper,  Dublin  Castle 535  10  0 
 
 Assistant ditto 132  16  4 
 
 Housekeeper  of  the  Phoenix  Lodge 39     8  8 
 
 Inspector  and  Director  of  the  Gardens,  ditto 39     8  8 
 
 The  Chief  Chamberlain  47     G  0 
 
 Chief  Serjeant  at  Arms    92     6  4 
 
 Second  ditto   354  IT  8 
 
 Clerk  of  the  Council    1,249  18  4 
 
 Compiler  of  Dublin  Gazette   27G  18  8 
 
 Joint  Solicitor  in  Great  Britain 301     7  0 
 
 Keeper  of  Records,  Birmingham  Tower 4C1  11  0 
 
 Keeper  of  State  Papers   401  11  0 
 
 Constable  of  the  (Castle  of  Dublin,  including  Lodgings 401  11  0 
 
 Constable  of  the  Castle  of  Limerick ,  330  18  8 
 
 Constable  of  the  Castle  of  Castlemain 184  12  4 
 
 Chairman  of  Committees,  late  House  of  Lords. 1,332     5  8 
 
 3  Messengers,  late  House  of  Lords,  at  £05  -.4:8  each  195  14  0 
 
 3  Doorkeepers ditto 05:13      each   196  19  0 
 
 Housemaid 6     7  4 
 
 2  late  Masters  in  Chancery,  at  £90  :  4  each   192     8  0 
 
 Seneschal  of  his  Majesty's  Manors   270  18  8 
 
 Customer  of  Wexfoi'd 9     4  8 
 
 Customer  of  Waterford   13  17  0 
 
 Searcher  of  ditto 6     3  4 
 
 Customer  of  Voughall  and  Dungarvan 381  11  0 
 
 Comptroller  of  Cork 401  11  0 
 
 Comptroller  of  Kinsale    92     0  4 
 
 Customer  of  Killybcgs 92     0  4 
 
 Comptroller  of  ditto 92     6  4 
 
 Customer  of  Galway    12     6  4 
 
 Customer  of  Drogheda,  Dundalk,  and  Carlingford 376     3  4 
 
 Searcher  of  Dundalk  and  Carlingford 4  12  4 
 
 Searcher  of  Carrickfergus 6     3  4 
 
 Searcher  of  Strangford  and  Donaghadee 929     4  8 
 
 Commissioner  of  the  Board  of  Works 553  17  0 
 
 One  other ditto    309     4  8 
 
 Oneother ditto   3C9     4  8 
 
 SCOTCH    CIVIL    LIST. 
 
 His  Majesty's   Commissioner   to   the   General  Assembly   of  tlie 
 
 Church  of  Scotland 1 ,9:)(> 
 
 The  Hereditary  Usher  of  the  White  Rod 
 
 Ten  Chaplains at  £50  each 
 
 Six  Trumpeters    at    16  :  16  :  4  each    
 
 Limner    
 
 Hereditary  Keeper  of  the  Palace  of  Holyrood  House 
 
 Under  Keeper  of  ditto 
 
 The  Porter  of  the  said  Palace    
 
 Under  Falconer 
 
 First  Physician 
 
 Second  Physician 
 
 Apothecary 
 
 Clock-maker 
 
 Master  of  the  Wardrobe 
 
 First  Undorkeeper  of  ditto 
 
 9:)(> 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 242 
 
 15 
 
 0 
 
 500 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 100 
 
 18 
 
 0 
 
 270 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 45 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 50 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 37 
 
 15 
 
 6 
 
 50 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 97 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 50 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 40 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 10 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 53 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 37 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
ANCIENT    CHARGES    ON     ClYIL    1,IST.  "243 
 
 Secoad  Uuderkeeper  of  "Wardrobe 20  ()  0 
 
 Deputy  Keeper  of  Regalia 300  0  0 
 
 Clerk  of  the  Stores  30  0  o 
 
 Historiographer 184  0  0 
 
 Secretary  to  the  Order  of  the  Thistle    276  10  0 
 
 Dean  of  the  Order  of  the  Thistle 50  0  0 
 
 Usher  to  the  Order  of  the  Thistle 27  0  0 
 
 The  Principal   Masters  and  Professors  of  the  University  of  St. 
 
 Andrew's    1,010  0  0 
 
 The   Principal   and   Professors  of  the    Marischall  College    in 
 
 Aberdeen 1,397  0  0 
 
 The  University  of  Glasgow,  for  their  Professors    1 ,360  0  0 
 
 The  University  of  Edinburgh,   for  the   Professors   and   for  the 
 
 Botanic  Garden  and  Museum 1,819  3  0 
 
 The  Procurator  for  the  Church,  for  defraying  the  charges  of  Church 
 
 aifairs  in  Scotland,  with  the  salaries  of  the  Officers    1,100  0  0 
 
 Charities  and  bounties  to  such  indigent  and  necessitous  persons  as 
 shall  be  approved  of  by  the  Barons  of  Exchequer  in  Scot- 
 land, and  to  be  distributed  amongst  them  quarterly;  including 
 
 £120  as  salary  to  the  Almoner  and  Deputies  2,250  0  0 
 
 The  General  Assembly  of  the  Church  of  Scotland 1,950  0  0 
 
 John  James  Edmonstone,  Esq.  retired  allowance  as  late  Sheriff 
 
 Depute  of  the  Shire  of  Bute 138  5  0 
 
 King's  Plate,  to  be  run  for  at  Edinburgh    100  0  0 
 
 Ditto  Royal  Company  of  Archers,  or  Body  Guard    20  0  0 
 
 Ditto  Caledonian  Hunt    100  0  0 
 
 For  the  Clerks  of  the  Auditor,  until  the  office  shall  be  regulated 
 
 on  the  cessation  of  the  existing  interest    230  0  0 
 
 Whitehall,  Treasun'  Chambers,  ) 
 30th  March,  1831.  S 
 
 r2 
 
PRIVY  COUNCIL,   DIPLOMATIC   MISSIONS,- 
 
 AND 
 
 CONSULAR  ESTABLISHMENTS. 
 
 A  BRIEF  notice  of  these  subjects  will  appropriately  follow  our  preced- 
 ing exposition  of  the  hereditaiy  revenues  and  civil-list.  The  num])er 
 of  members  of  the  Privy  Council  is  indefinite,  and  at  the  pleasure  of 
 the  king;  the  pjivy  counsellors  of  William  IV.  amount  to  192,  com- 
 prising the  royal  dukes,  the  archbishops,  the  ministers,  the  chief  officers 
 in  the  royal  household,  the  heads  of  the  law-courts,  and  all  the  principal 
 nobles  and  commoners  who  hold,  or  have  held,  the  more  important  situa- 
 tions in  the  civil,  militaiy,  and  diplomatic  service  of  the  government. 
 They  sit  during  life,  or  the  life  of  the  king  who  nominates  them,  sub- 
 ject to  removal  at  his  majesty's  discretion.  They  are  bound  by  oath  to 
 advise  the  king,  without  partiality,  affection,  and  dread  ;  to  keep  his 
 council  secret,  to  avoid  corruption,  and  to  assist  in  the  execution  of  what 
 is  there  resolved.  To  assault,  wound,  or  attempt  to  kill  a  privy  coun- 
 sellor, in  the  execution  of  his  office,  is  felony. 
 
 Although  the  ostensible  duties  of  the  council  are,  to  advise  the  king 
 in  affairs  of  state,  yet  this  duty  is  seldom  discharged ;  and  a  privy 
 counsellor,  as  such,  is  as  little  the  adviser  of  the  sovereign  as  a  peer 
 of  the  realm,  who  is  denominated  the  hereditary  adviser  of  the  Crown. 
 The  really  efficient  and  responsible  advisers  of  the  king  are  the  ministers 
 especially  that  portion  of  them  constituting  the  cabinet.  No  privy 
 counsellor  attends  in  council,  unless  expressly  summoned  for  the  occa- 
 sion ;  and  summonses  are  never  sent  except  to  those  counsellors  who,  as 
 members  of  the  administration,  are  in  the  immediate  confidence  of  his 
 majesty.  The  privy  council,  then,  is  an  institution  of  state,  without 
 salaries  and  without  duties  ;  and,  as  such,  would  require  no  notice  in 
 this  publication.  Authors  who  amuse  themselves  and  their  readers  in 
 describing  that  "  shadow  of  a  shade,"  the  English  constitution,  make 
 a  great  parade  of  the  grave  functions  and  high  privileges  of  "  his  ma- 
 jesty's most  honourable  privy  council ;"  but  practice  is  as  widely  dif- 
 ferent from  theory,  in  respect  of  this,  as  in  respect  of  the  representative 
 branch  of  the  government. 
 
EMOLUMENTS    OF    PRIVY    COUNCIL.  245 
 
 Although  the  prh-y  council  ex  officio  is  little  more  than  a  nonentity, 
 yet,  from  extrinsic  circumstances,  it  is  a  body  of  great  interest,  and 
 some  account  of  it  is  strictly  relevant  to  our  purpose.  Nearly  the  whole 
 of  the  privy  counsellors  do  now,  or  have  held  important  offices  in  the 
 state ;  and,  in  consequence  of  these  offices,  have  contrived  to  concen- 
 trate, in  their  own  persons,  a  miscellany  of  pensions,  salaries,  sinecures, 
 and  grants,  which  is  almost  incredible.  The  mass  of  taxes  consumed 
 by  George  III.  and  IV.  having  been  set  forth,  we  may,  as  an  appro- 
 priate sequel,  set  forth  the  mass  of  taxes  annually  consumed  by  those 
 "  grave  and  reverend  seignors,"  who  were  fortunate  enough  to  enjoy 
 the  greatest  share  of  the  favour  and  confidence  of  those  monarchs. 
 
 Our  task  will  be  much  abbreviated  by  the  exposition,  in  the  session 
 of  1830,  of  the  present  first  lord  of  the  admiralty.  In  a  committee  of 
 supply  on  the  14th  of  May,  Sir  James  Graham  moved  "  for  a  return 
 of  all  salaries,  profits,  pay,  fees,  and  emoluments,  whether  civil  or 
 mihtaiy,  from  the  5th  of  January,  1829,  to  the  5th  of  Januaiy,  1830, 
 held  and  enjoyed  by  each  of  his  Majesty's  most  honourable  Privy 
 Council,  specifying,  with  each  name,  the  total  amount  received  by  each 
 individual,  and  distinguishing  the  various  sources  from  which  the  same 
 is  derived."  After  urging  a  variety  of  cogent  arguments  in  support  of 
 the  propriety  and  utility  of  his  motion.  Sir  James  made  the  following 
 extraordinary  statement,  founded  on  documents  in  his  possession,  and 
 which  statement  was  not  contradicted. 
 
 "  He  had  divided  the  Privy  Counsellors  into  classes,  excepting  from  each 
 tlie  Koyal  Family,  because  they,  having  a  certain  income  under  the  assignment 
 of  Acts  of  Parliament,  there  was  nothing  mysterious  about  them  ;  and,  in  many 
 cases,  these  assignments  had  been  made  under  the  sanction  of  bills,  which  had 
 themselves  undergone  discussion  in  the  House.  He,  therefore,  excluded  them 
 altogether  from  his  calculations  upon  this  occasion.  The  total  number  of  Privy 
 Counsellors  was  1G9,  of  whom  113  received  public  money.  The  whole  sum 
 distributed  annually  amongst  these  113  was  £650,164,  and  the  average  pro- 
 portion of  that  sum  paid  to  each  yearly  was  £5,753.  Of  this  total  of  £650,164, 
 £86,103  were  for  sinecures,  £442,411  for  active  services,  and  £121,650  for 
 pensions,  making  together  the  total  which  he  had  stated.  Of  the  113  Privy 
 Counsellors  who  were  thus  receivers  of  the  public  money,  thirty  were  pluralists, 
 or  persons  holding  tnore  offices  </wn  one,  whether  as  sinecurists  or  civil  and  mili- 
 tary officers.  The  amount  received  by  the  pluralists  was  £221,133  annually 
 amongst  them  all,  or  £7,331,  upon  an  average,  to  each  annually.  The  number 
 of  Privy  Counsellors  who  enjoyed  full  or  half-pay,  or  were  pensioned  as  diplo- 
 matists, was  twenty-nine,  and  the  gross  amount  of  their  income  from  the  public 
 purse  was  £126,175,  or,  upon  an  average,  a  yearly  income  to  each  individual  of 
 £4,347  a  year.  The  whole  number  of  Privy  Counsellors  who  were  members  of 
 both  Houses  of  Parliament  was  sixty-nine,  and  of  those  forty-seven  were  Peers, 
 whose  gross  income  from  the  public  jrtirse  Jtos  £378,846,  or,  upon  an  average  to 
 each,  £8,060  a  year.  The  remaining  twenty-two  were  of  the  House  of  Com- 
 mons, and  the  gross  amount  of  their  receipts  was  £90,849,  or,  upon  an  average 
 tc  each  individual, £4,128  a  year.     It  appeared  then  that  there  were  113  Privy 
 
246  PRIVY    COU-NCll., 
 
 Counsellors  receiving  the  public  money,  of  whom  sixty-nine  were  members  of 
 either  house  of  Parliament.  He  had  already  stated  that  sixt^'-nine  were  in  the 
 receipt  of  public  money  by  way  of  salary  ;  the  total  number  of  Privy  Counsellors 
 in  the  House  of  Commons  was  thirty-one,  and  of  these  twenty-two  were  charged 
 upon  the  public  purse.  In  this  analysis  there  might  be  some  inaccuracy  ;  but 
 if  its  accuracy  were  denied,  his  answer,  short  and  conclusive,  was — grant  this 
 motion,  and  prove  the  error  to  the  public  satisfaction." 
 
 The  motion  was  not  granted  ;  in  lieu  of  it  the  then  chancellor  of  the 
 Exchequer  substituted  and  carried  a  motion,  of  his  own,  for  a  return 
 of  salaries  and  emoluments  above  £250,  held  by  all  persons  in  the  civil 
 departments  of  the  United  Kingdom.  The  honourable  member  had 
 moved  for  the  I'eturn  of  the  public  emoluments  of  169  individuals,  and 
 Mr.  Goulburn  overwhelmed  him  with  a  return  of  2000.  It  was  serving' 
 him,  as  Sir  James  remarked,  when  he  called  for  a  glass  of  wine,  with 
 a  glass  of  wine  diluted  with  a  bottle  of  water. 
 
 In  fact,  it  was  a  complete  avoidance  of  the  object  sought  bj'  the  mem- 
 ber for  Cumberland.  Mr.  Goulburn  said  it  would  be  invidious  to  pro- 
 duce a  return  of  the  emoluments  of  the  Privy  Council  alone.  What  ! 
 more  imddious  than  to  move  for  and  obtain,  as  was  the  case  in  1806,  of 
 a  return  of  the  pensions  and  emoluments  of  the  royal  Dukes  !  Or  more 
 invidious  than  to  seek  and  obtain,  as  was  the  casein  1822,  a  return  of 
 the  pensions  and  emoluments  of  the  honourable  members  themselves ! 
 George  IV.  had  often  submitted  to  such  invidious  proceedings — his  in- 
 come and  expenditure  too — the  amount  of  his  tailors'  bills  — his  up- 
 holstery bills — the  outgoings  in  his  household — even  down  to  the 
 consumption  of  pickles  and  potatoes  — had  all  been  sifted  and  over- 
 hauled, oftener  than  once,  and  no  one  thought  it  invidious.  Receiving 
 annually  a  great  mass  of  public  money,  which  imposed  a  heavy  burthen 
 on  the  people,  they  had  a  right  to  look  into  his  majesty's  affairs,  just 
 in  the  same  way  as  they  had  a  right  to  look  into  the  affairs  of  these 
 privy  counsellors.  But  the  chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  wished  to 
 screen  the  most  honourables,  by  mixing  them  up  with  the  clerks,  and 
 tidewaiters,  and  other  subalterns,  who  serve  not  so  much  for  present 
 pay,  as  the  hope  of  obtaining  higher  and  more  lucrative  appointments. 
 It  was  a  dextrous  diversion  of  the  enemy's  attack,  worthy  of  the  sublime 
 genius  who  framed  the  Irish  Tithe  Composition  Act.  Precisely  the 
 saiiie  manoeuvre  is  resorted  to  by  the  apologists  of  the  ecclesiastical 
 establishment  to  conceal  the  enormous  revenues  of  the  clergy.  They 
 have  a  great  repugnance  to  giving  separate  statements  of  the  incomes 
 of  the  bishops,  the  dignitaries,  and  aristocratic  pluralists  ;  they  like  to 
 see  them  all  lumped  together,  those  with  high  connexion  and  in- 
 fluence, and  those  with  none, — and  -then,  after  exaggerating  their  num- 
 bers two-fold,  they  call  \ipon  you  to  look  and  sympathize  at  the  miser- 
 able pittance  allotted  to  the  sons  of  Mother  Church  !  But  this  will 
 not  do.  It  is  not  the  average  but  the  disproportion  that  shocks  public 
 feeling.  A  friendless  incumbent  or  poor  clerk  cannot  make  his  miser- 
 able stipend  go  a  jot  farther  in  the  purchase  of  the  necessaries  of  life, 
 because  there  is  some  court  bishop    or  court  judge  with  ten  or  twenty 
 
SALARIES    OF    A  MB  ASS  A  DO  P>  S.  247 
 
 thousand  a  year.  What  the  community  revolts  at  is  the  total  burthen 
 imposed  bv  the  whole  number  of  spiritual  and  lay  placemen,  chiefly  by 
 the  exorbitant  emoluments  of  a  few  favoured  individuals. 
 
 The  first  lord  of  the  admiralty  never  published  a  list  of  the  cormo- 
 rants of  the  Privy  Council,  many  of  whom  still  continue  members  of  that 
 august  body,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  '  blushing' honours  ;'  but,  as 
 they  have  ceased  to  exercise  the  same  influence  on  national  affairs  since 
 the  accession  of  the  Whig-  ministry,  it  is  unnecessary  to  notice  them  here 
 individually,  and  we  shall  content  ourselves  with  recording  their  names 
 in  our  Place  and  Pension  List. 
 
 AMBASSADORS    AXD    DIPLOMATIC    MISSIONS. 
 
 There  is,  we  will  venture  to  afilrm,  no  branch  of  our  multifarious 
 civil  services  which  required  to  be  more  keenly  investigated,  and  more 
 unsparingly  cut  down  than  our  foreign  embassies.  The  Whigs  have 
 paired  oft  a  little  of  the  exuberance  of  these  dazzling  employments ; 
 but  their  reductions  ought  to  have  been  carried  still  lower.  The  embassy 
 to  the  courtof  France  is  still  continued  at  £11,400  ayear,  independently 
 of  a  splendid  house  to  live  in,  bought  with  the  public  money ;  that  to 
 Russia  as  much,  with  £1000  a  year  additional  for  house  rent;  to 
 Austria,  £11,050;  to  Turkey,  £7,350;  to  Spain,  £7,350;  and  the 
 ministers  to  the  new  states  of  America  have  £4,000  ayear  and  upwards  : 
 and  these  exclusive  of  allowances  for  outfits,  for  presents,  for  the  charge 
 of  journeys  to  and  fro,  for  postage,  for  mourning-dresses,  for  birth-day 
 fetes,  for  illuminations,  or  any  other  casual  outgoing.  No  other  country 
 makes  such  extravagant  allowances  to  her  ministers.  Few  native 
 noblemen  of  any  of  the  courts  here  enumerated  are  able  to  vie,  in 
 household  expense,  with  men  possessing  such  princely  incomes  ;  and  it 
 cannot  be  politic  in  England  to  place  her  representatives  in  a  point  of 
 view  so  invidious  towards  the  communities  among  which  they  sojourn. 
 In  fact,  it  is  said  that  hints  have,  at  various  times,  been  transmitted 
 to  the  government  of  this  country  upon  the  annoyance  which  is  often 
 felt  abroad  at  the  unequalled  revenues  allowed  by  Great  Britain  to  her 
 diplomatists  at  foreign  courts,  for  the  support  of  what  she  calls  her 
 dignity.  Now,  the  best  kind  of  national  dignity  is  that  which  renders 
 justice,  and  demands  it — that  which  is  upheld  by  the  urbanity  and 
 knowledge  of  the  public  oflicers  who  represent  their  nation  amongst 
 foreigners ;  and,  after  the  common  decencies  of  respectable  life  have 
 been  furnished,  little  if  any  thing  is  gained,  by  mere  extravagance 
 and  ostentation,  to  the  interests  or  dignity  of  a  great  people.  America 
 allows  her  envoys  and  plenipotentiaries  about  £2000,  and  secretaries  of 
 legation  £321  per  annum;  and  her  dignity  and  interests  are  adequately 
 sustained  and  represented. 
 
 Nothing,  indeed,  can  be  plainer  than  if  men  of  a  high  order  of 
 talents,  but  of  private  station  in  society,  were  to  be  selected  for  foreign 
 missions,  two  good  eftects  would  follow.  The  national  business  would 
 be  incomparably  better  done,  and   the   extravagance  of  the  diplomatic 
 
248  AMBASSADORS    AND    DJPI.OMATIC    MISSIONS. 
 
 service  might  be  corrected  -vitliout  a  murmur.  It  is  far  otherwise  when 
 men  of  noble  birth  but  mean  capacity,  make  love  to  the  appointment, 
 and  are  chosen  :  that  is  the  secret  of  our  vast  expenditure  in  diplomacy. 
 The  borough  system  has  been  at  the  bottom  of  this  al)use,  as  of  every 
 other ;  and  if  the  puppets  of  that  system  did  not  always  succeed  in 
 shutting-  the  doors  of  Parliament  ag-ainst  popular  representatives,  it  is 
 certain  that  they  kept  the  representation  of  the  sovereign  elsewhere  very 
 smig'ly  and  comfortably  to  themselves. 
 
 In  the  whole  range  of  the  public  service,  nothing-  accords  so  well 
 with  the  taste  and  acquirements  of  the  aristocracy  as  this  vice-regal 
 mimicry  and  ostentation.  The  chief  qualifications  of  an  ambassador 
 are  that  he  should  be  able  to  bow  g-racefully,  be  six  feet  hig-h,  of  portly 
 presence,  and  keep  a  good  table  for  the  entertainment  of  absentee 
 lords  and  ladies  ;  as  to  real  business,  it  is  done  by  the  secretaries  :  and 
 if  any  thing;  extra  occurs,  there  is  a  special  mission  for  the  purpose. 
 Some  of  the  most  famous  jobs  in  the  history  of  corruption  have  been 
 got  up  under  the  pi-etext  of  an  embass}'.  Witness  the  mission  of  the 
 late  Mr.  Canning  to  Lisbon.  It  is  well  known  that  the  son  of  this 
 gentleman  was  in  a  declining  state  of  health,  and  required  a  milder 
 atmosphere;  when  the  father  was  sent  ambassador  to  Lisbon,  where  there 
 was  actuullj/  no  court,  at  an  expense  to  the  country  of  eighteen 
 thousand  pounds.  Again,  in  1821,  when  a  negotiation  was  on  foot  to 
 bring  the  Grenvilles  into  the  administration,  one  of  the  stipulations 
 was,  that  a  member  of  the  family,  Mr.  Henry  Wynn,  should  be  sent 
 on  a  mission  to  Switzerland,  with  a  salary  of  £4,000,  and  this  large 
 allowance  was  justified  on  the  pretext  that  it  was  necessary  to  enable 
 the  minister  to  maintain  a  liberal  hospitality  towards  his  countrymen 
 abroad.  And  sure  enough  the  hospitable  disposition  of  this  young  gen- 
 tleman was  soon  called  into  exercise,  for  he  had  scarcely  arrived  at 
 his  destination  before  his  brother.  Sir  Watkin  Williams  Wynn,  Lady 
 Harriet  Williams  Wynn,  and  eight  more  Wynns  repaired  to  Berne,  to 
 share  the  hospitalities  of  the  generous  youth,  provided  out  of  the  taxes 
 of  the  people  of  England  ! 
 
 But  even  these  jobs  are  nothing  to  those  perpetrated  in  the  latter  days 
 of  Toryism,  under  the  pretext  of  missions  to  South  America,  and  to  the 
 particulars  of  which  we  shall  introduce  the  reader  from  a  parliamentary 
 paper,  No.  318,  of  the  session  of  1830. 
 
 As  a  sample  of  the  enormous  charge  of  these  diplomatic  missions, 
 we  shall  first  cite  the  Mexican  embassy.  In  the  year  1825,  Mr.  Morier 
 received,  for  five  months'  service  as  Mexican  commissioner,  £3,655 
 salary,  and  £l,G70  expenses.  In  the  next  year,  the  same  gentleman 
 received,  for  three  months'  service,  £3,594;  making  a  total  of  £8,917 
 for  eight  months  in  two  years.  This,  one  would  think,  quite  enough 
 for  the  cost  of  one  mission,  but  it  was  not  so:  Mr.  Ward,  the  second 
 commissioner,  received  a  much  larger  remuneration  for  the  same  ser- 
 vices, in  the  same  year,  in  the  same  place.  In  1825,  this  gentleman 
 received  £10,920;  in  1826,  £5,598;  in  1827,  £2,523,  exclusive  of 
 £825  p-assage-money,  making,  with  other  items,  a  charge  of  not  less 
 
WARD,  CHAD,  TURNER,  AND  COCK  BURN.      249 
 
 than  £19,808  for  twenty-five  mouths'  services  of  Mr.  Ward  alone.  But 
 even  this  did  not  include  the  entire  cost  —  there  was  a  secretaiy  attached 
 to  the  mission.  This  gentleman  was  a  Mr.  Thompson,  who  charged 
 £100  per  month  salary  for  his  services,  and  actually,  in  addition,  asked 
 for  compensation — for  what  ?  Why,  for  his  salary  us  clerk  in  the 
 Audit  Ojfice  while  he  was  ahsent  on  other  duties.  The  same  modest 
 officer  also  charg:ed  £1,607  for  the  cost  of  a  trip  to  Guatemala,  which 
 he  fancied  to  take.  This  made  an  entire  charge  of  £31,857  in  two 
 years  for  one  mission  to  Mexico. 
 
 One  object  of  Mr.  Ward's  mission,  according  to  the  explanation  of 
 Mr.  Goulburn,  was  to  ascertain  what  the  expense  of  these  South 
 American  embassies  might  be;  and  it  must  be  allowed  that  Mr.  Ward 
 went  the  right  w'ay  to  work  to  make  them  very  comfortable  appoint- 
 ments for  his  successors,  by  not  fixing  the  standard  at  too  meagre  a 
 scale ;  and  if  the  gentlemen  who  succeed  him  can  only  get  up  a  book 
 beside,  as  their  pi'edecessor  has  done,  they  will  be  veiy  productive  ex- 
 cursions indeed. 
 
 The  next  mission  deser\'ing  attention  is  that  to  Columbia.  Our  envoy 
 there  was  a  Mr.  Cockburn,  who,  in  18"25,  received  an  outfit  of  £3,000. 
 In  1826,  he  v.'ent  to  South  America,  landed  at  the  Caraccas,  and  never 
 advanced  to  Bogota :  he  remained  three  weeks  at  the  house  of  the 
 consul,  and  then  returned.  For  this  excursion,  he  received  a  year's 
 salaiy,  £6,000  ;  allowance  for  house  rent,  £600  ;  expence  of  conveying- 
 him  out,  £450.  Next  year  he  started  again  for  Bogota,  never  reached 
 his  destination,  returned  to  London  after  an  absence  of  seven  months, 
 to  announce  his  own  movements  instead  of  transmitting  despatches  in 
 the  usual  way,  charging  £3,376  for  this  trip.  He  thus  crossed  the 
 Atlantic  twice,  at  the  public  expense,  without  ever  penetrating  to  the 
 capital  to  which  he  was  officially  appointed;  he  was  the  first  year  three 
 weeks  in  America,  and  the  second  nine  weeks ;  and  for  his  services 
 altogether  he  received  £13,000.  It  might  be  thought  after  this  we  had 
 done  wuth  this  gentleman,  but  something  remains — he  applied  for 
 farther  re?nuneration,  and  actually  received  £1,664  to  "  complete  his 
 allowance;"  and  then  this  highly  efficient  envoy  extraordinary  rested 
 from  his  labours  on  a  pension  of  £1,700  a  year. 
 
 Next  we  come  to  Mr.  Chad,  who  was  recalled  from  Dresden,  to  pro- 
 ceed forthwith  to  Bogota.  He  got  £1,666  for  an  outfit  in  the  year 
 18-28,  together  with  £1,374  ;  and  in  1829,  £2,062,  although  he  never 
 left  London.  Mr.  Turner  got,  in  1829,  £2,500  for  this  s-ame  mission, 
 besides  a  large  sum  for  house-rent,  he  never  having  been  in  Columbia 
 at  all ;  and  £528  for  his  voyage  out.  In  this  manner  Mr.  Cockburn 
 received  £15,000  for  going  out,  but  never  entering  the  capital ;  Mr. 
 Chad  got  £5,002  for  preparing  to  go  out,  but  never  going  at  all ;  and 
 Mr.  Turner,  £4,955  for  undertaking  the  voyage:  whether  this  last 
 gentleman  has  arrived  at  his  destination,  or  absconded,  or  deviated  into 
 a  more  pleasant  tour  through  Switzerland  or  Italy,  does  not  appear.  So 
 much  for  the  Columbian  mission. 
 
 Next  let  us  advert  to  the  mission  to  Buenos  Ayres.  The  first  on  the 
 roll  is  Lord  Ponsonby,  who  received  an  outfit  of  £2,500,  salary  £5,000, 
 
260  CONSULAU     HSTABLISHMENTS. 
 
 and  an  allowance  for  house-rent  £500.  These  allowances  are  a  little 
 extravagant,  but  his  lordship,  unlike  the  Chads  and  the  Cockburns, 
 did  arrive  at  his  post.  We  cannot  say  the  same  of  his  successor, 
 Mr.  Henry  Fox,  the  near  relation  of  a  well-known  duchy  sinocurist 
 Mr.  Fox  received  an  outfit  of  £1,500  for  Buenos  Ayres,  in  1828, 
 at  the  time  he  was  in  Italy,  in  the  receipt  of  a  salary;  and,  in  1829, 
 an  advance  of  £1,000,  though  it  did  not  appear,  when  the  return 
 was  made,  he  had  yet  taken  a  step  towards  his  American  journey. 
 There  is  similar  profusion  in  the  missions  to  Brazil  and  Panama,  but  the 
 instances  we  have  cited  are  sufficient  specimens  of  the  lavish  proceedings 
 in  this  branch  of  the  foreign  department.  It  is  to  be  hoped  our  Whig 
 ministers,  who  showed  up  these  doings  with  great  gusto  while  out  of 
 place,  will  not  follow  the  profuse  example  of  their  predecessors  in 
 office. 
 
 CONSUL  A II    ESTABLISHMENTS. 
 
 These  form  minor  diplomatic  appointments,  ostensibly  established  to 
 watch  over  the  interests  of  commerce,  assist  and  facilitate  the  trans- 
 actions of  merchants  in  foreign  parts.  The  duties  being  light,  and  the 
 remuneration  considerable,  they  form  a  favourite  branch  of  ministerial 
 patronage,  and  situations  therein  are  mostly  obtained  by  individuals 
 connected  with  the  aristocracy  or  possessing  parliamentaiy  influence. 
 At  present  the  chief  objections  to  the  consular  establishment.s  are  their 
 superfluous  number — the  expenses  they  entail  on  the  country  in  extra- 
 vagant salaries,  pensions,  and  superannuations — and  the  unfitness  of 
 many  persons  forced  into  the  situation  from  the  operation  of  the  influ- 
 ence to  which  we  have  adverted.  In  the  United  States  of  America,  for 
 example,  we  have  eight  consuls,  besides  consuls-general,  enjoying 
 salaries  of  £800  a-year.  Both  in  America  and  Europe  the  office 
 of  consul-general  is  unnecessary;  at  all  events  such  a  functionary 
 might  be  dispensed  with,  where  we  had  a  regular  ambassador  and  his 
 staff  at  an  enormous  charge.  Where,  for  instance,  can  be  the  utility  or 
 necessity  of  having  a  consul-general  in  Paris  ?  ^^'e  have  an  ambassa- 
 dor there,  with  a  salary  of  £10,000  a-year,  a  secretary  of  the  embassy, 
 and  many  other  individuals  attached  to  the  legation  in  that  city ;  and 
 amongst  them,  no  doubt,  a  fit  individual  might  easily  be  found  to  do  the 
 duty  at  a  salary  of  £500  per  annum,  for  discharging  which  the  present 
 consul-general  receives  £1200.  At  Naples  we  have  a  consul-general, 
 with  £1200  a-year,  when  the  whole  trade  of  the  kingdom,  with  all  the 
 ports  in  the  world,  does  not  exceed  £1,000,000  per  annum.  But  then 
 the  climate  of  Naples  is  salubrious,  and  it  is  sometimes  convenient  to 
 have  a  sinecure  retreat  there  for  an  indolent  official  or  satiated  epicure 
 of  the  "  higher  orders  "  The  consul-general  at  Washington  has  a 
 salary  of  £1600  a-year.  This  appears  wholly  indefensible.  In  dear 
 countiies  there  is  some  necessity  for  high  salaries  to  meet  the  increased 
 expenditure ;  but  in  cheap  countries  like  America  there  can  be  no  pre- 
 text for  an  exorbitant  allowance.  £1600  a-year  is  equal  to  the  salary  of 
 the  chief  justice  of  the  United  States,  and  this  amount  is  paid  to  a 
 consul-general — an  olficor  who,  in  fact,  has  nothing  to  do. 
 
 J 
 
DIPLOMATIC    PEIi    CENTAGE    ON    COMMERCE. 
 
 251 
 
 A  change  of  questionable  utility  was  introduced  in  1825,  in  the  mode 
 of  remunerating  consuls ;  in  lieu  of  payment  by  fees,  fixed  salaries 
 were  substituted :  but,  under  some  pretext  or  other,  fees  still  continue  to 
 be  exacted,  and  the  charges  altogether  imposed  by  these  functionaries 
 on  commerce  are  very  considerable.  The  money  paid  to  the  consuls  of 
 Columbia  alone  amounts  to  a  charge  of  four  per  cent,  on  the  traffic  car- 
 ried on  between  the  two  countries.  The  whole  amount  of  our  exports 
 and  imports  to  South  America  is  about  eleven  millions  ;  and  our  consular 
 and  diplomatic  establishments  in  these  states  cost  £60,521,  the  former 
 £27,241  and  the  latter  £33,100.  In  the  trade  with  some  states  these 
 expenses  are  particularly  exorbitant.  For  instance,  the  consular  and 
 diplomatic  per-centage  on  our  trade  with  Mexico  is  £1  :  0  :  7,  on  that 
 with  Guatemala  £10  :  17  :  2;  our  exports  and  imports  to  the  former 
 amounting  to  £731,000,  the  diplomatic  cost  to  £4,400,  and  the  con- 
 sular expense  to  £3000 ;  while  our  trade  to  Guatemala  amounts  only 
 to  £13,813,  and  the  consular  expense  is  £1500.  There  is  no  neces- 
 sity for  these  charges,  which  result  solely  from  negligence  and  abuse  in 
 the  foreign  department,  from  extravagant  salaries,  from  the  appoint- 
 ment of  consuls  to  places  where  none  are  required,  and  from  the  plural 
 appointments  of  consuls,  vice-consuls,  and  consuls-general,  when  a  single 
 individual  would  be  amply  sufficient  for  the  discharge  of  official  duty. 
 
 The  little  duty  these  gentlemen  discharge  may  be  inferred  from  the 
 fact  that  many  hold  other  situations,  apparently  requiring  their  entire 
 personal  attention,  while,  others  hold  the  appointment  of  consul  in 
 America  or  distant  parts  of  Europe,  and  reside  constantly  in  the 
 metropolis.  In  1792  the  total  charge  of  our  diplomatic  and  consular 
 establishments,  including  pensions,  amounted  to  £113,927;  in  1829, 
 the  same  establishments  cost  £366,000  ;  and  the  charge  of  the  consular 
 department  alone  was  £121,820,  being  nearly  £8, 0(30  more  than  the 
 charge  of  both  establishments  just  before  the  French  revolutionary  Avar. 
 We  shall  conclude  the  chapter  with  subjoining  a  few  documents  ab- 
 stracted from  parliamentary  papers,  which  will  illustrate  and  authenticate 
 our  previous  exposition,  and  show  the  present  state  of  this  branch  of  the 
 national  expenditure. 
 
 Salaries  and  Pensions  to  Ambassadors  and  Consuls. — Pari.  Paper, 
 No.  305,  Session  1830. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Salaries  to 
 Ambassadors. 
 
 Salaries  to 
 Consuls. 
 
 Pensions  to 
 
 Retired  Foreign 
 
 Ministers. 
 
 Pensions  to 
 Consuls. 
 
 Charge  for 
 Diplomatists 
 and  Consuls. 
 
 1822 
 
 £144,135 
 
 £30,076 
 
 £52,206 
 
 £1,190 
 
 £305,772 
 
 1823 
 
 139,366 
 
 29,740 
 
 52,503 
 
 1,036 
 
 332,453 
 
 1824 
 
 136,511 
 
 33,091 
 
 63,547 
 
 890 
 
 361,728 
 
 1825 
 
 132,301 
 
 52,625 
 
 55,938 
 
 1,368 
 
 418,637 
 
 1826 
 
 142,584 
 
 49,975 
 
 53,450 
 
 3,370 
 
 459,538 
 
 1827 
 
 132,553 
 
 51,100 
 
 62,318 
 
 3,370 
 
 412,ir)9 
 
 1828 
 
 133,163 
 
 50,  26 
 
 66,772 
 
 4,270 
 
 407,117 
 
 1829 
 
 132,149 
 
 49,342 
 
 54,719 
 
 4,870 
 
 366,004 
 
o.-.'> 
 
 CllAUGES    OF    E.MUASSIES. 
 
 and  Allotcanccs  for  House-rent  of  Diplomatic  Servants 
 — Parliamentary  Report,  No.  337,  Scss.  1831. 
 
 Salahifs 
 abroad. 
 
 Residence.  Character.  Salary. 
 
 France.  Ambassador    £10,000 
 
 Secretary  of  Embassy 1 ,000 
 
 First  Attache 400 
 
 Russia.            Ambassador     10,000. 
 
 Secretary  of  Embassy    1,000 
 
 First  Attache 400 
 
 Austiia.           Ambassador    9,0((0. 
 
 Secretary  of  Embassy    900 
 
 First  Attache 250 
 
 Turkey.           Ambassador    G,500 
 
 Secretary  of  Embassy   800 
 
 First  Attache 250 
 
 Spain.              Envoy  and  Min.  Plenipo G,000. 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    550 
 
 First  Attache 250 
 
 Prussia.          Envoy  and  Min.  Plenipo 5,000. 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    550 . 
 
 First  Attache 250 
 
 Wushitigton.  Envoy  and  Min.  Plenipo 4,500. 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    550 
 
 First  Attache 200 
 
 Naples.            Envoy  and  Min.  Plenipo 4,000. 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    600 
 
 First  Attache ■ 
 
 Portugal.         Envoy  and  Min.  Plenipo 4,000., 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    500 
 
 First  Attache 
 
 Brazil,             Envoy  and  Min.  Plenipo 4,000. , 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    550 
 
 First  Attache 250 
 
 Uollaml.          Envoy  and  Min.  Plenipo 3,(i00. 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation 500 
 
 First  Attache 
 
 Belgium.         Envoy  and  Min.  Plenipo 3,G00.. 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    500 
 
 First  Attache 
 
 Sweden.          Envoy  3,000., 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    500 
 
 Denmark.        Envoy 3,000 . . 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    500 
 
 Bavaria.          Envoy 3,000.. 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    500 
 
 Sardinia.         Envoy 3,G00. . 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation  500 
 
 GermanDiet.  Min.  Plenipo 2,600. . 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation   400 
 
 Attache  and  German  Translator 200 
 
 Wurlimburg.  IMin.  Plenipo 2,000. . 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    400 
 
 Saxony.           Min.  Plenipo.     2,000.. 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    200 
 
 Carried  forward ....  fi03,550 
 
 Allowance 
 
 for 
 House-rent 
 
 £1,000 
 
 yoo 
 
 , . .  500 
 
 ..  500 
 
 , ..  500 
 
 , ..  500 
 
 . . .  400 
 
 ..  400 
 
 ..  500 
 
 ..  400 
 
 ..  400 
 
 ..  400 
 
 . .  400 
 
 ..  500 
 
 ..  500 
 
 ..  300 
 
 ..  300 
 300 
 
 7,800 
 
RESOLUTIONS    ON    DIPLOMATIC    CHARGES.  253 
 
 Allowance 
 for 
 Residence.  Character.  Salary.     House  rent 
 
 Brought  forward £103,550     ..   7,800 
 
 Tuscany.         Miu.  Plenipo 2,000..,.      300 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    400 300 
 
 Switzerland.  Rlin.  Plenipo 2,000. ...      250 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    400 
 
 Greece.  Minister  Resident 2,000 200 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    400 
 
 Mexico.  Min.  Plenipo 3,600 400 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation   COO 
 
 First  Attache 200 
 
 Columbia.        Minister  Plenipotentiary 3,000....       400 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    600 
 
 First  Attache 300 
 
 Buenos Ayres.  Minister  Plenipotentiary 3,000. . . .      300 
 
 Secretary  of  Legation    500 
 
 Albania.  Agent 1,000 
 
 Salaries £124,150  9,950 
 
 These  salaries  and  allowances  for  rent  are  exclusive  of  charges  for 
 outfit,  journeys  out,  postage,  and  other  incidental  expenses,  which  swell 
 to  a  considerable  amount  the  civil  contingencies  of  the  year.  After 
 three,  four,  or  seven  years  sendee,  it  has  been  usual  to  grant  retiring 
 pensions  to  foreign  ministers  of  £"2000  or  £1500  a-year ;  but  from  a 
 letter  of  Lord  Palmerston's,  dated  August  31,  1831,  it  appears  ministers 
 have  determined  to  act  on  the  following  resolutions  of  Sir  H,  Parnell's 
 finance  committee  of  1828:—"  1.  That  no  person  whatever  shall  be 
 entitled  to  receive  a  diplomatic  pension  until  the  expiration  of  fifteen 
 years  from  the  date  of  his  first  commission,  nor  unless  he  shall  have 
 actually  served  ten  years.  2,  That  no  person  shall  be  entitled  to  a  pension 
 of  the  first  class  (£2,000  a-year),  unless  he  shall  have  actually  served 
 three  years  as  ambassador  at  some  foreign  court.  3.  That  pensions  to 
 envoys  and  ministers  plenipotentiary  at  the  greater  courts  shall  not 
 exceed  1500  a-year,  and  shall  not  be  granted  until  after  five  years' 
 residence  in  that  capacity  at  a  foreign  court.  4.  That  pensions  to 
 envoys  and  ministers  plenipotentiary  at  other  courts,  and  to  ministers, 
 shall  not  exceed  £1000  a-year  after  a  similar  period  of  residence. 
 5.  And  last,  that  pensions  in  the  remaining  class  shall  not  exceed  £800 
 a-year  under  the  same  conditions  as  to  time  of  residence." — Parlia- 
 mentary Paper,  No.  337,  Sess.  1831. 
 
THE 
 
 ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 Almost  imperceptibly  to  ourselves,  we  are  drawn  through  the  different 
 departments  of  our  undertaking  in  heraldic  order :  first,  we  explored 
 the  Church  in  all  its  ramifications  ;  next  the  revenues  of  the  Monarch  ; 
 afterwards  the  monarch's  chief  council,  and  his  representatives  in  the 
 persons  of  his  ambassadors,  envoys  extraordinary,  and  ministers  pleni- 
 potentiary ;  and  now  we  come  to  the  Aristocracy,  which,  according  to 
 the  established  rules  of  precedency,  ought  to  follow  the  Clergy  and  the 
 Crown. 
 
 Before  entering  on  the  more  serious  details  of  our  present  subject,  we 
 cannot  help  pausing  a  moment,  on  the  threshold,  to  felicitate  ourselves 
 and  readers  on  the  triumphs  already  achieved  by  the  progress  of  know- 
 ledge. Three  centuries  are  only  a  step  in  the  history  of  nations,  yet, 
 within  that  period,  how  many  fictions  of  feudality  and  priestcraft  have 
 been  dissipated,  and  which  are  now  only  reverted  to  as  sources  of  amuse- 
 ment, like  the  delusions  of  witchcraft  and  demonology.  Only  think  of 
 the  supremacy  of  the  Clergy,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  when  they 
 enjoyed  almost  impunity  for  every  crime,  by  exemption  from  secular 
 jurisdiction.  It  strikingly  demonstrates  the  influence  of  mind  over 
 ignorance ;  for  ecclesiastics,  at  that  era,  as  much  excelled  the  laity  in 
 mental  attainments  as  in  the  magnitude  of  their  possessions.  Such 
 pre-eminence  is  either  lost  or  fast  disappearing :  in  science  and  in- 
 formation they  are  manifestly  behind  other  classes  of  the  commu- 
 nity ;  their  moral  influence  is  insignificant ;  the  chief  advantages  they 
 retain  are  their  revenues,  and  the  permanent  enjoyment  of  these  not 
 being  founded  on  any  claim  of  right  or  social  utility,  public  conviction 
 has  decreed  against  them,  and  the  general  verdict  waits  only  to  be 
 carried  into  execution, 
 
 Among  the  fictions  of  Regality  the  most  preposterous  was  the  claim 
 of  divine  right,  which  has  become  too  common  place  a  drollery  even  for 
 mirth.  Still  it  cannot  be  forgotten,  that,  so  recently  as  the  last  of  the 
 Stuarts,  this  dogma  had  many  disciples,  and  some  remains  of  this 
 singular  faith  are  now  to  be  found.  An  attempt  has  been  made  to 
 erect  a  new  idol  in  the  pretensions  of  Legitimacy :  but,  in  an  age  of 
 discussion,  imposture  cannot  long  maintain  its  ground,  and  this  was 
 soon  trampled  under  foot.  Previously  to  the  introduction  of  this  idola- 
 try, the  English  had  shown  their  contempt  for  hereditary  right  by  the 
 transfer  of  the  crown  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  ;  the  French  subsequently 
 
ANCIENT    IMMUNITIES    OF    ARISTOCRACY,  255 
 
 by  the  expulsion  of  Charles  X.  and  the  adoption  of  Philip  I. ;  and  the 
 non-interference  of  the  European  powers  in  the  mighty  movement  of 
 1830  has  put  an  everlasting  seal  on  this  species  of  secular  supersti- 
 tion. 
 
 Let  us  next  advert  to  the  fictions  of  the  Third  Estate  :  by  some  acci- 
 dent the  English  Aristocracy  have  contrived  to  retain  a  greater  propor- 
 tion of  their  ancient  influence  and  endowments  than  any  other  privi- 
 leged order  of  the  community.  The  circumstances  to  which  this  may 
 be  ascribed  appear  principally  the  following.  First,  the  English  nobility 
 had  the  good  sense  to  give  up  in  time  a  portion  of  their  more  revolting 
 usurpations,  by  which  they  have  been  enabled  to  preserve  entire,  in  a 
 more  palmy  state  of  enjoyment  and  for  a  longer  term,  the  remainder, 
 than  any  similar  class  in  Europe.  Secondly,  at  an  early  period  of  our 
 annals  they  obtained  a  hold  on  popular  support,  by  aiding  the  people  in 
 resisting  the  encroachments  of  the  clergy  and  the  prerogatives  of  the 
 Crown.  Lastly,  and  latterly,  the  more  enlightened  portion  of  them 
 have  conciliated  the  favour  of  the  influential  classes  by  the  adoption  of 
 liberal  principles,  and  by  impressing  them  with  the  belief  that  a  conser- 
 vative principle  identifies  the  immunities  of  their  'order'  with  the  general 
 peace  and  welfare.  Some  of  these  sources  of  respect  and  power  are 
 manifestly  losing  ground  in  popular  estimation.  For  what  services  the 
 Aristocracy  have  rendered  to  civil  liberty  they  have  been  amply  remu- 
 nerated by  the  long  exercise  of  the  political  franchises  of  the  People, 
 by  the  receipt  of  enormous  rents,  and  by  the  absorption  of  public  taxes. 
 The  assumption  of  a  community  of  interest  with  the  People  is  partly 
 belied  by  their  own  legislative  acts,  in  which  they  obviously  consider 
 they  have  an  interest  different  from  that  of  other  classes  of  society.  In 
 short,  the  time  has  arrived,  when  the  power  and  institutions  of  the 
 privileged  orders  may  be  fitly  passed  in  review ;  they  have  already  con- 
 ceded many  immunities,  and  it  is  not  improbable  the  period  has  arrived 
 when  they  will  be  called  upon  to  make  further  concessions  to  the  spirit 
 of  the  age. 
 
 There  was  a  time,  as  every  body  knows,  when  lords  were  petty 
 despots  on  their  domains.  They  had  their  dungeon-castles,  in  which  they 
 could,  at  their  own  arbitrary  will,  torture,  imprison,  and  even  execute, 
 their  fellow-creatures.  They  could,  when  it  suited  their  sovereign 
 pleasure,  sally  forth  on  the  public  highways,  and,  with  impunity,  rob 
 and  maltreat  whatever  luckless  traveller  they  happened  to  meet.  They 
 had  even  immunities  still  more  revolting  to  human  feeling.  One,  it 
 is  true,  can  hardly  bring  the  mind  to  believe  that  such  monstrous  usages 
 as  those  which  gave  rise  to  borough- English  and  child-wit  ever  ex- 
 isted ;  yet  that  they  did  is  unquestionable,  and  the  memorials  of  these 
 customs,  subsisting-  in  the  borough  of  Stafford,  in  the  county  of  Essex, 
 and  other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  place  the  facts  beyond  dispute.  By  the 
 former  usage  the  lord  claimed  the  trifling  perquisite,  on  the  occasion 
 of  a  marriage  on  his  estate,  of  sleeping  the  first  night  with  the  bride  ; 
 and  the  latter  designates  a  penalty  which  a  woman  had  to  pay  who  had 
 suffered  herself  to  be  begotten  with  child  without  the  lord's  perrnission. 
 
2.36  ARlSTOrRACY. 
 
 Thnnk  hoaren  onr  seip,nenrs  have  abated  somothino;  of  their  ancient 
 privilep,'es  ;  still  the  hare  knowledge  that  such  usages  once  existed — that 
 they  are  associated  with  the  name — is  sufficient  to  make  the  mere  titles 
 of  lord,  baron,  and  duke,  an  ofl'ence — an  insult  to  human  reason — an 
 al)()mination — which  modern  and  civilized  Europe  ought  no  longer  to 
 tolerate. 
 
 Having-  adverted  to  a  few  of  the  ancient  impostures  and  usurpations, 
 chiefly  to  show  to  what  a  depth  of  degradation  human  nature  may  be 
 reduced,  we  shall  proceed  to  illustrate  the  immunities  and  advantages 
 enjoyed  by  the  Aristocracy,  and  which  they  have  been  enabled  to  ar- 
 rogate and  maintain  by  a  monopoly  of  political  power.  It  is  a  subject 
 of  vast  importance,  and  one,  we  believe,  when  fairly  placed  before  our 
 countrymen,  about  which  there  will  hardly  exist  diversity  of  opinion. 
 
 In  contemplating  the  English  government,  one  peculiar  feature  may 
 be  remarked  in  every  branch  of  our  civil  and  ecclesiastical  polity  :  in  each 
 branch  there  is  an  entire  departure  from  the  original  object  of  its  insti- 
 tution. In  the  ecclesiastical  state,  no  such  abuse  as  clerical  sinecurists 
 was  formerly  known  ;  every  order  had  some  duties  to  discharge,  for 
 which  they  received  their  incomes  :  but  now  we  find  that  the  episcopal, 
 dignified,  and  one-third  of  the  parochial  clergy  receive  four  or  five 
 MILLIONS  annually,  for  which  it  is  hard  to  say  any  sen'ice  whatever  is 
 rendered  to  society.  The  House  of  Commons,  originally  intended  to 
 represent  the  property,  intelligence,  and  population  of  the  state,  has 
 become  the  mere  organ  of  the  Aristocracy ;  who,  according  to  the 
 constitution,  ought  not  to  have  the  least  influence  over  its  deliberations. 
 The  executive,  by  the  delegation  of  its  powers  to  ministers  and  judges, 
 exhibits  a  similar  dereliction  from  civil  and  military  duties  :  and,  lastly, 
 in  the  House  of  Peers  we  find  a  corresponding*  abandonment  of  civil 
 functions;  the  dukes,  earls,  and  barons  had  all,  formerly,  as  their 
 names  import,  important  duties  to  discharge  in  the  commonwealth. 
 
 The  object  of  reform  is  not  to  destroy  the  established  church,  pull 
 down  the  two  houses  of  parliament,  nor  invade  the  rights  of  the 
 Crown ;  but  to  restore,  as  far  as  the  altered  state  of  society  will  allow, 
 those  different  orders  to  the  exercise  of  their  legitimate  authority. 
 
 Of  the  difi'erent  innovations  on  the  ancient  system,  there  is  none 
 more  flagrant  than  those  of  the  Aristocracy :  it  has  swallowed  up  not 
 only  the  rights  of  the  people,  and  the  prerogatives  of  the  Crown,  but 
 also  the  immunities  of  the  church".  At  no  former  period  of  history 
 was  the  power  of  the  Aristocracy  so  absolute,  nor  did  they  enjoy  a 
 tithe  of  their  present  advantages.  During  the  Norman  Kings,  and  the 
 first  kings  of  the  house  of  Plantagenet,  down  to  the  passing  of  Magna 
 Charta,  though  the  power  of  the  Crown,  in  many  instances,  proved 
 but  a  feeble  barrier  to  the  encroachments  of  the  barons,  yet,  when 
 united  w^ith  the  influence  of  the  clergy,  it  was  at  all  times  able  to  set 
 some  bounds  to  their  authority.  After  the  passing  of  the  Great 
 Charter,  the  growth  of  manufactures,  and  the  diffusion  of  knowledge 
 among  the  people,  gave  rise  to  the  Commons.  This  order,  unknown 
 to  the  preceding  period,    gradually   rose   into  great  importance,    and 
 
POLITICAL    EFFECTS    OF    ARISTOCRACY.  257 
 
 ultimately  became  able  not  only  to  prescribe  bounds  to  the  Aristocracy, 
 but  also  to  the  Monarch.  Under  the  tyranny  of  the  Stuarts,  the 
 Commons  brought  one  monarch  to  the  block,  and  abolished  the  House 
 of  Peere.  But  its  ascendancy  was  of  short  duration.  The  return  of 
 Charles  II.  —the  restoration  of  the  rotten  boroughs,  which  had  been 
 struck  out  of  the  representation  during  the  protectorship  of  Cromwell, 
 to  the  rig'ht  of  returning  members  of  parliament, — the  introduction  of 
 parliamentary  corruption  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II. — more  systema- 
 tically and  openly  practised  under  William  III.  and  perfected  under  the 
 administration  of  Walpole,  in  the  reign  of  George  II. — completely 
 annihilated  the  powers  of  the  Commons,  and  gave  to  the  Aristocracy 
 its  uncontrolled  and  irresponsible  ascendancy. 
 
 Having  obtained  the  power,  the  Aristocracy  have  exercised  it  as  un- 
 controlled power  usually  is  exercised,  namely,  solely  for  their  own 
 advantage :  they  have  rid  themselves  of  what  duties  were  anciently 
 annexed  to  their  order,  and  monopolized  nearly  all  the  honours  and 
 emoluments  of  societA'. 
 
 The  ancient  nobility  had  not  only  to  provide  a  sufl&cient  military  force 
 for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom,  but  they  had  also  the  adminis- 
 tration of  justice,  the  coining  of  money,  and,  in  short,  the  whole 
 internal  government  of  the  countiy  committed  to  their  care.*  On 
 such  conditions,  their  estates  were  originally  granted  :  these  they  retain  ; 
 but  as  to  the  duties  annexed,  they  have  placed  them  on  the  shoulders  of 
 the  other  classes  of  the  community.  It  is  the  Commons  now,  who 
 either  discharge,  or  pay  for  being  discharged,  all  the  duties  of  the 
 state.  If  we  only  examine  the  list  of  taxes,  as  we  shortly  intend  to  do, 
 we  shall  find  that  the  aristocracy  have,  comparatively,  exempted 
 themselves  from  impost,  while  the  burthen  falls  exclusively  on  the 
 people.  The  duties  imposed  by  the  corn-laws  are  a  tax  paid  directly 
 for  the  support  of  this  order ;  while,  with  the  exception  of  the  land-tax, 
 a  trifling  impost,  all  other  duties,  the  assessed  taxes,  excise,  customs, 
 stamps,  post-office  duties,  fall  with  disproportionate  weight  on  the 
 middling  and  working  classes,  and  scarcely  touch  the  massive  incomes 
 of  the  nobility. 
 
 This  is  one  of  the  great  evils  resulting  from  the  political  supremacy 
 of  the  peerage.  Instead  of  bearing  the  burthen  of  taxation,  which,  in 
 fact,  is  the  original  tenure  on  which  they  acquired  their  territorial  posses- 
 sions, they  have  laid  it  on  the  people.  Nothing  can  be  more  unjust  and 
 oppressive.  The  comforts  of  one  class  ought  never  to  be  encroached 
 upon,  while  another  class  remains  in  the  enjoyment  of  redundant 
 luxuries.  It  is  the  legitimate  object  of  good  government  to  prevent  the 
 extremes  of  wealth  and  indigence,  and  diffuse  equally,  through  all 
 classes,  the  bounties  of  nature.  But  the  aristocratic  system  is  the 
 reverse  of  this  principle.     It  weighs   chiefly  on  want  and  penury;  it 
 
 •  Blackstone's  Comment,  b.iv.ch.  iv.  and  v.  and  Smith's  Wealth  of  Nations, 
 b.  iii.  ch.  iv.  Avhere  the  nature  of  the  ancient  tenures  is  investigated. 
 
 s 
 
258  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 tramples  on  those  already  depressed  ;  and  crushes,  almost  to  annihilation, 
 the  most  useful  classes  by  its  unceasing  exactions. 
 
 It  is  not  our  purpose  to  investigate  the  utility  and  origin  of  an  here- 
 ditary privileged  class.  It  is,  no  doubt,  a  questionable  hypothesis — 
 not  supported  at  least  by  the  cotemporary  illustration  of  many  noble 
 families — that  wisdom  and  fitness  for  the  administration  of  national 
 affairs  are  inheritable  endowments.  Besides  which,  men  seldom  take 
 pains  to  cultivate  superfluous  acquirements  :  consequently,  it  is  a  strong 
 objection  to  hereditary  honours,  that  those  born  to  them  have  no 
 necessity  for  cultivating  the  virtues  by  w^hich,  perhaps,  they  were  ori- 
 ginally acquired.  A  principal  motive  for  the  institution  of  hereditary 
 right  has  ceased  to  be  of  weight.  Originally  it  was  intended  to  guard 
 against  disputed  succession,  and  prevent  the  division  of  powers  essen- 
 tial to  the  security  of  communities  and  property.  But  the  introduction 
 of  the  representative  principle  in  governments,  the  more  general  diffu- 
 sion of  intelligence,  of  habits  of  order,  of  respect  for  individual  claims, 
 has  rendered  these  precautions  no  longer  essential  to  the  maintenance  of 
 social  institutions.  Leaving,  however,  the  general  discussion  of  the 
 question,  we  shall  proceed  to  notice,  categorically,  the  real  and  practical 
 grievances  entailed  on  the  commons  of  England  by  the  advantages  and 
 immunities  of  the  Aristocracy. 
 
 I.    RIGHT    OF    PRIMOGENITURE    AND    ENTAILS. 
 
 For  the  last  ten  years  a  great  deal  has  been  written  and  said,  and 
 justly  too,  on  the  evils  of  monopolies  ;  but  hardly  any  one  has  touched 
 upon  the  monopoly  of  land.  Many,  even  of  the  Aristocracy,  have  been 
 zealous  and  persevering  in  their  endeavours  to  establish  unrestricted 
 freedom  in  commerce  ;  they  perceived  the  advantages  of  liberty  in  the 
 exchange  of  commodities,  but  they  have  been  indifferent  or  silent  on 
 the  advantages  of  liberty  in  the  exchange  of  the  soil.  Yet,  what  is 
 the  right  of  primogeniture  and  the  law  of  entail,  but  a  monopoly  as 
 grievous  and  pernicious  as  that  of  the  Bank  of  England  and  East  India 
 Company?  What  right  had  an  assembly  of  half- civilized  men,  some 
 five  hundred  years  ago,  to  tie  up  the  great  estates  of  the  country  in 
 perpetuity ;  to  enact  that,  whatever  changes  of  society  might  intervene, 
 they  should  never  be  subdivided,  nor  severed  from  their  lineal  heirs  as 
 long-  as  they  endured  ?  Was  not  this  creating  a  monopoly  ?  Did  it 
 not  interpose  insuperable  obstacles  to  the  sale  and  division  of  property — 
 keep  up  the  price  of  land  to  an  artificial  height — impede  fair  compe- 
 tition— limit  the  market  of  buyers — and  impose  restrictions  on  the 
 freedom  of  those  who  might  be  disposed  to  sell  ? 
 
 Moreover,  the  statute  De  donis,  or  of  "  Great  Men,"  as  it  is  fre- 
 quently called,  perpetuated  a  landed  interest  ;  that  is,  an  order  of 
 men  Avith  interests  distinct  from  those  of  the  community,  and  who, 
 armed  with  the  power  of  the  state,  have  been  able  to  treat  with  special 
 favor  their  peculiar  class,  by  imposing  upon  it  ligliter  burthens,  by 
 protecting  it   from    competition,  and  other    expedients    which   tended 
 
PRIMOGENITURE    AND    ENTAILS  259 
 
 directly  to  their  own  greatness  and  emolument  by  the  sacrifice  of  the 
 general  welfare. 
 
 The  motives  which  orig'inated  this  feudal  institution,  as  before  ob- 
 served, have,  in  great  part,  ceased  to  exist.  In  the  disorderly  era  of 
 Edward  I.  the  right  of  the  first-born  to  the  undivided  possession  of 
 his  ancestor  Avas  a  laiu  of  peace  ;  and,  by  consolidating  indisputably  the 
 power  which  the  entire  property  gave  in  the  hands  of  a  single  person, 
 it -w^s  Vi  laic  of  security .  To  divide  the  inheritance  was  to  ruin  it, 
 and  to  expose  the  d^vellers  upon  it,  who  depended  on  the  proprietor  for 
 protection,  to  be  oppressed  and  swallowed  up  in  the  desolating  incur- 
 sions of  neighbouring  and  ferocious  rivals.  In  the  existing  state  of 
 society  no  such  pretexts  can  be  urged.  The  poor  as  well  as  the  rich 
 enjoy  pei'sonal  security,  and  the  owner  of  a  single  acre  of  land  is  as 
 secure  in  the  enjoyment  as  the  owner  of  100,000.  The  right  of  primo- 
 geniture, however,  still  subsists;  and  as,  of  all  institutions,  it  is  the 
 most  adapted  to  flatter  the  pride  of  great  families,  it  will  be  tenaciously 
 upheld  by  the  Aristocracy.  In  other  respects  it  is  an  unmixed  evil ; 
 it  is  even  injurious  to  the  real  interests  of  the  landowners ;  for  nothing 
 can  be  more  contrary  to  the  welfare  of  a  numerous  family  than  a  right 
 which,  in  order  "  to  enrich  one,  beggars  all  the  rest  of  the  children;" 
 and  reduces  them  to  the  alternative  of  obtaining  subsistence  either  as 
 mendicants  or  depredators  on  the  bounty  and  involuntary  contributions 
 of  the  community. 
 
 The  same  reasoning  applies  to  entails,  which  are  the  natural 
 consequence  of  primogeniture.  They  were  introduced  to  preserve  the 
 lineal  succession  of  which  primogeniture  first  gave  the  idea,  and  to 
 hinder  any  part  of  the  original  patrimony  from  being  conveyed  out  of 
 the  proposed  line,  either  by  gift,  devise,  or  alienation,  either  by  the 
 folly  or  by  the  misfortune  of  any  of  its  successive  possessors.  When 
 great  landed  estates  were  a  sort  of  principality,  such  curtailed  inhe- 
 ritances might  not  be  indefensible.  Like  what  are  called  the  funda- 
 mental laws  of  some  communities,  they  might  frequently  hinder  the 
 security  of  thousands  from  being  endangered  by  the  incapacity  or 
 extravagance  of  one  man.  But,  in  the  existing  state  of  Europe,  when 
 property  is  so  well  secured,  when  small  as  well  as  great  estates  derive 
 their  security  from  inviolable  laws,  nothing  can  be  more  absurd  than 
 such  defensive  restrictions.  They  are  founded  upon  the  most  absurd  of 
 all  suppositions,  the  supposition  that  every  successive  g-eneration  of  men 
 have  not  an  equal  right  to  the  earth  and  to  all  that  it  contains  ;  but 
 that  the  property  of  the  present  generation  should  be  fettered  and 
 regulated  by  barbarians  who  died  centuries  ago.  Entails,  however, 
 are  still  respected  in  England ;  and  it  is  only  in  particular  cases, 
 by  means  of  legal  fictions,  prompted  by  the  spirit  of  commerce, 
 and  new  views  of  social  expediency,  that  estates  tied  up  by  them  can 
 be  alienated.*  They  are  deemed  essential  to  the  maintenance  of  the 
 monopoly   of    the   aristocracy   in    the  enjoyment   of    political    power, 
 
 *  Humphreys  on  the  Laws  of  Real  Property,  2d  edit.  p.  31. 
 
 s2 
 
260  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 honour,  dignities,  and  offices ;  having  usurped  many  advantages  over 
 their  fellow  citizens,  lest  their  poverty  should  render  them  ridiculous,  it 
 is  thought  reasonable  that  they  should  have  others.  It  is,  however, 
 an  oppressive  ^nd  indefensible  grievance.  In  the  present  state  of 
 society  there  is  no  utility  in  guaranteeing  to  particular  families  the  per- 
 petual enjovment  of  vast  masses  of  property — that  this  property  shall 
 not  be  liable  to  the  ordinary-  vicissitudes  of  life — that  it  shall  not,  like 
 personal  estates,  either  be  deviseable  or  saleable — and  that  all,  except 
 members  of  the  privileged  order,  shall  be  irrevocably  interdicted  from 
 ever  becoming  proprietors  of  the  soil — of  that  soil  which  is  the  common 
 inheritance  of  the  whole  community. 
 
 Other  evils  result  from  this  feudal  institution.  Primogeniture  en- 
 riches one,  and  leaves  all  the  other  members  of  a  family  destitute. 
 Hence  they  are  thrown,  like  mendicants,  on  the  public  for  support  ; 
 but  they  are  unlike  mendicants  in  this — that  the  public  has  no  option, 
 •whether  they  will  support  them  or  not.  The  Aristocracy,  usui-ping  the 
 power  of  the  state,  have  the  means  under  various  pretexts,  of  extorting, 
 for  the  junior  branches  of  their  families,  a  forced  subsistence.  They 
 patronize  a  ponderous  and  sinecure  church-establishment ;  they  wage 
 long'  and  unnecessary  v/ars,  to  create  employments  in  the  army  and 
 navy ;  they  conquer  and  retain  useless  colonies ;  they  set  on  foot  ex- 
 pensive missions  of  diplomacy,  and  keep  an  ambassdor  or  consul,  and 
 often  both,  at  almost  every  petty  state  and  every  petty  port  in  the 
 world ;  they  create  offices  without  duties,  grant  unmerited  pen- 
 sions, keep  up  unnecessary  places  in  the  royal  household,  in  the  ad- 
 miralty, the  treasury,  the  customs,  excise,  courts  of  law,  and  every 
 department  of  the  public  administration  :  by  these  and  other  expedients, 
 the  junior  as  well  as  elder  branches  of  the  great  families  are  amply 
 provided  for  out  of  the  taxes.  They  live  in  profusion  and  luxury  ;  and 
 those  by  whom  they  are  maintained  alone  subsist  in  indigence  and 
 privation. 
 
 It  is  only  in  the  less  civilized  states  of  Europe,  in  Hungary,  Bohemia, 
 Poland  and  Russia,  that  primogeniture  is  retained.  Countries  enjoy- 
 ing the  benefits  of  political  regeneration  have  abolished  this  remnant  of 
 feudality,  and  introduced  the  law  of  equal  partibility.  The  happy 
 effects  of  this  reform  are  visible  in  the  condition  of  France  and  the 
 Netherlands  ;  in  the  greater  harmony  subsisting  among  the  different 
 classes  of  society — in  the  absence  of  the  miserable  jealousy  and 
 exclusiveness  that  embitter  domestic  intercourse  in  England — in  the 
 public  spirit,  unanimity,  and  personal  independence  of  the  inhabi- 
 tants, produced,  no  doubt,  by  a  conviction  of  common  interests,  recipro- 
 cal obligations,  and  equal  participation  in  all  the  advantages  and  enjoy- 
 ments of  the  social  state. 
 
 II.    PRIVILEGES    OF    PEERS. 
 
 There  are  other  laws  originating  in  the  same  aristocratic  spirit,  and 
 directed  to  the  maintenance  of  similar    exclusive  privileges,  as   those 
 
PRIVILEGES    OF    PEERS  261 
 
 described  in  the  last  section.  Such  are  the  Insolvent  Laws.  Lest  the 
 dignity  of  a  peer  should  be  violated,  his  person  is  privileged  from  arrest 
 for  debt.  Why  should  this  be  tolerated?  He  is  not  ostensibly  entrusted 
 with  representative  functions,  like  the  members  of  the  lower  house. 
 He  represents  only  himself,  with  the  exception  of  the  sixteen  peers  of 
 Scotland  and  the  twenty-eight  peers  of  Ireland.  Why,  then,  should  his 
 person  be  protected  from  imprisonment,  if  he  is  so  inexcusably  improvi- 
 dent, with  all  the  advantages  he  enjoys,  as  to  incur  debts  he  cannot 
 pay  ?  A  Scotch  peer,  though  not  one  of  those  sitting  in  parliament, 
 is  privileged  from  arrest,  as  appears  from  the  case  of  Lord  Mordington. 
 This  lord,  who  was  a  Scotch  peer,  but  not  one  of  those  who  sat  in 
 parliament,  being  arrested,  moved  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  to  be 
 discharged,  as  being  entitled,  by  the  Act  of  Union,  to  all  the  privileges 
 of  a  peer  of  Great  Britain;  and  prayed  an  attachment  against  the 
 bailiff;  when  a  rule  was  granted  to  show  cause.  Upon  this,  the 
 bailiff  made  an  affidavit,  that  when  he  arrested  the  said  lord  he  was  so 
 mean  in  his  apparel,  as  having  a  worn-out  suit  of  clothes,  and  a  dirty 
 shirt  on,  and  but  sixteen-pence  in  his  pocket,  he  could  not  suppose  him 
 to  be  a  peer  of  Great  Britain,  and,  therefore,  through  inadvertency, 
 arrested  him.  The  Court  discharged  the  lord,  and  made  the  bailiff'  ask 
 pardon. 
 
 A  peer,  sitting  in  judgment,  is  not  required  to  give  his  verdict  upon 
 oath,  like  a  commoner,  but  upon  his  lionour.  What  a  stigma  on  the 
 other  classes  of  the  community  !  Just  as  if  a  peer  alone  had  honour, 
 and  all  others  were  base  perfidious  slaves,  from  whom  truth  could  only 
 be  extorted  when  they  had  been  forced  into  the  presence  of  their 
 Creator. 
 
 A  member  of  the  lower  house  is  the  deputy  or  representative  of  others, 
 and  cannot  delegate  his  powers ;  but  a  peer  represents  only  himself,  and 
 may  vote  by  proxy  on  any  question,  even  though  he  has  never  been 
 present  to  discuss  its  merits. 
 
 If  a  thief  breaks  into  a  church,  and  steals  the  surplice  or  cushion,  it 
 is  not  like  stealing  a  ledger  or  cash-box  from  a  shop  or  counting--house 
 — it  is  sacrilege.  If  a  man  scandalizes  a  peer  by  speaking  evil  of  him, 
 it  is  not  common  scandal,  it  is  scandalum  magnatiim,  that  is,  great 
 scandal,  subjecting  the  offender  to  indefinite  punishment. 
 
 If  a  peer  job  in  the  funds,  as  many  of  them  do ;  or  if  he  get  up 
 bubble  companies,  as  some  of  them  have  done,  to  dupe  credulous  people  ; 
 and  if  he  involve  himself  in  debt  by  these  fraudulent  practices,  you 
 cannot  imprison  him  to  enforce  payment ;  neither  can  you  make  him  a 
 bankrupt,  and  sequestrate  his  estates.  The  property  of  a  peer,  like  his 
 person,  has  a  dignity  about  it,  and  must  not  be  violated.  You  may 
 knock  down  Nathan  Rothschild,  though  he  is  a  very  rich  man,  or  a 
 worshipful  alderman,  or  even  a  right  honourable  lord  mayor,  and  the 
 justices  will  only  charge  you  a  few  shillings  for  the  liberty  you  have 
 taken ;  but  if  you  knock  down  a  peer,  though  he  is  ever  so  insolent, 
 it  is  almost  as  bad  as  murder. 
 
262  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 Peers  being  grent  landowners,  therefore  land,  as  well  as  their 
 persons,  enjoys  immunities  which  do  not  attach  to  chattel  property. 
 A  noble  lord  may  run  into  as  much  debt  as  he  pleases,  and  then,  Avith 
 impunity,  defraud  all  his  creditors.  He  may  live  in  the  utmost  pro- 
 fusion ;  he  may  borrow  money  to  support  his  extravagance,  or  for 
 providing-  portions  for  younger  children,  making  the  most  solemn 
 promises,  or  even  giving  his  written  engagement  to  repay  it ;  or  he 
 may  raise  loans,  and  with  these  loans  buy  houses  and  land,  and  when 
 he  dies  leave  the  houses  and  land  purchased  with  this  borrowed  money 
 to  whom  he  pleases  :  and  in  all  these  cases  the  lenders  who  have  trusted 
 to  the  honour  of  a  peer  have  no  power  to  touch  a  shilling  worth  of  his 
 real  estates. 
 
 These  are  a  few  of  the  privileges  of  peers  ;  w^e  shall  proceed  to  illus- 
 trate other  results  of  aristocratic  legislation. 
 
 III.    INJUSTICE    OF    ARISTOCRATIC    TAXATION. 
 
 Nothing  can  demonstrate  more  incontestibly  the  necessity  of  the 
 different  interests  in  society  being  represented  in  the  g'eneral  govern- 
 ment than  the  course  of  fiscal  legislation.  The  political  power  of  the 
 state,  we  need  not  repeat  nor  explain,  is  in  this  country  consolidated  in 
 the  aristocracy.  If  we  only  glance  at  public  burthens  we  shall  see  with 
 what  admirable  adroitness  they  have  been  distributed,  so  as  to  press  as 
 lightly  as  possible  on  those  who  imposed  them,  and  with  disproportionate 
 weight  on  those  Avho  had  no  share  in  their  imposition.  Does  not  this 
 show  better  than  all  the  general  reasoning  in  the  Avorld  the  utility  of 
 universal  representation  ;  otherwise,  whatever  interest  is  unprotected 
 will  assuredly  be  sacrificed,  and  this  injustice  will  be  perpetrated  by 
 the  dominant  party,  however  exalted  this  dominant  party  may  be 
 by  birth,  by  station,  by  education,  by  wealth,  or  other  adventitious 
 circumstance. 
 
 Let  us  appeal  to  facts  in  illustration  of  this  principle.  The  landed 
 interest  is  the  primary  interest  of  the  Aristocracy ;  whatever  tends  to 
 enhance  the  value  of  land  or  its  produce  tends  directly  to  augment  their 
 incomes.  Hence,  their  leading  policy  has  been  to  protect  agriculture, 
 to  encourage  husbandry,  by  abstaining  from  burthening  it  with  imposts, 
 to  impose  no  additional  tax  on  land,  and  above  all  things  to  secure  the 
 home  77iarket  against  competition  from  abroad.  For  this  latter  purpose 
 they  have  passed  laws  the  most  unjust  and  outrageous  ;  the  importation 
 of  some  articles  they  have  absolutely  prohibited  ;  others  they  have 
 loaded  with  heavy  duties  ;  so  that  they  have  been  able  to  sell  their  own 
 produce  at  a  monopoly  price. 
 
 The  following  list  of  articles  of  foreign  production,  and  the  import 
 duties  to  which  they  are  subject,  will  show  to  what  extent  the  land- 
 owners have  availed  themselves  of  political  power  to  promote  their  own 
 interests,  by  excluding  foreign  competition. 
 
PROTECTION    OF    AGRICULTURE  —  CORN    LAWS. 
 
 £    S.  d. 
 
 Bacon,  per  cwt.    1     8  0 
 
 Beer,  per  thirty-two  gallons 2   13  0 
 
 Butter,  per  cwt.    1     0  0 
 
 Bristles,  not  sorted,  per  lb. 0     0  3 
 
 Bristles,  sorted • 0     0  4 
 
 Cider,  per  ton 21    10  4 
 
 Cheese,  per  cwt. 0   10  6 
 
 Cucumbers,  ad  valorem > . . . .  20     0  0 
 
 Eggs,  for  every  120     0     0  10 
 
 Hay,  per  load    1     4  0 
 
 Hair,  cows  and  oxen,  per  cwt.     0     2  6 
 
 Hair-powder,  per  cwt.     9   15  0 
 
 Hops,  per  cwt.      8   11  0 
 
 Hemp-seed,  per  quarter   2     0  0 
 
 Hemp,  undressed,  per  cwt. 0     4  6 
 
 Lard,  per  cwt. 0     8  6 
 
 Madder,  per  cwt. 0     6  0 
 
 Mules  and  asses,  each 0   10  6 
 
 Horses,  each    1     0  0 
 
 Oil,  rape  and  linseed,  per  ton 39   18  0 
 
 Peas,  per  bushel 0     7  6 
 
 Peny,  per  ton 22   13  8 
 
 Potatoes,  per  cwt. 0     2  0 
 
 Seeds,  clover,  hay,  &c.    • 1      0  0 
 
 Spirits,  foreign,  per  gallon  (I,  M.)  •  •  • .  1     2  6 
 
 Rum,  per  gallon    0     8  6 
 
 Tallow,  per  cwt. 0     3  2 
 
 Tares,  per  quarter     0   10  0 
 
 Timber,  per  load 2    15  0 
 
 263 
 
 Wheat  16s.  5d.  a  quarter  to  Is.  according  as  the  price  rises  from 
 61s.  to  70s.  a  quarter. 
 
 Barley  13s.  lOd.  a  quarter  to  Is.  according  as  the  price  rises,  from 
 32s.  to  40s.  a  quarter. 
 
 Oats  10s.  9ci.  a  quarter  to  Is.  according  as  the  price  rises  from  24s. 
 to  31s.  a  quarter. 
 
 Beef,  lamb,  mutton,  pork,  sheep,  and  swine  are  prohibited  to  he  im- 
 ported, by  6  Geo.  IV.  c.  117. 
 
 While  the  landowners  have  been  strenuously  exerting  themselves  to 
 close,  hermetically,  if  possible,  the  home  market  against  foreign  agri- 
 cultural produce,  they  have,  with  admirable  consistency  of  policy,  been 
 at  the  same  time  endeavouring  to  throw  it  wide  open  for  the  admission 
 of  foreign  manufactures.  This  places  their  conduct  in  a  most  con- 
 spicuous light.  Surely,  if  a  free  trade  in  manufactures  was  for  the 
 benefit  of  the  community,  so  was  a  free  trade  in  the  produce  of  the 
 soil.  But,  then,  our  feudal  Solons  do  not  deal  in  cotton,  nor  silk,  nor 
 hardwares  ;    they  are   only  dealers  in    corn,  and  that  makes  all  the 
 
264  AUISTOCRACV. 
 
 difference.     The   ■working  and  eflects  of  this  abominable  system  has 
 been  justly  and  spiritedly  versified  in  the  following  lines:  — 
 
 Ye  coop  us  up  and  tax  our  bread. 
 
 And  wonder  why  we  pine ; 
 But  ye're  fat,  and  round,  and  red, 
 
 And  fill'd  with  tax-bought  wine. 
 
 Thus  twelve  rats  starve,  while  three  rats  thrive, 
 
 (Like  you  on  mine  and  me)  ; 
 When  fifteen  rats  are  caged  alive 
 
 With  food  for  nine  and  three. 
 
 Haste  !  havoc's  torch  begins  to  glow, 
 
 The  ending  is  begun  ; 
 Make  haste  !  destruction  thinks  ye  slow  ; 
 
 Make  haste  to  be  undone  ! 
 
 AVhy  are  ye  call'd  '  ray  Lord'  and  '  Squire,' 
 
 While  fed  by  mine  and  me  : 
 And  wringing  food,  and  clothes,  and  fire 
 
 From  bread-tax'd  misery  ? 
 
 Make  haste,  slow  rogues,  prohibit  trade, 
 
 I'rohibit  honest  gain  ; 
 Torn  all  the  good  that  God  hath  made 
 
 To  fear,  and  hate,  and  pain. 
 
 Till  beggars  all — assassins  all, 
 
 All  cannibals  we  be ; 
 And  death  shall  have  no  funeral 
 
 From  shipless  sea  to  sea. — Corn-Law  Rhymes. 
 
 It  is  not  a  difficult  problem  to  ascertain  the  annual  burthen  imposed 
 on  the  community  by  the  corn-tax.  It  appears,  from  the  resolutions 
 submitted  to  the  House  of  Commons  by  Lord  Milton,  that  the  average 
 price  of  wheat  in  this  country,  in  the  year  ending  February  1830,  had 
 been  64s.  Id.  per  quarter.  The  average  price  on  the  Continent  and 
 in  America,  during  the  same  period,  had  been  46s.  dd.  per  quarter. 
 Now,  if  there  were  no  restrictions  on  the  importation  of  corn,  the  price 
 in  England  would  be  nearly  the  same  as  in  Poland  or  in  the  United 
 States ;  but,  in  consequence  of  the  boroughmongers'  tax,  the  price  is 
 about  20s.  per  quarter  higher  :  so  that,  if  the  annual  consumption  of 
 corn  by  the  community  be  48  millions  of  quarters,  they  pay  exactly 
 so  many  pounds  additional,  in  order  to  swell  the  rents  of  the  land- 
 owners.* 
 
 A  tax  upon  bread  is  the  most  oppressive  and  unjust  that  could  be 
 imposed  on  the  industrious  classes.     A  man  with  £50  a-year  consumes. 
 
 •  We  suppose  all  our  readers  have  read  Colonel  Thompson's  Catechism  of 
 the  Corn  Laws,  price  six-pence.  His  True  Theory  of  Rent,  price  three-pence,  is 
 another  admirable  publication.  The  public  is  indebted  to  this  gentleman  for 
 having  placed  the  science  of  Political  Economy  on  its  legs  again  :  it  now 
 stands  much  where  it  did  when  Adam  Smith  left  it,  alter  a  perilous  escape 
 ihrougli  the  thick  cloud  of  darkness  in  which  it  had  been  enveloped  by  the 
 misleading  subtleties  of  Mr.  Ivicardo  and  his  followers. 
 
LAND — LEGITIMATE    SOURCE    OF    TAXES.  265 
 
 individually,  as  much  bread  as  a  man  with  £50,000,  and  consequently 
 sustains  as  great  an  annual  loss  by  the  artificial  enhancement  of  its 
 price.  All  taxes  on  articles  of  ordinary  consumption  fall  in  the  same 
 disproportionate  manner.  They  are  like  a  fixed  per-centage  on  income, 
 levied  indiscriminately  on  every  person,  without  regard  to  large  or 
 small  revenues.  Sugar,  tea,  and  malt  are  articles  of  general  use  ;  and 
 the  labourer  and  artisan  contribute  exactly  in  the  same  proportion 
 as  a  lord  on  their  individual  consumption  of  those  commodities.  In 
 fact,  it  is  to  duties  of  this  description  the  Aristocracy  have  always 
 shown  a  marked  partiality ;  the  excise,  it  is  known,  being  the  most 
 productive  branch  of  the  revenue.  Mr.  Pitt  used  to  say  that  the  hig'h 
 price  of  labour  in  England  arose  chiefly  from  the  excise  ;  three-fifths  of 
 the  wages  of  a  poor  man  passing  into  the  exchequer.  But  no  such 
 proportion  of  the  incomes  of  the  Aristocracy  flows  into  the  public 
 treasury. 
 
 Yet  it  is  the  incomes  of  the  landed  interest,  as  we  shall  briefly 
 illustrate,  which  form  the  most  legitimate  and  unexceptionable  fund  for 
 taxation.  A  person  who  employs  himself  in  making  a  pair  of  shoes 
 or  inexpressibles  adds  nothing  to  the  value  of  the  leather  or  cloth 
 beyond  the  price  of  his  labour.  Land,  however,  is  a  more  profitable 
 material  to  work  upon ;  yielding-  not  only  a  produce  adequate  to  defray 
 the  expenses  of  its  culture,  but  also  a  surplus  ;  and  this  surplus  con- 
 stitutes the  landlord's  rent.  But  the  soil  of  every  country  belongs  to 
 the  people  ;  consequently,  the  rent  or  surplus  revenue  it  yields  is  not 
 so  much  the  property  of  a  particular  class  of  individuals  as  of  the 
 whole  community.  It  folloAvs  that  the  landowners  are  only  so  many 
 pensioners  or  sinecurists,  paid  out  of  a  revenue  which  originally  con- 
 stituted the  sole  fund  out  of  which  all  the  exigencies  of  state  were  pro- 
 vided. Instead  of  the  "  Lords  of  the  Soil"  taxing  every  article  we 
 eat  and  drink,  and  impeding,  with  vexatious  imposts,  every  operation 
 of  industry,  they  ought  to  have  laid  a  direct  tax  on  rent,  which  would 
 have  been  easily  and  economically  collected.  They  have  acted  quite 
 the  reverse.  The  Land-Tax  continues  to  be  levied  at  this  day  according 
 to  the  defective  valuation  in  the  reign  of  William  III.;  and,  in  1798, 
 it  was  made  perpetual  at  4s.  in  the  pound  on  the  inadequate  estimate  of 
 the  rental  at  the  Revolution.  In  France  the  fonder,  or  land-tax, 
 amounts  to  one-fourth  of  the  whole  annual  revenue  ;*  in  England  it 
 does  not  amount  to  a  sixtieth  part.  The  proportion  of  our  excise,  cus- 
 toms, and  assessed  taxes  to  similar  taxes  in  France,  is  as  forty-five  to 
 twenty ;  while  the  proportion  of  the  public  revenue  of  the  former  to 
 that  of  the  latter  is  as  three  to  two. 
 
 Need  we  say  any  thing  further  to  illustrate  the  tendency  of  aristo- 
 cratic taxation,  or  the  selfish  purposes  to  which  the  political  power  of 
 the  Oligarchy  has  been  pen'erted  ?  Yes,  we  shall  briefly  add  a  few 
 more  facts. 
 
 *   Lowe's  Present  State  ol'  England,  p.  318. 
 
266  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 When  the  income-tax  was  imposed,  or  rather  when  it  was  screwed 
 up  by  the  Whigs,  in  1806,  lands  and  tenements  were  assessed  at  2s. 
 in  the  pound.  Precisely  the  same  assessment  was  laid  on  incomes 
 arising  from  professions,  trade,  or  other  vocation.  Thus  was  as  heavy 
 a  tax  levied  on  revenue  not  worth  five  years'  purchase  as  on  revenue 
 worth  thirty  years'  purchase ;  in  other  words,  the  tax  was  six  times 
 heavier  on  the  industrious  than  on  the  unproductive  classes  of  the  com- 
 munity. A  merchant,  attorney,  tradesman,  or  shopkeeper,  whose  in- 
 come depended  entirely  on  his  personal  exertions — which  ceased  at  his 
 death — and  by  savings  from  which  he  could  alone  make  a  provision  for 
 his  children  after  his  decease,  was  taxed  six  times  to  the  amount  of  the 
 landomaer,  by  whom  the  burthen  Avas  imposed — whose  property  was 
 entailed,  and  protected  from  all  liability  for  debts  however  extravagantly 
 incurred. 
 
 If  the  Boroughmongers  ever  charge  themselves  with  any  burthens, 
 they  are  always  prompt  to  get  rid  of  them  the  first  opportunity,  though 
 they  touch  them  ever  so  lightly,  and  have  been  rendered  necessary  by 
 their  own  infatuated  measures.  Thus,  immediately  after  the  peace, 
 before  any  reduction  in  the  public  establishments,  or  in  the  amount  of 
 the  monstrous  debt  they  had  contracted,  the  income-tax  was  abolished. 
 Again,  the  duty  on  horses  employed  in  husbandry  has  been  long  since 
 repealed,  but  the  malt-tax  is  still  continued,  and  the  beer-duty — the 
 most  unfair  and  oppressive  of  all  duties — was  only  repealed  within  these 
 two  years. 
 
 From  some  duties  the  peerage  is  exempted  altogether.  A  lord  of 
 parliament  sends  and  receives  all  letters /ree  of  postage ;  he  usually 
 franks  the  letters  of  all  his  relatives  and  fi-iends ;  he  enjoys,  also,  the 
 privilege  of  sending  a  letter  from  London  by  the  post  on  Sunday — a 
 sort  of  sabbath-breaking  which  would  be  considered  impiety  or  perhaps 
 blasphemy  in  another  person. 
 
 It  would  be  tedious  to  go  through  the  whole  roll  of  taxes,  to  show 
 how  indulgent  our  legislators  have  been  to  themselves  and  how  unjust 
 towards  the  rest  of  the  community.  If  a  lord  by  inheritance  succeed 
 to  an  estate  worth  £100,000,  he  has  not  a  shilling  to  pay  to  govern- 
 ment. If  a  rich  merchant  dies,  and  bequeaths  as  much  to  his  children, 
 they  are  taxed  to  the  amount  of  £1500,  or,  if  there  is  no  will,  to  the 
 amount  of  £2250.  If  a  poor  man  buy  a  cottage  for  £10,  he  has  10s. 
 or  one-twentieth  part  of  the  purchase-money,  to  pay  for  a  conveyance. 
 If  a  nobleman  buy  an  estate  worth  £50,000,  the  stamp-duty  is  only  one- 
 hundred-and-eleventh  part  of  the  purchase-money,  or  £450.  A  simi- 
 larly unequal  tax  is  incurred  in  borrowing  S77iall  sums  on  bond  or  mort- 
 gage, while  special  favour  is  shown  to  those  who  borrow  large  sums. 
 If  a  man  has  eight  windows  in  his  house  he  is  assessed  16s.  6d. ;  if  he 
 has  one  more  he  is  charged  4s.  6d.  for  it.  If  a  lord  has  180  windows 
 he  is  charged  £46  :  1 1  :  3  ;  and  if  he  has  one  more  he  is  charged  only 
 Is.  6d.;  and  he  may  have  as  many  more  additional  windoAvs  as  he 
 pleases  at  the  same  low  rate  of  assessment.  If  a  poor  man's  hoise,  or 
 his  ass,  pass  through  a  toll-bar  there  is  something  to  pay,   of  course; 
 
EXAMPLES    OF    PARTIAL    TAXES.  267 
 
 but  if  a  lord's  horse  pass  through,  provided  it  is  employed  on  the  lord's 
 land,  there  is  nothing  to  pay.  If  a  cart  pass  through  a  toll-bar,  loaded 
 with  furniture  or  merchandize,  there  is  something  to  pay  for  the  cart, 
 and  something  extra  to  pay  according  as  the  wheels  are  broad  or  narrow ; 
 but  if  the  cart  is  loaded  with  manure  for  his  lordship's  estate,  the  cart  is 
 free,  and  the  wheels  may  be  any  breadth  the  owner  pleases  without 
 liabihty  to  extra  charges.  If  a  stage-coach,  or  hackney-carriage,  which 
 a  ti-adesman  sometimes  indulges  in,  pass  through  a  turnpike,  it  must  pay 
 toll  every  time  it  passes;  but  the  carriage  of  a  lord  or  gentleman  may 
 pass  through  100  times  a  day,  if  he  please,  for  once  paying.  The  tax 
 on  a  nobleman's  carriage  is,  per  year,  six  pounds  ;  the  tax  on  a  glass- 
 coach,  which  a  poor  man  keeps  to  get  a  living  by,  and  which  is  hired  by 
 those  who  cannot  aiford  to  keep  a  carriage,  is,  per  year,  about  £160; 
 the  tax  on  a  stage-coach,  which  is  paid  by  those  who  cannot  afford  to 
 hire  even  a  glass-coach,  is,  per  year,  about  £260.  A  Paddington  stage, 
 running  every  hour,  pays,  daily,  for  mile-duty,  12s. ;  while  some  stages 
 run  more  than  100  miles  daily;  if  100  miles,  then  the  daily  mile  duty  is 
 255.,  which  must  all  be  paid  by  the  passengers  who  cannot  ride  in  their 
 own  carriages,  which  travel  without  duty.  Riding  or  walking,  eating  or 
 drinking,  there  is  inequality.  If  a  poor  person  refreshes  himself  with  a 
 glass  of  spirits  (though  beer  would  be  better  for  his  health  and  pocket) 
 he  is  taxed  seventy  per  cent ;  but  if  he  takes  a  glass  of  wine,  which  is 
 a  lord's  drink,  he  is  only  taxed  seventeen  per  cent.  Lords  do  not  smoke, 
 though  they  sometimes  chew,  therefore  a  pipe  of  tobacco,  which  is  a  poor 
 man's  luxury,  is  taxed  900  per  cent.  If  a  poor  servant-girl  advertises 
 for  a  place  of  all  luork,  she  is  taxed  3s.  Qd.  ;  if  a  lord  advertises  the 
 sale  of  an  estate  he  pays  no  more.  The  house-tax  falls  heavily  on  the 
 industrious  tradesman,  but  lightly  on  the  lord  and  esquire ;  the  former 
 must  reside  in  town,  and  occupy  spacious  premises,  which  make  his  rent 
 large,  and  the  tax  being  proportionate,  it  deducts  materially  from 
 income,  while  the  latter  may  reside  in  the  country,  occupy  a  fine  man- 
 sion, and  not  be  rented  more  than  £50  per  annum.  Lastly,  lords, 
 sinecurists,  pensioners,  and  gentlemen  may  retire  to  Paris,  Florence,  or 
 Brussels,  for  any  thing  they  have  to  do,  or  any  good  they  are  capable  of 
 doing,  by  which  they  avoid  house-tax,  window-tax,  and  almost  every 
 other  tax  ;  but  the  tradesman  and  shopkeeper  are  adscriptce  glebce, — 
 they  must  stick  to  their  counting-houses  and  warehouses,  and  expiate, 
 by  toil  and  frugality,  the  follies  and  extravagance  of  their  rulers. 
 
 These  are  a  few  specimens  of  our  fiscal  regulations,  and  must,  we 
 imagine,  demonstrate,  practically,  to  merchants,  copyholders,  shop- 
 keepers, tradesmen,  and  the  middling  and  working  orders  generally,  the 
 advantages  of  having  a  friend  at  court — that  is,  of  having  political 
 rights — that  is,  of  having  real  representatives — that  is,  of  not  being- 
 taxed  without  their  consent — that  is,  of  having  a  reform  in  the  Commons 
 House  of  Parliament,  instead  of  leaving  public  affairs  to  the  exclusive 
 management  of  noble  lords  and  their  nominees. 
 
2()8  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 IV.       ARISTOCRATIC    GAME-LAWS. 
 
 A  salmon  from  the  pool,  a  wand  from  the  wood,  and  a  deer  from  the  hills,  are 
 tiiefts  which  no  man  was  ever  ashamed  to  own. — Fielding's  Proverbs. 
 
 We  learn  from  tliis  old  Gaelic  apophthegm, — the  sentiment  is  very 
 ancient, — that  an  exclusive  right  to  game  and  other  ferce  naturce  does 
 not  rest  on  the  same  basis  as  property.  Mankind  will  not  be  easily 
 convinced  that  stealing  a  hare  or  partridge  is  as  criminal  as  stealing  a 
 man's  purse.  While  this  continues  the  popular  feeling,  it  is  vain  to 
 multiply  acts  for  the  preservation  of  game.  Laws,  to  be  efficacious, 
 should  be  in  accordance  with  public  opinion ;  if  not,  they  only  disturb 
 the  peace  of  society,  excite  ill-blood  and  contention,  and  multiply  instead 
 of  diminishing  offences. 
 
 Since   the  preceding  edition  of  this  work  was  printed  in  1831,  the 
 legislature,  by  the  Game  Act  of  last  session,  has  torn   out  one   of  the 
 leaves  of  The  Black  Book:  we  then  declared  that,  for  this  single  object — 
 that  of  g-etting  rid  of  the  demoralizing,  detestable,  ferocious,  and  pre- 
 posterous game  code  ;  we  said  "  for  this  one  object  alone,  without  adverting 
 to  the  church,  the  rotten  boroughs,  the  dead  weight,  or  other  national 
 grievance  ;  only  to  sweep  away  this  one  national  stigma  would  be  well 
 worth  the   three  days'  fight  of  the  Parisians,  or  even  the  four  days' 
 battle  of  the   Belgians."     Our   declarations   may  have    hastened    the 
 abatement  of  one  of  the  most  insolent  oppressions  ever  exercised  over  a 
 civilized  people,  and  accelerated   the  introduction  of  the  new  measure 
 by  which  qualifications  to  kill  game  are  abolished,  and  game  is  allowed 
 to  be  sold  like  other  commodities,  by  taking  out  a  license.     These  con- 
 cessions have  removed  the  chief  objects  of  our  former  animadversion, 
 and,  therefore,  what  we  have  to  say  will  be  rather  for  the  benefit  of  the 
 next  than  of  the  present  generation ;  our  purpose  will  be  to  place  on 
 record  a  specimen  of  the  revolting  tyranny  exercised  over  the  people  of 
 England  by  an  usurping  Oligarchy  even  to  the  last  days  of  its  existence. 
 Be  it  known  then  that  the  Boroughmongers,  down  to  the  twelfth  hour 
 of  their  reign,  persisted  in  claiming  for  cjame  greater  protection  than  had 
 ever  been  awarded  to  property ;  they  persisted  in  having  it  considered 
 as  something  more  inviolate  and  sacred  than  household  goods ;    they 
 arbitrarily  fixed  on  certain  fowls  of  the  air  and  beasts  of  tlie  field,  and 
 these,  in  their  sovereign  pleasure,  they  decreed  should  be  endowed  with 
 peculiar  privileges  distinct  from  all  otheis ;  in  a  word,  that  they  should 
 be  aristocrats  like  themselves,  and  it  should  be  highly  criminal  in  any 
 base-born  man  to  kill  thein,  or  cat  them,  or  buy  them,  or  sell  them, 
 or  carry  them,  or  even  to  have  them  in  his  possession,  or  to  have  in  his 
 possession  any  engine  or  instrument  by  which  the  dear  and  favoured 
 creatures  might  be  slain,  maimed,  or  injured.     In  pursuance  of  these 
 lordly  whims  they  framed  a  code  of  laws  to  which  we  will  venture  to 
 say,  in  subtlety  and  refinement  of  insult,  nothing  equal  could  be  found  in 
 the  records  of  the  vilest  despotism  ever  established  to  experiment  on  the 
 
FEUDAL    GAME    LAWS.  269 
 
 limits  of  human  endurance ;  we  will  venture  to  say  that,  in  no  other 
 country  in  the  world,  with  the  least  pretence  to  freedom  and  civilization, 
 was  there  to  be  found  a  body  of  laws  so  partial,  so  repugnant  to  the 
 common  sense  and  subversive  of  the  common  rights  of  mankind,  as  the 
 game  laws  of  the  English  aristocracy  ! 
 
 To  enforce  their  haughty  immunities  the  Boroughmongers  fixed  on 
 certain  fantastic  conceits,  which  they  called  qualifications  to  kill  game. 
 These  qualifications  were  not  founded  on  any  rational  consideration  of 
 wealth,  intelligence,  or  social  usefulness.  A  rich  merchant  or  manufac- 
 turer had  no  right  to  kill  game ;  his  wai'ehouses  might  be  filled  with 
 valuable  merchandize ;  he  might  give  employment  to  thousands  of 
 people,  as  some  of  them  do  in  the  North,  yet  he  had  no  privilege  to 
 meddle  with  the  aristocrats  of  the  air  nor  of  the  field !  His  wealth  was 
 base — it  was  not  feudal,  it  had  not  been  acquired  by  war,  plunder,  and 
 confiscation,  and  did  not  qualify  to  spring  woodcocks,  no,  nor  even  to 
 pop  at  a  snipe,  nor  a  teal,  nor  a  quail,  nor  a  land-rail.  A  parson, 
 however,  who  had  a  living  worth  £150  per  annum,  though  his  estate  was 
 only  for  life,  might  kill  as  much  game  as  he  pleased. 
 
 But  the  sages  of  the  King's  Bench  (blessed  be  their  names !)  were 
 more  indulgent  than  the  boroughmongering  parliament :  they  determined 
 that  even  plebeians  should  have  a  little  sport,  and  accordingly  ruled  that 
 a  qualified  person  might  take  out  a  tradesman,  stock-broker,  clothier, 
 attorney,  surgeon,  or  other  inferior  person  to  beat  the  bushes,  aiid  see  a 
 hare  killed,  and  he  should  not  be  liable  to  penalty.  But  beware  of  the 
 man-traps  and  spring-guns  of  the  law ;  if  any  of  the  aforesaid  ignoble 
 beings  ventured  to  meddle,  without  first  being  invited  by  a  lord  or  gen- 
 tleman so  to  do,  he  was  fined,  or  else  imprisoned  in  the  House  of  Cor- 
 rection.* Ah,  these  boroughmongers,  how  they  have  stabbed  us  !  how 
 they  have  kicked  us  !  how  they  have  laughed  at  us  ! 
 
 Although  an  unqualified  man  was  not  allowed  to  kill  game,  it  might 
 be  thought,  by  a  rational  mind,  he  would  be  permitted  to  buy  it  of  those 
 who  were.  No,  he  was  not.  What,  the  lords  of  the  soil  become 
 dealers  and  chapmen !  degrade  grouse  and  black-cock  into  mere  com- 
 modities of  traffic,  like  broad  cloth  and  calico  !  Impossible !  Therefore 
 they  passed  laws  that  game  should  neither  be  bought  nor  sold ;  that 
 higglers,  victuallers,  poulterers,  pastry-cooks,  and  other  mean  persons 
 should  not  carry  it,  nor  have  it  in  possession,  nor  should  any  unqualified 
 person  have  in  his  possession  any  deadly  or  dangerous  weapon  for  its 
 injury  or  destruction.  If  an  unqualified  person  were  suspected — barely 
 suspected,  mind — of  having  game,  or  any  dog,  gun,  or  snare  for  killing 
 or  wounding  it,  his  house  might  be  searched,  and  if  any  net  or  snare, 
 pheasant,  partridge,  fish,  fowl,  or  other  game  were  found,  the  offender 
 might  be  forthwith  carried  before  a  justice  and  fined,  or  sent  to  the 
 House  of  Correction,  and  there  whipped  and  kept  to  hard  labour.  If  a 
 man  only  happened  to  spoil  or  tread  on  the  egg  of  a  partridge,  pheasant, 
 mallard,  teal,  bittern,  or  heron,  he  was  fined  or  imprisoned.     But  if  he 
 
 *  5  Ann,  c.  14,  and  decisions  thereon  ;   Loft,  178  ;  15  East  Reports,  462. 
 
270  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 went  forth  in  the  nig-ht  for  the  third  time,  with  the  full  intent  of  catching- 
 an  aristocrat  hird,  a  coney,  or  other  g-ame,  he  was  transported  beyond 
 the  seas  for  seven  years,  or  imprisoned,  and  kept  to  hard  labour,  in  the 
 House  of  Correction  for  two  years ;  and  if  he  ran  away  in  order  to 
 avoid  this  merciful  infliction,  or  resisted  the  land-owner  or  his  servants, 
 either  with  club,  stick,  or  stone,  rather  than  be  apprehended,  he  was 
 guilty  of  a  misdemeanour,  subjecting  him  either  to  transportation  or 
 imprisonment. 
 
 Now,  mark  the  commentary  afforded  by  the  Nimuods  themselves  on 
 these  arrogant  and  savage  enactments.  Within  very  few  years  three 
 parliamentary  committees  were  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  state  and 
 administration  of  the  game-laws  ;  the  results  of  their  inquiries  were — 
 that  poaching  could  not  be  prevented — that  buying  and  selling  game 
 could  not  be  prevented — that  the  game-laws  were  the  fruitful  sources  of 
 crime  and  immorality,  and  filled  the  gaols  with  delinquents,*  and  that 
 the  only  means  of  remedying  the  evils  were  by  allowing  game  to  be 
 openly  sold  like  other  commodities,  and  by  altering  the  qualifications, 
 so  that  every  owner  of  land  might  not  only  have  the  liberty  to  kill  game 
 on  his  own  estate,  but  be  empowered  to  grant  a  similar  indulgence  to 
 any  other  individual.  Instead  of  acting  on  the  knowledge  so  commu- 
 nicated, or  the  suggestions  recommended ;  instead  of  repealing  the 
 laws  which  were  the  sole  cause  of  game  being  so  highly  prized,  and  of 
 the  deadly  nocturnal  encounters  between  keepers  and  poachers ;  instead 
 of  doing  any  of  these,  the  only  measures  that  were  carried — and  which, 
 by  the  by,  still  remain  in  force — were  the  7  &  8  Geo.  IV.  c.  29,  and 
 the  9  Geo.  IV.  c.  69,  which  greatly  augmented  the  sanguinary  cha- 
 racter of  a  code  already  too  ferocious,  and  the  everlasting  opprobrium 
 of  the  misnamed  free  and  enlightened  community  by  which  it  was 
 tolerated. 
 
 But  observe  what  was  disclosed  respecting  the  sale  of  game,  about 
 which  the  descendants  of  the  Normans  appeai'ed  so  extremely  fastidious. 
 From  the  inquiries  of  the  committee  of  the  House  of  J.ords,  in  1828, 
 it  was  discovered  that  game  was  a  regular  article  for  sale  in  all  the 
 principal  markets  of  the  metropolis :  the  penalties,  indeed,  which  were 
 imposed  on  the  traffic  were  easily  evaded ;  since,  by  one  sapient  and 
 moral  act  of  our  legislators,  the  58  Geo.  III.  if  a  person,  who  had  incurred 
 them  to  any  amount,  would  only  inform  of  some  other  person  who  had 
 bought  or  sold  game  within  the  preceding  six  months,  his  penalties 
 were  remitted  and  he  received  the  informer's  reward,  for  this  neigh- 
 bourly, and,  as  it  was  often  practised,  friendly  treachery.  One  sales- 
 man sold,  on  the  average,  500  head  of  game  in  a  week ;  in  one  year 
 he  sold  9628  head  of  game.  The  sale  was  mostly  on  commission,  at 
 two-pence  or  three-pence  a  head.  It  naturally  excited  surprise  how  all 
 these  waggon  loads  of  game  could  be  conveyed  to  London,  and  by  whom 
 
 *  In  England  and  AV'ales  in  1830,  the  number  of  convictions  for  criminal 
 oflences  was  12,805.  The  number  of  convictions  under  the  Game  Laws  was 
 1987,  being  nearly  one-sixth  of  the  total  number  of  offenders  of  every  description. 
 
 t 
 
AGEARIAN    AND    3PENCEAN    LAWS.  271 
 
 supplied.  The  poor  labourer,  mason,  or  weaver,  who  perilled  his  life, 
 his  limbs,  and  his  health,  in  the  covert  attempt  to  catch  a  hare  or  par- 
 tridge, could  not  possibly  be  adequate  to  support  a  commerce  like  this. 
 No,  it  was  not  done  by  poaching  exactly  ;  the  wholesale  dealers  were 
 the  law-makers  themselves — those  who  had  interdicted  the  traffic — 
 NOBLE  LOKDS  and  MEN  OF  TITLE,  who  had  condescended  to  supply 
 the  London  poulterers  and  salesmen  with  game,  on  commission,  as  a 
 means  of  augmenting  their  territorial  revenues. 
 
 This  perhaps  is  enough  by  way  of  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
 boroughmongers  and  their  game  laws,  which  Mr,  Justice  Blackstone 
 denominated  a  "  bastard  slip  of  the  forest  laws."  But  the  fact  is,  they 
 were  a  refinement  in  insult  on  the  savage  code  of  William  Rufus.  The 
 territorial  jurisdiction  of  the  forest-laws,  though  extensive  enough  in 
 all  conscience,  had  its  local  boundaries ;  at  least,  it  did  not  extin- 
 guish the  old  common-law  right  every  proprietor  exercised  to  kill  and 
 have  all  animals,  ferce  naturce,  found  on  his  own  land.  These  inroads 
 on  the  most  obvious  rights  of  property  and  the  common  sense  of  man- 
 kind, were  left  for  a  much  more  recent  period, — a  period  subsequent  to 
 the  glorious  Revolution  of  1688:  for,  though  the  Qualification  Act 
 was  passed  in  the  reign  of  Charles  11.  the  statutes  which  first  made  it 
 penal  to  s.cll  game,  or  for  an  unqualified  person  to  have  game  in 
 his  possession,  were  not  passed  till  the  reigns  of  William  III.  and 
 George  II. 
 
 V.       INCOMES    OF    THE    ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 We  are  not  partizans  of  Agrarian  laws,  and  we  believe  the  number 
 of  political  reformers  of  any  sect  is  extremely  diminutive  who  wish  to 
 see  or  who  ever  expect  to  see  a  Spencean,  division  of  property.  In- 
 dustry, perseverance,  sobriety,  and  prudence  will  mostly  acquire  wealth, 
 and  deserve  to  acquire  it,  and  to  enjoy  it,  and  to  transmit  the  enjoy- 
 ment, after  death,  to  those  they  most  esteem.  These  are  elements  of 
 society  which  few,  indeed,  would  ever  wish  to  see  violated.  They  are 
 primary  laws  of  social  organization,  of  which  eveiy  one  almost  instinc- 
 tively feels  the  justice  and  utility. 
 
 Neither  are  there  many,  we  apprehend,  who  wish  to  abolish  civil 
 distinctions.  A  legislator  sufficiently  wise  and  experienced  to  discharge 
 his  high  functions;  a  judge  or  magistrate  qualified  by  probity  and  learn- 
 ing- to  adjudicate  civil  and  criminal  wrongs ;  a  great  public  officer 
 meriting  and  filling  a  high  civil  appointment ;  or  a  great  commander, 
 able  and  brave,  to  direct  the  military  power  of  the  state  :  these  are  all 
 distinctions  which  every  one  must  respect  and  venerate  ;  and  if  it  be 
 necessary  to  distinguish  the  holders  by  other  symbols  than  the  official 
 titles — by  a  velvet  cap,  a  coronet,  or  ermined  robe,  with  two,  three,  or 
 four  guards,  or  a  golden  epaulette — they  will  respect  and  venerate  these 
 too.  Nay,  there  are  not  many,  we  believe,  who  care  because  there  is 
 "  my  lord"  this,  or  "  his  grace"  of  that,  or  the'"  most  noble"  t'  other 
 
272  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 thing;  tliese  arc  not  matters  of  pith  and  moment — they  are  too  childish, 
 we  Avould  hope,  either  to  mislead  the  beholder,  or  corrupt  the  pos- 
 sessor. 
 
 It  is  not  civil  distinctions,  but  the  nuisance  of  civil  usurpations  the 
 just  and  enlightened  wish  to  see  abated.  An  aristocracy  of  office,  of 
 acquirement,  and  desert,  is  a  natural  aristocracy;  but  an  aristocracy  of 
 birth  is  a  feudal  barbarism  which  honours  the  shadow  in  place  of  the 
 substance,  and  dissevers  merit  from  its  just  reward.  Hereditary  right 
 to  property  we  can  comprehend,  but  hereditaiy  right  to  be  legislators, 
 bishops,  post-captains,  military  commanders,  and  secretaries  of  state, 
 shocks  common  sense.  One  is  a  private  immunity,  transmissible  from 
 father  to  son ;  the  other  are  public  functions,  which  can  never  be 
 alienated  to  any  order  of  men ;  they  belong  to  the  living,  and  cannot 
 be  bequeathed  and  regulated  by  the  dead ;  they  are  adjuncts  to  the  pre- 
 .sent  not  to  a  past  generation. 
 
 The  claims  of  property  are  so  self-evident,  and  have  formed,  in  all 
 ages  and  in  all  places,  (Sparta  alone  perhaps  excepted,)  so  inseparable 
 an  adjunct  to  the  social  state,  that  one  would  have  thought  their  utility 
 would  never  have  been  called  in  question.  Yet  it  is  a  fact — and  it  has 
 not  escaped  the  observant  attention  of  the  Editor  of  the  Morning 
 Chronicle — that  there  are  many  in  both  France  and  England  who  dis- 
 pute the  advantages  of  so  old  fashioned  an  institution.  The  followers 
 of  St.  Si-Mox.  and  Mr.  Owex  are  deeply  impressed  with  the  evils 
 resulting  from  the  individual  or  competitive  system,  and  to  escape  them 
 would  fly  to  remedies  by  which  they  would  be  augmented  a  hundred 
 fold.  Crime,  penury,  and  ignorance  exist  to  a  frightful  extent ;  they 
 have  always  existed — but  evils  which  are  now  partial  would,  under  the 
 proposed  "  New  State  of  Society,"  become  universal.  Without  the 
 stimulus  of  property  there  could  be  no  industry — no  eminence  moral 
 or  intellectual.  Who  would  sedulously  devote  themselves  to  the  useful 
 arts,  to  agriculture,  manufacture,  medicine,  or  navigation,  if  superior 
 application,  superior  enterprize,  or  superior  endowments  were  not 
 rewarded  ? 
 
 For  competition  Mr.  Owen  would  substitute  co-operation.  But  do 
 not  the  several  classes  of  society  already  co-operate  to  the  common  ad- 
 vantage of  all  ?  One  class  is  occupied  in  rural  industry,  another  in 
 manufactures  and  commerce,  another  in  science  and  letters.  Each  is 
 rewarded — not  always  perhaps,  but  mostly — in  proportion  to  desert: 
 but  the  claims  of  merit  w-ould  not  be  recognized  under  Mr.  Owen's 
 system ;  the  indolent  would  reap  the  rewards  of  the  industrious,  the 
 vicious  of  the  more  deserving.  This  is  not  co-operation,  it  is  corpora- 
 tion, the  principle  of  the  old  monastic  institutions  and  commercial  mo- 
 nopolies— associations  of  whose  stagnating,  debasing,  and  injurious 
 tendency  the  world  has  already  had  sufficient  experience. 
 
 We  always  respect  the  motives  of  men  whom  we  see  constantly 
 devoting  their  means  and  energies  to  the  good  of  mankind,  and  should, 
 therefore,  regret  to  utter  any  thing  harshly  of  Robert  Owen.  There  is 
 at  all  events  no  imposture  about  him  :  his  propositions  are   brought 
 
IIOBEKT    OWEN    AND    ST.    SIMON.  273 
 
 openly  forward,  and  he  challenges  inquiry  and  discussion  :  submitted  to 
 such  a  test,  good  may  result  from  them,  but  they  cannot  possibly  be 
 productive  of  lasting-  evil.  There  is  one  sug-g-estion  we  cannot  help 
 offering  to  this  gentleman, — namely,  that  if  he  were  to  aim  at  less,  he 
 would  accomplish  viore.  The  idea  of  abrogating  the  empire  of  tlie 
 laws,  of  abolishing  the  right  of  property,  and  of  resolving  old  commu- 
 nities into  little  bartering-  co-operative  societies,  are  projects  too  wild  and 
 puerile  to  be  thoug-ht  of  a  moment.  But,  if  in  lieu  of  these,  Mr.  Owen 
 would  endeavour  to  improve  the  system  of  education  throughout  the 
 country  by  impressing  on  parents  and  teachers,  more  strongly  than  it 
 now  is,  the  vast  influence  of  external  circumstances  in  the  formation  of 
 the  juvenile  character,  some  good  might  result  from  his  zealous  exertions. 
 
 We  have  thought  it  advisable  to  preface  this  section,  by  glancing  at 
 some  of  the  novel  opinions  abroad  on  a  delicate  subject,  lest  our  pre- 
 sent purpose  might  be  misconstrued. 
 
 Our  intention  is  to  say  something  of  the  possessions  of  the  Aristo- 
 cracy, and  we  were  apprehensive  lest  it  might  be  imagined  we  meditated 
 spoliation,  or  beheld,  with  jealous  eye,  the  magnitude  of  their  acres 
 and  rental.  All  such  constructions  we  disclaim.  It  is  nothing  to  us, 
 nor  is  it  much  to  the  public,  that  the  marquis  of  Stafford  has  £360,000 
 per  annum ;  the  duke  of  Northumberland,  £300,000  ;  the  duke  of 
 Buccleugh,  £250,000 ;  and  that  there  are  other  dukes  and  marquesses 
 with  nearly  as  much.  Such  magnificent  revenues  are  not  enjoyed  by 
 noblemen  alone.  There  are  lords  of  the  loona  in  Lancashire  and  York- 
 shire who  have  accumulated  incomes  nearly  as  great,  and,  perhaps,  not 
 more  humanely  nor  honourably.  But,  if  such  masses  of  wealth  be 
 evils,  they  are  evils  which  would  remedy  themselves,  were  they  not 
 fostered  and  upheld  by  vicious  legislation.  Abolish  the  laws  which  con- 
 secrate these  vast  accumulations  and  minister  to  family  pride  and  personal 
 caprice,  and  the  mere  diversities  in  the  characters  of  succeeding  posses- 
 sors would  soon  disintegrate  the  great  properties. 
 
 It  is  neither  the  mansions  nor  parks  of  the  peerage  that  excite  po- 
 pular cupidity;  it  is  the  hereditary  monopoly — not  by  constitutional 
 right,  but  usurpation — of  the  political  franchises  of  the  people  which  be- 
 gets hostile  feelings  ;  because  it  enables  the  privileged  legislators  to  tax 
 others  and  not  themselves — to  engross  all  public  honours,  oflBces,  and 
 emoluments — in  a  word,  to  make  all  the  great  social  interests  of  a  vast 
 community,  of  which,  in  number,  intellect,  and  even  wealth,  they 
 constitute  a  most  insignificant  portion,  subservient  solely  to  the  pur- 
 poses of  their  own  vanity,  folly,  indulgence,  and  aggrandizement. 
 Here  is  the  national  grievance  ;  and  let  us  inquire  whether,  from  the 
 adventitious  circumstance  of  property,  they  have  any  claim  to  inflict 
 this  great  wrong  on  society. 
 
 The  most  authentic  data  for  ascertaining  the  distribution  of  the  pro- 
 perty and  revenue  of  the  different  classes  of  society  are  the  returns  under 
 the  property-tax.  But  it  is  to  be  observed  that  these  returns  only  in- 
 clude the  annual  value  of  property  liable  to  the  tax,  and,  consequently, 
 do  not  exhibit  the  annual  value  of  the  smaller  incomes,  nor  the  amount 
 
 T 
 
274  AinSTOCRACY. 
 
 of  that  great  mass  of  revenue  accruing  from  the  wages  of  labour. 
 Bearing  this  in  mind,  we  shall  submit  a  statement  of  the  annual  income 
 arising  from  property,  professions,  public  annuities,  profits  in  trade, 
 pensions,  and  offices :  and  the  amount  of  the  gross  assessments  on  the 
 several  descriptions  of  revenue  arising  from  the  different  sources  of 
 income.  The  return  is  for  the  year  ending  April  5th,  181.5 — the  last 
 of  the  income-tax — and  is  abstracted  from  the  Parliamentary  Paper, 
 No,  59,  Session  1823.  We  have  omitted  shillings  and  pence,  which 
 make  some  trifling  inaccuracies  in  the  totals,  and,  to  render  the  state- 
 ment more  intelligible,  have  added  the  titles  of  the  schedules  and  rate 
 of  assessment  from  the  48  Geo,  III.  c.  65.  The  rise  in  the  value  of 
 the  currency  has  probably  depressed  the  nominal  amount  of  incomes 
 below  the  contemporary  increase  in  produce  and  industiy;  but,  as  this 
 change  affected  all  classes  alike,  with  the  exception  of  annuitants  and 
 those  enjoying  fixed  money  payments,  it  has  not  materially  altered  the 
 relative  proportions  of  revenue,  as  exhibited  by  the  returns  of  1815, 
 possessed  by  the  different  divisions  of  the  community.  Here  follows 
 the  statement: — 
 
 Scliediiles.  Annual  Value.         Gross  Assessments. 
 
 (A.) — Lands,  tenements,  and  hereditaments,  for 
 
 eveiy  20s.  of  the  annual  value  2s 60,138,330 5,923,185 
 
 (B.) — Occupiers  of  lands,  dwelling-houses,  and 
 
 tenements,  Is.  Gd. ;  Scotland,  Is 38,396,143 2,734,450 
 
 (C.) — Annuities  and  dividends  arising  out  of 
 
 any  public  revenues,  2s 28,855,050 2,885,505 
 
 (D.) — Increase   and  profits  from  professions, 
 
 trade,  or  vocations,  2s 38,310,935 3,831,088 
 
 (E.) — Public  offices,  pensions,   and  stipends, 
 
 Is.  6d 11,744,557 1,174,445 
 
 Total £177,451,015 £16,548,984 
 
 The  most  important  item  for  our  purpose  is  the  property  charged  in 
 schedule  A.  consisting  of  lands  and  tenements  which  were  assessed  on 
 the  rack  rents,  and  profits  from  mines  and  quarries.  Under  this  head 
 the  assessment  charged  on  land,  houses,  mines,  &c,  appears,  from  the 
 parliamentary  return,  to  which  reference  has  been  made,  to  have  been 
 as  follows : — 
 
 £ 
 
 Lands  chargeable  under  the  general  rule  39,405,705 
 
 Houses  so  chargeable 16,250,399 
 
 Particular  properties  chargeable  on  the  annual  profits,  viz.  tithes, 
 manors,  fines,  quarries,  mines,  iron  works,  and  non-enumerated 
 profits 4,473,224 
 
 £60,1.38,330 
 
 From  this  it  appears  that  the  entire  rental  returned  in  the  last  year  of 
 
AGGREGATE  REVENUES  OF  THE  PEERAGE.      275 
 
 the  property-tax  was  £39,405,705,  and  which  has  heen  reduced  since 
 the  peace,  in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Lowe,  to  twenty-five  millions.  Now  the 
 question  is,  what  portion  of  this  rental  is  received  by  the  four  hundred 
 and  eighteen  members  of  the  House  of  Peers.  The  Scotch  and  Irish  peers, 
 to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  eighty,  who  only  sit  in  the  Upper 
 House,  by  their  repiesentatives,  we  exclude  from  consideration;  the 
 object  being  to  get  at  the  incomes  of  those  who  exercise  the  politi- 
 cal power  of  the  empire.  For  this  purpose  it  w^ill  be  necessary  to 
 analyze  the  component  parts  of  the  landed  interests,  and  separate 
 the  peers  from  those  who  share  with  them  the  territorial  revenues  of 
 the  kingdom. 
 
 The  number  of  baronets  is  658,  and  many  of  them  enjoy  landed 
 incomes  as  g-reat  or  greater  than  lords.  Then  there  is  the  squirearchy , 
 more  numerous  than  Pharoah's  host,  who  draw  freely  from  the  surplus 
 produce  of  the  soil.  To  these  must  be  added  the  great  loan-contractors, 
 merchants,  manufacturers,  and  others,  appertaining  to  the  monied, 
 mercantile,  and  trading-  classes,  many  of  whom  possess  extensive  es- 
 tates, and  who  rival,  and,  in  part,  have  superseded  the  ancient  nobility. 
 Dr.  Colquhoun  supposed  the  gentry,  and  the  classes  we  have  enume- 
 rated, as  enjoying  large  incomes,  to  amount  to  46,861 ,  and  their  incomes, 
 from  land  and  other  sources,  to  amount  to  £53,022,1 10.  Besides  w-hich, 
 allowance  must  be  made  for  the  estates  of  the  younger  children  of  noble 
 families,  and  for  lands  appertaining  to  lay  and  ecclesiastical  corporations, 
 and  to  charitable  foundations.  From  all  these  considerations  we  should 
 conclude  that  the  rental  of  peers,  sitting  in  parliament,  does  not  exceed 
 three  millions  per  annum.  Some  of  the  members  of  the  Upper  House, 
 we  are  aware,  enjoy  vast  revenues,  but  the  average  income  of  each, 
 from  the  soil,  does  not  exceed  £7,177. 
 
 Mr.  Hallam  says  the  richest  of  the  English  aristocracy  derive  their 
 possessions  from  the  spoils  of  the  Reformation.  He  ought,  also,  to 
 have  added  the  spoils  of  the  crown-lands,  for  they  have  helped  them- 
 selves freely  to  the  possessions  of  both  church  and  king,  as  well  as  the 
 people.  The  Bentinck,  the  Pelham,  and  other  families  inherit  vast 
 properties  from  leases  and  alienations  of  the  royal  domains.  The  houses 
 of  Cavendish  and  Russell,  it  is  well  known,  made  their  acquisitions  at 
 the  Reformation.  The  foundation  of  the  Fitzwilliam  estates  was  advan- 
 tageous purchases  at  the  same  era.  The  Lonsdales  have  dug  out 
 their  wealth  from  coal  mines.  The  Buccleugh  property  has  been  an 
 accumulation  from  heiresses,  including  here  in  England  the  possessions 
 of  the  duke  of  Montague.  The  Gow'er  estates  have,  also,  mainly  come 
 by  marriages ;  but  the  grand  augmentation  was  by  the  canal-property 
 of  the  late  duke  of  Bridgewater,  to  which  are  now  to  be  added  the 
 Sutherland  estates  of  the  present  marchioness — a  principality  in  them- 
 selves. The  Grosvenor  riches  came  mainly  fi-om  an  heiress,  who  brought, 
 in  marriage,  the  London  building  land  about  two  generations  back. 
 The  Northumberland  estates  are,  principally,  the  old  feudal  inheritance 
 of  the  Percys.     In  the  whole  peerage  there  are  only  eighteen  commer- 
 
 T  2 
 
276  AUISTOCUACV. 
 
 cial  families,  and  these  form  the  only  houses  which  can  be  said  to  have 
 acquired  their  wealth  by  habits  of  peaceful  and  honest  industry. 
 
 Granting,  then,  that  by  means  of  marriages,  and  other  favourable 
 circumstances,  some  few  of  the  nobility  have  accumulated  vast  revenues, 
 still  there  are  others  whose  poverty  is  notorious,  and,  altogether,  they  do 
 not  enjoy  a  landed  revenue  exceeding  three  millions  per  annum.  What 
 right,  then,  it  maybe  inquired,  have  an  Oligarchy  of  418  persons, 
 possessing  so  small  a  share  in  the  general  wealth  of  the  community,  to 
 monopolize  political  power.  Three  millions  per  annum  is  not  one- 
 hundredth  part  of  the  annual  revenue  of  the  kingdom.*  Yet,  to  a  body 
 of  men,  having  so  diminutive  a  stake  in  the  general  weal,  are  confided 
 the  destinies  of  the  empire. 
 
 The  revenues  derived  by  the  peerage  from  the  taxes  and  church  re- 
 venues have  been  estimated  to  amount  to  £2,825,846  per  annum,  being 
 nearly  equal  to  their  territorial  revenue.  This  vast  addition  to  their 
 legitimate  income  the)"  have  been  able  to  acquire  from  having  usurped 
 the  franchises  of  the  people.  Whether  the  sum  they  draw  from  the 
 church  estates  and  the  public  is  more  or  less,  it  is  not  our  present  pur- 
 pose to  investigate.  Our  object  has  been  to  demonstrate  that  the  wealth 
 of  the  peerage,  of  which  they  can  justly  claim  the  possession,  is  insigni- 
 ficant, when  compared  with  the  entire  wealth  of  the  country ;  and  that 
 the  aristocracy,  by  direct  or  indirect  means,  exercising  the  political 
 power  of  the  state,  the  government,  as  at  present  constituted,  neither 
 represents  the  number,  intellect,  nor  property  of  the  community.  The 
 two  former  propositions  have  been  often  demonstrated,  but  the  latter  was 
 a  desideratum  in  general  information. 
 
 There  is  another  mode  of  viewing  the  distribution  of  the  revenues  of 
 society,  which  it  will,  perhaps,  not  be  unpleasing  to  our  readers,  if 
 we  submit  to  their  consideration.  The  whole  social  fabric  rests  upon 
 the  industrious  orders,  and,  we  believe,  they  are  only  imperfectly  ac- 
 quainted with  the  magnitude  of  their  power  and  resources.  The  late 
 Dr.  CoLQUiiouN,  who  was  a  bold,  but,  as  experience  has  proved,  a  very 
 shrewd  calculator,  formed  an  estimate  of  the  number  and  income  of  the 
 different  classes  into  which  the  community  is  divided.  From  the  data 
 exhibited  by  this  gentleman,  in  his  "Treatise  on  the  Resources  of  the 
 British  Empire,"  we  have  drawn  up  a  statement  which  will  afford  a 
 curious  insight  into  the  subject  about  which  we  are  occupied.  It  is 
 hardly  necessary  to  remark  that  the  Doctor's  conjecture  of  the  incomes 
 of  the  clergy  is  greatly  below  the  truth.  Indeed,  it  is  to  be  observed 
 that  all  statistical  tables,  drawn  up  prior  to  the  restoration  of  a  metallic 
 currency,  are  chiefly  useful  in  showing  proportions,  and  do  not  express 
 the  present  numerical  value  of  either  income  or  property. 
 
 *  Lowe's  Present  State  of  England,  App.  p.  C.l. 
 
CLASSES    AND    INCOMES.  277 
 
 Different  Classes  of  Society,  and  their  respective  Incomes. 
 
 Number  of 
 
 DESCRIPTION  OF  PERSONS,  Persons   in- 
 
 '                eluding  their  Total  Income 
 
 Families  and  of  each  class. 
 Domestics. 
 
 Royalty    300    £     501,000 
 
 Nobility 13,620       5,400,000 
 
 Gentry,  including-  baronets,  knights, 
 country  gentlemen,  and  others 
 having  large  incomes 402,535     53,022,590 
 
 Clergy  -.—Eminent  clergymen    9000        1 ,080,000 
 
 Lesser  ditto 87,000       3,500,000 
 
 Dissenting     clergy,      including- 
 
 itinerant  preachers 20,000  500,000 
 
 State  and  Revenue,  including-  all  per- 
 sons employed  under  govern- 
 ment          114,500       6,830,000 
 
 Pensioners,  including-  those  of  Green- 
 wich, Chelsea,  and  Kilmainham 
 Hospitals    92,000       1,050,000 
 
 Law  : — -Judg-es,  barristers,  attorneys,  clerks, 
 
 &c. 95,000       7,600,000 
 
 Physic  : — Physicians,  surgeons,  apotheca- 
 ries, &c. 90,000       5,400,000 
 
 Agriculture  : — Freeholders  of  the  better 
 
 sort 385,000     19,250,000 
 
 Lesser  Freholders 1 ,050,000     21 ,000,000 
 
 Farmers    1,540,000     33,600,000 
 
 Trade:— Eminent  merchants    35,000       9,100,000 
 
 Shopkeepers,  and  tradesmen  re- 
 tailing- goods   700,000     28,000,000 
 
 Innkeepers  and  publicans,  li- 
 censed to  sell  ale,  beer,  and 
 spirituous  liquors    437,000       8,750,000 
 
 Working  Classes  : — Agricultural  labour- 
 ers, mechanics,  artizans,  handi- 
 crafts, and  all  labourers  em- 
 ployed in  manufactures,  mines, 
 
 andminerals    7,497,531      82,451,547 
 
 Paupers,  vagrants,  gipsies,  rogiies, 
 vagabonds,  and  others  sup- 
 ported by  criminal  delinquency     1,548,500       9,871,000 
 
 The  preceding  statement  affords  room  for  curious  and  important 
 inferences.  The  industrious  orders  may  be  compared  to  the  soil,  out 
 of  which  every  thing  is  evolved  and  produced ;   the  other  classes  to  the 
 
278  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 trees,  tares,  weeds,  flowers,  and  veg'et.ablcs,  drawing  their  nutriment, 
 supported  and  maintained  on  its  surface.  Leaving  out  of  consideration 
 the  professions  of  medicine,  law  and  religion,  and  the  unproductive  or 
 ornamental  parts  of  society,  let  us  attend  to  the  number  and  incomes  of 
 the  following-  orders  : — 
 
 Numbers.  Incomes. 
 
 Freeholders  of  the  better  sort   ....  385,000  £19,250,000 
 
 Lesser  freeholders    1,050,000  21,000,000 
 
 Farmers 1,540,000  33,600,000 
 
 Eminent  merchants 35,000  9,100,000 
 
 Shopkeepers 700,000  28,000,000 
 
 Innkeepers  and  publicans 437,000  8,750,000 
 
 Working  Classes   7,497,531  82,451,547 
 
 These  may  be  considered  the  active  machineiy — the  solid  substratum 
 — upon  which  the  social  pyramid  is  based.  When  mankind  attain  a 
 state  of  perfectibility ;  when  vice,  crime,  and  ignorance  are  more 
 circumscribed ;  when  we  shall  seldom  require  physic  to  cure  diseases, 
 laws  to  punish  offences,  or  the  terrors  of  superstition  to  deter  from 
 evil ;  these  will  be  the  chief  classes  in  existence.  They  are  the  chief 
 classes  which  ought  to  exist  in  a  perfect  state.  The  other  classes  have 
 mostly  originated  in  our  vices  and  ignorance.  As  mankind  become 
 more  perfect,  or,  which  is  the  same  thing,  as  knowledge  is  more  ex- 
 tensively diffused,  then  will  the  honoraiy,  legal,  medicinal,  and  ecclesi- 
 astical classes  disappear  :  having  no  employment,  their  name  and  office 
 Avill  cease  in  the  social  state. 
 
 It  is  from  the  useful  classes  the  public  revenue,  for  the  maintenance 
 of  the  army,  navy,  and  general  government  is  chiefly  extracted.  We 
 have  before  shown  the  iniquitous  principle  on  which  our  fiscal  regula- 
 tions have  been  framed,  owing  to  the  political  ascendancy  of  the 
 Aristocracy.  Nearly  all  our  taxes  are  taxes  on  the  ordinary  transac- 
 tions of  business,  or  on  the  ordinary  articles  of  consumption  ;  and  press 
 on  the  industrious  like  an  inquisitorial  and  remorseless  income-tax, 
 levied  without  distinction  of  small  or  large  revenues.  It  has  been  the 
 gradual  working  of  this  oppressive  system  that  has  mainly  produced  the 
 revolting  extremes  now  observable  in  the  condition  of  different  classes 
 of  the  community,  that  has  enabled  one  class  to  riot  in  profusion  and 
 the  wanton  enjoyment  of  redundant  incomes,  while  others  have  been 
 steeped  in  indigence,  sulijected  to  unceasing  and  unrequited  toil,  and 
 barely  able  to  procure  the  commonest  necessaries.  That  this  is  not 
 assertion  merely,  we  will  demonstrate  by  an  appeal  to  facts  ;  we  will  show 
 that  the  imposts,  which  constitute  almost  the  entire  revenue,  are  chiefly 
 levied  on  the  property,  avocations,  and  consumption  of  the  working 
 and  mercantile  orders  of  the  community.  The  produce  of  the  customs 
 and  post-office  is  usually  referred  to  as  an  exponent  of  commercial 
 activity  ;  that  of  the  excise  as  the  index  of  internal  comfort  and  enjoy- 
 ment—and for  this  reason;  that  the  last,  which  constitutes  considerably 
 more  than  one-third  of  the  public  income,  is  chiefly  contributed  by  the 
 great  body  of  the  people. 
 
TAXES    PAIJ)    BY    INDUSTRIOUS    CLASSES.  279 
 
 Statement  of  the  Gross  Produce  of  Taxes  for  the  Year  ending  5th 
 January,  1831,  chiefly  paid  by  the  Industrious  Classes. — Annual 
 Finance  Accounts,  Session  1831. 
 
 Windows £1,185,478     8    4^ 
 
 Inhabited  houses 1,361,825     0     5i 
 
 Probates  of  wills  and  letters  of  Administration ....  903,938  10     0 
 
 Legacies     1,223,260  11     6 
 
 Bills  of  exchange 458,511     8     6 
 
 Bankers'  notes,  including  compositions  for  duties 
 
 thereon  110,647     3     8 
 
 Receipts 220,960  16  10 
 
 Marine  insurances    220,007  15     6 
 
 Fire  insurances 768,855     6    9 
 
 Stagecoaches    418,604     9     6§ 
 
 Post-office 2,053,720  11     2^ 
 
 Tea 3,387,097  13     9§ 
 
 *  Coffee 579,844  19     7 
 
 Sugar  (exclusive  of  drawbacks) 4,776,568    0     0 
 
 Malt „ .  3,505,453  14     7 
 
 Hops 121,451     8     li 
 
 Beer  (duty  ceased  October  10th,  1830) 2,390,310  18     4§ 
 
 Spirits  (British)  3,708,713     0     6| 
 
 Spirits  (Foreign) 4,081,28111     3 
 
 Licenses 737,497  11     Of 
 
 Soap   1,513,149  19     9i 
 
 Butter 102,881  18  10 
 
 Cheese    55,093  12     9 
 
 Corn,  grain,  meal,  and  flour  , 798,082     6     7 
 
 Eggs,  bacon,  and  hams    20,700  14     0 
 
 Tallow    180,947     0     0 
 
 Tobacco  and  snuff 2,938,050  10  10 
 
 Wines  of  all  sorts 1,575,438    6     9 
 
 Coals  and   culm,  carried  coastwise,  (duty  ceased 
 
 Marchl,1831) 979,197     5     6 
 
 Total £40,337,574  19    7{ 
 
 Thus  on  the  gross  receipt  of  revenue  for  Great  Britain  of  £54,995,262, 
 the  sum  of  £40,337,574,  is  levied  either  wholly  or  very  disproportion- 
 ately on  the  necessaries  of  the  industrious  orders,  and  does  not  touch 
 the  luxuries  of  the  great,  unless  the  articles  of  wines,  snuff,  and  tobacco 
 can  be  considered  such.  The  duties  on  wills  and  legacies,  on  bills,  notes 
 and  receipts,  on  fire  and  marine  insurances,  on  postage  and  stag'e  coaches, 
 fall  heavily  on  the  mercantile  and  manufacturing  classes.  The  taxes  on 
 articles  of  daily  use  and  consumption  operate,  as  before  observed,  like  an 
 undiscriminating  income-tax,  augmenting  in  the  exact  ratio  of  every 
 individual's  unavoidable  expenditure.  This  monstrous  state  of  our  fiscal 
 system  is  solely  owing  to  non-representation,  and  consequent  monopoly 
 
 *'The  custom  duties  are  for  the  United  Kingdom  ;  the  duties  of  excise,  taxes, 
 and  stamps  are  for  Great  Britain  only. 
 
280  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 of  political  power  by  the  Aristocracy,  Avhich  has  enabled  them  to  throw 
 the  public  burthens  on  the  productive  classes.  Those  who  are  the  chief 
 source  of  the  wealth  of  the  community,  and  who  defray  the  charges  of 
 the  general  government,  have  had  no  efficient  control  over  its  adminis- 
 tration ;  nay,  have  often  not  been  treated  with  ordinary  courtesy,  and 
 by  an  usurping  Oligarchy  the  inferior  orders  have  been  considered  little 
 better  than  an  ignorant  rabble  ! 
 
 *'  How  various  and  innumerable 
 
 Are  those  wlio  live  upon  the  rabble ! 
 'Tis  they  maintain  the  Church  and  State, 
 Employ  the  priest  and  magistrate  ; 
 IJear  ail  the  charge  of  government, 
 And  pay  the  public  fines  and  rent , 
 Defray  all  taxes  and  excises, 
 And  impositions  of  all  prices  ; 
 Bear  all  the  expense  of  peace  and  war. 
 And  pay  the  pulpit  and  the  bar  ; 
 Maintain  all  churches  and  religions, 
 And  give  their  pastors  exhibitions !" 
 
 The  aristocratic  privilege  of  an  exclusive  right  to  impose  taxes,  and 
 comparative  exemption  from  their  pressure,  is  strikingly  evinced  in  the 
 present  partial  mode  of  rating  to  the  inhabited  house  duty,  the  splendid 
 seats  of  the  nobility  and  gentry.  In  Chester,  which  contains  many 
 residences  of  a  very  high  class,  there  is  but  one  mansion,  (Eaton,  we 
 believe,)  assessed  so  high  as  £300  a-year.  That  magnificent  palace 
 would  be  under-assessed  probably  at  £10,000.  In  Westmoreland, 
 which  contains  Lowther  Castle,  as  fine  a  place  or  nearly  so  as  Eaton, 
 there  is  not  one  house  assessed  so  high  as  £200.  In  Durham,  which  con- 
 tains Raby  Castle,  and  Lambton  Castle,  and  Wynyard,  and  Havensworth, 
 and  Brancepeth  Castles — to  say  nothing  of  other  mansions — the  two  first 
 we  believe,  nearly  equal  to  either  of  those  before  mentioned — there  is 
 not  a  single  house  assessed  so  high  as  £100,  and  but  two  above  £70 
 per  annum,  which  last  is  about  the  rate  of  assessment  of  our  friend 
 Loudon  in  his  little  cottage  at  Bayswater.  In  the  rich  and  fine  county 
 of  Hereford,  containing  Eastnor  Castle,  there  is  not  a  single  house 
 assessed  so  high  as  £90  per  annum,  and  but  three  at  or  above  £70. 
 In  Leicestershire,  which  contains  Belvoir  Castle,  there  is  not  an  assess- 
 ment so  high  as  £200  per  annum.  In  Northamptonshire,  containing 
 Althorp  and  various  other  fine  seats,  there  is  but  one  house  rated  so 
 high  as  £110  per  annum.  In  Northumberland,  which  contains 
 Alnwick  Castle,  there  are  but  two  assessments  of  £200  and  upwards. 
 In  Oxfordshire,  which  contains  the  stately  and  far-famed  Blenheim, 
 there  is  but  one  assessment  so  high  as  £300.  Lastly  in  Yorkshire, 
 which  contains  Wentvvorth  Castle,  and  Harewood  House,  and  Castle 
 Howard,  to  say  nothing  of  other  numerous  and  splendid  seats,  there  is 
 not  a  single  house  assessed  so  high  as  £400  per  annum,  and  but  four  so 
 high  as  £300. 
 
 Compare  these  assessments  of  the  Aristocracy  with  the  sums  levied  on 
 the  Shopocracy,  as  the  middle  orders  have  been  termed,  in  the  metropolis 
 
AUGMENTATIONS    OF    THE    PEERAGE.  281 
 
 and  manufacturing-  towns,  and  we  shall  find  additional  reasons  for  the 
 political  representation  of  all  interests  in  the  great  council  of  the  nation. 
 
 VI.  INCREASE  OF  THE  PEERAGE. 
 
 The  members  of  the  Upper  House,  succeeding  to  legislative  functions 
 by  hereditary  right,  are  exempt  from  the  salutary  influence  which 
 controls  the  deliberations  of  a  representative  assembly.  Their  interests 
 are  purely  oligarchical,  and  severed  from  the  general  interests  of  the 
 community.  It  cannot,  therefore,  excite  surpiise  that  any  augmenta- 
 tion in  a  body  of  exclusives  like  this — separated  from  the  mass  of 
 society  by  education,  by  family  pride,  by  privilege,  and  usurped  power 
 —  should  be  viewed  with  dislike  and  apprehension. 
 
 Other  reasons  render  an  increase  in  the  aristocratic  branch  of  parlia- 
 ment inimical  to  general  feeling.  It  has  been  ascertained  that  the 
 nobility  afford  a  striking  illustration  of  Mr.  Maltiius's  theory  of 
 population.*  Possessing,  in  abundance,  the  comforts  and  conveniences 
 of  life,  they  are  placed  in  those  circumstances  most  favourable  to  a  full 
 development  of  the  procreative  principle,  and  it  is  a  singular  confirma- 
 tion of  the  doctrine  of  the  enlightened  writer  that  noble  families  are 
 actually  as  prolific  as  those  of  the  United  States  of  America.  !l^eers 
 are  mostly  marrying  men.  After  visiting  the  European  capitals,  and 
 committing  a  few  follies  and  eccentricities,  they  usually  settle  down  at 
 about  twenty-five  or  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  and  the  results,  on  the 
 averag-e,  are  a  progeny  of  five  children,  or  about  twenty-five  per  cent, 
 more  than  other  people.  The  eldest  inheriting  the  estate,  the  rest  would 
 be  destitute,  were  not  the  parents,  by  means  of  their  vote  and  borough- 
 interest,  able  to  quarter  them  on  the  public.  Hence  it  is  the  people 
 contemplate,  with  feelings  corresponding  to  those  entertained  by  an 
 Irish  absentee  who  sees  the  increase  of  his  cotter  tenantry,  any  unavoid- 
 able addition  to  the  peerage  ;  knowing  that,  in  consequence  of  primoge- 
 niture and  entail-laws,  another  family  will  be  thrown  upon  them  for 
 support:,  and  that  their  own  chance  of  honourable  promotion  in  the  army, 
 navy,  civil  departments,  or  other  bi'anch  of  national  service,  is  impeded 
 by  new  rivals,  with  whom  exists  no  prospect  of  equitable  competition. 
 
 Having-  explained  one  or  two  of  the  popular  objections  to  an  increase 
 of  the  peerage,  we  shall  briefly  notice  the  extraordinary  augmentation 
 it  has  undergone  during  the  reig-ns  of  George  III.  and  George  IV. 
 
 A  creation  of  peers  generally  takes  place  on  the  accession  of  a  new 
 family,  the  commencement  of  a  new  reign,  or  when  some  political 
 measure  is  to  be  carried.  On  the  death  of  Elizabeth,  the  peers  only 
 amounted  to  fifty-six.  James,  being  the  first  of  a  new  dynasty,  raised 
 the  number  to  one  hundred  and  five  ;  and  Charles  I.  to  one  hundred  and 
 thirty-five;  Charles  II.  created  fifteen  dukes,  (six  of  whom  were  his 
 natural  children,)  one  marquess,  thirty-seven  earls,  three  countesses, 
 two  viscounts,  and  twenty-nine  barons.  At  the  Revolution  of  1688, 
 William  III.  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the   great  families,  raised  eight 
 
 *  Edinburgh  Review,  No.  162,  p.  316. 
 
282  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 powerful  earls  to  dukedoms ;  created  eighteen  earls,  three  viscounts,  and 
 nine  barons.  Anne  increased  the  peerage  to  one  hundred  and  seventy. 
 The  accession  of  the  Hanover  family  rendered  new  creations  necessary  : 
 George  I.  either  created  or  elevated  no  fewer  than  forty-nine  peers.  George 
 11.  left  one  hundred  and  eig;hty-four.  It  is  evident  that  the  great  increase 
 of  the  peerage  was  in  the  reign  of  George  III.  being  more  than  doubled. 
 In  1777  a  batch  of  peers  was  drafted  from  the  Commons  to  the  Lords, 
 to  effect  a  ministerial  majority.  This  expedient  was  frequently  resorted 
 to  by  Mr.  Pitt.  In  1797  ten  peers  were  made.  He  nearly  created  the 
 order  of  marquesses  :  he  made  ten  marquesses  in  England  where  there 
 was  but  one,  and  nine  in  Ireland  where  there  was  none — all  men  emi- 
 nent, of  course,  for  their  services.  Knighthood  was  still  more  profusely 
 lavished.  In  short,  he  was  as  prodigal  in  wasting  the  honours  of  the 
 Crown  as  the  money  of  the  people,  and  for  a  similar  purpose. 
 
 The  peers  created  during  the  reign  of  George  III.  have  been  classified 
 as  follows : — 
 
 Landed  commoners    40 
 
 Irish  peers 5G 
 
 Scotch  peers    24 
 
 Law 25 
 
 State 25 
 
 Army    13 
 
 Navy    10 
 
 Younger  sons  and  younger  branches  of  peers 17 
 
 Renewals 7 
 
 Contirmatiuns 7 
 
 Peeresses   5 
 
 235 
 Extinctions 74 
 
 Addition IGl* 
 
 George  IV.  added  64  members  to  the  Upper  House. f  In  this 
 number  are  included  individuals  who  have  been  raised  to  the  peerage, 
 or  in  whose  favour  an  abeyance  has  been  terminated,  as  well  as  peers 
 of  Scotland  and  Ireland  who  have  obtained  English  baronies.  No 
 notice,  however,  is  taken  of  Scotch  peerages  which  have  been  recently 
 restored,  nor  of  the  creations  of  peers  of  Ireland  ;  of  claims  to  English 
 peerages  which  have  been  admitted,  nor  of  elevations  of  English 
 peerages  to  higher  honours.  The  avei'age  rate  at  which  peers  have 
 been  created  during  the  last  two  reigns  has  been  about  four  per  annum ; 
 and  was  the  same  rate  of  increase  to  continue  for  the  next  century,  it 
 would  double  the  existing  number  of  parliamentaiy  lords. 
 
 Toryism  being  the  ascendant  school  of  politics  during  the  last  reigns, 
 the  character  of  the  peers  created  was  of  course  determined  by  that  of 
 the  minister  from  whom  the  honours  were  obtained.     The  effect  of  this 
 
 *  Quarterly  Review,   No.  84,  p.  314. 
 
 f  Letter  to  the  Duke  of  Wellington  on  creating  Peers  for  Life. 
 
PEERS  OF  NEW  AND  OLD  CREATION. 
 
 283 
 
 was  strikingly  evinced  on  the  first  introduction  of  the  Reform  Bill 
 into  the  House  of  Lords.  Of  the  old  peers  of  the  United  Kingdom, 
 there  was  a  majority  of  two  for  the  second  reading  of  the  bill.  Of  the 
 neiv  peers  of  the  United  Kingdom  created  subsequent  to  1793,  the 
 majority  was  against  the  second  reading-  of  the  bill,  and  their  number 
 was  only  balanced  by  the  creations  under  the  Whig  ministry.  The 
 subject  will  be  made  clear  from  the  following  statement  copied  from  a 
 recent  publication.* 
 
 Voted  against 
 the  Bill. 
 
 Voted  for 
 the  Bill. 
 
 Peers  of  the  United  Kingdom  created  previously 
 lo  the  end  of  1792 
 
 79 
 
 66 
 21 
 12 
 19 
 2 
 
 81 
 
 Peers  of  the  United  Kingdom  created  subse- 
 quently to  1792  (including  the  creations  during 
 the  administration  of  Earl  Grey) 
 
 Archbishops  and  Bishops 
 
 66 
 2 
 4 
 
 Representative  Peers  for  Ireland    
 
 4 
 
 Royal  Dukes  •••••......•• 
 
 1 
 
 199 
 
 158 
 
 It  thus  appears  that  of  54  votes  against  the  bill  there  were  43  which 
 were  the  votes  of — 
 
 21  Bishops  against  2  ;  being  above  10  to  I. 
 12  Scotch  peers  against  4  ;  being  3  to  1. 
 19  Irish  against  4;  being  nearly  5  to  1. 
 The  inference  from  which  representation  is  that  the  bill  was  defeated  in 
 1831  by  the  bishops,  and  the  Irish  and  Scotch  peersj  who  had  obtained 
 their  promotions  or  been  elected  under  Tory  influence. 
 
 The  necessity  of  an  augmentation  of  the  peerage  to  balance  the  anti- 
 reform  interest  created  subsequent  to  1792,  became  manifest;  it  was 
 not  only  essential  to  strengthen  the  ministry  and  carry  the  bill,  but  also 
 to  effect  those  ulterior  improvements  in  public  administration  of  which 
 this  great  national  measure  is  justly  considered  the  parent. 
 
 The  abolition  of  an  hereditary  peerage  in  France  cannot  fail  to  have 
 the  greatest  influence  on  the  future  status  of  the  '  order,'  and  will  pro- 
 bably lead  to  the  abolition  of  an  institution  in  other  countries  so  little 
 consonant  to  the  existing  state  of  society.  Because  one  man  is  a  great 
 lawyer,  statesman,  or  commander,  it  is  no  pledge  that  his  lineal 
 descendant  will  be  gifted  with  the  same  endowments  as  those  which 
 entitled  his  progenitor  to  the  exercise  of  legislative  functions.  A  senate, 
 or  upper  chamber  for  life,  consisting  of  individuals  eminent  for  wisdom, 
 experience,  or  national  services,  is  a  defensible  institution ;  but 
 to  make  them  hereditary,  and  erect  legislators  into  a  caste,  is  quite 
 as  preposterous  as  to  make  the  functions  of  the  astronomer  royal  heredi- 
 
 *  Letter  to  Earl  Grey  on  the  Adjustment  of  the  House  of  Peers. 
 
284  ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 tary,    or  the   colleges  of  surgeons  and  apothecaries.      Such  manifest 
 irrationalities  must  speedily  disappear  from  European  communities. 
 
 VII.    SOURCES    OF    aUISTOCRATIC    MONOPOLY. 
 
 The  magnitude  of  the  territorial  revenues  of  the  Aristocracy  is  not 
 such  as  to  be  in  extreme  disproportion  with  the  incomes  of  many  others 
 in  a  community  of  great  commercial  opulence,  and  forms  not  any 
 portion  of  the  vice  of  their  institution.  Whether  some  noble  lords  have 
 augmented  their  rental  out  of  the  spoils  of  the  Church  and  the  Crown 
 is  a  question  merely  of  historical  curiosity,  and  can  never  be  of  any 
 practical  utility:  it  is  occasionally  adverted  to  as  a  set-off  to  oligarchical 
 pride  and  pretension;  beyond  which  it  has  no  available  application. 
 By  the  law  of  England,  the  quiet  possession  of  an  estate  for  sixty  years 
 gives  a  clear  and  valid  title;  and  we  believe  there  are  few  noblemen 
 who  cannot  adduce  legal  proof  of  the  undisturbed  enjoyment  of  their 
 parks  and  mansions  for  a  much  longer  period.  So  far,  then,  as  the 
 acres  are  concerned  they  are  perfectly  safe ;  whatever  political  changes 
 may  intervene — and  great  ones  are  impending — the  legitimate  incomes 
 of  the  peerage  can  never  be  endangered,  unless  they  blindly  and 
 pertinaciously  oppose  a  regeneration  which  the  wants  of  the  age  render 
 indispensable;  unless  they  emulate,  in  fatuity  and  crime,  Charles 
 Capet  and  his  guilty  accomplices. 
 
 Aristocratic  monopoly  and  abuse  do  not  result  from  enormous  landed 
 revenues,  but  from  hereditary  rights  of  legislation,  from  primogeniture 
 and  entail-laAvs,  and  from  nomination  boroughs.  None  of  these,  how- 
 ever, are  essential  constituents  of  an  upper  chamber;  only  two-thirds 
 of  the  nobility  are  entitled,  by  birth,  to  seats  in  parliament;  primogeni- 
 ture and  entails  are  feudal  barbarisms  void  of  utility  in  modern  society; 
 and  the  usurpation  of  the  franchises  of  the  people  is  such  a  manifest 
 subversion  of  constitutional  immunities,  so  inimical  to  the  general  free- 
 dom and  prosperity,  that  it  cannot  be  defended  on  any  pretext  of  justice 
 or  expediency.  Abolish  these  corruptions,  and  all  things  will  work 
 together  for  good,  without  spoliation,  without  civil  convulsion;  and  the 
 Devonshires,  the  LansdoAvnes,  and  Northumberlands  enjoy,  undisturbed, 
 their  wide-spread  domains,  and  retain,  without  murmur  or  complaint, 
 their  social  distinction  and  supremacy. 
 
 Th.e  great  fount  of  evil  has  been  the  decayed  boroughs;  these  have 
 been  the  Pandora's  box,  from  which  have  flowed  national  calamities, 
 desolating  wars,  lavish  expenditure,  and  the  monstrous  debt  and  dead 
 weight.  They  have  been  the  obstacles  to  every  social  melioration — 
 civil,  commercial,  legal,  and  ecclesiastical.  By  means  of  them,  the 
 nobility  have  been  enabled  to  double  their  private  revenues,  appropriating 
 to  themselves  the  dignities  and  livings  of  the  church ;  pensions  and 
 grants  out  of  the  public  purse;  and  filling,  with  their  connexions  and 
 dependants,  every  lucrative  office  in  the  army,  navy,  and  public  admi- 
 nistration. There  are  only  two  descriptions  of  offices,  namely,  those 
 requiring  talent  and  industry,  the  duties  of  which  cannot  be  dis- 
 charged l)y  deputy,  that  the  boroughmongers   have  denied  themselves. 
 
APPREHENSIONS    OF    THE    "oRDER."  285 
 
 Unfit  for  the  higher  stations  in  courts  of  law,  they  have  condescended 
 to  fill  the  profitable  situations  of  clerk,  registrar,  messenger,  usher,  or 
 receiver,  and  carry  bags  and  wands  in  the  trains  of  those  whose  ability 
 alone  made  them  their  superiors,  and  to  whom  they  were  compelled  to 
 pay  this  homage  as  a  penalty  for  their  own  indolence  and  cupidity. 
 
 In  consequence  of  the  boroughs,  all  our  institutions  are  partial, 
 oppressive,  and  aristocratic.  We  have  an  aristocratic  church,  aristocra- 
 tic bar,  aristocratic  taxation,  aristocratic  corn-laAvs,  aristocratic  laws  of 
 property,  and,  till  recently,  aristocratic  game-laws ;  in  short,  the 
 aristocratic  spirit  pervades  every  thing — all  is  privilege,  prescription, 
 monopoly,  association,  and  corporation.  But  why,  it  may  be  asked, 
 has  it  so  long  continued, — why  did  not  a  wealthy,  spirited,  and  en- 
 lightened community  exert  itself  long  before  to  abate  the  general  op- 
 pression? The  chief  reason  was  this  —  we  had  also  an  aristocratic 
 PRESS  !  By  this  little  key-stone  was  the  entire  Gothic  arch  of  antiquated 
 abuse  and  imposture  upheld. 
 
 How  has  it  happened  the  Aristocracy  have  been  so  extremely  sulky 
 in  regard  to  the  memorable  events  of  July  1830;  that  they  have  kept 
 their  purse-strings  so  tight ;  that  they  kept  aloof  from  all  participation 
 in  the  general  exultation?  Did  they  consider,  as  Napoleon  did,  that 
 "  a  revolution  in  France  is  a  revolution  in  Europe?"  This  second, 
 national  uprising,  however,  was  attended  with  no  popular  massacre,  no 
 confiscation,  no  obtrusion  of  infidelity;  all  Avas  brave,  wise,  and  moderate 
 — merely  a  great  community  rising,  with  one  accord,  to  defeat  an  insane 
 attempt  to  subject  it  to  the  yoke  of  despotism  and  superstition.  Yet 
 they  sent  forth  no  carmen  triumphale  on  the  sublime  occasion.  Is  it 
 possible  that  they  contemplated,  at  a  distance,  the  mighty  swell  which 
 was  to  submerge  their  own  proud  pretensions  ?  If  it  were  so,  does  it 
 not  show  that  their  interests  are  personal ;  that  they  are  not  in  common 
 with  the  people ;  that  they  are  merely  a  corporation  in  the  state,  and 
 that  they  feel  their  corporate  immunities  imperilled  ?  But  what  is  it 
 which  renders  them  insulated  monopolists —  strangers  in  the  land?  It 
 is  not  the  magnitude  of  their  estates,  for  they  are  not  objects  of  popular 
 concern.  No;  it  is  not  what  they  rightfully  possess,  but  what  they 
 have  surreptitiously  obtained  — the  franchises  of  the  people,  and  the 
 money  of  the  people,  which  make  them  fastidious  and  apprehensive. 
 Be  just  and  fear  not,  is  our  advice,  and  they  are  still  safe  ! 
 
LAW 
 
 AND 
 
 COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 The  independence  of  the  judges  has  so  long  formed  a  current  theme  of 
 praise,  that  it  appears  almost  presumptuous  to  call  it  in  question. 
 Yet  the  difi'erence  between  them  and  other  functionaries  is  not  so 
 apparent  as  is  generally  assumed.  It  is  true,  the  judges  hold  their 
 situations  for  life,  unless  guilty  of  some  flagrant  impropriety;  but  the 
 same  may  be  said  of  other  appointments  under  the  Crown,  the  possessors 
 of  which  are  seldom  disturbed,  so  long  as  they  correctly  discharge  their 
 duties ;  or  if  they  are,  they  invariably  receive  a  superannuation  allow- 
 ance, or  compensation,  equivalent  to  the  loss  they  have  sustained.  As 
 respects,  then,  the  tenure  of  office,  the  sages  of  the  law  cannot  arrogate 
 a  great  pre-eminence  over  other  placemen:  as  respects  those  causes 
 which  ordinarily  influence  individual  conduct — the  lure  of  ambition — 
 the  temptation  of  lucre — and  the  seduction  of  indolence — they  have 
 still  less  to  pride  themselves.  A  judge,  like  a  bishop,  may  be  trans- 
 lated from  a  lower  to  a  higher  dignity — from  a  judgeship  to  a  chief- 
 justiceship,  from  that  to  a  peerage  or  a  seat  in  the  cabinet;  he  may  be 
 removed  from  an  office  of  £5,500  per  annum  to  one  of  £10,000,  and 
 boundless  patronage :  he  may  be  taken  from  a  court  where  he  is  over- 
 vi'helmed  with  the  claims  of  duty,  to  one  where  the  most  important  duty 
 he  has  to  discharge  is  to  receive  his  salary.  How  then  can  it  be 
 alleged  the  judges  are  independent  and  exempt  from  ministerial  influence, 
 when  the  ministers  have  similar  alluring  temptations  to  hold  out  to  the 
 bench  as  other  functionaries,  and  similar  means  of  rewarding  subser- 
 viency ? 
 
 Other  causes  operate  unfavourably  on  judicial  appointments.  Instead 
 of  the  individuals  elevated  to  the  bench  being  a  selection  from  the  entire 
 Bar,  of  men  the  most  distinguished  for  ability,  probity,  and  experience, 
 the  choice  of  the  ministry  is  limited  to  men  of  their  own  party.  A  Tory 
 minister  never  chooses  a  Whig  judge;  nor  the  contrary.  This  tends 
 to  lower  the  character  of  the  judges  in  public  estimation,  by  clearly 
 evincing  that  politics,  as  well  as  legal  fitness,  have  a  share  in  minis- 
 terial promotions.  It  also  instils  into  the  minds  of  both  expectant 
 judges,  and  of  men  already  on  the  bench,  a  party  feeling  fatal  to  strict 
 
ORIGIN    OF    COMMON    LAW.  287 
 
 justice  on  political  questions.  So  well  established  is  this  fact,  lord 
 Brougham  has  remarked  that  it  is  notorious,  whenever  a  question  comes 
 before  the  tribunals,  whether  it  be  upon  a  prosecution  for  libel,  or  upon 
 any  other  matter  connected  with  government,  the  council,  at  their 
 meetings,  take  for  granted  that  they  can  tell  pretty  accurately  the 
 leaning  of  the  court,  and  predict  exactly  Avhich  way  the  consultations 
 of  the  judges  will  terminate.  It  is  very  unfortunate  the  judges  should 
 be  always  on  the  ministerial  side  of  politics ;  but  there  is  no  help  for 
 this,  while  they  continue  to  be  selected  on  the  exclusive  principle.  They 
 have  their  opinions  on  public  questions  as  well  as  other  men;  they  know 
 they  fill  a  certain  situation,  and  they  cannot  forget  by  whom  they  were 
 placed  there,  or  for  what  reason. 
 
 With  these  remarks  we  shall  leave  the  venerable  occupiers  of  the 
 Bench,  on  whom  we  had  no  intention  of  offering  any  observation;  but 
 in  some  way  their  situation  obtruded  itself  on  our  notice,  on  first 
 entering  on  the  consideration  of  the  important  subject  of  this  chapter. 
 We  shall  now  proceed  briefly  to  notice  the  more  prominent  abuses  in 
 the  laws  and  their  administration. 
 
 The  whole  body  of  English  Law  is  divided  into  two  kinds — the 
 Common  and  the  Statute  Law.  The  Common  Law  is  founded  entirely 
 on  custom  or  precedent,  and  the  decisions  in  the  courts  of  justice.  It 
 is  not  founded  on  Acts  of  Parliament,  nor  on  legislative  enactments; 
 it  is  recorded  in  no  public  document ;  the  only  memorials  of  its  existence 
 are  to  be  found  in  traditional  maxims,  records  of  pleas,  books  of  reports, 
 or  the  treatises  of  men  eminent  in  the  profession.  It  is  evident  that 
 laws  originating'  and  preserved  in  this  manner,  must  be  vague,  obscure, 
 often  absurd,  and  even  contradictory.  The  Common  Law  is,  in  fact, 
 a  monument  of  the  opinion^,  errors,  knowledge,  and  ignorance  of 
 every  period  of  society ;  it  has  flowed  down  the  stream  of  time,  accu- 
 mulating like  a  mighty  river,  and  carrying  along  vestiges  of  the 
 learning  and  ignorance,  folly  and  wisdom,  of  every  age  through  which 
 it  has  passed. 
 
 How  unworthy  such  an  incongruous  mass  must  be  of  the  present  age ; 
 how  inapplicable  to  the  usages  of  society;  and  how  difficult  it  is  for 
 any  individual  to  obtain  a  knowledge  of  such  an  onus  cameloriim,  it  is 
 unnecessary  to  describe.  Unsuitable  as  such  a  system  of  law  is,  to  fulfil 
 the  ends  for  which  all  laws  were  originally  intended,  it  forms  a  very 
 considerable  part  of  the  laws  of  this  country.  It  is  in  virtue  of  the 
 common  law  that  the  eldest  son  inherits  from  his  father;  that  property 
 may  be  purchased  and  transferred  by  writing;  that  a  deed  is  void  if  not 
 sealed  and  delivered ;  that  money  lent  upon  bond  is  recoverable  by 
 action  of  debt;  and  that  a  breach  of  the  peace  is  punishable  with  fine 
 and  imprisonment.  These  are  doctrines  not  established  by  any  written 
 statute  or  any  legislative  enactment,  but  depend  solely  upon  immemorial' 
 usage. 
 
 So  much  for  the  Common  or  Unwritten  Law;  next  for  the  Statute- 
 Law,  which  exhibits  a  still  more  frightful  chaos.  Statute-Law  consists 
 of  all  those  acts,  edicts,    and  statutes,  made   by  the  king,  with  the 
 
288  LAW     AND    COL  UTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 consent  of  the  lords  and  commons  in  parliament  assembled.  The  oldest 
 of  these  now  extant,  and  printed  in  the  statute-books,  is  Magna 
 Charta,  as  confirmed  in  parliament  by  9  Hen.  III.  There  were  doubt- 
 less many  acts  before  that  time,  the  records  of  which  are  now  lost ; 
 and  which  most  probably  were  the  foundation  of  some  of  the  maxims 
 in  the  old  Common  Law. 
 
 No  man  in  England  professes  to  be  acquainted  with  the  Statute-Law 
 — not  even  the  Lord  Chancellor  nor  the  Lord  Chief  Justice.  It  is  such 
 a  prodigious  compilation,  that  a  knowledge  of  it  is  wholly  unattainable. 
 No  one  knows  exactly  what  is  law  in  England  ;  though  every  individual 
 is  presumed  to  be  acquainted  with  it,  and  ignorance  is  admitted  as  no 
 excuse  for  its  violation.  Any  one  may  become  a  legislator  for  the  whole 
 country  ;  he  has  nothing  to  do  but  to  turn  to  the  statute-book  ;  he  will 
 there  find  laws  in  abundance,  of  which  no  man  has  any  knowledge ;  he 
 may  adduce  them  as  the  law  of  the  land;  he  cannot  be  contradicted, 
 unless  some  subsequent  statute  can  be  found  by  which  it  is  repealed, 
 and  which  it  would  probably  require  a  year's  labour  to  discover.  In  some 
 respects  the  statute-book  may  be  compared  to  the  scriptures.  It  contains 
 many  good  maxims  and  excellent  precepts  ;  but,  as  a  whole,  it  is  con- 
 tradictory, obscure,  and  inapplicable  to  the  age.  What  one  part  affirms, 
 another  part  denies.  Laws  may  be  adduced  fiom  it,  like  texts  from  the 
 Bible,  proving  any  thing  and  every  thing,  adapted  to  all  times,  princi- 
 ples, and  occasions :  one  aflfords  profitable  employment  for  one  hundred 
 thousand  wrangling  lawyers ;  the  other  profitable  employment  for  as 
 many  polemical  divines :  one  is  termed  the  perfection  of  human  wisdom  ; 
 the  other  a  bright  emanation  from  the  Deity  ! 
 
 How  ignorant  the  most  eminent  in  the  profession  are  on  the  subject 
 we  may  gather  from  a  speech  of  the  late  Lord  Stanhope,  on  the  revision 
 of  the  Statute-Book.  Some  of  the  most  striking  facts  mentioned  by 
 his  lordship  we  will  here  insert.  Conformably  with  a  motion  of  his 
 lordship,  the  judges  were  directed  to  prepare  a  bill,  reducing  into  one  act 
 all  the  acts  imposing  the  punishment  of  pillory.  At  the  end  of  the  bill 
 the  judges  inserted  some  observations,  stating  that  pillory  Avas  the 
 punishment  for  some  offences  not  merely  by  statute  but  at  common  law  ; 
 and  also  they  could  not  say  whether  there  might  not  be  statutes  on  the 
 subject  vjhich  had  escaped  their  attention.  Their  surmise  was  just; 
 for  Lord  Stanhope  afterwards  discovered  two  more  statutes,  passed  in 
 the  reign  of  Geo.  II.  which  had  wholly  escaped  their  researches.  Here 
 then  was  an  instance  of  the  twelve  judges  not  being  able  to  discover  all 
 the  acts  inflicting  a  single  punishment. 
 
 The  same  noble  lord,  wishing  to  ascertain  how  far  the  judges  were 
 agreed  as  to  what  was  the  law  on  several  particulars,  put  to  them  various 
 questions.  For  instance,  he  asked  whether  a  person  digging  the  brick 
 earth  from  his  own  field,  there  manufactured  into  bricks,  and  sold, 
 thereby  made  himself  a  trader  liable  to  the  bankrupt-laws  ?  The  judges 
 of  the  Common  Pleas  were  clearly  of  opinion  one  way,  the  judges 
 of  the  King's  Bench  were  as  clearly  of  opinion  another.  Lord  Thurlow 
 was  reputed  a  most  admirable  common  lawyer ;  but  he  was  worsted  on 
 
KX  POUNDING    OF    THE    STATUTES,  289 
 
 one  occasion,  in  a  dispute  Avhich  he  had  with  Lord  Stanhope,  on  the 
 subject  of  a  statute ;  Lord  Stanhope  proving  to  be  right,  and  old 
 Thrumbo  wrong.  This,  says  Lord  Stanhope,  was  a  great  feather  in  my 
 cap.  One  day  as  these  noble  lords  were  sitting  together  on  the  wool- 
 sack. Lord  Thurlow  said,  "  I  should  be  ashamed  of  myself  if  I  was  not 
 accurately  acquainted  with  the  common  law  ;  but  as  to  your  d — d  statute- 
 book  it  is  impossible  to  be  acquainted  with  it."  His  lordship  also 
 related  another  anecdote  of  the  celebrated  Mr.  Dunning,  afterwards 
 Lord  Ashburton.  Lord  Stanhope  consulted  Mr,  Dunning  on  a  certain 
 statute  regulation  relative  to  the  excise,  and  his  answer  was,  "  Now  I'll 
 tell  you  all  about  it;  but  I  never  do  answer  these  general  questions  when 
 applied  to  by  others.  I  always  tell  them,  shew  me  the  statute  to  which 
 3'ou  refer,  and  I  will  expound  it  for  you,  but  that  is  all  I  can  do."  Now 
 this  was  doing  about  as  much  as  we  could  do  ourselves,  or  as  much  as 
 any  person  could  do  who  has  a  tolerably  clear  head,  and  not  much 
 disturbed  by  worldly  affairs. 
 
 The  fact  is,  the  lawyers  and  judges,  in  many  cases,  are  as  ignorant  of 
 the  law  as  their  clients  and  suitors.  When  a  statute  is  produced,  they 
 can  expound  it,  as  Mr.  Dunning  terms  it ;  so  perhaps  may  any  person 
 who  can  read  and  understand  the  English  language ;  but  as  to  knowing 
 whether  it  is  the  law  of  the  land,  whether  it  has  been  repealed  or  modified 
 by  any  subsequent  enactment,  they  are  frequently  as  ignorant  as  the 
 gaping  spectator  who  looks  upon  them  as  infallible  and  inspired  guides. 
 We  do  not,  however,  accuse  them  of  wilful  ignorance ;  we  do  not  say 
 that,  like  the  Fellows  of  Eton  College,  they  are  willingly  ignorant  of 
 the  statutes;  they  are  generally  men  of  laborious  pursuits,  who  spare  no 
 pains  to  obtain  a  knowledge  of  the  law  ;  but  we  accuse  them  of  a  culpable 
 indifference  to  the  defective  state  of  the  statute-book,  of  either  by  their 
 silence  or  open  hostility  opposing  eveiy  attempt  to  reduce  it  into  an 
 intelligible  form,  originating  either  in  a  rooted  prejudice  against  the 
 reform  of  any  thing  and  every  thing,  or  solely  from  a  wish  to  maintain 
 the  pecuniary  interests  of  a  multitudinous  and  rapacious  profession. 
 
 When  a  legal  question  is  brought  before  the  courts,  deviating  in  any 
 degree  from  the  ordinary  routine,  it  is  seldom  decided  instanter.  The 
 counsel  open  the  case, — they,  in  fact,  instruct  the  judges, — they  refer  to 
 precedents  and  statutes,  as  they  have  been  instructed  by  their  attorneys, 
 who  have,  perhaps,  been  instructed  by  their  clients;  the  judges  then 
 say  they  will  take  time  to  consider ;  and  after  going  home  and  moleing 
 their  way  through  a  labyrinth  of  reports  and  acts  of  parliament,  they 
 obtain  a  twinkling  of  light,  return  into  court,  and  adjudicate  the  subject 
 in  dispute  to  the  best  of  their  ability. 
 
 Such  is  the  inmiense  number  of  law-books  and  their  ponderous  size, 
 that  it  would  require  the  age  of  the  patriarchs  to  acquire  a  knowledge 
 of  them.  They  are  literally  Ossa  piled  on  Pelion,  a  huge  unformed 
 mass,  which  no  man  can  fathom.  There  is  a  little  Aldine  compilation, 
 Viner's  Abridgement,  comprised  in  twenty  volumes  folio,  which  it  is 
 considered  necessary  for  every  lawyer  almost  to  know  by  heart.  Gracious 
 heaven  !  only  think  of  that !     Mind,  too,  this  is  a  mere  abridgement — 
 
 u 
 
290  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 bare  memoranda  of  the  great  originals ;  aixd  had  it  been  continued  to 
 the  present  time,  it  would  have  amounted  to  more  than  one  hundred  folio 
 volumes,  necessary  to  be  carried  either  in  the  head  or  the  pocket  of  every 
 English  lawyer.  The  most  condensed  edition  of  the  Statutes  at  I^rge 
 yet  given  to  the  public,  occupies  thirty-nine  volumes  in  quarto;  seven 
 volumes  and  a  half  of  which  comprise  the  acts  from  Magna  Charta  to  the 
 end  of  the  reign  of  George  II.,  the  remaining  thirty-one  and  a  half  being 
 filled  with  those  of  the  two  last  reigns.  Since  the  Union  with  Ireland,  a 
 huge  closely  printed  volume  has  been  published  every  one,  two,  or 
 three  years,  and  the  average  number  of  public  acts  passed  in  each  of 
 the  last  twenty-eight  years  amounts  to  one  hundred  and  forty.  It 
 is  calculated  that  at  the  end  of  the  present  century',  the  statutes  will 
 occupy  one  hundred  ponderous  quarto  volumes,  and  the  number  of  public 
 acts  will  amount  to  fourteen  thousand.  The  present  generation  com- 
 plain of  being  overwhelmed  with  law,  but  Avhat  will  be  the  situation  of 
 posterity  ? 
 
 We  have  said  nothing  yet  of  Reports  of  Cases.  These  form  an 
 indispensable  part  of  a  lawyer's  knowledge.  It  is  well  known  that 
 decisions  in  courts  of  justice  become  a  part  of  the  law ;  and  Avhen  a 
 point  has  once  been  decided,  it  must  be  determined  in  the  same  way 
 again,  unless  the  precedent  can  be  proved  clearly  erroneous.  Reports 
 of  these  decisions  are  published  annually;  they  already  amount  to 
 upv;ards  of  two  hundred  and  eighty  volumes,  exclusive  of  those  which 
 relate  to  election,  admiralty,  and  ecclesiastical  law\  But  this  is  not  all : 
 they  are  going  on  increasing  amazingly  ;  every  year  adds  eight  more  to 
 the  original  stock ;  so  that  in  twenty  years  there  will  be  one  hundred 
 and  sixty,  and  within  the  century  seven  hundred  and  twenty  additional 
 volumes,  making  one  thousand  volumes  of  reports,  which,  with  one 
 hundred  quarto  volumes  of  statutes,  will  form  a  lawj'er's  library,  that  it 
 is  not  only  necessary  he  should  read,  but  digest,  and,  if  possible, 
 understand. 
 
 This  is  English  law,  the  perfection  of  human  wisdom !  Let  us,  how- 
 ever, pause  a  moment,  to  reflect  on  this  mass  of  legal  lumber,  this 
 grossly  absurd  system  of  legislation.  It  is  considered  a  settled  maxim 
 in  jurisprudence,  that  every  state  within  the  limits  of  its  own  territory 
 ought  to  exact,  and  its  subjects  to  yield,  obedience  to  all  its  laws.  The 
 foundation  of  the  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  people  is  that  the  legis- 
 lative authority  on  its  part  is  presumed  to  have  made  the  laws  so  clear, 
 that  every  member  of  the  community  either  knows  them  or  must  be 
 culpably  inattentive  if  he  do  not.  This  principle  is  undeniable.  It 
 would  never  do  to  allow  ignorance  to  be  an  excuse  for  the  violation  of 
 laws.  But  how  can  any  person  be  acquainted  with  English  law-  ?  How 
 can  the  legislature  have  gone  on  for  centuries  legislating  on  such  an 
 absurd  presumption,  and  presuming  that  every  individual  in  the  empire 
 was  acquainted  with  their  enactments  ?  How  can  men  of  business  read, 
 digest,  and  understand  one  thousand  volumes  of  reports,  and  one 
 hundred  quarto  volumes  of  statutes  ?  How  can  the  people  understand 
 the  law,  when  even  the  judges,  whose  whole  lives  are  devoted  to  the 
 
LOCAL    ACTS    AND    REVENUE    LAWS.  291 
 
 subject,  are  in  the  most  pitiable  state  of  perplexity,  uncertainty,  and 
 contradiction  ?  Can  any  thing  in  the  whole  world  be  imagined  more 
 completely  absurd  and  ridiculous  ?  Had  the  whole  system  been  blindly 
 scraped  together  from  every  age,  nation,  and  tribe  in  the  universe,  from 
 the  farthest  extremity  of  Siberia  to  the  remotest  deserts  of  Garamantes, 
 it  could  hardly  have  presented  a  more  confused  and  hideous  jumble  than 
 the  Statute  and  Common  Law  of  England. 
 
 One  cause  of  this  profuse,  headlong,  and  inconsistent  course  of 
 legislation  has  been  the  reckless  facility  with  which  parliament  has 
 multiplied  laws  on  a  given  subject,  when  a  general  enactment  might 
 have  been  framed  adequate  to  the  several  occasions.  Since  the  begin- 
 ning of  last  century  4000  bills  for  enclosures  of  wastes  in  as  many 
 parishes  have  been  passed,  proving  to  demonstration  the  want  of  a 
 general  law  on  the  subject ;  Avhile,  in  the  whole  of  that  time,  not  a  step 
 has  been  taken  tov/ards  enacting  such  a  law,  and  so  saving  the  com- 
 munity the  prodigious  waste  of  private  funds  and  public  time  consumed 
 in  the  passing  of  so  many  different  statutes.  The  same  observation 
 applies  to  the  innumerable  acts  passed  for  lighting  towns  with  gas,  and 
 for  the  purposes  of  police  and  local  improvements.  Upwards  of  fifty 
 acts  have  passed  relative  to  game  ;  forty-eight  relative  to  parliamentary 
 elections ;  and  seventy-six  indemnifying  Dissenters  for  not  qualifying 
 themselves  for  oSces  and  employments.  There  are  many  acts  of  a 
 temporary  and  local  nature.  No  fewer  than  sixty  acts  have  passed  for 
 the  recovery  of  small  debts  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  fifty 
 of  them  during  the  last  two  reigns.  There  are  some  acts  relative  to 
 the  baking  of  bread,  and  prohibiting  the  bakers  from  selling-  it  unless 
 it  has  been  baked  twenty-four  hours.  About  the  packing  of  butter 
 there  are  somewhere  about  a  dozen  different  acts  ;  as  though  it  were 
 necessary  to  instruct  people  to  pack  butter  by  act  of  parliament.  One 
 act  on  this  subject  relates  to  the  packing  of  butter  at  Malton,  in  York- 
 shire ;  another  to  the  pocking  of  butter  in  the  city  of  York,  a  few  miles 
 distant ;  and  another  on  the  same  subject  for  Ireland.  Innumerable  laws 
 have  been  enacted  relative  to  the  woollen,  linen,  and  cotton  manufac- 
 tures;  the  whale,  cod,  herring,  and  pilchard  fisheries;  cheese,  lace, 
 sugar,  glass,  and  almost  every  article  of  wear  or  consumption  has  been 
 the  object  of  parliamentary  regulation.  The  whole  of  the  statutes  on 
 wool  amount  to  987  ;  on  the  subject  of  gold  and  silver  290  ;  on  tobacco 
 460 ;  on  the  fisheries  970 ;  and  on  a  variety  of  other  subjects  in 
 proportion.  Relative  to  the  poor  there  are  350  public  acts;  besides 
 135  local  acts.  By  some  of  these  acts  the  poor  are  farmed  out,  by 
 others  flogged.  Of  these  local  acts  five  passed  in  the  reign  of 
 George  II.;  the  remaining  130  in  the  reigns  of  George  III.  and 
 George  IV.  Besides  the  number  of  acts,  other  causes  of  the  confusion 
 and  perplexity  of  the  Statute-Book  arise  from  the  immense  number 
 repealed  and  re-enacted,  and  then  partly  repealed  ag-ain,  with  a  "so 
 far  as,"  and  "so  forth;"  also  from  the  mass  of  altering,  amending, 
 and  explaining  acts;  of  acts,  for  instance,  for  "removing  doubts,"  for 
 "  rectifying   mistakes,"  for  "  relieving  from  the  provisions,"  for  "  de- 
 
 V  2 
 
292  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 fening-  the  conimoncement,"  for  "  facilitating  the  execution,"  —  to 
 say  nothing  of  acts  of  total  repeal.  No  fewer  than  1874  acts  were 
 repealed  in  the  reigns  of  George  II.  and  III.  ;  419  in  the  former;  and 
 1455  in  the  reign  of  the  latter;  which  made  Lord  Stanhope  remark, 
 "  they  had  been  passing  bills  by  waggon  loads,  and  repealing  them  by 
 cart  loads." 
 
 Some  efforts  were  made  during  the  reign  of  George  IV.,  under  the 
 auspices  of  Sir  Robert  Peel  and  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne,  to  reduce  the 
 Statute-Law  within  more  reasonable  limits.  The  parliament,  dissolved  in 
 1 826,  repealed,  modified,  or  consoHdated  upwards  of  1000  statutes.  One 
 act,  the  3  Geo,  IV.  c.  41,  repeals  upwards  of  200  statutes,  or  parts  of 
 statutes,  relative  to  the  export  and  import  of  merchandize ;  the  commerce 
 of  aliens  and  denizens,  the  guaging  of  wine,  and  other  mercantile  I'egula- 
 tions.  The  Custom  Act  consolidated  450  acts  of  parliament  into  one ;  the 
 Jury  Act  30  ;  the  Bankrupt  Act  20  ;  and  the  acts  on  larceny,  malicious 
 mischief,  and  forgery,  have  effected  a  considerable  compression.  From 
 a  table  of  repealed  acts  prefixed  to  Evan's  Collection  of  Statutes,  it 
 appears  that  during  the  short  interval  from  the  4th  to  the  10th  of 
 George  IV.,  1,126  acts  of  parliament  were  wholly,  and  443  partly, 
 repealed,  making  a  total  of  1569  :  of  these  1344  related  to  the  empire  at 
 large,  and  225  solely  to  Ireland.  Still  the  evil  is  of  such  magnitude 
 that  there  is  scarcely  perceptible  diminution  in  its  amount ;  nor  do 
 Ave  anticipate — for  reasons  we  shall  hereafter  explain  —  any  decided 
 improvements  in  jurisprudence,  either  from  the  consolidatory  acts,  or 
 from  the  other  projects  of  legal  reform  now  in  progress. 
 
 Nothing  has  tended  so  much  to  swell  the  Statute-Book  as  the  enor- 
 mous increase  in  taxation,  and  the  consequent  increase  in  the  number  of 
 Revenue-Laws.  During  each  of  the  last  twenty-eight  years,  the  num- 
 ber of  acts  passed,  which  relate  strictly  to  the  revenue,  has  amounted  to 
 forty ;  and  those  which  are  connected  with  them  indirectly,  and  but  for 
 them  would  never  have  existed,  to  nearly  twenty  more  ;  which  com- 
 prises about  half  the  whole  mmiber  of  laws  annually  enacted.  The  acts 
 lately  in  force  with  regard  to  spirits  alone  amounted  to  140;  an 
 attempt  has  been  made  to  consolidate  them,  but  as  new  acts  are 
 yearly  being  added,  both  as  regards  spirits  and  custom  duties,  the 
 merchant  and  trader  will  soon  be  involved  in  as  great  a  labyrinth  as 
 ever.  The  stamp-acts  amount  to  more  than  150,  and  they  still  remain 
 unconsolidated.  So  do  the  innumerable  acts  relative  to  the  coin. 
 Soap,  candles,  and  the  distilleries  are  under  excise  lock  and  key ; 
 and,  in  many  instances  of  exciseable  manufacture,  it  is  impossible  to 
 carry  on  the  different  steps  of  the  process  with  advantage,  from  the 
 delay  and  interruption  from  the  visits  of  the  excise.  What  a  bungling 
 piece  of  legislation  have  been  the  attempts  to  regulate  the  malt-duties, 
 hackney-coaches,  and  the  vend  of  coals  ! 
 
 On  the  middling  classes  these  laws  are  peculiarly  oppressive  ; — and 
 yet  they  have  been  unceasingly  told,  that  a  reform  in  -pnrlimnent 
 would  do  no  good!  Would  it  not,  we  ask,  relieve  them  from  the 
 vexatious  inquisition  and  endless  interruption  and  restmint  on  the  ope- 
 
lawyers'  minds  alien  to  truth.  293 
 
 rations  of  trade  under  which  they  now  hibour  ?  Would  it  not,  in  short, 
 cause  an  entire  revision  of  that  cumbersome  and  absurd  system  of  juris- 
 prudence which  we  have  attempted  to  describe ; — reduce  the  Statute- 
 Book  to  one-hundredth  part  of  its  present  bulk  ;  consolidate  the  almost 
 innumerable  local  acts  into  more  general  laws ;  and  abolish  all  those 
 unjust  and  impolitic  enactments  which  interfere  with  industry  and  com- 
 merce. Such  numerous  laws  are  no  doubt  useful  to  the  profession ;  they 
 afford  a  fruitful  and  endless  source  of  litigation ;  they  are  glorious  things, 
 as  Lord  Stanhope  remarked,  for  attorneys,  conveyancers,  special  pleaders, 
 barristers,  and  so  forth,  but  most  inglorious  and  calamitous  for  the  people. 
 We  shall  only  make  one  or  two  more  remarks  on  Statute-Law,  and 
 these  refer  to  the  language  and  manner  in  which  acts  of  parliament 
 are  drawn  up.  It  is  evident  that  all  laws  ought  to  be  intelligible  to 
 those  on  whom  they  are  intended  to  operate ;  otherwise,  it  is  wilfully 
 creating  an  ignorance  which  will  not  be  admitted  as  any  excuse  for  their 
 violation.  It  is  difficult  to  see  why  laws  could  not  be  so  clearly  and 
 simply  worded  as  to  be  intelligible  to  ordinary  capacities,  without  the 
 assistance  of  either  attorney  or  lawyer.  They  involve  no  abstract 
 theorem  of  science ;  they  are  a  mere  statement  of  facts,  requiring 
 something-  to  be  done  or  not  to  be  done  ;  which,  really  one  would  think, 
 might  be  made  intelligible  without  the  continual  assistance  of  interpre- 
 ters, at  an  enormous  expense.  The  obscurity  and  perplexity  of  statutes 
 arise  principally  from  a  perverse  deviation  from  the  ordinary  language 
 of  civil  life,  an  overwhelming-  verbosity  and  endless  repetition  of  "  he, 
 she,  they,"  "  him,  her,  it,  and  them,"  the  "  aforesaid,"  and  "  so  far  as," 
 the  "so  forths,"  &c.  which  render  the  whole  so  involved  and  perplexed, 
 that  one  would  suppose  the  legislature,  instead  of  endeavouring  to  render 
 the  laws  as  lucid  as  possible,  had  purposely  involved  them  in  the 
 greatest  possible  darkness.  From  the  habitual  indulgence  of  fiction  and 
 tautolog-y  the  minds  of  lawyers — for  they  are  lawyers  who  draw  up  acts 
 of  parliament — become  so  inveterately  alien  to  truth  and  simplicity  that 
 they  cannot  be  otherwise  if  they  would ;  and,  accordingly,  we  find  in 
 those  cases,  when  their  intention  has  really  been  to  be  intelligible,  that 
 their  language  involves  so  much  complexity — there  are  so  many 
 crochets  and  puzzles  — that  they  entirely  fail  in  their  purpose,  and  defy 
 comprehension  by  ordinary  minds.  We  shall  give  an  instance  of  this 
 from  one  of  Sir  Robert  Peel's  consolidatory  acts,  the  7  &  8  Geo.  IV. 
 c.  28  ;  Avhich  is  the  more  remarkable,  because  the  express  object  of  it  is 
 to  obviate  obscurity  and  misapprehension,  by  giving  a  simple  tand 
 general  rule  for  the  interpretation  of  criminal  statutes.  Tlie  clause  to 
 which  we  allude  is  the  14th,  and  expressed  as  follows: — "Whenever 
 this  or  any  other  statute  relating  to  any  offence,  whether  punishable 
 upon  indictment  or  summary  conviction,  in  describing-  or  referring  to 
 the  offence,  or  the  subject  matter  on  or  with  respect  to  which  it  shall  be 
 committed,  or  the  offender  or  the  party  affected  or  intended  to  be  affected 
 by  the  offence,  hath  used,  or  shall  use  words  importing  the  singular 
 number  or  the  masculine  gender  only,  yet  the  statute  shall  be  under- 
 stood to  include  several  matters  as   well   as    one  matter,  and  several 
 
294  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 persons  as  well  as  one  person,  and  females  as  well  as  males,  and  bodies 
 corporate  as  well  as  individuals,  unless  it  be  otherwise  specially  provided, 
 or  there  be  something  in  the  subject  or  context  repugnant  to  such  con- 
 struction ;  and  wherever  any  forfeiture  or  penalty  is  payable  to  a  party 
 aggrieved,  it  shall  be  payable  to  a  body  corporate  in  e^"e^y  case  where 
 such  body  shall  be  the  party  aggrieved." 
 
 An  unlearned  person  might  possibly  guess  at  the  intended  meaning 
 of  this  explanatory  rule,  and  a  lawyer  no  doubt — and  this  would  be 
 deemed  by  him  its  chief  excellence — would  bo  able  to  draw  from  it 
 a  dozen  different  interpretations,  according  as  they  best  suited  the  pur- 
 poses of  his  client. 
 
 Things  the  most  heterogeneous  are  frequently  jumbled  together  in 
 the  same  act  of  parliament,  and  the  title  is  often  as  remote  as  possible 
 from  the  subject  matter  of  the  statute.  These  are  called  "  Hodge- 
 podge Acts,"  and  are  very  numerous.  Who,  for  instance,  would  expect 
 to  find  the  regulations  under  which  petitions  may  be  forwarded  to  mem- 
 bers of  parliament,  in  an  act  for  laying  an  additional  duty  -upon  tea 
 and  sugar  ?  The  commencing  clause  of  the  statute,  under  which 
 Vauxhall  and  other  theatres  and  places  of  entertainment  ai-e  licensed, 
 is  as  follows: — "Whereas,  the  advertising  a  reward  with  no  questions 
 asked,  for  the  return  of  things  lost  or  stolen,  is  one  great  cause  and 
 encouragement  of  robberies,  be  it  enacted,"  cKrc.  Many  may  recollect 
 that  Sir  R.  Peel,  on  introducing  to  parliament  his  bill  for  amending- 
 the  larceny-laws  (March  9th,  1826),  cited  the  title  of  one  single  act, 
 which  embraces  no  fewer  than  the  following  bizarre  miscellany  :  — the 
 continuing  several  laws  therein  mentioned ;  the  carrying  of  sugars  in 
 British-built  vessels ;  the  encouraging  the  importation  of  naval  stores  ; 
 preventing^  fiauds  in  the  admeasurement  of  coals  in  the  city  of  West- 
 minster ;  and  preventing  the  stealing  or  destroying  of  madder  roots. 
 Another  act  he  referred  to  forms  a  still  more  whimsical  olio,  and  is 
 intituled  **  An  Act  for  better  securing  the  duties  of  customs  on  certain 
 goods  removed  to  London;  for  regulating  the  fees  of  officers  in  His  Ma- 
 jesty's customs  in  the  province  of  Segambia,  in  Africa  ;  for  allowing  the 
 Receiver-General  of  Fees  in  Scotland  proper  compensation ;  for  the 
 better  preservation  of  hollies,  thorns,  and  quick-sets  in  private  grounds, 
 and  trees  and  underwood;  and  authorising  the  exportation  of  a  limited 
 quantity  of  barley  from  the  Port  of  Kirkgrow."  Such  acts  run  very 
 much  like  cross-readings  in  a  newspaper,  and  those  who  wish  for  further 
 amusement  of  the  sort  will  find  it  in  Mr.  Wickens's  publication  on  the 
 Division  of  Labour  in  Civil  Life,  where  the  subject  is  pursued  to  a 
 greater  extent  than  our  limits  will  admit. 
 
 Notwithstanding  the  laboi'ious  and  tiresome  precision  of  statutes, 
 they  frequently  comprise  the  most  egregious  blunders.  There  is  a  sin- 
 gular instance  of  one  in  the  53d  George  HI. :  by  the  18th  section,  one 
 half  the  penalty  is  to  go  to  the  king  and  the  other  half  to  the  informer  ; 
 but  the  penalty  happened  in  this  case  not  to  be  a  fine,  but  fourteen  years' 
 transportation  ;  so  that  fourteen  years'  transportation  were  to  be  equally 
 divided  between  Messrs.  Byers  and  Co.  and  his  Majesty  ! 
 
HODGE-PODGE    STATUTES  —  FORGERY     ACT.  295 
 
 Perhaps  our  readers  may  deem  this  too  old  a  blunder  to  illustrate  the 
 deliberative  wisdom  of  the  law-makers  of  the  reign  of  William  IV. 
 If  so,  \ve  shall  give  them  an  example  of  legislative  aptitude  from  one 
 of  the  most  important  acts  of  the  session  of  1830 — that  for  Consoli- 
 dating and  Amending- the  Laws  on  Forgery.  This  statute  was  drawn, 
 we  believe,  by  Messrs.  Hobhouse  and  Gregson,  and  was  some  years  in 
 preparation,  under  the  auspices  of  Sir  R.  Peel ;  it  received  the  tinkering 
 of  Sir  James  Scarlett,  between  whom  and  the  gentlemen  by  whom  it 
 was  framed,  some  difference  of  opinion  respecting  its  provisions  arose, 
 which  could  only  be  terminated  by  an  appeal  to  Lord  Tenterden,  who 
 felt  himself  bound  to  decide,  notwithstanding  his  well-knoAvn  partiality, 
 against  Sir  James.  Well,  this  act  so  patronised,  elaborated,  revised, 
 quarrelled  about,  and  arbitrated,  is  at  length  brought  forth,  passed,  and 
 is  now  the  law  of  the  land  ;  and  we  will  venture  to  say  a  more  defective 
 and  bungling  piece  of  legislation  is  not  to  bo  found  in  the  great  book  of 
 conundrums  and  absurdities  itself.  What  the  public  expected  was  an 
 act  that  would  comprise  the  entire  statute-law  of  forgery ;  unless  this 
 was  attained,  little  benefit  could  result  from  adding  one  more  statute  to 
 the  400  previously  existing.  Instead  of  consolidating  the  law,  it 
 merely  embodies  the  whole  or  part  of  the  provisions  of  twenty-seven 
 statutes  out  of  the  mass  ;  all  the  acts  relative  to  the  forging  of  stamps, 
 seamen's  warrants,  plate-marks,  and  on  the  post-office,  remain  scattered, 
 as  heretofore,  through  the  boundless  waste  of  the  Statutes  at  Largo, 
 to  be  applied  or  not,  as  it  may  happen,  hj  judges  and  lawyers.  In- 
 completeness is  not  the  worst  defect  in  this  statute;  some  of  its  pro- 
 visions are  obviously  incompatible,  and  the  commencing  part  of  the  act 
 seems  to  have  been  entirely  lost  sight  of  when  the  concluding  part  was 
 agreed  upon.  For  proof  of  this  compare  the  follovv'ing  sections,  nearly 
 the  first  and  last,  in  the  statute. 
 
 "  §  II.  And  be  it  enacted.  That  if  any  person  shall  forge  or  counter- 
 feit, or  shall  utter,  knouing  the  same  to  be  forged  or  counterfeited,  the 
 great  seal  of  the  United  Kingdom,  his  Majesty's  privy  seal,  any  privy 
 signet  of  his  Majesty,  his  Majesty's  royal  sign  manual,  any  of  his 
 Majesty's  seals  appointed  by  the  twenty-fourth  article  of  the  Union  to 
 be  kept,  used,  and  continued  171  Scotland,  the  great  seal  of  Ireland,  or 
 the  privy  seal  of  Ireland,  every  such  offender  shall  be  guilty  of  high 
 treason,  and  shall  suffer  death  accordingly." 
 
 *'  §  XXIX.  And  be  it  enacted.  That  this  act  shall  not  extend  to  an^j 
 offence  committed  in  Scotland  or  Ireland." 
 
 Here  we  see  in  the  second  section  a  specific  punishment  assigned 
 for  the  commission  of  an  offence  in  Scotland ;  and  in  a  subsequent 
 section  it  is  expressly  declared  the  act  shall  not  extend  to  any  offence 
 committed  in  Scotland  or  Ireland.  What  the  judges  will  make  of  this 
 inconsistency,  when  it  comes  before  them,  it  is  impossible  to  foresee : 
 wesuopose  we  shall  have  another  act  or  two  to  "  ex-plain"  or  "  amend," 
 &c. ;  and  so  our  legislature  proceeds,  heaping  one  act  upon  another, 
 making  delightful  work  for  lawyers,  and  "  laining,"  as  Mr.  Benthani 
 expresses  it,  "  snares  among  the  people." 
 
296      ,  LAW    AND    COURTS    Ol     LAW. 
 
 Sir  James  Scarlett,  to  be  sure,  is  not  a  paragon  of  legislators  any  more 
 than  of  attorney-generals.  The  act  for  Improving  the  Administration 
 of  Justice  will  not  be  soon  forg'otten  by  the  profession  :  this  act,  among 
 other  changes,  altered  the  period  of  commencement  of  the  terms.  But  no 
 sooner  was  the  act  in  force  than  it  was  discovered  to  be  pregnant  with 
 the  most  ludicrous  errors ;  the  framer  of  the  statute  was  clearly  igno- 
 rant of  the  changes  of  the  moon — of  that  common  astronomical  know- 
 ledge which  is  contained  in  every  almanack  ;  the  consequence  was  that 
 the  courts  would  have  been  involved  in  the  greatest  confusion,  had  not 
 another  statute  been  precipitately  brought  in  to  remedy  the  blunders  of 
 the  first. 
 
 One  cause  of  such  blundering  legislation  is  to  be  found  in  the  vicious 
 mode  of  transacting  business  in  the  House  of  Commons.  It  is  well 
 known  law-making  is  a  sort  of  after-dinner  amusevient,  which  com- 
 mences when  gentlemen  have  taken  their  wine — when  the  theatres 
 have  closed  — and  the  night-houses  are  thrown  open  for  the  reception  of 
 customers.  It  cannot  be  matter  of  surprise  if,  under  such  unfavour- 
 able circumstances,  the  nocturnal  occupations  of  the  Collective  Wisdom 
 exhibit  strange  examples  of  forgetfulness,  haste,  and  confusion.  We, 
 indeed,  are  often  astonished  things  are  not  worse,  when  we  reflect  on 
 the  course  of  parliamentary  proceedings — no  division  of  labour,  or  ex- 
 clusive devotion  to  legislative  duty — all  chance  medley,  belter  skelter, 
 volunteer  and  amateur  exertion — the  chief  manager  straining  every 
 nerve  to  get  through  public  business  before  the  setting  in  of  the  Dog- 
 days  —  straiag-ems  to  steal  a  march  to  avoid  some  economical  proposition 
 for  a  reduction  of  the  estimates — packing  a  house  for  a  job  or  private 
 bill — ^jaded  ministers  dropping  in  late  from  their  offices  or  a  protracted 
 cabinet-council — country  gentlemen  from  a  tedious  moi'ning-waiting  at 
 the  Treasury  for  places  and  appointments  — lawyers  from  the  courts — 
 and  the  sons  of  riot  reel  in  at  midnight,  from  the  saloons  and  club- 
 houses, in  quest  of  divertisement — and  thus  business  goes  on,  and  a 
 house  is  formed  of  men  distracted  with  their  individual  avocations,  or 
 suffei'ing-  from  lassitude  and  over-excitement.  They  talk  and  talk,  it 
 is  true,  without  end,  as  people  mostly  do  Avlien  not  fully  master  of  their 
 subject ;  but  their  ideas  are  crude — there  has  been  no  preparation  or  con- 
 centration of  thought — and  all  their  doings  bear  evident  marks  of  the 
 intellectual  chaos  from  which  they  spring-.  We  had  a  ludicrous  illus- 
 tration of  what  we  are  stating  in  the  session  of  1830:  the  House  was 
 in  a  committee,  and  had  been  hotly  debating,  as  usual,  to  no  purpose,  for 
 the  space  of  six  hours,  when  the  chairman  got  up,  and  with  great 
 gravity  said,  "  he  should  be  extremely  obliged  b)' any  honourable  mem- 
 ber informing  him  what  they  had  all  been  talking  about !" 
 
 Such  mode  of  legislation  has  striking  results:  it  impoverishes  the  people 
 by  litigation,  and  multiplies  and  augments  the  emoluments  of  a  mercenary 
 profession.  In  the  number  and  magnitude  of  inns  of  court,  law  institutions, 
 and  other  public  buildings  the  legal  classes  rival  the  ancient  religious 
 houses;  and  their  unavoidable  and  constant  intervention  in  all  the  aftairs 
 and  transactions  of  civil  life  gives  them  an  influence  equal  to  that  of  the 
 
LAW-MAKING   IN    PARLIAMENT — LEGAL    EMOLUMENTS.   297 
 
 priesthood  in  the  ages  of  superstition.  In  the  metropolis  are  nine  supe- 
 rior courts,  four  ecclesiastical  courts,  twenty  courts  for  recovery  of  small 
 debts,  besides  courts  of  oyer  and  terminer,  courts  of  general  and  quarter 
 sessions,  coroner-courts,  and  courts  of  petty  sessions  for  the  purposes  of 
 police.  Attached  to  these  courts  are  eight  hundred  officers,  exclusive  of 
 judicial  functionaries.  To  these  may  be  added  500  barristers-at-law, 
 3000  certificated  attorneys,  130  conveyancers  and  equity  draftsmen,  67 
 special  pleaders,  84  proctors,  40  public  notaries,  6000  clerks  and 
 assistants,  besides  doctors-at-law,  serjeants-at-law,  and  king's  counsel, 
 making  a  legal  phalanx,  in  the  metropolis,  of  nearly  10,000.  In  the 
 country  they  are  not  so  concentrated,  but  more  numerous.  From 
 "  Clarke's  Law  List"  it  appears  there  are,  in  the  country,  including' 
 England  and  Wales,  4500  attorneys  and  conveyancers  who  have  taken 
 out  certificates.  The  number  of  clerks  and  assistants  cannot  be  estimated 
 at  less  than  9000  ;  so  that  the  number  of  persons  in  the  country,  in  the 
 legal  department,  is  13,500;  and  if  we  add  10,000  for  persons  of  a 
 similar  description  in  the  metropolis,  we  have  a  total  of  23,500  persons, 
 whose  sole  employment  is  to  render  the  laws  intelligible,  and  justice 
 attainable  to  the  people  of  England  and  AVales. 
 
 This  estimate,  we  ai'e  persuaded,  is  a  great  deal  below  the  truth : 
 many  attorneys  in  town  employ  more  than  twenty  clerks,  and  the 
 majority  of  them  employ  three  or  four.  Perhaps  it  would  not  be  too 
 much  to  estimate  the  total  number  of  counsel,  attorneys,  clerks,  assist- 
 ants, &c.  in  England  and  Wales,  at  thirty  thousand.  In  this  enume- 
 ration are  not  included  the  justices  of  peace,  amounting  to  4,500,  nor  the 
 judges  in  the  different  courts,  the  sheriffs,  nor  any  portion  of  the 
 magistracy,  whose  office  it  is  to  administer  justice,  and  who  employ  an 
 innumerable  number  of  clerks  and  assistants.  The  classes  we  have 
 mentioned  form  only  that  branch  of  the  profession  who  owe  their  origin, 
 in  a  great  measure,  to  defects  and  obscurities  in  our  judicial  admini- 
 stration. It  is  the  duty  of  the  legislature  to  render  the  laws  so  clear, 
 and  the  form  of  proceeding  so  simple,  that  persons  of  ordinary  compre- 
 hension would  generally  be  able  to  understand  the  one  and  pursue  the 
 other,  without  the  aid,  in  every  case,  of  a  legal  adviser. 
 
 The  adage  says — Mcmy  hands  make  light  work ;  but  the  maxim  is 
 reversed  in  law ;  and  the  swarm  of  practitioners  is  a  principal  cause  of 
 the  multiplication  of  suits,  their  protracted  duration,  and  consequent 
 pressure  of  business  in  the  courts. 
 
 Dr.  Colquhoun  estimated  the  total  income  of  the  legal  classes,  when 
 the  amount  of  property  and  professional  practice  was  greatly  less  than 
 at  present,  at  £7,600,000  per  annum;  and  two-thirds^  probably,  of 
 this  sum  are  absorbed  by  legalists  resident  in  London. 
 
 However,  this  can  be  only  considered  a  vague  approximation.  In 
 our  list  of  places  we  shall  give  an  account  of  the  emoluments  and 
 incomes  of  the  chief  justices,  the  lord  chancellor,  the  judges,  and  several 
 other  well-known  individuals ;  but  the  incomes  of  the  profession  gene- 
 rally, of  counsellors,  special  pleaders,  conveyancers,  and  attorneys,  are 
 so  various,   that  it  is  impossible  to  fix  on  any  average  amount.     Sir 
 
298  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 Samuel  Romilly,  it  is  credibly  reported,  netted  £15,000  annually  from 
 his  professional  avocations.  There  are  other  counsel  who,  probablv, 
 make  ten  or  twelve  thousand  a-ycar  ;  others,  a  half,  a  third,  a  fourth, 
 or  twentieth  part  of  that  sum ;  and  others,  again,  who  make  nothing. 
 Sir  James  Scarlett  has  received  as  much  as  £400  with  a  brief  on  the 
 northern  circuit;  and  Sir  E.  Sugden,  we  believe,  received  £3000  with 
 his  brief,  in  the  case  of  Sjuall  v.  A  twood.  In  the  incomes  of  attorneys 
 are  great  diversities.  Some  few,  in  Loudon,  make  ten  or  cloven  thou- 
 sand pounds  a-year  ;  a  great  many  more  about  three  or  four  thousand 
 pounds;  and  some  obscure  practitioners  do  not  clear  more  than  £100 
 a-year.  Their  clerks  experience  similar  variety  of  fortune.  Some  are 
 starving  on  a  paltry  £50;  others  living  comfortably  on  £200  ;  and  others 
 sumptuously  on  a  £500  salaiy. 
 
 The  emoluments  and  salaries  of  the  masters,  registrars,  and  clerks  in 
 Chancery ;  of  the  judges  in  the  Admiralty,  and  ecclesiastical  courts, 
 and  of  the  law-officers  of  the  Crown,  have  been  more  than  doubled  since 
 the  commencement  of  the  revolutionary  war.  In  1792  the  salary  of 
 the  chief  justice  of  the  King's  Bench  was  £4,000 ;  of  the  Common 
 Pleas  £3,500  ;  of  the  chief  baron  of  the  Exchequer,  £3,500  ;  all  these 
 have  been  respectively  augmented  to  £10,000,  £8,000,  and  £7,000  per 
 annum;  and  the  salaries  of  the  puisne  judges  and  barons  of  the  three 
 superior  courts  have  been  raised  from  £2,400  to  £5,500  per  annum 
 each.*  All  the  judges  have  patronage — that  of  the  chief  justice  very 
 valuable ;  they  have,  also,  some  fees  remaining,  though  the  principal 
 portion  has  been  commuted.  It  has  been  related  of  these  exalted  per- 
 sonages, that,  at  the  time  sixteen  journeymen  boot-closers  were  com- 
 mitted to  Newgate  for  a  conspiracy  to  raise  their  wages,  they  were 
 sitting  in  their  chambers  in  Serjeant's  Inn  conspiring  to  raise  their  own 
 salaries,  in  consequence  of  the  rise  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  This 
 anecdote  reminds  us  of  the  fable  of  the  Wolf  and  the  Shepherd.  A  wolf, 
 says  Plutarch,  happening  to  put  his  head  into  a  hut,  where  some  shep- 
 herds were  regaling  on  a  leg  of  mutton,  exclaimed — Ah!  what  a 
 clamour  you  would  have  raised  had  you  caught  me  at  such  a  banquet! 
 The  demeanour  of  the  sages  of  the  law  would  be  something  similar ; 
 they  Avould  declaim  eloquently  on  the  evils  of  conspiring  when  committed 
 by  workmen,  thaugh  it  might  be  done  by  themselves  Avith  impunity. 
 
 An  important  fact  connected  with  legalists  is,  the  enormous  increase  in 
 their  number  within  the  last  ten  years.  In  1820  we  were  engaged  in  an 
 inquiry  similar  to  the  present ;  and  we  find,  in  the  interval,  the  number 
 of  attorneys  in  the  metropolis  has  augmented  Jifty  per  cent.  There 
 has,  no  doubt,  been  a  corresponding  increase  in  the  country,  and  in 
 other  branches  of  the  profession;  and  far  exceeds  the  contemporary 
 increment  in  property  and  population.  It  arises,  we  presume,  from  the 
 increasing  number  and  perplexities  of  the  laws,  w-hich  have  rendered 
 additional  guides,  commentators,  expounders,  and  interpreters  indispen- 
 sable ;  or,  it  may  have  arisen  from  the  large  fortunes  suddenly  amassed 
 
 *  Parliauicntary  Paper,  No.  .'»32,  Session  1830. 
 
HARVEST    OF    SPOIL    FROM    BANKRUPTCIES.  299 
 
 by  <lealers  in  legal  subtleties,  which  have  tempted  more  than  a  fair  pro- 
 portion of  the  community  to  embark  in  so  lucrative  a  calling.  Whatever 
 may  be  the  cause,  it  is  not  creditable  to  our  judicial  administration ;  nor 
 is  it  a  flattering  symptom  of  social  happiness  and  improvement. 
 
 The  increase  of  litigation,  and,  consequently,  of  profit  to  the  profes- 
 sion, is  demonstrated  by  the  increase  of  business  in  the  superior  courts, 
 as  is  shown  by  the  following  statement  of  the  number  of  causes  entered 
 for  trial : — 
 
 Years. 
 1823 
 
 King's  Bench. 
 .1474 
 
 Common  Pleas. 
 445 
 
 Exchequer. 
 162 
 
 1824.... 
 
 1G95 
 
 472 
 
 2''2 
 
 1825 
 
 21C4 
 
 500 
 
 157 
 
 182G 
 
 3112 
 
 1021 
 
 245 
 
 The  vast  number  of  bankruptcies  and  insolvencies  of  late  years 
 must  have  tended  enormously  to  the  emolument  of  the  legal  profes- 
 sion, and  have  rendered  them  the  richest  class  in  the  community. 
 The  number  of  persons  who  took  the  benefit  of  the  Insolvent  Act, 
 amounted  in  1820,  to  2482  ;  in  1825,  to  3665  ;  and  in  1830, 
 to  4379.*  The  number  of  bankrupts,  in  1814,  was  1612;  in  1820, 
 1381;  in  1826,  2582;  in  1829,  1654.t  All  these  breakings  up  yield 
 an  abundant  harvest  of  spoil  to  the  gentlemen  of  the  long  robe.  In 
 most  bankruptcies  the  solicitors,  the  bar,  the  commissioners,  the  ac- 
 countants, and  auctioneers  divide  the  assets.  Very  few  estates  pay  any 
 thing  worth  a  man's  while  going  after.  Under  the  late  administration 
 of  the  bankrupt-laws,  a  man  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  get  into  credit  to 
 as  large  an  amount  as  possible — buy  goods  in  every  place—turn  mer- 
 chant— ship  off  such  goods  to  every  quarter  of  the  world — fly  kites  in 
 every  possible  v/ay — keep  no  books,  or  those  so  confusedly  that  no  man, 
 called  in  by  the  name  of  an  accountant,  could  make  head  or  tail  of 
 them — carry  this  system  of  buying,  and  exporting,  and  kite-flying  to  its 
 utmost  extent — purchase  goods  on  credit  at  aziy  price,  and  for  the 
 greatest  length  of  time — declare  his  insolvency — go  into  the  Gazette  ; 
 the  solicitors,  the  bar,  the  commissioners,  the  accountants,  and  the  auc- 
 tioneers would  set  to  work  ;  the  larger  the  amount  of  the  man's  debts  so 
 much  the  better  for  the  legal,  accounting,  and  auctioneering  agents. 
 In  such  case,  the  professional  men  called  it  a  good  fat  bankruptcy  : 
 and,  if  they  could  get  it  into  chancery,  so  much  the  better;  and,  in 
 general,  it  was  contrived  that  a  good  fat  bankruptcy  should  get  into 
 chancery.  The  result,  in  general  was — ten  or  twelve  years'  meetings  of 
 commissioners,  actions,  bills  in  chancery ;  and  at  length,  when  the 
 legalists  had  absorbed  the  estate,  they  tired,  and  the  creditors  were  told, 
 •'  Here,  gentlemen,  are  the  accounts !" 
 
 Mr.  Montague  justly  characterised  a  commission  of  bankruptcy  "  a 
 tribunal  in  which  the  minimum  of  justice  was  administered  at  the 
 maximum  of  expense."     All  the  commissioners  were  either  very  old  or 
 
 *  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  141,  Session  1831. 
 t  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  280,  Session  1830. 
 
300  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 very  young  men,  \vhose  only  pretensions  were  the  friendship  of  the 
 chancellor,  or  the  friendship  of  some  friend  of  the  chancellor,  or  others 
 connected  with  the  government.  They  ware  all  either  counsel  or  soli- 
 citors, whose  sole  ohject  was  to  gain  as  much  money  in  as  little  time  as 
 possible.  Some  of  them  undei'stood  the  art  of  accomplishing  this  so 
 well  as  to  have  been  known  to  boast  of  pocketing  thirty  guineas  a  day. 
 These,  however,  were  only  ignoble  quarry,  compared  with  the  great 
 fee-guthcrer  himself.  It  appears,  from  a  parliamentary  return,  that 
 the  several  sums  sacked  by  the  purse-bearer  to  the  lord  chancellor,  in 
 the  year  ending  30th  April,  1830,  amounted  to  £4081.*  In  the  same 
 year,  the  scaling  of  4861  Avrits,  at  3s.  3d.  each,  produced  £789,  which 
 was  shared  between  his  lordship,  chaff-wax,  sealer,  and  porter.  From 
 returns  in  the  same  year,  the  masters  in  chancery  appear  to  net  £4000 
 per  annum,  their  chief  clerk  upwards  of  £1000,  and  the  copying  clerk 
 £500  and  more.  Mr.  Wellesley,  in  a  hook  lately  published  by  him,  on 
 the  court  of  chancery,  states  that  the  litigation  into  which  he  had  been 
 forced  had  cost  him  £20,000  in  four  years,  and  a  sum  of  equal  amount 
 had  been  paid  out  of  the  estates  of  his  children.  Mr.  Davies,  the  late 
 tea-dealer,  of  Philpot-lane,  was  put  to  an  expense  of  £32,000  by  a 
 chancery  commission,  appointed  to  ascertain  w  bother  he  Avas  in  a  sound 
 state  of  mind.  Sir  E.  Sugden  stated,  not  long  since,  that  the  equity 
 proceedings,  under  the  will  of  Mr.  Thelluson,  had  been  as  productive 
 to  lawyers  as  many  principalities  to  their  sovereigns.  The  cause  of 
 Small  V.  Attwood,  it  is  calculated,  Avill  swamp  £100,000  in  law  ex- 
 penses.   But  we  must  return  to  the  subject  from  which  we  have  digressed. 
 
 The  fraud,  impoverishment,  and  desolation  resulting  from  the  admi- 
 nistration of  the  Debtor-Laws  are  almost  incredible.  In  the  processes 
 issued  against  the  person,  lawyers  and  attorneys  are  the  parties  who 
 chiefly  profit.  From  returns  of  affidavits  of  debts,  it  appears,  in  two 
 years  and  a  half,  70,000  persons  were  arrested  in  and  about  London, 
 the  laAV-expenses  of  which  could  not  be  less  than  half  a  million.\  In 
 the  year  1827,  in  the  metropolis  and  two  adjoining  counties,  23,515 
 w^arrants  to  arrest  were  granted,  and  1 1 ,317  bailable  processes  executed.]: 
 Thus  Avere  eleven  thousand  persons  deprived  of  their  liberty  on  the 
 mere  declarations  of  others,  befoie  any  trial  or  proof  that  they  owed  a 
 farthing  !  So  gainful  is  the  trade  to  attorneys,  that  they  frequently 
 buy  up  small  bills  for  the  purpose  of  suing  the  endorsers,  and  bring 
 nine  or  ten  actions  on  each.  One  house  alone  has  brought  five  hundred 
 actions  in  this  way,  and  most  of  them  for  sums  under  £20. 
 
 The  sum  on  Avhich  arrest  is  allowed  has  been  gradually  augmented  to 
 £20 ;  but  this  is  too  small,  and  the  consequence  is,  the  prisons  are 
 crowded  Avith  debtors  for  the  most  paltry  amounts.  The  number  of 
 persons  committed  to  the  five  principal  prisons  of  the  metropolis,  exclu- 
 sive of  crown  debtors,  and  those  imprisoned  for  contempt,  averages  5000 
 
 *  I'arliaiuentary  Paper,   No.  626,  Session  1830. 
 
 t  Mr.  Iluiiic,   liouse  of  C'i)mnions,    February  I'J,  1827. 
 
 t  I'arliaiuenliiry  Pajier,  No.  149,  Session  1827. 
 
WORKINGS    OF    THE    REQUEST    COURTS.  oOl 
 
 per  annum.  Of  these  more  than  one-third  are  for  sums  under  £-0. 
 In  the  years  IS^S-^T.  the  Court  of  Requests  for  the  city  of  London 
 imprisoned  753  persons  for  various  terms,  from  twenty  to  one  hundred 
 days,  for  sums  under  £5.  In  the  same  year,  the  Court  of  Requests 
 for  Southwark  ordered  9758  executions,  and  1S93  persons  wore  actually 
 imprisoned  for  debts  amoimting  only  to£l6,44"2.*  From  18"23  to  1831 
 the  Southwark  Request  Court  committed  to  the  Borough  compter  and 
 county  gaol  8096  persons;  of  these  3139  were  for  debts  not  exceeding^ 
 twenty  shillings.f 
 
 The  minor  tribunals  for  facilitating  the  recovei-y  of  small  debts  we  do 
 not  think  entitled  to  the  praise  usually  awarded  them.  They  foment 
 domestic  animosities,  promote  law-suits,  and  encourage  a  trumpery 
 system  of  credit,  which  is  ultimately  ruinous  both  to  the  retail  trades- 
 man and  his  customers. +  Neither  are  they  so  economical  a  resource  as 
 is  generally  imagrined ;  the  costs  of  proceedings  in  them  usually 
 amounting  to  a  tax  of  ticenfy-Jive  per  cent,  payable  either  by  creditor 
 or  debtor.  A  debt  can  seldom  be  recovered  in  the  Marshalsea  or 
 Palace  Court  for  less  than  £8,  even  if  no  resistance  is  offered.  In  the 
 several  courts  of  request  for  the  city  of  London,  Jliddlesex,  West- 
 minster, and  the  Borough,  the  expenses  of  recovering  a  debt  of  40s. 
 or  under,  is  at  least  lis.;  above  that  sum,  twice  as  much.  Such  a 
 system  can  be  no  advantage  to  trade  ;  it  only  tends  to  fill  the  coffers  of 
 attorneys  and  clerks  of  courts,  by  the  ruin  of  the  industrious  classes. 
 Only  think  of  the  fees  received  in  the  request  court  of  Southwark 
 amounting",  in  one  year,  to  £4'255,  of  which  £2475  arose  from  debts 
 of  40s.  or  under.  In  four  yeai-s.  the  fees  received,  in  the  request 
 court  of  the  City,  amounted  to  £7322. §  Our  legal  institutions  are 
 chiefly  beneficial  to  those  under  whose  auspices  their  rules  and  modes 
 of  procedure  have  been  framed  and  regulated.  Hence  the  circuity  and 
 expense  of  law-suits.  Xo  prudent  man  ever  thinks  it  for  his  interest 
 to  sue  for  a  debt  below  £15;  the  costs  in  prosecuting  for  a  small  debt 
 being  equal  to  a  large  one,  owing  to  the  proceedings  being  the  same, 
 and  the  pleadings  as  voluminous  for  the  recovery  of  a  few  shillings  as 
 £100.  In  the  King's  Bench,  the  expenses  of  recovering  a  debt  under 
 £5,  even  if  no  defence  is  made,  and  judgment  goes  by  default,  are  not 
 less  than  £15;  if  defendant  appear,  and,  as  is  not  uncommonly  the 
 case,  puts  in  a  dilatory  plea,  they  are  increased  to  £20;  and,  by  taking 
 out  a  writ  of  error,  they  are  still  further  augmented.  The  following 
 receipt  has  been  often  given  to  debtors,  who  wish  to  be  troublesome, 
 and  to  weary  out  their  creditors  by  an  expensive  process :  — 
 
 When  arrested  and  held  to  bail,  and  after  beins:  served  with  a  decla- 
 
 *  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  4S7,  Session  182S. 
 
 t   Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  240,  Session  1S31. 
 
 X  Treatise  ou  the  Police  and  Crimes  of  the  Metropolis,  by  the  Editor  of  the 
 Cabinet  Lawyer,  where  the  tendency  of  the  debtor-laws  is  more  fully  inves- 
 tigated. 
 
 i  Report  on  Small  Debts,  Parliamentary  Paper,  vol.  iv.  Session  1823. 
 
302 
 
 LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 ration,  you  may  plead  the  general  issue,  Avhich  puts  you  on  for  trial 
 sooner  than  any  other  plea ;  but,  if  vou  wish  to  vex  your  plaintiff,  and 
 put  him  about,  put  in  a  special  plea ;  if  you  are  in  custody,  order  your 
 attorney  to  plead  in  person,  this  will  cost  you  £l  :  I,  and  run  your 
 plaintiff  to  £30  expense.  If  you  do  not  intend  to  try  the  cause,  you 
 have  no  occasion  to  do  any  thinj^  more  till  the  pLtintitt  g^ets  judgment 
 against  you,  which  he  must  do  the  term  after  you  have  put  in  a  special 
 plea.  The  plaintiff  is  obliged  to  send  you  a  paper  book,  which  you 
 must  return  to  his  attorney  with  7s  6d.  otherwise  you  will  not  put  him 
 to  more  than  half  the  expense.  When  he  proceeds  and  gets  judgment 
 against  you,  then  order  your  attorney  to  search  the  Final  Judgment 
 Office,  in  the  Temple ;  when  searched,  and  found  they  have  got  final 
 judg'ment  signed  against  you,  then  give  plaintiff's  attorney  notice  for 
 him  and  your  attorney  to  be  present  with  the  master  at  the  time  the 
 plaintiff  taxes  the  costs  ;  at  which  time  your  attorney  must  have  a  writ 
 of  error  with  him  to  give  to  the  plaintiff's  attorney  before  the  master, 
 at  the  time  the  master  taxes  the  costs  ;  it  will  put  the  plaintiff  to  great 
 expense,  which  he  will  have  to  pay,  or  go  the  ground  over  again.  The 
 writ  of  error  will  cost  you  £4:4  by  a  London  attorney ;  but,  if  you 
 wish  to  be  more  troublesome,  make  the  writ  returnable  in  parliament, 
 which  will  cost  you  £l  :  1  more,  and  your  plaintiff  £100.  If  he  has 
 the  courag-e  to  follow  you  further,  you  may  then  file  a  bill  in  Chancery 
 or  Exchequer ;  if  he  does  not  then  give  his  answer,  your  bill  will  get 
 an  injunction  against  him :  you  may  then  get  an  attachment  from  the 
 court  where  your  bill  was  filed,  and  take  his  body  for  contempt  of  court. 
 The  costs  incurred  by  plaintiff'  and  defendant,  respectively,  will  then  be 
 <is  follow : — 
 
 Plaintiff's  Costs. 
 
 Answer  to  Special  Plea  . . 
 
 Ditto  Writ  of  Error 
 
 Ditto  l?ill  in  Cliancery. .. . 
 Ditto  Bill  in  Exchequer  .. 
 
 £ 
 80 
 
 100 
 100 
 
 84 
 
 £314     0     9 
 
 Defendant's  Costs. 
 
 £ 
 
 Special  Plea    1 
 
 Paper  Txiok 0 
 
 W  rit  of  J'.rror 4 
 
 I?eturnable  in  Parliament. .     1 
 
 To  Hill  in  Chancery 12 
 
 To  Bill  in  Exchequer    ....     G 
 
 "!. 
 
 d. 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 7 
 
 G 
 
 4 
 
 0 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 G 
 
 0 
 
 £54  I'J     6 
 
 This  is  a  fine  exemplification  of  law, 'and  shows  how  much  greater  are 
 tlie  advantages  offered  to  finesse  and  knavery  than  to  integrity  and  plain 
 dealing.  Some  restraints  are  laid  on  frivolous  writs  of  error  by  6  Geo. 
 IV.  c.  96,  but  in  other  respects  the  above  outline  is  a  substantially  cor- 
 rect exposition  of  the  legal  resources  available  to  the  unprincipled  debtor 
 for  harassing:  his  creditor. 
 
 SUMMARY    OF    LEGAL    ABUSES    AND    DEFECTS. 
 
 In  the  preceding  exposition  our  principal  objects  have  boon  to  give  a 
 
DEFECTS    IN    THE    MAGISTRACY.  303 
 
 general  idea  of  the  laws  of  England  ;  secondly,  of  the  number  and  gains 
 of  the  individuals  engaged  in  their  administration  ;  thirdly,  of  the  abuses 
 and  defects  in  those  laws  especially  intended  for  the  benefit  of  trade ; 
 and,  lastly,  we  have  brought  together  a  multitude  of  facts,  to  exemplify 
 the  emoluments  and  salaries  of  judges  and  the  fees  of  lawyers  and  at- 
 torneys, in  order  to  sbow  the  mass  of  interest-begotten  prejudices  that 
 must  interfere  with,  if  not  be  absolutely  arrayed  against  efficient  reform 
 in  the  judicial  system.  After  proceeding  thus  far,  we  still  despair  of 
 bringing  the  remainder  of  our  subject  within  reasonable  limits.  Lord. 
 Brougham,  after  an  extraordinary  speech  of  six  hours'  duration,  Avas 
 compelled  to  leave  various  departments  of  legal  delinquency  unexplored, 
 though  equally  claiming  the  a.ttention  of  his  powerful  mind.  All  that 
 our  circumscribed  space  Avill  permit  is  an  indication  or  digest  of  the 
 more  prominent  defects,  and  this  we  shall  endeavour  to  comprise  in  the 
 present  section.  Abuses  often  exist  only  because  they  are  concealed, 
 and  the  first  step  to  their  reform  is  general  publicity. 
 
 Justices  of  the  Peace. — These  are  virtually  appointed  by  lords 
 lieutenant  of  counties ;  for,  though  the  lord  chancellor  issues  the  com- 
 mission, it  is  the  lord  lieutenant  who  designates  the  persons  compre- 
 hended in  it.  Hence  an  important  source  of  aristocratic  influence ; 
 which  is  exerted  in  raising  to  the  magisterial  bench  gentlemen  who 
 have  distinguished  themselves  by  their  political  opinions  or  activity  in 
 local  contests.  The  tenure  of  office  is  fully  as  secure  as  that  of  the 
 judges;  whatever  be  the  conduct  of  a  justice,  he  is  seldom  removed ;  and 
 lord  Eldon  laid  it  down  as  an  inflexible  mle  never  to  strike  a  magistrate 
 oflf  the  list,  either  for  private  misconduct  or  party  feeling,  until  he  had 
 been  convicted  of  some  oii'ence  by  the  verdict  of  a  court  of  record, 
 and  such  conviction,  it  is  notorious,  is  almost  unattainable.  Hence 
 these  petty  judges  may  be  considered  as  so  many  irremoveable  and  irre- 
 sponsible functionaries,  and  the  great  power  confided  to  them  in  the 
 administration  of  the  game  laws,  the  punishment  of  theft  and  assaults,  and 
 the  granting  of  licenses  is  very  liable  to  be  abused.  Numerous  instances 
 of  abuse  were  cited  by  lord  Brougham,  in  his  great  speech  of  the  7th 
 of  February,  1828.  Still  we  do  not  ag'ree  with  this  eminent  personage 
 in  thinking,  as  he  seems  to  incline,  that  a  stipendiary  magistracy, 
 consisting  of  la-wyers,  would,  in  lieu  of  the  unpaid  magistracy,  aft'ord 
 the  best  security  for  a  pure  and  independent  administration  of  justice. 
 Cos^Zy  justice,  no  doubt,  is  better  than  cheap  injustice.  But  lawyers 
 have  their  prejudices  as  well  as  sporting  parsons  and  sporting  squires  ; 
 and  Ave  think  justice  woyld  be  quite  as  corrupt  when  paid  for  as  when 
 administered  gratuitously,  unless  there  were  responsibility.  This  would 
 be  best  obtained  by  the  entire  publicity  of  justiciary  proceedings; — here 
 is  the  best  guarantee  against  abuse  in  all  functionaries  of  whatever  rank 
 or  degree.  Clergymen  might  be  disqualified  for  the  magisterial  office 
 as  for  other  lay  functions,  and  greater  facilities  afforded  for  removing 
 from  the  commission  of  the  peace  justices  guilty  of  misconduct.  With 
 these  reforms  the  magistracy  would  be  made  a  much  less  objectionable 
 branch  of  domestic  judicature,  especially  as  a  material  source  of  their 
 
304  LAW     AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 misdoings  has  been  curtailed  by  the   opening  of  the  beer  trade  and  the 
 improvement  of  the  game  laws. 
 
 DiFii-Ri'NT  Laws  in  diifi-kent  Places. — Nothing  can  be  more 
 inconsistent  than  the  different  modes  of  inheritance  and  tenure  in  tlie 
 dilierent  districts  of  the  countr)'.  In  the  county  of  Middlesex  the 
 eldest  son  succeeds  to  the  estate  ;  cross  over  the  Thames,  into  Kent, 
 and  all  the  sons  succeed  to  the  ancestor's  inheritance  in  equal  shares  ; 
 proceed  a  little  to  the  westward,  and  another  law  prevails,  the  youngest 
 son  inheriting  the  land  to  the  exclusion  of  the  other  children.  What  can 
 be  the  motive  for  perpetuating  these  divers  usages — the  relics  of  a  bar- 
 barous age — in  a  country  subject  to  the  same  general  government  ?  But 
 even  the  customs  of  gavelkind  and  borough-English  are  not  so  inconve- 
 nient as  those  which  regulate  the  customary  tenures  in  a  thousand 
 different  manors.  In  one  manor  copyhold  property  is  not  devisable  by 
 will;  in  another  it  may  be  so  conveyed.  In  one  manor  a  devise  is  not 
 valid,  if  made  longer  than  two  years  before  the  testator's  decease  ;  so 
 that  it  is  necessary  for  wills  to  be  renewed  every  two  years ;  in  another 
 one  year ;  in  a  third  three  years  are  the  period ;  while  in  many  there 
 are  no  such  restrictions.  In  some  manors  the  eldest  daughter  succeeds 
 to  the  exclusion  of  her  sisters,  as  the  eldest  daughter  (in  default  of 
 male  heirs)  succeeds  to  the  crown  of  England;  in  other  manors  all  the 
 daughters  succeed  jointly,  as  co-parceners,  after  the  manner  of  the 
 common  law.  In  some  manors  a  wife  has  for  dower  one-third  of  the 
 tenement,  as  in  case  of  freehold.  In  others  she  has,  for  her  free  bench, 
 one  half;  and  again,  in  some,  she  takes  the  Avhole  for  life,  to  the 
 exclusion  of  the  heir.  The  fines  on  death  or  alienation  vary ;  the  power 
 and  manner  of  entailing  or  cutting  oft"  entails  vary ;  the  taking  of 
 heriots  and  lords'  services  varies.*  There  are  as  many  or  more  of 
 these  local  laws  than  in  France,  in  the  Pays  de  Coutume,  of  which 
 four  hundred  have  been  enumerated,  so  as  to  make  it  the  chief  oppro- 
 brium of  the  old  French  law,  that  it  diftered  in  every  village.  Is  it 
 right  that  such  varieties  of  custom  should  be  allowed  to  have  force  in 
 particular  districts,  contrary  to  the  general  law  of  the  land  ?  Is  it 
 right  that,  in  London,  Bristol,  and  some  other  places,  the  debts  due  to 
 a  man  should  be  subject  to  execution  for  what  he  owes  himself,  while 
 in  all  the  rest  of  England  there  is  no  such  resource  ;  although  in 
 Scotland,  as  in  France,  this  most  rational  and  equitable  law  is 
 universal  ? 
 
 All  these  varieties  of  tenure  and  diversities  of  liability  are  only  so 
 many  traps  to  the  ignorant  and  unwary,  and  so  many  impediments  to 
 the  transmission  and  circulation  of  property.  They  embarrass  com- 
 merce, by  making  it  ditficult — in  some  cases  impossible — for  a  man  to 
 get  the  full  value  of  his  property,  or  dispose  of  it  at  all.  For  copyhold 
 property  is  not  liable  even  for  specialty  debts,  nor  can  it  be  extended 
 by  elegit ;  and  thus,  absurd  and   unjust  as  is  the  law  which  prevents 
 
 *  Lord  Brougham,  House  of  Commons,  Feb.  7,  IS28,  printed  speech,  p.  4.5. 
 
INEQUALITIES    BETWEEN    CROWN    AND    PEOPLE.        305 
 
 freeliold  property  from  being  charged  with  simple  contract  debts,  it  goes 
 further  in  this  instance,  and  exempts  the  copyhold  from  liability,  even 
 to  those  of  the  highest  nature,  a  judgment  itself  not  giving  the  creditor 
 any  right  of  execution  against  it.  The  obvious  remedy  to  be  adopted  in 
 this  case  is  to  give  all  parts  of  the  country  the  same  rules  touching 
 property  ;  and,  therefore,  lord  Brougham,  in  his  memorable  speech, 
 proposed  an  assimilation  of  the  lavps,  affecting  real  estates,  all  over  the 
 kingdom,  to  take  place  after  the  elapse  of  a  fixed  period. 
 
 DiFFEUEXT  Laws  for  different  Persons. — Sir  Wm.Blackstone 
 was  very  fond  of  asserting  that  the  Crown  and  people  were,  in  law,  on 
 an  equal  footing,  and  that  the  King,  in  a  court  of  justice,  was  no  more 
 considered  than  a  subject.  This  is  not  correct.  It  is  true  a  person 
 injured,  in  his  property,  by  the  Crown,  may  proceed  by  a  petition  of 
 right,  having  first  obtained  the  consent  of  the  attorney-general ;  but  the 
 attorney-general  may  refuse  his  fiat,  and  then  the  subject  is  without 
 remedy,  except  the  hopeless  resource  of  an  inipeachment  of  the  officer 
 of  the  Crown.  Again,  in  cases  where  the  Crown  is  interested,  the 
 Crown  has  a  right,  at  the  mere  suggestion  of  the  attorney-general,  to 
 call  for  a  trial  at  bar  ;  and  thus  the  subject  be  obliged  to  bring  all  the 
 witnesses  up,  from  Cornwall,  perhaps,  or  some  other  remote  county. 
 After  all  this  expense  is  incurred,  by  reason  of  the  Crown  demanding  a 
 trial  in  London,  where  the  other  party  is  not  known,  and  not  in  Corn- 
 wall, where  both  parties  are  known,  the  Crown  may  withdraw  the  case 
 from  the  consideration  of  the  jury,  after  the  examination  of  all  the  wit- 
 nesses, even  at  the  moment  that  the  jury  are,  with  their  backs  turned, 
 deliberating  about  their  verdict. 
 
 But  it  is  said  the  Crown  pai/s  expenses ;  the  subject,  however,  has 
 his  own  expenses  to  pay.  As  the  Crown  is  above  receiving  costs,  so  it 
 is  exempt  from  paving  them.  The  reason  of  this  practice  it  is  not  easy 
 to  discover.  One  cannot  see  how  the  dignity  of  the  Crown  is  exalted 
 by  not  receiving  costs,  when  they  reflect  that,  by  the  Crown,  is  meant 
 the  revenue  raised  from  the  people  for  the  public  service,  and  that, 
 consequently,  the  non-payment  of  costs  to  the  Crown  is  an  increase  of 
 the  people's  burthens.  But,  even  if  we  admit  the  propriety  of  the 
 Crown's  receiving  none,  it  would  by  no  means  follow  that  it  should  pay 
 none  to  the  subject,  who  is  in  a  widely  different  predicament.  All  this, 
 however,  arises  out  of  notions  derived  from  the  feudal  times,  when  the 
 Crown  was  in  a  situation  the  very  reverse  of  that  in  which  it  stands  at 
 present,  its  income  then  arising  almost  entirely  from  a  land-revenue. 
 There  is  now  no  reason  why  it  should  be  exempt  from  paying,  or 
 disabled  from  receiving,  in  all  cases  where  costs  would  be  due  between 
 common  persons.  Indeed,  there  has  been  of  late  years  an  exception 
 made  in  the  crown-law  on  this  head,  but  so.as  to  augment  the  inequality 
 complained  of.  In  all  stamp  prosecutions,  the  costs  of  the  Crown  are 
 paid  by  the  unsuccessful  defendants  ;  so  far  does  it  stoop  from  its 
 former  dignity  ;  but  not  so  low  as  to  pay  the  defendant  a  farthing  of 
 his  costs,  should  he  be  acquitted. 
 
 We  shall  only  mention  one  more  case  to  illustrate  the  legal  disparity 
 
 X 
 
30(j  I.AU     AM)    COURTS    OF    I,AW. 
 
 between  the  King  uad  the  people.  Whenever  a  special  jury  is  sum- 
 moned in  a  Crown  case,  and  all  the  twelve  jurors  do  not  attend,  a  tales 
 cannot  be  prayed  to  let  the  cause  proceed,  without  a  warrant  from  the 
 attorney-general ;  so  that  it  is  in  the  power  of  your  adversary  to 
 refuse  this  at  the  time  it  may  be  most  for  liis  advantage  so  to  do;  while 
 you  have  no  option  whatever,  in  case  it  should  be  for  his  interest  to 
 proceed,  and  for  yours  to  delay.  A  sinp:ular  instance  of  oppression, 
 under  this  usage,  was  related  by  Lord  Brougham,  in  the  celebrated 
 speech  to  which  we  have  referred.  A  person  named  Lowe,  with  four 
 smugglers,  was  prosecuted  in  the  Court  of  Exchequer.  The  accused 
 were  acquitted  on  the  second  trial,  and  Meade,  one  of  the  witnesses 
 against  them,  and  others  connected  with  him,  were  prosecuted  for 
 peijury ;  eighteen  indictments  were  found  at  the  sessions,  and  the 
 Crown  at  once  removed  the  whole,  by  certiorari,  into  the  Court  of 
 King's  Bench.  There  they  were  all  to  be  tried.  Meade  was  the  first 
 tried,  and  clearly  convicted.  The  other  seventeen  were  then  to  be  tried, 
 and  Mr.  Sergeant  Jones  called  them  on ;  but  the  Crown  had  made  the 
 whole  eighteen  special  jury  causes ;  a  sufficient  number  of  jurymen 
 did  not  attend ;  Mr.  Sergeant  Jones  wanted  to  pray  a  tales,  and  the 
 Crown  refused  a  tvarrant.  "Thus,"  says  lord  Brougham,  "  an  ex- 
 pense of  £10,000  was  incurred,  and  a  hundred  witnesses  were  brought 
 to  London,  all  for  nothing,  except,  after  the  vexation,  trouble,  and  delay 
 already  endured,  to  work  the  ruin  of  the  prosecutor,  who  had  been 
 first  harassed  upon  the  testimony  of  the  perjured  witnesses.  The 
 poor  Yorkshire  farmer,  whom  the  villain  had  so  vexed,  had  no  more 
 money  to  spend  in  law;  all  the  other  prosecutions  dropped;  Meade  ob- 
 tained a  rule  for  a  new  trial,  but  funds  were  wanting-  to  meet  him 
 again,  and  he  escaped.  So  that  public  justice  was  utterly  frustrated, 
 as  well  as  the  most  grievous  wrong  inflicted  upon  an  individual.  Nor 
 did  it  end  here  ;  the  poor  farmer  was  fated  to  lose  his  life  by  the 
 transaction.  Meade,  the  false  witness,  and  Lowe,  the  farmer,  whom 
 he  had  informed  against,  and  who  was  become  the  Avitness  against  him 
 upon  the  approaching  trial,  lived  in  the  same  village  ;  and  one  evening, 
 in  consequence,  as  was  alleged,  of  some  song,  or  madrigal,  sung  by 
 him  in  the  street,  this  man  (Meade)  seized  a  gun,  and  shot  Lowe,  from 
 his  house,  dead  upon  the  spot.  He  was  acquitted  of  the  murder,  on 
 the  ground  of  something  like  provocation,  but  he  was  found  guilty  of 
 manslaughter,  and  such  was  the  impression  of  his  guilt  upon  the  mind 
 of  the  court,  that  he  was  sentenced  to  two  years'  imprisonment.  A  case 
 of  more  complicated  injustice — one  fraught  with  more  cruel  injustice  to 
 the  parties,  I  never  knew  in  this  country,  nor  do  I  conceive  that  worse 
 can  be  found  in  any  other.  We  may  talk  of  our  excellent  institutions, 
 and  excellent  some  of  them  certainly  are,  though  I  could  wish  we  were 
 not  given  to  so  much  Pharisaical  praising  of  them ;  but  if,  while  others, 
 who  do  more  and  talk  less,  go  on  improving  their  laws,  we  stand  still, 
 and  suffer  all  our  worst  abuses  to  continue,  w^e  shall  soon  cease  to  be 
 respected  by  our  neighbours,  or  to  receive  any  praises,  save  those  we 
 are  so  ready  to  lavish  upon  oureelves." — pp.  50-1.     So  much  for  the 
 
ABSURDITIES    OF    FINES    AND    RECOVERIES.  307 
 
 even-handed  justice,   lauded  by  Mr.  Justice   Blackstone,  between  the 
 Crown  and  the  people ! 
 
 Fines  and  Rixoveries. — It  is  well  known  if  a  person  has  an 
 estate  in  fee,  that  is,  the  absolute  and  unconditional  possession  of  it, 
 he  can  sell  or  devise  it  as  he  thinks  proper ;  but,  if  he  has  an  estate  in 
 tail,  he  cannot  deal  with  it  in  this  manner.  He  must  first  go  through 
 certain  foniis,  in  order  to  make  himself  absolute  master  of  his  estate  : 
 he  must  levy  a  fine,  as  it  is  called,  which  destroys  the  expectant  rights 
 of  the  issue  in  tail ;  or  he  must,  by  means  of  a  recovery,  get  rid  of 
 those  rights  and  of  all  remainders  over.  But  this  must  be  done  through 
 the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year  ; — and 
 why,  it  may  be  asked,  should  there  exist  a  necessity  for  going  there  ? 
 Why  force  tenants-in-tail  into  court  for  mere  form's  sake  ?  In  case  of 
 bankruptcy  the  necessity  for  these  forms  is  not  felt.  A  trader,  who  is 
 tenant-in-tail,  commits  an  act  of  bankruptcy,  and,  by  the  assignment 
 under  the  commission,  not  only  the  interest  vested  in  him  is  conveyed, 
 but  all  the  remainders  expectant  upon  it  are  destroyed  for  the  benefit  of 
 his  creditors,  and  the  estate  passes  to  the  assignees,  free  of  all  re- 
 striction. Why,  then,  may  not  the  possessor  of  an  estate  do  that  for 
 himself  which  the  law  permits  to  be  done  for  an  insolvent  tradesman 
 and  his  creditors  ?  So,  too,  a  man  and  his  wife  cannot  convey  an  estate 
 of  the  wife  without  a  fine  or  a  recovery ;  neither  can  the  wife  be  barred 
 of  her  dower  without  a  similar  proceeding.  There  is  certainly  nothing 
 very  real  in  a  fine,  and,  as  to  recoveries,  they  proceed  upon  a  mere 
 fiction.  They  go  upon  the  ground  of  compensation  in  value  being  made 
 to  the  remainder  claimants,  whose  right  they  cut  off,  and  who,  but  for 
 this  fictitious  suit,  would  have  a  right  to  take  the  estate  after  the 
 decease  of  the  tenant-in-tail.  They  are  said  to  recover  compensation  in 
 value  ;  and  from  whom  do  they  recover  it  ?  Why  the  common  vouchee, 
 who  is  the  crier  of  the  court  of  Common  Pleas,  and  who,  like  the 
 man  at  the  Custom-House,  obliged  to  take  all  the  oatlis  other  people 
 do  not  like,  lies  groaning  under  the  weight  of  all  the  liabilities  he  has 
 incurred  to  all  the  claimants  in  tail  since  he  became  crier,  and  answer- 
 able for  the  millions  of  property,  the  rights  to  which,  in  remainder,  have 
 been  barred,  he  not  being  worth  a  shilling  ! 
 
 The  abolition  of  these  ridiculous  forms  was  recommended  upwards  of 
 one  hundred  and  fifty  years  since,  and  still  remained  to  be  enforced  by 
 the  eloquence  of  lord  Brougham.  Thej  have  no  earthly  use  but  to  raise 
 money  by  way  of  fees;  and  which,  besides  creating  expense  and  delay, 
 and  oftentimes  preventing  tenants-in-tail  from  passing  their  property  by 
 will,  which  they  cannot  do  if  they  die  before  suffering  the  recovery, 
 they  give  rise  to  questions  in  law,  often  puzzling,  always  dilatory  and 
 expensive.  The  mere  forms  of  fines  and  recoveries  cost  £70,000  per 
 annum  over  and  above  what  deeds,  operating  in  the  same  manner, 
 would  cost ;  and  a  round  sum  must  be  allowed  for  the  litigation  which 
 doubts  on  these  assurances  are  yearly  occasioning.  Mr.  Campbell  in- 
 troduced  a  bill  for  abolishing  fines    and  recoveries,    which  has  been 
 
 x2 
 
308  LAW    AND    fOURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 hanging  on  the  tenter-hooks  during  the  two  last  sessions  of  parliament, 
 owing  to  the  rejection  of  the  Reform  Bill  by  the  Lords. 
 
 Agreements  for  Leases  and  Conveyances. — A  pregnant 
 source  of  legal  suits  is  the  law  with  respect  to  sales,  leases,  and  other 
 conveyances.  Thus,  if  you  agree  with  a  person  to  give  him  a  lease, 
 though  he,  under  the  agreement,  becomes  your  tenant,  he  is  your 
 equitable  tenant  only,  but  not  your  legal  tenant.  He  may  be  possessed 
 of  a  written  agreement,  signed  and  sealed,  for  a  lease  of  ten  years,  and 
 may  occupy  under  it,  but  he  has  no  lease  which  a  court  of  law  can  take 
 notice  of;  and,  if  an  ejectment  is  brought,  he  must  go  out.  He  may 
 go  into  a  court  of  equity  on  his  agreement,  if  that  is  any  comfort  to 
 him;  he  may  apply  for  a  decree  against  you  to  perform  your  agreement; 
 but  till  then  his  claims  are  not  recognized  in  a  court  of  common  law. 
 If  an  injunction  be  brought,  the  expenses  are  further  multiplied.  Why, 
 it  may  be  asked,  should  not  the  agreement,  such  as  here  described,  be 
 as  good  as  a  lease ;  when,  in  substance,  it  is  the  very  same  thing-,  and 
 only  wants  a  word  added  or  left  out  to  make  it  the  same  in  legal  effect  ? 
 A  case,  illustrative  of  this  subject,  happened  to  lord  Brougham,  on  the 
 York  circuit.  An  agreement  had  been  entered  into,  and  possession 
 given ;  but,  because  it  did  not  contain  words  of  present  demise,  it  was  ' 
 no  lease,  and  therefore  the  tenant  could  not  stand  a  moment  against 
 the  ejectment  that  w^as  brought,  but  was  driven  into  the  Court  of 
 Chancery,  where  the  other  party  could  just  as  little  stand  against  him. 
 How  much  inconvenience,  expense,  and  delay,  then,  might  be  saved,  if 
 such  an  agreement  were  pronounced  equivalent  to  a  lease  ! 
 
 Again,  on  the  same  principle  of  avoiding  multiplicity  of  suits,  why, 
 in  ejectments,  should  two  processes  be  requisite  to  give  the  plaintiff  his 
 remedy?  As  things  now  stand,  after  a  man  has  succeeded  in  one 
 action,  and  established  his  title  to  the  possession,  he  must  have  recourse 
 to  another,  to  recover  that  Avhich  he  ought  to  have  obtained  by  one  and 
 the  same  verdict  that  established  his  title — the  mesne  profits.  Why 
 could  not  the  same  jury  f^ettle  the  matter  at  once  ?  Why  is  an  individual 
 driven  to  maintain  two  actions  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  one  and  the 
 same  remedy?  Or  why  should  not  the  jury  that  tries  the  right  also 
 assess  the  damage?  Mr.  Tennesson's  bill,  which  was  intended  to  remedy 
 some  part  of  this  evil,  is  only  permissive;  it  ought  to  have  been 
 compulsory.  It  is  partial,  and  it  is  only  recommendatory,  and  its 
 recommendations  are  not  always  attended  to,  because  the  lawyers, 
 having  the  choice,  do  not  think  fit  to  pursue  that  which  is  the  least 
 profitable;  they  choose  the  two  actions,  when  one  would  suffice  for  the 
 interests  of  justice — for  the  interests  of  the  plaintiff  and  defendant — 
 for  all  interests,  except  those  of  the  practitioners. 
 
 Arrest  for  Debt. — Unless  incases  of  grossly  irapi-ovident  conduct, 
 or  fraudulent  concealment  of  property  from  the  just  claims  of  creditors, 
 imprisonment  of  the  person  for  debt,  either  on  mesne  process  or  in 
 execution,  .seems  not  defensible.  In  practice,  the  power  of  arrest  is 
 often  perverted  to  j)urposes  foreign  to  its  ostensible  object.      It  has  been 
 
ARREST LIABILITIES    OF    PROPERTY    FOR    DEBT.      309 
 
 resorted  to  as  a  means  not  of  recovering:  a  just  claim,  but  to  prevent  a 
 just  claim  being  preferred ;  and  the  same  artifice  of  a  false  allegation 
 of  debt  has  been  frequently  employed  to  remove  a  person  out  of  the  vk^ay 
 who  happened  to  be  troublesome,  or  that  some  criminal  intention  might 
 be  effected  during  his  incarceration.  But,  however  wicked  or  spiteful 
 the  motives  of  any  one  in  so  employing  the  process  of  the  law,  there 
 being  a  probable  cause  of  detention,  and  the  process  not  being  abused, 
 no  action  lies  against  the  wrong  doer.  If  he  have  no  accomplices,  so  as 
 to  fall  within  the  charge  of  conspiracy ,  he  is  safe.  To  the  Avealthy  all 
 these  inconveniences  are  trivial ;  but  how  does  such  a  proceeding- 
 operate  on  a  poor  man,,  or  a  tradesman  in  moderate  circumstances  ?  He 
 has  no  facilities  for  obtaining*  bail;  if  he  has,  he  pays  one  way  or 
 another  afterwards  for  the  favour;  and,  if  he  cannot  procure  it,  he 
 must  go  to  prison.  And  on  what  ground  of  common  sense  does  the  law 
 in  this  matter  rest?  Why  should  it  be  supposed  that  a  man,  owing- 
 twenty  pounds,  will  leave  his  house,  his  wife,  his  children,  his  country, 
 his  pursuits,  and  incur,  voluntarily,  the  punishment  awarded  for  great 
 crimes,  by  banishing  himself  for  life?  Yet  the  law  always  proceeds 
 on  the  supposition  that  a  man  will  run  atvay  the  moment  he  has  notice 
 given  him  of  an  action  for  debt.  Some  men  might  possibly  act  thus, 
 but  their  conduct  forms  the  exception,  not  the  rule;  audit  is  neither 
 wisdom  nor  humanity  to  denounce  a  penalty  against  all  men  in  order  to 
 meet  a  case  not  likely  to  occur  once  in  a  thousand  times.  Non- 
 payment of  debt,  if  a  crime  at  all,  is  a  crime  against  proj^er^?/  only: 
 and,  perhaps,  it  would  be  enough  to  allow  property  to  answer  for  it:  and 
 there  is  this  peculiarity  between  it  and  other  crimes  against  property,  that 
 it  is  committed  with  the  mutual  consent  of  the  parties.  Goods  sold 
 on  credit  are  mostly  charged  extra ;  this  extra  charge  is  the  premium 
 exacted  by  the  creditor  on  account  of  the  risk  of  repayment;  and, 
 having  thus  fixed  the  equivalent  foi-  his  chance  of  loss,  it  seems  supei- 
 erogatory  in  the  law  to  grant  him,  in  addition,  the  power  of  ex  pos^ 
 facto  punishment,  of  the  amount  of  which  he  is  the  sole  judge,  merely 
 because  he  has  failed  in  a  voluntary  adventure,  into  which  he  had  been 
 tempted  to  embark,  from  the  prospect  of  reaping  a  greater  profit  than 
 is  charged  by  the  ready-money  tradesman.  Creditors  rarely  derive  any 
 advantage  from  imprisonment  beyond  the  indulgence  of  vindictive 
 feeling,  which  it  is  inconsistent  with  the  true  ends  of  public  law  to 
 encourage.  Those  who  do  benefit  by  it  are  usually  the  most  unfair 
 and  ungenerous,  who,  by  a  sudden  arrest,  often  embarrass  and  prejudice 
 all  the  other  parties  interested.  To  the  debtor,  the  consequences  are 
 peculiarly  hurtful— personal  degradation —augmented  incapacity  and 
 diminished  inclination  to  satisfy  his  prosecutor — and  the  contraction 
 of  habits  inconsistent  Avith  future  intregrity  and  industry. 
 
 Inconsistent  Liabilities  of  Property  for  Debts. — In  pro- 
 portion as,  before  the  debt  has  been  proved,  the  person  and  property  of 
 the  party  charged  should  be  free  from  all  process  not  necessai-y  to 
 prevent  evasion ;  so,  after  judgment,  ought  the  utmost  latitude  be 
 given  to  obtain  satisfaction  from  all  the  defendant's  property  whatever — ■ 
 
310  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 land,  goods,  money,  and  debts — -for  to  himself  they  no  longer  belong. 
 To  allow  any  distinction  between  one  kind  of  property  and  another 
 seems  the  height  of  injustice.  Yet  this  is  of  hourly  occurrence  in  the 
 frustration  of  a  creditor  after  he  has  obtained  judgment,  and  taken  out 
 execution.  His  debtor  has  a  landed  estate ;  if  it  be  copyhold,  the 
 creditor  cannot  touch  it  in  any  way  whatever;  if  it  be  freehold,  he  may 
 take  half  by  elegit,  and  receive  the  rents  and  profits,  but  no  more,  in 
 the  lifetime  of  his  debtor.  The  debt  for  which  he  has  received  judg- 
 ment may  be  such  that  the  rent  of  the  land  will  not  even  keep  do\vn 
 the  interest;  still  he  can  take  nothing  more;  he  cannot  turn  the  land 
 into  money:  so  that,  when  a  man  sues  for  a  thing  detained  unlawfully, 
 (a  horse,  for  instance,)  you  give  him  money  which  he  does  not  ask ; 
 and  when  he  asks  for  money  by  suing  for  a  debt,  you  give  him  land 
 which  ho  does  not  want.  But  if  his  debtor  die  before  judgment  can 
 be  obtained,  unless  the  debt  is  on  bond,  he  has  no  remedy  at  all  against 
 any  kind  of  real  property  of  any  tenure ;  nay,  though  his  money, 
 borrowed  on  note  or  bill,  has  been  laid  out  in  buying  land,  the  debtor's 
 heir  takes  that  land  wholly  discharged  of  the  debt ! 
 
 But  not  only  is  land  thus  sacred  from  all  effectual  process  of  cre- 
 ditors, unless  the  debtor  be  a  trader,  the  great  bulk  of  most  men's 
 personal  property  is  equally  beyond  reach  of  the  law.  Stock  in  the 
 public  funds — debts  due  in  any  manner  of  way — nay,  bank-notes,  and 
 even  monej' — are  alike  protected.  A  man  may  owe  a  hundred  thousand 
 pounds  in  any  way,  and  judgment  may  have  passed  against  him  over 
 and  over  again;  if  he  have  privilege  of  parliainent,  live  in  a  furnished 
 house  or  hotel,  and  use  hired  carriages  and  horses,  he  may  have  an 
 income  from  stock  or  money  lent,  of  twenty  thousand  a-year,  and  defy 
 the  utmost  efforts  of  the  law;  or  if  he  have  not  privilege,  he  may  live 
 abroad,  or  within  the  Rules,  and  laugh  at  all  the  courts  and  all  the 
 creditors  in  the  countiy.  So  absurd  are  the  laws  in  this  respect,  that 
 if  a  person  borrow  a  thousand  pounds,  and  the  creditor  has  obtained 
 judgment,  the  sheriff's  officer  appointed  to  levy  upon  his  personalty 
 may  come  into  his  room,  and  take  a  table  or  a  desk;  but  if  he  sees  the 
 identical  thousand  pounds  lying  there,  he  must  leave  it — he  touches  it 
 at  his  peril: — "  For  this  quaint  reason,"  says  Lord  Mansfield,  "  because 
 money  cannot  be  sold,  and  you  are  required,  by  the  writ,  to  take  your 
 debt  out  of  the  produce  of  goods  sold." 
 
 Lord  Brougham,  in  concluding  his  observations  on  these  barbarous, 
 absurd,  and  aristocratic  laws,  eloquently  apostrophises — "  who  is  the 
 innovator — he  who  would  adhere  to  such  rules  in  violation  of  the 
 manifest  intent  and  spirit  of  our  old  law,  or  he  who  would  re-adjust 
 them  so  as  to  give  it  effect?  In  ancient  times  there  were  none  of  those 
 masses  of  property  in  existence  which  are  exempt  from  legal  process. 
 When  the  law,  therefore,  said,  "  Let  all  a  man's  goods  and  chattels  be 
 answerable  for  his  debts,"  it  meant  to  include  his  whole  personalty  at 
 the  least.  Things  have  now  changed  in  the  progress  of  society;  trade 
 has  grown  up;  credit  has  followed  in  its  train;  money,  formerly  only 
 used  as  counters,  has  become   abundant;  bankers' accounts  have  been 
 
EXEMPTIONS    FROM     DEBTOR     LAWS.  311 
 
 invented ;  paper  currency  and  the  funds  have  been  created.  Three- 
 fourths  of  the  debtor's  personalty,  perhaps  nine-tenths,  now  consist  of 
 stock,  money,  and  credit;  and  the  rule  of  law,  which  leaves  those  out 
 of  all  execution,  no  longer  can  mean  as  before — "  Let  all  his  per- 
 sonalty be  liable" — but,  "  Let  a  tenth-part  of  it  only  be  taken."  Can 
 there  be  a  greater  change  made  upon,  or  greater  violence  done  to,  the 
 old  law  itself,  than  you  thus  do  by  affecting  to  preserve  its  letter?  The 
 great  stream  of  time  is  perpetually  flowing  on;  all  things  around  us  are 
 in  ceaseless  motion;  and  we  vainly  imagine  to  preser\'e  our  relative 
 position  among  them,  by  getting  out  of  the  current  and  standing  stock 
 still  on  the  margin.  The  stately  vessel  we  belong  to  glides  down;  our 
 bark  is  attached  to  it;  we  might  "  pursue  the  triumph,  and  partake  the 
 gale;"  but,  worse  than  the  fool  who  stares,  expecting  the  current  to 
 flow  down  and  run  out,  we  exclaim — Stop  the  boat! — and  would  tear 
 it  away  to  strand  it,  for  the  sake  of  preserving  its  connexion  with  the 
 vessel.  All  the  changes  that  are  hourly  and  gently  going  on  in  spite 
 of  us,  and  all  those  which  we  ought  to  make,  that  violent  severances  of 
 settled  relations  may  not  be  effected,  far  from  exciting  murmurs  of  dis- 
 content, ought  to  be  gladly  hailed  as  dispensations  of  a  bountiful 
 Providence,  instead  of  filling  us  with  a  thoughtless  and  preposterous 
 alarm."  —  Speech  on  the  present  State  of  the  Law,  p.  109. 
 
 But  the  imperfect  recourse  against  the  debtor's  estate,  although  the 
 grand  opprobrium  of  the  debtor-laws,  is  by  no  means  its  only  vice:  the 
 unequal  distribution,  in  case  of  insolvenc)',  is  scarcely  a  less  notable 
 defect.  Only  traders,  or  those  who  voluntarily  take  the  benefit  of  the 
 act,  are  compelled,  when  insolvent,  to  make  an  impartial  division  of 
 their  property.  All  others  may  easily,  and  with  impunity,  pay  one 
 creditor  twenty  shillings  in  the  pound,  and  the  others  sixpence,  or 
 nothing.  So,  when  a  man  dies  insolvent,  his  representatives  may,  by 
 acknowledging  judgments,  secure  one  creditor  his  full  payment  at  the 
 expense  of  all  the  rest.  Thus,  lax  and  impotent  as  the  law  is  against 
 property,  wide  as  are  its  loop-holes  for  fraud  and  extravagance  to  escape 
 by,  utterly  powerless  as  is  its  grasp  to  seize  the  great  bulk  of  the 
 debtor's  possessions,  against  his  useless  persox  it  is  powerful  arid 
 unrelenting.  The  argument  used  is,  that  the  concealed  property  may 
 thus  be  wrung  fi-om  him:  the  principle,  however,  of  the  law,  and  on 
 which  all  its  provisions  are  built,  is,  that  the  seizure  of  the  body  works 
 a  satisfaction  of  the  claim;  and  this  satisfaction  is  given  alike  in  all 
 cases — alike  where  there  is  innocent  misfortune,  culpable  extravagance, 
 and  guilty  embezzlement.  "  Surely,"  says  the  great  Advocate,  whose 
 words  we  are  copying,  "  for  all  these  evils  the  remedy  is  easy. 
 Let  the  whole  of  every  man's  property,  real  and  personal — his  real, 
 of  what  kind  soever,  copyhold,  leasehold,  freehold  ;  his  personal,  of 
 whatever  nature,  debts,  money,  stock,  chattels — be  taken  for  the 
 payment  of  all  his  debts  equally,  and,  in  case  of  insolvency,  let  all  be 
 distributed  rateably;  let  all  he  possesses  be  sifted,  bolted  from  him  un- 
 sparingly, until  all  his  creditors  are  satisfied  by  payment  or  composition ; 
 but  let  his  person  only  be   taken  ruhen  he  conceals  his  goods,  or  has 
 
312  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 merited  punishment  by  extravagance  or  fraud.  This  line  of  distinction 
 is  already  recognised  by  the  practice  of  the  Insolvent  Courts;  but  the 
 privilege  of  the  Rules  is  inconsistent  with  every  principle,  and  ought  at 
 once  to  be  abrogated  as  soon  as  arrest  on  mesne  process  is  abolished."* 
 
 Insecurity  of  Property. — Our  aristocratic  legislators  have 
 always  manifested  the  greatest  repugnance  to  admit  the  slightest  change 
 in  existing  institutions,  under  an  alleged  apprehension  it  might  endanger 
 the  security  of  individual  possessions.  Nothing,  however,  can  be 
 imagined  less  secure  than  the  condition  of  real  property,  as  explained 
 by  the  Law  Commissioners,  in  their  report  to  Parliament.  It  staggers 
 one  to  comprehend  how  the  law  of  any  country  could  get  into  such  a 
 state,  or  how  it  has  worked  or  been  so  long  tolerated.  The  deeds,  it 
 seems,  arc  endless,  countless,  and  exceedingly  complex,  and,  after  all» 
 do  not  give  a  legal  title  to  the  subject.  A  lord  chancellor  has  been 
 heard  declare  that  there  was  scarcely  a  legal  title  to  an  estate  in 
 England.-^  This  defect  appears  to  be  remedied  by  a  system  of  trusts, 
 under  which  every  thing,  if  not  actually  in  the  stomach,  is  at  least 
 within  the  jaws  of  the  great  Leviathan  of  Chancery.  Then  there  seems 
 to  be  no  way  in  which  the  exact  tenure  of  any  piece  of  property  can 
 be  ascertained,  except  by  getting  and  studying  all  the  deeds  which 
 may  have  ever  been  executed  respecting  it.  And,  after  all,  a  flaw  may 
 be  overlooked,  and  a  flaw  once  is  a  flaw  for  ever  :  for  time  cures  little  or 
 nothing  in  a  legal  title. 
 
 Laws  of  Marriage. — The  contract  of  marriage  can  only  be  law- 
 fully entered  into  by  strictly  complying  with  certain  religious  ceremonies. 
 Unless  a  special  license  has  been  obtained,  banns  must  be  previously 
 published,  and  the  nuptials  must  be  solemnized  in  a  church  or  chapel 
 of  the  establishment,  and  by  a  minister  of  the  establishment.  These 
 obligations  sometimes  entail  great  hardship  on  parties  by  whom  they 
 have  been  unintentionally  violated.  Parents  may  rear  families,  and 
 honour  them  as  legitimate,  and  afterwards  discover  they  have  been 
 living  in  concubinage,  and  nourishing  a  spurious  oftspring,  merely  from 
 having  been  mistaken  in  supposing  a  priest  to  have  been  ordained,  or  a 
 chapel  to  have  been  licensed.  No  allowance  is  made  even  for  Dis- 
 senters, though  their  faith  is  tolerated  ;  they  must  join  in  the  ritual  of 
 the  privileged  worship,  however  repugnant  to  their  conscience,  on  pain 
 of  their  marriages  being  invalid.  But  mark  the  inconsistency  of  the 
 law:  parties  have  only  to  cross  the  border  to  Scotland,  where  marriages 
 may,  with  impunity,  be  contracted  in  contempt  of  English  ceremonies 
 — without  publication  of  banns — or  the  payment  of  surplice-fees, 
 and  such  marriages  are  recognized  as  lawful  in  an  English  court 
 of  justice.! 
 
 *  This  arrest,  the  end  of  which,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  fast  approaches,  was  not 
 generally  ?;iven  by  the  common  law.  The  capias  ad  respondendum  is  given  in 
 Debt  and  Delinue,  by  West,  2  (13  Ed.  I.)  cap.  11,  in  case  only  so  late  as 
 19  Hen.  VII.  c.  9. 
 
 t  Edinburgh  Review,  No.  101,  p.  129. 
 
 J  Lord  Stowell's  judgment,  in  Dalnjmpk  v.  Daliymple. 
 
MARRIAGE    LAWS  —  INSECURITY    OF    PROPERTY — COSTS.  313 
 
 Another  hardship  may  be  mentioned,  though  it  cannot  be  ascribed  to 
 the  ecclesiastical  monopoly  of  marriages  by  the  established  clergy,  but 
 to  the  decisions  of  the  courts  on  the  law  of  settlement.  The  hardship  to 
 which  we  allude  is  the  fact  that  an  English  woman,  marrying  a  native 
 of  Scotland  or  Ireland,  loses  all  claim  to  parochial  relief  in  England, 
 and  may  be  passed,  like  an  Irish  or  Scotch  vagrant,  to  the  birth-place 
 of  the  husband. — 7  Barnw.  §•  Cress.  615. 
 
 Now,  too,  that  religious  disabilities  are  abrogated,  measures  ought 
 to  be  adopted  to  mitig-ate  the  severity  of  the  law  in  regard  to  marriages 
 celebrated  by  Roman  Catholic  priests  ;  and,  in  certain  cases,  to  render 
 valid  marriages  solemnized  by  ministers  of  that  persuasion.  In  Ireland, 
 by  the  law  as  it  now  stands,  a  Catholic  priest,  in  celebrating  marriage 
 betvi^een  a  Protestant  and  Catholic,  commits  a  capital  felony,  puiiishable 
 with  death.  By  another  statute,  for  the  same  offence,  he  is  subject  to 
 a  penalty  of  £.500  :  so  that,  agreeably  to  the  observation  of  a  distin- 
 guished Irishman,  a  Catholic  priest  may  be  first  hanged,  and  called 
 upon  after  to  pay  a  fine  of  £.500.  The  poor  Irish,  who  flock  over  to  this 
 country,  from  early  habit  mostly  prefer  being  married  by  a  Catholic 
 priest.  Such  marriage  is  invalid,  even  between  two  Catholics.  The 
 consequence  is,  the  husband  may  desert  his  wife  Avhen  he  pleases,  and 
 leave  his  children  utterly  destitute ;  for  they  have  no  claim  on  parochial 
 aid  in  England,  not  even  if  they  have  an  English  mother. 
 
 Costs  of  Law-suits. — It  is  related  by  Swift,  of  Captain  Lemuel 
 Gulliver,  that  his  father  was  ruined  by  gaining  a  Imu-suit.  Notwith- 
 standing the  imputed  selfishness  of  mankind,  their  addiction  to  litigation 
 is  a  strong  proof  of  disinterestedness,  or  at  least  shows  they  care  less  for 
 money  than  the  indulgence  of  vindictive  feeling,  or  the  acknowledgement 
 of  an  unprofitable  right.  The  doors  of  courts  of  justice  are  armed  with 
 terrors,  threatening  destruction  to  all  who  enter  therein,  yet  they  are 
 beset  with  applicants  for  admission.  Law,  proverbially  uncertain,  is 
 morally  certain  of  inflicting  loss  on  all  parties  ;  for,  victor  or  vanquished, 
 we  are  sure  to  be  out  of  pocket.  This  singular  issue  results  from  the 
 rule  which  allows  no  more  than  taxed  costs  to  a  successful  litigant, 
 leaving  him  to  pay  the  difference  between  them  and  the  law-charges  of 
 his  legal  adviser.  It  often  happens  that  a  person  who  sues  for  a  debt 
 of  £10  or  £15 — and  the  majority  of  suits  are  for  such  diminutive  sums 
 — and  gains  the  day,  with  costs — is  minus  three  or  fourfold  as  much 
 for  his  own  share  of  the  expenses.  But  on  this  point  we  shall  extract 
 a  passage,  the  first  sentence  of  which  we  are  sure — coming  as  it  does 
 from  such  high  authority — is  well  worth  the  ordinary  fee  of  6s.  8d. 
 to  every  one  with  the  least  disposition  to  unnecessary  litigation. 
 Speaking  of  the  excess  of  costs  which  a  suitor  is  obliged  to  pay  his 
 attorney,  over  and  above  what  he  can  recover  from  his  antagonist. 
 Lord  Brougham  says, — 
 
 "  This  is  so  certain,  and  so  considerable,  that  a  man  shall  in  vain  expect  me 
 to  recommend  him  either  to  bring  forward  a  rightful  claim,  or  to  resist  an  unjust 
 demand  lor  any  such  sum  as  twenty,  or  even  thirty  pounds — at  least,  upon  a 
 calculation  of  his  interest,  I  should  presently  declare  to  him  he  had  much  better 
 
314  LAW    AM)    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 say  notliiag  iu  one  case,  and  pay  the  money  a  second  time  in  the  other,  eren  if 
 Im  had  A  stamped  receipt  in  his  pocket,  provided  his  adversary  were  a  rich  and 
 oppressive  man,  resolved  to  take  ail  the  advantages  the  law  gives  him.  I  have 
 here  before  me  some  samples  of  taxed  bills  of  costs,  taken  quite  at  random,  and 
 far  from  being  peculiar  cases  in  any  one  respect.  There  is  one  of  £428,  made 
 out  by  a  verj'  respectable  attorney,  and  from  wliich  the  master  deducted  £202  ; 
 of  this  sum  £147  were  taken  off,  which  had  been  paid  for  bringing  witnesses. 
 In  this  other,  amounting  to  £217,  £70  were  taxed  off;  and,  in  a  third,  of  £(j3, 
 there  were  nearly  £1.5  disallowed  ;  it  was  an  undefended  cause,  to  recover  £50  : 
 had  the  defendant  been  obstinate  and  oppressively  inclined,  he  would  have  made 
 the  extra  costs  a  good  deal  more  than  the  whole  debt,  although  the  suit  was 
 in  tlie  Exchequer,  where  the  taxation  is  known  to  be  more  liberal.  We  had 
 lately,  in  the  King's  Bench,  a  bill  of  above  £100,  to  recover  £19,  and  probably, 
 of  that  £100  not  above  £60  would  be  allowed.  As  things  now  stand,  a  part  of 
 this  master  evil  is  inevitable  ;  lor  if  practitioners  were  sure  of  receiving  all  tiieir 
 bills,  they  would  run  up  a  heavy  charge  wherever  they  knew  the  case  to  be  a 
 clear  one.  But,  as  the  fundamental  principle  lor  which  I  contend  is  to  alter  no 
 part  of  the  law:  by  itself,  or  witiiout  considering  all  the  other  parts,  there  can  be 
 no  difficulty,  consistently  with  this  doctrine,  to  enlarge  the  allowance  of  costs  as 
 soon  as  other  amendments  have  prevented  the  abuse  of  litigation  by  professional 
 men.  Some  erroneous  rules  of  taxation  may,  even  in  a  partial  or  insulated 
 reform,  be  altered.  Whatever  is  fairly  allowed,  as  between  attorney  and  client, 
 should  be  allowed  between  party  and  party,  except  only  such  needless  charges 
 as  have  been  ordered  expressly  by  the  client  himself.  There  can  surely  be  no 
 reason  for  disallowing,  as  a  general  rule,  all  consultations,  often  absolutely 
 necessary  for  the  conduct  of  a  cause,  generally  more  beneficial  than  much  that 
 is  allowed  ;  nor  can  it  be  right  that  so  little  of  the  expense  of  bringing  evidence 
 should  be  given,  and  that  the  cost  of  preparing  the  case,  by  inquiries,  journeys, 
 &c.  should  be  refused  altogether.  The  necessary  consequence  of  not  suffering 
 an  attorney  to  charge  what  he  ouglit  to  receive  for  certain  things,  is  that  he  is 
 driven  to  do  a  number  of  needless  things,  which  he  knows  are  always  allowed  as  a 
 matter  of  course,  and  the  expense  is  thus  increased  to  the  client  far  beyond  the 
 mere  gain  which  the  attorney  derives  from  it." 
 
 Thus  it  appears  attorneys  are  placed  in  a  similar  predicament  to  what 
 medical  men  were,  prior  to  Lord  Tenterden's  decision  in  their  favour, 
 \vhcn  they  were  compelled  to  seek  a  remuneration  for  attendance  on 
 their  patients,  through  the  medium  of  unnecessary  draughts,  or  exor- 
 bitant charges  for  drugs.  It  is  due,  indeed,  to  the  respectable  part  of 
 the  legal  profession  to  say  that  they  are  not  entirely  to  blame  for  the 
 monstrous  bills  they  deliver  to  their  clients.  A  shameful  system  of 
 extortion  prevails  in  the  courts,  and  many  of  the  fees  exacted  by  the 
 officers,  during'  the  see-saw  of  a  cause,  can  be  considered  nothing 
 but  legalized  robbery  of  the  suitor.  In  the  Common  Pleas,  the  protho- 
 notaries  charge  %d.  per  folio  of  seventy-two  words,  on  all  pleadings 
 entered  ;  and  if  the  declaration  and  issue,  or  declaration  and  judgment, 
 be  of  dift'erent  terms,  the  8d.  is  doubled.  In  the  King's  Bench  4rf.  per 
 folio  is  charged.  The  entry,  by  them  so  called,  is,  in  fact,  nothing 
 more  than  imprinting  a  stamp  by  a  clerk  in  the  olEce ;  the  attorney 
 performing  the  drudgery  of  engrossing'  or  entering  the  proceedings  on 
 the  roll.  The  charges  for  passing  records  and  setting  down  causes  are 
 a  giievous  burthen.  They  are  passed  by  an  officer,  whose  clerk 
 charges  from  30s.  and  upwards.  If  the  cause  is  not  tried  on  the  day  on 
 which  it  is  set  down,  the  marshal  must  be  paid  for  his  deputy  marking 
 the  cause  as  a  remanet ;  for  the  first  of  which  he  charges  (^s.  and  for 
 
COURT  FEES — DEBTOR  AND  CREDITOR.        315 
 
 all  after  the  first  4s.  After  the  holidays,  a  fee  of  10s.  6d.,  6s.  8d.,  or 
 3s.  Ad.,  according  to  usage,  is  extorted,  at  each  office,  for  opening 
 them.  All  these  court-fees  tend  to  swell  an  attorney's  bill,  though  he 
 has  advanced  the  money  for  them,  as  well  as  the  lawyer's  fee,  out  of  his 
 own  pocket. 
 
 Law  of  Debtor  and  Creditor. — If  there  was  any  country  in 
 which  a  man,  in  order  to  recover  a  debt  of  £6  or  £7,  must  begin  by 
 expending  £60  or  £70 — where,  at  the  outset,  he  had  to  run  the  risk  of 
 throwing  so  much  good  money  after  bad — it  would  at  once  be  said  that, 
 whatever  other  benefits  or  advantages  that  country  enjoyed,  at  least  it 
 was  not  fortunate  in  its  system  of  law.  But  if  it  were  added  that,  in 
 addition  to  spending  £60  or  £70,  a  man  must  endure  great  difficulties, 
 anxiety  and  uncertainty,  infinite  bandying  to  and  fro,  and  moving  about 
 from  province  to  province,  and  from  court  to  court,  before  he  could 
 obtain  judgment,  then  our  envy  of  the  country  where  such  administra- 
 tion of  the  law  existed,  would  be  further  diminished.  And  if,  in 
 addition  to  all  this,  after  expending  £60  or  £70  in  looking  after  .the 
 recovery  of  £6  or  £7,  a  man's  adversary  should  have  the  power  of 
 keeping  his  property  out  of  the  way,  and  beyond  reach,  so  that,  after 
 all,  the  plaintiff  should  not  receive  some  part  of  his  debt,  the  case 
 would  be  still  worse.  And  further,  in  addition  to  this,  if,  in  the  same 
 countrj',  in  cases  where  a  man  was  so  circumstanced  as  to  be  able  to 
 recover  and  receive  his  debt,  and  where  the  debtor  was  solvent,  and 
 prepared  to  pay,  the  individual  should  receive,  it  was  true,  his  £6  or  £7, 
 but  should  not  receive  the  whole  £60  or  £70,  which  he  had  spent  in 
 costs,  although  there  was  judgment  in  his  favour,  but  should  receive  the 
 amount  wanting  £20,  so  that  he  should  have  spent  £13  or  £14  out  of 
 his  pocket,  over  and  above  the  amount  of  the  debt  which  he  recovered, 
 after  being  exposed  to  a  variety  of  plagues,  and  the  annoyances  of  these 
 proceedings ;  if  he  were  told  of  such  a  case,  would  not  the  natural 
 inquiry  be,  "  Whether  it  was  possible  that  such  a  country  existed?" — 
 We  should  immediately  pronounce  that,  if  so,  it  must  be  in  a  most  bar- 
 barous state ;  that  it  must  be  a  poor  country,  for  no  commercial  country, 
 having  interests  extensive  and  important,  would  endure  such  a  state  of 
 things.  Nevertheless,  the  country  where  this  state  of  things  exists  is 
 that  in  which  we  now  live  ! — England  !* 
 
 This  pointed  and  forcible  delineation  of  the  working  of  the  debtor- 
 laws — indisputably  the  worst  in  Europe —  will  be  readily  comprehended 
 from  our  previous  illustrations.  It  is  the  substance — the  bare  bone 
 and  muscle — of  a  splendid  passage  in  Lord  Brougham's  second  great 
 philippic  on  legal  abuses.  The  abilities  of  this  extraordinary  man  have 
 raised  him  to  the  head  of  the  judicial  administration,  and  few  have  profited 
 more  than  he  has  done  by  existing  defects;  yet  it  is  to  him,  next  to 
 Bentham  and  Romilly — posterior  in  time,  but  hardly  in  power — the 
 country  is  mainly  indebted  for  the  reforms  in  progress,  and  the  improve- 
 
 Lord  Brougham,  House  of  Commons,  April  29,  1830. 
 
3  1()  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 ments  which   must,  ere  long,  be  introduced  through  the  entire  legal 
 system  of  the  empire. 
 
 ABSUHDITIES    AND    DELAYS    IX    ADMINISTRATIVE    JUSTICE. 
 
 Magna  Charta  says  that  justice  shall  neither  be  denied,  sold,  nor 
 delayed.  With  the  single  exception  of  guarding  the  countiy  from 
 foreign  aggression,  the  only  o1)ject  for  which  governments  have  been 
 instituted  is  the  administration  of  justice.  It  is  to  attain  this  end  that 
 all  taxes  and  contributions  from  the  people  were  originally  intended. 
 They  were  not  meant  to  support  useless  placemen  and  pensioners,  nor 
 to  maintain  standing  armies,  nor  to  defray  the  interest  of  debts 
 contracted  in  unnecessary  wars  ;  but  to  protect  every  individual  in  the 
 community  from  oppression.  Justice  ought  not  only  to  be  speedy,  but, 
 above  all  t.hiugs,  cheap.  To  render  the  expense  of  legal  process  exor- 
 bitant, is  not  delaying — it  is  absolutely  denying  justice  to  all  but  the 
 rich  :  it  is  affording  the  protection  of  the  law  to  those  least  in  need  of  its 
 aid,  and  refusing-  it  to  those  most  exposed  to  oppression. 
 
 In  England,  justice  is  not  only  delayed,  but,  from  its  dearness, 
 often  unattainable.  These  evils  result  from  causes  much  too  numerous 
 and  complex  to  be  here  specified ;  but  the  most  palpable  appear  to  be 
 the  unequal  distribution  of  business  in  the  several  courts  of  law — the 
 consumption  of  the  time  of  the  judges  in  matters  either  irrelevant  or 
 derogatory  to  their  more  important  functions — the  monopoly  of  practice 
 vested  in  different  classes  of  practitioners — the  retention  of  useless, 
 absurd,  and  antiquated  forms  of  procedure — the  confusion,  obscurity, 
 and  inconsistencies  in  the  laws  themselves — and,  in  short,  from  the 
 entire  fobric  of  judicial  administration  being  inadequate  and  unsuitable 
 to  the  wants,  of  the  age,  and  only  adapted  to  a  state  of  society  wholly 
 different  from  that  which  now  exists. 
 
 To  point  out  the  manifold  absurdities  of  the  legal  system  we  shall 
 make  no  pretension;  still  we  cannot  help  noticing  the  more  striking- 
 anomalies. 
 
 If,  for  example,  twelve  judges  were  necessary  to  administer  justice, 
 centuries  ago,  why  not  nearly  double  the  number  at  the  present  ? 
 Consider  the  augmentation  in  wealth,  commerce,  and  population  ;  con- 
 sider the  increase  of  lawyers,  attorneys,  criminals,  and  suitors ;  why  not 
 a  corresponding  increase  in  judges  ?  But  then  there  were  only  twelve 
 apostles  to  preach  the  gospel,  therefore  there  must  be  only  twelve 
 judges  to  preach  the  law.  What  a  reason  for  John  Bull — yet  he 
 swallows  it.* 
 
 If  circuits  have  been  gradually  altered  from  sej)tennial  to  annual,  and 
 from  annual  to  twice  in  a  year,  and  three  times  in  the  home  circuit, 
 why  not  go  on  ?     Why  not  have  gaol  deliveries   as   frequently  in  the 
 
 •  Better  late  than  never — In  the  Session  of  1830,  an  additional  jndfje  was 
 added  to  each  of  tlie  tliree  superior  courts  of  King's  Heiicli,  Comnion  IMeas,  and 
 Exchequer,  but  tlie  aiijj;nieutation,  we  apprehend,  is  not  coninicusurdle  to  the 
 wants  of  the  conununily. 
 
DIGEST    or    LEGAL    INCONGRUITIES.  317 
 
 country  as  in  London  ?  Why  should  a  man  be  confined  six  months 
 before  trial  in  Yorkshire,  and  only  six  weeks  in  London  ?  Why,  again, 
 should  a  person,  charg'ed  with  an  offence  in  one  part  of  the  metropolis, 
 be  imprisoned  only  four  or  five  weeks,  while,  under  precisely  similar 
 circumstances  in  another  part,  he  is  imprisoned  two  or  three  montlis  ? 
 Are  we  never  to  have  uniformity  in  justice — are  the  claims  of  common 
 sense  to  be  for  ever  stifled  by  the  logic  of  lawyers,  the  allegations  of 
 custom,  antiquity,  and  local  usage  ? 
 
 If  the  lord-chief-justice  require  three  or  four  assistants,  why  not  a 
 lord  chancellor  similar  aid  ?  Does  it  require  more  grave  deliberation 
 to  adjudicate  trumpery  suits  of  £10  or  £15  than  suits  which  can  never 
 be  commenced  for  less  than  £100  ?  Does  it  require  a  greater  mass  of 
 collective  wisdom  to  administer  a  written,  fixed,  and  known  law  than 
 one  only  inscribed  on  sand — remarkable  for  complexity — often  to  fabri- 
 cate on  the  spur  of  the  occasion — and  having  no  immutable  standard 
 beyond  the  varying  conscience  and  intelligence  of  the  judge  ?  Shame 
 on  the  legislature,  which  tolerates,  year  after  year,  a  system  so  re- 
 pugnant to  reason ! 
 
 If  it  be  necessary  to  have  circuits  to  administer  common  law,  why 
 not  equity  ?  This  is  the  practice  in  some  of  the  states  of  North 
 America  ;  and  why  should  not  the  precedent  be  followed,  although  the 
 people  of  those  countries  be  so  deplorably  unfortunate  as  neither  to 
 have  a  national  debt,   an  established  Church,  nor  hereditary  Peerage. 
 
 If  the  evidence  of  a  Gentoo,  a  Jew,  or  a  Turk  may  be  received  in 
 judicial  administration,  why  should  the  judges  suffer  the  ends  of  justice 
 to  be  defeated  by  rejecting  the  testimony  of  an  Englishman  Avho  happens 
 not  to  believe  in  the  divine  authority  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  but  who 
 is  assuredly  as  good  a  Christian  as  the  infidels  we  have  mentioned? 
 
 Why  should  justices  of  peace,  in  quarter  sessions,  have  such  great 
 power  over  the  person  and  none  over  -property  ?  Is  it  a  less  serious 
 thing  to  transport  a  poor  man  from  his  country,  his  wife,  and  his 
 children,  for  fourteen  years,  than  to  decide  a  few  pounds'  debt,  a 
 trespass,  tort,  or  other  civil  injury  ?  If  the  country  magistracy  are  not 
 learned  enough  to  administer  the  laws  of  property,  why  not  simplify 
 them  ?  or,  why  not  let  them  have  the  aid  of  an  assistant  barrister,  and 
 thereby  expedite  justice,  save  enormous  expense  to  suitors,  and  lighten 
 the  pressure  of  business  at  the  assizes  ?  Would  not  this  be  a  more 
 practicable  and  economical  improvement  in  domestic  judicature  than 
 the  introduction  of  an  entirely  new  machinery  of  local  tribunals,  as 
 a  great,  but,  as  we  humbly  think,  in  this  point,  a  mistaken  man  has 
 recently  proposed  ? 
 
 Again  :  the  meaning  of  wills,  bonds,  and  other  legal  instruments 
 being  of  such  vast  importance,  why  are  they  not  punctuated  and  drawn 
 up  according  to  the  ordinary  rules  of  composition,  to  prevent  misappre- 
 hension ?  Is  the  contrary  course  followed  as  more  conducive  to 
 obscurity  and  litigation  ? 
 
 Lastly,  we  may  inquire,  why  do  attorneys  and  solicitors  delay  their 
 suits  and  impoverish  their  clients  by  cramming  their  briefs  into  the  bags 
 
318  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 of  what  are  called  king's  counsel,  or  leading  counsel,  who  are  so  over- 
 whelmed with  business  that  they  have  seldom  time  to  read  them — to 
 master  the  law  respecting  them — or  be  present  in  court  when  the  cause 
 comes  on,  while  there  are  hundreds  of  worthy  men  at  the  bar,  with 
 leisure,  talent,  and  industry,  but  failing  opportunity,  name,  or  con- 
 nexion, who  are  condemned  to  penury  and  obscurity  ?  Are  lawyers  all 
 aristocrats;  are  they  like  the  rich  clergy,  without  bowels  for  the 
 more  unfortunate  brethren  of  their  own  order  ? 
 
 These  are  a  few  of  the  incongruities  in  the  administration  of  justice 
 which  present  themselves  to  the  contemplation  of  an  impartial  observer. 
 But  the  Court  of  Chancery  has  unquestionably  been  the  least  defensible 
 part  of  our  judicial  system,  and  the  most  pregnant  in  abuse  and  delay. 
 Before  this  tribunal  a  cause  might  be  pending  for  years,  and,  even  after 
 it  had  gone  through,  and  was  so  far  matured  as  to  be  what  the  la^^yers 
 call  ripe  for  decision,  it  might  wait  three  years  for  judgment. 
 Mr.  WiUiams  relates  a  singular  instance  of  dilatoriness  in  this  court: 
 the  suit  involved  considerable  property,  of  which  part  was  a  windmill.* 
 A  bill  was  filed  in  1703  ;  in  1796,  the  cause  had  progressed  as  far  as 
 the  master's  office,  where  it  was  stationary  till  1815,  when  it  was  found, 
 on  inquiry,  the  windmill  had  disappeared,  and  there  was  no  longer  any 
 trace  of  its  existence.  Time,  it  seems,  had  been  at  work,  while  equity 
 wes  sleeping.  The  immense  mass  of  property  locked  up  in  chancery 
 almost  exceeds  belief.  In  the  year  1756,  the  amount  of  suitors'  effects 
 fell  short  of  three  millions;  in  1829,  they  had  accumulated  to 
 £38,886,1 35, t  Of  this  enormous  sum  there  is  more  than  one-third 
 which,  from  the  procrastinated  delay  of  suits,  should  either  have 
 belonged  to  persons  deceased  without  representatives,  or  persons  living, 
 but  ignorant,  from  the  books  not  being  open  to  them,  of  their  claims 
 altogether,  or,  if  acquainted  with  their  claims,  ignorant  in  what  manner 
 or  names  their  property  is  vested. 
 
 Now,  to  people  living  out  of  the  atmosphere  of  con*uption  and  in- 
 trigue, there  appeared  little  difficulty  in  suggesting  remedies  for  this 
 monstrous  oppression.  1.  By  separating  the  political  from  the  judicial 
 character  of  the  lord  chancellor,  and  clothing  him  with  that  independence 
 in  the  exercise  of  his  legal  functions,  which  is  considered  so  great  an 
 excellence  in  the  status  of  the  common-law  judges.  2.  By  separating 
 the  appellate  jurisdiction  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  abolishing  the 
 absurdity  of  appeals  from  the  lord  chancellor  on  the  bench  to  the  lord 
 chancellor  on  the  woolsack.  3.  By  the  relieving  of  his  lordship  of  his 
 duties  in  bankruptcies,  which  was  the  more  reasonable,  since  the  exer- 
 cise of  jurisdiction  therein  was  comparatively  of  recent  occur- 
 rence.! Lastly,  by  a  thorough  reform  in  the  offices  of  the  masters  and 
 registrars. 
 
 •  House  of  Commons,  Delays  in  Chancery,  Feb.  24,  1824. 
 
 t  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  282,  Session  1830. 
 
 t  The  power  of  the  lord  chancellor  to  adjudicate  in  bankruptcy  was  granted 
 by  a  statute  of  Henry  VIII.  but  it  was  never  exercised  till  the  time  of  Lord 
 Chancellor  Nottingham. 
 
LORD    BROUGHAiNl's    BANKRUPTCY    COURT.  319 
 
 These  reforms  were  recommended  over  and  over  again  by  Mr.  M.  A. 
 Taylor,  Mr.  John  WilHams,  and  others  during  the  ascendancy  of  the 
 Tories ;  and  the  only  reasons  we  could  ever  discover  why  they  were  not 
 adopted  may  be  comprised  in  a  very  small  compass.  Our  readers  are 
 aware  what  a  tempting  acquisition  the  see  of  Canterbury  is  to  all 
 aspiring  churchmen ;  and  what  an  itching  the  Philpotts  and  Blomfields 
 have  to  clutch  the  magnificent  revenues  and  patronage  of  the  arch-dio- 
 cese. Well,  what  Lambeth  is  in  the  Church,  the  Chancellorship  is  at  the 
 Bar.  It  is  the  glittering  prize  of  ambitious,  intriguing,  and  time-serv- 
 ing lawyers;  it  is  the  goal  of  desire  to  all  gentlemen  of  the  long-robe, 
 for  every  one  has  more  or  less  confidence  in  his  good  fortune  and 
 abilities,  and  few  but  hope  to  reach  it  at  last.  Hence  there  was  little  pros-' 
 pect  of  eflfective  reform  in  equity,  while  Tory  law-craft  was  so  predomi- 
 nant in  the  legislature.  But  the  dynasty  of  the  anti-reformers  has  ex- 
 pired in  principle,  if  not  in  its  personal  representatives ;  and  the  accession 
 to  power  of  Earl  Grey's  ministry  has  been  signalized  by  some  vigorous 
 innovations  on  judicial  abuses.  Lord  Chancellor  Brougham  was 
 pledged  by  his  previously  expressed  opinions  to  the  Herculean  task,  and 
 he  has  entered  upon  it  by  clearing  off  the  vast  arrear  of  business  accu- 
 mulated by  his  predecessors,  and  by  projecting  efficient  reforms  in  the 
 constitution  of  his  court.  The  establishment  of  a  Court  of  Barikruptcy 
 has  removed  one  of  the  popular  objections  we  have  enumerated  to  the 
 practice  in  chancery;  but  this  is  only  one  of  a  series  of  renovating- 
 measures  intended  to  apply  to  the  otKces  of  the  masters  and  registrars, 
 and  other  branches  of  the  equity  department.  We  shall  conclude  the 
 section  with  a  few  remarks  on  the  economy,  and  next  on  the  judicial 
 improvement  effected  by  the  first  of  Lord  Brougham's  legal  reforms. 
 
 The  bankrupt  business  of  the  metropolis  has  hitherto  been  trans- 
 acted by  seventy  commissioners,  appointed  for  that  purpose  by  the  Lord 
 Chancellor,  who  held  their  offices  during  pleasure.  They  were  paid  by 
 fees  out  of  the  bankrupt  estate.  The  average  income  from  these  fees 
 to  every  commissioner,  by  a  return  made  to  the  House  of  Lords,  was 
 £389  :  5  :  or,  according  to  the  secretary  of  bankrupts'  return,  in  round 
 numbers,  £380.  The  total  expense,  therefore,  of  the  seventy  commis- 
 sioners, at  an  average  of  £380.,  was  £"26,000.  The  other  expenses 
 under  the  old  system,  together  with  the  sum  paid  to  the  commis- 
 sioners, were  estimated  by  Mr.  Vizard  at  £70,000. 
 
 The  salaries  of  the  judges,  commissioners,  and  registrars  under  Lord 
 Brougham's  act  are : — 
 
 Chief  Judge £3,000 
 
 Three  Puisnes,  at  £2,000 6,000 
 
 Six  Commisslouers,  at  £l ,500 9,000 
 
 Two  Registrars,  at  £800,  (exclusive  of  fees) 1,G00 
 
 Eight  Deputy  Registrars,  at  £600 4,800 
 
 Secretary  of  Bankrupts  (exclusive  of  fees) 1,200 
 
 First  Clerk 500 
 
 Second  Clerk 300 
 
 Total £24,000 
 
320  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 The  office  fees  of  suing  out  a  commission  under  former  practice 
 were  as  follows  : — search  for  docket,  Is. ;  bond,  7s. ;  petition  for  commis- 
 sion, lis.;  fiat  answering  petition,  or  filing  affidavit,  £1:2;  commis- 
 sion and  hanaper  fee,  £5:2:8;  tin-box,  2s. ;  if  a  private  suit, 
 £2:2:6;  messenger,  when  the  Chancellor  was  in  the  country,  £l  :  5; 
 office  copy  of  petitioning  creditor's  affidavit,  3s.  2d.  Under  the  new  act 
 a  Jiat  is  substituted  for  a  commission,  for  Avhich  the  fee  is  £10,  and 
 various  other  sums  payable  to  secretary  of  bankrupts.  A  sum  of  £20 
 is  payable  to  the  secretary  of  bankrupts'  account  by  the  assignees.  It  is 
 impossible,  however,  to  exhibit  an  accurate  comparison  of  the  expense 
 of  proceedings  under  the  old  and  the  new  system ;  some  of  the  charges 
 are  contingent,  others  terminable,  and  others  depend  on  the  number  and 
 length  of  copies,  affidavits,  folios,  &c.  Compensations  are  to  be  provided 
 for  fees  and  offices  abolished,  and  the  remuneration  to  the  official  assig- 
 nees is  discretionary  in  the  commissioners. 
 
 The  opinion  of  some  persons  is  that  the  expenses  of  a  proceeding  in  the 
 smaller  bankruptcies,  where  the  assests  do  not  exceed  £4000,  will  be 
 nearly  equal  to  what  they  were  under  the  former  system  ;  but  it  is 
 impossible  to  arrive  at  an  accurate  conclusion  on  this  point,  till  the  new 
 machinery  has  been  brought  fairly  into  operation.  It  is  certain,  how- 
 ever, that  there  will  be  no  future  harvest  of  spoil,  like  that  of  Howard 
 and  Gibbs,  when  £20,000,  was  netted  ;  nor  even  like  that  of  Chambers, 
 when  £10,000  was  swamped  by  the  legal,  accounting,  and  assignee 
 agencies. 
 
 One  striking  advantage  of  the  Bankruptcy  Court  is,  that  it  substi- 
 tutes a  tribunal  effective  for  its  purpose  for  one  notoriously  ineffective. 
 There  will  be  also  greater  responsibility  in  the  judges,  as  well  as  in- 
 creased despatch  in  their  pi'oceedings.  A  saving  of  time  is  a  saving  of 
 expense  to  suitors,  as  well  as  of  that  which  is  more  painful  than  expense  — 
 doubt  and  anxiety.  So  far  the  improvement  is  positive.  But  ought 
 not  a  tribunal,  which  costs  £24,000  a-year  in  fixed  salaries,  to  have 
 been  final  in  its  adjudications?  Why  such  a  gradation  of  appeals  from  a 
 commissioner  to  a  Sub-division  Court,  from  thence  to  the  Court  of 
 Review,  and  upwards — though  the  cases  of  such  higher  appeals  are 
 limited  by  the  act — to  the   Lord  Chancellor  and  the  House  of  Lords  ? 
 
 The  branch,  however,  of  the  new  arrangement  about  which  we  have  any 
 serious  misgivings,  is  not  the  judicial,  but  the  ministerial  or  accounting 
 department.  Will  the  official  assignees  be  less  costly  and  more  expeditious 
 than  the  creditor  assignees  have  been  ?  May  they  not  be  as  dilatory  in 
 settling  accounts  as  masters  in  Chancery  ?  or  may  they  not  in  certain 
 emergencies  employ  the  proceeds  of  the  bankrupt  estate  in  a  stock- 
 jobbing or  mercantile  adventure  in  preference  to  the  payment  of  thorn 
 promptly  into  the  Bank  of  England? — Nous  vcrrons,  as  the  French 
 say.* 
 
 *  The  number  of  bankruptcies  has  declined  of  late  years.  It  may  be  partly 
 ascribed  to  the  Jess  commercial  speculation  and  adventure,  and  partly  to  the 
 enormous  expense  attending  bankrupt  proceedings.    If  the  decline  in  bankrupt- 
 
COSTS    OF    EXCISE    INFORMATIONS. 
 
 OPPRESSIONS    UNDER    THE    EXCISE-LAWS. 
 
 321 
 
 We  have  already  made  some  remarks  on  the  multiplicity  and  inquisi- 
 torial nature  of  the  Revenue-Laws.  Excise  informations,  of  which  Ave 
 are  going  to  give  some  account,  are  the  practical  consequences  of  these 
 laws. 
 
 These  informations  are  filed  in  the  Court  of  Exchequer  for  real  or 
 supposed  frauds  on  the  revenne.  The  prosecutions  are  almost  invariably 
 instituted  either  on  the  testimony  of  hired  spies  or  the  Excise-oificers. 
 They  form  a  principal  source  of  emolument  to  the  law-officers  of  the 
 Crown.  Every  prosecution  costs  the  country  about  fifty  guineas.  Of 
 this  sum  ten  guineas  are  for  a  brief  to  the  Attorney- General ;  to  the 
 Solicitor-General,  ten  guineas;  to  two  counsel,  eight  guineas  each; 
 to  two  other  counsel,  four  guineas  each.  And  to  these  sums  must  be 
 added  another  item  of  £7  :  13  :  6  for  the  court-crier  Let  the  case 
 be  ever  so  simple,  this  is  the  usual  array  of  counsel  which  appears  for 
 the  Crown ;  and  against  which  the  accused  has  to  contend.  In  one 
 year  there  have  been  no  less  than  761  informations  under  the 
 Excise-Laws,  and  the  law-expenses  on  each  case  were  not  less  than 
 £120,  making  an  annual  sum  of  more  than  £120,000.  The  solicitor 
 for  the  excise  has  almost  unlimited  power  in  these  matters,  and  exercises 
 the  functions  of  both  judge  and  juiy.  The  petitions  that  are  sent  to 
 the  Board  are  referred  to  him  ;  and  which  for  the  sake  of  his  own 
 emolument  it  is  generally  his  intei-est  to  reject.  The  nature  of  such 
 proceedings  will  be  best  illustrated  by  examples,  selected  from  many 
 others,  which  have  been  brought  before  the  Parliament. 
 
 The  first  case  we  shall  mention  is  that  of  Jeremiah  Abell,  a  small 
 farmer,  in  Norfolk.  This  man  was  prosecuted  by  the  Excise  for 
 penalties  to  the  amount  of  £1000,  on  account  of  an  alleg'ed  smuggling 
 transaction.  He  was  able  to  prove,  most  distinctly,  by  seventeen  wit- 
 nesses, against  the  single  testimony  of  the  informer,  that  he  was  thirty 
 miles  from  the  place  where  the  offence  was  sworn  to  have  been  com- 
 mitted. When  the  case  was  tried,  his  counsel  most  unaccountably  con- 
 sented to  compromise  the  matter  with  the  Board  for  £300,  contrary  to 
 the  express  injunction  of  the  defendant.  Afterwards,  the  matter  slept 
 for  a  year,  when  Mr,  Abell  was  taken  into  custody ;  and,  at  the  time  his 
 case  was  mentioned  in  the  House,  he  had  been  confined  sixteen  months 
 in  Norwich  goal.  Of  his  innocence  there  could  not  be  the  slightest 
 doubt.  He  had  the  most  satisfactory  evidence  to  prove  that  the  in- 
 former was  at  Norwich  at  the  very  time  he  had  sworn  to  have  been 
 thirty  miles  from  that  place,  watching  the  defendant  and  six  others 
 engaged  in  smuggling. 
 
 cies  continue,  the  Court  of  Bankruptcy  will  become  little  better  than  a  sinecure 
 establishment.  But,  perhaps,  the  greater  cheapness  and  dispatch  of  the  new 
 tribunal  may  augment  the  number  of  bankruptcies,  by  abstracting  from  the 
 business  of  the  Insolvent  Court,  and  lessening  compromises  between  creditors 
 and  debtors,  which  have  been  frequently  resorted  to,  to  avoid  an  expensive 
 procedure. 
 
 Y 
 
322  LAW     AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 Mr.  ITonty,  nnothor  suft'crcr,  and  ti  most  respectable  gentleman  of 
 Sussex,  had  a  very  narrow  escape  from  a  gang  of  wretches  patronised 
 and  employed  by  the  Excise.  He  was  found  guilty  of  an  attempt  to 
 defraud  the  revenue,  and  sentenced  to  pay  fines  and  costs  to  the  amount 
 of  £2400.  The  evidence  on  which  he  was  convicted  was  of  the  most 
 infamous  description,  and  such  as  none  but  the  agents  of  an  odious 
 system  would  ever  think  of  employing.  One  of  them  was  accused  of 
 an  atrocious  murder  at  Greenwich ;  others  were  afterwards  convicted 
 of  perjury ;  some  transported  for  robbery ;  and  others  (there  being 
 seven  witnesses  in  all)  we  believe,  were  hanged.  The  conduct  of  the 
 Excise  in  this  case  was  the  more  unjustifiable,  because  they  had  been 
 apprised  of  the  characters  of  these  miscreants :  nevertheless,  the 
 solicitor  commenced  his  prosecution  against  Mr.  Henty,  and  on  their 
 evidence  he  was  found  guilty.  When  an  indictment  for  perjury  was 
 preferred,  the  Excise  came  forward,  and  offered  bail  for  them  ;  and 
 no  doubt  they  would  have  absconded,  and  Mr.  Henty  been  deprived  of 
 all  means  of  proving  his  innocence,  had  they  not  been  committed  to 
 prison  on  a  charge  of  felony. 
 
 Frequently,  Excise  prosecutions  originate  in  the  conspiracies  of  base 
 wretches,  who,  for  the  sake  of  the  reward,  or  to  gratify  their  malice, 
 unite  to  ruin  particular  individuals.  As  an  instance  of  this  sort,  we 
 select  the  following : — A  man  took  a  range  of  obscure  and  dilapidated 
 buildings  in  London,  for  the  pretended  purpose  of  becoming  a  brewer  of 
 ale,  and  immediately  set  to  work  to  draw  honest  tradesmen  into  his 
 snares.  By  an  act  of  parliament,  a  penalty  is  imposed  on  those  who 
 sell  treacle  or  molasses  to  brewers.  This  miscreant,  to  accomplish  hi.s 
 purpose,  used  to  frequent  those  shops  which  were  left  under  the  super- 
 intendence of  apprentices  and  children ;  he  procured  a  small  quantity 
 of  these  articles  to  be  sent  to  him,  and  then  gave  information  that  the 
 parties  had  sold  them  to  a  licensed  brewer.  Another  case  of  the  same 
 stamp : — A  respectable  and  industrious  tradesman  of  Colchester, 
 Mr.  Underwood,  had  on  some  account  or  other  incurred  the  hatred 
 of  a  notorious  smuggler,  who  made  a  vow  that  by  some  means 
 he  would  accomplish  his  destruction.  This,  he  thought,  could  not  be 
 more  effectually  done  than  by  putting  him  in  the  hands  of  the  Excise. 
 He  accused  Mr.  Underwood  of  being  engaged  in  a  contraband  trade. 
 Two  informations  were  filed  in  the  Exchequer  ;  one  for  the  condemnation 
 of  Mr.  Underwood's  vessel,  the  other  to  recover  the  penalty  of  the  bond 
 which  all  masters  enter  into  not  to  be  concerned  in  any  smuggling 
 transaction.  When  the  case  came  to  bo  heard,  the  smuggler  admitted 
 that  the  information  was  false  and  malicious,  and,  of  course,  Mr.  Un- 
 derwood Avas  acquitted  ;  but  he  had  incurred  expenses  to  the  amount 
 of  £327  in  triumphing  over  the  malice  of  his  enemy.  He  had  no 
 redress  for  his  loss  ;  and  his  only  resource  was  to  commence  an  unprofit- 
 able prosecution  against  the  smuggler  for  perjury.  At  the  same  place, 
 a  brewer,  having  lent  a  friend  his  copper,  was  prosecuted  for  that  friend's 
 brewing  a  quarter  of  malt.  The  penalty  for  his  J'ricndship  was  £100  ; 
 and    the  first  intimation  of  it  being    incurred  was   an   appalling  bill   of 
 
OPPRESSIONS    UNDER     EXCISE    LAWS. 
 
 323 
 
 forty  or  fifty  folios  in  length.  He  applied  to  the  Board,  who  consented 
 to  remit  the  penalty,  provided  he  paid  £30,  and  what  small  costs 
 might  have  been  incurred  in  the  prosecution.  Three  months  after, 
 he  received  a  bill  from  a  solicitor,  in  which  these  small  costs  were 
 charged  £46. 
 
 Persons  are  frequently  dragged  into  the  Court  of  Exchequer  without 
 knowing  for  what  offence,  when  it  had  been  committed,  or  who  is  the 
 informer.  In  the  case  of  Mr.  Waithman,  a  handkerchief  was  brought 
 into  his  house  not  worth  thirty  shillings,  by  a  person  in  his  employ,  at 
 the  solicitation  of  a  friend  in  the  countiy.  An  information  was  laid 
 against  him,  and  a  penalty  of  £200  demanded,  which  was  afterwards 
 softened  down  to  £100,  as  a  particular  favour  to  the  worthy  alderman. 
 
 We  shall  only  mention  one  more  case  of  Exchequer  process  ;  that  of  a 
 Captain  Bryan.  This  gentleman  was  called  on  for  a  penalty  of  £200, 
 two  years  after  he  thought  the  transaction  had  been  entirely  settled. 
 On  a  petition  to  the  Board,  the  penalty  indeed  was  remitted  ;  but  a  bill 
 of  costs  was  brought  forward  by  the  solicitor  to  a  nearly  equal  amount. 
 The  misfortune  of  this  gentleman  originated  in  mistake  in  the  report  of 
 the  ship's  cargo.  The  error  was  explained  to  the  commissioners  of 
 Excise,  who  appeared  perfectly  satisfied,  and  the  Captain  concluded 
 the  matter  was  at  an  end.  Two  years  were  suffered  to  elapse,  when 
 the  unsuspecting  Captain  was  surprised  with  an  Exchequer  process, 
 showing  that  an  action  had  commenced  against  him  to  recover  the 
 penalty  for  the  infraction  of  the  Excise-Laws.  The  Captain,  as  we 
 have  said,  petitioned ;  the  penalty  was  remitted :  but  the  solicitor 
 brought  in  his  bill  of  costs  to  the  amount  of  £160  :  5,  and  his  own 
 solicitor's  costs  amounted  to  £89  :  5  :  9  more. 
 
 A  serious  evil  resulting  from  the  Excise  system  is  the  power  vested 
 in  the  Commissioners  of  Excise  or  Lords  of  the  Treasury  to  mitigate 
 penalties  or  stay  proceedings  against  offenders  at  their  discretion.  This 
 enables  them  to  make  the  most  odious  distinction  between  persons  sup- 
 posed to  be  friendly  or  hostile  to  the  government.  We  had  a  singular 
 instance  of  this  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Abbott,  brewer  and  magistrate,  of 
 Canterbury.  This  man  had  for  a  long  time  been  selling,  according  to 
 Lord  Brougham's  statement,  rank  poison  in  the  beverage  of  the  people. 
 It  appears  he  had  been  selling  a  liquor  resembling  beer,  manufactured 
 from  beer-grounds,  distillers' spent  wash,  quassia,  opium,  guinea  pepper, 
 vitriol,  and  other  deleterious  and  poisonous  ingredients.  The  officers  of 
 Excise  having  examined  this  worthy  magistrate's  premises,  found  12  lbs. 
 of  prepared  powder,  and  14  lbs.  of  vitriol  or  copperas,  in  boxes,  which, 
 if  full,  would  have  contained  56  lbs.  Proceedings  were  instituted 
 against  him  by  the  Board.  The  penalties  he  had  incurred  amounted  to 
 £9000 ;  and  the  case  being  notorious  and  atrocious,  the  Commissioners 
 appeared  determined  to  levy  them  with  rigour.  Mr.  Abbott,  however, 
 was  a  loj/al  man  and  an  active  magistrate ;  and  he  prevailed  upon 
 some  other  loyal  men  to  write  on  his  behalf  to  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury. 
 Among  other  persons  who  stepped  forward  in  behalf  of  this  virtuous 
 magistrate,  were  the  very  reverend  the  Dean  of  Canterbury,  Dr.  Gerard 
 
 Y  2 
 
324  LAW     AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 Andrewcs,  Mr,  Bakor,  M.P.,  and  the  late  Sir  William  Curtis.  All 
 those  were  loyal  men  and  true  ;  and,  in  their  letters  to  the  Lords  of  the 
 Treasury,  spoke  in  the  highest  terms  of  the  public  and  private  virtues 
 of  the  good  Mr.  Abbott.  Mr.  Baker  styles  him  "  my  much  esteemed 
 and  valued  friend,  Mr.  Abbott."  Sir  William  Curtis  was  still  more 
 eloquent  and  touching ;  stating  that  he  was  a  A'eiy  long  acquaintance  of 
 fifty  )ears,  and  a  "  most  honourable  and  virtuous  old  man."  The 
 reverend  Dean  went  on  in  the  same  strain  ;  stating-  that  he  was  a  "  good 
 neighbour  of  his,  and  an  useful  magistrate;"  and  that  he  should  regret 
 were  his  "  usefulness  and  respectability  diminished  by  a  matter  that 
 concerned  only   ale-duinkers  !" 
 
 Only  think  of  this  !  Here  is  a  man,  a  veiy  reverend  dean,  who  re- 
 grets that  a  good  neighbour  of  his  should  be  dragged  before  the  public 
 merely  for  poisoning  ale-drinkers.  Had  Mr.  Abbott  been  poisoning 
 wine-dri7ikers,  Ave  imagine  his  crime  would  have  appeared  very  difiei'ent 
 in  the  eyes  of  the  reverend  dean.  It  is  related  of  a  right  reverend 
 bishop,  in  the  House  of  Lords,  that  he  once  remarked  that  he  did  not 
 know  what  the  people  had  to  do  with  the  laws  but  to  obey  them.  One 
 is  at  a  loss  to  conceive  where  these  notions  have  been  taken  up ;  they 
 certainly  belong  to  another  age,  or  at  least  to  another  country  than 
 England.  For  our  part,  we  can  only  ascribe  this  unseemly  insolence 
 of  the  clergy  to  the  undeserved  respect  which  they  have  been  accus- 
 tomed to  receive  from  the  people,  and  which  has  begotten  in  them  a 
 feeling  of  superiority  to  which,  above  all  men,  they  have  the  least  claim, 
 either  on  account  of  their  knowledge  or  virtues,  or  any  other  qualifica- 
 tion useful  or  ornamental.  The  views  of  some  of  them  in  respect  of 
 the  people  are  very  little  more  elevated  than  those  of  the  nobles  of 
 Russia  towards  their  boors.  We  remember  an  anecdote  of  a  Russian 
 officer  travelling  through  Germany,  who,  on  account  of  a  trifling  delay 
 or  provocation,  shot  his  postillion.  The  circumstance  exciting  some 
 noise,  the  ofilcer  was  given  to  understand  that,  though  .such  things 
 might  do  very  well  in  Russia,  they  could  not  pass  in  Germany  with  im- 
 punity. The  officer,  considering  the  interruption  impertinent,  demanded 
 the  price  of  a  German  postillion,  and  said  he  would  jxiy  for  him. 
 This  was  not  much  worse  than  Dr.  Andrewcs's  notion  of  the  social 
 importance  of  ale-drinkers. 
 
 To  return,  however,  to  the  good  Mr.  Abbott :  so  many  testimonies, 
 fiom  such  quarters,  to  his  various  excellences  were  not  to  be  neglected. 
 The  Treasury,  without  seeking  any  more  evidence,  but  merely  at  the 
 instigation  of  their  political  friends,  ordered  the  proceedings  to  be  stayed, 
 and  penalties  to  the  amount  of  £9000  were  softened  down  to  £500. 
 
 The  recent  case  of  Leaf  and  Coles,*  the  extensive  dealers  in  contra- 
 band silks,  is  an  instance  of  the  power  of  the  Treasury  to  mitigate 
 penalties.  The  transactions  of  these  persons  had  been  to  an  enormous 
 extent,  to  the  great  detriment  of  the  home  manufacture  of  silk,  and  the 
 
 House  of  Commons,   Dec.  9,  1831. 
 
PROSPECTS  OF  LEGAL  REFORM. 
 
 325 
 
 ruin  of  the  fair  trader.  The  penalties  Leaf  and  Company  had  incurred 
 by  their  illicit  practices  amounted  to  £25,000 ;  the  Treasury,  or,  more 
 conectly,  the  attorney-general,  compromised  with  the  delinquents  for 
 £20,000,  and  returned  thorn  their  smugg-led  silks  valued  at  £.5,000 
 more.  It  was  no  case  for  mercy;  justice  and  the  interests  of  commerce 
 required  that  the  utmost  forfeiture  should  have  been  exacted. 
 
 The  examples  we  have  given  will,  we  apprehend,  be  sufficient  to  ex- 
 emplify the  nature  of  Excise  informations.  The  proceedings  of  the 
 Court  of  Star  Chamber,  of  the  Inquisition  in  Spain,  or  Lettres  de 
 Cachet  in  France,  were  not  more  diabolical  and  oppressive  than  those 
 which  often  occur  in  this  country  to  uphold  an  oppressive  system  of 
 taxation.  Much  of  the  evil  results  from  the  endeavours  of  the  Aristo- 
 cracy to  throw  a  disproportionate  share  of  public  burthens  on  the 
 industrious  classes,  by  taxing  heavily  all  articles  of  general  consumption. 
 Tea,  spirits,  and  tobacco  are  the  chief  articles  in  which  frauds  on  the 
 revenue  are  attempted  ;  and  these  are  respectively  taxed  100,  520,  and 
 900  per  cent,  on  the  cost  price.  It  is  the  high  amount  of  duties  which 
 renders  smuggling  and  adulteration  so  profitable  that  all  attempts  to 
 suppress  them  prove  unavailing.  Three-fourths  of  the  whole  quantity 
 of  tobacco  consumed  in  Ireland  is  smuggled  ;*  and  one-third  of  the  tea 
 sold  in  England  is  the  produce  of  adulteration.  What  blessed  eft'ects 
 are  these  of  our  fiscal  regulations ;  especially  coupled  with  the  fact  that 
 the  expense  for  the  prevention  of  smuggling  alone  amounts  to  £700,000 
 per  annum. 
 
 PROSPECTS    OF    LEGAL    REFORM. 
 
 England  is  not  less  a  law-ridden  than  a  priest-ridden  country ;  and 
 we  regret  that  Lord  Brougham  cannot  devise  plans  of  reform  having  a 
 less  tendency  to  increase  the  number  and  emolument  of  a  profession 
 already  too  predominant.  It  has  been  remarked,  by  the  venerable  father 
 of  jurisprudence  in  Europe,  and  we  may  add  America — Mr.  Bentham, 
 that  lawyers  oppose  improvement  from  the  same  motives  workmen 
 oppose  the  introduction  of  machinery, — they  are  ajjprehensive  it 
 tvould  lessen  their  employment.  Undoubtedlv  it  would  have  this 
 effect ;  for  the  great  object  sought  to  be  attained  is  to  simplify  and 
 expedite  judicial  proceedings,  by  which,  unnecessary  delay  and  expense 
 may  be  avoided.  The  late  Mr.  Roscoe,  in  his  Life  of  Leo  X.  (vol.  iv. 
 p.  179,)  relates  an  anecdote  of  that  pontiff  which  is  applicable  both  to 
 the  law  and  priestcraft  of  this  country.  Cardinal  Bembo  having  on  one 
 occasion  quoted  a  passage  from  the  Evangelists,  he  was  interrupted  by 
 his  Holiness,  Avho  said  "  It  is  well  known  to  all  ages  how  profitable  this 
 fable  of  Christ  has  been  to  us." — Our  lawyers  may  say  the  same  :  the 
 cart-load  of  legendary  rubbish  they  profess  to  expound  is,  doubtless, 
 very  profitable  to  them,  but  a  serious  loss  and  inconvenience  to  the 
 community. 
 
 *  Sir  Hc~nry  Paniell  on  Financial  Reform,  p.  49. 
 
326  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF     LAW. 
 
 It  by  no  means  follows,  because  there  are  laws,  there  should  be  a 
 host  of  legalists  to  interpret  them.  The  causes  which  render  English 
 laws  difficult  and  unintelligible  are  obvious,  and  have  been  explained. 
 It  arises  from  the  unfathomable  chaos  in  which  they  exist,  their  multi- 
 plicity, their  contradictions,  and  the  uncouth  and  nonsensical  jargon  in 
 which  they  are  expressed.  All  these  are  defects  which  would  be 
 speedily  obviated  by  a  government  that  represented  the  mind,  the  wants, 
 and  interests  of  society.  The  Statute-Book,  and  the  mass  of  decisions 
 eng-rafted  upon  it,  we  verily  believe,  might  be  compressed  into  an  octavo 
 volume,  and  rendered  so  plain  and  readable  as  to  form  an  appropriate 
 class-book  in  eveiy  seminary  of  education  in  the  kingdom.  Sad  cala- 
 mity this  for  the  gentlemen  of  the  bar !  Their  occupation  would  be 
 curtailed ;  their  wigs  and  gowns  cease  to  be  venerable ;  and  all  their 
 learned  lore  be  as  much  out  of  date  as  the  cocked  hats  and  ruffles  of  the 
 last  generation.  Can  we  wonder,  therefore,  at  their  hostility  to  im- 
 provement? They  have  a  great  stake — not  in  the  country,  but  the 
 law ;  and  we  may  generally  reckon  upon  them  for  our  opponents : 
 though  it  is  rather  too  much  that  they  should  accuse  (as  some  of  them 
 do)  the  reformers  of  being  irrational  and  visionary,  while  their  own 
 mountebank  profession  is  the  reverse  of  both  reason  and  common 
 sense. 
 
 Between  jurisconsults  in  this  country  and  on  the  Continent  there  is 
 a  marked  difference :  by  the  latter,  laAv  has  long  been  treated  as  a 
 rational  science ;  by  the  former,  it  is  considered  nothing  more  than  a 
 mass  of  precedents,  conundrums,  forms,  and  technicalities — an  art  or 
 mystery,  by  dabbling  in  which  men  may  soon  become  rich.  A  few 
 illustrious  exceptions  there  are,  no  doubt,  to  this  description  ;  but  this  is 
 the  general  character  of  the  fraternity ;  their  object  is  to  gather  fees, 
 not  study  the  principles  of  jurisprudence.  Hence  it  is  not  from  the 
 profession  we  anticipate  a  systematic  and  effective  reform  in  our  judicial 
 administration;  —  though,  if  any  unlearned  person  venture  to  suggest 
 improvements,  the  whole  craft  is  in  arms,  and  ready  to  devour  him.  So 
 far  as  the  practice  of  the  profession  is  concerned,  lawyers  are  the  fittest 
 persons  to  expound  it ;  but  so  far  as  regards  any  thing  new, — a  code, 
 for  instance,  or  a  different  mode  of  administering  justice, — they  are 
 the  last  persons  in  the  world  who  ought  to  be  consulted.  For  our 
 parts,  we  should  as  soon  think  of  advising  with  the  disciples  of 
 Ignatius  Loyola  about  the  institutions  of  the  order  of  Jesuits  as 
 with  lawyers  on  the  subject  of  legal  reform. 
 
 Yet  it  is  to  lawyers  the  great  work  of  legal  amendment  is  confided, 
 and  from  them  alone  are  the  people  to  expect  reform  in  our  judicial 
 system.  Nothing  but  disappointment,  we  fear,  will  flow  from  this 
 source.  All  the  law-lords,  Avith  the  splendid  exception  of  Lord  Chan- 
 cellor Brougham  and,  perhaps,  Plunket,  are  opposed  to  reform.  Sir 
 James  Scarlett  suggested  some  minor  improvements,  during  his 
 attorney-generalship — the  best  of  which  was  the  limiting  the  power  of 
 arrest  for  debt  to  £100  and  upwards  ;  but  it  is  evident  he  views,  with 
 no  favourable  eye,  innovations  on  the  great  field  of  his  triumphs.     Only 
 
PROSPECTS  OF  LEGAL  REFORM.  327 
 
 think  of  this  gentleman's  defence  of  special  pleadiiig,  the  absurdities 
 of  which  are  enough  to  make  a  horse  laugh  ;  a  drizzling  maze  of 
 empyrical  inventions,  circuitous  procedure,  and  unintelligible  fiction, 
 calculated  for  no  purpose  but  to  fortify  monopoly  and  wrap  justice  in 
 deceit  and  mysteiy.  With  such  obstacles  and  prejudices  what  can  be 
 anticipated  but  delay  and  evasion  without  end,  and  ultimate  failure  at 
 last? 
 
 The  Common-Law  Commissioners  are  not  expected  to  conclude  their 
 inquiries  in  less  than^ three  years,  and  the  Commissioners  of  Inquiry  on 
 the  Laws  of  Real  Property  in  less  than  twelve  years.*  At  the  expiration 
 of  these  periods  Avhat  may  be  anticipated?  The  accumulation  of  innu- 
 merable volumes  of  reports,  and  the  useful  suggestions  they  contain, 
 buried  in  as  impenetrable  a  mass  as  the  laws  whose  abuses  they  are 
 meant  to  set  forth;  and,  after  all  this  expenditure  of  time,  labour,  and 
 money,  it  is  probable  no  measures  of  reform  will  be  founded  upon  them. 
 They  will  share  the  fate  of  the  Chancery  Report,  made  six  years  ago, 
 of  the  volumes  without  number  of  Reports  on  Public  Charities,  on  the 
 state  of  Ireland,  the  state  of  the  finances,  the  poor,  and  other  national 
 subjects,  in  which  there  is  much  research  and  many  useful  suggestions, 
 but  they  are  never  reduced  to  practice. 
 
 Next  let  us  advert  to  the  reformatoiy  labours  of  the  late  Secretary  of 
 State.  The  consolidation  acts  of  Sir  Robert  Peel  are,  no  doubt,  im- 
 provements ;  but  the  progress  of  the  Right  Hon.  Gentleman  was  much 
 too  dilator)',  and  his  plan  of  proceeding  deficient  in  comprehensiveness. 
 The  entire  body  of  criminal  law  ought  to  have  been  taken  up  at  once  by 
 a  select  body  of  individuals  competent  to  the  undertaking,  and  digested 
 into  a  simple  and  uniform  code,  accessible  and  intelligible  to  the  whole 
 community.  Granting,  some  thirty  years  hence,  Sir  Robert  might  have 
 finished  his  task,  still  it  appears  to  us  the  criminal  law  would  be  nearly 
 in  as  great  a  state  of  obscurity,  contradiction,  and  perplexity  as  at  present. 
 We  shall  cite  an  example,  from  the  Forgery  Act,  to  illustrate  the  working 
 of  this  tinkering  legislation. 
 
 In  the  twenty-third  section  of  the  act  it  is  provided  that  the  pu- 
 nishments of  the  5  Eliz.  c.  14,  so  far  as  they  have  been  adopted  by 
 other  acts,  shall  be  repealed,  and  other  punishments  substituted  in  lieu 
 of  them.  Now,  as  these  other  acts  remain  on  the  statute-book,  without 
 reference  to  the  1  Will.  IV.  c.  6Q,  by  which  they  have  been  altered, 
 how  is  it  possible  this  fact  should  be  known  to  any  person  who  happens 
 to  refer  to  them  ?  This  appears  to  us  a  convincing  proof  of  the  per- 
 plexities which  will  pervade  the  criminal  statutes  after  the  process  of 
 consolidation  has  been  completed.  They  will  be  a  sealed  book,  as 
 heretofore,  to  all  but  lawyers  and  judges :  in  short,  the  legislature 
 appears  to  proceed  on  the  principle  that  laws  are  framed  for  the  benefit 
 of  the  profession  only,  not  for  the  people ;   but  surely  the  penal  code, 
 
 *  Law  Magazine  for  January,  1830. 
 
328 
 
 LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 \vhich  affects  every  member  of  society,  ought  to  be  constituted  for  a 
 very  different  purpose.  Again,  how  little  is  the  advantage  of  consoli- 
 dating the  statutes,  if  the  decisions  engrafted  upon  them,  and  which 
 are  as  valid  a  portion  of  the  law  as  the  statutes  themselves,  are  not 
 incorporated  ?  It  will  be  all  labour  in  vain,  and  "  confusion  worse 
 confounded  !" 
 
 In  our  huAible  opinion  a  different  course  might  be  pursued  with  ad- 
 vantage in  the  great  work  of  legal  reform.  In  the  first  place,  it  appears 
 inquiries  arc  not  so  much  needed  as  remedies ;  abuses  in  our  judicial 
 s)'stem  are  not  far  to  seek — they  are  obvious,  and  so  are  the  means  of 
 reforming  them.  Why,  then,  not  dispense  with  those  voluminous 
 reports  and  endless  researches  ?  A  commission  might  have  been 
 appointed  to  consolidate  and  simplify  the  criminal  law — another  the  civil 
 law — -another  the  law  of  property — and  another  the  laws  which  regulate 
 civil  and  criminal  procedure,  and  each  commission  ought  not  only  to  have 
 incorporated  the  statutes  relative  to  the  several  departments  of  jurispru- 
 dence, but  also  the  decisions  of  the  judges  founded  upon  them,  and 
 Avhich  have  become  part  of  the  law  of  the  land.  When  each  commission 
 had  finished  its  task,  their  labours  might  have  received  the  fiat  of  the 
 legislature.  It  is  only,  we  imagine,  by  some  such  effective  measures  the 
 laws  of  England  can  be  made,  within  a  reasonable  time,  worthy  of 
 the  opulent  and  enlightened  community  for  whose  benefit  they  are 
 intended. 
 
 But  it  is  high  time  we  concluded  this  long  article.  When  the  first 
 Common-Law  Repoit  was  pi'esented  to  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  his 
 only  remark  is  said  to  have  been — "  Too  much  of  it,  —  too  much  of  it, — 
 
 a  d d  deal  too  much  of  it."     We  fear  a  remark  of  the  same  tenor 
 
 may  escape  some  of  our  readers,  owing  to  the  prolixity  of  our  lucu- 
 brations. But  the  importance  of  the  subject  must  form  our  apology. 
 The  dearness  and  delay  of  justice  are  national  grievances  of  long 
 standing.  It  appears,  from  Whitlocke's  Memorials,  Oliver  Cromwell 
 presented  a  petition  to  the  Collective  Wisdom  of  his  day,  praying  that 
 "  a  speedy  consideration  might  be  had  of  the  great  oppressions,  by 
 reason  of  the  multiplicity  of  unnecessary  laws,  with  their  intricacies 
 and  delays,  which  tend  to  the  profit  of  some  particular  men,  but  much 
 to  the  expence  and  damage  of  the  whole."  The  Lord  Protector,  later 
 in  life,  triumphed  over  every  difficulty ;  but  the  lawyers  gave  him  most 
 trouble,  and  he  was  constrained  at  last  to  acknowledge  they  were  too 
 many  for  him. 
 
 *^*  The  subjoined  statements  are  principally  abstracted  from  Returns 
 to  Parliament  in  the  session  of  1 830  and  1831,  and  will  confirm  and  illus- 
 trate the  preceding  exposition  of  our  judicial  administration.  In  some 
 of  the  documents  we  have  left  out  the  shillings  and  pence  to  save  room, 
 which  makes  trifling  inaccuracies  in  the  summing  up. 
 
 L. 
 
SALARIES    OF    JUDGES  —  SUITORs'    FUND.  329 
 
 JUDGES     SALARIES. 
 
 Salary  a«c?  Allowances  received,  in  the  Year  1792,  by  each  of 
 the  Judges  of  the  Exchequer,  King's  Bench,  and  Court  of 
 Common  Pleas;  and  the  Salary  and  Allowances  paid  in  1829. 
 
 1792.  1829. 
 
 King's  Bench  :  £  £ 
 
 Chief  Justice 4,000 10,000 
 
 Puisne  Judges,  each 2,400 5,500* 
 
 Common  Pleas  : 
 
 Chief  Justice 3,500 8,000 
 
 Puisne  Judges,  each     2,400 5,500 
 
 Exchequer: 
 
 ChiefBaron    3,500 7,000 
 
 Barons,  each 2.400 5,500  t 
 
 In  addition  to  the  Salaries  and  Allowances  paid  in  1792,  the  Judges  of  the 
 several  Courts  were  remunerated  by  Fees,  the  amount  of  which,  received  by 
 each,  is  not  knowu.  The  Judges  derive  no  emolument  from  such  source  at 
 present. 
 
 COURT    OF    chancery. 
 
 Return  of  the  Total  Amount  of  the  Effects  of  the  Suitors  of  the 
 Court  of  Chancery,  in  the  Years  1756  to  1829  inclusive. 
 
 £        s.    d. 
 
 In  the  year  1756  the  total  amount  of  suitors's  effects  was  2,864,975  16     1 
 
 1766 4,019,004  19     4 
 
 1776 6,602,229     8     6 
 
 1786 8,848,535     7   11 
 
 1796 14,550,397     2     0 
 
 1806 21,922,754  12     8 
 
 1816 31,953,890     9     5 
 
 1818 33,534,520     6  10 
 
 1819 32,848,815  13     4 
 
 1820 33,258,897  17  11 
 
 1821 34,693.735  10  10 
 
 1822 35,683^034     5     6 
 
 1823 36,988,481  19     9 
 
 1824 37,635,924  13     0 
 
 •  1825 38,224,834  18     4 
 
 1826.. 38,223,602     0     I 
 
 1827... 38,060,055     4      1 
 
 1828 38,266,438     9  10 
 
 1829 38,386,135  19     6 
 
 •  In  addition  to  these  salaries,  the  second  judge  of  the  King's  Bench  receives 
 an  ancient  fee  of  £10  per  term,  or  £40  per  annum,  in  respect  of  his  labour  in 
 giving  charge  to  the  grand  jury,  and  pronouncing  judgment  against  malefactors ; 
 payable  out  of  the  fines,  forfeitures,  penalties,  and  compositions  in  the  Court  of 
 King's  Bench. 
 
 f  The  Chief  Baron  and  Bavons  of  the  Court  of  Exchequer  receive,  in  ad- 
 dition to  the  above  salaries,  an  annual  allowance  of  £17  :  10  :  8  for  stationery, 
 payable,  by  the  Usher  of  the  Exchequer,  out  of  annual  grants  by  parliament. 
 
330  LAW    AND    COURTS    OF    LAW. 
 
 An  Account  of  the  several  Sums  of  Money  received  by  the  Purse- 
 Bf.auer  to  the  Lord  Chancellor,  during  Three  Years,  commencing 
 May  \st,  1827  ;  distbujuishing  the  A7nount  received  from  Public 
 Seals  and  from  Private  Seals, 
 
 Years.  Total.         Public  Seals.     Private  Seals. 
 
 £  £  £ 
 
 1828 3C01     4»l    3123 
 
 1829 37G6 320   3445 
 
 1830 4081   396   SfiSS 
 
 In  the  third  column  are  included  the  receipt  and  docquet  fees,  which  are  paid 
 whether  the  instrument  is  sealed  at  public  or  private  seal. 
 
 There  were  sealed,  at  private  seal,  from  1st  May,  1827,  to  30th  April,  1828, 
 3704  writs,  at  3s.  3(/.,  amounting  to  t'GOl  :  18  ;  from  1st  May,  1828,  to  30th  April, 
 1829,  4937  writs,  at  3s.  3rf.,  amounting  to  £802  :  5  :  3  ;  and  from  1st  May,  1829, 
 to  30th  April,  1830,  48G1  writs,  at  3s.  3(/.,  amounting  to  £789  :  18  :  3.  This  sum 
 of  3s.  3(/.  is  thus  appropriated: — the  Lord  Chancellor,  2s. ;  sixpenny-writ  duty, 
 Crf. ;  chaif-wax,  'id. ;  sealer,  3d.  ;  porter,  Zd. 
 
 MASTERS    IN    CHANCERY. 
 
 An  Account  of  the  Sums  of  Money  received  by  Master  Stratford 
 and  his  Clerks,  from  his  Office,  in  one  Year,  ending  in  1830. — 
 Pari.  Paper,  No.  361,  Session  1830. 
 
 The  Master :  £  £ 
 For  copies  of  papers   and    other    proceedings,  including  parti- 
 culars    2071 
 
 Warrants 676 
 
 Swearing  affidavits,  answers,  and  examinations 48 
 
 Reports   and  certificates   upon   orders    made    upon   petitions   or 
 
 motions     200 
 
 Reports  and  certificates  made  upon  hearing  causes 184 
 
 Sales  and  other  matters    84 
 
 3265 
 
 TheChief  Clerk: 
 
 On  copies  of  reports,  &c 118 
 
 On  swearing  affidavits,  &c 6 
 
 On  reports  and  certificates  made  upon  petitions  or  motions    60 
 
 Ditto                           on  hearing  causes    46 
 
 Sales  and  other  matters 258 
 
 Gratuities    .., 583 
 
 The  Copying  Clerk : 
 
 For  copies   431 
 
 For  transcripts  and  ingrossmeuts    17 
 
 1074 
 
 448 
 
 Total £4789 
 
 The  master's  salary,  received  quarterly  from  the  Exchequer,  is  £87  :  6  per 
 annum;  and  for  robe-money,  Irom  the  Hanaper-olfice,  £6  :  8  :  10  per  annum. 
 
 The  master's  salary,  received  from  the  suitors'  fund,  in  the  Accountant- 
 General's  Office,  half-yearly,  is  £600  per  annum. 
 
 The  clerks  have  no  salaries;  they  are  remunerated  solely  by  fees,  partly 
 belonging  officially  to  the  chief  clerk,  and  partly  by  a  participation  of  the 
 master's  fees,  regulated  by  usage  or  particular  agreement  between  him  and  his 
 clerks;  and  varying  in  different  offices. 
 
 •,*  Returns  were  made,  to  the  House  of  Commons,  of  the  emoluments  of  the 
 other  Masters  in  Chancery;  but,  as  the  sources  whence  they  arise  mid  their 
 amount  are  similar  to  Master  Stratford's,  we  omit  them,  to  save  room. 
 
CHANCERY    PICKINGS  — CURSITORS.  331 
 
 An  Account  of  the  Siims  paid  in  the  Year  1829,  and  the  Total 
 Sums  paid  from  1826,  for  Compensations  for  Loss  of  Fees, 
 under  Authority  of  6  Geo.  IV.  c.  96,  intituled,  "  A71  Act  for 
 preventing  frivolous  Writs  of  Error.^' 
 
 Total,  from 
 1829.  1826. 
 
 £      s.    d.  £        s.    d. 
 
 The  Hon.  Thomas  Kenyon,  filacer,  exigenter, 
 and  clerk,  of  the  outlawries  in  the  Court  of 
 
 King's  Bench  5,463     7     0... .16,590     8     8 
 
 Henry  Edgell,  Esq.  clerk  of  the  errors  in  the 
 
 Exchequer  Chamber 2,521  16  ll§....   8,339  19     5 
 
 *  Cursitors  for  London  and  Middlesex : 
 
 Robert  Talbot,  Esq 1,176  11     5§. ...  3,629  18     5f 
 
 Hon.  William  Henry  John  Scott 1,176  11     5*  . . . .  3,629  18     5f 
 
 William  Villiers  Surtees,  Esq 1,176  11     5^....  3,629  18     5f 
 
 Richard  Wilson,  Esq 1,176  11     5§....  3,629  18     5f 
 
 Ushers  of  the  Court  of  Exchequer : 
 
 Richard  Grey   
 
 John  Morris ,     ,_.„  m  -.^     ^ 
 
 William  Broadhurst    {^^     ^     ^'•"        ^^  ^^    ^ 
 
 Lewis  Williams    
 
 William  Stewart  Rose,  Esq.  clerk  of  the  pleas 
 of  the  Court  of  Exchequer 65     4    0  ....      100    4     0 
 
 I 
 
 £12,771  15     3$. .  £39,601     2     6 
 
 Filacer,  exigenter,  and  clerk  of  the  outlawries  in  the  Court  of  King's  Bench, 
 appointed  by  the  Lord  Chief  Justice. 
 
 Clerk  of  the  errors  in  the  Exchequer  Chambers,  appointed  by  the  Lord  Chief 
 Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas. 
 
 Cursitors  for  London  and  iMiddlesex,  appointed  by  the  Lord  Chancellor. 
 
 Ushers  of  the  Court  of  Exchequer,  appointed  by  the  Chief  Usher,  who  holds 
 his  office  in  fee,  under  grant  from  the  Crown,  temp.  Henry  II. 
 
 Clerk  of  the  Pleas  of  the  Court  of  Exchequer,  appointed  by  the  Chancellor 
 of  the  Exchequer. 
 
 IMPRISONMENT    FOR    DEBT. 
 
 Number  of  Persons  committed  for  Debt  to  the  several  Prisons  of 
 the  Metropolis  in  the  Year  1827,  and  the  Sums  for  which  they 
 were  committed. — Pari.  Paper,  No.  76,  Session  1828. 
 
 For  sums     For  sums   For  sums      For  sums  In  custody 
 
 above         between     between  under       Total.    Jan.  1, 
 
 j€100.     ifSO&^^lOO.    iCSOiSc'SO.  ;£'20.  1828. 
 
 King's  Bench  Prison     474  354  550  213  1591  ..  674 
 
 Fleet  Prison    206  141  223  113  683  ..  253 
 
 Whitecross-street  Prison  ....  206  273  816  600  1893  . .   378 
 
 Marshalsea  Prison 20  30  166  414  630  ..  102 
 
 Horsemonger-lane  Prison    . .  57  58  134  923  1172  . .   105 
 
 Total 963  856         1889         2263         5969   ..1512 
 
 %*  From  Pari,  paper.  No.  632,  Sess.  1830,   it  appears  1563  persons  were 
 
 *  We  should  like  to  be  informed  what  course  the  cursitors  intend  to  pursue, 
 in  consequence  of  the  alterations  made  by  the  act  of  1830,  for  the  more  eifectual 
 
332 
 
 LAW     AM)    COUUTS    OF    LAW 
 
 committed  to  \V  hilecross-street  prison  for  various  tenns  from  one  to  ten  days  ; 
 the  total  amount  of  their  debts  was  £2,071  :  10  :  2;  the  amount  of  their  costs 
 £716  :  G  :  6. 
 
 Nwnber  of  Persons  Discharged  from  Prison  under  the  Acts  for 
 the  Relief  of  Insolvent  Debtors  since  the  constitution  of  the  pre- 
 sent Court  in  1820;  a7id  the  Number  who  have  been  ordered  to 
 be  Detaixed  in  Custody /or  contravening  the  provisions  of  the 
 Acts  for  the  Relief  of  hisolvent  Debtors. 
 
 Ordered  to 
 
 be  Dischaiged 
 
 Ordered  to  be  Discharged 
 
 Forthwith. 
 
 at  bonie  fus 
 
 ure  Period. 
 
 In 
 
 On 
 
 Before 
 
 In 
 
 On 
 
 Before 
 
 IntlieYcar 
 
 London. 
 
 Circuit. 
 
 Justices. 
 
 TOTAL. 
 2,325 
 
 London. 
 
 Circuit. 
 
 Justices. 
 
 TOTAL. 
 
 10TAL. 
 
 1820 
 
 830 
 
 — 
 
 1,495 
 
 61 
 
 — 
 
 96 
 
 245 
 
 2,482 
 
 1821 
 
 2,347 
 
 — 
 
 2,516 
 
 4,863 
 
 219 
 
 — 
 
 208 
 
 427 
 
 5,290 
 
 1822 
 
 2,074 
 
 — 
 
 2,499 
 
 4,573 
 
 161 
 
 — 
 
 221 
 
 382 
 
 4,155 
 
 1823 
 
 1,811 
 
 — 
 
 2,047 
 
 3,85S 
 
 181 
 
 — 
 
 202 
 
 383 
 
 4,241 
 
 1824 
 
 1,74.5 
 
 318 
 
 1,255 
 
 3,318 
 
 142 
 
 18 
 
 115 
 
 275 
 
 3,593 
 
 1825 
 
 1,955 
 
 1,342 
 
 73 
 
 S,370 
 
 126 
 
 161 
 
 8 
 
 295 
 
 3,665 
 
 1826 
 
 2,429 
 
 1 ,865 
 
 89 
 
 4,383 
 
 110 
 
 183 
 
 5 
 
 298 
 
 4,681 
 
 1827 
 
 1,929 
 
 1,988 
 
 89 
 
 4,006 
 
 90 
 
 128 
 
 10 
 
 228 
 
 4,234 
 
 1828 
 
 1,913 
 
 1,459 
 
 112 
 
 3,475 
 
 127 
 
 131 
 
 6 
 
 264 
 
 3,739 
 
 1829 
 
 2,067 
 
 1,580 
 
 100 
 
 3,74- 
 
 158 
 
 152 
 
 10 
 
 320 
 
 4,067 
 
 1830 
 
 2,056 
 
 1,823 
 
 III 
 
 3,990 
 
 189 
 
 191 
 
 9 
 
 389 
 
 4,379 
 
 1831  to 
 
 781 
 
 749 
 
 90 
 
 1,620 
 
 107 
 
 28 
 
 2 
 
 137 
 
 1,757 
 
 June30th 
 
 43,528 
 
 3,652 
 
 47,083 
 
 The  commissioners  in  the  remarks  appended  to  this  return,  observe 
 that  "  they  have  not  the  means  of  ascertaining  the  number  of  In- 
 solvent Debtors  Avho  have  paid  dividends,"  but  they  "  communicate 
 the  subjoined  statements  which  may  perhaps  assist,  in  some  measure, 
 towards  the  subject  under  inquiry: 
 
 "  Total  number  of  cases  in  which  assignees  have  accepted 
 and  taken  their  appointments     1 0,27 1 
 
 '*  Total  of  Assignees  to  whom  money  has  been  paid  out  of 
 Court 1,783 
 
 "  N.B.  Of  10,271  assignees,  8,492  have  fled  7io  accounts.  Of  the 
 accounts  filed  there  are  932,  in  which  a  balance  in  hand  appears 
 arising  from  monies  not  received  out  of  Court." — Pari.  Pap.  No. 
 141,  Sess.  1831. 
 
 Administration  of  Justice  in  England  and  Wales.  By  that  act,  the  cursitorial 
 department  of  AVales  is  annexed  to  the  four  cursitors  for  London  and  Middlesex. 
 15ut  surely  these  jrentlcmen,  who,  for  several  years,  have  been  receivin-?  an 
 annual  compensation  for  the  losses  sustained  by  the  ]Vrit  of  Error  Act,  wilT 
 make  some  return  to  the  public  from  the  additional  f^aius  accruing  to  them  from 
 the  new  arrangement. 
 
WORKINGS    OF     INSOLVENT    DEBTORS'    COURT.  333 
 
 We  believe  the  plain  English  of  the  above  is  that  47,083  persons 
 have  passed  through  the  Insolvent  and  Circuit  Courts;  that  the  average 
 expense  of  the  discharge  of  each  is  £256  ;  that  their  debts  together 
 amount  to  at  least  four  millions,  and  that  the  dividend  received  bv 
 the  creditors  on  this  immense  sum  was  about  one  farthing  in  the 
 POUND.  What  an  admirable  system  of  Debtor  Laws  for  this  commer- 
 cial, manufacturing,  and  trading  community !  !  ! 
 
 We  are  aware  this  statement  is  not  strictly  accurate,  but  it  is  an 
 approximation  to  the  truth.  There  are  no  means  of  ascertaining  pre- 
 cisely the  average  dividend  realized  from  the  estates  of  insolvents,  since 
 there  are  no  official  returns  of  the  sums  received  by  assignees  out  of 
 court,  nor  of  the  amount  derived  from  the  property  of  insolvents  ac- 
 quired subsequently  to  their  discharge.  But  it  is  well  known  the 
 Insolvent  Debtors'  Act  has  degenerated  into  little  more  than  a  series  of 
 xmprofitable  forms  and  ceremonies  ;*  the  getting-vp  of  the  schedule  is 
 such  that  very  little  accrues  to  the  creditor  from  the  assets ;  and  the 
 short  imprisonment  of  the  debtor  operates  neither  as  disgrace  nor  im- 
 provement. The  act  certainly  empties  the  gaols ;  but  if  this  be  an 
 advantag-e  it  would  be  much  better  policy  never  to  fill  them,  rather  than 
 resort  to  a  preventive  which  does  not  correct  the  defaulter,  and  only 
 renders  him  a  worse  member  of  society.  Offers  of  compromise  are  not 
 so  frequent  in  consequence  of  the  act ;  and  Sir  Peter  Laurie  stated  to  a 
 parliamentary  committee,  that  tradesmen  charge  ten  per  cent,  more  for 
 their  commodities  on  account  of  the  facilities  it  afforded  to  the  escape  of 
 debtors.  This  is  a  pretty  heavy  tax  on  the  paying  part  of  the  commu- 
 nity— for  those  who  do  pay  must  make  up  for  the  loss  sustained  by  those 
 who  do  not — tending  greatly  to  lessen  consumption,  and  consequently 
 the  returns  and  profits  of  vendors. 
 
 Tradesmen  are  mostly  inclined  to  severer  laws  towards  debtors ;  they 
 appear  not  to  be  awaie  that  all  laws  would  become  unnecessary  by  a 
 simultaneous  decline  in  the  custom  of  credit.  That  credit  can  be  avoided 
 entirely,  even  in  retail  trade,  we  do  not  believe :  this  is  the  opinion  of 
 the  best  informed  merchants  and  tradesmen  of  the  metropolis  ;  persons 
 of  the  greatest  respectability  often  take  the  longest  credit,  to  the  great 
 profit  of  their  domestics  :  but  what  we  reprobate  is  its  universal  practice ; 
 its  not  being  the  exception  but  the  rule  of  trade — and  then  having- 
 recourse  to  oppressive  and  inefficient  laws  to  supply  the  place  of  indivi- 
 dual prudence. 
 
 *  Treatise  on  the  Police  and  Crimes  of  the  Metropolis,  p.  129.  By  the  Editor 
 of  the  Cabinet  Lawi/er. 
 
PROGRESS 
 
 OF    THE 
 
 PUBLIC     DEBT     AND     TAXES. 
 
 The  annual  income  of  a  nation  consists  of  the  united  produce  of  its 
 agriculture,  manufactures,  and  commerce.  Taxes  are  a  certain  propor- 
 tion of  the  annual  income  levied  for  the  public  service.  In  other  words, 
 they  are  a  certain  proportion  of  the  income  of  the  labourer,  the  farmer, 
 the  merchant,  and  manufacturer,  abstracted  for  the  use  of  the  govern- 
 ment. The  portion  of  income  the  different  classes  can  appropriate  to 
 this  purpose,  without  creating  national  poverty  and  misery,  is  limited. 
 If  taxation  be  carried  beyond  this  limit,  the  necessaries  of  life  of  the 
 labouring  classes  will  be  abridged,  the  profits  of  trade  and  agriculture 
 will  be  so  far  reduced,  that  capital  will  diminish,  or  cease  to  be  em- 
 ployed, or  transferred  to  countries  where  it  will  be  more  productive. 
 England,  in  the  privations  of  the  people — the  protracted  stagnation  of 
 industry,  only  interrupted  by  transitory  gleams  of  prosperity — the 
 embarrassments  of  the  agricultural,  commercial,  and  manufacturing 
 classes — the  emigration  of  capital — and  the  inability  of  the  farmer, 
 unaided  by  the  artificial  high  prices  produced  by  corn-laws,  to  cultivate 
 the  soil — exhibits  all  the  evils  of  a  country  suffering  from  the  pressure 
 of  overwhelming  taxation. 
 
 Some,  indeed,  contend  that  taxation  has  no  share  in  producing  these 
 calamities.  The  fallacy  of  this  will  easily  appear.  Taxation  being  a 
 certain  portion  of  the  income  of  every  individual,  the  evils  it  produces 
 will  be  obvious,  by  considering  the  different  effects  produced  by  this 
 portion  of  the  annual  income  remaining  in  the  hands  of  individuals,  and 
 being  paid  to  government.  In  the  former  case,  the  income  of  every 
 individual  would  be  increased,  the  labourer  and  artizan  would  have  a 
 greater  command  over  the  necessaries  of  life ;  the  profits  of  the  farmer, 
 merchant,  and  manufacturer  augmented ;  their  capital  increased,  con- 
 sequently commerce  and  the  means  of  creating  employment  extended. 
 But  this  is  not  all ;  supposing  public  burthens  reduced,  there   would  be 
 
CAUSES    OF    PARLIAMENTARY    WARS.  335 
 
 fewer  placemen,  pensioners,  collectors  of  taxes,  soldiers  and  sailors  to 
 be  supported.  These  classes  might  be  returned  to  the  plough  or  the 
 loom,  and  occupied  in  the  pursuits  of  commerce  and  the  cultivation  of 
 the  earth.  There  would  be  no  want  of  capital  for  these  undertakings. 
 The  abolition  of  taxes  would  create  capital.  In  short,  the  general 
 effect  of  a  reduction  of  taxes  is  this  :  the  power  of  production  and  con- 
 sumption, or,  in  other  words,  the  quantity  of  employment  and  the  means 
 of  subsistence  are  augmented. 
 
 It  is  a  favorite  dogma  with  some,  especially  those  who  live  on  the 
 public,  that  taxes  return  to  those  from  whom  they  are  collected  ;  which 
 is  about  as  good  as  the  defence  of  a  housebreaker,  who,  convicted  of 
 carrying  off  a  merchant's  property,  should  plead  he  did  him  no  injury, 
 for  the  money  would  be  returned  to  him  in  purchasing  the  commodities 
 he  dealt  in.  But  it  may  be  asked  of  those  who  maintain  this  position, 
 in  what  manner  are  the  taxes  returned  ?  Certainly,  taxes  are  paid  in 
 money ;  this  money  is  again  paid  to  the  servants  of  government ;  these 
 again  pay  it  to  the  cultivator  of  the  soil  and  manufacturer ;  and  in  this 
 manner,  it  may  be  said,  that  taxes  return  to  those  from  whom  they  were 
 collected.  But  on  this  latter  part  of  the  operation  it  must  be  observed, 
 that  before  either  the  cultivator  or  manufacturer  can  re-possess  himself 
 of  his  portion  of  the  taxes,  he  must  part  with  a  certain  quantity  of  his 
 commodities  in  exchange ;  so  that  tax-paying  revolves  itself  at  last  into 
 the  industrious  giving  a  certain  portion  of  their  produce  for  the  main- 
 tenance of  g-overnment. 
 
 Here  is  the  true  source  of  the  privations  and  embarrassments  of  the 
 country.  The  portion  of  every  man's  produce  levied  for  the  support  of 
 government,  of  pensions,  placemen,  sinecurists,  and  standing  armies, 
 has  invaded  the  funds  necessary  for  the  comfortable  subsistence  of  the 
 labourer,  and  for  carrying  on  the  trade,  commerce,  and  agriculture  of 
 the  kingdom. 
 
 Having  alluded  to  the  general  effect  of  taxation,  let  us  consider 
 those  measures  by  which  the  present  enormous  load  of  debt  and  taxes 
 has  been  incurred.  The  principles  on  which  government  has  been  con- 
 ducted have  not  varied  since  the  Revolution  of  1688  to  the  present  time. 
 The  wars  waged  have  generally  commenced  for  trivial  and  unattainable 
 objects, — and  these  objects  have  generally  not  been  attained ;  under 
 pretence  of  guarding  against  distant  and  improbable  dangers,  the  country 
 has  been  involved  in  present  and  imminent  ones ;  passion  and  pride, 
 rather  than  any  views  of  national  advantage,  have  been  the  actuating 
 principles  of  government ;  and  as  they  engaged  in  war  rashly,  they 
 persevered  in  it  obstinately,  and  rejected  more  favourable  terms  of  paci- 
 fication than  they  were  afterwards  under  the  necessity  of  accepting.  In 
 short,  our  wars  have  been  wars  of  ambition  and  oligarchical  selfishness, 
 of  pride,  folly,  and  despotism,  originating  in,  and  carried  on  by,  the 
 corrupt  state  of  the  representation.  Let  us  endeavour  to  give  some  idea 
 of  the  cost  of  these  parliamentary  wars  from  the  Revolution,  as  evinced 
 by  the  increase  of  taxation  and  the  National  Debt. 
 
33C  PUOGRESS  OF  DEBT  AND  TAXES. 
 
 William  the  Third's  Reign,  from  1688  to  1702.* 
 
 The  public  income  at  the  Revolution  amounted  to  £2,001,85.5.  At 
 the  death  of  William  it  had  increased  to  £3,895,205,  being  nearly- 
 doubled.  This  augmentation  arose  from  various  new  duties ;  especially 
 the  excise  on  salt,  the  distillery,  and  the  malt-tax.  The  other  sources 
 of  revenue  were  the  customs,  land-tax ,  poll-taxes,  a  tax  on  births, 
 marriages,  and  burials,  hearth-money,  the  post-oHice,  and  other  smaller 
 duties.  The  total  sums  raised  by  taxes  and  by  loans,  during  this  reign, 
 were  as  follow ; 
 
 Customs £13,296,833  14  6 
 
 Excise 13,649,328  0  5^ 
 
 Land-taxes 19,174,059  8  sj 
 
 Polls     2,557,649  7  7j 
 
 Burials,  births,  marriages,  and  bachelors,  &c.  275,517  18  1 
 Various  articles,  including  permanent  loans 
 
 and  temporary  loans  unpaid 23,093,980  16  7^ 
 
 £72,047,369     5     6| 
 
 Of  the  fourteen  years  of  this  reign,  nearly  ten  Avere  years  of  war. 
 Ihe  military  and  naval  expenses  amounted  to  £44,847,382,  being  more 
 than  one-half  the  whole  expenditure  of  government.  After  all  the 
 blood  and  treasure  expended  by  William,  his  ambition  and  revenge 
 remained  unsatisfied  ;  and  the  ostensible  object  of  the  war,  the  curbing- 
 the  ambition  of  Louis  XIV.  unattained.  Speaking  of  the  conclusion  of 
 this  contest  at  the  treaty  of  Ryswick,  Smollett  observes, — "  Such  was 
 the  issue  of  a  long  and  bloody  war,  which  had  drained  England  of  her 
 wealth  and  people,  almost  entirely  ruined  her  commerce,  debauched  her 
 morals  by  encouraging  venality  and  corruption,  and  entailed  upon  her 
 the  curse  of  foreign  connexions,  as  well  as  a  national  debt,  which  was 
 gradually  increased  to  an  intolerable  burthen." —  Continuation  of  Hume, 
 vol.  i.  p.  330. 
 
 The  funding  system,  and  the  mode  of  raising  money  by  lotteries  and 
 exchequer-bills,  commenced  in  this  reign. 
 
 Queen  Anne's  Reign,  from  1701  to  1714. 
 
 The  revenue,  at  the  commencement  of  this  reign,  amounted  to 
 £3,195,205.  At  the  period  of  the  union  with  Scotland,  in  1709,  the 
 revenue  of  England  amounted  to  £5,691,803.  The  sums  received  into 
 the  Exchequer,  during  twelve  years  and  three-quarters,  were — 
 
 •  The  amount  of  revenue,  and  the  estimate  of  the  naval  and  military  expenses, 
 from  the  Revolution  to  the  end  of  the  reign  of  George  II.  are  taken  from  Dr. 
 Colquhoiin's  Treatise  on  the  Resources  of  the  British  Knipire. 
 
COST    OF    WARS    FROM    THtl     REVOLUTION.  337 
 
 Customs £15,113,811 
 
 Kxcise 20,850,909 
 
 Land-tax 12,285,909 
 
 Miscellaneous,  including   Post-Office,   Stamps,   and 
 
 smaller  loans  of  the  Revenue 5,261 ,346 
 
 Amount  of  Loans 59,853,154 
 
 Total £122,373,531 
 
 Of  the  thirteen  years  of  this  reign,  twelve  were  years  of  war.  The 
 military  and  naval  expenses  amounted  to  £58,560,581.  The  object  of 
 Queen  Anne's  wars,  like  those  of  her  predecessor,  purely  continental. 
 They  were  terminated  by  the  disgraceful  treaty  of  Utrecht,  in  1712, 
 when  our  allies  were  ignominiously  abandoned.  The  peace  establish- 
 ment of  this  period  is  estimated  at  £1,965,605. 
 
 George  the  First's  Reigx,  from  1714  to  1727. 
 
 On  the  death  of  Queen  Anne,  the  National  Debt  amounted  to 
 £52,145,363  ;  but  though  her  successor  enjoyed  a  period  of  uninter- 
 rupted tranquillity,  no  effort  appears  to  have  been  made  to  reduce  it. 
 On  the  31stof  December, 1727,  the  principal  amounted  to  £52,092,235  ; 
 the  interest  to  £2,219,551.  The  aggregate  sum  which  passed  into  the 
 Exchequer  of  George  L,  during  a  reign  of  twelve  years,  three  months, 
 and  ten  days,  amounted  to  £79,832,160.  The  revenue  at  the  time  of 
 his  death  amounted  to  £4,162,643. 
 
 Geor6£  the  Second's  Reign,  from  1727  to  1760. 
 
 The  prosperous  state  of  the  country,  for  the  first  twelve  years  of 
 profound  peace  at  the  commencement  of  this  reign,  might  have  admitted 
 of  a  considerable  reduction  of  the  debt,  had  not  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  a 
 profligate  statesman,  been  minister.  Instead  of  expending  the  surplus 
 revenue  in  the  liquidation  of  the  debt,  it  was  employed  in  parliamentary 
 corruption.  During  ten  years,  from  1707  to  1717,  secret  service  money 
 amounted  only  to  £337,960.  From  1731  to  1741  it  cost  the  nation 
 £1,453,400,  This  augmentation  is  ascribed  to  the  increased  pay  Sir 
 Robert  gave  to  the  honoiirable  members  for  their  votes  and  speeches 
 in  support  of  his  administration.  The  whole  of  the  debt  paid  off  in  this 
 long  peace,  amounted  only  to  £5,137,612,  the  interest  of  which  was 
 £253,516. 
 
 The  wars  of  George  IL  commenced  in  1739,  and  were  concluded  a* 
 the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  1748.  The  total  expense  of  these  con- 
 tests is  estimated,  by  -Dr.  Colquhoun,  at  £46,418,680.  The  nation 
 gained  nothing  by  all  this  expenditure  of  treasure.  The  war  originally 
 arose   with    Spain  :    that   nation  claiming    the    right    of  searching  all 
 
 z 
 
338  piioGRKss  or   DEirr  and  taxes. 
 
 English  vessels  navig-ating  the  American  seas.  This  suhject,  which 
 formed  the  ground  of  the  war,  was  never  mentioned  at  the  peace  of 
 Aix-la-Chapelle  no  more  than  the  right  of  search,  which  originated 
 the  war  with  the  United  States  of  America,  was  mentioned  at  the 
 treaty  of  Ghent.  The  only  advantag-e  the  English  gained  was  the  glory 
 of  placing  Maria  Theresa,  grand  duchess  of  Tuscany,  on  the  throne  of 
 Germany,  in  opposition  to  the  King  of  Prussia. 
 
 In  the  inten'al  of  peace,  to  the  commencement  of  war  in  17.55, 
 there  was  a  trifling  reduction  of  the  debt  to  the  amount  of  £3,721,472, 
 and  the  interest  of  the  capital  was  reduced  from  4  to  3  per  cent. 
 
 The  expense  of  the  second  ■\\ar,  called  the  seven  years'  war,  amounted 
 to  £l  1 1,271 ,996,  This  contest  first  commenced  about  the  respective 
 boundaries  of  the  French  and  English  in  the  deserts  of  Canada.  It  has 
 been  called  the  war  of  catskins — the  possession  of  a  few  furs  being 
 really  the  object  which  involved  the  two  countries  in  hostilities.  On 
 this  frivolous  pretext  commenced  a  war  then  unexampled  in  magnitude 
 and  expense  ;  its  ravages  extended  to  Europe,  and  even  to  the  other 
 side  of  the  globe  in  the  East  Indies.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  too,  that 
 on  the  continent,  George  II.  took  the  part  diametrically  opposite  to  the 
 part  he  had  taken  in  the  former  contest.  The  war  of  1740  was  for 
 the  humiliation  of  the  King  of  Prussia;  the  war  of  1755  for  his  aggran- 
 dizement ! 
 
 It  will  be  proper  to  notice  particularly  the  state  of  the  debt,  finances, 
 and  peace  establishment  at  the  conclusion  of  this  reign.  They  are  thus 
 .stated  by  Dr.  Colquhoun  : — 
 
 Public  Revenue.  Peace  Establishment. 
 
 Customs £1,985,376  Civil  List £8.36,000 
 
 Excise 3,877,349  Navy    900,000 
 
 Stamps 263,207  Army   900,000 
 
 Laud-lax,  (deducting  da-  Ordnance 80,000 
 
 ficiencies) 1,737,608  Miscellaneous .50,000 
 
 IMiscellaneous 650,000 
 
 Total £8,523,540  £2,766,000 
 
 Principal.  Interest. 
 
 Debt  at  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  of  1762 £146,082,843 £4,840,821 
 
 George  theTiiiud's  Reign,  euom  1760  to  1820, 
 
 Mr.  Coke,  of  Norfolk,  when  he  characterized  this  monarch's  reig-n 
 as  the  most  sanguinary  and  disastrous  of  the  English  annals,  was  not 
 far  from  the  truth.  In  the  course  of  it  were  three  principal  wars:  the 
 American  war,  the  revolutionaiy  war,  and  the  war  of  1815.  All  these 
 wars  were  waged  against  human  liberty  and  happiness  ;  and  the  two 
 last  commenced  on  a  principle  which  Ave  would  fain  hope  is  now  dis- 
 claimed by  every  government  in  Europe  —namely,  the  right  of  one 
 nation  to  interfere  with  another  in  its  domestic  affairs.  We  will  state 
 the  cost  of  each,  as  shown  in  the  sums  raised  by  taxes  and  loans. 
 
COST    OF    GEOUGE    THE    THIRD's    WARS.  339 
 
 American  Wak. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Revenue. 
 
 Loan. 
 
 1775 
 
 £10,138,061 
 
 1776 
 
 10,265,405 
 
 £2,000,000 
 
 1777 
 
 10,604,013 
 
 5,500,000 
 
 1778 
 
 10,732,405 
 
 6,000,000 
 
 1779 
 
 11,192,141 
 
 7,000,000 
 
 1780 
 
 12,255,214 
 
 12,000,000 
 
 1781 
 
 12,454,936 
 
 12,000,000 
 
 1782 
 
 12,593,297 
 
 13,500,000 
 
 1783 
 
 11,962,718 
 
 12,000,000 
 
 1784 
 
 12,905,519 
 
 12,879,341 
 
 1785 
 
 14,871,520 
 
 10,990,651 
 
 £142,975,229 
 
 £93,869,992 
 
 The  American  war  terminated  in  1783;  but  as  the  loans  of  the  two 
 following^  years  were  raised  to  wind  up  the  expenses  of  that  struggle,  it 
 is  proper  they  should  be  included.  The  total  expense  of  the  American 
 war  will  stand  thus  : — 
 
 Taxes £142,975,229 
 
 Loans - 93,869,992 
 
 Advances  by  the  Bank  of  England     11 0,000 
 
 Advances  by  the  East-India  Company 3,200,000 
 
 Increase  in  the  unfunded  Debt 5,170,273 
 
 £242,265,494 
 Deduct  expense  of  a  peace -establishment  for  eleven 
 
 years,  as  it  stood  in  1794 £l  13,142,403 
 
 Net  cost  of  the  American  war £129,123,091 
 
 This,  then,  is  the  sum  expended  by  the  Boroughmongers  in  an 
 attempt  to  enslave  the  colonies.  George  III.  boasted  that  he  was  the 
 last  man  in  his  dominions  to  subscribe  to  the  peace  Avith  America :  he 
 left  his  people  burthened  with  a  debt  of  one  hundred  and  tliirty  mil- 
 lions, as  the  price  of  the  obstinacy  of  one  man,  and  an  abortive  attempt 
 to  impose  on  a  brave  people  the  tyrannical  principle  of  taxation  without 
 representation. 
 
 The  second  M-ar  was  still  more  atrocious  than  the  first ;  it  was  a  war 
 not  merely  against  liberty,  but  the  principles  of  liberty ;  it  was  a  bar- 
 barous and  gigantic  effort  of  the  privileged  orders  to  prevent  the 
 amelioration  of  society,   and  to  render  mankind  the  eternal  victims  of 
 
 z  2 
 
340  PROGRESS    OF    DHBT    AND    TAXES. 
 
 ecclesiastic  and  aristocratic  oppression.  As  the  war  of  1793  was  more 
 diabolical  in  its  objects  than  the  contest  with  America,  so  we  should 
 say,  had  its  calamities  only  extended  to  its  authors,  has  it  been  more 
 justly  ruinous  in  its  consequences.  Let  us  endeavour  to  estimate  the 
 cost  of  this  liberticide  and  Vandal  contest.  We  shall  state  the  sums 
 raised  by  taxes,  and  the  debt  contracted  each  year  from  its  commence- 
 ment, and  then  deduct  the  probable  expenditure  of  the  country,  had  no 
 such  war  existed. 
 
 The  account  of  sums  raised  by  taxes  is  taken  from  Dr.  Hamilton's 
 Inquiry  into  the  National  Debt,  p.  203,  third  edition.  The  amount 
 of  debt  contracted,  including  navy  and  exchequer  bills  funded,  is  also 
 taken  from  the  same  writer,  p.  320.  The  short  peace  of  Amiens,  and 
 the  interval  betwixt  the  exile  and  return  of  Bonaparte  from  Elba,  may 
 be  considered  rather  a  suspension  of  hostilities  than  a  pei  iod  of  peace ; 
 therefore  we  have  considered  it  as  one  uninterrupted  war  from  1793  to 
 1815,  having  the  same  objects — the  maintenance  of  the  usurpations  of 
 the  Clergy  and  Aristocracy. 
 
 Years.  Taxes.  Loans. 
 
 1793  17,656,418  25,926,526 
 
 1794 17,170,400 
 
 1795  17,308,411  51,705,698 
 
 1796  17,858,454  56,945,566 
 
 1797  18,737,760  25,350,000 
 
 1798  20,654,650 35,624,250 
 
 1799 30,202,915  21,875,000 
 
 1800  35,229,968' 29,045,000 
 
 1801  33,896,464  44,816,250 
 
 1802  35,415,296  41,489,438 
 
 1803  37,240,213  16,000,000 
 
 1804  37,677,063  18,200,000 
 
 1805 45,359,442  39,543,124 
 
 1806  49,659,281  29,880,000 
 
 1807  53,304,254  18,373,200 
 
 1808  58,390,255 13,693,254 
 
 1809  61,538,207  21,278,122 
 
 1810  63,405,294  19,811,108 
 
 1811  66,681,366  29,244,711 
 
 1812 64,763,870 40,743,031 
 
 1813  63,169,845  54,780,324 
 
 1814 66,925,835 63,645,930 
 
 1815 69,684,192  70,888,402 
 
 £952,929,653       £764.859,036 
 
 After  making  some  deductions  on   account  of  the  operations  of  the 
 loyalty  loan,  and   the   transfer  of  annuities,  the  total  debt  contracted 
 
COST  OF  FRENCH  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR.      341 
 
 from  1793  to  1815,  amounts  to  £762,537,443.  If  to  this  sum  be 
 added  the  increase  in  the  unfunded  debt  during  that  period,  and  the 
 additional  sums  raised  by  taxes  in  consequence  of  hostihties,  we  shall 
 have  the  total  expenditure,  owing  to  the  French  war,  as  follows  : — 
 
 Debt  contracted  from  1793  to  1815   £762,537,445 
 
 Increase  in  the  unfunded  debt,  ditto    50,194,060* 
 
 War- taxes ditto   614,488,459t 
 
 Total  expense  of  the  French  war    •  -£1,427,219,964 
 
 Two  objections  may  be  made  to  the  fairness  of  this  statement.  First, 
 the  amount  of  debt  redeemed  during  the  war,  by  the  operation  of  the 
 Sinking  Fund,  ought  to  be  deducted  from  the  amount  of  debt  con- 
 tracted. The  second  objection  arises  from  the  mode  of  negotiating 
 loans.  In  each  loan,  the  capital  funded  exceeds  the  sum  actually 
 advanced  to  government.  In  some  loans,  government  acknowledges 
 itself  debtor  £100,  when  only  from  £54  to  £60  is  actually  received. 
 Hence  it  follows  that,  from  the  debt  contracted  since  1793,  ought  to 
 be  deducted  the  difference  betwixt  that  debt  and  the  sums  which  passed 
 into  the  Exchequer. 
 
 After  admitting  deductions  from  the  charges  of  the  war  on  this 
 account,  and  the  operation  of  the  sinking  fund,  we  must  be  allowed  to 
 make  a  trifling  addition.  The  loans  raised  for  Ireland,  guaranteed  by 
 Britain,  amounted  to  £103,032,750  :  the  sums  actually  received  on 
 account  of  these  loans  to  £64,750,000.  The  revenue  of  Ireland,  in 
 1791,  amounted  to  £1,190,684.  Owing  to  the  increase  of  the 
 Irish  revenue  during  the  war,  the  war-taxes  of  Ireland  cannot  be  es- 
 timated at  less  than  £80,000,000.  After  these  deductions  and  addi- 
 tions the  account  will  stand  thus  : — 
 
 Sums  raised  on  account  of  loans   £506,081,267 
 
 Sums  raised  on  account  of  Irish  loans    64,750,000 
 
 War-taxes  in  England    614,488,459 
 
 Ditto  in  Ireland 80,000,000 
 
 Increase  in  the  unfunded  debt   50,194,060 
 
 1,255,513,786 
 Deduct  sums  paid  to  the  Commissioners  for 
 
 the  reduction  of  the  debt 1 73,309,383 
 
 Total. £1,082,204,403 
 
 *  The  unfunded  debt  in  1793 £14,902,035 
 
 Ditto  1815 65,096,695  increase  as  above. — Dr. 
 
 Hamilton's  Inquiry,  p.  338. 
 
 t  This  sum  is  obtained  by  deducting,  from  the  total  amount  of  taxes  during 
 the  war,  the  taxes  which  would  have  been  raised  had  the  expenditure  of  1793 
 continued. 
 
342  RESULTS    OF    WAKS    OF    THE    ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 The  statement  is  now  divested  of  every  extraneons  item,  and,  re- 
 ducing it  to  its  lowest  amount,  one  thousand  and  eighty-two  millions 
 two  hundred  and  four  thousand  four  hundred  and  three  pounds 
 remains  as  the  sum  actually  received  and  expended  on  account  of  the 
 war  with  France,  from  1793  to  1815.  On  an  average  of  the  twenty- 
 two  years,  from  1793  to  1815,  it  is  a  Avar  expenditure  of  nearly  fifty 
 millions;  and  this  is  the  sum  which  the  tax-ridden,  law-ridden,  priest- 
 ridden,  deluded  people  of  England  yearly  contributed  out  of  the  produce 
 of  their  industry,  agriculture,  and  commerce,  to  prevent  an  independent 
 state  altering  the  form  and  meliorating  the  abuses  of  its  government. 
 
 Can  we  wonder,  after  the  tremendous  sacrifice  in  pursuit  of  this  un- 
 righteous object,  at  the  terrible  calamities  with  which  tlie  country  is 
 afflicted  ?  Can  we  wonder  at  our  exhausted,  impoverished,  and  embar- 
 rassed condition  ?  More  than  one  hundred  millions  expended  in  an 
 abortive  attempt  to  enslave  the  American  colonies ;  more  than  one 
 thoitsand  7nilhons  expended  to  re-establish  feudal  and  ecclesiastical 
 tyranny  in  France.  This  forms  the  financial  history  of  the  public  debt 
 and  taxes — of  the  eleven  hundred  millions  expended  in  the 
 tvars  of  despotism.  And  what  has  been  the  result  of  this  lavish  waste 
 of  national  resources  ?  The  answer  is — the  three  immortal  days  of 
 Paris — the  triumph  of  Belgium — the  regeneration  of  Europe — and 
 the  complete — the  full — the  glorious  establishment  of  those  very  prin- 
 ciples the  English  Aristocracy  vainly  sought  to  exterminate. 
 
 When  we  look  back  to  the  history  of  the  last  century — the  wars  of 
 madness,  ambition,  and  tyranny  which  have  been  waged  ;  when  we 
 reflect  on  the  millions  expended  in  these  wars — the  fruits  of  unex- 
 ampled industry,  skill,  and  enterprise ;  when  we  think  of  our  present 
 situation — the  piercing  privations  of  the  bulk  of  the  community — the 
 discontent  and  disunion  among  all  classes — the  abuses  pervading  every 
 department  of  our  social  and  general  administration — Ireland  on  the 
 point  of  rebellion  or  separation  ; — when  we  think,  we  repeat,  on  these 
 things,  and  contrast  them  with  the  situation  of  glory  and  hap})iness 
 England  might  have  attained  under  a  Avise  and  honest  government, 
 administering  her  exhaustless  resources  in  the  promotion  of  the  arts  of 
 peace,  instead  of  slaughter,  bondage,  and  devastation  ;  we  feel  not  less 
 indignant  at  the  wickedness  of  our  rulers  than  the  apathy  which  has  so 
 long  tolerated  their  folly  and  their  crimes. 
 
EXPOSITION 
 
 FUNDING     S  Y  8  T  E  M. 
 
 Although  the  feudal  system  was  a  barbarous  social  institution,  it 
 possessed  the  advantage  of  entailing  on  the  fomenters  of  war  its 
 unavoidable  cost  and  calamities.  The  old  barons  used  to  arm  them- 
 selves and  vassals  at  their  own  expense,  and  support  them  during-  the 
 contest.  There  was  then  no  standing  army  nor  permanent  revenue, — 
 those  who  tilled  the  land  fought  the  battles  of  the  country.  Under 
 such  a  system,  wars  could  neither  be  very  long  in  their  duration,  nor 
 very  remote  in  their  objects.  Foreign  expeditions  suited  as  little  to  the 
 national  resources  as  the  avocations  of  the  people.  The  only  time  that 
 could  be  spared  to  settle  public  quarrels  was  between  seed-time  and 
 harvest,  and  the  only  treasure  they  could  be  provided  with  before-hand 
 was  the  surplus  produce  of  the  preceding  year.  Hence,  wars  were 
 generally  either  carried  on  languidly,  or  were  of  short  duration.  Their 
 operations  were  frequently  interrupted  by  ti'uces,  and  sometimes  dis- 
 continued through  mere  feebleness.  A  warlike  leader  w'as  often  stopped 
 short  in  his  victorious  career,  either  from  the  want  of  resources,  or  the 
 necessity  of  allowing  his  followers  to  return  home  to  provide  subsistence 
 for  the  following  season. 
 
 The  state  of  the  sovereign  was  as  little  favourable  to  protracted  con- 
 tests as  the  condition  of  his  lieges.  His  revenue  was  derived  partly 
 from  lands  reserved  as  a  royal  demesne,  and  partly  from  feudal  casual- 
 ties, and  afforded  a  slender  provision  for  maintaining  the  royal  dignity, 
 and  defraying  the  ordinary  expenses  of  government,  but  was  altogether 
 inadequate  to  the  support  of  numerous  and  permanent  armies.  Supplies 
 from  the  people  were  obtained  to  a  certain  extent;  but  the  people 
 neither  possessed  the  means,  nor,  happily,  had  acquired  the  habit  of 
 granting  liberal  supplies.  Princes,  under  any  emergency,  real  or 
 supposed,  or  actuated  by  any  scheme  of  ambition,  had  recourse  either  to 
 borrowing  or  pawning.  The  loans  which  they  raised  were  partly  com- 
 pulsory, and,  as  the  repayment  was  ill  secured,  the  rate  of  interest  was 
 high.  Sometimes  the  jewels  of  the  crown  were  pledged,  and  sometimes 
 the  crown-lands  were  mortgaged.  In  this  manner,  the  revenues  of 
 most  of  the  powers  of  Europe  were  anticipated  and  encumbered. 
 
 A  new  state  of  society  introduced  a  new  mode  of  supporting  war. 
 Instead  of  borrowing  on  their  oiuii  credit,  sovereigns  learnt  to  borrow 
 
344  FUNDIiNt;     SYSTEM. 
 
 on  the  credit  of  posterity.  The  issue  of  war  no  longer  depended  on  a 
 single  battle  or  successful  irruption,  but  on  the  length  of  the  public 
 purse.  It  was  not  money,  however,  that  formed  the  sinews  of  war, 
 but  credit.  Credit  superseded  money,  and  modern  policy  found  out 
 the  expedient  of  supporting  w'ars  for  temporary  objects,  and  entailing 
 the  burthen  of  them  on  future  generations.  This  ."system  possessed  too 
 many  facilities  to  be  abandoned,  or  not  to  be  carried  to  the  utmost 
 extent  of  which  it  was  capable.  And,  accordingly,  we  find  wherever 
 the  system  of  borrowing  and  funding  has  been  introduced,  it  has  gone 
 on  with  an  accelerated  velocity  till  the  payment  of  the  principal  became 
 quite  chimerical,  and  governments  were  obliged  to  compound  with  their 
 creditors  for  the  interest. 
 
 The  debt  of  this  country,  which  was  inconsiderable  at  the  Revolution, 
 has  increased,  in  less  than  a  century  and  a  half,  to  its  present  magni- 
 tude. The  increase  during  eveiy  reign,  except  the  pacific  reigns  of 
 George  I.  and  George  IV.  has  been  greater  than  the  preceding.  The 
 increase,  during  every  war,  has  been  greater  than  during  the  preceding. 
 The  increase,  during  the  latter  period  of  every  war,  has  been  greater 
 than  during  the  earlier  period.  The  increase,  bv  every  hostile  inter- 
 ference or  warlike  demonstration,  has  been  greater  than  administration 
 held  forth  when  the  measure  was  undertaken.  The  part  of  the  Debt 
 paid  otF,  during  peace,  has  borne  a  small  proportion  to  that  contracted 
 by  the  preceding  w'ar. 
 
 These  are  the  general  characteristics  which  have  marked  the  progress 
 of  the  funding  system:  it  has  been  the  national  spendthrift  vice  that 
 has  operated  on  the  public  welfare  like  the  addiction  to  some  baneful 
 passion  in  an  individual ;  indulgence  augmented  appetite,  till,  at  length, 
 the  malady  has  reached  a  state  of  virulence  which  precludes  all  hope  of 
 cure  or  alleviation.  As  to  the  liquidation  of  the  debt,  that  is  an  idea 
 we  believe  not  a  single  person  to  entertain ;  ail  that  the  most  reasonable 
 look  forward  to  is  postponement,  until  such  a  crisis  in  public  affairs 
 occurs,  as  will  demonstrate  to  all  parties  the  expediency  of  coming  to* 
 terms — of  a  co7npromisc,  for  mutual  safety  and  advantage.  We  are 
 now  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  peace,  and,  .omparatively,  no  portion 
 of  the  debt  has  been  redeemed  by  actual  payment;  the  reduction  in  the 
 annual  charge  has  been  chiefiy  effected  by  the  conversion  of  stocks  of  a 
 high  into  those  of  a  lower  denomination, — a  mode  of  procedure  accom- 
 panied with  serious  suffering  to  particular  classes  of  annuitants,  and 
 accomplished  by  ministerial  combinations  in  the  money-market,  for  arti- 
 ficially forcing  up  the  prices  of  stocks,  hardly  justifiable.  Before,  how- 
 ever, adverting  particularly  to  the  jedemption  of  the  debt,  let  us  give  a 
 few  explanations  of  the  funds  and  government  paper. 
 
 By  the  term  Fund  is  usually  meant  a  real  sum  of  money  or  store  of 
 treasure,  reserved  for  a  specific  purpose,  but  so  far  as  the  term  is 
 applicable  to  the  debt  of  England,  it  is  purely  an  abstraction.  In  lieu 
 of  calling  the  Debt  the  Funds,  it  is  more  correct  to  call  it  the  Public 
 Annuities  or  the  National  Annuities.  The  obligation  to  pay  a  perpetual 
 annuity  of  an  enormous  amount  is,  in  fact,  all  that  remains  of  that  vast 
 
f 
 
 I 
 
 UNFUNDED    DEBT — EXCHEQUER    BILLS.  343 
 
 mass  of  capital  swallowed  up  and  lost  under  the  donomination  of  the 
 Debt,  and  which  has  been  dissipated  in  the  ruinous  foreign  wars  and 
 domestic  profusion  detailed  in  the  last  and  preceding  chapters. 
 
 The  Sinking  Ftind — of  which  we  shall,  by  and  by,  give  a  curious 
 history — means  a  sum  of  money  set  apart  for  the  purpose  of  discharging 
 the  public  debt.  Generally  speaking,  xve  mean,  by  the  Funds,  those 
 large  sums  which  have  been  lent  to  government,  the  record  of  which  is 
 preserved  in  the  books  of  the  Bank  of  England,  and  for  which  the 
 lenders,  or  their  assigns,  receive  interest  from  the  public  revenue.  The 
 term  Stock  is  used  nearly  in  the  same  sense ;  but  is  more  strictly  appli- 
 cable to  the  different  branches  of  the  Debt,  bearing  different  or  the 
 same  rate  of  interest;  as  the  3  per  Cents  Reduced,  or  the  3|  per  Cents, 
 and  which  together  constitute  the  aggregate  public  debt.  It  is,  also, 
 applied  to  the  sums  which  form  the  capital  of  the  Bank,  the  East- India 
 Company,  the  South-Sea  Company,  and  other  public  companies,  the 
 proprietors  of  which  are  entitled  to  a  share  of  their  respective  profits. 
 
 Although  the  public  creditor  cannot  demand  payment  of  the  capital 
 debt,  the  mode  of  transferring  it,  even  in  small  sums,  is  so  conveniently 
 arranged,  and  the  dividends  so  regularly  paid,  that  it  is  considered  an 
 eligible  property.  The  value  of  the  Funds  is  liable  to  considerable 
 fluctuation.  It  depends  chiefly  on  the  proportion  between  the  interest 
 they  bear  and  the  profit  which  may  be  obtained  by  applying  capital  to 
 other  purposes.  It  is  influenced  by  the  plenty  or  scarcity  of  money; 
 and  it  is  impaired  by  any  event  which  threatens  the  safety  or  weakens 
 the  credit  of  government.  It  is  always  much  higher  in  time  of  peace 
 than  in  time  of  war;  and  is  affected  by  every  event,  and  even  by  every 
 report,  in  time  of  war,  favourable  or  unfavourable.  False  reports  are 
 frequently  raised  by  knavish  people  for  that  purpose. 
 
 In  the  early  part  of  the  Funding  System,  a  separate  account  was 
 kept  of  each  loan,  and  of  the  tax  imposed  for  payment  of  the  interest. 
 This  method  w-as  afterwards  found  inconvenient,  as  the  produce  of  some 
 of  the  taxes  fell  short  of  the  expected  sum,  while  that  of  others  exceeded 
 it,  and  the  multiplicity  of  funds  produced  confusion.  To  obviate  this 
 inconvenience,  the  different  funds  were  united,  and  to  each  various 
 branches  of  revenue  were  appropriated,  charged  with  the  payment  of 
 the  annuities. 
 
 Besides  the  funded  debt,  is  a  large  sum  due  by  government  under  the 
 name  of  the  Unfunded  Debt.  It  arises  from  any  national  expense,  for 
 which  no  provision  has  been  made,  or  the  provision  has  proved  insuffi- 
 cient, or  not  forthcoming  at  the  time  wanted.  During*  the  latter  periods 
 of  the  late  war,  and  for  a  few  years  following  the  return  of  peace,  its 
 amount  considerably  exceeded  fifty  millions;  in  1815  it  was  at  the 
 highest,  and  had  reached  a  sum  greatly  beyond  the  entire  amount  of 
 the  debt  at  the  accession  of  George  II.,  being  more  than  67 1  millions. 
 Of  late  years  the  amount  of  the  unfunded  or  floating  debt  has  not 
 exceeded  half  that  sum.  The  form  in  which  it  mostly  exists  is  that  of 
 Exchequer  bills.  These  were  first  issued  in  1696,  and  being  intended 
 as  a  temporary  substitute  for  money  during  the  recoinage  at  that  period. 
 
346  ILNDINC    SYSTEM. 
 
 some  of  them  were  so  low  as  £10  and  £5.  There  are  none  issued  now 
 under  £100,  and  many  of  them  are  for  £500,  £1000,  and  still  larger 
 sums.  They  bear  interest,  at  a  certain  rate  per  day,  for  £100;  and, 
 being'  distributed  among  those  who  are  willing  to  advance  their  value, 
 they  pass  from  hand  to  hand  like  bank-notes.  After  a  certain  time,  they 
 are  received  in  payment  of  taxes,  or  other  moneys  due  to  government; 
 and  the  interest  due  on  them,  at  the  time,  is  allowed  in  the  payment. 
 The  Bank  often  engages  to  receive  them  to  a  certain  extent,  and  thereby 
 promotes  their  circulation ;  and  the  daily  transactions  between  the  Bank 
 and  the  Exchequer  are  chieily  carried  on  by  bills  of  £1000  deposited  in 
 the  Exchequer  by  the  Bank,  to  the  amount  of  the  sums  received  by 
 them  on  account  of  government.  New  Exchequer-bills  are  frequently 
 issued  in  discharge  of  former  ones;  and  they  are  often  converted  into 
 funded  debt,  by  granting  capital,  in  some  of  the  stocks,  on  certain 
 terms,  to  such  holders  as  arc  willing  to  accept  it. 
 
 Besides  Exchequer-bills  there  are  Navy-bills  issued  from  the  Navy- 
 Office,  to  answer  any  purpose  in  that  branch  of  public  expenditure;  and 
 they  bear  interest  after  a  certain  date,  if  not  discharged.  Ordnance- 
 bills  or  Debentures  are  issued  from  the  Ordnance-Office,  for  suppljnng 
 deficiencies  in  that  branch  of  expenditure.  Victualling  and  Transport 
 Bills  are  issued  from  the  respective  offices  in  the  same  manner.  In 
 addition  to  the  principal  branches  of  the  unfunded  debt,  there  is  always 
 a  number  of  demands  on  the  public  for  bills  accepted  by  the  Treasury, 
 army  charges,  and  miscellaneous  services  of  various  kinds.  These  are 
 daily  fluctuating,  and  their  amount  at  any  particular  time  cannot  be 
 easily  ascertained. 
 
 Our  next  object  will  be  to  exhibit  a  brief  statement  of  the  progress  of 
 the  Debt,  and  its  successive  augmentations  and  diminutions  during  difte- 
 rent  reigns  and  periods  of  war  and  peace,  and  the  total  amount  at  the 
 present  time. 
 
 Summary  of  the  Progress  of  the  Debt  from  the  Commencement  of 
 the  Funding  System,  at  the  Revolution,  to  the  5th  Jamiary,  1831. 
 
 Principal.  Interest. 
 
 National  Debt  at  the  Revolution  of  1688..  £  6()4,'2(i3  £  39,855 
 Increase  during  the  reign  of  William  III.        15,730,439        1,271,087 
 
 Debt  at  the  accession  of  Queen  Anne«  •  • .         16,394,702        1,310,942 
 Increase  during  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne       37,750,661        2,040,416 
 
 Debt  at  the  accession  of  George  I. 54,145,363  3,351,338 
 
 Decrease  during  the  reign  of  George  I..  •  2,053,128  1,133,807 
 
 Debtat  the  accession  of  George  II. 52,092,235  2,217,551 
 
 Decrease  during  the  peace 5,137,612  253,526 
 
SUMMARY    OF    PROGRESS    OF    THE    DEBT.  347 
 
 Debt  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  of 
 
 1739  46,954,623  1,964,025 
 
 Increase  during  the  war 31 ,338,689  1,096,979 
 
 Debt  at  the  end  of  the  war,   1748 £78,293,312  £3,061,004 
 
 Decrease  during  the  peace 3,721,472  664,287 
 
 Debt  atthecommencementof  the  war,  1755  74,571,840  2,296,717 
 
 Increase  during-  the  war 72,1 1 1,004  2,444,104 
 
 Debt  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  1782..  146,682,844  4,840,821 
 
 Decrease  during  the  peace 1 0,739,793  364,000 
 
 Debt  at  the  commencement  of  the  Ameri- 
 can war,  1776 135,943,051  4,476,821 
 
 Increase  during  the  war 102,541 ,819  3,843,084 
 
 Debt  at  the   conclusion  of  the   American 
 
 war,   1783    238,484,870  8,319,905 
 
 Decrease  during  the  peace ••••  4,751,261  143,569 
 
 Debt  at  the  establishment  of  the  Sinking 
 
 Fund,  1786    249,175,323  10,774,398 
 
 Increase  from  1786  to  1793    5,131,112  94,577 
 
 Debt  at  commencement  of  the  war  of  1 793  254,306,4;{5  1 0,868,975 
 
 Increase  to  the  peace  of  1801 293,591,441  12,438,767 
 
 Debt  at  the  peace  of  Amiens,   1801    547,897,876  23,307,742 
 
 Increase  during  the  peace    81,569,653  3,735,883 
 
 Debt  at  the  renewal  of  the  war,  in  1803. .  629,467,529  27,043,625 
 
 Increase  during  the  war 491 ,940,407  1 6,940,954 
 
 Debt  at  the  peace  of  1815 1,121,407,936     43,984,579 
 
 Increase  during  the  peace,  to  1819 J  08,987,631       5,202,771 
 
 Debt,  January  5,   1819 1,230,395,567     49,187,350 
 
 Deduct  Debt  redeemed  by  Sinking  Fund     389,637,049     15,815,001 
 
 Net   unredeemed   Funded    Debt    of    the 
 
 United  Kingdom,  January  5,   1819    ••      840,758,518 '33,372,349* 
 Net   unredeemed    Funded    Debt   of    the 
 
 United  Kingdom,  January  5,   1831    ..      757,486,996  27,399,575t 
 
 *  Parliamentary  I'aper,  No  35,  Session  1819. 
 
 t  Anmial  Finance  Accounts,  p.  145,  Session  183). 
 
348  FUNDING    SYSTEM. 
 
 The  unfunded  debt,  consisting  of  Exchequer-bills,  amounted, 
 Januaiy  .5th,  1831,  to  £27,271,650,  tho  interest  of  which,  added  to 
 the  interest  of  the  funded  debt,  and  the  charges  of  management  make 
 the  aggregate  annual  charge  on  account  of  the  funded  and  unfunded 
 debt,  £28,349,754. 
 
 The  diminution  in  the  annual  charge  of  the  Debt,  during'  the  seventeen 
 years  of  peace,  may  be  ascribed,  in  a  considerable  proportion,  to  the 
 reduction  of  the  rate  of  interest  on  the  5  and  4  per  cent,  stocks,  and  on 
 Exchequer-bills,  and  to  the  falling  in  of  terminable  annuities.  A  further 
 diminution  was  effected  in  the  session  of  1830,  by  the  conversion  of  the 
 New  Fours  into  a  three-and-a-half  per  cent,  stock.  Altogether,  the 
 savings  effected  ])y  these  conversions  amount  to  three  millions  and  a  half 
 per  annum ;  and  the  total  reduction  in  the  annuity,  payable  to  the 
 public  creditor,  amounts  to  four  millions  and  a  half.*  It  appears,  then, 
 the  diminution  in  the  annual  charge  of  the  Debt  has  not  been  the  result 
 of  ministerial  economy  and  retrenchmeni,  but  of  the  internal  state  of 
 the  country — the  redundancy  of  unemployed  capital,  which  by  lower- 
 ing the  rate  of  interest,  and  thereby  eidaancing  the  price  of  the  funds, 
 enabled  government  to  ofier  to  the  holders  of  stock,  of  a  high  denomi- 
 nation, the  option  of  being  either  paid  ofl  at  par,  or  the  acceptance  of 
 a  lower  rate  of  interest. 
 
 A  desirable  fact  to  ascertain  is,  the  permanent  charge  entailed  on  the 
 community  by  the  war  of  1793.  From  the  extensive  inquiries  of  the 
 Finance  Committee  of  1828,  this  subject  may  be  correctly  illustrated. 
 The  annual  augmentation  of  the  permanent  charge  of  the  debt,  between 
 1792  and  18 IG,  was  £22,744,360.1  To  this  must  be  added,  the 
 charge  for  the  half-pay  and  pensions  of  the  army  and  navy  and  civil  re- 
 tired allowances,  called  the  dead  weight,  amounting  to  £5,363,640  per 
 annum.  We  must,  also,  allow  for  the  increase  in  salaries,  in  civil  and 
 colonial  establishments,  which  were  a  consequence  of  hostilities.  The 
 results  will  be  best  expressed  in  a  tabular  form. 
 
 Permanent  Burthen  entailed  on  the   Country  by  the  Revolutionary 
 War,  from  1793  to  1815. 
 
 Interest  of  the  debt  contracted  during  the  war    £22,744,360 
 
 The  annual  charge  for  half-pay,  pensions,  and  superannuation  al- 
 lowances, amounting,  in  18;i0,  to  £o,3G3,G40  ;  but  consisting 
 almost  all  of  life  annuities,  may  be  computed  equal  to  a  perma- 
 nent burthen  of 2,250,000 
 
 Exclusive  of  this  last  item,  the  expenditure  of  the  army  and  navy  is 
 greatly  augmented  since  1792,  jjartly  from  the  extension  of  our 
 foreign  possessions,  and  partly  from  the  augmented  military  force 
 kept  up  in  Ireland  and  Great  liritain. — On  account  of  the  war, 
 
 say 2,500,000 
 
 Increase  of  Civil  List,  salaries  and  pensions 2,000,000 
 
 Other  charges  not  enumerated 1,000,000 
 
 Total £30,-194,300 
 
 •  Viscount  Goderich,  House  of  Lords,  Miiy  5,  1830. 
 
 t  Fourth  Report  of  Select  Committee  on  Public  Income  and  Expenditure,  p.  20. 
 
ORIGIN    OF    SINKING    FUND.  349 
 
 Such  is  the  amount  of  the  annual  burthen  entailed  on  the  country  by 
 the  last  war  of  the  Aristocracy.  Yet  the  Oligarchy  have  the  meanness  to 
 refuse  £250,000  a  year  for  the  purposes  of  emigration.  They  have  even 
 the  baseness  to  complain  of  the  amount  of  poor-rates  ;  they  grumble  to 
 pay  a  few  millions  per  annum  for  the  relief  of  the  aged,  the  infii-m,  and 
 destitute,  while  they  have  wantonly  burthened  the  community  with  a 
 perpetual  incumbrance  of  upwards  of  thirty  millions  per  annum  in 
 war  and  devastation.  Although  they  have  thus  mortgaged  for  ever 
 national  resources,  happiness,  and  enjoyments,  they  aggravate  the 
 calamities  they  have  created,  by  clinging  with  the  grasp  of  death  to 
 enormous  salaries,  sinecures,  and  unmerited  pensions.  Can  any  one 
 who  has  a  head  to  think,  or  heart  to  feel,  suppress  indignation  in  con- 
 templating this  unexampled  record  of  infatuation,  injustice,  and  op- 
 pression ? 
 
 PLANS    FOR    THE    REDEMPTION    OF    THE    DEBT. 
 
 Having  given  a  general  illustration  of  the  nature  of  the  Funds,  and 
 of  the  progress  and  present  amount  of  the  Debt,  our  next  object  will  be 
 shortly  to  notice  the  empyrical  projects  set  on  foot  and  countenanced  by 
 the  Aristocracy  for  its  redemption. 
 
 Although  the  Sinking  Fund,  established  under  the  auspices  of  Mr. 
 Pitt,  was  founded  on  an  egregious  misapprehension,  yet,  if  we  examine 
 the  subject  attentively,  we  shall  find  that  ministers  had  similar  reasons 
 for  adhering  to  it  that  they  had  for  adhering  to  any  other  branch  of  ex- 
 penditure. First,  the  keeping  up  of  a  Sinking  Fund  was  a  pretext  for 
 keeping  up  taxation.  Secondly,  the  management  of  the  fund  was  a 
 pretext  for  keeping'  up  a  certain  amount  of  patronage,  fees,  and  emolu- 
 ments. Lastly,  the  Sinking  Fund  left  a  surplus  sum  at  the  disposal  of 
 ministers,  ready  to  be  applied  to  any  casual  object  they  might  think 
 expedient.  They  might  employ  it  to  subsidize  foreign  despots,  to  enter 
 on  new  wars,  or  to  supply  deficiencies  in  the  civil  list,  or  any  other 
 department  of  expenditure.  That  the  money  was  voted  for  other  pur- 
 poses formed  no  security  that  it  would  not  be  so  applied  ;  experience 
 having  shewn  that  ministers  never  hesitated  to  encroach  on  the  Sinking- 
 Fund  when  it  suited  their  necessities. 
 
 These,  we  apprehend,  formed  some  of  the  reasons  for  maintaining 
 the  Sinking  Fund,  long-  after  its  fallacy  had  been  demonstrated.  Some 
 reluctance,  too,  was  no  doubt  felt  to  abandon  a  scheme  of  finance 
 which  had  been  panegyrized  by  many  distinguished  individuals  ;  and,  in 
 fact,  the  history  of  the  Sinking  Fund  is  the  most  striking  proof  of  the 
 gullibility  of  our  "  great  men,"  that  can  any  where  be  foimd ;  and  it 
 is  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating  the  superlative  abilities  of  here- 
 ditary legislators,  that  we  are  induced  to  devote  any  space  to  the  expo- 
 sition of  such  a  barefaced  subject. 
 
 Mr.  Pitt's  plan  of  a  Sinking  Fund  was,  to  set  apart  a  portion  of  the 
 surplus  revenue,  to  accumulate  by  compound  interest,  and,  after  the 
 
350  FUNDING    SYSTEM. 
 
 expiration  of  a  certain  period,  to  apply  the  aggregate  amount  of  interest 
 and  principal  to  the  liquidation  of  the  debt.  To  show  the  fallacy  of  this 
 scheme,  it  will  be  necessary  to  premise  a  few  explanations  on  the  nature 
 of  interest. 
 
 Interest  is  of  two  kinds,  either  simple  or  compound ;  simple  interest 
 is  that  which  is  allowed  for  the  use  of  the  principal  only ;  compound 
 interest,  called  also  interest  on  interest,  is  that  which  is  allowed  for  the 
 use  of  both  principal  and  interest  taken  together.  If  money  be  lent  at 
 simple  interest,  suppose  five  per  cent,  per  annum,  it  will  double  itself  in 
 twenty  years;  that  is,  if  the  interest  be  forbom  that  time,  it  will  equal 
 the  principal.  If  money  be  laid  out  at  compound  interest,  on  the  same 
 terms,  it  will  double  itself  in  little  more  than  fourteen  years ;  so  that 
 the  different  rate  at  which  money  increases  by  simple  and  compound 
 interest  is  very  considerable  To  illustrate  this  by  an  example,  we  will 
 suppose  £100  lent  at  five  per  cent,  compound  interest,  for  one  hundred 
 years.  At  the  expiration  of  the  first  founteen  years  (omitting  the  frac- 
 tion of  a  year)  it  would  amount  to  £200  ;  at  the  expiration  of  the  second 
 fourteen  years  to  £400 ;  at  the  expiration  of  the  third  fourteen  years  to 
 £800 ;  and  so  on,  doubling  itself  at  the  expiration  of  every  fourteen 
 years,  till,  at  the  expiration  of  the  one  hundred  years,  it  would  have 
 increased  to  the  sum  of  £14,112  ;  while,  had  the  same  money  been  put 
 out  at  simple  interest,  it  would  have  amounted  only  to  £600 ;  £500 
 being  the  interest  of  £100  for  one  hundred  years,  at  five  per  cent,  per 
 annum. 
 
 Now,  it  is  on  this  power  of  money  to  accumulate,  at  compound 
 interest,  that  the  Sinking  Fund  Avas  established.  Dr.  Price,  an  expert 
 arithmetician,  calculated  that  a  penny,  or  a  forthing,  we  forget  Avhich, 
 laid  out  at  compound  interest  at  the  birth  of  Christ,  would,  at  the 
 time  he  wrote,  have  accumulated  to  several  globes  of  gold,  each  globe 
 as  large  as  the  earth.  This  was  really  prodigious ;  and  the  Doctor 
 was  so  pleased  with  the  result,  that  he  thence  conceived  the  idea  of 
 redeeming  the  national  debt.  He  thought  that  if  a  sum  of  money,  no 
 matter  how  small,  could  only  be  once  laid  out  at  compound  interest,  it 
 would,  in  a  century  or  so,  amount  to  a  sum  equal  to  the  debt  itself, 
 and  by  means  of  which  the  debt  might  be  discharged.  All  the  Doctor 
 wanted  was  time;  money  he  did  not  want,  except  a  farthing  or  a 
 penny  to  begin  with.  Nothing  could  be  more  alluring ;  to  pay  off  the 
 debt  by  so  small  a  sum  as  one  penny,  seemed,  next  to  a  sponge,  the 
 cheapest  way  imaginable. 
 
 Doctor  Price  communicated  his  scheme  to  Mr.  Pitt,  who  appears  to 
 have  been  as  much  captivated  as  the  Doctor  with  the  discovery.  This 
 was  in  1786  ;  a  time  favourable  for  the  experiment,  the  country  being 
 at  peace  with  all  the  world,  commerce  and  agriculture  just  recovering 
 from  the  depression  of  the  American  contest,  and,  what  was  more,  there 
 was  a  surplus  revenue  of  nearly  a  million  to  begin  with.  This  sum,  it 
 Avas  resolved,  should  be  set  apart  to  "  fructify"  by  the  miraculous  powers 
 of  compound  interest,  agreeably  to  Dr.  Price's  calculations.  Commis- 
 sioners were  appointed  to  take  charge  of  the  sacred  deposit,  Avhich,  on 
 
FALLACY    OF    SINKING    FUND.  351 
 
 no  pretext,  was  to  be  violated :  and  thus  did  the  Sinking*  Fund,  which, 
 like  little  David,  was  to  bring-  down  the  Goliah  of  the  debt,  commence. 
 
 All  at  once,  however,  the  people  were  seized  with  a  strange  panic ; 
 from  entertaining  the  most  gloomy  apprehensions  that  the  debt  would 
 never  be  paid ,  they  began  to  fear  it  would  be  paid  too  soon ;  the  globes 
 of  gold  had  so  bewildered  the  public  mind,  that  it  was  apprehended,  from 
 the  sudden  payment  of  the  debt,  the  country  would  be  overwhelmed 
 with  money  and  unemployed  capital.  To  avert  so  dire  a  calamity,  Mr. 
 Pitt  announced  his  intention  to  pay  off  £4,000,000,  annually,  and  no 
 more.  Here  the  subject  rested  for  some  years,  and  we  must  beg  leave 
 to  rest  also.  Having  stated  fairly  the  principle  of  the  Sinking-  Fund, 
 we  must  now  expose  its  fallacy  as  applicable  to  the  reduction  of  the 
 debt.  It  is  due,  however,  to  Dr.  Price  to  observe  that  there  was 
 nothing  wrong  in  his  principles,  that  the  effect  of  compound  interest 
 was  correctly  as  he  had  calculated,  and  that  he  was  only  wrong-,  like 
 many  other  well-meaning-  theorists,  in  his  application  of  them. 
 
 The  first  objection  to  the  scheme  of  Dr.  Price  was  the  length  of  time 
 that  must  elapse  before  it  attained  its  object.  Any  plan  for  the  reduc- 
 tion of  the  debt,  founded  on  an  adherence  to  a  particular  system  of 
 finance,  the  continuance  of  a  certain  amount  of  taxation,  or  the  duration 
 of  peace,  was  hardly  likely  to  be  realized  in  practice.  These  were  all 
 liable  to  change ;  yet  a  permanency  in  them  was  necessary  to  complete 
 the  original  plan  of  the  Sinking  Fund.  The  sum  set  apart  was  on  no 
 pretext  to  be  violated ;  war  might  arise  demanding  additional  sacrifices, 
 the  ability  of  the  country  to  support  taxation  might  decrease,  or  there 
 might  arise  new  chancellors  of  the  exchequer  with  new  schemes  of 
 finance,  yet  none  of  these  were  to  interfere  with  the  fund.  That  a 
 plan  depending-  on  such  contingencies  should  be  realized  appears  highly 
 improbable. 
 
 Waving,  however,  the  objection  as  to  time,  we  will  suppose  the  plan 
 in  actual  operation ;  we  will  suppose  a  million  set  apart  to  accumulate 
 by  compound  interest,  till  it  equal  in  amount  the  debt  it  is  intended  to 
 liquidate.  Now,  it  is  obvious,  if  the  debt  be  very  large,  the  Sinking 
 Fund  must  be  very  large  also ;  but,  supposing  the  debt  amounts  to  800 
 millions,  one  cannot  conceive  how  any  Sinking-  Fund,  long  before  it 
 equals  in  amount  the  debt  it  is  intended  to  discharge,  can  be  employed, 
 or  in  Avhose  hands  it  can  be  invested.  Suppose  the  fund  amounts  only 
 to  200  millions,  how  can  any  government  employ  such  a  sum  ?  To 
 whom  are  they  to  lend  it  ?  If  they  lend  it  to  individuals  they  will  want 
 security,  not  only  for  the  interest  but  the  principal.  But  the  only 
 adequate  security  would  be  land  ;  commercial  security  would  hardly  be 
 satisfactory ;  and,  it  is  obvious,  if  landed  secui-ity  alone  be  accepted, 
 the  advance  of  200  millions  would  make  government  the  mortgagees  of 
 nearly  all  the  land  in  the  kingdom.  Such  a  state  of  things  is  chimerical, 
 and,  consequently,  any  Sinking  Fund  founded  upon  it  must  be  chime- 
 rical also. 
 
 Instead  of  reducing  the  debt  in  this  way,  it  is  easy  to  conceive 
 another    far    more  economical  and    equally  eflScacious.      Suppose    the 
 
352  FUNDING    SYSTEM. 
 
 money  forming*  the  fund  had  not  been  raised  in  taxes,  but  left  in  the 
 hands  of  the  people  to  be  employed  in  trade  and  manufactures ;  then 
 suppose,  at  the  expiration  of  a  certain  time,  a  sum  is  levied  in  taxes 
 equal  in  amount  to  what  the  Fund  would  have  attained  ;  it  is  obvious, 
 on  this  supposition,  the  debt  would  be  equally  reduced ;  but,  in  this 
 case,  there  would  be  no  Sinking  Fund, — no  commissioners, — no  draw- 
 ing money  in  shape  of  taxes,  and  returning:  it  ag^ain  in  shape  of  loan; — ■ 
 in  a  word,  there  would  be  no  delusion. 
 
 Though  the  principle  here  illustrated  is  that  on  which  the  Sinking 
 Fund  was  founded,  it  is  not  that  according'  to  which  it  has  been  con- 
 ducted. The  money  forming  the  fund  has  never,  in  fact,  been  lent  to 
 individuals,  but  employed  in  the  purchase  of  stock  at  the  market-price. 
 The  interest  of  stock  so  purchased  has  been  added  to  the  fund,  and  the 
 total  employed  in  the  purchase  of  more  stock ;  so  that,  by  continually 
 adding  the  interest  of  the  debt  redeemed  to  the  principal  of  the  fund, 
 the  effect  has  been  the  same  as  money  accumulating  at  compound  inte- 
 rest. If  we  compare  this  mode  of  employing:  a  Sinking  Fund  with  the 
 former,  we  shall  find  that,  if  the  first  was  chimerical,  the  second  was 
 useless,  sening  no  object  further  than  entailing  an  unnecessaiy  expense 
 on  the  public  for  management. 
 
 Suppose  at  the  end  of  the  year  there  is  a  surplus  revenue  of  one 
 million  in  the  Exchequer;  then,  agreeably  to  the  system  pursued  by 
 our  statesmen  for  many  years,  this  million  is  paid  to  commissioners, 
 who  employ  it  in  the  purchase  of  stock,  the  stock  so  purchased  and 
 interest  forming"  together  the  Sinking:  Fund.  But,  instead  of  the  million 
 being  vested  in  Commissioners,  suppose  it  is  employed  by  the  Chancellor 
 of  the  Exchequer  in  the  purchase  of  stock,  where,  it  maj'  be  asked, 
 would  be  the  difference  ?  In  both  cases  the  same  amount  of  debt  is 
 redeemed,  and  the  interest  of  the  redeemed  debt,  being  laid  out  in  the 
 purchase  of  more  stock,  accumulates  in  a  compound  ratio. 
 
 It  is  in  the  latter  way  the  Americans  have  managed  the  reduction  of 
 their  debt;  and  by  which  they  have  almost  effected  its  extinction. 
 When  there  is  a  surplus  in  the  treasury,  after  defraying  the  charges 
 of  government,  it  is  applied  directly  to  pay  off  such  portions  of  the  debt 
 as  have  been  advertised  to  be  paid  off,  and  on  which  the  interest  after- 
 wards ceases  to  be  paid.  Indeed,  the  principle  is  so  plain  that  it  is 
 astonishing  how  it  can  ever  have  been  misapprehended.  It  is  obvious 
 to  the  meanest  capacity  that,  if  a  sum  of  money  be  owing-,  on  Avhich 
 interest  is  payable,  the  gain  is  equal,  whether  we  pay  a  part  of  our  debt, 
 or  lend,  to  a  third  person,  a  sum  of  equal  amount.  Government,  how- 
 ever, acted  as  if  there  were  some  substantive  difference  in  the  two  cases, 
 and  they  were  supported  for  years  in  the  egregious  blunder  by  the 
 "  Collective  Wisdom  of  the  nation." 
 
 We  have  not  yet  conducted  the  reader  to  the  chief  absurdity  in  the 
 Sinking  Fund.  We  have  been  all  along  supposing  an  actual  surplus 
 revenue,  and  considering  the  most  advantageous  mode  of  employing 
 this  surplus ;  but  the  fact  is,  there  never  was  any  such  surplus,  except 
 during  the  first  few  ye.ars  after  the  establishment  of  the  fund.     Every 
 
OBJECTIONS    TO    A    SURPLUS    REVENUE,  353 
 
 year  government  incurred  debt,  and  this  debt  it  attempted  to  pay  by 
 borrowed  money  ;  tliat  is,  it  borrowed  money  of  A  to  pay  B,  and  in  this 
 consisted  the  grand  bubble  of  the  Sinking  Fund. 
 
 The  late  Professor  Hamilton  was  the  first  writer  who  exposed  the 
 delusion  of  the  Sinking-  Fund,  and  showed  incontrovertibly  that  it  was 
 by  the  application  of  a  surplus  income  only  that  the  debt  could  be 
 reduced.  By  persisting  in  the  financial  error  we  have  endeavoured  to 
 explain,  an  enormous  expense  was  incurred  in  the  charges  of  manage- 
 ment, and  this  was  not  the  extent  of  the  evil.  The  Sinking-  Fund  was 
 a  principal  cause  of  the  augmentation  of  the  debt.  So  enormous  was 
 the  blunder,  that  no  one  felt  any  concern  about  the  increase  of  this 
 national  incumbrance  ;  whatever  might  be  the  amount,  it  was  conceived 
 the  Fund  would  be  adequate  to  its  redemption.  Hence  public  credit 
 became  as  unlimited  as  public  credulity.  Men,  in  other  respects  en- 
 lightened, were  deceived,  and  it  would  be  easy  to  cite,  from  the  speeches 
 of  disting-uished  living  statesmen,  the  most  extravagant  encomiums  of 
 this  great  fiscal  deception.  But  the  subject  has  ceased  to  be  of  intense 
 interest,  and  is  chiefly  valuable  as  an  additional  testimony  of  those 
 epidemic  aberrations  to  which  human  nature,  in  all  ages,  has  been 
 exposed.  Even  Lord  Grenville  has  lived  to  discover  and  acknowledge 
 he  was  deceived  by  the  Sinking  Fund ;  and  this  appears  not  the  only 
 error  of  the  Pitt  system,  of  which  his  lordship  appears  likely  to  survive 
 the  refutation. 
 
 We  have  still  left  the  more  lamentable  part  of  the  business  un- 
 noticed ;  the  public  has  not  only  incurred  a  great  loss  from  the  charge 
 of  managing  the  Sinking  Fund,  but  also  from  the  additional  sums  hor- 
 roxced  for  its  maintenance. 
 
 In  every  loan  the  contractors  have  a  profit  at  the  expense  of  the 
 public,  and  the  greater  the  loan  the  greater  their  gain,  and  conse- 
 quently the  public  loss.  From  1793  the  Sinking  Fund  Avas  supported 
 by  borrowed  money  ;  besides  the  loan  for  the  public  service,  an  addi- 
 tional sum  was  raised  for  the  Fund.  Had  there  been  no  such  Fund, 
 the  annual  loans  would  have  been  less  by  the  amount  of  the  sum  paid 
 to  the  commissioners  for  the  redemption  of  the  Debt.  The  question 
 then  is,  supposing  the  sum  borrowed  for  the  Fund,  since  1793,  be  250 
 millions,  how  much  has  the  public  lost  by  the  operation  ? 
 
 Professor  Hamilton  answered  this  question.  He  ascertained  the  total 
 loss  to  the  public,  by  annually  borrowing  additional  loans  to  support  the 
 delusion  of  the  Fund,  at  thihty  millions.  The  interest  of  thirty 
 millions,  at  five  per  cent,  per  annum,  is  a  million  and  a  half.  A  million 
 and  a  half  then  is  the  gain  of  the  loan-contractors,  and  the  annual  loss 
 entailed  on  the  country  by  the  farce  of  a  Sinking  Fund. 
 
 A  question  may  be  here  asked, — If  we  had  had  no  Sinking  Fund,  in 
 what  way  were  we  to  look  forward  to  the  redemption  of  the  Debt  ?  Our 
 opinion  is  that,  in  case  of  a  surplus  revenue,  it  ought  to  have  been 
 applied  to  the  purchase  of  stock  at  the  market  price,  and  a  portion  of 
 the  Debt  cancelled  equal  to  the  amount  of  stock  purchased.  But  we 
 are   not  much  in  favour  of  government  liaving  a   surplus  revenue  to 
 
 2  A 
 
354  FUN  DIN  f;    SYSTEM. 
 
 dispose  of,  but  tliink  it  better  that  taxes  should  be  remitted  to  the  amount 
 of  the  surphis  ;  or,  in  case  the  times  are  favorable  to  an  effort  for  the 
 retluction  of  the  Debt,  that  it  should  bj  made  by  a  direct  assessment  on 
 the  community  expressly  for  the  ])urpose.  Tlie  advocates  of  a  surplus 
 revenue  think  it  tends  to  support  pul)lic  credit ;  but  the  surest  mode  of 
 supporting-  pul)lic  credit  is  to  contribute,  in  all  possible  ways,  to  promote 
 public  prosperity.  Public  credit  obviously  depends  on  the  abundance  of 
 public  -wealth  ;  in  other  words,  on  the  ability  of  the  community  to 
 support  the  burthens  necessary  to  pay  the  interest,  or  ultimately  the 
 principal  of  the  debt ;  and  this  ability  is  aug'mented,  not  by  taking  money 
 from  the  people,  but  by  leaving  it  in  their  pockets :  it  is  not  by  tying 
 up  capital  in  a  sort  of  mortmain,  in  the  hands  of  government  commis- 
 sioners, that  national  wealth  is  amassed,  but  by  leaving  it  to  be  em- 
 ployed in  the  extension  of  commerce,  manufactures,  and  agriculture. 
 Every  shilling  levied  in  taxes  takes  from  productive  capital,  thereby 
 impoverishing  the  country,  and  lessening  the  security  of  the  public 
 creditor. 
 
 In  short,  we  trust  the  people  have  learnt  wisdom  by  experience,  and 
 they  see  the  policy  of  keeping  every  administration  in  a  kind  of  strait 
 waistcoat,  neither  suffering  them  to  have  a  surplus  revenue,  nor  surplus 
 military  force,  nor  surplus  power  of  any  kind,  beyond  the  current 
 exigencies  of  the  state,  at  their  disposal.  Without  this  precaution,  the 
 country  is  sure  to  be  drawn  into  some  wanton  and  profligate  crusade. 
 All  governments  are  prone  to  war,  because  it  aug;ments  patronage  and 
 emolument,  and  gratifies  pride,  insolence,  and  ambition.  If  we  have 
 not  been  involved  in  hostilities  ere  this,  it  has  been  more  owing  to  the 
 protecting  ^gis  of  our  pecuniary  embarrassments  than  the  absence  of 
 inclination  in  our  rulers.  Can  it  be  supposed  we  should  not  have  been 
 embroiled  about  Portugal,  Turkey,  France,  Italy,  or  Belgium,  had  not 
 the  Exchequer  been  empty  ?  A  surplus  revenue,  however,  under  the  pre- 
 text of  a  Sinking  Fund,  at  all  times  supphes  the  needful,  and  it  is  easy 
 to  foresee,  from  past  experience,  were  such  a  fund  tolerated,  it  would  be 
 dissipated  in  domestic  profusion  or  foreign  aggression.  As  to  really 
 applying  the  fund  to  the  redemption  of  the  debt,  it  is  mere  delusion  : 
 the  Oligarchy,  notwithstanding  the  solemn  ejaculations  of  many  of  them 
 about  preserving,  inviolate,  jmblic  faith,  have  got  a  more  efficient 
 receipt  for  reducing  the  Debt  than  paying  it  off,  as  soon  as  the  neces- 
 sities of  their  unprincipled  system  demand  the  application. 
 
 DEAD-WEIGHT    ANNUITY    PROJECT. 
 
 We  are  induced  shortly  to  notice  this  project,  because  it  i«  the  most 
 recent,  and,  we  believe,  the  last  attempt  which  will  ever  be  made  to  play 
 tricks  of  legerdemain  in  matters  of  finance. 
 
 In  the  year  1822  a  plan  was  adopted  for  relieving  the  country,  in 
 some  dea:ree,  from  the  immediate  pressure  of  the  Dead  Weight,  by  ex- 
 tending the  payment  of  it  over  a  longer  series  of  years  than  the  natural 
 duration  of  the  lives  of  the   individuals  holding  half-pay,  pensions,  and 
 
DEAD    WEIGHT    PROJECT — LIFE    ANNUITIES.  355 
 
 allowances,  under  this  denomination,  would  extend  to.  For  this  purpose 
 an  annuity  of  £2,800,000  was  appropriated,  out  of  the  existing  reve- 
 nue, for  45  years,  and  vested  in  trustees  for  the  discharge  of  the  then 
 payments,  which,  for  that  j'ear,  were  estimated  at  £4,900,000,  subject 
 to  yearly  diminution  by  the  death  of  annuitants.  It  was  computed, 
 that,  according  to  the  ordinary  duration  of  human  life,  these  annuities 
 for  the  lives  of  the  then  holders  would  be  equal  to  the  annuity  of 
 £2,800,000  for  forty-five  years.  The  trustees,  were,  therefore,  em- 
 powered to  sell,  from  time  to  time,  such  portions  of  this  annuity  as 
 would  provide  the  funds  required  for  the  payment  of  the  dead  weigjit, 
 according  to  a  computation  made  of  the  amount  which  would,  probably, 
 be  due  in  each  year.  The  act  by  which  this  arrangement  was  sanctioned 
 took  effect  from  the  10th  of  October,  1822. 
 
 The  trustees  failed  in  their  first  negotiation,  which  was  entered  into 
 with  some  public  companies,  and  ultimately  made  an  engagement  with 
 the  Bank  of  England,  for  supplying  the  funds  required  for  six  years, 
 by  the  transfer  to  that  corporation  of  an  annuity  of  £585,740,  part  of 
 the  above  £2,800,000.  The  terms  of  the  sale  were  settled  by  actuaries 
 on  either  side,  according  to  the  current  value  of  the  public  stocks.  The 
 sum  which  the  Bank  undertook  to  provide  in  the  period  specified  was 
 £13,089,419,  the  last  payment  upon  which  was  made  in  July,  1828. 
 
 Now,  to  the  measure  of  raising  money  by  the  sale  of  a  temporary 
 annuity  there  is  no  objection,  when  practised  by  the  state,  no  more 
 than  by  an  individual :  it  may  be  resorted  to,  in  order  to  meet  an  ex- 
 traordinary charge ;  and  to  dift'use  the  charge  at  a  diminished  rate,  for  each 
 year,  over  a  longer  space  of  time.  But  the  framers  of  the  dead  weight 
 expedient  sought  by  the  means  of  it  to  create  an  addition  to  the 
 income  of  the  state,  whereby  a  Sinking  Fund  of  five  millions  might 
 be  provided,  notwithstanding  a  considerable  reduction  of  the  taxes  then 
 existing.  It  was  in  this  the  delusion  consisted.  The  money  for  the 
 reduction  of  debt  was  certainly  forthcoming,  by  the  sale  of  the  annuity, 
 and,  therefore,  positively  applicable  to  the  purchase  of  stock  in  the 
 market ;  but  the  sale  of  the  annuity  was  itself  a  creation  of  debt,  and 
 it  Avas,  therefore,  not  correct  to  call  that  a  Sinking  Fund  which  only 
 served  to  extinguish,  in  one  shape,  a  debt  which  it  established  in 
 another. 
 
 Such  an  intricate  contrivance  was  evidently  a  revival,  in  a  new  shape, 
 of  the  fundamental  error  of  the  Sinking  Fund,  namely,  an  attempt  to 
 extinguish  debt  by  borrowed  moneij,  and,  like  that  famous  juggle,  it 
 entailed  an  unprofitable  charge  on  the  country  for  management.  As 
 the  objectionable  part  of  the  project  has  been  abandoned,  under  the 
 recommendation  of  Sir  Henry  Parnell's  Finance  Committee,  it  is  not 
 necessary  further  to  expose  its  fallacy.  We  may,  also,  congratulate 
 our  readers  on  the  virtual  relinquishment  of  the  Sinking  Fund  ;  since, 
 by  the  10th  Geo.  IV.  c.  27,  which  came  into  operation  July  the  5th, 
 1829,  it  is  provided  that  the  sum,  in  future,  appHcable  to  the  reduction 
 of  the  debt,  shall  be  merely  what  happens  to  be  the  actual  annual  sur- 
 plus revenue  above  the  expenditure  of  the  United  Kingdom.     The  actual 
 
 2  A  2 
 
356  FUNDING    SYSTEM. 
 
 surplus  revonue,  for  reasons  assigned  in  the  last  section,  will,  we  trust, 
 be  ke])t  at  a  minimum,  at  wliich  point,  or  below,  it  seems  to  have  ar- 
 rived ;  beinp;  at  present  (Jan.  1832)  something  worse  than  nothing,  or, 
 as  algel>raists  term  it,  a  "  negative  quantity." 
 
 A  mere  detail  of  the  fiscal  b-'unders  and  oversights  of  the  Oligarchy 
 would  form  a  most  ludicrous  display  of  human  folly  and  presumption. 
 It  can  never  be  forgotten  that  the  Omnipotent  Parliament  of  1810  actu- 
 ally passed  a  resolution  that  a  pound  note  and  a  shilling  were  equal  in 
 value  to  a  guinea,  though  the  latter  was  openly  and  publicly  sold  for 
 twenty -eight  shilliiigs!  Then  think  of  the  conduct  of  the  "  Guardi- 
 ans of  the  Public  Purse"  in  granting  annuities  on  lives.  The  Tory 
 statesmen  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge  appear  to  have  been  wholly 
 ignorant  that  the  average  duration  of  human  life,  especially  in  females, 
 had  greatly  extended  of  late  years;  and,  in  consequence,  up  to  the  year 
 1829,  and  until  they  were  apprised  of  the  circumstance  by  a  private 
 individual,  continued  to  grant  life  annuities  on  the  most  disadvantageous 
 terms,  and  by  which,  for  many  years,  an  annual  loss  of  £100,000  was 
 sustained  by  this  tax-paying  community. 
 
 It  would  be  easy  to  cite  similar  examples  of  the  waste  of  public 
 treasure  through  mere  incapacity  in  our  rulers ;  but  it  is  necessary  to 
 conclude.  Our  exposition  of  the  origin  and  doAvnfal  of  the  great 
 Sinking  Fund  bubble,  which  deluded  the  countiy  for  nearly  half  a 
 century,  cannot  fail  to  be  amusing  and  instructive.  If  we  revert  to  the 
 history  of  the  Boroughmongers,  we  shall  find  that  their  system  has  been 
 carried  on  for  many  years  by  a  series  of  moral,  political,  and  financial 
 bubbles.  The  French  war  was  all  a  bubble.  It  commenced  under  the  pre- 
 text of  protecting  property  and  averting  infidelity  and  immorality.  These, 
 however,  Avere  mere  bubbles ;  the  real  objects  being-  to  prevent  reform 
 in  the  representation,  the  administration  of  justice,  and  the  tithe 
 oppression.  Abuses  in  all  these  were  endangered  by  the  principles  of 
 the  revolution ;  but  then,  government  could  hardly  go  to  war  on  the 
 barefaced  pretext  of  supporting  them,  so  they  went  to  war  on  the  pre- 
 text of  supporting  religion  and  social  order.  New  circumstances  require 
 new  delusions.  The  country  is  now  at  peace ;  but  we  shall  be  mar- 
 vellously surprised,  if  some  new  bubble  is  not  blown  to  justify  inter- 
 ference with  the  regenerated  states  of  the  Continent  and  the  New  World. 
 
 NEW    SUGGESTIONS    FOR    LIQUIDATING    THE    DEBT. 
 
 All  idea  of  liquidating  the  Debt,  by  the  operation  of  the  Sinking  Fund, 
 being  abandoned,  it  may  be  concluded  this  great  national  incumbrance 
 is  destined  to  be  a  perpetual  burthen  entailed  on  succeeding  generations. 
 This,  it  must  be  confessed,  holds  out  a  discouraging  prospect  for  the 
 future.  Let  us,  however,  inquire  if  it  be  not  possible  to  imagine  a 
 course  of  public  affairs  which  would  tend  to  the  just  and  natural  extin- 
 guishment of  the  Debt ;  or,  secondly,  let  us  inquire  if  such  changes  in 
 the  monetary  system  of  Europe  may  not  supervene,  as  would  constitute 
 an  equitable  claim  for  a  reduction  in  the  amount  of  the  annuity  payable 
 
NEW  SUGGESTIONS  FOR   EXTINGUISHING  THE  DEBT,     357 
 
 to  the  public  creditor.  Altlioug-h  there  are  few  questions  in  public 
 economy  that  have  excited  more  intense  inquiry  than  the  progress  and 
 final  issue  of  our  funding  system,  still  we  think  there  are  one  or  two 
 views  of  the  subject  which  have  been  overlooked  by  political  writers, 
 and  which  we  shall  beg  leave  briefly  to  submit  to  our  readers'  consi- 
 deration. 
 
 Lord  Goderich  has  justly  remarked,  (House  of  Lords,  May  7,  1830,) 
 that  it  is  not  the  magnitude  of  the  capital  of  the  debt,  but  the  amount 
 of  the  dividends  which  form  a  question  of  interest.  A  public  creditor  is 
 not,  like  a  private  creditor,  entitled  to  demand  payment  of  both  princi- 
 pal and  interest :  all  to  which  he  has  compulsorv  claim  is  the  regular 
 pavment  of  his  dividend.  A  greater  amount  of  capital  is  only  impor- 
 tant to  the  public  inasmuch  as  it  imposes  a  heavier  burthen  in  the  charges 
 of  management  payable  to  the  Bank  of  England.  The  vital  con- 
 sideration is  the  amount  of  the  perpetual  annuity  entailed  on  the  country  : 
 whateve4-  tends  to  lessen  this  charge  relieves  the  public  ;  and  let  us  see 
 what  system  of  policy  would  most  effectually  promote  so  desirable  a  con- 
 summation. 
 
 The  interest  of  money  has  been  gradually  falling  for  centuries;  and, 
 from  the  augmentation  of  capital,  it  is  not  possible  to  assign  the  mini- 
 mum ; — it  may  be  depressed  to  one,  or  even  a  half  per  cent. ;  or  money 
 may  become  so  redundant,  that,  instead  of  the  payment  of  interest  for 
 the  use,  n  prcttiiiim  maybe  given  merely  for  its  safe  custody.  How 
 far  this  reduction  may  be  still  carried  depends  entirely  on  the  manage- 
 ment of  public  affairs.  Let  us  suppose  our  riders  have  resolved,  all  at 
 once,  to  cany  on  the  government  on  principles  of  justice  and  wisdom, 
 without  regard  to  the  partial  interests  of  the  Church,  the  Aristocracy,  or 
 any  other  section  of  society ;  let  us  suppose  they  are  resolved  to  give  full 
 scope  for  the  augmentation  of  national  wealth,  by  the  abolition  of  com- 
 mercial and  charted  monopolies  —  by  the  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws,  and 
 of  all  such  taxes  and  restrictions  as  impede  the  development  of  industry  : 
 let  us  suppose  that  government  is  resolved  to  make  all  reasonable  con- 
 cessions for  the  attainment  of  internal  quiet  and  contentment,  bv  the 
 extension  of  the  elective  franchise — the  improvement  of  the  judicial 
 administration— the  abolition  of  partial  and  oppressive  laws — the  reduc- 
 tion of  exorbitant  salaries,  the  extinction  of  sinecures,  the  rescinding 
 of  unmerited  pensions,  and  the  relinquishing  of  unprohtable  and  useless 
 colonies :  let  us  further  suppose  that  government  is  resolved  to  pursue 
 a  system  of  impartial  justice  towards  L-eland,  remove  all  pretext  for 
 popular  agitation,  and  cultivate,  to  the  utmost  advantage,  her  vast  re- 
 sources: lastly,  let  us  suppose  that  government  is  so  wholly  intent  on 
 promoting  the  general  welfare,  that  they  are  resolved  to  remove  all 
 restrictions  on  the  freedom  of  discussion,  and  allow  the  utmost  latitude, 
 without  regard  to  considerations  personal  to  themselves,  for  the  free 
 investigation  of  every  question  in  the  least  relevant  to  the  public  happi- 
 ness ;  especially  of  such  questions  as  elucidate  the  causes  of  the  poverty 
 and  privations  of  the  gTeat  body  of  the  community. 
 
 Now,  supposing  such  a  liberal  and  enlightened  policy  to  be  pursued 
 by  the  government,   the  consequences   would  be   most  extraordinary. 
 
358  FUNDING    SYSTEM. 
 
 Contentment  and  confidence  would  pervade  all,  and  every  obstacle  to 
 the  full  development  of  industry  removed,  commerce,  manufactures, 
 and  agriculture  attain  an  unexampled  state  of  prosperity.  The  country 
 would  be  inundated  with  wealth,  and  the  mass  of  unemployed  capital 
 would  be  so  great,  that  interest  would  be  merely  nominal.  But  would 
 not  ministers  take  advantage  of  such  a  favourable  crisis  in  national 
 aflFairs  to  reduce  the  Debt  ?  Assuredly  they  would.  All  the  stocks 
 would  rise  above  par,  and  they  might  either  pay  the  public  creditor  his 
 principal,  or  compel  him  to  accept  a  lower  rate  of  interest.  It  is  in 
 this  way,  merely  by  the  operation  of  good  government,  by  adopting 
 measures  to  promote  internal  concord  and  prosperity,  that  the  Three  per 
 Cents  might  be  reduced  to  two,  one,  or  even  a  half  per  cent. ;  and  this 
 is  what  we  call  the  jzist  and  natural  extinguishment  of  the  Debt  ! 
 
 The  unsettled  state  of  Europe  may  postpone  for  a  time  the  decline  in 
 the  interest  of  money ;  but  such  is  the  intelligence  and  desire  of  accu- 
 mulation pervading  all  classes,  that  we  consider  it  an  event  of  certain 
 occurrence.  Under  this  impression,  we  do  not  concur  in  the  wisdom 
 of  the  plan  adopted  by  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  in  1830,  for 
 the  conversion  of  the  Four  per  Cents.  Agreeably  to  Mr.  Goulbourn's 
 scheme,  an  option  was  given  to  the  holders  of  the  New  Fours  to 
 accept  a  Five  per  Cent,  stock,  irredeemable  for  a  long  term  of  years. 
 The  chief  saving  to  the  public  from  this  arrangement  was  a  diminution 
 in  the  amount  of  the  capital  of  the  debt;  but  this,  as  before  remarked, 
 is  an  unimportant  consideration,  and  only  affects  the  amount  of  per 
 centage  payable  to  the  Bank  for  management.  The  great  object  for  a 
 financer  to  aim  at  is  a  reduction  in  the  public  annuities ;  but  this  re- 
 duction is  foreclosed,  by  creating  an  irredeemable  fund;  and  the  country 
 is  precluded  from  deriving  advantage  from  the  augmentation  of  national 
 wealth  and  consequent  declension  of  the  interest  in  money. 
 
 Let  us  next  advert  to  the  other  contingency  to  which  we  alluded,  as 
 likely  to  operate,  an  equitable  reduction  in  the  monetary  charge  of  the 
 debt — namely,  a  rise  throughout  Europe  in  the  value  of  the  precious 
 metals.  That  such  a  rise  is  in  progiess  is  highly  probable,  for  the 
 following  reasons  : — 1.  The  unsettled  state  of  South  America  during  the 
 last  twenty  years,  and  consequent  interruption  to  the  working  of  the 
 gold  and  silver  mines.  2.  The  increased  consumption  of  the  precious 
 metals,  from  the  diffusion  of  greater  wealth  and  luxury.  3.  The  in- 
 creased demand  for  them,  owing  to  the  increase  of  population,  commerce, 
 and  commodities.  4.  The  general  substitution  of  a  metallic  for  a  paper 
 currency  in  England,  America,  and  the  continental  states.  All  these 
 causes  obviously  tend  to  enhance  the  value  of  the  representative  medium  ; 
 and,  should  they  continue  to  operate,  they  must  eventually  work  a  dis- 
 solution of  money  engagements ;  for  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  if  a 
 pound  weight  of  silver  attain  as  great  an  exchangeable  value  as  in  the 
 reign  of  the  Edwards,  that  either  nations  or  individuals  shall  be  bound 
 by  contracts  made  under  circumstances  so  widely  different.  Such  a  revo- 
 lution in  the  instrument  of  exchange,  or  even  an  approximation  to  it,  could 
 never  have  been  foreseen,  either  by  creditor  or  debtor  ;  and  the  fulfil- 
 ment of  his  obligations  by  the  latter  being  rendered  impracticable,  by 
 
CATASTROPHE    OF    FUNDING    SYSTEM.  359 
 
 vicissitudes  which  he  could  neither  foresee  nor  control,  both  equity  and 
 reason  would  relieve  against  them. 
 
 The  practical  application  of  this  reasoning,  to  the  reduction  of  the 
 Debt,  is  too  obvious  to  need  explaining.  It  is  a  crisis  wholly  distinct 
 from  such  as  occur  from  the  issue  or  withdrawal  of  Bank  paper,  or  the 
 rise  or  fall  of  mercantile  credit.  These  are  the  local  and  ordinary 
 fluctuations  of  the  commercial  world  with  which  all  mankind  are 
 familiar  ;  but  a  rise  or  fall  in  the  universal  standard  of  value,  from  the 
 general  causes  mentioned,  is  an  event  of  a  different  nature.  It  i§ 
 unnecessary,  however,  to  pursue  the  subject  further  till  the  fact  of  a 
 general  rise  in  the  value  of  the  instrument  of  exchange  has  been  ascer- 
 tained, and  the  returns  Avhich  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne  moved  for  in 
 the  session  of  1830,  relative  to  the  produce  of  the  American  mines,  will 
 tend  far  to  its  elucidation. 
 
 We  have  thus  shortly  explained  the  two  sources  whence,  by  pos- 
 sibility, relief  may  come  to  this  tax-paying  community  ;  but  we  candidly 
 confess  we  have  not  much  faith  either  of  them  will  be  realized.  That 
 the  Oligarchy  will  ever  pursue  such  a  course  of  policy  as  is  most  likely 
 to  diffuse  general  intelligence,  contentment,  and  wealth,  is  inconsistent 
 with  all  experience  of  their  former  conduct.  Unfortunately,  the  govern- 
 ment, in  its  unreformed  state,  only  embodies  the  partial  interests  of  the 
 Aristocracy,  and  those  interests  are  incompatible  with  the  general 
 interests  of  the  community.  Hence  we  conclude,  the  Manichaean 
 principle  of  the  constitution  will  triumph  to  the  end  of  the  chapter,  and 
 that  the  funding  system  will  ultimately  terminate  by  a  violent  death. 
 The  nature  of  its  final  dissolution,  the  hypocrisy  and  injustice  by  which 
 it  will  be  preceded,  and  the  calamities  it  will  entail  on  the  country,  we 
 shall  set  forth  in  the  next  and  concludina-  section. 
 
 CATASTROPHE    OF    THE    FUNDING     SYSTEM. 
 
 The  natural  and  inevitable  tendency  of  debt,  either  in  nations  or 
 individuals,  is  bankruptcy.  Efforts  will  be  made,  by  the  Oligarchy, 
 to  avert,  as  long  as  possible,  this  lasting  reproach  of  their  unprincipled 
 policy  ;  they  will  try  to  economize  in  this,  and  retrench  in  that ;  they  will 
 be  like  beasts  of  prey  environed  by  the  hunters,  they  will  seek  escape  on 
 all  sides,  but,  finding  every  outlet  closed  against  them,  they  will  then 
 resort,  as  the  only  refuge  from  the  ditficulties  in  which  they  have  wan- 
 tanly  involved  themselves,  to  their  last  expedient — an  attack  on  the 
 funds.  Perhaps  it  will  not  be  this  session  of  parliament,  nor  the  next ; 
 but,  that  the  period  is  approaching,  we  feel  as  confident  as  that  we  are 
 now  writing.  It  is  the  most  feasible  of  all  projects  :  it  would  attack  a 
 mass  of  property,  and  of  individuals  that  are  incapable  of  resistance, 
 who  are  not  represented,  and  who  would  sink  as  silently  as  a  stone 
 dropped  into  the  great  deep.  Moreover,  it  would  be  the  salvation  of 
 the  system ;  it  would  not  touch  the  Church,  nor  the  Aristocracy,  nor 
 the  Rotten  Boroughs,  nor  the   Sinecures,   nor  the  Barracks  ;    all   the 
 
360  CATASTROPHE    OF    FUNDING    SYSTEM. 
 
 abuses  of  administration  would  be  saved  and  perpetuated,  for  the 
 affliction  of  the  world  and  posterity.  We  do,  however,  trust  there  is 
 sutKcient  justice  and  humanity  in  the  nation  to  avert  the  perpetration  of 
 this  national  crime,  ■vvliich  would  afford  complete  impunity  to  those 
 whose  mal-administration  has,  alone,  rendered  it  necessary.  The  man 
 who  first  suggests  a  confiscation  of  the  funds,  under  the  pretext  of 
 equitable  adjustment,  unaccompanied  with  a  radical  change  in  our 
 institutions,  ought  to  be  ejected  from  political  communion  as  the  worst 
 enemy  of  Reform  and  the  People.  Let  us,  however,  shortly  consider 
 the  degree  of  injustice,  the  extent  of  suffering,  and  the  misgovernment 
 that  would  be  perpetuated  by  the  adoption  of  such  a  mean  of  sur- 
 mounting the  public  diflSculties. 
 
 Three  points  present  themselves  for  consideration  :  1st.  The  obli- 
 gation imposed  on  the  community  to  keep  faith  with  the  public  creditor. 
 2d.  The  extent  of  distress  and  suffering  which  would  be  occasioned  by 
 a  breach  of  this  obligation.  3d.  And  lastly,  The  facilities  it  would 
 afford  for  the  pei^petuation  of  an  usurped  and  pernicious  power. 
 
 With  respect  to  the  Jirst,  it  is  certain  that  funded  property  stands  on 
 a  higher  and  more  legitimate  basis  than  any  other  description  of  pro- 
 perty in  the  kingdom.  It  is  created  by  recent  acts  of  parliament,  of 
 the  meaning  and  import  of  which  there  can  be  no  difference  of  opinion  : 
 the  present  possessors  of  this  property  hold  it  by  fair  and  lawful  assign- 
 ment, and  the  whole  nation  are  living  witnesses  of  the  contract  and 
 execution.  The  estates  of  the  Church,  of  the  Aristocracy,  and  even  of 
 individuals,  are  not  secured  and  attested  by  such  strong  and  solemn 
 authority.  The  Church  has,  at  least,  only  a  life-interest  in  its  pos- 
 sessions, and  this  under  the  express  stipulation  of  discharging  the 
 religious  duties  of  the  community.  The  estates  of  the  nobility  are  of 
 extremely  dubious  origin,  mostly  obtained  by  plunder  and  confiscation, 
 and  then  held  under  the  tenure  of  defending  the  country  in  war,  of 
 coining  money,  administering  justice,  and*  preserving  the  peace  ;  all 
 Avhich  duties  they  have  long  ceased  to  discharge.  Next,  as  to  the 
 estates  of  individuals :  they  have,  in  many  instances,  been  obtained 
 without  valuable  consideration,  or  are  held  by  a  fraudulent  and  imper- 
 fect title  ;  none  of  which  can  be  alleged  against  funded  property.  It 
 follows  from  this  that  there  is  no  description,  even  of  real  property, 
 which  might  not  be  seized  with  a  greater  semblance  of  justice  than 
 that  of  the  fundholder,  and  that  any  the  least  encroachment  on  the 
 funds  would  be  a  more  flagrant  outrage  on  all  those  ties  by  w-hich 
 property  is  made  sacred  and  secure,  than  could  in  any  other  way  be 
 perpetrated. 
 
 We  come  next  to  the  second  consideration, —  The  extent  of  distress 
 and  suffering  consequent  on  a  breach  of  faith  luith  the  national 
 creditor. 
 
 It  is  a  most  mistaken  idea  to  suppose  that  the  great  mass  of  funded 
 property  bulong.s  priucip'.vlly  to  monicd  men  and  capitalists.  These  have 
 rarely  much  property  in  the  funds  ;  if  they  have,  it  is  only  a  portion  of 
 their  unemployed  capital,  which  they  occasionally  lodge  there  for  a  few 
 
PUBLIC    ANNUITANTS — SAVINGS'    BANKS,    ETC.  361 
 
 days  or  weeks,  to  accomplish  some  stock -jobbing  speculation,  or  till 
 they  find  for  it  a  more  profitable  investment.  Neither  has  the  Aristo- 
 cracv  or  Church  considerable  deposits  in  the  funds  :  most  of  the  former, 
 from  waste  and  extravagance .  are  steeped  in  debt  and  mortsrage,  and, 
 notwithstanding  their  enormous  incomes,  from  rents,  tithes,  and  taxes, 
 they  have  hardly  a  shiUing  to  spare  for  necessary  expenses  '  and  the 
 rich  Clerey,  from  similar  want  of  prudence  and  economy,  are  in  a  not 
 less  embarrassed  predicament.  The  -great  bulk,  therefore,  of  property 
 permanently  invested  in  the  public  securities  is  tnist-propertr  :  property 
 left  for  charitable  uses  ;  property  belonging  to  suitors  in  Chancery ; 
 small  sums  belonging  to  officers  retired  from  service  in  the  armv  and 
 navy ;  the  funds  of  friendly  societies  and  savings'  banks  :  and  a  vast 
 number  of  small  annuitants,  consisting  of  minors,  orphans,  widows, 
 old  maids,  bachelors,  and  families  retired  from  business  and  the  world, 
 whose  sole  dependence  is  on  the  receipt  of  their  half-yearly  or  quarterlT 
 dividends,  and  who  having  vested  the  whole  proceeds  of  a  weary  life 
 on  the  faith  of  the  nation,  any  attack  on  the  funds  would,  to  them,  be  as 
 sudden  and  overwhelming  as  a  stroke  of  lightning. 
 
 On  this  part  of  the  subject  we  have  authentic  data  to  proceed  ;  we 
 know,  from  accounts  laid  before  parUament,  the  number  of  public  an- 
 nuitants, and  the  amount  of  property  vested  in  the  funds  on  account  of 
 benefit  societies,  savings"  banks,  and  suitors  in  Chancery.  From  a  par- 
 Uamentarv  paper,  (Xo.  41,  Session  1S30,)  it  appears  the  total  number 
 of  persons  receiving  half-yearly  dividends,  on  the  different  st<>cks.  con- 
 stituting the  Public  Debt,  amounts  to  274,8"23  ;  of  which  number  there 
 are  who  received, — 
 
 Not  exceeding 
 Xot  exceeding 
 Not  exceedincr 
 Xot  exceediuir 
 Not  exceeding 
 Not  exceeding 
 Not  exceeding 
 Not  exceeding 
 Not  exceeding 
 Exceedinsr  •  •  •  • 
 
 83.609  persons 
 
 42,227 
 
 ditto. 
 
 97,307 
 
 ditto. 
 
 26,316 
 
 ditto. 
 
 15.209 
 
 ditto. 
 
 4,912 
 
 ditto. 
 
 3,077 
 
 ditto. 
 
 1 ,555 
 
 ditto. 
 
 450 
 
 ditto. 
 
 161 
 
 ditto. 
 
 Several  annuitants  have  property  in  two  or  more  separate  stocks,  as 
 in  the  three  per  cents,  and  three-and-a-half  per  cents,  so  as  to  receive 
 dividends  quarterly :  suppose  nearly  one-third  are  of  this  description, 
 and,  instead  of  274,823,  there  are  only  200,000  national  creditors, 
 who  share  amonff  them  the  whole  interest  of  twenty-eight  millions, 
 payable  on  the  public  debt ;  in  which  case  each  receives,  on  an  average, 
 only  £140  a-year. 
 
 Think  of  the  consequence  of  extinguishing,  or  even  abridging  these 
 pettT  incomes  I  What  impoverishment  and  destitution  it  would  create 
 amouir  widows,  orphans,  the  aged,  and  infirm.  How  many  funds, 
 destined  for  charitable  uses,  or  for  mutual  assurance  against  misfortune. 
 
362  CATASTROPHE    OF    lUNDlNG    SYSTEM. 
 
 and  amassed  with  difficulty  out  of  the  earning's  of  the  industrious, 
 would  be  violated  !  From  official  returns,  in  1829,  it  appears  there  are, 
 in  the  United  Kingdom,  half  a  million  of  contributors  to  Savings'  Banks, 
 whoscdeposits  amount  to  upwards  of  1  7  millions.  In  1830  the  number  of 
 depositors  in  Savings'  Banks  in  England  only,  was  367,812;  their  total 
 investments  £13,080.255,  averaging  £34  to  each  depositor.  The 
 number  of  members  of  Friendly  Societies,  in  1815,  amounted  to 
 925,429;*  and  the  property  belonging  to  them,  vested  in  the  funds, 
 amounted  to  40  millions.  These  funds  have  been  raised  and  guaranteed 
 by  special  acts  of  parliament,  so  that  to  encroach  on  them  would  be  a 
 shameless  and  flagrant  violation  of  the  public  engagements. 
 
 It  is  not,  however,  the  public  annuitants  only  that  would  suffer  by 
 the  measure  we  are  considering ;  the  calamity  in  its  direct  and  indirect 
 consequences  would  fall  almost  exclusively  on  the  middling  and  indus- 
 trious orders.  Nearly  the  whole  interest  payable  on  the  Debt  is 
 expended  in  support  of  the  domestic  trade,  manufactures,  and  agri- 
 culture of  the  kingdom.  A  large  portion  of  the  revenue  of  the  higher 
 classes  is  consumed  abroad,  in  the  support  of  menial  servants,  or  in 
 articles  of  luxury,  which  create  hardly  any  traffic  or  employment ; 
 ■whereas  the  incomes  of  the  public  annuitants  are  chiefly  spent  among 
 ourselves,  in  the  employment  of  the  artisan  and  labourer,  and  in  dealings 
 with  the  grocer,  baker,  butcher,  linen-draper,  victualler,  builder,  car- 
 penter, &c.  It  follows  that  any  diminution  in  a  revenue  so  expended 
 would  inflict  incalculable  mischief  on  the  whole  internal  trade  and 
 economy ;  it  would  be  the  most  hurtful  of  all  remedies  that  could  be 
 applied  to  our  embarrassments  ;  for  there  is  no  other  description  of  pro- 
 perty, the  violation  of  which  Avould  cause  such  wide-spread  misery, 
 distress,  and  mercantile  stagnation.  A  man,  therefore,  Avho  brings 
 fonvard  such  a  scheme  must  not  only  be  an  enemy  to  the  general 
 welfare,  but  he  must  be  thoroughly  depraved,  and  an  alien  to  all  those 
 principles  of  justice  and  feelings  of  humanity  which  fit  an  individual  for 
 social  communion  and  intercourse. 
 
 We  come  to  the  third  and  last  consideration,  namely, —  The  facilities 
 a  breach  of  national  faith  would  afford  for  the  perpetuation  of 
 usurped  ayid  pernicious  poiver. 
 
 If  established  authority  be  adverse  to  the  general  interests,  whatever 
 tends  to  its  continuance  and  support  is  pernicious; — whatever  adds  to 
 the  power  of  the  Aveak  and  unprincipled  is  criminal,  [f  the  government 
 of  this  country  be  so  administered  as  to  be  unjust  and  oppressive,  what- 
 
 *  Parliamentary  Report,  No.  522,  Session  lb2ti.  From  Mr.  Pratt's  Tables  for 
 1831it  appears  tliere  are  4,117  Frieudly  Societies  in  England,  and  probably  the 
 nnmber  of  members,  since  1815,  has  augmented  to  1,500, 000,  with  a  correspond- 
 ing increase  of  funds.  It  is  gratifying  to  observe  the  progress  of  Friendly 
 Societies  and  Savings'  Banks  in  both  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  Their  success 
 must  be  satisfactory  to  those  who  consider  the  Avorking  people  deficient  in  pru- 
 dence and  foresight.  The  truth  is,  thoy  only  re(Hiire  to  be  made  acquainted 
 with  their  real  interests,  and  then,  like  the  more  educated,  they  would  doubtless 
 pursue  them. 
 
ATTACK    OF    THE    OLIGARCHY    ON    THE    FUNDS.        363 
 
 ever  tends  to  avert  its  reform  or  prolong  its  existence  must  be  repro- 
 bated by  every  patriotic  mind.  Now  it  is  certain  that  to  tolerate  any 
 the  least  attack  on  the  funds  would  place  an  uncontrolled  and  almost 
 unlimited  power  at  the  mercy  of  the  administration.  Should  ministers 
 be  once  allowed  openly  to  reduce  or  to  tax  the  public  annuities,  or  to 
 encroach  upon  them  under  any  form,  they  would  possess  an  inex- 
 haustible resource  for  domestic  profusion  and  future  war.  The  whole 
 interest  of  the  Debt  would  be  at  their  mercy,  and,  in  gradually  reducing 
 it,  they  would  have  the  means,  for  a  century  longer,  to  pursue  the  same 
 career  of  folly  and  injustice  which  they  had  pursued  in  the  century  that 
 is  past.  Thus  the  Debt,  instead  of  an  incumbrance,  would  be  a  real 
 treasure,  to  which  they  could  resort  on  every  emergency.  No  matter 
 how  small  the  tax  at  first  imposed ;  if  the  principle  be  once  admitted, 
 they  might  gradually  augment  their  exactions  on  the  public  creditor ; 
 the  machinery  would  be  made,  and  would  only  require  ivorking ;  in  a 
 word,  it  would  be  merely  retaining  the  money  in  their  own  hands, 
 instead  of  paying  it  half-yearly  to  the  fundholder. 
 
 The  first  step  in  this  proceeding  would  be  the  most  delicate,  and 
 require  great  caution  and  considerable  hypocrisy  in  the  execution. 
 First,  probably,  only  a  tax  of  one  per  cent,  or  even  a  quarter  per  cent, 
 would  be  proposed,  accompanied  with  deep  expressions  of  regret  on  the 
 imperious  necessity  that  had  rendered  necessary  such  a  painful  alter- 
 native. Having  got  the  handle  to  the  axe,  they  would  proceed  Avith  a 
 slow  but  sure  step,  screwing  up  the  fund-tax,  like  the  income-tax,  till 
 at  length  it  equalled,  in  amount,  the  dividends,  or,  in  a  word,  expunged 
 the  Debt ! 
 
 Such  a  villainous  procedure  would,  doubtless,  raise  a  great  outcry; 
 many  would  exclaim  against  the  violation  of  imblic  faith,  and  of  the 
 injustice  of  sacrificing  a  part  for  the  whole  ;  but  ministers  would  easily 
 find  excuses.  They  would  first  eat  up  all  their  former  declarations  on 
 the  great  advantages  of  national  integrity,  and  would  expatiate  on 
 the  great  advantages  of  national  bankruptcy.  They  would  plead  the 
 alteration  in  the  currency  as  one  pretext  for  their  injustice  ;  they  would 
 urge  the  great  law  of  self-preservation,  which  forbids  either  individuals 
 or  nations  to  bind  themselves  to  their  own  destruction ;  they  would 
 enlarge  on  the  impolicy  and  unreasonableness  of  adhering  to  engage- 
 ments that  would  destroy  the  sources  of  productive  industry,  and, 
 ultimately,  entail  ruin  on  all  classes,  even  the  annuitants  themselves. 
 Lastly,  they  would  plead  the  example  of  other  states,  of  their  "  magna- 
 nimous and  august  allies," — the  members  of  the  Holy  Alliance  and 
 Protocol  conferences,— all  of  whom  had  been  once  or  twice  bankrupt, 
 and  necessitated  to  compound  with  their  creditors.  The  knavery  and 
 sophistry  of  such  reasoning  would  be  apparent  to  all ;  but  the  majority 
 being  benefited  by  the  injustice,  it  is  probable  they  would  be  inclined  to 
 wink  at  the  transaction,  and  the  poor  fundholder  become  the  scape-goat 
 of  the  community. 
 
 It  may  appear  improbable,  at  first  sight,  that  a  government,  founded 
 on  the  basis  of   a  regard    to    "  property,   morality,  religion,"  and  an 
 
364  CATASTROPHE    OF    THK    FUNDING    SYSTEM. 
 
 abhorrence  of  "  blasphemy,"  should  resort  to  such  a  disg^raceful  expe- 
 dient, to  such  unprincipled  sophistry  ',  especially,  too,  as  a  breach  of 
 national  faith  would  be  a  violation  of  the  principle  to  which  they  have 
 been  accustomed,  on  all  occasions,  to  ascribe  the  prosperity,  glory,  and 
 independence,  of  the  empire.  This,  certainly,  at  first  view,  appears 
 improbaljle ;  but,  if  we  examine  the  subject  more  closely,  we  sliall  find 
 that  it  is  not  without  precedent,  and  that  it  would  be  less  inconsistent 
 with  former  practices  than  former  professions  of  our  rulers. 
 
 Firet,  there  is  the  Bank  Restriction  Act  of  1797.  This  measure, 
 in  its  nature,  was  full  as  unprincipled  an  attack  on  the  rights  of  private 
 property  and  the  sacredness  of  previous  engagements  aa  a  breach  of 
 national  faith  could  possibly  be.  Secondly,  there  are  various  suspen- 
 sions of  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act — the  passing  of  bills  of  indemnity  for 
 all  sorts  of  crimes — the  forging  of  French  assignats — the  attack  of 
 Copenhagen  —  the  blowing  up  of  the  Spanish  ships,  and  the  affair  of 
 Terceira :  all  these  measures  are  so  atrocious,  so  repugnant  to  every 
 principle  of  law,  humanity,  and  justice,  that  it  would  be  chimerical,  in 
 the  highest  degree,  to  suppose  that  the  men  who  could  advise  and  par- 
 ticipate in  them,  Avould  be  scrupulous  in  the  observance  of  their  engage- 
 ments with  the  public  creditor. 
 
 Yet  the  shame,  the  disgrace,  the  infamy  of  a  breach  of  faith  would 
 be  so  great ;  it  would  lay  bare  so  completely  the  unprincipled  policy  of 
 the  last  forty  years ;  it  would  so  entirely  unmask  the  principles  of  the 
 Oligarchy,  exposing  them  to  such  execration  and  deiision,  that  we  may 
 expect  it  to  be  staved  off  to  the  last  day ;  and  when,  at  length,  it  is 
 attempted,  it  will  be  disguised,  under  a  thousand  pretexts,  to  hide  its 
 deformity  from  the  world.  Come,  however,  it  must ;  for  there  is  no 
 other  alternative  likely  to  be  adopted ;  the  contest  is  betwixt  rent  and 
 tithe,  and  high  official  emoluments  on  one  hand,  and  the  payment  of 
 the  dividends  on  the  other:  to  pay  the  latter  the  former  must  be 
 sacrificed.  But  can  any  one  doubt  the  issue  of  the  conflict  ?  Can  it 
 be  doubted  which  party  will  go  to  the  wall,  should  the  Borough  pro- 
 prietors continue  to  monopolise  the  franchises  of  the  people  (  The 
 lords  of  the  soil  possess  all  political  power;  they  have  the  boroughs, 
 the  barracks,  and  the  powder-mills  at  their  command ;  they  will  take 
 care  of  TiiEMSELVKS  ;  and,  judging  from  the  facts  wo  have  enume- 
 rated, there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  their  love  of  justice  is  so  extreme 
 as  to  induce  them  to  abandon  their  all  to  preserve  inviolate  public 
 faith. 
 
 Before,  however,  the  fundliolders  are  sacrificed,  all  other  classes  will 
 be  degraded :  so  loth  will  be  the  Boronghmongers  to  touch  their  great 
 stalking-horse  of  public  credit,  that  they  will  endeavour  to  suj)port  it 
 on  the  ruins  of  the  other  orders  of  society.  First,  probably,  as  being 
 most  exposed  to  their  attacks,  the  poor-rate  will  l)e  attempted  ;  next  in 
 order  come  the  other  7inrcprescntcd  interests  of  the  community,  the 
 profits  of  all  the  productive  classes — the  farmers,  merchants,  and  trades- 
 men. If  the  degradation  of  these  classes,  if  the  appropriation  of  the 
 whole  of  their  revenue,  except  that  portion  necessary  to  a  bare  subsist- 
 
THE  DEBT  THE  BEST  ALLY  OF  THE  PEOPLE.    365 
 
 ence,  be  insufficient,  then  the  fundholder  will  be  assailed,  rather  than 
 rent  and  tithe  should  be  materially  reduced.  This  is  what  we  call  the 
 CATASTHOPHE  OF  THE  FUNDING  SYSTEM.  Without  a  parliamentary 
 reform  all  classes  will  be  sacrificed  to  the  preservation  of  the  Aristocracy. 
 When  the  full  payment  of  the  dividends  encroaches  on  the  sources  of 
 their  own  incomes,  they  will  be  forcibly  reduced,  and  the  only  favour 
 shown  to  the  fundholder  will  be  that  of  being  last  devoured! 
 
 We  have  thus  briefly  traced  what  appears  likely  to  be  the  catastrophe 
 of  the  funding  system,  the  consequence  of  an  attack  on  the  funds,  its 
 flagrant  injustice,  the  distress  and  suffering  it  would  occasion,  and  the 
 lasting  impunity  it  would  afford  to  corruption  and  misgovernment.  We 
 were  anxious  to  do  this  at  the  present  moment,  because  if  by  any  unfore- 
 seen event  the  hopes  of  the  nation  should  be  a  second  time  shipwrecked 
 in  regard  to  the  "  Bill"  and  the  Tories  regain  their  ascendancy,  it  is 
 not  improbable  the  desperate  expedient  of  robbing  the  fundholder  would 
 be  tried,  in  order  to  silence  the  cry  of  a  starving  population  for  economy 
 and  reform.  We  trust,  however,  the  public  will  be  on  its  guard  against 
 this  horrible  project ;  like  all  frauds,  it  will  be  clandestinely  and  insidi- 
 ously introduced  ;  therefore  it  behoves  them  to  be  constantly  on  the  alert. 
 So  long  as  the  Debt  is  safe,  it  is  the  best  ally  of  the  People,  but  the 
 moment  it  is  violated,  it  is  the  best  ally  of  Corruption. 
 
 If  a  general  sacrifice  be  required  to  save  the  country,  a  change  in  the 
 representation  is  an  indispensable  preliminary.  The  House  of  Commons, 
 in  lieu  of  representing  the  people,  represents  only  the  government  which 
 it  ought  to  control,  in  the  various  branches  of  the  executive,  the  aris- 
 tocracy, the  church,  the  army,  navy,  and  public  offices.  Embodying 
 such  partial  interests,  the  general  weal  must  be  invariably  compromised, 
 and  no  equitable  settlement  can  be  made.  Admit  the  intelligence  and 
 property  of  the  nation  to  have  their  due  weig-ht  in  the  public  councils, 
 and  the  best  and  most  salutary  measures  must  necessarily  be  adopted, 
 and  equity  and  safety  found  for  all. 
 
 This  is  all  the  people  require ;  they  do  not  want  p^7^/  nor  charity  ; 
 and  those  who,  during  their  periodical  suft'erings,  are  constantly  preach- 
 ing PATIENCE  to  a  famishing  population,  Avould  do  well  to  change  the 
 word  for  justice  from  their  rulers.  Justice  from  oppression  is  a 
 virtue ;  patience  under  undeserved  suffering  a  crime  ! 
 
TAXATION 
 
 GOVERNMENT    EXPENDITURE. 
 
 GENERAL    PRINCIPLES    OF    TAXATION    AND    FINANCE. 
 
 We  cannot  do  better  than  preface  the  subjects  of  this  chapter  by  stating' 
 a  few  g'eneral  principles  of  taxation  and  finance ;  they  are  principally 
 taken  from  Adam  Smith  and  Dr.  Hamilton,  and  for  the  most  part  are 
 so  self-evident  that  it  is  superfluous  to  adduce  any  argument  in  their 
 support  or  elucidation ;  and  the  others  may  be  inferred  by  a  very  obvious 
 train  of  reasoning.  Yet  measures  inconsistent  with  them  have  not  only 
 been  advanced  by  men  of  reputed  abilities,  but  have  been  acted  on  by 
 successive  administrations,  annuallv  supported  in  parliament,  and  ex- 
 tolled in  political  publications.  This  may  create  a  necessity  for  a  few 
 explanatory  observations,  and  which  we  shall  subjoin  in  a  separate 
 paragraph  immediately  after  each  consecutive  proposition. 
 
 I.  The  annual  income  of  a  nation  consists  of  the  united  produce  of 
 its  agriculture,  manufactures,  commerce,  and  industry.  This  income 
 is  the  source  from  Avhich  the  inhabitants  derive  the  necessaries,  com- 
 forts, and  luxuries  of  life ;  distributed,  according  to  their  stations,  in 
 various  proportions,  and  from  which  the  public  revenue,  necessary  for 
 civil  government  and  external  administration,  is  derived. 
 
 In  every  nation  a  part  of  the  annual  income  must  be  withdrawn 
 from  the  inhabitants  for  the  support  of  the  army  and  navy,  the  adminis- 
 tration of  justice,  and  other  public  purposes.  The  sum  thus  withdrawn, 
 however  reasonable  and  necessary,  is  abstracted  from  the  funds  which 
 supply  the  toants  of  the  people,  and,  consequently,  lessens  their  means 
 of  enjoyment.  Taxation,  therefore,  though  necessary,  is  a  positive 
 evil,  and  it  is  a  poor  set-off  to  allege  against  this  evil  that  it  may,  when 
 gradually  augmented,  operate  as  a  motive  to  greater  industry  and  eco- 
 nomy in  the  people.  The  natural  desire  of  advancement  in  life  and  to 
 participate  in  its  pleasures,  are  sufficient  inducements  to  frugality  and 
 industry  Vvithoiit  the  artificial  goad  of  the  tax-gatherer.  But  taxes  have 
 not  only  encroached  on  luxuries,  but  on  the  comforts  and  necessaries  of 
 the  productive  classes,  and  it  is  mere  sophistry  to  allege  that  they  are 
 
EFFECTS    OF    EXCESSIVE    TAXES.  367 
 
 either  harmless  or  beneficial ;  that  they  either  return  by  other  chan- 
 nels, or  are  a  simr  to  industry.  That  which  is  taken  and  consumed 
 can  never  be  returned  by  any  channel ;  and  that  can  never  form  a  spur 
 to  industry,  which  lessens  the  rewards  by  which  industry  is  excited  and 
 put  in  motion. 
 
 II.  The  portion  of  national  income,  Avhich  can  be  appropriated  to 
 public  purposes,  and  the  possible  amount  of  taxation,  are  limited ;  and 
 we  are  apparently  advanced  to  that  limit. 
 
 That  the  amount  of  taxation  is  limited,  and  that  we  have  reached 
 that  limit,  is  pretty  evident  from  the  generally  low  rate  of  profits  and 
 wag-es.  The  burthens  which  peculiarly  press  on  productive  industry 
 have  been  enumerated  (p.  279).  "  When,"  says  Mr.  M'CuUoch,  "  the 
 taxes  which  affect  the  industrious  classes  are  increased,  such  increase 
 must  either  immediately  fall  wholly  on  profits  or  wages,  or  partly  on 
 the  one  and  partly  on  the  other.  If  it  fall  on  profits,  it  makes,  of  course, 
 an  equivalent  deduction  from  them ;  and  if  it  fall  on  wages,  it  pro- 
 portionally depresses  the  condition  of  the  great  body  of  the  people."* 
 We  have  arrived  at  the  anomalous  state  in  finance  when  two  and  two  do 
 not  make  four.  Were  additional  taxes  imposed,  instead  of  increasing, 
 they  would  probably  diminish  the  total  amount  by  impairing  the  sources 
 from  which  they  would  be  derived.  The  effect  of  augmented  taxes 
 beyond  national  ability  was  finely  exemplified  in  the  case  of  Ireland. 
 The  revenue  of  Ireland,  in  1807,  amounted  to  £4,378,000.  Between 
 that  year  and  the  conclusion  of  the  war  taxes  were  imposed,  which,  ac- 
 cording to  the  calculations  of  chancellors  of  the  exchequer,  were  to 
 produce  £3,400,000,  or  to  augment  the  revenue  to  the  extent  of 
 £7,700,000.  What  was  the  result?  Why,  that  in  the  year  1821,  when 
 that  amount  ought  to  have  been  paid  into  the  Ti-easury,  the  whole 
 revenue  of  Ireland  amounted  only  to  £3,844,000,  being  £553,000  less 
 than  in  1807,  previously  to  one  farthing  of  these  additional  taxes  having 
 been  imposed.  Take  another  example  of  the  effect  of  a  seasonable 
 reduction  of  taxes  in  the  United  Kingdom.  Between  the  years  1823 
 and  1827  taxes  were  repealed  to  the  amount  of  £9,182,571,  but  the 
 nett  loss  sustained  by  the  revenue  was  only  to  the  amount  of  £3,308,3 1 6  : 
 the  enormous  difference  of  £5,874,255  being  made  up  by  increased 
 consumption.  The  Whig  ministry  repealed  duties  to  the  amount  of 
 £4,477,000  in  1831,  but  the  depression  in  all  the  great  branches  of 
 national  industry  has  prevented  the  loss  sustained  by  the  revenue  from 
 being  supplied  by  increased  consumption  in  the  proportion  experienced 
 by  their  predecessors. 
 
 III.  The  subjects  of  every  state  ought  to  contribute  towards  the  sup- 
 port of  the  government  as  nearly  as  possible  in  proportion  to  their 
 respective  abilities ;  that  is,  in  proportion  to  the  revenue  which  they 
 respectively  enjoy  under  the  protection  of  the  state.     The, expense  of 
 
 Principles  of  Political  Economy,  2nd  Edit.  p.  493. 
 
368      GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  TAXATION  AND  FINANCE. 
 
 government  to  individuals  is  like  the  expense  of  management  to  the 
 joint  tenants  of  an  estate,  who  are  all  obliged  to  contribute  in  proportion 
 to  their  respective  interests  in  the  estate.  In  the  observance  or  neglect 
 of  this  maxim  consists  what  is  called  the  equality  or  inequality  of 
 taxation. 
 
 IV.  The  tax  which  every  individual  is  bound  to  pay  ought  to  be  cer- 
 tain and  not  arbitraiy.  The  time  of  payment,  the  manner  of  payment, 
 the  quantity  to  be  paid  ought  all  to  be  clear  and  plain  to  the  contributor 
 and  to  every  other  person.  When  it  is  otherwise,  the  tax-paver  is  put 
 more  or  less  in  the  power  of  the  tax  gatherer,  who  can  either  aggravate 
 the  tax  on  any  obnoxious  contributor,  or  extort,  by  the  terror  of  such 
 aggravation,  some  perquisite  or  advantage  to  himself. 
 
 The  Assessed  Taxes,  especially  the  inhabited  house  duty,  and  most 
 duties  of  Excise,  contravene  this  principle. 
 
 V.  Ever)''  tax  ought  to  be  so  contrived  as  both  to  take  out  and  keep 
 out  of  the  pockets  of  the  people  as  little  as  possible,  over  and  above 
 what  it  brings  into  the  public  treasury  of  the  state.  A  tax  may  either 
 take  out  or  keep  out  of  the  pockets  of  the  people  a  great  deal  more  than 
 it  brings  into  the  public  treasury  in  the  four  following  ways  : — First, 
 the  levying  of  it  may  require  a  greater  number  of  officers,  whose  salaries 
 may  eat  up  the  greater  part  of  the  produce  of  the  tax,  and  whose  per- 
 quisites may  impose  another  additional  tax  upon  the  people.  Secondly, 
 it  may  obstruct  the  industry  of  the  peo])le,  and  discourage  them  from 
 applying  to  certain  branches  of  business  which  might  give  maintenance 
 and  employment  to  great  multitudes.  While  it  obliges  the  people  to 
 pay,  it  may  thus  diminish,  or  perhaps  destroy,  some  of  the  funds  which 
 might  enable  them  more  easily  to  do  so.  Thirdly,  by  the  forfeitures 
 and  penalties  which  those  individuals  incur  who  attempt  unsuccessfully 
 to  evade  the  tax,  it  may  frequently  ruin  them,  and  thereby  put  an  end 
 to  the  benefit  which  the  community  might  have  received  from  the  em- 
 ployment of  their  capitals.  Fourthly,  by  subjecting  the  people  to  the 
 frequent  visits  and  odious  examination  of  the  tax-gatherers,  it  may  ex- 
 pose them  to  much  unnecessary  trouble,  vexation,  and  oppression ;  and 
 though  vexation  is  not,  strictly  speaking,  expense,  it  is  certainly  equi- 
 valent to  the  expense  at  which  every  man  would  be  willing  to  redeem 
 himself  from  it. 
 
 Our  Excise  and  Custom  Duties,  which  form  the  great  sources  of  public 
 income,  are  mostly  a  violation  of  this  principle  of  Dr.  Smith.  The  two 
 principal  objects  of  our  aristocratic  legislators  have  been,  first,  to  tax 
 necessaries,  not  luxuries ;  secondly,  to  tax  industry,  not  property. 
 Thus  they  have  been  cutting  away,  not  at  revenue,  but  the  sources  of 
 revenue ;  they  have  been  rea])ing  the  seed,  not  the  ripened  fruit,  and 
 have  finally  exemplified  the  Fable  of  the  Goose  which  laid  golden  eggs. 
 Those  who  recommend  a  direct  tax  on  property  are  right ;  nothing  less 
 Avill  enable  the  country  to  meet  its  pecuniary  ditHculties,  and  get  rid  of 
 the  waste  and  folly  of  our  fiscal  administration. 
 
 VI.  In  time  of  war  taxes  may  be  raised  to  a  greater  height  than  can 
 
GENERAL    PRINCIPLES    OF    TAXATION    AND    FINANCE.    369 
 
 be  easily  borne  in  peaceable  times  ;  and  the  amount  of  the  additional 
 taxes,  together  Avith  the  surplus  of  the  peace  establishment,  applied  for 
 defraying-  the  expense  of  the  war. 
 
 It  is  not  intended  to  affirm  that  the  povrer  of  a  nation  to  bear  taxes 
 is  increased  in  consequence  of  its  being  eng-aged  in  war.  The  contrary 
 is  always  the  case.  Labour,  ag'ricultui'e,  commerce,  and  manufactures, 
 are  the  sources  fiom  which  all  revenue  is  derived.  Some  of  them  may 
 be  ameliorated,  but  they  are  depressed  on  the  whole,  and  do  not  attain 
 the  solid  prosperitij  they  would  have  attained,  had  not  war  intervened. 
 But  the  necessity  of  the  war,  real  or  imaginary,  has  a  powerful  influ- 
 ence on  the  public  mind,  and  reconciles  the  community  to  submit  to 
 privations,  which,  in  peaceable  times,  would  be  accounted  insuppor- 
 table. The  latter  is  the  sense  in  which  the  proposition  is  intended  to  be 
 understood. 
 
 VII.  The  expense  of  modern  wars  has  been  generally  so  great,  that 
 the  revenue  raised  within  the  year  has  been  insufficient  to  pay  it;  hence 
 the  necessity  of  having  recourse  to  the  system  of  funding,  or  antici- 
 pation. 
 
 Various  causes  may  be  assigned  for  the  increased  expense  of  modern 
 wars  :  the  nature  of  our  military  weapons  ;  the  entire  separation  of  the 
 character  of  the  soldier  from  that  of  the  citizen  ;  the  system  of  colonies 
 and  foreign  settlements,  in  consequence  of  which  a  contest,  that  a  few 
 centuries  ago  would  have  been  decided  by  a  battle  on  the  frontiers  of 
 the  contending  nations,  now  extends  the  ravages  of  war  to  every  part 
 of  the  globe  :  and,  since  the  imaginary  sj'Stem  of  the  balance  of  porvcr 
 has  prevailed,  large  sums  have  been  granted  by  states,  like  England, 
 more  ojmlent  than  wise,  as  subsidies  to  others,  supposed  to  be  interested 
 in  the  common  cause.  While  these  causes  have  led  to  great  expense, 
 the  increase  of  national  v.'ealth  has  supplied  the  means,  and  the  Rulers 
 of  this  nation,  in  particular,  by  artfully  supporting  the  illusion  of  a 
 Sinking  Fund,  and  a  well  regulated  system  of  transfer  of  stock,  have 
 been  able  to  draw  forth  a  larger  proportion  of  the  wealth  of  the  people 
 than  any  other  government  in  the  world. 
 
 VIII.  In  every  year  of  war,  where  the  funding  system  is  adopted, 
 the  amount  of  the  public  debt  is  increased;  and  the  total  increase  of 
 debt,  during  the  war,  depends  on  its  duration,  and  the  annual  excess 
 of  the  expenditure  above  the  revenue. 
 
 IX.  In  eveiy  year  of  peace,  the  excess  of  the  revenue  above  the  ex- 
 penditure ought  to  be  applied  to  the  discharge  of  the  national  debt ; 
 and  the  amount  discharged  during  any  period  of  peace  depends  upon 
 the  length  of  its  continuance,  and  the  amount  of  the  annual  surplus. 
 
 X.  If  the  periods  of  war,  compared  with  those  of  peace,  and  the 
 annual  excess  of  the  war  expenditure,  compared  with  the  annual  savings 
 during  the  peace  establishment,  be  so  related,  that  more  debt  is  con- 
 tracted in  every  war  than  is  discharged  in  the  succeeding  peace,  the 
 consequence  is  a  perpetual  increase  of  debt ;  and  the  ultimate  conse- 
 quence must  be,  its  amount  to  a  magnitude  which  the  nation  is  unable 
 to  bear. 
 
 2b 
 
370    GENERAL   PRINCIPLES   OT  TAXATION    AND    FINANCE. 
 
 XI.  The  only  effectual  remedies  to  this  danger  are  the  extension  of 
 the  relative  lengths  of  the  periods  of  peace  ;  frugality  in  peace  estab- 
 lishments ;  lessening  the  war  expenses  ;  the  increase  of  taxes,  whether 
 permanent  or  levied  during  war. 
 
 XII.  If  the  three  former  of  these  remedies  be  impracticable,  the  last 
 forms  the  only  resource.  By  increasing  the  war  taxes,  the  sum  required 
 to  be  raised  by  loan  is  lessened.  By  increasing  the  taxes  in  time  of 
 peace,  the  sum  applicable  to  the  discharge  of  debt  is  increased.  These 
 measures  may  be  followed  to  such  an  extent,  that  the  savings,  in  time 
 of  peace,  may  be  brought  to  an  equality  with  the  surplus  expenditure 
 in  time  of  war,  even  on  the  supposition  that  the  periods  of  their  rela- 
 tive duration  shall  be  the  same,  for  centuries  to  come,  that  they  have 
 been  for  a  century  past. 
 
 The  difficulty,  and  even  impossibility,  of  a  further  increase  of  taxes 
 has  been  considered.  Every  new  imposition,  as  the  limit  to  taxation 
 approaches,  becomes  more  oppressive  and  more  unproductive ;  and  if 
 Government  adhere  to  an  expenditure  beyond  the  ability  of  the  country 
 to  support,  it  is  impossible  to  escape  national,  or  more  properly  ^orer?i- 
 ment  bankruptcy .  So  long  as  the  practice  was  followed  of  defraying 
 almost  all  the  war  expenses  by  loans,  and  imposing  taxes  only  for  the 
 payment  of  interest,  the  burdens  of  war  were  so  lightly  felt,  that  the 
 promptness  of  the  Aristocracy  to  engage  in  war  was  scarcely  under  any 
 restraint.  Had  the  supplies  been  raised  within  the  year,  and  most  of 
 them  by  direct  taxation,  the  pressure  would  have  been  so  great,  that 
 it  would  have  probably  stimulated  the  people  to  restrain  their  rulers  from 
 engaging  in  hostilities  for  remote  and  delusive  objects.  Justice  to  pos- 
 terity required  this.  Every  generation  has  its  own  struggles  and  con- 
 tests. Of  these  and  these  only  it  ought  to  bear  the  burden  ;  and  the 
 great  evil  of  the  Funding  System  is,  that  it  enables  nations  to  transfer 
 the  cost  of  present  foUies  to  succeeding  generations. 
 
 XIII.  When  taxation  is  carried  to  such  an  extent  that  the  supplies 
 adequate  to  meet  a  war  expenditure  are  raised  within  the  vear,  the 
 aftairs  of  the  nation  will  go  on  under  the  pressure  of  existing  bui'dens, 
 but  without  a  continual  accumulation  of  debt,  which  w^ould  terminate 
 in  bankruptcy.  So  long  as  taxation  is  below  this  standard,  accumula- 
 tion of  debt  advances ;  and  it  becomes  more  difficult  to  raise  taxation 
 to  the  proper  height.  If  it  should  ever  be  carried  beyond  this  standard, 
 a  gradual  discharge  of  the  existing  burdens  will  be  obtained  ;  and  these 
 circumstances  will  take  place  in  the  exact  degree  in  which  taxation  falls 
 short  of  or  exceeds  the  standard  of  average  expenditure. 
 
 XIV.  The  excess  of  revenue  above  expenditure  is  the  only  real  Sink' 
 ing  Fund  by  which  public  debt  can  be  discharged.  The  increase  of 
 the  revenue  and  the  diminution  of  expense  are  the  only  means  by  which 
 this  Sinking  Fund  can  be  enlarged,  and  its  operation  rendered  more 
 effectual ;  and  all  scheines  for  discharging  the  National  Debt,  by  Sink■^ 
 ing  Funds  operating  by  compound  interest,  or  in  any  other  manner, 
 unless  so  far  as  they  are  founded  on  this  principle,  are  illusory. 
 
 Both  these  propositions  have  been  sufficiently  established  in  our  expo- 
 sition of  the  Funding  System. 
 
EXPENSE    OF    PULLIf:    OFFICRS.  .    371 
 
 ABUSES  IN  THE    EXPENDITURE    OF    GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The  labours  of  Mr.  Hume  and  Sir  Henry  Parnell  are  an  instance 
 of  what  the  ability  and  perseverance  of  a  few  individuals  may  accomplish. 
 It  is  not,  however,  so  much  the  good  effected  as  the  evil  prevented  that 
 entitles  them  to  the  gratitude  of  the  country.  Under  the  long  leaden 
 and  unprofitable  administration  of  Lord  Liverpool,  all  the  great  branches 
 of  public  expenditure  had  been  annually  augmenting ;  and  how  far  this 
 progression  w'ould  have  extended,  had  not  Mr.  Hume,  supported  by  a 
 small  phalanx  of  honest  persons,  commenced  his  exposures,  it  is  im- 
 possible to  say.  His  mode  of  attack  could  not  be  parried:  though  an 
 unofficial  man  himself,  he  showed  as  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
 details  of  the  public  accounts  as  John  Wilson  Croker,  Peregrine 
 Courtenay,  or  any  other  veteran  placeman.  Even  Sir  T.  Gooch  and 
 Lord  Wharncliffe  were  constrained  to  admit  the  value  of  his  services, 
 and  the  reductions  effected  in  the  public  departments,  prior  to  the  for- 
 mation of  Earl  Grey's  ministry,  are  chiefly  attributable  to  him  and  the 
 gentleman  we  have  mentioned. 
 
 In  the  course  of  this  section  we  purpose  to  bring  together  some  of 
 the  more  palpable  abuses  in  the  government  expenditure,  and  for  a 
 knowledge  of  many  of  which  the  public  is  indebted  to  a  valuable  work 
 of  Sir  Henry  Parnell,  On  Financial  Reform.  We  intend  to  avail  our- 
 selves of  this  gentleman's  publication,  though  we  cannot  say  the  member 
 for  Queen's  County  is  an  object  of  our  exclusive  admiration:  he  is  too 
 much  of  a  doctrinaire  for  us,  and  appears  to  repose  too  implicit  con- 
 fidence in  the  dogmas  of  the  Ricardo  school, — the  disciples  of  which 
 know  as  much  about  the  internal  state  of  the  country,  and  the  causes 
 and  remedies  of  its  embarrassments,  as  the  natives  of  Kamschatka. 
 But  this  infirmity  of  the  honourable  Baronet  does  not  impair  the  utility 
 of  the  facts  he  has  published,  nor  depreciate  the  important  information 
 collected  by  the  Finance  Committee  of  1828,  over  which  he  so  ably 
 presided. 
 
 The  following  is  Sir  Henry  Parnell's  list  of  the  several  departments 
 entrusted  with  the  business  of  expending  the  public  money,  pursuant  to 
 the  general  appropriation  of  it  by  parliament: — 
 
 1.  The  Treasury,  including  the  Commissariat  Department  in  1827,  £80,542 
 
 2.  The  Exchequer 48,000 
 
 3.  The  Audit-Office  in  1828 32,977 
 
 4.  The  Bank  of  England,  do 267,597 
 
 5.  The  Commissioners  of  the  Sinking  Fund,  do 10,350 
 
 6.  The  Civil  Department  of  the  Army,  do 1 08,837 
 
 7.  Do.  of  the  Navy,  do 179,647 
 
 8.  Do.  of  the  Ordnance  (the  Tower  and  Pall  Mall,)  do 57,961 
 
 £779,911 
 
 •  — — — 
 
 The  expense  of  the  Treasury  department  was,  in  1797,  only  £44,066; 
 so  that  it  has  nearly  doubled;  although  the  revenue,  the  superintending- 
 of  which  constitutes  the  chief  business  of  the  treasury,  was  as  great  as 
 
 2  B  2 
 
372  ABUSES    OF    THE    PUBLIC    DEPARTMENTS. 
 
 in  1827.  Does  not  this  show  the  profusion  with  which  salaries  have 
 been  increased,  and  offices  multiplied?  There  are  no  fewer  than  fifteen 
 clerks  in  the  treasury,  who  receive  salaries  amounting  to  £1000;  five 
 of  these  fifteen  receive  £1,500  a-year  each  and  upwards.  Their  duties 
 are  little  more  than  nominal;  they  seldom  attend  their  offices  hut  to 
 look  over  the  newspapers;  many  of  them  hold  two  or  more  offices  and 
 sinecures;  yet  with  all  their  official  appointments,  so  little  are  they 
 eng-aged  in  the  public  service,  that  they  may  be  mostly  seen  driving 
 about  town  in  their  stanhopes,  and  whiling  their  time  in  the  club-houses. 
 The  Exchequer. — This  is  one  of  the  most  absurd  and  lucrative 
 establishments  under  government.  As  the  chief  duty  of  the  exchequer 
 is  that  of  superintendence,  in  taking  care  that  there  are  no  issues  of 
 public  money  by  the  Treasuiy  contrary  to  parliamentary  direction,  it 
 ought  to  be  discharged  by  a  very  few  officers,  or  altogether  abolished. 
 However,  neither  economy  nor  common  sense  are  objects  sought  to  be 
 attained.  The  forms  by  which  business  is  carried  on  are  extremely  anti- 
 quated and  ridiculous,  and  as  remote  from  modern  practice  as  the  con- 
 veyance of  merchandize  by  packhorse  and  bells  is  from  the  cheapness 
 and  despatch  of  a  rail-road.  Our  limits  will  only  admit  of  a  brief 
 description  of  the  constitution  of  this  office,  and  the  mummery  and 
 nonsense  daily  perpetrated  there. 
 
 The  Exchequer  is  divided  into  seven  different  departments ;  the 
 tellers,  the  pells,  the  king's  remembrancers,  the  lord  treasurer's,  the 
 auditor's  office,  the  tally-court,  and  the  pipe-office.  The  pipe-office 
 alone  has  seven  subsidiary  absurdities;  among  these  are  the  clerk  of  the 
 nichills,  the  clerk  of  the  estreats,  and  the  cursitor  baron;  besides 
 which,  are  eight  sworn  attornies,  two  board-end  clerks,  and  eight 
 clerks  attached  to  the  sworn  attornies.  From  the  inquiries  of  a  parlia- 
 mentary commission,  it  seems  these  are  nearly  all  sinecurists.  Two  of 
 the  witnesses  examined  had  been  in  the  office,  one  eight  and  the  other 
 twenty-five  years,  and  they  stated,  during  that  time,  five  out  of  the 
 eight  attornies  never  came  near  the  office,  living  in  the  country  at  a 
 considerable  distance  from  London.  The  duties  of  their  clerks  were 
 not  more  onerous.  Three  of  them  were  at  school  long  after  being 
 appointed  to  their  situations.  One  of  them  admitted  that,  subsequently 
 to  his  nomination,  he  was  five  years  at  school  at  Chelsea,  two  years  in 
 a  conveyancer's  office,  and  that  he  now  practised  as  a  barrister,  and 
 might  look  into  the  office  once  in  a  month.  The  board-end  clerks 
 laboured  under  similar  lack  of  duties;  and  as  to  the  clerk  of  the  nichills, 
 the  name  is  sufficient  to  indicate  his  heavy  and  responsible  functions. 
 
 One  of  the  duties  of  the  Exchequer  is,  yearly  to  send  down  five  great 
 rolls  of  parchment  to  the  sheriffs,  containing  accounts  of  supposed 
 debtors  to  the  crown  during  the  last  300  years.  The  sheriff"  is  bound 
 to  summon  a  jury,  in  order  to  ascertain  what  money  is  due  to  the  crown 
 on  the  roll.  The  sending  of  the  roll  down  and  up  again,  occasions 
 considerable  expense,  and  is  as  useless  a  task  as  the  labours  of  Sisyphus. 
 The  farcical  ceremony  of  passing  the  sheriffs'  accounts  is  of  a  piece  with 
 the  rest,  and  resembles  a  game  on  the  draught-board.     Under  the  pre- 
 
THE    GREAT    EXCHEQUER    JOB.  373 
 
 tence  of  testing  the  account,  the  practice  is  to  throw,  in  the  presence 
 of  the  cursitor  baron,  small  copper  coins  behind  a  hat,  from  one  little 
 square  of  the  cloth  on  the  table  to  another;  when  the  sheriffs'  accounts 
 are  correct,  a  person  cries  out  "  tot;"  when  inaccurate,  another  person 
 cries  "  7iel ;"  and  according  as  these  words  are  uttered,  the  copper 
 coins  are  shifted  from  one  part  of  the  chequers  to  another.  All  these 
 antics  were,  probably,  of  use  prior  to  the  invention  of  arithmetic  and 
 book-keeping,  but  are  now  as  irrelevant  as  the  idle  pageant  of  a  coro- 
 nation or  lord  mayor's  show. 
 
 The'  manner  in  which  the  public  money  is  paid  in  to  the  tellers  is  a 
 similar  burlesque  on  real  life.  There  are  four  tellers,  and  each  has  a 
 little  pew  or  cabin,  in  which  he  or  his  deputy  sits,  with  a  suitable  com- 
 plement of  clerks,  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  the  produce  of  the  taxes 
 nominally  paid  to  him,  but  in  reality  to  the  clerks  of  the  Bank  of  Eng- 
 land, three  of  whom  attend  in  an  adjoining  room  to  receive  the  money 
 paid  out  of  the  Bank  to  be  paid  into  the  Bank  again.  The  tellers, 
 under  the  mockery  of  receiving  the  stamp,  excise,  and  other  duties, 
 sign  a  parchment,  written  in  a  mixture  of  Latin  or  Saxon,  or  other 
 jargon,  which  is  as  unintelligible  to  any  one  but  a  teller  as  the  unknown 
 tongues  of  Mr.  Irving.  They  next  pass  a  roll  through  a  pipe  into  a  room 
 below,  and  there  it  is  cut  into  a  particular  shape,  and  carried  to  the 
 auditors  of  the  Exchequer.  A  wooden  tally  was  formerly  used,  which, 
 within  the  last  two  years,  has  been  exchanged  for  one  of  parchment. 
 But  the  inconvenience  and  absurdity  of  the  formality  is  so  great,  that 
 Exchequer  payments  have  been  lately  abolished,  and  they  are  now 
 managed  by  clerks  of  the  Treasury. 
 
 From  Madox's  History  of  the  Court  of  Exchequer,  it  appears, 
 scarcely  any  alteration  has  been  made  in  this  department  since  the  reign 
 of  Henry  II.  Tlie  reason  is  obvious  enough.  There  are  vested  rights, 
 claims  of  seniority,  and  reversionary  interests  in  the  way ;  and  no  reform 
 can  be  introduced  till  all  these  expectancies  are  satisfied,  and  it  has  been 
 the  policy  hitherto  to  take  special  care  such  expectancies  never  shall  be 
 satisfied,  by  promptly  filling  up  every  vacant  appointment  the  moment 
 it  occurs.  The  most  valuable  sinecures  in  the  Exchequer  are  held  by 
 peers  and  their  relatives,  and  the  emolument,  fees,  and  patronage  are 
 so  great,  that  it  can  hardly  excite  surprise  the  carnival  doings  we  have 
 described  have  been  so  carefully  preserved. 
 
 For  the  gratification  of  tax  payers  we  subjoin  a  statement  of  the 
 sums  annually  swamped  in  the  '*  great  Exchequer  job." 
 
 Auditor's  OflSce  £        s.     d. 
 
 Salaries     13,004    9     2§ 
 
 Contingencies  unknown  from  the  want  of  documents,  in  an  office 
 professing  to  check  all  the  other  departments  of  the  state. 
 
 Pells'Office.     Salaries £7,60G    9  10 
 
 Contingencies 7015     3 
 
 7,677     5     1 
 
 Carried  forward . . .  .£20,081  14     3^ 
 
374  THE    AUDIT    OFFICE. 
 
 15 jought  forward £20,G81  1-1     3^ 
 
 Tellers'  Ollices. 
 
 IMarquis  Camden's  Salaries 5,700    0    0 
 
 Contingencies 312     2  11 
 
 G,012     2   11 
 
 Earl  Bathurst's  Salaries    5,800     0     0 
 
 Rt.  Hon.  Charles  Vorke's  Salaries 5,708     5     4 
 
 Spencer  Percival,  Esq.'s  Salaries   5,390  14     0 
 
 Four  Money  Porters 1,020     4     0 
 
 Contingencies  of  the  four  departments,  exclusive  of  station- 
 ery, the  expense  of  which  is  unknown 11^     '*     ■^ 
 
 £44,792     4     9^ 
 
 Of  this  sum  about  one-fourth  is  paid  for  sinecures,  so  complete, 
 that  in  the  words  of  the  return,  "  the  Teller  is  empowered  by  his  patent 
 to  appoint  a  deputy,  who  transacts  all  the  business  of  the  office.  The 
 Teller  himself  does  not,  nor  has  it  been  usual  for  him,  to  execute  any 
 part  of  it  whatsoever." 
 
 The  Auditor  is  virtually  a  sinecure;  the  ?noney  porters,  who  perform 
 the  heavy  drudgery  of  carrying  slips  of  paper  and  parchment,  are  paid 
 indifferently  well;  and  there  are  five  heads  of  offices  who  have  deputies 
 to  act  for  them  "  in  the  general  superintendence  of  the  office  during 
 any  occasional  absence." 
 
 The  following  gives  an  account  of  the  salaries  received  for  "  respon- 
 sibility," and  of  those  paid  for  work. 
 
 £        .1.    (I. 
 
 Total  expense  in  salaries 44,290    2     4§ 
 
 Four  Tellers  at  £2,700  per  annum £10,800 
 
 One  Auditor    4,000 
 
 Five  Heads  of  Departments 5,400 
 
 Four  Money  Porters £1,020     4     0 
 
 Deduct  as  wages    320    4     0 
 
 700 
 
 f  for  Sinecures  or  "  Responsibility" 20,900    0    0 
 
 Salaries^  — — — 
 
 (for  Work 23,396     2     4$ 
 
 The  Commissioners  of  1831  recommend  that  the  whole  of  the  present 
 machinery  should  be  entirely  swept  away,  and  suggest  the  erection  of 
 a  new  office  upon  a  new  system — but  then,  agreeably  Avith  the  established 
 routine  in  such  cases,  the  j)ublic  Avill  have  to  provide  double — salaries 
 for  the  new,  and  pensions  and  compensations  for  the  old  officials  ! 
 
 The  Audit  Office. — This  is  as  snug  and  delightful  a  retreat  as  any 
 in  the  public  departments.  Were  a  proper  system  adopted  in  keeping 
 the  public  accounts,  this  office  might  be  dispensed  with.  In  1806,  an 
 attempt  was  made  to  improve  the  audit  department,  and  the  way  this 
 was  set  about  is  a  very  apt  specimen  of  the  mode  of  reforming  govern- 
 ment abuses  in  those   days.     A   chairman   of  the  Board  was  created, 
 
ARMY    DEPARTMENT — ARMY    AXiENTS,    &.C.  375 
 
 salary  £1,500;  four  new  members,  each  £1,200 ;  asecretary,  aforeigner, 
 £1,000;  six  inspectors,  each  £600;  and  eight  additional  examiners;  Avith 
 numerous  other  appointments,  Avhich  increased  the  expense  from  about 
 £14,000  to  £38,000;  and  after  all  the  establishment  was  made  less 
 efficient  than  under  the  old  and  less  expensive  system. 
 
 Civil  Department  of  the  Army. — The  office  of  paymaster  of  the 
 forces  is  a  sinecure.  The  business  is  performed  by  a  deputy  and  three 
 cashiers.  As  each  of  these  persons  has  a  power  of  drawing  money  out 
 of  the  Bank  of  England  on  his  own  order,  the  effect  of  the  office  being 
 a  sinecure  is  to  diminish  considerably  the  security  of  the  public*  It  is 
 also  attended  with  this  further  inconvenience,  that  it  multiplies  the  num- 
 ber of  imprest  accountants,  and  thus  augments  the  difficulty  of  establish- 
 ing a  proper  system  of  keeping  the  public  accounts. 
 
 The  account  called  Army  Extraordinaries  is  liable  to  great  abuse 
 and  mystification.  Under  this  head,  payments  are  made  which  have 
 nothing  to  do  with  the  army ;  the  sums  voted  by  parliament  seldom  ex- 
 ceed £900,  while  the  sum  expended  commonly  amounts  to  three  mil- 
 lions. This  scheme  serves  to  conceal  from  the  public  a  great  deal  of 
 wasteful  and  illegal  expenditure  ;  for  instance,  the  sum  paid  at  home  to 
 colonial  agents,  and  the  sum  drawn  from  abroad  for  colonial  expenses, 
 although  they  are  wholly  for  civil  colonial  pui'poses,  are  paid  as  army 
 extraordinaries,  and  without  any  previous  vote  of  parliament ;  which  is 
 thus,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Sir  H.  Parnell,  mislead  by  the  annual 
 production  of  an  account  wdth  "  a  perfectly  false  title." 
 
 The  employing  of  Commissioners  of  Accounts  abroad  was  suggested 
 in  consequence  of  the  great  accumulation  of  accounts  during  the  war  ; 
 but,  since  the  conclusion  of  it,  the  motives  which  originated  the  plan 
 have  gradually  ceased  to  have  any  force,  and  therefore  the  public  ought 
 to  be  saved  the  expense  of  such  useless  functionaries.  Where  too  is  the 
 necessity  for  incurring  the  expense  of  having  army  agents  ?  The  ac- 
 counts of  the  paymasters  of  regiments  are  examined  at  the  War-office, 
 and  not  by  the  agents  ;  and  all  the  agents  do  for  the  public  is  to  re- 
 ceive money  from  the  paymasters  of  the  forces,  and  to  pay  with  it  the 
 drafts  of  the  regimental  paymasters:  the  other  duties  are  private,  and 
 for  the  benefit  of  officers  of  the  army. 
 
 Royal  Military  Academy,  Woolwich. — This  establishment  might 
 be  appropriated  to  much  better  purposes  than  the  nursing  of  some  dozen 
 or  so  artillery  and  engineer  officers.  Long  after  the  peace  the  Academy 
 was  maintained  at  an  annual  expense  of  £20,000  and  upwards  ;  the 
 average  cost  to  the  public  of  the  cadets  admitted  to  commissions  in 
 the  army,  in  1820,  was  £920  each.  The  charge  for  civil  officers,  pro- 
 fessors and  masters,  for  the  year  ending  in  1831,  was  £3402.  Even 
 this  is  too  much  ;  especially  as  the  knowledge  taught  at  the  Academy 
 is  quite  elementary,  and  might  just  as  well  be  learnt  at  any  private  mili- 
 
 *  Sir  H.  Parnell  on  Financial  Reform,  p.  141. 
 
376      NAVY  AND   DOCK-YARDS — PAYMASTER  OF  MARINES. 
 
 tary  school.  If  instruction  were  made  to  begin  at  the  Academy  just 
 where  it  stops  at  present,  that  is,  when  the  cadets  are  seventeen  or 
 eighteen  years  old,  then  there  might  be  some  reason  in  keeping  it  up; 
 because  tlie  instruction  afforded  to  uilicers  might  be  of  such  a  description 
 in  the  higher  branches  of  miUtary  art,  as  could  not  be  attained  else- 
 \vhere. 
 
 Department  of  the  Navy  and  Dock  Yards. — The  first  lord  com- 
 missioner of  the  admiralty  has  a  salary  of  £4,500,  with  an  otKcial  resi- 
 dence, and  four  other  commissioners  £1,000  a-year  with  an  otBcial  resi- 
 dence each;  the  first  secretary  £3,000,  the"  second  do  1,500;  the 
 comptroller  of  the  navy  has  £'2,000,  with  a  residence,  the  deputy-comp- 
 troller of  ditto,  £1,200;  besides  which,  are  an  immense  number  of  com- 
 missioners of  the  navy,  and  commissioners  of  the  dock -yards  with  sala- 
 ries of  £1,000  each.  A  most  objectionable  office  kept  up  by  the  Tories 
 was  the  treasurership  of  the  navy — a  mere  sinecure ;  it  has  been  conso- 
 lidated by  the  Whigs  with  the  vice-presidentship  of  the  Board  of  Trade. 
 The  expenditure  in  the  Royal  Dock-yards  and  arsenals  is  most  lavish 
 in  storekeepers,  clerks,  chaplains,  surgeons,  measurers,  master-atten- 
 dant, master-shipwright  and  others,  many  of  whom  are  apparently  kept 
 up  for  mutual  superintendence,  and  forming  a  gradation  of  office  and 
 multiplication  of  expense  wholly  unnecessary.  Not  a  single  trade  is 
 carried  on  without  a  master;  there  is  a  master-smith,  bricklayer,  sail- 
 maker,  rigger,  rope-maker,  painter,  and  others;  they  have  each  £250 
 a-year,  and  many  of  them  have  not  above  four  or  five  men  under  their 
 superintendence.  How  differently  private  and  public  business  is  con- 
 ducted, was  strikingly  shown  in  the  evidence  of  Mr.  Barrow.  There  is 
 a  private  builder  who  employs  250  shipwrights :  he  has  one  foreman, 
 one  measurer,  two  clerks,  and  ten  labourers.  In  Woolwich  yard,  which 
 comes  the  nearest  to  it,  there  are  248  shipwrights,  eighteen  clerks,  six 
 masters'  of  trades,  eight  foremen,  eight  measurers,  eleven  cabin-keepers ; 
 besides  surgeons,  boatswain,  wardens,  and  other  people.  The  whole  esta- 
 blishment of  the  officers,  clerks,  and  other  salaried  persons  at  the  dock- 
 yard, amounts  to  £155,000,  and  the  amount  of  wages  paid  for  work  done 
 by  artificers  and  labourers,  &c.  is  £502,000.  It  thus  appears  that  for 
 every  three  pounds  and  a  quarter  paid  to  the  men,  there  is  a  pound  paid 
 for  superintendence. 
 
 The  Paymaster  of  the  Marines  has  a  salary  of  £1,000,  for  the  dis- 
 charge of  duties  which  might  be  very  well  annexed  to  the  Navy-office. 
 '•  As  to  the  reasons,"  says  Sir  H.  Parnell,  "  that  are  given  to  the  con- 
 trary, they  are  so  plainly  nothing  more  than  ingenious  pretexts  for  main- 
 taining a  lucrative  office,  that  it  would  be  a  waste  of  time  to  notice 
 them." 
 
 The  naval  accounts,  as  indeed  all  the  accounts  of  the  public  offices, 
 are  kept  on  a  confused  and  most  inconvenient  principle,  from  the 
 want  of  a  well-arranged  plan  of  book-keeping.  Each  description  of 
 expenditure  has  its  distinct  set  of  books,  making  thirty-three  in  all, 
 and  tending  greatly  to  the  increase  of  expense  by  the  multiplication  of 
 clerks.     At  present  the  payment  of  officers  and  seamen's  wages  is  made 
 
 .      J 
 
PEACE    ESTABLlSHMEiXTS  — SETTLEMENT    OF    EUROPE.     377 
 
 in  the  piesence  of  four  clerks,  in  order  to  have  three  clerks  checking 
 the  accuracy  of  every  sum  paid  by  the  fourth.  As  these  clerks  are 
 selected  from  different  branches,  and  as  each  keeps  a  book,  so  many 
 books  are  kept  in  triplicate,  that  they  amount,  in  the  whole,  to  1580 
 supernumerary  volumes. 
 
 Increase  in   Peace   Establishments. — The   following-  comparison  of 
 the  peace  establishments  of  1792  and  of  1831  is  very  instructive. 
 
 Year  1792.  l>ar  1831. 
 
 Army   ±'2,330,349  £6,991,163 
 
 Navy 1,985,482  5,309,605 
 
 Ordnance   444,803  1,013,908 
 
 Total  char-e....   £4,700,094      £13,914,670* 
 
 it  thus  appears  the  peace  establishment  of  1831  exceeds  that  of 
 1792  nearly  threefold,  and  that,  since  1815,  upwards  of  250  millions 
 liave  been  expended  on  soldiers,  sailors,  ships,  and  artillery  ;  although 
 we  have  been  all  the  time  in  a  state  of  g-eneral  tranquillity.  The  only 
 ground  on  which  it  is  attempted  to  justify  the  expenditure,  so  enormous- 
 ly great  in  comparison  with  that  of  any  former  peace  establishment,  is 
 the  expediency  of  being  at  all  times  prepared  for  war.  So  that  after 
 expending  upwards  of  eleven  hundred  millions  in  the  purchase  of  a 
 secure  and  lasting  peace  ;  after  sacrificing  millions  in  fortifying  Belgium 
 against  French  aggression  ;  after  erecting  splendid  and  costly  monuments 
 to  commemorate  the  glorious  triumphs  of  Waterloo  :  after  all  these 
 efforts,  glories,  and  sacrifices,  Ave  cannot  yet  sit  down  in  safety, 
 without  bristling  on  all  sides  with  cannons  and  bayonets.  Is  this,  we 
 ask,  any  proof  of  progression  in  human  affairs  ?  Is  this  the  boasted 
 "  settlement  of  Europe  ?"  Are  these  the  blessings  of  legitimate  and 
 constitutional  monarchies  ?  Are  nations,  in  their  relations  to  each  other, 
 always  to  exemplify  the  condition  of  man  in  a  state  of  nature,  with 
 couched  lance,  watchful  eye,  and  trembling  heart,  fearing  to  be  the 
 victim  of  beasts  of  prey  or  of  the  tomahawk  and  scalping-knife  of  his 
 not  less  savage  fellow-creature  ?  If  these  are  all  the  guarantees  of 
 social  happiness  which  aristocratic  governments  can  give,  we  say, — 
 Away  with  them  !  let  us  try  new  men,  new  principles,  and  new  insti- 
 tutions ! 
 
 A  principal  cause  of  the  vast  increase  in  the  military  expenditure  of 
 the  country  is  the  number  and  establishments  of  the  army.  From  the 
 inquiries  of  the  Finance  Committee,  it  appears  that,  in  1792,  the 
 number  of  all  ranks  in  the  army  was  57,251  ;  and  that,  according  to 
 the  statement  of  Sir  H.  Parnell,  they  were  distributed  as  follows  : — 
 
 *  Aniuidl  Finance  Accounts,  p.  21.   Sess.  1831. 
 
378 
 
 EXPENSE    OF    THE     HOIISEHOLU    TllOOPS. 
 
 Officers  and  Men 
 
 Great  Britain   17,007 
 
 Ireland 1 1,901 
 
 East  Indies 10,700 
 
 Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  and  liermuda   6,061 
 
 Gibraltar   4,221 
 
 West- India  Islands     6,886 
 
 New  South  Wales 475 
 
 57,251 
 
 In  1828,  the  number  of  all  ranks  was  116,738  ;  the  distribution  was 
 as  follows : — 
 
 Great  Britain    29,616 
 
 Ireland 23,969 
 
 Colonies     37,037 
 
 East  Indies  26,1 16 
 
 116,738 
 
 The  chief  part  of  the  increase  is  accounted  for  as  under  :  — 
 
 Increase  in  the  New  Colonies   17,112 
 
 Increase  in  the  Old  Colonies    849 
 
 Increase  in  Great  Britain 9,094 
 
 Increase  in  Ireland 10,363 
 
 Increase  in  the  East  Indies    14,287 
 
 51,705 
 
 Allowing  that  the  extent  of  our  foreign  possessions  has  rendered 
 necessary  an  increase  in  the  army,  this  does  not  apply  to  the  household 
 troops,  as  they  are  never  sent  abroad  in  time  of  peace.  Yet  it  is  in  this 
 branch  of  the  service,  and  in  dragoons,  that  there  has  been  the  greatest 
 augmentation.  The  folloAving  statement  shows  the  increase  of  life  and 
 foot  guards  and  cavalry  at  the  two  periods  : — 
 
 RANK  and  FILE. 
 
 Officers  and  Non- 
 commissioned 
 Officers  in  1830. 
 
 Total  of   Men 
 
 and    Officers    in 
 1830. 
 
 Increase  in  Rank 
 
 1792. 
 
 1830. 
 
 and  File  in 
 1830. 
 
 Life  Guards    . . . , 
 Horse  Guards    • . 
 Dragoon  Guards  . 
 
 Dragoons     
 
 Foot  Guards  .... 
 
 411 
 261 
 696 
 
 2,080 
 3,126 
 
 688 
 
 344 
 2,-268  I 
 5,152  S 
 5,760 
 
 187 
 86 
 
 1,506 
 
 848 
 
 875 
 430 
 
 9,326 
 
 6,608 
 
 277 
 
 83 
 
 S  1,972 
 
 I  3,072 
 
 2,634 
 
 Total  Number    . . 
 
 6,574 
 
 14,212     j          2,627 
 
 17,239 
 
 8,038 
 
 These  are  the  most  expensive  classes  in  the  army,  and  chiefly  kept 
 for  domestic  use.     The   sums  saved   by  the   reduction  of  the   cavalry 
 
EXCESS    OF    NAVAL    EXPENDITURE — COLONIES.  379 
 
 force  would  be  very  considerable,  since  the  expenses  of  every  horseman 
 are  nearly  as  great  as  those  of  the  junior  clerks  in  the  public  offices, 
 some  of  whom  have  been  so  unsparingly  reduced  that  their  superiors  might 
 enjoy,  undiminished,  their  overgrown  emoluments.  The  expense  of  a 
 dragoon  and  horse,  exclusive  of  forage,  &c.  is  £57  a  year,  and  of  a  life 
 and  horse  guardsman  £75  a  year ;  whilst  the  charge  for  infantry  of  the 
 line  is  only  £31  per  man. 
 
 The  guards  are  chiefly  intended  for  the  maintenance  of  the  peace 
 in  the  metropolis,  for  the  protection  of  the  Bank,  the  Tower,  and 
 royal  palaces.  But  there  can  be  less  need  of  this  expensive  corps  now 
 we  have  a  military  police,  for  the  security  of  property  and  persons,  and 
 ready  to  aid  the  established  authorities  in  case  of  civil  commotion.  Surely 
 4000  constables,  trained,  organised,  and  barracked,  and  under  the 
 entire  control  of  Ministers,  might  enable  them  to  dispense  with  at  least 
 one  regiment  of  the  household  force. 
 
 Many  millions  have  been  imnecessarily  expended,  since  the  Peace, 
 on  our  maritime  establishments.  In  1830,  30,000  seamen  were 
 voted,  and  £1,657,601  to  defray  the  charges  of  their  wages  and 
 victuals.  With  the  exception  of  Russia  and  the  United  States,  the 
 naval  force  of  eveiy  other  power  is  less  than  at  the  breaking  out  of 
 the  war  in  1793.  Neither  Spain  nor  Holland  has  any  navy  of  conse- 
 quence ;  and  France,  which  at  the  commencement  of  the  Revolution 
 had  eighty  efficient  ships  of  the  line,  has  now  not  more  than  forty. 
 What  occasion,  then,  can  there  be  for  Great  Britain  to  expend  annually 
 £1,300,000  on  her  dock-yards,  and  incur  a  naval  expenditure, 
 altogether,  of  more  than  five  millions  ? 
 
 Expenditure  of  the  Colonies. — These  are  a  tremendous  burthen  on 
 the  resources  of  the  mother  country,  chiefly  to  provide  governorships, 
 secretaryships,  registrarships,  agencies,  and  sinecures  for  the  Aristo- 
 cracy and  their  connexions.  No  parliamentary  document  shews  what 
 the  whole  expense  is  that  is  paid  by  English  taxes  on  account  of  the 
 colonies.  It  is  generally  estimated  that  from  two  to  three  millions  are 
 paid  for  the  army,  navy,  and  various  civil  charges ;  but  in  addition  to 
 this  the  public  pay  full  two  millions  more  for  sugar  and  timber  than 
 they  ought  to  pay,  in  consequence  of  the  increased  prices  occasioned  by 
 the  protection  given  to  the  colonists  by  the  higher  duties  imposed  on 
 these  articles  when  imported  from  foreign  countries.* 
 
 There  are  only  three  ways  that  the  Colonies  can  be  of  any  advantage. 
 1.  In  furnishing  a  military  force;  2.  In  supplying  the  parent  state 
 with  a  revenue ;  3.  In  affording  commercial  advantages. 
 
 Instead  of  furnishing  a  military  force,  the  colonies  are  always  a 
 great  drain  upon  our  military  resources,  particularly  in  war,  when 
 they  occupy  a  large  portion  of  the  army  and  fleet  in  their  defence. 
 With  respect  to  revenue,  it  has  been  declared,  by  the  act  of  the  1  8 
 Geo.  III.  that  no  taxes  or  duties  shall  be  levied  on  the  colonies,  except 
 
 *  Sir  Henry  Parnell  on  Financial  Reform,  p.  234. 
 
380  LOSSES    BY    TERIIITOUIAL    ACQUISITIONS. 
 
 for  iheir  use.  As  to  commercial  advantages,  if  the  colonial  trade 
 were  quite  free,  our  commercial  relations  with  the  colonies  wnuld  re- 
 semble the  intercourse  between  ourselves  and  independent  countries ; 
 and,  with  our  unrivalled  superiority  in  capital,  manufactures,  machinery, 
 and  skill,  what  have  we  to  fear  from  unrestricted  competition  ?  Wiiat 
 have  we  lost  by  the  inde])endence  of  the  United  States  ?  Nothing  :  the 
 nobility  have  lost  provincial  governorships  ;  but  the  population  of  both 
 countries  has  been  einichcd  and  benefited  by  the  vast  augmentation  in 
 their  mercantile  intercourse. 
 
 Tiie  rage  for  colonics  has  been  one  of  the  great  big-  blunders  of  our 
 national  policy,  originating  in  the  vain  glory  of  conquest  and  aristo- 
 cratic cupidity.  England  has  neither  conferred  nor  derived  social 
 happiness  from  territorial  acquisitions.  We  may  have  imparted  strength 
 to  others,  but  have  received  in  return  only  the  disease  of  monopolies 
 and  vast  individual  accumulations.  How,  indeed,  could  the  results  have 
 been  more  favorable  ?  A  great  nation,  possessing  within  herself  the 
 resources  of  wealth  and  civilization,  what  advantage  can  she  derive 
 from  exhausting  her  energies  in  rearing  to  maturity  and  fostering 
 ingratitude  in  the  unfledged  offspring  of  future  empires?  Between 
 old  and  infant  communities  there  is  not  reciprocity  of  interest ;  the 
 latter  participate  in  the  benefits  of  the  experience,  laws,  institutions, 
 warlike  power,  and  riches  of  the  former  without  yielding  countcn-ailing 
 advantages  :  it  is  strength  allying  itself  to  weakness — the  full-grown 
 oak  bending  to  the  palsying  embiace  of  the  creeping  ivy. 
 
 So  convinced  are  we  of  the  fatuity  of  our  conduct  in  this  respect, 
 that  we  are  sometimes  inclined  to  think  that  we  should  have  been  a 
 happier  community  had  our  sway  never  extended  over  the  border. 
 Scotland  has  benefited  by  the  Union :  her  soil  has  been  fertilised  by 
 our  capital,  and  her  greedy  sons  have  enriched  themselves  by  sinecures 
 and  pensions,  the  produce  of  English  taxes;  but  what  has  England 
 gained  from  the  connexion  ?  The  generous  and  intellectual  character 
 of  her  Saxon  race  has  not  been  improved  by  amalgamation  with  Scotch 
 metaphysics,  thrift,  and  servility.  Again,  what  benefits  have  we 
 derived  from  the  conquest  of  Ireland  ?  Her  uncultivated  wastes,  too, 
 will  be  made  fruitful  by  English  money,  unless  the  connexion  be 
 prematurely  severed :  but  what  boon  in  return  can  she  confer  on 
 England  ?  Her  miserable  children  have  poured  out  their  blood  in  our 
 wars  of  despotism ;  our  rich  Aristocracy  have  been  made  richer  by  the 
 rental  of  her  soil ;  and  the  aggregate  power  of  the  empire  has  been 
 augmented :  but  we  seek  in  vain  for  the  benefits  communicated  to  the 
 mass  of  the  English  population.  Certainly  we  do  not  recognise  them 
 in  the  degraded  situation  of  the  "  men  of  Kent,"  depressed  by  compe- 
 tition with  the  Hibernian  peasantry  ;  neither  have  the  moral  habits  of 
 our  rural  and  manufacturing  })Oi)ulation  been  bettered  by  commingling 
 Avith  the  wretched  and  half-civilized  emigrants  from  Munster  and 
 Connaught. 
 
 But  these,  at  best,  are  only  unprofitable  lamentations;  it  is  vain  to 
 repine  at  remediless  evils  ;  the  union  of  England,   Scotland,  and    Ire- 
 
COLONIES    FOR    THE    ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 381 
 
 land,  is,  we  presume,  indissoluble  :  we  are  married,  as  the  saying-  is, 
 for  better  and  worse,  and  we  must  make  the  best  of  an  unprofitable 
 alliance. 
 
 The  chief  advantage  to  be  derived  from  colonies  is  in  rendering  them 
 a  desirable  refuge  to  a  redundant  population.  But  the  Aristocracy- 
 decline  making  them  subservient  to  the  purposes  of  an  extensive  plan  of 
 emigration,  because  of  the  expense  ;  it  would  be  a  sacrifice  not  for  the 
 benefit  of  themselves,  but  of  the  industrious  ordeis,  and  this  they 
 begrudge ;  they  prefer  subduing-  the  clamours  of  a  starving  people  bv 
 special  commissions  and  improved  man-traps  rather  than  by  providing 
 the  means  by  which  the  unemployed  labourer  and  artisan  may  transport 
 his  superfluous  industry  to  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  shores 
 of  Australia. 
 
 Although  the  Oligarchs  are  so  parsimonious  when  the  welfare  of  the 
 people  is  concerned,  they  are  reckless  enough  about  expense  when  it 
 ministers  only  indirectly  to  their  own  gratification  and  ambition.  It 
 appears,  from  the  inquiries  of  the  Finance-Committee,  that  the  collective 
 expenditure  of  five  of  our  colonies  has  exceeded,  on  an  account  of  ten 
 and  more  years,  the  colonial  revenues  applicable  to  the  discharg-e  of  it, 
 so  as  to  have  constituted  a  deficiency  of  £2,524,000,  and  that  this 
 deficiency  was  paid  by  the  Treasury,  although  the  surplus  expenditure 
 had  been  incurred  without  previous  communication  with  ministers  ;  nor 
 does  it  appear  ministers  had  any  previous  knowledge  either  of  the  amount 
 of  the  colonial  revenues  or  the  charges  upon  them.  Can  any  thing 
 more  strikingly  show  the  careless  and  lavish  system  on  which  the 
 alfairs  of  the  nation  have  been  conducted  ?  We  subjoin  an  abstract  of 
 the  returns  to  parliament  of  the  colonies  to  which  we  have  alluded.  It  will 
 be  seen  that  the  surplus  revenue  of  the  crown  colonies  above  the  civil  ex- 
 penditure amounted  to  £1,453,842,  and  this  was  all  which  remained 
 applicable  to  a  military  expenditure  of  £3,733,939,  leaving  £2,280,097 
 to  be  paid  out  of  the  assessed  taxes,  the  excise,  and  custom-duties  of 
 the  people  of  England. 
 
 Statement  of  the  Revenue  and  Expenditure  of  Five  Crotvti  Colonies 
 referred  to  in  Mr.  Merries' s  Letter  to  Mr.  Wilmot  Horton,  of  the 
 24th  March,  1827.— Pari.  Paper,  No.  352,  Sess.  1830. 
 
 Colonies. 
 
 Ceylon 
 
 Mauritius 
 
 Cape  of  Good  Hope 
 
 Malta    
 
 Trinidad    
 
 Yeans. 
 
 13 
 12 
 11 
 10 
 12 
 
 Revenue. 
 
 4,384,407 
 1,723,114 
 1,333,441 
 2,378,114 
 405,513 
 
 10,224,589 
 
 Civil 
 Expenditure. 
 
 3,097,571 
 1,829,508 
 1,062,670 
 2,384,197 
 396,711 
 
 8,770,747 
 
 Military 
 Expenditure. 
 
 2,570,107 
 
 795,575 
 
 277,015 
 
 88,994 
 
 2,248 
 
 3,733,939 
 
382  SLAVE-TRADE— THE    FACTORY    SYSTEM. 
 
 Of  these  colonies,  three  of  them — Ceylon,  Mauritius,  and  the  Cape  of 
 Good  Hope — are  chiefly  of  use  to  the  East-India  Company,  Avho  ouirht 
 to  defray  the  charges  of  their  military  jjrotection.  Many  other  of  our 
 colonies  are  equally  valueless  as  ohjects  of  national  utility.  Of  what 
 use  is  the  retention  of  the  Ionian  Islands,  with  Malta  and  Gibraltar  in 
 our  hands  ?  The  settlements  at  Sierra  Leone  and  on  the  west  coast  of 
 Africa  ought  to  be  abandoned,  having-  entirely  failed  in  the  attainment 
 of  the  object  intended.  No  reason  can  be  shown  why  Canada,  Nova- 
 Scotia,  and  other  possessions  on  the  continent  of  America,  would  not 
 be  as  available  to  British  enterprise,  if  they  were  made  independent 
 .states.  Neither  our  manufactures,  commerce,  nor  shipping  would  be 
 injured  by  such  a  measure.  On  the  other  hand,  what  has  the  nation 
 lost  by  Canada  ?  According  to  Sir  H.  Parnell,  fifty  or  sixty  millions 
 have  been  already  expended  ;  the  annual  sum  payable  out  of  English 
 taxes  is  full  £600,000  a-year ;  and  there  has  been  a  plan  in  progress 
 for  two  or  three  years  to  fortify  Canada,  at  an  estimated  cost  of  three 
 millions.  Either  the  Boroughmongers  or  the  people  must  have  been 
 absolutely  mad  to  tolerate  for  so  many  years  such  useless  waste  of  public 
 resources. 
 
 The  Slave-Trade. — On  this  subject  Sir  H.  Parnell  says, — "  The 
 great  sum  of  £5,700,000  has  already  been  expended  in  carrying  into 
 effect  the  measures  of  government  for  co-operating  with  other  countries 
 in  putting  down  the  slave-trade,  and  the  annual  current  expenses 
 amount  to  nearly  £400,000.  But  the  attempt  appears  to  have  altoge- 
 ther failed.  The  governments  of  France,  Spain,  and  Portugal,  accord- 
 ing to  the  Parliamentary  Papers,  make  no  efforts  whatever  to  enforce 
 the  laws  for  putting  down  the  traflSc  ;  and  the  persons  in  authority  in 
 Cuba  and  Brazil  not  only  neg'lect  to  execute  the  laws,  but  in  some 
 cases  have  been  engaged  in  it  themselves.  So  that  our  treaties  and 
 laws,  where  such  parties  are  concerned,  are  so  much  waste  paper,  and 
 spending  money  to  try  to  give  effect  to  them  is  perfect  folly.  The  African 
 Institution  say,  in  their  twentieth  report,  '  The  slave-trade  has  increased 
 during"  the  last  year ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  number  of  prizes  taken, 
 it  continues  to  rage  with  unabated  fury.'  Surely  here  ai-e  suflicient 
 reasons  for  saving  £400,000  a-year,  now  expended  to  so  little  pur- 
 pose."— Financial  Reform,  pp.  231,  232.  Human  suffering  is  equally 
 painful  to  bear,  whether  inflicted  on  this  or  the  other  side  of  the  globe, 
 on  black  or  white  men,  and  we  should  be  sorry,  even  for  the  sake  of 
 economy,  that  any  measures  should  be  adopted  tending  to  revive  the 
 hellish  traffic  in  Negroes.  But,  after  all,  we  ought  to  look  at  home.. 
 The  horrors  of  the  '  middle  passage '  did  not  transcend  those  of  the 
 infernal  factory  system:  in  the  former  adults  were  the  chief  victims 
 sacrificed  to  the  Moloch  of  wealth ;  in  the  latter  it  is  helpless  infancy. 
 If  one  remonstrate  with  any  of  the  Cudsusts  of  the  North  on  the 
 cruelty  of  exacting  such  long  and  severe  hours  of  labour  from  children 
 and  apprentices,  their  onlj'  defence  is, — "  If  we  did  not  do  it,  others 
 would — we  should  be  iindersold  in  the  market."  So  with  them  it  is  a 
 mere  question  of  political  economy — of  profit  and  accumulation  of  capi- 
 
IRELAND — VICE-REGAL    GOVERNMENT.  383 
 
 tal — not  of  humanity.  But  we  shall  take  leave  to  tell  these  lords  of  the 
 loom  that  they  have  another  alternative  ;  they  might  be  content  with 
 amassing-  something  less,  as  a  passport  into  the  aristocratic  circle,  than 
 a  million  or  a  million  and  a  half  of  money  by  mutilating,  misshaping, 
 and  abridging  the  lives  of  God's  creatures :  but  this  they  will  not  do  ; 
 they  will  persist  in  realizing  their  cent,  per  cent.,  and  rather  than  forego 
 it  will  have  their  *  pound  of  flesh,' — they  will  see  orphans'  eye-.balls  start 
 from  their  sockets,  and  their  tendons  crack,  through  unwholesome  long- 
 piotracted  toil — and  this  too  in  a  country  where  society  is  hourly  threat- 
 ened with  dissolution — where  internal  peace  and  the  security  of  property 
 are  endangered  by  the  multitude  of  unemployed  artizans  ! 
 
 Expense  of  Civil  Government. — The  expense  of  conducting  the  civil 
 government  of  the  country,  including  the  king,  the  three  secretaries  of 
 state,  lord-lieutenant  of  Ireland,  the  Mint,  and  judicial  establishments, 
 is  about  £2,000,000.  The  progressive  increase  of  expense,  in  some 
 departments,  is  as  follows  : — 
 
 Year  17O6.      Year  1829. 
 
 Home  Department     £14,423         £31,916 
 
 Foreign  Department 34,495  65,68 1 
 
 Colonial  Department     ....         9,111  39,824 
 
 £58,019       £137,221 
 
 Thus,  it  appears,  the  charge  of  these  three  departments  has  more 
 than  doubled  since  1796 — a  period  of  hostilities. 
 
 Lor d- Lieutenant  of  Ireland. — The  vice-regal  government  of  Ireland 
 costs  the  country  £100,000  per  annum.  This  is  extravagant,  as  it  is 
 well  known  that  Irish  affairs  are  chiefly  managed  at  Whitehall.  The 
 keeping  up  this  mimic  sovereign  tends  to  keep  up  those  symbols  of  se- 
 paration and  hostility  which  a.  more  rational  policy  would  endeavour  to 
 obliterate.  For  any  other  purpose,  in  the  present  state  of  intercourse, 
 we  might  as  well  have,  once  more,  a  lord-president  at  York — a  king  in 
 Edinburgh — or  a  separate  court  for  the  marches  of  Wales,  at  Ludlow, 
 or  Monmouth.  What  then  can  be  urged  to  justify  the  lord-lieutenancy  ? 
 It  has  been  alleged  indeed  by  Irish  secretaries,  who  receive  £4000  a-year, 
 that  it  is  beneficial  to  the  tradesmen  of  Dublin,  among  whom  the  money 
 granted  for  the  vice-regal  establishment  is  expended.  So  then  the  com- 
 munity must  be  robbed  of  £100,000,  that  the  Dublin  shopkeepers  may 
 profit  the  odd  farthings.  This  is  the  favourite  round  of  arguing  by  cor- 
 ruptionists  ;  they  always  deem  it  a  sutficient  justification  for  pillaging 
 the  people,  if  a  portion  of  the  spoil  be  returned  to  them  in  the  way  of 
 alms  or  Christmas  doles.  By  acting  on  this  principle,  the  pride  and 
 interests  of  aristocratical  government  are  both  favoured  ;  and  the  people, 
 injured  by  its  rapacity,  are  insulted  by  its  compassion.  But  in  this  way 
 the  influence  of  the  lord- lieutenant's  salary  is,  as  regards  the  prosperity 
 of  a  great  city,  contemptible  :  his  whole  salary,  if  spent  in  Dublin,  is  not 
 equal  to  half  the  receipts  of  one  of  the  ten  thousand  gin-shops  in  London. 
 
384        ABSURDITIES    AND    EXPENSE    OF    CORONATIONS. 
 
 If,  however,  the  effect  was  greater,  the  process  is  dishonest.  If  the 
 h)rd-heutenancy  is  necessary  as  an  inslrunient  of  government — which 
 has  never  been  satisfactorily  proved — it  ought  to  bo  retained;  if  not, 
 there  is  no  earthly  reason  why  the  shopkeepers  of  Dublin  should  be 
 supported  by  taxing  the  shopkeepers  of  the  other  towns  of  the  empire. 
 The  vicerovship  is  a  precious  jewel  in  the  eyes  of  the  Aristocracy,  and 
 that  it  will  not  willingly  be  abandoned,  we  believe  ;  but  Avhere  pretexts 
 are  seen  through  easily,  it  is,  perhaps,  prudent  to  abstain  from  them. 
 The  man  who  merely  robs  you,  does  not  offend  you  so  much  as  the  man 
 who  both  robs  you  and  insults  your  understanding  by  an  awkward 
 attempt  at  deceiving  you. 
 
 Expenses  of  a  Coronation. — The  ministers  of  George  IV.  asked 
 Parliament  for  a  grant  of  only  £100,000,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  his 
 coronation;  but  the  ceremony  turned  out  something  like  palacc-bnilding, 
 the  actual  cost  greatly  exceeding  the  estimate,  amounting  to  £238,000.* 
 The  jewels  of  the  crown  were  valued  at  £G5,000,  and  10  per  cent,  in- 
 terest was  paid  to  Rundell  and  Bridge  for  the  loan  of  them.  Either  for 
 the  gratification  of  the  monarch  or  his  courtiers,  the  crown  was  kept 
 four  years,  at  an  annual  charge  to  the  ))ublic  of  £6500  ;  and  it  was  only 
 in  consequence  of  a  seasonable  motion  of  Mr.  Hume  the  royal  bauble 
 was  at  last  divested  of  its  borrowed  plumag-e. 
 
 Upon  the  coronation  of  William  IV,  the  Whigs  certainly  curtailed 
 materially  both  the  folly  and  expense  of  the  feudal  pageant,  to  the  no 
 small  mortification  of  the  antiquated  admirers  of  chivalry,  Punch,  and 
 Bartholomew  fair.  But  it  is  time  the  oiling  and  kissing  and  other 
 tom-foolery,  perpetrated  in  the  Abbey  by  the  right  reverend  bishops, 
 were  omitted,  and  the  whole  reduced  to  a  simple  and  economical  process 
 of  inauguration.  The  king,  the  magistrates,  and  public  officers  take 
 the  needful  oaths  on  the  accession,  and  a  coronation  confirms  nothing  ; 
 it  affords  no  stronger  guarantee  either  on  the  part  of  the  king 
 or  the  people  ;  it  is  an  unmeaning  ceremony,  lit  only  to  be  ex- 
 hibited among  slaves,  or  a  priest-ridden  rabble,  by  an  Eastern  despot. 
 It  is  something  still  more  objectionable.  Formerly  it  might  be  of  use, 
 when  it  was  really  what  it  professed  to  be  — a  solenui  compact  lietween 
 the  king  and  his  lieges  ;  but  it  has  since  degenerated  into  a  mere  mockery 
 of  sacred  things,  of  religious  rites,  vows,  and  pledges. 
 
 Kingly  governments  are  sinking  fast  in  general  estimation,  and  it  is 
 bad  policy  to  depreciate  monarchy  lower  by  obtruding  it  in  its  most 
 absurd  and  revolting  forms.  Instead  of  expending  a  large  sum  on  a 
 senseless  spectacle,  we  would  beg  in  lieu  to  suggest  that  the  com- 
 mencement of  every  new  reign  be  commemoi-ated  bv  the  building  of  a 
 bridge,  the  construction  of  a  rail-road,  the  completion  of  a  Thames- 
 tunnel,  the  foundation  of  an  university,  or  any  other  undertaking  of 
 national  utility. 
 
 •  Hansard's  Parliamentary  Debates,  New  Series,  vol.  ix.  p.  1107. 
 
FRAUDS    IN    THE    SOAP    DUTIES.  385 
 
 WORKINGS    OF    TAXATION. 
 
 An  important  circumstance  lias  been  remarked  by  sir  H.  Parnell 
 connected  with  the  pressure  of  taxation,  namely,  the  effect  of  monopolies 
 and  protections  in  raising  the  prices  of  commodities  which  are  the  sub- 
 jects of  them.  These  monopolies  and  protections  impose,  by  increased 
 prices,  burdens  on  the  public  which  neither  fill  the  exchequer,  nor  for- 
 Avard  any  purpose  of  national  utility,  but  support  favoured  trades.  If 
 the  effect  of  the  corn  laws  is,  at  least,  to  raise  the  price  of  corn  five 
 shillings  a  quarter,  this  advance  on  the  annual  quantity  consumed, 
 taken  at  50,000,000  quarters,  creates  a  charge  on  the  public  of 
 £12,500,000  a  year.  If  the  protecting  duties  on  East  India  and 
 foreign  sugars  advance  the  price  of  sugar  only  one  penny  a  pound,  this 
 advance  on  the  quantity  annually  consumed,  namely  380,000,000 
 pounds,  is,  on  the  public,  £1,500,000  a  year.  If  the  East  India 
 Company's  monopoly  makes  the  price  of  tea  (exclusive  of  duty)  double 
 what  it  is  at  New  York  and  Hamburgh,  as  is  the  case,  it  imposes  a 
 tax  of  at  least  £2,000,000  a  year  in  the  form  of  increased  price  ;  and 
 the  monopoly  of  the  timber  trade,  enjoyed  by  the  shipowners  and 
 Canada  merchants,  costs  the  public  at  least  £1,000,000  a  year:  so 
 that  by  these  monopolies  and  protections  17  millions  a  year  are  taken 
 from  the  pockets  of  the  people,  just  as  if  corn,  sugar,  tea,  and  timber 
 were  taxed  to  that  amount,  and  the  produce  paid  into  the  Treasury. 
 
 Relief  to  the  country  is  not  so  much  to  be  expected  from  a  reduction 
 in  the  amount  of  taxation  as  the  adjustment  of  its  pressure.  The  taxes 
 which  have  been  repealed  are  considerable,  and  further  reductions,  with 
 the  present  scale  of  expenditure,  might  render  loans  necessary  to  supply 
 the  deficiency.  The  people,  however,  may  be  greatly  benefited  by  a 
 co7ninutation  of  taxes,  and  by  imposing  those  essential  to  the  expendi- 
 ture of  government  on  the  classes  and  interests  best  able  to  support 
 them.  We  shall  in  this  section  shortly  notice  a  few  of  the  taxes  which 
 require  either  to  be  repealed  or  modified. 
 
 To  begin  with  Soap,  which,  as  the  cholera  spasmodica  has 
 reached  our  shores,  is  rendered  more  than  ever  essential  to  health  and 
 cleanliness.  On  hard  soap  (the  revenue  on  soft  soap  is  next  to  nothing) 
 the  duty  is  three  pence  per  pound,  or  110  to  130  per  cent.,  in  some 
 cases  more.  The  duty  is  too  high,  and  the  regulations  for  collecting  it 
 lead  to  frauds  of  the  grossest  description.  There  is  no  duty  in  Ireland, 
 and  it  is  notorious  that  a  large  quantity  of  soap  is  smuggled  back  again 
 from  that  country  into  England.  There  is  no  fixed  rule  for  the  collec- 
 tion of  the  tax :  there  are  no  less  than  seven  different  modes  of  levying  it: 
 in  London  there  is  one  way,  in  Liverpool  another,  in  Hull  a  third,  and 
 so  on.  This  is  meant  to  avoid  fraud,  and  the  result  is  to  invite  it,  and, 
 of  course,  to  harass  the  fair  trader.  Mr.  Thomson  mentioned  two 
 Liverpool  houses  (House  of  Commons,  March  26,  1830)  which  con- 
 trived to  carry  on  an  extensive  business  with  government  capital,  by  a 
 dexterous  man-agement  of  the  drawback  allowed  on  the  exportation  of 
 soap  to  Ireland. 
 
 2  c 
 
386  HEMP,  SILK,  MALT,  GLASS,  PA  PER  AND  PAMPHLET  DUTIES. 
 
 The  duty  of  £4  :  10  per  ton  on  Hemp  is  injudicious;  for  it  is  a  tax 
 on  a  raw  material  not  produced  at  home,  and  of  the  first  necessity  for 
 shipping  and  domestic  uses.  But  while  wo  tax  the  article  in  its  raw 
 state,  we  admit  it  in  a  manufactured  form  for  the  use  of  the  marine,  if 
 purchased  and  manufactured  abroad :  thus  giving  a  premium  to  the 
 foreign  manufacturer  and  discouraging  our  own.  The  timber  duties  are 
 liable  to  similar  objections,  but  the  subject  has  been  so  frecjuently  before 
 the  public  we  shall  pass  on  to  the  Silk  Duties,  which,  as  justly  re- 
 marked, are  a  fine  specimen  of  fiscal  absurdity. 
 
 First,  there  is  a  duty  on  manufactured  silk,  to  protect  the  weaver; 
 then,  there  is  a  duty  on  thrown  silk,  to  keep  him  down,  and  to  protect 
 the  silk-throwster;  then,  there  is  a  duty  on  raw  silk,  to  contract  the 
 operations  of  both  weaver  and  throwster.  Common  sense  would  say, 
 abolish  the  raw  silk-duties  at  all  events ;  but  Common  Sense  has  never  been 
 finance  minister,  and  indeed  very  seldom  in  the  Cabinet  in  any  capacity. 
 
 The  Malt  Laws  will  of  course  be  revised.  It  is  an  act  of  justice 
 due  to  the  malster,  to  the  public,  and  to  the  agriculturist.  The  duty  on 
 Tea  must  stand  over  till  the  East  India  Company's  charter  is  settled, 
 when  Ave  may  expect  something  better  than  an  infusion  from  sloe- 
 leaves  to  breakfast ;  prior  to  the  settlement  of  the  Charter  any 
 reduction  in  the  duty  would  only  tend  to  augment  the  dividends  of 
 the  proprietors.  The  duty  on  Glass  does  not  admit  of  delay ;  the 
 gross  produce  is  about  one  million,  but  nearly  half  of  this  sum  is 
 either  returned  or  lost  in  the  charges  of  collection.  Lord  Althorp 
 proposed  to  repeal  the  glass  duty,  but  having  been  bothered  out  of  the 
 tax  on  stock-jobbing  by  Messrs.  Goulburn  and  John  Smith,  he  was 
 compelled  to  retain  it,  as  also  the  duty  on  tobacco. 
 
 The  duties  on  different  kinds  of  Paper  vary  from  50  to  150  percent. 
 They  form  a  portion  of  the  mass  of  taxes  imposed  on  knowledge  and  the 
 diffusion  of  information.  The  payment  of  the  duties  is  the  least  part  of 
 the  evil ;  the  paper-maker  is  harassed  like  the  malster  by  an  inKnity  of 
 forms — in  giving  notice  to  the  exciseman  — in  reweighing  the  paper 
 before  the  supervisor — in  lettering-  the  rooms  of  his  manufactory — in 
 numbering  his  vats,  chests,  presses  and  engines — in  taking  out  licenses — 
 and  in  procuring  and  pasting  labels  on  every  ream — and  for  neglect  of 
 any  of  which  he  is  liable  to  ruinous  penalties.  Why  is  the  paltry 
 Pamphlet  Duty  retained?  It  produces  only  about  £1,000  per 
 annum,  which  is  much  less  than  might  be  obtained  by  compelling  noble 
 lords  and  honourable  members  to  pay  the  postage  of  their  private  cor- 
 respondence. Yet  for  this  insignificant  sura  the  booksellers  throughout 
 the  kingdom  are  hampered  with  forms  of  entry  at  the  Stamp  Office, 
 which,  if  they  do  not  observe,  they  must  pay  forfeit,  or  what  is  worse, 
 memorialise  the  Honourable  Board,  alias  the  Honourable  Solicitor  of 
 Stamps.  Tlie  duty  on  Advertisements  ought  to  be  regulated,  but  in 
 what  way  we  are  unable  to  suggest.  It  is  certainly  unfair  that  a  short 
 advertisement  should  pay  as  much  as  a  long  one,  or  that  an  advertise- 
 ment for  a  place,  office,  or  employment  should  pay  as  much  as  one  for  a 
 loan  of  money,  or  the  sale  of  an  estate. 
 
SEA  POLICIES,  FIRE  INSURANCE,  A  N  D  STAMPS  —  IRELAND.  387 
 
 The  produce  of  the  duty  on  Sea  Policies  has  diminished,  although  the 
 amount  of  ship's  tonnage  entered  inwards  and  outwards  has  increased.  The 
 high  rate  of  duties  has  driven  insurers  to  make  their  policies  in  America, 
 Holland,  and  Germany,  where  they  could  insure  at  a  cheaper  rate. 
 In  these  times  of  low  profits  a  difference  in  price  of  one-quarter  or  one- 
 half  per  cent,  is  sufficient  to  influence  the  determination  of  commercial 
 business.*  The  case  of  Fire  Insurances  is  still  more  flagrant.  The 
 premium  in  London  on  common  risks  is  Is.  6d.  and  upon  that  3s.  duty 
 must  be  paid  to  government.  A  tax  of  200  per  cent,  obviously  prevents 
 many  from  insuring;  those  who  are  willing  to  pay  Is.  6d.  percent,  to  the 
 offices  do  not  like  to  pay  twice  as  much  more  for  pensions  and  palace 
 buildings.  The  consequence  is  that  it  is  only  the  great  properties  which 
 are  insured,  the  smaller  are  left  to  Providence.  A  man  with  a  large 
 house  and  valuable  furniture  insures,  but  a  man  with  a  cottage  does  not: 
 thus  prudence  is  taxed  where  it  ought  to  be  specially  encouraged. 
 
 The  unequal  mode  of  assessing  the  inhabited  house  duty  has  been 
 before  alluded  to  ;  also  the  mileage  duty  on  stage-coaches  (pp.  267-280) 
 and  the  unfair  advantage  possessed  by  real  over  chattel  property.  The 
 estates  of  the  aristocracy  pass  to  their  descendants  without  payment  of 
 either  probate  or  legacy  duty ;  but  the  property  of  the  merchant, 
 trader,  or  mechanic,  being-  mostly  personal,  is  subject  to  both,  and  cannot 
 be  left  to  children  and  friends  without  payment  of  a  tax,  varying  from 
 one  to  ten  per  cent.  The  whole  of  the  Stamp  Duties  require  regula- 
 tion, and  the  public  has  long  indulged  a  hope  that  the  task  ere  this 
 would  have  been  accomplished.  The  duty  on  deeds  and  other  legal 
 instruments  should  be  more  regular  in  its  ascent,  and  not  fall  so  heavily 
 on  property  of  small  value.  The  representatives  of  a  deceased  person 
 must  swear  to  the  amount  of  his  property  without  deducting  debts ; 
 and  although  the  duty  is  afterwards  returned  (but  with  considerable 
 trouble  and  expense),  it  frequently  inconveniences  the  poorer  classes, 
 who  may  not  have  the  immediate  means  of  paying  the  probate  duty, 
 without  which  they  cannot  act.  The  license  duties  fall  very  unequally; 
 many  classes,  and  these  best  able  perhaps  to  bear  a  deduction  from  their 
 incomes,  are  wholly  exempt.  Then  why  should  an  attorney  be  subject 
 to  an  annual  duty,  while  the  barrister,  physician,  and  medical  practi- 
 tioner escape  altogether .''  Or  why  should  the  large  fundholder,  or  the 
 army  and  naval  half-pay,  and  civil  superannuation  people,  receive  their 
 dividends  and  pensions  without  giving  a  stamp,  especially  as  government 
 will  not  receive  its  own  taxes  without  charging  the  payer  with  the  receipt- 
 duty. 
 
 Ireland  has  been  so  impoverished  by  tithes  and  absenteeism  that  her 
 contributions  to  the  wants  of  the  state  have  been  personal  rather  than 
 pecuniary .  She  was  exempt  from  the  property  tax,  and  still  is  from 
 the  assessed  taxes.  Why,  however,  the  gentry  should  escape  direct 
 taxation  as  well  as  agistment  tithe,  cannot  be  so  easily  explained,  unless 
 from  the  circumstance  of  Ireland  having  been  till  lately  a  close  borough. 
 
 *  C.  P.  Thomson,  House  of  Commons,  March  26,  1830. 
 
 2  c  2 
 
388  TAxns  ON   newspapers. 
 
 Tliere  may  bo  valid  grounds  for  exempting  a  poor  conntiy  from  duties 
 on  articles  of  consumption ;  but  income  arising  from  property  is  really 
 more  valuable  (will  go  farther)  in  a  poor  country  than  in  a  rich  one. 
 
 Taxes  on  Newspapers. — The  heavy  duty  on  newspapers,  whether 
 considered  as  a  source  of  revenue,  or,  in  its  injurious  tendency,  to  restrict 
 the  diffusion  of  intelligence,  is  the  most  objec-tionable  part  of  our  fiscal 
 system.  A  fourpenny  stamp,  on  an  article  which  sells  for  sixpence,  is  a 
 tax  of  200  per  cent.  Some  of  the  weekly  papers  endeavour  to  evade 
 this  onerous  impost,  by  selling  a  larg*er  paper  at  a  higher  price,  which 
 reduces  the  per  centage,  the  duty  not  being  an  ad  valorem  one ;  but 
 they  are  subject  to  the  disadvantage  of  a  more  limited  sale,  owing  to  the 
 higher  price  of  their  publications. 
 
 A  reduction  in  the  duty  would  be  more  than  compensated  by  an  in- 
 crease in  the  circulation  of  papers  ;  but  then  the  object  of  the  government 
 has  been  not  so  much  to  realize  revenue  as  to  control  public  opinion. 
 Our  limits  do  not  admit  of  our  treating  this  subject  so  fully  as  it  de- 
 serves ;  nor  is  it  necessary,  after  the  able  and  conclusive  exposition  it 
 has  undergone  in  other  publications ;  we  shall,  however,  submit  a  few 
 brief  observations : — 1.  On  the  influence  of  the  high  stamp-duties  on 
 the  state  of  the  newspaper  press.  2.  On  the  consequences  of  restricting' 
 the  sale  of  cheap  political  pamphlets,  subjecting  them  to  the  same  duty 
 as  the  regular  journals.  Our  arguments  will  be  addressed  to  those  who 
 feel  an  interest  in  social  improvement,  not  to  those  who  seek  only  to 
 thrive  by  abuse  and  oppression. 
 
 The  first  and  most  obvious  effect  of  the  high  duty  is,  by  enhancing- 
 the  price,  to  curtail  the  benefit  of  newspapers,  whether  as  the  source  of 
 innocent  amusement  or  useful  instruction,  to  the  more  opulent  classes. 
 But  the  newspapers  depending  for  support  upon  what  may  be  termed 
 the  proprietary  of  the  country,  they  will,  of  course,  be  conducted  on 
 such  principles  and  in  such  spirit  as  is  likely  to  be  most  agreeable  to  the 
 interests,  the  prejudices,  and  passions  of  their  subscribers.  Hence  the 
 predominant  character  of  the  press  has  been  aristocratic  :  and 
 it  seldom  compromised  the  favour  of  its  chief  patrons  by  the  fearless 
 exposition  of  any  political  abuse,  superstitious  error,  commercial  or 
 chartered  privilege,  private  vice,  or  public  oppression,  in  which  they 
 were  especially  interested. 
 
 But  the  Press  being  under  the  influence  of  the  opulent,  it  leaves  the 
 indigent,  as  we  shall  term  them  for  brevity,  without  protection.  They 
 may  be  calunmiated  with  impunity,  as  they  often  are ;  their  motives, 
 views,  and  conduct  may  be  distorted,  and  they  have  no  effective  means — 
 no  organ — by  which  they  can  set  themselves  right  with  the  community. 
 Hence  it  is  that  the  great  mass  of  society  — the  industrious  and  trading' 
 classes — those  numerous  and  useful  orders,  which  constitute  the  bone 
 and  muscle  of  the  social  state — are  no  more  represented — their  interests 
 are  no  more  maintained,  by  the  daily  journals,  than  they  are  by  the 
 Commons'  House  of  Parliament. 
 
 Of  late  years  a  great  deal  has  been  said  of  the  advantages  of 
 commercial  freedom  and  unrestricted  competition  ;  but  is  a  monopoly  of 
 
THE    PRESS,    A    FOURTH    ESTATE.  389 
 
 knowledge  less  pi'egnant  with  mischief  than  a  monopoly  of  corn  or  other 
 article  of  general  consumption  ?  The  exclusive  privileges  of  Oxford 
 and  Cambridge  have  been  objected  to  as  well  as  of  the  Bank  and  East- 
 India  Company ;  but  how  does  it  happen  there  is  so  little  outcry  against 
 the  Press?  The  reason  is  obvious  enough;  the  Press  is  the  common 
 crier  ;  but,  though  loud  and  prompt  in  proclaiming  the  abuses  of  others, 
 it  has  been  marvellously  silent  concerning  its  own.  How  much  the 
 monopoly  of  the  great  brewers  was  reprobated,  even  by  most  of  the 
 journals;  but  the  public  injury,  from  this  source,  was  limited  and 
 unimportant,  contrasted  with  that  originating'  in  the  monopoly  of  the 
 Press.  No  doubt  the  beverage  of  the  people  was  diluted  and  adulterated, 
 but  this  evil,  at  the  worst,  was  local  in  its  effects  ;  it  was  not  like 
 the  Press,  whose  despotic  authority  is  not  limited  to  the  metropolis,  nor 
 the  provinces,  nor  even  the  empire,  but  extends  to  every  corner  of 
 the  globe. 
 
 The  provincial  press  takes  its  tone  and  character  from  the  London 
 prints ;  some  of  the  country  papers  follow  in  the  wake  of  the  Times, 
 some  the  Morning  Chronicle,  some  the  Sun,  some  the  Courier, 
 and  some  other  journals ;  but  all  have  their  guide  and  prototype  in  the 
 metropolis,  from  whom  they  cut  or  copy  their  opinions.  From  this 
 sort  of  paternity  and  connexion  arises  a  most  portentous  danger  to  the 
 liberties  and  prosperity  of  the  empire.  The  Press  has  been  designated 
 a.  fourth  estate,  next  in  influence  and  importance  to  King,  Lords,  and 
 Commons.  But,  Great  God  !  only  think  of  what  this  fourth  estate 
 consists — twelve  daily  papers  established  and  carried  on  solely  for  gain — 
 whose  proprietors  are  unknown — whose  editors  are  unknown — whose 
 reporters  are  unknown — in  short,  belonging  and  attached  to  which 
 there  is  not  the  slighest  thread  of  responsibility,  whatever  may  be  the 
 character  and  magnitude  of  their  delinquency.  Upon  this  vacillating  and 
 intangible  pivot  one-fourth — aye,  a  great  deal  more — of  the  government 
 of  this  great  empire  depends.  What  nonsense  it  is  to  complain  of  the 
 Treasury  boroughs,  of  Gatton,  or  Midhurst,  or  of  rotten  boroughs  with 
 only  a  dozen  electors,  while  an  overwhelming  influence  like  this  is 
 tolei-ated  !  What  dolts  ministers  would  have  been,  had  they  exclusively 
 concerned  themselves  about  the  influence  to  be  derived  from  these 
 sources,  and  not  availed  themselves  of  the  more  potent  agency  which 
 might  be  derived  from  the  Press.  And  do  we  suppose  that  Government 
 alone  may  avail  itself  of  this  power ;  that  great  commercial  companies, 
 loan-mongers,  speculators  in  the  funds,  and  getters  up  of  bubble  com- 
 panies may  not  resort  to  similar  aid  ?  Assuredly  not ;  for  we  know  the 
 contrary ;  we  know  that  the  Press  has  been  the  great  agent  not  only  in 
 the  oppressions  of  the  Oligarchy,  but  in  the  fraudulent  devices  by  which 
 one  portion  of  the  community  has  plundered  another. 
 
 Only  place  at  our  disposal,  out  of  the  secret  service  money,  £20,000 
 per  annum ;  a  few  judgeships  and  olBces  in  the  Colonies ;  a  few  leases 
 of  houses  and  crown  lands  in  the  metropolis ;  a  feAv  livings  and  dignities 
 in  the  Church  ;  a  few  places  in  the  Customs,  Excise,  and  judicial 
 administration  ;  and   a  few  appointments  to  the  magistracy  and  shriev- 
 
390  PROPOSAL    TO    MANACIi    THE    JOURNALS. 
 
 allies  in  the  country  :  let  us,  we  repeat,  have  these  things  in  our  gift, 
 and  we  will  engag:e  to  make  the  boasted  fourth  estate  of  this  realm 
 as  subservient  as  the  most  corrupt  and  despotic  minister  could  desire. 
 We  do  not  mean  to  affirm  we  would  render  the  Press  undisguisedly 
 prostituted  to  the  Government ;  we  would  further  its  ends  in  a  much 
 more  adroit  and  effective  manner ;  nor  would  we  go  openly  with  bribe  in 
 hand,  for,  in  that  case,  the  sly  rogues  would  bruit  our  offer,  knowing 
 they  would  gain  more  by  proclaiming  it,  and  boasting  of  their  incor- 
 ruptible integrity,  than  accepting  our  tender :  we  w'ould  not  adopt  any 
 such  vulgar  mode  of  procedure  ;  nevertheless,  we  would  accomplish  our 
 employer's  purpose.  If  the  premier  wished  to  interfere  with  France,  or 
 Belgium,  or  to  get  up  a  war  of  any  sort,  we  would  render  the  under- 
 taking popular  to  his  heart's  content ;  if  he  wished  to  set  his  face 
 against  the  reform  of  domestic  abuses,  we  would  convince  ninety-nine 
 out  of  every  hundred  that  our  institutions  had  stood  the  test  of  ages, 
 and  are  the  best  the  wit  of  man  ever  devised ;  if  he  wished  to  hunt 
 down  a  troublesome  individual,  we  would  render  the  caitiff'  an  exile 
 from  all  decent  and  respectable  society ;  if  he  wished  to  destroy  all 
 public  spirit  in  the  people,  we  w'ould  throw  such  discredit  on  eveiy 
 meeting-  and  association  for  a  patriotic  object,  that  the  parties  thereto 
 should  appear  nothing  better  than  gaping  idiots  or  poverty-stricken 
 knaves,  whose  sole  purpose  was  the  plunder  of  the  rich  ! 
 
 All  this  we  would  do,  and  more,  and  the  great  beauty  of  our  doings 
 would  be  that  they  should  be  so  dexterously  managed  that  they  would 
 neither  bring  scandal  on  ourselA'es,  our  employer,  nor  the  agents  of  our 
 Diabolism.  The  only  machineiy  necessary  to  put  in  motion  would  be 
 simply  a  well-directed  menso^ge,  with  which  gentlemen  connected 
 with  the  "  respectable  part  of  the  Press"  are  well  acquainted.  It 
 would  consist  of  an  artful  and  incessant  grinding  of  paragraphs — an 
 amplifying  and  improving,  or,  if  an  opponent,  a  garbling,  curtailing, 
 and  suppressing  of  speeches  — the  omission,  misrepresentation,  or  bla- 
 zoning, as  the  case  might  be,  of  all  public  meetings  and  proceedings — 
 in  short,  in  picturing  every  thing  and  person  on  the  broad  sheet  in 
 such  a  way  that  they  should  be  viewed  through  a  multiplying  glass,  or 
 the  right  or  wrong  end  of  the  telescope,  as  might  best  suit  the  purpose 
 of  our  employer. 
 
 All  this  we  should  be  able  to  effect  without  fear  of  detection  or  ex- 
 posure :  we  would  manage  the  Press  with  less  noise  than  the  famous 
 William  Holmes  in  the  olden  time  managed  the  orgies  of  St.  Stephen's; 
 the  close  monopoly  affords  every  facility  for  bribery  and  concealment ; 
 and  though  these  diverging  rays  of  intelligence,  the  country  papers, 
 would  partake,  equally  with  the  rest,  of  the  impulse  given  at  the  primal 
 source,  they  would  be  as  unconscious  of  tlie  presence,  as  unparticipant 
 in  the  favours  of  the   great  operator  at  the  focal  point. 
 
 Perhaps  our  almost  allegorical  description  of  the  relation  in  which 
 the  journals  stand  to  the  community  may  not  be  fully  comprehended 
 by  all  our  readers;  but  it  would  be  a  more  invidious  task  than  we  should 
 like,  to  illustrate  our  subject  by  practical  examples.     What  we  have 
 
INFLUENCE    OF    THE    TIMES    NEWSPAPER.  391 
 
 said  applies  to  the  Press  in  its  corporate  and  irresponsible  capacity  ;  of 
 the  individuals  connected  with  it,  they  are,  we  believe,  as  estimable  as 
 any  other  class  ;  and  some  there  aie,  we  know,  animated  by  an  almost 
 enthusiastic  devotion  to  popular  rights  and  social  happiness.  It  is  not 
 their  faults  exactly  that  they  are  placed  in  a  false  position,  in  respect  of 
 society;  that  from  the  operation  of  the  stamp  duty  excluding  competi- 
 tion, they  have  been  raised  into  great  and  hazardous  undertakings, 
 which  renders  it  almost  madness,  and  something  like  breach  of  trust  to 
 the  proprietors,  to  indulge  their  private  sentiments  at  the  risk  of  com- 
 promising the  partial  interests  on  which  the  prosperity  of  the  journals 
 confided  to  their  management  notoriously  depends. 
 
 This  is  the  most  that  can  be  said  in  extenuation  of  their  timid,  see- 
 saw, and  compromising  conduct ;  and  after  all,  it  does  not  lessen  the 
 magnitude  of  the  evil  under  which  the  public  suffers.  That  this  evil 
 exists,  and  to  an  enormous  extent,  we  shall  establish,  from  the  present 
 state  and  management  of  The  Times.  This  journal  exercises  an  irre- 
 sponsible power,  dangerous  to  the  interests  of  society;  and  were  this 
 power  exercised  in  opposition  to  the  government— which,  by  the  by,  is 
 not  likely,  as  this  journal  has  evinced  a  fixed  determination  to  stick  to 
 the  dynasty  de  facto,  Avhether  Tory  or  Whig — it  would  be  dangerous 
 even  to  the  government.  Had  we  the  option,  whether,  as  an  instru- 
 ment of  the  general  happiness,  we  would  prefer  the  return  of  100 
 honest  members  to  parliament  from  the  unrepresented  towns,  or  we 
 would  have  the  Times  at  our  beck,  we  should  unhesitatingly  say,  give  us 
 the  beldame  of  Printing-house-square,  with  her  good  name,  her  Medusean 
 front,  her  quiver  of  poisoned  arrows,  her  subtlety,  literary  tact,  expe- 
 rience of  town,  and  general  acquaintance  with  all  the  springs  of  life 
 and  action.  The  influence  she  is  enabled  to  exercise  over  public  opinion 
 is  incredible,  and  can  only  be  appreciated  by  those  habituated  to  observe 
 social  movements,  and  the  agency  by  which  they  are  produced. 
 
 It  is  because  a  newspaper  has  such  power,  which  may  be  directed  to 
 a  beneficial  or  malignant  purpose,  that  we  consider  the  state  of  the 
 Press  objectionable.  Irresponsible  authority  is  as  objectionable  in  the 
 gentlemen  of  the  Press  as  in  the  Boroughmongers,  and  for  the  remedy 
 of  this  literary  usurpation  we  know  nothing  so  well  adapted  as  the  open- 
 ing of  the  trade,  by  means  of  minor  publications.  The  suppression  of 
 the  cheap  political  pamphlets  by  lord  Castlereagh  always  appeared  to  us 
 both  unjust  and  impolitic.  Sedition  and  licentiousness  might  have  been 
 effectually  restrained  without  destroying  an  instrument  which,  ultimately, 
 might  have  been  made  subservient  to  the  attainment  of  the  most  salu- 
 tary ameliorations.  It  is  the  imposition  of  the  stamp  duty,  not  the 
 demand  of  security  of  which  we  complain  ;  the  former  completely  inter- 
 dicting, to  a  vast  majority  of  the  community,  a  source  of  amusement 
 and  intellectual  improvement. 
 
 Some  of  the  most  dangerous  popular  errors,  we  are  convinced,  were 
 eradicated  solely  by  the  agency  of  the  cheap  tracts.  Among  these  we 
 reckon  the  prevailing  opinions  on  Catholic  Emancipation.  Before  the 
 establishment  of  the  weekly  pamphlets  the  mass  of  the  population  was 
 decidedly  anti-catholic,  and  hardly  less  obstinate  in  their  prejudices  than 
 
392  BENEFITS    FROM    POLITICAL    PAMPHLETS. 
 
 l^ord  Eldon  or  Sir  C.  Wetherell.  A  prodigious  change  was  effected  in 
 the  character  of  the  people  in  another  respect.  During  a  scarcity,  or 
 high  prices,  the  rage  of  the  labouring  classes  was  mostly  vented  on  the 
 butcher,  baker,  and  farmer  ;  such  senseler-s  outrages  are  now  never  heard 
 of.  The  introduction  of  vidcliinery ,  for  obvious  reasons,  was  opposed 
 by  the  mass  of  the  people.  It  was  impossible  they  should  at  iirst  be 
 reconciled  to  inventions  which,  though  tending  to  the  general  advantage, 
 by  the  multiplication  of  commodities  at  a  cheaper  rate,  yet,  if  they  did 
 not  deprive  some  classes  of  the  means  of  subsistence,  degraded  them 
 into  lower  stations.  It  was  natural,  therefore,  they  should  resist  this 
 innovation;  and,  in  so  doing,  we  believe,  they  did  no  more  than  the 
 legal,  ecclesiastical,  or  any  other  class  would  have  done,  had  their  inte- 
 rests been  sacrificed,  though  that  sacrifice  were  made  for  the  general 
 good.  It  was  necessary,  however,  the  principle  should  trinmph.  The 
 people  resisted  ;  severer  laws  were  made  against  frame-bieakers,  and  a 
 terrible  sacrifice  was  made  at  York :  but  all  this  would  have  been  inefl'ec- 
 tual,  had  not  another  cause  interfered.  This  cause,  we  verily  believe, 
 was  the  introduction,  by  Mr.  Cobbett,  of  the  tiuo-penny  trash ;  which 
 demonstrated  that,  however  injurious  the  employment  of  machinery 
 might  be  to  particular  branches  of  industry,  yet,  inasmuch  as  it  aug- 
 mented the  supply  of  food  and  clothing,  consequently  rendered  them 
 cheaper  to  all  classes,  it  must  be  ultimately  beneficial.  We  are  con- 
 vinced if  pamphlet  writing  had  continued  unchecked  during  the  last 
 twelve  years,  the  effects  of  the  knowledge  it  would  have  spread,  and  the 
 discussion  it  would  have  excited,  would  have  saved  the  country  from 
 the  '  Swing  Jires,'  and  those  outrages  against  the  machinery  and  pro- 
 perty of  individuals  Avho  suffer  as  much  as  their  unfortunate  work-people 
 from  the  manifold  diiiiculties  in  which  we  have  been  involved  by  a  long- 
 course  of  misgovernment. 
 
 Much  has  been  said  about  the  pernicious,  dangerous,  and  absurd 
 doctrines  which  were  propagated.  It  might  be  the  case ;  with  im- 
 portant truths,  error  also  might  be  inculcated  ;  ideas  beneficial  to  society 
 might  be  accompanied  with  others  of  a  contraiy  tendency.  This,  how- 
 ever, was  matter  of  opinion ;  and  a  more  proper  subject  for  discussion 
 than  coercion.  Admitting  that  cheap  publications  were  injurious  as 
 Avell  as  beneficial,  it  afforded  no  argument  whatever  for  their  suppres- 
 sion. The  same  objection  might  be  made  to  plays,  novels,  romances, 
 and  almost  every  other  publication  ;  the  same  objection  might  be  urged 
 against  the  amusements  of  the  theatre  :  all  these,  no  doubt,  are  pro- 
 ductive of  evil  as  well  as  good  to  the  community;  but  who  ever,  on  that 
 account,  thought  that  they  ought  to  be  suppressed  ?  Who  ever  expects 
 to  see  any  improvement  unaccompanied  with  some  countervailing  disad- 
 vantage ?  The  only  principle  in  this,  as  in  every  other  case,  is  to  ba- 
 lance the  good  against  the  bad ;  and  it  was  on  this  principle  the  fate  of 
 the  cheap  publications  ought  to  have  been  determined. 
 
 It  is  unnecessary,  we  think,  to  say  any  thing  more  in  defence  of 
 political  pamphlets.  We  were  desirous  of  submitting  a  few  obsen'ations, 
 because  it  is  generally  understood  Ministers  have  some  measure  in  con- 
 templation  by  which   the   future  state  of  the  Press  is  to  be  regulated. 
 
PUESS   NOT   INJURED  BY   ABOLITION   OF   STAMP-DUTIES.     393 
 
 There  appear  only  two  courses  open  to  them  to  pursue ;  either  we  must 
 have  a  restricted  or  free  trade  in  politics.  Public  opinion  has  declared 
 against  the  former, — it  would  require  a  literary  preventive  service  to 
 enforce  it,  and  after  all  the  people  would  obtain  the  contraband  commo- 
 dity, though,  perhaps,  both  dear  and  deleterious  ;  whereas,  by  open  com- 
 petition, the  cheapest  and  best,  in  the  long  run,  would  possess  the  market. 
 
 We  have  not  dwelt  much  on  the  fiscal  part  of  the  subject ;  it  has 
 been  better  done  by  others  than  we  could  do  it,  and,  moreover,  is  ex- 
 hausted ;  beside  we  have  not  so  bad  an  opinion  of  Ministers  as  to  think 
 that  the  loss  or  gain  of  the  revenue  will  form  a  material  item  of  consi- 
 deration when  the  question  is  whether  a  great  community  shall  be 
 informed,  or  remain  in  ignorance  of  its  real  and  permanent  interests. 
 
 There  is  one  point  we  have  omitted  to  notice ;  namely,  the  opinion 
 entertained  that  the  reduction  of  the  stamp-duties  would  inflict  serious 
 pecuniary  loss  on  the  newspaper  press.  We  cannot  foresee  such  result ; 
 .our  impression  is,  that  both  the  public  income  and  the  newspaper 
 proprietary  would  gain  by  the  alteration.  Under  the  existing  system 
 the  circulation  of  the  journals  is  chiefly  confined  to  the  opulent;  wei'e 
 the  price  reduced  one-half  many  would  take  in  two  or  more  papers  who 
 only  take  in  one :  hundreds  of  thousands  who  are  restricted  to  an  hour's 
 inconvenient  and  hasty  perusal,  or  obliged  to  resort  to  a  coffee-house, 
 news-room,  or  alehouse,  would  become  subscribers  to  a  paper  for  their 
 exclusive  use,  or  for  the  morning,  after-dinner,  or  evening  amusement  of 
 their  families.  The  consequence  would  be  a  prodigious  increase  of  sale, 
 and,  of  course,  revenue.  The  Times,  which  now  circulates  7000  or 
 8000,  would  circulate  20,000  or  30,000,  and  the  Morning  Chronicle 
 and  other  journals  would  have  a  corresponding  augmentation  of  demand. 
 That  there  would  be  increased  competition  we  believe,  but  it  would  be  a 
 competition  of  opinion  rather  than  of  projit.  The  old  journals  would 
 retain  their  supremacy, — the  result  of  great  capital — admirable  business 
 arrangements — literary  connexion — valuable  correspondence  in  every  part 
 of  the  globe — -and  long  established  channels  of  circulation.  Against  such 
 advantages  new  rivals  might  contend,  but  they  would  contend  with  the 
 odds  greatly  against  them,  and  if  they  succeeded,  their  success  would  be 
 the  result  rather  of  the  special  favour  of  the  gods  than  of  any  other 
 favouring  circumstance. 
 
 To  conclude,  we  think,  by  a  reduction  of  the  newspaper  duties,  a  vast 
 social  benefit  would  be  conferred,  without  inflicting  loss  on  any  class  of 
 individuals,  or  even  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer.  It  would  be  like 
 the  discovery  of  some  new  and  useful  invention,  which  brings  within  the 
 reach  of  the  whole  community  an  article  of  luxury  or  comfort  that  had 
 previously  been  confined  to  the  richer  classes.  Were  newspapers  sold  for 
 threepence,  every  respectable  family  could  afford  its  daily  journal,  and 
 every  Avorking  man  his  weekly  one ;  their  circulation  would  be  as  great 
 in  England,  in  propoition  to  the  reading  population,  as  in  France  or  the 
 United  States.  The  advantages  that  would  result — moral,  social,  and 
 political — are  too  obvious  to  be  enforced. 
 
EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 Among  the  monopolies  and  privileged  communities  which  impede  indi- 
 vidual enterprise  and  national  prosperity,  the  East- India  Company  and 
 the  Bank  of  England  stand  pre-eminent :  these  have  formed  the  out- 
 works, the  strongholds,  of  the  Boioiigh  System ;  and,  by  their 
 connexions  and  interests,  added  greatly  to  that  mass  of  influence  by 
 which  the  latter  has  been  supported.  Both  these  powerful  associations 
 have  become  more  like  petty  states,  acknowledg;ing  a  feudatory  depen- 
 dence to  the  supreme  power,  than  companies  of  traders,  originally 
 incorporated  for  commercial  purposes.  Both  have  risen  from  very 
 humble  beginnings,  and  perhaps  it  would  not  be  easy  to  strike  the 
 balance  of  turpitude  by  which  their  power  has  been  respectively  ac- 
 quired. Both  have  been  nurtured  under  the  fostering  care  of  the 
 Oligarchy,  to  which,  under  particular  emergencies,  they  have  been 
 indebted  for  assistance ;  and,  probably,  it  is  from  a  knowledge  of  this 
 paternal  obligation,  that  these  chartered  bodies  feel  such  a  lively  in- 
 terest in  the  permanency  of  the  existing  system,  and  that  whenever  any 
 popular  movement  indicates  proceedings  hostile  to  the  government,  they 
 are  instantly  alarmed,  and  the  Bank  and  the  India-House  immediately 
 placed  in  a  defensive  attitude. 
 
 Both  the  Bank  and  the  East-India  Company  claim  particular  attention, 
 from  the  period  having  arrived  about  which  their  charters  expire ;  and 
 the  legislature,  either  in  the  session  of  1831  or  the  following  year,  will 
 have  to  determine  their  future  immunities,  and  the  relative  position  in 
 which  they  are  to  stand  to  the  government  and  the  community. 
 
 Before  entering  on  the  exposition  of  the  present  state  of  the  East- 
 India  Company,  it  will  be  proper  to  give  a  brief  outline  of  the  history 
 of  this  powerful  association,  and  briefly  indicate  those  extraordinary 
 events  by  Avhich  a  few  traders  in  mace,  nutmegs,  and  ginger,  have 
 been  able  to  extend  their  sway  over  120  millions  of  inhabitants,  whose 
 happiness  depends  on  their  wisdom  and  justice.  In  giving  this  notice, 
 we  shall  enter  into  no  detail  of  Asiatic  triumphs,  of  battles  and  sieges. 
 We  have  little  taste  for  these  things  at  best,  but  still  less  when  the 
 combatants  are  unequally  matched, — when  we  should  have  to  present  a 
 counterpart  to  the  conquest  of  Peru  and  Mexico  by  the  Spaniards, — 
 exhibit  the  conflicts  of  wolves  and  sheep,  and  show  how  a  handful  of 
 crafty,  hardy,  and  un{)rincipled  Eui'opeans  wrested  a  mighty  empire 
 from  the  feeble  grasp  of  the  artless  and  effeminate  Hindoos.     Leaving 
 
HISTORICAL    SKETCH    OF    THE    COMPANY.  395 
 
 out,  therefore,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  military  details,  which 
 in  justice  ought  never  to  have  formed  part  of  the  history  of  the  East- 
 India  Company,  we  shall  confine  ourselves  principally  to  the  civil  trans- 
 actions of  this  association. 
 
 The  first  attention  to  the  India  trade  appears  to  have  been  attracted 
 by  the  success  of  the  Dutch  merchants.  These  rapacious  traders,  hav- 
 ing supplanted  the  Portuguese  in  that  part  of  the  world,  had  an  entire 
 monopoly  of  the  trade,  and  availing  themselves  of  the  exclusive  posses- 
 sion of  the  market,  exacted  exorbitant  prices  for  the  productions  of  the 
 East,  To  frustrate  their  avarice,  and  obtain  some  share  in  this  lucrative 
 traffic,  the  merchants  of  London  despatched  a  mission  to  the  Great 
 Mogul,  to  obtain  from  him  a  grant  of  commercial  privileges  to  the 
 English.  The  success  of  this  mission  was  not  known  till  the  year  1600  ; 
 but,  in  the  mean  time,  the  lord  mayor,  aldermen,  and  other  principal 
 merchants  of  the  city,  to  the  number  of  101,  assembled  in  Founders' 
 Hall,  and  established  an  association  for  trading  to  India,  for  which  they 
 subscribed  a  capital  of  £33,133.  To  this  society,  and  in  the  year  men- 
 tioned, Queen  Elizabeth  granted  the  first  charter  of  incorporation,  with 
 the  exclusive  privilege  to  trade  to  all  parts  of  Asia,  Africa,  and 
 America,  for  fifteen  years,  and  the  company  to  be  managed  by  a 
 chairman  and  twenty-four  directors  chosen  annually.  The  capital  of 
 the  corpoiation  amounted  to  £70,000.  They  fitted  out  four  ships  of  the 
 burthen  of  240,  260,  300,  and  600  tons.  The  value  of  the  ships' 
 stores  and  provisions,  of  the  merchandize  forming*  the  cargoes,  and  of 
 the  bullion,  was  estimated  at  £68,373. 
 
 This  expedition  was  tolerably  successful,  brought  home  valuable  car- 
 goes of  merchandize,  and  succeeded  in  establishing  factories  at  Bantany, 
 and  on  the  Molucca  Islands.  But,  notwithstanding  the  success  of  this 
 undertaking,  no  great  etibrt  was  made  to  follow  it  up,  and  for  several 
 years  after,  the  trade  and  capital  of  the  Company  gradually  declined. 
 In  1606,  only  three  ships  were  fitted  out.  In  1608,  the  Company 
 having  subscribed  a  capital  of  £33,000,  for  a  fourth  voyage,  the  whole 
 of  their  ships  were  either  wrecked  in  India,  or  on  their  voyage  home. 
 Next  year  they  were  more  fortunate,  and  their  ships  bringing  home  a 
 valuable  cargo  of  mace  and  nutmegs,  they  divided  a  profit  of  211  per 
 cent.  Encouraged  by  this  success,  the  Company  solicited  the  renewal 
 of  their  charter,  and  seemed  resolved  to  push  the  trade  Avith  spirit. 
 They  built  the  largest  ship  that  had  ever  been  constructed  in  England 
 for  commercial  purposes,-  being  no  less  than  1000  tons  burthen.  King- 
 James  and  his  court  attended  the  launch,  and  named  her  The  Trade's 
 Increase. 
 
 Unfortunately  this  vessel  was  lost,  and  Sir  Henry  Middleton,  her 
 commander,  soon  after  died  of  grief.  The  trade  subsequently  declined, 
 for  which  various  causes  may  be  assigned.  The  rivals  of  the  Company, 
 the  Dutch  and  Portuguese,  made  use  of  every  expedient  avarice 
 and  treachery  could  suggest,  to  impede  their  success  ;  besides  which, 
 we  may  add,  the  erroneous  principles  on  which  the  different  voyages 
 were  undertaken.     Instead  of  the  trade  b^ing  conducted  upon  a  joint- 
 
396  EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 stock  on  account  of  the  whole  Company,  evei-y  individual  was  privilocrod 
 by  the  charter  to  subscribe  as  much  or  as  little  as  he  pleased,  or 
 nothing  at  all,  for  every  voyage.  The  disadvantages  of  this  system  in 
 an  incipient  and  difficult  undertaking  became  apparent;  and,  in  1612, 
 it  was  determined  to  have  no  more  separate  voyages,  but  to  open  a 
 subscription  for  a  joint  capital  to  continue  for  four  years.  Upon  this 
 principle  the  affairs  of  the  Company  assumed  a  new  aspect ;  and  in  a 
 very  short  time  they  had  established  more  than  twenty  factories,  in  dif- 
 ferent parts  of  the  Mogul's  dominions,  and  the  islands  in  the  Indian  seas. 
 
 In  1616,  when  they  proposed  to  raise  a  new  capital,  all  ranks 
 crowded  into  the  subscription,  which,  at  the  time  of  closing  it,  amounted 
 to  £1,629,040,  being  the  largest  capital  that  had  ever  been  subscribed 
 in  any  part  of  Europe  for  a  joint-stock  trade.  Among  the  subscribers 
 were  15  dukes  and  earls,  13  countesses,  82  knights,  including  judges 
 and  privy  counsellors,  18  Avidows  and  maiden  ladies,  besides  clergymen, 
 physicians,  merchants,  tradesmen,  and  others  without  any  denomina- 
 tion ;  in  the  whole  954  subscribers.  The  stock  of  the  Company  sold  for 
 203  per  cent.  The  total  A'alue  of  their  property,  at  this  time,  was 
 estimated  at  £400,000.  And  it  was  stated  by  the  deputy-governor, 
 that  they  gave  employment  to  10,000  tons  of  shipping,  2500  seamen, 
 500  ship  carpenters,  and  120  factors  in  India. 
 
 In  1652  the  Company  obtained  considerable  privileges  in  Bengal 
 through  the  skill  of  their  surgeons,  in  curing  a  certain  disease  in  the 
 Mogul  court,  and  which  disease  was  little  known  in  Europe,  though 
 afterwards  of  frequent  occurrence  in  sea-ports  and  large  capitals.  In 
 1655,  the  trade  was  thrown  open  for  three  years,  but  closed  again  in 
 two  years  on  it  being  alleged  that  evils  had  resulted  from  the  free-trade. 
 In  1669  the  Company  received  two  canisters  containing  143.7  pounds 
 of  tea,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  llist  importation  of  this 
 article  from  any  part  of  the  Indies.  It  was  partly  given  away  in  pre- 
 sents, and  partly  consumed  in  the  India-House  for  the  refreshment  of 
 the  committees. 
 
 In  1676,  the  trade  of  the  Company  having  been  very  successful  for 
 many  years,  they  were  enabled,  out  of  their  accumulated  profits,  to 
 double  their  capital  to  £739,782,  upon  which  the  market  price  of  their 
 stock,  which  had  been  under  par,  immediately  rose  to  £245  per  cent. 
 The  ships  in  their  employ  amounted  to  from  30  to  35,  of  from  300  to 
 600  tons,  and  carrying  from  40  to  70  guns.  In  the  year  1680,  the 
 company  sent  a  ship  to  trade  with  China.  The  whole  of  that  trade  had 
 heretofore  been  monopolized  by  the  Dutch  and  Portuguese.  About  this 
 time  they  acquired  the  privilege  to  coin  money,  not  resembling  British 
 money,  at  Bombay  and  other  places  in  India.  The  Company  consisted 
 of  600  members,  who  were  entitled  to  votes  in  proportion  to  their 
 shares  ;  hence  it  happened  that  some  had  to  the  amount  of  sixty  votes: 
 —  every  member,  moreover,  had  liberty  to  carry  on  trade  on  his  own 
 private  account,  to  the  extent  of  one-fifth  of  his  stock  in  the  Company's 
 capital. 
 
 In  1698,  the  English  factory  obtained  permission  to  purchase  three 
 
OHIOIN    OF    CALf;UTTA.  397 
 
 small  villages,  extending-  In  all  about  three  miles  along  the  east  bank  of 
 the  Ganges,  and  about  one  mile  back  from  it,  for  which  they  agreed 
 to  pay  annually  to  the  Nabob  1195  rupees.  This  diminutive  acquisition 
 was  the  handle  to  the  axe  and  commencement  of  the  territorial  aggran- 
 dizement of  the  Company,  by  which  they  were  afterwards  enabled 
 to  hew  down  the  entire  Mogul  empire.  The  ground  on  which  these 
 villages  stood  forms  the  site  of  the  great  city  of  Calcutta,  containing- 
 600,000  inhabitants. 
 
 Some  jealousy,  about  this  time,  began  to  be  entertained  at  the  in- 
 creasing power  of  the  Company ;  and  the  Government  intimated  to  the 
 association  that  a  large  sum  would  be  expected  for  the  public  service, 
 in  consideration  of  a  parliamentary  confirmation  of  their  privileges. 
 They  offered  to  advance  £700,000  at  an  interest  of  4  per  cent,  pro- 
 vided their  charter  was  fully  confirmed  by  parliament.  Meanwhile 
 several  opulent  individuals  offered  to  advance  £2,000,000,  provided 
 they  were  invested  with  all  the  privileges  of  the  India  trade,  as  hereto- 
 fore enjoyed  by  the  Company.  Parliament  accepted  the  larger  sum, 
 though  at  double  interest,  and  a  bill  was  ordered  to  be  prepared  for 
 incorporating  the  subscribers.  The  Company,  not  to  be  outdone  by 
 their  opponents,  then  proposed  a  loan  of  £2,000,000,  but  this  availed 
 them  nothing.  The  government  was  favourable  to  the  opposing  interest, 
 and  it  prevailed.  So  great  w'ere  the  advantages  anticipated  by  the 
 nation  from  the  new  association,  that  the  subscription  of  two  millions 
 was  filled  up  within  a  few  days  after  the  books  were  opened.  The 
 greatest  part  of  this  sum  was  subscribed  by  foreigners.  The  king  him- 
 self was  an  adventurer  to  the  extent  of  £10,000. 
 
 The  charter  of  the  original  Company  had  not  yet  expired,  and  a  most 
 ruinous  contest  ensued  betwixt  the  rival  associations.  More  than  sixty 
 ships  are  said  to  have  been  employed  by  the  contending  interests  in  the 
 India  trade.  The  glut  of  India  goods,  joined  to  other  causes,  produced 
 by  this  rivalship,  reduced  the  value  of  the  stock  of  the  old  Company, 
 which  had  been  as  high  as  500  per  cent.,  to  39  per  cent.  Both  parties 
 at  length  seem  to  have  discovered  the  ruinous  tendency  of  this  contest, 
 and  an  union  was  effected  in  1702,  by  a  tripartite  indenture,  wherein 
 Queen  Anne,  the  old  Company  and  the  new  Company  were  partners. 
 According  to  this  instrument,  the  two  Companies  bind  themselves  to 
 have  at  least  one-tenth  of  their  exports  in  English  manufactures,  and 
 after  the  expiration  of  seven  years  they  are  to  be  called  "  The  United 
 Company  of  Merchants  of  England  trading  to  the  East  Indies," 
 which  is  their  present  designation. 
 
 In  1766,  the  Company,  in  consequence  of  their  territorial  acquisi- 
 tions, raised  their  dividend  from  6  to  10  per  cent,  and  shortly  after  to  12| 
 per  cent.  In  India  this  year,  their  power  was  exposed  to  hazard  by  the 
 abolition  of  the  double  batta,  or  allowance  to  officers  in  the  field  :  it 
 originated  a  serious  mutiny  in  the  army,  but  was  subdued  by  the  firm- 
 ness of  Lord  Clive,  and  many  officers  cashiered.  The  celebrated  Hyder 
 Ali,  who  from  a  subordinate  rank  had  raised  himself  to  the  throne  of 
 Mysore,  began  about  this  period  to  menace  the  sway  of  the  Company. 
 
398  EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 In  1779,  the  time  for  the  renewal  of  the  charter  approaching:,  the 
 Company  prudently  prepared  for  that  event,  by  a  present  to  the  pubhc 
 of  three  seventy-four  g-un  ships,  besides  a  large  sum  of  money  in 
 bounties  to  6000  seamen.  Notwithstanding  this  bonus,  in  1781  notice 
 was  given  to  the  Company  by  Government,  that  on  the  expiration  of 
 the  charter  their  exclusive  privileges  should  cease,  unless  they  would 
 agree  to  pay  £1,000,000  into  the  exchequer,  restrict  their  future  divi- 
 dend to  8  ])er  cent,  and  pay  three-fourths  of  the  surplus  profits,  over 
 and  above  that  dividend,  into  the  Treasury.  After  much  discussion, 
 the  demand  for  the  renewal  of  the  charter  was  reduced  to  £400,000, 
 the  other  conditions  remaining  unaltered;  and  the  Company  were  re- 
 quired to  submit  all  political  despatches  to  ministers,  who  were  to  decide 
 on  all  questions  relative  to  peace  and  Avar. 
 
 In  1789  the  decennial  settlement  of  lands  commenced  in  Bengal  and 
 Bahar,  and  was  completed  in  1793,  when  the  settlement  was  made  per- 
 petual. By  this  settlement,  which  produced  such  an  important  change 
 in  the  landed  tenure  of  a  vast  terntoiy  in  India,  the  zemindars,  who 
 were  in  fact  the  revenue  agents  of  the  Mogul  government,  usually 
 hereditary  and  possessed  of  great  power  and  influence,  but  not  owm^rs 
 of  the  soil,  which  they  could  neither  sell  nor  alienate,  were  declared  the 
 actual  land-owners,  and  from  them  the  principal  revenue  of  India  was  to 
 be  derived  in  the  shape  of  land-tax.  The  poor  ryots  or  peasantry, 
 who  were,  next  to  the  sovereign,  the  real  owners  of  the  land,  as  much 
 as  the  feudal  nobility  of  England  or  Hungary,  and  who  could  not  be 
 dispossessed  of  it  so  long  as  they  paid  their  public  assessments,  were  at 
 once  transmuted  into  the  tenants  of  the  zemindars  or  tax-gatherers. 
 The  ol)jects  of  this  sweeping  innovation  wexQ  Jinancial  and  of  disastrous 
 issue.  The  zemindars,  obliged  to  go  through  the  legal  foimalities  to 
 collect  their  levies  from  the  ryots,  were  unable  to  pay  their  taxes  to  the 
 government,  whose  proceedings  were  summary.  Their  lands  were  gradu- 
 ally sold  for  the  arrears  of  taxes,  and  passed  into  the  hands  of  absentee 
 landlords;  in  a  few  years  almost  all  the  zemindars  disappeared.  No  im- 
 provement took  place  in  the  condition  of  the  ryots,  who  were  more 
 oppressed  by  the  middlemen  above  them  than  they  had  been  by  the  tax- 
 gatherers  of  the  Mogul. 
 
 About  this  period,  the  affairs  of  the  East-India  Company,  and  the 
 transactions  in  Hindustan,  began  deeply  to  interest  the  public,  and  every 
 session  of  parliament  produced  new  investigations  on  this  important  sub- 
 ject. From  merchants,  the  Company  had  risen  into  sovereign  princes, 
 and,  instead  of  being  occupied  with  the  ginger  and  pepper  trade,  they 
 were  wholly  absorbed  in  schemes  of  territorial  aggrandizement.  Oc- 
 cupied unceasingly  in  war  —buying  and  exchanging  territory — making 
 treaties  of  partition— hiring  troops  to  the  native  princes — establishing 
 monopolies  —  and  fomenting  hostilities  among  the  nabobs  and  subahdars, 
 that  these  short-sighted  princes,  after  weakening  each  other  by  their 
 animosities,  might  fall  an  easy  prey  to  the  superior  policy  of  the  com- 
 mon invader.  These  avocations  ill  comported  with  the  commercial 
 character,  and  it  was  a  little  inconceivable  how  men,  whose  knowledge, 
 
DISSOLUTION    or    THE    MOGUL    EMPIRE.  399 
 
 it  may  be  supposed,  was  principally  confined  to  making  out  invoices, 
 bills  of  lading-,  or  book-keeping  by  double  entry,  could  discharge  these 
 royal  functions. 
 
 In  1783,  Mr.  Fox  introduced  his  famous  India  Bills,  the  general 
 objects  of  which  were  to  divest  the  company  of  their  administrative 
 functions— to  prohibit  them  from  making  war,  unless  in  self-defence — • 
 from  making  treaties  of  partition— hiring  troops  to  the  native  princes — 
 and  every  illegal  present  was  to  be  recoverable  by  any  person  for  his 
 own  benefit.  These  provisions  sufficiently  indicate  the  prevalent  abuses. 
 They  were  opposed  by  Mr.  Pitt,  then  out  of  place,  an  oppositionist  and 
 reformer.  The  question  agitated  the  whole  nation  ;  and  such  was  the 
 outcry  raised  by  the  Company  against  the  pretended  violation  of  their 
 charter — representing  such  a  precedent  as  endangering  the  security  of 
 all  the  corporations  in  the  kingdom, — that  they  finally  prevailed, 
 and  the  bills,  though  passed  in  the  Commons,  were  rejected  by  the 
 Lords. 
 
 Next  [year  a  dissolution  of  parliament  and  change  of  ministers  having 
 taken  place,  Mr.  Pitt  introduced  a  new  bill  for  the  better  government  of 
 India.  Many  of  the  provisions  of  this  bill  were  similar  to  those  of  the 
 bill  of  Mr.  Fox.  The  most  important  difference  related  to  the  appoint- 
 ment of  the  Board  of  Control.  The  commercial  affairs  and  territorial 
 possessions  of  the  Company  were  to  continue  in  their  hands,  subject 
 to  the  superintendence  of  a  board  of  commissioners  appointed  by  the 
 Crown. 
 
 The  next  subject  of  any  interest  is  the  trial  of  Warren  Hastings. 
 This  gentleman  had  presided  over  India  thirteen  years,  and  arrived  in 
 England  on  the  16th  of  June,  1785.  On  the  26th  of  the  same  month, 
 Mr.  Burke,  who  had  brought  heavy  accusations  against  him  in  the  pre- 
 ceding session,  gave  notice  of  his  intention  to  impeach  him  for  high 
 crimes  and  misdemeanours,  alleged  to  have  been  committed  in  India. 
 After  long  debates  in  this  and  succeeding  sessions,  the  prosecution  was 
 sanctioned  by  the  Commons,  and,  in  1787,  articles  of  impeachment  were 
 sent  to  the  Lords.  The  trial  was  protracted  from  year  to  year,  till  the 
 23d  of  April,  1795,  when  the  accused  was  acquitted,  on  the  payment 
 of  his  fees,  of  all  the  charges  preferred  against  him.  The  Company,  in 
 consideration  of  the  services  of  this  officer,  discharged  the  expenses  he 
 had  incurred  by  the  prosecution,  amounting  to  upwards  of  £70,000,  and 
 settled  upon  him  an  annuity  of  £5000. 
 
 In  1793  the  charter  of  the  Company  was  reneAved,  and  their  exclu- 
 sive privileges  continued  to  them  until  the  first  day  of  March,  1814. 
 In  this  act  a  clause  was  inserted  to  restrain  the  belligerent  propensities 
 of  the  Company's  servants,  but  it  appears  not  to  have  been  much 
 regarded.  In  1792  Tippoo  Saib  was  despoiled  of  half  his  dominions,  and 
 compelled  to  deliver  two  of  his  sons  into  the  hands  of  the  Marquis 
 Cornwallis,  as  hostages  for  the  performance  of  a  treaty  by  which  he 
 engaged  to  pay  £1,600,000  in  money  to  the  Company.  In  1799  this 
 prince  was  again  attacked  by  Lord  Mornington,  now  Marquis  Wellesley, 
 under  pretext  of  having  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  French,  and 
 
400  EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 some  of  the  native  princes,  for  the  entire  expulsion  of  the  English  from 
 India.  This  war  completed  the  destruction  of  the  sultan.  His  capital 
 of  Serinf:!,apatam  was  taken  by  assault,  himself  slain  in  its  defence,  and 
 his  dominions  dismembered.  Mis  descendants  are  now  supported  by 
 pensions  payable  by  the  ci-devant  dealers  in  mace  and  cloves. 
 
 The  Company  having  obtained  posse.ssion  of  the  difterent  members 
 of  the  Mogul  empire,  in  1803,  completed  their  conquests  by  attacking 
 the  Mogul  himself  in  his  capital  of  Delhi.  This  monarch  and  his 
 family  were  also  placed  upon  the  pension-list  of  the  Company. 
 
 We  shall  only  mention  a  few  more  facts  connected  with  the  Com- 
 pany's hi.story  till  the  opening  of  the  trade  in  1814.  By  the  act  of 
 1784  the  fortunes  acquired  in  India  were  to  be  ascertained  on  the 
 return  of  each  servant  of  the  Company  to  England ;  this  clause  wa.s 
 repealed  two  years  after  by  26  Geo.  III.  c.  .57.  By  the  29  Geo.  III. 
 c.  65,  they  Avere  authorised  to  add  one  million  to  their  capital  stock. 
 The  new  stock  being  subscribed  at  174  per  cent,  produced  £1,740,000, 
 which  raised  their  joint-stock  to  five  millions.  In  1793  they  were 
 authorized  to  add  another  million  to  their  capital  by  subscription,  making 
 it  £6,000,000,  its  present  amount.  This  additional  stock  produced 
 £2,000,000,  being  subscribed  at  200  per  cent. 
 
 In  1797  valuable  concessions  were  made  to  the  Americans  with 
 regard  to  the  India  trade.  They  were  permitted  to  carry  on  trade  with 
 the  Company's  territories  in  India,  in  articles  not  prohibited  by  law,  on 
 paying  only  the  duties  paid  by  British  vessels.  These  advantages  were 
 not  neglected  by  the  Americans.  In  a  few  years  the  trade  of  the 
 United  States  in  India  equalled  nearly  one  half  the  ti-ade  of  the  Com- 
 pany. It  was  singular  policy  to  admit  a  foreign  state  to  the  participa- 
 tion of  the  India  trade  while  our  o\\  n  merchants  were  excluded. 
 
 In  1803,  during  the  alarm  of  an  invasion,  the  Company,  at  a  general 
 court,  came  to  a  resolution  to  present  to  government  10,000  tons  of 
 shipping  to  guard  the  coast,  and  to  be  maintained  at  their  own  expense. 
 In  the  years  1808  and  1809  the  Company  lost  four  outward-bound 
 and  six  homeward-bound  ships.  The  value  of  the  ships  and  cargoes 
 was  estimated  at  two  millions. 
 
 We  have  now  mentioned  the  more  important  facts  in  the  history  of 
 the  East-India  Company  to  the  year  1813,  when  the  exclusive  privi- 
 leges of  this  association  were  in  part  abolished.  Prior  to  that  time 
 private  traders  were  not  wholly  excluded  from  the  India  trade.  By  the 
 17th  clause  of  the  act  of  1793,  the  Company  were  obliged  to  appropriate 
 3000  tons  of  shipping  for  carrying  out  goods  belonging  to  private  mer- 
 chants and  manufacturers.  The  act  of  1813  continues  to  the  Company 
 the  revenue  and  territorial  acquisitions  in  India,  and  the  exclusive 
 monopoly  of  the  China  trade ;  but  the  trade  to  India,  subject  to  certain 
 restrictions  and  regulations,  is  thrown  open  to  the  enterprkse  of  indi- 
 viduals. These  immunities  were  conceded  to  the  Company  imtil  the  10th 
 of  April,  1831,  absolutely,  and  afterwards,  until  three  years'  notice 
 be  given  by  parliament,  and  the  debt  due  from  the  public  to  the 
 Company  be  paid. 
 
TERRITORIAL  EXTENT  AND    POPULATION   OF  INDIA.    401 
 
 IN'DIAX    WARS    AND    TERRITORIAL    ACQUISITIONS. 
 
 No  external  dominion  in  the  Elast  can  endanger  the  security  of  the 
 Anglo-Indian  empire.  All  the  native  princes  have  either  been  absolutely 
 conquered,  reduced  to  a  state  of  dependence,  or  have  been  so  completely 
 humiliated  and  divested  of  offensive  power,  as  to  render  entirely  hope- 
 less every  chance  of  successful  opposition  to  the  British  government .  In 
 1815  the  Ghorkas,  who  possess  the  kingdom  of  Nepaul,  on  the  northern 
 frontier  of  Hindustan,  made  a  show  of  contesting  the  sovereignty  of 
 the  Company,  but  they  were  completely  defeated  by  Lord  Hastings,  and 
 compelled  to  purchase  peace  by  the  cession  of  a  large  tract  of  territory. 
 The  Bunnese  were  the  last  nation  who  gave  us  any  uneasiness.  They 
 have  been  represented  as  a  warlike  people,  and  at  one  time  meditated 
 nothing  less  than  an  eruption  into  the  province  of  Bengal.  Rangoon, 
 their  capital,  was  occupied  by  a  British  force;  and  in  1826,  after  a 
 teasing  warfare,  they  submitted  to  the  terms  imposed  by  the  invading 
 aiTny,  by  which  the  Company  has  become  possessed  of  the  provinces  of 
 Arracan  and  Tenasserim,  including  nearly  the  whole  line  of  coast  which 
 previously  belonged  to  the  Bunnan  empire. 
 
 Of  the  Mahratta  chiefs,  Scindia  alone  retains  the  full  militar}'  as 
 well  as  civil  government  of  his  territory.  The  courts  of  Holkar  and  of 
 Guicowar,  the  rajah  of  Berar  and  of  the  smaller  principalities,  exer- 
 cise the  civil  functions  of  royalty,  but  are  not  tolerated  in  the  possession 
 of  an  armed  force.  They  have  each,  by  the  cession  or  conquest  of  a 
 part  of  their  territories,  purchased  military  protection  from  the  Company. 
 The  Rajpoot  chiefs,  who  occupy  the  north-west  frontier  of  Hindustan, 
 are  tributary  either  to  the  Company  or  to  the  states  of  Scindia  and 
 Holkar.  Of  the  Mahometan  governments,  the  king  of  Oude,  the 
 Nizam,  the  rajahs  of  Mysore  and  Travancore,  and  the  nabob  of  Bhopaul, 
 are  the  principal  states  whose  civil  independence  is  recognized,  and 
 these  are  in  such  a  defenceless  condition  as  to  be  entirely  dependent 
 on  the  forbearance  of  the  Company  for  the  continuance  of  their 
 .sovereignty. 
 
 From  foreign  rivalry  and  interference  the  English  have  no  cause  of 
 apprehension.  The  only  colonies  which  now  belong  to  other  European 
 nations  are  Pondicheny  and  Chandernagore,  to  the  French  ;  Goa,  to 
 Portugal:  Tranquebar  and  Serampore,  to  the  Danish  government;  and 
 Chinsurah,  to  the  Dutch. 
 
 The  population  of  the  territories  directly  subject  to  Great  Britain  has 
 been  estimated  at  80,000,000  of  souls  ;  while  the  population  of  those 
 states  which  enjoy  civil  independence,  but  have  been  depri%-ed  of  a 
 military  force,  has  been  computed  to  amount  to  40,000,000.  The 
 territory  extends  over  an  area  of  585,000  square  miles;  and  the  total 
 territoiy  dependent,  directly  or  indirectly,  upon  the  Company,  amounts 
 to  about  1,180,000  square  miles.  Such  is  the  mighty  empire,  for  the 
 government  and  interests  of  which  parliament  will  be  shortly  called 
 upon  to  legislate. 
 
 ■2  D 
 
4<)2  r.  AST-INDIA     ro -VIP  ANY. 
 
 We  have  not  yet  adverted  to  the  means  by  which  this  vast  dominion 
 has  been  acquired.  In  our  narrative  of  the  commercial  progress  of  the 
 Company  Ave  forbore  to  enter  into  the  l)lack  page  of  Indian  wars  and 
 politics.  Unparalleled  oriinos,  violated  treaties,  blood,  treachery,  and 
 devastHtion,  form  the  chief  materials  of  Indian  liistory : — crimes, 
 abhorrent  even  to  a  nation  of  barl)arians,  disgraceful  to  a  civilized  state, 
 and  horrible  when  perpotrateil  by  the  agents  of  a  Christian  country. 
 There  was  not  a  single  state,  we  are  assured  by  Burke,  prince,  or  poten- 
 tate, with  whom  the  Company  had  come  in  contact,  that  they  had  not 
 sold;  not  a  sing^le  treat)'  they  had  ever  made,  that  they  had  not  broken  ; 
 not  a  single  prince  or  state,  who  ever  put  any  trust  in  the  Company, 
 who  was  not  utterly  ruined ;  and  that  none  were,  in  any  degree,  secure 
 or  flourishing,  but  in  the  exact  proportion  to  their  settled  distrust  and 
 irreconcilable  enmity  to  this  nation. 
 
 Indian  delinquency  is  of  no  grovelling  kind ;  it  soars  far  above  all 
 precedent  of  ancient  or  European  turpitude.  Faith,  justice,  and 
 humanity,  w'ere  mere  pretexts  for  rapine  and  violence.  When  these 
 would  not  serve  for  the  spoliation  of  the  native  powers,  imaginary  crimes 
 were  laid  to  their  charge.  Plots  and  i-ebellion,  which,  in  England,  have 
 often  been  the  pretexts  for  destroying-  the  liberties  of  the  people,  in 
 India  were  the  pretexts  for  plunder  and  devastation.  These,  when  no 
 other  offered,  were  the  standing  resources  of  the  Company.  When 
 monev  had  been  thought  to  be  heaped  up  any  wliere,  its  owners  were 
 invariably  accused  of  treason,  and  the  only  security  for  their  allegiance 
 was  sought  in  reducing  them  to  indigence.  In  England  poverty  is 
 considered  symptomatic  of  a  traitorous  disposition,  in  India  it  was  riches; 
 and  the  native  prince  had  no  chance  of  living  free  from  the  endless 
 accusations,  exactions,  and  even  torture  *  of  his  oppressors,  till  he  had 
 stripped  himself  of  the  sordid  wealth  which  excited  their  cupidity. 
 
 The  most  profitable  merchandize  of  the  Company  was  the  nabobs  and 
 .subahdars  or  viceroys.  These  princes,  the  rightful  sovereigns  of  Hin- 
 dustan, were  sold  and  re-sold  like  cattle  in  a  fair  ;  even  the  Great 
 Mogul  himself,  the  descendantof  Tamerlane,  was  included  in  the  general 
 traflic.  This  potentate,  venerable  for  his  yeais,  and  accomplished  in  all 
 the  oriental  literature,  was  sold  to  his  own  minister.  He  was  knocked 
 down  for  the  revenue  of  two  provinces.  Some  princes  were  sold  to  their 
 own  children;  the  Company,  exciting  the  children  to  a  parricidal  Avar 
 against  their  parents,  put  them  in  possession  of  their  dominions,  on  con- 
 dition of  hereafter  being  tributary  and  dependent  on  the  Company.  We 
 could  mention  several  instances  of  this  mode  of  carrying  on  the  royal 
 slave-trade,  but  we  Avill  pass  them  by,  in  order  to  relate  a  more  SAA'eeping 
 sale  of  GoA'ernor  Hastings. 
 
 *  After  taking  possession  of  tlie  palace  of  tlie  Begums — tiie  motlier  and 
 graiulinotlu-r  of  our  ally,  the  mibolj  of  ()ud<; — in  1782,  two  old  donii'stics  of  the 
 Begums  Avere  tortured  to  elicit  an  account  of  tiu>  Begums'  treasure.  .\l)ove 
 £500,(tOO  Avas  paid,  but  the  ill  treatment  continued,  Avith  the  hope  of  extracting 
 more  money,  Avhen,  it  being  found  unavailing,  they  Avere  set  at  liberty. 
 
INDIA   WARS  —  IMPOSTURE  OF   INDIA   GOVERNMENT.    403 
 
 This  man,  who  on  one  occasion  received  a  present  of  £100,000  from 
 the  nabob  of  Oude,  was  the  great  salesman  of  Indian  territory.  We  have 
 seen  that  all  the  expenses  of  his  prosecution  were  paid,  and  he  was 
 rewarded  with  an  annuity  of  £5000  per  annum  iox  his  faithful  services 
 in  India.  The  province  of  Bengal,  over  which  he  presided,  and  the 
 territory  annexed  to  it,  is  larger  and  more  populous  than  France,  and 
 formerly  contained  a  landed  interest,  composed  of  a  numerous  nobility 
 and  gentry,  of  freeholders,  lower  tenants,  religious  communities,  and 
 public  foundations.  Under  the  English  administration,  these  provinces 
 had  fallen  into  great  decay,  and  a  strong  representation  was  made  of  its 
 causes.  Mr.  Hastings,  instead  of  administering  any  remedy  to  the 
 disorders,  determined,  at  one  blow,  to  dispossess  all  the  ancient  pro- 
 prietors. The  incredible  fact  is,  he  set  up  the  whole  landed  interest  of 
 a  kingdom  larger  than  France  to  public  auction.  He  set  up,  says 
 Burke,  the  Avhole  nobility,  gentry,  and  freeholders  to  the  highest 
 bidder.*  No  preference  was  given  to  the  zemindars,  the  ancient  pro- 
 prietors. They  were  compelled  to  bid  for  their  own  property  against 
 every  usurer,  jobber,  specvdator,  or  European  servant;  or  they  were 
 obliged  to  content  themselves,  in  lieu  of  their  extensive  domains,  with 
 their  house  and  such  a  pension  as  the  state  auctioneer  thought  fit  to 
 assign.  Several  of  them,  in  lieu  of  their  hereditary  lands,  contented 
 themselves  with  a  pension,  of  which,  under  a  new  stretch  of  rapacity, 
 they  were  subsequently  deprived. 
 
 For  the  calamities  inflicted  on  this  devoted  region  by  avarice  and 
 ambition,  few  compensatory  advantages  have  been  rendered.  Scarcely  a 
 single  trace  is  to  be  found  of  the  superiority  of  our  civil  administration, 
 nor  a  record  of  usefulness  and  generosity.  Almost  every  village  in 
 England  attests  the  former  sovereignty  of  the  Romans  by  the  ruins  of 
 some  work  of  power  or  utility ;  but  the  future  Hindoo  will  in  vain  seek 
 for  mementos  of  our  sway,  in  the  bridges  Ave  have  built,  the  navigations 
 we  have  opened,  or  the  highways  we  have  constructed.  All  former 
 conquerors  of  Hindustan — the  Arab,  the  Tartar,  and  the  Persian,  left 
 behind  them  some  monument  of  either  state  or  beneficence;  but  were 
 we  to  be  driven  out  of  India  this  day,  nothing  would  remain  to  tell  that 
 it  had  been  possessed,  during  the  inglorious  period  of  our  dominion,  by 
 any  thing  "  better  than  the  ourang-outang  or  the  tiger."  Our  only 
 principle  of  government  has  been  a  system  of  imposture,  and  our 
 countrymen  have  visited  India  not  to  benefit  the  natives,  but  themsehes. 
 Their  object  is  to  amass  fortunes,  and  they  resort  thither  in  endless 
 flights,  hke  birds  of  prey  and  passage.  All  discussion,  all  enquiry,  all 
 familiar  intercourse  with  the  people  they  prey  upon  is  discouraged,  lest 
 it  shoidd  betray  the  secret  of  our  strength,  and  the  delusion  upon  which 
 the  Indian  empire  is  established. 
 
 Our  military  triumphs  have  been  as  void  of  true  glory  as  our  civil 
 administration.     The   feeble    and    indolent    Hindoos  were   an  unequal 
 
 Works  of  Edmund  Burke,  vol.  iv.  p.  85. 
 
404  EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 match  for  the  energy,  artillery,  and  tactic  comhinations  of  Europeans ; 
 the  greatest  obstacles  they  could  oppose  to  their  invaders  were  the 
 fatigue  of  long  marches  and  a  destructive  climate.  To  meet  them  in 
 the  field  was  synonymous  with  defeat,  dispersion,  or  capture.  Hence 
 our  most  signal  victories,  in  the  East,  have  been  little  more  than  so 
 many  battiis — the  "  slaughter  of  some  hundred  deer." 
 
 In  the  "  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Sir  Thomas  Munro,"  recently 
 published,  we  have  striking  illustrations  of  Indian  warfare.  The 
 Mahrattas  were  ahvays  reckoned  among  our  most  formidable  opponents, 
 and  the  battle  of  Assaye,  the  most  brilliant  of  the  eastern  triumphs  of 
 the  Duke  of  Wellington.  Yet  it  appears  these  warriors,  in  this  famous 
 conflict,  kept  so  far  aloof  from  close  collision  with  our  troops,  as  to 
 inflict  no  wound  either  with  bayonet  or  bullet.  Speaking  of  this  battle, 
 in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Read,  Sir  T.  Munro  says,  "  At  the  battle  of 
 Assaye,  the  severest  that  took  place  in  the  course  of  the  war,  I  do  not 
 recollect,  among  all  our  killed  and  wounded  officers,  one  that  suffered 
 from  a  musket-ball  or  a  bayonet,  a  convincing  proof  that  the  Mahratta 
 infantry  made  very  little  serious  opposition.  Its  discipline,  its  arms, 
 and  unifoiTn  clothing  ]  regard  merely  as  the  means  of  dressing  it  out 
 for  the  sacrifice." 
 
 In  the  "  Correspondence"  are  several  letters  from  the  Duke  of 
 Wellington,  then  Colonel  Wellesley,  which  throw  an  instmctive  light 
 on  the  reckless,  plundering,  and  destroying  system  which  marked  our 
 Asiatic  triumphs.  In  one  letter  Colonel  Wellesley  recommends,  in 
 dashing  style,  the  "  cutting  up"  and  "  hunting  out"  the  natives.  To 
 be  sure  these  were  thieves,  and  it  might  be  quite  in  keeping  with  Indian 
 justice  to  do  execution  upon  them  without  trial,  judge,  or  jury. 
 
 In  another  letter  Colonel  Wellesley  signalizes  the  exploits  of  a 
 brother  officer,  by  the  following  graphic  description  :  — 
 
 "  Colonel  Montresor  has  been  very  successful  in  Bulum ;  has  beat,  burnt, 
 plundered,  and  destroyed  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  But  I  am  still  of  opinion 
 that  nothing  has  been  done  which  can  tend  effectually  to  put  an  end  to  the 
 rebellion  in  Bulum,  and  that  the  near  approach  of  the  rains  renders  it  im- 
 possible to  do  THAT,  which  alone,  in  my  opinion,  will  ever  get  the  better  of 
 Kistnapah  Naig."* 
 
 We  may  recognize,  in  these  military  sketches,  the  same  fierce  and 
 determined  spirit  which  so  promptly  turned  Huskisson  to  the  right  about, 
 and  dismissed  from  the  Irish  viceroyship  that  gallant  soldier  the  Marquis 
 of  Anglesey.  Bonaparte  was  certainly  as  regardless  of  human  life  as 
 any  pestilent  conqueror  that  ever  desolated  the  face  of  the  earth ;  but 
 there  is  one  letter  of  Colonel  Wellesley,  which,  it  must  be  allowed, 
 evinces  as  much  barbarous  indifference  to  the  common  feelings  of  hu- 
 manity as  ever  Napoleon  did  in  the  worst  of  his  Egyptian  slaughterings. 
 We  shall  give  the  letter  entire.  The  colonel  was  at  the  time  pursuing 
 his  operations  against  Dhoondee. 
 
 *  Supplement  to  the  Life  of  Major-General  Sir  T.  Munro,  vol.  iii.  p.  120. 
 
EXPLOITS    OF    COLONEL    WELLESLEY.  405 
 
 "  Camp  at  Soodnelly,  Aug.  1st,  1800. 
 
 "  Dear  Munro, — I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  22d  and  23d;  I  have 
 sent  orders  to  the  commanding  officers  at  Hullihall  and  at  Nuggar  to  furnish 
 ammunition  in  moderate  quantities,  on  the  requisition  of  your  amildars  ;  in 
 any  quantities  you  please,  on  your  own.  Don't  press  Hullihall  too  much,  as  I 
 knovir  they  are  not  very  well  supplied  there.  Take  what  you  please  from 
 Nuggar.  /  have  taken  and  destroyed  Doondiah's  baggage  and  six  guns,  ujid  driven 
 into  the  Malpurba  {where  they  were  drowned )  about  five  thousand  people:  / 
 stormed  Dummull  on  the  2Gth  July.  Doondiah's  followers  are  quitting  him  apace, 
 as  they  do  not  think  the  amusement  very  gratifying  at  the  present  moment.  The 
 war,  therefore,  is  nearly  at  an  end ;  and  another  blow,  which  I  am  meditating 
 upon  him  and  his  bunjarries,  in  the  Kentoor  country,  will  most  probably  bring 
 it  to  a  close.  I  must  halt  here  to-morrow,  to  refresh  a  little,  having  marched 
 every  day  since  the  22d  July  ;  and  on  the  30th,  the  day  on  which  I  took  his 
 baggage,  I  marched  twenty-six  miles  ;  which,  let  me  tell  you,  is  no  small  affair 
 in  this  country. 
 
 "  My  troops  are  in  high  health  and  spirits,  and  their  pockets  full  of  money, 
 the  produce  of  plunder.  I  still  think,  however,  that  a  store  of  rice  at  Hullihall 
 will  do  us  no  harm,  and,  if  I  should  not  want  it,  the  expense  incurred  will  not 
 signify." 
 
 The  man  who  could  write  this  deserves  that  his  name  should  be 
 inscribed  on  the  same  roll  with  Attila  and  Zinghis  Khan,  ft  is  only, 
 however,  a  proof  of  the  brutalizing-  tendency  of  war  ;  for  we  never 
 heard  that  Colonel  Wellesley  had  either  less  or  more  humanity  than  the 
 usual  run  of  conquering  heroes.  But  how  horrible  to  boast  of  having* 
 driven  five  thousand  people  into  a  river,  where  they  were  drowned  ! 
 Then  with  what  gusto  the  future  Prince  of  Waterloo  talks  of  plunder, 
 and  of  burning,  and  destroying .  These  excerpts  are  enoug'h  to  illus- 
 trate Asiatic  triumphs. 
 
 GOVERNMENT    AND    PATRONAGE    OF    INDIA. 
 
 The  present  frame  of  India  government  was  established  under  the  act 
 of  1784,  and  modified,  by  subsequent  acts  for  the  renewal  of  the  charter, 
 in  1793  and  1813.  Under  the  authority  of  these  acts,  by  the  insti- 
 tution of  the  Board  of  Control,  such  superintendence  of  the  affairs  of 
 India  is  vested  in  the  ministers  of  the  Crown  as  precludes  misgovern- 
 ment  without  their  concurrence.  The  Board  is  appointed  by  the  King, 
 and  consists  of  twelve  commissioners,  of  whom  the  two  Secretaries  of 
 State  and  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  are  ex  officio  members  ;  the 
 president  of  the  Board  is  the  responsible  officer,  but  the  assistance  of  two 
 other  members  is  necessary  to  render  its  proceedings  valid.  The  Board 
 is  invested  with  a  control  in  all  matters  relating  to  the  government  of 
 India,  whether  civil,  military,  or  financial.  It  has  access  to  all  records, 
 and  may  require  abstracts  and  statements  respecting  all  affairs  not 
 strictly  commercial.  No  despatches  relating-  to  government  or  revenue 
 can  be  forwarded  to  India  without  its  approval.  It  may  even  originate 
 instructions,  and  the  Court  of  Directors,  though  they  may  remonstrate. 
 
40G  EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 cannot  alter  them.  All  despatches  received  from  India  must  be  imme- 
 diately submitted  to  the  Board  •  nor  rnn  anv  public  disclosure  of  their 
 contents  take  place,  except  under  its  authority.  No  war  can  be  under- 
 taken in  India  without  its  sanction.  It  niav  grant  licenses  to  individuals 
 to  reside  in  India,  and  to  ships  to  trade,  when  such  licenses  have  been 
 refused  ])y  the  Directors.  So  extensive,  indeed,  have  been  the  powers 
 conmiitted  to  it,  that,  whatever  may  have  been  the  complexion  of  the 
 Compnuy's  measures  in  India,  their  responsibility  is  shared  by  the  Board 
 of  Control,  and,  throuoji  it,  l)y  the  king's  ministers  at  home. 
 
 Subordinate  to  the  Board  of  Control  are  the  administrative  bodies 
 emanating  from  the  Company.  The  first  in  responsibility  and  power  is 
 the  Court  of  Diiectors,  consisting  of  twenty-four  members.  They  are 
 elected  by  the  General  Court  of  Proprietors,  who  meet  four  times 
 a-year,  and  to  whom  it  belongs  to  declare  the  dividend,  to  appoint  a 
 committee  to  frame  by-laAvs,  to  control  all  grants  above  a  certain 
 amount,  and  to  receive  reports  from  the  Directors  respecting  the 
 general  state  of  the  Companv's  concerns.  No  proprietor  is  entitled  to  a 
 vote  unless  he  be  possessed  of  £1000  East-India  stock;  and  the  quali- 
 fication of  a  Director  is  £2000  stock.  Six  Directors  go  out  annually 
 in  rotation,  so  that  four  years  is  the  period  of  service  for  each  Director  ; 
 no  Director  can  be  re-elected  until  he  has  been  out  of  the  direction  for 
 at  least  one  year ;  thirteen  Directors  form  a  Court,  and  the  presence  of 
 that  number  is  necessar}'  to  give  effect  to  all  orders  and  instructions 
 Avhich  do  not  emanate  from  the  secret  committee.  The  business  of  the 
 Company  is  chiefly  conducted  by  committees  and  sub-committees,  to 
 which  are  permanently  allotted  certain  defined  duties,  and  which  are 
 com])osed  of  Directors  appointed  in  the  order  of  their  seniority. 
 
 In  India,  the  administration  of  each  of  the  three  presidencies  of 
 Calcutta,  Madras,  and  Bombay  is  vested  in  a  Governor  and  Council, 
 consisting  of  three  members.  The  Commander-in-Chief  may  be  a 
 member  of  Council,  without  regard  to  the  term  of  his  residence ;  but 
 no  civil  servant  of  the  Company  can  become  member  of  Council  until 
 he  has  served  ten  years  in  India.  The  Government  of  Calcutta  is 
 supreme  over  the  other  governments  in  matters  relating  to  peace,  war, 
 and  revenue.  All  the  proceedings  of  the  governments  in  India  nnist 
 be  recorded  by  minutes,  with  a  statement  of  the  reasons  upon  which 
 they  have  been  founded,  for  the  purpose  of  checking  maladministration. 
 The  governments  are  entrusted  with  the  entire  control  over  the  army, 
 and  with  the  imposition  of  taxes,  in  all  the  dominions  of  the  Company, 
 except  the  towns  of  Calcutta,  Madras,  and  Bombay ;  and  their  regu- 
 lations have  the  authority  of  law,  until  reversed  by  instructions  from 
 home.  The  Governor-General  is  empowered  to  apprehend  all  suspected 
 persons,  and  either  to  send  them  home  to  be  tried  in  England,  or, 
 having  forwarded  copies  of  all  depositions  in  their  case,  to  retain  them 
 for  judgment  in  India.  Except  in  case  of  invasion,  or  of  the  most 
 urgent  necessity,  the  Govornor-CM-neral  is  restrained  from  declaring 
 war  until  the  sanction  of  the  Diiectors  and  of  the  Board  of  Control 
 has   been   received.      The   commercial    and    financial  concerns  of  the 
 
CO-MPANV'S    POLITICAL     A  DM  INISTK  ATIOX.  407 
 
 Company  in  India  are  superintended  by  a  Board  of  Trade  and  a  Board 
 of  Revenne.  The  collection  of  the  revenue  is  conducted  by  British 
 collectors,  aided  by  Britisii  assistants  ;  but  all  the  inferior  business  of 
 this  department  is  transacted  by  natives. 
 
 There  are  three  diftVrent  classes  of  courts  of  justice  in  India.  In  the 
 first  are  the  King's  Courts,  or  Supreme  Courts  of  Judicature,  -ivhose 
 jurisdiction  extends  to  all  British-born  subjects  residing- in  the  provinces, 
 but,  in  suits  between  natives,  is  limited  to  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
 presidencies.  The  courts  which  administer  justice  in  those  cases  in  which 
 the  natives  are  concerned  are  of  two  kinds,  civil  and  criminal.  Each 
 kind  consists  of  a  supreme  court,  with  courts  of  circuit  and  subordinate 
 tribunals,  down  to  institutions  analogous  to  our  Courts  of  Request  and 
 petty  sessions.  In  all  the  courts  Europeans  preside,  except  those  of 
 the  lowest  description,  in  which  there  are  native  judges.  Justice  is 
 administered  according  to  the  Mahummudan  law,  modified  by  a  regard  to 
 Hindoo  usages  and  by  the  regulations  of  the  British  Government. 
 The  natives  have  lately  been  rendered  capable  of  sitting-  on  juries,  and 
 it  may  be  hoped  that  the  introduction  of  this  institution  will  tend  to 
 exalt  the  character  of  the  people,  to  curb  that  disposition  to  pervert 
 justice  which  is  the  great  political  vice  of  the  East,  and  to  supply  the 
 deficiencies  under  which  an  European  judge  must  always  labour,  in 
 weighing  the  evidence  of  a  people  with  whose  habits  and  ideas  he  can 
 be  only  partially  acquainted. 
 
 Such  is  a  brief  outline  of  the  system  under  which  the  Indian  empire 
 is  administered.  Like  most  constitutions,  it  sounds  Avell  on  paper,  and 
 does  not  appear  liable  to  serious  objections ;  but  the  general  government 
 at  home  is  a  striking  instance  how  widely  the  principles  of  a  constitution 
 may  differ  from  its  practical  administration.  It  is  only  an  intelligent 
 Hindoo,  or  some  one  actually  cognizant  of  our  India  policy,  who  could 
 give  adequate  testimony  to  the  good  or  evil  it  confers  on  the  native 
 population.  Unfortunately  the  authorities  at  Calcutta  do  not  tolerate 
 the  jmblication  of  an  Extraordinary  Black  Book  there,  nor  hardly  a 
 Times  newspaper,  othenvise  one  might  become  acquainted  with  the 
 working  of  the  Leadenhall  administration. 
 
 One  of  the  best  criterions  of  good  government  is  the  excellence  of 
 the  judicial  system.  That  of  India  has  always  been  represented  cor- 
 rupt and  oppressis'e.  Tlie  administration  of  justice  is  the  most  lucrative 
 profession  in  the  east  as  well  as  in  England.  According  to  a  statement 
 of  Mr.  Hume,  in  tlie  House  of  Commons,  suitors  in  India  are  obliged 
 to  iKiy  to  government  on  the  sum  sued  for  from  50  to  7  and  6  per  cent, 
 and  a  fine  is  levied  on  all  debts  sued  for,  decreasing  as  the  amount 
 increases  !  Every  document  requisite  to  the  progress  of  a  suit,  the 
 citations,  examinations,  and  depositions  of  witnesses,  are  all  to  be 
 ■written  on  stamped  paper ;  thereby  increasing  the  expenses  to  an 
 enormous  total.  These  expenses  amount  to  a  virtual  denial  of  justice, 
 and,  in  the  course  of  a  long  life,  a  man  could  scarcely  expect  to  see 
 any  termination  of  suits ;  in  a  word,  it  is  the  English  chancery 
 system— that  admirable  contrivance  for  spunging  clients — operating  in 
 
408  EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 India.  The  police  is  established  on  the  Sidmouth  or  Villele  system. 
 A  corps  of  spies  is  attached  to  every  preventive  establishment,  and  there 
 is  no  Habeas  Corpus  Act  to  expedite  judicial  sentences.  Persons 
 are  frequently  taken  up,  and  months  elapse  before  any  information  is 
 exhibited  against  them.  In  the  interval  they  are  confined  in  crowded 
 and  unhealthy  prisons,  where  death  not  unfrequently  ovei'takes  them  ; 
 or,  after  enduring  the  aggravated  misery  of  imprisonment,  nothing 
 whatever  appears  against  them,  and  they  are  liberated.  For  these 
 blessings  the  Hindoos  pay  annually  about  £1,785,000,  which  is  a 
 greater  expense  than  all  the  law-officers  in  Europe. 
 
 Leaving  for  the  present  any  further  strictures  on  the  general  govern- 
 ment of  India,  let  us  advert  to  the  important  subject  of  India  influence 
 and  patronage. 
 
 The  whole  patronage  of  India,  civil  and  military,  is  vested  in  the 
 Court  of  Directors,  with  the  exception  of  the  appointments  of  bishops, 
 and  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Courts  of  Judicature.  The 
 Governors  in  India  and  the  Commander-in-Chief  are  named  by  the 
 Company,  but  their  appointment  must  be  sanctioned  by  the  king.  The 
 king  also  possesses  the  power  of  removing  any  civil  sen'ant  from  his 
 office  in  India.  With  these  exceptions,  the  entire  civil,  naval,  and 
 military  patronage  of  India  vests  in  the  Company,  and  exceeds  in  amount 
 the  patronage  of  the  Crown  before  the  French  revolutionary  war.  Of 
 the  extent  of  this  patronage  we  may  form  some  idea  from  the  number 
 of  persons  in  the  Company's  service.  We  have  no  means  of  stating 
 exactly  the  number  of  persons  employed  by  the  Company,  but  the  fol- 
 lowing is  an  estimate  when  the  revenues  and  possessions  of  the  east 
 were  much  less  than  at  present. 
 
 Pensons  either  in  the  service  of  the  Company  or 
 (       connected  with  and  employed  in  their  affairs 
 
 \      in  England 2,14G 
 
 C  "1  S  r  Vp  y  Persons  in  India  employed  in  the  judicial,  cleri- 
 
 \      cal,    diplomatic,   commercial,    and    revenue 
 
 i     departments    ]  ,056 
 
 F  Seamen  employed  and  reared  in  the  Company's 
 
 ^      service  in  115  ships,  about 25,000 
 
 British  military  officers  in  the  Company's  ser- 
 vice commanding  European  troops 1,000 
 
 British  officers  and  cadets  in  the  Company's  ser- 
 
 Military  and  Naval  y      vice  commanding  native  troops 3,000 
 
 Service.  i  British  non-commissioned  officers  and  soldiers 
 
 in  the  service  of  the  Company 16,000 
 
 British  officers  in  the  Company's  naval  depart- 
 
 "     ment  in  India 113 
 
 ^  Natives  employed  in  various  departments  in  the 
 
 Natives  in   the  ser- 1      civil  service  of  the  Company 12,302 
 
 vice  of  the  Cora-<   Natives  employed  in  the  Indian  sirmies 140,000 
 
 pany.  i  Natives  employed  in  tiie  naval  service  estimated 
 
 V     at  about 800 
 
 Total 201,477 
 
SALARIES — OUTFITS — SUPERANNUATIONS.  409 
 
 All  the  salaries  in  India  are  on  a  much  more  extravagant  scale  than 
 in  England.  Of  the  above  201,477  persons  in  the  service  of  the 
 Company,  at  least  6000  in  the  civil  and  militaiy  departments  at  home 
 and  abroad,  enjoy  emoluments  from  £200  to  £10,000  a  year,  exclusive 
 of  the  Governor-General.  The  salary  of  the  Governor-General  of 
 Bengal  is  £25,000  a  year,  and  three  counsellors  with  a  salary  of 
 £10,000  a  year  each.  The  salaiyof  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
 Court  of  Judicature  at  Calcutta  is  £8000  a  year,  with  three  other 
 judges  at  £bOOO  a  year  each.  By  the  act  of  1813,  the  salary  of  a 
 bishop  in  India  is  £5000  a  year,  and  of  three  archdeacons  £2000  a 
 year  each.  The  expense  of  outfit,  &c.  of  diflferent  officers  was  fixed 
 by  the  same  act,  as  follows  :  — 
 
 Governor-General  of  Fort  William,  in  Bengal £5000 
 
 Each  of  the  members  of  counciltbere 1200 
 
 Commander-in-Chief  of  all  the  Forces  in  India 2500 
 
 Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  at  Fort  William 1500 
 
 Each  of  the  Puisne  Judges  there 1000 
 
 Governor  of  Fort  St.  George 3000 
 
 Each  of  the  Members  of  Council  there   1000 
 
 Commander-in-Chief  there 2000 
 
 Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  there 1200 
 
 Each  of  the  Puisne  Judges  there 1000 
 
 Governor  of  Bombay  2500 
 
 Each  of  the  members  of  council  there 1000 
 
 Commander-in-Chief  there    1500 
 
 Recorder  there 1 500 
 
 Governor  of  Prince  of  Wales's  Island 1200 
 
 Recorder  there 1 000 
 
 Bishop    1200 
 
 Each  of  the  Archdeacons  500 
 
 The  allowance  for  the  outfit,  &c.  of  those  officers  is  about  one-fourth 
 the  amount  of  their  salaries,  exclusive  of  other  emoluments.  Accord- 
 ing to  a  statement  in  the  East-India  Register,  the  allowances  per 
 month  to  general  and  regimental  officers  Avhen  in  the  field,  were  on  the 
 Bengal  establishment,  as  follows  : — 
 
 General  officer  on  the  staff £662  10  0 
 
 Colonel  not  on  the  staff 156     5  0 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel    123  15  0 
 
 Major   93  15  0 
 
 Captain    61     7  6 
 
 Captain-Lieuteaant     43  17  6 
 
 Lieutenant 31  15  0 
 
 Ensign      25     0  0 
 
 Adjutant 28     7  6 
 
 Quarter-Master 14  12  6 
 
 Surgeon  51     7  6 
 
 Assistant  ditto    31  15  0 
 
 The  allowance  to  officers  on  the  Fort  St.  George  and  Bombay  Esta- 
 blishments, was  nearly  the  same  as  the  above.  The  sums  granted  by 
 way  of  superannuation  allowance  to  officers  and  seiTants  of  the  Com- 
 pany are  very  considerable.  They  are  fixed  according  to  the  following 
 scale,  by  the  o3d  George  III.  c.  155. 
 
4 1 0  !•:  A  ST-l  N  1)  I  A    COM  I' A  N  Y. 
 
 I'ro|)oiliiiii  of  Siilaiy. 
 If  an  oHicPv  or  servant  shall  have  served  with  diligonco  and  \ 
 
 lidelify  in  the  Company's  service  for   len  years,  and   l)cing  f    q      tl  '    1 
 
 under  00  years  of  age,  shall  be  incapable,  from  intinnity  of  ^  •  ur  . 
 
 mind  or  body,  to  dischar^fe  the  duties  of  oflice J 
 
 If  above  10  years  and  less  than  20 One-half^ 
 
 If  above  20  years Two-lhirds. 
 
 If  stich  ofticer  or  servant  shall  be  above  60  years  of  afre,  and  i 
 
 lie  shall  have  served  15  years  or  upwards,  without  inlirmity  ^  Two-thirds. 
 
 of  mind  or  body j 
 
 If  05  years  of  ase,  or  upwards,  and  he  shall  have  served  /    m,        <■      n 
 .n                      a  >           f           •  I    Ihree-ioarths. 
 
 40  years  or  upw  ards J 
 
 If  65  years  of  asre,  and   he  shall   have  sen-ed  50   years  or  /    rr.,        ,    , 
 J                 o  J                                                        J  f    -pjjg  wiiole. 
 
 upwards ) 
 
 From  the  preceding  details,  some  idea  maybe  formed  of  the  immense 
 value  of  India  patronage,  and  the  wide  field  it  opens  for  providing  for 
 children,  relatives,  and  dependents.  The  trade  of  the  Company  has 
 never  been  an  object  of  so  much  importance  as  the  military  appointments 
 to  an  army  of  150,000  men,  the  liUing  up  of  vacancies  in  the  judicial 
 and  police  departments,  and  the  numerous  situations  in  the  collection 
 and  expenditure  of  a  revenue  of  24  millions  per  annum.  It  is  the 
 annual  value  of  these  difterent  situations  which  constitute  the  real  profit 
 of  the  Company. 
 
 It  is  evident  that  the  excellence  of  our  adniinistration  in  India  Avill 
 depend  upon  the  employment  of  individuals  recommended  by  integrity 
 and  talent.  In  theory  this  principle  appears  to  have  been  admitted  by 
 the  Directors  in  1793,  when,  by  one  of  their  by-laws,  it  was  enacted 
 that  each  Director,  ten  days  after  his  election,  should  take  oath  to 
 receive  no  emolument,  perquisite,  or  pecuniary  gratification,  for  any 
 appointment  in  India.  Little  regard  was  paid  to  this  obligation,  and  so 
 early  as  1798  it  was  notorious  that  a  very  extensive  and  systematic 
 traffic  was  carried  on  for  places  in  India.  Several  attempts  were  made, 
 real  or  pretended,  by  Committees  of  the  House  of  Commons,  also  by 
 committees  appointed  by  the  Court  of  Directors,  to  discover  the  indi- 
 viduals implicated  in  these  practices.  On  one  occasion  it  was  proposed 
 that  each  Director  should  take  oath  he  had  not  received  any  reward  for 
 any  a))pointmcnt  he  had  made  ;  but  this  was  rejected  by  a  large  majority, 
 and  the  sale  in  offices  continued  by  public  advertisement  and  otherwise, 
 till  at  hist  an  office  was  openly  established  for  the  sale  and  purchase  of 
 India  patronag-e. 
 
 The  practice  Avas  shameless  and  notorious  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  to 
 have  been  completely  laid  bare,  till  the  memorable  disclosures  in  1809, 
 relative  to  Mrs.  Clarke  and  the'Duke  of  York.  In  that  year  it  was 
 discovered  that  the  improper  disposal  of  India  patronage  had  not  been 
 confined  to  the  honourable  Directors,  but  extended  even  to  the  right 
 honouiable  Picsident  of  the  Board  of  Control.  The  then  president 
 was  Lord  Cnstlereagh.  This  minister,  by  the  agency  of  a  common 
 place-broker,  attempted  to  purchase,  for  a  writership  in  India,  a  scat  in 
 parliament  for  his  friend  Lord  Clancarty.  Here  wa-s  corruption  three 
 deep.     It  was  a  dereliction  of  his   duty  as  a  minister  of  the  Crown  ;  a 
 
PATRONAGE — SALE  OF  OFFICES — NABOB   OF  ARC'OT.  411 
 
 shameless  abuse  of  his  trust  as  President  of  the  Board  of  Control ;  and 
 a  daring-  attack  on  the  ■purity  (bah  !)  of  the  Commons'  House  of  Par- 
 liament. Such  was  the  description  of  this  transaction  given  by  the 
 late  Lord  A.  Hamilton.  Lord  Castlereagh,  however,  was  defended  on 
 the  ground  of  the  notoriety  of  the  practice.  Some  of  the  members 
 said  that  selling*  seats  in  the  House  of  Commons  was  as  notorious 
 as  the  sun  at  noon-day  :  this  could  not  be  denied,  for  it  was  well 
 known  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  in  the  constant  prac- 
 tice of  buying"  seats  for  the  adherents  of  ministers.  This  being  the 
 case,  there  appeared  injustice  in  making  an  example  of  the  President 
 of  the  Board  of  Control ;  and  the  motion  was  got  rid  of  by  moving 
 the  order  of  the  day. 
 
 The  fact  of  Lord  Castlereagh  having  a  writership  at  his  disposal  to 
 purchase  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Commons,  shows  how  ministers  may 
 avail  themselves  of  even  subordinate  appointments  in  India.  The  Di- 
 rectors have  the  patronage  of  the  East  at  their  disposal ;  but,  indirectly, 
 ministers  participate  in  its  advantages.  The  latter  we  have  seen  have  a 
 negative  on  the  appointments  of  the  principal  servants  of  the  Company, 
 besides  which  the  general  superintendence  they  exercise  over  India 
 affairs,  through  the  medium  of  the  Board  of  Control,  renders  it  highly 
 improbable  the  Directors  should  neglect  to  provide  for  any  individual 
 backed  by  a  ministerial  recommendation  ;  more  especially  as  the  favour 
 might  be  so  easily  returned. 
 
 We  may  conclude  this  part  of  our  subject  with  remarking  that  the 
 whole  patronage  and  influence  of  India  is  so  much  added  to  that  of  the 
 general  government  of  the  empire.  The  India-House  is  little  more  than 
 a  branch  of  the  general  administration,  where  a  part  of  the  business  of 
 the  Government  is  transacted,  and  with  which  it  is  almost  as  much 
 connected  as  Avith  the  Home-office  or  Treasury  department.  The  case 
 of  the  notorious  Paul  Benfield  strikingly  illustrates  the  reciprocal 
 workings  of  the  two  systems.  This  man,  whose  "  offal,"  Burke  said, 
 "  ought  to  have  fed  the  region  kites,"  had  at  one  time  no  fewer  than 
 eight  members  in  parliament,  and  he  attempted  to  bring  in  one  of  his 
 agents  for  the  City  of  London.  These  members  were  returned  at  Ben- 
 field's  expense  to  support  the  Pitt  Ministry  ;  and  in  return  for  this  sup- 
 port Mr.  Pitt  allowed  Benfield  to  set  up  some  imaginary  and  exaggerated 
 pecuniary  claims  against  the  Nabob  of  Arcot. * 
 
 The  great  mass  of  influence  arises  from  appointments  in  India,  but 
 the  political  influence  of  the  Company  is  very  considerable  from  the  vast 
 number  of  individuals  employed  in  their  different  warehouses  and  esta- 
 blishments in  London.     All  the  influence  they  possess  is  employed  in 
 
 *  The  commissioners  appointed  to  investigate  the  debts  of  this  Nabob  finished 
 their  labours  in  the  course  of  1830,  having  consumed  in  the  inquiry  exactly  a 
 quarter  of  a  century.  One  of  the  principal  coniniissioners  died  almost  imme- 
 diately after  concluding  this  notable  job.  The  claims  set  up  against  the  Nabob 
 amounted  to  £30,401,919  ;  the  commissioners  allowed  £2,686, 14G, — Pari.  Rep. 
 No.  114,  Sess.  1830. 
 
412  EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 support  of  their  parliamentary  interest.  Whenever  a  labourer  c.oines 
 into  the  service  of  the  Company  he  is  required  to  state  for  what  place 
 he  has  a  vote  for  a  member  of  parlian)ent :  his  name  is  then  registered 
 with  this  specification  ;  and  on  an  election  he  is  told  that  he  will  be 
 spared  from  his  situation  to  give  his  suftVage,  if  he  will  vote  according  to 
 orders  ;  disobedience  being  supposed  to  be  punished  by  dismissal  from 
 his  office.  The  number  of  individuals  thus  kept  in  political  subjection 
 to  the  Company  is  about  four  thousand. 
 
 This  practice  needs  no  comment.  It  sufficiently  identifies  the  East- 
 India  Company  with  Government,  and  we  may  consider  the  revenue  of 
 Hindustan,  as  well  as  the  revenue  of  England,  as  forming  a  part  of  that 
 immense  expenditure  by  which  the  Borough  System  has  been  supported. 
 
 TEUUITORIAL    REVENUES    OF    INDIA. 
 
 The  fiscal  system  of  India  is  distinguished  by  a  peculiarity  which  is 
 without  parallel  in  Europe.  The  rental  of  the  soil,  in  lieu  of  being 
 monopolized  by  an  oppressive  aristocracy,  is  applied  to  defray  the  charges 
 of  government,  the  support  of  a  military  force,  and  the  expense  of  the 
 judicial  administration.  The  Hindoos  are,  happily,  unacquainted  with 
 the  custom-duties,  the  excise-duties,  and  assessed  taxes,  which  weigh 
 down  industry  and  abridge  enjoyments  in  England.  In  the  East,  the 
 state  takes  about  one-fifth  of  the  gross  produce  of  the  land,  and  that 
 satisfies  nearly  all  its  wants.  Other  taxes  are  inconsiderable ;  as  the 
 transit-duties,  stamps,  licenses,  and  judicial  fees.  The  monopoly  of 
 salt  and  opium  is  also  a  source  of  income.  But  the  principal  source  of 
 revenues  is  the  land-tax,  which  constituted  the  only  rent  payable  by  the 
 cultivators  of  the  soil,  under  the  Hindoo  and  Mohummudan  sovereigns. 
 
 The  gross  revenues  of  India,  in  the  year  1827,  amounted  to 
 £23,383,497  ;  the  expenditure,  inclusive  of  the  interest  of  the  debt, 
 to  £23,323,179.  The  chief  items  of  expenditure  are  the  military, 
 civil,  and  revenue  establishments ;  salaries,  pensions,  superannuation- 
 allowances,  and  stipends  payable  to  deposed  princes. 
 
 The  total  amount  of  territorial  debts  in  India,  in  the  same  year,  was 
 £42,870,876  ;  the  interest  of  the  debt  £1,749,068.  By  some  writers 
 the  debt  of  India  is  considered  to  operate  in  the  same  way  as  the 
 debt  in  England ;  by  rendering  a  large  class  of  persons  interested  in 
 the  peimanency  of  the  British  power.  This  is  a  one-sided  view  of  the 
 question,  which  it  is  hardly  worth  while  stopping  to  answer.  Creditors 
 may  feel  an  interest  in  their  debtors,  of  the  same  kind  as  that  which 
 subsists  between  a  lord  and  his  vassal ;  but  this  sort  of  relation  does 
 not  tend  to  increase  mutual  attachment.  A  government,  by  incurring 
 debt,  may  create  a  partial  interest  in  its  stability,  but  this  advantage 
 must  be  far  more  than  counterbalanced  by  alienating  the  vast  ma- 
 jority, in  consequence  of  the  additional  burthens  which  the  debt  renders 
 necessary ;  and,  in  the  foreign  transactions  of  such  a  government, 
 its  power  and  influence  are  weakened  by  a  knowledge  of  its  financial 
 encumbrances. 
 
REVENUES. —  COMMERCE    WITH    CHINESE.  413 
 
 Leaving,  however,  this  matter,  as  irrelevant  to  our  immediate  purpose, 
 let  us  continue  the  inquiry  into  the  finances  of  India.  The  Company 
 have  never  been  able  to  realize  a  surplus  revenue  from  their  territorial 
 possessions.  All  the  income  they  have  derived  from  Indian  taxation 
 has  been  expended  in  defraying  the  salaries  of  their  servants,  in  the 
 maintenance  of  a  numerous  army,  and  other  establishments  necessary 
 to  the  preservation  of  their  power.  The  only  source  of  surplus  income 
 for  the  payment  of  the  interest  of  their  capital  stock,  and  other  out- 
 goings, has  been  the  commercial  profits  arising  from  their  exclusive 
 privileges.  The  nature  of  these  profits  it  will  be  proper  to  explain,  as 
 well  as  the  mode  in  which  the  China  trade  is  conducted,  in  order  to 
 prepare  the  way  for  a  few  observations  on  the  rene^val  of  the  Company's 
 charter. 
 
 COMMERCIAL    IXTERCOURSE    WITH    THE    CHIXESE. 
 
 The  foreign  trade  with  China  is  restricted  to  the  port  of  Canton  by 
 the  Chinese  government.  It  is  a  source  of  considerable  revenue  to  the 
 government  of  China,  and  of  the  most  valuable  patronage,  which  is  sold 
 by  the  government  to  the  highest  bidder.  Hence  it  follows  that  the 
 local  authorities  are  greatly  interested  in  maintaining  the  trade,  which, 
 from  the  same  cause,  is  subjected  to  heavy  taxes  and  extortions.  The 
 inhabitants,  also,  of  Canton  and  its  neighbourhood,  as  well  as  the 
 numerous  classes  employed  in  the  culture  and  manufacture  of  tea,  have 
 a  deep  interest  in  the  trade ;  every  interruption  of  which  causes  great 
 individual  distress. 
 
 Foreigners  are  interdicted  by  Chinese  regulations  from  going  within 
 the  walls  of  Canton.  The  place  of  their  abode  is  a  small  suburb,  and 
 their  residence  there  is  authorized  only  for  the  period  of  the  shipping- 
 season  ;  but  these  limitations  are  not  rigorously  enforced,  the  Company's 
 servants  going*  when  they  please  to  Canton,  and  some  private  merchants 
 residing  there  throughout  the  whole  year.*  Security  must  be  given  for 
 the  payment  of  the  custom-duties  before  a  ship  is  permitted  to  trade,  and 
 this  security  also  includes  responsibility  for  the  good  conduct  and  sub- 
 mission to  the  laws  of  the  ship's  company.  The  only  persons  whom  the 
 Chinese  government  accepts  as  security  is  a  sort  of  mercantile  cor- 
 poration or  fraternity,  called  the  "  Hong  merchants,"  formerly  ten  in 
 number,  but  reduced  by  bankruptcies  to  seven.  These  become  security 
 for  the  Company's  ships  in  rotation  ;  the  whole  of  the  Company's  trade 
 being  apportioned  among  the  seven  Hong  in  shares. 
 
 Besides  the  members  of  the  Hong,  other  persons,  designated  as  "  Out- 
 side merchants"  and  "  Shopmen,"  are  allowed  to  trade  with  foreigners  ; 
 their  trafiic  is  chiefly  with  the  officers  of  the  Company's  ships,  private 
 traders,  and  the  Americans.     They  are  not  allowed  to  trade  in  certain 
 
 *  Report  «f  the  Select  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons  on  India  Affairs, 
 Sess.  1830,  Nos.  275  to  277. 
 
414 
 
 EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 articles,  as  tea,  raw  silk,  cloths  and  woollens,  all  of  which  are,  by  Chinese 
 edicts,  resened  exclusively  to  the  Hong. 
 
 The  Honp;  merchants  arc  by  law  mutually  responsil)le  to  each  other 
 for  a  limited  amount,  but  this  regulation  is  not  invariably  enforced.  They 
 are  stated  to  be  fair  and  liberal  in  their  conduct.  A  similar  opinion, 
 though  with  less  confidence,  has  been  expressed  respecting-  the  outside 
 merchants.  No  one  is  responsible  for  the  debts  of  the  latter,  and  foreigners 
 are  warned  of  this  by  official  notifications. 
 
 The  Company's  trade  at  Canton  is  managed  by  an  establishment 
 of  supercarp^oes  and  writers,  twenty  in  all,  with  two  inspectors,  whose 
 duty  it  is  to  examine  into  and  report  upon  the  qualities  of  all  teas 
 offered  for  sale  to  the  Company.  Three  or  four  of  the  senior  super- 
 cargoes are  annually  formed  into  a  Select  Committee,  Avho,  inider  the 
 orders  of  the  Court  of  Directors,  conduct  the  whole  of  the  Company's 
 affairs  in  China. 
 
 Most  of  the  Avitnesses  examined  by  Parliamentary  committees  concur 
 in  stating-  that  business  at  Canton  may  be  conducted  with  greater  facility 
 and  expedition  than  in  almost  any  other  part  of  the  world ;  much  of 
 ■which  is  said  to  be  owing  to  the  transactions  connected  with  each  ship 
 being  all  managed  by  the  same  person,  the  security  merchant.  It  was 
 further  stated  that  the  Hong  had  occasionally  aided  the  operations  of 
 commerce  by  advancing  money  on  loan  to  foreigners. 
 
 COMMERCIAL    PROFITS    OF    THE    COMPANY. 
 
 The  commercial  profits  of  the  Company  are  chiefly  derived  from  their 
 monopoly  of  the  trade  in  tea.  The  following-  statement  shows  the  dif- 
 ference between  the  prime  cost  of  tea  at  Canton  and  its  price  at  the 
 East- India  sales  in  London,  from  W'hich  an  estimate  may  be  formed  of 
 the  profit  on  this  article  : 
 
 Years. 
 1824-25- 
 1825-26. 
 1826-27. 
 1827-28- 
 
 Tea  purchased  at  Canton. 
 
 lbs. 
 •28,697,088.. 
 
 •  27,821,121.. 
 •40,182,241.. 
 
 •  33,269,333.. 
 
 Prime  cost. 
 
 £ 
 .1,900,866. 
 .1,729,949. 
 •  2,368,461. 
 .2,086,971. 
 
 Average  price  per 
 lb. 
 
 ■  1  s.  4d.     nearh'. 
 
 ■  Is.  3|rf.       „  ' 
 ■Is.  2d. 
 
 •  Is.  3c?.        ,, 
 
 Sales  in  England. 
 
 Sale  price. 
 
 £ 
 
 ..3,872,685- 
 
 •  •3,485,092. 
 
 .2,358,955.. 
 
 .3,286,272-. 
 
 .•2s 
 ■.2s. 
 
 •  2s. 
 
 -2s. 
 
 nearly, 
 
 Years.  lljs. 
 
 1825-26 27,803,668- 
 
 1826-27 27,700,978- 
 
 1827-28 28,120,354^ 
 
 1828-29 28,230,383- 
 
 It  thus  appears  the  Company  charge  considerably  more  than  1 00  per 
 
 Average  price  per 
 ib. 
 \0d. 
 6d. 
 5d. 
 Hd. 
 
COMMERCIAL    PROFITS    OF    THE    COMPANY.  4l5 
 
 cent,  adtlitional  to  the  prime  cost  on  all  the  teas  consumed  in  the  kins;- 
 dom.  It  is  almost  the  only  article  of  traffic  in  which  they  realize  a 
 profit.  Their  exports  to  China  consist  principally  of  woollens,  by  which 
 branch  of  trade  they  sustain  an  annual  loss,  though,  as  we  shall  show 
 presently,  this  loss,  by  an  evasion  of  the  Commutation  Act,  is  throAvn  upon 
 the  British  public. 
 
 The  Company  has  lately  sent  little  merchandize  to  India,  except  mili- 
 tary stores,  which,  being  charged  to  the  territorial  account,  do  not 
 enter  into  a  statement  of  commercial  profits.  It  imports,  however,  to  a 
 considerable  amount,  from  that  country,  raw  silk,  indigo,  and  other 
 articles.  Whether  there  is  profit  or  loss  in  the  trade  it  is  ditficult  to  de- 
 termine from  the  accounts  submitted  to  parliament.* 
 
 In  addition  to  the  profits  on  its  trade,  the  Company  is  entitled  to  a 
 certain  duty  upon  goods  imported  by  the  private  and  privileged  trade, 
 warehoused  and  sold  through  its  medium.  From  the  gross  profits 
 arising  from  this  trade,  a  large  deduction  is  to  be  made  for  the  expense 
 of  freight  and  demurrage,  amounting,  in  1829,  to  £662,964.  After 
 paying  all  the  other  expenses  of  the  commercial  establishment,  interest 
 on  the  bond-debt,  &c.  the  dividend  remains  to  be  provided.  The  capital 
 stock  of  the  Company  is  £6,000,000;  so  that  at  10|  per  cent,  it 
 requires  a  net  profit  of  £620,000  per  annum  to  pay  the  dividend. 
 
 Now  these  preliminaries  bring  us  to  the  consideration  of  a  very  im- 
 portant issue  between  the  public  and  the  East-India  Company.  The 
 Company,  we  have  seen,  has  not  realized  a  surplus  revenue  from  their 
 territorial  acquisitions  ;  that  has  been  all  expended  in  the  charges  of  war 
 and  government.  Co77imercial  profits,  then,  are  the  only  source  from 
 which  the  Company  has  a  surplus-revenue  to  pay  the  dividends  and 
 support  their  home-establishments.  But,  it  appears,  the  profits  of  the 
 Company  on  the  several  branches  of  trade,  are  either  none  at  all,  or 
 very  unimportant,  except  in  the  single  article  of  tea.  So  that,  in  fact, 
 it  is  the  people  of  England  who  pay  the  dividends  of  the  proprietors, 
 and  other  outgoings,  in  the  monopoly  price  of  their  teas.  Let  us  in- 
 quire whether  this  is  conformable  to  the  agreement  between  the  Company 
 and  the  public. 
 
 The  Commutation  Act,  the  24th  Geo.  III.  c.  38,  provides  that  there 
 shall  be  at  least  four  sales  in  every  year,  at  wliich  there  shall  be  put  up 
 such  quantities  of  tea  as  shall  be  judged  equal  to  the  demand;  that  the 
 tea  so  put  up  shall  be  sold,  without  reserve,  to  the  highest  bidder,  pro- 
 vided an  advance  of  one  penny  per  pound  shall  be  bid  upon  the  prices 
 at  which  the  smne  shall  be  jmt  up  ;  and  that  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for 
 the  Company  "  to  put  up  their  tea  for  sale  at  any  prices  which  shall, 
 upon  the  whole  of  the  teas  so  put  up,  at  any  one  sale,  exceed  the  prime 
 cost  thereof,  with  the  freight  and  charges  of  importation,  together  with 
 lawful  interest  from  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  such  tea  in  Great  Britain 
 
 *  Considerations  relative  to  tlie   Renewal  of  the   Company's   Charter.     By 
 W.  S.  Olirien,  M.P. 
 
416  EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 and  the  common  premium  of  insurance,  as  a  compensation  for  the  sea- 
 risk  incurred  tlierein." 
 
 Here  are  the  terms  of  the  contract  iietween  the  community  and  the 
 merchants  of  Leadenhall :  the  latter  are  to  supply  the  former  with  a 
 quantity  of  tea  adequate  to  their  demand,  and,  to  prevent  extortion  in 
 the  price,  all  the  items  of  charge  which  the  Company,  in  addition  to 
 the  prime  cost,  are  allowed  to  include  in  the  put-up  price,  are  distinctly 
 specified  ;  but  there  is  no  item  for  the  Company' s  dividends,  and  it 
 was  certainly  never  intended  they  should  be  paid  out  of  the  profits  of 
 the  tea-trade.  All  the  legislature  contemplated  was  to  reimburse  the 
 Company  the  prime  cost  of  their  teas  and  reasonable  charges,  but  never 
 that  they  should  be  enabled  to  realize  an  exorbitant  profit  applicable 
 to  their  general  expenditure.  That  this  profit  has  been  realized  is 
 proved  from  a  statement  submitted  to  the  Committee  of  the  House  of 
 Commons,  which  shows  that  the  profits  on  the  China  trade  for  the  last 
 fifteen  years  amounted  to  £16,971,316.  Had  the  trade  with  China 
 been  open,  the  Company  must  have  been  satisfied  with  the  ordinary 
 mercantile  profit ;  they  could  not  have  taxed  the  public  to  the  amount 
 of  upwards  of  one  million  per  annum,  to  provide  a  fund  not  only  for 
 the  payment  of  the  dividend  upon  India  Stock  and  the  interest  of 
 their  bond  debt,  but  also  materially  to  aid  their  wasteful  Indian  ex- 
 penditure. 
 
 There  is  another  transaction,  though  not  so  important  as  the  pre- 
 ceding, on  which  the  principle  of  the  Commutation  Act  has  been  con- 
 travened. The  Company  have  long  taken  credit  for  having  persisted 
 in  the  export  trade  to  China  at  a  considerable  loss ;  and  this  their 
 advocates  would  have  the  community  to  believe  has  been  done  for  the 
 sake  of  promoting  the  sale  of  British  manufactures.  From  the  state- 
 ments of  Mr.  Marjoribanks  (Report  on  the  China  Trade,  page  32)  it 
 appears  the  losses  on  the  Company's  exports,  from  1820  to  1829,  aver- 
 aged about  £17,000  per  annum,  and  that  for  the  twenty-six  preceding 
 years  they  amounted  to  £64,000  per  annum.  But  at  whose  expense 
 does  the  reader  imagine  these  losses  have  been  incurred  ?  Why,  at  the 
 expense  of  the  people  of  the  United  Kingdom.  The  way  this  has  been 
 eflfected  is  by  adding  the  losses  on  exports  to  the  price  of  the  tea  in 
 China  ;  thus  if  the  Company  export  goods  to  the  value  of  £1000,  which, 
 when  sold  in  China,  produce  only  £800,  the  quantity  of  tea  purchased 
 with  this  sum  is  valued  by  them  at  £1000,  and  this  amount  is  charged 
 in  the  upset  price  ;  although,  as  we  have  ssen  above,  that  they  are 
 restricted  by  Act  of  Parliament  from  putting  up  their  tea  at  more  than 
 "  prime  cost."  There  cannot  be  a  more  direct  violation  of  the  statute, 
 which  seems  to  have  been  framed  with  the  express  view  of  guarding 
 against  such  practices.  The  servants  of  the  Company  endeavour  to 
 justify  these  proceedings  on  the  ground  of  the  exports  being  made  for 
 the  express  purpose  of  providing  funds  in  China  for  the  purchase  of 
 tea  ;  but  this  is  no  apology  for  the  infringement  of  a  positive  contract. 
 Besides,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  loss  on  the  export  trade  results 
 from  the  wasteful  and  injudicious  manner  in  which  it  is  conducted; 
 
SUCCESS    OF    THE   PRIVATE    TRADE    TO    INDIA.  417 
 
 Otherwise  how  does  it  happen  that  the  Americans  carry  on  the  same 
 trade  in  the  same  commodities  with  a  profit  ? 
 
 In  1813  the  trade  to  India  was  thrown  open  to  private  merchants,  but 
 was  still,  in  some  measure,  impeded  by  enactments  which  required  that 
 all  ships  passing-  to  the  eastward  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  should 
 exceed  350  tons  of  burthen,  and  which  rendered  it  necessary  to  procure 
 a  license  to  trade  from  the  Court  of  Directors,  or,  upon  tl>eir  refusal, 
 from  the  Board  of  Control.  They  also  provided  that  certain  articles 
 of  Indian  produce  should  be  brought  to  the  port  of  London  alone. 
 British  ships  were  still  prevented  from  trading  between  ports  without 
 the  kingdom,  and  places  within  the  limits  of  the  East-India  Company's 
 charter.  These  restrictions  were  much  relaxed  in  1823.  The  export 
 of  military  stores  to  India  is  reserved  to  the  Company,  but  ships, 
 without  limitation  to  burthen,  may  clear  out,  unlicensed,  for  any  place 
 eastward  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  except  for  minor  ports  between 
 the  Indus  and  Malacca.  A  license  is  still  necessary  to  proceed  to  any 
 other  except  the  four  principal  settlements — Calcutta,  Madras,  Bombay, 
 and  Prince  of  Wales's  Island,  within  these  limits.  Vessels  returning 
 from  India  may  now  be  admitted  to  entry  in  any  of  the  warehousing- 
 ports  of  Great  Britain,  and  trade  is  permitted  between  foreign  ports  and 
 places  within  the  limits  of  the  Company's  charter. 
 
 The  Company  reserve  to  themselves  all  the  trade  between  the  United 
 Kingdom  and  China,  excepting-  only  a  small  portion  allowed  by  way  of 
 privilege  to  the  commanders  and  officers  of  their  ships.  Licenses  are 
 granted  by  the  Company  to  all  Indian  ships,  denominated  "  Country 
 Ships,"  to  trade  between  India  and  China,  and  to  export  from  China  a 
 limited  quantity  of  tea,  with  permission  to  dispose  of  it  to  any  inter- 
 mediate port  between  China  and  the  port  in  India  to  which  the  ship 
 may  be  destined.  These  licenses  do  not  include  the  Cape  of  Good 
 Hope,  the  Company  themselves  supplying  that  settlement  with  tea  at  high 
 prices,  notwithstanding  the  agreement  they  made  some  years  since  to 
 put  up  their  teas  for  sale  at  the  Cape  at  an  advance  not  exceeding-  six 
 per  cent,  on  the  costs  and  charges  of  importation.* 
 
 Let  us  now  advert  to  the  different  results  arising  from  the  different 
 principles  on  Avhich  the  trade  to  India  and  China  has  been  conducted. 
 
 The  effect  of  opening  the  trade  to  India  has  been  greatly  to  increase 
 its  amount.  The  highest  value  of  goods  exported  to  India  in  any  year 
 between  1792  and  1811  did  not  exceed  £2,475,987  (the  exports  of 
 1808).  It  will  be  seen,  hereafter,  that  this  amount  is  less  than  one 
 half  of  the  value  of  the  present  exports.  The  increase  has  chiefly 
 taken  place  in  the  export  of  cotton-manufactured  goods.  Previous  to 
 1813  the  amount  of  cotton  goods  exported  to  India  was  very  trifling. 
 They  now  fall  very  little  short  of  £2,000,000  in  value  annually.  This 
 augmentation  may  partly  be  attributed  to  the  extraordinary  improvement 
 which  has  taken  place  in  our  manufactures,  attended  by  a  great  reduc- 
 
 Report  of  Commons'  Committee,  Ses.s.  1830,  Nos.  405,  627,  2078. 
 
 2e 
 
418  K  AST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 tirm  of  prices,  and  to  the  extension   and  consolidation  of  the   British 
 power  in  India. 
 
 The  followinp;  statements  show  at  once  the  comparative  exports  and 
 imports  of  the  Company  and  the  free  and  privileged  trade  in  their  trans- 
 actions with  India  and  China. 
 
 Exj)orts  by  the  Private  Trade. 
 
 Years.  Totsil  to  India  and  China.  By  the  Private  Trade. 
 
 £  £ 
 
 1825   3,918,071    2,574,660 
 
 1826   4.468,883    2,625,888 
 
 1827   5,201,599   3,903,006 
 
 1828    5,212,353   4,085,426 
 
 Exjwrts  by  the  East -India  Company. 
 
 Years.             Mercliandize  for  Sale.  Stores.  Total. 
 
 £  £  £ 
 
 1825-26   7.54,832   501,518  1,256,350 
 
 1826-27    826,055   907,833  1,733,888 
 
 1827-28   494,922   807,354  1,302,276 
 
 1828-29   636,441    462,369  1,098,810 
 
 Imports  from  India  and  China. 
 
 Years.            By  the  Company.         By  the  Private  Trade.  Total. 
 
 £                                       £  £ 
 
 1825  5,375,492  - 5,178,925  10,554,417 
 
 1826  5,076,360  5,162,509  10,688,869 
 
 1827  6,148,077  4,514,661  10,662,738 
 
 1828  5,576,905  5,643,671  11,220,576 
 
 These  statements  show  clearly  the  benefits  which  have  resulted  to 
 the  community  from  the  opening  of  the  trade  to  India,  and  the  outlet  it 
 has  afforded  to  British  industry  and  manufactures.  From  the  first,  it 
 appears,  the  exports  by  the  private  trade  to  the  East  nearly  doubled  in 
 four  years;  while  from  the  second  it  appears  the  exports  of  the  Company, 
 during  the  same  period,  and  under  similar  favourable  circumstances, 
 have  declined  rather  than  augmented.  What  more  can  be  required  to 
 establish  the  advantap;es  of  free  trade,  and  the  greater  results  which 
 may  be  anticipated  from  the  frugality,  activity,  and  enterprise  of 
 individuals  than  from  the  expensive,  negligent,  and  drowsy  proceedings 
 of  chartered  monopolies  ? 
 
 It  is  worthy  of  observation  that  the  most  enlightened  servants  of  the 
 Company  doubted  whether  the  natives  of  India  would  ever  be  brought  to 
 consume  largely  European  manufactuies.  Experience  has  falsified  their 
 representations.  Similar  results  may  be  confidently  expected  from  the 
 opening  of  the  trade  to  China. 
 
 RENEWAL    OF    THE    CHAUTER    OF    THE    EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 Such  improvements  in  the  national  representation,  as  would  insure 
 an  honest  and  enlightened  government,  would   render  unnecessary  any 
 
DEFECTS    AM)   ADVANTAGES   OF   INDIAN   GOVERNMENT.    419 
 
 great  chang-es  in  the  scheme  of  our  Indian  administration.  Ministers, 
 having-  tlie  control  of  the  affairs  of  India,  are  responsible  for  their 
 management ;  and,  provided  the  people  of  England  had  an  adequate 
 control  over  them,  there  would  be  little  risk  of  misgovernment,  either 
 in  Great  Britain  or  her  great  dependency.  But  if  a  system  is  tolerated, 
 which  admits  of  the  accession  to  power  of  corrupt  and  incapable  men, 
 the  calamity  is  felt  in  ever^-  part  of  the  empire.  Hence,  the  happiness 
 of  tl.e  vast  population  of  Hindustan,  no  less  than  that  of  the  United 
 Kino'dom,  is  identified  in  the  great  question  of  parliamentary  reform. 
 
 The  government  of  India,  it  appears  to  us,  must  always  be  so  con- 
 stituted as  to  be  subordinate  to  the  general  government.  Equality 
 would  generate  rivalry ;  rivaliy,  hostiUt}' ;  and  this  last  be  the  source 
 of  mutual  weakness  and  annoyance.  All  these  evils  are  ob^^ated  by  the 
 supremacy  of  the  Board  of  Control.  The  sovereigns  of  Leadenhall-street 
 can  never  compete  with  the  sovereigns  of  Downing-street;  yet,  though 
 the  dependence  of  the  former  is  secured,  it  is  not  so  far  merged  in  the 
 latter  as  to  preclude  them  from  the  exercise  of  a  distinct  and  separate 
 administration. 
 
 Another  advantage  results  from  the  existing  system  in  the  division  of 
 India  patronage.  Supposing  the  Company  deprived  of  their  territorial 
 authority,  by  whom  could  the  immense  patronage  of  India  be  exercised  ? 
 It  was  the  principle  of  the  India  bills  of  Mr.  Fox  to  vest  the  patronage 
 of  India  in  a  Board,  emanating  from  parliament  and  independent  of  the 
 Crown  ;  but,  in  the  present  constitution  of  the  House  of  Commons,  this 
 was  only  adding  to  the  power  and  emolument  of  the  Aristocracy. 
 Again,  to  vest  India  patronage  in  ministers  would  be  not  less  objection- 
 able ;  it  would  form  an  enormous  addition  to  the  overwhelming  influence 
 of  the  Crown.  The  Court  of  Directors,  however,  though  they  have 
 some  interests  in  common  with  the  Oligarchy  and  executive  government, 
 are  not  directly  identified  with  either ;  thev  are  a  different  power,  based 
 on  different  interests  ;  their  constituency  are  neither  pot-walloppers,  bur- 
 gage-holders,  nor  freeholders — they  are  proprietors  of  India  Stock  ;  and 
 this  is  a  qualification  from  which  neither  the  peerage  nor  the  House  of 
 Commons  derive  their  ascendancy.  Under  this  arrangement  a  diversion 
 of  influence  is  obtained,  and  the  danger  to  public  liberty,  which  mig-ht 
 result  from  consolidating  the  patronage  of  India  with  that  of  the  United 
 Kingdom,   is  in  some  measure  averted. 
 
 In  our  opinion,  then,  the  Company  ought  to  retain  their  political 
 sovereignty,  and  for  this  plain  reason — that  we  do  not  see  by  what 
 other  constituted  authority  their  functions  could  be  discharged  with  less 
 danger  to  the  community.  But  though  we  think  the  general  plan  of  the 
 Indian  government  cannot  be  greatly  improved,  we  are  not  insensible 
 to  the  defects  in  its  practical  administration.  The  different  departments 
 of  the  Company's  administration,  we  have  little  doubt,  are  more  preg- 
 nant with  abuse,  if  that  be  possible,  than  the  borough  system  itself.  But 
 this  is  a  question  wholly  distinct  from  that  we  have  been  investigating, 
 and  into  the  merits  of  which  we  are  not  prepared  to  enter.  There  are, 
 however,  a  few  points  bearing  on  this  branch  of  tbe  subject  so  notorious. 
 
420  K  AST-INDIA     CO  M  PA  IS  Y. 
 
 that  we  cannot  forbear  n<»ticing  them,  trusting  that  they  will  receive 
 modification  in  the  approaching  renewal  of  the  Company's  charter. 
 
 For  instance,  it  appears  a  monstrous  abuse  that  the  Directors,  Avho 
 are  only  chosen  for  four  years,  should  virtually  exercise  their  functions 
 for  life.  Of  the  twenty-four  directors,  six  are  obliged  to  retire  every 
 year  in  rotation ;  but,  instead  of  withdrawing  entirely,  they  secede  for 
 one  year  only,  being  sure,  as  a  matter  of  course,  of  being  re-elected  for 
 another  four  years  when  the  period  of  probation  expires,  and  so  on  to  the 
 end  of  their  lives,  through  the  influence  of  their  co-directors  :  for  which 
 purpose  their  names  are  enrolled  on  what  is  termed  the  "  House  List," 
 in  Leadenhall-street. 
 
 The  number  of  proprietors  of  India-Stock  is  about  2,200.  In  the 
 choice  of  directors,  £1,000  stock  gives  one  vote ;  £3,000  stock  two 
 votes;  £6,000  stock  three  votes ;  and  £10,000  stock  four  votes.  This 
 is  the  principle  of  the  select-vestry  system,  without  the  same  justifica- 
 tion. There  is  nothing  analogous  to  it  in  the  election  of  members  of 
 parliament,  and  it  is  as  unsuitable  in  the  choice  of  the  governors  of  an 
 empire,  as  if  the  members  of  the  House  of  Commons  were  each  to  have 
 votes  proportioned  to  the  magnitude  of  their  rent-roll. 
 
 Among-  the  prerogatives  which  the  Company  exercise,  one  is  justly 
 objectionable,  namely,  the  power  of  denying  to  British  subjects  per- 
 mission to  reside  in  India.  By  the  53d  Geo.  III.  c.  155,  heavy  penal- 
 ties aie  imposed  upon  any  British  subject  who  shall  proceed  to  India 
 without  license  from  the  Directors  or  Board  of  Control.  The  local 
 governments  are  also  empowered,  if  they  see  fit,  to  send  home  any 
 European  residing  there,  even  though  in  possession  of  a  license.  It  is 
 also  enacted  that  no  British  subject  shall  reside  in  the  interior,  at  a 
 greater  distance  than  ten  miles  from  the  presidencies,  without  a  certifi- 
 cate of  leave  from  the  local  authorities.  Till  a  very  late  period,  no 
 European  was  allowed  to  hold  lands  either  as  proprietor  or  upon  lease. 
 By  a  recent  regulation,  hoAvever,  of  the  present  governor-general,  the 
 indigo  planters  have  been  permitted  to  take  leases  of  lands  from  the 
 natives  for  the  cultivation  of  the  plant. 
 
 Such  restrictions  are  an  arbitrary  abridgment  of  the  rights  of  loco- 
 motion and  enterprise,  for  which  we  have  never  seen  any  adequate 
 justification.  No  danger  can  possibly  result  from  the  free  settlement  of 
 Englishmen  in  India.  The  whole  European  community  scattered 
 through  this  vast  region,  exclusive  of  those  in  the  service  of  the  com- 
 pany, does  not  exceed  3,000,  and  any  increase  in  their  number,  so  as 
 to  excite  apprehension,  is  wholly  improbable.  Were  it  not  so,  the  Com- 
 pany can  have  no  right  to  exercise  an  authority  injurious  both  to  their 
 fellow  subjects  and  the  native  population,  merely  for  the  sake  of  perpe- 
 tuating their  own  power. 
 
 Neither  is  thei-e  policy  nor  justice — if  such  principles  can  ever  be 
 disjunctive — in  keeping  in  a  state  of  civil  and  political  disfranchisement 
 that  numerous  and  respectable  class  denominated  "  East-Indians." 
 These  are  Christian  men,  born  of  English  parents,  or  the  descendiints 
 of  English  parents;  yet  not  being  considered  "  British  subjects"  in  the 
 
COLONIZATION — EAST-INDIANS — PRESS    OF    INDIA.      421 
 
 decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  are  withheld  from  the  benefits  of  the 
 laws  of  Eng'land.*  Their  thraldom  is  most  irksome  and  anomalous. 
 In  conformity  with  the  tenor  of  parliamentary  enactments  relative  to 
 Hindustan,  professors  of  the  Hindoo  religion  are  governed  in  their  civil 
 relations  by  Hindoo  law ;  professors  of  the  Mohummudan  religion  by 
 Mohummudan  law  ;  and  both  Hindoos  and  Mohummudans  are  subject 
 in  criminal  matters  to  Mohummudan  law — both  civil  and  criminal  being- 
 modified  by  the  regulations  of  the  East-India  Company.  But  the  un- 
 fortunate East-Indians  do  not  fall  within  the  circle  of  any  of  these 
 codes  of  jurisprudence.  Not  being  Hindoos  they  cannot  regulate  social 
 duties  by  Hindoo  law ;  not  being  Mohummudans  they  cannot  regulate 
 them  by  Mohummudan  law ;  and  not  being  British-born  subjects  they 
 cannot  enjoy  the  benefits  of  English  law.  They  are,  in  fact.,  placed 
 without  the  social  pale,  and  governed  in  the  relations  of  life  by  what- 
 ever rule  any  judge  may  frame  on  the  spur  of  the  occasion.  But  this 
 does  not  include  the  whole  of  their  grievances  :  they  are  proscribed  from 
 all  superior  and  covenanted  offices  in  the  Civil,  Military,  and  Marine 
 services  ;  they  are  not  considered  eligible  even  to  those  subordinate  em- 
 ployments in  the  Judicial,  Revenue,  and  Police  Departments,  which 
 are  open  without  reserve  to  the  Hindoo  and  Mohummudan.  We  cannot 
 believe  the  charter  of  the  Company  will  be  renewed  without  these  unjust 
 distinctions  being  modified,  and  the  East-Indian  race  considered,  as  they 
 ought  to  be,  by  the  double  ties  of  civil  rights  and  consanguineous  claim, 
 the  connecting  link  between  the  parent  state  and  native  population. 
 
 Lastly,  the  operations  of  the  Press  in  India  require  a  more  consti- 
 tutional guarantee  than  the  fiat  of  the  governors  and  governor  general. 
 During  the  viceroyship  of  Lord  William  Bentinck,  the  literary  and 
 political  press  of  Calcutta  has  made  rapid  progress,  and  has  not  been 
 disturbed  by  the  arbitrary  interference  of  government.  But  this  is  too 
 important  an  engine  to  be  dependent  on  the  uncertainties  of  individual 
 character.  Those  who  have  embarked  their  property  in  the  India  press 
 ought  to  have  a  more  valid  protection  than  a  system  of  licenses  and 
 censorships,  which  may  be  granted  or  refused  —  enforced  or  suspended, 
 as  suits  the  varying  purposes  of  the  president  and  council. 
 
 Having  shortly  noticed  the  political  part  of  the  India  question,  let  us 
 come  to  the  commercial  branch  of  the  subject.  This  is  the  main  point  of 
 interest  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain.  Comparatively  to  them,  the 
 future  territorial  government  of  Hindustan  is  unimportant,,  but  every 
 inhabitant  of  the  United  Kingdom  is  deeply  interested  in  a  free  trade  to 
 China ;  and  we  sincerely  trust  this  interest  will  not  be  compromised — 
 that  there  will  be  no  renewal  of  the  Company's  charter,  without  an 
 entire  abolition  of  their  commercial  monopoly. 
 
 A  defence  of  some  kind  may  be  always  devised  by  artful  persons  for 
 every  abuse  and  every  oppression ;  but  we  cannot  collect  from  the 
 inquiries  of  the  Parliamentary  Committees  that  the  least  plausible  case 
 has  been  made  out  to  justify  the  commercial  privileges  of  the  Company. 
 
 *  Second  Petition  of  the  East-Indians,  Alexander's  East-India  Rlagazine, 
 January,  1832. 
 
422  EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 There  is  nothing-  in  the  constitution  of  the  Chinese  government,  in  its 
 peculiar  policy,  in  the  local  usages  of  the  natives,  nor  in  their  anti- 
 commercial  spirit  to  interdict  the  opening  of  the  trade.  Both  the  public 
 officers  of  China  and  the  people  are  a  thrifty  race,  and  the  same 
 motives  of  interest  which  actuate  the  British  merchant,  concur  to 
 induce  them  to  desire  a  more  extended  mercantile  intercourse  with  this 
 country. 
 
 Why  then  should  this  spirit — the  mutual  interests  of  two  empires — 
 bo  cramped  by  the  costly  and  cumbersome  incubus  of  Leadenhall-street? 
 The  Court  of  Directors  have  sufficient  to  engage  their  attention  in  the 
 discharge  of  their  political  functions,  without  being"  fettered  by  mercan- 
 tile pursuits  ;  and  the  sooner  they  divest  themselves  of  the  remnant  of 
 their  commercial  character,  the  better  for  both  England  and  Hindustan. 
 The  Company  has  become  a  great  political  government,  and  is  no  more 
 adapted  to  the  pursuits  of  commerce  than  the  imperial  parliament. 
 
 The  trade  with  China  neither  requires  the  capital  nor  united  action 
 of  a  privileged  association.  The  French,  the  Dutch,  the  Swedes,  the 
 Danes,  the  Austrians,  and  Americans,  all  resort  to  Canton,  and  none 
 of  them  carry  on  the  intercourse  through  the  intervention  of  an  exclu- 
 sive company.  The  Dutch  trade,  which  is  the  most  important,  used 
 to  be  conducted  by  a  privileged  company,  but  it  is  now  thrown  open. 
 The  free  trade  of  the  Americans  with  China  has  greatly  augmented 
 since  1814;— and,  what  is  most  extraordinary,  they  actually  export  to 
 Canton  British  manufactures — manufactures  which  the  English  merchant 
 is  interdicted  exporting,  and  which  the  Company  cannot  export  with  a 
 -profit,  owing  to  their  circuitous  and  costly  mode  of  transacting  business 
 — to  the  unfitness  of  their  institutions  for  commercial  purposes. 
 
 But  any  over-weening  conceit  in  which  the  Company  may  have  in- 
 dulged as  to  the  superior  advantages  resulting  from  their  exclusive 
 management  of  the  China  trade,  must  be  destroyed  by  their  existing 
 differences  with  the  Chinese  authorities.  It  is  not  the  Americans,  nor 
 the  Dutch,  but  their  own  establishment  at  Canton  which  is  embroiled 
 with  the  native  government.  So  far  as  information  has  yet  been  com- 
 municated, the  fault  appears  all  on  their  side ;  the  Chinese,  by  the 
 reduction  of  one-third  of  the  duties  on  British  ships,  in  1830,  and  by 
 taking  off  an  additional  duty  imposed  on  cotton,  have  manifested  a 
 strong  desire  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  England.  These  concessions, 
 however,  have  been  met  by  a  series  of  insults  and  encroachments  on 
 the  part  of  the  Company's  servants,  which  are  the  more  provoking, 
 because  they  appear  to  have  been  wanton,  puerile,  and  xmnecessary.  For 
 instance,  they  have  persisted  in  the  use  of  sedan  chairs,  and  the  intro- 
 duction of  "  foreign  women"  into  Canton,  contrary  to  the  express 
 usages  of  the  country,  and  the  rules  laid  down  by  public  proclamations.* 
 The  dignity  and  firmness  with  which  the  gentlemen  of  the  "  Select 
 Committee"  endeavoured  to  support  these  innovations  have  been  quite 
 in  keeping  with  the  innovations  themselves.  They  first  issued  a  "  pro- 
 tocor' — yes,  by  the  powers,  a  protocol  in  China! — intimating  their  deter- 
 
 Lord  Ellenborough,  House  of  Lords,  December  13th,  1831. 
 
DISPUTES    WITH    THE    CHlNESEv  423 
 
 mination  to  suspend  all  commercial  intercourse  with  the  Chinese,  August 
 4th,  1831  :  but  this  announcement  failing  to  make  the  expected  im- 
 pression on  "  the  Celestial  empire,"  they  issued  another,  intimating- 
 their  intention  not  to  suspend  commercial  intercourse  at  the  period 
 mentioned.  We  believe  the  desire  of  the  "  Select"  now  is  to  have  a 
 couple  or  two  of  British  frigates  at  their  disposal,  to  bombard  Canton  ; 
 or — if  that  be  possible — to  throw  a  few  Congreve  rockets  into  Pekin,  or 
 against  the  Great  Wall.  But  the  Emperor  may  be  perfectly  easy  on 
 this  head ;  if  his  Celestial  Majesty  knew  as  well  as  we  do  how  essential 
 an  ingredient  his  tea-plant  is  in  the  dividends  of  the  East-India  pro- 
 prietors, he  would  laugh — if  such  a  movement  be  consistentVith  Chinese 
 gravity — at  the  fulminations  of  Messrs.  Lindsay  and  his  brethren,  who 
 appear  to  have  performed,  at  the  British  factory,  the  parts  of  Captain 
 Bobadil  and  Ben  Jonson's  "  Angry  Boy"  with  marvellous  precision. 
 
 After  such  experience  of  the  mercantile  abilities  of  the  Company,  and 
 of  their  address  and  wisdom  in  managing  their  Chinese  intercourse,  we 
 imagine  it  cannot  be  any  longer  a  question  whether  their  commercial 
 privileges  ought  to  be  renewed.  We  think  decidedly  not.  The  inte- 
 rests of  the  public  are  directly  opposed  to  the  monopoly.  For  years  w'e 
 have  been  paying  double  the  prices  for  our  teas  we  ought  to  pay;  double 
 the  prices  that  are  paid  on  the  Continent  and  America ;  where  there  are 
 no  privileged  associations.  And  for  what  purpose  are  the  people  of  the 
 United  Kingdom  subjected  to  this  extortion  ?  Why,  in  addition  to  our 
 other  burthens,  should  we  be  made  to  pay  two  millions  per  annum  for 
 the  benefit  of  the  Company  ?  We  are  becoming  a  sober  people  —  a  tea- 
 drinking  nation,  and  why  should  this  improvement  in  national  cha- 
 racter be  obstructed  by  overgrown  monopolists  ?  The  reason  is  this  : 
 The  finances  of  the  Company  are  embarrassed.  They  cannot  pay  their 
 DIVIDENDS  out  of  fair  mercantile  profits,  and  they  seek  to  pay  them 
 out  of  the  produce  of  a  poll-tax  levied  on  the  people  of  England  ! 
 
 Here  is  the  gist  of  the  matter  at  issue  between  the  Company  and  the 
 public.  The  question  is  not  the  policy  of  ?i  free-trade  with  China  ;  on 
 this  point  no  well-informed  person  can  entertain  a  doubt :  the  interests 
 of  commerce,  the  interests  of  the  people  at  large,  and  the  public  re- 
 venue of  the  country  would  all  be  promoted  by  free  trade ;  but  then  how 
 are  the  Company's  dividend,  the  interest  of  their  bond  debt,  and  other 
 out-goings  to  be  paid  ?  They  have  no  surplus  territorial  revenue  ;  the 
 profits  of  the  tea-tuade  are  the  sole  dependence  of  the  proprietary. 
 This  is  the  rub !  But  what,  it  may  be  asked,  have  the  community  to 
 do  with  the  pecuniaiy  difficulties  of  a  junta  of  ambitious  and  improvident 
 speculators  ?  What  is  India  to  England  ?  Some  thousands  of  adven- 
 turers have  amassed  princely  fortunes  there  by  rapine  and  extortion, 
 and  have  returned  to  spend  them  in  this  country,  to  add  to  the  aristo- 
 cracy of  wealth  already  too  predominant.  Beyond  this  we  have  derived 
 no  advantage  from  our  eastern  acquisitions — neither  true  glory  nor  na- 
 tional happiness.  Why  should  we  then  be  called  upon  to  make  a  sacii- 
 fice  ?  If  the  Company  cannot  maintain  their  association  without  public 
 support ;  if  they  cannot  carry  on  trade  to  advantage,  w^ithout  privileges 
 
424  KAST-INDIA    COM  TAN  Y. 
 
 hurtful  to  the  community  ;  if  they  cannot  enter  into  fair  competition  with 
 imhviduals,  let  them  retire  from  the  contest — let  them  oissolvk,  and 
 leave  commerce  to  he  pursued  hy  others  on  more  prudent  and  econo- 
 mical ])rinciples. 
 
 Only  think  of  the  situation  of  that  most  patient  of  all  animals,  the 
 British  public,  in  this  business.  The  boroug-hmongers  levy  a  hundred 
 per  cent,  tax  on  tea  for  the  support  of  extravagance  and  the  payment 
 oi  their  dividends,  and  the  Company  a  monopoly  tax  to  the  same  amount, 
 and  for  similar  purposes.  How  finely  is  John  Bull  crucified  Ijotween 
 the  cxclusives  of  Leadenhall  and  the  oppressors  of  Downing-street !  If 
 to  these  agreeables,  we  add  the  extra  sugar-tax  he  is  compelled  to  pay 
 for  the  benefit  of  the  West-India  fiaggellants,  with  what  gusto  he 
 must  needs  swallow  his  morning-  and  evening  beverage  ;  what  fervent 
 ejaculations  he  must  utter  over  his  cups  for  their  prosperity  and  the 
 permanence  of  oligarchical  government ! 
 
 There  is,  however,  one  resource  to  the  Company,  in  lien  of  the  pro- 
 fits of  the  exclusive  trade  to  China — they  may  uetuencii.  Like 
 their  prototype,  the  Borough-System,  they  are  embarrassed  from 
 a  long  course  of  war  and  prodigality,  and  they  must  economize. 
 The  people  of  England  will  never  submit  to  be  taxed  for  the  mainte- 
 nance of  their  territorial  sovereignty  and  patronage.  They  must  reduce 
 still  further  than  they  have  yet  done  their  military,  civil,  judicial,  and 
 revenue  esta*blishments ;  they  must  curtail  enormous  salaries,  and  their 
 "  dead  weight ;"  be  less  lavish  in  granting  pensions,  superannuations, 
 and  allowances  to  relatives  and  dependents.  And  if  all  this  is  not  enough, 
 they  must  reduce  their  dividend,  and  instead  of  bartering-  offices  and  ap- 
 pointments in  India  for  the  benefit  of  themselves,  sell  them  openly  and 
 fairly  to  meet  their  expenditure.  At  all  events,  they  may  rely  upon  it, 
 that  they  Avill  not  be  allowed  to  tax  the  conununity,  neither  one,  two, 
 nor  three  millions  per  annum  after  the    10th  of  April,  1834. 
 
 In  support  of  the  allegations  at  the  close  of  this  article,  we  ought 
 to  have  mentioned  a  few  facts  confirmatory  of  our  opinions,  which 
 we  were  well  enabled  to  do  from  the  inquiries  of  parliamentary  com- 
 mittees. 
 
 We  have  said  that  we  are  becoming  a  "  tea-drinking  nation  ;" 
 here  is  the  proof  from  the  statement  submitted  to  the  Commons' 
 Committee,  by  Mr.  Crawford,  of  the  comparative  consumption  per 
 head,  of  tea  and  coffee  in  Great  Britain,  France,  and  the  United 
 States. 
 
 Tea.  CofTec. 
 
 lbs.  oz,  dwts.  lbs.  oz.  dwts. 
 
 GreatBritain 1     7    8     0  10     14 
 
 France 0     9     13 
 
 United  States 0     9     4     2     1     11 
 
 Several  statements  were  submitted  to  the  Committee,  with  a  view  of 
 showing-  the  amount  of  the  ta.x  entailed  on  the  community  by  the 
 Company's  exclusive  privilege  ;    by  one   witness  it   was  estimated    at 
 
FACTS    RELATIVE    TO    THE    INDIA    QUESTION.  425 
 
 £1,500,000  per  annum;  by  another  at  £1,727,934,  and  by  a  third 
 at  £2,588.499. 
 
 For  a  comparative  statement  of  the  prices  at  which  teas  are  sold  by 
 the  Coni^pany,  and  on  the  continent,  and  in  America,  we  must  refer  to 
 the  statement  of  Dr.  Kelly,  No.  4709,  of  the  Lords'  Committee.  The 
 prices  at  the  Company's  sales  in  London,  exclusive  of  government  duty, 
 are  about  double  those  in  the  countries  mentioned. 
 
 From  a  statement  of  Mi-.  Melvill,  auditor-general  to  the  Company, 
 it  appears,  the  gross  revenue  of  Bengal,  Madras,  and  Bombay  in  the 
 year  1828,  was  £22,551,617;  of  this  revenue,  £15,384,528  was  the 
 produce  of  the  land-tax  :  the  charge  of  collecting  the  revenue,  pensions, 
 &c,  £5,524,728,  and  this  enormous  charge  although  three  fifth  parts 
 of  the  revenue  arise  from  the  direct  tax  on  land  !  The  charge  for  col- 
 lecting the  revenue  of  the  United  Kingdom — which  is  justly  considered 
 extravagant  enough — amounted,  Jan.  5th,  1831,  on  the  gross  income  of 
 £59,308,872,  to  £3,713,944. 
 
 The  folloAving  returns,  by  the  auditor-general  of  the  Company,  ex- 
 hibit a  statement  of  the  military  charges,  the  general  civil  charges,  and 
 the  judicial  charges  of  the  three  Presidencies  for  the  year  1828  : — 
 
 Military  Charges.  General  Civil  Cliarges.        Judicial  Charges. 
 
 Bengal £4,747,224    i'1,791,508 £1,247,436 
 
 Madras 3,926,267 ..         360,484 377,158 
 
 Bombay    2,111,222   .542,202 312,222 
 
 Total....   £10,784,713  £2,694,204  £1,836,816 
 
 Can  any  one  believe  the  Company  will  not  be  able  to  find  resources 
 from  such  lavish  outgoings,  without  a  monopoly  profit  on  the  consump- 
 tion of  tea  ? 
 
 As  every  information  which  relates  to  the  Company  will  speedily  be 
 of  intense  interest,  we  subjoin  a  few  more  statements  ;  they  were  pre- 
 pared by  the  Company  for  the  Parliamentary  Committee  on  East  India 
 affairs,  and  laid  before  that  committee.  It  will  be  seen  from  the 
 estimates  of  the  auditor  that  the  charges  of  the  Company  at  the  expira- 
 tion of  their  charter  will  exceed  their  i-evenues  by  £827,300  ;  so  that 
 there  will  be  no  surplus  to  pay  the  dividends  without  the  monopoly  pro- 
 fit on  tea.  But,  we  again  beseech  the  sovereign  Directors  not  to  "  lay 
 that  flattering  unction  to  their  souls,"  but  to  look  to  their  wasteful  ex- 
 penditure, especially  the  civil  branches  of  it. 
 
 It  appears  from  the  returns  of  the  revenue  of  the  United  Kingdom 
 for  Jan.  1832,  that  the  expenditure  exceeds  the  income  by  £21,000  ; 
 and  from  the  depression  in  all  the  great  branches  of  national  industry, 
 there  is  little  prospect  of  the  country  being  able  to  support  additional 
 burthens.  How  then  can  it  be  expected,  the  people  will  suffer  them- 
 selves to  be  heavily  taxed  to  support  the  Indian  empire — a  foreign  de- 
 pendency, chiefly  valuable  for  the  patronage  it  vests  in  24  merchants. 
 Rather  than  such  a  sacrifice  should  be  made,  it  would  be  better  to  aban- 
 don Hindustan  to  its  native  sovereigns — the  Mogul,  the  ¥abobs  and 
 Subahdars. 
 
426 
 
 EAST-INDIA    COMPANY. 
 
 Estimate  of  the  Revenues  and  Charges  of  India,  under  the  several 
 heads,  whether  payable  in  India  or  in  England,  as  they  will 
 probably  stand  at  the  expiration  of  the  Company's  Charter. 
 
 RKVENUES. 
 
 Bengal. 
 
 s 
 
 CO 
 
 i 
 
 Penang, 
 
 Malacca,  and 
 
 Singapore. 
 
 £ 
 
 £ 
 
 £ 
 
 £ 
 
 £ 
 
 431,250 
 
 80,895 
 
 53,939 
 
 •  • 
 
 500,075 
 
 0,785,000 
 
 3,127,931 
 
 1,501,047 
 
 39,038 
 
 11,453,017 
 
 097,910 
 
 458,403 
 
 334,305 
 
 •• 
 
 1,490,078 
 
 479,107 
 
 ,   , 
 
 .. 
 
 479,107 
 
 1,820,832 
 
 314,590 
 
 10,705 
 
 2,152,127 
 
 1,427,917 
 
 . . 
 
 .  , 
 
 1,427,917 
 
 29,709 
 
 5,877 
 
 308,579 
 
 7,191 
 
 15,280 
 
 ,  , 
 
 50,800 
 
 308,579 
 
 7,191 
 
 11,071,785 
 
 4,303,400 
 
 1,921,327 
 
 39,039 
 
 d  revenues 
 
 n  India 
 
 17,930,217 
 
 Mints,  Post-office,  stamps, 
 judicial 
 
 Land  revenue 
 
 Customs    
 
 Ceded  territory , (including 
 the  Burmese  cessions) 
 
 Salt    
 
 Opium 
 
 Marine 
 
 Subsidies 
 
 Bank  profits 
 
 The  rate  of  exchange  observed  in  this  account  is  Is.  lid.  the  Sicca  rupee. 
 CIIAKGES. 
 
 Civil  charges  (including 
 provinc.  battalions),  &c. 
 
 Mints, Post-ollice  &  stamps 
 
 Judicial    ••.... 
 
 Land  revenue  and  customs 
 
 Ceded  territory  (including 
 Burmese  cessions)  .... 
 
 Salt 
 
 Opium 
 
 Marine 
 
 Buildings,  ficc 
 
 Military     
 
 Amount  which  it  is  esti- 
 mated will  be  annually 
 set  apart  to  meet  the 
 claims  upon  the  Tanjore 
 revenues    
 
 Interest  on  debts 
 
 » 
 
 £ 
 
 087,840 
 
 145,592 
 
 855,900 
 
 1,331,145 
 
 103,500 
 730,300 
 500,587 
 72,525 
 327,922 
 3,258,530 
 
 8,073,919 
 1,907,900 
 
 10,040,985 
 
 £ 
 
 240,441 
 
 45,870 
 
 281,135 
 
 839,428 
 
 04,901 
 
 14,120 
 
 02,170 
 
 2,249,012 
 
 57,500 
 
 3,800,584 
 177,080 
 
 4,037,570 
 
 £ 
 
 400,440 
 
 32,208 
 
 213,220 
 
 480,020 
 
 145,885 
 
 99,701 
 
 1,274,719 
 
 2,058,859 
 18,054 
 
 2,070,913 
 
 £ 
 93,798 
 
 14,583 
 
 £ 
 
 1,434,520 
 
 223,730 
 
 1,350,207 
 
 2,057,193 
 
 103,500 
 795,201 
 500,587 
 232,530 
 489,793 
 6,790,150 
 
 57,500 
 
 108,381  14,701,743 
 2,102,20(i 
 
 108,381 
 
ACCOUNTS    OF    THE    COMPANY.  427 
 
 £ 
 
 Total  estimated  charges  in  India 16,863,949 
 
 Expense  of  St.  Helena    90,054 
 
 Political  char<;es  incurred  in  England,  including  invoice  amount  of 
 
 stores  consigned  to  India    1,720,405 
 
 Cost  of  remitting  funds  from  India  to  meet  the  territorial  advances 
 in  England,  being  the  diflerence  betvreen  Is.  lid.  per  Sicca  rupee, 
 the  rate  which  it  is  here  supposed  the  remittances  would  realize, 
 and  the  average  rate  at  which  the  advances  in  England  are  made  89,109 
 
 (N.  B. — These  advances  are  estimated  at  £1,000,000  per  annum, 
 and  are  exclusive  of  the  political  charges  defrayed  in  England.) 
 
 Grand  total  of  charges    18,763,517 
 
 Deduct  revenues 17,936,217 
 
 Estimated  excess  of  charge    827,300 
 
 The  folloiuing  are  the  proportions  of  the  above  Charges,  which  may 
 be  payable  ih  England  :  viz. — 
 
 Interest  on  debts,  part  of  the  £2,162,206  stated  under  £  £ 
 
 that  head 875,000 
 
 Expenses  of  St.  Helena    90,054 
 
 Political  charges  incurred  in  England 1,720,405 
 
 2,685,459 
 
 (Errors  excepted.) 
 East-India  House,  James  C.  Melvill, 
 
 29th  July,  1831.  Auditor  India  Accounts. 
 
 TERRITORIAL    DEBT    OF    INDIA. 
 
 Prospective  Estimate  of  the  Territorial  Debt  of  India  at  the  close 
 of  the  Cojnpany' s  present  Term,  calculating  the  Sicca  rupee  at 
 Is.  lid.  instead  of  the  rates  of  exchange  fixed  by  the  Board  of 
 Commissioners  for  the  Affairs  of  India. 
 
 Bengal. 
 
 Madras. 
 
 Bombay. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Debts  at  4  per  cent 
 
 £ 
 
 208,275 
 
 28,453,287 
 
 8,621,874 
 
 44,237 
 
 1,773 
 
 125,851 
 
 £ 
 
 28,359 
 
 2,446,420 
 
 273,090 
 
 377,508 
 
 £ 
 292,22 
 
 182,951 
 170,881 
 
 £ 
 328,854 
 
 Ditto     5     ditto 
 
 30,899,707 
 
 Ditto     6    ditto  
 
 Ditto     8     ditto   
 
 9,077,915 
 592,626 
 
 Ditto  10     ditto 
 
 1,773 
 
 Treasury  notes 
 
 125,851 
 
 Total  debts  bearing  interest. . . . 
 Debts  not  bearing  interest  .... 
 
 37,455,304 
 5,321,933 
 
 3,125,377 
 831,236 
 
 446,052 
 429,102 
 
 41,026,733 
 
 6,582,271 
 
 42,777,237 
 
 3,956,613 
 
 875,154 
 
 47,609,004 
 
 East-India  House, 
 
 29th  August,  1831. 
 
 (Errors  excepted.) 
 
 James  C.  Melvill, 
 
 Auditor  India  Accounts. 
 
BANK     OF     ENGLAND. 
 
 TiiEiiE  is  a  class  of  politicians  in  this  country  with  just  one  idea;  and 
 that  idea  is,  there  is  nothing  good  in  public  economy  unless  it  be 
 conducive  to  the  accumulation  of  capital.  The  distribution  of  wealth 
 is  a  consideration  of  no  importance ;  their  only  object  being  to  heap  it 
 up  in  masses,  no  matter  how  disproportioned,  provided  the  total  amount 
 is  augmented.  For  this  purpose,  they  have  been  always  recommending 
 the  indefinite  enlargement  of  farms,  the  substitution  of  machinery  for 
 manual  labour,  and  the  establishment  of  banks  of  credit  and  paper- 
 money.  That  their  principles  are  true  in  the  abstract,  and  that  the 
 application  of  them,  within  certain  limits  and  under  certain  circum- 
 stances, would  be  Ijeneficial,  we  have  little  doubt;  but  their  unqualified 
 and  precipitate  adoption  would,  in  our  opinion,  be  productive  of  dis- 
 astrous consequences.  In  every  case,  we  believe,  they  tend  to  augment 
 the  aggregate  wealth  of  the  community,  but  not  the  aggregate  amount 
 of  social  happiness.  National  happiness,  however,  is  more  important 
 than  national  wealth ;  and  a  system  which  would  compromise  the 
 former  for  the  attainment  of  the  latter,  sacrifices  the  end  to  the  means. 
 The  direct  tendency  of  the  principles  of  the  Economists  is  to  destroy 
 the  intermediate  links  of  society ;  or,  more  correctly,  to  consolidate 
 them  in  one  end  of  the  chain ; — to  replace  the  feudal  aristocracy,  from 
 which  Europe  has  suft'ered  so  much,  with  a  monied  aristocracy  more  base 
 in  its  origin,  more  revolting  in  its  associations,  and  more  inimical  to 
 general  freedom  and  enjoyment. 
 
 The  history  of  banking  affords  an  apt  illustration  of  the  practical 
 tendency  of  the  unqualified  dogmas  of  the  Ilicardo  school.  Banking 
 has  always  been  the  favourite  invention  of  these  theorists,  as  tending 
 most  effectually  to  the  extension  of  credit,  the  development  of  industry, 
 and  accumulation  of  capital.  These  are  its  natural  results;  but  such 
 advantages  may  be  more  than  counterbalanced  by  an  alloy  of  accom- 
 panying evils.  In  England,  we  consider  the  system  of  credit  founded 
 on  bank  paper  to  have  been  the  chief  auxiliary  and  main  stay  of  the 
 reckless  and  unprincipled  government  of  the  last  forty  years.  It  was 
 this  which  enabled  ministers  to  build  up  the  baseless  superstructure  of 
 the  Funds,  which  must  ultimately  fall,  not  on  its  guilty  authors,  but  on 
 those  who  have  unwarily  confided  in  their  delusive  representations.  It 
 was  this  which  enabled  them  to  destroy  the  currency  of  1797,   to  sub- 
 
PRINCIPLES    OF    THE    POLITICAL    ECONOMISTS.         429 
 
 stitute,  for  26  years,  in  place  of  the  universal  medium  of  exchange,  a 
 forced  inconvertible  representative,  which  raised  prices  to  an  unnatural 
 height,  altered  the  standard  of  value,  by  vi'hich  all  existing  contracts 
 and  eng-aoements  were  violated ;  and  then,  when  the  profligate  errors 
 so  committed  were  to  be  repaired,  the  country  was  again  dragged 
 through  a  series  of  changes  and  calamities  not  less  unjust  and  ruinous 
 than  those  it  had  previously  suffered.  These  are  not  the  only  evils  of 
 the  banking  system ;  it  has  demoralized  the  country  and  exercised  a 
 baneful  influence  on  internal  economy,  by  giving  an  undue  ascendancy 
 to  particular  branches  of  industry — the  commercial  and  manufacturing, 
 for  instance  ;  it  has  given  an  artificial  impulse  to  population, — multi- 
 plying the  number  of  the  people  beyond  the  means  of  permanent  em- 
 ployment and  subsistence ;  It  has  created  a  vast  monied  interest,  whose 
 sole  element  is  war,  gambling,  and  speculation  ;  it  has  been  a  principal 
 cause  of  over-trading,  of  mercantile  revulsions  and  vicissitudes,  and  the 
 endless  source  of  frauds,  litigation,  arrests,  insolvencies,  and  bank- 
 ruptcies. 
 
 These  evils,  it  will  be  alleged,  are  not  inherent  in  banking,  but  have 
 been  the  consequences  of  banking  not  being  conducted  on  sound  prin- 
 ciples. What  the  sound  principles  of  banking  are  the  professors  of  the 
 "  science  of  exchanges"  have  not  yet  distinctly  laid  down.  One  of  the 
 sound  principles  of  the  Bullionists  in  1810  was  that  bank  paper  should 
 always  be  convertible  into  coin  at  the  will  of  the  holder.  But  experi- 
 ence proved  that  this  was  no  effectual  guarantee  against  ovei"-issues. 
 The  paper  of  the  B-ank  of  England  and  of  the  provincial  banks  was  so 
 convertible  in  1  825  ;  but  it  did  not  avert  the  commercial  crisis  which 
 arose  out  of  the  redundant  issue  of  their  notes  and  bills  of  exchange. 
 The  fact  is,  the  political  economists  are  wise  after  the  event,  like  many 
 other  people  with  much  less  pretensions  to  depth  and  comprehensiveness. 
 While  the  banking  system  was  in  its  full  career  of  fallacious  prospei'ity, 
 they  never  forewarned  the  community  of  its  disastrous  consequences; 
 they  were  as  little  gifted  with  foreknowledge  as  others,  and,  like  others, 
 only  learnt  from  experience.  Similar  results  have  flowed  from  other 
 branches  of  their  science.  They  discovered  that  a  saving  might  be 
 effected  by  farming  on  a  great  scale,  and  by  manufacturing  on  a  great 
 scale ;  but  they  could  discern  nothing  further :  they  could  not  discern 
 the  political,  the  social,  and  moral  calamities  which  would  flow  from 
 the  aggregation  of  great  capitals  in  agricultural  and  manufacturing 
 industry. 
 
 It  is  this  want  of  foresight  of  practical  evils  which  ought  to  make 
 us  cautious  in  adopting  the  maxims  of  the  Economists.  France  has 
 recently  passed  through  the  same  ordeal  as  Eng-land.  During  the 
 summer  of  1830,  she  suffered  from  precisely  the  same  causes  as  those 
 which  produced  such  wide-spread  distress  in  this  country  in  1811,  1815, 
 and  1 825  ;  and  the  sudden  collapse  of  an  extensive  system  of  banking, 
 credit,  and  mercantile  paper,  by  occasioning  great  pecuniary  embarrass- 
 ments, threatened,  at  one  period,  to  impede  the  full  triumph  of  her 
 glorious  revolution. 
 
430  BANK    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 We  shall,  however,  leave  these  general  topics  to  come  to  our  more 
 immediate  object, — the  orig-in  and  present  state  of  the  powerful  corpo- 
 ration in  Threadnecdle-street — the  great  foster-parent  of  banking, 
 credit,  and  paper-money  in  this  country.  In  treating  of  the  Bank  of 
 England,  there  appear  to  be  three  objects  particularly  desen'ing  of 
 attention.  First,  a  brief  outline  of  the  history  and  connexion  of  the 
 Bank  with  goverament.  Secoudhj,  the  enormous  profits  it  has  derived, 
 and  the  immense  wealth  it  has  accumulated  from  that  connexion. 
 Thirdly,  its  present  state  and  influence.  We  shall  treat  on  these  sub- 
 jects as  briefly  as  possible,  so  as  to  put  the  reader  in  possession  of  the 
 most  important  facts  necessary  to  a  knowledge  of  them. 
 
 The  Bank  had  its  origin  in  war  and  taxation ;  and  was  originally 
 projected  by  one  Paterson,  a  Scotch  speculator,  who  was  afterwards 
 engaged  in  the  disastrous  project  of  colonization  at  Darien.  William  III. 
 who  introduced  standing  armies,  the  excise-laws,  the  funding  system, 
 and  other  calamities,  wanted  money  to  cari-y  on  a  vigorous  war  against 
 the  French.  An  act  passed,  inviting  people  to  make  voluntary  advances 
 to  the  amount  of  £1,500,000;  and,  for  securing  the  payment  of  the 
 interest,  taxes  were  laid  upon  beer,  ale,  and  other  liquors.  Upon  condition 
 of  £1,200,000  of  this  sum  being  advanced  within  a  certain  time,  the  sub- 
 scribers were  to  be  incorporated;  and,  this  being  done,  the  incorporation 
 took  place,  and  the  subscribers  were  formed  into  a  trading  company, 
 called,  "  The  Governor  and  Company  of  the  Bank  of  England."  The 
 charter  of  corporation  was  executed  July  27,  1694;  and  directs,  among 
 other  things,  that  a  governor  or  deputy-governor,  and  twenty-four 
 directors,  shall  be  chosen  for  conducting  the  establishment;  that  thirteen 
 or  more  of  them  (the  governor  or  deputy-governor  being  always  one) 
 shall  constitute  a  court  for  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  the  Com- 
 pany ;  that  the  qualification  of  the  governor  shall  be  at  least  £5000 
 stock  ;  deputy-governor  £3000  ;  directors  £2000  each ;  and  every  elector 
 £500 ;  that  four  general  courts  shall  be  held  every  year,  when  the 
 majority  of  electors  present  may  make  bye- laws  for  the  government 
 of  the  corporation  ;  and  that  "  no  dividend  shall  at  any  time  be  made  by 
 the  said  governor  and  Company  save  only  out  of  the  interest,  profit, 
 or  produce  arising  by  or  out  of  the  said  capital,  stock,  or  fund,  or  by 
 such  dealing  as  is  allowed  by  the  act  of  parHament."  For  the  £1,200,000 
 lent  to  government,  they  were  to  receive  yearly  £100,000;  £96,000, 
 the  interest  at  eight  per  cent,  and  £4000  for  the  charges  of  manage- 
 ment. Their  loan  to  government  might  be  redeemed  on  a  year's  notice; 
 and,  in  that  case,  the  charter  and  company  to  expire. 
 
 Such  is  the  origin  and  constitution  of  the  Bank  ;  on  which,  one  or 
 two  remarks  may  be  made.  It  is  clear,  from  the  act  of  incorporation, 
 (the  5  &^  Q  William  and  Mary,)  that  nothing  more  than  the  establish- 
 ment of  a  company  of  traders,  or  pawnbrokers,  was  intended  ;  and  that 
 it  never  was  surmised  that  they  would  ever  form  a  part  of,  or  have  any 
 dominant  influence  in,  the  government.  The  act  specifies,  very  parti- 
 cularly, the  sort  of  trade  they  were  to  carry  on :  they  were  not  to  trade 
 in  goods  or  merchandise,  but  to  employ  their  capital  in  advancing  money 
 
CHARTER — HISTORICAL    FACTS. 
 
 431 
 
 on  goods  and  pledges,*  in  discounting  bills  of  exchange,  and  the  buying 
 and  selling  of  gold  and  silvei*  bullion  ;  with  a  permission,  however,  to  sell 
 such  goods  as  were  mortgaged  to  them,  and  not  redeemed  within  three 
 months  after  the  expiration  of  the  time  of  redemption. 
 
 But,  still  further  to  confine  these  traders  and  pawnbrokers  to  their 
 province,  and  prevent  any  further  connexion  with  the  executive,  of 
 which  the  parliament  of  that  day  appears  to  have  been  somewhat  appre- 
 hensive, the  same  law  of  William  and  Mary  imposes  a  penalty  upon 
 the  Directors  if  they  purchase,  on  account  of  the  corporation,  any 
 crown  lands,  or  if  they  advance  to  his  Majesty  any  sum  of  money,  by 
 way  of  loan  or  anticipation  of  any  branch  of  the  public  revenue,  other 
 than  on  such  funds  only  on  which  a  credit  is  or  shall  be  granted  by 
 parliament.  Contrary  to  this  clause,  and  notwithstanding  the  penalty, 
 the  Directors  continued  to  make  advances  from  time  to  time,  on  treasury 
 bills,  to  the  year  1793.  In  that  year,  Mr.  Bosanquet  was  governor; 
 he  had  some  doubt  of  the  legality  of  these  advances,  and  applied  for  a 
 bill  of  indemnity :  the  Bank  having  then  become  an  essential  part  of 
 the  government,  this  was  easily  obtained ;  and  an  act  was  passed  to  pro- 
 tect the  governor  and  company  from  any  penalties  they  had  incurred,  or 
 might  incur  in  future,  on  account  of  any  advances  to  government. 
 
 There  are  few  facts  in  the  early  history  of  the  Bank  meriting  par- 
 ticular notice.  During  the  great  re-coinage  of  1696,  the  company  was 
 involved  in  considerable  difficulty,  and  was  even  compelled  to  suspend 
 payment  of  its  notes,  which  were  at  a  heavy  discount.  Owing,  how- 
 ever, to  the  skilful  management  of  the  directors  and  the  assistance  of 
 government,  the  Bank  got  over  this  crisis.  But  it  was  at  the  same 
 time  judged  expedient,  in  order  to  enable  the  copartners  to  withstand 
 any  subsequent  pressure,  to  augment  their  capital  to  £2,201,171. 
 
 In  1745  the  alarm  occasioned  by  the  advance  of  the  Highlanders 
 under  the  Pretender,  led  to  a  run  on  the  Bank  ;  and,  in  order  to  gain 
 time,  the  Directors  resorted  to  the  expedient  of  paying  in  shillings  and 
 sixpences!  During  Lord  George  Gordon's  riots  in  1780,  the  Bank 
 incurred  considerable  danger.  Had  the  mob  attacked  the  establishment 
 at  the  commencement  of  the  riots,  before  it  was  put  into  a  state  of  de- 
 fence, the  consequences  might  have  been  fatal.  Subsequently  a  military 
 force  has  been  nightly  placed  in  the  Bank  as  a  protection  in  case  of 
 emergency. 
 
 The  next  circumstance  deserving  notice  is  the  increase  in  the  denomi- 
 nation of  the  notes  issued  by  the  Company.  For  above  sixty  years,  no 
 notes  were  issued  for  a  less  sum  than  twenty -pounds  ;  and  these  were 
 made  payable  to  the  bearer  on  demand ;  and  for  the   amount  of  which 
 
 •  It  was  only  during  the  commercial  crisis  of  1826  that  Lord  Liverpool 
 discovered  the  Bank  was  empowered  to  make  advances  on  goods  and  mer- 
 chandise ;  the  Directors,  it  appears,  were  as  little  aware  of  this  dormant  privi- 
 lege as  his  Lordship,  having  been  too  much  occupied  Avith  their  more  ostenta- 
 tious and  profitable  dealings  with  the  Treasury,  to  attend  to  the  humble  avoca' 
 tion  set  fortii  by  the  three  balls. 
 
432  BANK    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 notes,  in  the  leg-al  coin  of  the  realm,  the  Company  was  liable  to  bo 
 sued  and  arrested.  As  the  Bank  enlarged  its  advances  to  government, 
 it  became  necessary  to  lower  the  denomination  of  its  notes.  A  different 
 reason  has  been  assigned ;  but  this,  no  doubt,  is  the  true  one.  It 
 is  clear,  indeed,  that  the  real  capital  of  the  Bank  being  a  limited 
 sum,  it  could  only  have  money  to  lend  to  government  by  increasing  its 
 fictitious  capital;  in  other  words,  by  extending  its  issue  of  paper; 
 which  again  could  only  be  done  by  lowering  the  denomination  of  its 
 notes.  While  £20  notes  alone  were  issued,  their  circidation,  from  their 
 amount,  being  limited  to  the  commercial  and  trading  chisses,  no 
 great  quantity  of  paper  could  possibly  be  emitted ;  but  when  notes  of 
 the  value  of  15,  10,  5,  and  1  pound  were  issued,  their  circulation 
 extending  through  all  classes  of  the  community,  the  issue  of  Bank 
 paper  would  proportionately  increase.  Government,  therefore,  in  order 
 to  obtain  advances  from  the  Bank,  readily  permitted  the  issuing  of  notes 
 of  smaller  value.  In  the  war  of  1755,  the  Bank  began  to  put  out 
 notes  of  the  value  of  £15  ;  and  before  the  conclusion  of  that  war, 
 notes  of  the  value  of  £10.  At  the  commencement  of  the  Anti- 
 Jacobin  war,  in  1793,  they  were  still  further  indulged,  and  allowed  to 
 issue  £5  notes  ;  and,  lastly,  in  the  year  1797,  came  the  £l  and  £2 
 notes.  Rents,  wages,  salaries,  taxes,  and  every  thing-  else,  could  now 
 be  ])aid  in  Bank  paper ;  and  the  Restriction- Act  having  protected  the 
 Bank  from  the  necessity  of  taking  up  their  own  notes,  they  were  issued 
 in  prodigious  quantities  ;  and  in  exactly  the  same  proportion  the  Bank 
 enlarged  its  advances  to  Government.  The  following  statement,  ex- 
 tracted from  the  repoit  of  the  Committee  of  the  House  of  Lords,  in  1819, 
 of  the  amount  of  Bank  paper  in  circulation  in  different  years  ;  and  of 
 the  amount  of  the  sums  advanced  to  government  on  exchequer-bills, 
 and  other  government  securities,  will  show  the  connexion  which  has 
 subsisted  between  the  issue  of  paper  and  advances  to  government : — 
 
 Bank  Notes.  Advances. 
 
 1794 £10,963,380 £  8,786,514 
 
 1795 13,539,160 1 1 ,1 14,230 
 
 1796 11,030,110 11,718,730 
 
 1814 25,51 1,012 33,607,300 
 
 1815 27,155,824 27,156,000 
 
 1816 26,681,398 26,042,600 
 
 1817 27,339,758 25,399,510 
 
 1818 27,954,558 27,002,000 
 
 Having  shown  the  causes  which  led  to  the  issue  of  small  notes,  and 
 the  connexion  betwixt  the  issue  of  Bank  paper  and  advances  to  govern- 
 ment, Ave  shall  now  mention  some  other  points  connected  with  the  history 
 of  this  Company. 
 
 Without  the  assistance  of  the  Bank  the  immense  fabric  of  debt  and 
 taxation  could  not  have  been  reared.  Of  this  government  appears  to 
 have  been  soon  sensible,  from  the  numerous  laws  enacted  for  its  pro- 
 
LEGAL  TENDEIl — FORCED   GOVERNMENT   PAPER.        433 
 
 tection  and  encouragement.  To  prevent  competition  from  the  Mine 
 Adventure  Company,  which  had  commenced  banking,  and  began  to  issue 
 notes,  it  was  provided  by  the  6th  of  Anne  that  no  other  banking  com- 
 pany of  more  than  six  persons,  should  issue  notes  payable  in  less  than 
 six  months.  Innumerable  acts  have  passed,  imposing  the  penalty  of 
 death  for  forging  Bank  notes  ;  others,  the  punishment  of  transportation, 
 on  persons  uttering,  or  having  them  in  their  possession.  The  English 
 code  has  been  made  the  bloodiest  in  the  world,  in  order  to  uphold  the 
 Oligarchy  and  the  paper  system,  and  its  laws  more  savage  than  those  of 
 Draco.  But  of  these,  and  also  the  Restriction  Act,  we  shall  speak  shortly  ; 
 let  us  now  only  attend  to  those  laws  for  upholding  the  credit  of  its 
 paper. 
 
 After  the  Restriction-Act,  the  Bank  ceased  to  be  an  independent  com- 
 pany ;  it  might  be  considered  a  government  office,  of  which  the 
 governor  and  directors  had  the  management ;  and  which  issued  o.  forced 
 government  paper.  Paper  issued  under  such  circumstances  would 
 necessarily  depreciate ;  and  this  was  an  evil  which  it  was  of  import- 
 ance to  government,  as  far  as  possible,  to  prevent.  Having  by  force 
 kept  bank-notes  in  circulation,  it  seemed  a  slight  extension  of  the  same 
 desperate  principle  to  attempt  also  by  force  to  maintain  their  credit. 
 Various  laws  were  passed  for  this  purpose.  After  the  Restriction- Act,  a 
 law  passed  to  protect  debtors  from  arrest,  who  tendered  payment  in 
 notes,  though  they  still  continued  liable  to  a  common  action  for  debt,  to 
 compel  payment  in  guineas.  This  was  the  first  attempt  of  the  borough- 
 mongers  to  render  Bank-paper  a  legal  tender,  and  equivalent  to  gold. 
 In  1810,  when  paper  had  depreciated  30  per  cent.,  and  guineas  sold  for 
 from  25s.  to  28s.  in  bank-notes,  a  law  passed  to  punish  persons  pur- 
 suing this  traffic,  and  imposing  penalties  on  those  who  sold  them  for 
 their  real  value  in  paper.  Tenants,  who  offered  notes  for  rent,  were 
 protected  from  distress,  though  liable  to  a  common  action  of  debt  or 
 ejectment.  At  length,  in  1811,  Lord  King  having  given  notice  to  his 
 tenants  to  pay  their  rents  in  guineas,  the  legal  coin  of  the  realm,  an 
 act  passed  to  protect  persons,  tendering  payment  in  notes,  from  all 
 further  proceedings.  This  was  nearly  the  climax.  Bank  paper  was 
 now  a  legal  tender  to  all  intents  and  purposes;  and  by  the  fiat  of  the 
 Oligarchy,  old  rags  were  metamorphosed  into  g-old.  Even  this  was  not 
 enough  to  satisfy  the  omnipotent  parliament ;  they  actually  passed  a  re- 
 solution, declaring  a  one-pound  bank-note  and  a  shilling  equal  in  value 
 to  a  guinea,  though  the  latter  was  openly  selling  for  twenty-seven 
 shillings  ! 
 
 Let  us  now  revert  to  the  capital  part  of  Bank  legislation — the  Re- 
 striction-Act. By  turning  to  the  preceding  page,  and  obseiwing  the 
 amount  of  the  Bank  advances  to  government  in  the  year  1796,  and 
 reflecting  on  the  various  laws  enacted  in  favour  of  the  Company,  it  will 
 appear  that  an  intimate  connexion  and  mutual  dependence  had  been 
 created  betwixt  the  Bank  and  Government,  before  the  Restriction- 
 Act,  in  1797;  that  law,  however,  fairly  incorporated  the  Bank  with 
 church  and   .state.      The    cau.ses  whifh  produced    the    stoppage   were 
 
434  BANK    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 brieHy  these: — From  the  commencement  of  the  year  1797,  great 
 apprehensions  were  entertained  of  a  French  invasion  :  the  people  were 
 alarmed  for  the  stability  of  the  government :  consequently  for  the 
 stability  of  the  Bank,  which  depended  ujjon  the  government :  a  run  upon 
 the  Bank  ensued;  the  credit  of  the  establishment  was  endangered;  and 
 suspicion,  which  Pa  ink  justly  denominates  credit  ;isleep,  was  now 
 awakened.  The  run  on  the  Bank  continued  hourly  to  increase,  till 
 Saturday  the  25th  of  February,  1797.  This  was  the  last  day  the  Bank 
 was  coatijyelled  to  pav  their  notes  on  demand,  agreeably  to  the  tenor  of 
 their  notes,  and  the  conditions  on  which  they  had  been  issued.  The 
 alarm  ilot  being  likely  to  subside,  and  the  run  continuing  to  increase  till 
 the  latest  hour  the  Bank  was  open,  on  the  next  day,  Sunday,  an  order 
 was  issued  from  the  Privy  Council,  requiring  the  Bank  to  forbear  is- 
 suing any  more  cash,  till  the  sense  of  parliament  could  be  taken  on 
 the  subject.  This  order,  as  might  be  expected,  was  instantly  obeyed,  a 
 few  days  more  Avould  have  drawn  out  of  the  Bank  coffers  the  last  far- 
 thing of  cash  and  bullion.  The  Company  wished  anxiously  to  conceal 
 the  amount  of  specie  in  their  possession  at  the  time  of  the  stoppage  : 
 hut,  by  an  ingenious  calculation  of  Mr.  Allardyce,  this  point  was  subse- 
 quently ascertained  almost  to  a  certainty.  It  appears,  that^  on  the 
 25th  of  February,  the  last  day  of  payment,  the  notes  in  circulation 
 amounted  to  £8,640,250,  and  the  total  amount  of  cash  and  bullion  in 
 the  Bank,  to  onlyo??e  million  tiuo  hundred  and  seicniy  two  thousand 
 pounds. 
 
 The  Bank,  like  true  traders,  has  always  manifested  great  anxiety 
 about  the  credit  of  the  house,  and  endeavoured  to  make  it  appear  that 
 the  stoppage  did  not  originate  in  the  necessities  of  the  Bank,  but  the 
 necessities  of  the  government.  In  the  resolutions  of  a  court  of  directors, 
 on  the  25th  March,  1797,  affixed  to  the  second  report  of  the  Bank 
 committee  of  1819,  it  is  said,  "That  the  restriction  on  cash  payments 
 was  altogether  a  measure  of  state  7iecessity."  Whether  it  originated 
 in  the  necessities  of  the  Bank,  or  of  the  boroughmongers,  or  both — 
 the  latter  appears  most  probable — it  is  not  very  material  to  inquire  : 
 but  it  appears  that  on  the  last  day  of  payment  the  Bank  had  little 
 more  than  a  million  of  cash  and  bullion  to  pay  more  than  eight 
 7}iillions  of  their  notes;  and  how,  under  such  circumstances,  the  Bank 
 could  have  met  their  creditors,  or  what  could  have  protected  them  from 
 arrest  for  debt,  but  the  interference  of  government,  it  is  not  easy  to 
 conceive. 
 
 But  the  fact  is,  the  stoppage  was  concerted  betwixt  Mr.  Pitt  and  the 
 directors.  Sometime  before  the  order  in  council  was  issued,  Mr.  Bo- 
 sanquet  and  other  directors  had  had  repeated  interviews  with  that 
 minister  to  consult  how  the  run  could  be  stayed,  and  the  Company 
 saved  from  impending  bankruptcy.  The  last  interview  was  on  the  22d 
 of  February  ;  the  Directors  were  then  in  a  terrible  fright ;  they  told  the 
 minister  they  were  "  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  the  house;"  and  asked 
 him,  when  '*  he  would  think  it  necessary  to  interfere."  Pitt  interfered 
 on  the  following  Sunday ;  a  singular  day  for  the  consummation  of  this 
 
STOPPAGE  OF   1797 RESUMPTION   OF   PAYMENTS.      435 
 
 extraordinary  transaction.  Immediately  after,  the  Bank  had  recourse 
 to  a  great  deal  of  dissimulation  to  disguise  their  insolvency  from  the 
 public.  On  the  2d  of  March,  six  days  after  the  stoppage,  a  court  of 
 proprietors  was  called.  Mr.  Bosanquet,  who  waited  on  the  Minister  to 
 express  his  fears  for  the  "  safety  of  the  house,"  and  to  know  when 
 Government  would  interfere,  was  present.  After  expatiating  on  the  then 
 prosperous  state  of  Bank  affairs,  this  gentleman  told  the  proprietors 
 that  he  earnestly  hoped  they  would  soon  be  permitted  to  pay  their 
 notes,  as  usual,  in  cash.  Thanks  were  then  voted  to  the  directors  for 
 complying  with  the  order  in  council,  which  empowered  them  to  violate 
 their  engagements  to  the  public  with  impunity,  and  refuse  payment  for 
 their  notes.  All  this  was  excellent.  Mr.  Bosanquet  "  earnestly  hoped" 
 that  they  would  be  per7nitted  to  do  that  which  he  had  earnestly  peti- 
 tioned Mr.  Pitt  they  might  be  protected  from  doing ;  and  the  proprietors 
 gravely  thanked  the  directors  for  complying  with  their  own  earnest 
 request ! 
 
 The  Order  in  Council,  requiring  the  Bank  to  issue  no  more  cash, 
 was  issued  on  the  26th  of  February'.  The  Restriction-Act  received  the 
 royal  assent  on  the  3d  of  May,  and  was  to  continue  in  force  till  the 
 24th  of  June,  that  is,  only  for  fifty-two  days.  On  the  22d  of  June, 
 two  days  before  the  expiration  of  the  original  act,  it  was  renewed  till 
 one  month  after  the  next  session  of  Parliament.  This  was  the  ^rs^ 
 renewal;  the  second  renewal  was  in  1798,  to  continue  iiW  one  month 
 after  the  signing  of  a  definitive  treaty  of  peace.  Peace  came  in  1801  ; 
 but,  before  the  expiration  of  the  month,  the  third  renewal  was  passed, 
 to  continue  till  the  1st  of  March,  1803  ;  before  that  time,  notwith- 
 standing peace  continued,  dt,  fourth  renewal  passed  to  continue  till  six 
 weeks  after  the  next  session  of  Parliament.  In  the  interim  war  broke 
 out;  the  fifth  renewal  followed  a^  a  matter  of  course,  and  to  continue 
 till  the  singing  of  a  definite  treaty  of  peace.  In  1814,  plaguy  peace 
 came  again  to  put  these  delusions  to  the  test ;  but  before  the  expiration 
 of  the  six  months,  the  sixth  renewal  passed,  to  continue  only  one  year. 
 In  1816,  the  country  being  at  peace,  every  one  expected  the  law  would 
 expire  :  when  lo  !  it  was  renewed  the  seve7ith  time,  for  two  years ! 
 In  1818,  it  was  again  renewed,  for  the  eighth  time,  for  one  year ; 
 and  in  1819,  it  was  renewed  for  the  ninth  time,  and  the  Bank  pro- 
 tected from  payment  of  its  notes  in  statutable  coin  for  four  years. 
 
 This  was  the  last  renewal,  the  Bank  in  1823  resuming  payments  in 
 specie,  after  a  suspension  of  twenty-six  years.  It  was  thought  by 
 many,  and  confidently  predicted  by  some,  such  an  event  could  not 
 possibly  happen.  These  views  were  fallacious,  originating  in  miscon- 
 ception ;  all  that  was  requisite  to  enable  the  Bank  to  fulfil  its  engage- 
 ments were  a  general  peace,  public  confidence,  and  such  a  favourable 
 state  of  the  exchanges  as  would  enable  it  to  obtain  a  supply  of  the 
 precious  metals  adequate  to  meet  the  probable  demand  for  gold  in  lieu 
 of  paper.  These  circumstances  concurring  at  the  period  fixed  for  the 
 resumption  of  cash-payments,  the  Bank  resumed  its  ancient  course  of 
 business,  and  an  event  to  which  such  undue  importance  had  been  pre- 
 
 2  F  2 
 
436  BANK    or    EX  C;  LAND. 
 
 viously  attaclied,  was  actually  consummated   without  exciting  the  least 
 interest  or  attention. 
 
 One  of  the  greatest  calamities  resulting  from  the  suspension  of  cash- 
 payments  by  the  Bank,  and  consequent  inundation  of  the  country  with 
 small  notes,  was  the  vast  increase  in  the  number  of  prosecutions  for 
 forgery.  It  appears,  from  returns  to  parliament,  that,  in  the  interval 
 from  1797  to  1818,  the  Bank  instituted  998  prosecutions  either  for 
 forging,  uttering,  or  having  forged  notes  in  possession.  The  results  of 
 these  prosecutions  were  a  dreadful  sacrifice  of  human  life;  and  it  has 
 been  calculated  that  four  Imndred  victims  were  offered  up  in  the  space 
 of  twenty-one  years  to  the  Moloch  of  paper  money.  As  a  set  off 
 against  this  terrible  calendar,  it  is  proper  to  mention  that  there  was  an 
 abatement  in  the  number  of  Mint  prosecutions. 
 
 Another  evil  may  be  justly  charged  to  the  vast  amount  of  paper 
 issued  by  the  Bank  of  England ;  the  great  extent  of  their  circulation 
 gave  them  a  complete  control  over  the  national  currency,  which  enabled 
 them,  at  their  own  arbitrary  discretion,  merely  by  contracting  or 
 enlarging  their  issues,  to  determine  the  prices  of  all  articles  of  con- 
 sumption and  merchandize.  Thus  was  a  company  of  traders,  without 
 responsibility  or  peculiar  fitness  for  so  grave  a  function,  and  whose 
 conduct  experience  proved  not  to  be  always  influenced  either  by  absolute 
 wisdom  or  disinterestedness,  empowered  to  entail  on  the  body  of  the 
 people  a  plenty  or  scarcity  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  on  the  com- 
 mercial public  the  most  sudden  and  disastrous  vicissitudes. 
 
 Our  next  object  will  be  to  give  an  account  of  the  Bank  puoi'its,  and 
 the  enormous  wealth  it  has  acquired  since  the  suspension  of  cash-payments. 
 
 The  profits  of  the  Bank  arise  from  various  sources.  First,  from  the 
 interest  of  their  notes  in  circulation,  which,  in  some  years,  as  in  1817, 
 amounted  to  more  than  twenty-nine  millions.  Secondly,  from  balances 
 of  public  money.  These  balances  arise  from  the  public  dividends,  pay- 
 able by  the  Bank,  but  unclaimed,  and  from  the  produce  of  different 
 taxes  paid  into  the  Bank,  and  which  have  not  been  drawn  out  for  the 
 service  of  government.  On  an  average  of  ten  years,  from  1806  to 
 1816,  the  balances  amounted,  to  £11,000,000,  on  which  the  Bank 
 gained  an  interest  of  five  per  cent,  per  annum.  The  amount  of  public 
 balances  has  since  fallen  considerably;  in  1825  they  amounted  at  an 
 average  to  £5,247,314;  and  in  1829  to  £3,862,656. 
 
 The  third  source  of  profit  is  the  interest  on  their  capital  and  savings. 
 The  Bank's  permanent  capital  amounts  to  £14,686,800,  lent  to  govern- 
 ment at  an  interest  of  3  per  cent.  The  fourth  source  of  profit  is  from 
 the  management  of  the  public  debt.  From  a  late  act  for  the  manage- 
 ment of  the  debt,  the  Bank  is  paid  £340  per  million  per  annum, 
 when  its  amount  shall  be  400  millions,  and  not  exceed  600  millions : 
 and  £300  per  million  on  such  part  of  the  debt  as  exceeds  600  millons. 
 Besides  these  sources  of  profit,  the  Bank  derives  a  profit  from  its 
 trade  in  bullion,  the  destruction  of  its  notes,  and  the  private  deposits 
 of  individuals.  It  also  has  a  profit,  at  the  rate  of  £805  :  15  :  10  per 
 million,  for  receiving  subscriptions  on  loans  contracted  for  by  govern- 
 
OUTGOINGS  AND  EXPENSES  OF  THE  ESTABLISHMENT.   437 
 
 ment.*  All  these  form  the  gross  profits  of  the  Bank;  from  which,  in 
 order  to  form  an  estimate  of  their  annual  gain,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
 deduct  the  amount  of  their  expenses,  the  stamp-duty  on  tlieir  notes, 
 and  the  interest  of  their  cash  and  bullion,  which  constitute  their  un- 
 productive capital. 
 
 First,  as  to  the  expenses  of  the  Bank.  The  Committee  of  Public 
 Expenditure  stated,  in  their  Report  in  1807,  "  that  the  number  of 
 "  clerks  employed  in  the  Bank,  exclusively  or  principally  in  the  public 
 "  business  was, 
 
 ''  Inl786 243 
 
 "  1796 313 
 
 "  1807 450 
 
 "  whose  salaries,  it  is  presumed,  may  be  calculated  at  an  average 
 "  between  £120  and  £170,  for  each  clerk,  taking  them  at  £135, 
 "  which  exceeds  the  average  of   those    employed  in    the   South-Sea 
 
 "   House,  the  sum  is    £60,750 
 
 "  at  £150,  the  sum  is   - 67,500 
 
 "  at  £170,  the  sum  is   76,500 
 
 "  either  of  which  two  last  sums  would  be  sufficient  to  provide  a  super- 
 "  annuation  fund." 
 
 The  total  expense  for  managing  the  public  business,  the  salaries  of 
 the  governor,  directors,  &c.  as  stated  by  the  same  report,  are  as 
 follows : — 
 
 Salaries  to  governor,  deputy-governor,  and  directors  £8,000 
 
 Incidental  expenses,  about 15,000 
 
 Additional  buildings  and  repairs '  •  • « 10,000 
 
 Law  expenses,  and  loss  by  frauds  and  forgeries,  about    10,000 
 Largest  estimate  for  clerks  • 76,500 
 
 Total £119,500 
 
 Owing  to  the  increase  of  Debt  and  other  causes,  Mr.  Ricardo 
 supposed  that  the  number  of  clerks  employed  in  the  public  business 
 had  increased  from  four  hundred  and  fifty  to  between  five  and  six 
 hundred.  The  expenses  estimated  by  the  committee,  in  1807,  at 
 £119,500,  he  calculated  to  have  increased,  in  1816,  to  £150,000. 
 He  states,  the  total  number  of  clerks  employed  by  the  Bank  in  the 
 whole  of  their  establishment,  at  one  thousand.  Half  of  this  number  is  em- 
 ployed in  the  public  business,  and  the  other  half  in  the  private  business 
 of  the  Bank.  The  expenses  of  the  Company  may  be  supposed  to  bear 
 some  proportion  to  the  whole  number  of  clerks  employed.  And,  ac- 
 cording to  this  rule,  Mr.  Ricardo  says  that,  "  as  £150,000  has  been 
 calculated  to  be  the  expense  attending  the  employment  of  five  hundred 
 clei-ks  in  the  public  business,  we  may  estimate  a  like  expense  to  be 
 
 *  During  the  continuance  of  the  income-tax,  the  Bank  had  an  allowance  of 
 £1250  per  million,  or  one-eighth  per  cent,  for  receiving  the  produce  of  that 
 impost.  It  had  also  another  source  of  profit  from  lotteries ;  for  issuing  the 
 tickets  an;!  pa\  ing  the  prizes  it  received  £1000  for  each  lottery. 
 
438  BANK    OK    ENGLAND. 
 
 incurred  by  the  employment  of  the  other  five  hundred,  and  therefore 
 the  whole  expenses  of  the  Bank,  at  the  present  time,  about  £300,000, 
 including-  all  charges  whatsoever." — Secure  and  Economical  Cur- 
 rency, p.  71,  2. 
 
 This  estimate  includes  every  charge :  the  expense  of  managing  the 
 public  business,  the  salaries  of  the  governor,  directors,  and  clerks  : 
 stationery,  incidental  expenses,  additional  buildings,  and  repairs  ;  together 
 with  law-expenses,  loss  by  frauds,  forgeries,  and  every ^other  expense 
 incurred  in  conducting  the  business  of  the  establishment. 
 
 The  next  subject  forming  a  part  of  the  outgoings  of  the  Bank  is 
 the  stamp-duty.  The  Bank,  till  lately,  has  always  been  particularly 
 favoured  in  the  composition  which  they  paid  for  stamp-duties.  In  1791 
 they  paid  a  composition  of  £12,000  per  annum,  in  lieu  of  all  stamps 
 either  on  bills  or  notes.  In  1799,  on  an  increase  of  the  stamp-duty, 
 this  composition  was  advanced  to  £20,000,  and  an  addition  of  £4000 
 for  notes  issued  under  £5,  raised  the  whole  to  £24,000.  In  1804,  an 
 addition  of  not  less  than  50  per  cent,  was  made  to  the  stamp-duty  ;  but, 
 although  the  Bank  circulation  of  not^s  under  £5  had  increased  from  one 
 and  a  half  to  four  and  a  half  millions,  the  whole  composition  was  only 
 raised  from  £24,000  to  £32,000.  In  1808,  there  was  a  further  in- 
 crease of  33  per  cent,  to  the  stamp-duty,  at  which  time  the  composition 
 was  raised  from  £32,000  to  £42,000.  In  both  these  instances  the  in- 
 crease was  not  in  proportion  even  to  the  increase  of  duty  ;  and  no  allow- 
 ance whatever  was  made  for  the  increase  in  the  amount  of  the  Bank 
 circulation. 
 
 It  was  not  till  the  Session  of  1815,  on  a  further  increase  of  the  stamp- 
 duty,  that  the  new  principle  was  established,  and  the  Bank  compelled 
 to  pay  a  composition  in  some  proportion  to  the  amount  of  its  circula- 
 tion. The  composition  is  now  fixed  as  follows : — Upon  the  average 
 circulation  of  the  preceding  year,  the  Bank  is  to  pay  at  the  rate  of 
 £3,. 500  per  million,  on  their  aggreg-ate  circulation,  without  reference 
 to  the  different  classes  and  value  of  their  notes.  The  establishment 
 of  this  principle  it  is  calculated  caused  a  saving  to  the  public,  in  the 
 years  1815  and  1816,  of  £70,000.  By  the  neglect  of  this  principle, 
 which  ought  to  have  been  adopted  in  1799,  Mr.  Ricardo  estimated  the 
 public  to  have  been  losers,  and  the  Bank  consequently  gainers,  of  no 
 less  a  sum  than  half  a  million. 
 
 The  last  subject  for  which  an  allowance  is  to  be  deducted  from  the 
 gross  profits  of  the  Bank,  is  for  their  unproductive  capital,  namely,  their 
 cash  and  bullion.  At  the  stoppage  in  1797,  the  Bank  stated  in  their 
 accounts,  laid  before  parliament,  that  their  cash  and  bullion,  and  their 
 bills  and  notes  discounted,  together  amounted  to  £4,196,080.  They 
 also  gave  a  scale  of  discounts  from  1782  to  1797,  and  a  corresponding- 
 scale  of  the  cash  and  bullion  in  the  Bank  for  the  same  period.  By 
 comparing  these  numbers  with  each  otlier,  and  some  parts  of  the  evi- 
 dence, Mr.  Allardyce  discovered  the  whole  secret  the  Bank  wished  to 
 conceal  — namely,  the  amount  of  cash  and  bullion  in  their  coffers.  Ac- 
 cording to  this  g-entleman's  calculation,  as  before  mentioned,  the  cash 
 
PROFITS   FROM  THE   PITT   AND   PLUNDER   SYSTEM.      439 
 
 and  bullion  of  the  Bank,  on  the  26th  February,  1797,  was  reduced  as 
 low  as  one  million  two  hundred  and  seventy-two  thousand  pounds. 
 Subsequently  the  Bank  increased  its  stock  of  cash  and  bullion ;  and  on 
 the  average  of  the  eig-hteen  years,  from  1797  to  1815,  Mr.  Ricardo 
 conjectured  it  amounted  to  about  three  millions. 
 
 We  have  now  mentioned  all  the  circumstances  necessary  to  form  an 
 estimate  of  the  net  profits  of  the  Bank.  We  have  mentioned  all  the 
 sources  whence  the  gross  profits  are  derived,  and  also  the  different  items 
 of  their  disbursements.  Proceeding  on  these  principles,  Mr.  Ricardo 
 calculated  the  clear  gains  of  the  Bank  from  the  time  of  the  suspension 
 of  cash  payments,  in  1797,  to  the  year  1816.  The  results  of  his  cal- 
 culations were  communicated  to  the  Bank  Committee  of  the  House  of 
 Lords  in  1819.  We  shall  insert  his  statement,  exhibiting  at  one  view 
 the  amount  of  bonuses  and  increase  of  dividends  to  the  proprietors,  the 
 new  stock  created,  and  the  increased  value  of  the  original  capital.  It 
 is  Mr.  Ricardo  Avho  is  interrogated. 
 
 "  Do  you  believe  the  following  account   to  be  an  accurate  account  of  the 
 profits  of  the  Bank  since  the  Restriction,  naraely, 
 
 In  bonuses  and  increase  of  dividends £7, 4-31, ISO 
 
 New  Bank-stock  (£2,910,600)  divided  among  the  proprie- 
 tors      7,276,500 
 
 Increased  value  of  capital  of  £11,642,000,  (which  on  an 
 average  of  1767,  was  worth  £125,  and  which  is  now 
 worth  £250,)  that  is 14,553,000 
 
 Making  in  all, on  a  capital  of  £11,642,000, a  gain  in  19  years  of  £29,280,636 
 
 "  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt  it;  I  believe  it  is  accurate  as  far  as  I  recollect." 
 —Minutes  of  Evidence,  p.  191. 
 
 This  statement,  we  conceive,  needs  no  explanation.  In  bonuses  and 
 an  increase  of  dividends,  the  Bank  gained  £7,451,136.  The  new 
 Bank-stock  created,  at  £250  per  cent,  is  worth  £7,276,500.  The 
 original  capital  of  £11,642,000,  has  increased  in  value  £14, .553, 000. 
 The  total  gain  of  the  Bank  on  a  capital  of  eleven  millions,  is  more  than 
 twenty-nine  millions.  This  is  the  Bank  prize-money,  the  spoil  of 
 WAR,  the  clear  gains  from  the  loans,  lotteries,  and  taxation  of  the 
 "  Pitt  and  Plunder  system."  The  brief  history  of  the  Bank,  for 
 nineteen  years  after  the  stoppage  in  1797,  is  this  :  they  have  hanged 
 and  transported  about  eight  hundred  persons,  and  in  addition  to 
 ■their  old  dividend  have  made  a  profit  of  near  three  hundred  per 
 CENT  ! 
 
 CoLQUHOUN  had  some  reason  when  he  said  the  Bank  was  the  richest 
 establishment  in  tlie  world.  We  here  see  the  amount  of  its  vast  juofits 
 during  twenty  years  of  blood,  rapine,  and  injustice.  The  ability  of  the 
 Bank  to  expend   nearly  a  quarter  of  a  million   in  hanging  and  trans- 
 
440  1{  A  >i  K    OF    E  N  c;  I.  A  N  D. 
 
 porting  their  fellow -creatures  can  no  longer  excite  surprise.  At  the  con- 
 clusion of  the  war  iu  1815,  the  Bank  could  have  divided  more  than  one 
 hundred  per  cent,  without  encroaching  on  their  permanent  capital :  in 
 other  words,  they  could  have  granted  £100  to  every  holder  of  Bank- 
 stock  to  the  amount  of  £100,  and  yet  not  encroached  on  the  original 
 capital  of  the  Company.  If  they  made  a  division  of  one  hundred  per 
 cent,  bonus,  they  would  still  have  had  an  unappropriated  income  of 
 £542,000,  which  would  have  enabled  them  to  increase  their  permanent 
 dividend  from  ten  to  fourteen  and  a  half  per  cent.  If  they  had  divided 
 only  a  bonus  of  seventy-five  per  cent,  they  would  retain  a  surplus 
 capital  exceeding  that  of  1797,  and  an  unappropriated  income  of 
 £673,000,  which  would  enable  them  to  raise  their  dividend  from  ten  to 
 fifteen  and  a  half  per  cent.  If  the  profits  of  the  Bank  had  continued, 
 and  no  addition  been  made  to  the  present  dividend  of  ten  per  cent,  the 
 accumulation  of  the  surplus  profit  in  forty  years  would  have  given  to 
 the  Bank  a  disposable  fund  of  more  than  one  hundred  and  ttuenty 
 millions* 
 
 According"  to  the  charter,  all  profits  and  advantages  arising  out  of 
 the  management  of  the  Bank  ought  to  be  divided,  from  time  to  time, 
 among  the  proprietors,  iu  proportion  to  each  person's  share  and  interest 
 in  the  stock  of  the  Company.  This  law  has  never  been  observed  by  the 
 Directors:  the  concern  has  been  carried  on,  and  no  statement  of  its 
 affairs,  nor  the  surplus  savings,  has  ever  been  submitted  to  the  pro- 
 prietors. Mr.  Allardyce,  in  1801,  and  subsequently  Mr.  Young  and  other 
 proprietors,  have  attempted  at  diffejent  times  to  compel  the  Goveinor 
 and  Directors  to  make  a  declaration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Bank  ;  but 
 these  gentlemen  appear  to  have  considered  it  more  prudent  policy  to 
 conceal,  as  far  as  possible,  their  gains  from  the  public.  The  rotten- 
 boroughs  have  not  been  more  intimately  identified  with  the  past  system 
 of  misgovernment  than  tl  e  Bank  of  England.  It  is  to  the  war,  com- 
 menced by  the  Oligarchy  in  1793,  the  Bank  is  indebted  for  its  enor- 
 mous wealth  and  inordinate  gains.  It  is  to  this  war  the  Bank  was 
 indebted  for  the  Restriction-Act,  which  enabled  it  to  raise  the  cir- 
 culation of  its  notes  from  12  millions  to  27  millions.  It  was  the  war 
 which  raised  the  unredeemed  public  debt  from  220  to  850  millions ;  of 
 this  debt  the  Bank  has  had  the  management,  and  for  which  it  has 
 received  from  the  public  about  £300,000  per  annum,  whereas  the 
 receipt  on  account  of  the  debt  in  1792  was  only  £99,800.  It  is  to  the 
 war,  too,  the  Bank  was  indebted  for  the  increase  in  the  amount  of 
 public  deposits.  In  1792  the  deposits  were  probably  less  than  four 
 millions.  In  and  since  1806,  to  the  peace,  they  exceeded  eleven 
 millions.  From  this  source  alone,  Mr.  Ricardo  calculated  that,  in  the 
 ten  years  from  1806  to  1816,  the  Bank  gained  £5,500,000.  It  is  to 
 the  war  the  Bank  has  been  indebted  for  an  annual  dividend  and  bonus 
 on  its  capital  to  the  amount  of  10,  12,  and  in  some  years  as  high  as  17 
 
 Ricardo  on  a  Secure  and  Economical  Currency,  p.  84. 
 
CHARTERS— TRANSACTIONS  WITH  THE  GO VERNMENT.    441 
 
 per  cent.  Lastly,  the  Bank  is  indebted  to  the  Avar  for  clear  savings, 
 from  the  year  1797  to  the  year  1816,  to  the  enormous  amount  of 
 £29,280,636. 
 
 We  are  not  greatly  in  favour  o{  ex  post  facto  laws,  nor  bills  of  pains  and 
 penalties,  but  should  there  ever  be  any  thing  like  an  equitable  adjust- 
 ment, a  refunding  or  surrendering  of  surreptitious  gains,  the  Bank  will 
 certainly  have  to  yield  up  the  most  freely  next  to  the  Church  and  the 
 Aristocracy. 
 
 At  the  end  of  this  article  are  inserted  several  accounts  laid  before  Par- 
 liament by  the  Bank  in  1 830,  exhibiting  their  own  statements  of  their  past 
 proceedings,  the  profits  they  have  realized,  and  their  existing"  transactions 
 with  the  Government.  Between  the  estimate  of  the  Bank  of  the  amount 
 of  their  profits  and  the  estimate  of  Mr.  Ricardo,  we  do  not  find  any 
 material  discrepancy.  The  Bank  make  their  aggregate  gains,  exclusive 
 of  their  ordinary  dividend  of  7  per  cent.  £16,619,526.  If  to  this  sum 
 we  add  the  difference  between  the  value  of  their  capital  of  £1 1 ,642,400 
 in  1797,  and  the  value  of  their  present  capital  of  £14,553,000, 
 we  shall  find  that  the  prosperous  career  of  the  Bank  has  not  been 
 exaggerated. 
 
 The  charter  of  the  Bank,  when  first  granted,  was  to  continue  for 
 eleven  years  certain,  or  till  a  year's  notice  after  August  1st,  1705.  The 
 charter  was  further  renewed  in  1697.  In  1708  the  Bank  having  ad- 
 vanced £400,000  for  the  public  service,  without  interest,  the  exclusive 
 privileges  of  the  Corporation  were  prolonged  till  1733.  After  further 
 renewals,  in  consequence  of  advances  in  1800,  the  charter,  having  then 
 twelve  years  to  run,  was  prolonged  till  the  expiration  of  twelve  months' 
 notice  to  be  given  after  August  1st,  1833,  and  till  the  payment  by  the 
 government  of  the  debt  owing  to  the  establishment.  The  last  renewal 
 is  by  40  Geo.  III.  c.  29,  and  in  consideration  of  an  advance  to  the 
 public  of  three  millions  for  six  years  without  interest. 
 
 It  is  reasonable  to  expect  the  Bank  charter  will  not  be  again  renewed 
 without  an  entirely  new  arrangement  far  more  favourable  to  the  public 
 interests  than  that  now  subsisting.  The  Bank  annually  receives  about 
 £257,000  for  its  trouble  in  paying  the  dividends.  It  holds  balances  of 
 public  money,  free  of  interest,  averaging  three  or  four  millions.  These 
 balances  are  employed  in  discounting  bills  at  the  rate  of  four  per  cent, 
 yielding  a  revenue  of  £160,000,  which,  being  added  to  the  £257,000, 
 makes  an  annual  sum  of  £417,000  derived  from  its  dealings  with  the 
 Treasury.  This  has  been  always  deemed  a  most  extravagant  remune- 
 ration, and  has  never  been  defended  even  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
 except  on  the  groundless  plea,  that  it  was  binding  on  the  public  so  long- 
 as  the  present  charter  had  to  run. 
 
 These  do  not  constitute  the  whole  of  the  advantages  of  this  long- 
 favoured  establishment :  it  enjoys  various  exclusive  privileges  in  carrying- 
 on  the  trade  of  banking.  By  the  act  of  Anne,  before  cited,  no  corporate 
 body  or  partnership,  consisting  of  more  than  six  persons  other  than  the 
 Bank  of  England,  is  allowed  to  carry  on  the  business  of  banking.    After 
 
442  BANK    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 the  panic  of  1826,  this  privilege  was  so  far  relaxed  as  to  allow  the 
 establishment  of  hanking'  firms  of  more  than  six  partners,  at  places 
 exceeding  the  distance  of  sixty  ??iiles  from  London  ;  provided  such 
 firms  had  no  establishment  as  hankers  in  the  metropolis. 
 
 Why  should  these  restrictions  be  tolerated  in  favour  of  an  overgrown 
 corporation,  which  has  already  profited  so  much  by  its  exclusive  immu- 
 nities ?  They  form,  moreover,  the  chief  obstacle  to  the  improvement 
 of  the  system  of  banking  in  both  the  country  and  metropolis,  by  dis- 
 courat^ing'  the  establishment  of  joint-stock  associations.  Could  banking 
 firms  be  opened  in  the  metiopolis  with  an  indefinite  number  of  partners, 
 CD  the  plan  of  the  Scotch  banks,  their  credit  would  rest  on  such  a 
 sure  and  extended  basis,  that  they  might  fairly  compete  with  the  es- 
 tablishment in  Threadneedle-street  for  a  share  of  the  public  business ; 
 Government  would  be  relieved  from  its  dependence  on  a  single  fiater- 
 nity  ;  and,  in  lieu  of  paying  the  Bank  £257,000  per  annum  for  the 
 payment  of  the  dividends,  it  is  not  improbable  the  whole  sum  might  be 
 saved,  and  the  business  transacted  for  the  sake  of  the  profit  which  might 
 be  realized  from  holding  the  balances  of  the  public  money  and  un- 
 claimed lottery  prizes  and  dividends.* 
 
 The  Bank  has  never  conducted  its  affairs  either  on  such  liberal  or 
 enlightened  principles  as  to  become  entitled  to  peculiar  favour  from  the 
 community.  Notwithstanding  the  enormous  profits  of  this  great  cor- 
 poration, it  has  constantly  manifested  an  eagerness  for  gain,  and  im- 
 patience for  the  profitable  employment  of  its  capital,  which  could  hardly 
 have  been  exceeded  by  a  private  establishment.  In  1822,  with  a  view 
 of  extending  their  discount,  they  lowered  the  rate  of  interest  from  five 
 to  four  per  cent.,  and  extended  the  term  of  discount  from  sixty  to  ninety 
 days.  In  1823,  they  contracted  for  a  portion  of  the  dead-weight 
 annuity,  by  imposing  upon  themselves  the  obligation  of  advancing  an 
 annual  loan  for  several  years  ;  which  engagement  was  clearly  at  variance 
 with  the  legitimate  principles  of  banking.  At  the  close  of  the  same 
 year,  they  announced  their  intention  to  lend  money  on  mortgage,  which 
 was  a  deviation  from  one  of  their  oldest  established  rules  Lastly,  in 
 1825,  they  came  forward  with  a  proposition  to  lend  money  on  g'overn- 
 ment  securities,  and  upon  their  own  stock. 
 
 By  these  expedients  they  were  enabled  greatly  to  extend  the  cir- 
 culation of  their  notes ;  but  their  resources,  contrary  to  all  sound 
 maxims,  were  tied  up  in  inconvertible  securities,  so  that  they  were  less 
 able  to  discharge  their  proper  functions  as  bankers.  What  was  worse, 
 the  greedy  example  was  followed  by  the  country  bankers ;  and  thus  the 
 race  commenced  between  them,  which  could  push  out  the  most  paper, 
 till  they  brought  ujjon  the  country  the  disastrous  mercantile  revulsion 
 of  1825-6. 
 
 *  Memorial  of  Country  I'xinkers,  addressed  (o  the  Tiorcls  of  (lie  Treasury, 
 May  9,  \S'28.—  Painami'n(arii  Paper,  No.  o28,  Se&s.  1828. 
 
ESTIMATE  OF  THE  WEALTH   OF  THE   ESTABLISHMENT.    443 
 THOUGHTS    OS    A    ?3EW    BANK    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 Notwithstanding  the  errors  of  business  and  of  political  meddling  with 
 which  the  Bank  Directors  may  be  justly  charged,  it  may  be  doubted 
 whether  the  country  would  be  benefited  by  any  attempt  to  set  up  a  rival 
 establishment.  A  banking  firm  of  undoubted  stability  is  essential  to  the 
 functions  of  government  for  the  receipt  and  disbursement  of  the  public 
 revenue,  and  for  the  management  of  the  national  currency.  But  would 
 it  be  possible  to  form  an  association,  better  adapted  for  these  pur- 
 poses than  the  Bank  of  England  ?  In  the  first  place  with  respect  to  the 
 circulating  medium.  The  Bank  enjoying  the  exclusive  privilege  of 
 issuing  notes  in  the  metropolis,  it  possesses  a  complete  control  over  the 
 circulation  directly  in  London  and  indirectly  in  the  provinces  ;  and  it 
 can  only  arise  from  a  mistaken  cupidity  or  culpable  remissnes.s  of  duty 
 in  the  Directors  if  the  general  circulation  is  either  redundant  or  deficient 
 — if  it  is  not  maintained  precisely  in  that  state  which  the  wants  of  com- 
 merce and  the  course  of  the  exchanges  require.  But  such  corrective 
 power  over  the  currency  can  only  be  advantageously  exercised  by  a  single 
 association.  Supposing  two  chartered  bodies  had  concurrent  authority 
 in  the  issue  of  notes,  they  would  either  pursue  their  business  in  opposi- 
 tion or  concert :  if  the  former,  then  would  there  be  a  contest  between 
 them,  which  could  get  out  the  greatest  amount  of  paper;  if  the  latter, 
 then  the  case  would  not  be  altered  from  what  now  exists — it  would  still 
 be  virtually  one  body,  only  acting  under  two  denominations,  the  New 
 Bank  of  England  and  the  Old  Bank  of  England. 
 
 Next  as  to  experience  in  banking  business.  In  this  the  Bank  could 
 not  possibly  be  excelled  by  a  new  establishment.  The  Direction,  it 
 cannot  be  denied,  consists  of  the  elite  of  the  commercial  woi-ld  ;  more- 
 over they  inherit,  in  virtue  of  their  offices,  all  the  wise  saws,  maxims, 
 and  precepts  accumulated  by  their  predecessors  for  the  last  hundred  and 
 forty  years,  and  which,  we  presume,  are  carefully  treasured  up  for 
 reference  in  the  Bank  parlour,  inscribed  on  tablets  or  other  tangible 
 record. 
 
 The  last  and  most  important  consideration,  with  respect  to  any  new 
 association,  which  should  undertake  to  be  the  national  banker,  would  be 
 the  security  it  could  afford.  A  sum  of  four  or  five  miUions,  which  is 
 the  average  amount  of  the  government  balances,  ought  not  to  be  entrusted 
 to  any  mushroom  establishment.  On  this  head  the  Bank  appears  wholly 
 unexceptionable.  Just  let  us  see  by  fair  appraisement  how  much  the 
 "  Old  Lady"  would  yield,  providing  all  her  eft'ects  were  brought  under 
 the  hammer  of  alderman  Farebrother.  Lot  the  first,  is  that  solid  capital 
 of  £14,686,800,  lent  to  Government  at  three  per  cent,  and  which  at  the 
 present  market  price  of  £195  per  hundred  pound  stock  is  worth 
 exactly  £29,619,260.  The  second  lot  is  the  surplus  of  profits,  &c.  after 
 paying  all  outstanding  demands ;  owing  to  the  extreme  reserve  of  the 
 Old  Girl  the  value  of  this  assortment  cannot  be  stated — common  report 
 says  betwixt  two  and  three  millions :  according  to  her  Ladyship's  inven- 
 
444  BANK    or    KNC.  LAND. 
 
 tory  in  1819  (No.  II.  at  the  end  of  this  article,)  she  had  a  nice  balance 
 in  her  favour  of  £5,202,320.  Supposing  we  take  the  Old  Dame  at 
 her  word —  here  are  two  articles  alone  worth  £34,82 1 ,580.  Besides  which, 
 is  the  immense  pile  in  Threadneedle-street,  consisting^  of  innumerable 
 vaults,  rotunda,  cashier,  court,  committee  and  tellers'  rooms,  and  a 
 floor  of  apartments  more  .spacious  and  intricate  than  the  Cretan  labyrinth, 
 together  with  the  site  of  eight  acres,  fittings  up  and  Corinthian 
 columns  included — all  which  could  not  be  appraised  at  a  less  sum  than 
 two  millions,  and  with  the  preceding  constitutes  a  substantial  security  to 
 the  amount  of  nearly  thirty-seven  millions,  and  must  be  amply  sufficient 
 to  satisfy  the  most  scrupulous  tax-payer  in  the  kingdom. 
 
 Though  the  Bank  of  I'^ngland  po.'^sesses  the  recommendations  we 
 have  mentioned  to  the  office  of  national  banker,  yet  the  Government  is 
 not  dependent  upon  or  at  the  mercy  of  the  Corporation.  When  the 
 charter  has  expired,  the  Bank  proprietary  become  nothing  more  than  a 
 common  partnership  trading  upon  a  joint-stock.  Government,  by  granting 
 a  charter  of  incorporation  to  a  new  association,  and  transferring  to 
 it  the  exclusive  privileges  of  issuing  notes,  of  retaining  the  public  ba- 
 lances, and  of  paying  the  public  dividends,  might,  at  one  blow,  destroy 
 tAvo-thirds  at  least  of  the  business  and  revenue  of  the  Threadneedle- 
 street  establishment.  This  we  advert  to  lest  it  might  be  thought  on  the 
 renewal  of  the  Bank  charter,  the  Directors  had  power  to  prescribe  their 
 own  terms  to  Government :  the  power  is  all  on  the  other  side — in  the 
 hands  of  ministers,  and  if  they  do  not  exercise  it  for  the  public  benefit, 
 they  will  not  have  faithfully  discharged  their  duty  to  the  community. 
 The  relation  in  which  the  Bank  stands  to  the  public  is  nothing  more 
 than  that  of  a  number  of  private  individuals  entitled  to  no  special  fa- 
 vour ;  whatever  privilege  they  enjoy,  they  ought  to  pay  for  ;  for  whatever 
 work  they  perform,  they  ought  not  to  leceive  more  than  a  reasonaljle 
 compensation.  Upon  this  principle  let  us  inquire  what  ought  to  be  the 
 main  conditions  of  the  future  contract  between  the  Bank  and  Government. 
 
 First,  the  Bank  ought  to  account  to  the  public  for  the  profits  arising 
 from  the  exclusive  privilege  of  issuing  notes,  after  deducting  a  reasonable 
 sum  for  trouble  and  incidental  expenses. 
 
 Secondly,  the  Bank  ought  to  pay  a  per-centage  for  the  average 
 amount  of  public  balances  it  holds  and  employs  in  banking. 
 
 Thirdly,  if  the  composition  paid  by  the  Bank  in  lieu  of  stamp  duties 
 be  inadequate,  it  ought  to  bo  augmented. 
 
 Fourthly,  the  Bank  ought  not  to  charge  a  greater  sum  per  million  for 
 the  payment  of  the  dividends  tlian  is  an  equitable  consideration  for 
 trouble  and  loss  of  time. 
 
 Fifthly,  the  Bank  being  invested  with  important  public  trusts,  and 
 having  the  control  of  the  national  currency,  and  as  any  error  of  judg- 
 ment committed  by  the  Directors,  might  be  productive  of  disastrous 
 consequences,  it  is  highly  expedient  their  aftairs  and  proceedings  should 
 be  at  all  times  known,  so  as  to  be  constantly  open  to  public  and  par- 
 liamentary observance  and  discussion. 
 
 Sixthly,  if  the  suggestion  which  has  been  made  and  appearsjudicious,  be 
 
CONDITIONS    OF   THE    RENEWAL    OF    THE  CHARTER.    445 
 
 adopted,  of  making  a  Bank  of  England  note  a  legal  tender  when  offered 
 by  the  country  banks,  the  concession  of  so  great  and  advantageous  a 
 privilege  would  justly  claim  a  bonus  from  the  Bank  to  the  public  ; 
 especially  as  it  would  tend  to  augment  the  circulation  of  their  notes,  and 
 accelerate  the  spread  and  establishment  of  their  branch  institutions.* 
 
 Lastly,  the  Bank  charter  ought  only  to  be  renewed  for  a  short  term 
 of  years.  For  this  three  reasons  maybe  assigned.  First,  it  would  tend 
 to  keep  the  Bank  dependent  upon  and  under  the  control  of  the  legislature. 
 Secondly,  the  pisculiar  and  changing  state  of  the  country  at  the  present 
 moment  is  a  strong  objection  both  against  granting  and  accepting  long 
 leases  by  public  bodies.  Thirdly,  there  is  no  public  reason  for  renewing 
 the  charter  for  a  long  term.  In  this  respect  the  Bank  and  East  India 
 Company  materially  differ;  the  affairs  of  the  former  are  all  at  home, 
 and  may  be  wound  up  any  time  in  six  months ;  the  affairs  of  the  latter 
 extend  to  the  other  side  of  the  globe,  and  require  years. 
 
 Upon  the  conditions  we  have  thus  shortly  sketched,  the  Bank  charter 
 might  be  renewed,  with  advantage  to  the  Corporation,  the  Government, 
 and  the  community. 
 
 Dividends  on  Bank   Stock,  from  the   Establishment  of  the  Company  to  the 
 
 present  time. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Dividend. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Di 
 
 iidends. 
 
 1694 
 
 8  per  cent. 
 
 Lady-day 
 
 1747 
 
 5  per  cent. 
 
 1697 
 
 9       — 
 
 Ditto 
 
 1753 
 
 4* 
 
 ■ — 
 
 1708  7 
 1729  i 
 
 Varied  from  9 
 
 Michaelmas 
 
 1753 
 
 5 
 
 — 
 
 to  5|  per  cent. 
 
 Lady-day 
 
 1754 
 
 4§ 
 
 — 
 
 Lady-day 
 
 1730 
 
 6      — 
 
 Michaelmas 
 
 1764 
 
 5 
 
 — 
 
 Michaelmas 
 
 1730 
 
 H    — 
 
 Ditto 
 
 1767 
 
 5§ 
 
 — 
 
 Lady-day 
 
 1731 
 
 6       — 
 
 Ditto 
 
 1781 
 
 6 
 
 — 
 
 Michaelmas 
 
 1731 
 
 H   ~ 
 
 Lady-day 
 
 1788 
 
 7 
 
 — 
 
 Lady-day 
 
 1732 
 
 6       — 
 
 Ditto 
 
 1807 
 
 10 
 
 — 
 
 Michaelmas 
 
 1732 
 
 5^     - 
 
 Ditto 
 
 1823 
 
 8 
 
 -^ 
 
 *  The  private  bankers  in  London  and  in  the  country  have  reason  to  be  jealous 
 of  the  increasing  business  and  importance  of  the  Bank  of  England.  The  branch 
 banks  must  ultimately  prove  dangerous  rivals  in  the  large  provincial  towns. 
 In  the  metropolis  the  number  of  private  accounts  that  have  been  opened  wih 
 the  (Company  since  the  great  commercial  crisis  of  1825  is  immense.  Many  who 
 continue  to  keep  accounts  with  the  private  firms  only  do  so  to  the  extent  of  what 
 may  be  termed  their  circulating  cash  ;  the  mass  of  their  unemployed  capital 
 being  deposited  in  the  more  secure  and  unfathomable  vaults  of  Threadneedle- 
 street.  By  this  division  of  confidence  the  private  banks  get  only  the  most  trouble- 
 some and  least  profitable  part  of  the  banking  business. 
 
446 
 
 BANK    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 No.  1. 
 
 A  RETURN  of  the  Number  of  Persons  convicted  of  Forcjery,  or 
 pasdng  Forged  Notes  and  Post  Bills  of  the  Bank  of  England, 
 in  each  Year,  from  1791  to  1829,  inclusive. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Capital  Convictions. 
 
 Cnnviclions  tor  having 
 
 Forced  Bank  Notes 
 
 in  possession. 
 
 Tola!  Number  of 
 Convictions  eAcli  Year. 
 
 1791—1796 
 
 nil. 
 
 nil. 
 
 nil. 
 
 1797 
 
 1 
 
 - 
 
 1 
 
 1798 
 
 11 
 
 . 
 
 11 
 
 1799 
 
 12 
 
 . 
 
 12 
 
 ISOO 
 
 29 
 
 . 
 
 29 
 
 1801 
 
 32 
 
 1 
 
 33 
 
 1802 
 
 32 
 
 12 
 
 44 
 
 1803 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 1804 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 21 
 
 1805 
 
 10 
 
 14 
 
 24 
 
 1800 
 
 nil. 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 1807 
 
 10 
 
 24 
 
 40 
 
 1808 
 
 9 
 
 23 
 
 32 
 
 1809 
 
 23 
 
 29 
 
 52 
 
 1810 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 26 
 
 1811 
 
 5 
 
 19 
 
 24 
 
 1812 
 
 26 
 
 26 
 
 52 
 
 1813 
 
 9 
 
 49 
 
 58 
 
 1814 
 
 5 
 
 39 
 
 44 
 
 1815 
 
 8 
 
 51 
 
 59 
 
 1816 
 
 20 
 
 84 
 
 104 
 
 1817 
 
 33 
 
 95 
 
 128 
 
 1818 
 
 02 
 
 165 
 
 227 
 
 1819 
 
 33 
 
 160 
 
 193 
 
 1820 
 
 77 
 
 275 
 
 352 
 
 1821 
 
 41 
 
 93 
 
 134 
 
 1822 
 
 16 
 
 - 
 
 16 
 
 1823 
 
 6 
 
 -              -             . 
 
 6 
 
 1824 
 
 5 
 
 - 
 
 5 
 
 1825 
 
 2 
 
 ... 
 
 2 
 
 1826 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 22 
 
 1827 
 
 24 
 
 . 
 
 24 
 
 1828 
 
 10 
 
 . 
 
 10 
 
 1829 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 The  Bank  of  England  does  not  possess  the  means  of  stating-   or  dis- 
 tinguishing the  punishments  inflicted  for  the  said  crimes. 
 
ACCOUNTS    OF    THE    BANK. 
 
 447 
 
 No.  II. 
 
 An  Account  of  the  total  Amount  of  Outstanding  Demands  on  the 
 Bank  of  England,  and  likewise  the  Funds  for  discharging  the 
 same;  30th  Jan.  1819. 
 
 Dr.      -         -         The  Bank,     - 
 
 £• 
 
 To  Bank  Notes  out . . .       20,094,430 
 To   other  Debts;    viz.^ 
 Drawing     Accounts 
 
 Audit  Roll I 
 
 Exchequer  Bills  de-  y    7,800,150 
 
 posited     
 
 And    various    other  j 
 Debts J 
 
 30th  January,  1819. 
 
 Cr. 
 
 33,894,580 
 
 Balance  of  Surplus  in 
 favour  of  the  Bank 
 of  England,  exclu- 
 sive of  the  Debt 
 from  Government, 
 at  £3  per  cent. 
 £11,686,800    ..^ 
 
 And  the  Advance  to  | 
 Government,  per  56  1 
 Geo.    III.   cap.    96.  f 
 
 5,202,320 
 
 at 
 
 £3      per    cent. 
 £3,000,000  j 
 
 £  39,096,900 
 
 Bank  of  England, 
 22d  February,  1819. 
 
 y    8,438,660 
 
 By  Advances  on  Go- 
 vernment Securi- 
 ties ;  viz. 
 
 On  Exchequer  Bills,") 
 on  Malt,  &c.  1818.  I 
 
 Bank  Loan,  1818  ..  I 
 
 Supply,  1816,  at  £4  j 
 per  cent | 
 
 Growing  Produce  of 
 the  Consd.Fund  to 
 oth  April,  1819, 
 and  Interest  due, 
 and  Loans  to  Go- 
 vernment on  Un- 
 claimed Dividends  J 
 By  all  other  Credits, 
 viz. 
 
 Cash  and  Bullion  ..~) 
 
 ExchequerBills  pur- 
 chased, and  Inter- 
 est     
 
 Bills  and  Notes  dis-  .    „«  rcc  o^a 
 counted   >■  30,658,240 
 
 TreasuryBills  for  the 
 Service  of  Ireland 
 
 Money  lent,  and  va- 
 rious otherArticles  J 
 
 39,096,900 
 
 By  the  permanent  Debt 
 due  from  Govern- 
 ment, for  the  Capital 
 of  the  Bank,  at  £3 
 per  cent,  per  annum  . 
 
 By  the  Advance  to  Go- 
 vernment, per  Act 
 56  Geo.  III.  cap.  96, 
 at  £3  per  cent,  per 
 annum 
 
 11,686,800 
 
 •3,000,000 
 
 William  Dawes, 
 
 Accountant  General. 
 
 *  The  Bank  capital,  on  which  the  shareholders  divide,  has  been  increased  from 
 £1,200,000  in  1694  to  £14,553,000  in  1832.  This  increase  has  been  effected 
 either  by  additional  subscriptions  of  stock,  or  by  adding  to  their  capital  accu- 
 mulated profits.  In  1781  the  Bank  added  to  their  capital,  from  profits,  8  per 
 cent,  or,  £862,400 ;  in  1816,  which  was  the  last  addition,  25  per  cent,  was 
 added,  or,  £2,910,600,  raising  their  capital  to  the  present  amount  of  £14,553,000. 
 
448  BANK    OF    ENGLAND. 
 
 No.  III. 
 
 An  Account  of  Money  paid  or  payable  at  the  Bank  of  England, 
 for  the  Management  of  the  Public  Debt,  in  the  year  1829,  together 
 with  an  Account  of  all  the  allowances  made  by  the  Public  to  the 
 Bank,  or  charged  by  the  Bank  against  the  Public,  for  transacting 
 any  Public  Service  in  the  year  1829,  describing  the  nature  of  the 
 service,  and  the  Amount  charged  thereon  in  the  said  year,  and 
 including  any  Sum  under  the  denomination  of  House-money,  or 
 House  Expenses;  and  also,  any  Sum  under  the  denomination  of 
 Charges  of  Management  on  South-Sea  Stock,  and  stating  the 
 aggregate  amount  of  the  whole. 
 
 Charge  for  Management  of  the  Unredeemed  Public  Debt  for      £.        s.      d. 
 one  year,  ending  the  5th  April,  1830,  being  the  annual 
 period  at  which  the  accounts  are  made  up,  as  directed  by 
 the  Act  of  48  Geo.  3,  c  4 248,417  17     2' 
 
 Ditto,  ditto,  for  one  year  ending  ditto,  on  sundry  Annuities 
 transferred  to  the  Commissioners  for  the  Reduction  of  the 
 National  Debt,  for  the  purchase  of  Life  Annuities  per  Act 
 of  the  48  Geo.  3,  and  subsequent  Acts 2,922  11     9 
 
 Charges  of  Management,  being  part  of  an  entire  yearly  fund 
 of  £100,000  enjoyed  by  the  Governor  and  Company  of  the 
 Bank  of  England,  originally  by  the  Act  of  the  5th  and  6th 
 of  William  and  Mary,  c.  20,  confirmed  to  the  said  Governor 
 and  Company  by  several  subsequent  Acts,  and  lastly,  by 
 the  Act  of  the  391h  and  40th  Geo.  3,  c.  28,  as  per  return 
 made  to  the  Honourable  House  of  Commons,  on  the  21st 
 of  June,  1816 1,000     0     0 
 
 Ditto,  ditto,  on  £4,000,000  Soutli  Sea  Stock,  purchased  by 
 the  Governor  and  Company  of  the  Bank  of  England  of  the 
 South  Sea  Company,  and  transferred  by  them  to  the  said 
 Governor  and  Company,  in  pursuance  of  the  Act  of  the  8th 
 Geo.  1,  c.  21,  and  which  charges  of  management  were  as- 
 signed by  the  said  South  Sea  Company,  to  the  said  Governor 
 and  Company,  out  of  a  Sum  of  £8,397  :  9 : 6  per  annum, 
 then  paid  by  the  Public  to  the  said  South  Sea  Company,  for 
 charges  of  management  on  their  funds,  as  per  Return  made 
 to  the  Honourable  House  of  Commons,  on  the  21st  June, 
 1816 1,898     3     r. 
 
 £257,238   12     43. 
 
 Bank  of  England,  T.  Rippon, 
 
 11th  of  March,  1830.  Chief  Cashier. 
 
ACCOUNT    OF    BANK    PROFITS.  449 
 
 No.  IV. 
 
 An  Account  of  all  distributions  made  by  the  Bank  of  England 
 amongst  the  proprietors  of  Bank  Stock,  whether  by  money  payments, 
 transfer  of  5  per  cent,  annuities,  or  otherwise,  under  the  heads  of  bonus, 
 increase  of  dividend,  and  increase  of  capital,  betwixt  25th  February, 
 1797,  and  31st  March,  1830,  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  annual  dividend 
 of  7  per  cent,  on  the  capital  stock  of  that  Corporation,  existing  in 
 1797,  including-  therein  the  whole  dividend  paid  since  June,  1816,  on 
 their  increased  capital ;  stating  the  period  when  such  distributions  were 
 made,  and  the  aggregate  amount  of  the  whole. 
 
 In  June,  1799: 
 
 £10  per  cent.  Bonus  in  5  per  cents.  1797,  on  £11,642,400,  is     £1,164,240 
 May,  1801  : 
 
 £5  per  cent,  ditto,  in  Navy  5  per  cents,  ditto. 582,120 
 
 November,  1802  . 
 
 £2^  percent,  ditto,  ditto,  ditto 291,000 
 
 October,  1S04  : 
 
 £5  per  cent,  ditto.  Cash,  ditto 582,120 
 
 October,  1805  : 
 
 £5  per  cent,  ditto,  ditto,  ditto 582,120 
 
 October,  1806: 
 
 £5  per  cent,  ditto,  ditto,  ditto   582,120 
 
 17  A.  -1  loA-r  .  /-\  *  i  Increase  of  Dividend  at  the  rate 
 ZiTl',  ^  ^'  '  '<of  £3  per  cent,  per  annum  on 
 1822,  both  inclusive.        ^  £n,642,400,  is,  16  years 5,588,352 
 
 T-i  A      -1   i«>-.o   i    ^  i    t      Increase  of  Dividend   at  the  rate 
 
 From  April,  1S23,  to  Oct.,  >    *-     r.,  . 
 
 lo^r.  u  /u  •     1     •  w  of     £1     per    cent,    per    annum    on 
 
 1829,  both  inclusive.  i    J?nriofnn     :^      T       „^_„  at  ,  nca 
 
 f  £11,642,400,18,  7  years 814,968 
 
 In  June,  1816 Increase  of  Capital  at  25  per  cent,  is         2,910,600 
 
 1?  r\^     io./.i^^(      Dividend   at  the  rate  of  £10  per 
 
 From    Oct,  1816    to  Oct.,)  ^^^^  ^^^^^^  ^^  £2,910,000,  in- 
 
 1822,  both  inclusive.       ^  ^^^^^^^  ^^^^^^^  j^^  g.  ^^^^^  .'...'....        1 ,891,890 
 17    ™  A     -1    lo-io    X    /-v  J.    (      Dividend  at  the   rate  of  £8    per 
 ,=.4^K  '.u  ?  ^,'    "  '\  cent,  per  annum  on  £2,910,600,  in- 
 
 1829,  both  inclusive.       ^  ^^.^^^^^  ^.^^.^^^^  .^^  ^  ^^'^^.^  I..:....        1,629,936 
 
 Aggregate  amount  of  the  whole    £16,619,526 
 
 Annual  Dividend  payable  on  Bank  Stock  in  1797,  on  a  Capital  of 
 
 £11,642,400,  at  the  rate  of  £7.  per  cent,  per  annum.    . .' 814,968 
 
 Annual  Dividend  payable  since  June,  1816,  on  a  Capital  of 
 £14,553,000,  to  October,  1822,  inclusive,  at  the  rate  of  £10  per 
 cent,  per  annum 1,455,300 
 
 Annual  Dividend  payable  from  April,  1823,  to  31st  March,  1830, 
 both  inclusive,  on  a  Capital  of  £14,553,000.  at  the  rate  of  £8  per 
 cent,  per  annum 1,164,240 
 
 William  Smee,  Depy.  Acct. 
 Bank  of  England,  26th  April,  1830. 
 
 2  G 
 
450 
 
 UANK    OF    ENOtAND. 
 No.  V. 
 
 An  Account  of  the  Amount  of  Bank  Notes  in  Circulation  on  the 
 undermentioned  Days ;  distinyuishing  the  Bank  Post  Bills,  and 
 the  Amount  of  Notes  under  Five  Pounds,  ivith  the  Aggregate  of 
 the  ivhole. 
 
 Notes  of  £5. 
 
 liank  Post 
 
 Bank  Notes 
 
 and  upwards. 
 
 Bills. 
 
 under  £5. 
 
 TOTAL. 
 
 £. 
 
 £. 
 
 £. 
 
 £. 
 
 1792  February  25 
 
 10,394,106 
 
 755,703 
 
 11,149,809 
 
 August      25 
 
 10,281,071 
 
 725,898 
 
 11,006,909 
 
 1793  February  20 
 
 10,780,043 
 
 647,738 
 
 11,428,381 
 
 August      20 
 
 10,163,839 
 
 074,375 
 
 ' 
 
 10,838,214 
 
 1794  February  20 
 
 10,079,165 
 
 618,759 
 
 10,697,924 
 
 August      20 
 
 10,060,248 
 
 567,97,2 
 
 10,628,220 
 
 1795   February  26 
 
 12,908,707 
 
 570,456 
 
 13,539,103 
 
 August      20 
 
 10,939,880 
 
 518,502 
 
 11,458,382 
 
 1790  February  26 
 
 10,266,561 
 
 043,133 
 
 10,909,694 
 
 August      26 
 
 8,981,645 
 
 549,690 
 
 9,531,335 
 
 1797  February  25 
 
 8,167,949 
 
 474,615 
 
 8,601,904 
 
 August      26 
 
 9,109,614 
 
 524,587 
 
 9,34,015 
 
 10,568,216 
 
 1798  February  26 
 
 10,856,188 
 
 551,549 
 
 1,442,384 
 
 12,850,085 
 
 August      25 
 
 9,997,958 
 
 553,236 
 
 1,039,831 
 
 12,191,025 
 
 1799  February  26 
 
 10,576,510 
 
 607,907 
 
 1,451,728 
 
 12,636,145 
 
 August      20 
 
 11,200,675 
 
 653,700 
 
 1,345,432 
 
 13,259,873 
 
 1800  February  25 
 
 13,106,368 
 
 723,600 
 
 1,406,708 
 
 15,236,076 
 
 August      20 
 
 12,221,451 
 
 823,360 
 
 1,690,561 
 
 14,735,378 
 
 1801  February  26 
 
 12,975,206 
 
 95  5,982 
 
 2,647,526 
 
 16,577,514 
 
 August  "  20 
 
 11,715,665 
 
 759,270 
 
 2,495,386 
 
 14,970,321 
 
 1802  February  20 
 
 12,038,970 
 
 803,499 
 
 2,616,407 
 
 15,458,876 
 
 August     20 
 
 12,801,746 
 
 772,577 
 
 3,312,790 
 
 16,887,113 
 
 18C3  February  26 
 
 11,796,424 
 
 820,039 
 
 2,900,409 
 
 15,570,932 
 
 August      26 
 
 12,413,924 
 
 776,030 
 
 3,840,005 
 
 17,035,959 
 
 1804  February  25 
 
 12,054,943 
 
 848,894 
 
 4,673,515 
 
 17,577,352 
 
 August      25 
 
 11,706,028 
 
 743,841 
 
 4,813,525 
 
 17,323,994 
 
 1805   February  26 
 
 11,403,290 
 
 1,029,580 
 
 4,801,596 
 
 17,234,406 
 
 August     26 
 
 11,182,188 
 
 718,510 
 
 4,395,480 
 
 16,296,178 
 
 1806  February  25 
 
 11,994,350 
 
 725,736 
 
 4,428,360 
 
 17,148,446 
 
 August      26 
 
 14,141,510 
 
 702,425 
 
 4,228,958 
 
 19,072,893 
 
 1807  February  26 
 
 12,274,029 
 
 724,485 
 
 4,206,230 
 
 27,205,344 
 
 August     26 
 
 15,077,013 
 
 725,262 
 
 4,231,837 
 
 20,034,112 
 
 1S08  February  26 
 
 13,740,598 
 
 742,071 
 
 4,103,785 
 
 18,593,054 
 
 August      26 
 
 12,440,930 
 
 795,102 
 
 4,129,234 
 
 17,305,266 
 
 1809  February  25 
 
 12,730,999 
 
 944,727 
 
 4,338,951 
 
 18,014,077 
 
 August      26 
 
 13,255,599 
 
 880,104 
 
 5,221,538 
 
 19,357,241 
 
 1810  February  20 
 
 13,650,592 
 
 907,620 
 
 5,871,069 
 
 20,429,281 
 
 August      25 
 
 10,078,390 
 
 1,145,832 
 
 7,221,953 
 
 24,446,175 
 
 1811  February  26 
 
 15,110,688 
 
 1,133,419 
 
 7,140,726 
 
 23,384,833 
 
 August     26 
 
 15,203,011 
 
 1,016,303 
 
 7,573,201 
 
 23,723,115 
 
 1812  February  26 
 
 14,523,049 
 
 1,059,854 
 
 7,415,294 
 
 22,998,197 
 
 August      26 
 
 14,873,705 
 
 987,880 
 
 7,621,525 
 
 23,482,910 
 
 1813  February  20 
 
 14,567,267 
 
 1,034,882 
 
 7,705,322 
 
 23,307,471 
 
 August      26 
 
 14,975,479 
 
 1,015,616 
 
 8,033,774 
 
 :i4,024,869 
 
 1814  February  26 
 
 15,632,250 
 
 1,091,242 
 
 8,371,923 
 
 25,095,415 
 
 August     26 
 
 18,060,180 
 
 1,246,479 
 
 9,007,217 
 
 28,979,870 
 
 1815   February  25 
 
 16,391,359 
 
 1,184,459 
 
 9,094,552 
 
 26,673,370 
 
 August      20 
 
 10,332,275 
 
 1,115,079 
 
 9,570,695 
 
 27,024,049 
 
CIRCULATION    OF    BANK    PAPER. 
 NO.    V.    CONTINUED. 
 
 451 
 
 Notes  of  £5 
 
 Bank  Post 
 
 Bank  Notes 
 
 and  upwards. 
 
 Bills. 
 
 under  £5. 
 
 TOTAL. 
 
 181G  February  26 
 
 15,307,228 
 
 1,336,467 
 
 9,036,374 
 
 1     25,680,069 
 
 August     26 
 
 16,686,087 
 
 1,286,429 
 
 9,103,338 
 
 i     27,075,854 
 
 1817  February  26 
 
 17,538,656 
 
 1,376,416 
 
 8,143,506 
 
 1     27,058,578 
 
 August     26 
 
 20,388,502 
 
 1,712,807 
 
 7,998,599 
 
 30,099,908 
 
 1818  February  26 
 
 19,077,931 
 
 1,838,600 
 
 7,362,492 
 
 28,279,043 
 
 Auorust     26  ■ 
 
 17,465,6:;8 
 
 1,627,427 
 
 7,509,782 
 
 26,602,837 
 
 1819  February  26 
 
 16,307,000 
 
 1,622,330 
 
 7,317,360 
 
 25,246,690 
 
 August      26 
 
 16,972,140 
 
 1,468,920 
 
 7,216,530 
 
 25,657,590 
 
 1820  February  26 
 
 15,402,830 
 
 1,421,160 
 
 6,743,160 
 
 23,569,150 
 
 August     26 
 
 16,047,390 
 
 1,633,730 
 
 6,772,260 
 
 24,453,380 
 
 1821  February  26 
 
 14,372,840 
 
 1,615,600 
 
 6,483,010 
 
 22,471,450 
 
 August     26 
 
 16,095,020 
 
 1,634,260 
 
 2,598,460 
 
 20,327,740 
 
 1822  Februaiy  26 
 
 15,178,490 
 
 1,609,620 
 
 1,384,360 
 
 18,172,470 
 
 August     26 
 
 15,295,090 
 
 1,610,600 
 
 862,650 
 
 17,768,340 
 
 1823  February  26 
 
 15,731,120 
 
 1,742,190 
 
 683,160 
 
 18,176,470 
 
 August     26 
 
 17,392,260 
 
 1,763,650 
 
 530,010 
 
 19,705,920 
 
 1821  February  26 
 
 17,244,940 
 
 2,198,260 
 
 486,660 
 
 19,929,800 
 
 August      26 
 
 18,409,230 
 
 2,122,760 
 
 443,970 
 
 20,975,9e0 
 
 1823  Februarj-  26 
 
 18,308,990 
 
 2,334,269 
 
 416,880 
 
 21,060,130 
 
 August     26 
 
 17,091,120 
 
 2,061,010 
 
 396,670 
 
 19,548,800 
 
 1826  February  26 
 
 21,100,400 
 
 2,487,080 
 
 1,367,560 
 
 24,955,040 
 
 August     26 
 
 18,172,160 
 
 2,040,400 
 
 1,175,450 
 
 21,388,010 
 
 1827  February  26 
 
 18,787,330 
 
 2,052,310 
 
 668,910 
 
 21,508,530 
 
 August     26 
 
 19,253,890 
 
 2,270,110 
 
 483,060 
 
 22,007,060 
 
 1828  February  26 
 
 19,428,010 
 
 2,329,880 
 
 416,890 
 
 22,174,780 
 
 August     26 
 
 19,016,980 
 
 2,417,440 
 
 382,860 
 
 21,817,280 
 
 1829  February  26 
 
 17,402,470 
 
 2,444,660 
 
 357,170 
 
 20,204,300 
 
 August      26 
 
 17,164,940 
 
 2,030,280 
 
 334,190 
 
 19,529,410 
 
 1830  February  26 
 
 17,862,990     1 
 
 2,284,520 
 
 320,550 
 
 20,468,060 
 
 Bank  of  England, 
 
 Wm.  Sn 
 
 EE, 
 
 11th  March,  183( 
 
 ). 
 
 D 
 
 ep.  Acct. 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 Our  strictures  on  the  Bank  of  England  have  been  thought  a  little  too 
 severe.     It  is  hardly  necessary  to  remark  that  we  have  spoken  of  the 
 Directors  in  their  corporate,  not  in  their  individual   capacities.     The 
 Bank  has  frequently  been  controlled  by  circumstances  which  it  had  little 
 share  in  producing,  and  the  ultimate  consequences  of  which,  actual  ex- 
 perience could  alone  demonstrate.     The  Directors  are  often  placed  in 
 an  awkward  dilemma,  in  which  their  duty  to  the  proprietors,  whose 
 servants  they  are,  prescribes  one  thing,  and  the  interest  of  the  public 
 another ;  it  is  not  surprising,  then,  if  it  sometimes  happen  that  the 
 common  weal  suffers  in  order  that  the  dividends  may  be  augmented. 
 What  we  are  now  stating  applies  with  equal  propriety  to  the  East-India 
 Company.     We   should  just  as  soon   think  of  charging-  the   present 
 Directors  of  either  association  with  the  delinquencies  of  their  predeces- 
 sors, as  of  laying  on  William  IV,  the  crimes  of  Richard  III.  or  Henry 
 VIII.     The  able  men  mostly  chosen  for  the  management  of  both  com- 
 panies,  and  the  successful  manner    in    which   their  affairs  have  been 
 conducted  for  the  benefit  of  their  respective  constituencies,  often  appears 
 to  us  a  strong-  argument  in  favour  of  that  principle  of  representation 
 for  which  the  nation  is  now  contending. 
 
 2  G  2 
 
MUNICIPAL  CORPORATIONS, 
 COMPANIES,  GUILDS,  AND  FRATERNITIES. 
 
 The  boroughs,  the  church,  and  corporations,  have  long  formed  the  feet 
 of  clay,  on  which  the  Tory  Ohgarchy  has  been  borne  up.  It  has  had 
 other  supports  in  judicial  abuses  and  commercial  monopolies,  but  these 
 have  been  the  main  pillais  of  its  strength.  Now,  however,  that 
 Gatton  and  Old  Sarum  are  on  the  eve  of  being  divested  of  their  mys- 
 terious influence,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  kindred  nuisance  of 
 municipal  bodies,  of  town-councils,  guilds,  fraternities,  and  brotherhoods 
 will  be  abated,  either  by  intire  abolition,  or  thorough  reform  in  their 
 institutions.  They  have  had  their  day  and  their  use :  at  present  they 
 are  only  shadows  of  former  power — historical  landmarks  which,  like  the 
 remains  of  a  Roman  encampment  or  baronial  residence,  serve  to  indicate 
 an  age,  that  with  its  customs,  manners,  and  establishments  is  fast 
 descending  into  "  the  tomb  of  the  Capulets." 
 
 The  public  mind,  however,  is  not  likely  to  be  a  precipitate  innovator 
 either  on  corporate  or  other  institutions  consecrated  by  •'  hoar  antiquity." 
 In  addition  to  the  strength  they  derive  from  early  associations,  they  are 
 fortified  by  the  difficulty  of  concentrating  general  attention  on  a  specific 
 object.  More  than  half  a  century  was  consumed  in  discussion  and 
 exposition  to  prepare  the  people  for  the  removal  of  the  disabilities  of  the 
 Catholics,  and  upwards  of  two  centuries  in  rousing  such  an  united 
 expression  of  feeling  as  is  essential  to  the  attainment  of  Parliamentary 
 Reform.  The  stream  of  popular  opinion  is  of  immense  volume,  re- 
 quiring energetic  and  long-continued  efforts,  to  direct  it  into  new  and 
 more  fertilizing  channels. 
 
 Decayed  boroughs  and  corporations,  where  they  are  not  identical,  may 
 be  justly  deemed  of  twin  origin,  and  resemble  each  other  in  their  chief 
 characteristics.  Formerly  the  commonalty  of  bodies  corporate,  in  the 
 same  manner  as  the  pailiamentary  electors  of  a  borough,  included  the 
 whole  of  the  free  inhabitants,  who  represented  the  property,  intelligence, 
 and  population  within  their  jurisdictions.  But  this  municipal  concen- 
 tration of  wealth  and  poAver  has  ceased  to  subsist ;  corporations  no  longer 
 
CORPORATIONS,    GUILDS,    AND    COMPANIES.  453 
 
 embody  the  opulence,  numbers,  or  respectability  of  the  cities  and  towns 
 in  which  they  are  placed  ;  they  have  degenerated  into  mere  juntos, 
 having  no  more  community  Avith  the  people  than  the  voters  of  Malms- 
 bury  or  Calne  with  the  general  mass  of  the  inhabitants.  Such  is  the 
 state  of  the  corporations  of  London,  Dublin,  Edinburgh,  Bristol,  Bath, 
 Liverpool,  and  Leeds ;  they  consist  of  little  knots  of  persons,  not 
 uniformly  of  the  first  class  either  for  wealth  or  intelligence,  who  have 
 succeeded  to  their  corporate  immunities  by  right  of  paternity,  convi- 
 viality, congeniality  of  politics  or  religion,  or  some  other  claim  very 
 different  from  that  of  popular  suffrage.  So  constituted,  they  form  petty 
 oligarchies  in  the  midst  of  their  respective  communities,  with  Avhich 
 they  wage  a  constant  war  of  oppression  and  annoyance,  and  to  whose 
 welfare  they  are  often  as  much  opposed  as  the  great  parent  oligarchy 
 of  the  Boroughmongers  has  long  been  to  that  of  the  nation. 
 
 The  late  elections  ofi'er  a  striking  example  of  the  hostile  interests 
 which  separate  corporations  from  their  fellow  citizens.  In  all  the  places 
 mentioned  above,  the  municipal  bodies  made  the  most  strenuous  efif'orts 
 to  return  anti -reform  candidates.  It  was  the  same  at  Oxford  and  Cam- 
 bridg-e,  the  clerical  corporations  of  the  Universities  not  yielding  to  their 
 lay-brethren  in  the  expression  of  aversion  to  "  the  Bill." 
 
 Now,  Avhence  does  this  arise  ?  How  does  it  happen  that  the  privi- 
 leges of  the  chartered  bodies  are  always  felt  to  be  at  variance  with  the 
 general  weal,  and  that  corporators  and  boroughmongers  are  always 
 found  in  close  alliance  ?  A  common  danger  ordinarily  unites  men  in  a 
 common  defence,  and  this,  we  apprehend,  is  the  cause  of  the  coalition. 
 Both  parties  are  sensible  of  their  social  insignificance ;  both  are  con- 
 scious of  having  long  monopolized  the  rights  of  others  ;  and  both  feel 
 that  reform  would  be  destructive  of  their  exclusive  interests  and  preten- 
 sions. Hence  their  confederacies  on  all  occasions.  Abuse  must  ever 
 depend  upon  abuse  for  support.  The  compact  is  a  diabolical  one, — it  is 
 the  same  which  sometimes  bands  together  the  outcasts  of  society, — a 
 general  consciousness  of  turpitude,  with  a  consciousness  of  the  necessity 
 of  fraternizing  for  common  safety. 
 
 It  is  not  merely  as  the  uniform  opponents  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
 nor  as  the  petty  local  oppressors  and  prosecutors  within  their  precincts, 
 nor  as  the  vexatious  enemies  of  the  freedom  of  industry,  that  corporations 
 are  to  be  charged  as  arch-delinquents  to  society.  They  are  justly 
 obnoxious  to  imputations  of  a  darker  complexion.  It  is  well  known  that 
 corporate  bodies  are  the  principal  trustees  of  charity  estates  all  over  the 
 kingdom;  they  are,  also,  the  trustees  of  town  and  church-lands,  of 
 loan-monies  and  of  immense  funds  bequeathed  for  the  purposes  of  educa- 
 tion, and  for  the  clothing  and  maintenance  of  the  orphan,  the  aged,  and 
 infirm.  It  is  in  these  capacities  their  chief  malversations  consist,  in  the 
 jobbing,  peculation,  and  wasteful  administration  of  the  vast  funds  en- 
 trusted to  them  for  pious  and  charitable  uses.  But  before  adverting  to 
 this  part  of  the  subject  and  to  the  general  abuses  of  corporate  establish- 
 ments, it  will  be  convenient  to  premise  a  few  observations  on  the  origin 
 of  municipal  institutions,  and  also  of  those  subordinate  associations  deno- 
 minated guilds  and  fraternities. 
 
454  COltPORATIONS,    GUILDS,    AND    COMPANIES. 
 
 ORIGIN    OF    COnrORATIONS,     GUILDS,      AND    FRATERNITIES. 
 
 According  to  Dr.  Smith,  the  origin  of  municipal  corporations  was  very 
 little  posterior  to  that  of  cities  and  towns.     After  the  fall  of  the  Roman 
 empire  the  proprietors  of  land  genci  ally  lived  in  fortified  castles  on  their 
 own  estates,  while  the  towns  were  chiefly  inhahited  by  tradesmen  and  me- 
 chanics, who  appear  to  have  been  of  servile  or  nearly  of  servile  condition. 
 This  is  apparent  front  the  tenor  of  many  ancient  charters  that  concede 
 to  townspeople  the  riyht  to  give  away  their  daughters  in  marriage, 
 and  bequeath  their  property  to  their  children  without  consent  of  their 
 lord,  and  which  could  hardly  have  been  deemed  immunities  to  any  class 
 of  people  had  they  been  previously  raised  above  the  condition  of  bonds- 
 men or  villains.     Their  occupations  were  not  more  elevated  than  their 
 social  state,  and  consisted  in  travelling  with  their  goods  from  place  to 
 place,  and  fair  to  fair,  like  hawkers  and  pedlers  of  the  present  times. 
 In  these  peregrinations,  they  were  subject  to  various  exactions  by  the 
 lords  of  the  manors,  through  which  they  passed  under  the  denomina- 
 tion of  passage,  pontage,  lastage,  and  stallage.     Sometimes  the  king, 
 sometimes  a  great  lord  who  had,  it  seems,  upon  certain  occasions  autho- 
 rity to  do  this,  would  grant  to  particular  traders,  especially  those  living 
 on  their  own  demesnes,  a  general  exemption  from  taxes.     Such  traders, 
 though  in  other  respects  of  base  condition,  were  upon  this  account  de- 
 nominated free-traders.     They  in  return  usually  paid  to  their  protector 
 a  sort   of  annual  poll-tax  ;    for,  in  those  times  of  barbarous  violence, 
 protection  was  never  afforded  without  compensation. 
 
 Under  the  favouring  auspices  of  the  monarch,  the  townspeople,  by 
 successive  encroachments,  emancipated  themselves  from  the  yoke  of 
 personal  servitude  to  the  barons.  They  also  commuted  the  various 
 imposts  to  which  they  were  liable  for  a  fixed  tribute  or  rent,  for  the  due 
 payment  of  which  the  burghers  were  jointly  and  severally  responsible. 
 Nor  was  this  all.  They  were  generally,  at  the  same  time,  erected  into 
 a  commonalty  or  corporation,  with  the  privilege  of  having  magistrates 
 or  town-council,  of  making  by-laws  for  tlieir  own  government,  of 
 building  walls  for  their  own  defence,  and  of  reducing  all  their  inhabi- 
 tants under  a  sort  of  conservative  discipline,  by  obliging  them  to  watch 
 and  ward.  These  immunities  had  become  essential  to  their  new  condi- 
 tion of  freedom ;  for  having  cast  off  the  yoke  of  former  masters,  they 
 were  left  to  provide  for  their  own  internal  order  and  security. 
 
 It  would  be  neither  compatible  with  our  limits,  nor  is  it  essential  to 
 our  purpose,  to  continue  at  greater  length  the  history  of  corporations. 
 Those  who  are  desirous  of  more  detailed  information,  may  consult 
 Madox's  "  Firma  Burgi,"  and  Brady's  "  Treatise  of  Cities  and 
 Boroughs."  There  can  we  apprehend  be  little  doubt  of  the  republican 
 character  of  their  first  institution  ;  every  free  burgess  being  a  member 
 of  the  corporation,  and  participating  either  directly  or  by  representation 
 in  municipal  government.  Tliey  also  shared  in  the  general  government 
 of  the  country,  by  the  privilege  conceded  to  them  in  the  thirteenth 
 century  of  sending  citizens  and  burgesses  to  parliament.     The  successive 
 
SUBVERSION  OF  THE  RIGHTS  OF  CORPORATE  BODIES.      455 
 
 steps  by  which  their  immunities  were  principally  curtailed  were,  1.  The 
 Mortmain  Acts,  which  interdicted  the  bequest  of  property,  both  to  lay 
 and  ecclesiastical  corporations,  for  charitable  uses  ;  2,  The  restriction 
 of  monopolies  in  the  sale  of  manufactures  and  commodities — which  had 
 become  extremely  oppressive  to  the  rural  population,  and  enabled  the 
 burgesses  to  indemnify  themselves  for  the  exactions  they  had  suffered 
 in  a  preceding-  age  under  the  sway  of  the  feudal  proprietaiy;  3.  and 
 lastly,  was  the  introduction  of  the  statute  of  Quo  IVarranto  in  the 
 reign  of  Edward  the  First,  which  compelled  corporations  to  produce  the 
 charter  or  title  under  which  they  exercised  their  jurisdiction.  The 
 popular  constitution  of  corporate  bodies  was  ultimately  destroyed  through 
 the  agency  of  this  law.  Its  professed  object  was  to  restrain  the  undue 
 assumptions  and  remedy  the  disorders  and  irregularities  in  the  exercise 
 of  municipal  privileges ;  but  it  was  peiTerted  into  a  fruitful  source  of 
 revenue  by  succeeding  monarchs,  especially  by  Charles  II.,  who  by 
 compelling  the  surrender  of  all  the  charters  in  the  kingdom,  and  gran- 
 ting for  money  new  powers  to  select  bodies  in  corporations,  introduced 
 or  confirmed  all  these  usurpations  which  are  still  maintained  against  the 
 common  rights  of  the  people. 
 
 This  was  not  the  only  result ;  for,  by  a  manoeuvre  of  the  Collective 
 Wisdom  of  the  day,  the  chief  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  cities  and  towns 
 were  deprived  of  ihexr  folitical ,  as  well  as  municipal  franchises.  A  book 
 Avas  written,  by  Dr.  Brady,  to  prove  that  the  word  commonalty  in  a  char- 
 ter meant  corporation,  or  the  "  governing  part"  of  the  people  ;  and,  in 
 pursuance  of  this  new  doctrine,  the  committees  of  the  House  of  Com- 
 mons, in  the  course  of  about  twenty  years,  deprived  the  body  of  the 
 people  of  a  great  number  of  boroughs  of  their  elective  rights,  and  con- 
 fined the  franchise  to  a  small  corporation,  consisting  generally  of  less 
 than  twenty-four  persons.  One  part  of  the  injustice  is  likely  to  be  re- 
 medied by  the  Reform  Bill,  which  will  deprive  close  and  self-elected 
 juntos  of  the  power  they  have  long  exercised  with  great  profit  to  them- 
 selves, of  making  members  of  parliament,  and  restore  to  the  inhabitants 
 generally  their  ancient  privilege  of  choosing  representatives. 
 
 Let  us  next  advert  to  the  origin  of  the  Gxiilds,  Companies,  or  Fra- 
 ternities, which  still  exist  in  the  principal  cities  and  towns,  especially 
 in  London,  Bristol,  Preston,  and  Newcastle;  and  which  form  a 
 curious  and  interesting  branch  of  our  domestic  history.  These  societies, 
 or  mysteries,  are  of  very  ancient  institution,  and  may  be  traced  with 
 certainty  to  a  period  anterior  to  the  Conquest.  In  the  British  Museum 
 are  preserved  several  Saxon  deeds  which  Dr.  Hickes  has  transcribed 
 into  his  Thesaurus,  exhibiting  the  ordinances  of  two  Saxon  guilds. 
 From  these  ancient  documents,  it  would  appear,  that  guilds  were  origi- 
 nally established  by  the  mutual  agreement  of  friends  and  fellow-work- 
 men, and  had  no  further  object  than  the  relief  of  the  brethren  in  times  of 
 distress,  and  perhaps,  the  protection  of  the  associated  members  against 
 the  lawless  attacks  of  powerful  neighbours.  Certain  pious  offices, 
 however,  were  the  never-failing  concomitants  of  these  institutions,  and 
 they  were  mostly  dedicated  to  some  patron  saint.     After  the  Conquest, 
 
456  COUI'OUATIONS,    GUILDS,    AND    COMPANIES. 
 
 they  were  established  for  the  express  promotion  of  religion,  charity,  or 
 trade,  and  were  supported  either  by  specific  contributions  from  the 
 members  in  money  or  goods,  or  by  lands  assigned  to  them  by  the 
 founder.*  In  order  to  erect  a  corporation,  no  other  authority  in  ancient 
 times  was  requisite  in  many  parts  of  Europe,  but  that  of  the  town  cor- 
 porate in  which  it  was  to  be  established.  In  England,  indeed,  a  char- 
 ter from  the  king  was  likewise  necessary.  But  thia  prerogative  of  the 
 crown  seems  to  have  been  reserved,  rather  for  extorting  money  from 
 the  subject  than  for  the  protection  of  the  common  liberty  against  such 
 exclusive  companies.  Upon  paying  a  fine  to  the  king  the  charter 
 seems  generally  to  have  been  readily  granted ;  and  when  any  particular 
 class  of  artificers  or  traders  thought  proper  to  act  as  a  corporation  with- 
 out a  charter,  such  adulterine  guilds  as  they  were  called,  were  not 
 always  disfranchised  on  that  account,  but  obliged  to  fine  annually  to  the 
 king  for  permission  to  exercise  their  usurped  privileges. +  The  imme- 
 diate inspection  of  all  corporations,  and  of  the  by-laws  which  they 
 might  think  proper  to  enact  for  their  own  government,  belonged  to  the 
 town-corporate  in  which  they  were  established ;  and  whatever  discipline 
 was  exercised  over  them  proceeded  commonly  not  from  the  king,  but 
 from  the  parent  corporation  of  which  these  subordinate  ones  were  only 
 parts  or  members. 
 
 The  rules  of  several  of  the  ancient  fraternities  are  preserved,  and  they 
 obviously  include  the  same  objects  of  mutual  assurance  against  the  mis- 
 fortunes of  life  which  now  foim  the  basis  of  the  institutions  of  Friendly 
 Societies.  Sir  F.  Eden,  indeed,  appears  strongly  inclined  to  trace  the 
 origin  of  benefit  clubs  to  the  guild  foundations.  The  following  ordi- 
 nances of  St.  Catharine's  guild  at  Coventiy,  which  was  founded  in  the 
 reign  of  Edward  III  aftbrds  strong  confirmation  of  this  conjecture,  and 
 are  well  deserving  the  attention  of  the  antiquarian.  They  are  cited  at 
 length  by  Dugdale,  who  speaks  of  them  as  very  memorable,  and 
 "  manifesting  the  decent  government,  ceren;ony,  devotion,  charity,  and 
 amity  of  those  times." 
 
 "  If  a  member  suffer  from  fire,  water,  robbery,  or  other  calamity, 
 the  guild  is  to  lend  him  a  sum  of  money  without  interest. 
 
 "  If  sick  or  infirm  through  old  age,  he  is  to  be  supported  by  his 
 guild,  according  to  his  condition. 
 
 "  No  one  notorious  for  felony,  homicide,  lecheiy,  gaming,  sorcery, 
 or  heresy  is  to  be  admitted. 
 
 "  If  a  member  fall  into  bad  courses,  he  is  first  to  be  admonished, 
 and  if  found  to  be  incorrigible,  he  is  to  be  expelled. 
 
 "  Those  who  die  poor  and  cannot  afford  themselves  burial,  are  to  be 
 buried  at  the  charge  of  the  guild." 
 
 The  chaplain  is  not  to  frequent  conmion  taverns.  Mass  was  said, 
 every  day,  and  there  weie  four  solemnities  or  feast-days  every  year. 
 
 *  lilomefield's  History  of  Norfolk,  vol.  iii.  p.  494. 
 t    Madox  Firma  Burgi.  p.  2(i. 
 
CUSTOMS    AND    INSTITUTIONS    OF    GUILDS.  457 
 
 The  guilds  were  encouraged  by  persons  of  rank.  From  the  North- 
 umberland Household  Book,  we  learn  that  the  Earl  and  Countess  of 
 Northumberland  and  their  eldest  son  were  members  of  St.  Christopher's 
 Guild,  at  York  ;  and  paid  annually  each  6s.  8d.  They  each  received 
 yearly  from  the  guild  two  yards  of  cloth  ;  whether  this  was  an  article 
 usually  allowed  to  the  members  of  such  societies,  or  whether  it  was 
 merely  a  compliment  to  a  person  of  distinction  cannot  be  ascertained. 
 
 The  ancient  associations,  whether  distinguished  by  the  name  of 
 Guild,  Fraternity,  Mysteiy,  Company,  or  Brotherhood,  seem  to  have 
 been  no  less  addicted  to  feasting  and  conviviality  than  their  descendants 
 of  Merchant  Tailors' or  Drapers'  Hall.  They  generally  assembled  once  a 
 year,  for  the  purpose  of  acting  some  interlude  or  pageant.  There  is  a  curious 
 description  in  the  Liber  Niger  of  the  anniversary  feast  of  the  guild  of 
 the  Holy  Cross  at  Abingdon ;  from  whicli  Blomefield  probably  took  the 
 following  account  which  he  has  given  of  that  festival.  He  says  "  the 
 fraternity  held  their  feast  yearly  on  the  third  of  May,  the  invention  of 
 the  Holy  Cross  ;  and  then  they  used  to  have  twelve  priests  to  sing  a 
 dirige,  for  which  they  had  given  them  four  pence  a-piece ;  they  had 
 also  twelve  minstrels,  who  had  2s.  3c?.  besides  their  dyet  and  horse- 
 meat.  At  one  of  these  feasts,  (A.D.  1445,)  they  had  6  calves 
 valued  at  2s.  2d.  a-piece;  16  lambs,  12^.  a-piece;  80  capons,  3rf.  a- 
 piece  ;  80  geese,  2d.  a-piece ;  800  eggs,  which  cost  5d.  the  hundred  ; 
 and  many  marrow  bones,  creame  and  floure  ;  besides,  what  theyre 
 servants  and  others  brought  in  :  and  pageants,  plays,  and  May-games, 
 to  captivate  the  senses  of  the  zealous  beholders."  Nor  were  the  Guild- 
 halls, of  which  vestiges  may  be  found  in  many  of  our  most  insignificant 
 villages,  exclusively  appropriated  to  the  festivities  celebrated  at  the 
 expense  and  under  the  patronage  of  the  companies.  As  most  of  these 
 common-halls  were  well  provided  with  household  utensils,  especially 
 those  requisite  for  culinary  purposes,  it  was  not  uncommon  for  the  inha- 
 bitants of  a  village,  upon  weddings  and  christenings,  to  hold  their 
 feast  at  the  Guildhall.*  Sometimes,  however,  the  smaller  parochial 
 guilds  were  so  poor,  that  they  could  not  afford  to  have  a  mustering 
 place,  but  met  at  the  members'  houses.  In  general  they  were  in  a 
 better  condition  and  possessed  or  hired  a  hall  near  the  church,  which, 
 Sir  John  Cullum  remarks,  was  "  convenient  for  them,  as  their  business 
 was  to  pray  as  well  as  eat." 
 
 However,  we  have  not  yet  adverted  to  the  main  objects  for  which  the 
 fraternities  were  instituted,  and  which  were  neither  convivial,  pious,  nor 
 charitable  ;  they  were  meant  for  the  advancement  of  trade,  and  the  per- 
 fection of  the  mechanical  arts.  It  was  for  these  purposes  the  numerous 
 companies  in  the  city  of  London  were  first  incorporated ;  exclusive 
 privileges  being  granted  to  them,  that  they  might  perfect  themselves  in 
 their  respective  mysteries  or  occupations,  so  that  the  public  might  be 
 guarded  against  fraud  and  adulteration,  and  not  suffer  either  from  the 
 knavery  or  unskilfulness  of  traders  and  workmen.     In  the  early  stages 
 
 *  Sir  Frederick  Eden's  History  of  the  Poor,  p.  598. 
 
458  CORPORATIONS,    (iLlLDS,    AND    COMPANIES. 
 
 of  industry  and  commerce  such  a  policy  might  be  defensible.  It  tends, 
 by  a  recognized  division  of  labour,  to  improve  useful  vocations  ;  and, 
 moreover,  as  the  members  of  these  associations  were  also  united  on  the 
 principles  of  a  Friendly  Society,  that  circumstance  gave  them  a  claim 
 to  the  protection  of  authority.  But  the  immunities  conceded  to  them 
 ought  to  have  been  limited  to  a  term  of  years,  and  not  made  perpetual ; 
 they  ought  to  have  been  terminal,  and  granted  on  the  same  principle  as 
 the  rights  of  a  patentee,  or  of  an  author  of  a  literary  production. 
 Without  this  precaution  the  incorporated  companies  were  sure  to  dege- 
 nerate into  so  many  combinations  against  the  public ;  whose  interests 
 and  policy  would  be  to  preserve  to  themselves  an  exclusive  market,  to 
 guard  against  competition  from  superior  and  cheaper  workmen,  and  to 
 retail  their  own  industry  and  commodities  at  monopoly  prices.  These 
 results  were,  in  fact,  speedily  experienced,  and  we  find  the  trade 
 societies  at  a  very  early  period  notorious  for  the  fraud  and  extortion 
 they  practised  on  the  body  of  the  community.  For  instance,  we  read 
 that  in  the  year  1285  Edward  I.  took  away  the  charter  of  the  city  of 
 London,  and  dismissed  the  mayor  from  othce  for  taking  bribes  of  the 
 bakers  to  permit  them  to  make  their  bread  short  of  iveifjht ;  but,  it  is 
 added,  the  city  soon  after  recovered  it,  by  making  concessions  and  pre- 
 senting the  king  with  a  purse  of  money.  It  is  not  an  easy  task  to 
 maintain  individuals  at  all  times  in  a  course  of  honesty,  but  it  is  far 
 more  difficult  when  they  are  confederated.  The  example  just  cited  was 
 anciently  a  frequent  mode  of  replenishing  the  royal  treasury ;  the 
 charters  were  seized  under  the  pretext  of  some  delinquency,  and  then 
 returned  after  a  pecuniary  mulct ;  the  offenders  being  allowed  to  resume 
 their  iniquitous  career. 
 
 Although  the  civil  immunities  of  the  guilds  are  nearly  worn  out,  we 
 sometimes  meet  with  attempts  to  annoy  the  public  by  re-asserting  them, 
 both  in  the  country  and  the  metropolis.  An  effort  of  this  kind  was 
 made  some  years  since  by  the  Merchant  Tailors  of  Bristol,  which 
 terminated  in  the  ruin  of  their  society.  The  history  of  the  Company  is 
 singular,  and,  as  it  will  illustrate  our  subject  and  exemplify  the  present 
 state  of  many  similar  fraternities  in  the  kingdom,  we  shall  shortly 
 advert  to  it. 
 
 The  company  of  Merchant  Tailors  derived  its  origin  from  a  charter 
 of  Richard  II.,  dated  16th  October,  1399.  It  was  granted  to  tAvo  bur- 
 gesses of  Bristol,  in  consideration  of  their  having  founded  a  chapel  to 
 celebrate  divine  service  for  the  good  of  the  king  and  the  brotherhood. 
 The  fraternity  was  incorporated,  with  power  to  choose  a  master  from 
 their  number,  and  to  purchase  lands  and  tenements  for  the  maintenance 
 of  the  society's  chapel.  In  the  hall  of  the  company  arc  preserved  the 
 various  deeds  by  which  its  possessions  have  been  conveyed  down  from 
 the  original  trust  to  the  present  feoffees.  The  last  conveyance  of  the 
 buildings,  estates,  and  other  propertv  was  in  1802,  and  was  executed, 
 among  others,  to  Mr.  Isaac  Amos,  who  is  the  only  surviving  meuibcr. 
 This  gentleman,  who  is  a  resident  housekeeper  in  Bristol,  gives  the 
 following  reasons  for  the  condition  into  which  the  society  has  fallen. 
 
MERCHANT    TAILORs'    COMPANY    OF    BRISTOL.  459 
 
 About  forty-five  years  ago  the  association,  which  was  then  composed 
 of  a  great  number  of  members,  insisted  that  every  person  carrying  on 
 the  trade  of  a  tailor  in  Bi'istol  was  under  a  legal  obligation  to  become  a 
 freeman  of  the  company,  for  which  the  fee  of  40s.  was  payable  by  such 
 as  were  qualified  by  apprenticeship  or  birth,  and  £30  by  others  who 
 purchased  their  freedom.  This  claim  was  I'esisted,  and  a  suit  instituted 
 by  the  company  to  try  the  question,  which  was  determined  against  them. 
 From  that  time  it  has  ceased  to  be  an  object  to  become  a  member  of  the 
 company,  which  has  accordingly  received  no  accession  to  its  number, 
 and  Mr.  Amos  has  outlived  all  the  old  members. 
 
 The  company  having  lost  all  claim  to  fees,  its  sole  dependence  has 
 been  the  rents  and  premiums  accruing  from  estates.  These  are  con- 
 siderable, and  situate  in  several  parishes  of  Bristol ;  they  have  been 
 demised  on  leases  of  99  years,  with  heavy  premiums,  and  the  reserved 
 rents  amount  only  to  £55  per  annum.  An  almshouse  has  been  esta- 
 blished for  the  reception  of  the  decayed  members,  and  is  supported  out 
 of  the  funds  of  the  society.  The  hall,  formerly  the  scene  of  the  festive 
 celebrations  of  the  worshipful  fraternity,  has  been  converted  into  a  source 
 of  profit,  by  being  let  out  for  the  use  of  any  ephemeral  pageant — 
 lectures  on  asti'onomy — the  French  players — or  a  sparring  exhibition; 
 and  the  spacious  kitchens  are  hired  to  dress  dinners  for  the  ancient  lodge 
 of  Freemasons,  the  society  of  Odd  Fellows,  or  some  other  of  the  whim- 
 sical associations  which  are  found  among  the  Bristolians.  The  last 
 public  act  of  the  society  was  to  let  a  piece  of  ground  in  Horsefair,  for 
 which  a  rent  of  IDs.  was  resei-ved,  and  a  premium  of  £200  received; 
 what  became  of  the  premium  cannot  be  ascertained,  as  the  practice  has 
 been  to  destroy  the  accounts  immediately  after  being  audited.  Indeed, 
 it  is  a  curious  incident  in  the  latter  days  of  the  company,  that 
 Messrs.  Palmer  and  Amos  were  for  some  time  the  only  surviving  mem- 
 bers, and  that  until  the  death  of  Mr.  Palmer,  they  were  alternately 
 master  and  treasurer,  and  each,  in  his  capacity  of  master,  audited  the 
 treasurer's  accounts ! 
 
 We  have  thus  shortly  adverted  to  the  history  and  present  state  of  one 
 of  the  ancient  guilds,  and  some  curious  legal  questions  here  present 
 themselves,  namely,  in  what  capacity  does  the  society  now  exist,  and 
 to  whom  do  its  possessions  belong  ?  Whether  the  Merchant  Tailors' 
 Company  has  existed  at  all  as  a  corporation  since  the  dissolution  of  such 
 religious  fraternities  under  39th  Henry  VIII;  may,  perhaps,  be  a  sub- 
 ject of  doubt,  as  there  appears  neither  a  re-grant  nor  recognition  on  the 
 part  of  the  Crown  to  set  up  the  civil  part  of  the  establishment  in  its 
 corporate  capacity.  If  the  company  is  to  be  considered  as  a  corporation, 
 it  is  apprehended  that,  as  a  corporation  aggregate,  it  must  have  become 
 dissolved  by  the  death  of  all  its  members  but  one  ;  and,  in  such  case, 
 as  the  use  was  limited  so  as  to  become  vested  in  the  corporation,  an 
 escheat  of  its  property  may  be  considered  to  have  taken  place.  If  it  is 
 not  to  be  considered  as  a  corporation,  but  a  mere  self- constituted  com- 
 munity of  individuals,  it  seems  doubtful  whether  the  legal  estate  was 
 carried  out  of  the  feoffees,  and  whether  the  trust  has  not  entirely  failed 
 
4()0  COIIPOIIATIONS,    GUILDS,    AND    COMPANIES. 
 
 and  become  extinguished  by  the  non-existence  of  the  object  for  which  it 
 was  created,  namely,  the  Company  of  Tailors;  and  hence  arises  the 
 (lithculty  in  whom  the  title  to  the  property,  hitherto  regarded  as  belong- 
 ing- to  the  company,  has  legally  vested.  These  points  can  only  be  resolved 
 by  a  competent  tribunal,  and  we  doubt  not  their  decision  would  involve 
 the  existence  of  many  similar  associations  in  the  kingdom. 
 
 MANAGEMENT    AND    REVENUES    OF    THE    CITY    COMPANIES. 
 
 In  the  city  of  London  are  upwards  of  seventy  companies  of  an  origin 
 and  institution  analogous  to  the  Merchant  Tailors  of  Bristol.  The 
 seveial  professions  and  trades  in  the  city  are  incorporated  into  distinct 
 fraternities,  consisting  mostly  of  a  livery  and  freemen,  governed  by  ;i 
 master,  wardens,  and  court  of  assistants,  which  last  appears  an  encroach- 
 ment on  the  rights  of  the  freemen ;  indeed,  courts  appear  to  have  been 
 unknown  prior  to  the  accession  of  the  Scottish  dynasty,  when  they  were 
 obtained  probably  thi'ough  corruption  or  intrigue.  Persons  exercising 
 any  trade  in  the  city,  not  free  of  one  of  the  companies,  are  liable  to 
 penalties.  The  livery  are  chosen  from  the  freemen,  and  enjoy  important 
 privileges  in  the  election  of  members  of  parliament  and  the  principal 
 city  officers.  Refusing  to  serve  on  the  livery  subjects  to  a  penalty, 
 and  a  fine  is  payable  by  each  person  taking  up  his  livery,  varying-  from 
 £3  to  £200. 
 
 The  power  of  the  incorporated  trades  to  inflict  penalties  for  not  being 
 of  their  fraternity  is,  occasionally,  productive  of  hardships,  for  which 
 it  is  impossible  to  discover  any  pretext  of  utility.  Not  long  since  a  poor 
 old  Irishman  was  getting  a  scanty  living  in  the  city  by  shaving  and 
 hair-cutting,  but  not  being  a  freeman,  for  the  profits  of  his  trade  were 
 inadequate  to  the  purchase  of  that  qualification,  he  was  proceeded 
 against  by  the  ancient  Corporation  of  Barbers.  The  fine  was  inflicted  ; 
 and  the  worshipful  Company  actually  took  their  unfortunate  brother  of 
 the  soap-suds  in  execution,  and  kept  him  in  prison  about  four  months. 
 How  much  longer  he  would  have  been  an  inmate  of  the  "  stone  jug," 
 as  the  gaol  is  called,  cannot  be  conjectured,  had  not  Mr.  Barrett  made 
 several  applications  to  the  clerk  of  the  company,  and  procured  his 
 liberation.  Another  instance  is  Avorth  mentioning,  but  in  doing  so  we 
 do  not  mean  to  cast  any  imputation  upon  the  company  exercising  the 
 power  of  exclusion,  which  they  undoubtedly  possess.  A  poulterer  was 
 sued  in  the  Mayor's  Court  for  having  a  stand  in  Leadenhall-market — 
 not  because  he  -was  not  a  freeman  of  London,  but  because  he  was  not  a 
 freeman  of  the  Poulterers'  company — and  the  customary  penalties  were 
 ordered  to  be  paid.  Whitecross-street  prison  became  the  refuge  of  the 
 unsanctioned  poulterer,  who  still  remains  locked  up  for  the  infraction  of 
 the  company's  by-laws. 
 
 Such  arbitrary  interferences  with  the  freedom  of  industry  are  wholly 
 indefensible  at  this  period ;  and  we  are  glad  to  learn  that  Sir  James 
 Scarlett  intends  to  bring  before  the  Legislature  the  subject  of  corpora- 
 tion abuses.     Undoubtedly  the  companies  were  originally  instituted  for 
 
SOURCES  OF  THE  REVENUES    OF  THE   CITY   COMPANIES.  4G] 
 
 the  double  purpose  of  protecting  the  community  agninst  fraud,  and  their 
 respective  mysteries  from  deterioration  ;  with  the  exception,  however, 
 of  the  Apothecaries  and  Goldsmiths  these  duties  have  ceased  to  be  exer- 
 cised. Indeed,  as  the  companies  are  now  constituted,  it  is  impc'ssible 
 such  functions  could  be  discharged  ;  in  many  of  them  not  a  single 
 member  is  of  that  trade  the  name  of  the  company  imports,  which,  we 
 believe,  is  the  case  of  the  Merchant  Tailors'  and  Mercers',  most  of 
 whom  are  merchants  of  the  first  class,  bankers,  and  insurance-brokers. 
 Like  ancient  bodies  generally  the  duties  have  been  suffered  to  expin;, 
 while  the  appropriation  of  the  revenues,  salaries,  and  fees  has  been 
 carefully  preserved,  or  enormously  augmented. 
 
 The  revenues  of  the  city  companies  are  very  great,  and  principally 
 arise  from  the  manag-ement  of  charitable  trusts.  The  aggregate 
 incomes  of  the  twelve  principal  companies  is  supposed  to  amount  to 
 £500,000  per  annum.  Out  of  these  revenues  the  splendid  halls  of  the 
 fraternities  have  been  erected,  sumptuous  entertainments  given,  and  the 
 enormous  emoluments  of  their  clerks,  amounting  in  some  instances  (o 
 £3,000  or  £4,000  a-year,  paid.  As  trustees  they  have  the  letting-  of 
 a  large  portion  of  the  houses,  offices,  wharfs,  and  warehouses  in  the 
 metropolis ;  in  the  country  they  have  numerous  manors  and  estates, 
 messuages,  tenements,  church  livings,  and  impropriate  tithes,  and  vast 
 sums  vested  in  the  public  funds.  The  masters,  Avardens,  and  assistants 
 are  the  virtual  disposers  of  this  property  ;  they  have  the  letting  of  the 
 lands  and  tenements  ;  they  contract  for  repairs,  alterations,  and  im- 
 provements ;  they  present  to  the  livings  and  receive  the  tithes  and 
 dividends.  They  also  select  the  objects  of  their  charities  ;  and  inter- 
 pret the  will,  deed,  or  letter  patent  by  which  they  were  created.  The 
 commonalty  of  the  Companies  have  no  share  in  these  functions  ;  the 
 power  is  engrossed  by  the  parties  mentioned,  who  elect  themselves, 
 forming  a  secret  and  perpetual  conclave,  into  which  no  one  is  admitted, 
 unless  connected  by  ties  of  friendship  or  consanguinity. 
 
 It  is  the  arbitrary  exercise  of  these  unauthorized  powers  that  has 
 tended  to  generate  the  hostile  spirit  which  now  subsists  between  the 
 governing'  juntos  and  the  liveries  of  several  of  the  companies.  Some 
 intelhgent  and  spirited  gentlemen  of  one  of  the  principal  companies, 
 the  Merchant  Tailors',  have,  in  fact,  hoisted  the  standard  of  rebellion 
 against  their  oppressors,  and  are  fully  intent,  either  by  legal  or  more 
 efiective  means,  of  obtaining  a  restitution  of  usurped  rights.  From 
 what  we  know  of  the  chartered  privileges  of  some  of  the  companies  we 
 are  well  convinced  of  the  validity  of  the  claims  of  the  non-contents,  and 
 we  heartily  wish  them  success  in  their  laudable  exertions.  It  Avould, 
 indeed,  be  a  lasting  reproach  to  the  general  body  of  the  livery  of 
 London,  and  not  at  all  in  accordance  with  the  reputation  they  bear  for 
 intelligence  and  independence,  if,  while  the  great  Oligarchy  of  the 
 state  is  about  being  reformed,  they  suffered  the  little  miniature  types 
 among  themselves  to  continue,  without  undergoing*  a  similar  process 
 of  regeneration.  But  it  is  not  merely  the  recovery  of  just  rights, 
 they  have  objects  of  substantial  utility  to  attain.     The   trust-revenues 
 
462  CORPORATIONS,    GUILDS,    AND    COMPANIES. 
 
 of  the  companies  are  enormous  ;  for  want  of  due  responsibility  in  the 
 administrative  committees  they  are,  for  the  most  part,  lavishly  and 
 improvidentially  squandered  ;  in  lieu  of  being-  judiciously  appropriated 
 to  the  objects  for  which  they  Avere  charitably  bequeathed,  they  are 
 expended  in  personal  indulgence,  in  political  intrigue,  in  conciliating  the 
 favour  of  strangers,  and  in  providing-  lucrative  appointments  for 
 relatives  and  dependents.  The  courts  too  ought  to  be  opened,  and  self- 
 elected  cabals  no  longer  have  the  power  of  passing  oppressive  by-laws, 
 of  declaring  new  forms  of  eligibility,  of  arbitrarily  accepting  or  rejecting 
 candidates  for  their  livery,  or  imposing  upon  them  new  and  exorbitant 
 fines. 
 
 Constituted  as  these  bodies  are,  no  opportunity  is  afforded  to  detect  or 
 punish  their  delinquencies.  They  form,  in  short,  a  great  blot  in  our 
 social  economy,  which,  by  some  oversight,  has  escaped  those  gradual 
 reforms  that  have  been  partially,  at  least,  introduced  into  other  depart- 
 ments of  public  administration.  Of  the  power  and  constitution  of  the 
 several  branches  of  the  general  government,  and  of  the  way  in  which 
 the  functions  of  each  is  administered,  ample  information,  for  the  most 
 part,  is  laid  before  the  public  ;  but  of  the  proceedings  of  corporations 
 no  one  knows  any  thing.  There  is  no  publicity— no  control — nor  re- 
 sponsibility any  where.  All  that  is  known  of  them  is  that  they  have  a 
 perpetual  generation  among  themslves — that  they  have  many  good 
 things  in  their  gift,  which  they  either  appropriate  to  their  own  use,  or 
 bestow  on  those  Avith  whom  they  are  intimately  connected — that  they 
 have  much  feasting  and  banquetting  at  other  people's  cost,  and  that  they 
 maintain  a  reserved  and  pompous  demeanour  towards  those  from  whom 
 they  originally  derived  their  power,  and  for  whose  benefit  they  were 
 created. 
 
 The  members  of  the  Merchant  Tailors*  Company,  to  whom  allusion 
 has  been  made,  have  endeavoured,  through  the  medium  of  the  press,  and 
 by  instituting  proceedings  in  a  court  of  law,  to  reform  the  abuses  of 
 their  Company,  and  to  stimulate  the  members  of  the  other  incorporated 
 trades  to  corresponding  exertions.  From  a  statement  published  by 
 these  gentlemen  in  The  Free  Inquirer  it  appears  that  the  aimual  re- 
 venues of  the  twelve  principal  companies  of  the  city  of  London  exceeds 
 Jive  hundred  thousand  pounds ;  one  hundred  thousand  of  which  is 
 expended  in  luxurious  entertainments,  by  a  select  class,  called  coun- 
 cillors or  assistants ;  and  near  forty  thousand  pounds  is  divided  yearly  by 
 the  Twelve  Legal  Pillars,  who  condescend  to  stand  for  and  act  as  clerks, 
 to  the  no  small  annoyance  of  those  Avho  make  inquiry  into  their  own 
 corporate  property. 
 
 In  addition  to  the  twelve  Avorshipful  brotherhoods,  as  they  are  de- 
 signated, there  are  sixty  minor  companies — the  Stationers,  Apothecaries, 
 Dyers,  Armourers,  Sadlers,  Cordwainers,  &c.  whose  united  incomes 
 yield  another  half  million ;  the  disbursement  of  which  no  one  hears  of, 
 no  printed  account  has  ever  been  known  to  be  circulated,  and  no  answer 
 is  ever  made  to  any  but  the  privileged  class ;  as  this  revenue  cannot  be 
 allowed  much  longer  to  remain  in  such  profound  secrecy,  and  in  such 
 
 t 
 
SUPINENESS    or    THE    CITY    LIVERY.  463 
 
 corrupt  hands,  Mr.  Franks  has  suggested  that  it  be  formed  into  a  gene- 
 ral fund  for  the  education  of  the  youth  of  both  sexes,  and  the  support  of 
 the  poor  of  the  city. 
 
 The  chief  facts  to  be  borne  in  mind  relative  to  the  city  companies 
 are  the  following  :  — 
 
 1. — That  the  whole  of  the  companies,  with  the  exception  of  the  Gold- 
 smiths, Stationers,  and  Apothecaries,  have  ceased  to  exercise  any 
 control  over  the  trades  they  bear  the  title  of,  or  to  which  they 
 may  be  considered  allied. 
 
 2. — That  nearly  the  entire  site  of  the  city  of  London  belongs  to  these 
 powerful  and  disgracefully-conducted  monopolies. 
 
 3. — That  most  of  the  property  has  been  jobbed  or  under-let  to  the  pri- 
 vate friends  of  the  respective  courts. 
 
 4. — That  the  courts  of  the  companies  are  mostly  controlled  by  stock- 
 jobbers, parsons,  and  lawyers. 
 
 5. — That  the  whole  of  the  bequests,  in  lands,  houses,  and  money,  left  in 
 the  fourteenth,  fifteenth,  and  sixteenth  centuries,  has  increased 
 from  fifty  fold  to  a  hundred  fold. 
 
 6. — That  the  population  of  all  the  parishes  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
 city  of  London  amounts  only  to  123,198. 
 
 7. — That  the  annual  revenues  of  the  City  Companies  exceed  £1 ,000,000. 
 
 Of  these  Companies,  there  is  scarcely  one  in  the  immunities  of 
 which  the  liveries  at  large  are  allowed  fairly  to  pai'ticipate,  and  in  which 
 the  election  of  the  master,  warden,  and  courts  are  made  conformably 
 with  the  constitutional  laws  and  charters.  They  are  mostly  managed  by 
 cabals,  consisting  of  two  or  three  families  and  their  favourites,  who  have 
 succeeded  to  the  possessions  and  privileges  of  their  societies,  with  a  re- 
 gular, and,  apparently,  as  indefeasible  a  claim  as  any  legitimate  despot 
 succeeds  to  his  sovereignty.  To  these  authorities  the  liveries  have 
 hitherto  bowed,  with  the  patience  of  serfs,  and  submitted  not  only  to  be 
 deprived  of  the  more  substantial  enjoyments  of  their  respective  cor- 
 porations, but  also  to  be  disseized  of  their  elective  franchises,  in  the 
 appointment  of  masters,  wardens,  assistants,  and  committees. 
 
 The  chief  reason  which  can  be  alleged  for  this  supineness,  is  the 
 ignorance  in  which  the  liveiymen  have  been  kept  of  the  rights  and 
 powers  they  legally  possess.  With  one  or  two  exceptions,  the  charters 
 of  the  companies  have  never  been  jniblished,  but,  for  reasons  too  ob- 
 vious to  mention,  have  remained  under  an  impenetrable  veil,  either 
 among  the  records  in  the  Tower  of  London,  or  the  strong-  boxes  of  the 
 several  courts  of  assistants,  whose  uncourteous  demeanor,  together  with 
 that  of  their  clerks  and  underlings,  to  members  seeking  information,  is 
 only  equalled  by  the  patient  endurance  of  the  latter,  in  submitting  for  so 
 long  a  period  to  their  usurped  authority.  The  advantages  that  would 
 result  to  the  liverymen  and  freemen  by  the  restitution  of  their  ancient 
 rights,  those  rights  of  superintending  their  fiscal  administration,  and  of 
 choosing  their  officers  and  courts,  (if  the  last  be  a  legal  part  of  their 
 institution)  are  both  numerous  and  important. 
 
4G4  CORPORATIONS,    GUILDS,    AND    COMPANIES. 
 
 In  the  first  place,  the  g-overnors  would  be  made  responsible  to  the 
 governed,  and  a  few  individuals  no  longer  bo  allowed  to  pervert  the 
 revenues  and  influence  of  the  societies  to  their  own  private  pui'poses  of 
 favouritism,  intrigue,  and  aggrandizement. 
 
 Secondly,  and  agreeably  to  their  original  institution,  every  member 
 would  be  equally  and  alike  a  brother  of  the  fraternity,  eligible  to  elect 
 and  be  elected  to  all  places  of  trust,  patronage,  and  emolument. 
 
 Thirdly,  exclusive  and  disqualifying  by-laws,  intended  to  deprive  the 
 general  body  of  the  liverymen  of  their  rights,  could  not  be  enacted  ; 
 neither  could  arbitrarj'  and  oppressive  fees  on  apprenticeships,  freedoms, 
 and  liveries,  be  enforced :  these  unjustifiable  extortions  have  been  often 
 screwed  up  and  levied,  merely  to  minister  to  a  lavish  expenditure  in 
 objects  wholly  foreign  to  the  interests  of  the  fraternities. 
 
 Finally,  an  efficient  and  watchful  control  would  be  established  over 
 the  management  of  the  numerous  charitable  trusts,  and  ample  revenues 
 of  the  companies. 
 
 The  last  would  be  one  of  the  most  important  advantages  resulting 
 from  the  re-establishment  of  the  general  rights  of  the  fraternities.  The 
 practice  oi  self-auditing  and  self-election  has  long  precluded  the  mem- 
 bers of  the  companies  from  a  knowledge  of  their  own  affairs ;  and  it  is 
 only  by  the  recent  inquiries  of  the  Charity  Commissioners,  that  au- 
 thentic information  has  been  obtained  of  the  magnitude  of  their  revenues, 
 patronage,  and  possessions.  From  these  inquiries  it  appears  that  nearly 
 the  whole  of  the  land  and  houses  in  London  has  been  left  in  trust  of 
 the  City  Companies,  for  charitable  uses ;  that  they  also  possess,  in  the 
 same  capacity  of  trustees,  in  the  country,  numerous  manors,  estates, 
 messuages,  church  livings,  and  tithes  of  parishes ;  that  the  revenues 
 arising  from  this  property  amount,  in  several  instances,  to  £20,000  or 
 £30,000  per  annum,  and  that  not  one-twentieth  part  of  this  income  is 
 expended  on  the  poor,  or  other  objects  for  which  it  was  benevolently 
 bequeathed.  It  is  seldom  the  courts  increase  the  amount  of  their  elee- 
 mosynaiy  disbursements ;  notwithstanding  the  vast  augmentation  of 
 value  in  the  trust-property,  they  neither  multiply  the  objects  of  their 
 charities,  nor  increase  the  allowances  originally  fixed  by  the  donors,  in 
 total  ignorance  of  the  future  produce  of  their  bequests.  The  objects  on 
 which  the  surplus  revenues  are  principally  expended,  consist  of  the 
 expenses  of  committees,  law-agency,  and  surveyors'  charges ;  in  pre- 
 tended repairs  and  improvements;  in  ostentatious  buildings  ;  in  luxurious 
 feasting  for  the  parties  and  their  friends ;  tind  in  extravagant  pensions 
 and  gratuities  to  favourite  servants  and  dependents.  For  these  pur- 
 poses the  revenues  are  never  too  much — generally  too  little, — and  they 
 are  compelled  to  resort  to  the  monstrous  expedient  of  taxing  their  dis- 
 franchised brethren,  to  supply  the  deficiency. 
 
 CORPORATIONS    OF    CITIES    AND    TOWNS. 
 
 A  reform  of  municipal  institutions  is  an  undertaking  only  second  in 
 importance  to  that  of  the  general  government.    The  power  of  the  barons 
 
CORPORATION    OF    LONDON.  465 
 
 against  which  corporations  were  directed,  has  yielded  to  that  of  tlie 
 state,  and  the  remnants  of  these  confederacies,  by  the  assertion  of  ancient 
 immunities,  tend  to  disturb  the  peace  and  order  of  the  realm.  They 
 are  too  insulated  amidst  the  general  wealth  and  population  to  strengthen 
 the  executive  power.  They  represent  no  great  social  interest ;  the  real 
 aristocracy  of  cities  and  towns  keeps  aloof  from  them,  either  from  dis- 
 gust at  their  petty  cabals,  or  contempt  for  their  paltry  duties.  Instead  of 
 being  the  enlightened  governors  within  their  respective  limits,  they  are 
 only  oppressors  ;  instead  of  being  faithful  trustees,  they  are  notorious  plun- 
 derers of  the  widow  and  orphan ;  instead  of  being  the  centres  of  local  go- 
 vernment, of  police  and  judicial  administration,  they  are  the  sources  of  dis- 
 order, tumult,  and  prosecution.  Wherever  we  find  a  corporation,  we 
 may  generally  rely  on  finding  a  town  ill-governed — the  inhabitants  di- 
 vided into  rancorous  parties — the  prisons  dilapidated  and  without  dis- 
 cipline— the  quarter  and  petty  sessions  of  the  peace  ill-conducted — and 
 every  office  of  dignity  or  authority,  from  the  worshipful  recorder  to  the 
 turnkey,  filled  up,  not  from  the  fitness  of  the  individuals  selected, 
 but  from  personal  connexion  or  influence.  All  these  evils  have  mostly 
 their  origin  in  one  source — the  absence  of  popular  control :  with  hardly 
 an  exception  the  members  of  all  corporations  are  self-elected ;  hence 
 their  interests  are  partial,  not  public  ;  hence  every  office  is  made  a  job 
 of,  every  magisterial  function,  whether  the  granting  of  a  license  or  the 
 adjudication  of  an  assault,  is  made  a  favour  or  an  offence. 
 
 That  these  prefatory  criminations  have  some  foundation,  we  shall 
 endeavour  to  show  by  briefly  glancing  at  the  constitution  and  manage- 
 ment of  some  of  the  principal  corporations.  Our  notice  wall  necessarily 
 be  very  brief,  and  not  at  all  proportioned  to  the  magnitude  of  the  sub- 
 ject ;  but  perhaps  we  shall  be  able,  aided  by  our  previous  representa- 
 tions, to  give  a  general  idea  of  the  existing  state  of  municipal  institutions, 
 which  may  lead  to  more  perfect  and  comprehensive  inquiries.  We  shall 
 commence  with  the  corporation  of  the  city  of  London,  not  only  because 
 it  is  under  our  more  immediate  observance,  but  because  it  is  the  first 
 in  rank,  antiquity,  and  importance. 
 
 The  corporation  of  London,  we  believe,  is  more  popular  in  its  con- 
 stitution than  any  other  in  the  empire.  It  is  formed,  as  is  well  known, 
 on  the  model  of  that  of  the  state,  consisting  of  three  orders  ;  but  it  is 
 superior  to  the  state,  in  the  absence  of  those  gross  incongruities  in  its 
 constituent  bodies  w^hich  impair  the  excellence  of  parliamentary  repre- 
 sentation. We  may  also  observe  respecting  the  city  corporation,  that 
 it  is  more  pure  and  perfect  in  its  practical  administration  than  any  other 
 municipal  body  of  the  kingdom.  We  are  well  aware  what  we  are  now 
 stating  ;  Ave  make  the  assertion  Avith  a  full  knowledge  of  city  jobbing — 
 of  the  London  Bridge  committee — of  the  Gresham  Lectures— of  Mansion 
 House  dinners — and  of  the  well  known  fact  that  from  £4,000  to  £5,000 
 per  annum  is  expended  by  the  committees  of  the  Common  Council  alone  ; 
 still  we  affirm  that  in  no  other  corporation,  nor  in  the  general  govern- 
 ment, nor  in  the  Colonies,  is  so  much  ivork  performed  at  so  small  a 
 cost.     The  duties  of  the  corporation  are  very  great,  not  only  in  matters 
 
 2  H 
 
466  CORPORATIONS,      (IL'll.DS,      AND     COMPANIES. 
 
 relative  to  the  magistracy,  police,  and  local  improvements  of  the  city, 
 but  also  in  those  which  relate  to  the  commerce,  navigation,  and  shipping 
 of  the  port  of  London  ;  and  in  the  due  discharge  of  many  of  which  the 
 kingdom  at  large,  as  well  as  the  metropolis,  is  deeply  interested.  That 
 these  functions  should  be  all  executed  without  expense,  without  remu- 
 neration direct  or  indirect,  is  what  no  reasonable  person  can  expect. 
 
 Notwithstanding  these  excellences,  the  metropolitan  corporation  is 
 full  of  anomalies,  or,  if  the  reader  pleases,  defects.  We  cannot  stop 
 to  enumerate  all  these,  nor  to  comment  upon  them,  but  we  will  men- 
 tion the  two  principal. 
 
 First,  as  regards  the  local  boundary  or  civil  jurisdiction  of  the  cor- 
 poration. This  comprehends  only  the  nucleus  or  inner  circle  of  this 
 vast  metropolis;  all  the  living  portion,  the  great  mass  of  the  opulence, 
 respectability,  and  population  of  the  capital,  is  placed  without  the  cur- 
 tilage of  corporate  authority,  which  includes  within  its  legislative  cog- 
 nizance little  more  than  an  assemblage  of  shops,  counting-houses, 
 offices,  wharfs  and  warehouses.  The  evils  that  result  from  this  cause, 
 whether  as  respects  the  conflicting  powers  of  the  county  and  city  magis- 
 trate, the  police,  or  the  composition  of  the  electiv^e  bodies  of  the  city,  are 
 too  well  known  to  require  description. 
 
 The  second  great  anomaly  we  shall  notice,  is  that  which  respects  the 
 qualification  of  the  city  constituency.  As  this  is  now  regulated  by  the 
 statute  of  the  11th  George  I.  neither  residence  nor  householdership 
 confers  the  right  of  suffrage  either  for  a  member  of  the  corporation  or 
 of  the  House  of  Commons.  Freemen  and  liverymen  constitute  the  only 
 two  classes  of  electors,  the  former  of  the  aldermen  and  common  council ; 
 the  latter  of  members  of  parliament,  lord-mayor,  and  chief  city  officers. 
 Now  it  certainly  appears  indefensible  that  a  householder  should  not 
 share  equally  in  the  local  government  with  the  freemen  and  liverymen. 
 The  rights  of  both  freemen  and  liverj'men  may  be  obtained  without  any 
 direct  or  permanent  interest  in  the  weal  of  the  city.  Freedoms  are  ac- 
 quired by  purchase  or  gift,  as  Avell  as  by  birth  or  apprenticeship.  The 
 rights  of  the  livery  or  badgenien  depend  on  still  less  valid  qualifications ; 
 they  are  conferred  or  not  at  the  pleasure  of  the  courts  of  assistants  ;  or 
 the  franchises  of  the  livery  may  be  acquired  by  purchasing  a  certain 
 dress,  in  some  companies  at  an  exorbitant  price,  and  in  others  no 
 money  will  purchase  it,  unless  the  party  be  known  to  have  imbibed  a 
 certain  political  or  religious  faith.* 
 
 If  there  be  injustice  in  withholding  elective  rights  from  householders, 
 the  civic  disfranchisement  of  resident  freemen  is  still  less  defensible. 
 Several  of  the  livery  companies  were  only  made  such  within  the  last 
 century.  None  of  the  companies  form  a  part  of  the  corporation  ;  t  nor 
 is  it  necessary'  the  liverymen  should  be  resident  in  the  city ;  yet  in 
 them  is  exclusively  vested  the  power  of  choosing  the  city  officers  and 
 the  members  of  parliament.     Such  an  anomaly  exists  in  no  other  city 
 
 *  Evidence  in  support  of  the  Franchise  of  Resident  Freemen,  p.  20. 
 t  Ncwell's  Evidence,  &c.  p.  10. 
 
CORPORATION     Ol      BRISTOL.  467 
 
 in  lingland.  Of  the  twenty-four  cities  represented  in  parliament,  there 
 is  not  one,  with  the  exception  of  London,  where  the  freemen  are  dis- 
 quahfied  by  statute  from  choosing  their  representatives. 
 
 The  utihty  of  the  existence  of  many  civic  immunities  at  all  is  very 
 questionable  ;  they  are  often  an  obstacle  to  the  general  prosperity  and 
 the  free  exercise  of  industry.  According  to  the  present  law  of  the 
 corporation  respecting  resident  housekeepers  carrying  on  trade  in  the 
 city  of  London,  they  are  called  on  to  pay  £34  :  1 1  ;  they  cannot  con- 
 tinue without  being"  also  free  of  a  company,  which  increases  the  amount 
 of  money  paid  to  £50.  The  Reform  Bill,  by  conferring  the  parliamen- 
 tary franchise  on  householders,  will  correct  some  portion  of  the  injustice 
 we  have  represented. 
 
 Corporation  of  Bristol. — This  corporation  ranks  the  second  in  the 
 kingdom,  and  its  defective  constitution  has  been  practically  exemplified 
 during  the  late  tragical  proceedings.  The  civil  government  of  the  city 
 is  vested  in  the  coi"poration,  consisting  of  a  high  steward,  the  mayor, 
 recordei",  aldermen,  sheriffs,  common  council,  town-clerk,  chamberlain, 
 and  subordinate  functionaries.  The  mayor  and  sheriffs  are  chosen 
 annually  on  the  15th  of  September.  The  sheriffs  are  elected  from  the 
 members  of  the  common  council,  which  body  is  limited,  by  the  charter 
 of  Queen  Anne,  to  forty-two.  There  are  twelve  aldermen  chosen  by 
 the  twelve  wards  into  which  the  city  is  divided.  They  are  constituted 
 preservers  of  the  public  tranquillity,  with  the  power  of  justices  of  the 
 peace,  and  enjoy  all  the  privileges  and  authority  of  the  aldermen  of 
 London, 
 
 In  point  of  opulence,  the  Corporation  of  Bristol  is  supposed  to  rank 
 among  the  most  wealthy  bodies  corporate  of  the  kingdom.  In  1778, 
 Mr.  Barrett  estimated  the  annual  income  of  the  Corporation  at  £14,000, 
 arising  from  the  several  estates  they  possess,  from  those  for  which  they 
 act  in  trust,  with  the  rents  of  the  several  markets,  the  profits  arising 
 from  town  duties,  and  other  sources  of  income.  It  has  subsequently 
 increased,  Mr.  Evans  conjectures,  in  his  History' of  Bristol,  to  £18,000. 
 There  is  little  doubt  it  is  a  great  deal  more  from  the  augmented  value  of 
 property,  and  the  Corporation  having  abandoned,  without  the  city,  the 
 former  practice  of  letting  their  estates  on  lives,  with  merely  fines  for 
 renewals.  A  considerable  portion  of  the  city  estate  is  derived  from 
 the  charter  of  John,  and  claimed  by  them  under  the  title  of  "  lords  of 
 the  waste,"  and  including  what  is  now  Queen-square,  Princes -street, 
 King-street,  and  part  of  St.  Augustine's  Back,  the  Key,  Grove,  and 
 the  Back.  Out  of  the  Corporation  income  £1,500  is  annually  given  to 
 the  mayor  for  the  better  support  of  the  dignity  of  his  office,  and  £500 
 to  each  of  the  sheriffs.  Between  £3,000  and  £4,000  is  expended  in 
 salaries  and  other  expenses  incidental  to  the  municipal  government  of 
 the  city.  The  finances  of  the  Corporation  are  managed  by  the  cham- 
 berlain of  the  city,  which  office  is  one  of  considerable  trust  and  im- 
 portance. He  gives  a  bond  of  £3,000  for  the  execution  of  his  duties 
 with   care    and   fidelity,  and  is   obliged,  by   the  statute,  to  render  an 
 
 2  H  2 
 
4G8  CORPORATIONS,    GUILDS,    AND    COMPANIES. 
 
 account  of  the  revenues  of  the  Corporation,  together  with  their  applica- 
 tion, in  one  month  after  the  feast  of  St.  Luke. 
 
 Bristol  is  a  county  corporate  ;  that  is,  besides  the  city  properly  so 
 called,  certain  lands  and  districts  adjacent  are  comprised  within  its 
 jurisdiction.  The  freedom  of  the  city  is  obtained  by  hereditary  right, 
 by  serving-  an  apprenticeship  of  seven  years  if  the  indenture  be  registered 
 at  the  council-house,  by  marrying  a  freeman's  daughter,  and  by  pur- 
 chase. The  last  charter  granted  to  the  city  of  Bristol  is  dated  the  24th 
 of  July,  1710,  by  which  the  former  grants  and  privileges  are  confirmed, 
 and  the  mayor  and  other  officers  of  the  Corporation  allowed  to  execute 
 their  respective  offices  without  the  approval  of  the  Lord  Chancellor, 
 which  by  the  charter  of  Charles  IL  was  ordered  to  be  first  obtained. 
 Had  the  constitution  of  the  Corporation  been  popular  enough  to  conci- 
 liate the  confidence  of  the  citizens,  it  is  impossible  the  civic  authorities 
 should  have  been  so  void  of  resources  as  they  appear  to  have  been 
 during  the  late  riots.  Beside,  the  Corporation  is  accused  of  not  admi- 
 nistering their  numerous  charitable  trusts  either  wisely  or  faithfully. 
 The  Free  Grammar  School  in  Unity-street  is  a  monstrous  abuse.*  It 
 was  endowed  by  Robert  Thorne,  for  the  "  better  education  and  bringing 
 up"  of  the  youth  of  the  city.  Under  the  auspices  of  the  Corporation 
 it  has  been  perverted  into  a  splendid  boarding-school  establishment,  to 
 the  great  emolument  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Goodenough,  and  accommodation 
 of  the  children  of  the  magnates  of  Bristol. 
 
 Corporation  oj"  Liverpool. — Liverpool  is  an  ancient  borough  by  pre- 
 scription, but  incorporated  by  a  series  of  charters  granted  from  the  reign 
 of  King  John  in  1208,  to  the  reign  of  George  ILf  By  the  latest 
 charter  it  is  provided  that  the  body  corporate  shall  consist  of  forty-one 
 persons,  composing  the  common  council,  out  of  whom  shall  be  annually 
 chosen  a  mayor,  recorder,  and  two  bailiffs.  All  who  have  passed  the 
 chair  are  styled  aldermen.  The  mayor,  recorder,  and  aldermen  are 
 magistrates  for  Liverpool,  and  the  four  senior  aldermen  are  coroners. 
 
 Previously  to  the  reign  of  Charles  H.  the  freemen  at  large  exercised 
 the  right  of  choosing  their  own  corporate  officers  ;  but  since  that  period, 
 here,  as  in  many  other  places,  the  corporate  body  assumed  the  power  of 
 filling  up  all  vacancies  within  themselves.  The  free  burgesses  have, 
 however,  reclaimed  part  of  their  rights. t  Members  of  parliament  arc 
 chosen  by  the  free  burgesses  not  receiving  alms.  All  persons  who  are 
 born  free,  who  have  served  an  apprenticeship  under  freemen,  or  who 
 have  obtained  their  freedom  by  grant  or  purchase  from  the  corporation, 
 
 *  Abridgement  of  the  Repcfrts  of  the  Royal  Conimissioiiers  on  Public  Charities 
 by  the  Editor  of  the  Cabinet  Lnicyer.  This  work  has  been  called  "  national  " 
 and  may  be  had  of  the  publisher  of  the  lilack  Book.  From  the  valuable  notes 
 and  comments  of  the  editor  we  have  been  indebted  for  much  of  our  inforniaticm 
 relative  to  the  present  state  of  corporations. 
 
 f  Account  of  Liverpool,  by  Sniilhers,  p.  47. 
 
 i  Aikin's  History  of  Manchester,  p.  'il!i. 
 
CORPORATIONS    OF    LIVERPOOL    AND    BATH.  469 
 
 have  the  right  of  voting.     A  freeman  of  Liverpool  is  also  a  freeman  of 
 Bristol,  and  of  Waterford  and  Wexford  in  Ireland. 
 
 The  principal  points  that  have,  from  time  to  time,  been  in  dispute 
 between  the  burgesses  and  corporation  are  these: — 1.  The  right  of 
 making  by-laws  by  the  common  council,  without  the  assent  or  partici- 
 pation of  the  burgesses.  2.  The  plan  adopted  by  the  common  council 
 of  electing  their  own  members,  or  filling  up  vacancies  in  their  own  body. 
 3.  The  balancing  of  the  corporation  accounts  without  public  audit  by 
 the  burgesses  at  large.*  These  points  have  been  the  subject  of  expensive 
 litigation;  the  right  of  making  by-laws  was  decided  in  favour  of  the 
 burgesses  by  the  verdicts  of  two  juries  at  Lancaster;  on  which  occasion 
 Mr.  Erskine  was  their  counsel.  A  third  trial  was  moved  for  by 
 the  corporation,  which  the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  on  what  grounds  does 
 not  appear,  thought  proper  to  grant.  But  the  expenses  incurred  in 
 these  proceedings,  w-hich  were  sustained  by  individual  burgesses,  added 
 to  the  consideration  that  the  law  has  prescribed  no  limit  to  the  authority 
 of  a  court  in  remanding  a  cause  for  trial  whenever  it  is  not  satisfied 
 ■with  the  verdict,  deterred  the  burgesses  from  further  prosecution  of 
 their  claim ;  and  the  common  council,  notwithstanding  the  opinion  of 
 the  two  juries,  still  continue  to  exercise  the  exclusive  power  of  the 
 corporation  in  the  same  manner  as  before  these  proceedings  were 
 instituted,  f 
 
 Annual  accounts,  however,  of  the  corporation  receipts  and  expenditure 
 are  now  regularly  published.  The  income  of  the  corporation  amounts 
 to  £60,000,  chiefly  from  fines  for  renewal  of  leases,  rents,  town  dues, 
 anchorage,  weighing  machine,  &c.  The  mayor,  the  recorder,  and 
 the  aldermen  are  magistrates  for  Liverpool,  and  the  four  senior  aldermen 
 are  coroners  for  the  time  being. 
 
 Corporation  of  Bath. — The  civil  constitution  of  this  city  as  now 
 administered  was  established  by  the  charter  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  dated 
 the  4th  of  September,  1590,  by  which  the  municipal  government 
 is  vested  in  a  mayor  and  four  aldermen  at  the  least,  and  not  exceeding 
 ten  at  the  most,  assisted  with  tw^enty  of  the  chief  citizens,  to  be  called 
 a  common  council,  and  a  majority  of  these  (whereof  the  mayor  for  the 
 time  being  is  to  be  always  one)  may  make  laws,  let  the  city  lands, 
 impose  fines,  and  create,  from  among  the  inhabitants,  free  citizens 
 and  burgesses,  whom  they  may  bind  with  an  oath  to  obey  all  lawful 
 commands.  On  Monday  before  the  feast  of  St.  Michael,  the  mayor, 
 aldermen,  and  common  council,  are  to  choose  from  among  themselves 
 the  mayor  for  the  ensuing  year,  and  also  elect  a  recorder,  common 
 clerk,  chamberlain,  constables,  and  other  inferior  officers,  with  two 
 sergeants  of  the  mace.  Persons  refusing  to  take  these  offices  (except 
 those  of  recorder  and  town-clerk)  may  be  fined.  The  mayor  is  consti^ 
 tuted  coroner  of  the  city  and  clerk  of  the  market. 
 
 *  Smither's  Account  of  Liverpool,  p.  59. 
 t  Aikin's  History  of  Manchester,  p.  007. 
 
470  CORPORATIONS,     OLILDS,     AND    COMPANIES. 
 
 Previous  to  this  charter  all  preceding  o^rants  to  Bath  were  vested  in 
 the  whole  of  the  citizens,  Avho  enjoved  the  privilege  of  attending  all 
 meetings  for  making  regulations  for  the  internal  government  of  the  city, 
 of  heing  consulted  in  the  formation  of  local  institutions,  of  assenting  to 
 the  appointment  of  parliamentary  representatives,  and  of  investing 
 strangers  with  the  rights  and  privileges  of  citizenship.  These  powers, 
 for  greater  convenience,  were  usually  delegated  to  a  chosen  body  of 
 themselves,  the  mayor  always  presiding  at  their  head.  But,  in  the 
 course  of  time,  the  body  so  chosen  to  represent  the  citizens  assumed  a 
 jirescriptive  right  to  the  exercise  of  their  delegated  powers,  independent 
 of  the  suffrages  of  their  fellow-townsmen,  and,  in  order  effectually  to 
 fortify  theii-  usurpation,  they  obtained  the  charter  of  Elizabeth,  by 
 which  the  popular  constitution  of  Bath  was  subverted,  and  instead  of  it 
 was  substituted  a  perpetual  oligarchy  of  self-elected  individuals. 
 
 From  this  time  the  freemen  of  Bath  were  divided  into  two  classes  ; 
 the  smaller  one,  Avhich  included  only  those  who  were  of  the  coinmunity, 
 (after  Elizabeth's  charter  denominated  the  Corporation,)  and  the  more 
 numerous  class,  distinguished  from  the  stranger  or  inhabitant  of  other 
 places  by  the  grant  of  some  trifling  local  privileges;  of  these  the  chief 
 seems  to  have  been  a  certain  interest  or  privilege  of  pasture  in  the  grange 
 of  Barton  or  Bath-common. 
 
 The  freedom  of  the  city  is  obtained  either  by  servitude  or  purchase, 
 or  both.  The  term  of  servitude  must  be  seven  years,  under  a  freeman, 
 residing  in  the  cit}',  who  is  to  cause  the  indenture  to  be  registered 
 within  one  month  after  the  sealing  of  the  same,  in  default  whereof  the 
 apprentice  does  not  gain  his  citizenship  at  the  conclusion  of  the  term. 
 The  freedom  by  p^^rcA«se  can  be  granted  by  the  corporation,  on  the  pay- 
 ment of  a  sum  not  less  than  £.5  (£70  is,  we  believe,  generally  paid) 
 into  the  coffers  of  that  body  ;  of  this,  howevei',  the  resident  freemen  do 
 not  participate. 
 
 The  income  of  the  corporation  arises  from  several  sources ;  such  as 
 the  private  baths  in  Stall-street ;  the  rent  of  the  pump  amounting  to 
 £840,  (Warner  s  History,  p.  337  ;)  assessments  for  supplying  the 
 inhabitants  with  water  from  the  adjoining  hills :  fines  on  the  renewal  of 
 leases;  and  the  profits  of  the  weighing  machine  in  the  Saw-close. 
 
 The  ecclesiastical  patronage  is  confined  to  the  rectorship  of  Bath,  with 
 Widcombe  annexed,  and  the  mastership  of  St.  John's  Hospital,  both 
 valuable  benefices. 
 
 The  mayor  is  allowed  the  sum  of  400  guineas  to  defray  the  expenses 
 of  his  mayoralty,  chiefly  incurred  in  support  o^  ancient  hospitality. 
 
 The  inhabitants  of  Bath  are  not  represented  in  parliament,  but  the 
 corporation,  whose  members  are  usually  kept  below  the  number  to 
 which  they  are  restricted  by  their  charter,  returns  two  representatives. 
 
 About  the  middle  of  last  century,  the  different  trades  exercised  in 
 Bath  were  in  the  hands  of  distinct  fraternities,  the  members  of  which 
 wore  gowns,  had  their  processions  and  feast-days,  and  claimed  exclusive 
 privileges  in  the  pursuit  of  their  respective  vocations.  These  societies 
 had  all  sprung  up  about  the  year  1600,  without  charter  or  act  of  par- 
 
CORPORATIONS    OF    PRKSTON    AND    LICHFIELD.         471 
 
 liament.  In  1765,  they  were  all  extinguished  by  the  firmness  of  one 
 Glazeby,  a  tailor,  who  persisted  in  following;  his  calling  within  the  pro- 
 hibited jurisdiction.  A  trial  ensued  in  a  court  of  law,  when  it  was 
 determined  these  mushroom  companies  had  no  legal  existence. 
 
 There  have  been  some  royal  grants  to  Bath  subsequent  to  the  charter 
 of  Elizabeth,  but  their  provisions  do  not  materially  affect  the  constitution 
 of  the  city  as  then  established.  In  1794,  the  number  of  city  justices 
 ,  was  augmented  from  two  to  nine,  and  power  was  granted  to  two  alder- 
 men, during  the  sickness,  absence,  or  inability  of  the  mayor,  to  appoint 
 another  alderman  to  act  in  that  capacity.* 
 
 Corporation  of  Presto7i. —  Preston  is  a  market  town,  borough,  and 
 parish.  It  was  incorporated  by  Henry  II.  in  1160,  and  the  privileges 
 and  free  customs  granted  by  this  and  subsequent  royal  grants  were  con- 
 firmed by  charter  of  36th  of  Charles  II. 
 
 The  body  corporate  consists  of  a  mayor,  recorder,  seven  aldermen, 
 and  seventeen  capital  burgesses,  who,  together,  form  the  common  council 
 of  the  borough.  The  mayor,  and  two  town-bailiffs,  and  two  sergeants 
 are  elected  annually,  upon  the  Friday  preceding  the  festival  of 
 St.  Wilfrid,  who  was  formerly  lord  of  this  town,  and  they  are  invested, 
 on  the  12th  of  October  following,  by  a  jury  of  twenty-four  guild  bur- 
 gesses. The  members  of  the  council,  with  the  exception  of  the  mayor, 
 retain  their  seats  for  life,  or  during  the  pleasure  of  a  majority,  and 
 vacancies  are  supplied  by  the  remaining  members.  The  town  sends 
 two  representatives  to  parliament,  and  affords  the  nearest  practical  ex- 
 ample of  universal  suffrage  in  the  kingdom  ;  every  male  inhabitant, 
 whether  housekeeper  or  lodger,  who  has  resided  six  months  in  the 
 town,  and  who  has  not,  during  the  last  twelvemonth,  been  chargeable 
 to  any  township  as  a  pauper,  having  a  right  to  vote  for  two  candidates 
 at  elections.  This  principle  was  established  by  a  decision  of  the  House 
 of  Commons,  on  an  appeal,  in  the  year  1766,  and  has  ever  since  been 
 acted  upon. 
 
 The  burgesses  are  entitled  by  the  charter  of  Henry  II.  to  have  a 
 Guild  Merchant,  with  the  usual  franchises  annexed,  of  safe  transit 
 through  the  kingdom,  exemption  from  toll,  pontage,  and  stallage  ;  liberty 
 to  buy  and  sell  peaceably  ;  and  power  to  hold  a  guild  for  the  renewal  of 
 freedom  to  the  burgesses,  the  confirming  of  by-laws,  and  other  purposes. 
 This  privilege  is  still  made  the  occasion  of  great  festivity.  For  a  long 
 time  after  their  first  institution,  the  guilds  were  held  at  irregular  periods, 
 but  they  have  now  for  more  than  a  century  been  celebrated  every 
 twentieth  year;  the  last  was  held  in  1822.  The  several  trades  of 
 Preston  are  incorporated.  Twenty-five  chartered  companies  go  in  pro- 
 cession on  the  guild  festival. 
 
 Corporation  of  Lichfield. — The  city  of  Lichfield  was  anciently 
 governed  by  a  guild  and  guild-master,  which  had  their  first  establish- 
 ment in  the  reign  of  Richard  II.  in  the  year  1387.     Soon  after  the  dis- 
 
 *  Abridgement  of  the  Charity  Reports  :    Notes  of  the  Editor,  p.  237. 
 
 J 
 
472 
 
 COIU'ORATIONS,     (iUILDS,    AND    COMPANIES. 
 
 solution  of  the  guild,  by  act  of  parliament,  2  Edward  VI.  a  charter  of 
 incorporation  was  g-ranted  to  this  city  by  the  same  king ;  which  wiis  to 
 consist  of  two  bailiffs  and  twenty-four  burg-esses  ;  twelve  of  whom  had 
 been  masters  of  the  guild.  Several  other  charters  were  g'ranted  by 
 succeeding  sovereigns,  the  provisions  of  which  were  confirmed  by  that 
 of  Charles  II.  and  the  constitution  of  the  city  as  now  existing  deter- 
 mined. 
 
 This  charter,  dated  November  5,  1664,  directs  that  two  bailiffs  shall 
 be  annually  elected  by  the  brethren  on  St.  James's  day;  that  the  senior 
 bailiff  shall  be  nominated  by  the  bishop,  keep  a  part  of  the  seal  and  be 
 escheator ;  that  the  bailiffs,  at  the  expiration  of  their  offices,  shall  be 
 justices  the  succeeding  year,  and  shall,  together  with  the  then  bailiffs, 
 hold  courts  of  record,  &c.  have  the  use  of  fines  and  dues ;  that  there 
 shall  be  twenty-one  brethren  elected  from  among  the  citizens,  and  so 
 called  to  aid  and  assist  the  bailiffs,  as  the  common-council  of  the  city  ; 
 that  the  bailiff,  or  any  of  the  brethren,  shall  be  liable  to  bo  removed  by 
 a  majority  of  the  body ;  and  upon  the  death  or  removal  of  any,  others 
 shall  be  elected  by  the  like  authority.  It  empowers  the  bailiffs 
 and  brethren  to  hold  courts  of  gaol  delivery ;  to  award  judgment  of 
 death  or  other  punishment ;  and  also  to  elect  a  recorder,  steward,  and 
 common  clerk :  but  none  of  these  officers  are  to  act  without  having 
 first  obtained  the  approbation  of  the  Crown.  They  may  also  annually 
 elect  a  sheriff,  and  any  one  refusing  to  serve  may  be  fined  or  imprisoned, 
 and  excluded  from  all  the  privileges  of  the  city. 
 
 Under  the  authority  of  the  charters  granted  to  this  city,  the  several 
 fraternities  and  Com})anies  were  formed  of  saddlers,  glovers,  whittawers, 
 tanners,  smiths,  bakers,  coopers,  cutlers,  &c.  A  list  of  these  and  their 
 by-laws  may  be  found  in  Harwood's  History  of  the  "  City  and  An- 
 tiquities of  Lichfield." 
 
 Corporation  of  Stafford. — The  earliest  incorporation  of  this  borough 
 was  by  charter  of  King  John,  in  1208.  This  charter  was  confirmed, 
 and  new  privileges  granted,  by  that  of  Edward  VI.  under  which  the 
 government  is  constituted  of  a  mayor,  recorder,  ten  aldermen,  ten  com- 
 mon-councilmen,  a  town-clerk,  and  two  sergeants-at-mace.  The 
 borough  sends  two  members  to  Parliament,  and  has  done  so  since  the 
 23d  of  Edward  I.  The  right  of  election  is  in  the  mayor,  aldermen,  and 
 resident  burgesses,  not  receiving  parochial  relief.  The  sons  of  burgesses, 
 and  those  who  have  served  apprentice  seven  years  in  the  borough,  have  a 
 right  (upon  the  demand  thereof)  to  be  made  burgesses.  Though  the 
 electors  claim  to  be  independent  of  the  personal  influence  of  a  patron, 
 it  appears,  from  the  declarations  of  a  lately  elected  member,  they  are 
 accessible  to  an  influence  of  a  not  less  undignified  description.  The 
 ancient  custom  of  Borough  English,  by  which  the  youngest  son  suc- 
 ceeds to  property,  in  preference  to  the  elder  children,  prevails  in 
 Stafford. 
 
 Corporation  of  Northampton.  —  Northampton  is  both  a  town  incor- 
 porate and  a  borough.  It  was  first  incorporated  by  Henry  II.  and  since 
 confirmed  by  several  successive  charters  under  different  reigns,  and  the 
 
 I 
 
CORPORATIONS    OF    STAFFORD    AND    NORTHAMPTON.    473 
 
 privileges  of  the  town  much  enlarged.  By  a  charter  granted  in  the  first  of 
 King  John,  the  burgesses  were  freed  from  all  toll,  lastag-e,  and  murage 
 throughout  Eng-land,  with  the  privilege  of  enjoying-  these  and  other 
 liberties  in  as  ample  a  manner  as  the  citizens  of  London,  paying  into 
 the  king's  exchequer  £120  at  Michaelmas,  in  every  year.  These  Hber- 
 ties  were  continued  and  enlarged  by  further  g-rants  of  Henry  III.  and 
 Edward  I.  By  charter  of  Henry  VH.  the  mayor  and  his  brethren, 
 late  mayors,  are  to  name  and  choose  forty-eight  persons  of  the  inhabi- 
 tants, which  forty-eight  persons,  tog-ether  with  the  mayor  and  his 
 brethren,  and  such  as  have  been  mayors  and  bailiffs,  should  hereafter 
 yearly  elect  all  tbe  succeeding-  mayors  and  bailiffs.  Before  this  period, 
 it  is  stated,  in  Whalleifs  History  of  Northamptonshire,  vol.  i.  p.  433, 
 that  the  mayor  and  bailiffs  were  elected  by  all  the  freemen  in  St.  Giles's 
 church-yard,  the  election  being  often  attended  with  tumults  and  quar- 
 rels. By  charter,  bearing  date  3d  August,  15th  Charles  H.  the  govern- 
 ment of  Northampton  is  committed  to  the  mayor  and  two  bailiffs,  and 
 such  as  have  been  mayors  and  bailiffs,  and  a  common  council  of  forty- 
 eight  burgesses,  usually  called  the  company  of  forty-eight ;  and  of 
 these,  together  with  the  recorder,  chamberlain,  and  town-clerk,  the  cor- 
 poration now  consists.  Those  who  have  served  the  office  of  mayor  are 
 called  aldermen.  The  recorder  and  town  clerk  are  usually  continued 
 for  life,  but  are  re-chosen  every  year,  and  at  their  first  appointment 
 must  be  approved  by  the  king.  The  mayor  for  the  time  being,  with 
 the  last  mayor,  and  one  other  member  of  the  corporation,  elected  by  the 
 mayor,  aldermen,  and  bailiffs,  are  justices  of  the  peace  within  the 
 town  for  that  year.  Freemen  not  resident  may  be  elected  to  offices  in 
 the  corporation,  and  must  pay  a  fine  if  they  refuse  to  serve. 
 
 Northampton  sends  two  representatives  to  parliament.  The  electors, 
 by  prescription,  are  every  freeman  of  the  town,  whether  resident  or 
 not,  and  every  inhabitant  householder  not  receiving  alms.  By  a  reso- 
 lution of  the  House  of  Commons,  persons  receiving  an  annual  dona- 
 tion at  Christmas  are  disqualified  from  voting.  This,  Oldfield  remarks, 
 in  his  History  of  Boroughs,  vol.  ii.  p.  329,  is  not  only  repugnant  to 
 what  may  be  called  the  common  law  of  committees,  but  expressly  con- 
 trary to  the  decisions  on  the  Bedford  petitions  in  1755  and  1792  ;  when 
 it  was  determined  that  persons  receiving  charity  were  not  thereby 
 disqualified  fi'om  voting,  but  that  receiving  alms  was  a  disqualification. 
 
 Corporation  of  Gloucester. — The  town  of  Gloucester  was  erected 
 into  a  city  and  bishopric,  in  1542,  by  charter  of  Henry  the  Eighth.  The 
 inhabitants  obtained  several  other  charters  before  and  subsequently  to 
 this  period  ;  but  that  by  which  the  city  is  now  governed  was  granted  by 
 Charles  the  Second,  in  1672,  and  cost  the  citizens  upwards  of  £600. 
 By  this  charter,  the  corporation  must  consist  of  thirty  members  at  the 
 least,  but  not  to  exceed  forty,  of  which  the  mayor  and  aldermen  are 
 twelve,  and  the  rest  form  the  common  council.  Vacancies  are  to  be 
 filled  up  by  the  remaining  corporators  ;  and  this  principle  of  self- 
 election  seems  to  have  been  generally  introduced  into  the  charters  of 
 municipal  bodies  granted  in  this  and  the  three  pj-eceding  reigns,  and  was 
 intended,  -as    the  charters   allege,    to   avoid   the   tumults  which  had 
 
474  CORPORATIONS,     (iUlLDS,     AND     COMPANIES. 
 
 heretofore  accompanied  elections  on  moi-e  popular  principles.  The  mayor, 
 bailifl.s,  and  chamberlain,  are  chosen  by  twenty  electors,  consisting  of  the 
 mayor,  aldermen,  senior  sheriff,  and  senior  members  of  the  common 
 council.  The  other  principal  officers  of  the  city,  either  by  charter  or 
 prescription,  are  the  high  steward,  the  recorder,  the  two  members  of 
 parliament,  the  town-clerk,  and  the  twelve  aldermen,  out  of  whom  the 
 mayor  is  chosen.  That  alderman  who  was  last  elected  is  generally 
 coroner,  and  president  of  the  hospitals. 
 
 Every  soon  of  a  burgess  is  free-born,  and,  as  such,  is  entitled  to  his 
 freedom.  Each  burgess  has  free  common  all  the  year  in  the  Townham 
 and  in  Portham,  after  the  hay  is  carried  away,  which  franchise  was  pur- 
 chased of  the  abbey  of  St.  Poter,  a.d.  1237:  also  in  Oxclose,  Mean- 
 ham,  and  Little  Meadow,  after  the  first  vesture  is  taken  oft".  The  free- 
 men had  also,  anciently,  certain  exclusive  privileges  of  fishing  in  the 
 Severn. 
 
 Corporation  of  Leeds. — Leeds  was  first  incorporated  by  Charles  L 
 in  1626.  A  second  charter  Avas  given  to  it  by  Charles  IL  in  1661, 
 and  a  third  by  James  II.  in  1684.  But,  in  1689,  the  second  charter 
 was  restored  by  William  III.  under  which  the  town  is  at  present 
 governed.  The  corporation  consists  of  a  mayor,  twelve  aldermen,  and 
 twenty-four  common-councilmen,  who  fill  up  the  vacancies  in  their 
 body,  and  annually  elect  the  mayor  from  the  aldermen  by  a  majority  of 
 votes ;  but  the  election  is  merely  pro  forma,  as  the  senior  alderman  is 
 always  chosen.  There  are  also  a  recorder  and  town-clerk.  The  mayor 
 and  aldermen  are  justices  of  peace  within  the  borough,  which  is  co-  ex- 
 tensive with  the  parish,  and  divided  into  ten  chapelries  or  townships,  in- 
 cluding the  town  properly  so  called. 
 
 The  character  of  the  Corporation  of  Leeds  does  not  form  an  exception 
 to  that  of  municipal  bodies  throughout  the  kingdom;  it  is  ex- 
 clusive and  intolerant :  latterly  it  has  received  a  slight  infusion  of 
 Whiggism  ;  still  we  believe  the  great  and  influential  body  of  Dissenters 
 have  failed  to  derive  any  advantage  from  the  abrogation  of  the  sacramental 
 test,  tand  continue  excluded  from  all  part  and  parcel  in  its  councils  and 
 proceedings.  The  relation  indeed  in  which  the  Corporation  stands  to 
 the  inhabitants  at  large,  precisely  corresponds  to  that  of  the  general 
 government  to  the  people  of  the  empire.  It  is  placed  in  the  midst  of  a 
 numerous,  intelligent,  and  opulent  population,  of  whose  interests  and 
 sentiments  it  has  long  ceased  to  be  the  organ  or  representative ;  the 
 same  want  of  reciprocity  between  the  governors  and  the  governed  is  the 
 pervading  characteristic  of  the  sway  of  the  Oligarchy.  We  need  not 
 add  that  both  require  to  be  adjusted. 
 
 It  is  unnecessary,  we  apprehend,  to  extend  our  enquiries  to  other 
 corporate  bodies ;  those  of  v\'hich  we  have  given  an  account  will  be  suffi- 
 cient to  afford  an  insight  into  the  general  state  of  municipal  franchises 
 and  institutions.  Our  preceding  exposition  may  not  be  strictly  correct 
 in  every  particular,  but  we  have  had  access  to  and  availed  ourselves  of 
 the  best  information  open  to  the  public.  There  is  one  circumstance 
 indeed  peculiar  to  all  these  privileged  confederacies  — and  it  is  a  very 
 suspicious  one,  to  say  the  least  of  it — they  arc  all  apprehensive  of  in- 
 
SUGGESTIONS    FOR    REFORM    OF    CORPORATE   BODIES.    475 
 
 vestigation  into  their  chartered  immunities.  We  had  an  instance  of 
 this  in  the  treatment  the  Rev.  Mr.  Seyer  received  from  the  Bristol 
 Corporation.  This  gentleman  vi^as  desirous  of  publishing  a  correct  ver- 
 sion of  the  charters  of  that  city,  apparently  for  no  other  purpose  tlian  as 
 a  literaiy  or  antiquarian  curiosity.  He  applied  to  the  corporation  for 
 permission  to  inspect  the  originals  in  their  possession ;  the  question  was 
 debated  in  common-council,  and  the  application  refused.  Who  could 
 tell  what  might  be  the  result  ?  The  citizens  might  claim  some  obsolete 
 franchises,  or  the  worshipful  body  lose  part  of  their  revenues.  The 
 example  of  Newcastle-upon-Tyne  was  relied  upon.  After  Mr.  Brande 
 had  published  the  history  of  that  place,  the  corporation  lost  a  large 
 portion  of  the  town-duties.  It  is  true  the  Corporation  of  Newcastle 
 had  wrongfully  levied  these  duties — but  what  of  that  ?  They  had 
 always  been  received,  and  paid  without  grumbling,  till  they  incautiously 
 permitted  the  historian  to  look  into  their  archives,  and  expose  their 
 injustice. 
 
 We  shall  conclude  with  submitting  two  propositions  for  the  reform — 
 for  we  would  not  have  them  abolished  —  of  Corporate  Bodies. 
 
 First,  we  would  apply  to  corporations  the  same  talisman  of  publicity, 
 both  as  respects  their  proceedings  and  finances,  which  has  contributed  so 
 much  to  improve  the  administration  of  national  affairs.  An  act  of  par- 
 liament for  this  purpose,  we  are  convinced,  wo^ild  be  attended  with  the 
 most  beneficial  consequences.  We  are  aware  of  no  good  reason  why 
 corporate  bodies  should  be  exempt  from  the  obligation  imposed  on  the 
 king's  ministers.  The  corporation  of  a  city  or  town  stands  in  the  same 
 relation  to  the  inhabitants  as  the  imperial  government  to  the  people  of 
 England.  The  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  brings  forward  his  annual 
 statements  of  debts  and  credits,  of  income  and  expenditure,  and  lays 
 them  before  the  nation,  and  the  same  duty  ought  to  be  discharged  by 
 every  chamberlain,  or  other  equivalent  officer,  to  the  whole  city,  borough, 
 guild,  or  fraternity,  by  which  he  is  appointed.  Such  a  reform  would 
 check  negligence  and  abuse,  and  maintain  a  spirit  of  inquiry  into  the 
 administration  of  all  corporation  funds. 
 
 Secondly,  we  would  abolish  the  system  of  self-election,  and 
 render  corporations  responsible  to  the  intelligence  and  proprietary  of  the 
 communities  of  which  they  have  assumed  the  control  and  government. 
 The  practice  of  breeding-in  is  as  unfavourable  to  the  growth  and  im- 
 provement of  public  bodies  as  of  animals  and  vegetables.  A  mutuality  of 
 feeling,  a  reciprocration  of  favour  and  obligation,  are  necessary  between 
 the  different  classes  of  every  society,  from  that  of  a  city  or  town  to  the 
 entire  kingdom.  As  it  is,  corporations  form  so  many  petty  oligarchies, 
 scattered  through  the  country — the  mere  cess-pools  of  all  that  is  cor- 
 rupt, servile,  and  intolerant — and  the  exercise  of  whose  sway,  within 
 their  respective  local  jurisdictions,  is  more  insulting  and  oppressive  than 
 that  of  the  feudal  lords,  whose  domination  they  have  supplanted. 
 
 These  changes  may  be  considered  by  the  apostles  of  an  expiring  fac- 
 tion as  a  violation  of  chartered  rights,  or  "corporation  robbery,"  but 
 happily  we  have  reached  a  crisis  when  eloquent  declamation  on  these 
 topics  can  no  longer  conunand  a  numerous  audience. 
 
476  CORPORATIONS,      GUILDS,    AND    COMPANIES. 
 
 THE  CITY'S  ESTATE. 
 
 The  Chamber  of  London  annually  makes  a  return  to  parliament 
 of  tlie  income  and  expenditure  of  the  corporation.  We  suhjcjin  an  ab- 
 stract of  the  receipts  and  expenditure  of  the  city,  as  published  by  the 
 auditors,  Messrs.  Williams  and  Barrett,  for  the  year  ending  December 
 31st,  1828. 
 
 ABSTRACT    OF    THE    RECEIPTS. 
 
 £.  «.     (!. 
 
 r.alance  in  hand  on  the  31st  December,  1827 549  10     8a 
 
 iJents  and  Quit  Hents 4G,833  ly  10* 
 
 JMarkels,  Tolls,  Ollices,   and  Bequests,  heretofore  called 
 
 Kent  Farms   02,301  7     4 J 
 
 Brokers*  Kents  and  Admissions 2,5r)7  0     0 
 
 Freedoms  Sold 8,900  0     o 
 
 Freedoms,  Kniolments,  &c 1,391  I    ] 0 
 
 Casual  Receipts    1,851  13     5^ 
 
 Rents  and  Navigation  of  tiie  Kiver  Thames     1 ,272  1 1     o 
 
 Sales  and  Alienations  of  Ollices    50  o     0 
 
 Fines  for  Leases    1,791  Ifi     8 
 
 Insurances  of  Officers'  Lives 30 1  10     9 
 
 Interest  on  Government  Securities 1,055  19  11 
 
 Sale  of  Premises    82  10     0 
 
 Money  borrowed   40,000  0     0 
 
 £174,902     8     OJ 
 
 ABSTRACT    OF    TIIE    PAYMENTS. 
 
 £  S.     d. 
 
 Orphans' Fund 11,500     0     0 
 
 Rents  and  (^uit  Rents, Taxes,  &c 2,359  15     ]i 
 
 Mansion-llouse  Expenses    2,904     5     0 
 
 Expenses  of  Magistracy  and  I'olice 9,938     7     5 
 
 l.xpenses  of  the  several  Prisons 20,290     4     1 
 
 Conservancy  of  the  River  Thames 4,281  1 8     9 
 
 Artilicers' and  Tradesmen's  Bills 0,350  11     4 
 
 Market  Charges 3,794     7  10 
 
 Law  and  Parliamentary  Expenses 5,907  11     2 
 
 Return  of  Duty  on  Corn  imported 559     3     3 
 
 (Charitable  Donations,  Pensions,  &c 1,757     2     5 
 
 Salaries  and  Allowances     22,744  14     1 
 
 Disbursements — Court  of  Aldermen 39.3  ]9  ]q 
 
 Disbursements — Court  of  Common  Council 9,704  19  lOA 
 
 I'urchase  of  the  Right  of  Alienation  of  the  Officers  of  the 
 
 Lord  Mayor's  Household     7,719     9  10 
 
 Bequests    780     5     0 
 
 Interest  and  Annuities 13,090  19     2 
 
 Purchase  of  Securities    * 1,879     2  10 
 
 Debts  discharged 10,250     0     0 
 
 Removal  of  Fleet  Market  31,000     0     0 
 
 Balance  in  hand,  31st  December,  1828  ..,,..... 173,970  17     0 
 
 985   10     0| 
 
 £174,902     8     0^ 
 li.  Clakk,  I'iMinbciiaiii.  — — ^— ^— . 
 
ANCIENT    CLAIMS    OF    CORPORATIONS.  477 
 
 DR.  Brady's  interpretation  of  communitatis. 
 
 At  page  455  we  alluded  to  the  interpretation  given  by  Dr.  Brady  of 
 the  word  "commonalty,"  and  the  use  made  of  that  interpretation  to 
 deprive  burgesses  at  large  of  their  elective  rights.  So  far  as  this  matter 
 is  connected  with  the  existing  state  of  corporate  bodies  we  do  not  attach 
 much  importance  to  it ;  for  we  think  the  merit  of  public  institutions 
 ought  to  be  tried  by  their  aptitude  to  present  circumstances,  without 
 reference  to  antiquity  or  their  derivative  authority;  and  whether 
 corporations  claim  the  power  they  exercise  from  right  or  usurpation,  is 
 of  comparative  indifference.  The  real  question  is,  can  they  be  reformed 
 and  made  more  conducive  to  social  utility  ?  Other  persons  view  these 
 subjects  in  a  different  light,  and  it  is  for  them  we  refer  to  Dr.  Brady's 
 commentary.  It  was  made  the  foundation  of  a  sweeping  measure  of 
 disfranchisement,  and  still  continues  the  only  legal  defence  of  municipal 
 oligarchies.  The  subject  will  be  readily  understood  by  the  following 
 quotations. 
 
 Warwick. 
 *' 1628.     May  31,    Mr.  Hackwill  reported  from  the  Committee  of 
 Privileges  the  case  for  this  borough  : 
 "  Question, 
 
 "  Whether  the  election  to  he  made  by  the  Mayor  and  Common 
 Council,  or  by  the  Commons  in  general  ? 
 ''  Upon  the  Qucstioji  it  was  resolved, 
 
 "  That  the  right  of  election  for  the  Town  of  Warwick  belongs  to 
 the  Commonalty." 
 
 Commons'  Journals,  4  Chas.  I. 
 
 The  following  are  Dr.  Brady's  remarks  on  this  decision  of  the  Com- 
 mittee of  the  House  of  Commons  : 
 
 "  The  ground  of  this  popular  error  was,  That  this  Committee  (notwith- 
 standing the  two  great  antiquaries,  Sir  Robert  Cotton,  and  Mr.  Selden, 
 and  the  oracle  of  law  {so  calledl  Sir  Edward  Coke,  were  members  of  it) 
 did  not  truly  understand  the  meaning  of  the  words  communitatis  civita- 
 tum  et  burgorum,  the  commonalty  of  cities  and  burghs;  which  always 
 signified  the  mayor,  aldermen,  and  common  council,  where  they  were  to 
 be  found,  or  the  steivard  or  bayliff,  and  capital  burgesses,  or  in  shoi-t  the 
 governing  part  of  cities  and  towns,  Inj  what  persons  soever  they  were  go- 
 verned, or  names  and  titles  they  were  called  and  known,  which  hath  been 
 sufficiently  evinced  by  what  has  been  said  before  in  this  Treatise,  on  that 
 subject.     So  that,  if  the  communities  of  cities  and  burghs  had  been  truly 
 understood,  the  Committee  ought  to  have  determined,  and  the  House  re- 
 solved, That  the  right  of  election  in  very  many,  if  not  in  most,  or  all  cities 
 and  burghs,  ought  to  hare  rested  in  the  governing  part  of  them,  which  is 
 always  a  select  number." — Treatise  of  Cities  and  Boroughs,  By  Robert 
 Brady,  Doctor  in  Physick,  1704. 
 
478  ( DUroUATTONS,      QUII.DS,     AND    COMPANIES. 
 
 Dr.  Brady  possessed  considerable  shrewdness,  and  his  situation  of 
 Keeper  of  the  Records  in  the  Tower  aflForded  him  opportunity  for 
 learned  research,  but  it  did  not  become  him  to  speak  contemptuously  of 
 such  men  as  Cotton,  Coke,  and  Selden  ;  nor  had  he  good  grounds  for 
 the  inference  he  made,  as  appears  from  the  following  extract  from  another 
 part  of  his  "  Treatise  :"-  — 
 
 "  In  the  29th  of  Edward  the  First,  John  Blund  u-ns  chosen  Mayor  per 
 Commune  Consilium  Klyc  Russell  tunc  Majoris,  and  the  Aldermen  there 
 named,  and  the  Sheriffs,  ])er  assensum  Duodecini  proboruni  homiuuni 
 singularuin  \\ardarum,  by  assent  of  Twelve  good  Men  of  every  Ward. 
 In  the  Sls<  of  the  same  King,  also  in  the  32d  and  33rf,  John  Lincoln  and 
 John  Blund  were  the  third  and  fourth  time  chosen,  by  Twelve  bonos  &  le- 
 gales  homines  de  qualibet  Warda  summonitos  ;  twelve  good  and  lawful 
 men  summoned  out  of  every  Ward." — Ibid.  p.  22. 
 
 By  a  reference  to  page  12  of  Newell's  "  Evidence  of  the  Elective 
 Franchise  in  London,"  it  will  be  seen  that  Brady  has  not  given  the  27th 
 and  28th  of  Edward  the  First,  because  both  those  records  prove  that 
 those  elections  were  made  by  the  whole  commonalty  ;  he  also  puts  the 
 .31st  of  Edward  I.  in  the  sleight  of  hand  way, — In  the  2i\st  of  the  same 
 King — and  there  leaves  it,  for  the  reader  to  suppose  that  the  election 
 in  that  year  was  made  in  the  same  way  as  in  the  29th,  while  he  must 
 have  known  that  the  record  of  that  year  shews,  that  the  election  was  made 
 by  the  mayor,  aldermen,  sheriffs,  and  the  whole  commonaltj/ .  He  also 
 states  that  John  Lincoln  and  John  Blund  were  a  third  and  fourth  time 
 chosen,  whereas  John  Lincoln  never  was  a  mayor  at  all.  This  is  quite 
 enough  for  the  accuracy  and  authority  of  this  learned  "  Doctor  in 
 Physick." 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES, 
 
 COMPENSATIONS,  REVERSIONS, 
 HALF-PAY,   AND  SUPERANNUATIONS. 
 
 So  far  we  have  penetrated  into  the  recesses  of  the  Oligarchy  !  Our 
 first  entrance  was  into  Holy  Church,  passing,  with  fear  and  trem- 
 bling, through  the  venerable  cathedrals,  the  collegiate  establishments, 
 the  stalls,  chapters,  cloisters,  and  parsonages — glancing,  as  we  proceeded, 
 at  the  lawn  sleeves,  silk  aprons,  shovel-hats,  surplices,  hat-bands,  and 
 gloves.  Next  we  ventured  into  the  precincts  of  royalty,  surveying 
 the  pomp  and  gorgeous  pageants  of  courts  and  palaces  ;  loitering,  as  we 
 went  along,  in  the  pleasant  retreats,  in  the  woods  and  forests,  the 
 manors,  chases,  and  crown-lands  ;  afterwards  we  entered  the  domains 
 of  feudality,  looking  over  the  inheritances  and  possessions  of  the  Percys, 
 the  Wentworths,  Cavendishes,  Pelhams,  and  other  lords  of  the  soil. 
 Next,  we  plunged  into  the  rookery  among  the  wigs  and  gowns,  the 
 owls  and  owlets  of  Westminster  ;  passing  over  thence  into  the  treasury, 
 the  exchequer,  and  admiralty  ;  from  which  we  proceeded  eastward  into 
 the  purlieus  of  the  India  House  and  Threadneedle-street ;  and  finally 
 concluded  our  exploratory  researches  among  the  muniments,  charters, 
 trusts  and  revenues  of  Companies,  Guilds,  and  Corporations. 
 
 After  all  this  long  and  devious  tour,  without  mentioning  sundry  off- 
 sets and  ramblings  by  the  way,  our  readers,  we  fear,  are  only  yet  im- 
 perfectly acquainted  with  the  System ;  they  comprehend  only  its  geo- 
 graphy— its  general  departments  and  divisions — and  know  nothing 
 of  the  various  living  creatures — -the  birds  and  beasts,  and  creeping 
 things  it  contains.  Our  next  object,  therefore,  will  be,  to  introduce 
 them  into  the  menagerie  of  placemen,  pensioners,  sinecurists,  rever- 
 sionists,  compensationists,  superannuationists,  and  what  not;  first,  de- 
 scribing their  classes,  genera,  and  species  ;  and,  afterwards,  concluding 
 with  a  catalogue  of  their  names  and  qualities.  This  department  of  our 
 Avork  will  be  found  a  museum  of  rarities,  embracing  every  link  in  the 
 human  creation,  every  description  of  men,  women,  and  children.  Like 
 the  ark  of  Noah,  there  has  been  nothing  too  great  or  mean  in  nature  to 
 
480       PLAGES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,     AND    GRANTS. 
 
 find  admission.  It  exhibits  all  the  vice,  the  caprice,  and  injustice,  of 
 aristocratic  goveminent :  the  highest  services  to  the  state  almost  without 
 notice,  and  the  greatest  gifts  of  the  Crown  lavished  on  profligacy,  ser- 
 vility, and  intrigue.  It  exhibits  indolence  and  luxury  devouring  the 
 bread  for  which  poverty  and  industry  have  toiled,  and  for  which  thov 
 are  now  starving.  It  exhibits  the  strength,  arcana,  and  machinery  of 
 the  English  government.  It  is  a  real  picture  of  our  boasted  constitu- 
 tion— if  not  by  law,  as  l)y  practice  established  ;  and  is  a  source  whence 
 a  foreigner  may  draw  far  more  coiTcct  notions  of  the  checks,  balances, 
 and  supports  of  the  government,  than  from  the  visionary  and  panegy- 
 rical descriptions  of  Blackstone  and  De  Lolme. 
 
 Before  giving  a  list  of  the  public  cormorants,  let  us  briefly  describe 
 their  orders  and  degrees,  beginning  with  the  host  of  placemen  filling 
 the  public  offices. 
 
 From  returns  to  parliament,  it  appears  there  are  22,912  persons  em- 
 ployed in  the  public  departments,  whose  salaries  amount  to  £2,788,907.* 
 This  does  not  include  the  immense  number  of  persons  emploved  in 
 courts  of  law,  the  royal  household,  nor  the  colonies,  and  which,  if 
 included,  would  almost  double  the  number  of  functionaries  and  their 
 emoluments.  The  following  exhibits  a  statement  of  the  principal 
 branches  of  revenue,  in  which  this  vast  army  of  tax-gatherers  and  col- 
 lectors is  distributed,  and  a  comparison  of  their  relative  numbers  and 
 emoluments  in  1797  and  1827. 
 
 YEAR   1797.  YEAR   1827. 
 
 Offices.  No.  of  Persons.    Salaries.  No.  of  Persons.    Salaries. 
 
 Customs United  Kingdom   ...  C,004t. .  £338,648  ....  11,310   ..  £904,750 
 
 Excise    Ditto 0,580   ....413,281  ....     0,491    708,795 
 
 Stamps Ditto 521    78,740 619 134,005 
 
 Taxes Ditto 291    58,331 347    74,190 
 
 Post-Oftice.  .Great  Rritain 957 54,030 1,377 85,970 
 
 Ditto Ireland 153 9,278 333 21,901 
 
 An  important  consideration  is  the  comparative  remuneration  of  place- 
 men in  1797  and  at  present.  In  the  year  1797  there  were  16,267 
 persons  employed  in  the  public  departments ;  and  the)'  received 
 £1,374,561  a  year.  In  1827  there  were  22,912  persons,' and  they 
 received  £2,788,907  :  the  average  income  of  each  individual  was  £84 
 in  1797,  and  about  £121  in  1827,  being  at  the  rate  of  thirty-three 
 •per  cent,  increase  of  salary. 
 
 •  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  552,  Session  1828. 
 
 t  The  (histom  returns  for  tliis  year  are  incorrect,  owin^  to  the  returns  for  the 
 Port  of  Loudon  liaving  been  destroyed  by  tire  in  1814.  The  persons  employed 
 in  the  Port  of  London,  in  1815,  were  2,043.  Tiie  return  of  the  amount  of  sala- 
 ries, at  the  two  periods,  is  accurate.  To  obviate  anotlier  objection,  it  must  be 
 observed,  that  in  180C-7,  and  18,  fees  to  the  annual  amount  of  £40,000  were 
 abolished,  and  equivalent  salaries  substituted.  This,  however,  accounts  only 
 for  a  very  small  part  of  the  enormous  increase  in  the  charge  of  this  department. 
 
INCREASE    IN    OFF.ICIAL    SALARIES.  481 
 
 Now,  can  any  just  cause  be  assigned,  why  the  whole  mass  of  sala- 
 ries should  not  be  reduced  to  the  rate  of  1797,  thereby  eftecting  a 
 saving  of  upwards  of  one-third  in  an  expenditure  of  £2,788,907  per 
 annum.  All  the  reasons  which  have  ever  been  alleged  for  an  augmen- 
 tation in  the  pay  of  public  servants  have  ceased  to  exist.  The  price  of 
 wheat  in  consequence  of  the  corn  laws  is  rather  higher  in  1832  than  in 
 1797  ;  but  manufactured  articles  and  articles  of  domestic  use  are  mostly 
 one-third  or  two-thirds  cheaper  than  in  1797.  How  much  better 
 circumstanced  are  placemen  now  than  in  1810;  in  that  year  there 
 were  22,931  persons  receiving  £2,822,727,  averaging  about  the  same 
 income  as  in  1827  :  but,  at  the  former  period,  wheat  was  105s.  a  quar- 
 ter;  while,  at  present,  it  is  61s.  a  quarter.  Why  should  those  who 
 live  on  the  taxes  enjoy  such  advantages  over  those  who  pay  them  ? 
 Rents,  profits,  wages,  every  description  of  income,  the  produce  of 
 industry  and  capital,  has  fallen  at  least  one-third  since  1810,  and  why 
 should  not  those  who  are  paid  by  the  public  be  compelled  to  retrench  in 
 an  equal  ratio  ?  Do  not  let  a  suffering  community  be  insulted  by  the 
 declaration,  that  there  is  no  room  for  retrenchment — that  it  has 
 already  been  carried  to  the  utmost  limit.  Here  is  the  proof  to  the  con- 
 trary ;  here  it  is  shown  that,  without  the  least  injustice  to  individuals, 
 in  the  single  item  of  salaries,  one  million  per  annum  might  be 
 saved,  which  is  nearly  equal  to  the  produce  of  the  window-duties, 
 and  more  than  double  the  produce  of  all  the  taxes  on  newspapers,  adver- 
 tisements, and  knowledge  ! 
 
 After  all,  it  is  not  the  clerks — the  mere  underlings  of  ofRce — that  we 
 wish  to  see  exclusively  curtailed  ;  it  is  the  vultures  of  the  system  whom 
 we  wish  to  see  scotched — the  chairmen  of  boards — the  commissioners 
 of  stamps,  of  the  excise,  the  customs,  and  assessed  taxes  —  the  joint 
 secretaries  of  the  Treasury — the  tellers  of  the  Exchequer — the  great 
 officers  of  the  king's  household- — the  judges,  masters,  registrars,  secre- 
 tary of  bankrupt,  proihonotaries,  filacers,  and  custos  brevium  in  the 
 courts  of  law — the  comptrollers,  paymasters,  treasurers,  solicitors  of 
 taxes,  and  solicitors  of  stamps:  it  is  these,  the  great  birds  of  prey, 
 whom  we  first  wish  to  be  brought  down,  and  then  the  inferior  race  may 
 be  pounced  upon. 
 
 The  increase  in  salaries  is  not  confined  to  civil  offices ;  it  extends 
 equally  to  military,  naval,  and  ordnance  pay  and  allowances.  In  all 
 these  branches  of  service,  there  has  been  a  great  augmentation  in  conse- 
 quence of  the  rise  in  the  price  of  provisions,  which  is  a  reason  that  can 
 be  no  longer  urged  against  reduction.  In  1792,  the  pay  of  a  private 
 soldier  in  the  regular  infantry  was  only  £9  :  2  :  6  for  365  days  ;  it  is 
 now  £18:5.  The  pay  of  the  regular  cavalry  has  been  increased  in 
 the  same  proportion.  The  pay  of  a  commander  in  the  navy,  in  1792, 
 was  20s.  per  diem  ;  in  1829,  60s.  per  diem.  The  allowance  to  the 
 widow  of  a  colonel,  in  1792,  was  £50  per  annum  ;  in  1827,  £90  per 
 annum.*     A  similar  scale   of  augmentation  has  been  applied  to  almost 
 
 *  Parlianientarv  Paper,   No.  594,  Session  1830. 
 
 2  1 
 
AH2         J'LA<  r.S,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 every  other  class  ;  but  the  time  has  arrived  when  they  onp^ht  all  to  be 
 reduced  to  the  rate  before  the  wnr.  The  productive  orders  of  society 
 have  long  since  been  compelled  to  retrograde,  and  those  who  live  on 
 the  produce  of  their  industry  must  follow  them.  While  the  tide  was 
 at  flood  all  officers  and  placemen  were  wafted  too  high  on  the  beach ; 
 now  the  tide  has  fallen,  they  must  either  voluntarily  glide  or  supinely 
 wait  to  be  forced  into  the  common  channel. 
 
 One  of  the  greatest  abuses  in  the  public  service  is  plurnlities. 
 When  a  single  individual  can  adequately  discharge  the  duties  of  half  a 
 dozen  different  oHices,  the  duties  of  these  offices  must  be  either  very 
 small  or  unimportant,  and  consequently  some  of  them  might  either  be 
 abolished  or  united,  and  the  salaries  saved  or  reduced.  It  is  unneces- 
 sary to  cite  examples  of  either  civil,  judicial,  or  military  pluralities  ; 
 they  will  be  found  in  abundance  in  our  List  of  Places.  The  Whig 
 ministers  have  consolidated  some  offices :  they  have  also  abolished  some 
 offices,  and  reduced  the  salaries  of  others :  the  changes  thev  have  intro- 
 duced or  contemplated  we  shall  notice  in  a  separate  section  ;  but  it  does 
 not  appear  they  have  determined  to  act  on  the  general  principle  of 
 reducing  all  salaries  and  emoluments  to  the  standard  existing  prior  to 
 the  war.  There  is,  however,  no  good  reason  Avhy  this  course  should 
 not  be  followed.  Look  at  the  enormous  fall  in  the  prices  of  Sheffield 
 cutlery  and  Birmingham  hardwares  recently  published !  All  articles 
 of  domestic  use  and  consumption,  except  bread,  have  fallen  in  a 
 corresponding'  proportion,  and  many  of  them  have  fallen  greatly  below 
 the  prices  they  Avere  at  in  1797.  In  1797  the  average  price  of  sugar, 
 percwt.,  was  60s.;  in  1832  it  is  only  23s.  per  cwt. ;  in  1797  coffee 
 was  124s.,  in  1832  it  is  33s.  6d. ;  sheeting  calicoes  in  1797  were 
 Is.  6d.  per  yard,  in  1832  sixpence;  broadcloth  22s,  6d.  per  yard  in 
 1797,  in  1832  ni7H'  shillings;  iron  per  ton  in  1797  £23,  in  1832 
 £5  :  10.  While  the  prices  of  these  articles  have  fallen  from  60  to  75 
 per  cent,  below  what  they  were  in  1797,  the  price  of  corn  has  risen. 
 In  1797,  the  average  price  was  44s.  per  quarter  at  Mark-lane;  in 
 Januaiy  1832  it  was  61s.  6d.  These  are  the  different  results  of  free 
 and  restricted  trade — free,  as  respects  manufactures — restricted  as 
 respects  the  produce  of  the  soil. 
 
 The  price  of  tea  has  been  kept  up  from  the  same  cause — monopoly 
 in  the  East  India  Company.  The  high  price  of  corn  is  no  reason 
 whatever  for  not  returning  to  the  standard  before  the  war,  because  the 
 high  price  is  voluntary — the  result  of  the  seKisli  and  pernicious  policy 
 of  the  Aristocracy  — of  those  who  chiefly  profit  not  only  by  the  exorbitant 
 price  of  corn,  which  they  have  artificially  created,  but  by  exorbitant 
 salaries. 
 
 MILITARY  AND  NAVAL  HALF-PAY   AND    CIVIL    SUPERANNUATIONS. 
 
 The  sums  expended  under  the  head  of  Dead  Weight,  consisting  of 
 retired  full-pay,  half-pay,  civil  superannuation.^,  and  allowances  to  the 
 army  and  navy,  are  equal  to  the  revenue  of  many  powerful  states.     The 
 
 J 
 
MILITARY    AND    NAVAL    HALF-PAY.  483 
 
 number  of  military  otHcers,  on  full-pay,  is  6,173:  tlie  mimber  of 
 military  officers  on  half-pay,  is  6,009.  In  the  nav}',  there  are  5,528 
 oificei's :  of  this  number,  200  are  admirals,  of  whom  only  ten  are  in 
 actual  service ;  803  are  captains,  of  whom  only  seventy-nine  are  em- 
 ployed ;  836  are  commanders,  of  whom  only  seveti+y  are  employed  ; 
 and  3,689  are  lieutenants,  of  whom  only  669  are  employed.  The  total 
 sum  annually  paid  in  retired  full-pay,  half-pay,  superannuations,  pen- 
 sions, and  allowances  to  officers  in  the  army  and  ordnance ;  to  militia- 
 adjutants,  local-militia-adjutants,  and  serjeant-majors  ;  to  foreigners  on 
 half-pay,  and  to  foreigners  receiving- pensions,  &c.  is  £3,314,632:17:7.* 
 The  total  sum  annually  payable  imder  similar  heads  in  the  navy,  is 
 £1,583,797:16:10.  The  Dead  Weight  altogether,  including  the 
 superannuations,  grants,  and  pensions,  in  the  Metropolitan  Police, 
 Excise,  Customs,  Treasurv,  Stamp,  Tax  Offices,  Revenue,  and  Mili- 
 tary Boards,  £5,363,640  :"'  7  :  1  li.f 
 
 Such,  in  addition  to  the  public  debt  of  eight  hundred  millions,  the 
 conflagrations  and  special  commissions,  is  the  fatal  bequest  of  aristo- 
 cratic government ;  of  that  government  which  vainly  sought  to  avert 
 domestic  reform  by  foreign  war  and  intervention ! 
 
 Tliere  is,  however,  something  so  peculiar  in  the  Dead  Weight,  that 
 it  deserves  more  particular  investigation.  It  might  have  been  thought, 
 during  a  period  of  peace  and  reduced  establishments,  and  more  espe- 
 cially by  the  deaths  of  annuitants,  that  the  burthen  imposed  on  the 
 community  under  this  head  would  have  been  lightened.  But  it  is  not 
 so;  the  Dead  Weight  is  too  good  a  thing  for  the  Aristocracy  to  be  suf- 
 fered to  expire,  and  it  seems  likely  to  be,  at  least,  co-existent  with  the 
 system  which  created  it.  In  1822,  this  precious  entail  of  the  Borough- 
 mongers'  war  expenditure  amounted  to  £5, 289, 087, |  which  is  only  less, 
 by  £74,553  per  annum,  than  it  was  in  March,  1830.  All  the  time  go- 
 vernment was  loud  and  unceasing  in  professions  of  economy,  of  a  desire 
 to  reduce  every  possible  charge, — to  make  ever}'  possible  saving ;  yet, 
 in  face  of  all  this,  one  great  and  most  objectionable  branch  of 
 expense,  under  circumstances  most  favourable  for  reduction,  was  actually 
 suffered  to  increase  ! 
 
 All  the  extravagance  of  which  we  complain  has  resulted  from  a 
 negligent — not  to  say  deliberate — and  indefensible  system  of  profusion. 
 We  do  not  complain  of  the  expense  of  maintaining  those  who  arc 
 actually  worn-out  or  disabled  in  the  public  service,  no  more  than  we 
 complain  of  supporting,  by  a  poor-rate,  the  aged  and  infirm  in  civil  life  ; 
 but  we  may  justly  complain  of  supporting  those  who  are  in  health  and 
 strength,-— who  never  served  their  country,  and  have  no  claim  on  its 
 gratitude.  The  half-pay  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  on  the  present  plan, 
 is  decidedly  objectionable.  It  is  not  a  remuneration  for  ■past  service ; 
 since  every  holder  of  a  commission,  though  he  has  held  it  only  for  a  day 
 or  an  hour,  is  as  much  entitled  to  claim  half-pay,  when  not  actually 
 
 *  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  185,  Session  1830.  t  Ibid,  page  5. 
 
 i    Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  424,  Session  1826. 
 
 2  I  2 
 
•  I 
 
 484  I'LACKS,  PENSlOiNS,  SINECURES,   AND  GRANTS. 
 
 employed,  as  another  who  has  served  for  twenty  years.  Such  being 
 the  rule  of  the  service,  ought  not  government  to  have  adopted  ever)' 
 precaution  against  the  multiplication  of  claimants  ;  ought  it  not  to  have 
 guarded  against  new  admissions  into  the  naval  and  military  departments, 
 while  there  remaiued  officers  in  abundance  on  half-pay  able  to  fill  up 
 every  vacancy  ?  Their  conduct  has  been  the  reverse  of  so  obvious  a 
 principle.  Thousands  of  new  commissions  have  been  given  away  in  the 
 Army  and  Navy,  while,  at  the  same  time,  we  had  upwards  of  16,000 
 officers  in  both  branches  of  service  totally  unemployed.  Hence  the 
 perpetuity  of  the  Dead  Weight.  The  Aristocracy  look  upon  the 
 Army,  the  Navy,  the  Church,  and  Public  Offices,  as  so  many  branches 
 of  their  patrimony,  and  that  a  reduction  in  them  would  lessen  the 
 amount  of  patronage,  diminish  the  funds  for  the  maintenance  of 
 younger  children,  illegitimate  offspring,  collateral  relatives,  favourites, 
 and  dependents. 
 
 Besides  the  granting  of  first  commissions,  other  causes  have  operated 
 to  keep  up  the  amount  of  the  Dead  Weight.  Previous  to  the  year 
 1820,  no  half-pay  was  payable  to  officers  holding  any  other  office,  civil 
 or  military,  under  the  crown ;  but  this  regulation  did  not  extend  to 
 officers  on  full-pay,  the  receipt  of  which  was  compatible  with  the 
 holding  of  civil  employment.  Another  regulation,  previous  to  1818, 
 was  that  widows  should  not  be  allowed  pensions,  unless  their  husbands 
 had  been  on  full  pay ;  and  all  widows  having  pensions  ceased  to  receive 
 them  if  they  married.  Further,  in  the  Navy,  a  widow  lost  her  pen- 
 sion if  her  income  from  any  other  source  equalled  twice  its  amount. 
 All  these  regulations  have  been  abrogated;*  and  the  consequence  has 
 been  an  annual  increase  of  charge  to  the  amount  of  £147,624;  and  a 
 loss  to  the  public  from  1818  of  upwards  of  £1,300,000. 
 
 What  we  have  said  will,  we  apprehend,  be  sufficient  to  enable  our 
 readers  to  comprehend  the  nature  of  the  Dead  Weight,  and  the  causes 
 of  its  longevity.  We  shall  proceed  with  other  subjects,  first  referring 
 to  the  Appendix  for  a  more  detailed  statement  of  the  Half-Pay  and 
 Superannuation  Expenditure. 
 
 SINECURES,    REVERSIONS,    AND    PENSIONS. 
 
 Sinecures  are  offices  without  employment !  The  bare  description  is 
 sufficient  to  decide  the  fate  of  appointments  like  these ;  but  how  in- 
 fatuated the  government  must  be,  which  obstinately  retains  them  amidst 
 a  discontented  and  famishing  population.  Let  us  shortly  inquire  into 
 the  origin  and  present  state  of  these  corruptions. 
 
 Sinecures  have  mostly  originated  from  changes  in  the  usages  of  so- 
 ciety, from  alterations  in  the  management  of  the  revenue,  the  admi- 
 nistration of  justice,  and  partly  from  the  unions  of  the  three  kingdoms. 
 They  ought  all  to  have   ceased  with  the  duties  attached  to  them ;    but 
 
 *  Third  Report  of  tlic  C^ominittee  on  Public  Income  and  Expenditure,  Par 
 liamentnry  Papers,  vol.  v.  Session  1828. 
 
LEGAL  SINECURES — KING's  BENCH  —  COMMON    PLEAS.    485 
 
 have  been  kept  up  for  sake  of  patronage.  Of  the  first  description  of 
 sinecures,  the  office  of  master  of  the  liawks,  in  the  royal  household, 
 held,  with  a  salary  of  £1,392,  by  the  Duke  of  St.  Albans,  is  an  ex- 
 ample. The  chief-justices  in  Eyre,  with  salaries  amounting  to  £4,566, 
 have  been  kept  up  for  centuries,  after  such  a  mode  of  administering' 
 the  laws  had  terminated.  In  Scotland  and  Ireland  is  a  host  of  offices 
 of  which  the  holders,  without  employment  or  responsibility,  have  only 
 to  receive  their  salaries  and  emoluments.  Of  this  class  are  the  offices  of 
 Vice-admiral  of  Scotland,  held  by  g ejieral  hord  Cathcart;  the  Keeper 
 of  the  Privy  Seal  of  Scotland,  held  by  the  late  first  Lord  of  the  Ad- 
 miralty, Lord  Melville  ;  the  offices  of  Keeper  of  the  Signet  and  Register 
 of  Sasines,  held  by  the  brother  of  Lord  Melville;  the  office  of  Chan- 
 cellor of  Scotland,  held  by  lieutenant-general  the  Earl  of  Rosslyn  ;  and 
 the  office  of  Justice- general  of  Scotland,  held  by  the  late  Lord  Cham- 
 berlain, the  Duke  of  Montrose.  All  these  are  absolute  sinecures,  with 
 salaries  varying  from  £1500  to  £5000  per  annum.  The  offices  of  Chief 
 .Justices-in-Eyre,  now  held  by  Lord  Clarendon  and  the  Right  Hon. 
 T.  Grenville,  are  to  cease  with  existing  interests ;  but  when  that  will 
 be  no  one  can  tell,  since  many  of  these  lucrative  appointments  have 
 been  made  liereditary  in  particular  families,  or  patent  offices  granted 
 for  a  long  term  of  years. 
 
 Next  to  absolute  sinecures  are  offices  of  which  the  salaries  are  vastly 
 disproportioned  to  the  employment,  and  of  which  the  duties  are  dis- 
 chai-ged  wholly  by  deputy.  This  forms  a  very  numerous  class.  As 
 specimens  may  be  mentioned,  the  Auditorship  of  the  Exchequer,  held 
 by  Lord  Grenville,  with  a  salary  of  £4000 ;  the  Registrarship  of  the 
 Admiralty,  held  by  Lord  Arden,  with  an  income,  during  the  war,  of 
 £10,500;  the  four  Tellerships  of  the  Exchequer,  each  with  salaries  of 
 £2700;  and  the  four  Clerkships  of  the  Pells,  with  salaries  of  £1500, 
 held  by  the  Bathursts,  Dundasses,  and  Percevals.  In  the  departments 
 of  the  Army,  the  Navy,  and  Revenue,  are  numerous  sinecures,  which 
 ought  to  have  been  long  since  extinguished. 
 
 But  the  COURTS  OF  JUSTICE  present  the  most  rank  and  unweeded 
 garden  of  lucrative  offices  without  employment,  or  of  which  the  em- 
 ployment is  executed  by  deputy.  Among  the  foremost  of  these  is  Loi'd 
 Ellenborough,  who  is  clerk  in  the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  with  an  in- 
 come of  £9,625  ;  he  is  also  custos  brevium  of  the  same  court.  This 
 pompous  man  threw  out  an  insolent  threat,  last  session,  on  some  com- 
 ment being  made  on  the  heavy  contributions  levied  by  legal  sinecurists 
 on  suitors  for  justice.  Lord  Kenyon  is  joint  custos  breviu/n  with  Lord 
 Ellenborough,  with  an  income  of  £2,696;  and  his  lordship's  brother, 
 the  Hon.  Thomas  Kenyon,  is  filazer  and  clerk  of  outlawries,  with 
 emoluments  averaging  £7,000  a  year.  Next,  is  the  Duke  of  Grafton, 
 sealer  in  the  King's  Bench,  £2,888,  though  Vv'e  dare  say  his  grace  never 
 sealed  a  Avrit  in  his  life,  nor  ever  once  entered  the  dark  and  dirty  hole  in 
 Inner  Temple  Lane,  where  that  function  is  performed  by  his  repre- 
 sentative. Charles  Short,  clerk  of  the  rules  and  orders  of  the  King's 
 Bench,  receives  from  fees,  £5,172  per  annum.     What  can   be  the 
 
486         PLACKS,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    UUANTS. 
 
 grave  and  responsible  duties  of  Mr.  Short  to  entitle  him  to  this  enormous 
 tribute,  we  cannot  precisely  state.  Again  ;  there  is  John  Waters,  clerk 
 to  the  chief  justice,  from  fees,  £2,169.  Lord  Tenterden  receives 
 £10,000  a  year  as  chief  judge  of  this  court;  but  his  lordship's  office  is 
 no  sinecure,  ■whatever  nvay  be  the  offices  held  by  his  son  and  nephew, 
 who  receive,  respectively,  £'2,98.5,  and  £1,000  per  annum. 
 
 Let  us  next  step  into  the  Court  of  Coiiimon  Pleas ;  we  pass  over  the 
 judges,  whose  salaries  are  well  known,   and  perhaps  not  greatly  to  be 
 complained   of.      Not  so  with  others.     The  three  prothonotaries   have 
 returned  their  emoluments  at  £7,800,    "  or  thereabouts,"  arising  from 
 *'  ancient  fees,  payable  solely  by  suitors."*     Mr.  Mansfield,  filacer  of  the 
 court,  receives  £1,450  for  filing' writs  and  afiidavits,   taking   bail,   and 
 other  small  matters.      Keene   Fitzgerald,  Esq.   clerk  of  the   warranto, 
 £1,252;  W.  Woodroffe,  Esq.  associate   of  the   chief  justice,  £1,198; 
 the  custos  brerium,  Sir  E.  Mostyn  and  partners,  from  fees  on  actions, 
 £1,122;  and  last,  and  not  least,  William  R.  H.  Broxvn,  Esq.  warden  of  the 
 Fleet    Prison,  "  £2,000,   or  something   tipwards," — the  words  of  the 
 return.    The  Court  of  Chancery  has  been  called  the  "  Mint  of  justice;" 
 but  it  is,  in  fact,  a  mint  for  coining  into  enormous  fees  the  eftects  of 
 minors,  legatees,  bankrupts,  widows,  or])hans,  and  lunatics.     The  office 
 of  the  chief  fee-gatherer  of  the  court  is  about  to  be  regulated ;  that  is,  in 
 lieu  of  gleaning  £15,000  a-year  from  writs,  petitions,  supersedeas,  &:c. 
 the  Lord  Chancellor  is  to   be  paid  a  fixed  salary  to  an  equal  amount. 
 The  emoluments  of-  the   Rev.  Thomas  Thurlow  amounted,  in  the  year 
 1830,  to  £8,502,  as  patentee  of  bankrupts  ;  and  the  emoluments  of  the 
 same   Reverend  Person,  in   the  same  year,    as  clerk    of   the  hanaper, 
 amounted  to  £2,500.     The  sinecures,  or  offices  nearly  sinecures,  in  this 
 court,  are  so  numerous,  that  we  must  be  content  A\ith  indicating'  them  in 
 clusters,   referring  to  the  List  of  Places  for    particulars.      The    ten 
 masters,  whose  chief  duties  consist  in  three   or  four  hours' attendance 
 per  day,  in  adjusting  accounts  and  swearing  affidavits,  receive  each,  on 
 the  average,  £4,500  per  annum;  and  their   chief  clerks,  each,  £1,400 
 a-year.     The  Six  Clerks,  as  they  are   termed,  are  nothing  more  than 
 sinecurists,  and  their  incomes  average  £1,200  each.    The  Registrar  levies 
 £4,861   in  fees,  for  copyi^ig  proceedings  in  equity,  and  the  master  of 
 the  Report  Office  as  much,  tliough  his  duties  are  of  the  same  humble 
 description,  performed  bv  hireling  quill-dri\ers,  who  receive  less  than  a 
 curate's  stipend.    Our  task  would  never  be  finished,  Avere  Ave  to  pursue  our 
 inquiries  minutely  through  the  entire  labyrinth   of  law   in  the    United 
 Kingdom.     Edinburgh  presents  similar  enormities  in  judicial  administra- 
 tion, in   the  fees  and  emoluments  of  keeper  of  signet,  and   register  of 
 sasines,  the  clerks  of  sessions,  sheritis'  clerks,  &c.      Dublin  has  also  her 
 flight  of  vultures  perched  on  the  temple  of  Astrae,  under  the  denomination 
 of  masters  in  chancery,  ])rothonotaries,  clerk  of  the  hanaper,  and  clerks  of 
 papers,  and  what  not.     In  the  provinces  justice  is  inijK'ded  bv  clerks  of  the 
 peace,  appointed  by  lords  lieutenant  of  counties,  and  who  have  princely 
 
 *  Parliitmentary  Paper,  No.  55,  Session  1830. 
 
COURTS    OF    .TUSTICl' — lOUTS    AND    GARRISONS,        487 
 
 emoluments.  Then  what  purheus  of  sinecuiism  there  are  in  the  counties 
 palatine  and  duchy  courts  of  Lancaster,  Durham,  and  Cornwall,  in  the 
 nominal  capacities  of  chancellors,  reg'istrars,  receivers,  attorney  and 
 solicitor-generals,  auditors,  king's  counsel,  ushers,  and  other  mimicry  of 
 the  regal  and  imperial  government ! 
 
 Knowing,  as  Ave  do,  what  a  gradation  of  pillage  the  course  of 
 justice  is  in  this  coimtry ;  knowing  how  the  unfortunate  suitor  is  fleeced 
 at  every  step  of  his  proceeding',  by  the  harpies  of  the  law;  knowing  all 
 this,  we  do  often  wonder  at  the  proneness  of  our  countrymen  to  litiga- 
 tion, and  cannot  behold,  without  both  surprise  and  indignation,  the 
 readiness  with  which  they  furnish  pabulum  to  the  monstrous  legal  ex- 
 tortions we  have  shortly  indicated.  We  hear  much  said  about  the  "  hells" 
 of  St.  James's-street,  and  of  the  "hells"  of  Bond-street,  where  brainless 
 creatures  are  stripped  of  their  fortunes  ;  but  are  these  more  ruinous  and 
 plundering  than  others,  under  a  very  different  name,  in  the  vicinity  of 
 Chancery-lane,  Temple-bar,  and  Palace-yard  ? 
 
 We  pass  on  to  another  description  of  sinecures,  under  the  titles  of 
 governors,  lieutenant-governors,  town-adjutants,  town-majors,  consta- 
 bles, gunners,  wardens,  lord-wardens,  and  God  knoAvs  what  beside,  of 
 the  cities,  towns,  forts,  castles,  garrisons,  &c,  of  Great  Britain  and 
 Ireland.  Berwick-on  Tweed,  Chester,  Hull,  Blackness-Castle,  Dover- 
 Castle,  Edinburgh-Castle,  Walmer-Castle,  and  Tilbury-Fort,  are  ex- 
 amples of  these  appointments,  and  which  cost  the  country  upwards  of 
 £35,000  per  annum.*  Numerous  commissioners  of  revenue,  comp- 
 trollers, inspectors  of  taxes,  and  distributors  of  stamps,  are  little  more 
 than  sinecurists,  the  duties,  where  any  exist,  being  discharged  by 
 deputies.  But  the  chief  nidus  of  sinecures  is  in  the  Colonies.  The 
 duties  of  nearly  all  offices  in  the  West  Indies,  civil  or  judicial,  are  dis- 
 charged by  deputy,  while  the  principal  resides  in  England.  They  form  an 
 immense  branch  of  patronage  to  the  crown.  It  is  impossible  to  esti- 
 mate correctly  their  total  value,  the  incomes  being  paid  in  fees,  received 
 by  the  deputy,  who  stipulates  to  pay  a  fixed  annual  sum  to  the  principal. 
 The  total  value  of  colonial  sinecures,  exclusive  of  those  at  the  Cape 
 of  Good  Hope,  the  Isle  of  France,  and  Malta,  has  been  estimated 
 at  £76,546. 
 
 The  subjoined  statement,  taken  fiom  the  Supplementary  Report  of 
 the  Committee  of  Public  Expenditure  in  1809,  shews  the  net  value  of 
 the  principal  sinecures  in  the  gift  of  the  Crown,  and  otherwise.  It  is 
 now  twenty-two  years  since  this  report  was  made  ;  and  during  that  long 
 interval,  Ave  doubt  Avhether  the  profits  of  a  single  sinecure  have  been 
 saved  to  the  public :  some  which  we  have  noticed  are  to  cease  on  the 
 termination  of  existing  interests.  The  offices  of  patentee  of  bankrupts, 
 and  clerk  of  the  hanaper,  and  of  justice-general  in  Scotland,  and  a  fcAV 
 more,  have  been  abolished  ;  but  then  the  holders  are  to  have  compensa- 
 tions ;  so  that,  Ave  lepeat,  Ave  doubt  Avhether,  by  the  extinction  of  sine- 
 cures, the  community  has  been  saved   a  farthing ;  and  this  monstrous 
 
 *  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  426,  Session  182G. 
 
488  PLACES,    PENSIONS,  SINECURES,  AND   GRANTS. 
 
 abuse  is  just  as  flagrant  as  ever,  to  the  everlasting  reproach  of  the  mem- 
 bers of  both  houses  of  parliament,  who  have  not  raised  their  voices,  not 
 only  once  but  many  times,  against  the  further  toleration  of  this  shame- 
 less robbery,  under  any  shape  or  pretext.  Here  is  the  return  to  which 
 we  have  referred: — 
 
 Sinecures  in  the  English  Law  Courts,  mostly  in  the  gift  of  the  £ 
 
 Judges C2,4G2 
 
 Sinecures  in  England,  not  in  Law  Courts    115,589 
 
 Ditto  in  Scotland 25,52;i 
 
 Ditto  in  Ireland 7(j,435 
 
 To  which  add  Colonial  Sinecures 7G,54G 
 
 £35fi,555 
 
 Having  spoken  of  Sinecures,  we  come  next  to  their  natural  off- 
 spring— Reveusions.  It  was  very  natural  that  the  holders  of  situa- 
 tions, to  which  large  emoluments  and  no  duties  were  attached,  should 
 not  Only  wish  to  preserve  them  during  their  lives,  but  also,  if  possible, 
 transmit  them  to  their  relatives  and  friends  after  death  :  hence  originated 
 grants  in  reversion.  Another  reason,  however,  may  be  assigned; 
 ministers  not  having  situations  in  sufficient  abundance  to  satisfv  all  their 
 adherents,  endeavoured  to  satisfy  them  by  anticipation.  Tiiose  for  whom 
 they  could  not  immediately  provide,  they  satisfied  bj"  obtaining  grants 
 from  the  king,  making  them  the  heirs  of  places  at  the  death  of  the 
 present  possessors.  Sometimes  these  reversions  were  granted  to  two  or 
 three  persons  at  once ;  first  to  one,  and  if  he  or  she  should  die,  to 
 another  ;  and  if  he  or  she  should  die,  to  another ;  in  this  way  have  been 
 granted  most  of  the  places  on  the  Irish  establishment  for  sixty  or  seventy 
 years  to  come,  and  many  of  the  most  valuable  legal  sinecures  in 
 England. 
 
 The  absurdity  of  this  practice  is  sufficiently  obvious.  Nothing  could 
 be  more  ridiculous  than  to  appoint  peisons  to  offices  who  were,  perhaps, 
 yet  in  the  nursery,  and  of  whose  future  capabilities  it  was  impossible 
 to  have  any  knowledge.  To  be  sure,  many  of  these  reversionary  situ- 
 ations had  no  duties  attached  to  them,  and,  of  course,  it  could  not  be  of 
 much  importance  by  whom  they  were  discharged. 
 
 From  the  large  emoluments  of  Sinecures,  and  the  granting  them  in 
 reversion,  have  originated  some  ludicrous  incongruities.  Many  noble 
 lords  and  their  sons,  right  honourable  and  honourable  gentlemen,  fill 
 the  offices  of  clerks,  tide-waiters,  harbour-masters,  searchers,  gaugers, 
 packers,  craners,  wharfingers,  prothonotaries,  and  other  degrading  situ- 
 ations. Some  of  these  offices  are  filled  by  women  and  some  by  chil- 
 dren. The  Countess  of  Mansfield  receives  £1000  a  year  from  the 
 Barbadoes  planters ;  and  the  duchess  dowayer  of  Manchester  £2928 
 a-year,  as  late  collector  of  the  customs  outwards !  Not  long  since 
 a  right  honourable  lady,  a  baroness,  was  sivcepcr  of  the  Mall  in 
 the  Park  ;  another  lady  was  chief  usher  in  the  Court  of  Ex- 
 chequer;   and  the  Honourable  Louisa  Browning  and  Lady  B.  Martny 
 
AMOUNT    OF    THE    PENSION-ROLL.  489 
 
 were  custos  hrevium :  some  of  these  offices,  we  see,  from  the 
 Ltnu  List,  have  been  recently  merged  in  and  executed  by  the  hus- 
 bands and  children  of  these  high-born  dames.  Then  of  noble  Lords; 
 the  Beresfords  hold  the  appropriate  offices  o{  ivine-tasters,  storekeepc7's, 
 packers,  and  craners,  in  Ireland  ;  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  and  Lords 
 EUenborough  and  Kenyon,  with  deputies  to  help,  are  clerks,  sealers, 
 and  keepers  of  writs.  Lord  Henley  is  master  in  chancery ;  the 
 late  lord  Walsingham  was  in  the  petty  office  of  comptroller  of 
 first  fruits  in  the  Court  of  Exchequer ;  and  Lord  Wm.  Bentinck,  now 
 located  in  India  as  governor-general  of  Bengal,  is  clerk  of  the  pipe,  part 
 of  whose  office  it  is  to  attend  or  assist  the  man  who  holds  up  Lord  Chan- 
 cellor Brougham's  train ! 
 
 We  could  enumerate  a  great  many  more,  but  they  will  be  noticed  in 
 our  List ;  we  shall  pass  on  to  Pensions. 
 
 As  nearly  as  can  be  collected  from  the  various  official  returns  sub- 
 mitted to  Parliament,  it  would  appear  there  are  upwards  of  fifteen  hun- 
 dred pensioners,  who  receive  about  £805,022  per  annum.  This  is  ex- 
 clusive of  colonial  pensions,  and  of  all  grants,  allowances,  half-pay,  and 
 superannuations  for  civil,  military,  and  naval  services.  We  sub- 
 join a  statement  of  the  objects  and  sources  from  which  this  vast  sum 
 is  paid. 
 
 Pensions  payable  out  of  the  consolidated  fund  of  England  and  £ 
 
 Ireland 455,4 14 
 
 Pensions  payable  out  of  the  hereditary  revenues  of  the  Post  Olfice 
 
 and  Excise    22,439 
 
 Pensions  to  American  loyalists 5 ,056 
 
 Pensions  to  Toulonese  and  Corsican  eniig;rants     14,380 
 
 Pensions  to  St.  Domingo  sufferers  and  Dutch  naval  officers 1,820 
 
 Pensions  to  ambassadors  and  other  foreign  ministers  charged  on  the 
 
 civil  list 57,377* 
 
 Court  pensions  on  the  English  civil  list,  about 95,000 
 
 Pensions  on  the  Irish  civil  list,  about 75,000 
 
 Pensions  on  the  Scotch  civil  list 35,000 
 
 Pensions   to   Spanish   refugees,   who   had  co-operated   with   the 
 
 British  armies  in  the  Peninsular  war 18,040t 
 
 Pensions  payable  out  of  the  4^  per  cent.  Leeward  Island  duties  . .  27, ICG 
 
 Total  of  Pensions £805,022 
 
 The  funds  out  of  which  pensions  are  paid  are  so  numerous  that  we 
 are  not  sure,  though  we  have  all  the  official  returns  about  us,  some  of 
 
 *  This  and  the  preceding  items  are  taken  from  the  Fourth  Report  of  Sir  H. 
 Paruell's  Finance  Committee,  paf;e  67,  Session  1828. 
 
 t  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  127,  Session  1830.  This  item,  perhaps,  ought 
 to  be  oiiiilted,  being  only,  we  presume,  a  temporary  allowance  to  individuals, 
 many  of  whom  had  just  claims  on  tiie  hospitality  of  tiie  country. 
 
490  I'l.Af  l.S,    PENSIONS,    SI  MlCLHIiS,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 tliom  have  not  escaped  our  rosea  re  lies,  llo^vcvc^,  we  had  rather  be 
 under  the  mark  than  be  accused  of  exag'geration.  Exclusive  of  sine- 
 cures, and  the  millions  expended  on  objects  nearly  as  iinjustiiiablo, 
 a  Pension  Roll,  in  times  like  these,  to  the  amount  of  £805,()'22,  is 
 enough  to  make  a  man  start  from  his  seat,  especially  if  he  reflect,  for 
 one  moment,  on  the  dreadful  state  of  the  labouring  population  of  the 
 empire.  In  our  humble  opinion  the  salaries  of  public  servants  ought  to 
 be  their  only  reward,  and  the  granting  of  pensions  is  altogether  nn- 
 justiliablc,  unless  for  casualties  in  the  service  of  the  country  ;  but  when 
 they  are  squandered  on  persons  of  \vhom  the  public  knows  nothing,  nor 
 for  what,  they  are  an  unbearable  grievance.  Who,  for  instance, 
 knows  any  thing  of  the  services  of  the  Gifibrds,  the  Cockburns,  the 
 Bathursts,  Arbuthnots,  Hays,  Fitzhums,  and  scores  more  who  are  living 
 on  the  earnings  of  the  industrious.  Foreigners,  too,  are  on  the  Pen- 
 sions List;  men  have  been  brought  from  all  parts  of  the  earth,  from 
 America,  from  Germany,  from  France,  and  myriads  from  Scotland, 
 to  eat  our  bread,  and  devour  the  wages  of  labour  and  the  profits  of  trade 
 and  agriculture. 
 
 It  would  be  quite  impossible,  within  reasonable  limits,  to  enter  inti> 
 an  analysis  of  the  Pension  List ;  but  there  is  one  class  of  pensioners 
 who  have  got  upon  our  backs  in  such  a  peculiar  way,  and  they  have 
 such  peculiar  claims  on  national  gratitude,  that  we  must  needs  crave  the 
 reader's  patience  while  we  shortly  describe  their  origin  and  preten- 
 sions. 
 
 In  the  year  1817,  there  was  a  pretty  g'eneral  call  for  retrenchment, 
 and  a  Select  Committee  of  Finance,  consisting  mostly  of  placemen  and 
 pensioners,  recommended  as  a  sort  of  tub  to  the  whale,  the  abolition  of 
 a  few  of  the  more  obnoxious  sinecures.  Three  acts  were  accordingly 
 introduced  to  abolish  certain  useless  offices ;  as  supervisor  of  his  Ma- 
 jesty's printing-press,  compiler  of  the  Dublin  gazette,  master  of  the 
 revels,  chief  justices  in  Eyre,  clerk  of  the  pipe,  receiver  of  the  bishop's 
 rents,  and  some  others  were  to  be  abolished :  all  which  are  subject  to 
 existing  interests.  But  mark  the  sequel :  having  recommended  the 
 abolition  of  these  sinecures,  the  committee  next  recommend  the  crea- 
 tion of  others ;  having  cut  down  the  places  without  any  duties  to  per- 
 form, they  create  so  many  new  pensions  of  retirement  and  superannua- 
 tions, as  actually  to  entail  a  greater  burthen  on  the  country  after  this 
 mock  retrenchment  than  before  ! 
 
 With  this  view,  the  57th  Geo.  III.  c.  0)5,  was  introduced.  The  act 
 begins  by  reciting  that,  "  the  abolition  and  regulntion  of  various  offices, 
 which  deprive  the  crown  of  'part  of  the  mcai/s  by  which  his  Majesty 
 has  been  heretofore  enabled  to  recompense  the  service  of  persons  \\  ho 
 have  held  high  and  efficient  civil  offices  ;'  and  it  modestly  enacts,  that, 
 from  henceforth  and  evermore,  all  the  high  and  low  "  efficient  public 
 officers"  of  the  country,  from  the  lirst  lord  of  the  treasui-y  down  to  the 
 secretaries  of  the  treasury,  imder-secretaries  of  state,  clerk  of  the 
 ordnance,  first  and  second  secretaries  of  the  Admiralty,  all  included, 
 shall   be   sujjported  by   pensions   paid  out  of  (he  pockets  of  the  people. 
 
PROVISION     FOR    PAUPF.n     MINISTERS.  491 
 
 This  was  reforming  with  a  vengeance!  A  committee,  appointed 
 expressly  to  abolish  useless  places,  finishes  by  recommending  the 
 purchase  of  them,  and  the  establishing  of  a  pei-petual  fund  to  reward 
 the  holders  thereof ;  most  of  the  members  of  the  committee  them- 
 selves being  the  parties  to  be  benefited  by  this  admirable  mode  of  retrench- 
 ment. 
 
 This  truly  extraordinary  Pension  Act  assumes,  as  a  principle,  that 
 the  different  sinecures  are  the  absolute  property  of  our  hereditary  legis- 
 lators and  their  dependents ;  and  thence  concludes,  because  these 
 offices  are  abolished,  they  have  a  claim  to  be  provided  for  in  some  other 
 way.  "  Here  is  a  considerable  mass  of  property,"  they  say,  "  taken 
 from  our  grasp,  and  it  must  be  made  up  to  us  by  equivalent  pensions." 
 This  is  exactly  the  principle,  and  what  must  the  constitution  of  the 
 government  be  which  sanctions,  by  its  authority,  so  monstrous  an 
 assumption  ? 
 
 What  right  had  these  "  high  and  efficient  public  men"  to  compensa- 
 tion at  all  ?  The  sinecures  were  abuses,  and  they  ought  to  have  been 
 swept  away  without  equivalent.  If  other  classes  are  injured  by  reform 
 or  improvement,  what  compensation  do  they  receiA'e  for  their  loss?  The 
 workman  suiters  by  the  substitution  of  machinery,  the  merchant  and 
 manufacturer  by  the  vicissitudes  of  commerce,  and  the  farmer  by  alter- 
 ations of  the  currency ;  but  they  receive  no  equiA'alent ;  no  fund  is 
 provided  to  make  up  the  loss  of  their  capital  and  industry.  How-  many 
 individuals  have  been  ruined  by  the  introduction  of  the  steam-engine  ; 
 yet  no  one  thinks  of  making  up  the  loss  of  the  sufferers.  No  one 
 thinks  of  establishing  a  perpetual  fund  to  compensate  the  loss  of  the 
 stocking-weavers,  printers,  cloth-dressers,  or  coach-proprietors  :  no  one 
 would  think  of  compensating  the  loss  of  the  publicans  and  brewers,  from 
 the  throwing  open  of  the  beer  trade.  Yet  the  rights  of  all  these  classes 
 are  as  sacred  as  those  of  the  pensioners  and  sinecurists.  They  have  all 
 vested  interests  in  their  pursuits  ;  they  have  all  served  apprenticeships 
 or  laid  out  their  capital :  and  if  the  sacrifice  of  their  property  be  a  pub- 
 lic good,  they  are  as  much  entitled  to  compensation  as  the  "  high  and 
 efficient  public  men." 
 
 Absurd  as  the  principle  is,  it  pervades  the  whole  system  :  all  abuses 
 nre  jjrivate  jiroperty ,  &ni\.  yon.  cannot  reform  them  without  raising-  an 
 outcry  that  the  interests  of  some  class  or  other  are  violated.  If  you 
 meddle  with  tithe,  you  are  violating  the  property  of  the  church.  If  you 
 attempt  reform  in  courts  of  justice,  you  are  attacking  the  emoluments 
 and  patronage  of  the  judicial  classes.  If  you  attack  the  rotten  bo- 
 roughs, you  are  accused  of  invading  the  property  of  the  aristocracv. 
 And,  lastly,  if  you  touch  sinecures,  they  are  the  property  of  our  "  Itigh 
 and  efficient  public^  men. 
 
 Under  such  a  system  there  can  be  no  reform ;  there  can  be  only 
 transformation  of  abuse ;  you  can  only  transmute  a  sinecure  into  a  pen- 
 sion, or  an  enormous  salary  into  a  superannuation;  but,  as  to  extiqiat- 
 ing  the  evil  altogether,  it  is  chimerical.     That  can  only  be  done  by  a 
 
492 
 
 I'LACES,  PENSIONS,  SI  N  EC  U  llES,  AND  GRANTS. 
 
 reformed  Parliament,  which  shall  have  no  vested  interests  in  the  abuses 
 it  undertakes  to  remove. 
 
 Having-  explained  the  origin  and  principle  of  the  Pension  Act,  let  us 
 next  glance  at  some  of  the  worthies  who,  up  to  this  time,  under  the 
 designation  of  "  high  and  efficient  public  men,"  have  fastened  their 
 greedy  talons  on  the  earnings  of  the  industrious.  First  on  the  list  is 
 Lord  Sidmouth,  £3000  a  year  for  life:  his  lordship,  besides,  has  Rich- 
 mond-park Lodge,  and  for  many  years  has  been  receiving,  as  deputy- 
 ranger,  from  £1000  to  £2000  per  annum,  out  of  the  rents  and  profits  of 
 the  ciovvn  lands.  The  sinecure  of  clerk  of  the  pells  was  many  years 
 held  by  his  son  ;  and  there  are  several  other  Addingtons  in  the  church, 
 and  on  foreign  missions.  Altogether  £5000  a  year  may  be  put  down 
 as  the  reward  of  the  famous  circular,  the  memorable  letter  of  thanks, 
 to  the  Manchester  magistrates,  for  the  massacre  of  the  Kith  of  Augnist, 
 and  other  high  and  efficient  public  services  of  Henry  Viscount  Sid- 
 mouth. 
 
 The  next  is  the  honourable  Robert  Ward  £1000,  late  auditor  of  the 
 civil  list,  we  believe,  and  who  has  run  through  various  ranks  anddegrees 
 as  clerk  of  the  Ordnance,  M.P.  for  Haslemere,  &c.  This  gentleman 
 is  only  to  receive  half  his  pension,  if  he  hold  office  of  less  annual  value 
 than  twice  its  amount. 
 
 The  right  honourable  Henry  Goulbourn  £2000,  the  Duke's  luminous 
 and  most  efficient  chancellor  of  the  Exchequer.  Then  follows  a  Mr. 
 Hamilton  £1000,  of  whom  we  know  nothing,  unless  he  be  a  late  consul 
 or  clerk  of  the  Treasury.  Afterwards  we  have  Thomas  Peregrine 
 Courtenay,  M.P.  for  Totness,  colonial  agent  for  the  Cape  of  Good 
 Hope,  and  late  secretary  of  the  India  Board.  This  is  the  "family  man," 
 with  a  wife  and  fourteen  children,  for  whom  Canning  once  made  so  melt- 
 ing an  appeal  to  the  guardians  of  the  public  purse  ; — they  must  be  pro- 
 vided for.  Mr.  Courtenay  is  the  cousin  of  a  peer — let  him  be  put  down 
 for  £1000,  and  his  sons  have  the  first  vacancies  in  the  Mint,  the  Trea- 
 sury, or  Exchequer ! 
 
 Now,  right  honourable  John  Wilson  Croker,  come  forth ;  don't  be 
 ashamed  ;  who  can  begrudge  any  thing  to  the  paymaster  of  the  widows' 
 charity,  and  a  twenty-one  years'  secretary  of  the  Admiralty,  with 
 £3000  per  annum.  Put  John  down  for  £1500  a  year  for  life — but 
 stop;  do  not  let  him  receive  his  pension,  any  more  than  his  brother 
 pamphleteer,  Peregrine  Courtenay,  if  he  hold  offices  yielding  £3000  a 
 year. 
 
 Joseph  Planta,  Esq.  we  congratulate  you ;  enrolled  among  the  high 
 and  efficient  public  men  ;  a  secretary  of  the  Treasury,  with  £3500 
 a  year,  and  a  pension  for  life  of  £1000  a  year.  Mr,  Planta,  you  are 
 a  happy  man ;  your  calling  and  election  are  sure,  and  you  are  now 
 placed  beyond  the  risk  of  accident,  by  "  flood  or  field."  Next  to 
 Castor  and  Pollux,  whom  you  have  so  good  a  right  to  follow,  you  have 
 been  one  of  the  most  humble  and  industrious  labourers  in  the  borougii 
 vineyard. 
 
MUSTER-ROLL,  RETIRED  JUDGES  —  COMPENSATIONS.       493 
 
 We  pass  over  Canning' and  Huskisson  ;  at  the  time  of  their  death, 
 each  was  down  for  £3000  ;  they  were  amongst  the  most  greedy  and  au- 
 dacious of  corruptionists  ;  hut  they  are  gone  to  their  audit  elsewhere  ;  — 
 not,  however,  without  leaving  long  trails  of  calamities  behind,  of  which 
 more  hereafter. 
 
 Next  is  a  Hobhouse  £1000 ;  but  we  pass  over  him  also  to  come  to 
 the  last  and  greatest  of  our  "  high  and  efficient  public  men,"  the  right 
 honourable  Lord  Bexley.  How  ought  a  statesman  like  this  to  be  re- 
 warded :  the  great  Sieur  Vansittart,  the  steadfast  coadjutor  of  the 
 "Thunderer,"  the  astounding  financier,  the  man  of  infinite  resource, 
 who,  in  the  period  of  our  greatest  tribulations,  did,  by  the  mere  force  of 
 native  genius,  make  a  pound  note  and  a  shilling  equal  to  a  guinea,  when 
 the  former  was  depreciated  thirty  per  cent.  Put  Nicholas  down  for 
 £3000  a  year  for  life,  and  make  him  a  Lord  ! 
 
 Here  ends  the  muster-roll  of"  high  and  efficient  public  men.  "  There 
 are  other  names ;  but  these  are  enough  to  illustrate  the  application  of 
 the  Pension  Act  of  1817,  and  the  supplementary  act  to  it  in  1825,  and 
 which  acts  ought  to  have  been  long  since  repealed  by  the  Whig 
 ministry. 
 
 There  is  another  description  of  pensioners  whom  we  must  shortly 
 touch  — the  noble  and  learned  lords:  —  Here  is  Lord  Eldon  still  preying- 
 upon  us,  at  the  rate  of  £4000  a  year.  Surely  £15,000  a  year,  and 
 upwards,  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  a  disposition 
 naturally  parsimonious,  aft'orded  the  means  of  making  a  comfortable 
 provision  for  old  age.  Lord  Manners,  another  ex-chancellor,  draws 
 £3,892  a-year ;  Wynford  £3,756.  Then  there  is  lord  Tenterden  im- 
 pending, and  Bayley  and  others  menace  us  in  the  distance.  Lynd- 
 hurst  for  a  time  hung  out  a  flag  of  distress,  but,  after  receiving 
 £505  :  14:  11|  {Finance  Accounts,  p.  122)  as  temporary  relief,  he 
 retreated  into  the  court  of  Exchequer.  Brougham,  or  his  friends  for 
 him,  have  put  in  a  claim  for  £6,000  as  a  retiring  pension, — but  avast 
 there,  good  lord!  Surely  such  doings  must  have  an  end!  At  this 
 rate  the  whole  Bar  may  file  through  the  judgeships,  and  come  upon 
 us,  after  a  quarter's  service,  for  pensions  for  life,  each  of  which,  at  the 
 present  rate  of  labourers'  wages,  would  maintain  eight  hundred  persons. 
 
 COMPENSATIONS    AND    RETIRED    ALLOWANCES. 
 
 A  most  indefensible  principle  has  long  been  acted  upon  by  the  Govern- 
 ment,— namely,  if  a  person  has  only  once  been  so  fortunate  as  to  have 
 had  the  fingering  of  the  public  money,  he  shall  for  ever  after  be  sup- 
 ported out  of  the  public  purse.  It  is  exactly  the  principle  of  the  poor- 
 laws  ;  let  a  man  obtain  a  settlement,  and  he  thenceforward  claims  sub- 
 sistence from  the  parish,  and  let  a  placeman  once  get  into  a  govern- 
 ment office,  and  he  immediately,  and  for  ever,  sets  up  the  pauper's 
 claim  of  being  fed  and  clothed  at  the  charge  of  the  community. 
 
 Exactly  upon  this  principle  was  framed  the  infamous  Act  of  1817; 
 most  of  the  pensions,  we  have  seen,  were  granted  conditionally;  pro- 
 vided the   parties  w-ere  not  in  office,    then  they  should  receive  their 
 
494  PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    <;U.\NTS. 
 
 £1000,  £1500,  or  £3000  per  annum,  as  a  trifling  allowanre,  to  kooi) 
 the  poor  creatures  from  starving"  while  unemployed  !  What  a  pitv  such 
 old  and  faitht'ul  servants  should  perish  of  hunger,  especially  as  tliey 
 could  not  possibly  have  had  an  opi)ortunity,  from  the  lowness  of  their 
 wages,  to  lay  up  a  store  for  a  rainy  day  !  Still  we  like  even-handed 
 justice  to  all  mankind.  Many  object  to  that  mode  of  administering  the 
 poor  laws,  which  allows  a  labourer  in  health  and  strength  his  parish- 
 pay,  merely  because  he  happens  to  be  out  of  work.  I3ut  why  not 
 extend  the  same  rule  to  state  paupers  ?  Why  should  such  able-bodied 
 men  as  Croker,  Planta,  and  Courtenay  entail  upon  the  industrious 
 classes  such  heavy  rates,  merely  because  they  are  ji'.st  now  in  want  of 
 a  job  ? 
 
 The  practice  of  granting  compensations  and  retiring  allowances  is 
 just  as  indefensible  as  granting  pensions.  We  have  now  before  us  two 
 othcial  returns  of  the  session  of  1830,  the  bare  titles  of  which  are  enough 
 to  make  one  sick  :  one  is — "  Returns  of  all  Persons  who  receive  Com- 
 pensation Allowances  for  the  loss  of  their  Offices  until  otherwise  ]>ro- 
 videdfor"  the  other  a"  Return  of  the  Number  of  Clerks  and  Officers 
 who  have  been  supehannuated,  and  who  have  been  again  inti'oduced 
 into  ike  service." 
 
 What  practices  are  these  ?  on  what  principle  can  they  be  justified  ? 
 A  merchant  or  banker  retires  from  business,  reduces  his  establishment, 
 or  is  forced  into  the  Gazette,  by  alterations  in  the  currency,  or  com- 
 mercial vicissitudes,  and  what  compensation  does  he  give  to  his  clerks 
 and  servants  thrown  out  of  employment  ?  None  :  nor  do  they  expect 
 any,  having  previously  received  salaries  equivalent  to  the  value  of  their 
 services.  Let  us  revert  to  our  former  illustration;  suppose  that,  by  the 
 discovery  of  a  new  machine,  a  certain  manufacture  can  be  carried  on 
 at  a  cheaper  rate,  and,  of  course,  the  public  be  benefited  by  its  sub- 
 stitution for  manual  labour,  owing  to  the  less  price  at  which  they  could 
 obtain  the  manufactured  articles.  Again  ;  suppose  that,  by  some  new- 
 mode  of  managing  the  business  of  government,  a  number  of  offices  may 
 be  abolished,  and,  of  course,  their  salaries  saved  to  the  community. 
 Here,  then,  are  two  cases  exactly  similar  ;  in  one,  a  number  of  working 
 people  are  thrown  out  of  employment ;  and,  in  the  other,  a  number  of 
 the  officers  of  government.  The  public  is  benefited  alike  in  both  cases  : 
 in  one,  by  saving  of  salaries  ;  and,  in  the  other,  by  the  less  price  at 
 which  it  purchases  commodities.  But  how  differently  these  two  classes 
 of  sufferers  have  been  treated.  One  receives  a  pension  or  compensation, 
 perhaps  to  the  amount  of  his  salary ;  and  the  other  is  suffered  to  perish 
 for  want  of  employment,  and  his  privations  aggravated  by  contributing 
 to  the  maintenance  of  persons  whose  claims  at  all  events  are  not  greater 
 than  his  own. 
 
 The  same  gross  injustice  is  perpetrated  in  lord  Brougham's  Bank- 
 ruptcy Court  Act.  Under  this  act,  the  monstrous  sinecines  of  patentee 
 of  bankrupts  and  clerk  of  the  hanaper,  held  by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Thur- 
 lovv,  and  yielding  £l  1,000  a-yoar,  are  abolished  ;  but  then  the  reverend 
 sinecurist  is  to  be  compensated  during  hi.?  natural  life  by  an  equivalent 
 
BANKRUPT  SINECURES — PURSE-BEARER — IRTSII  UNION.    495 
 
 annuity,  payable  out  of  bankrupt  estates.  This  is  not  the  worst  part  of 
 the  arrang-ement.  Lord  Eklou  had  granted  these  valuable  sinecures  in 
 reversion  to  his  son,  William  Henry  John  Scott,  or  William  Henry 
 Scott,  (for  with  admirable  precision  he  is  called  by  both  names  in  the 
 52d  clause  of  the  statute,)  on  the  death  of  Thomas  Thurlow  ;  and  thus 
 during  two  lives  the  public  will  have  to  pay  £11,000  per  annum, 
 without  even  the  pretext  of  service,  and  when  these  lives  drop,  probably 
 some  device  will  be  hit  upon  for  inserting  a  third,  in  the  same  manner  as 
 the  Dead  Weight  and  other  government  annuities  are  perpetuated. 
 Even  the  commissioners  of  bankrupts,  many  of  whom  had  only  just 
 finished  eating  their  commons,  and  whose  very  names  were  offensive  as 
 synonymous  with  all  that  is  sponging,  imbecile,  and  parasitical — even 
 these  are  to  receive  pensions  for  life.  And  last,  and  not  least,  the 
 purse-bearer  to  the  Lord  Chancellor  is  to  be  compensated  by  an  equi- 
 valent life  annuity.  Only  think  of  this,  the  lord  chancellor  having  a 
 purse  or  sack-bearer  to  carry  his  fees — just  as  if  we  lived  in  the  time  of 
 the  Henries  or  Edwards,  and  such  a  contrivance  as  bank  notes  had 
 never  been  heard  of.  Really  we  are  startled  at  the  Gothic  barbarisms  of 
 the  system  at  every  turn,  whether  we  look  into  the  law-courts,  the 
 Exchequer,  the  royal  household,  or  the  Church  Establishment,  and  we 
 almost  despair  of  ever  seeing  it  brought  into  usefulness  and  symmetry. 
 
 Much  as  we  desire  to  see  legal  reforms,  we  had  rather  they  were  altoge- 
 ther postponed  than  accompanied  with  such  interminable  incumbrances. 
 A  bill  is  now  in  the  house  for  abolishing  fines  and  recoveries,  but  a  long 
 train  of  vested  interests  and  expectances  are  to  be  satisfied  and  compen- 
 sated before  it  can  be  carried.  Our  opinion  is,  we  had  better  stop  at  once 
 than  proceed  at  this  rate;  we  are  evidently  in  a  slough,  and  the  further 
 we  go,  the  deeper  we  are  in  the  mire.  It  is  obviously  better  policy  to 
 leave  abuses  in  a  state  of  sufferance  than  to  sanction  their  existence  by 
 act  of  parliament. 
 
 It  was  chiefly  by  a  profuse  grant  of  pensions  and  compensations  to 
 the  members  of  the  Irish  parliament — which  immaculate  body  Mr. 
 O'Connell  is  so  anxious  to  see  revived— that  Mr.  Pitt,  through  the  agency 
 of  lord  Castlereagh  and  marquis  Cornwallis,  w'as  enabled  to  accomplish 
 the  Union.  From  page  48S,  it  appears  that  more  than  £75,000  is 
 annually  paid  to  persons  for  the  loss  of  office,  in  consequence  of  that 
 legislative  movement.  Sir  Jonah  Barrington  relates  that,  "  Among 
 other  curious  claims  for  Union  compensations,  appears  one  from  the 
 Lord-lieutenant's  rat-catcher  at  the  castle,  for  decrease  of  employ- 
 ment ;  another  from  the  necessary-iuomaii  of  the  privy  council  of 
 England  for  the  increased  trouble  in  her  department ;  with  numerous 
 others  of  the  same  quality."  Besides  compensations,  there  was  super- 
 added a  liberal  grant  of  peerages,  and  £1,500,000  was  raised  to 
 compensate  refractory  members  for  loss  of  boroughs ;  Lords  Ely, 
 Shannon,  Clanmorris,  Belvidere,  and  Sir  Hercules  Langrishe,  received 
 £143,000,  the  first  noblemen  being  paid  £90,000  for  their  six 
 members  ! 
 
 It  is,  however,  to  the  fatal  wars  of  the  Aristocracy  we  are  principally 
 
496  PLACES,    PENSIONS,  SINFXURF.S,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 indebted  for  the  immense  number  of  compensations,  as  well  as  every 
 otiier  national  calamity.  The  vast  extent  of  our  establishments,  during" 
 the  period  of  hostilities,  and  their  reduction  since  the  peace,  has  mado 
 one  very  considerable  portion  of  the  community  sinecure  dependents  on 
 the  other  for  support ;  and  the  extent  to  which  the  public  is  now  bur- 
 thened,  in  providing  ior  non-effective  services,  is  almost  incredible. 
 
 It  appears  from  the  inquiries  of  Sir  H.  Parnell's  committee,  that  the 
 non-eft'ective  of  the  army,  navy,  and  ordnance  costs  the  country 
 £4,904,499  a-year ;  while  the  effective  of  the  same  costs  £15,6 16, 3.54  : 
 so  that  nearly  one-third,  or  thirty-three  per  cent.,  is  paid  for  no  manner 
 of  service  whatever.  Again,  in  the  civil  departments  of  the  g-overn- 
 ment,  the  sum  of  £4,371,000  is  paid  for  salaries,  and  other  effective 
 services  ;  and  £440,000  for  compensations,  and  other  non-effective  sei'- 
 vices,  the  latter  being  actually  one-tenth  part  of  the  former.* 
 
 Such  a  monstrous  system  could  never  have  grown  up,  except  under 
 a  most  negligent  and  lavish  administration,  directly  interested  in  the 
 corruptions  it  tolerated.  It  Avould  be  easy  to  cite  examples  of  the  most 
 shameless  abuses,  in  granting  compensations  and  retired  allowances. 
 "The  attempts  to  fasten  the  sons  of  Earl  Bathurst  and  Lord  Melville 
 on  the  public,  undei-  these  denominations,  must  be  still  remembered. 
 In  the  official  returns,  to  which  we  have  alluded,  we  find  Mr.  Penn,  a 
 clerk  of  the  customs,  was  superannuated  upon  £750  a-year  for  his  im- 
 portant services ;  but  though  superannuated  for  the  customs,  he  was 
 made  agent  for  Ceylon,  at  a  salary  of  £1050.  In  1822,  Alfred  John- 
 son, agent-victualler  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  retired  on  a  pension  of 
 £400,  and  reappeared  in  1826  as  secretary  to  the  commissioners  of  the 
 navy  at  Plymouth.  Thomas  Alexander,  store-keeper  at  Martinique, 
 was  superannuated  in  1815,  at  £175  a-year,  and  just  ten  ycare  after 
 debouched  again  as  store-keeper  at  Mauritius,  at  £400  salary. f 
 
 Of  those  who  are  receiving  compensations  until  otherwise  provided 
 for,  the  following  may  be  taken  as  specimens.  Henry  Hallam,  Esq. 
 late  commissioner  of  stamps,  £500  a-year;  Charles  Jolly,  examiner  of 
 taxes,  £230  ;  J.  D.  Smith,  landing  waiter,  £375  ;  Alexander  Cleg- 
 horn,  inspector  of  imports,  £416  ;  John  Hughes,  an  unattached  bar- 
 rack-master, £182  ;  W.  R.  Marshall,  clerk  of  survey,  Woolwich,  £450; 
 Pierce  Edgecumbe,  clerk,  Chatham-yard,  £416.  Separately  these 
 ■pro  tempore  allowances  are  not  of  much  consequence;  but  when  the 
 number  of  them  comes  to  be  considerable,  it  raises  the  total  amount  to 
 a  serious  sum.  Afterj  all,  it  is  not  clerks  and  other  small  fry  whom 
 we  first  wish  to  see  cut  down  ;  it  is  the  great  consumers  of  taxes — the 
 high  Aristocracy,  who,  with  extensive  domains,  enjoy  valuable  sinecures, 
 and  receive  enormous  salaries,  and  especially  such  pensioners  as  Eldon, 
 Bexley,  Grenville,  Wynford,  Sidmouth,  and  others  of  that  calibre, 
 whom  we  desire  to  see  curtailed. 
 
 *  Third   Report  on  the   Public    Income   and   Expeiulifure  ;    Parliamentary 
 Papers,  vol.  v.  Sess.  182S. 
 
 t  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  450,  Sess.  1830. 
 
SALARIES    AND    PENSIONS    ABOVE    £1000.  497 
 
 Commissioners  of  Inquiry. — These  form  a  numerous  and  burthen- 
 some  class,  most  of  them  receiving  salaries  of  from  £1000  to  £1500. 
 They  are  a  sort  of  servants  of  seiTants ;  being-  set  on  foot  by  those 
 who  ought  to  be  the  servants  of  the  people,  to  do  the  work  which 
 they  themselves  have  been  deputed  to  perform.  The  ostensible  objects 
 of  most  of  the  commissions  now  in  operation  are,  to  inquire  into  the 
 laws  and  judicial  administration,  to  inquire  into  the  state  of  public 
 charities,  the  national  records,  the  duties,  salaries,  and  emoluments 
 in  courts  of  justice  in  Ireland,  the  management  in  certain  branches 
 of  the  revenue  in  Great  Britain,  and  the  state  of  the  Scotch  Univer- 
 sities. The  labours  of  some  commissions,  it  cannot  be  denied,  have 
 been  productive  of  the  most  beneficial  results  ;  others  have  been  in- 
 stituted merely  as  pretexts  for  jobs,  to  extort  more  plunder  from  the 
 people.  The  unpaid  sei-vices  of  parliamentary  committees  have  con- 
 tributed, more  than  any  other  form  of  inquiry,  to  the  exposition  and 
 amendment  of  public  abuses. 
 
 SALARIES  AND   PENSIONS  EXCEEDING  ONE  THOUSAND  POUNDS, 
 
 Great  as  are  the  salaries,  pensions,  and  emoluments  of  individuals,  it 
 must  be  constantly  borne  in  mind  that  these  constitute  the  smallest  part 
 of  the  advantages,  or  perhaps  we  may  term  it  corruptive  influence,  to 
 which  official  men  are  exposed.  The  most  important,  the  most  seduc- 
 tive, and  most  tempting  adjuncts  to  public  offices  of  the  higher  grade 
 are  the  vast  patronage,  the  power  and  personal  consideration  they 
 confer  on  the  possessors.  In  this  consists  the  great  difference  between 
 government  employments  and  the  pursuits  of  trade  and  commerce. 
 There  are,  Ave  doubt  not,  individual  merchants  and  manufacturers  who 
 do — or  at  least  have — reahzed  an  annual  profit  equal  to  the  salaries  of  a 
 first  lord  of  the  Treasury,  Secretary  of  State,  the  Chief  Justice,  or  even 
 the  Lord  Chancellor.  But  observe  the  difference  in  their  respective 
 situations;  observe  the  dazzling  and  glittering  elevation  of  the  state 
 •functionaries  ;  observe  the  good  things  they  have  at  their  disposal — the 
 benefices,  bishoprics,  commissionerships  of  customs  and  excise;  the 
 clerkships,  registrarships,  and  secretaryships,  worth  from  £1000  to 
 £10,000  a-year — and  think  of  the  opportunities  afforded  by  these  splen- 
 did gifts  for  enriching  their  families  and  friends — and  think,  too,  of  the 
 delightful  incense  of  adulation  and  obsequiousness  the  dispensers  of 
 such  favours  must  inhale,  and  of  the  host  of  fawning  sycophants,  ex- 
 pectants, and  dependents,  they  must  every  where  raise  up  around  them. 
 Here  are  the  real  sweets  of  office,  the  delicious  flavour  of  which  can 
 never  be  tasted  by  a  mercantile  man,  however  successful  in  his  vocation. 
 
 What  is  it  which  makes  individuals  seek  anxiously  to  be  placed  in 
 the  magistracy,  or  sacrifice  a  fortime  for  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Com- 
 mons ?  It  is  not  the  direct  salary  or  emoluments,  for  there  are  none  ; 
 it  is  the  power  and  the  chance  of  obtaining  power,  and  the  personal  con- 
 
 2  K 
 
498         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 sideration  it  gives.  A  directorship  in  the  Bank  of  England,  or  in  the 
 East-India  Company  is  comparatively  unprofitahle,  except  from  opening' 
 a  wide  field  for  valuable  appointments  and  individual  influence.  But  if 
 objects  like  these  can  rouse  up  to  an  intense  degree  human  cupidity, 
 how  much  more  must  it  be  excited  by  a  chance  of  obtaining  the  great 
 prizes  of  state,  which  yield  not  only  great  direct  emolument,  but  bound- 
 less patronage,  and  an  authority  and  pageantry  almost  regal ! 
 
 In  considering,  therefore,  the  salaries  of  civil  and  judicial  oflScers,  it 
 is  always  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  that  they  form  only  a  single  element 
 in  the  multifarious  advantages  of  their  situations.  The  patronage  of 
 most  public  officers  would  be  ample  remuneration ;  and  were  it  limited 
 to  that  alone,  we  have  no  apprehension  there  would  be  a  dearth  of 
 candidates  for  official  employments,  no  more  than  there  are  for  the 
 magistracy,  shrievalties,  custos  rotulorum,  lord  lieutenancies,  and  other 
 unpaid  services. 
 
 We  have  been  drawn  into  these  observations  from  reflecting  on  a 
 singular  public  document  before  us,  and  of  the  contents  of  which  we 
 shall  give  the  reader  some  account.  We  have  hitherto  spoken  of  place- 
 men and  pensioners  generally ;  we  shall  now  direct  attention  to  the 
 highest  class,  whose  emoluments  exceed£lOOO  per  annum,  and  of  which 
 a  return  has  been  made  to  parliament.*  Why  Sir  James  Graham  re- 
 stricted his  motion  to  tax  and  fee-eaters  of  the  transcendental  order,  it  is 
 not  easy  to  conjecture ;  perhaps  it  is  the  intention  of  the  Whig  ministry 
 to  make  £1000  the  maximum  of  official  remuneration,  —  a  proposition 
 which  the  community  would  hail  with  great  thankfulness  as  one  of  the 
 most  effective  blows  ever  aimed  at  sinecurism,  deputyships,  and  aristo- 
 crat idlers.  Our  opinion  indeed  is  that,  with  a  few  exceptions,  the 
 emoluments  of  no  public  officer  ought  to  exceed  £1000  ;  few  persons 
 with  higher  incomes  will  work,  and  they  only  tend  to  generate  a  taste 
 for  luxury,  equipage,  club-houses,  gambling,  and  the  frivolities  and  dis- 
 sipation of  fashionable  life. 
 
 To  come,  however,  to  an  analysis  of  the  return  to  which  we  have 
 alluded.  It  comprises  95b  individuals  whose  incomes  amount  to 
 £2,161,927,  averaging  £2261  each;  there  are /or??/-f  7^0  personswhose 
 incomes  are  not  less  than  £5000  each,  and  whose  united  incomes 
 amount  to  £339,809;  and  there  are  eleven  individuals  whose  incomes 
 are  not  less  than  £10,000  each,  and  who  altogether  receive  £139,817 
 per  annum.  Of  the  whole  956  names  the  following  is  a  classification, 
 showing  the  total  income  of  the  several  classes,  and  the  average  income 
 of  each  individual. 
 
 *  Parliamentary  Paper,  No.  23,  Sessioa  1830-1. 
 
CLASSIFICATION    OF    OFFICIALS — LAWYERS.  499 
 
 Classification  of  956  Placemen  and  Pensioners  whose  Salaries, 
 Profits,  Pay,  Fees,  and  Emoluments  exceeded,  January  5,  1830, 
 £1000  per  Aniiicm. 
 
 No.  of  Total  Average 
 
 Officers.  Description.  Emoluments.  Income. 
 
 350  Civil  OfBcers £698,805  £1997 
 
 50  Court  of  Chancery 137,210  2744 
 
 112  King's  IJench  and  other  Judicial  Officers..  338,651  3023 
 
 100  Ambassadors  and  Consuls 256,780  ....  2567 
 
 134  Military  Officers 240,847  1794 
 
 36  Ordnance  and  Artillery 50,155  1390 
 
 19  Naval  Officers 39,835  ....  2076 
 
 147  Colonial  Officers , 378,996  2578 
 
 8  Officers  of  the  House  of  Commons 20,642  ....  2567 
 
 The  lawyers  evidently  profit  most  by  the  system ;  their  average  emo- 
 luments e.xceed  those  of  any  other  class  ;  the  civiHans  of  all  classes  are 
 better  remunerated  than  the  military ;  and  the  officers  of  the  army 
 rather  better  than  those  of  the  navy.  The  worst  paid  are  employes  in 
 the  Ordnance ;  this  branch  of  the  service  requiring  men  of  science  and 
 application,  is  not  sought  after  by  the  great  families,  and  hence  we 
 observe  the  working  of  our  aristocratical  government  in  this  department 
 as  in  every  other;  the  most  meritorious  and  arduous  duty  not  being 
 performed  by  the  Oligarchy  and  their  dependents,  it  is  rewarded  by  the 
 fewest  number  and  least  valuable  prizes. 
 
 It  is  not,  however,  bj'^  averaging  the  incomes  of  public  functionaries 
 that  we  see  the  iniquities  of  the  System  in  its  most  conspicuous  light. 
 In  the  state,  as  in  the  church,  the  most  flagrant  abuse  consists  in  plu- 
 ralities, in  the  power  which  individuals  of  title,  influence,  and  con- 
 nexion have  to  heap  upon  themselves,  families,  and  friends,  a  multiplicity 
 of  offices.  Next  to  this  abuse  is  that  of  patronage.  We  know  that  the 
 direct  income  of  a  lord  of  the  Treasury,  or  a  secretary  of  state,  is  very 
 considerable,  and  that  of  a  lord  chief  justice  or  lord  chancellor  is  enor- 
 mous ;  but  what  is  that  to  the  value  of  their  patronage.  All  their 
 immense  patronage  is  so  much  direct  revenue,  and  we  know  that  it  is 
 applied  as  such  in  making  provisions  for  sons,  sons-in-law,  and  collaterals. 
 We  might  cite  the  Bathursts,  Manners,  Abbotts,  Scotts,  and  others  ; 
 but  we  think  the  subject  has  been  already  sufficiently  illustrated,  and 
 further  proof  will  be  found  in  our  Place  and  Pension  List. 
 
 Of  all  classes  who  prey  on  the  community  the  lawyers  require  to  be 
 most  narrowly  watched.  By  the  classification  above  it  is  evident  they 
 have  contrived  to  have  more  sumptuous  pickings  than  any  other  de- 
 scription of  employes,  official,  military,  or  naval.  They  are  talkers  by 
 profession,  and  the  gift  of  tongues  enables  them  to  set  forth  their  claims 
 and  Avithstand  reduction  of  emolument  with  superior  effect  and  cla- 
 mour. The  claim  for  legal  fees  has  been  a  principal  obstacle  to  judicial 
 reform,  and  it  has  only  been  by  the  most  extravagant  concessions  this 
 
 2k  2 
 
500  PLACRS,    PENSIONS,  SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 obstacle  has  been  surmounted.  The  lavish  settlement  for  the  sinecures 
 in  equity  under  the  Bankruptcy  Court  Act  we  have  before  noticed.  It 
 has  been  the  same  in  the  common  law  courts.  Under  the  1  Will.  IV. 
 c.  58,  commissioners  were  appointed  to  ascertain  the  value  of  legal  fees 
 received  in  the  superior  courts,  and  fix  a  rate  of  compensation  for  them 
 according  to  their  average  amount  in  the  ten  preceding  years.  But  it 
 was  found  on  inquiry  that  several  fees  and  emoluments  had  been  received 
 in  the  courts,  the  Zef/a/iVt/ of  which  it  was  ditficult  to  determine.  Here 
 then  was  a  case  of  doubt,  and  the  question  was,  who  were  to  have  the 
 benefit  of  it,  the  public  or  the  profession.  The  "  Guardians  of  the 
 Public  Purse"  certainly  ought  to  have  guarded  the  weal  of  the  former ; 
 but  they  did  not.  Under  the  same  legal  intelligence,  we  presume,  as 
 that  which  advised  the  continuance  of  the  payment  of  the  Russo-Dutch 
 loan,  another  act  was  passed  the  1  &  2  Will.  IV.  c.  35,  by  which  it  was 
 provided  that  all  fees,  whether  legal  or  extortionate,  which  had  arisen 
 or  been  received  within  the  preceding  fifty  years,  should  be  allowed  by 
 the  commissioners.  Further,  if  any  more  doubts  arose  as  to  the  legality 
 or  reasonableness  of  such  fees,  to  whom  does  the  reader  imagine  the 
 commissioners  were  to  refer  ? — To  the  lords  of  the  treasury,  to 
 Mr.  Gordon,  or  to  some  other  impartial  tribunal  perhaps — No!  by  all 
 that  is  inept  and  ridiculous,  they  w'ere  to  refer  to  the  judges  of  the  court 
 in  which  the  questionable  fees  had  been  received,  and  by  whom  the  fee- 
 gatherers  are  appointed ! 
 
 REDUCTIONS    OF    THE    WHIG    MINISTRY. 
 
 It  is  much  more  agreeable  to  our  nature  to  praise  than  to  blame,  and 
 we  regret  the  subject  of  this  section  is  not  more  copious.  From  some 
 paragraphs  in  the  newspapers  we  were  led  to  infer  the  Whigs  had 
 effected  great  things  in  the  public  departments  ;  but  on  examining  more 
 authentic  sources  of  information  Ave  find  that  all  they  have  effected  is, 
 to  adopt  the  expressive  phraseology  of  the  Paymaster  of  the  Forces,  a 
 mere  flea-bite,  It  is  only  by  a  general  reduction,  as  contended  at  the 
 commencement  of  this  chapter,  of  one-third  or  other  fractional  part  in 
 all  public  salaries,  pensions,  fees,  and  emoluments,  that  any  material 
 improvement  can  be  accomplished.  Next  to  this,  a  plan  of  direct 
 taxation  ought  to  be  substituted  for  the  expensive,  trumpery,  and 
 inquisitorial  fiscal  system  matured  under  Mr.  Pitt  and  his  successor. 
 "We  have  before  alluded  to  this  subject,  and  shall  leave  it  to  proceed  to 
 our  more  immediate  object. 
 
 First,  it  appears  that  the  salary  of  the  Lord  Chancellor  is  to  be 
 regulated,  but  it  is  not  said  it  is  to  be  reduced.  We  affirm,  however, 
 it  ought  to  be  reduced,  and  greatly  too.  It  is  monstrous  that  a  man 
 who,  perhaps,  the  day  before  was  squabbling  at  the  circuit  mess,  or 
 pleading  some  paltry  cause  for  a  five-guinea  fee,  should  be  at  once 
 thrust  into  an  oliice  worth  £15,000  a  year.  It  is  an  income  enough  for 
 a  KING,  and  is  a  great  deal  too  much  for  a  king's  clerk.  The  salaries 
 of  the  other  equity  judges,  as  also  of  the  judges  of  the  common  law 
 
REDUCTIONS    OF    THE    WHIG     MINISTRY.  501 
 
 courts,  ought  all  to  be   reduced;   they  are  enormously  too  high,  and 
 wholly  unsuited  to  the  times. 
 
 The  salary  of  the  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury  is  to  be  continued  at  £.5000 
 per  annum,  but  if  the  oific.e  is  held  in  conjunction  with  the  chancellor- 
 ship of  the  E.xchequer,  the  salary  of  the  latter  is  to  be  reduced  one-half, 
 making-  the  net  income  of  the  two  £7500.  Here  not  a  farthing  is 
 given  up,  but  a  contingent  saving  may  be  effected  by  the  Whig  suc- 
 cessors in  oihce,  for  whose  benefit  no  doubt  this  admirable  arrangmeent 
 is  intended. 
 
 The  salary  of  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  is  £5,398  :  it  is  to  be 
 reduced  to  £5000  net — Here,  John  Bull,  £398  is  saved — take  it  and 
 be  thankful ! 
 
 The  junior  lords  of  the  Treasuiy  are  paid  £1220  each  :  they  are  to  be 
 reduced  to  £1200 — Here,  John,  is  a  whole  twenty  pounds  saved. 
 This  is  economy  at  any  rate.  Upon  my  word  this  is  cutting  away  right 
 and  left  in  grand  style  !  But  here  follows  something  more  substantial. 
 The  joint  secretaries  of  the  Treasury  are  to  receive  £2500  in  lieu  of 
 £3500 ;  the  three  principal  secretaries  of  State  £5000  in  lieu  of 
 £6000;  and  the  under-secretaries  of  State  £1500  in  lieu  of  £2000.  My 
 Lord  President  of  the  Council  is  to  receive  £2000,  by  which  £840 :  1 7 : 4 
 is  saved — a  sum  not  to  be  sneezed  at  in  these  times,  and  for  which 
 many  a  man  would  be  truly  thankful.  My  Lord  Privy  Seal,  who  is  my 
 Lord  Grey's  son-in-law,  is  to  receive  the  net  income  of  his  predecessor  in 
 office :  but  lord  Durham  is  a  noble-minded  man,  and  has  declined  receiving 
 anysalai-y.  The  first  Lord  of  the  Admiralty  to  be  reduced  from  £5000  to 
 £4500 ;  the  first  secretary  from  £3000  to  £2000,  with  an  addition  of 
 £500  after  five  years'  service.  Nothing  is  said  about  the  junior  lords 
 of  the  Admiralty.  The  income  of  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Control 
 to  be  reduced  from  £5000  to  £3500  ;  that  of  the  paid  commissioners 
 from  £1500  to  £1200;  and  that  of  the  secretary  from  £1500  to  £1200. 
 The  Judge  Advocate  General  is  to  be  reduced  to  a  net  salary  of  £2000, 
 which  is  enough  during  peace,  when  standing  armies  are  unlawful. 
 The  reductions  at  the  Ordnance  Board  are  too  meagre  to  merit  special 
 notice.  The  salary  of  the  Postmaster  General  is  to  be  continued,  in  consi- 
 deration of  his  reaZ  duties,  and  of  the  laborious  duties  of  Sir  F.  Freeling, 
 who  is  amply  remunerated  at  the  rate  of  £5000  a  year.  The  ranger- 
 ship  of  the  parks,  a  sinecure,  to  be  abolished.  The  Master  of  the  Mint 
 to  receive  £2000  in  lieu  of  £3000.  The  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal  of 
 Scotland  to  receive  nothing  except  fees.  The  chief  secretary  of 
 Ireland  to  receive  £5500 — a  responsible  office — but  too  highly  paid  and 
 out  of  proportion  with  the  incomes  of  the  Premier  and  Home  Secretary. 
 The  auditorship  of  the  Civil  List  has  been  annexed  to  the  Treasury,  by 
 which  a  saving  of  £1500  a  year  has  been  effected.  The  offices  of 
 receivers  general  of  the  taxes,  except  in  the  London  district,  have  been 
 abolished,  and  their  duties  annexed  to  the  offices  of  inspectors  of  taxes. 
 Other  offices  abolished  or  reduced,  are  considerable  ;  among  them  the 
 Vice-Treasurer,  king's  Stationer,  and   Post-Master-General  in  Ireland  ; 
 
 J 
 
502  PLACES,    PENSIONS,  SINECURES,  AND  GRANTS. 
 
 the  Lieutenant-General  of  tlie  Ordnance  and  Clerk  of  Deliveries  ;  Trea- 
 surer of  the  Military  College  and  the  Treasurer  of  the  Military  Asylum  ; 
 sixty  inferior  offices  in  the  Post-Office  department ;  four  Commissioners 
 of  the  Navy  and  Victualling  departments,  two  Commissoners  of  the  Dock- 
 yards, seventy-one  clerks,  and  the  Paymaster  of  Marines  ;  two  Com- 
 missioners each  of  the  hoards  of  Excise  and  Customs ;  in  all  210  officers 
 have  heen  reduced.  Considerable  savings  have  been  made  in  diplomatic 
 and  consular  charges  and  naval  superannuations.  The  Board  of  Woods 
 and  Forests  and  Board  of  Works  have  l>een  consolidated.  Several  offices 
 too  have  been  consolidated,  which  will  be  noticed  in  the  List. 
 
 Upon  the  whole,  after  going  more  minutely  into  the  subject  than  we 
 had  done  at  the  commencement  of  this  section,  we  are  bound  honestly 
 to  declare  that  the  Whigs  merit  the  gratitude  and  confidence  of  the 
 country  for  the  reductions  eftected ;  they  have  not  been  idle,  and  some 
 allowance  must  be  made  for  the  momentous  question  they  have  had  to 
 battle  in  the  Legislature,  from  the  moment  of  iirst  entering  into  office. 
 They  have,  however,  delayed  too  long  the  repeal  of  the  vile  Pension 
 Act  of  1817. 
 
 Having  treated  on  the  several  subjects  of  this  chapter,  it  only  remains 
 to  recapitulate :  the  public  documents,  from  which  the  several  accounts 
 have  been  taken,  having  been  already  cited,  need  not  he  repeated  in  the 
 subjoined  summary.  It  Avill  also  be  observed,  that  the  expenditure  of 
 the  Crown  and  Royal  Family  is  omitted,  that  having  been  fully  detailed 
 in  a  former  part  of  this  work. 
 
 A  Statement  of  the  Annual  Expenditure  of  the  United  Kingdom,  in. 
 Salaries,  Pensions,  Sinecures,  Half-pay,  Superannuations,  Com- 
 pensations, and  Alloioances. 
 
 Salaries  of  22,912  persons  employed  in  the  public  ofiices  £2,788,907 
 
 Retired  full-pay,  half-pay,  superannuations,  pensions,  and  allowances 
 
 in  the  army 2,939,652 
 
 Ditto                         ditto                         in  the  Navy   1,583,797 
 
 Ditto                        ditto                         in  the  Ordnance    374,987 
 
 Superannuated  allowances  in  the  civil  departments  of  government. .  478,967 
 
 Pensions 777,556 
 
 Pensions   in   the  nature  of  compensations  for  the  loss  of  offices 
 
 in  England 12,020 
 
 Ditto  in  Ireland,  chielly  in  consequence  of  the  Union     89,245 
 
 Annual  value  of  sinecure  offices 356,555 
 
 Commissioners  of  Inquiry 56,299 
 
 £9,457,985 
 
PROFLIGACY    OF    TORY    POLITICIANS.  503 
 
 Can  any  one  believe  that,  in  these  few  items,  a  saving  of  at  least 
 three  millions  mig;ht  not  be  effected  ?  And  with  a  saving'  even  to  this 
 amount,  how  many  oppressive  taxes  might  be  repealed  !  If  we  further 
 extend  our  view  to  other  departments  of  the  government,  and  to  the 
 courts  of  law,  the  civil  list,  the  colonies,  the  monopolies  of  the  Bank 
 and  East-India  Company,  the  established  church,  and  the  corn-laws, 
 what  an  ample  field  presents  itself  to  our  consideration  for  the  relief  of 
 this  suffering  and  oppressed  community. 
 
 But  will  government  ever  avail  itself  of  these  vast  resources  as  the 
 means  of  national  amelioration?  Not  under  the  existing  system. 
 Effective  retrenchment,  without  a  previous  parliamentary  reform,  is  a 
 chimera.  To  retrench  is  to  weaken ;  the  true  policy  of  the  Oligarchy 
 is  to  spend,  not  to  save.  There  are,  no  doubt,  scores,  nay,  hundreds  of 
 offices  and  establishments  useless,  indeed,  to  the  people,  but  invaluable 
 to  their  rulers.  The  greater  the  sinecure,  the  greater  its  importance  to 
 the  Aristocracy ;  and  the  very  reason  urged  by  the  people  for  its  ex- 
 tinction, is  the  strongest  argument  for  its  retention  by  their  oppressors. 
 Could  government  only  reward  its  servants  according  to  their  deserts, 
 Avhat  inducement  Avould  there  be  to  enter  into  its  service  ?  Who  would 
 incur  the  odium  of  such  employment !  How  could  it  obtain  adherents  ? 
 How  could  it  so  long-  have  had  zealous  supporters  in  every  part  of  the 
 empire,  and  carried  on  a  detestable  system,  subversive  of  the  rights, 
 and  incompatible  with  the  happiness  of  the  community  ? 
 
 Ever  since  the  death  of  Fox  and  Pitt  there  has  been  scarcely  an  indi- 
 vidual with  the  least  pretension  to  the  endowments  of  a  statesman  in  the 
 administration.  Look  over  the  roll  of  the  Percevals,  Vansittarts,  Cas- 
 tlereaghs,  Jenkinsons,  Cannings,  Sidmouths,  Huskissons,  and  Scotts, 
 and  say,  if  there  is  one  that  did  not  deserve  a  halter,  or  whose  proper 
 place  Avas  not  behind  a  counter,  in  lieu  of  directing  the  resolves  of  a 
 legislative  assembly.  Yet  by  these,  and  such  as  these,  were  the  desti- 
 nies of  this  great  empire  swayed  for  upwards  of  twenty  years.  Can  we 
 wonder  at  the  frightful  results  of  their  empyrical  statesmanship  ?  Can 
 we  wonder  that  they  bequeathed  to  their  successors,  convulsion,  decay, 
 and  death,  in  every  fibre  of  the  kingdom  ?  But  incapable,  vile,  and 
 unprincipled  as  these  men  were,  ignorant  and  reckless,  as  experience 
 has  proved  them  to  be,  of  the  ultimate  issues  of  their  measures  ;  still 
 these  scions  of  the  Pitt  school  were  too  sagacious  ever  to  think  that 
 retrenchment  and  rotten  boroughs  were  compatible  elements  of  the  con- 
 stitution. They  knew  better  ;  they  had  been  too  long  fcimiliar  with  the 
 secret  pulses  and  springs  of  the  state  machinery  to  commit  so  egregious 
 a  mistake.  Their  dependence  was  on  force  and  corruptiori ;  on  the 
 bayonets  of  the  military,  and  the  annual  expenditure  of  eighty  millions 
 of  money.  These  formed  the  right  and  left  hands,  the  master  princi- 
 ples of  their  policy.  The  support  they  could  not  bribe  they  sought  to 
 intimidate.  Such  was  their  black  and  iron  system  ;  it  lasted  their  time, 
 or  the  time  of  most  of  the  pillaging  and  hypocritical  crew  ;  and  for  any 
 thing  beyond  they  did  not  care  a  rush  ! 
 
 Let  us  hope  that  we  are  on  the   eve  of  better  times,  that  we   shall 
 
504         l'LA<  ES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 not  be  deluded  by  temporary  expedients  and  professions,  put  forth 
 merely  to  gain  time  for  plundering,  nor  quack  remedies  to  be  followed 
 by  mortal  maladies ;  in  short,  let  us  hope  the  Whig  ministry  will  pro- 
 ceed on  scientific  principles,  and  that  we  shall  have  a  parliamentary 
 reform  first,  and  next  such  an  effective  retrenchment  and  disposition  of 
 public  burthens  as  will  afford  real  national  relief. 
 
 "  Corruption  wins  not  more  than  honesty;"  and  the  true  end  of  go- 
 vernment is  not  dithcult  to  attain.  It  is  simply  to  augment  social  hap- 
 piness— affording  equal  security  to  the  property  and  persons  of  every 
 individual,  — protecting  the  weak  against  the  strong, — the  y)Oor  against 
 the  rich  ;  in  short,  by  guarding  against  the  extremes  of  indigence  and 
 crime,  luxury  and  vice,  and  spreading  an  equilibrium  of  comfort  and 
 enjoyment  through  all  ranks,  by  good  laws,  wisely  conceived,  promptly 
 and  impartially  administered. 
 
 It  is  a  cheap  and  admirable  contrivance,  when  established  on  the  rights, 
 and  supported  by  the  confidence  of  the  public.  There  is  then  no  need 
 of  standing  armies  in  time  of  peace.  There  is  no  need  of  expending 
 sixteen  millions  a  year  in  support  of  naval  and  military  establishments. 
 There  is  no  need  of  a  Sinking  Fund  as  a  resource  for  future  war. 
 Government  is  strong  in  the  affections  of  the  people.  It  is  prepared  for 
 every  exigence,  and  must  always  be  invincible  against  domestic  foes 
 and  foreign  aggressors.  But,  if  government  has  not  this  support;  if  it 
 is  looked  upon  only  as  an  instrument  of  i-apacity  and  extortion ;  if  it  is 
 looked  upon  as  a  legalized  system  of  pillage,  fraud,  and  delusion;  if  it 
 is  looked  upon  only  as  an  artful  cabal  of  tyrants  united  for  plunder  and 
 oppression ;  then  must  such  a  government,  instead  of  being  a  cheap 
 and  simple  institution,  be  a  complex  and  expensive  establishment — 
 strong,  not  in  the  people,  but  in  its  means  of  corruption,  delusion,  and 
 intimidation. 
 
 The  English  government  had  been  long  approximating  to  the  latter 
 predicament.  It  had  ceased  to  possess  the  respect  and  confidence  of 
 the  people,  and  governed  by  over-awing  the  weak,  deluding  the 
 ignorant,  and  corrupting  the  baser  part  of  the  community.  The  latter 
 — its  power  of  corruption — its  means  of  rewarding  its  adherents  bv  the 
 spoil  of  the  people,  is  the  great  lever  by  which  it  has  operated.  This 
 power,  its  connexion  and  influence,  as  exhibited  in  the  church-esta- 
 blishment, the  judicial  administration,  the  public  offices  and  depart- 
 ments, chartered  monopolies,  and  corporate  bodies,  we  have  fully  ex- 
 posed ;  and  it  only  now  remains  to  record  the  names  and  emoluments  of 
 those  who  chiefly  profit  by  its  abuses  and  perversions. 
 
ALPHABETIC  LIST 
 
 OF 
 
 PLACES,     PENSIONS,     SINECURES, 
 GRANTS,  AND  COMPENSATIONS. 
 
 EXPLANATIONS. 
 
 The  subjoined  List  has  been  principally  prepared  from  the  Parliamentary 
 Papers  Nos,  480,  479,  95,  273,587,  and  58,  of  the  Sessions,  1830;  from  Nos. 
 23,  42,  and  56  of  Session,  1830-1 ;  and  from  Nos.  345,  249,  167,  55,  108,  and 
 337  of  the  Session  of  1831.  We  have  been  also  indebted  to  the  Annual  Finance 
 Accounts,  and  to  other  official  returns  for  pensions  payable  by  the  East-India 
 Company,  and  out  of  the  fee-funds  of  the  public  departments. 
 
 The  same  system  of  mystification  and  perplexity  is  observable  in  the  payment 
 of  salaries  and  pensions  as  in  other  departments  of  the  public  accounts.  The 
 incomes  of  placemen,  for  example,  arise  partly  from  salaries  paid  by  govern- 
 ment and  partly  from  fees  paid  by  individuals.  Pensions  are  paid  out  of  at 
 least  half  a  score  of  diflerent  funds  and  by  nearly  as  many  different  authorities. 
 Some  are  parliamentary  pensions  charged  on  the  revenue  of  taxes  ;  others  are 
 court  pensions,  charged  on  the  Civil  List ;  others  are  ministerial  pensions, 
 charged  on  the  4§  per  Cent.  Leeward  Island  Duties ;  and  other  pensions  are 
 granted  under  the  authority  of  the  57  Geo.  III.  and  6  Geo.  IV.  ;  and  then 
 again  an  immense  number  of  pensions  have  been  granted  under  authority  of 
 50  Geo.  III.  c.  117,  vrhich  empowers  the  lords  of  the  Treasury  to  award  pen- 
 sions payable  out  of  the  fees  received  in  the  public  offices.  These  are  exclusive 
 of  pensions  payable  by  the  East-India  Company,  and  out  of  the  colonial  reve- 
 nues of  Ceylon,  Mauritus,  and  other  dependencies.  Some  individuals  have 
 been  fortunate  enough  to  obtain  pensions  on  several  funds  ;  others  again  have 
 had  two  or  three  or  four  pensions  granted  in  succession,  charged  on  the  same 
 fund.  This  complication  of  funds  and  payments  has  been  the  growth  of  cen- 
 turies ;  it  has  been  partially  remedied  during  earl  Grey's  ministry,  but  the  dis- 
 order is  of  too  long  standing  and  too  widely  spread  to  admit  of  easy  and  effec- 
 tual cure. 
 
 To  the  people  the  distinctions  of  the  Civil  List,  Consolidated  Fund,  4^  per  Cent. 
 Fund,  Fee  Fund,  Regium  Donum,  &c.  are  comparatively  unimportant ;  it  is  suffi- 
 cient for  them  to  know  that  all  salaries,  pensions,  fees,  compensations,  and 
 allowances,  by  whomsoever  granted,  or  out  of  whatever  fund  paid,  ultimately 
 proceed  from  the  produceof  industry,  and  that  the  misapplication  of  them  for  any 
 other  than  effective  public  services,  or  for  services  that  have  been  already  suffi- 
 ciently remunerated  by  patronage  or  emolument,  is  nothing  better  than  peculation 
 and  I'obbery,  whether  committed  by  the  king,  his  ministers,  or  the  houses  of  par- 
 liament. 
 
 We  thought  at  first  of  giving  separate  lists  of  the  members  of  the  Privy  Coun- 
 cil, the  House  of  Peers,  and  the  House  of  Commons,  holding  places,  pensions, 
 
506        PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 commissions,  or  emoluments,  but  on  this  plan  the  reader  might  have  been  often 
 at  a  loss  under  what  head  to  look  for  individuals  ;  whereas,  having  adopted  an 
 alphabetic  arrangement,  every  facility  is  aiforded  for  direct  reference  to  any 
 name  or  title.  All  the  sums  put  down,  whether  salaries,  pensions,  compensa- 
 tions, or  other  denomination,  are  annual  payments,  and  with  respect  to  salaries 
 they  are  the  amount  af!,reeably  to  the  scale  of  reduction  of  the  present  Minis- 
 ters. Where  a  date'is  inserted,  it  refers  to  the  year  when  the  place  was  obtained 
 or  the  pension  first  granted.  From  the  salaries  and  pensions  returned  have  been 
 deducted  all  exchequer  fees  and  duties,  and  they  are  the  net  amount  actually  re- 
 ceived. It  is  unnecessary  to  observe  that  all  the  salaries  are  not  exorbitant, 
 nor  all  the  pensions  undeserved,  but  this  is  a  point  we  leave  to  the  reader's 
 discrimination. 
 
 The  List  is  corrected  to  Feb.  1832  without  the  alteration  of  a  single  item  in 
 the  olticial  returns,  further  than  by  the  omission  of  the  shillings  and  pence,  with 
 which,  though  the  honourable  and  right  honourables  have  condescended  to  re- 
 ceive them,  we  did  not  think  necessary  to  occupy  our  pages.  In  our  illus- 
 trative notes  of  the  pensioners  we  have  been  much  aided  by  the  searching  ex- 
 positions of  Colonel  Jones. 
 
 Abbot,  Thomas,  clerk  at  nisi  prius  to  the  chief  justice 
 
 Abbott,  John,  Henry,  marshal  and  associate  to  the  chief  justice 
 The  last  is  the  son  of  loi-d  Tenterden,  and  the  preceding  a 
 nephew.  It  is  said  the  principal  difficulty  in  the  retirement  of  the 
 chief  justice  of  the  king's  bench,  is  the  condition  his  lordship 
 insists  upon,  that  the  Hon.  John  Henry  shall  retain  his  offices,  and 
 affords  another  instance  of  the  obstacles  presented  by  exorbitant 
 fees  and  emoluments  to  needful  improvements.  No  new  appoint- 
 ment ought  to  be  made,  nor  the  old  one  much  longer  continued  with- 
 out the  abolition  of  the  remanet  fees.  It  is  no  fault  of  the  suitor 
 which  makes  his  case  a  remanet,  and  the  delay  of  his  trial  accu- 
 mulates legal  expenses  enough  upon  him,  without  being  heavily 
 taxed  every  term  by  the  marshal  and  asssociate  for  court  fees. 
 
 Aberdeen,  R.  collector  of  customs,  Bridge  Town,  Barbadoes-  • 
 
 Abergavenny,  earl  of,  compensation  for  inspectorship  of  prose- 
 cutions in  customs 
 
 A  sinecure  abolished  twenty  years  since,  and  surely  the  public 
 has  paid  money  enough  for  an  office  so  long  declared  useless  by 
 statute.  The  earl  has  sixteen  rectories  and  two  vicarages  in  his 
 gift  ;  two  sons  and  a  nephew  in  the  church. 
 
 Abercrombie,  lord,  hereditary  pension  by  act  of  parliament  •  • 
 
 Abercrombie,  J.  brother  of  the  preceding  ;  lord  chief  baron  of 
 the  court  of  exchequer,  Scotland 
 
 Adair,  Robert  Sir,  minister  to  Belgium 
 
 Adair,  Robert,  Diana,  and  Elizabeth,  pension  Irish  civil  list*  • 
 
 Adam,  W,  G.  accomptant-general,  court  of  chancery 
 
 Adam,  William,  lord  chief  commissioner  of  jury  court,  Scotland 
 
 Adam,  major-gen.  Sir  F.  col.  73d  foot,  unattached  pay 
 
 Staif  pay  as  lieut.-gen.  in  the  Ionian  Islands 
 
 Pension  for  wounds 
 
 Adams,  W.  D.  commissioners  of  woods  and  forests   
 
 Late  comptroller  of  the  lottery    
 
 Addington,  Henry  Unwin,  minister  at  Madrid    
 
 Aiton,  W.  T.  director-general  of  his  majesty's  gardens 
 
 Alexander,  sir  W.  late  chief  baron  of  the  court  of  exchequer-  • 
 
 £1000 
 2665 
 
 2000 
 1545 
 
 2000 
 
 4000 
 3600 
 
 445 
 3184 
 4000 
 
 434 
 1 383 
 
 300 
 1200 
 
 375 
 3802 
 1400 
 3500 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.         507 
 
 Albemarle,  earl  of,  master  of  the  horse 
 
 Can  the  magnitude  of  the  civil  list  be  matter  of  surprise  when 
 such  enormous  salaries  as  this  are  paid  out  of  it?  £1000  would 
 be  enough  for  any  master  of  the  horse.  It  might  have  been  ex- 
 pected such  a  great  county  meeting  patriot  as  my  lord  Albemarle 
 and  the  lather-in-law  of  the  veteran  Whig,  Mr.  Coke,  would  have 
 made  his  first  appearance  in  public  in  some  other  capacity  than  a 
 court  lord. 
 
 Alderson,  sir  E.  H.  puisne  judge  common  pleas •  •  •  • 
 
 Alison,  John,  distributor  of  stamps  for  Dundee,  Sept.  1828-- 
 Late  stamp-master  of  linen,  Scotland 
 
 Allen,  Frances,  viscountess,  pension,  civil  list,  July  1799  .•  • 
 Additional,  on  civil  list,  Oct.  1 800 
 
 Allen,  viscount,  pension  on  civil  list,  Sept.  1B21 
 
 Could  not  this  noble  lord  pay  his  subscriptions  at  White's, 
 Brookes's,  and  Crockfbrd's — his  journeys  to  and  from  Paris,  and 
 his  cabriolet,  without  the  paltry  pension  attached  to  his  name? 
 
 Allen,  L,  B.  one  of  the  six  clerks  in  chancery 
 
 Althorp,  lord,  chancellor  of  the  exchequer 
 
 One  cannot  help  agreeing  in  the  high  opinion  commonly  enter- 
 tained of  lord  Althorp,  but  he  has  fallen  in  troublesome  times,  and 
 got  the  most  irksome  post  in  the  administration.  The  halcyon  days 
 for  chancellors  of  the  exchequer  were  during  the  sway  of  Pitt, 
 Perceval,  and  Vansittart;  those  days  of  increasing  establishments- 
 granting  pensions — multiplying  boards  and  offices — and  dispensing 
 the  other  sweets  of  ollicial  life.  It  was  then  all  plain  sailing  ;  the 
 chief  difficulty  was  to  spend  enough,  not  to  raise  the  means — a 
 sweeping  loan  of  twenty  or  thirty  millions,  backed  by  a  never-fail- 
 ing majority  of  three  or  four  hundred  members,  covered  every 
 delicit.  But  these  are  times  of  pinching  economy  and  abridgment,  and 
 all  schemes  of  finance,  except  such  as  are  comprised  in  the  simple 
 recipe  of  a  reduction  of  expenditure,  are  repudiated.  The  truth  is 
 the  Whigs  have  succeeded  to  a  bankrupt  concern,  and  when  mi- 
 nisters announced  in  the  Gazette  in  January  that  the  expenditure 
 exceeded  the  income,  the  docket  was  struck.  We  hope,  however, 
 when  lord  Althorp  next  gets  hold  of  a  good  thing,  he  will  neither  be 
 baffled  out  of  it  by  jobbers  in  city  articles,  nor  jobbers  in  'Change- 
 Alley.  For  our  parts  we  could  never  see  any  valid  objection  to  the 
 proposed  tax  on  the  transfer  of  funded  property  in  a  country  where 
 the  transfer  of  property  ef  every  other  description,  down  to  a 
 trumpery  receipt  or  promissory  note,  is  subjected  to  duty.  If  by 
 any  contrivance  mere  stock-jobbing  could  be  made  a  source  of 
 revenue,  it  would  be  an  improvement  in  morals  and  police  as  well 
 as  finance.  It  is  quite  preposterous  to  be  constantly  taking  out 
 executions  against  the  "  hells"  at  the  West  End,  or  to  legislate 
 against  thimble-ring  and  little-goes,  while  the  giant  Pandemonium 
 adjoining  the  Auction  Mart  is  tolerated  in  all  its  exuberance  and 
 ramifications  of  iniquity. 
 
 Alves,  H.  S.  senior  clerk,  India  board    
 
 Master  of  the  mint,  Scotland 
 
 Amedroz,  K.  F,  clerk  of  first  class,  Admiralty,  Jan.  1TO9    •  • 
 
 Translator  of  foreign  papers,  1800 
 
 Amherst,  earl,  lord  of  the  bedchamber   •  •  • 
 
 Hereditary  pension,  by  act  of  parliament 
 
 £3350 
 
 5500 
 445 
 151 
 
 266 
 
 88 
 266 
 
 1217 
 
 5000 
 
 900 
 390 
 780 
 100 
 800 
 3000 
 
008 
 
 l'l,A(  i:S,     PENSIONS,    SIM:(  IRKS,    AND    (iKANTS. 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 This  is  one  of  the  most  objectionable  of  the  hereditary  pensions. 
 It  was  lransr:iitted  by  the  uncle  of  the  peer,  sir  Jeffrey  Amherst,  a 
 favourite  of  George  III.  and  placed  by  him  at  the  head  of  the 
 army  ;  when,  as  commander-in-chief,  he  introduced  and  protected 
 such  bare-faced  jobbing  and  traffic  in  commissions  as  both  disgraced 
 and  ruined  our  military  power.  The  loyalty  of  tiiat  day  was  not  to 
 entertain  even  a  suspicion  of  the  misconduct  of  the  individual  who 
 had  the  ear  of  royalty, however  flagrant,  and  thus  the  court  favourite 
 died  ill  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  rewards  of  his  baseness,  and  left 
 the  army  of  England  to  his  successor  as  a  body  in  name  than  in 
 reality. 
 
 The  services  of  lord  Amherst  in  Canada  were  of  no  gre;it  import- 
 ance, yet  they  were  rewarded  with  the  extravagant  pension  of 
 £3000  a  year — £1000  more  than  was  ever  voted  by  a  squandering 
 Louse  of  commons  to  the  hereos  of  the  peninsular  war.  The  pre- 
 sent Karl  cannot  object  to  have  one-half,  or  at  least  one-third  of  his 
 unearned  liereditary  allowance  cut-ofl".  It  may  be  urged,  indeed, 
 that  this  pension  was  granted  by  act  of  parliament,  and  therefore 
 irrevocable;  but  what  more  mutable  and  evanescent  than  acts  of 
 parliament?  are  they  not  constantly  being  repealed,  altered,  and 
 amended  ?  what  progress  could  be  made  in  the  improvement  of  the 
 judicial  administration  were  not  hundreds  of  unintelligible  and  in- 
 applicable statutes  abrogated.  Grants  and  conveyances  of  property 
 are  constantly  being  set  aside  in  courts  of  equity  for  want  of  a  good 
 title  or  adequate  consideration ;  and  why  should  the  whole  mass  of 
 pensions,  allowances,  and  compensations  be  held  more  sacred?  It 
 is  sheer  nonsense  to  think  about  the  existing  generation  and  pos- 
 terity being  tied  up  for  ever  by  the  folly,  ignorance,  prodigality,  and 
 short-sightedness  of  their  progenitors. 
 
 Amyot,  T.    registrar  of  colonial  slaves    > 
 
 Compensation  for  loss  of  office  of  registrar  in  Canada 
 
 Anglesey,  marquis  of,  lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland     
 
 Colonel  of  the  7th  dragoons     
 
 The  salary  of  the  viceroy  was  reduced  £7,000  in  1830;  it  still 
 looks  great,  but  according  to  the  evidence  of  Mr.  Stanley,  the  lord- 
 lieutenant  is  constantly  out  of  pocket  by  the  appointment.  The 
 marquis  is  a  brave  and  w  ell-intentioned  man,  and  we  should  be  glad 
 to  hear  he  had  got  rid  of  the  tic  doloureux. 
 
 Angell,  J.  chief  clerk,  ordnance  office    
 
 Anson,  sir  George,  M.P.  for  Lichfield ;  lieut.-g-en.  and  col.  of 
 4th  dragoon  guards    
 
 His  nephew,  lord  Lichfield,  is  master  of  the  stag-hounds. 
 Another  nephew  a  lieutenant-colonel — and  other  relations  in  the 
 army  and  church — one,  a  nephew,  is  prebendary  of  Southwell. 
 
 Anstruther,  P.  collector  of  revenue,  Ceylon 
 
 Antrobus,  G.  C.  M.P.  for  Plympton ;  sec.  of  legation,  Naples 
 Ardcn,  C.  G.  Perceval,  lord,  registrar  of  the  court  of  Admiralty 
 This  sum  was  the  gross  amount  of  his  lordship's  income  during 
 the  war ; — deductions  were  given  in  to  the  amount  of  £26,012, 
 making  his  net  income  £12,562.  In  the  late  return  of  incomes 
 exceeding  £1000,  the  court  of  Admiralty  was  omitted,  so  we  have 
 no  authentic  me.ins  of  estimating  his  lordship's  emoluments  since 
 the  peace.  His  disinterested  loyalty  was  marvellously  exemplified 
 in  an  animated  speech  he  once  made  in  the  upper  house,  in  defence 
 of  reversionary  grants  ;  asserting  that  an  attempt  to  abolish  them  was 
 
 £800 
 
 400 
 
 20000 
 
 1800 
 
 1162 
 1500 
 
 1538 
 
 1500 
 
 38574 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 509 
 
 an  *'  indecent  attack  upon  the  king's  lawful  prerogative.''  His  lord- 
 ship has  two  sons  in  the  church  and  another  in  the  navy.  Two 
 nephews  hold  sinecures  in  the  exchequer.  Other  relatives  are  in 
 the  army  and  colonies — one,  R.  Bourke,  is  governor  of  New  South 
 Wales. 
 Arthur,  Colonel,  lieutenant-governor,  Van  Dieman's  Land    •  • 
 
 Arnaud,  E.  collector  of  customs,  Liverpool 
 
 Arbuthnot,  major-gen.  sir  T.  staff,  western  district,  Ireland  •  • 
 
 Unattached  pay  as  major-general    
 
 Pension  for  a  wound    
 
 Arbuthnot,  Henry,  commissioner  of  audit 
 
 Arbuthnot,  Catharine,  pension  on  civil  list,  1804 
 
 Arbuthnot,  Harriet,  pension  on  civil  list,  1823 
 
 Wife  of  a  veteran  placeman,  whose  pension  on  the  death  of 
 George  IV.  was  the  subject  of  amusing  discussion  and  inquiry. 
 Archdall,  Mervyn,  M.P.  for  Fermanagh  ;  a  general  and  lieut- 
 
 governor  of  the  Isle  of  Wight 
 
 Argyle,  duke  of,  keeper  of  the  great  seal,  Scotland •  • 
 
 A   sinecure ;    the   salary,   which   constituted  nearly  the  whole 
 emolument  of  this  appointn)ent,  has  been  withdrawn  by  ministers. 
 
 Arnold,  J.  R.  lieut.-col.  i-oyal  engineers,  1814 
 
 Extra  paj',  commanding  engineers,  northern  district*  • 
 
 Allowance  for  a  servant • 
 
 Pension  for  wounds,  1816 
 
 Ashworth,  Robert,  pension  on  civil  list,  1787     
 
 Ashworth,  Henrietta,  pension  on  civil  list 
 
 Ashworth,  Frederick,  pension  on  civil  list 
 
 Ashworth,  Charles,  pension  on  civil  list 
 
 Ashton,  A.  secretary  and  charge  d'affaires  at  Rio  de  Janeiro*  •  • 
 Athlone,  earl  of,  hereditary  pension,  by  act  of  parliament  •  •  •  • 
 This  family,  the  De  Ginkells,  came  over  with  William  III.  in  1688, 
 and  was  one  of  his  instruments  of  oppression  in  Ireland.  It  was  re- 
 warded by  a  grant  of  26,000  acres  of  land,  the  forfeited  possessions 
 of  the  earl  of  Limerick.  This  grant  was  reversed  by  parliament, 
 and  the  family  retired  to  Holland,  whence  they  returned  on  the  ex- 
 pulsion of  the  Stadtholder.  The  Earl  took  his  seat  in  the  Irish 
 house  of  lords  in  1795,  and  reclaimed  his  pension.  In  1823  the  ninth 
 Earl  of  the  name  died,  and  he  was  succeeded  in  the  title  and  pen- 
 sion by  his  son  George,  a  child  now  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his  age. 
 
 Auckland,  lord,  master  of  the  mint  and  pres.  board  of  trade*  • 
 
 Pension  on  civil  list,  July  1814 
 
 Pension  out  of  4^  per  cent,  fund,  July  1820 
 
 Audley,  lord,  pension  on  civil  list,  1821      
 
 Ross  Donnelly,  father-in-law  of  the  pensioner,  a  vice-admiral. 
 
 Avonmore,  viscount,  late  registrar,  court  of  chancery,  Ireland 
 Aylnier,  lieut.-gen,  lord,   colonel  56th  foot,  and   governor  of 
 
 Canada    
 
 Pension  on  the  civil  list,  Feb.  1783    
 
 By  act  of  parliament,  Ireland 
 
 Backhouse,  John  and  J.  Lewis,  pensions  out  of  4|  per  cents.*  * 
 
 £1500 
 2500 
 891 
 310 
 300 
 1200 
 138 
 938 
 
 1397 
 fees 
 
 330 
 
 165 
 
 27 
 
 300 
 
 1072 
 
 266 
 
 266 
 
 177 
 
 1368 
 
 2000 
 
 2000 
 300 
 400 
 
 462 
 
 4199 
 
 10,000 
 356 
 553 
 500 
 
510         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GUANTS. 
 
 Backhouse,  John,  under  secretary  of  state 
 
 Receiver-general  of  excise 
 
 Badger,  A.  auditor  for  land  revenue,  Wales    
 
 Bagot,  W.  receiver  of  taxes  for  the  Westminster  district  •  •  •  • 
 
 Bagot,  sir  C.  ambassador  to  the  Hague    
 
 Brother  of  the  bishop  of  Oxford  and  of  lord  Bagot,  whose  niece 
 Emily  is  maid  of  honour  to  the  Queen.  Other  Bagots  are  in  the  army, 
 and  the  next,  the ^scai,  is  a  member  of  the  family  also.  W.  C.  Bagot, 
 receiver-general  of  taxes,  about  whose  retention  of  ofiice  we  are 
 doubtful,  after  the  abolition  of  these  appointments  in  the  country. 
 
 Bagot,  G.  second  fiscal,  Demerara 
 
 Bankhead,  Penelope  Mary,  pension  on  ciA'il  list,  1825 
 
 VV^idovv  of  the  physician  of  tlie  late  lord  Castlereagh. 
 Barber,  —  chief  registrar,  bankrupt  court  {exclusive  of  fees) 
 
 Barnard,  Edvv.  pension  on  civil  list,  1823 
 
 Barraud,  William,  receiver  of  duties,  cu.stonis    
 
 Bathurst,  earl,  teller  of  his  majesty's  exchequer    
 
 Clerk  of  the  crown  in  chancery 
 
 Bathurst,  Charlotte,  pension  on  civil  list,  1823 
 
 Pension  on  civil  list,  1 825 
 
 Pension  on  civil  list,  1 829    
 
 Bathurst,  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1826 
 
 Bathurst,  hon.  Charles,  pension  on  civil  list,  1826 
 
 Late  commissioner  of  bankrupts 
 
 Receiver  of  duchy  court  of  Lancaster 
 
 Bathurst,  hon.  W,  deputy  teller,  exchequer 
 
 Clerk  in  privy  council  ofSce 
 
 Bathurst,  hon.  S.  treasurer  to  govennment,  Malta 
 
 Few  persons  have  evinced  a  more  exemplary  appetite  for  the 
 public  money  than  lord  Bathurst.  His  lordship's  family  has  mostly 
 been  in  the  receipt  of  £10,000  or  £12,000  a  year,  from  fees,  pen- 
 sions, and  taxes.  He  still  retains  two  valuable  sinecures,  his  son 
 William  Lennox  one,  and  an  ofiice  nearly  a  sinecure,  and  his  son 
 Seymour  Thomas  another.  On  the  eve  of  the  breaking  up  of  the 
 Wellington  ministry,  his  lordship  made  strenuous  eflbrts  to  obtain 
 firmer  hold ;  first  he  tried  to  superannuate  his  second  son,  who  had 
 been  a  couple  of  years  in  the  victualling  office,  as  a  retired  commis- 
 sioner ;  failing  in  that,  he  next,  with  the  most  indecent  precipitancy 
 and  almost  by  absolute  force,  thrust  him  into  the  office  of  the  late 
 Mr.  Buller,  as  clerk  of  the  privy  council.  If  one  did  not  know  that 
 the  assurance  of  men  is  mostly  in  the  inverse  proportion  of  their 
 deserts  they  would  be  surprised  at  the  pecuniary  audacity  of  this 
 nobleman.  Lord  Bathurst  is  notoriously  a  person  with  the  least  pos- 
 sible claims  to  public  honour  and  emoluments  :  he  is  altogether 
 without  talent;  a  most  feeble,  awkward,  and  puzzled  speaker ;  and 
 in  every  sense  of  the  word  a  most  trifling  personage. 
 
 Bannatyne,  sir  W.  M'Leod,  late  lord  of  session,  Scotland-  •  •  • 
 Baring,  F.   M,P.  for  Portsmouth,  nephew-in-law  of  earl  Grey; 
 
 lord  of  the  treasury     
 
 Bates,  Edw.  husband  of  the  4.V  per  cent,  duties,  Jan.  1831   •  • 
 Secretary  to  the  board  of  taxes,  Feb.  1823    
 
 £500 
 1500 
 750 
 1200 
 4000 
 
 1228 
 350 
 
 800 
 
 500 
 
 1160 
 
 2700 
 
 1105 
 
 600 
 
 200 
 
 100 
 
 250 
 
 350 
 
 200 
 
 500 
 
 1000 
 
 2000 
 
 1560 
 
 1500 
 
 1200 
 
 400 
 
 1500 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.        511 
 
 Ballantyne,  W.  police  justice,  Thames-office • 
 
 Barrow,  John,  second  secretary  to  the  Admiralty 
 
 Barlow,  P.  mathematical  master,  Woolwich-academy 
 
 Barton,  J.  deputy  comptroller,  mint  office 
 
 Barnard,  Edward,  retired  allowance  as  clerk,  colonial  office   •  • 
 
 Agent  for  New  South  Wales,  Van  Dieman's  Land  •  • 
 
 Barker,  John,  consul-general  in  Egypt 
 
 Batley,  W.  collector  of  customs,  Ipswich    
 
 Barnes,  J.  H.  petition-clerk,  customs • 
 
 Barnard,  major-gen.  sir  A.  col.  rifle  brig;ade,  1st.  batt. 
 
 Equerry  and  clerk-marshal  to  the  king 
 
 Baker,  A.  St.  John,  consul-general  at  Washington 
 
 Baker,  lady  Elizabeth  Maiy,  pension  civil  list,  1814 
 
 Sister  to  the  duke  of  Leinster,  and  widow  of  an  under  secretary 
 of  state. 
 
 Baker,  rear-adm.  Tho.  South  America  (part  of  the  year)   •  •  •  • 
 Baker,  sir  Robert,  pension  on  civil  Hst,  1822 
 
 Late  Bow-street  magistrate,  dismissed  and  pensioned  after  queen 
 Caroline's  funeral.  If  be  neglected  his  duty,  he  ought  not  to  have 
 got  a  pension. 
 
 Bankes,  G.  M.P.  Corfe  Castle ;  cursitor  baron,  exchequer.  •  •  • 
 Baillie,  G.  clerk  in  colonial  secretary's  office 
 
 Agent  for  Sierra  Leone  and  the  royal  African  corps  •  • 
 
 Barnouin,  J.  H.  chief  clerk  to  clerk  of  ordnance   
 
 Barry,  colonel,  secretary  to  government  of  Mauritius     
 
 Barrington,  hon.  G.  son-in-law  of  earl  Grey,  cursitor  of  county 
 palatine  of  Durham,  and  captain  in  the  navy ;  lord  of 
 
 the  admiralty   
 
 Bandinel,  James,  clerk  in  office  of  secretary  for  foreign  aflfairs 
 Bayley,  sir  John,  one  of  the  barons  of  the  court  of  exchequer 
 
 Bayley,  sir  D.  consul-general  at  St.  Petersburgh    
 
 Bayly,  lieut.-gen.  H.  col.  8th  foot,  pay  and  emoluments  • . .  • 
 
 Pension  for  wounds 
 
 Beauclerk,  John,  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  1797 
 
 Recorder  of  Northampton,  1828 
 
 Beaufort,  capt.  F.  hydrographer  to  admiralty.  May  1829- « •  • 
 
 Bedingfleld,  John,  pension  on  civil  list,  1822     
 
 Bed  well,  F.  B.  registrar  in  court  of  chancery 
 
 Bell,  lieut.-col.  J.  secretary  to  governor  of  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
 Colonel  of  27th  foot,  and  governorof  Tilbury  Fort.  • 
 
 Bedford,  G.  C.  cleric  to  auditor  of  exchequer 
 
 Bernard,  John  F.  clerk  in  the  secretary's  office,  customs    •  • . . 
 
 Clerk  of  the  postage    • «■ 
 
 Belfast,  earl  of,  M.P.   for  Antrimshire ;  vice-chamberlain  in 
 
 the  king's  household    
 
 Belhaven,  lord,  lord  high  commissioner  of  Scotland    
 
 Belmore,  earl  of,  governor  of  Jamaica 
 
 £800 
 
 1500 
 380 
 600 
 200 
 600 
 
 6151 
 350 
 350 
 
 1182 
 749 
 
 1600 
 461 
 
 1545 
 500 
 
 455 
 
 739 
 
 639 
 
 1062 
 
 3150 
 
 1000 
 
 1200 
 
 5516 
 
 1000 
 
 1320 
 
 350 
 
 200 
 
 750 
 
 691 
 
 250 
 
 3877 
 
 2000 
 
 1200 
 
 50 
 
 500 
 
 600 
 2000 
 7000 
 
512         Pl.XtV.S,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Bentham,  sir  S.  pension  as  late  civil  architect  and  surveyor  •  • 
 
 Pension  for  late  employment  in  Russia,  1797 
 
 Beresford,  William,  g^room  of  the  privy  chamber    
 
 Beresford,  general,   W.  C.  viscount,  col.    16th  foot,  pay  and 
 
 emoluments 
 
 Governor  of  Jersey 
 
 Pension  by  act  of  parliament 
 
 Beresford,     H.    B    compensation    as    late    joint-storekeeper, 
 
 customs    
 
 Beresford,  J.  C.  compensation  as  late  joint-storekeeper,  customs 
 These  ofiices,  lield  by  patent,  are  abolished — aud  what  a  compen- 
 sation !  it  is  a  s;ciiuine  Irish  job,  and  worthy  of  the  plundering 
 family  wlio  participate  in  it.  ./.  C.  Beresford  is  the  man  of  the  riding- 
 house  flogging  celebrity.  Sir  J.  B.  Beresford,  brother  of  the  viscount, 
 is  a  vice-admiral,  and  major-general  lord  G.  R.  Beresford  is  colonel 
 of  3d  dragoons. 
 
 Bentinck,  gen.  lord  W.  governor- general  of  Bengal 
 
 Clerk  of  the  pipe  in  the  exchequer,  England 
 
 Colonel  of  1 1th  hussars,  pay  and  emoluments    
 
 Look  at  this  nobleman's  offices,  emoluments,  and  localities,  and 
 then  think  of  the  incongruities  tolerated  under  the  system. 
 Bentinck,  Jemina  Helen,  pension  on  civil  list,  Nov.  1809*  •  •  • 
 
 Bessy,  J.  F.  second  under  clerk,  teller's  office    
 
 Bexley,  lord,  pension  as  late  chancellor  of  the  exchequer  •  •  •  • 
 Here  is  a  reward  for  the  most  consummate  ignorance  and  laxity 
 of  principle.  Lord  Bexley  left  the  Exchequer  from  sheer  incapa- 
 city, and  then  skulked  under  the  Canning  ministry  as  chancellor  of 
 the  duchy  of  Lancaster,  and  alter  enriching  himself  in  that  sinecure, 
 tinally  graduated  on  his  pension  under  the  profligate  57  Geo.  III. 
 Bidwell,  Thomas,  clerk  in  office  of  secretary  for  foreign  affairs 
 
 Deputy  clerk  of  the  signet » 
 
 BidAvell,  John,  clerk  in  the  office  of  secretary  for  foreign  affiairs 
 
 Binning,   D.  M.  commissioner  of  customs 
 
 Bipland,  Thomas,  collector  of  customs,  Greenock     
 
 Birch,  J.  W.  assistant  reading  clerk,  house  of  lords 
 
 Bird,  C.  clerk,  receiver  of  duties  and  registrar,  Berbice  •••• 
 
 Bingley,  Robert,  king's  assay-master,  mint -office  • ' 
 
 Birnie,  sir.   R.  chief  magistrate.  Bow-street-office,  salary  and 
 
 extra  allowance  for  attendance  at  home-office     
 
 Bicknell,   H.  E.  clerk  to  registrar  in  chancery  ....  • 
 
 Bing;ham,  C.  col-  royal  artilleiy,  and  fire-master  royal  laboratory 
 
 Pension  for  wounds     ' 
 
 Bing^ham,  major-gen.  sir  G,  R.staflf,  southern  district,  Ireland 
 
 Unattached  pay  as  lieut. -colonel 
 
 Blake,  A.  R.  chief  remembrancer  of  the  exchequer,  Ireland.. 
 Blackwood,  vice-admiral  sir  H .  commander-in-chief  at  the  Nore 
 
 Groom  of  the  king's  bedchamber     
 
 Pension  on  civil  list,   1 809 
 
 Commanded  a  frigate  at  Trafalgar;  but  other  captains  in  that 
 action  have  neither  obtained  a  place  at  court  nor  a  pension. 
 
 £1000 
 500 
 
 no  return. 
 
 1182 
 1100 
 2000 
 
 2157 
 2157 
 
 25000 
 1131 
 2511 
 
 300 
 
 600 
 
 3000 
 
 1250 
 
 95 
 
 1400 
 
 1400 
 
 800 
 1200 
 1730 
 
 900 
 
 1200 
 
 1622 
 
 731 
 
 300 
 
 891 
 
 310 
 
 2817 
 
 2555 
 
 400 
 
 300 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 5K 
 
 Blackwood,  lady  Harriet,  pension  out  of  41  per  cent,  fund  •  • 
 Blakenev,  major-g-en.  sir  E.  staff,  south-western  district,  Ireland 
 
 Unattached  pay  as  lieut.-colonel 
 
 Blackburn,  F.   attorney-general  of  Ireland    
 
 Black,  Jean  and  Mary,  pension  each,  civil  list  ^w^r.  1823  •  • 
 
 Blair,   Mrs.  Isabella  Corneha,  pension  on  civil  list,   Oct.  1811 
 
 Isabella  and  Cornelia,  pension  on  civil  list,  1810,  each 
 
 William,   pension  on  civil  hst,    1812 
 
 Blaquiere,  John,  lord  de,  pension  on  civil  list,  1794    
 
 Additional  pension  on  civil  list,   1 802     
 
 Pension  by  act  of  parliament,  Ireland    
 
 Well  known  in  the  Irish  parliament,  and  who  with  a  handsome 
 person  and  good  address  succeeded  well  at  the  vice-regal  court. 
 
 Blackwell,  major-gen.  governor  of  Tobago 
 
 Bloomfield,  lord,  envoy  and  min.  plenipo.  in  Sweden 
 
 Colonel  of  artillery 
 
 Blunt,  Joseph,  solicitor  to  the  mint     
 
 Borough,  sir  R.  during  pleasure,  pension  on  ci^al  list,  1794*  • 
 
 Booth,  W.  deputy  commissary-general,  half-pay 
 
 Clerk  of  the  survey,  ordnance-department 
 
 Bowen,  Jas.  late  commissioner  of  navy 
 
 Boothby,  sir  W.  receiver-general  of  customs 
 
 Agent  for  New  Brunswick 
 
 Paymaster  of  band  of  g-entlemen  pensioners    
 
 A  relation  by  marriage  of  the  "  stern  path  of  duty  man." 
 
 Bolton,  lieut. -general  sir  R.  col.  7th  dragoon  guards     
 
 Equerry  to  the  king    « 
 
 Bosanquet,  sir  J.  B,  a  judge  of  the  common  pleas 
 
 Bosanquet,  G.  secretary  and  charge  d'affaires  at  Madrid  •  •  •  • 
 Bolland,  sir  W.  one  of  the  barons  of  the  court  of  exchequer  •  • 
 Bowles,  William,  comptroller  of  coast-guard,  July  1822  •• 
 
 Captain  in  the  navy,  half-pay     • 
 
 Bowles,  Charles  and  Elizabeth  his  wife,  on  Irish  civil  list,  1827 
 Mr.  C  Bowles  married  the  sister  of  Mrs.  Goulburn,  wife  of  the 
 late  chancellor  of  the  exchequer ;  was  afterwards  dubbed  private 
 secretary  to  his  brother-in-law  ;  and  on  the  unaccountable  promo- 
 tion of  this  last  in  England,  finally  settled  for  life  on  poor  Ireleind 
 at  the  pittance  mentioned. 
 Bowden,  J.  chief  clerk  to  the  receiver-general  at  post-office  •  • 
 
 Inspector  of  stamps  for  excise,  Aug.  1826     
 
 Bouverie,  major-gen.  sir  H.  F.  commanding  northern  district 
 Unattached  pay  as  major  in  the  coldstream  guards  •  •  •  • 
 
 Bouverie,   H.I.  commissioner  of  customs 
 
 Bouverie,  hon.  Arabella,  pension  on  civil  list,   1821  •••••••  • 
 
 It  is  certainly  not  the  politics  of  the  present  lord  Radnor,  which 
 obtained  for  the  Bouveries  their  civil  and  more  numerous  eccle<si- 
 astical  appointments. 
 
 Boulton,  K.  J.  attorney-general.  Upper  Canada 
 
 Bousfield,  deputy  registrar,  Bankrupt-court 
 
 2  L 
 
 £206 
 691 
 310 
 
 3000 
 
 50 
 
 276 
 
 138 
 
 184 
 
 1107 
 830 
 500 
 
 3027 
 
 4900 
 
 1003 
 
 800 
 
 184 
 
 267 
 
 560 
 
 956 
 
 1500 
 
 150 
 
 230 
 
 1334 
 
 750 
 
 5500 
 
 2260 
 
 5516 
 
 1000 
 
 228 
 
 192 
 
 600 
 150 
 874 
 700 
 1400 
 300 
 
 1534 
 600 
 
14 
 
 I'l.XCES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND   GRANTS. 
 
 Bourchier,  Chas.  assistant  solicitor  to  the  treasury     
 
 Bowden,  J.  W.  commissioner  of  stamps     
 
 Boyd,  Chas,  surve}'or-f^encral,   customs    »• 
 
 Boyd,  hon.  R.  deputy  inspector  of  hospitals  and  commissioner 
 of  revenue  and  commerce    
 
 Boyle,   David,  lord  justice  clerk,  Scotland    • 
 
 Boyle,  hon.  C.  commissioner  of  navy,   1823 
 
 Bradshaw,  J.  H.  clerk  and  registrar,  post-office    • 
 
 Brande,  W.  T.  superintendent  of  the  irons,  mint-office 
 
 Brandon,  William,  baron,  pension  on  civil  list,  Nov.  ]820'» 
 
 Briggs,  J.  T.  deputy  secretary  to  victualling-board    
 
 Brickdale,  comptroller  of  customs,  Bristol -  - 
 
 Brisbane,  lieut.  gen.  sir  Tho.  colonel  34th  foot 
 
 Brackenbury,  J.  M.  consul  at  Cadiz 
 
 Brent,  T.  secretaiy,  board  of  green  cloth 
 
 Secretary  to  the  lord  steward 
 
 Groom  and  clerk  of  the  robes .  •  •  • 
 
 Bradford,  lieut. -general  sir  T.  col.  30th  foot 
 
 Pension  for  wounds     
 
 Brougham  and  Vaux,  lord,  lord  high  chancellor  of  England-  • 
 The  sum  we  have  put  down  is  the  average  annual  emoluments 
 of  the  chancellor-sliip  during  the  three  preceding  years,  and  a  Par- 
 liamentary Committee,  ot  which  Mr.  liaringwas  chairman,  has  pro- 
 posed to  fix  the  future  salary  of  the  lord  chancellor  at  £14,000  a- 
 year,  in  lieu  of  all  fees  and  perquisites.  We  have  before  expressed 
 au  opinion  that  (his  is  too  much.  To  be  sure  the  Lord  Chancellor 
 is  a  sort  of  legal  chattel  moveable  with  the  administration  to  which 
 he  is  appendant,  whereas  the  judges  seated  on  the  bench  of  com- 
 mon law  have  mostly  a  tenancy  lor  life.  But  with  the  precedent 
 of  lord  Lyndhurst  there  appears  no  absolute  reason  future  ex- 
 chancellors  should,  after  the  manner  of  the  late  lord  Erskine, 
 while  away  time  in  the  gossip  of  coteries  and  drawing  rooms.  It 
 is  alleged  the  lord  chancellor  has  an  hereditary  peerage  to 
 support,  which  he  is  compelled  to  accept,  whether  he  will  or  not. 
 To  this  we  answer — grant  peerages  for  life  !  How  much  better 
 it  would  have  been  for  the  Giffords,  Kenyons,  Loughhoroughs, 
 Ellenboroughs,  Tluirlows,  Fitzgibbons  and  Avonmores,  had  their 
 dignities  terminated  with  the  individuals  who  acquired  them : 
 we  should  have  heard  less  of  poor  peers,  and  of  the  necessity  of 
 hereditary  pensions  and  hereditary  sinecures  to  support  them. 
 Evf>iy  new  chancellor  has  an  allowance  for  outfit  to  the  amount 
 of  ±.'2000,  and  the  salary  itself  is  only  one  of  the  advantages  of  the 
 appointment  :  its  great  attractions  consist  in  the  official  preceden- 
 cy it  confers,  and  the  vast  extent  of  legal  and  ecclesiastical  patron- 
 age it  places  at  the  disposal  of  the  possessor.  Lord  Hrougliam  will 
 not  be  alone  in  his  penury,  if  such  be  his  lot;  there  are  other  law 
 lords  wiiose  pecuniary  acquisitions  must  be  much  less  commensu- 
 rate to  tlie  support  of  a  coronet. 
 
 In  Englan(l  the  public  mind  is  so  diseased  by  the  pursuit  of 
 wealth,  we  are  accustomed  to  hear  so  much  of  the  necessity  of 
 great  incomes  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  the  Crown,  the  dignity  of 
 the  Peerage,  and  the-  dignity  of  the  Prelacy  ;  we  really  seem  to 
 think — so  much  has  the  judgment  been  perverted  by  the  worship  of 
 Mammon — that  there  is  no  honour,  no  dignity,  no  happiness,  ex- 
 
 £1900 
 
 1012 
 
 800 
 
 3000 
 
 4000 
 
 1000 
 
 62.5 
 
 700 
 
 27() 
 
 800 
 
 GG6 
 
 1095 
 
 1216 
 
 1185 
 
 124 
 
 156 
 
 1311 
 
 350 
 
 14500 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,     SINECURES,    AND    (iUANTS. 
 
 cept  in  the  grasping  of  large  heaps  of  money.  It  is,  however,  not 
 so — a  man  with  £500  a-year — if  he  so  will  it — may  just  as  well 
 support  his  dignity  as  one  with  half  a  million.  Our  notions  diller 
 greatly  from  other  ages  and  nations.  The  Roman  worthies  could 
 retire  to  their  farms  without  disparagement, after  the  exercise  of 
 sovereign  power.  How  much  our  wealth-seeking  aristocracy 
 sinks  in  comparison  witli  the  American  democracy — the  glorious 
 names  of  Jefferson,  Adams,  and  Maddison,  who  needed  neither 
 hereditary  honours  nor  pensions  to  dignify  retirement,  and  transmit 
 their  fame  to  posterity.  But  we  shall  leave  the  subject :  all  we 
 have  said  has  no  reference  to  the  Lord  Chancellor ;  no  one  can 
 have  read  the  testimony  he  gave  before  the  Committee  to  which 
 we  have  alluded,  without  being  convinced  that  he  has  higher  ob- 
 jects in  view  than  pecuniary  gain — that  he  is  only  actuated  by  a 
 regard  to  what  is  suitable  to  the  office,  not  to  the  individual  who 
 fills  it. 
 
 Many  persons  were  surprised  that  a  person  possessing  such  tran- 
 scendent abilities  and  unwearied  industry  as  lord  Brougham  should 
 merge  them  in  the  stagnant  pool  of  the  house  of  peers.  But 
 ought  not  the  harassing  and  stormy  course  of  his  lordship's  previous 
 career  to  be  home  in  mind,  and  may  he  not,  in  his  latter  days, 
 have  chosen  the  woolsack  from  the  same  motives  which  prince 
 Talleyrand  chose  a  belle  and  bonhomie  spouse, —  namely,  as  con- 
 venient for  j-fpose?  As  cabinet  minister,  head  of  the  law  depart- 
 ment, keeper  of  the  king's  conscience,  and  what  not,  his  lordship's 
 sphere  and  power  of  usefulness  are  vastly  extended  and  augmented. 
 All  the  manifold  abuses,  which  he  lias  so  long  forcibly  and  eloquent- 
 ly set  forth  in  the  administration  of  justice,  in  charitable  founda- 
 tions, in  corporate  and  collegiate  endowments,  and  in  West  Indian 
 slavery,  he  may  now  hunt  down  with  a  power  and  means  of  accom- 
 plishment increased  a  hundred  fold.  To  the  pursuit  of  tliese  objects 
 lord  Brougham  is  solemnly  pledged ;  and  we  confess  we  have  seen 
 nothing  in  his  lordship's  official  career  to  lessen  i)ublic  confidence 
 in  the  steadfastness  of  his  engagements.  The  establishment  of  the 
 Court  of  Bankruptcy  was  a  vigorous  and  disinterested  effort  at  ju- 
 dicial improvement.  His  lordship's  speech,  however,  on  the  first 
 intioduction  of  the  Reform  Bill,  was,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  a  queer 
 one ;  it  had  many  readings,  for  which  we  could  only  account  from 
 some  misgivings  of  tlie  Speaker  respecting  the  future.  As  to  what  his 
 lordship  has  thrown  out  on  the  tenure  of  ecclesiastical  property,  v\'e 
 do  not  attach  much  importance  to  it :  when  the  noble  Baron  alleged 
 that  the  church  was  a  sleeping  partner  with  the  state,  we  considered 
 it  a  joke,  intended  for  the  blind  side  of  tlie  House.  The  spirit  of 
 the  People  is  roused  ;  events  are  crowding  onward  at  a  giant  pace, 
 which  will  practically  determine  the  rights  of  the  Clergy  with  much 
 less  preliminary  discussion  than  has  been  consumed  about  the  im- 
 munities of  hares  and  partridges,  the  African  slave-trade,  and  Ca- 
 tholic emancipation. 
 
 Brougham,  W.  brother  of  the  precedmg;  a  master  in  Chan- 
 cery,  circa 
 
 Brown,  W.  R.  cocket- writer  in  the  customs      
 
 Brown,  N.  commissioner,  victuaUing-office     
 
 Brown,  Thomas,  master-attendant,  Woolwich 
 
 Brown,  R.  H.  warden  of  Fleet  Prison,  see  p.  486 
 
 Browne,  Charles,  under-secretary,  excise   
 
 Browne,  P.  secretary  and  charge  d'aftaij'es  at  Copenhagen    •  • 
 
 2  l2 
 
 £4250 
 
 1088 
 
 800 
 
 650 
 
 2000 
 
 800 
 
 1151 
 
516         PLACIiS,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Browne,  R.  solicitor  to  the  stamp-board,  Ireland   
 
 Browne,  R.  late  teller  of  exchequer,  Aug.  1824    
 
 Late  commissioner  of  musters,  1 798 
 
 Browne,  sir  H.  pension  pn  civil  list,  1829 
 
 Brown,  R.  examiner  of  army  accounts 
 
 Half-pay  as  deputy-commissary  general,  1807  •» 
 
 Agent  for  paying  retired  or  officiating  chaplains 
 
 Allowance  as  private  secretary  to  a  secretary  of  war  •  • 
 
 Brooking,  A.  H.  collector  of  customs,  Newfoundland    
 
 Brownrigg,  gen.  sir  R.  colonel  9th  foot,  pay  and  emolumeuts 
 
 Governor  of  Landguard  fort    
 
 Pension  from  Ceylon 
 
 Brooksbank,  Stamp,  clerk  in  the  treasury  and  auditor    
 
 Brooksbank,  T.  C.  chief  clerk  in  treasury 
 
 Agent  and  paymaster  of  Chelsea  out-pensioners  • 
 
 Agent  for  the  Bahamas   
 
 As  late  commissioner  of  lottery 
 
 Brooksbank,  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,  1783 
 
 Brooksbank,  Elizabeth,  Isabella,  and  Hermoine,  civil  list,  1827 
 
 Brooke,  R.  clerk  in  customs,  Liverpool 
 
 Bromley,  lady  Louisa,  (late  Dawson,)  pension  out  of  4^  per 
 
 cent,  duties,  Nov.  1 820 
 
 Bruce,  sir  S.  pension  on  civil  list,  1817 
 
 Bryce,  major-gen.  sir  A.  colonel  commandant  royal  engineers, 
 
 and  deputy  inspector-general  of  fortifications 
 
 Pension  for  good  services    •• » 
 
 Brydges,  sir  John  W.  H.  uncle-in-law  of  marquis  of  Water- 
 ford,  and  M.P.  for  Coleraine  ;  a  major  in  the  army, 
 capt.  of  Sandgate-castle,  and  colonel  in  the  Portu- 
 guese service   
 
 The  city  of  London  has  had  a  brush  with  the  Beresfords,  as  well 
 as  Mr.  O'Connell,  and,  last  election,  attempted  to  rescue  from  their 
 monopolizing  grasp  the  borough  of  Coleraine.  The  borough  is  in- 
 debted for  its  charter  to  the  corporation  of  London  ;  they  are  the 
 proprietors  of  the  soil,  and  endowed  it  with  upwards  of  400  acres 
 of  land,  for  the  general  benefit  of  the  inhabitants.  By  some  means 
 the  Beresfords  have  contrived  to  render  the  common  council  a  select 
 body,  consisting  of  the  members  of  their  own  family  and  dependents, 
 through  whose  agency,  for  upwards  of  a  century,  they  have  returned 
 the  parliamentary  representative.  For  the  last  fifteen  years  sir  John 
 Brydges  has  i)een  their  nominee  ;  and,  at  the  general  election,  the 
 gallant  knight,  for  the  tirst  time,  went  to  pay  his  respects  to  his 
 constituents,  when,  in  answer  to  the  inquiries  of  the  townspeople, 
 he  told  them  "  that,  though  he  had  nevt- r  before  been  amongst  them, 
 and  was  an  Englishman,  he  had  an  Irish  heart."  Some  of  the  inha- 
 bitants claimed  the  right  to  which  they  are  entitled  by  the  charter, 
 to  the  exercise  of  the  elective  Cianchise,  and  objected  to  the  Major 
 being  returned  by  about  twenty  non-resident  burgesses.  These 
 claims  and  objections  were  over-ruled  by  the  worshipful  mayor  ; 
 and,  after  the  usual  farce  of  a  nomination  by  a  clergyman,  and  a 
 seconding  by  another  corporate  oflScial,  the   captain  of  Sandgate- 
 
 £2000 
 
 400 
 
 151 
 
 200 
 
 1200 
 
 273 
 
 250 
 
 150 
 
 1400 
 
 1323 
 
 339 
 
 1000 
 
 1650 
 
 1200 
 
 750 
 
 150 
 
 150 
 
 155 
 
 300 
 
 500 
 
 250 
 177 
 
 1875 
 182 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 517 
 
 castle,  and  colonel  in  the  service  of  Don  Miguel,  was  declared  duly 
 elected  to  the  imperial  parliament.  The  corporation  of  London 
 Lave  protested  against  these  proceedings  of  the  Beresford  puppets, 
 and  expressed  their  intention,  by  a  deputation  of  their  body,  to  re- 
 establish, in  a  court  of  law,  the  general  rights  of  the  burgess  agree- 
 ably to  their  charter.  It  is  probable,  however,  their  laudable  en- 
 deavours will  be  rendered  unnecessary  by  the  general  legislative 
 measure,  which  will  at  once  cut  off  such  rotten  concerns  as  Cole- 
 raine,  Truro,  Berealston,  and  scores  more. 
 
 Buchanan,  lady  Janet,  pension  on  civil  list,  Oct.  1827 
 
 Buchanan,  Susanna,  pension  on  civil  list,  Nov.  1827    
 
 Burton,  W.  W.  puisne-judge.  Cape  of  Good  Hope  •  •  •  • 
 
 Bull,  John,  clerk  of  journals  and  papers,  house  of  commons*  • 
 Buller,  James,  retired  allowance  as  late  commis,  of  customs  •  • 
 This  gentleman,  we  are  told,  a  mild,  amiable  person,  possessed 
 the  borough  or  boroughs  of  East  and  WestLooe:  therefore,  dis- 
 posing of  his  seats  to  the  government,  was  made  a  commissioner  of 
 the  customs  ;  was  unfortunately  attacked  with  deafness  ;  marries ; 
 is  tired  of  London  ;  retires  to  the  country  ;  makes  room  for  some 
 other  proteg^  of  government ;  and  saddles  the  country  with  a  pen- 
 sion of £1100. 
 
 Bulley,  A.  clerk  of  issues,  auditor's  oflSce,  Oct.  1822 
 
 Receiver  of  pensions  and  officers'  duties 
 
 Allowance  on  moneys  paid  into  the  Exchequer 
 
 Burgh,  Elizabeth,  pension  on  civil  list    
 
 Burgh,  Catharine,  pension  on  civil  list . . 
 
 Burke,  J.  clerk  of  crown  quit-rents,  Dublin 
 
 Burke,  executors  of  Mrs.,  pension  on  the  4g  per  cent,  fund*  • 
 We  have  touched  on  this  notorious  abuse  at  p.  203,  and  shall  here 
 pass  it  over. 
 
 Bushe,  C.  K.  chief  justice  of  the  king's  bench,  Ireland 
 
 Bursey,  J.  inspector  in  the  audit-office 
 
 Burrows,  Peter,  commis.  for  relief  of  insolvent  debtors,  Ireland 
 Burraud,  Rev.  G.  compensation  allowance  for  loss  of  the  office 
 
 of  searcher  in  the  customs • 
 
 Some  boroughmongering  job  this,  no  doubt ;  otherwise,  no  cler- 
 gyman could  have  held  the  odice  o{  searcher  in  the  customs. 
 
 Burrard,  Hannah,  pension  on  civil  list,  1815 
 
 Butler,  G.  chief  clerk,  ordnance  department  •  •' 
 
 Butcher,  J.  store-keeper  in  the  ordnance,  Dublin 
 
 Burghersh,  major-gen.  Lord,  minister  plenipo.  at  Florence    •  • 
 His  lordship  was  receiving  a  large  salary  as  envoy  at  Florence, 
 while    spending   the  last  winter  in   London,  busily  engaged   in 
 bringing  out  his  new  opera. 
 
 Burgoyne,  J.  lieut.-col.  royal  engineers,  1814 
 
 Extra  pay,  commanding  royal  engineers,  Portsmouth- . 
 
 Allowance  for  servant 
 
 Pension  for  good  services,  1817 
 
 Burnell,  Dr.  W,  commissioner,  victualling-office    
 
 Burton,  Charles,  third  justice  of  the  king's  bench,  Ireland-  •  •  - 
 Burton,  T.  allowance  as  late  secretary  to  board  of  excise    •  •  •  • 
 
 £150 
 200 
 1500 
 1656 
 1100 
 
 750 
 108 
 144 
 276 
 230 
 461 
 2500 
 
 5076 
 
 600 
 
 2092 
 
 1100 
 
 400 
 
 900 
 
 750 
 
 3900 
 
 330 
 
 165 
 
 27 
 
 182 
 
 1000 
 
 3692 
 
 1500 
 
518         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Burton,  gen.  N.  C.  col.  60th  foot  (Ist  batt.) | 
 
 Buttervvich,  M.  registrar  of  deeds,  Yorkshire 
 
 Byham,  R.  secretary  to  the  board  of  ordnance 
 
 Byng,  F.  clerk  in  foreign  secretary's  office 
 
 Byng,  lieut.-gen.  right  hon.  sir  J.    M.P.  for  Poole,  col.  29th 
 foot      •» 
 
 Byng,  hon.  E.  commissioner,  colonial  audit-office 
 
 Byron,  lord,  captain,  R.N.  ;  lord  of  the  bedchamber 
 
 Calvert,  J.  M.P,  for  Huntington ;  late  sec.  to  the  lord  cham- 
 berlain   • • 
 
 Camden,  marquess,  one  of  the  four  tellers  of  the  exchequer.  • 
 Tiie  great  sinecures  being  about  to  be  attacked,  in  1817,  the 
 marquis,  who  had  held  the  tellersliip  thirly-six  years,  and  re- 
 ceived, on  account  of  it,  probably  upwards  of  a  million  of  money, 
 resigned  tlu^  fees  and  emoluments  of  his  office,  amounting  to  £27,000, 
 retaining  only  the  regulutcd  salary  of  £2500.  Previously  to  this  his 
 lordship  contributed  sums  to  the  public  service.  In  1819,  the  house 
 of  commons  tendered  a  tardy  vote  of  thanks  for  this  munitlcent  oll'er- 
 ing.  An  expectation  was  entertained,  which  is  not  yet  realized, 
 that  the  patriotic  example  would  have  been  followed  by  the  Cren- 
 villes,  the  Ai^dens,  the  IJathursIs,  and  other  gi'eat  sinecurists.  Had 
 the  registrar  of  the  admiralty  court  surrendered  the  emoluments  of 
 his  office  for  the  last  half  century,  he  would  have  done  more,  we 
 imagine,  to  quench  the  fires  in  tl\e  county,  of  which  he  is  lord- 
 lieutenant,  than  by  getting  up  magisterial  resolutions  to  put  down 
 the  incendiaries. 
 
 Cameron,  lady,  pension  on  civil  list,  Dec.  1819 
 
 Cameron,  maj.-gen.  sir  J.  commanding  western  district 
 
 Unattached  pay  as  major 
 
 Lieutenant-governor  of  Plymouth    
 
 Pension  for  injuries  received  in  the  service 
 
 Cane,  Richard,  sub-agent,  Ireland,  for  Chelsea  hospital 
 
 Agent  to  yeomanry  corps,  ditto 
 
 Capper,  J.   H.  clerk  for  ciiminal  business  in  the  home  depart. 
 
 Superintendent  of  convict  establishment 
 
 Carter,  M.  consul  at  Coquimbo    
 
 Cartwright,  John,  consul-general  at  Constantinople    
 
 Carr,  hon.  Jane,  (late  Perceval)  pension  by  act  of  parliament  . 
 Our  readers  may  have  read  ov  heard  of  a  mild,  specious,  cold- 
 hearted,  self-complacent  minister — exactly  of  the  Addington  impress 
 — named  Spencer  I'eiceval  :  this  pension  was  granted  to  his  widow, 
 who,  within  the  annum  litclus,  forgot  her  little  lawyer,  and  married 
 major  (^arr,  of  tiieguaids.  Some  of  the  minister's  children  have 
 been  well  provided  for  in  the  public  offices  ;  and  in  political  demean- 
 our, present  no  contrast  to  their  j)rogenitor. 
 
 Carr,  Morton,  solicitor  to  excise,  Scotland  ••.. 
 
 Campbell,  major-gen.  sir  J.  staff  at  Grenada,  staff  pay    
 
 Governor  of  Grenada,  pay  and  emoluments 
 
 Unattached  pay  as  major-general 
 
 Campbell,  lieut.-gen.  sir  H.  commissioner  of  taxes 
 
 Military  pay  in  1829 
 
 £1331 
 
 650 
 
 1400 
 
 903 
 
 793 
 
 1000 
 
 500 
 
 7.50 
 
 2700 
 
 500 
 
 691 
 
 310 
 
 493 
 
 300 
 
 1650 
 
 461 
 
 670 
 
 400 
 
 1254 
 
 1600 
 
 2000 
 
 1500 
 828 
 
 3775 
 310 
 
 1 000 
 
 1294 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 .19 
 
 Campbell,  sir  A.  late  lord  of  session,  Scotland 
 
 Campbell,  Patrick,  sec.  and  charge  d'aftaires  in  Colombia*  •  •  • 
 
 Campbell,  D.  retired  allowance  as  registrar  of  forfeitures,  Ireland 
 
 Ditto  as  commissioner  of  militajy  accounts,  Ireland    •  • 
 
 Pension  on  Irish  civil  list     
 
 Accountant  to  board  of  general  otficers 
 
 A  servant  of  all  vvorlv,  this,  at  tlie  Castle,  and  the  work  there  has 
 been  mostly  bhtck-jobs. 
 
 Campbell,  gen.  A.  col.  3d  foot,  pay  and  emoluments 
 
 Campbell,  D.  inspecting-  commander  of  customs,  Aberdeen     •  • 
 
 Captain  in  the  navy • 
 
 Campbell,  major-gen.  sir  C.  commanding'  south-west  district  •  • 
 Unattached  pay  as  major  in  the  coldstream  guards  •  •  •  • 
 
 Governor  of  Portsmouth 
 
 Campbell,  John,  comptroller  of  customs,  Greenock 
 
 Campbell,  gen.  D.  col.  91st  foot,  pay  and  emoluments 
 
 Campbell,  Alexander,  commissioner  of  excise 
 
 Campbell,  Eliza,  pension  on  civil  list 
 
 Campbell,  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list.  Sept.  1810 
 
 Campbell,  Mrs.  A.  pension  out  of  4^  per  cent,  duities,  1820'  • 
 
 Campbell,  sir  Hay,  late  pi-esident  court  of  session 
 
 Campbell,  Thomas,  pension  on  Scotch  civil  list,  Oct.  1806  •• 
 Really  the  Campbells  are  a  host!  Metiud  them  in  all  offices  and 
 departments,  and  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  Those  enumerated  are 
 only  part  of  the  clan.  The  last  we  always  took  to  be  the  author  of 
 the  celebrated  Pleasures  of  Hope.  Mr.  Campbell's  pension,  we 
 believe,  was  given  to  him  by  his  friends,  the  Whigs,  but  we  never 
 could  learn  by  what"  high  and  eiiic'ient public  services"  he  became 
 entitled  to  it.  If  it  were  bestowed  when  Mr.  C.  was  a  poor,  but  ele- 
 gant scholar,  and  man  of  genius,  well  and  good  ;  we  do  not  grudge 
 the  boon,  had  it  been  five  times  the  amount. 
 
 Canning,  H.  consul-general  at  Hamburgh •  -  •  • 
 
 Canning,  sir  Stratford,  ambassador  at  Constantinople 
 
 Canning,  trustees  for  the  family  of  the  late  Mr.,  pension,  by  act 
 
 of  parliament « 
 
 The  life  of  the  late  Mr.  Canning  weis  undistinguished  by  public 
 virtue,  and  at  his  death  he  merited  no  public  reward.  He  was  an 
 open  corruptionist  and  trimmer  for  place;  his  political  principles 
 were  superficial  and  aristocratic ;  and  by  his  abilities — specious 
 sophistry,  and  tinsel  eloquence — he  kept  up  a  party  which  inflicted 
 on  the  country  incalculable  evils.  The  friends  who  deserted  him 
 knew  him  ;  they  hated  and  feared  him.  If  not  too  late,  we  would 
 suggest  that  the  monument  in  honour  of  this  adventurer  had  better 
 be  erected  somewhere  else  than  Palace-yard;  that  is  no  place  for 
 George  Canning,  and  the  times  are  coming  when  it  will  certainly 
 not  be  allowed  to  stand  there. 
 
 Carter,  Thomas,  provost-marshal,  Barbadoes 
 
 Cathcart,  earl  of,  late  ambassador  at  Petersburgh 
 
 Colonel  of  2d  life  guards 
 
 Vice-admiral  of  Scotland      
 
 Governor  of  Hull 
 
 £1950 
 3125 
 276 
 367 
 266 
 130 
 
 1351 
 344 
 191 
 691 
 500 
 168 
 600 
 
 1241 
 
 1400 
 389 
 200 
 219 
 
 3225 
 184 
 
 1836 
 4460 
 
 3000 
 
 1500 
 1784 
 1816 
 1015 
 
i20 
 
 PI,A(  F.S,    PENSIONS,  SINLCIRES,    AM)    (iUANTS. 
 
 Camperdo\vn,visc.  hereditary  pension  for  lord  Duncan's  victory 
 Cathcart,  Elizabeth,  baroness,  pension  on  civil  list,  1798  •  •  •  • 
 Caithness,  Jean,  countess  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1800     ••• 
 
 Additional  pension  on  civil  list,  July  1802     
 
 Additional  pension  on  civil  list,  Sept    1 825     
 
 Cavan,  gen.  the  earl  of,  col.  4.5th  foot,  pay     
 
 Governor  of  Calshot-castle 
 
 Pension  on  civil  list,  June  1796 
 
 Chapman,  J.  commissioner  of  audit     
 
 Chapman,  col.  S.  11.  secretary  and  registrar,  Gibraltar 
 
 Chapman,  J.  allowance  as  late  clerk  in  colonial-office      
 
 Late  clerk  of  council,  Trinidad     • 
 
 Chad,  G.  W.  foreign  minister  in  Prussia    
 
 Charsley ,  W.  assistant-clerk  in  tally-office 
 
 Compensation  for  loss  of  office  in  tally  cutting 
 
 Junior  clerk  in  tally-office 
 
 For  labour  in  locking  up  the  kitig's  treasure,  1826  •  • 
 Christie,  col.  sir  Arch,  unattached  pay  as  colonel  of  1st  royal 
 
 Commandant  of  Chatham  depot 
 
 Pension  for  wounds      
 
 Chamberlain,  sir  H.  consul  at  Rio  (to  5th  June,  1830) 
 
 Champaone,  gen.  Josiah,  col.  17th  foot 
 
 Chambers,  R.  J.  police  justice,  Union  Hall    
 
 Late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  1803    
 
 Chambers,  Geo.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,  1825    
 
 The  number  of  inspectors  of  taxes  for  England  and  Wales  is 
 seventeen,  and  their  salaries  £400  each,  exclusi\e  of  allowances  for 
 travelling  and  other  expenses.  By  1  and  2  William  IV.  c.  18,  the 
 receivers  of  taxes  are  abolished,  with  the  exception  of  one  for  the 
 London  district,  and  their  duties  transferred  to  the  inspectors,  wiio 
 receive  an  additional  salary  of  £100,  and  a  further  allowance  of 
 £100  for  a  clerk.  We  have  stated  their  salaries  and  emoluments 
 from  the  Parliamentary  Return  (No.  1G7,  f^ess.  1831),  including 
 the  additional  remuneration  for  the  receipt  of  the  taxes. 
 
 Chatham,  earl  of,  governor  of  Gibraltar 
 
 Receives  also  military  allowances,  and  is  col.  of  4th  foot. 
 
 In  trust  for  seven  children  of  lady  Lucy  R.  Taylor,  out 
 
 of  4^  per  cent.  Leeward  Island  duties,  for  each  •  •  •  • 
 
 Chowne,  lieut.-gen.  C.  colonel  76th  foot     
 
 Christian,  J.  assistant  inspector-gen.  of  customs,  Dublin    •  •  •  • 
 
 Commander  in  the  navy 
 
 Church,  John,  late  clerk  in  navy  pay  office,  March  1822  •  •  •  • 
 
 Clerk  in  stationery-office,  Jaji.  1808 
 
 Christmas,  C.  G.  deputy  auditor  for  land  revenue 
 
 Clarendon,  earl  of,  chief  justice  in  Eyre,  North  of  Trent  • .  •  • 
 
 Prothonotary  county  palatine  of  Durham    
 
 A  nephew,  G.  W.  F.  Villiers,  commissioner  of  customs;    and  a 
 cousin, 'f.  H.  Villiers,  secretary  to  the  India  Board. 
 Clare,  dowager  lady,  and  lady  Fitzgibbon,  pension  on  c.  1. 1830 
 
 £3000 
 
 389 
 
 200 
 
 100 
 
 100 
 
 613 
 
 43 
 
 260 
 
 1200 
 
 1200 
 
 1100 
 
 1427 
 
 5500 
 
 500 
 
 150 
 
 133 
 
 40 
 
 501 
 
 726 
 
 600 
 
 1041 
 
 1315 
 
 800 
 
 ?00 
 
 771 
 
 4000 
 
 139 
 
 1321 
 
 400 
 
 182 
 
 292 
 
 600 
 
 2193 
 
 2250 
 
 450 
 
 780 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 521 
 
 Mother  and  daughter ;  the  former,  widow  of  an  Irish  lord  chan- 
 cellor, who  was  long  in  office,  realized  money,  purchased  estates, 
 and  ought  to  have  been  in  good  circumstances.  It  was  he  who  was 
 said  to  have  alarmed  George  Ill's  conscience  as  to  the  coronation 
 oath;  and,  if  so,  was  really  the  cause  of  retarding  the  Catholic 
 claims  thirty  years,  and  for  which  we  are  now  suffering.  The 
 present  lord  is  governor  of  Bombay,  with  a  salary  of  15,000  a-year, 
 and  his  brother,  Fitzgibbon,  is  usher  of  the  Court  of  Chancery, 
 Ireland. 
 
 Clarke,  J.  inspector  and  rect-i'ver  of  taxes,  1805'  •  •  •  - 
 
 Clarke,  gen.  sir  Alured,col.  7tli  foot,  pay  and  emoluments     •  • 
 
 Clarke,  rev.  Dr.  receiver  of  clergy  returns,  1804 
 
 Late  auditor  of  the  royal  naval  asylum    
 
 Clark,  E.  H.  clerk  of  the  warrants,  customs 
 
 Clerk,  John,  late  lord  of  session,  Scotland 
 
 Clifden,  viscount,  clerk  of  the  privy  council,  Ireland 
 
 Clancarty,  earl  of,  late  ambassador  to  the  Netherlands      
 
 A  brother,  Poer  Trench,  archbishop  of  Tuam :  another  brother, 
 Charles  Trench,  archdeacon  of  Ardagh;  William  Gregory,  brother-in- 
 law,  late  under  secretary  of  Ireland,  is  a  pensioner  on  the  civil  list. 
 
 Clanricarde,  marquis,  captain  of  yeomen  of  guard 
 
 Clancey,  James,  taxing  ofEcer  in  common  law  business,  Ireland 
 
 Clarina,  Penelope,  baroness,  pension  on  civil  list,  1813      « •  •  • 
 
 Clinton,  lieut.-gen.  sir  W.  H.  col.  55th  foot 
 
 Clinton  and  Say,  lord,  col.  and  aid-de-camp  to  the  king;  lord 
 
 of  the  bedchamber 
 
 C.  R.  Trefusis,  a  brother,  commissioner  in  the  exci.^e ;  another 
 brother  capt.  R.  N  ;  E.  Moore,  a  son-in-law,  is  in  the  church. 
 Lady  Clinton  is  lady  of  tlie  bedchamber. 
 
 Clifton,  M.  W,  secretary  to  the  victualling-board 
 
 Clogstone,  S.  M.  collector  of  customs,  Trinidad 
 
 Cochrane,  Maria,  lady,  pension  on  civil  list,  Oct.  1800 
 
 Cochrane,  Sir  T.  James,  governor  of  Newfoundland 
 
 Cockburn,  Henry,  solicitor-general,  Scotland 
 
 Cockburn,  A.  late  minister  to  Wurtemberg     
 
 Cockburn,  sir  Geo.  M.P.  admiral  and  major-gen.  of  marines  •• 
 
 Cockburn,  Fanny,  Mary,  and  Harriet,  civil  list,  1791,  each*  • 
 
 Cockburn,  Marianne,  pension  on  civil  list,  1800    
 
 Cockburn,  Augusta  Harriet,    pension  on  civil  list,  1827     •••• 
 
 Cockburn,  dame  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1825      
 
 Cockburn,  dame  Augusta,  pension  on  civil  list    
 
 Of  this  singular  cluster,  probably  dame  Augusta  is  the  mother  of 
 sir  James,  sir  George,  the  dean  of  York,  and  the  Columbian  or 
 Mexican  ambassador.  She  was  of  a  noble  family,  and  fell  in  love 
 with  her  husband,  who  was  either  a  merchant,  or  held  an  office  in 
 the  India-house.  To  reconcile  her  marriage  with  this  person  to  her 
 family  he  was  made  a  baronet. 
 
 Cockane,  Barbara,  pension  on  civil  list,  June  1798    •  •  •  •  . . .  • 
 
 Codd,  major-general  superintendent,  Honduras 
 
 Coke,  Elizabeth  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,  1818    
 
 This  certainly  cannot  be  the  lady  of  the  member  for  Norfolk,  and 
 lessee  of  Dungencss  lighthouse  ! 
 
 £718 
 1153 
 500 
 300 
 2682 
 1500 
 1450 
 2000 
 
 1341 
 
 1107 
 
 333 
 
 1109 
 
 500 
 
 1000 
 
 1500 
 
 300 
 
 3000 
 
 2000 
 
 1700 
 
 1630 
 
 100 
 
 115 
 
 200 
 
 680 
 
 358 
 
 230 
 
 1200 
 
 100 
 
522 
 
 PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    ANU    GRANTS. 
 
 Colchester,  lord,  capt.  R.  N.  hereditar)'  pension,  by  act  of  pari. 
 The  father  of  tliis  lord  was  speakr-r  of  the  house  of  commons  for 
 many  years  with  a  siifliciently  large  salary,  and  held  till  death  the 
 valuable  sinecure  of  keeper  of  the  privy  seal,  Ireland.  He  was  a 
 shuffling,  time-serving  lawyer,  and  the  vote  of  censure  on  his  con- 
 duct, moved  by  lord  W.  Russell,  stands  recorded  on  the  journals  of 
 the  house.  Were  not  such  a  person  adequately  rewarded  in  his  life- 
 time, and  ought  the  country  to  be  burthened  with  apensionto  his  heir? 
 
 Coleridge,  John  Tavlor,  late  commissioner  .)f  bankrupts 
 
 I5y  the  I5ankruj)t(y  Court  Act  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury  are 
 authorised  to  grant  annuities  for  life,  to  the  amount  of  £200,  to  the 
 late  commissioners  of  bankrupt,  provided  they  hold  no  other  public 
 employment. 
 
 Cohnan,  George,  examiner  of  plays     • 
 
 Lieutenant  of  the  yeomen  of  the  guard    • • 
 
 Besides  the  military  duties  of  this  court  functionary,  his  business 
 is  to  exan)ine  theatrical  pieces  before  they  are  licensed  for  repre- 
 sentation, by  the  Lord  Chamberlain  ;  and  in  the  discharge  of  this 
 ollict'  he  has  latterly  acquired  considerable  notoriety,  by  his  captious 
 and  puritanical  expurgation  of  what  he  considered  objectionable 
 ])assages.  The  performance  of  The  IJride  of  Ludgate,  we  are  told  in 
 the  Taller,  was  delayed  by  the  extraordinary  oflicial  sensitiveness  of 
 Mr.  Deputy  Colman,  who  refused  to  license  the  piece  until  Charles 
 the  Second  (one  of  the  dramatis  persome),  who  was  made  by  the  autlior 
 to  disguise  himself  as  a.  parson,  should  masquerade  it  under  anotiu-r 
 less  objectionable  character  !  A  king  api>earing  as  a  priest  seemed  to 
 the  deputy  as  savouring  of  irreverence  towards  the  cloth  !  The  truih 
 seems  to  be,  that  the  merry  IMr.  Coluian,  of  auld  lang  syne,  has 
 turned  Methodist.  It  is  time,  however,  the  ollice  was  abolished  ;  it 
 is  too  much  that  talent  and  genius  should  be  subject  to  the  hypo- 
 condriacal  whims  of  repentant  prodigals. 
 
 Colborne,  major-gen.  sir  J.  lieut. -governor,  Upper  Canada    •  • 
 
 Cowper,  earl,  hereditary  pen.sion  out  of  excise  revenue 
 
 Here  we  have  a  most  singular  instance  of  the  application  of  the 
 revenue.  The  present  noble  lord  holds  it  as  an  inheritance,  ac- 
 quired by  the  marriage  of  his  grandfather  with  the  heiress  of  the  son 
 of  general  Ovei-kerken,  created  lord  Grantham.  This  general  was 
 greatly  distinguished  in  tlie  wars  of  the  duke  of  Marlborough  ;  but 
 whether  the  pension  was  granted  by  king  William  for  the  services 
 of  the  father,  or  for  a  loan  of  money  from  the  son,  is  not  known,  no 
 document  being  extant  to  establish  it ;  but  this  pension  has  been 
 made  part  of  the  family  settlements  of  the  noble  earl,  w  ho  succeeded 
 to  it  at  his  brother's  death,  as  he  did  to  his  estates  :  he  may  dispose 
 of  it  at  his  pleasure.  The  present  possessor,  in  his  political  life, 
 has  been  distinguished  by  high  liberalism,  and  the  most  perfect  in- 
 dependence. Though  frequently  invited  to  Windsor,  he  was  never 
 influenced  by  it,  or  ever  swerved  from  his  public  duty.  In  the  exa- 
 mination of  votes,  his  will  be  found  to  have  been  correctly  given. 
 As  an  inheritance,  his  lordship  cannot  be  blamed  for  drawing  this 
 sum  regularly  from  the  public  pui-se ;  but  it  becomes  the  duty  of 
 ministers  to  make  arrangements  with  the  noble  earl  for  the  extinction 
 of  this  pension.  He  is  entitled  to  some  compensation;  but  yet  his 
 vested  right  in  it  is  not  such  that  he  can  look  for  so  many  years' 
 ]iurchase  as  if  it  were  a  landed  property.  No  improvement  has  been 
 made — no  outlay  incurred  ;  and  what  was  apparently  so  lavishingly 
 given,  and  has  been  so  long  enjoyed,  may  be  resumetl,  with  some 
 regard  to  tlie  present  times  and  the  general  interests  of  the  country. 
 — Colonel  Jones.  Dec,  15, 1830. 
 
 £3000 
 
 200 
 
 400 
 350 
 
 3000 
 1600 
 
PLACES,  PENSIONS,  SINECURES,  AND   GRANTS. 
 
 ,o:5 
 
 Cowley,  lord,  brother  of  the  duke  of  Wellington,  late  ambassa- 
 dor at  Vienna • 
 
 Cole,  B.  and  W,  Herbert  Mullens,  brokers,  national  debt  office 
 
 Coniberraere,  gen,  viscount,  colonel  1st  life  guards 
 
 Governor  of  Sheerness     
 
 Pension,  by  act  of  parliament 
 
 Cong-reve,  dame  Isabella,  pension  on  civil  list,  1829 
 
 A\  idow  of  the  gentleman  of  share-notoriety,  ■who  was  himself  a 
 pensioner,  and  at  one  time  much  about  the  person  of  George  IV. 
 Conway,  lord  H.  S.  and  lord  R.  S.  Conway,  late  prothonotaries 
 
 of  the  court  of  king's  bench,  Ireland 
 
 Conyngham,  marquis,   late  lord  steward  of  the  household,  and 
 
 constable  of  Windsor  castle;  lieut.- gen.  unattached 
 
 Conyngham,  sir  F.  N.  lieut. -governor  of  Lower  Canada    •••• 
 
 Conyngham,  lord  A.  D.  secretary  of  legation,  Berlin 
 
 Conyngham,  G.  Lennox,  seventh  senior  clerk  in  foreign  office  •  • 
 The  Conynghams  were  in  high  favour  at  the  court  of  George  IV. 
 Dr.  Sumner,  one  of  the  *'  Lady's  Bishops,"  was  tutor  in  the  Conyng- 
 ham family,  and  flatterer  of  the  late  king,  by  whose  special  favour 
 he  w  as  raised  to  the  throne  of  Winchester. 
 
 Cooksey,  J.  H.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes • 
 
 Corbett,  C.  H.  assistant  secretary,  excise  •  •  • 
 
 Cooper,  George,  assistant  surveyor,  customs 
 
 Cooper,  sir  W.  H.  and  sir  F.  G.  auditor  for  land  revenue  in 
 
 England,  salary  and  emoluments,  in  year  1829  •  •  •  • 
 
 This  is  a  patent  office,  held  for  the  lives  and  life  of  the  survivor ; 
 
 the  former  is  a  clergyman,  and  sir  F.  G.  Cooper  was  lately  an  officer 
 
 in  the  guards. 
 
 Cooper,  J.  S.  comptroller-general  of  stamps,  Ireland 
 
 Cooke,  lieut. -general  sir  G.  col.  77th  foot    • 
 
 Pension  for  wounds    
 
 Cooke,  Frances,  pension  on  civil  list,  1821    
 
 Cooke,  Eliza,  pension  on  civil  list,  1793 
 
 The  widow  of  the  celebrated  navigator  of  the  name  still  survives, 
 and  probably  receives  this  pension  ;  if  so,  it  is  one  of  the  few  state 
 annuities  of  which  the  public  will  not  complain. 
 
 Cornwall,  Jos.  collector  of  excise,  Edinburgh 
 
 Cornwall,  J.  warehouse-keeper,  excise,  Dublin 
 
 Cole,  lieut.-gen.  sir  G.  L  governor  of  Cape  of  Good  Hope  •  • 
 
 Cope,  Walter,  consul  at  Guayaquil  •  •  •  ■ 
 
 Cotton,  William,  chief  clerk  in  the  treasury    
 
 Colles,  Joseph,  clerk  to  registrar  in  chancery 
 
 Collingwood,  hon.  S.  pension  on  consolidated  fund 
 
 Colville,  E.  D.  registrar  in  chancer^'    
 
 Colby,  lieut. -col.  F.  lieut. -col.  royal  engineers 
 
 Extra  pay  for  survey  of  Great  Britain    • 
 
 Superintendent  of  the  trigonometrical  survey,   Ireland 
 
 Conant,  J.  E.  police  justice.  Great  Marlborough-street 
 
 Corry,  James,  late  sec.  to  linen  board,  Ireland 
 
 Late  clerk  of  the  journals,  Irish  house  of  lords   
 
 £2500 
 750 
 
 1800 
 200 
 
 2000 
 311 
 
 7137 
 
 636 
 3100 
 1050 
 
 695 
 
 814 
 
 600 
 
 1093 
 
 4071 
 
 900 
 1249 
 350 
 200 
 135 
 
 600 
 
 600 
 
 7000 
 
 1033 
 
 1400 
 
 1447 
 
 500 
 
 2759 
 
 384 
 
 495 
 
 500 
 
 800 
 
 616 
 
 609 
 
524 
 
 PLACES,  PENSIONS,  SINECURES,  AND  GRANTS. 
 
 Colville,  lieut.-gen.  sir  C.  governor  of  Mauritius    
 
 Courtenay,  William,  patentee  of  subpojna  office  in  chancery   •  • 
 
 Clerk  in  parliament 
 
 Courtenay,  T.  P.  agent  for  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
 
 Pension  under  51  Geo.  III.  1 825     
 
 Courtenay,  T.  P.  in  trust  for  Elizabeth,  Catharine,  and  Frances 
 
 Courtenay,  pensions  on  civil  list,  1806    
 
 Courtenay,  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,  1827 
 
 Daugliters,  we  believe,  of  the  above  Thomas  Peregrine  Courtenay, 
 cousin  of  lord  Devon,  and  one  of  the  faction  whose  future  prospects 
 are  very  much  marred  by  the  Reform  Bill,  and  of  course  very  bitter 
 in  his  hostility. 
 
 Connor,  Edw.  clerk  in  secretary's  office,  Dublin    
 
 Compensation  for  losses  at  the  union 
 
 Pension,  Mai/  1819    
 
 Allowance  on  abolition  of  office  of  sec.  to  board  of  ge- 
 neral officers,  1 823 
 
 Connor,  R.  master  in  chancery,  Ireland' 
 
 Pension  as  late  clerk,  Irish  house  of  commons    
 
 Conroy,  sir  John,  late  commis.  colonial  audit-office,  1824  •  •  •  • 
 
 Captain  on  half  pay,  royal  artiller}',   1 822 
 
 Cox,  S.  C.  master  in  chancery,  for  year  ending  June  5,  1830 
 Couper,  liieut.'-col.  G.  sec.  to  master-general   of  the  ordnance 
 
 Court,  C.  T.  accountant-general,  post-office    
 
 Cointe,  J.  F.  Le,  clerk  to  registrar  in  chancery 
 
 Craigie,  Robert,  lord  of  session,  Scotland     
 
 Creevey,  Thos.  M.P.  for  Downton,  treasurer  to  the  ordnance 
 
 Crafer,  Thomas,  clerk  assistant  to  secretaries,  treasuiy 
 
 Paymaster  of  American  loyalists 
 
 Crampton,  P.  C.  solicitor-general  of  Ireland 
 
 Cranstoun,  G.  lord  of  session,  Scotland 
 
 Cranstoun,  lady,  pension  on  civil  list,  July,  1826 
 
 Cranstoun,  lady,  pension  on  civil  list,  Aug.  1826 
 
 Cranstoun,  Edward  lord,  pension  on  civil  list,  Nov.  1821  •••  • 
 
 Crocker,  J.  accountant  to  medical  board 
 
 Crofton,  hon.  Caroline,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,   1817*  ••• 
 Given  by  Lord  Talbot :  the  lady's  father,  a  man  of  large  fortune, 
 and  her  mother  created  a  peeress  in  her  own  right;  sister  to  Mr. 
 St.  George,  and  aunt  of  present  lord  Crofton. 
 
 Croomes,  John  lord,  clerk  of  estimates,  war-office 
 
 Croke,  A.  LL.D.  pension  on  the  consolidated  fund 
 
 Croker,  Rosamond,  pension  on  civil  list,  1827    
 
 Croker,  John  Wilson,  pension  under  57  Geo.  III.  1826 
 
 In  a  recent  pamphlet,  imputed  to  this  veteran  placeman,  written 
 in  answer  to  two  pamphlets,  imputed  to  lord  Brougham,  but  no 
 more  like  Brougham's  than  Hyperion  to  Satyr,  and  much  more  like 
 the  flippant  production  of  some  lawyerling,  with  his  pockets  stuffed 
 with  fees,  looking  greedily  forward  to  the  Rolls,  a  solicitor-general- 
 ship, or  some  other  prize  of  party-subservieucy  ; — well,  in  this  pam- 
 phlet, Croker — for  it  must  be  his — actually  resorts  to  the  old  bugbear 
 of  properly  being  in  danger  !     But  this,  we  can  assure  him,  will  never 
 
 £8000 
 
 no  return 
 
 4000 
 
 600 
 
 1000 
 
 1000 
 300 
 
 923 
 161 
 184 
 
 92 
 
 3323 
 
 55 
 
 800 
 
 3994 
 
 1000 
 
 700 
 
 1230 
 
 2000 
 
 1000 
 
 1100 
 
 300 
 
 3000 
 
 2000 
 
 100 
 
 100 
 
 200 
 
 350 
 
 141 
 
 393 
 1000 
 
 300 
 1500 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,  SINECURES,  AND  GRANTS. 
 
 525 
 
 do ;  people  do  not  now  believe  in  stories  of  ghosts  and  hobgoblins  ; 
 we  doubt  even  whether  the  alarm  of  a  revolution  would  frighten 
 them.  Spoliation,  massacre,  and  infidelity,  are  no  longer  associated 
 with  resistance  to  bad  government.  What,  indeed,  have  political 
 reforms  to  do  with  private  property  ?  they  are  directed  only  against 
 public  men  and  public  abuses ;  they  are  the  purifying  storms  which 
 agitate  for  a  moment  the  upper  regions,  while  all  beneath  is  secure 
 and  tranquil.  During  the  worst  period  of  the  French  revolution 
 property  was  respected,  and  it  was  only  the  estates  of  such  of  ihe 
 noblesse  as  had  emigrated  and  taken  up  arms  against  their 
 country,  which  were  confiscated.  They  had  committed  high  treason 
 against  the  state,  and  the  same  punishment  of  forfeiture  is  annexed 
 to  high  treason  in  this  country.  But  it  is  not,  we  apprehend,  the 
 security  of  private  property  about  which  the  ex-secretary  is  appre- 
 hensive ;  the  property  he  means,  no  doubt,  is  pensions  and  sine- 
 cures ;  or,  perhaps,  the  lease  of  crown-land  he  obtained  for  the 
 erection  of  a  mansion  on  the  site  of  Carlton-house,  to  which  he  pur- 
 poses hereafter  to  retire  from  the  retreat  in  Kensington-palace,  to 
 enjoy  in  dignified  leisure  his  official  gatherings.  The  bitterness  with 
 which  this  votary  of  a  faction  has  pursued  the  Reform  Bill,  recom- 
 mended it  strongly  to  all  thinking  persons :  doubtless,  a  portion  of 
 the  venom  in  the  Old  Pensioner  was  generated  by  the  terrible 
 scourging  his  Boswell  received  from  the  Edinburgh  Review. 
 
 Croft,  Wm.  chief  clerk  ordnance  department 
 
 Croft,  F.  Master  in  chancery  for  year  ending  Jan.  1830     •  •  • ' 
 
 Crokat,  C.  examiner  of  spoiled  stamps     
 
 Crosse,  R.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,  1820     
 
 Cumberland,  lady  Albinia,  a  pension  on  civil  list,  1794 
 
 Cumming,  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,  1822 
 
 Cust,  hon  W.  commissioner  of  customs    
 
 Most  of  these  commissioners  of  customs,  excise,  stamps,  and  taxes, 
 are  honourables.  The  amount  of  their  salaries  is  still  extravagant, 
 and  ought  to  be  further  reduced. 
 
 Cuppage,  lieut.-gen.  W.  col.   commandant  royal  artillery,  and 
 inspector  of  royal  carriage  department,  Woolwich   •  •  •  > 
 
 Cunningham,  C.  late  commissioner  of  the  navy 
 
 Cuthbert,  G.  W.  assistant-secretary,  national  debt-office  »•.... 
 
 Curtis,  Joseph,  distributor  of  sea-policy  stamps   
 
 Dalans,  Rev.  W.  W.  assistant  chaplain-general 
 
 Chaplain  to  the  forces  serving  in  London,  March,  1810 
 
 D'Albiac,  major-gen.  sir  J.  C.  unattached  pay  as  lieut.-col.    •  • 
 
 Staff  pay  as  major.-gen. 
 
 The  officer,  we  apprehend,  who  distinguished  himself  by  his  stern 
 theories  of  military  duty  at  the  Bristol  Courts  Martial ;  but  as  sir 
 Charles  drew  his  chief  legal  weapons  from  the  armoury  of  sir 
 Nicholas  Tindal,  we  shall  reserve  a  remark  or  two  till  we  come  to 
 that  judge. 
 
 Dampier,  John  L.  late  commisssioner  of  bankrupts,  1819  •  •  •  • 
 Recorder  of  Portsmouth,  1 829     
 
 Dashwood,  Charles,  consul  at  Guatemala    
 
 Davis,  Hart,  commissioner  of  excise    
 
 Day,  C,  late  justice  of  the  King's  Bench,  Ireland     
 
 Darby,  E.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,  1827      
 
 £900 
 3799 
 500 
 827 
 311 
 200 
 1200 
 
 1430 
 981 
 600 
 500 
 210 
 292 
 419 
 690 
 
 200 
 
 1500 
 
 1400 
 
 2400 
 
 969 
 
 i 
 
526 
 
 I'LACKS,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    (.HANTS. 
 
 Day,  W.  Keeper  of  criminal  registers,  home  department,  and 
 conductor  of  the  police  horse-patrol  establishment   •  • 
 
 Keeper  of  the  accounts,  April,  1 805 
 
 Darling,  liout.-gen.,  governor-in-chief  of  New  South  Wales  •  • 
 
 Daly,  S.  G.  late  justice  of  King's  Bench,  Ireland    
 
 DaAvkins,  E.  J.  resident  in  Greece > 
 
 Dawk  ins,  H.  commissioner  of  woods  and  forests      
 
 Dawkins.  R.  retired  allowance  as  commissioner  of  excise    •  •  •  • 
 
 Dawson,  Lady  A.  M,  pension  out  of  4^  per  cent,  duties 
 
 Davis,  T.  H.  surveyor-general,  customs  •  •  •  •  < 
 
 Dancer,  J.  N.  one  of  the  examiners  in  chancery;  salary  and 
 
 emoluments  for  year  ending  Jan.  5,  1830 
 
 Darlot,  H.  deputy  comptroller,  post-othce    • 
 
 D'Aguilar,   George,  brevet  lieut.-col.,  assistant  adjutant. -gen. 
 
 Major,  half-pay,  91st  foot,  Sept.  18-21       
 
 Allowance  for  mustering  life  and  foot  guards    •  • 
 
 Dehany,  W.  K.  solicitor  to  the  excise,  in  lieu  of  bills 
 
 De  Haekel,  J.  P.  and  Ann  Ernesline,  pension  civil  list,  1813 
 Delavaud,  Geo.  retired  allowance  as   late  secretary  of  customs 
 
 Dealtiy,  P.  king's  clerk,  crown-office,  salary 
 
 Secondary  clei'k  in  court,  clerk  of   the  affidavits,  and 
 
 chief  usher,  court  of  king's  bench ;    fees 
 
 Dew,  E.  examiner  of  dry  goods,  customs    
 
 Dean,  R.  B.  chairman  of  the  board  of  customs     
 
 Clerk  to  master  in  chancery,  alienation  office 
 
 Dean,  Mary  and  Laura,  pension  on  civil  list,  1830      
 
 Delamotte,  W.  master  of  landscape  drawing,  military'  college  •  • 
 Denman,  sir  Thomas,  M.  P.  for  Nottingham,  attorney-general 
 Desbrow,  lieut.-col.,  capt.  and   lieut.-col.  of  grenadier  guards 
 
 Assistant  to  the  general  commanding  in  chief 
 
 D'Este,  sir  A.  equerry  to  the  king    
 
 Pension  on  civil  list,  1830    • 
 
 Colonel  in  the  army 
 
 D'Este,  miss,  pension  on  civil  list,  18 30 
 
 Children  of  the  duke  of  Sussex,  by  his  marriage  with  lady  Auj;iista 
 Murray,  (D'Ameland,  see  page  204,)  but  which  was  set  aside  by  the 
 severity  of  our  feudal  laws.  Tlie  royal  marriage-act  is  one  of  great 
 cruelty  ;  but  if  our  princes  form  attachments,  they  should  take  care 
 to  make  provision  for  their  offspring  from  tlie  handsome  allowances 
 they  receive,  and  should  not  seek  to  quarter  them  on  the  public  :  we 
 expected  better  from  the  high-mindedness  of  his  highness  of  Sussex. 
 
 Dejoncourt,  S.  clerk  of  Connaught-road 
 
 Devonshire,  duke  of,  lord  chamberlain  of  the  household 
 
 Disney,  lieut  -gen.  sir  M.  col.  1 5th  foot 
 
 Dickson,  Jane,  Caroline,  and  Louisa,  each,  civil  list,  1806  •  • 
 Dickinson,  A.  assistant  clerk  of  the  journals,  house  of  commons 
 
 Dickie,  Jos.  paymaster,  Belfast    
 
 Disbrowe,  E.  C.  envoy  extra,  and  min.  plen.  at  Stutgard  •  •  •  • 
 
 £480 
 
 450 
 
 4200 
 
 2344 
 
 2!-)00 
 
 1200 
 
 1050 
 
 250 
 
 800 
 
 1600 
 814 
 346 
 168 
 100 
 
 2500 
 200 
 
 1500 
 30 
 
 1672 
 
 2141 
 
 2000 
 
 50 
 
 300 
 
 300 
 
 6200 
 
 494 
 
 600 
 
 500 
 
 467 
 
 1200 
 
 467 
 
 724 
 3058 
 1272 
 
 100 
 1304 
 
 551 
 3300 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 527 
 
 Dickson,  sir  A.  lieut.-col.  and  dep.  adj. -gen.  artillery •  •  • 
 
 Pension  for  good  services 
 
 Disbrowe,  lieut.-col.  assistant  military  secretary,  Feb.  1806  •• 
 Lieut.-col.  gi'enadier  guards,  July,  1828     
 
 Dixon,  col.  W.  col.  commandant  royal  artillery     
 
 Doherty,  John,  chief  justice  common  pleas,  Ireland     
 
 D'Olier,  Isaac,  secretary  first  fruits  office,  Ireland 
 
 Dowding,  C.  inspector-general  of  customs,  Liverpool 
 
 Dowdeswell,  T.  E.,  M.P.  for  Tewkesbury;  a  master  in  chan- 
 cery for  year  ending  Jan.  1830 
 
 Dorington,  J.  E.  parliamentary  agent  to  the  English  and  Irish 
 departments  of  the  treasury 
 
 Donkin,  lieut.-gen.  sir  R.  S.  col.  80th  foot 
 
 Don,  gen.  sir  G.  col.  3d  foot,  pav  and  emoluments 
 
 Lieutenant  governor  of  Gibraltar 
 
 Donoughmore,  gen.  earl  of,  col.  18th  foot  • 
 
 Searcher  of  Strangford  and  Donaghadee ••• 
 
 Governor  of  Stirling  Castle 
 
 Pension  for  military  services    • 
 
 A  meritorious  officer,  but  with  iiis  other  emoluments,  and  pos- 
 sessed of  a  large  inheritance,  he  would  bear  reduction.  The  pre- 
 sumptive heir  to  the  honours  and  pension,  the  late  captain  Hutchinson, 
 of  the  guards,  distinguished  himself  in  assisting  the  escape  of  the 
 French  general,  Lavalette.  Kut  all  hereditary  rewards  are  ob- 
 jectionable, except  such  as  history  accords. 
 
 Donne,  J.  G.  clerk  privy  seal  office,  July,  1823 
 
 Surveyor  of  hawkers'  licenses,  July,  1827 
 
 Doyle,  Sir  F.  H.  deputy  chairman,  excise  board     
 
 Deputy  lieutenant  of  the  Tower    
 
 Doyle,  g"en.  sir  John,  bart.  colonel  87th  foot 
 
 Governor  of  Charlemont 
 
 Douglas,  col.  Sir  J,  lieut.-col.  of  Portuguese  army,  half-pay  •  • 
 
 Deputy  quarter-master-general  in  Ireland    
 
 Inspector  of  army  clothing 
 
 Pension  for  loss  of  leg 
 
 Douglas,  sir  Howard,  lieutenant-governor  of  New  Brunswick 
 
 Dorabrain,  Jos.  inspector-genei-al  of  coast  guard,  Dublin    •  •  •  • 
 
 Dorchester,  lady,  pension  on  consolidated  fund    
 
 Pension  on  civil  list,  1 764    • 
 
 Drake,  Mr.  clerk  to  master  Dowdesvvell,  (whom  see) 
 
 Drake,  gen.  dep.  commissary  in  the  West  Indies     
 
 Drinkwater,  lieut.-col.  comptroller  of  army  accounts  ••••••  •  • 
 
 Late  commissary-general 
 
 Drummond,  rev.  C.  E.  pension  on  civil  list,  1822  • 
 
 Drummond,  Eldw.  late  private  secretary  to  the  duke  of  Wel- 
 lington, who,  on  the  resignation  of  the  premiership, 
 placed  him  on  the  court  pension  list     
 
 Drummond,  Percy,  colonel  royal  artillery,  1827     • . » 
 
 £1350 
 365 
 600 
 477 
 1003 
 4615 
 313 
 700 
 
 3896 
 
 1100 
 1412 
 1318 
 4211 
 12.58 
 929 
 857 
 2000 
 
 300 
 100 
 
 1700 
 786 
 
 1228 
 QQ5 
 200 
 746 
 346 
 350 
 
 2900 
 800 
 
 1000 
 115 
 
 1426 
 
 1317 
 
 1500 
 525 
 100 
 
 250 
 
 474 
 
528         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Lieut.-governor  royal  military  academy,  Woolwich,  1829 
 
 Forage  and  servant  allowance 
 
 Duncan,  H.  brother  of  lord  Camperdown ;  storekeeper  of  the 
 Ordnance 
 
 Duncannon,  viscount,  son  of  lord  Besborough,  and  brother  of 
 general  Ponsonby,  commissioner  of  woods    and  forests 
 
 Dunglass,  lord,  chamberlain  of  Ettrick  forest 
 
 Durham,  lord,  lord  pri^'y  seal      • 
 
 The  salary  of  the  privy  seal  has  been  fixed  at  £2000  ;  but  we  be- 
 lieve lord  Durham  has  given  up  the  whole  of  his  emoluments  to  the 
 public.  It  is  an  office  to  which  no  direct  or  necessary  duties  appear 
 to  be  attached  ;  but  we  presume  it  forms  one  more  of  those  costly 
 appendages  of  monarchy,  wiiich,  like  the  mysteries  of  faith,  and  lord 
 Brougham's  wig  and  train,  must  not  be  too  closely  investigated. 
 
 Durell,  Martha,  pension  on  civil  list,  1810       
 
 Dutton,  W.  C.  minute-clerk,  customs 
 
 D'Urban,  sir  B.  lieut.-governor,  Demerara    
 
 D'Urban,  W.  J.  government  secretary,  Demerara 
 
 Duntze,  sir  J.  bart,  late  receiver  general  of  taxes,  Devon  •  •  •  • 
 
 Dundas,  lady  Elizabeth,  pension  on  civil  list,  1801    
 
 Dundas,  William,  M.P.  for  Edinburgh,  and  brother  of  viscount 
 Melville  ;  lord  clerk  register,  keeper  of  the  signet, 
 and  register  of  sasines,  Scotland,  circa   
 
 Dundas,  dame  Charlotte,  pension  on  civil  list,  1812     
 
 Dundas,  rear-adm.  hon.  G.  H.  L.  lord  of  the  admiralty 
 
 Duff,  lieut.-gen.  hon.  Alex.    M.P.  for  Elgin,  col.  92d  foot    •  • 
 
 D  uhigg,  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1815 
 
 Durnford,  col.  E.  colonel  commanding  royal  engineers,  Canada 
 
 Dunlop,  lieut.-gen.,  colonel  7.5th  foot 
 
 Durell,  Patty,  pension  on  civil  list,  1825    
 
 Dwyer,  F.  late  six  clerk,  chancery,  Ireland     
 
 Dwight,  Susannah,  widow,  pension  on  civil  list,  1820 
 
 Dyer,  H.  M.  police  justice,  Gi^eat  Marlborough-street   
 
 Dyer,  H.  M.  pension  out  of  consolidated  fund     
 
 Dyer,  John,  chief  clerk  in  the  admiralty     
 
 Dyer,  John,  receiver  of  receipts  of  customs     
 
 Dyke,  P.  A.  collector  of  customs,  Ceylon    
 
 Dyson,  Jeremiah,  George,  and  Henry,  or  survivor,  civil  list  •  • 
 
 Dyneley,  Charles,  deputy-register,  prerogative  court  of  Can- 
 terbury ;  from  fees 
 
 Dyneley,  John,  secretary  of  presentations  to  lord  chancellor  •  • 
 
 Dyott,  lieut.-gen.  Wm.  col.  63d  foot,  pay  and  emoluments*  •  •  • 
 
 Earl,  E.  retired  allowance  as  commissioner  of  customs   
 
 Earle,  P.  H.  assistant  clerk  in  the  treasury,  July,  1802    •  •  •  • 
 Retired  commissioner  of  lottery,  March,  1827 
 
 Earnshaw,  W.  assistant  solicitor  of  customs    
 
 Eden,  Emily  and  Frances,  pension  on  civil  list,  1818,  each  •  • 
 Sisters  of  lord  Auckland,  himself  a  pensioner  and  a  minister. 
 
 £400 
 127 
 
 1200 
 
 2000 
 300 
 
 500 
 600 
 5877 
 1596 
 400 
 300 
 
 3500 
 
 780 
 1000 
 1307 
 QQ 
 1195 
 1135 
 
 100 
 
 1088 
 
 50 
 
 800 
 1000 
 1150 
 1824 
 1343 
 
 893 
 
 1193 
 750 
 
 1245 
 
 1500 
 689 
 133 
 
 1500 
 203 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.         529 
 
 Ebbs,  John,  clerk,  privy  council  oifice,  Dublin    
 
 Compensation  for  wine-warrants,  Jan.  1828 
 
 Usher  and  keeper  of  council  chamber,  March,  1828  •• 
 
 Clerk  in  military  department  of  chief  secretary 
 
 Compensation  for  losses  at  the  union 
 
 Edwardes,  James,  head  distributor  of  stamps,  Scotland 
 
 Edwards,  John,  retired  allowance  as  solicitor  of  excise 
 
 Edwards,  dep.  commissary  general  in  Jamaica 
 
 Edgecombe,  J.  collector  of  customs,  Newcastle 
 
 Edgecombe,  F.  late  commissioner,  victualling  office 
 
 Elderton,  M.  clerk  to  Master  Wingfield,(whom  see) "•  •  • 
 
 Eldon,  lord,  pension  out  of  consolidated  fund 
 
 The  patriarch  of  the  Pitt  and  plunder  system  has  survived  to  wit- 
 ness the  final  issues  of  his  politics.  All  the  calamities  under  which 
 the  country  is  sufferinf:;  are  the  consequences  of  the  war,  of  t!ie 
 burthens  it  entailed,  and  of  the  cessation  of  those  dram-shop  expe- 
 dients, which  were  "  strength  in  the  beginning,  but  weakness  in 
 the  end."  The  politicians  of  this  school  must  l.ave  had  some  mis- 
 givings of  the  soundness  of  their  dogmas  ;  they  could  not  but  know 
 that  there  must  be  a  limit  to  tlie  magnitude  of  the  debt,  and  that  a 
 load  of  taxes,  which  absorbed  wages  and  profits,  must  end  in 
 general  poverty  and  privation.  But  they  were  reckless  adventurers, 
 who  looked  only  to  the  present  hour,  and  were  regardless  of  what 
 the  future  might  bring  forth.  Patriotism,  with  them,  was  out  of  the 
 question  :  tlieir  objects  were  povver  and  emolument.  "  If  we," 
 said  Lord  Eldon,  on  the  trial  of  i^Ir.  Perry,"  by  our  industry,  have 
 acquired  a  degree  of  opulence  and  distinction  which  we  could  not 
 reasonably  have  looked  for,  let  us  be  thankful  to  that  gotcrnment  to 
 whose  favour  we  are,  in  a  great  measure,  indebted  (or  success. 
 And  do  not  let  us,  by  any  rash  attempt  upon  our  constitution,  put 
 it  out  of  the  power  of  our  children  to  rise  to  similar  situations." 
 {Erskine's  Speeches,  vol.  ii.  p.  41-5.)  Here  is  a  distinct  avowal  of 
 the  pure  selfism  which  attached  his  Loi-dship  to  the  constitution ; 
 it  had  ivorked  ti-ell  for  him,  and  it  might  work  well  for  his  children. 
 But  how  it  had  worked  for  the  country,  formed  no  part  of  the 
 consideration. 
 
 A  late  repentance  is  better  than  none,  and  we  would  suggest  to 
 this  votary  of  the  "  immortal  memory"  the  pi'opriety  of  surrendering 
 his  pension  in  aid  of  a  deficient  revenue,  caused  by  the  improvident 
 measures  of  himself  and  colleagues.  The  time  was  when  ex-chan- 
 cellors received  no  pensions  ;  they  have  little  need  of  them  now, 
 possessing  abundant  means  in  outfits,  patronage,  and  direct  emolu- 
 ments for  making  provision  for  the  future.  As  respects  his  lordship 
 individually,  his  necessities  must  be  mucli  less  than  others ;  his 
 official  gallierings  during  the  long  term  he  held  the  great  seal  must 
 be  enormous.  Upon  the  average  of  three  yeai's,  1808, 1809,  and 
 1810,  the  net  receipt  of  the  chancellor  was  £19,233  :  2  ;  and  in  one 
 year,  1811,  the  chancellor's  emoluments  were  £22,737  :  13.  (Part. 
 Rep.S2'2,  Sess.\8^\ .)  His  lordship's  son,  W.  H.J.  Scott,  is  entrenched 
 chin-deep  in  sinecures  and  reversions,  and  if  he  survive  Mr.  Thur- 
 low,  will  have  an  income  of  £14,000  a  year  for  doing  nothin!;-. 
 With  so  much  in  possession  and  in  the  future,  why,  my  lord,  cling 
 to  this  disgraceful  and  redundant  allowance?  Why  not  oiFer  it  up 
 as  some  poor  atonement  for  past  errors — for  the  inheritance  of  debt, 
 
 2  M 
 
 £659 
 
 35 
 
 266 
 
 184 
 
 65 
 
 900 
 
 1292 
 
 1040 
 
 700 
 
 400 
 
 1476 
 
 4000 
 
O30         PLACES,    PLNSlUNS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 difficulty,   and  civil  strife  which  for  the  next  ten  or  twenty  years 
 your  fatal  measures  have  entailed  on  the  country? 
 
 Elgin,  earl  of,  late  ambassador  to  the  Ottoman  Porte 
 
 Also,  as  lieutenant-general 
 
 Elibank,  Alexander  Murray,  pension  on  civil  list,  1826 
 
 Elibank,  lady,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 830 
 
 Elpliinstone,  lord,  pension  on  civil  list,  Feb.  1814 
 
 Ditto,  additional,  Aug.  1826 
 
 Ellenborough,  lord,  chief  clerk  of  court  of  king's  bench  •  •  •  • 
 A  brother,  H.  C.  Law,  capt.  in  the  army,  and  custos  brevium  in 
 the  King's  Bench  jointly  with  lord  Kenyon  ;  C.  K.  Law,  a  brother, 
 common  serjeant  of  the  city  of  London  ;  John  Law,  a  brother  in  the 
 army;  W.  J.  Law,  a  cousin,  commissioner  of  Insolvent  Del)tors' 
 Court ;  G.  H.  Law,  uncle,  bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells  ;  J.  T.  Law,  a 
 cousin,  prebend  of  Lichfield  ;  Henry  Law,  a  cousin,  archdeacon  of 
 AVells  ;  Robert  V.  Law,  a  cousin,  prebendary  of  Chester ;  K.  Law, 
 a  cousin,  in  the  church  :  Harkness,  liarlow.  Crofts,  and  Dynely, 
 are  relations,  and  hold  offices  and  preferments.  Lord  Ellenborough 
 has  some  reason  for  disliking  the  spreading  spirit  of  resistance  to 
 tiie  tithe  tax,  and  has  suggested  that  the  person  be  attached  for  non- 
 payment of  tithe,  but  the  amphibious  baron  and  clerk  has  not  said 
 where  prisons  and  gaolers  are  to  be  found  for  the  confinement  of  a 
 whole  community. 
 
 EUey,  major-gen.  J.  col.  17th  light  dragoons,  pay    
 
 Governor  of  Galway    
 
 Pension  for  wounds     • .  .  .  • 
 
 Ellicombe,  C.  G.  lieut.-col  royal  engineers,  May,  1825  •••• 
 
 Allowance  for  house-rent,  forage,  and  servants 
 
 Brigade  major,  /an.  1821 
 
 EUice,  Edward,  brother-in-law-  of  earl  Grey,   and  M.P.    for 
 
 Coventry  ;  joint-secretary  to  the  treasury 
 
 Ellis,  H.  clerk  of  the  pells  in  the  exchequer  (a  sinecure)  •  •  •  • 
 Full  brother,  born  before  wedlock,  of  the  earl  of  Buckingham- 
 shire, and  lately  a  civil  servant  of  the  East-India  Company. 
 
 Ellis,  Thomas,  master  in  chanceiy,  Ireland    
 
 Elliott,  H.  secretary  to  military  boards 
 
 Elliott,  H.  late  minister  to  the  two  Sicilies 
 
 Elliott,  hon.  capt.  Geo.  secretary  to  the  admiralty 
 
 Emmett,  brevet-major  A.  captain,  royal  engineers,  1825  •  •  •  • 
 
 Extra  commanding  engineers,  at  Manchester 
 
 A  llowance  for  a  servant 
 
 Pension  for  a  wound,  1817 
 
 Emerson,  J.  commander  of  post-office  packet,  Liverpool    •  •  •  • 
 
 Master  in  the  navy,  1810   
 
 Englebach,  L.  G.  inspector  in  audit-office,  1806    
 
 Inspector  of  foreign  department,  1 822    
 
 Erskine,  lord,  envoy  and  plenipotentiary  at  Munich 
 
 Erskine,  lady  Louisa,  pension  on  civil  list,  1801    
 
 Daughter  of  the  old  lord  I  xbridgc,  and  married  a  colonel  Erskine 
 
 £2000 
 595 
 150 
 138 
 150 
 150 
 9625 
 
 580 
 348 
 300 
 720 
 182 
 182 
 
 2500 
 1400 
 
 3323 
 600 
 
 2000 
 
 2000 
 238 
 119 
 27 
 100 
 400 
 109 
 600 
 100 
 
 3500 
 233 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,  SINECURES,  AND  GRANTS. 
 
 631 
 
 who  died  pending  proceedings  instituted  for  a  divorce.  She  has 
 since  married  sir  George  Murray,  the  late  colonial  secretary,  •who 
 appears  from  our  List  to  have  large  military  emoluments,  and  who 
 can  hardly  sanction  his  wife  drawing  a  pension  as  the  widow  of  the 
 late  sir  James  Erskine. 
 
 Erskine,  Euphemia,  Helen,  and  Marianne,  each,  civil  list-  •  •  • 
 
 Erskine,  Mrs.  widow  of  H.  Erskine,  civil  list,  1818 
 
 Erskine,  Mary  Henrietta,  pension  on  civil  list,  1797. ....... 
 
 Erskine,    sir  T.,    brother  of  lord  Erskine   and  of  the  Misses 
 Erskine,  chief  judge,  bankrupt  court 
 
 Errol,  earl  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1819    
 
 Master  of  horse  to  the  queen,  1 830    » • 
 
 Errol,  countess  dowager  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1809 
 
 Errol,  Harriet,  countess  of,  civil  list,  1820     
 
 Esten,  C.  chief  justice  of  Bermuda     •  •  •  -   
 
 Evans,  J.  commissioner,  bankrupt  court 
 
 Everett,  W.  receiver  of  taxes,  London  and  Middlesex    
 
 Ewart,  John,  Elizabeth,  and  Mary,  each,  civil  list,  1794.  .-•  • 
 
 Ewbank,  Jas.  general  accountant,  excise 
 
 Exmouth,  admiral  lord,  pension  by  act  of  parliament     
 
 Admiral  in  the  navy    
 
 Several  sons  in  the  navy  and  church.  See  Pellew  in  the  List  of 
 Pluralists. 
 
 Falconar,  John,  consul  at  Leghorn 
 
 Fane,  J.  T.  M.P.  for  Lyme  Regis ;   clerk  in  privy-seal  office 
 
 Half-pay  lieut.-col.  in  22d  dragoons,  1824 
 
 Nephew  of  the  anti-reform  peer,  lord  ^^^estmoreland,  who  has 
 spent  a  long  life  in  jobs  and  offices.  His  son,  major-gen.  lord 
 Burghersh,  is  envoy  in  Tuscany  ;  H.  S.  Fane,  a  son,  major  34th  foot ; 
 sir  H.  Fane,  cousin,  lieut.-gen.  and  col.  1st  dragoon  guards; 
 Mildmay  Fane,  a  i-elation,  lieut.-col.  54th  foot ;  F.  W.  Fane,  capt. 
 R.  N. ;  and  R.  G.  C.  Fane,  commissioner  of  bankrupt  court,  vice- 
 chamberlain  of  Chester,  and  king's  sergeant  duchy  court  of  Lan- 
 caster :  these  are  a  few  branches,  exclusive  of  numerous  others, 
 struck  off  in  the  female  line. 
 
 Farran,  Jos.  clerk  of  the  pleas,  exchequer,   Ireland 
 
 Falkland,  viscount,  pension  on  civil  list,  June,  1816     
 
 Fagel,  Louis,  baron  de,  pension  on  civil  list,  Nov.  1814. . .  • 
 
 Fall,   Richard,    assistant-surveyor,  customs 
 
 Farr,   W.  D.   first  marshal,  Demerara 
 
 Fabian,  Robt.    pension  on  civil  list,  1828 
 
 Falk,  Lucius  Bentinck,  pension  on  civil  fist,  1816    
 
 Farmer,  sir  Geo.  R.  pension  on  civil  list,  1 822 
 
 Farrer,  Ann  and  Mary,  pensions  on  civil  list,  1771 
 
 Farrer,  J.  W.  master  in  chancery 
 
 Fauquier,  Edward,  senior  clerk  in  the  treasury 
 
 Superintendent  of  St.  James's  and  Hyde  Parks 
 
 FergTison,  Joseph,  superintendent  of  mail-coaches,  Ireland    • . 
 Manager,  money-order  office,  ditto 
 
 2  M  2 
 
 £50 
 300 
 400 
 
 3000 
 276 
 
 92 
 
 300 
 
 1020 
 
 1500 
 
 1900 
 
 121 
 
 600 
 
 2000 
 
 760 
 
 1144 
 
 320 
 200 
 
 1384 
 200 
 130 
 
 1420 
 
 5100 
 111 
 184 
 185 
 311 
 
 3622 
 849 
 207 
 369 
 150 
 
'132  PLACES,    PKNSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    (;11ANTS. 
 
 Fergusson,  lieut.-gen,   sir  R.   M.P.    for    Kirkcudbrig'ht,   col. 
 79th  foo't,  pay 
 
 Fergusson,  Isabella,  Mary,  and  Margaret,  civil  list,  1799-  •  •  • 
 
 Fergusson,  Elizabeth,  pension  on  civil  list,  1805    
 
 Finch,  H.  clerk  Ist  class,  war-office    
 
 Finch,  lion,  and  rev.  E.  chaplain  and  principal  of  schools,  Ceylon 
 
 Finch,  gon.  hon.  E  col.  22d  foot    
 
 Finlaison,  O.  J.  actuary,  national-debt-office 
 
 Findlay,  lient.-col.  governor  of  Sierra  Leone 
 
 Fisher,  major-gen.  G.  B.  unattached  gen.  Woolwich-garrison 
 
 F'isher,  Lucy,  pension  on  civil  list,  1813    
 
 Figg',  Fanny,  pension  on  civil  list,  1829 
 
 Fitzwilliam,  G.  deputy-vendue-master,  Trinidad 
 
 Fitzclarcnce,  misses,  pension  out  of  4h  per  cent,  fund,  1820  •  • 
 The  cbildieu  of  tlse  king  by  the  late  Mrs.  Jordan.  The  husbands 
 of  th(;  ladies  are,  the  earl  of  Errol,  tlie  hon.  J.  E.  Kennedy,  (second 
 son  of  carl  Cassilis),  jMr.  P.  Sidney,  (only  son  of  sir  James  Sidney,) 
 the  hon.  col.  Fox,  (son  of  lord  Holland),  and  lord  Falkland.  The 
 male  scions  of  this  connexion  are,  G.  F'itzclareuoe,  earl  of  Munster, 
 a  colonel  in  the  army,  lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  and  aid-de  camp  to 
 the  king ;  lord  Adolplius  Fitzdarence,  capt.  R.  N.  and  yeoman  of 
 the  robes;  lord  F.  Fitzclarcnce,  colonel  in  the  army,  lieut.  col.  7th 
 foot,  and  aid-de-can)p  to  the  king;  and  lord  Augustus  Fitzclarcnce, 
 rector  of  Maple-Duiham. 
 
 Fitzhum,  madam,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 825 
 
 The  pension  granted  during  his  viceroyship,by  marquis  Wellesley, 
 who  can,  perhups,  explain  it,  as  well  as  that  to  lady  Montgomery, 
 and  other  followers  to  the  Emerald  isle. 
 
 Fitzgibbon,  Thomas,  pension  on  civil  list,  1826 
 
 Fitzroy,  lady  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 821 
 
 Fitzgerald,  lord,  late  minister  to  Lisbon 
 
 Fitzgerald,  lord  Robert,  pension  on  civil  list,  1801     
 
 Fitzgibbon,  R.  H.  brother  of  earl  of  Clare,  and  M.P.  for 
 Limerickshire;  usher  and  registrar  of  affidavits  in 
 court  of  chancery,  Ireland 
 
 Fleming,  vice-adm.  hon  C.  E.  commander-in-chief,  West  Indies 
 
 Fleming,  Jean,  Elizabeth,  and  Catharine,  each,  civil  list*  •  •  • 
 
 Flint,  sir  C.  W.  resident  secretary,  Dublin,  1803 
 
 Comptroller  of  Killybegs    
 
 Pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1815 
 
 Foley,  lord,  captain  of  gentlemen  pensioners • 
 
 Fonblanque,  J.  G.  commissioner  of  bankrupt  court   ....... 
 
 Forbes,  Dr.  superintendent  of  vaccine  establishment,  London  •  • 
 
 Forbes,  F.  chief-j>istice  of  New  South  Wales     
 
 Forbes,  J.  H.  lord  of  session,  Scotland 
 
 Forster,  T.  clerk  of  debentures,  auditors'  office 
 
 Foster,  J.  L.  baron  of  court  of  exchequer,  Ireland 
 
 Foster,  A.  J.  brother-in-law  of  the  earl  of  Buckinghamshire  ; 
 envoy  and  minister  plenipotentiary  at  Turin    
 
 £612 
 
 184 
 
 97 
 
 595 
 
 1070 
 
 1231 
 
 1330 
 
 2000 
 
 1247 
 
 136 
 
 47 
 
 1500 
 
 2500 
 
 40 
 
 70 
 
 200 
 
 1700 
 
 800 
 
 3560 
 
 2555 
 
 49 
 
 1551 
 
 87 
 
 266 
 1000 
 1500 
 1270 
 2000 
 2000 
 
 900 
 3692 
 
 4249 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 i33 
 
 Forbes,  lord,   high  commissioner  to  the  church  of  Scotland  •  • 
 
 Fox,  H.J.  minister  plenipotentiary,  Buenos  Ayres    
 
 Fox,  Mrs.  Bridget,  lord  Holland  in  trust  for,  civil  list,  1806'  • 
 Widow  of  the  late  right  hon.  Charles  James  Fox,  the  idol  of  the 
 Whig  party.  Mr.  Fox  was  an  amiable  good-natured  man,  but  a 
 factious,  mistaken,  and  aristocratic  politician.  Party  had  never  a 
 more  devoted  leader;  no  chieftain  of  banditti  was  more  faithful  to 
 his  troop  than  IMr.  Fox  to  his  followers.  He  fought  for  them,  apos- 
 tatized for  them  :  he  would  resort  to  any  stratagem,  disgrace  him- 
 self with  any  alliance,  adopt  any  contrivance,  domineer  over  his 
 sovereign,  revile  his  minister,  or  court  the  people  :  and  all  this  not 
 for  himself,  for  no  man  was  more  disinterested — nor  for  his  country, 
 for  of  that  he  thought  little — but  solely  for  the  chosen  few  ranged 
 under  his  banner.  There  never  was  a  more  whole-length  partizan  ; 
 his  whole  soul  was  devoted  to  the  interests  of  his  followers ;  beyond 
 that  circle  he  had  neither  eyes,  ears,  nor  understanding.  If  Mr. 
 Pitt's  ruling  passion  was  ambition,  Burke's  base  lucre,  the  god  of 
 Mr.  Fox's  idolatry  was  party;  in  that  "  he  lived,  breathed,  and 
 had  his  being."  That  he  should  be  loved  by  his  friends,  and  enthu- 
 siastically admired  by  his  followers,  may  be  easily  conceived ;  but 
 that  he  should  be  hpld  up,  after  the  full  discovery  of  his  inconsistent 
 and  mistaken  conduct,  as  an  object  of  national  gratitude,  cannot  be 
 so  readily  explained. 
 
 ]Mr.  Fox  was  originally  bred  a  Tory.  His  conversion  is  ascribed 
 to  Burke,  the  organ  of  the  Whig,  or  Rockingham  party.  Under  his 
 auspices  he  imbibed  those  mischievous  principles,  which  ever  after 
 foi-med  his  political  creed.  The  system  Burke  taught  was  briefly 
 this  : — First,  that  the  House  of  Brunswick  being  indebted  for  the 
 throne  to  the  union  of  a  few  great  families  at  the  Revolution,  it  was 
 right  that  these  families  should  possess  the  entii-e  control  of  the 
 government.  Secoiidhj,  for  the  more  effectual  maintenance  of  this 
 claim,  it  was  necessary  they  should  act  in  a  body,  so  as  to  be  able 
 to  resist  the  power  and  influence  of  the  Crown.  These  two  princi- 
 ples embrace  the  whole  system  of  the  Whig  school.  It  is  evidently 
 void  of  public  principle  ;  the  people  are  excluded  from  considera- 
 tion ;  it  is  a  mere  scheme  for  the  monopoly  of  power  and  emolu- 
 ment. The  Whigs,  indeed,  of  that  day  professed  that  Retrench- 
 ment and  Reform  formed  also  a  part  of  their  doctrines:  but 
 experience  demonstrated  to  the  country,  that  these  were  mere  pre- 
 texts to  catch  popular  support,  to  enable  them  to  make  head  against 
 their  opponents,  and  that  real  practical  Whiggism  consisted  in  acting 
 en  masse,  and  the  divine  indefeasible  right  of  a  few  superannuated 
 nobles  to  govern  the  country. 
 
 Now,  on  such  principles  and  partizaaship,  Mr.  Fox's  life  was 
 thrown  away.  Though  he  beheld  the  overwhelming  influence  of 
 the  crown,  from  enormous  taxation,  the  augmentation  of  the  peer- 
 age, and  the  letting  in  the  whole  tribe  of  contractors,  money-job- 
 bers, and  paper-dealers,  yet  he  never  would  cordially  join  in  build- 
 ing up  the  democratic  branch  of  the  constitution,  which  they  had 
 subverted.  His  whole  mind  was  contracted  to  party,  to  the  augmen- 
 tation of  his  little  knot  of  followers,  the  re-union  of  the  New  and 
 the  Old  Whigs ;  and  then,  when  the  whole,  by  dinners  and  meet- 
 ings and  caballing,  was  brought  into  more  perfect  discipline  and 
 organization — doing  what  ?  Why,  forsooth,  not  accomplishing  any 
 great  and  substantial  plan  for  reformation  ;  but  solely  renewing  the 
 old  war  against  the  king  ;  thwarting  his  measures,  bearding  him  in 
 his  closet,  quarrelling  about  the  appointment  of  grooms  and  bed- 
 
 £2000 
 
 3300 
 
 938 
 
)34 
 
 PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 chamber  lords,  the  disposal  of  ribbons  and  garters,  and  rods  and 
 wands— and  then,  having  obtained  entire  control  of  the  palace, 
 from  the  kitchen  to  the  drawing-room,  and  placed  the  sovereign  in 
 that  state  of  blessedness  in  which  he  can  do  no  Mrong,  because  he 
 can  do  notliing,  completed  the  grand  climacteric  of  Whiggism! 
 
 That  this  is  no  exaggerated  picture  of  the  principles  of  Mr.  Fox, 
 it  is  only  necessary  to  advert  to  his  conduct  in  the  extortion  of  tlie 
 peerage  for  sir  Fletclier  Norton — his  petulant  abandonment  of  office, 
 on  the  Ring's  appointing  the  duke  of  Portland  successor  to  the 
 marquis  of  Rockingham — his  coalition  with  lord  North — his  con- 
 duct on  the  regency  question — and  his  virulent  and  unprincipled 
 opposition  to  the  early  administration  of  Mr.  Pitt.  "  I  have  heard," 
 says  Mr.  Nichols,  "  Mr.  Fox  use  this  expression  : — ♦  Our  party  is 
 formed  on  the  principle  of  confederacy ;  ought  we  not  then  to  con- 
 federate with  him  (lord  North)  who  can  give  us  the  greatest 
 strength?"*  These  memorable  words  contain  a  full  exposure  of 
 the  utter  littleness  and  profligacy  of  Mr.  Fox's  political  system. 
 They  need  no  comment.  He  never  deviated  from  his  "  principle  of 
 confederacy."  Even  in  1803,  after  his  long,  able,  and,  so  lar  as 
 the  revolutionary  war  was  concerned,  praiseworthy  opposition  to 
 Mr.  Pitt,  he  was  most  anxious  to  unite  with  that  minister  in  order 
 to  form  a  grand  party  combination.  This  union  did  not  take  place, 
 solely  from  Mr.  Pitt's  reluctance  to  enter,  after  the  Whig  fashion, 
 into  a  systematic  opposition  to  the  court.  He  would,  however, 
 have  gone  into  power  with  Pitt  on  the  overthrow  of  the  Addingto- 
 nians,   had  not  the  King  been  ''  impracticable." 
 
 After  the  full  exposure  of  Mr.  Fox's  party  views,  it  is  needless  to 
 show  that  he  was  no  friend  to  Parliamentary  Reform.  "  When 
 finally  separated,"  says  Mr.  Allen,  "  from  his  old  aristocratic  con- 
 nexions, and  convinced,  from  fatal  experience,  that  the  House  of 
 Commons  had  sunk  into  the  passive  instrument  of  ministerial  power, 
 his  opinion  became  gradually  more  inclined  to  Parliamentary  Re- 
 form, from  utter  despair  of  seeing  the  revival  of  those  party  con- 
 nexions to  which  he  had  been  accustomed  to  look  for  the  preserva- 
 tion of  public  liberty. "\  Here  is  the  admission  of  his  partial  biogra- 
 pher, that  INIr.  Fox  only  considered  Parliamentary  Reform  a  dernier 
 resort,  not  a  great  substantive  measure,  which  alone  could  stem  the 
 overwhelming  tide  of  regal,  aristocratic,  and  moneyed  inlluence. 
 As  to  the  revival  oi public  liberty  by  party  connexions,  that  language 
 is  well  understood  by  those  who  have  read  the  historj'  of  their 
 country  from  the  Revolution,  especially  of  the  ill-concocted 
 Administration  of  1806. 
 
 We  shall  make  no  further  observations  on  Mr.  Fox.  How  far  he 
 is  entitled  to  the  appellation  of  "  the  Friend  of  the  People,"  the  pre- 
 ceding observations  may  perhaps  enable  the  reader  to  determine. 
 Without  detracting  from  his  amiable  qualities,  or  the  great  powers 
 with  which  Nature  had  gifted  him,  we  must  be  permitted  to  say, 
 that  he  was  a  very  objectionable  statesman  ;  and  that,  with  the  ex- 
 ception of  the  Libel  Law,  and  the  Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade, 
 he  neither  conceived  nor  executed  a  single  great  measure  for  the 
 honour  and  benefit  of  his  country.  If  he  understood,  as  sir  James 
 Mackintosh  says  he  did,  the  constitutions,  both  in  "  an  exactly 
 legal  and  comprehensively  philosophical  sense"  better  than  any  man, 
 and  his  life  was  a  practical  commentary  on  that  knowledge  ;  then 
 we  must  say  the  constitution  is  a  very  ditierent  thing  from  what 
 
 •   Recollections  of  the  Reign  of  George  III.  p.  172. 
 t  Sup.  to  Ency.  Britt.  art.  Fox,  written  by  Mr.  Allen. 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND   GRANTS.         535 
 
 we  conceived  it  to  be.  And  we  must  also  add,  that  if  true  pa- 
 triotism consists  in  spending  a  long  life  in  abortive  attempts  to  bolster 
 up  the  interests  of  a  contemptible  Oligarchy,  that,  too,  is  a  thing 
 we  do  not  understand. 
 
 Fox,  Mrs.  Anne,  pension  on  civil  list,   1816     •••• 
 
 A  natural  daughter,   we  fear,   of  Charles  James  Fox,   and  who, 
 if  need  be,   ought  to  have  been  provided  for  by  the  Fox  club. 
 Fortescue,  Jane,  and  after  death  to  misses  Young,  civil  list*  • 
 
 Fortescue,  H.  postmaster,  Cork    • 
 
 Fowlis,  lady,  pension  on  civil  list,  1799 • 
 
 Frampson,  sir  G.  F.  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts 
 
 Franklin,  sir  W.  principal  inspector,  army  medical  board-  •  •  • 
 Fraser,  Charlotte,  Charles,  and  Jane,  pension  civil  list,  1799 
 
 Fraser,  col.  sir  A.   director  of  the  royal  laboratory 
 
 Pension  for  good  services     
 
 Frere,  B.  late  minister  to  the  Ottoman  Porte    •  •  •  •. 
 
 Frere,  right  hon.  J.  H.  late  minister  of  Spain 
 
 Freeling,  sir  F.  sec.  to  the  post-office,  salary  and  emoluments 
 
 Sir  F.  Freeling  has  furnished  apartments,  coals,   candles,  &c.  in 
 
 addition  to  these  emoluments.     He  is  a  meritorious  public  servant; 
 
 but  it  must  be  conceded,   he  and  his  family  are  sufficiently  paid  for 
 
 their  services. 
 
 Freeling,  G.  H.  assistant-secretary,  post-office 
 
 Freeling,  J.  C.  secretary  to  the  excise 
 
 Freemantle,  sir  W.  H.  treasurer  of  his  majesty's  household*  • 
 
 Late  solicitor  for  Irish  affairs - 
 
 Freemantle,  Georgiana,    Albinia,    and   Frances,    pensions  on 
 
 civil  list,  each,   1813 • 
 
 Freeman,  lieut.-gen.  Q.  J.  lieut-gen.  in  the  army     
 
 Late  barrack-master  and  commiss.  board  of  works,  Ireland 
 
 Frewin,  Rebecca,  pension  on  civil  list,   1 824 
 
 Fyers,  lieut.-gen.  W.  col.  royal  engineers,  Ireland 
 
 Fuller,  major-gen.  sir  J.  colonel  96th  foot     
 
 President  of  the  consolidated  board  of  general  officers  •  • 
 Fullarton,  J.  moiety  of  the  earl  of  Bath's  hereditary  pension 
 
 out  of  the  excise 
 
 Fullarton,  John,  lord  of  session,  Scotland 
 
 Fry,  J.  C.  registrar  in  chancery 
 
 Gambler,  E.  J.  deputy  and  1st  clerk,  tellers'  office    
 
 Gambler,  sir  J.  late  consul-general  in  the  Netherlands 
 
 Garrall,  capt.  H.  governor  of  Haslar-hospital,  Plymouth**** 
 
 Garrow,  sir  W,   late  baron   of  the   exchequer •  • 
 
 Gascoyne,  gen.  I.  colonel  54th  foot,  pay    
 
 Gardiner,  col.  deputy-adjutant-general,  Ireland,  1823 
 
 Contingent  allowance • 
 
 Lieut. -colonel  half-pay,  1825 
 
 Gardiner,  sir  R.   lieut.-col.  royal  artillery,   1828   
 
 Pension  for  good  services,   1813     
 
 £276 
 
 266 
 
 520 
 
 184 
 
 200 
 
 1200 
 
 389 
 
 967 
 
 182 
 
 1200 
 
 1700 
 
 4165 
 
 800 
 
 1500 
 
 904 
 
 924 
 
 43 
 
 593 
 972 
 100 
 2184 
 1119 
 197 
 
 1200 
 
 2000 
 
 4224 
 
 1000 
 
 1200 
 
 800 
 
 3500 
 
 613 
 
 693 
 
 150 
 
 200 
 
 293 
 
 91 
 
536         P  LACKS,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Gaivock,  capt.  J.  deputy-assistant  adjutant-general,  1809  • 
 Allowance  in  lieu  of  half-pay  as  captain  of  infantry  • 
 Secretary  to  commiss.  of  royal  military  coll.  181 4*  •  • 
 
 Gaselee,  sir  G.  a  judge  of  the  common  pleas 
 
 Gawler,   H.  secretary  to  master  of  the  rolls 
 
 One  of  the  six  clerks  in  chancery 
 
 Gibhs,  major  John,  landing-  surveyor,  Hull 
 
 Gibbs,  G.  T.  W.  collector  of  customs,  Yarmouth 
 
 Gibbons,   Ediv.  assistant-clerk  in  the  treasury    
 
 Gilford,   R.  F.  lord,  pension  on  civil  list,  1827 
 
 Additional  on  Irish  civil  list,  1827 • 
 
 Additional  on  Scotch  civil  list,  1827 
 
 The  pensions  are  for  the  benefit  of  the  present  lord,  and  the 
 other  children  of  the  late  lord  Gilford,  attorney-general  during  the 
 trial  of  Queen  Caroline. 
 
 Gillies,  Adam,  lord  of  session  and  justiciary,  Scotland 
 
 Commissioner  jury  court,  ditto    
 
 Gillies,  Dr.  John,  pension  on  civil  list,  1813 
 
 Gillon,  Catharine  and  Elizabeth,  pensions  each,  civil  list,  1805 
 
 Giminghan,  2d  under-clerk,  tellers'  office 
 
 Glenlyon,  lord,  lord  of  the  bedchamber 
 
 Major-g-en.  and  governor  of  Isle  of  Man 
 
 Brother  and  heir  presumptive  to  the  duke  of  Athol. 
 
 Glennie,  Ven.  J.  M.  S.  archdeacon,  Ceylon 
 
 Gloster,  H.  protector  of  slaves,  Trinidad    
 
 Gloucester,  duch.  of,  pension  out  of  4^  per  cent,  fund,  1820. 
 For  the  parliamentary  allowances  of  the  royal  family  see  p  237. 
 The  duke  of  Gloucester  was  formerly  a  Whig.  When  the  present 
 government  came  in  he  expected  to  have  been  put  at  the  head  of  the 
 army.  Finding  that  lord  Grey  considered  tiiat  a  general  officer,  who 
 had  seen  actual  service,  was  a  fitter  person  for  the  situation  than 
 H.  li.  H.  he  went  into  bitter  opposition. 
 
 Goddard,  Isabella,  pension  on  civil  list,  1812     
 
 Goddard,  Louisa,  pension  on  civil  list,  182.5 
 
 Goderich,  viscount,  secretary  of  colonial  department      
 
 Gostling,  N.  deputy-register  of  the  prerogative  court  of  Can- 
 terbury ;  from  fees 
 
 Gordon,  gen.  Geo.  duke  of,  col.  of  1st  regt.  of  foot 
 
 Governor  of  Edinburgh  castle     
 
 Gordon,  sir  R.  late  ambassador  at  Constantinople 
 
 Gordon,  sir  George,  pension  on  civil  list,  1821 
 
 Gordon,  J,  collector  of  customs,  Bristol 
 
 Gordon,  capt.  sir  Jas.  A.  g-overnor  of  Plymouth  hospital  •  •  •  • 
 Gordon,  lieut.  gen.  sir  J.  W.  M.P.  for  Launceston;  col.  23dfoot 
 
 Quarter-master-general 
 
 Gordon,  A.  chief-clerk,  secretary  colonial-office 
 
 Agent  for  Demerara    
 
 Agent  for  Lower  Canada    
 
 Gordon,  R,  governor  and  vice-admiral  of  Berbice 
 
 £260 
 
 127 
 
 200 
 
 5500 
 
 1487 
 
 1200 
 
 700 
 
 700 
 
 672 
 
 800 
 
 204 
 
 198 
 
 2600 
 600 
 200 
 97 
 600 
 500 
 
 2000 
 1300 
 1000 
 
 662 
 
 40 
 
 5000 
 
 1317 
 2325 
 1046 
 2000 
 
 150 
 1000 
 
 800 
 1034 
 1883 
 1500 
 
 400 
 
 200 
 4000 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 537 
 
 Govt,  viscount,  constable  of  Limerick  castle 
 
 Gore,  F.  1st  clerk  in  tellers'  oiEce 
 
 Goodenough,  G.  T.  late  commissioner  of  taxes,  1801    
 
 Late  sec.  for  reduction  of  the  national  debt,   1818  •••  • 
 
 Gosset,  Elizabeth  and  Gertrude,  pensions  on  civil  hst,  1828  •  • 
 
 Gosset,  Ralph- Allen,  pension  on  civil  list,  1829     
 
 Gomez,  A.  assessor  to  the  governor,  Trinidad     
 
 Godby,  A.  secretary  post-office,  Edinburgh    
 
 Goulbourn,  H.  pension  as  late  Irish  secretary,  1825 
 
 The  Tories  ought  to  put  on  sack-cloth  and  ashes  in  lieu  of 
 assailing  the  Grey  ministry,  on  account  of  its  financial  difficulties, 
 knowing  that  these  difficulties  are  the  result  of  their  own  lavish 
 expenditure.  It  would  be  more  becoming  in  them  to  throw  up 
 their  pensions  and  sinpcures  as  a  set-off  against  the  waste  of  public 
 money  in  palace  building,  the  liideau  canal  and  Belgic  fortresses. 
 As  to  INIr.  Goulburn  he  is  certainly  no  conjurer  in  finance.  He  is 
 all  hodge-podge,  subterfuge,  and  deception.  Witness  his  blundering 
 exhibitions  in  respect  of  the  sugar  duties,  his  oversight  in  respect 
 of  life  annuities,  and  the  tricks  he  played  in  respect  of  the  French 
 claims  and  custom  duty  on  West  India  produce  !  Such  a  specimeo 
 of  imbecility  and  mystification  as  his  speech  on  the  introduction  of 
 the  civil  list  in  1830  was  never  before  presented  to  parliament.  To 
 expatiate  on  the  frugality  of  the  late  King  in  not  liaving  exceeded 
 his  income !  Why,  had  he  been  Heliogabai.us  himself,  and  supped 
 on  diamonds,  he  could  not  have  dissipated  his  immense  revenue. 
 Then  to  talk  about  the  inexpediency  of  separating  the  various  items 
 of  the  civil  list  expenditure,  lest  the  Radicals  should  discover  the 
 personal  expenses  of  the  monarch,  and  thence  institute  invidious 
 comparisons  between  royal  and  republican  institutions — what  ina- 
 nity! All  these  matters  are  now  thoroughly  understood  by  every^ 
 body.  Only  read  our  chapter  on  the  civil  list  and  the  economy  of 
 George  IV,  and  the  cost  of  a  king  will  be  as  clear  as  day-light. 
 But  ought  it  to  be  inferred  from  thence  we  are  unfavourable  to  mo- 
 narchical government?  No!  Ave  know  too  well  what  is,  to  think 
 for  a  moment  of  what  de  novo  might  be ;  we  know,  too,  that  though 
 the  keystone  is  not  the  arcli,  there  could  be  no  arch  without  it — at 
 least  not  a  Gothic  arch ! 
 
 Goodman,  J.  A.  vendue  master,  Demerara    
 
 AV'hat  enormous  emoluments  to  governors,  registrars,  secretaries, 
 and  other  officers  in  the  colonies.  Well  may  the  British  dependen- 
 cies be  unable  to  yield  revenue  to  the  mother  country;  or,  even, 
 to  defray  the  expense  of  their  own  establishments. 
 
 Grady,  H.  G.  allowance  as  late  counsel  to  excise,  Dublin*  •  •  • 
 An  Irish  job.     The  office  abolished,  there  should  have  been  no 
 allowance. 
 
 Graham,  sir  J.  M.P.  for  Cumberland,  1st  lord  of  the  admiralty 
 Sir  James  by  improvements  in  the  civil  administration  of  the 
 navy,  and  reductions  in  the  estimates  nearly  to  the  amount  of  a 
 million,  has  almost  silenced  iNIr.  Hume,  and  set  a  splendid  example 
 to  the  heads  of  departments.  That  the  baronet  possesses  abilities  of 
 the  first  order  was  evident,  from  his  forcible  and  eloquent  exposition 
 of  the  emoluments  of  privy-councellors,  the  salaries  of  public  officers, 
 and  the  costs  of  foreign  missions,  which  greatly  contributed  to  fix 
 public  attention  on  a  lavish  government  expenditure.  We  trust  so 
 able  a  man  has  discovered  his  errors  on  the  currency  question,  and 
 he  no  longer  entertains  the  vulgar  notion  of  that  class  who  wrongly 
 
 £336 
 
 1000 
 
 150 
 
 500 
 
 198 
 
 95 
 
 1500 
 600 
 
 2000 
 
 2986 
 
 1333 
 4500 
 
538         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 ascribe  national  distress  to  the  withdrawal  of  the  rag-money,  and 
 tiie  substitution  of  a  metallic  circulation.  In  other  respects  the 
 sentiments  of  the  first  lord  of  the  Admiralty  are  liberal  and  en- 
 lightened, as  is  apparent  from  the  following  extract  from  a  pamphlet 
 published  by  him  some  years  ago  : — 
 
 "  The  paramount  duty  of  every  government  is  attention  to  the 
 interests  of  the  community,  of  which  the  labourers  must  form  the 
 great  majority  ;  the  right  of  property  itself  is  instituted  for  the  good 
 not  of  the  few  who  possess  wealth  and  honour,  b\it  of  the  many 
 who  have  them  not;  if  the  majority  be  deeply  injured,  the  public 
 peace  is  in  danger;  if  the  majority  want  food,  private  property  be- 
 comes a  naisance." — Corn  and  Currency,  p.  75. — Sir  James  may  have 
 trimmed  his  ideas  since  tiiese  sentin)ents  w'ere  published,  but  we 
 trust  the  substance  remains  engraven  where  it  ought  to  be,  in  all 
 those  entrusted  with  power  over  the  happiness  of  the  community. 
 
 Graham,  sir  R.  late  baron  of  the  exchequer 
 
 Graham,  M.  Kay,  Isabella,  and  Caroline,  c.  1.  June  1816«- 
 These  ladies'  father  was  a  man  of  large  fortune,  of  Fintray,  but 
 who  dissipated  it,  and  are  near  relatives  of  lord  Lynedoch.  But 
 every  one  relieves  himself  to  burthen  the  public.  This  proves  the 
 great  necessity  that  there  should  be  no  pension  list.  In  no  other 
 country  are  the  poor  and  decayed  relations  of  the  privileged  classes 
 so  provided  for  as  in  England. 
 Grafton,  duke  of,  hereditary  pension  out  of  the  excise  revenue 
 
 Ditto,  ditto  post-office  ditto     
 
 Sealer  of  king's  bench  and  common  pleas 
 
 One  of  the  four  illegitimate  descendants  of  Charles  II.  raised  to 
 ducal  peerages.  It  might  be  right  in  this  profligate  king  to  quarter 
 the  produce  of  his  debauchery  on  the  people's  industry,  but  it  is 
 with  surprise  and  indignation  we  find  it  continued  to  the  present 
 day.  How  happened  it  the  revolution  Whigs  of  1688  did  not  rid 
 the  country  of  this  infamy?  The  present  duke  returns  two  or  three 
 members  to  the  lower  house :  he  is  said  to  be  an  "  excellent  gentle- 
 man ;"  whether  the  motto — Et  decitset  pretium  recti — "  the  ornament 
 and  recompense  of  virtue,"  refers  to  the  pensions  or  descent  of  his 
 grace  it  is  not  easy  to  determine. 
 
 Graves,  C.  G.  cashier  of  widows'  pensions •  • 
 
 Granville,  W.  vice-treas.  and  commissioner  of  stamps,  Ceylon 
 Granard,  earl  of,  clerk  of  crown  and  hanaper,  Ireland     •  •  •  • 
 
 Granville,  viscount,  ambassador  to  France     
 
 Grange,  James,  senior  clerk  in  the  treasury .. 
 
 Pension  on  4^  per  cent,  fund 
 
 Grant,  major-gen.  governor  of  Trinidad 
 
 Grant,  J.  T.  clerk  of  the  cheque,  Portsmouth 
 
 Grant,  D.  M.  collector  of  customs,  Kingston,  Jamaica   .  •  • . 
 
 Grant,  sir  W.  late  master  of  the  rolls    
 
 Grant,  maj.-gen.  sir  C.  col.  15th  light  dragoons 
 
 Grant,  C.  M.P.  for   Invernessshire ;  president  of  India  board 
 
 Grant,  R.  M.P.  for  Norwich;  judge  advocate-general 
 
 Commissioner  of  the  India  board     •••     ••• 
 
 Grant,  Sophia  and  Charlotte,  pension  each  on  civil  list,   1784 
 Grant,  Catharine,  Ann,  and  Harriet,  pension  each  on  c.  1.  1790 
 
 Grant,  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,   1827     
 
 Gratton,  Lucia,  Caroline,  and  Frances,  pension  each  on  c.  I.  1 803 
 
 £3500 
 276 
 
 7200 
 4700 
 2888 
 
 700 
 
 2000 
 
 886 
 
 10000 
 
 1000 
 
 250 
 
 5535 
 
 460 
 
 2500 
 
 3750 
 
 1237 
 
 3500 
 
 2000 
 
 1200 
 
 49 
 
 97 
 
 100 
 
 32 
 
PLACES,  PENSIONS,  SINECURES,  AND  GRANTS. 
 
 539 
 
 Gravatt,  col.  W,  inspector,  royal  military  academy,   1814   •• 
 
 Lieut  -colonel  invalid  engineers,   1811    
 
 Gregg,  —  deputy  registrar,  bankrupt  court  •  •  •  • 
 
 Gregory,  O.  professor  of  mathematics,  Woolwich  academy  •  • 
 Gregory,  Wm.  and  lady  Ann  Gregory,  and  survivor,  civil  list 
 
 Gregory,  William,  late  under  secretary  for  Ireland 
 
 Green,  gen.  sir  C.  col.  37th  foot    
 
 Greene,  Wm.  comptroller  of  customs,  Liverpool 
 
 Gregg,  Robert  F.  clerk  in  vice-treasurer's  office,  Dublin  •  •  •  • 
 
 Allowance  as  clerk  in  late  Irish  treasury,  1817 
 
 Grenville,  lord,  auditor  of  the  exchequer  (a  sinecure) 
 
 Granville,  Thos,  chief  justice  in  Eyre    •• 
 
 Brother  of  the  preceding  sinecurist  and  uncle  of  the  duke  of 
 Buckingham,  the  nobleman  so  noted  for  his  love  of  stationery,  of 
 which  he  carried  off  a  great  deal  for  private  use  from  the  office 
 he  held  in  1806. 
 
 Greville,  A.  F.  commissioner  of  alienation  office,  1828 
 
 Late  private  sec.  to  lord  Wellington,  pension   on  c.  1. 
 
 Bath  king  at  arms,   1 829    
 
 Greville,  Charles,  comptroller  of  cash  in  the  excise 
 
 Secretary  of  the  island  of  Tobago 
 
 Allow  ance  as  naval  officer,  Trinidad 
 
 Greville,  C.  C.  F.  clerk  of  the  council 
 
 Secretary  and  clerk  of  the  enrolments,  Jamaica 
 
 As  late  naval  officer,  Demerara 
 
 The  duke  of  Wellington,  at  the  period  of  his  resignation,  in  lieu 
 of  providing  out  of  his  own  pocket  for  A.  F.  Greville,  as  his  private 
 secretary — if  he  needed  provision — threw  him  on  the  court  pension 
 list  to  be  provided  for  by  the  people. 
 
 The  next  of  the  name,  Charles  Greville^  married  a  daughter  of 
 the  duke  of  Portland,  who  provided  for  her  amply,  as  above,  in  the 
 excise,  Tobago  and  Trinidad.  The  duke  also  took  good  care  of 
 her  son,  C.  C.  F.  Greville.  The  pleasures  of  the  turf  may  be  fairly 
 indulged  in,  the  britska  in  summer,  and  the  post-chariot  in  winter, 
 when  not  at  the  pulbic  expense. 
 Grey,  hon.  H.  G.,  gen.  brother  of  earl  Grey ;  col.  13th  light 
 
 dragoons  pay 
 
 Grey,  earl,  first  lord  of  the  treasury 
 
 Commissioner  for  the  affairs  of  India     • 
 
 The  noble  premier  is  mostly  represented  as  too  exclusive  in  his  no- 
 tions to  conciliate  popular  esteem.  We  should  be  loth  to  hang  a 
 man  for  a  word  or  a  phrase,  any  more  than  a  single  action  of  life, 
 unless  it  were  a  deliberate  and  very  flagrant  atrocity.  Besides,  al- 
 though lord  Grey  did  say  he  would  ''  stick  to  his  order,"  it  ought  to 
 be  remembered,  as  a  set-off,  that  in  a  session  or  two  preceding, 
 he  actually  took  a  brother  peer  to  task,  for  having  in  his  harangue 
 too  freely  applied  the  disparaging  epithet  of  loiver  orders  to  the 
 working  classes.  The  aristocracy  of  his  lordship  is,  we  apprehend, 
 mure  in  words  than  in  any  thing  else.  His  early  history  and  the  Re- 
 form Bill,  with  which  his  future  fame  and  character  will  be  iden- 
 tified, sufficiently  show  that  he  is  now  and  always  has  been  a  sin- 
 cere friend  of  popular  rights. 
 
 £264 
 
 326 
 
 600 
 
 558 
 
 461 
 
 1000 
 
 1123 
 
 600 
 
 390 
 
 55 
 
 4000 
 
 2316 
 
 150 
 
 250 
 
 90 
 
 600 
 
 350 
 
 572 
 
 2000 
 
 3000 
 
 500 
 
 1057 
 5000 
 
540 
 
 I'LACKS,     I'KNSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS, 
 
 Griesbacl),  Caroline,  Elizabeth,  and  Frances,  pension  each,  on 
 
 civil  list,  1826 
 
 Griffith,  E.  police  justice,  Mary-le-bone 
 
 Griffith,  Walter,  Anne,  Mary,  Henry,  George,  Charlotte,  Wil- 
 liam, Charles,  Arthur,  and  Harriet,  pension,  each, 
 
 on  civil  list,  1821 
 
 Grove,  H.  L.  collector  of  customs,  Exeter 
 
 Groom,  R.  assistant  secretary,  tax-office 
 
 Grosvenor,  gen.  T.  col.  65th  foot    
 
 Grosvenor,  lord  Robert,  third  son  of  earl  Grosvenor,  and 
 M.P.  for  Chester;  comptroller  of  the  king's  house- 
 hold      
 
 Gurney,  sir  J.  baron  of  the  court  of  exchequer,  1832 
 
 Guydicker,  Frances,  pension  on  civil  list,  1793 
 
 Gwilt,  Robert,  clerk,  Chelsea-hospital    
 
 Agent  for  Newfoundland 
 
 Gwynne,  Thomas,  comptroller  of  legacy  duties 
 
 Gwynne,  Georgiana,  pension  on  civil  list,  1800 
 
 Gwyn,  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1821     
 
 Hatton,  Edw.  F.  late  paymaster  of  widows'  pensions,  1799  •  • 
 
 Retired  pension  as  commis.  of  stamps,  1819     
 
 Inspector-general  of  tea  and  coffee,  1819 
 
 Uncle  of  that  iindefinable  peer  lord  Wlnchilsea.  At  the  Kent 
 meeting  his  lordship  praised  the  Reform  Bill,  and  afterwards  voted 
 against  it ;  he  eulogized  lord  Grey  for  bringing  it  forward  ;  after- 
 wards he  abused  him  for  the  same  cause.  In  a  similar  manner  he 
 abused  and  fought  the  duke  ol'  Wellington,  and  now  praises  him. 
 
 Haldane,  Maria,  pension  on  civil  list,  1819    
 
 Hamilton,  lieut.-col.,  inspecting  field-officer,  Ireland 
 
 Pension  for  loss  of  a  leg,  Dec.  1811 
 
 Hamilton,  Mrs.  pension  out  of  4^  per  cent,  fund,  July,  1820 
 Hamilton,  Arabella,  Elizabeth,  Mary,   Isabella,  and  survivors 
 
 of  them,  civil  list,  March,  1796 
 
 Hamilton,  John,  in  trust  for  children  of 
 
 Hamilton,  R.  prothonotary  king's  bench,  Ireland 
 
 Hamilton,  W.  R.  pension  on  consolidated  fund 
 
 Hamilton,  R.  principal  clerk  of  session,  Scotland 
 
 Professor  of  public  law     
 
 Hamilton,  H.  C.  J.  secretary  of  embassy  at  Paris    
 
 Hamilton,  admiral,  sir  Charles,  pension  on  civil  list,  1790  •  • 
 
 Hamilton,  sir  J.  col.  69th  foot    
 
 Governor  of  Dimgannon  fort 
 
 Handfield,  Catharine,  Anne,  Eliza,  Jane,  Mary,  Julia,  and 
 Sarah,  pensions,  each,  on  Irish  civil  list,  1816  •  •  •  • 
 
 Hart,  C.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,  1806 
 
 Hart.  gen.  G.  V.  unattached  pay  as  general  officer 
 
 Governor  of  Londonderry  and  Culmore 
 
 Harrison,  T.  conmiissioner  of  excise 
 
 £50 
 800 
 
 18 
 
 590 
 
 700 
 
 1241 
 
 920 
 5510 
 240 
 500 
 100 
 100 
 115 
 400 
 600 
 600 
 292 
 
 200 
 466 
 200 
 250 
 
 461 
 
 461 
 1384 
 1000 
 1000 
 
 280 
 1100 
 
 155 
 1200 
 
 810 
 
 593 
 
 499 
 
 1200 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.       541 
 
 Harrison,  W.  parliamentary  counsel  to  the  Treasury     
 
 Law  clerk,  war-office 
 
 Harrison,  G.  allowance  as  late  assistant  secretary,  Treasury*  • 
 Harrison,  J.  allowance  for  loss  of  office,  customs,  Dublin  •  •  . . 
 
 Harrison,  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,  1828 
 
 Haines,  H.  gentleman  of  the  chamber  to  the  lord  chancellor ; 
 net  emolument  from  fees  in  the  year  ending-  Jan.  5, 
 
 1830   
 
 Hallam,  Henry,  late  distributor  of  stamps 
 
 Can  this  be  the  historian  of  the  Middle  Ages  and  anti-reformer  ? 
 It  is  one  of  those  objectionable  allowances  on  which  we  have  before 
 commented;  granted  conditionally,  "  until  otherwise  prodded  for." 
 Hallifax,  Gertrude,  Charlotte,  Marianne,  Caroline,  Catharine, 
 and  Elizabeth,  each,  out  of  the  civil  list,  1793    .... 
 Daughters,  we  believe,  of  a  bishop,  and  connected  with  the  Cock- 
 burns  through  the  Littletons. 
 Hammond,  lieut.-gen.  sir  T.  unattached  pay  as  lieut.-gen.  •  •  •  • 
 Hammond,  George,  Edmund,  Margaret,  and  William,  each  out 
 
 of  civil  list,  1806 
 
 Harvey,  F.  clerk  of  Ulster-road  and  vice-president.  Inland- 
 office    
 
 Harvey,  dame  Louisa,  pension  on  civil  list,  1826 
 
 Hardinge,  lieut.-col.  sir  H.  pension  for  wounds •  • 
 
 The  recent  wanton  attack  of  sir  Henry  on  lord  Ebrington  was 
 more  worthy  of  the  rejected  candidate  for  the  county  of  Clare  than 
 of  a  really  brave  soldier. 
 
 Hartwell,  sir  F.  H.  late  deputy  comptroller  of  the  navy 
 
 Hanmer,  W.  clerk  of  Nisi  Prius,  north  and  Norfolk  circuits*  • 
 
 Clerk  of  the  inner  treasury,  court  of  king's  bench  •  •  • « 
 
 Hardy,  rear-admiral  sir  Thomas,  commissioner  of  the  admiralty 
 
 Haultain,  Terrick,  accomptant,  army  pay-office 
 
 Hassard,  col.  Jn.  commanding  royal  engineers,  Ionian  Islands 
 
 Hasler,  Sarah,  pension  on  civil  list,  1780    
 
 Hastings,   Selina,  Georgina,    Louisa,    Edward,   and   Richard, 
 
 pension,  each,  on  civil  list,  1 829 
 
 Hammond,  G.  late  minister  to  United  States 
 
 Hay,   Dorothea,   Lewis,  Elizabeth,  Mary,  Jane,  and  Isabella, 
 
 pensions,  each,  on  civil  list,  1 806    
 
 Hay,  lady  Fanny,  pension  on  civil  list,  1822 
 
 Mary,  additional  on  civil  list,  1823     
 
 Ditto,  additional,  civil  list,  1 824 
 
 Of  the  Tweeddale  family  these,  and  as  Sir  John  Cam  Hobhouse 
 has  married  one,  he  can  best  explain  the  origiu  of  the  pensions. 
 
 Hay,  D.  consul-general  Tangiers    
 
 Hav,  R.  W.  under  secretary  of  state  for  the  colonies 
 
 Hayman,  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,  1823 
 
 Hayne,  Henry,  commissary  judge  at  Rio  Janeiro 
 
 Hayter,  Elizabeth  and  Sophia,  pension  on  civil  list,  1818  •••  • 
 
 £1000 
 
 400 
 
 2000 
 
 1207 
 
 400 
 
 1755 
 500 
 
 60 
 
 593 
 
 150 
 
 637 
 300 
 300 
 
 1164 
 
 580 
 
 602 
 
 1000 
 
 1200 
 
 1195 
 
 132 
 
 50 
 1200 
 
 79 
 100 
 200 
 100 
 
 2000 
 2000 
 
 266 
 1326 
 
 101 
 
542         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Hailes,  Daniel,  late  envoy,  &c.  to  different  courts 
 
 Halls,  Thomas,  police  justice.  Bow-street 
 
 Hankey,  sir  F.  chief  secretary,  Malta 
 
 Hawker,  Dorothea,  Julia,  and  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1827 
 
 Henn,  W.  master  in  chancery,  Ireland    
 
 Heatly,  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1790 
 
 Headfort,  marchioness  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1821 
 
 Heathcote,  Antoinette,  pension  on  civil  list,    1802 
 
 Heneage,  G.  H,W.  hereditary  proclamator  in  common  pleas-  • 
 Hebden,  John,  superintendent  of  dead  letter  office,  Ireland  •  • 
 
 Taxing  clerk  in  the  inland  office,  Ireland   •  •  •  •  • 
 
 Henley,  lord,  brother-in-law  of  sir  R.  Peel,  master  in  chancery 
 Some  arislocratical  stuff"  lately  appeared  in  the  Morning  Chronicle, 
 — not  from  the  editor,  we  are  sure,  he  is  incapable  of  such  nonsense 
 — representing  the  degradation  of  the  peerage  by  lord  Henley,  after 
 succeeding  to  the  family  title,  continuing  to  hold  his  appointment 
 of  master  in  chancery,  part  of  whose  duty  it  is  to  act  as  messenger 
 from  the  lords  to  the  commons.  We  presume  this  scribe  considers 
 it  only  compatible  with  the  dignity  of  lords  to  live  by  plunder,  as  in 
 the  days  of  Burke's  chivalry,  not  by  the  pursuit  of  some  useful  voca- 
 tion. But  we  wonder  what  can  degrade  the  aristocracy  lower: 
 look  at  their  scrambling,  intriguing,  and  apostatizing  for  office  ;  look 
 at  them  condescending  to  fill  the  places  of  port-searcher,  sealers,  clerks, 
 and  wharfingers,  for  the  sake  of  the  emoluments  ;  look  at  the  still 
 greater  infamy  of  quartering  themselves,  tlieir  mothers,  children, 
 and  relatives  on  the  industry  of  a  starving  people ;  look  at  these 
 degradations,  and  say  if  proud  nobility  can  fall  lower. 
 
 Hereford,  viscount,  pension  on  civil  list,  1806    
 
 Heard,  H.  G.  late  six  clerk  chancery,  Ireland    
 
 Herbert,  Geo.  clerk  and  auditor  in  the  treasury 
 
 Henderson,  James,  consul-general  at  Bogota 
 
 Hertford,  marquis  of,  lord  warden  of  duchy  of  Cornwall  .... 
 One  of  the  greatest  of  borough  proprietors  ;  returning  two  mem- 
 bers for  Orford,  two  for  Aldeburgh,  one  for  Lisburn,  one  for  Bodmin, 
 and  two  for  Camelford.  For  illustration  of  the  practical  working  of 
 these  nomination  boroughs  to  the  benefit  of  the  relations  of  the 
 marquis,  see  Scyjyiour. 
 
 Hertslet,  L.  librarian,  foreign  secretary's  office 
 
 Superintendent  of  king's  messengers 
 
 Compensation  for  loss  of  fees  in  Ceylon 
 
 Hesketh,  Robert,  consul  at  Maranham 
 
 Herries,  J.  C.  late  commissary-in-chief,  1816 
 
 Herries,  Isabella,  pension  on  civil  list,  1814 
 
 Herries,  lieut.-colonel  sir  W.  comptroller  of  army  accounts    .  • 
 
 Pension  for  loss  of  leg 
 
 Herbert,  C.  first  fiscal,  Demerara 
 
 Hervey,  lord  W.  secretary  of  legation  in  Spain 
 
 Son  of  lord  Bristol,  and  grandson  of  the  famous  absentee  bishop 
 of  Derry. 
 
 Hepburne,  Catharine,  pension  on  civil  list,  1829    
 
 Hewitt,  W.  clerk  of  the  papers,  king's  bench  pri.son,  from  fees 
 
 £1127 
 800 
 
 1500 
 300 
 
 3323 
 177 
 88 
 233 
 100 
 230 
 173 
 
 4644 
 
 600 
 1348 
 
 819 
 2000 
 
 700 
 450 
 300 
 
 1105 
 
 1350 
 230 
 
 1500 
 300 
 
 3078 
 550 
 
 184 
 1000 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 543 
 
 Hewett,   gen.    rt.   hon.  sir  G.  col.  61st  foot,  pay  and  emolu- 
 ments   • 
 
 Hewett,  hon.  J.  commissioner  of  excise 
 
 Hewgill,  Elizabeth,  pension  on  civil  list,  1801 
 
 Hervey,  L.  late  minister  at  Madrid 
 
 Heytesbury,  lord,  ambassador  at  St.  Petersburgh 
 
 Heyland,  Rowley,  clerk  of  the  rules,  Ireland 
 
 Hill,  lord  M.  C.  secretary  to  embassy  in  Turkey 
 
 Hill,  gen.  rt.  hon.  R.  lord,  colonel  53d  foot    
 
 General  commanding  in  chief 
 
 Pension  granted  by  parliament  in  1814  ••• 
 
 Hill,  Capt.J.  commissioner,  victualling  establishment,  Deptford 
 
 Hill,  W.  N.  brother  of  lord  Berwick,  envoy  at  Naples 
 
 Hill,  sir  Geo.  F.  pension  as  clerk,  Irish  house  of  commons    •  • 
 
 Governor  of  St.  Vincent,  West  Indies    
 
 Hill,  lady,  pension  on  civil  list,  1830 
 
 This  lady  the  duke  brought  in  as  well  as  his  private  secretary, 
 and  the  whipper-in,  Mr.  Holmes,  at  the  death  of  his  administration. 
 Lady  Hill,  one  of  the  Beresfords,  is  the  wife  of  the  preceding,  who 
 has  always  held  large  sinecures  in  Ireland,  but  who,  from  his  im- 
 prudence, has  always  been  greatly  embarrassed.  Sir  George  sold 
 his  Irish  pension,  and  was  named  governor  of  the  Leeward  Islands. 
 With  the  claims  of  his  wife  the  ex-premier  is  best  acquainted  ;  but 
 there  are  strong  reasons,  it  is  said,  why  the  public  should  not  be 
 burthened  with  this  pension. 
 
 Hicks,  John,  clerk  in  home  department 
 
 Higham,  S.  secretary,  national  debt  office 
 
 Hislop,  lieut.-gen.  sir  T.  col.  48th  foot,  pay  and  emoluments 
 
 Hinchcliffe,  H.  pension  on  consolidated  fund 
 
 Hobhouse,  Sir  John  Cam,  secretary  at  war    
 
 Hobhouse,  rt.  hon.  H.  keeper  of  state  papers 
 
 Pension  as  late  under  secretary  of  state  •  •  •  • 
 
 Holland,  lord,  chancellor  of  the  duchy  of  Lancaster    
 
 ^Vell !  who  would  have  thought  of  lord  Holland  ever  being  a 
 chancellor.  Sinecures  are  good  for  something  if  it  be  only  for  the 
 convenience  of  the  gou^.  But  the  Aristocracy  come  upon  us  in  so 
 many  different  shapes,  it  is  rather  too  bad,  these  nests  of  abuse,  the 
 counties  palatine  should  be  kept  up  as  a  kind  of  hospital  for  the  aged 
 and  infirm  of  the  "order."  The  Jenkinsons,  Bathursts,  and  Bex- 
 leys,  have  enriched  themselves  in  these  retreats,  and  we  regret  no 
 belter  appointment  could  be  found  for  the  nephew  of  Charles  James 
 Fox. — By  the  bye  it  was  rather  ill-natured  of  so  good-natured  a 
 man  as  lord  Holland  to  write  the  note  he  did  in  answer  to  the  in- 
 quiries of  the  parliamentary  committee  relative  to  the  emoluments 
 of  his  sinecure.  It  was  a  subterfuge  worthy  only  of  a  Tory,  to 
 declare  that  the  duties  of  his  office,  "  without  the  express  commands 
 of  the  king,"  precluded  him  from  making  the  requisite  return.  His 
 lordship  will  wonder  how  we  have  learnt  the  amount  of  his  income  ; 
 the  fact  is  we  took  it  from  the  return  of  one  of  his  predecessors, 
 less  scrupulous  about  royal  commands. 
 Holroyd,  Edw.  commissioner  of  bankrupt  court  •  •  • 
 
 £1221 
 1200 
 
 233 
 
 1200 
 
 11000 
 
 1107 
 
 800 
 1350 
 3458 
 2000 
 
 800 
 4400 
 2091 
 4000 
 
 467 
 
 1129 
 1300 
 1081 
 1000 
 2580 
 811 
 1000 
 3563 
 
 1500 
 
544        PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AM)    GI5ANTS. 
 
 Holdsvvorth,  Elizabeth,  pension  on  civil  list,  1789 
 
 Hosier,  W.  clerk  to  auditor  of  land  revenue 
 
 Hope,  Elizabeth,  pension  on  civil  list,  1806    
 
 Homage,  clerk  to  master  lord  Henley  in  chancery      
 
 Horton,  sir  R.  W.  governor  and  vice-admiral  of  Ceylon 
 
 Hood,  lord,  pension  on  4^  per  cent,  fund 
 
 Can  any  one  tell  the  public  services  of  lord  Hood  ? 
 
 Hood,  T.  S.  consul  at  Monte  Video ' 
 
 Howard,  L.  computer  of  wine  and  plantation  duties,  customs  •  • 
 
 Houston,  lieut.-gen.  sir  W.  colonel  20th  foot,  pay 
 
 Groom  of  the  bedchamber 
 
 Howard,  lieut.-gen.  lord,  col.  70th  foot 
 
 Howick,  viscount,  son  of  earl   Grey,  and   M.P.   for  Higham 
 Ferrars  ;  under  secretary  of  state  for  the  colonies  •  • 
 
 Hope,  John,  king's  solicitor  for  Scotland    
 
 Hough,  T.  S.  clerk  to  master  Trower  in  chancery 
 
 Houghton,  Penelope,  pension  on  civil  list,  1787    
 
 Hosier,  J.  and  T.  Bernard,  pension  41  percent   fund,  1796  •• 
 
 Hornby,  Phipps,  distributor  of  stamps,  Lancashire 
 
 Half-pay  as  captain  in  the  navy 
 
 Home,  sir  William,  solicitor-general 
 
 Hobart,  hon.  H.  and  rt.  hon.  J.  Sullivan,  pension  out  of  4'  per 
 
 cent,  fund,  Juhj  1820    '. . . . 
 
 Holloway,  C.  W.  lieut-col.  royal  engineers.  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
 
 Pension  for  a  wound,  1817 
 
 Hoblyn,  Thomas,  chief  clerk  in  the  treasury 
 
 Hope,  lieut.-gen.  sir  J.  colonel  72d  foot 
 
 Hope,  lieut.-gen.  sir  A.  col.  47th  foot,  pay  and  emoluments   •  • 
 
 Lieut. -gov.  of  Chelsea  Hospital 
 
 Pension  for  wound • 
 
 Hope,  Charles,  lord  president  court  of  session,  Scotland 
 
 The  three  preceding  relations  of  lord  Hopetoun. 
 
 Holmes,  T.  collector  of  customs,  Grenada 
 
 Holmes,  Thomas,  Knox,  pension  on  civil  list,  1830 
 
 Had  the  celebrated  Mr.  W.  Holmes  been  the  tchipper-out  in  lieu 
 of  the  whipper-in  of  many  of  the  honourable  members,  we  should 
 have  deemed  him  a  more  meritorious  public  servant,  and  better  en- 
 titled to  a  pension  during  the  life  of  his  son  at  the  close  of  his  official 
 labours. 
 
 Home,  sir  E.  sergeant-surgeon  to  the  king 
 
 Surgeon  to  Chelsea  Hospital 
 
 Retired  pay 
 
 Home,  Alexander,  earl  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1792 
 
 Hombourg',  princess  of  Hesse,  pension,  4^   per  cent,  duties, 
 
 1820   
 
 Honyraan,  sir  W,  of  Armadale,  late  lord  of  session     
 
 Honyman,  dame  Mary,  pension  on  Scotch  civil  list,  1814.  ••  • 
 
 £233 
 
 861 
 
 100 
 
 1650 
 
 10,000 
 
 1875 
 
 12.50 
 1463 
 1200 
 500 
 1343 
 
 1500 
 500 
 
 1209 
 
 88 
 
 600 
 
 562 
 
 182 
 
 4000 
 
 600 
 
 869 
 
 200 
 
 1400 
 
 1158 
 
 900 
 
 464 
 
 400 
 
 4300 
 
 1500 
 500 
 
 277 
 546 
 
 187 
 27() 
 
 1000 
 
 1950 
 
 138 
 
SLACKS,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.        •34.3 
 
 Honyman,  ^lary,    Catharine,   Margaret,  and  Jemima,  pension 
 
 on  civil  list,  1815,  each 
 
 Daughters  of  the  preceding  dame  Mary  ;  tbe  lady's  husband  was 
 a  lord  of  sessions,  a  baronet,  and  possessed  a  considerable  estate. 
 The  son  was  a  major  while  a  child.  How  they  came  chargeable  on 
 the  pension  list  is  most  extraordinary. 
 
 Hudson,  T.  prothonotar)'  of  the  common  pleas    
 
 Hume,  J.  D.  joint  assistant  secretary,  board  of  trade 
 
 Hume,  A.  teller  of  exchequer,  Ireland 
 
 Hume,  David,  one  of  the  barons  exchequer,  Scotland    
 
 Hume,  John,  clerk  in  the  victualling-othce    
 
 Hume,  Klizabeth,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 826 
 
 Humphrey,  Louisa,  pension  on  civil  list,  1827 
 
 Hunt,  Mar}-,  pension  on  civil  list,  1816 
 
 Hunter,  sir  R.,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1826 
 
 Additional  pension  on  civil  list,  1 827 
 
 Physician,  we  believe,  to  marquis  Weilesley  during  his  viceroy 
 ship— and  so  rewarded  for  medical  skill  and  attendance  ! 
 
 Huskisson,  T.  paymaster  of  the  navy 
 
 Huskisson,  G.  collector  of  customs,  St.  Vincent 
 
 Huskisson,  J.  W.  collector  of  customs  and  judge,  Ceylon    •  •  ♦  • 
 Hunting-don,  earl  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1829 
 
 This  nobleman  is  reckoned  among;  the  poor  peers ;  his  brotliers  and 
 sisters  are  on  the  pension  list  for  ±;222.  10s.  The  earldom  was  in 
 abeyance  in  I8I9,  and  the  title  claimed  on  the  speculation  of  re- 
 ceiving a  pension  to  support  it. 
 
 Hutchinson,  A.  A    H.  brother  of  lord  Donoug-hmore,  commis- 
 sioner of  customs 
 
 Inglis,  doctor,  bishop  of  Nova  Scotia 
 
 Iggulden,  I.  dep.  reg\  prerog.  court  of  Canterbury  ;    from  fees 
 
 Innes,  James,  secretaiy  and  registrar,  Berbice    
 
 Irvine,  A.  one  of  the  lords  of  session,  Scotland 
 
 Irving,  W.  inspector-general  of  imports  and  exports 
 
 Irving,  Lucy,  pension  on  4^  per  cent,  duties 
 
 Jackson,  major-gen.  sir  R.  D.  colonel  81st  foot,  pay 
 
 Deputy  quarter-master  general  •«•• • 
 
 Jackson,  George,  commissary  judge  at  Sierra  Leone 
 
 Jackson,  J.  clerk  in  foreign  office i 
 
 Jackson,  Laura  Harriet,  pension  on  civil  list,  1816    
 
 Jacob,  W.  comptroller  of  corn  returns 
 
 Jadis,  Henry,  paymaster,  exchequer-bills    
 
 Clerk  in  India  board  office • 
 
 Jardine,  sir  H.  king's  remembrancer  court  of  excheq.  Scotland 
 
 Jarnac,  madame  de,  pension  on  civil  list,  1794 
 
 Jeans,  rev.  Thomas,  pension  on  civil  list,  1780 
 
 Jebb,  R.  second  justice  king's  bench,  Ireland     
 
 Jefferey,  T.  N.  collector  of  customs,   Nova  Scotia     
 
 Jeffrey,  Lucia,  pension  on  civil  list,  1816 
 
 2  N 
 
 £37 
 
 2600 
 150 
 1000 
 2000 
 720 
 200 
 150 
 150 
 177 
 111 
 
 1200 
 
 1500 
 
 1184 
 
 400 
 
 1200 
 
 2000 
 
 1200 
 
 2000 
 
 2000 
 
 900 
 
 120 
 
 613 
 
 691 
 
 2145 
 
 720 
 
 100 
 
 765 
 
 600 
 
 500 
 
 1700 
 
 177 
 
 178 
 
 3730 
 
 2000 
 
 200 
 
546        PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 JeflFrey,  sir  Francis,  lord  advocate  of  Scotland 
 
 We  never  heard  any  thing  but  to  the  honour  of  the  late  prime  fea- 
 ther of  the  Edinburgh  Heview,  and  shall  give  the  lord  Advocate  a  lair 
 name  even  in  Tlie  Black  Book.  He  possesses,  as  is  well  known, 
 first-rate  power  as  a  writer  in  English,  and  a  speaker  in  Scotch;  and, 
 after  a  somewhat  arduous  coarse,  sir  Francis  may  sit  down  rejoicing, 
 either  as  lord  or  commoner,  in  as  bright  a  career  as  any  man,  who 
 begins  life  with  dubious  prospects,  and  all  to  achieve,  need  covet 
 withal. 
 
 Jenkinson,  R.  H.  registrar  of  excise 
 
 Receiver  of  stamps » 
 
 Lieutenant  of  Dover-castle 
 
 Jenner,  R.  collector  of  excise,  Glasgow    
 
 Jennings,  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,   1801    
 
 Jeremie,  J.  chief  justice,  St.  Lucia 
 
 Registrar  of  slaves 
 
 Jesse,  Edward,  deputy-surveyor  of  royal  parks,  &c. 
 
 Gentleman  of  the  ewry  (king's  household) 
 
 Joddi'ell,  Augusta,  pension  on  civil  list,   1794 
 
 Jones,  J.  Edw.  assist,  deputy-adj-gen.  royal  artillery,  1818  •• 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel  royal  artillery,   1828     
 
 Forage  allowance     • 
 
 Jones,  W.  marshal  of  the  king's  bench  prison;  from  fees,  about 
 
 Jones,  W.  clerk  to  master  Cross,  in  chancery 
 
 Jones,  B.  S.  assistant  secretary,  India  board     
 
 Jones,  W.  cashier  of  half-pay    
 
 Jones,  J.  T.  lieut.-col.  royal  engineers,  Woolwich,  and  for  in- 
 specting fortresses  in  the  Netherlands     
 
 Pension  for  wounds     •  •  •  • 
 
 Johnson,  Robert,  late  justice  common  pleas,  Ireland     
 
 Johnson,  William,  third  justice  common  pleas,  Ireland     •••• 
 
 Johnson,  J.  Irish  secretary's  office,  London 
 
 Johnson,  W.  F.  chief  clerk,  ordnance  department     
 
 Johnston,  L.  F.  C.  judge  of  criminal  inquiry,  Trinidad     •••• 
 
 Johnston,  sir  Alexander,    retired  judge  of  Ceylon 
 
 Married  a  cousin  of  the  duke  of  Argyle. 
 
 Johnston,  sir  W.  pension  on  civil  list,   1794 
 
 An  old  bachelor  of  large  property  at  Gilford,  county  Downe  ; 
 well  known  at  Bath  and  other  watering  places,  being  altogether  an 
 absentee. 
 
 Johnston,  E.  J.  pension  on  civil  list,   1827    
 
 Keane,  major-gen.  sir  J .  col.  94th  foot 
 
 Unattached  pay,  and  staff  pay  in  Jamaica 
 
 Pension  for  wounds     
 
 Kelly,  Patrick,  vice-consul  at  Lima ;  salary 
 
 Kekwith,  George,  puisne  judge.  Cape  of  Good  Hope  < 
 
 Kempt,  sir  James,  master  general  of  the  ordnance    
 
 Colonel  of  40th  regiment  of  foot     
 
 Kemmis,   Henry,  ast^istant  barrister,  Kildare    
 
 £2500 
 
 400 
 
 800 
 
 168 
 
 500 
 
 252 
 
 2000 
 
 500 
 
 400 
 
 285 
 
 177 
 
 273 
 
 273 
 
 73 
 
 2804 
 
 1443 
 
 1200 
 
 900 
 
 1170 
 
 300 
 
 1107 
 
 3692 
 
 829 
 
 800 
 
 2217 
 
 1600 
 
 738 
 
 400 
 
 425 
 1901 
 
 350 
 1177 
 1500 
 3000 
 1020 
 
 369 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.        547 
 
 Commissioner  of  inquiry,  Ireland 
 
 Kenyon,  lord,  custos  brevium,  court  of  king-'s  bench ;  from  fees 
 
 Kenyon,  hon.  Tho.  brother  of  preceding  ;  filazer,  exigenter,  and 
 
 clerk  of  outlawries  in  the  court  of  king's  bench  ;  fees 
 
 Compensation,  per  act  6  Geo.  IV. 
 
 Kennedy,  T.  F.,  M.  P.  for  Ayr ;  clerk  of  the  ordnance 
 
 Kennedy,  Elizabeth,  Susanna,  Sarah,  and  Ellen,  their  lives 
 
 and  survivor,  each,  civil  list    
 
 Kensit,  H.  clerk  to  master  Stratford,  in  chancery     
 
 Keppel,  gen.  right  hon.  sir  W.  col.  2d  foot,  pay  and  emoluments 
 
 KeiT,  lady  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,   1825    
 
 Kilmorey,  gen.  F.  earl  of,  colonel  86th  foot 
 
 Kihvarden,  viscount,  pension  out  of  consolidated  fund 
 
 Kingston,  J.  commissioner,  colonial  audit-office    
 
 Kinsale,  lord,  pension  on  civil  list,   1823 
 
 Kingsland,  viscount,  pension  on  civil  list,   1826    
 
 Kinnoul,  earl  of,  pension  out  of  4^  per  cent,  duties • 
 
 Lyon  king  at  arms,  Scotland • 
 
 King,  sir  A.  B.  his  majesty's  stationer,  Ireland    
 
 Compensation  as  printer  to  Irish  house  of  commons  •  • 
 
 King-,   Harriet  M.  widow,  pension  on  civil  list,   1792    
 
 A  set  of  creatures  have  lately  disgraced  the  public  press,  by  ad- 
 vertising for  wives,  with  small  properties,  which  the  knaves  promise 
 shall  be  at  the  ladies'  disposal  during  their  lives.  Speculators  of 
 this  class  will  find  our  Pension  List  of  great  coavenience  ;  they  will 
 be  able  to  select  suitable  matches  from  the  widows  and  sempstresses 
 of  all  ages,  rank,  and  income  ;  and  though  some,  perhaps,  a  little 
 the  worse  for  the  wear  and  tear  of  official  duty,  in  attendance  oa 
 the  court  and  grandees  of  the  land,  quite  good  enough  for  them. 
 Kirkland,  J.  receiver  of  crown  rents  in  London  and  Middlesex 
 
 Agent  for  Nova  Scotia  and  Cape  Breton 
 
 Agent  for  recruiting  service     <■  .  • 
 
 Kirkcudbright,   baron,  pension  on  civil  list,   1828     
 
 Kirwan,  Wilhelmina,  pension  on  civil  list,   1807 
 
 Knight,  G.  W.  H.  inspector-general  of  customs,  Leith,    1817 
 
 Captain  in  the  navy    • 
 
 Knight,  Cornelia,  pension  on  civil  list,   1814    
 
 Knighton,  Dr.  sir  William,  receiver  of  duchy  court  of  Lancas- 
 ter and  of  duchy  court  of  Cornwall 
 
 Keeper  of  the  privy  purse  to  George  IV.  This  retired  and 
 wealthy  favourite  might  usefully  employ  his  leisure  in  his  Hamp- 
 shire retreat,  in  affording  the  burthened  community  information  of 
 the  nature  of  the  services  of  those  troops  of  females  who  crowd  the 
 Court  Pension  List ;  to  many  of  whom  the  Magdalen,  or  tread-wheel, 
 ■would  have  been  more  appropriate,  than  annuities  for  life  out  of  the 
 taxes.  There  is  an  ambassador,  long  kept  out  of  the  way  at  a 
 northern  court ;  and  a  certain  major-general,  loaded  with  military 
 emoluments  and  oflBces,  though  no  soldier,  further  than  wearing  an 
 uniform,  who  would  be  well  qualified  to  assist  in  the  undertaking. 
 The  names,    especially  the  Georginas,  Georgianns,  the  Arbuthnots, 
 
 2  X  2 
 
 £990 
 2696 
 
 12.54 
 .5463 
 1200 
 
 92 
 
 1 07.5 
 876 
 200 
 
 1220 
 600 
 800 
 369 
 200 
 
 1000 
 600 
 335 
 850 
 431 
 
 500 
 200 
 834 
 200 
 266 
 600 
 191 
 300 
 
fAH 
 
 PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 the  Bathursts,  the  Lennoxes,  the  Herries,  and  sundry  selections 
 from  the  Continent,  are  significant  enough ;  but  there  are  otiiers, 
 to  whom  there  is  no  clue,  and  the  denomination  under  which  they 
 are  set  forth  cannot  be  depended  upon.  Sir  John  Newport  men- 
 tioned an  instance,  in  the  house  of  commons,  illustrative  of  the 
 way  they  managed  these  things  at  the  Castle.  A  pension  of  £1000 
 for  many  years  stood  in  the  Irish  civil  list,  iu  the  name  of  George 
 Charles  ;  no  such  person  was  known  to  exist  any  where;  and  on 
 inquiry,  it  turned  out  that  this  was  a  pension  to  the  count  de  Verry, 
 wlio  received  it  under  the  name  of  Charles,  and  was  for  some  services 
 rendered  at  Paris. 
 
 For  the  last  70  years  the  pensions  charged  on  the  civil  list  of  the 
 three  kingdoms,  exclusive  of  the  immense  sums  paid  for  similar 
 objects  out  of  tije  Leeward  Island  duties,  and  other  sources,  have 
 amounted  to  nearly  £200,000  per  annum.     And  for  what,  or  on 
 
 whom  has  this  immense   sum  been  squandered?     On ;  but 
 
 the  truth  will  out  one  day  ;  the  Circean  and  Paphian  rites  at  the 
 Cottage  will  be  shown  up,  and  form  an  appropriate  supplement  to 
 the  Pare  aux  Cerfs,  and  other  recorded  debaucheries  of  the  Bourbon 
 and  German  courts. 
 
 Leaving  these  abominations,  we  cannot  help  expressing  a  wish 
 that,  as  soon  as  the  Reform  Bill  is  disposed  of,  the  Whigs  will  in- 
 stitute an  inquiry  into  the  Duchy  of  Cornwall  and  the  stannary 
 courts.  There  is  no  prince  of  Wales,  nor  at  present,  we  believe, 
 any  in  prospect ;  so  the  time  of  reform  could  never  be  more  ap- 
 propriate. Besides  Dr.  Knighton,  with  immense  emoluments,  as 
 receiver-general,  there  are  other  officers — among  them,  an  assay- 
 master  for  tin,  a  brother  of  lord  Dorset,  who  has  never  even  visited 
 that,  to  him,  remote  principality — the  sinecure  of  his  infancy,  man- 
 hood, and  maturity. 
 
 Kiiollys,  g-en.  W.  unattached  pay  as  late  major  3d  foot  guards 
 
 Governor  of  Limerick 
 
 Pension  on  civil  list,  1814 
 
 Knox,  John,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 800 
 
 Knox,  John,  pension  on  civil  list,  1802 
 
 Knox,  Mary  Anne,  pension  on  civil  list,  1801    
 
 Knox,  H.  V.  joint  prothonotary,  common  pleas,  Ireland     •  •  •  • 
 
 Kuper,  Rev.  W.  pension  on  civil  list,  1816     
 
 This  person  must  be  a  German — probably  an  Hanoverian.  W  liat 
 claim  can  he  have  on  the  taxes  of  England? 
 
 Kyd,  T.  clerk  and  inspectoi-  of  taxes,  Edinburgh    
 
 Lance,  J.  H.  commissary  judge  at  Surinam    
 
 Lack,  John,  clerk  of  the  rates,  customs 
 
 Lack,  T.  assistant  secretary  board  of  trade 
 
 Laifan,  sir  Joseph  de  Courcey,  pension  on  civil  list,  1828  •  •  •  • 
 Went  to  Ireland  as  ph)sician  to  the  marquis  of  Anglesey,  having 
 been  lirst  made  a  baronet;  and  who  granted  the  pension  about  tiie 
 time,  it  is  said,  he  refused  to  sign  the  pension  of  the  marchioness  of 
 Westmeath. 
 
 Lamb,  George,  brother  of  lord  Melbourne,  and  M.P.  for  Dun- 
 garvon  ;  under  sec.  of  state  in  the  home  department  •  • 
 
 Lamb,  sir  F.  brother  of  Lord  Melbourno,  aiiibassador  at  Vienna 
 
 Lang,  Cliarles,  master-shipwright,  Deptford 
 
 £800 
 306 
 399 
 177 
 535 
 177 
 
 3575 
 400 
 
 545 
 1500 
 1100 
 1500 
 
 192 
 
 1500 
 
 9900 
 
 400 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.        549 
 
 Lang',  Oliver,  master-shipwright,  Woolwich 
 
 Lake,  viscount,  pension  on  consolidated  fund 
 
 Lieutenant-general 
 
 Pension  obtained  by  his  father  for  services  in  India  and  Ireland  ; 
 the  last,  at  least,  did  not  merit  it.  The  present  viscount  is  better 
 known  as  a  late  lord  of  the  bedchamber  than  in  his  military 
 capacity. 
 
 Langrishe,  Hannah,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list     
 
 Langrishe,  Anne,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1796 
 
 There  was  a  sir  Hercules  Langrishe,  bart.  who  received  large 
 compensations  at  the  Union,  and  well  known  as  a  good  companion. 
 These  ladies  may  probably  be  his  relatives,  and  the  lord  lieutenant's 
 generosity  moved  by  the  boon  companionship  of  the  baronet. 
 
 Lansdowne,  marquis  of,  lord  president  of  the  council 
 
 The  marquis,  who  is  an  estimable  and  enlightened  man,  was  long 
 silent  on  the  vital  question  of  parliamentai^y  reform  ;  in  the  session 
 of  1831,  however,  he  declared  himself  favourable  to  an  extension 
 of  the  elective  franchise;  not  merely  for  the  sake  of  change,  but 
 amendment,  by  more  adequately  representing  the  property  and  intel- 
 ligence of  the  community.  The  lord  president  will  certainly  not 
 gain  by  recent  alterations.  His  loi-dship  has  lost  nearly  one-third  of 
 his  salary  by  Whig  retrenchment,  and  the  Reform  Bill  carries  off  a 
 moiety  of  the  borough  of  Calne. 
 
 Larpent,  F.  S.  chairman  of  the  board  of  audit     
 
 Lambert,  lieut.-gen.  sir  J.  col.  10th  foot     
 
 Lane,  Thomas,  secretary  and  registrar,  Barbadoes 
 
 Lavington,  Frances,  baroness,  pension  on  civil  list,  1812  •  •  •  • 
 
 Lascelles,  R.  late  receiver-general  for  Monmouth   •  • 
 
 Chamberlain  of  Brecon 
 
 Laing,  A.  S   police  justice,  Hatton-garden«  •  • 
 
 Latham,  J.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,  1803    
 
 Lawes,  Edw.  chief  registrar  bankrupt  court  (exclusive  of  fees) 
 
 Lawrence,  T.  chief  clerk,  post-office    
 
 Layard,  C.  E.  civil  and  military  paymaster-general    
 
 Leach,  sir  John,  master  of  the  rolls • .  • 
 
 Leake,  S.  R.  M.  assistant  clerk  in  the  Treasury     
 
 Leake,  S.  M.  retired  allowance  as  compt.  of  army  accounts   •  • 
 
 Leake,  R.  M.  master  of  report-office  in  Chancery 
 
 Sir  E.  Sugden  might  well  lift  up  his  eyes  in  astonishment,  when 
 he  discovered  the  enormous  emoluments  of  this  gentleman.  The 
 report  office  is  a  mere  copying  office  ;  and  why  the  duty  should  be 
 remunerated  at  this  extravagant  rate  is  wholly  unaccountable.  The 
 chief  clerkship  is  a  sinecure,  the  work  being  done  at  a  low  rate  by 
 subalterns.  In  1798  the  receipts  of  the  office  amounted  to  £1069, 
 having  increased  upwards  of  fourfold.  These  enormous  sums 
 are  all  derived  from  copies  of  documents  in  suits;  for  which  Mr. 
 Spence  suggests  as  a  remedy  the  mutual  interchange  between  the 
 solicitors  of  the  opposite  parties  the  various  copies  required.  The 
 increase  in  the  emoluments  of  all  officers  in  chancery  has  been  enor- 
 mous. For  an  account  of  other  chancery  officers  see  Pxgh,  fJttersnn, 
 Rnijnsford,  and  Wing-field.  We  refer  to  these  gentlemen,  not  from 
 any  personal  motive,  or  from  a  wish  to  imply  any  peculiarity  in  their 
 
 £6.50 
 
 2000 
 
 456 
 
 460 
 177 
 
 2000 
 
 1500 
 
 1224 
 
 1469 
 
 400 
 
 200 
 
 245 
 
 800 
 
 706 
 
 800 
 
 586 
 
 2000 
 
 7000 
 
 672 
 
 2000 
 
 4589 
 
550        PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GKANIS. 
 
 mode  of  discharginp;  jiuHcial  duties,  but  simply  because  the  spirit 
 moved  us,  in  reading  their  names,  to  hang  a  note  to  them. 
 
 Le  Blanc,  Thomas,  muster  of  court  of  king's  bftnch    
 
 One  of  the  registrars  for  Middlesex     
 
 Leigh,  George,  pension  on  civil  list,  1819 
 
 This  gentleman  was  in  the  lOtii  hussars,  and  held  some  oliice 
 under  George  IV.,  and  has  apartments  at  ijt.  James's  Palace.  He 
 married  the  sister  of  the  poet  Lord  liyi'on. 
 
 Leigh  R.  inspector-general,  tax-ottice     
 
 Leigh,  F.  allowance  as  late  collector  of  excise    
 
 Lees,  sir  E.  S.  clerk  of  a  road  post-office,   Ireland     
 
 Lees,  T.  0.  clerk  of  a  road  post-office,  Ireland 
 
 Searcher,  packer,  and  ganger,    Wexford 
 
 Lees,  W.  clerk,  ordnance  department    
 
 Leeds,  duke  of,  constable  of  Middleham-castle 
 
 Lee,  W.  clerk  of  ships'  entries,  customs 
 
 Leggatt,  Horatio,  solicitor  of  taxes,  in  lieu  of  bills   
 
 Lennard,  J.  B.  receiver  of  fees,  privy  council-office 
 
 Lennox,  lady  Louisa,  pension  on  civil  list,   1764 
 
 Lennox,  lady  Georgiana,  pension  on  civil  list,   1819     
 
 Leeves,   E.  clerk  in  privy-council  for  trade 
 
 Pension  on  civil  list,  having  been  private   secretary  to 
 the  late  Mr.  Huskisson,    1828    
 
 Legge,  hon.  H.  commissioner  of  customs 
 
 Legge,  hon,  H.  deputy  comptioller  of  the  navy     «  •  •  •  • 
 
 Brothers  of  lord  Dartmouth,  whose  uncle  was  bishop  of  Oxford. 
 
 Lemon,  Robert,  deputy-keeper  of  state  papers,  1818 
 
 Secretary  to  commissioners  to  state  papers,  1825  •  •  • . 
 
 Leitrim,  earl  of,  port -searcher,  Dublin 
 
 Colonel  of  the  Donegal  militia;  his  son,  William,  is  in  the 
 army  ;  and  hia  cousin,  i.  M.  Clements,  is  IVl.  P.  for  Leitrim- 
 sfaire. 
 
 Lewis,  J.  M.  naval  commissioner,  Sheerness    
 
 Ley,  W.  second  clerk  assistant,  house  of  commons 
 
 Ley,  J.  H.  clerk,  house  of  commons 
 
 Leybourn,  Thomas,  professor  of  mathematics.  Military  College 
 
 Lifford,  viscount,  commissioner  of  Excise      
 
 Lichfield,  earl  of,  master  of  the  staghounds 
 
 Here  is  another  shameful  salary  payable  out  of  the  civil  list. 
 Good  God,  if  the  king  had  two  millions  in  lieu  of  half  a  million,  he 
 might  waste  them  on  the  Aristocracy  at  this  rate.  It  lias  been  declar- 
 ed by  high  authority, the  daysare  past  when  government  depends  on 
 patronage  for  support.  \V  hy  then  was  not  this  leudal  sinecure 
 abolished,  or  its  emoluments  greatly  reduced,  on  the  resignation  of 
 lord  Maryborough  ?  It  is  not  sullicient  to  allege  such  useless  dignities 
 are  unavoidable  in  a  monarchy  ;  individuals  have  long  since  been 
 compelled  to  give  up  luxuries,  and  even  comforts,  and  royalty 
 must  give  up  trappings,  of  which  William  IV.  we  believe  is  no  way 
 tenacious. 
 
 Lightfoot,  .).  accountant  and  comptroller  of  stamps   
 
 £2000 
 852 
 700 
 
 600 
 
 1384 
 
 1424 
 
 816 
 
 504 
 
 825 
 
 46 
 
 1215 
 
 1500 
 
 830 
 
 445 
 
 150 
 
 137 
 
 200 
 1200 
 1200 
 
 467 
 
 200 
 
 1359 
 
 1100 
 2500 
 2300 
 390 
 1200 
 2606 
 
 800 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.         551 
 
 Listen,  sir  R   late  ambassador  to  the  Ottoman  Porte 
 
 Littledale,  sir  J.  judge  of  the  court  of  king's  bench 
 
 Littledale,  J.  collector  of  customs,  Whitehaven     
 
 Lipscombe,  right  rev.  W.  bishop  of  Jamaica 
 
 Lock,  Georgiana  and  Lucy  F.  out  of  4^  per  cent,  duties,  each 
 Lloyd,  John,  commiss.  for  relief  of  insolvent  debtors,  Ireland 
 Lloyd,  Mary-Anne  and  Emma,  pension  on  civil  list,    1815  •  • 
 
 Lloyd,  Mary-Harriet,  pension  on  civil  list,  1829 
 
 Longmore,  A.  clerk,  remembrancer's  office,  Edinburgh   •  •  •  • 
 
 Marshal  of  exchequer  and  clerk  for  land-tax 
 
 Longey,  E.  J.  clerk  in  tally -writer's  office 
 
 Compensation  for  loss  as  taily-cutter,  1826 
 
 Lowe,  major-gen.  sir  H.  2d  in  command,  Ceylon 
 
 Colonel  of  93d  foot •  • 
 
 Low,  Peter,  commissioner  of  inquiry,   Ireland 
 
 Loughborough,  lord,  clerk  of  chancery,  Scotland 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel  of  9th  Lancers 
 
 Lowdham,  L.  A.  secretary  of  lunatics  to  lord  chancellor  •  •  •  • 
 Lowry,  John,  2d  professor  of  mathematics,  military  college  •  • 
 
 Lulham,  Edw.  clerk   in  the  tax-office 
 
 Lumley,  lieut.-gen.  hon.  sir  W.  col.  6th  dragoons,  pay      •  •  •  • 
 
 Pension  for  wounds      
 
 Groom  of  bed-chamber     
 
 Lushington,  sir  H .  consul  general  at  Naples 
 
 Lushington,  E.  H.  late  commiss.  colonial  audit-office,  1824  •• 
 
 King's  coroner  in  the  court  of  king's  bench     
 
 Lushington,  S.  G.  commissioner  of  customs 
 
 Lushington,  S.  R.  pension,  1825 
 
 Brother-in-law  of  lord  Harris.  What  are  Mr.  Lushington's  claims 
 to  a  pension  we  are  at  a  loss  to  discover.  Always  filling  lucrative 
 offices,  and  now  governor  of  Madras,  for  whicli  post  he  deserted  his 
 twenty  pound  Canterbury  constituents. 
 
 Lushington,  dame  Fanny,  pension  on  civil  list,   1813    
 
 Ludlow,  gen.  Geo.  J.   Earl,  col.  38th  foot,  pay     
 
 Governor  of  Berwick    
 
 Pension  for  loss  of  an  arm    
 
 Lutwidge,  C.  collector  of  customs,  Hull     ' 
 
 Luttrell,  H.  F.  commissioner  of  audit     
 
 Luttrell,  J.  F.  clerk  of  the  pipe,  in  Ireland  • 
 
 Lukin,   R.  1st  clerk,  war-office 
 
 Lyndoch,   gen.  T.  lord,  col.  14th  foot,  pay 
 
 Governor  of  Dumbarton  Castle    
 
 Pension  by  act  of  parliament 
 
 Lyndhurst,  lord,  chief  baron,  court  of  Exchequer     
 
 Lyon,  major-gen.  sir  J.  col.  24th  foot •  • 
 
 Staff  pay  as  lieut.-gen.  Leeward  Islands 
 
 Governor  of  Barbadoes    
 
 Pension  by  Queen  Charlotte 
 
 Maberly,  lieut.-col.  W.  L.  surveyor-general,  ordnance 
 
 £2300 
 
 5500 
 500 
 
 4000 
 200 
 
 2062 
 266 
 200 
 450 
 130 
 700 
 187 
 
 4000 
 
 1200 
 
 1135 
 
 419 
 
 1301 
 
 267 
 
 629 
 
 911 
 
 400 
 
 360 
 
 1350 
 
 600 
 
 1160 
 
 1200 
 
 1500 
 
 350 
 
 613 
 
 169 
 
 400 
 
 1000 
 
 1200 
 
 450 
 
 1400 
 
 613 
 
 164 
 
 2000 
 
 7000 
 
 1514 
 
 1383 
 
 3767 
 
 100 
 
 1200 
 
552         Pl.ACKS,    PENSIONS,    SINRCl  RKS,    AND    tiKANTS. 
 
 Machen,  E.  deputy  surveyor  of  Dean  Forest,  1816 
 
 Joint  deputy  graveller  of  Dean  Forest,  1815 
 
 Magenis,  Richard,  commis.  civil  accounts,  Dublin,  1813  •  •  •  • 
 
 Captain  half- pay  list  7th  fusileers,  1811 
 
 Pension  for  loss  of  an  arm,  1811    » 
 
 Magra,  Emily  and  Harriet,  pension  on  civil  list,  1805,  each*  • 
 
 Macleod,  George,  inspector-general  of  stamps    
 
 M'Nair,  R,  collector  of  customs,  Leith 
 
 Maclean,  A.  receiver-general  of  Scotland 
 
 Maclean,  lieut.-gen.  sir  F.  col.  84th  foot,  pay  and  emoluments 
 M'CIintock,  J.  and  W.  F.  union  compensation  as  chief  ser- 
 geant at  arms,  Ireland • 
 
 M'Clelland,  Thomas,  receiver-general  of  post-office,  Ireland.  • 
 M'Gregor,  sir  J.   director-general  army  medical  board,   and 
 
 physician  to  garrison,  at  Portsmouth 
 
 M'Gregor,  M.  consul  at  Panama  
 
 M'Causland,  W,  J.  brother-in-law  of  lord  Plunket;   solicitor 
 
 for  minors  and  lunatics    
 
 Law  agent  and  commis.  of  charitable  bequests 
 
 Law  agent  to  commis.  of  education 
 
 Solicitor  to  board  of  Erasmus  Smith 
 
 M'Cansland,  W.  J.  son  of  the  preceding;  joint  secretary  of 
 
 the  lord  chancellor 
 
 Maconochie,  A.  lord  of  ^session  and  justiciary,  Scotland 
 
 M'Kenzie,  J    H.  lord  of  session  and  justiciary,  Scotland  •  •  •  • 
 
 Commissioner  of  the  jury  court,  Scotland 
 
 Macdonald,   sir  James,    M.P.  for  Hampshire ;    commissioner 
 
 of  the  India  board    
 
 Clerk  of  the  privy  seal 
 
 This  last  is  a  paient  ollice  wtnth  £500  a  year,  the  whole  of  which 
 .sir  James  has  suvrciicleved  to  the  i)ublic  without  any  compensation. 
 Though  our  work  is  called  the  Bluck  Hook,  we  arc,  always  prompt 
 to  record  any  deeds  of  an  opposite  complexion. 
 
 Macdonald,  major-g-en.  J.  colonel  67th  foot,  pay    
 
 Deputy  adj. -gen.  to  forces 
 
 Macleay,  VV.  S.  commissioner  of  arbitration  at  the  Havanna«  • 
 Macintosh,  sir  James,  commissioner  for  the  aftairs    of  India 
 Pension  from  the  E.  I.  Company  as  late  recorder  Bombay 
 Not  many  public  men  can  boast  of  having  run  so  long  and  devious 
 acourse,  vvith  so  few  backslidings,  as  sir  James  Macintosh.    During 
 our  evil  days,  wlien  England  was  under  the  sway  of  that  pestiferous 
 triumvirate,  Sidmouth,  Canning  and  Castlereagh,  sir  James  delivered 
 spreches  whiclt  did  honour  to  his  principles,  his  consistency,  and 
 independence. 
 Macleod,  lieut.-gen.  sir  John,  colonel  commandant  horse  artil- 
 lery, director  general  of  artillery,  and  master  gunner, 
 
 St.  James's  Park 
 
 Mann,  gen.  G.  col.  engineers,  inspector-gen.  fortifications-  •  •  • 
 
 M'Leay,  A.  .secretary  and  registrar.  New  South  Wales 
 
 Allowance  in  lieu  of  pension,  per  annum 
 
 £350 
 100 
 738 
 220 
 100 
 194 
 600 
 800 
 2000 
 1286 
 
 2545 
 553 
 
 2172 
 1377 
 
 1400 
 600 
 400 
 
 1200 
 
 1200 
 
 2600 
 
 2600 
 
 600 
 
 1200 
 
 613 
 
 691 
 
 1850 
 
 1200 
 
 1200 
 
 2782 
 
 2964 
 
 2000 
 
 700 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 553 
 
 M'Mahon,  sir  W.  master  of  the  rolls,  Ireland 
 
 M'Murdo,  D.  collector  of  customs,  Glasgow 
 
 Macauley,  J.  S.  captain  royal  engineers,  1 829    
 
 Professor  of  fortification,  military  academy    
 
 Macauley,  Z.  commissioner  for  inquiiing  into  charities 
 
 Macauley,  T.  B.,  son  of  the  preceding-  M.P.  for  Calne  ;  late 
 
 commissioner  of  bankrupts 
 
 Mackreth,  II.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes 
 
 Maister,  H.  W.  registrar  of  deeds  for  east  riding  of  Yorkshire 
 Maitland,  lieut.-gen.  sir  P.  col.  1st  West-India  regiment  •  •  •  • 
 Unattached  pay  as  late  captain  of  grenadier  guards    •  • 
 Staff  pay  and  emoluments  as  lieut. -governor  of  Nova- 
 Scotia  and  governor  of  Anapolis 
 
 Maitland,  gen.  F.  colonel  Ceylon  rifle  regiment 
 
 Lieut. -governor  of  Dominica 
 
 Cousin  oflorcl  Lauderdale,  standard-bearer  of  Scotland,  first  a  re- 
 publican, tlien  a  VV  hip.  and  now  a  Tory,  Lieut.-gen.  sir  William 
 Houston  is  brother-in-law  of  the  earl.  Other  relations  are  in  the 
 army  and  navy,  and  one,  a  cousin  of  the  peer,  is  director  of  the  bank 
 of  Scotland.  The  celebrated  T.  Garth,  capt.  R.N.  is  also  a  member 
 of  the  family. 
 
 Mallet,  J.  L.  secretary  in  the  audit-office    •  <- 
 
 Maling,  major  T.  assistant  military  sec.  to  commander-in-chief, 
 
 and  captain  2d  West  India  regiment «.... 
 
 Marsden,  Alexander,  pension  on  civil  Hst,  during  lives  of  his 
 
 daughters     
 
 Marsden,  W.  retired  allowance  as  secretary  to  the  admiralty*  • 
 
 This  gentleman  voluntarily  resigned  his  pension  of  £1500  a  year 
 
 to  the  public,  and  we  retain  his  name  in  this  edition  as  an  example 
 
 to  others,  and  to  record  so  meritorious  an  act. 
 
 Marsden,  rev,  G.  senior  chaplain  New  South  Wales,  with  house 
 
 Marsden,  Elizabeth  and  Maria,  pensions  on  civil  list,  1806  •• 
 
 Marshall,  W.  R,   clerk  of  survey,  Woolwich,  till  otherivise 
 
 provided  for  .  •  •  • 
 
 Marshall,  Edward, clerk  in  war-office 
 
 Clerk  of  estimates  in  war-office 
 
 Marshall,  H.  A.  auditor  and  accountant-general,  Ceylon  •  •  •  • 
 
 Manners,  lord  T.  late  lord  chancellor  of  Ireland 
 
 Manning,  W.  T.  third  clerk  to  clerk  of  ships  entries 
 
 Manning,  John,  surveyor-general  customs 
 
 Martin,  vice-admiral  sir  T.  B.  late  comptroller  of  the  navy  « • 
 Martin,  D.  cashier  of  foreign  half-pay,  and  retired  full  pay  •  • 
 
 Martin,  Henry,  master  in  chancery,  1831 ,  about    
 
 This  gentleman  had  retired  from  the  profession  some  years,  but 
 lord  Brougham  appears  to  have  thought  Mr.  Martin  was  still  equal 
 to  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  a  master  in  chancery. 
 
 Mangin,  A.  clerk  secretary's  office,  Ireland 
 
 Manningham,  C.  W.  deputy  and  first  clerk,  teller's  office  •  •  •  • 
 Mascall,  E.  J.  retired  allowance  as  collector  of  customs 
 
 3969 
 500 
 202 
 250 
 
 1000 
 
 200 
 767 
 650 
 
 500 
 
 6093 
 921 
 366 
 
 1000 
 
 1043 
 
 645 
 
 578 
 300 
 
 450 
 
 800 
 
 150 
 
 2000 
 
 3692 
 
 1811 
 
 800 
 
 1000 
 
 700 
 
 4500 
 
 1074 
 1000 
 1750 
 
554         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Mash,T.  B.  comptroller  of  accounts  lord  chamberlains's  dep.  •  • 
 Malcolm,  vice-adm.  sir  P.  commander-in-chief,  Mediterranean 
 
 Maxwell,  C.  W.  governor  of  St.  Christopher 
 
 Maturin,  Harriet,  widow,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1826  •  •  •  • 
 A  miserable  pittance  to  the  relict  of  a  man  of  genius,  who  amused, 
 if  he  did  not  instruct  the  world  by  Jus  writings. 
 
 Matthews,  J.  R,  consul-general  at  Lisbon 
 
 Mansfield,  J.  filacer,  court  of  common  pleas 
 
 Mansfield,  countess  of,  pension  4^  per  cent,  duties,  1814«  •  •  • 
 
 Mother  of  general  Geo.  Murray,  and  of  the  enemy  of  all  reform, 
 
 lord  Mansfield,  and  of  Fulke-Greville,  and  mother-in-law  of  the 
 
 hon.  Finch- Hatton,  brother  of  lord  Winchilsea. 
 
 Manchester,  duchess  dowager  of,   compensation  allowance  for 
 
 loss  of  the   office  of  collector  of  customs  outwards, 
 
 held  by  the  late  duke  of  Manchester 
 
 Here  is  a  curious  case — a  dowager  duchess,  ninety  years  of  age 
 at  least — receiving  compensation  for  loss  of  ollice  as  searcher  of  cus- 
 toms !  What  services  can  this  lady  have  rendered  ?  Her  husband 
 was  known  some  fifty  years  ago  as  a  court  lord,  and  if  the  marriage 
 was  improvident,  why  must  the  widow  be  quartered  on  the  public  ? 
 Has  not  a  labourer's  or  a  mechanic's  wife  an  equal  claim?  Must 
 we  have  a  pauper  nobility  to  support  the  dignity  of  the  crown  ? 
 "Why  is  she  not  maintained  by  her  son,  the  late  governor  of  Jamaica  ; 
 or  her  grandson,  lord  Mandeville,  who  married  a  rich  heiress  ? 
 Marlborough,  duke  of,  hereditary  pension  out  of  post-office  •  • 
 Father  of  that  mysterious  reformer,  the  marquess  of  Blandford, 
 and  of  many  others  in  the  navy,  army,  and  church.  The  pension 
 is  a  proof  of  the  inutility  of  hereditary  honours  in  guaranteeing  here- 
 ditary nobility.  John,  the  lirst  duke,  might  deserve  the  pension,  but 
 can  it  be  said  his  descendant  does  i 
 
 Master,  Isabella  F.  pension  out  of  4|  per  cent,  fund 
 
 Mayo,  earl  of,  pension  as  chairman  of  the  committees  of  the 
 
 late  house  of  lords,  Ireland 
 
 This  pension  was  given  by  an  act  of  parliament;  it  was  an  abuse, 
 and  ought  to  be  revoked  by  another. 
 
 May,  sir  G.  collector  of  customs,  Belfast   
 
 Maynard,  George,  computer  of  duties  on  East-India  calicoes 
 
 Mayer,  G.  C.  librarian  in  colonial-office 
 
 Mayne,  Richard,  commissioner  of  metropolitan  police 
 
 Maule,  George,  solicitor  to  treasury,  salary    
 
 Emoluments    
 
 Mayow,  P.  W.  assistant  solicitor  of  excise 
 
 Meade,  hon.  J.  consul-general  at  Madrid    
 
 Meade,  lieut.-gen.  Robert,  colonel  12th  foot 
 
 Pension  for  wounds     
 
 Melbourne,  viscount,  secretary  of  state,  home  affairs 
 
 Merry,  A.  late  envoy,  &c.  to  the  United  States 
 
 Mellish,  Amelia,  Eleanora,  Elizabeth,  and  Wilhelmina,  pension 
 
 on  civil  list,  1 825,  each 
 
 Melluish,  H.  E.  captain  royal  engineers,  1814 
 
 Extra  pay,  employed  in  Canada 
 
 £1445 
 
 2555 
 
 3490 
 
 46 
 
 1370 
 1450 
 1000 
 
 2928 
 
 5000 
 
 200 
 1332 
 
 1000 
 1449 
 
 721 
 
 800 
 2000 
 
 850 
 2000 
 1613 
 1266 
 
 400 
 5000 
 1700 
 
 50 
 220 
 202 
 
PLACES,  PENSIONS,  SINECURES,  AND  GRANTS. 
 
 555 
 
 Pension  for  a  wound,  1814 • 
 
 Melville,  viscount,  lord  keeper  of  privy  seal,  Scotland     
 
 Merivale,  J.  H.  commissioner  bankrupt  court    
 
 Mitford,  R.  chairman  board  of  taxes 
 
 Agent  for  herring  fishery    
 
 Mitford,  B.  commissioner  of  inquiiy,  Ireland 
 
 Mitford,  John,  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  clerk  of  inrol- 
 ments  in  chancery,  deputy  register  for  Middlesex, 
 commissioner  for  appeals  from  board  of  excise,  and 
 
 auditor  of  duchy  of  Lancaster 
 
 Mitchell,  E.  clerk  vice-treasurer's  office,  Ireland    
 
 Computer  of  off-reckonings 
 
 Allowance  as  late  clerk  in  Irish  treasury     
 
 Miller,  J .  referee  and  partidon,  Trinidad    
 
 Milne,  A.  secretary  to  commissioner  of  woods  and  forests-  •  •  • 
 
 Miller,  sir  W.  lord  of  session,  Scotland 
 
 Millar,  major-gen.  W.  unattached  general  officer,  1 825 
 
 Inspector  of  artillery,  1827     
 
 Inspector  of  royal  brass  foundry 
 
 Allowance  for  one  servant  > 
 
 Mills,  F,  R.  precis  writer  in  home  department,  1820 
 
 Librarian  in  home  department,  1820 
 
 Mingin,  W.  first  puisne  judge,  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
 
 Minto,  earl  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 800 
 
 Milnes,  sir  R.  S.  and  during  lives  of  dame  Milnes  and  daugh- 
 ters, pension  on  English  civil  list,  1809     
 
 Pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1 809 
 
 Lady  Milnes  is,  we  believe,  a  near  relative  of  the  liouse  of  Ben- 
 tinck  ;  the  gentleman  was  formerly  in  the  Blues.  On  bis  marriage 
 was  appointed  a  deputy  governor  of  Canada,  or  of  some  colony,  as 
 a  provision.  A  pension  on  retiring  is,  of  course,  a  natural  conse- 
 quence of  previous  employment. 
 
 Minshull,  G.  R.  superannuated  allowance  as  receiver-general 
 of  taxes  for  Buckinghamshire,  1825 
 
 Police  magistrate,  1818 
 
 MoncriefF,  sir  J.  W.  lord  of  session  and  justiciary,  Scotland*  • 
 Moneypenny,  David,  lord  of  session  and  justiciary,  Scotland-  • 
 
 Commissioner  of  the  jury  court,  Scotland 
 
 Montagu,   H.'S.  commissioner  of  stamps 
 
 Montagu,  G.  W.  A.   deputy  chairman,  board  of  stamps   •  ■  •  • 
 Montrose,  duke  of,  justice  general  of  Scotland  (sinecure)  •  •  •  • 
 
 Money,  W.  T.   consul-general  at  Venice    
 
 Morier,  D.  R.  consul-general  at  Paris    
 
 Morier,   J.  late  minister  to  Mexico    
 
 Morier,  J.  P.  late  minister  to  Saxony    
 
 Morris,  Thomas,   surveyor-general  of  customs    
 
 Morrison,  J.  W.  deputy  master  and  worker,   mint-office  •  •  •  • 
 
 £100 
 2675 
 1500 
 1600 
 230 
 1200 
 
 720 
 
 184 
 
 507 
 
 1902 
 
 1650 
 
 2000 
 
 479 
 
 350 
 
 100 
 
 27 
 
 300 
 
 675 
 
 1500 
 
 938 
 
 557 
 445 
 
 300 
 
 800 
 
 2600 
 
 2000 
 
 600 
 
 1012 
 
 1412 
 
 2000 
 
 1043 
 
 1874 
 
 1100 
 
 1700 
 
 800 
 
 800 
 
556         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECDRES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Morrison,  gen.  E.  colonel  1 3th  foot,  pay 
 
 Governor  of  Chester   
 
 Mortlock,  sir  J.  commissioner  of  excise     
 
 Morisset,  J.  T.  superintendent  of  police,  New  South  Wales  •  • 
 Governor  of  Norfolk,  and  half-pay  as  lieut.-col.  in  army 
 
 Molleson,  Eleanor,  pension  on  civil  list,  1793    
 
 Montibrd,  lord,  pension  on  civil  list,  March  1813 
 
 Montgomery,  R.  lord  treasurer  remembrancer,  Scotland    •  •  •  • 
 Montgomery,  sir  Joseph,  presenter  of  signatures,  Scotland    •  • 
 
 Montgomery,  lady  S.  pension  on  civil  list,  1 826    
 
 And  her  daughter,  miss  Marian,  civil  list,   1827    •  •  •  • 
 
 Molesworth,  viscount,  pension  on  civil  list,  1820 
 
 Molesworth,  Elizabeth,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1756     •  •  •  • 
 This   lady  must  have  been  in  the  cradle  or  earlier  state  of  ex- 
 istence,  vhen  the  pension  was  granted.    As  sometimes  a  life  in 
 Ireland  has  been  carried  on  to  the  next  generation,  an  inquiry  should 
 now  be  made  who  really  enjoys  this  pension. 
 Mountmorres,  F.  H.  viscount,  pension  on  civil  list,  1826»  •  •  • 
 MoTintjoy,  lord,  representatives  of,  pension,  Irish  civil  list*  •  •  • 
 That  the  representatives  of  this  nobleman  should  have  had  any 
 pension,  is  unaccountable.    He  had  large  estates,  which  descended 
 to  his  only  son,  and  he  left  his  three  daughters  large  fortunes. 
 
 Moore,  R.  deputy  inspector  of  hospitals,  Ireland    
 
 Surgeon  to  house  of  industry 
 
 Moore,  Arthur,  second  justice  common  pleas,  Ireland    
 
 Moore,  James,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 809 
 
 Mooyaart,  J.  N.  collectoi-  of  customs,  Ceylon    
 
 Mostyn,    sir   E.,    sir    VV.    Eden,    and  C.    Browning,     custos 
 
 brevium,  common  pleas    
 
 Mountain,  Eliza,  M.  W.  pension  on  civil  list,  1826    
 
 Muddle,    R.  H.  harbour  master,  Demerara    
 
 Munday,  George,  clerk  to  master  Farrer,  in  chancery 
 
 Murray,  major-gen.  hon.  G.  unattached  pay  as  major  general 
 
 Auditor  of  exchequer,  Scotland 
 
 Murray,  sir  P.   baron  of  the  exchequer,  Scotland      
 
 Murray,  lady  Charlotte,  pension  on  civil  list,  1803      
 
 Murray,  C.  K.   police  justice,  Union  Hall 
 
 Cursitor  for  Essex  and  Berks 
 
 Murray,  hon.  Deborah,  pension  on  civil  list,  1821 
 
 Murray,  E.  registrar  of  slaves,  Trinidad 
 
 Murray,  lieut.-gen.    right  hon.  sir  G.    M.P.    for  Perthshire; 
 colonel  42d  foot,  pay  and  emoluments    
 
 Governor  of  Fort  George    
 
 Murray,  J.  W.  lord  of  session,  Scotland    
 
 Commissioner  of  the  jury  court 
 
 Murray,  lady  Virginia,  pension  on  civil  list,  1784 
 
 Musgrave,  T.  M.  retired  allowance  as  clerk  in  alien-office,  1 8 1() 
 
 Comptroller  of  twopenny  post-office,  1 824 
 
 613 
 
 169 
 
 1200 
 
 600 
 
 233 
 611 
 400 
 610 
 152 
 
 97 
 354 
 
 61 
 
 277 
 360 
 
 641 
 
 75 
 
 3692 
 
 780 
 1041 
 
 1122 
 
 300 
 
 1019 
 
 1479 
 
 492 
 
 1200 
 
 2000 
 
 300 
 
 800 
 
 200 
 2653 
 
 1168 
 141 
 
 2000 
 600 
 184 
 333 
 500 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 557 
 
 Muskerry,  baroness,  pension  on  civil  list,  1H25 
 
 Widow  of  a  brave  officer,  whose  father's  profligacy  left  pennyless. 
 
 Mulgrrave,  Sophia,  countess  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1829    •  • 
 
 There  is  a  famous  act  of  Elizabeth,  which  renders  it  imperative 
 
 on  children,  when  of  sufficient  ability,  to  maintain  their  parents, 
 
 and  we  know  no  reason  why  his  grace  of  Mancliester  and  my  lord 
 
 Mulgrave  should  be  exempt  from  its  operation. 
 
 Napier,  Louisa  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1805 
 
 Napier,  Catharine,  Caroline,  and  Sophia,  each,  on  civil  list  •  • 
 
 Nairne,  lord,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 822 
 
 Nairne,  Caroline,  baroness,  pension  on  civil  list,  1829 
 
 Nelson,  earl,  pension,  by  act  of  parliament     
 
 Brother  of  admiral  Nelson.  A  striking  instance  this  of  the  injus- 
 tice of  hereditary  honours.  The  present  possessor,  a  Norfolk  par- 
 son, and  now  prebendary  of  Canterbury,  could  have  had  as  little 
 claim  to  the  rewards  of  the  hero  of  the  Nile  as  any  other  chance 
 person  picked  up  in  St.  Panl's-church-yard. 
 
 Nepean,  sir  M.  H.  clerk  of  supreme  court,  Jamaica 
 
 Nepean,  Margaret,  pension  on  civil  list,  1792    
 
 Nesbit,  S.  secretary  and  registrar,  Bahamas 
 
 Newenham,  Thomas,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1792    
 
 Newenham,   Robert  C.    Callaghan,  pension  on  civil  list,  1792 
 
 Newenham,  Mary,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1792    
 
 Newburgh,  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1782    
 
 Newcome,  George  W.  late  clerk  in  army  account's  office,    1 826 
 
 Late  commissioner  of  lottery,  1 827 
 
 Neyle,  G.  N.  auditor  of  accounts  of  registrar.  Admiralty  •  •  •  • 
 
 Retired  allowance  as  commissioner  of  stamps 
 
 Nicholls,  colonel  G.  royal  engineers,  Nova  Scotia 
 
 Nicholl,   sir  J.   M.P.  for  Bedwyn ;   judge  of  the  arches  and 
 
 prerogative  courts  of  Canterbury,  about 
 
 Nicolay,  major-general,  governor  of  Dominica 
 
 The  lather  of  the  general,  we  believe,  was  a  German,  a  violin 
 player,  and  great  favourite  of  queen  Charlotte,  with  whom  he  came 
 over  to  this  country. 
 
 Nicolay,  Mary  Georgiana,  pension  on  civil  list,    1818    
 
 Nicolay,  Augusta  Louisa,  pension  on  civil  list,  1813 
 
 Noble,  H.  clerk  in  office  of  home  secretary    
 
 Allowance  as  late  naval  officer,  Newfoundland 
 
 Norris,  John  F.  fourth  senior  clerk  in  the  treasury 
 
 Northland,  vis.  joint  prothonotary  of  common  pleas,  Ireland-  • 
 
 Nugent,  lord,  a  lord  of  the  treasury    
 
 Nugent,  gen.  sir  G.,  M.P.  fur  Buckingham,  col.  6th  foot,  pay 
 
 Captain  of  St.  Mawes 
 
 Nugent,  C.  R.  consul-general  in  Chili 
 
 O'Brien,  Madelina,  widow,  pension  on  civil  list,  1818 
 
 O'Connell,  Louisa  and  Alicia,  pension  on  civil  list,  1821,  each 
 
 O'Caliaghan,  major-gen.  sir  R.  col.  97th  foot 
 
 Commanding  forces  in  North  Britain,  staff  pay 
 
 £233 
 800 
 
 251 
 
 97 
 
 184 
 
 184 
 
 5000 
 
 1850 
 501 
 
 1186 
 177 
 88 
 177 
 177 
 583 
 150 
 500 
 600 
 
 1195 
 
 3350 
 2565 
 
 322 
 130 
 925 
 379 
 679 
 
 3575 
 
 1200 
 613 
 102 
 
 2500 
 
 155 
 
 23 
 
 494 
 
 1183 
 
 i 
 
558        PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    C  RANTS. 
 
 O'Connor,  A.  distributor  of  stamps  for  Antrim 
 
 O'Gorman,  C.  T.  consul  general  at  Mexico •  •  • 
 
 Ogle,  rear-admiral  sir  Charles,  commander-in-chief  at  Halifax 
 
 and  NeAvfoundland 
 
 Ogle,  J.  W.  cocket- writer,  customs 
 
 O'Grady,  S.  late  chief  baron  exchequer,  Ireland    
 
 Oliphant,  Anthony,  attorney-general,  Cape  of  Good  Hope    -=  • 
 Oldliam,  Adam,  deputy  judge  advocate  ;  superannuation  •  •  •  • 
 
 O'Reilly,  M,  J.  pension  on  civil  list,  1812    
 
 Osborn,  sir  J.  commissioner  of  audit 
 
 Oswald,  lieut.-gen.  sir  J.  col.  35th  foot ' 
 
 Otway,    rear-admiral  sir  R.  VV.   commander-in-chief,   South 
 
 America,  (part  of  the  year) 
 
 Ottley,  sir  R.  chief  justice,  Ceylon •• 
 
 Ouseley,  sir  G.  late  ambassador  to  Persia 
 
 Owen,  adm.  sir  E.  commander,  East-Indies 
 
 Oxenford,  W.  clerk  to  register  of  debentures,  customs 
 
 Pack,  Arthur,  Denis,  Elizabeth,  and  Catharine,  each,  pension 
 
 on  civil  list,  1 825    
 
 Paget,  gen.  hon.  sir  E.  col.  28th  foot    
 
 Governor  of  the  royal  military  college     
 
 Pension  for  loss  of  a  limb   
 
 Paget,  rear-admiral  sir  Charles • 
 
 Groom  of  the  bedchamber - 
 
 Paget,  hon.  B.  commissioner  of  excise 
 
 Paget,  sir  A.  late  ambassador  to  the  Ottoman  Porte 
 
 Tlie  Pagets  are  brothers  of  the  marquis  of  Anglesey. 
 
 Pakenham,  T.  late  master  general  ordnance,  Ireland    
 
 Pakenham,  Richard,  secretary  of  legation  in  Mexico 
 
 Several  other  I'akenhams  in  Navy  and  Church,    Relations  of  the 
 earl  of  Longford. 
 
 Palmer,  lady  Madelina,  pension  on  civil  list,  1801 
 
 Sister  to  the  duke  of  Gordon,  and  wife,  by  second  marriage,  to 
 the  popular  member  for  Reading. 
 
 Palmerston,  vise,  secretary  of  state,  foreign  affairs     
 
 Palk,  Robert,  late  comnussioner  of  bankrupts,  1828 
 
 Counsel  to  Duchy  of  Lancaster 
 
 Palgrave,  VV.  collector  of  customs,  Dublin    
 
 Papendiech,  Augusta  Amelia,  pension  on  civil  list,  1827   •  •  •  • 
 
 Parish,  W.  consul  general  at  Buenos  Ayres 
 
 Parish,  W.  commissioner  of  excise     
 
 Parke,  sir  James,  one  of  the  judges  of  the  king's  bench    •  •  •  • 
 
 Park,  sir  J.  A.   one  of  the  judges  of  the  common  pleas 
 
 Parks,  Wm.  pension  on  civil  list,  1 794     
 
 Parker,  lieut.-col.  J.  B.  captain  royal  artillery,  1825   ..... 
 
 2d  captain  gent,  cadets,   1 822    
 
 Pension  for  loss  of  leg,  1816 •••• 
 
 £1076 
 2000 
 
 2190 
 1103 
 3500 
 1500 
 400 
 222 
 1200 
 1287 
 
 1367 
 4500 
 2000 
 2190 
 1190 
 
 100 
 1062 
 1500 
 
 400 
 2190 
 
 400 
 1200 
 2000 
 
 1107 
 2825 
 
 184 
 
 5000 
 200 
 
 unknown 
 
 1200 
 
 100 
 
 3795 
 
 1200 
 
 5500 
 
 5500 
 
 321 
 
 239 
 
 120 
 
 300 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,  SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 i59 
 
 Parsons,  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1813 
 
 Parsons,  Thomas,  postmaster,  Waterford    
 
 Parkinson,  John,  consul  at  Pernambuco 
 
 Passmore,  U.  consul  at  Arequipa 
 
 Pasley,  C.  lieut.-col.  royal  engineers,   1814 
 
 Extra  pay,  inspector  field  works,  Chatham,   1812     •• 
 
 Pension  for  a  wound,   18 14    
 
 Allowance  for  servants    
 
 Patterson,  sir  J,  puisne  judge  court  of  king's  bench 
 
 Parnell,  lady  C.  pension  out  of  41  per  cent,  duties,  1821«»«« 
 
 Parks,  W.  pension  on  civil  list,    1794    
 
 Payne,  gen.  sir  W.  col,  3d  dragoon  guards    •  •  • 
 
 Peacock,  M.  B,  solicitor  to  the  post-office 
 
 Peche,  J.  clerk  ordnance  department     
 
 Pechell,  capt.  sir  Samuel,  M.  P.  for  Hallestone  ;  a  lord  of  the 
 admiralty 
 
 Peel,  sir  Robert,  M.  P.  for  Tamworth,  late  secretaiy  of  state 
 
 for  the  home  department • 
 
 Of  late  years  we  have  often  had  occasion  to  speak  of  sir  Robert, 
 and  have  mostly  reported  favourably  of  his  intentions  and  abilities. 
 Butwe  lately  washed  our  hands  of  him.  That  he  could  ever  so  far  de- 
 grade our  gracious  king,  by  recommending,  or  sul!oring  himself  for  a 
 moment  to  form  part  of  a  ministi'y  that  had  recommended  such  a  speech 
 as  the  one  with  which  his  majesty  opened  parliament,  in  1830, 
 lills  us  with  astonishment.  In  this  business  we  blame  the  Baronet 
 more  than  the  Duke  ;  the  latter  is  a  soldier  merely,  and  some  excuse 
 may  be  found  for  his  prepossessions  in  favour  of  the  Polignac  sys- 
 tem ;  but  the  former  has  always  been  a  civilian,  and  never  slaugh- 
 tered any  thing  beyond  hares  and  partridges  : — he  ought  to  have 
 known  better  the  signs  of  the  times,  the  change  in  sentiment  among 
 the  middling  orders,  and  that  it  Avas  absolute  insanity  to  think  of 
 foreign  intervention,  and  of  resorting  to  alien  bills,  espionage, 
 habeas  corpus  suspension  acts,  bank  restriction  act,  and  other 
 et  ceteras  of  the  Pitt  machinery,  for  the  purpose  of  putting  down 
 internal  discontent.  It  is  due,  however,  to  sir  Robert  to  observe 
 that,  though  we  have  an  opinion  he  is  only  a  tiny  statesman  and 
 better  qualified  for  a  peerage  than  premiership,  his  opposition  to 
 the  Reform  Bill  was  not  distinguished  by  the  factious  spirit,  which 
 animated  the  subalterns  of  his  party — the  Goulbourns,  Crokers,  and 
 Courtenays. 
 
 We  have  left  out  the  Baronet's  retiring  pension,  for  the  same  rea- 
 son we  have  left  out  those  of  his  late  colleagues,  being  uncertain 
 whetlier  or  not  they  have  been  claimed  under  the  vile  act  of  Castle- 
 reagh.  Sir  Robert  is  rich,  and  may  be  disposed  to  save  us  from  the 
 additional  burthen  ;  and  we  are  more  inclined  to  think  such  will  be 
 the  case,  as  we  find  none  of  his  family  on  the  pension  list. 
 
 Next  to  judicial  reforms,  the  most  praiseworthy  act  of  sir  R. 
 Peel  is  the  introduction  of  the  bill  which  bears  his  name ;  and  we 
 cannot  help  expressing  our  surprise  at  the  errors  of  Messrs.  At- 
 wood,  Sadler,  sir  F.  Burdett,  sir  James  Graham,  and  we  believe, 
 too,  the  premier  is  or  was  slightly  smitten  with  the  same  blindness 
 — on  so  plain  a  matter  as  the  restoration  of  the  currency.  The  whole 
 rationale  of  the  question  lies  in  a  nutshell.  The  power  of  bankers  to 
 issue  paper  gave  them  an  uncontrolled  influence  over  prices,  wages. 
 
 £177 
 
 580 
 
 1751 
 
 1265 
 
 310 
 
 310 
 
 300 
 
 54 
 
 5500 
 
 200 
 
 333 
 
 1424 
 
 1800 
 
 500 
 
 1000 
 
660 
 
 FI.ACKS,    PKNSIONS,    SINECUKKS,    A  N  l>    GRANTS. 
 
 and  profits ;  this  power,  in  the  eagerness  to  gain  on  their  issues, 
 they  abused,  fostered  a  pernicious  system  ot"  credit,  gave  an  arti- 
 iicial  impulse  to  over-trading  and  speculation,  which  were  followed 
 by  the  disastrous  revulsions  witnessed  in  the  years  1811,  1815-lG, 
 1819,  and  1825. 
 
 Such  were  the  evils  of  the  banking  system.  What  was  tlie 
 remedy  ?  The  issue  of  small  notes  of  less  value  than  five  pounds 
 was  interdicted;  the  amount  of  this  denomination  of  notes  in  circu- 
 lation never  exceeded  six  millions  ;  and  when  they  were  withdrawn 
 they  were  replaced  with  sovereigns,  so  that  there  was  no  diminution 
 or  next  to  none,  in  the  amount  of  the  circulation.  What  national 
 calamity,  then,  could  flow  from  this  transition,  from  the  trans- 
 mutation of  six  millions  ol  rag-money  into  an  equivalent  gold  cur- 
 rency ? 
 
 We  know  there  has  been  a  great  collapse  in  the  mercantile  world 
 since  182G — it  has  been  felt  in  every  part  of  England,  but  it  is  the 
 greatest  error  ever  committed — if  error  it  be — to  ascribe  it  to  the 
 withdrawal  of  the  small  notes.  It  has  been  caused  by  the  destruc- 
 tion of  private  credit — of  that  baseless  and  vicious  credit,  of  which 
 the  banking  system  had  been  the  parent,  and  to  which  some  would 
 again  resort  as  a  remedy. 
 
 Here  are  the  facts.  In  1825  the  circulation  consisted  of  specie, 
 bank-notes,  and  mercantile  paper,  amounting  altogether  to  about 
 420  millions.  The  small  notes,  amounting  to  about  one-seventh 
 part  of  the  bank  paper  issued,  and  to  one-seventieth  part  of  the 
 whole  circulation,  were  withdrawn,  and  sovereigns  substituted. 
 And  what  then  ?  Could  tliis  cause  a  deficiency  in  the  circulating 
 medium  ?  could  it  cramp  the  operations  of  industry  and  trade,  and 
 check  individual  enterprise  ?  or  could  it  have  any  sensible  effect  in 
 lowering  the  prices  of  commodities?  Certainly  not;  even  if  there 
 had  been  no  equivalent  issue  of  specie. 
 
 But  this  was  the  way  it  operated.  Upon  tlie  little  pivot  of  small 
 notes  an  immense  superstructure  of  kite-flying,  bills,  and  private 
 paper,  to  the  amount  of  380  millions,  had  been  erected,  all  of  which 
 tumbled  down  on  the  shrinking  of  bank  paper,  and  consequent  ruin 
 of  domestic  credit.  By  this  means  was  the  death  of  the  paper  system 
 hastened,  but  not  produced  ;  the  catastrophe  was  impending  before, 
 since  the  system  had  been  carried  to  its  utmost  limit,  and  would 
 have  fallen  upon  this  country,  as  it  fell  upon  France  in  the  course 
 of  the  summer  of  1830,  though  Peel's  bill  had  uever  been  intro- 
 duced. 
 
 The  cause  of  mercantile  depression  has  not  been  a  scarcity  of  small 
 notes,  but  a  scarcity  of  bills  of  exchange,  and  there  is  a  want  of 
 bills,  because  there  is  a  want  of  credit ;  there  is  a  want  of  credit, 
 because  there  is  want  of  objects  on  wliich  capital  can  be  profitably 
 employed  ;  there  is  a  want  of  objects  on  which  capital  can  be  pro- 
 fitably employed,  because  there  are  heavy  taxes,  tithes,  corn-laws, 
 commercial  monopolies ;  and  there  are  these  evils,  because  there  is 
 an  unreformed  parliament. 
 
 If  our  readers  will  only  excuse  this  hasty  sketch,  we  shall 
 leave  it  just  as  it  is.  Were  we  to  proceed,  we  should  only  repeat 
 our  ideas.  One  word,  however,  on  a  recent  observation  of  lord 
 Grey,  whom  we  should  be  sorry  to  see  cemmit  a  mistake  on  the 
 subject.  His  lordship  has  intimated  that  it  is  rather  strange  small 
 notes  should  circulate  without  mischief  in  Scotland  and  Ireland, 
 and  not  in  England.  M  hy  now,  in  the  first  place,  Scotland  has  a 
 somewhat  belter  system  of  banking;  but  let  it  proceed,  and  mind 
 if  it  does  not  ultimately  prove  as   rotten  and   ruinous  as   it  ever 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 561 
 
 did  in  England.  But  contrast  the  different  circumstances  of 
 the  three  kingdoms,  and  compare  the  wealth,  the  population, 
 the  manufacturing  and  mercantile  transactions  of  England  with 
 those  of  Ireland  and  Scotland.  A  system  of  banking,  which  may 
 be  safe,  manageable,  and  wholesomely  stimulative  of  commercial, 
 manufacturing,  and  rural  industry  in  the  latter,  may,  in  the  former, 
 be  unnecessary  and  destructive  of  national  wealth  and  prospe- 
 rity. 
 
 Pell,  sir  A.  puisne  judge,  bankrupt  court 
 
 Penson,  John,   late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  1811 
 
 Cursitor  of  court  of  chancery 
 
 Penn,  R.  agent  for  Ceylon 
 
 Retired  allowance  as  late  clerk     
 
 Penn,  R.  pension  on  consolidated  fund 
 
 Penn,  John,  hereditaiy  pension  on  consolidated  fund 
 
 This  pension  is  a  parliamentary  compensation  granted  to  the  Penn 
 family,  to  indemnify  them  for  the  loss  of  territorial  rights  in  Penn- 
 sylvania, consequent  on  the  separation  of  the  American  colonies 
 from  the  English  government. 
 
 Pennefather,  R.  baron  of  the  exchequer,  Ireland 
 
 Pennefather,  John,  William,  Mary,  Catharine,  and  Margaret, 
 
 pension  each,  on  Irish  civil  list,  1771 
 
 Pelham,  hon.  Catharine,  widow,  pension  on  civil  list,  1818'  ••  • 
 
 Pent,  Maria,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 820 
 
 Pennell,  Rosamond,  pension  on  civil  list,  1830 
 
 Pennell,  William,  consul  at  Rio  Janeiro 
 
 Penning'ton,  Geo.  Jos.  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  1823'» 
 Steward   of    courts    to    Eton    col.   and  dep.     recorder 
 
 Lincoln    " 
 
 Perceval,    D.  M.  junior  clerk  teller's  office     
 
 Perceval,  Spencer,  teller  of  the  exchequer 
 
 This  is  the  man  that  sought  afast.  Let  him  give  all  that  he  hath  to 
 the  poor,  especially  his  sinecure,  and  retire  to  Spitaliields. 
 
 Percy,  hon.  A.  minister  plenipotentiary  at  Berne 
 
 Percy,  hon.  W.  H.  commissioner  of  excise 
 
 The  last  is  also  captain  in  the  navy.  Jocelyn  Percy,  a  captain  in 
 the  navy.  Hugh  Percy,  bishop  of  Carlisle.  They  are  brothers  of 
 lord  Beverley,  whose  son,  lord  Lovaine,  is  an  officer  in  the  Guards. 
 
 Perdue,  J.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,  1828 
 
 Periy,  R.  superintendent  of  mail  coaches 
 
 Pemberton,  C.  R.  assistant  clerk  in  treasur}',  and  private  secre- 
 tary to  one  of  the  secretaries,  1821 
 
 Agent  for  Russian  Dutch  loan,  1 827 
 
 Phillips,  S.  M.  under  secretary  of  state,  home  office- 
 
 Pickford,  Jacob,  pension  on  civil  list,  1776    
 
 Pierrepont,  hon.  H.  late  envoy,  &c.  to  Stockholm 
 
 Pilkington,  major-gen,    R,  unattached  major-gen.  royal  engi- 
 neers, Gibraltar > 
 
 Pigot,  gen.  H.  col.  82d  foot,  pay  and  emoluments 
 
 Planta,  Joseph,  M.P.  for  Hastings ;  pension,  1S27 
 
 2o 
 
 £2000 
 200 
 
 unRnown 
 
 800 
 
 750 
 
 1000 
 
 3000 
 
 3692 
 
 26 
 233 
 155 
 100 
 1350 
 200 
 
 520 
 2700 
 
 2900 
 1200 
 
 768 
 840 
 
 495 
 300 
 
 1500 
 222 
 
 1200 
 
 1742 
 1073 
 1500 
 
562         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Planta,  Barbara,  pension  on  civil  list,  1827    
 
 Plumer,  Thomas  H.  late  commissioner  ofbankrupts,  1819'  •  •  • 
 
 Clerk  of  the  petty  bag,  chancery,  1820 
 
 One  of  the  examiners  in  chancery,  1821 
 
 Plunke  t,  W.  commissioner  of  excise 
 
 Plunket,  hon,  David,  son  of  lord  Plunket;  prothonotary  com- 
 mon pleas,  Ireland 
 
 Examiner  in  common  pleas 
 
 Plunket,  hon.  John,  assistant  barrister,  Meath 
 
 Crown  counsel,  Munster  circuit 
 
 Counsel  to  the  police 
 
 Commissioner  of  inquiry 
 
 Plunket,  hon.  Pat.  son  of  lord  Plunket,  purse-bearer  to  the 
 
 lord  chancellor 
 
 Secretary  of  bankrupts    
 
 Counsel  to  chief  remembrancer 
 
 Crown  counsel,  Leinster  circuit 
 
 Plunket,  lord,  lord  chancellor  of  Ireland 
 
 Hon.  W.  T.  Plunket  is  dean  of  Down,  with  other  church  income. 
 Hon.  W,  Plunket  is  in  the  church.  Hon.  K.  Plunket  holds 
 church  preferment  in  England,  presented  by  lord  Goderich.  Sir 
 li.  V.  L.  IJlosse,  son-in-law  of  lord  Plunket,  is  chaplain  to  the 
 lord  lieutenant. — See  also  I\I.  Causland  in  the  List. 
 
 The  connivance  of  lord  Plunket,  at  the  exaction  of  magisterial 
 fees  by  his  purse-bearer  and  secretary,  and  his  contest  with  the 
 master  of  the  rolls  about  the  patronage  of  a  secretaryship,  have 
 not  tended  to  obliterate  the  impression  of  a  shuflling  and  greedy 
 politician.  The  Whigs  almost  moved  heaven  and  earth  to  raise 
 his  lordship  to  the  Irish  chancellorship.  And  for  what  purpose? 
 His  predecessor,  the  late  Sir  Anthony  Hart,  was  wholly  unex- 
 ceptionable— almost  the  beau  ideal  of  what  a  judge  should  be — 
 unconnected  with  politics — and  discliarging  his  hish  duties  with 
 the  same  singleness  of  mind  that  admiral  lilake  commanded  the 
 fleet  during  the  time  of  the  Commonwealth  —  intent  only  upon 
 faithfully  executing  his  individual  trust,  rc>;ard!ess  of  the  intrigues 
 and  mutations  of  party  and  faction.  Ought  such  a  person  to 
 have  been  removed,  to  make  way  for  a  successor — who  is  par- 
 tizanship,  ambition,  and  avarice  personified  ?  If  lord  Plunket 
 possess  abilities,  why  were  they  not  as  available  to  the  service  of 
 the  country  in  his  former  situation,  as  in  his  present  appointment  ? 
 Are  all  our  ptiblic  men  so  void  of  patriotism— so  degraded  in  prin- 
 ciple— such  sordid  hirelings,  that  not  one  can  be  found  to  serve  the 
 community,  unless  he  first  receive  a  place,  title,  pension,  or  [latron- 
 age  to  the  full  value  of  his  laljour  ?  The  country  is  more  in  need 
 of  political  honesty  than  splendid  abilities;  and  the  Iris!)  chancel- 
 lor has  certainly  brought  the  ministry  no  accession  of  character. 
 For  the  three  years  preceding  his  elevation  no  one  heard  of  him, 
 either  asjudicial  reformer  or  statesman;  and  solely, as  faraswecould 
 learn,  because  he  deemed  his  appointment  in  the  common  pleas  not 
 an  adequate  price /or /us  seruiffs.  Here  was  disinterested  patriot- 
 ism !  Look  again  at  his  conduct  in  1821,  when  included  in  the  sale 
 of  the  Grenvillites,  he  joined  the  Liverpool  administration,  and, 
 after  receiving  the  attorney-generalship  as  the  price  of  silence  or 
 apostacy,  openly  aliandoned  Catholic  emancipation,  xinder  the  con- 
 venient pretext  that  it  was  not  the  proper  time  to  agitate  the  question. 
 
 £200 
 
 2000 
 1200 
 
 1384 
 600 
 700 
 500 
 400 
 
 1300 
 
 500 
 550 
 450 
 400 
 8000 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,  SINECURES,    AND    CRANTS. 
 
 i63 
 
 Lord  Plunket's  notions  on  church  property  are  not  worth  answer- 
 ing, being  obviously  at  variance  with  the  most  obvious  truths  of 
 history  and  analogy.  It  is  not  likely,  however,  an  adventurer  of 
 his  stamp  will  flinch  on  this  question  without  strong  necessity, 
 especially  after  fastening  so  many  members  of  his  family  on  the 
 ecclesiastical  and  judicial  establishments  of  Ireland. 
 
 Plaskett,  T.  H.  chief  clerk  home  office 
 
 Pollen,  R.  one  of  the  six  clerks  in  chancery 
 
 Pond,  John,  astronomer  royal,  Greenwich     
 
 Ponsonby,  major-gen.  hon.  F.  C.  inspecting  field-officer    •  •  •  • 
 
 Lieutenant-governor  of  Malta 
 
 Pension  for  wounds     
 
 Ponsonby,  lord,  envoy  and  min.  plenipo.  at  Rio  de  Janeiro    •  • 
 
 Ponsonby,  George,  lord  of  the  treasury • 
 
 Richard  Ponsonby,  a  third  brother,  is  bishop  of  Derry. 
 
 Ponsonby,  Sarah,  pension  on  civil  list,  1829 
 
 Porter,  sir  R.  Ker,  consul  at  Caraccas 
 
 Porrett,  R.  chief  clerk  storekeeper's  office 
 
 Portmore,  earl  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1825     
 
 Well  known  in  the  gay  world  some  years  ago  as  loi-d  Mijsing- 
 town.     He  has  also  £276  on  the  Scotch  civil  list. 
 
 Polchet,  Alfonce,  professor  of  fortification,  military  academy  •• 
 
 Pope,  C.  surveyor  of  warehouses,  Bristol 
 
 Pope,  rev.  E.  archdeacon  of  Jamaica      
 
 Popham,  Elizabeth  M.  pension  out  of  4|  per  cent,  duties*  •  •  • 
 
 Power,  D.  protector  of  slaves,  Berbice   •  • 
 
 Poulett,  hon.  G.  flag  captain  of  H.M.S.  "  Prince  Reg-ent"-  • 
 Late  receiver-general  of  taxes 
 
 Pringle,  lieut.-gen.  sir  W.  H.  nephew  to  the  earl  of  St.  Ger- 
 mains,  and  M.P.  for  Liskeard ;  col.  64th  foot  ••-. 
 
 Prior,  J.  H.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,  1803 
 
 Price,  J.  collector  of  revenue,  Ceylon    
 
 Price,  J.  pension  on  civil  list,  1821    
 
 Pressly,  C.  secretary  to  the  board  of  stamps 
 
 Pugh,  John,  clerk  to  master  Wilson,  in  chancery 
 
 There  are  ten  masters  in  chancery,  with  average  incomes  of  £4000, 
 and  each  master  has  a  chief  clerk  with  an  income  of  £1200  or  £1500 
 a  year.  These  incomes,  like  most  other  judicial  emoluments  in  equity, 
 arise  almost  entirely  from  fees  paid  by  suitors,  and  it  is  worthy  of 
 remark  that  while  the  emoluments  have  increased  two  or  three  fold, 
 the  time  devoted  to  the  public  has  in  a  similar  inverse  proportion 
 decreased.  That  some  reform  is  needed  here  there  can  be  no  doubt. 
 With  respect  to  the  salaries  of  Mr.  Pugh  and  his  brother  clerks  they 
 are  made  up  in  a  most  objectionable  manner  :  there  is  a  head  called 
 "  gratuities,"  under  which  the  chief  portion  of  them  is  derived. 
 In  one  office  the  fees  amount  to  £600  and  the  gratuities  to  £800, 
 and  in  others  they  present  a  similar  disproportion.  Such  gratuities 
 are  indefensible,  for  they  are  sums  given — levied  we  should  say — to 
 expedite  business,  Avhich  ought  to  be  done  expeditiously  without  them. 
 
 Radcliflfe,  John,  judge  of  the  prerogative  court,  Ireland 
 
 Radstock,  Cornelia,  baroness,  pension  on  civil  list,  1814  •  •  •  • 
 
 2  o  2 
 
 £1329 
 
 1217 
 
 500 
 
 383 
 
 4000 
 
 300 
 
 4500 
 
 1200 
 
 200 
 
 1261 
 
 750 
 
 233 
 
 297 
 500 
 
 2000 
 500 
 
 1017 
 799 
 400 
 
 1245 
 
 772 
 
 1173 
 
 200 
 
 700 
 
 1520 
 
 3000 
 389 
 
5()A         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Ram,  Abel  and  Elizabeth,  pension  on  civil  list,  1827    
 
 Ramshaw,  John,  clerk  in  the  secretary's  office,  customs    •  •  •  • 
 
 Registrar  of  officers'  sureties 
 
 Ranee,  W.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,  1822 
 
 Rae,  dame  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1830 
 
 This  is  a  grant  ntade  untler  tlie  Wellinpiton  ministry.  The  lady 
 is  the  wife  of  the  late  lord  advocate  for  Scotland, — an  official  legal 
 situation  resembling  our  attorney-general  as  public  prosecutor. 
 The  only  pretext  for  such  a  pension  is,  that  this  gentleman  has  lost 
 his  practice,  that  he  gave  up  the  olficeof  sherifl'-depute,  worth  some 
 ±.'600  a  year,  and  that  a  seat  in  parliament  being  held  essential  to 
 the  office,  he  has  been  put  to  considerable  expense  in  procuring  it, 
 A  pity  maybe  felt  lor  the  lady,  but  is  the  public  deserving  of  no 
 compassion  ?  Let  sir  \V.  Rae  have  the  sheritT-deputeship  that  falls 
 vacant,  and  let  dame  Kae  be  provided  for  as  other  dames  are,  whose 
 husbands  do  not  sell  themselves  to  ministers. 
 
 Raper,  C.  C.  clerk  in  war-office     
 
 Paymaster  of  pensions  to  widows  and  children  of  foreign 
 
 officers     
 
 Rattray,  baron  of  the  exchequer,  Scotland 
 
 Raynsford,  T.  A.  registrar  in  chancery,  for  year  1830 
 
 Of  this  enormous  income  £4201  arose  from  fees  payable  by  suitors 
 for  copying  and  registei'ing  proceedings  in  etjuity.  Lord  Eldon, 
 for  upwards  of  a  quarter  of  a  century,  sat  cowering  over  the  abuses 
 of  chancery,  like  a  miser  over  his  hoard,  and  would  neither  touch 
 them  himself  nor  sulFer  them  to  be  touched  by  any  other  person. 
 In  1826  the  attorney-general,  afterwards  lord  Lyndhurst,  professed 
 his  intention  to  bring  in  a  bill  on  the  subject,  biU  no  such  bill  ever 
 saw  the  light.  Afterwards,  however,  he  introduced  an  illusive 
 n)easure,  which  did  not  embrace  half  the  objects  he  originally  pro- 
 fessed ;  and  the  unfortunate  suitors  were  lelt  to  be  fleeced  as  here- 
 tofore, and  more  unmercifully  than  any  poor  gudgeon  is  who 
 ventures  within  the  precincts  of  the  most  nefarious  ganiin-g-house  in 
 the  metropolis.  With  respect  to  the  registrars,  they  are  in  keeping 
 with  most  branches  of  our  political  and  judicial  administration, 
 presenting  a  vast  accumulation  of  abuse  and  emoluments  since  the 
 comii  encement  of  the  re\olutionai'y  war.  From  a  parliamentary- 
 report  of  1813  it  appears  that  in  the  year  1797  the  senior  registrar 
 received  the  annual  suu)  of  £1134,  and  the  whole  fees  of  the  office 
 did  not  exceed  £4847.  Mr.  Kaynsford  alone,  it  seems,  receives  more 
 than  the  whole  amount  of  these  fees;  and  the  fees  of  the  entire 
 registrar's  ollice  have  increased  to  £19,119  per  annum,  {Pailm- 
 mentary  Paper,  No.  23,  Siss.  1830-1.)  And  liow  has  this  increase 
 been  produced  ?  It  has  been  produced  by  enlarging  the  pleadings* 
 bills  to  such  an  extent  as  to  allow  the  enormous  charges  to  be  in- 
 curred in  their  registry,  w  hich  is  the  consequence  of  the  unnecessary 
 length  to  which  proceedings  in  chancery  are  extenrled.  Besides 
 their  regular  emoluments  each  registrar  has  the  liberty  of  taking  a 
 clerk,  Avithout  previous  examination,  for  w  hich  he  receives  a  lee  of 
 about  £1000,  and  this  person  succeeds  to  the  office. 
 
 Ray,  H.  B.  prothonotary  of  court  of  common  pleas 
 
 Reade,  sir  T.  consul  general,  Tunis •. 
 
 Reade,  W.  assistant  to  collector,  outwards     
 
 Ready,  John  and  Charles,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1817,  each 
 Renny,  W,  solicitor  of  legacy  duties,  Scotland 
 
 £9.5 
 .550 
 GOO 
 717 
 660 
 
 800 
 
 250 
 2000 
 4861 
 
 2600 
 
 1800 
 
 1000 
 
 177 
 
 500 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,     SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Renny,    Dr.  G.    director  general  of  hospitals,    physician  and 
 surgeon  to  Kilmainham-hospital 
 
 Renny,   Mary,   Elizabeth,  and  Isabella,  pension  on  civil  list, 
 1821,  each 
 
 Reid,  J.  clerk  and  chamberlain  of  Lindores 
 
 Reed,  S.  secretary  to  medical  board 
 
 Reynolds,  J.  G.  clerk  commissary  dept.  of  treasury •  • 
 
 Reynolds,  J.  S.  clerk  of  securities,  treasury  •  •  •  •  •    
 
 Rice,  T.  S.  son-in-law  of  the  earl  of  Limerick;  joint  secretary 
 of  the  treasury     •  •• 
 
 Richardson,  — ,  deputy  registrar,  bankrupt  court 
 
 Richmond,  duke  of,  postmaster  general  of  the  United  Kingdom 
 The  office  of  postmaster-general  has  been  abolished  in  Ireland ; 
 one  of  the  two  formerly  existing,  has  been  dropped  in  England,  and 
 the  impression  of  the  duke  ot  Richmond,  on  his  first  appointment, 
 being,  that  the  other  was  only  a  sintcnre,  he  nobly  declined  receiving 
 any  salary.  Experience  proved  this  to  be  a  mistake.  Numerous 
 and  important  duties  are  annexed  to  the  postmaster-generalship, 
 and  really,  economists  as  we  are,  we  do  not  think  £2000,  or  so,  too 
 much  for  tlie  faithful  discharge  of  them. 
 
 Richmond,  Henry,  commissioner  of  customs 
 
 For  loss  of  fees    
 
 Rich,  sir  Geo.  pension  on  civil  list,  1817 
 
 Rickman,  John,  clerk  assistant,  house  of  commons    
 
 Richardson,  sir  J.  late  justice  of  the  king's  bench 
 
 Richardson,  Fanny,  Elizabeth,  and  Sarah,  pension  on  c.  1.  1824 
 
 Richards,  R.  accountant-general  and  master,  court  of  exchequer 
 
 Richards,  H.  solicitor  of  stamps,  Scotland 
 
 Ricketts,  C,  M.  consul-general  at  Lima 
 
 Ricketts,  maj.  H.  J.  royal  African  corps,  pay 
 
 Lieut. -governor  of  Sierra  Leone 
 
 Ricketts,  Mrs.  S.  pension  out  of  4g  per  cent,  fund,  1820*  •  •  • 
 
 Ripley,  J.J.  principal  clerk,  customs     
 
 Rippon,  T.  agent  at  the  hank  for  national  debt 
 
 Riteraeyer,  R.  J.  colonial  receiver,  Demerara • 
 
 Roberts,  W.  commissioner  for  inquiry'  into  charities,  1818    •  • 
 
 Roberts,  W,  H.  receiver  of  fees,  exchequer 
 
 Rogers,  F.  L.  inspector  in  the  audit-office 
 
 Robertson,  W.  late  lord  of  session,  Scotland 
 
 Robinson,  lieut.-gen.  sir  F.  P.  colonel  59th  foot    
 
 Robinson,  C.  collector  of  customs,   Demerara 
 
 Robinson,  sir  C.  judge  of  the  high  court  of  admiralty 
 
 Robinson,  J.  R.  chief  justice,  Upper  Canada*  • 
 
 Robinson,  Catharine,  pension  on  civil  list,  1793     
 
 Rodney,  lord,   hereditary  pension,  by  act  of  parliament 
 
 The  admiral  might  have  deserved  this  pension  ;  but  titles  should 
 not  be  granted  with  a  perpetual  charge  on  them.  This  pension 
 originally  Avas  £2000,  but  increased  £1000,  to  put  the  present  pos- 
 sessor on  a  level  with  earl  St.  Vincent  and  lord  Camperdowu,  and 
 with  ihcm  should  be  reduced. 
 
 £1296 
 
 88 
 
 4.57 
 
 500 
 
 700 
 
 IU50 
 
 2500 
 
 600 
 
 2500 
 
 1200 
 
 800 
 
 132 
 
 2500 
 
 3500 
 
 101 
 
 1820 
 
 1000 
 
 1600 
 
 292 
 
 2095 
 
 411 
 
 650 
 
 300 
 
 1571 
 
 1000 
 
 1350 
 
 800 
 
 1500 
 
 1171 
 
 2000 
 
 2402 
 
 1500 
 
 407 
 
 2923 
 
566         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SlNIiCLRES,    AND    CHANTS. 
 
 Rodney,  hon.  John,  chief  secretary,  Ceylon 
 
 Rodney,  hon.  W.  secretary  comptroller,  army  account  office*  • 
 Rodney,  John,  Jane,  Ann,  Sarah,  and  Catharine,  pension  on 
 
 civil  list,  1781,  each    
 
 Roden,  earl  of,  late  auditor  of  the  exchequer,  Ireland 
 
 Rodmell,  Thomas,  comptroller  of  customs,  Hull     
 
 Roe,  W.  T.  commissioner  of  customs 
 
 Steward  of  the  Savoy 
 
 Roe,  F.  A.  police  justice.  Great  IMarlborough  Street    
 
 Rooke,  dame  H.  pension  on  civil  list,  1808 
 
 Rook,  Jane  and  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1816,  each    •  •  •  • 
 
 Rollo,  Isabella  and  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1807     
 
 Holland,  Adam,  principal  clerk  of  session,  Scotland     
 
 Clerk  to  his  majesty's  processes,  Scotland 
 
 Rolleston,  H.  clerk  in  foreign  secretary's  oifice 
 
 Romilly,  C.  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  1830    
 
 Rose,  sir  George,  M.P.  for  Christchurch  ;  clerk  of  parliament 
 
 Rose,  sir  G.  puisne  judg-e,  bankrupt  court • 
 
 Rose,  Theodore,  pension  on  civil  list,  1785    
 
 Rose,  Ann  Fraser,  pension  on  civil  Hst,  1803     
 
 Rose,  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 808 
 
 Ross,  major-gcn.  J.  commanding  at  Guernsey  and  Alderney, 
 
 staff  pay  as  colonel  >  •  " 
 
 Pay  and  emoluments  as  lieut. -governor  of  Guernsey  •  • 
 
 Unattached  pay  as  lieut. -colonel     
 
 Pension  for  injuries  received  in  service 
 
 Ross,  C.  B.  commissioner  of  the  navy,  Plymouth 
 
 Ross,  sir  Patrick,  governor  of  Antigua 
 
 Ross,  Charlotte,  widow,  pension  on  civil  list,  1823    
 
 Rosslyn,  gen.  earl  of,  col.  of  9th  lancers    
 
 Director  of  chancery,  Scotland 
 
 Rothesay,  lord  Stuart  de,  late  ambassador  to  Paris 
 
 Roscommon,  countess  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1817 
 
 Roscommon,  earl  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1829 
 
 Rotton,  J.  deputy  comptroller  general,  excise    
 
 Rothes,  G.  W,  earl  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1821 
 
 Rothes,  Charlotte,  dowager  countess  of,  pension  on  civil  list*  • 
 
 Roupell,   J.  B.  master  in  chancery,  circa 
 
 Routh,  commissary-general  in  the  Canadas    
 
 Rowan,  lieut. -col.  Charles,  commissioner  of  metropolitan  police 
 
 Rowley,  O.  secretary  and  registrar,  Malta 
 
 Rudlen,  J.  second  clerk  to  auditor  of  land  revenue    •  •  ' 
 
 Rumbold.  Emily  and  Caroline,  pension  on  civil  list,  1826,  each 
 Eniil)',  sister  to  sir  William,  who  was  taken  out  to  India  by  the 
 niarciuis  of  Ha.stinf;s,  and  has  married  a  wealthy  Prussian  Jew,  of 
 the  name  of  Delniar;  yet  she  still  continues  on  the  List,  but 
 this  lady  may  follow  the  fashion,  and  pay  it  over  to  her  sister  Miss 
 Caroline  Eliza,  who  has  not  been  so  fortunate. 
 
 £3200 
 700 
 
 2700 
 
 600 
 
 1200 
 
 15 
 
 800 
 
 233 
 
 60 
 
 184 
 
 1000 
 
 40 
 
 880 
 
 200 
 
 3300 
 
 2000 
 
 233 
 
 92 
 
 97 
 
 560 
 
 627 
 
 310 
 
 350 
 
 1000 
 
 4859 
 
 194 
 
 1415 
 
 1852 
 
 2500 
 
 88 
 
 192 
 
 600 
 
 270 
 
 431 
 
 4000 
 
 1862 
 
 800 
 
 1044 
 
 710 
 
 115 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.         567 
 
 Russell,  W.  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,   1828    
 
 Deputy  recorder  of  Bedford     
 
 Russell,  lord  John,  paymaster  of  the  forces 
 
 The  perseverance  of  the  noble  paymaster  in  the  cause  of  parlia- 
 mentary reform  and  the  able  manner  in  which  he  introduced  the 
 new  ark  of  the  constitution  have  fairly  won  him  a  niche  in  the 
 temple  of  Fame.  We  have  only  one  charge  to  urge  against  his  lord- 
 ship. Upon  one  occasion  he  ventured  to  insinuate  an  apology  for 
 the  shameless  cost  of  foreign  embassies,  and  hinted  that  the  pension 
 roll  was  almost  too  insignificant  for  legislative  notice.  If  the  right 
 hon.  lord  will  only  condescend  to  look  at  page  489  of  our  publica- 
 tion, he  will  find  he  labours  under  a  trifling  mistake  in  this  matter, 
 and  that  the  sums  paid  in  pensions  only  are  more  than  double 
 the  produce  of  all  the  taxes  on  kuowledge,  and  which  as  a  friend 
 to  the  diffusion  of  intelligence  and  member  of  a  society  instituted 
 expressly  for  the  purpose,  he  must  needs  deem  a  serious  consider- 
 ation :  but  the  waste  of  public  money  is  not  the  whole  of  the  evil ; 
 it  is  the  political  and  social  consequences — the  vicious  influence  it 
 creates — the  corrupt  expectancies  excited— and  the  encouragement 
 of  immorality  and  political  prostitution,  to  which  it  has  been  often 
 made  subservient. 
 
 Ruthven,  Wilhelmina,  pension  on  civil  list,  1801 
 
 Ryder,  F.  D.  clerk  foreign  oiSce    
 
 Son  of  lord  Harrowby,  and  brother  of  lord  Sandon,  M.P.  for 
 Liverpool.  An  uncle,  bishop  of  Lichfield  and  Coventry ;  another 
 uncle  registrar  in  consistory  court ;  other  Ryders  are  in  the  Navy 
 and  Church.     It  is,  like  the  Grenvilles,  a  keen  family. 
 
 St.  Albans,  duke  of,  hereditary  grand  falconer 
 
 Hereditary  registrar  of  court  of  chancery 
 
 St.  George,  C.  M.  secretary  and  charge  d'affaires  at  Turin   •  • 
 St.  George,   Maria  and  Jane,  pension  on  ciA'il  list,   1828  •  •  •  • 
 
 St.  John,  Henry,  pension  on  civil  list,   1 780     
 
 St.  John,  R.  W.  consul-general,  Algiers 
 
 St.  Helens,  lord,  late  ambassador  to  Russia 
 
 Gentleman  of  the  king-'s  bedchamber 
 
 St.  Vincent,  viscount,  pension  on  consolidated  fund 
 
 The  uncle,  who  was  a  successful  naval  commander  and  meri- 
 torious first  lord  of  the  admii-alty,  might  deserve  the  pension,  but 
 his  successor,  the  nephew  of  the  admiral,  can  have  no  claim  on  the 
 public. 
 
 Sandford,  Frances,  pension  on  civil  list,   1830 
 
 Sansomi,  L.  collector  of  customs,  Ceylon 
 
 Sargeant,  J.  late  commi-ss.  for  auditing  public  accounts,   1821 
 
 Late  secretary  to  the  treasury,   1804 
 
 Sargent,  William,  principal  clerk  in  the  treasury 
 
 Sargent,  Mrs.  C.  pension  out  of  4^  per  cent,  duties,   1804  •  • 
 
 Salkeld,  George,  consul  at  New  Orleans 
 
 Sanford,  Henry,  senior  clerk  in  the  treasury     
 
 Saurin,  Edw.  commissioner  of  stamps,  1826 
 
 Half-pay  as  captain  in  the  navy,   1819 
 
 Saurin,   M.  A.  solicitor  to  excise,  Ireland 
 
 Saumarez,  adm.   lord  de,  vice-adm.   of  Great   Britain,    and 
 admiral  of  the  red    • 
 
 £200 
 
 2000 
 
 230 
 750 
 
 1372 
 640 
 
 1401 
 144 
 101 
 
 2000 
 
 2300 
 712 
 
 3000 
 
 97 
 
 1025 
 
 1.500 
 
 800 
 
 600 
 
 610 
 
 1136 
 
 1000 
 
 1000 
 
 57 
 
 1500 
 
 £1230 
 
568        PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 General  of  marines,  (a  sinecure)  1832    •• 
 
 Pension,  by  act  of  parliament     
 
 Saunders,  E.  clerk  in  commissariat    
 
 Clerk  in  otBce  for  civil  list  accounts,   1816     
 
 Sawkins,  J.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,   1821     
 
 Sayer,  B.  comptroller  of  accounts,  tax-office     
 
 Sellon,  J.  B.  police  justice,  Hatton  Garden 
 
 Seppings,  sir  R.  late  surveyor  of  the  navy     
 
 Pension    • 
 
 Selwyn,  Charlotte,  Albinia,  Louisa,  and  Henrietta,  pension  on 
 
 civil  list,   1807,  each • 
 
 Semphill,  hon.  Maria  and  Sarah,  pension  each,  1826 
 
 Semphill,  Hugh,  lord,  pension  on  civil  list,  1826    
 
 Sewell,  hon.  Harriet,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 82 1 
 
 One  of  the  Beresford  family,  diiughter  of  the  late  archbishop  of 
 Tuam,  sister  to  present  lord  Decies,  and  to  Mrs.  Thomas  Hope  of 
 the  gay  world. 
 
 Sewell,  J.  pension  out  of  consolidated  fund 
 
 Sewell,  Jonathan,  chief  justice  Quebec,  and  speaker  of  the 
 
 legislative  council    
 
 Seward,  lieut.-gen.  T.  colonel  commandant  royal  artillery-  •  •  • 
 
 Seymour,  G.  H.  minister  resident  in  Tuscany 
 
 Seymour,  lord  George,  chairman  of  the  excise  board    
 
 The  chairmen  and  commissioners  of  tlie  boards  of  excise,  customs, 
 stamps,  and  taxes,  are  mostly  filled  by  members  of  the  aristocratical 
 families.  Tlie  Liverpool  administration  was  pre-eminent  for  the 
 lavish  grant  of  pensions  and  increase  of  salaries.  By  an  order  of 
 the  lords  of  t!ie  treasury  in  IblG,  the  salaries  of  the  chairman  of 
 customs  and  excise  were  augmented  fiom  £1700  to  £2000  a  year, 
 and  the  junior  members  of  the  two  boaixls  from  £1200  to  £1400  a 
 year.  The  VVhi<;;s  have  applied  the  pruninj?  knife  to  the  exuberances  of 
 tlieir  predecessois,  by  directing  thai  two  commissioners  of  customs 
 and  as  many  of  excise  siiould  retire  forthwith,  and  that  each  board 
 should  be  diminished  two  more  as  they  drop  oil'.  The  salaries  of 
 the  commissioners  are  reduced  from  £1,400  to  £1,200  a  year;  and 
 the  secretaries  of  the  board  at  the  rate  of  twenty-live  per  cent.  This 
 seems  like  retrenchment. 
 Seymour,  lord  H.  compensation  allowance  for  loss  of  office  as 
 
 craner  and  wliarjinger,  port  of  Dublin     
 
 Seymour,  capt.  sir  M.  naval  commissioner,  Portsmouth  •  •  •  • 
 Seymour,  lord  R.  commiss.  and  prothonotary,  King's  B.  Ireland 
 Seymour,  Henry,  sergeant-at-arms.  House  of  Commons  •  •  •  • 
 Seymour,  Capt.  G.  H.  Sergeant-at-Arms,  House  of  Lords    •  • 
 
 Seymour,  H.  B.  gentleman  usher,  privy  chamber 
 
 The  Seymours  are  uncles  and  cousins  of  the  marquis  of  Hertford, 
 
 one  of  the  greatest  borough-proprietors,  and  all'ords  practical  proof 
 
 of  the  working  of  this  sort  of  property  under,  we  hope  shortly  to  be 
 
 able  to  call,   the  old  system. 
 
 Scott,  W.  L.  F.  registrar  of  deeds  for  West  Riding  of  Y'orkshire 
 
 Scott,  W.  H.  J.  son  of  lord  l^ldon,  receiver  of  fines,  court  of 
 
 chancery,  for  the  year  ending  1 830    
 
 Registrar  of  affidavits,  court  of  chancery    
 
 £1728 
 1200 
 511 
 200 
 656 
 1131 
 800 
 500 
 400 
 
 81 
 49 
 97 
 88 
 
 1000 
 
 2400 
 1003 
 2300 
 2000 
 
 1251 
 1100 
 7137 
 2300 
 3400 
 
 1200 
 240 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.        569 
 
 Clerk  of  the  letters  patent,  court  of  chancery      
 
 Reversion  of  rev.  T.  Thurlow's  annuity  under  1  and  2 
 William  IV.  c.  56    •' 
 
 Under  the  39  Geo.  III.  c.  110,  in  the  year  1800,  the  salaries 
 of  the  judges  at  \Vestminster  and  the  lords  of  session  at  Edin- 
 burgh were  greatly  augmented,  chieiy  on  account  of  the  high 
 price  of  provisions.  Why  then,  it  may  be  asked,  are  they  not  now 
 reduced  I  But  this  is  not  the  precise  point  we  are  aiming  at.  Under 
 the  same  act  a  retiring  pension  was  for  tUe  first  time  granted  to  the 
 lord  chancellor  to  the  amount  of  £4000  a  year,  without  limitation  as 
 to  the  previous  time  of  holding  the  great  seal ;  and  this  pension — 
 greater  than  is  ever  given  to  an  admiral  or  general  for  the  most  long 
 and  splendid  services — was  granted,  on  the  pretext  that  sinecures 
 in  the  gift  of  the  chancellor  had  been  abolished,  whereby  his  lord- 
 ship was  less  able  to  make  a  provision  for  his  family  than  his 
 predecessors  in  office.  Here,  however,  we  find  lord  Eldon's  son 
 entrenched  behind  three  tier  of  sinecures,  and  fortified  in  his  rear 
 by  the  reversion  of  Parson  Thurlow's  sinecures,  worth  £11,000  per 
 annum,  all  given  to  him  by  his  father  subsequent  to  the  passing  of 
 the  statute  mentioned.  Does  not  this,  independent  of  his  otlicial 
 income  of  £18,000  or  £20,000  a  year,  prove  that  lord  Eldon  had 
 ample  means  of  providing  for  a  family,  without  granting  him  in  ad- 
 dition, a  retiring  pension  out  of  the  taxes.  We  would  suggest  to 
 the  wealthy  Patriarch  of  the  Tories  the  prudence  of  making  a  vo- 
 luntary sacrifice  to  the  public,  without  waiting  to  have  these  matters 
 revised  and  settled  by  that  Reformed  Parliament,  to  which  his  lord- 
 ship and  friends  entertain  so  natural  an  aversion.  The  abandonment 
 of  the  pension  at  least,  with  a  fortune  of  £30,000  or  £40,000  a  year, 
 realized  out  of  the  bankruptcies,  lunacies,  wardships,  and  super- 
 sedeases of  the  Pitt  system,  would  not  be  missed,  and  certainly  not 
 abridge  the  hospitalities  of  Encombe  or  Hamilton-Place. 
 
 Scott,  sir  Walter,  principal  clerk  of  session,  and  sheriff  of  the 
 
 shire  of  Selkirk,  Scotland 
 
 For  loss  of  fees  under  50  Geo.  III.  c.  112 
 
 Scott,  H.  R.  collector  of  customs  and  provincial  judge,  Cloyne 
 
 Scott,  sir  David,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 827     
 
 Are  the  magisterial  services  of  this  gentleman  at  Brighton  so  va- 
 luable as  to  deserve  this  pension  ? 
 
 Scott,  Ann  Lindsay,  pension  on  civil  list,  1825 
 
 Scott,  dame  Harriet,  pension  on  civil  list,  1802     
 
 Schenley,  E.  W.  H.  consul  at  Hayti 
 
 Schomberg,  heir  of  the  duke  of,  hereditary  pension  out  of  post- 
 office  revenue  
 
 One  of  king  William's  followers,  and  killed,  it  is  supposed,  by  a 
 
 random  shot  from  his  own  troops  at  the  battle  of  the  Boyne.    There 
 
 is  no  peerage  of  the  name,  and  to  whom  the  pension  is  paid,  or  for 
 
 what,  we  are  unable  to  ascertain. 
 
 Scoveil,   sir  Geo.  col.  lieut-governor  of  military  college,  1829 
 
 Lieut. -col.  royal  waggon  train     
 
 Scoveil,  C.  assistant  secretary,  customs 
 
 Shad  well,  sir  Launcelot,  vice-chancellor 
 
 Shaftesbury,  earl  of,  chairman  of  committees,  house  of  lords  •  • 
 Shannon,  earl  of,  late  clerk  of  the  pells,  Ireland    
 
 £553 
 
 11,000 
 
 1600 
 300 
 
 1041 
 300 
 
 250 
 
 84 
 1200 
 
 4000 
 
 383 
 599 
 1200 
 6000 
 3000 
 3133 
 
570         rLA(  ES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Shawe,  lieut.-col.  Merrick,  pension  on  civil  list,  1824 
 
 Pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1 825 
 
 We  are  not  aware  of  any  claims  col.  Shawe  had  to  his  pensions, 
 further  than  court  favour  and  havinp;  acted  as  private  secretary  to 
 the  marquis  Wellesley.  Tt  seems  the  regular  practice  of  noble  lords 
 to  throw  their  private  secretaries  on  the  public  :  this  example  was 
 followed  by  the  duke,  in  the  cases  of  Messrs.  Drummond  and  Gre- 
 ville.  Every  want  is  provided  for  out  of  the  taxes,  whether  it  be 
 for  the  support  of  an  aged  parent,  sister,  niece,  illegitimate  child,  or 
 cast-off  mistress. 
 
 Shaw,  Robert,  representative  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1786  •  • 
 Sir  K.  Shaw,  of  Dublin,  enjoys  this  pension  ;  and  he  explains, 
 that  he  inherits  it ;  that  it  was  "'  purchased,"  by  his  father,  of  course, 
 upwards  of  (brty-four  years  ago,  and  that  he,  of  course,  inherits  it 
 as  executor  of  another.  So  that  this  pension  may  continue  for  ever, 
 and  be  transmitted  like  a  freehold  estate.  The  famous  pension  of 
 Edmund  lUuke  has  been  sold  many  times ;  and  if  sir  K,  Shaw's 
 doctrine  be  correct,  some  of  these  incumbrances  may  be  perpetual. 
 
 Shawe,  Mary,  Catharine,  and  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,  1828 
 
 Sharp,  sir  C.  collector  of  customs,  Sunderland 
 
 Shepherd,  sir  S.  late  chief  baron  exchequer,  Scotland    
 
 Shepherd,  H.  John,  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  1827     •  • 
 Judge  advocate  of  fleet  and  counsel  to  admiralty,  1828 
 
 Recorder  of  Abingdon,  1818 
 
 Clerk  of  custodies  of  lunatics  in  chancery,  1 829   •  •  •  • 
 
 Clerk  of  presentations  in  chancery,  1829 
 
 Shee,  sir  Geo.  under  secretary  of  state,  foreign  department  •  • 
 
 Shee,  dame  Maria,  pension  on  civil  list,   each    ■    • 
 
 Sherwood,  Susan,  Rebecca,  Ann,  and  Elizabeth,  pension  ou 
 
 civil  list,  1803,  each    
 
 Shield,  W.  late  naval  commissioner    
 
 Sheridan,    Richard    Brinsley,    Caroline,    Thomas     Berkeley, 
 Frances,  Charles,  and   Helen,  pension  on  civil  list, 
 
 1818,  each 
 
 Poor  Sheridan's  legacy  to  his  friend  George  IV.  who  thus  dis- 
 posed of  it.  As  the  duke  of  Somerset's  son  has  married  one  of  the 
 family,  he  will,  it  is  hoped,  do  something  for  his  wife's  relatives. 
 
 Short,  Charles,  clerk  of  the  rules  and  orders  of  the  court   of 
 
 king's  bench,  from  fees • 
 
 We  are  not  exactly  acquainted  with  the  official  duties  of  Mr. 
 Short,  but  the  nature  of  them  and  the  sources  of  his  vast  emolu- 
 ments require  investigation.  It  is  curious  to  remark  that  the 
 greatest  ])ortion  of  public  taxes  is  levied  on  articles  of  general  con- 
 sumption, and  paid  by  the  industrious  classes  ;  and  the  emoluments 
 of  the  most  lucratire  judicial  odicos  arise  principally  from  fees  paid 
 out  of  the  property  of  bankrupts,  insolvents,  and  imprisoned  debtors. 
 
 Short,  H.  T.  clerk,  secretary  of  state's  office,  colonial 
 
 Agent  for  Trinidad 
 
 Shrapnell,  maj.-gen.  H.  colonel  commandant  royal  artillery  •  • 
 Pension  for  inventions 
 
 £500 
 499 
 
 714 
 
 95 
 
 600 
 
 3000 
 
 43 
 
 450 
 
 43 
 
 1500 
 
 334 
 
 15 
 
 950 
 
 57 
 
 5172 
 
 344 
 1003 
 1200 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 571 
 
 Sinclair,  sir  John,  compensation  on  abolition  of  office  of  cashier 
 
 of  excise,  Edinburgh 
 
 From  the  incessant  publications  of  this  person,  his  duties  of  office 
 could  not  have  been  very  great,  and  we  believe  he  never  served  any 
 apprenticeship  toenlitle  him  to  compensation  for  loss  of  employment. 
 Sinclair,  lord  Charles,  pension  on  Scotch  civil  list,  1788  •  •  •  • 
 
 Sinclair,  Elizabeth,  pension  on  civil  list,  1775    
 
 Sinclair,  lady  Isabella,  pension  on  civil  list,  1790 
 
 Sinclair,  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,  1791     
 
 Sinclair,  Catharine,  pension  on  civil  list,  1791    
 
 Sidmouth,  viscount,  late  secretary  of  state 
 
 Skinner,  J.  M.  com.  of  a  packet,  Holyhead,  1793 
 
 Commander  in  the  navy,  1821     
 
 Slow,  Ann  and  Catharine,  pensioners  on  civil  list,  1817,  each 
 Smith,  lieut.-col.  sir  C.  F.  royal  engineers.  West  Indies   •  •  •  • 
 
 Pension  for  wound 
 
 Smith,  lieut.-gen.  John,  colonel  commandant  royal  artillery*  • 
 Smith,  major-gen.  J.  F.  S.  colonel,  royal  artillery,  Ireland   •  • 
 
 Smith,  J.  clerk  Irish  department,  treasury • 
 
 Pension  for  loss  of  office  in  Irish  house  of  commons    •  • 
 
 Smith,  G.  late  secretary  to  the  navy  board 
 
 Smith,  W.  commissioner  of  arbitration  at  Sierra  Leone 
 
 Smith,  J.  S.  late  envoy,  &c.  to  Stutgard      •  •  •.•••• 
 
 Smith,  sir  W,  C.  baron  of  the  exchequer,  Ireland 
 
 Smith,  sir  W.  Sydney,  pension  on  consolidated  fund 
 
 Pension  on  4  j  per  cent,  duties 
 
 Admiral  of  the  white   
 
 Lieut.-gen.  of  marines 
 
 Smith,  Culling  Charles,  commissioner  of  customs 
 
 Smith,  lady  Ann  Culling,  pension  on  civil  list,  1812 
 
 Smith,  Dame  Carterette,  pension  on  civil  list,  1813 
 
 This  last  is,  probably,  motiier-in-law  of  the  preceding,  who  is  wife 
 of  sir  George  Culling  Smith, — mother-in-law  twice  over  to  the  mar- 
 quis of  Worcester,  who  married  two  of  her  daughters, — sister  to 
 marquis  Wellesley, — ditto  to  lord  jMaryborough, — ditto  to  the  duke 
 of  Wellington, — ditto  to  lord  Cowley, — ditto  to  the  rev.  Dr. Wellesley, 
 prebend  of  Durham,  rector  of  Chelsea,  and  rector  of  Bishop's  Wear- 
 mouth,  and  who  would,  doubtless,  have  been  a  bishop,  had  he  not, 
 by  such  promotion,  been  obliged  to  relinquish  more  valuable  pre- 
 ferments. 
 
 Smith,  P.  clerk,  secretary  of  state's  office,  colonial    
 
 Agent  for  Mauritius    » 
 
 Smith,  R.  Vernon,  lord  of  the  treasury - 
 
 Smyth,  sir  J.  C.  baronet,  unattached  gen.  officer,  1825  • « » o  e « 
 
 Pension  for  good  services,  1817 
 
 Governor  of  the  Bahamas    
 
 Smythe,  the  hon.  G.  A.  F.  S.  pension  on  civil  list,  1828    •  •  •  • 
 
 Smyth,  James,  collector  of  customs,  Cork 
 
 Smollett,  Susan,  pension  on  civil  list,  1806  • 
 
 £2000 
 
 184 
 
 138 
 
 115 
 
 37 
 
 97 
 
 3000 
 
 800 
 
 115 
 
 45 
 
 1234 
 
 300 
 
 1003 
 
 1870 
 
 1000 
 
 304 
 
 600 
 
 1831 
 
 1200 
 
 3692 
 
 1000 
 
 1250 
 
 1200 
 600 
 155 
 
 726 
 500 
 
 1200 
 479 
 456 
 
 2650 
 104 
 
 1000 
 97 
 
572         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECLUES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Soady,  B.  clerk  in  audit  office 
 
 Pension  for  special  services     
 
 Private  secretary  to  chaiiman  of  audit  board,  1826'  •  •  • 
 Somerset,  lieut.-gen.  lord,  R.  K  H.  col.  1st  reg.  of  dragoons.  • 
 Somerset,  major-gen,  lord,  F.  unattached  pay  as  major-gen.  •  • 
 Military  secretary  to  the  general  commanding  in  chief 
 
 Colonel  53d  foot,  about    
 
 Pension  for  wound 
 
 Brothers  of  the  duke  of  Beaufort,  an  old  ultra- Tory  family,  whose 
 raniifications  in  church  and  state  are  almost  untraceable. 
 
 Somerville,  William,  physician,  Chelsea  hospital 
 
 Retired  pay  as  inspector,  medical  department 
 
 Sergeant  surgeon  to  the  king- 
 
 Sneyd,  Elizabeth,  and  her  daughter,  pension  on  civil  list,  1776 
 
 Sneyd,  Hannah,  pension  on  civil  list,  1781     
 
 Sneyd,  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,  1807 
 
 These  are  Irish,  and  we  wonder  who  they  can  be.  There  is  a 
 great  wine-merchant,  named  Sneyd,  who  was  in  parliament,  and 
 who  rt'f^iilarly  voted  with  ministers. 
 
 Soane,  John,  clerk  of  the  works,  Chelsea  hospital 
 
 South,  William,  clerk  to  registrar  in  chancery    
 
 Southey,  Robert,  pension  on  civil  list,  1807 
 
 Poet  laureate,  circa    
 
 Sparshott,  S.  deputy  comptroller,  coast-guaa-d    
 
 Commander  in  the  navy,  half  pay 
 
 Spencer,  W.  ordnance  storekeeper,  Portsmouth 
 
 Spearman,  A.  Y.  assistant  clerk  of  parliamentary  accounts    •  • 
 
 First  clerk,  civil  list  audit  office 
 
 Spearman,  A.  and  Margaret  Young,  pension  civil  list,  1827  •  • 
 
 Spicer,  W.  H.  deputy  treasurer,  Chelsea  hospital 
 
 Spottiswoode,  George,  commandant  Hibernian  society,  1820- • 
 
 Pension  for  wounds,  1815 
 
 Half-pay  as  major  in  the  army,  1816 
 
 Spottiswoode,  Eyre,  and  Strahan,  king's  printers 
 
 These  gentlemen  hold  the  valuable  patent  of  King's  printer,  con- 
 ferring the  exclusive  right  to  print  acts  of  parliament,  proclamations, 
 bibles,  books  of  conimon  prayer,  and  works  the  copyright  of  which 
 is  vested  in  the  crown.  It  is  impossible  to  assign  the  annual  profits 
 accruing  from  this  privilege  ;  they  must  be  very  great,  as  their  bills 
 against  the  treasury,  ordinarily,  amount  to  £10,000  or  £15,000 
 per  annum.  Besides  the  profits  from  this  source,  they  have  another 
 from  the  sale  of  acts  to  the  public,  above  the  number  required  by 
 law  to  be  delivered  to  the  houses  of  parliament,  the  magistracy,  and 
 I)ublic  bodies ;  and  which  protit  has  been  estimated  to  amount  to 
 £30,000  per  annum.  It  appears  doubtful  whether  the  terms  of  the 
 patent  entitle  the  grantees  to  the  bonkscUcr's  profit  on  the  sale  of  the 
 acts  of  parliament  to  the  public  ;  their  privilege  being  restricted  to 
 the  office  of  printer  to  the  king. 
 
 The  patent  of  Messrs.  Eyre  and  Strahan  expired  in  1829,  and 
 report  says,  it  has  bren  renewed  for  another  period  of  tiiirty  years, 
 without  inquiry,  or  other  terms  being  exacted  than  the  old  under- 
 
 £350 
 
 100 
 
 50 
 
 1520 
 500 
 
 2000 
 
 1200 
 300 
 
 576 
 187 
 277 
 445 
 266 
 356 
 
 749 
 
 1576 
 
 155 
 
 100 
 
 500 
 
 155 
 
 1002 
 
 875 
 
 400 
 
 120 
 
 1016 
 
 310 
 
 200 
 
 173 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.        573 
 
 stood  condition  of  one  of  the  firm  sitting  in  parliament  and  voting 
 on  all  occasions  with  the  treasury.  If  this  report  be  correct,  the 
 profligacy  of  the  arrangement  can  only  be  equalled  by  other  acts 
 which  signalized  the  Wellington  ministry,  when,  at  the  moment  of 
 dissolution,  they  thrust,  en  masse,  on  the  pension  list  their  private 
 secretaries,  parasites,  and  attaches,  of  a  still  less  reputable  descrip- 
 tion. We  believe,  however,  certain  formalities  remain  to  be  gone 
 through  before  the  grant  is  finally  renewed  ;  and  from  some  expres- 
 sions, which  have  fallen  from  lord  Althorp,  it  is  probable  measures 
 will  be  adopted  to  quash  a  monopoly  which  is  at  variance  with  the 
 knowledge  of  the  age,  and  the  general  policy  of  an  enlightened 
 government. 
 
 That  the  public  sustains  a  great  loss  from  the  exclusive  privilege 
 of  the  king's  printer  is  evident  from  the  transactions  with  the  late 
 John  Reeves,  esq.  well  known  some  forty  years  ago  as  the  getter- 
 up  of  a  loyal  association  for  putting  down  republicans  and  levellers. 
 Mr.  Pitt  was  desirous  of  rewarding  the  services  of  this  redoubtable 
 champion  of  monarchical  institutions  ;  to  have  placed  him  openly 
 on  the  pension  list  might  have  given  rise  to  comments  rendering 
 questionable  the  purity  of  John's  loyalty,  which  dilemma  was 
 avoided  by  the  wary  minister  making  it  a  condition  of  the  renewal 
 of  the  patent  of  the  king's  printer  in  1799,  that  Mr.  Reeves  should 
 be  admitted  a  sleeping  partner,  receiving  for  his  share  of  the  profits 
 £1500  per  annum.  In  1807,  Mr,  Reeves  became  dissatisfied  with 
 the  arrangement,  having  discovered  that  his  share  of  tlie  profits  was 
 far  more  considerable,  amounting,  according  to  the  statement  he 
 made  in  a  bill  of  discovery,  filed  by  him  against  his  co-partner  in 
 the  patent,  to  £6500  a  year.  The  result  of  this  proceeding  was  a 
 more  favourable  agreement  with  the  loyal  assuciator  against  level- 
 lers, the  precise  nature  of  which  has  not  transpired.  What  we  have 
 said  is  perhaps  sufficient  to  elucidate  the  privileges  of  the  king's 
 printer,  the  purposes  to  which  they  have  been  applied,  and  the  pro- 
 priety of  their  abolition. 
 
 Spranger,  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  1882    
 
 Master  of  court  of  exciiequer,  1  820    •• 
 
 Speer,  W.  chief  clerk  in  treasury  and  auditor    
 
 Stack,  Annabella  and  Mary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1828     •  •  •  • 
 
 Stace,  W.  ordnance  storekeeper,  Woolwich 
 
 Pension 
 
 Stanley,    Edw.   G.  S.  grandson  of  the  earl  of  Derby;  chief 
 
 secretary  for  Ireland,  salary  and  emoluments 
 
 Mr.  Stanley  is  reputed  not  to  be  a  bird  of  sweet  voice,  but  he  has 
 eagle  talons,  and  Mr.  O'Conuell  appears  never  to  have  forgotten  the 
 terrrible  grip  he  received  from  the  chief  secretary  about  the  affair 
 of  the  prosecution.  We  should  admire  the  Liberator  more  if  we  saw 
 him  zealous  in  forwarding  measures  really  tending  to  the  relief  of 
 Ireland,  in  lieu  of  consuming  session  after  session  in  bagatelle  and 
 impossible  motions,  which  seem  intended  only  as  an  excuse  for 
 doing  nothing  at  all,  or  nothing  practically  beneficial  to  his  country. 
 Indeed,  we  are  sometimes  inclined  to  think  the  Great  Agitator 
 views  with  jealousy,  if  not  with  absolute  aversion,  the  abolition  of 
 tithes,  the  introduction  of  poor  laws,  or  any  other  efficient  measure 
 of  improvement,  lest  it  should  defeat  his  darling  panacea  of  a  repeal 
 of  the  Union.  This  last,  however,  has  always  appeared  to  us  moi  e 
 a  scheme  of  personal  ambition  than  of  national  amelioration. 
 Having  towed  the  Emerald  Isle  along  the  English  line  of  battle- 
 
 200 
 no  returns 
 
 1700 
 
 66 
 
 680 
 
 365 
 
 5500 
 
574 
 
 PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 ship  for  centuries,  we  will  never  consent  that  the  rope  shall  be  cut 
 just  at  the  moment  when,  from  a  be<igarly  tender,  she  is  about  to  be 
 manned  into  a  beautiful  sailing-yacht,  under  the  auspices  of  a  Re- 
 formed Parliament.  We  have  no  wish  to  see  awakened  into  life  the 
 dry  bones  of  College-green, — there  let  them  lie, — the  relics  of  all 
 that  is  corrupt  and  factious — the  remains  of  those  base  men,  who, 
 after  passing  the  unprincipled  Tithe  Agistment  act,  sold  their  country 
 for  the  gold  of  Castlereagh.  Infamy  and  incapacity  are  associaie 
 with  the  name  of  Irish  parliament,  aud  were  it  revived  it  would 
 only  be  a  focus  for  civil  conflict  and  treason  lo  the  empire.  The  Irisii 
 have  not  legislative  heads,  and  their  soil,  fruitful  in  men  of  talent 
 and  men  of  intrigue,  has  never  produced  aman  with  intellectual  apti- 
 tude for  sober  government — for  maturing  comprehensive  and  en- 
 lightened projects  of  popular  advantage.  Better  far,  then,  we  say, 
 for  the  Irish  nation,  whatever  it  may  be  for  platters  and  tribute- 
 gatherers,  that  they  should  have  the  benefit  of  the  concentrated  in- 
 telligence of  the  united  parliament  of  the  three  kingdoms,  assembled 
 under  the  new  charter  of  the  constitution. 
 
 Stanley,  Jane,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 799 
 
 Stanhope,  A.  comptroller  of  foreign  office  in  the  General  Post- 
 office,  emoluments  paid  by  individuals     
 
 Stanhope,  lady  H.  Lucy,  pension  on  4|  per  cent,  duties    •  •  •  • 
 The  eccentric  foreign  lady  mentioned  page  204. 
 
 Stanhope,  Caroline,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 805 
 
 Stables,  Ann,  widow,  pension  on  civil  list,  1821     
 
 Standish,  Olivia  and  Diana,  pension  on  civil  list,  1815,  each.  • 
 
 Stapleton,  G.  A.  commissioner  of  customs 
 
 Agent  for  Grenada 
 
 Clerk  of  the  signet » 
 
 Stapylton,  hon.  G.  A.  C.  late  chairman  of  the  victualling  board 
 
 Staniforth,  J,  distributor  of  stamps,  Lancashire 
 
 Stavely,  John,  8th  senior  clerk  in  foreign  office 
 
 Stephen,  James,  law  adviser,  colonial  and  board  of  trade    •  •  •  • 
 
 Stephen,  J.  M.  judge  surrogate,  St.  Lucia 
 
 Stephenson,  B.  C.  surveyor-general  of  works     
 
 Riding  forester,  New  Forest 
 
 Stephenson,  hon.  Jane,  pension  on  civil  list,  1803 
 
 Stevens,  C.  clerk  of  introitus,  pell-office,  exchequer 
 
 Stevens,  W.  senior,  military  draftsman,  Military-College  •  •  •  • 
 
 Sterky,  Rev.  Alexander,  pension  on  civil  list,  1816  ........ 
 
 Wherefore ?     Had  the  gentleman  no  parish? 
 
 Sterling,  Edward,  pension  on  civil  list,  1780 
 
 Stepney,  Dame,  pension  on  civil  list,  1826    
 
 Stevelley,  Jones,  late  six  clerk,  chancery,  Ireland 
 
 Stewart,  major-g-en.  D.  governor  St.  Lucia     • 
 
 Stewart,  hon.  E.  deputy  chairman  of  the  customs 
 
 Stewart,  hon.  J.  H.  K.  assistant  secretary,  treasury    
 
 Stewart,  R,  H.  second  clerk  in  war-office 
 
 Private  secretary  to  deputy  secretary  at  war 
 
 Stewart,  lady  Lucy,  pension  on  civil  list,  1806 
 
 356 
 
 1915 
 900 
 
 155 
 
 200 
 
 66 
 
 1200 
 
 172 
 
 300 
 
 600 
 
 1599 
 
 635 
 
 1500 
 
 1046 
 
 1500 
 
 452 
 
 100 
 
 950 
 
 330 
 
 400 
 
 177 
 
 200 
 
 1498 
 
 2500 
 
 1700 
 
 2500 
 
 333 
 
 100 
 
 184 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS.         5/0 
 
 Steward,  Uriana,  pension  on  civil  list,  1823 
 
 Stoddart,  sir  John,  chief  justice,  Malta 
 
 Stoddart;  Jane  and  Caroline,  pension  on  civil  Hst,  1824^    •  •  •  • 
 
 Stoddart,  Susan,  Ann,  Barbara,  Jean,  and  Mary,  each  pension 
 on  civil  list,  1 809    
 
 Stirling,  James,  consul  at  Leghorn 
 
 Still,  Peter,  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  1793 
 
 Clerk  of  court  of  requests,  Manchester,  1 808     
 
 Stopford,  admiral  sir  R.  commander-in-chief,    Portsmouth     •  • 
 
 Stopford,  lieut.-gen.  hon.  sir  E.  colonel  41st  foot,  pay 
 
 Stockes,  J.  W.  taxing  officer  common  law  business,  Ireland  •  • 
 
 Stone,  William,  master  shipwright,  Chatham 
 
 Stow,  D.  clerk  of  a  road,  in  general  post-office — salary 
 
 Emoluments  paid  by  individuals 
 
 Stowell,  lord,  master  in  the  faculty  office    
 
 Elder  brother  of  lord  Eldon,  and  in  the  eighty-seventh  year  of  his 
 age  ;  his  son-in-law,  viscount  Sidmoulh — the  letter  of  thanks  man — 
 is  in  his  seventy-fifih  year.  Lord  Stowell  retired  from  the  court  of 
 admiralty  in  1828,  having  presided  tliere  tor  the  term  of  twenty 
 years,  and  during  the  war  his  emoluments  from  the  office  of  judge 
 averaged  £10,000  per  annum.  It  is  a  singular  fact  that  the  great 
 acquisitions  of  his  lordship,  and  his  brother  Eldon,  arose  principally 
 from  the  French  revolutionary  war.  A  period  of  national  hostilities 
 or  distress,  by  increasing  the  number  of  bankruptcies,  increased, 
 under  the  old  system  of  equity,  tlie  emoluments  of  the  Chancellor, 
 nearly  half  his  profits  accruing  from  that  source.  It  was  the  same 
 with  lord  Stowell,  who  was  interested  to  the  amount  of  £8,000 
 a-year  in  the  continuance  of  the  war,  his  emoluments  in  peace  being 
 only  £2000  a-year.  It  would,  perhaps,  be  unjust  to  impute  to  these 
 individuals  that  they  prostituted  the  great  power  they  possessed, 
 during  the  late  reigns,  to  the  encouragement  of  war,  for  the  sake  of 
 official  gain.  It  is  inconceivable,  that  any  men,  with  their  eyes 
 open,  would  act  so  base  and  detestable  a  part;  yet,  as  lord 
 Brougham  has  most  justly  remarked,  on  this  very  subject,  "  that 
 human  frailty  operates  so,  that  without  stating  to  ourselves  the 
 points  we  ai'e  erring  upon,  our  interests  work  upon  us  unknown  to 
 ourselves."  The  civil  and  judicial,  and,  in  short,  all  the  governing 
 authorities  of  the  state,  had  a  deep  interest  in  the  prolongation  of 
 the  French  war ;  and  the  Bank  of  England,  we  have  seen,  was 
 enriched  by  hostilities.  Even  the  sovereign  had  a  direct  motive  of 
 the  same  sort,  in  the  state  of  the  law  respecting  droits  of  the  Crown 
 and  of  Admiralty ;  and  though  it  is  improbable  any  prince,  in 
 modern  times,  can  be  swayed  by  such  a  consideration,  yet  it  is  well 
 known  that  Charles  the  Second  plunged  the  nation  into  a  most 
 shameful  war  with  Holland,  for  the  sake  of  the  droits  of  Admiralty, 
 upon  the  capture  of  the  Smyrna  fleet.  Both  the  government  and 
 judicial  administration  must  surely  need  reform,  which  admits  the 
 working  of  such  interest-begotten  motives  on  national  affairs. 
 
 Stracey,  sir  Edward,  clerk  in  house  of  commons,  1830 
 
 Council  to  chairman  of  committees,  house  of  lords  •  •  •  • 
 
 Strangford,   Mary,   dowager  viscountess,  pension  on  English 
 civil  list,  ]  804     
 
 Ditto,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1 809    
 
 £266 
 
 1507 
 
 65 
 
 49 
 1061 
 
 unknown 
 
 2920 
 613 
 
 1107 
 720 
 530 
 
 1110 
 
 1382 
 1582 
 
 333 
 266 
 
576  PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Strangfoid,  viscount,  late  ambassador  to  Russia 
 
 Stran^ford,  lord,  pension  on  civil  list,  1797    
 
 Stratton,  lady  Emily,  pension  on  civil  list,  1813    
 
 A  sister  of  the  duke  of  Leinster.  Her  husband  had  a  large  for- 
 tune, and  got  through  it  all  in  a  few  years. 
 
 Stratton,  J.  late  minister  to  Sweden 
 
 Strathniore,  lady  Ann,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 828 
 
 If  tliis  lady  be  the  wife  of  the  present  earl,  is  it  because  he  may 
 be  always  in  dilficuilties,  that  the  public  should  maintain  her?  If 
 the  widow  of  the  late  lord,  it  is  more  reprehensible,  as  she  was 
 married  just  in  his  dying  moments,  to  rub  his  heirs  of  rank,  and 
 fortune. 
 
 Stuart,  sir  Simeon  H.  pension  on  civil  list,  1 822    
 
 Stuart  H.  retired  allowance  as  clerk,  colonial  office,  1816  •  •  •  • 
 
 Secretary  and  registrar,  St.  Lucia,  1 803 
 
 Stuart,  Jane,  pension  on  civil  list,  1784     « 
 
 Sullivan,  L.  deputy  secretary  at  war 
 
 Sullivan,  I.  and  H.  Hobart,  pension  on  4^  per  cent,  duties,  1820 
 
 Sullivan,  J.  A.  provost  marshal,  Jamaica 
 
 Sullivan,  J,  A.  sec.  registrar,  and   king's  receiver,  Demerara 
 A  relation  of  the  earl  of  Buckinghamshire.     John  iSuliivan, uncle 
 of  the  earl,  is  a  commissioner  of  the  India  board,  and  another  Sullivan 
 is  member  of  the  council,  Madras. 
 
 Sutherland,  R.  consul  at  Maracaibo    
 
 Sutton,  ri^ht  hon.  C.  M.  speaker  of  the  house  of  commons    •  • 
 
 Surtees,  William  Villiers,  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  and 
 
 cursitor  for  Middlesex,  clerk  of  the  jurats,  and  filazer 
 
 common  pleas,  1 799    
 
 For  loss  of  cursitorial  fees  in  1829,  Mr.  Surtees  received  £II76. 
 He  is  a  relative  ofjohn  lord  Eldon,  see  page  331. 
 Swinton,  Margaret,  Mary,  Isabel,  Ann,  and  Harriet,  pension 
 
 on  civil  list,  1800    
 
 Talbot,  Robert,  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  1793    
 
 Cursitor  for  London  and  Middlesex,  for  loss  of  fees  •  • 
 
 Tapp,  John  W.  storekeeper,  Halifax,  1818    
 
 1st  lieutenant  invalid  artillery  (reduced  1819),  1800»  • 
 
 Tanner,  T.  clerk  of  ship's  entries,  customs 
 
 Tarleton,  gen.  sir  B.  col.  8th  dragoons,  pay  and  emoluments*  • 
 
 Governor  of  Berwick 
 
 Pension  for  woimds     
 
 Taunton,  sir  W.  E.  puisne  judge  of  the  court  of  king's  bench 
 
 Taylor,  lieut.-gen.  sir  Herbert,  colonel  85th  foot    
 
 Adjutant-general 
 
 Pension  on  civil  list,  1813 
 
 Private  sec.  and  aid-de-camp  to  the  king      
 
 Master  of  St.  Catharine's  hospital ^ 
 
 Taylor,  gen.  the  hon  R.  col.  6th  dragoon  guards    
 
 Taylor,  sir  B.  clerk  of  the  signet,  1 801 
 
 Late  minister  plenipotentiary  to  Berlin,  1828     
 
 £2300 
 
 88 
 
 177 
 
 1500 
 230 
 
 200 
 562 
 200 
 172 
 200 
 600 
 1500 
 7800 
 
 1250 
 6000 
 
 276 
 
 1176 
 406 
 142 
 
 3232 
 
 1243 
 647 
 300 
 
 5500 
 938 
 
 1884 
 913 
 
 no  returns 
 
 ditto 
 1578 
 291 
 2300 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND   GRANTS. 
 
 57^ 
 
 Taylor,  T.  deputy  keeper  of  priv^'  seal,  Dublin,  1829     
 
 Clerk  in  chief  secretary's  ofBce,  1799 
 
 Taylor,  T,  comptroller-general  of  customs 
 
 Temple,  the  hon.  W.  secretary  of  embassy  at   St.  Petersburgh 
 Tenterden,  rt.  hon.  lord,  chief  justice  of  the  court  of  king-'s  bench 
 
 Terrill,  W.  pension  out  of  consolidated  fund    
 
 Thackeray,  S.  assistant-solicitor,  customs    
 
 Thomson,  T.  principal  clerk  of  session,  Scotland     •  • » 
 
 Deputy  clerk  register,  ditto     
 
 Thomson,  W.  deputy  commissary-general,  half-pay,   1818    •• 
 
 Prothonotary  of  Nova  Scotia 
 
 Thomson,  C.  Poulett,   M.P.  for  Dover,  treasurer  of  the  navy, 
 
 and  vice-president  of  board  of  trade     
 
 Thompson,  T.  solicitor  to  post-otEce,  Ireland 
 
 Thornborrow,  J.  chief  clerk  in  office  of  woods     
 
 Thornton,  J.  chairman  of  the  board  of  stamps 
 
 Thornton,  W.  T.  clerk  of  the  securities,  excise 
 
 Thornton,  W.  C.  late  commissioner  of  hackney  coaches     .... 
 
 Lieutenant-governor  of  Hull    
 
 Aide-de-camp  to  the  king    
 
 Pension  and  retired  military  allowance    
 
 Thornton,  sir  E.  late  envoy  to  Portugal 
 
 Thurlow,  rev.  Thomas,  late  patentee  for  execution  of  bankrupt- 
 laws  ;  emolument  from  fees  on  commissions,  writs 
 of  supersedeas,  and  proceedings  in  bankruptcy,  for 
 
 the  year  ending  Jan.  5,  1 830     
 
 Clerk    of    hanaper   in    chancery ;    emoluments    from 
 
 June  5,  1829,  to  Jan.  5,  1830 
 
 These  judicial  sinecures  were  abolished  uuder  the  Bankruptcy 
 Court  Act,  and  an  equivalent  life  annuitj-,  payable  out  of  bankrupt 
 effects,  granted  with  reversion,  on  the  death  of  Mr.  Thurlow,  to 
 W.  H.  I.  Scolt,  son  of  lord  Eldon.  It  has  been  often  urfced  as  a 
 favourable  trait  in  the  English  constitution  that  it  allows  ihe  hum- 
 blest individual,  possessed  of  merit,  to  aspire  to  the  highest  rewards 
 and  offices  in  the  state  ;  but  this  advantage  is  in  some  measure  coun- 
 terbalanced by  the  principle  which  permits  those  rewards  and 
 honours  to  be  hereditarily  transmitted  to  descendants.  Of  the  prac- 
 tical working  of  this  part  of  the  system  the  families  of  Marlborough, 
 Nelson,  and  Thurlow,  afford  striking  examples.  The  founder  of  the 
 honours  of  the  last,  it  is  well  known,  was  the  lord  chancellor  of  the 
 name,  and  during  the  short  period  of  sixty  years,  within  which  it 
 emerged  from  the  obscurity  of  a  Suffolk  parsonage,  it  has  presented 
 some  very  singular  incongruities.  Lord  Chancellor  Thurlow,  whose 
 father  was  the  rector  of  Ashfield,  died  unmarried,  but  not  before 
 he  had,  by  the  influence  of  his  office,  pushed  his  brother  Thomas 
 into  the  rich  see  of  Durham.  This  Thomas  left  two  sons,  Edward, 
 the  late  peer,  who  succeeded  the  chancellor,  and  Thomas,  in  holy 
 orders,  who  succeeded,  on  the  death  of  his  brother,  in  1829,  to  the 
 valuable  reversions  mentioned  above.  The  claims  of  the  two 
 nephews  to  the  honours  and  emoluments  of  their  uncle,  the  first 
 Lord  Thurlow,  it  would  be  invidious  to  investigate.     Edward  is 
 
 2  P 
 
 £73 
 712 
 
 1000 
 
 1100 
 10000 
 
 1000 
 800 
 
 1000 
 500 
 267 
 600 
 
 2000 
 
 1457 
 700 
 
 2012 
 600 
 150 
 182 
 182 
 591 
 
 2000 
 
 8502 
 1192 
 
i78         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECUKES,    ANU    GKANTS. 
 
 chiefly  known  from  having  married  Miss  Bolton,  the  actress,  and 
 from  having  been  an  unfortunate  aspirant  in  verse-making;  the 
 fruits  of  his  marriage  were  three  sons,  the  eldest  of  whom  is  now 
 in  his  eighteenth  year,  destined,  in  due  course,  to  fonn  one  of  our 
 hereditary  legislators. 
 
 Tierney,  Geo.  secretary  of  legation,  Bavaria 
 
 Tierney,  Mrs.  pension  on  civil  list,  1 830     •  • 
 
 Widow  of  the  late  M.P.  for  Knaresborough,  and  who,  if  in  need 
 of  assistance,  ought  to  have  obtained  it  from  the  wealthy  banker, 
 her  relative  ;  or,  if  not  from  him,  from  the  duke  of  Devonshire  and 
 other  party  connexions  of  her  husband.  But  aristocracy  is  the 
 grave  of  virtue.  The  rich  lords,  like  the  rich  clergy,  immersed  in 
 luxury  and  dissipation,  are  strangers  to  sympathy,  with  indigence 
 and  misfortune.  They  do  not  even  provide  for  the  destitute  of  Iheir 
 "  order,"  and  seldom  come  forward  to  support  any  work  of  utility 
 or  benevolence.  There  are  exceptions  among  the  nobility,  but  this 
 is  the  general  character  of  the  corporation ;  all  useful,  meritorious, 
 and  charitable  undertakings  are  planned,  supported,  and  executed 
 by  the  middling  and  industrious  classes.  It  is  the  same  in  Ireland, 
 as  we  learn  from  the  parliamentary  report  of  the  session  of  1830  ; 
 there  all  institutions  for  the  education  of  the  people,  and  for  their 
 relief  in  sickness  and  old  age,  have  been  established,  and  are  sup- 
 ported, not  by  the  absentee  landlords,  bishops,  and  pluralists,  but 
 by  the  farmer,  the  poor  tenantry,  and  tradesmen.  But  can  there 
 need  further  proof  of  the  vicious  nature  of  aristocracy  in  church  and 
 state,  than  the  deplorably  ignorant  and  destitute  state  of  our  agri- 
 cultural population  ?  Of  the  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  miserable 
 creatures  on  the  Berkshire  calendar,  only  twenty-five  could  write, 
 and  only  thirty-seven  could  read;  yet,  in  face  of  this  evidence  of 
 the  neglect  of  the  people  by  their  "  natural  protectors,"  justices 
 Park,  Vaughan,  and  others  of  the  special  commissioners,  would  in- 
 sinuate the  clergy  and  lords  of  the  soil  had  done  their  duty,  and  that 
 the  risings  of  the  peasantry  did  not  proceed  from  want  of  food  or 
 want  of  education,  but  from  the  wicked  machinations  of  seditious 
 writers,  itinerant  lecturers,  and  foreign  incendiaries. 
 
 Tindal,  sir  N.  C.  chief  justice  of  common  pleas 
 
 This  judge,  we  believe,  is  better  known  for  prerogative  leanings 
 and  supple  politics  than  as  a  high  judicial  authority.  His  copious 
 charge  to  the  Bristol  grand  jury,  (Jan.  2,  1832,)  was  singularly 
 deficient  in  precision,  and  has  formed  a  proper  subject  of  animadver- 
 sion. The  two  chief  legal  dicta  of  sir  Nicholas  are  that  private 
 persons  may  arm  themselves  for  the  suppression  of  riots  ;  and, 
 secondly,  that  the  duties  imposed  on  the  citizen  are  equally  obliga- 
 tory on  the  soldier.  Both  these  positions  are  of  dangerous  applica- 
 tion, and  ought  to  have  been  laid  down  within  stricter  limits  than 
 they  were  by  chief  justice  Tindal. 
 
 A  private  person,  we  conceive,  has  no  general  right  to  interfere  in 
 the  execution  of  the  laws.  A  constable,  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
 peace,  may  call  in  the  aid  of  a  by-stander,  and  the  by-stander  is 
 bound  to  assist  him  ;  but  no  private  person  has  authority  to  arrest 
 an  offender,  without  the  warrant  of  a  magistrate,  for  any  oflence 
 less  than /e/onj/.  All  riots  are  not  felonious.  Unless  twelve  persons 
 or  more  are  unlawfully  assembled,  and  continue  together  one /jo?/r  after 
 being  commanded  by  a  magistrate  to  disperse,  they  are  not  guilty 
 of  a  capital  olfence.  Should  any  private  person  interfere,  without 
 lawful  authority,  to  suppress  a  riotous  assemblage  of  a  less  aggra- 
 vated description  than  this,  we.  apprehend  he  would  himself  become  a 
 transgressor  of  the  law  ;  and  if  he  armed  himself  with  any  dangerous  ' 
 
PLACES,  PENSIONS,  SINECURES,   AND   GRANTS. 
 
 )79 
 
 weapon,  as  a  gun,  and  thereby  occasioned  the  death  of  an  individual, 
 he  would  be  guilty  of  manslaughter  at  the  least,  and  perhaps  murder. 
 Similar  obligations  and  restraints  are  imposed  on  the  military.  A 
 soldier  is  invested  with  all  the  rights  of  other  citizens,  and  is  bound 
 to  all  the  duties  of  other  citizens,  Burdett  v.  Abbott :  granted;  but 
 nothing  beyond  this.  He  has  no  general  right  to  interfere  for  the 
 preservation  of  the  peace,  either  as  citizen  or  soldier,  unless  called 
 upon  so  to  do  by  lawful  authority ;  and  if  he  employ  fire-arms  to 
 suppress  a  riot  of  a  less  dangerous  character,  and  under  other  cir^- 
 cumstances  than  those  described  in  the  statute  1  Geo.  I.  c.  5,  and 
 thereby  occasion  death,  he  would  be  guilty  of  the  highest  offence 
 known  to  the  law. 
 
 Until  recently,  game-keepers  thought  they  had  a  right  to  carry 
 fire-arras,  for  the  capture  of  poachers.  This  error  was  distinctly 
 refuted  by  Mr.  Justice  Bayley,  {Lancaster  Assizes,  March  23d,  1827,) 
 who  expressly  stated  that  no  gamekeeper  had  a  right  to  carry  fire- 
 arms for  any  such  purpose,  nor  to  iire  at  any  poacher  whatever. 
 No  proprietor  of  game  had  any  earthly  power  to  give  such  authority 
 to  his  keeper,  who  might  certainly  take  into  custody  any  poacher, 
 but  it  was  at  his  peril  to  use  fire-arms. 
 
 The  legal  authority  of  Chief  Justice  Holt  is  so  high,  and  the 
 anecdote  related  of  him  so  apposite  to  our  subject,  that  we  cannot 
 forbear  incorporating  it,  though  well  known,  and  has  appeared  in 
 The  Plain  Dealer,  and  other  vehicles  of  intelligence. 
 
 "  There  happened,"  says  the  narrator,  "  in  the  time  of  this  chief 
 justice,  a  riot  in  Holborn,  occasioned  by  an  abominable  practice 
 then  prevailing,  of  decoying  young  persons,  of  both  sexes,  to  the 
 plantations.  The  persons  so  decoyed  they  kept  prisoners  in  a  house 
 in  Holborn,  till  they  could  find  an  opportunity  of  shipping  them  off; 
 which  being  discovered,  the  enraged  populace  were  going  to  pull 
 down  the  house.  Notice  of  this  being  sent  to  Whitehall,  a  party  of 
 the  guards  were  commanded  to  march  to  the  place  ;  but  they  first 
 sent  an  officer  to  the  chief  justice,  to  acquaint  him  with  the  design, 
 and  to  desire  him  to  send  some  of  his  people  to  attend  the  soldiers, 
 in  order  to  give  it  the  better  countenance.  The  officer  having  de- 
 livered his  message,  Holt  said  to  him.  'Suppose  the  populace  should 
 not  disperse  at  your  appearance,  what  are  you  to  do  then  ?'  '  Sir/ 
 answered  the  officer, '  we  have  orders  to  fire  upon  them.'  '  Have 
 you,  sir?'  replied  Holt,  Hhen  take  notice  of  what  1  say ;  if  there  be 
 one  man  killed,  and  you  are  tried  before  tne,  I  shall  take  care  that  you, 
 and  every  soldier  of  your  party,  shall  be  hanged.'  '  Sir,'  added  he, 
 '  go  back  to  those  who  sent  you,  and  acquaint  them,  that  no  officer 
 of  mine  shall  attend  soldiers ;  and  let  them  know,  at  the  same  time, 
 that  the  laivs  of  this  kingdom  are  not  to  be  executed  by  the  sword ;  these 
 matters  belong  to  the  civil  power,  and  you  have  nothing  to  do  with 
 them.'  Upon  this,  the  chief  justice,  ordering  his  tipstaves,  with  a 
 few  constables,  to  attend  him,  went  himself  in  person  to  the  place 
 where  the  tumult  was ;  expostulated  with  the  mob  ;  assured  them 
 that  justice  should  be  done  upon  the  persons  who  were  the  objects 
 of  their  indignation  :  and  thus  they  all  dispersed  quietly." 
 
 Tighe,  G.  W.  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1815    • 
 
 Tighe,  Charlotte,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1828 
 
 Tildesley ,  Sophia,  pension  on  civil  list,  1 825 
 
 Tomlins,  A.  clerk,  Irish  revenue,  1817    
 
 Private  secretary  to  vice-treasurer,  1817   
 
 Allowance  for  index  to  journals  house  of  lords 
 
 2  p  2 
 
 £358 
 47 
 61 
 
 500 
 75 
 
 400 
 
580         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECLRES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Tomlins,  sir  Thomas,  counsel  to  chief  secretary,  1810    
 
 Counsel  to  treasurer  for  Irish  revenue • 
 
 Pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1 825 
 
 For  compiling  index  to  acts  relative  to  Ireland    
 
 Torrens,  R.  fourth  justice  in  common  pleas,  Ireland 
 
 Torrens,  dame  Sarah,  pension  on  civil  list,  1820 
 
 Widovif,  probably,  of  the  l;ite  general  sir  H.  Torrens,  adjutant- 
 general.  This  officer  was  most  fortunate  in  his  advancement,  and 
 held  high  situations ;  but  lived  so  extravagantly  as  to  leave  his  family 
 upon  the  public. 
 
 Toole,  J.  deputy  commissary-general,  half-pay,  1817 
 
 Pension  as  civil  auditor  of  Malta     
 
 Tovvnsend,  J.  S.  master  in  chancery  in  Ireland 
 
 There  are  iiice  pickings  in  judicial  olBces  in  Ireland  as  well  as  in 
 England  and  Scotland. 
 Trafford,  Trafford,  late  receiver  general  of  taxes,  Chester  •  •  •  • 
 Whether  IMinisters  intend  granting  retiring  pensions  to  the  late 
 receivers-general  we  are  uncertain,  and  for  this  reason  have  omitted 
 them  in  our  List.  Tiie  receiverships  were  mostly  given  by  the 
 Tories  to  their  thick  and  thin  supporters.  Trafford  is,  if  we  mistake 
 not,  the  magistrate,  who,  in  conjunction  with  Hulton  and 
 Parson  Hay,  who  immediately  after  received  the  valuable  living  of 
 Rochdale  from  the  late  Archbishop  Sutton,  directed  the  memorable 
 outrage  of  Manchester  in  the  year  1819. 
 
 Trail,  rev.  Anthony,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1794 
 
 Trail,  Clarissa,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1809     
 
 Treasure,  Elizabeth,  widow,  pension  on  civil  list,  1820    
 
 Trefusis,  hon.  C.  R.  commissioner  of  excise 
 
 Trevor,  C.  solicitor  of  legacy  duties    
 
 Trower,  J.  master  in  chancery,  for  year  ending  Jan.  5,  1830-  • 
 
 Troy,  J.  J.  collector  of  customs.   Limerick 
 
 Turner,  R.  deputy  surveyor  of  New  Forest,  1815 
 
 Allowance  for  Parkhurst  Forest 
 
 Turner,  Sir  H.  governor  of  Bermuda 
 
 Turner,  W.  envoy  extraordinary  in  Colombia 
 
 Turton,  sir  Thomas,  clerk  of  juries,  common  pleas 
 
 Turton,  W.  one  of  the  six  clerks  in  chancery    
 
 Tywll,  col.  baron,  private  secretary  to  lord  lieutenant 
 
 Tyrconnel,  earl  of,  pension  on  English  civil  list,  1813    ...... 
 
 Pension  on  Irish  civil  list,   1813««« 
 
 His  brother,  the  late  lord,  was  in  the  army,  and  shipwrecked  in 
 the  Baltic  returning  from  St.  Petersburgh  with  despatches.  Why 
 this  lord  has  got  two  pensions  ought  to  be  explained. 
 
 Tyndale,  W.  pension  on  civil  list,  1 820 
 
 Tyton,  A.  retired  allowance  ns  late  solicitor  to  the  customs'' 
 Pretty  well  tliis  for  a  retired  solicitor,  whose  salary  and  emolu- 
 ments had  averaged,  perhaps,  £3000  or  £4000  per  annum.  All  the 
 government  solicitors  and  assistant  soliciiors  would  bear  consider- 
 able reduction.  The  solicitor  of  the  treasury  has  returned  his 
 emoluments  at  £2800  a  year,  of  customs  £2500,  of  excise  £2500,  of 
 stamps  £1200,  and  of  assessed  taxes  £1.)00. 
 
 £400 
 500 
 168 
 200 
 
 3692 
 624 
 
 267 
 
 91 
 
 3138 
 
 132 
 356 
 100 
 
 1200 
 600 
 
 3340 
 
 500 
 
 350 
 
 50 
 
 3035 
 
 3400 
 96 
 
 1217 
 829 
 600 
 445 
 
 200 
 1800 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,  SINECURES,  AND  GRANTS. 
 
 Unwin,  John,  senior  clerk  in  the  Treasury 
 
 Ure,  James,  comptroller  of  customs,  Leith 
 
 Utterson,  E.  V.  one  of  six  clerks  in  chancery 
 
 As  the  name  implies  there  are  six  of  these  officers  enjoying 
 incomes  of  ±.'1200  a  year ;  they  are  sinecurists  and  their  offices  might 
 be  abolished  without  detriment  to  the  public.  They  have  so  little 
 duty  that  the  custom  of  these  gentlemen  is  to  divide  the  year  into 
 six  portions  of  two  months  each,  and  the  attendance  of  one  of  them 
 at  a  time  is  enough.  Can  any  one  be  surprised  at  the  expense  of 
 proceedings  in  chancery,  when  there  is  a  judge  with  £15,000  a  year, 
 sinecures  worth  il  1,000  per  annum,  registrars  with  £5000  income, 
 masters  £4000,  and  clerks  with  average  incomes  of  £1200  and 
 £1400  a  year — and  all  these  great  emoluments,  or  nearly  so,  accru- 
 ing from  fees  levied  on  the  unfortunate  suitor — widow,  orphan, 
 lunatic,  or  bankrupt  ?  We  say  nothing  of  tiie  fleecings  he  under- 
 goes in  the  honorariums,  refreshers,  consultations,  and  half-guinea 
 "  motions  of  course,"  paid  to  counsel ;  nor  of  the  terra-fees,  six-and- 
 elght-penny  touches,  copy  charges,  and  court  attendancies  of  solici- 
 tors. 
 Usher,  Alicia,  Frances,  Margaret,  and  Sarah,  pension  on  civil 
 
 list,  1827 
 
 Udney,  Martha,  pension  on  civil  list,  1816     
 
 Van  Spiegle,  A.  senior  clerk  in  the  treasury  •  • 
 
 Van  de  Spiegle,  Adolph,  pension  on  civil  list,  1810    
 
 Van  de  Spieg-le,  Maria,  pension  on  civil  list,  1810     
 
 Vallancey,  Catharine,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1790 
 
 Vallancey,  Mary,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1770     
 
 A  poor  woman  was  recently  convicted  in  the  Metropolis  of  de- 
 frauding the  parish,  in  having  continued  to  receive  the  allowance  for 
 the  maintenance  of  a  natural  child  after  its  death.  We  suspect 
 similar  cajollery  among  the  state  paupers.  It  is  hardly  likely  so 
 many  pensioners  should  be  alive  whose  grants  are  dated  sixty  or 
 seventy  years  back  ;  dead-weight  and  annuity  people,  we  know, 
 are  proverbially  tenacious  of  vitality;  still,  we  trust  lord  Althorp 
 will  make  inquiry  and  not  suffer  to  be  added  to  our  other  grievances 
 in  this  matter,  the  vexation  of  being  imposed  upon  by  absolute 
 counterfeits. 
 
 Vallancey,  Isabella,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1823 
 
 Vallancey,  Fanny,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1820    
 
 Vandeleur,  lieut.-gen.  sir.  J.  O.  col.  14th  light  dragoons*  •  •  • 
 
 Pension  for  wounds 
 
 Vandeleur,  T.  B.  fourth  justice  of  the  king's  bench,  Ireland  •  • 
 
 Vanderkiste,  F.  W.  comptroller  of  customs,  Cork 
 
 Vaughan,  C.  R.  envoy  and  minister  plenipo.  at  Washington-  • 
 
 Vaughan,  sir  J.  baron  of  the  court  of  exchequer 
 
 Venables,  J.  junior  clerk  in  home  department,  1803  • 
 
 Private  secretary  in  home  department,  1823  •  •  • 
 
 Receiver  of  the  eight  police  offices,  1822 
 
 Receiver  of  tenths,   1 827    ..•••.  •  ^ •  • . 
 
 Verbeke,  J.  F,  deputy  commissary  general,  half-pay,   1815  •  • 
 Consul  of  the  Netherlands 
 
 £1000 
 
 540 
 
 1217 
 
 100 
 
 445 
 
 1008 
 
 60 
 
 68 
 
 132 
 
 66 
 
 61 
 
 42 
 
 1501 
 
 350 
 
 3692 
 
 600 
 
 6000 
 
 5516 
 
 612 
 
 300 
 
 500 
 
 300 
 
 267 
 
 600 
 
582         PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 Vernon,  sir  Charles,  pension  on  civil  list,   1823    
 
 Vernon,  Caroline,  pension  on  civil  list,   1763     
 
 A  sight  of  this  fair  spinster  would  needs  be  gratifying  to  admirers 
 of  the  antique  ! 
 
 Vernon,  Joseph,  receiver  of  fees  in  the  treasury    
 
 Vesey,  Francis,  one  of  the  six  clerks  in  chancery,  1811  •  •  •  • 
 
 Vie,  H.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,  1828    
 
 Villiers,  G.  W.  F.  commissioner  of  customs 
 
 Villiers,  T.  H.  secretary  to  the  India  board    
 
 Vivian,  lieut.-gen.   sir  R.  H.  col.    12th  light  dragoons,  staff, 
 regimental  pay  and  emoluments ■ 
 
 Commander  of  the  forces,  Ireland 
 
 Pension  for  wounds 
 
 Vizard,  J.  deputy  registrar  bankrupt  court 
 
 Vizard,  William,  secretary  of  bankrupts    
 
 Wade,  Mary,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1829    
 
 Wadman,  J.  first  under  clerk  tellers'  office 
 
 Walker,  J.  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,  1803 
 
 Walker,  sir  P.  hereditary  usher  of  the  black  rod,  Scotland  •  • 
 
 Walpole,  EdAvard,  clerk  in  the  treasury  and  private  secretary 
 
 to  chancellor  of  the  exchequer    
 
 For  making'  out  East-India  accounts -  •  • 
 
 Walpole,  F.  junior  clerk  in  home  department,  1811 
 
 Joint  distributor  of  military  commissions,  1817* 
 
 AlloAvance  for  yeomanry  correspondence,  1820 
 
 Walton,  F.  clerk  foreign  department  post-office 
 
 Walker,  J.  K.  cocket  writer,  customs    
 
 Walker,  Thomas,  police  justice,  Lambeth-Street     
 
 Ward,  R.  P.  late  clerk  in  ordnance    
 
 Ward,  John,  inspector  of  aliens  at  Dover,  1825    
 
 Collector  of  customs,  Dover    
 
 Ward,  E.  M.  minister  plenipotentiary  at  Dresden 
 
 Ward,  Robert,  inspector  and  receiver  of  taxes,   1815    •••••• 
 
 Warde,  lieut.-gen.  sir  H.  colonel  68th  foot     
 
 Wardlow,  sir  W.  pension  on  Scotch  civil  list,  1824 
 
 Warrington,  H.  consul-general,  Tripoli 
 
 Walford,  J.  G.  solicitor  to  the  board  of  customs   
 
 Warner,  A.  chief  judge,  Trinidad 
 
 Warren,  C.  W.  clerk  first  class  in  the  Avar-office 
 
 Warren,  Mary,  Sarah,  Anne,  and  Rebecca,  pension  on  Irish 
 
 civil  list,  1787,  each  • 
 
 Wallace,  J.  collector  of  customs,  Waterford 
 
 Walbeoff,  J .  superintendent  of  cinnamon  plantations 
 
 Watson,  sir  F.  B.  master  of  his  majesty's  household     
 
 Pension  on  civil  list,   1 827 
 
 Waters,  John,  clerk  to  chief  justice  of  court  of  kings's  bench  ; 
 from  fees 
 
 £266 
 
 700 
 1200 
 
 816 
 1200 
 1500 
 
 2225 
 3607 
 350 
 600 
 2000 
 100 
 800 
 721 
 250 
 
 900 
 300 
 506 
 76 
 100 
 580 
 
 1051 
 800 
 
 1000 
 100 
 700 
 
 2301 
 859 
 
 1170 
 72 
 
 1800 
 
 2500 
 
 1075 
 661 
 
 43 
 
 700 
 1688 
 1158 
 
 931 
 
 2169 
 
PLACES,    PENSIONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 583 
 
 To  fees  are  often  added  the  corruptive  agency  of  gratuities,  so 
 that  when  an  income  arises  from  the  former  it  is  hardly  possible  to 
 fix  the  amount ;  depending,  too,  a  good  deal  on  the  cupidity  or  li- 
 berality of  the  fee-gatherer.  We  wonder  who  this  Mr.  Waters 
 can  be,  and  what  can  be  the  nature  of  liis  duties  to  entitle  him  to 
 tax.  the  king's  lieges,  suing  for  justice  in  the  highest  court,  to  the 
 tune  of  £2169  per  annum. 
 
 Watlington,  G.  prothonotary  of  court  common  pleas     
 
 Watson,  T.  clerk  to  clerk  of  the  rates,  customs    •  •  •  • 
 
 Watts,  R.  clerk  of  a  road,  general  post  office 
 
 Late  clerk  in  tax-office    
 
 Watts,  E.  consul  at  Carthagena 
 
 Webb,  W.  deputy  commissary-g'eneral,  half-pay,  1822     •••• 
 
 commissioner  for  valuation  of  houses,  Dublin    
 
 Wedderburne,  sir  D.  deputy  postmaster-general,  Edinburgh  •• 
 
 Welfit,  W.  late  commissioner  of  bankrupts,  1801 
 
 Cursitor  of  court  of  chancery,   1814 
 
 Wellesley,  marquis,  pension  from  the  East-India  company   •  • 
 
 Lord  steward  of  the  household    
 
 Late  joint  chief  remembrancer  of  court  of  exchequer, 
 
 Ireland     
 
 The  Wellesleys  derive  a  greater  revenue  from  the  taxes  than  any 
 other  family,  and  since  Mr.  Pitt  first  introduced  into  official  employ- 
 ment lord  Mornington,  they  cannot  have  received,  in  grants,  sala- 
 ries, pensions,  and  sinecures,  less  than  two  millions  of  the  public 
 money.  But  how  can  we  complain  of  the  income  of  the  duke,  or 
 of  his  brother,  both  eminent  for  their  exploits ;  while  there  are 
 bishops  with  £20,000  or  £30,000  a  year,  and  legal  sinecurists  with 
 £10,000  or  £12,000  per  annum  ?  The  following  piece  of  informa- 
 tion appeared  in  the  Limerick  Chronicle: — The  marquis  W.  late 
 viceroy  of  Ireland,  has  seventy-two  sons,  all  provided  for  by  the  pub- 
 lic." The  "  Hero  of  the  East,"  as  the  conquerer  of  Tippoo  Saib 
 used  to  be  styled,  has  certainly  been  viceroy  of  Ireland,  but  the 
 intelligence  cannot  refer  to  him  ;  for,  though  his  lordship  has  been 
 twice  married,  he  has  no  issue  by  either  union.  It  is,  we  know,  a 
 very  general  complaint  that  scarcely  any  person  without  family 
 influence  and  born  in  lawful  wedlock,  can  obtain  a  situation  in  the 
 public  offices,  owing  to  the  numerous  illegitimate  progeny  of  the 
 "  order"  claiming  to  be  provided  for. 
 
 Wellington,  Charlotte,  pension  on  civil  list,   1 800     
 
 Wellington,  duke  of,  pensions  out  of  consolidated  fund    •  •  •  • 
 
 Constable  of  the  Tower 
 
 Colonel  of  rifle  brigade    
 
 Colonel  of  1  st  regiment  of  foot  guards 
 
 Lord- warden  of  Cinque  ports 
 
 Interest  on  grants  by  parliament 
 
 Some  oversight,  some  providential  mischance,  generally  brings  the 
 guilty  to  judgment.  The  oversight  of  the  Wellington  ministry 
 was  the  King's  speech,  and  the  comments  thereupon  by  his  high- 
 ness of  Waterloo.  The  Duke  has  since  attempted  to  qualify  the 
 fatal  declaration  against  parliamentary  reform,  by  dividing  himself 
 into  two  parts — one  ministeruil,  the  other  individual,  and  holding  out 
 a  hope  of  something  better  for  the  future,  in  case  of  a  second  trial  of 
 his  civic  talents.     But  it  is  of  no  use  :  the  objection  is  to  the  entire 
 
 £2600 
 
 3114 
 
 1331 
 
 400 
 
 2100 
 
 267 
 
 560 
 
 800 
 
 560 
 5000 
 2436 
 
 5387 
 
 115 
 
 8926 
 950 
 238 
 
 2695 
 
 295 
 
 35000 
 
)84 
 
 PLACES,     I'ENSIONS,    S  I  N  EC  U  It  E.S,    AND     GRANTS. 
 
 mass — the  history  of  the  Duke — his  connexions — the  past  deeds 
 and  capabilities — the  foreign  and  domestic  proceedings  of  the  con- 
 federacy to  which  he  belongs. 
 
 In  liis  foreign  policy  the  Duke  is  the  steadfast  partizan  of  the 
 Turk,  Don  JMiguel,  Ferdinand,  and  the  Holy  Alliance  ;  in  his  do- 
 mestic policy  he  belongs  to  the  Tory  faction  ;  that  besotted  crew  of 
 plunderers,  possessed  of  neither  common  sense  nor  common  honesty, 
 and  whose  demon  ascendancy  of  forty  years  has  entailed  on  the 
 empire  all  its  calamities.  Agreeably  with  the  views  of  tliis  party 
 the  Premier  had  prepared  to  open  the  Parliamentary  campaign. 
 Retrenchment  was  to  proceed  no  further  ;  the  principle  of  free-trade 
 was  not  to  be  persisted  in ;  judicial,  ecclesiastical,  and  above  all, 
 parliamentary  reform,  and  every  th.iig  new  or  novel  was  to  be  re- 
 pudiated and  discountenanced.  AI)road  the  continental  system  was 
 to  be  upheld — the  vile  treaties  of  1815  maintained  inviolate— and 
 after  a  million  of  bayonets  had  been  silently  assembled  on  the  Rhine, 
 the  Moselle,  and  the  Adige,  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  forcibly 
 re-established,  and  the  liberties  of  Frenchmen  subverted  by  another 
 victory  of  Waterloo.  Such  was  the  train  of  mischief  laid  by  the 
 J'ield  JVIarshal  !  one  hundred  millions  more  were  to  be  added  to  the 
 Debt — the  dead  weight  doubled — and  Europe  deluged  with  blood, 
 that  half-a-dozen  crowned  conspirators  might  be  guaranteed  in  their 
 usurpations  over  the  liberties  of  the  human  race. 
 
 And  what  averted  these  calamities?  It  tvas  the  spirit  of  the 
 People  acting  on  the  fears  of  parliament.  Such  was  the  deep  and 
 universal  feeling  of  indignation  excited  by  the  royal  speech  and  the 
 declarations  of  the  Duke,  that  we  are  not  sure  both  monarchy  and 
 aristocracy  would  have  been  laid  in  the  dust,  had  not  the  premier 
 made  a  timely  retreat.  Perhaps  his  abdication  was  not  the  most 
 favourable  issue  :  had  the  Captain  been  allowed  to  follow  up  his  mad 
 resolves,  it  is  probable,  from  the  pervading  spirit  of  the  continent, 
 Germany,  Italy,  and  Prussia,  would  have  been  free  by  the  discom- 
 titure  of  their  tyrants  in  open  battle  ;  but  the  day  is  not  far  distant, 
 when  that  emancipation  will  be  effected  by  reason  and  example, 
 which  the  insane  arrogance  of  despotism  failed  to  accomplish. 
 
 The  Duke  being  naturally  shrewd  and  selfish,  and  mostlj^  judicious  in 
 his  conduct,  it  is  surprising  how  he  could  adopt  such  a  mistaken  course 
 of  proceeding.  Would  none  of  the  parasites,  pensioned  dowagers, 
 and  demireps,  who  haunt  his  steps,  open  his  eyes?  Even  sir  R. 
 Peel  might  have  told  him  England  is  not  in  the  state  it  was  in  1793 
 — that  there  has  been  a  complete  revolution  in  public  sentiment — 
 tiiat  an  individual  is  hardly  to  be  found  who  is  not  convinced  of  the 
 blunders,  profligacy,  and  mis-government  of  the  last  half  century — - 
 and  that  all  classes — rich  and  poor — are  either  dismayed  by  the 
 overwhelming  embarrassments  of  the  system  and  quiescent  in  its 
 defence,  or  the  open  and  determined  partisans  of  its  thorough  reform. 
 Under  such  altered  circumstances  what  a  brainless  project  to  think 
 of  reviving  the  I'itt  system — resorting  to  Algerine  acts— appealing 
 to  persons  of  property — and  coercing  the  entire  population,  the  most 
 favourably  disposed  portion  of  which  is  resolved  to  be  neutral,  and 
 all  the  rest  in  tierce  and  determined  opposition  ! 
 
 It  is  hardly  worth  while  inquiring  now  how  far  lord  Wellington 
 participated  in  the  plans  of  the  miserable  Polignac.  The  wretched 
 outcasts  would  not  have  sought  refuge  here  had  they  not  been  previ- 
 ously apprised  of  the  spirit  of  those  who  presided  over  the  public 
 councils.  Subsequently  the  ex-Premier  was  pleased  to  designate  the 
 glorious  three  (iaijs  a  "  bad  example," — an  opinion,  no  doubt,  he 
 ;ihares  in  common  with  prince  Metternich,  and  the  autocrat  of  Russia. 
 France  had  not  much  to  gain  by  her  immortal  triumph  ;  she    had 
 
PLACES,  PENSIONS,  SINECURES,  AND   GRANTS. 
 
 585 
 
 only  to  defend,  not  to  conquer  free  institutions.  Her  first  revolution 
 had  swept  away  an  oppressive  titlie  system,  a  privileged  noblesse,  a 
 feudal  game-code,  and  a  plundering  and  barbarous  judicial  adminis- 
 tration. Would  to  God  our  revolution  of  1688  had  done  as  much 
 for  us,  and  then  we  should  not  have  had  still  to  struggle  through 
 the  Augean  stable  of  aristocratical,  legal,  and  ecclesiastical 
 abuse ! 
 
 We  shall  leave  the  Duke  with  a  fervent  prayer  that  he  will  never 
 again  be  premier  of  England.  His  ideas  and  sentiments  are  wholly 
 alien  to  the  happiness  and  liberties  of  Englishmen,  and  we  verily 
 believe  his  return  to  power  would  be  the  signal  for  a  general  rising 
 throughout  the  United  Kingdom. 
 
 West,  Robert  B.  clerk  dead  letter  office,  Ireland,   1800  •  •  •  • 
 Taxing  clerk  inland-office,  Ireland,    1800 
 
 West,  F.  N.  escrivans  to  the  court,  Trinidad     
 
 West,  G.  clerk  in  treasury,  and   for  making  special  payments 
 
 Weston,  W.  surveyor-general,  customs •• 
 
 Weston,  J.  C.  cocket-writer,  customs •  •  •  • 
 
 Westmeath,  countess  of,  by  act  of  parliament  (Ii'ish) 
 
 Westmeath,  marchioness  of,  lady  of  the  Queen's  bed-chamber 
 
 Pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1829 
 
 The  Westmeath  (Nugent)  family  have  been  singularly  unfortunate 
 in  matrimonial  engagements.  The  late  earl  of  Westmeath,  married 
 for  a  first  wife  iNIarianne,  niece  of  the  first  earl  of  Clare,  by  whom 
 he  left  the  present  marquis  of  Westmeath.  This  marriage  being 
 dissolved  by  act  of  parliament  in  179(),  the  earl  married  in  the  fol- 
 lowing year  Elizabeth  Emily,  daughter  of  the  second  marquis  of 
 Drogheda.  Both  wives  we  believe  survived  the  earl,  who  died  in 
 1814,  and  we  are  uncertain  whether  the  countess  in  our  List,  whose 
 pension  is  charged  on  the  consolidated  fund,  is  the  lady  Marianne 
 of  the  first  or  the  lady  Elizabeth  Emily  of  the  second  nuptials. 
 We  are  also  ignorant  of  the  public  services  performed  by  which 
 the  countess  of  W^estmeath  became  entitled  to  her  pension.  Nor  are 
 we  less  in  the  dai-k  in  respect  of  the  services  of  the  marchioness  of 
 Westmeath.  This  lady,  it  is  well-known,  obtained  her  pension 
 through  one  of  these  brilliant  coup  de  mains  of  the  Duke,  for  which 
 he  is  as  famous  about  court  as  in  the  field.  All  however  the  public 
 knows  of  her  ladyship  is  that  she  is  sister  to  the  marquis  of  Salisbury, 
 who  has  large  estates ;  that  slie  has  for  many  years  been  on  bad 
 terms  with  her  husband  ;  that  they  have  parted  several  times  and 
 again  lived  together,  and  not  long  since  the  marquis  instituted  a 
 suit  in  Doctors'  Connnons  for  the  restitution  of  conjugal  rights  !  Tin: 
 marchioness,  it  appears,  has  obtained  an  appointment  near  the 
 person  of  the  queen,  which  we  take  to  be  a  way-lay  of  the  field 
 marshal,  that  concerns  the  Whigs  more  than  any  body  else  :  we 
 verily  believe  no  man  knows  better  than  the  Duke  how  to  post  his 
 troops — take  up  a  position — throw  up  entrenchments — and  prepare 
 for  defensive  or  offensive  warfare  ;  and  we  never  knew  the  Captain 
 to  be  oiit-generalled  in  these  matters,  except  on  one  occasion,  when 
 opposed  to  the  chivalry  of  viscount  Combermere. 
 
 Weir,  Dr.  John,  late  commissioner,  victualling-office 
 
 Wharton,  Henrietta,  pension  on  civil  list,  1813 
 
 Is  this  the  widow  of  the  former  chairman  of  the  house  of  com- 
 mons ?  or  of  the  member  for  Beverley  ?     A  job  in  either  case. 
 
 Whitelow,  Elinor,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1813 
 
 £184 
 184 
 
 1821 
 
 1100 
 800 
 
 1868 
 923 
 105 
 386 
 
 1000 
 501 
 
 177 
 
58()         PLACES,    I'liNSlONS,    SINECURES,    AND    GRANTS. 
 
 White,  W.  D.  clerk  in  the  office  of  woods  and  forests,  1810«  • 
 
 Receiver  of  crown  rents  in  London  and  Middlesex,  1 827 
 
 Whitmore,  col.  G.  royal  engineers,  Malta 
 
 Whitmore,  T.  secretary  to  the  board  of  customs 
 
 Whittingham,  Maria,  pension  on  civil  list,  1822     
 
 Is  this  the  wife  of  general  W'hittinghaiii,  who  is  on  the  stafl"  in 
 India  ?     If  so,  too  bad. 
 
 Whishaw,  J.  commissioner  of  audit     
 
 Wilmot,  Sarah  Ann  Eardly,  widow,  pension  on  civil  list,  1797 
 
 Wickham,  rt.  hon.  W.  late  minister  to  Swiss  Cantons    
 
 VVickham,  Eleanor,  pension  on  civil  list,  1803    
 
 Wilson,  sir  George,  master  in  chancery  for  year  1830    • 
 
 Wilson,  W.  principal  clerk  army-pay-office     
 
 Wilson,  Dr.  Isaac,  physician  to  Halsar-hospital 
 
 Wilson,  Ann,  children  of,  pension  on  civil  list,  1797 
 
 Wilson,  G.  allowance  as  late  commissioner  of  customs    
 
 Wilson,  R.  late  commissioner  of  Bankrupts,  1802 
 
 Cursitor  for  London  and  Middlesex,  1823 
 
 Wilson,  major.-gen.  W.  col.  commandant  14th  royal  artilleiy 
 Wilkin,  John,  receiver  of  crown  rents  in  Wales,  1819 
 
 Late  receiver  of  duties  on  offices  and  pensions,  1811  •  • 
 Wilkinson,  Robert,  clerk  in  war  office,  1802 
 
 Compiler  of  army  lists,  1 808 
 
 Joint  collector  of  fees  on  military  commissions,  1808  •  • 
 
 Wilkinson,  E.  clerk  of  the  affidavits,  customs 
 
 Willis,  John,  pension  on  civil  list,  1791 
 
 Wilkins,  Eliza,  pension  on  civil  list,  1800 
 
 Wilkie,  David,  limner  to  the  king  of  Scotland,  1823      
 
 Wilcox,  Elizabeth,  pension  on  civil  list,  1821     
 
 Williamson,  D.  lord  of  sessions,  Scotland 
 
 Williamson,  John  S.  col.  royal  artillery,  1825    
 
 Superintendent  of  royal  military  repository,  1828  •  •  •  • 
 
 Allowance  for  one  servant    
 
 Williams,  C.  northern  clerk  in  the  secretary's  office,  customs 
 
 Comptroller  of  the  housekeeper's  accounts 
 
 Williams,  John,  M.  P.  for  Winchilsea;  queen's  attorney-g-en. 
 
 Williams,  C.  F.  commissioner  bankrupt-court    
 
 Williams,  R.  J.  clerk  to  receiver  of  custom  duties,  outwards-  • 
 
 Williams,  rev.  J.  P.  rector  of  St.  Elizabeth,  Jamaica    
 
 Willimott,  R.  distributor  of  stamps,  excise 
 
 Receiver-general  post-office 
 
 Willimot,  W.  receiver  of  wine   and  plantation  duties,  customs 
 
 Willimott,  T.  S.  vice-consul  and  pro-consul  at  Lima  •  • 
 
 Willimot,  T.  collector  of  customs     
 
 Willimot,  Maiy,  pension  on  civil  list,  1827    
 
 Willoughby,  Harriet,  pension  on  civil  list,  1806      
 
 Willoughby,  T.  E.  registrar-general  of  shipping 
 
 £450 
 
 500 
 
 1195 
 
 1700 
 
 400 
 
 1200 
 311 
 
 1200 
 526 
 
 3273 
 600 
 600 
 276 
 
 1050 
 
 1176 
 
 1003 
 
 439 
 
 395 
 
 620 
 
 231 
 
 95 
 
 2199 
 
 509 
 
 115 
 
 300 
 
 100 
 
 2000 
 
 474 
 
 200 
 
 27 
 
 800 
 
 50 
 
 return. 
 
 1500 
 
 1182 
 
 1157 
 
 1000 
 
 800 
 
 1436 
 
 1150 
 
 2400 
 
 100 
 
 276 
 
 500 
 
PLACES,   PENSIONS,  SINECURES,   AND   GRANTS, 
 
 587 
 
 Wilde,  sir  J.  chief  justice,  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
 
 Wing-field,  W.  master  in  chancery  for  year  ending  Jan.  5,  1830 
 The  masterships  are  ten  in  number,  and  in  the  gift  of  the  lord 
 chancellor.  The  duties  of  the  masters  are  to  receive  affidavits,  and 
 examine  accounts,  and  other  matters  referred  to  them  by  the  equity 
 judges  ;  they  are  also  the  messengers  of  the  house  of  lords,  in  com- 
 municating with  the  commons.  Some  of  the  duties  of  these  officers 
 are  of  the  first  importance,  but,  like  every  thing  else  in  chancery, 
 have  been,  hitherto,  discharged  in  the  worst  possible  manner  for 
 the  convenience  of  suitors.  In  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  the  masters 
 sat  from  seven  in  the  morning  till  twelve,  and  again  from  two  till 
 six  in  the  afternoon  ;  being  nine  hours  each  day.  In  1816  they  sat 
 from  ten  to  three,  and  from  six  to  eight,  being  seven  hours  ;  but  at 
 present  the  average  time  is  less  than  five  hours  a  day.  As  the  hours 
 of  attendance  have  decreased,  in  similar  inverse  proportion  the 
 emoluments  have  increased.  In  1798,  the  average,  for  fifteen  years 
 preceding,  gave  to  the  masters  a  salary  of  £1615  to  the  highest,  and 
 to  the  lowest  £976.  The  average  of  the  following  nineteen  years 
 gave  to  the  highest  paid  master  £1914,  and  to  the  smaller  ones 
 £1060.  The  average  at  present  is  from  £3800  to  £4500  per  annum. 
 Their  chief  clerks  have  undergone  corresponding  increase  in  remu- 
 neration, and  realize  about  £1400  per  annum.  The  abuses  in  the 
 master's  offices  are  manifold,  but  as  lord  Brougham  has  signi- 
 fied his  intention  to  introduce  a  legislative  measure  for  thir  removal, 
 we  forbear  to  enumerate  them.  One  grievance,  however,  is  so 
 oppressive  on  suitors,  that  we  cannot  help  noticing  it.  The  practice 
 is  to  issue  hourly  warrants  ;  in  consequence  of  which  the  parties  are 
 put  to  the  expense  of  paying  counsel  and  attorneys  for  attending 
 hourly  to  no  purpose.  Thus,  suppose  the  master  has  four  cases  to 
 hear,  he  appoints  four  separate  hours,  each  hour  to  be  appropriated 
 to  a  case,  which,  if  unfinished,  is  postponed  to  a  future  day,  and 
 this,  though  it  is  previously  known  that  any  one  of  the  cases  would 
 occupy  the  whole  four  hours. 
 
 Wittwer,  T.  N.  allowance  as  late  accountant  to  India  Board  •  • 
 Accountant  between  public  and  E.  I.  Company 
 
 Wiseman,  Haniet,  pension  on  civil  list,  1825    
 
 Winning,  Henrietta,  pension  on  civil  list,  1808 
 
 Winchester,  Marquis  of,  groom  of  the  stole     
 
 Here  is  another  of  those  courtly  offices,  which  ought  to  be  abo- 
 lished, augmenting  unnecessarily  tlie  expenditure  of  the  civil  list. 
 It  is  not  sufficient  to  say  these  costly  appendages  are  essential  to 
 support  the  royal  dignity.  The  dignity  of  the  crown  is  a  senseless 
 sound,  unless  tending  to  increase  the  respect  and  venei'ation  of  the 
 people ;  impoverished  by  aristocratic  wars  and  misgovernment,  we 
 are  disabled,  if  otherwise  inclined,  from  supporting  the  gewgaws 
 of  royalty  :  and  the  less  we  have  of  them,  the  more  estimable  the 
 kingly  office  will  appear  in  popular  estimation.  Milton  says,  "  the 
 very  trappings  of  monarchy  cost  more  than  the  whole  establishment 
 of  the  most  costly  republics."  The  nearer  we  approximate  regality 
 to  tlie  simplicity  of  republican  institutions,  the  more  permanent  and 
 commanding  will  be  its  influence.  We  would  neither  deprive 
 royalty,  nor  any  public  office,  of  due  respect  and  support,  but  we 
 would  abridge  every  useless  expenditure,  which  only  promotes  the 
 corruption  of  politicians  and  courtiers.  To  what  public  purport,  or 
 private  gratification  of  the  king,  are  the  offices  of  groom  of  the  stole, 
 master  of  the  hawks,  master  of  the  buck-hounds,  master  of  the 
 
 2500 
 4161 
 
 1150 
 300 
 100 
 233 
 
 2130 
 
588 
 
 PLACES,  PENSIONS,  SlNJiCUUES,  AND  OUANTS. 
 
 horse,  or  grooras  and  lords  of  the  bedchamber?  These  are  menial 
 offices,  and  unbecoming  the  dignity  of  noblemen,  if  endowed  with 
 the  genuine  feelings  of  nobility.  At  best,  they  have  served  only  to 
 purchase  the  support  of  some  needy  boroughmonger,  or  provide  for 
 some  low  parasite,  or  ruined  aristocrat. 
 
 Wood,  major-gen.  sir  G.  major-general,  unattached £590 
 
 Pension  for  services    456 
 
 Wood,  R.  R.  clerk,  secretary  of  state's  office 935 
 
 Naval  officer,  Grenada     200 
 
 Late  vendu- master,  Malta    904 
 
 Woodford,  C.  senior  clerk  in  the  treasuiy    ]  QOO 
 
 Woodroffe,  Wm.  associate  to  chief  justice,  common  pleas  •  •  •  •  1 198 
 
 Woolley,  capt.  Isaac,  late  deputy  chairman,  victualHng  office  •  •  ]  000 
 
 Pension  for  wounds • 250 
 
 Worthington,  T.  surveyor-general,  customs     800 
 
 Wra:y,  Charles,  president  and  judge,  vice-admiralty,  Demerara  3500 
 
 Wray,  John,  receiver  of  new  metropolitan  police  establishment  700 
 
 Wraxall,  Jane,  pension  on  civil  list,  1793 311 
 
 Wright,  Alexander,  Alfred,   and  Caroline,  pension,  each,  on 
 
 civil  list,  1827 25 
 
 Wright,  Thomas,  collector  of  customs,  Plymouth   500 
 
 Wulbier,  W.  R.  minute  clerk,  audit-office 450 
 
 Pension  for  special  services 150 
 
 Clerk  for  paying  fees  on  passing  accounts,  1815    •  •  •  •  150 
 
 Wulff,  major-gen.  G.  col.  commandant  royal  artillery     • 1003 
 
 Wyndham,  hon.   P.  C.  secretary  of  council,  remembrancer  of 
 
 court  of  exchequer,  and  clerk  of  common  pleas,  Barbadoes  ]  476 
 
 Registrar  in  chancery,  and  clerk  of  the  patents,  Jamaica  4050 
 The  duties  of  the  hon.  Percy  Charles  A\'yndham,  brother  of  lord 
 Egremont,  are  disch  irged  by  deputy  ;  the  emoluments  are  principally 
 paid  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands,  who  are  twitched  up  lor 
 judicial  fees  in  the  same  fleecing  manner  that  suitors  for  justice  are 
 in  tlie  courts  of  the  United  Kingdom. 
 
 Wyldo,  John,  pension  on  Scotch  civil  list,  1796 138 
 
 Wynford,  lord,  late  chief  justice  common  pleas 3750 
 
 Wynne,  Robert,  pension  on  Irish  civil  li-^t,  1 805    443 
 
 Wynne,  W.  commissioner  of  appeals,  Ireland 7.38 
 
 Commissioner  of  inquiry,          ditto 1200 
 
 Wynn,  H.  W.  W.  son-in-law  of  lord  Carrington  ;    envoy  and 
 
 min.  plenipo.  at  Copenhagen    4900 
 
 Wynyard,  gen.  H.  col.  46th  foot,  pay     613 
 
 Wynyard,  lady,  pension  on  civil  list,  1819 467 
 
 Wyon,  Thomas,  chief  engraver,  mint-office     500 
 
 Yates,  Jane,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1814       61 
 
 Ditto,  P.Iary,  pension  on  civil  list,  1794 177 
 
 Yonge,  dame,  pension  on  English  civil  list,  1812 300 
 
 Ditto,  pension  on  Irish  civil  list,  1804     445 
 
 There  was  a  sir  George  \'onge  of  old  in  the  war-office,  but  from 
 the  date  of  the  pension  she  cannot  well  be  his  widow. 
 
PLACES,   PENSIONS,  SINECURES,  AND  GRANTS.  589 
 
 Young,  J.  W.  protector  of  slaves,  Demerara 
 
 Yorke,  C.  P.   brother  of  lord  Hardwicke ;    teller  of  the  ex- 
 chequer {sinecure)   
 
 Zachary,  M.  cocket  writer,  customs    
 
 £2000 
 
 2700 
 1698 
 
 A  copious  introduction  to  the  Place  and  Pension  List  renders  un- 
 necessary many  observations  at  the  conclusion.  We  might  have 
 multiplied  notes,  but  made  a  point  of  passing  over  the  Grenvilles,  Sid- 
 mouths,  and  other  individuals  already  sufficiently  known,  whose  merits 
 have  been  canvassed  and  long  since  settled  in  public  estimation.  Many 
 names  illustrate  themselves,  others  by  juxta  position;  and  really  we 
 cannot  help  thinking  that  our  alphabetical  arrangement  has  been  the 
 means  of  our  performing  a  task  very  usual  at  certain  seasons  of  the 
 year — that  of  assembling  families  together — from  the  royal  household, 
 the  colonies,  courts  of  law,  army,  navy,  and  public  offices,  exhibiting- 
 them  face  to  face,  their  incomes,  emoluments,  relationships,  and 
 prospects. 
 
 Our  List  has  one  striking  advantage  over  every  other  previously 
 given  to  the  public.  All  the  individuals  enrolled  upon  it  are  living,  or 
 were  living  within  a  few  months  of  the  period  of  publication.  From  it 
 the  people  will  be  able  to  learn  who  receive  exorbitant  emoluments, 
 and  the  amount  of  them  in  every  branch  of  the  public  service  —civil, 
 judicial,  naval,  and  military.  Since  the  last  edition,  issued  within  the  pre- 
 ceding twelvemonths,  many  names  have  disappeared  through  death,  some 
 few  have  voluntarily  resigned  their  annuities  ;  those  have  of  course 
 been  omitted,  except  in  the  latter  case,  two  or  three  have  been  retained, 
 purposely  to  remark  on  such  a  rare  example  of  disinterestedness. 
 
 With  respect  to  the  pensions  generally,  though  their  claims  appear  at 
 present  recognized  by  the  settlement  of  the  Civil  List,  we  apprehend 
 they  will  ultimately  have  to  undergo  the  ordeal  of  another  examination. 
 There  are  some  deserving  objects,  but  they  are  only  a  grain  of  sand  on 
 the  sea-shore — the  mass  are  too  vile  for  description,  and  their  plunder- 
 ings  must  speedily  have  an  end.  We  are  told,  indeed,  "  to  pause 
 before  we  plunge  noble  families  into  distress."  But  if  noble  families 
 can  only  maintain  their  nobility  by  living  on  the  public,  perish  their 
 nobility.  Surely  tithes  and  corn-laws  are  sufficient  for  the  maintenance 
 of  the  Order,  or,  if  they  be  still  indigent,  let  them  appear  in  their 
 proper  character,  and  not  assume  to  rank  above  other  paupers.  What 
 claim  have  the  Mulgraves,  Manchesters,  Mansfields,  Arbuthnots,  Gre- 
 villes,  Courtenays,  Crokers,  Herries,  and  Bathursts ;  or  the  lady  Anns, 
 Emilys,  Bettys,  and  Jennies,  of  any  titled  beggar,  to  the  money  wrung 
 from  the  labours  and  necessities  of  the  industrious  and  now  deeply  de- 
 pressed people.  If  they  think  carriages  and  fine  clothes,  titles  and  fine 
 houses,  essential  to  their  existence,  let  them  pay  for  them  out  of  their 
 own  purses  ;  if  they  cannot  pay  for  them,  what  right  have  they  to  them? 
 
590        PLACES,    PENSIONS,     SINECURES,      AND    GRANTS. 
 
 or  -what  right  have  tliey  to  make  the  people  pay  for  then\  ?  The  whole 
 affair  is  a  gross  insult  to  common  sense  ;  and  those  silken  creatures,  and 
 their  dandy  brothers,  etherial  and  exquisite  as  they  may  be,  must  do  like 
 others,  earn  their  bread  by  honest  industry,  or  have  no  bread  to  eat. 
 Noble  families  have  long  been  under  a  delusion,  and  seem  to  think  they 
 have  a  hereditary  right  to  be  fed  and  clothed  at  the  public  expense, 
 whatever  be  their  improvidence,  folly,  or  worthlessness ;  but  they  must 
 be  undeceived: — no  more  lordly  plunderings  by  the  sons  and  daughters 
 of  cormption;  if  they  cannot  support  themselves  by  useful  services, 
 they  must  descend  from  their  fictitious  rank  and  learn  the  duties  of  their 
 proper  station  in  society.  They  will  gain  a  great  deal  by  the  change, 
 lose  nothing  in  point  of  real  dignity,  or  perhaps  comfort ;  for  there  can 
 be  no  dignity  not  founded  injustice,  nor  comfort  in  enjoying  the  rewards 
 which  no  desert  has  required. 
 
HOUSE  OF  COMMONS, 
 
 PAST,    PRESENT,    AND    TO    COME. 
 
 We  have  reserved  the  subject  of  this  chapter  to  the  last,  and  have- 
 been  much  at  a  loss  what  title  to  give  the  observations  we  are  about  to 
 submit.  At  this  moment  the  Reform  Bill,  for  the  third  time,  is  in  its 
 last  stage  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  we  are  just  on  the  eve,  as  we 
 fervently  trust,  of  the  birth  of  a  new  constitution.  Under  such  circum- 
 stances it  would  be  mere  folly  to  do,  as  we  have  often  done  before,  drag 
 our  readers  through  the  iniquities  of  the  Borough  System.  That  system 
 is  doomed,  and  we  will  not  believe  that  any  event  can  intervene  to  avert 
 its  fate.  We  will  not  believe  there  is  any  peer  of  parliament,  however 
 great  his  prepossessions  against  reform  may  be,  however  great  his  appre- 
 hensions of  its  ultimate  issues ;  we  will  not  believe  there  is  any  man 
 who  wU  not  deem  it  a  less  evil  to  pass  the  Bill  than  risk  the  fearful 
 consequences  which  would  inevitably  result  from  opposing  the  two  con- 
 stituted authorities  of  the  state,  supported  by  the  almost  unanimous 
 power,  wealth,  and  intelligence  of  the  community.  We  will  therefore 
 consider  the  Reforai  Bill  the  law  of  the  land,  and  will  throw  behind  us, 
 as  a  portion  of  past  history,  the  abominations  it  entombs,  like  the  pre- 
 rogatives of  theTudors,  the  oppressions  of  FeudaUty,  and  the  corruptions 
 of  Popeiy. 
 
 Having  thus  cleared  our  course  of  a  loathsome  nuisance,  we  will  state 
 the  chief  points  to  which  we  are  desirous  of  calling  attention.  1.  In 
 order  to  dispose  of  some  popular  errors,  we  will  briefly  indicate  the  pro- 
 gress of  the  constitution  up  to  the  era  of  the  Reform  Bill.  2.  We  will 
 give  an  estimate  of  the  adequacy  of  the  Bill  to  the  national  wants,  and 
 advert  to  the  principal  objections  urged  against  it  by  its  two  classes  of 
 antagonists — namely,  those  who  think  it  concedes  too  much,  and  those 
 who  think  it  does  not  concede  enough.  3.  And  last,  we  will  endeavour 
 to  show  the  future  improvements  likely  to  be  effected  in  the  country  by 
 the  practical  operation  of  this  gTeat  public  measure.  Our  readers  need 
 not  be  alarmed  from  the  general  import  of  these  propositions  we  are 
 going  to  lead  them  into  any  dissertation  ;  we  shall  despatch  the  whole 
 in  a  very  few  pages,  our  aim  being  only  to  indicate  a  few  leading  pro- 
 blems,—  a  sort  of  landmarks,  which,  at  the  existing  crisis,  it  may  be 
 useful  to  keep  in  mind.  As  we  deem  the  battle  won,  and  seek  not 
 victory,  we  shall  submit  our  remarks  in  that  spirit  of  truth,  candour, 
 and  fairness,  in  which  we  doubt  not  they  will  be  received. 
 
^ 
 
 i 
 
 S92  HOUSE    OF    COMMONS. 
 
 1.  —  PUOGUESS  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION   UP   TO  THE  REFORM   BILL. 
 
 We  have  long  been  of  an  opinion  that  the  English  constitution  is  the 
 result  of  successive  improvements  advancing  with  the  increasing  intelh- 
 gence  of  the  people.*  It  is  a  tree  of  slow  but  magnificent  growth,  in 
 which  decayed  parts  have  at  intervals  appeared,  and  been  partly  ab- 
 scinded, and  new  and  more  perfect  branches  engrafted.  Those  who 
 entertain  a  different  opinion,  rely,  we  apprehend,  either  on  descriptions 
 purely  imaginary,  or  refer  to  a  period  too  remote  for  authentic  intel- 
 ligence. The  surest  test  of  the  excellence  of  public  institutions,  and 
 the  extent  of  popular  rights,  is  the  administration  of  justice.  The 
 executive  government  may  claim  and  exercise  a  transitory  power,  de- 
 pendent on  the  character  of  the  sovereign  or  his  ministers,  or  imposed 
 upon  them  by  the  emergencies  of  the  moment ;  but  the  administration 
 of  justice  is  that  permanent  and  wide-spread  divisions  of  social  ma- 
 chinery which  touches  all  the  members  of  society ;  and  accordingly  as 
 their  rights  are  respected  or  violated  under  it,  we  may  infer  the  general 
 existence  or  absence  of  civil  liberty  among  the  people. 
 
 Let  us  apply  this  test  to  the  Saxon  era.  We  are  not  accurately  in- 
 formed of  the  institutions  existing  at  this  remote  period,  but  it  is  certain 
 they  were  those  of  a  nation  little  advanced  from  a  state  of  barbarism. 
 According  to  Mr.  Turner,  the  laws  ascribed  to  Alfred,  and  so  highly 
 extolled,  comprised  the  decalogue  and  the  principal  provisions  in  Mosaic 
 legislation  contained  in  the  three  chapters  following  the  decalogue. 
 However  applicable  such  a  code  may  have  been  to  the  Jews  and  Judea, 
 it  could  not  have  been  well  suited  to  a  community  placed  under  widely 
 different  circumstances.  The  existence  of  the  were  and  the  mund  afford 
 further  testimony  of  the  rude  state  of  society  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  : 
 the  former  was  the  legal  value  of  a  man's  life,  which  varied  according  to 
 his  rank  ;  the  latter  was  the  security  afforded  to  the  safety  of  the  house, 
 and  like  the  were  varied  with  the  rank  of  the  party.  If  human  life  and 
 property  were  thus  made  to  vary  in  value,  it  is  not  surprising  personal 
 estimation  varied  in  the  same  way :  thus  the  oath  of  a  twelve  hynd  man 
 was  equivalent  to  the  oaths  of  six  churls.  With  such  uncouth  and  par- 
 tial judicial  notions,  the  condition  of  the  great  body  of  the  people  may 
 be  easily  conceived.  It  was  that  of  mere  personal  slavery.  The  la- 
 bouring classes  were  considered  the  property  of  their  masters,  and  at 
 their  absolute  disposal  as  much  as  the  cattle  on  their  estates.  They 
 might  put  them  in  bonds,  whip  them,  brand  them,  yoke  thera  in  teams 
 like  horses,  or  openly  sell  them  in  the  market  like  any  other  commodity.f 
 This  state  of  society  continued  till  long  after  the  Conquest.  In  the 
 reign  of  Henry  II.  we  read  that  the  number  of  slaves  exported  to  Ireland 
 was  so  great  that  the  market  was  absolutely  over-stocked  ;  and  from 
 William  I.  to  that  of  John,  scarcely  a  cottage  in  Scotland  but  what  pos- 
 
 *  Macintosh's  History  of  England,  vol.  i.  p.  72. 
 
 t  Turnpr's  History  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  5th  edit.  v.  iii.  [i.  01. 
 
SAXON     ERA. RISE    OF    THE    MIDDLE    ORDERS.  593 
 
 sessed  an  Englisli  slave. — the  spoil  of  the  border  wars.*  It  was  only 
 in  the  year  1102,  it  was  declared  in  the  great  council  of  the  nation, 
 held  at  Westminster,  unlawful  for  any  man  to  sell  slaves  openly  in  the 
 market,  which  before  had  been  the  common  custom  of  the  country. 
 
 The  state  of  society  described  is  obviously  that  existing-  at  this  day  in 
 the  islands  of  Dominica  and  Jamaica,  and  the  great  mass  of  the  people 
 weie  no  more  in  the  enjoyment  of  civil  i-ights  than  the  Negroes  of  the 
 West  Indies.  It  must  then  be  quite  indefensible  in  any  one  to  revert 
 to  the  times  of  the  Saxons,  or  to  a  period  long-  subsequent,  for  models 
 of  constitutional  liberty  and  government. 
 
 Let  us  advance  to  the  era  of  Magna  Charta.  The  concessions  ex- 
 toited  by  the  barons  at  Runnymede  were  concessions  extorted  for  them- 
 selves, not  the  people.  But  even  this  indicates  a  progression  in  society. 
 Two  orders  at  least  in  the  state  were  recognized,  namely,  the  king-  and 
 nobility,  and  the  idea  of  prescribing  their  respective  immunities  by  a 
 public  law  shows  a  growth  of  intelligence,  and  may  be  deemed,  perhaps, 
 the  first  visible  germ  of  the  Constitution. 
 
 From  the  reign  of  king  John,  to  that  of  Charles  I.  the  constitution 
 underwent  no  decided  improvement ;  the  powers  of  the  several  parts  of 
 which  it  consisted  were  the  subject  of  dispute,  but  were  not  fixed  or 
 materially  altered  by  any  public  act.  Great  changes  however  had  taken 
 place  among  the  people.  Vassalage  was  entirely  extirpated  ;  commerce 
 and  manufactures  had  been  introduced  and  flourished;  comforts  and 
 luxuries  unknown  to  preceding  ages  were  placed  within  the  reach  of  all 
 ranks.  But  what  most  distinguished  this  interval  was  the  growth  of  an 
 entirely  new  order  of  vast  power  and  influence  who  claimed  for  the  first 
 time  a  share  in  political  government— namely,  the  middle  classes; 
 consisting-  of  the  smaller  freeholders  and  copyholders  living  in  the  county, 
 and  of  merchants,  manufacturers,  and  retailers  resident  in  cities  and 
 towns.  These,  hitherto  unknown  as  an  independent  cast,  had  gradually 
 and  almost  imperceptibly  become  influential  enough  to  contest  the  prero- 
 gatives of  the  monarch  in  the  legislature— make  war  upon  him — and,  after 
 beating  him  and  his  feudal  chivalry  in  open  battle,  consolidate  all  au- 
 thority in  themselves.  But  their  day  had  not  yet  come.  They  con- 
 quered, but  knew  not  how  to  preserve  their  conquest.  Political  know- 
 ledge was  not  suSiciently  diffused  to  enable  them  to  frame  and  maintain 
 a  system  of  government,  greatly  superior  to  that  which  previously  ex- 
 isted, and  as  a  consequence,  the  power  of  the  state  fell  back  into  the  hands 
 of  its  former  possessors.  The  new  influence,  however,  manifested  in  this 
 great  struggle  was  never  lost ;  though  the  political  power  reverted  to  the 
 King  and  Aristocracy,  a  vast  influence  was  ever  after  exercised  over  public 
 aft'airs  by  the  middling-  classes  ;  and  we  consider  the  Reform  Bill  of 
 1832  nothing  more  than  an  open  and  constitutional  recognition  of  that 
 authority  in  the  body  of  the  People,  which,  for  the  last  century  and  a 
 half,  has  never  ceased  to  be  indirectly,  though  often  inefficiently,  exercised 
 over  the  national  government. 
 
 *  Sh-  Frederick  Eden's  History  of  (he  Poor,  p.  7. 
 
 2  Q 
 
594    HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  PAST,  PRESENT,  AND  TO  COME. 
 
 In  this  sketch  we  have  taken  no  notice  of  the  rise  of  the  Housi:  of 
 Commons.  The  fact  is,  we  consider  tlie  House  of  Commons  had 
 hardly  begun  to  exist  for  any  useful  purpose,  till  a  short  time  anterior 
 to  the  Civil  VVais  of  the  commonweal tli.  What  was  the  constitution  of 
 this  body  previously  ?  Why,  it  was  an  assemblage  of  persons,  sum- 
 moned or  not,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  crown  or  of  the  sheiift",  to  raise  a 
 sum  of  money  for  the  public  treasury,  by  taxing  themselves  and  consti- 
 tuents. It  was  not  a  legislative  assembly,  in  any  proper  sense  of  the  term, 
 any  more — perhaps  not  so  much — than  the  Court  of  Star  Chamber,  oi- 
 High  Commission.  It  was  a  meeting  of  deputies  to  assess  aids  and 
 scutages,  not  to  make  laws.  That  was  a  branch  of  the  royal  autliority 
 to  be  exercised  by  the  summary  process  of  edict  and  proclamation,  not 
 by  mean  burgesses,  the  delegates  of  mushroom  towns,  who  it  is  true 
 might  have  money  to  spare  for  princely  extravagance  —  the  produce  of 
 their  industry — but  whom  it  was  assumed  had  not  intellects  sutliciently 
 refined  for  the  high  task  of  legislation,  though  they  might  be  great 
 adepts  in  the  mysteries  of  felt-hats,  hose,  and  woollen  cloths!  So  little 
 did  the  M.  P.s  of  those  days  value  the  representative  function  that  they 
 considered  it  a  task  imposed,  not  an  honour  conferred,  and  actually  re- 
 ceived ivages  for  the  discharge  of  so  unpleasant  a  duty.*  All  sorts 
 of  evasions  were  practised  to  avoid  sending  representatives  to  parliament ; 
 some  boroughs  pleaded  poverty,  others  their  insignificance,  and  the 
 honourable  members  were  almost  constrained  by  force  to  appear  at 
 Westminster,  Oxford,  or  other  place  of  royal  residence.  The  whole 
 proceeding  was  analogous  to  what  takes  place  in  a  city  taken  by  storm. 
 The  victorious  general  calls  together  the  principal  inhabitants,  not  to 
 make  laws  for  the  government  of  the  town,  but  to  determine  how  great 
 a  sum  they  can  raise  to  save  themselves  from  pillage.  It  was  the  same 
 with  the  House  of  Commons,  and  so  continued  till  the  advent  of  Hamp- 
 den, Pym,  Hollis,  Eliot,  and  other  master  minds,  claimed  for  the  third 
 estate  a  nobler  and  more  independent  vocation. 
 
 Such,  we  apprehend,  is  an  unvarnished  representation  of  the  constitu- 
 tional importance  of  the  House  of  Commons  up  to  a  comparatively  recent 
 period  ;  and  for  its  tiuth  we  have  only  to  appeal  to  the  recollections  of 
 those  who  have  even  cursorily  studied  the  histories  of  Henry  VHI.  and 
 Queen  Elizabeth,  and  the  notions  of  prerogative  entertained  by  the 
 princes  of  the  Stuart  race.  The  English  government  for  a  long  period 
 was  a  despotism,  occasionally  checked  and  controlled  by  the  clergy  and 
 nobility ;  but  though  its  arbitrary  powers  were  often  and  bravely  disputed, 
 no  permanent  constitutional  barrier  was  erected  against  them,  till  the 
 next  great  era  of  our  history,  the  Revolution  of  1688. 
 
 The  expulsion  of  the  Stuarts  was  a  great  achievement  in  favour  of 
 constitutional  government ;  but  it  left  the  industrious  orders  in  their 
 former  state  as  to  the  exercise  of  political  power.  The  limits  of  the 
 royal  prerogatives  were  defined,  and  the  basis  of  public  freedom  declared 
 by  the  Bill  of  Rights,  but  it  failed  to  confer  the  great  desideratum  of 
 
 •  Allen's  short  History  o(  (lie  House  of  Commons,  p.  12. 
 
REVOLLTION  OF  1668.  —  CAUSES  OF  PUBLIC  PROSPERITY.  695 
 
 the  period— a  system  of  representation  commensurate  with  the  aug- 
 mented wealth  and  intelligence  of  the  community.  The  classes  who 
 chiefly  profited  by  the  revolution  were  the  Clerg'y  and  Aristocracy.  The 
 reformed  church  was  in  danger  from  the  revival  of  popeiy ;  the  aristo- 
 cracy fiom  both  poper)'  and  prerogative  :  the  two  interests  in  jeopardy 
 united  for  their  common  security  and  obtained  it.  From  the  despotism 
 of  the  monarch  the  people  fell  under  the  despotism  of  an  Oligarchy, 
 divided  into  two  factions — equally  corrupt  and  inveterably  hostile  to  each 
 other.  Though  their  professions  were  different,  their  practice  was  the 
 same,  and  neither  party,  when  circumstances  gave  them  an  ascendency, 
 pursued  measures  for  the  general  advantage.  Abroad,  the  country  was 
 involved  in  unceasing,  unnecessary,  and  expensive  wars  ;  while,  at 
 home,  public  happiness  was  a  mere  pretext,  the  emoluments  of  admini- 
 stration being  the  end  of  their  policy.  Government  became  a  game, 
 played  at  by  the  rival  parties  ;  the  king  being  the  occasional  umpire, 
 and  the  people  the  prize! 
 
 The  chief  reason  which  can  be  assigned ,  for  the  people  remaining  so 
 long  quiescent  under  such  a  defective  national  administration,  has  been 
 the  internal  prosperity  of  the  country,  the  result  of  their  own  unpatro- 
 nized  energies.  During  two  centuries,  the  career  of  improvement  has 
 been  steady  and  uniform;  each  reign  closed  with  an  augmentation  of 
 wealth  and  knowledge ;  but  in  this  increase  government  had  no  share. 
 It  is  hai'dly  possible  to  fix  on  any  period,  under  any  minister,  when  the 
 spirit  of  improvement  w'as  fostered  by  government,  when  men  of 
 genius  were  patronized,  or  when  any  anxiety  was  manifested  to  facili- 
 tate the  operations  of  industry,  by  abstaining-  from  burdening  it  with 
 imposts.  On  the  contrary,  history  exhibits  only  the  virtues  of  the 
 people  struggling  against  the  vices  of  power, — of  liberty  against  oppres- 
 sion,— of  industry  ao'ainst  the  rapacity  of  taxation, — of  truth  against 
 established  error.  Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  these  obstacles,  the  country 
 continued  to  fiourished  ;  but  its  prosperity  is  not  the  creation  of  a  day 
 nor  a  century ;  it  is  not  to  be  dated  from  the  Revolution,  nor  the  reign 
 of  George  III.  nor  the  Pitt  system,  nor  any  other  system.  No;  it  is 
 to  none  of  these  causes :  the  great  towns  of  Liverpool,  Bristol,  Man- 
 chester, Birmingham,  Leeds,  and  Glasgow,  have  not  emerged  into 
 opulence  and  magnificence  under  the  favouring  auspices  of  any  of  these 
 dynasties  ;  their  growth  may  be  ascribed  to  the  people  themselves, 
 who,  while  they  had  to  surmount  the  disadvantages  of  their  own  con- 
 dition, had  to  contend  against  the  spirit  of  institutions  hostile  to  im- 
 provement. 
 
 How  little  government,  at  any  time,  has  been  identified  with  public 
 prosperity  may  be  instanced  in  this.  The  w'orst  period  of  our  history 
 may  be  reckoned  from  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  to  the  expulsion 
 of  James  II.  ;  it  was  a  period  remarkable  for  the  profligacy  of  the  Court, 
 arbitrary  principles,  bigotry,  and  parliamentary  corruption;  yet  Mr. 
 Hume  observes,  that  the  commerce  and  riches  of  England  never  en- 
 creased  so  fast  as  during  that  time." 
 
 •  History  of  England,  vol.  viii.  p.  329. 
 
 2  Q  2 
 
596     HOUSR  OF  COMMONS,  PAST,  PRESENT,  AM)  TO   COME. 
 
 In  the  period  which  followed  the  Revolution,  the  policy  of  government 
 was  not  more  favourable  to  industrv.  Tt  Avas  a  shameless  picture  of 
 war  and  misrule;  the  King-  the  slave  of  faction,  the  People  of  fiscal 
 extortion,  and  the  mere  pi'ofession  of  patriotism  rendered  ridiculous  bv 
 the  profligacy  of  public  men.  Yet  even  this  vile  system  did  not  repress 
 the  energies  of  the  people  ;  the  country  flourished,  but  it  flourished  not 
 in  consequence  of  the  vices  of  administration,  but  in  spite  of  them. 
 There  was  nothing  in  it  paradoxical,  it  demonstrated  no  natural  con- 
 nexion between  bad  government  and  national  prosperity ;  it  merely 
 showed  that  the  seeds  of  improvement  miy  be  so  powerful,  that  they 
 will  triumph  over  the  most  defective  institutions. 
 
 The  causes  of  public  pi'osperity  during  the  reign  of  George  III.  are 
 too  obvious  to  be  pointed  out.  On  the  accession  of  that  prince,  the 
 countiy  was  in  the  full  tide  of  wealth  and  glory,  and  his  reign  was  a 
 mere  continuation  of  the  impetus  it  had  previously  received.  The  gene- 
 ral progress,  no  doubt,  was  greatly  accelerated  by  the  invention  of 
 machinery  :  the  discoveries  of  Watt  and  Arkwright,  doubling  the  pro- 
 ductive power  of  industry,  gave  to  our  manufactures  an  unrivalled  supe- 
 riority, which,  in  their  turn,  laid  the  foundation  of  agricultural  pros])e- 
 rity.  In  all  this,  however,  government  did  not  participate  :  indeed, 
 the  contrast  between  the  struggling  energies  of  industry  and  the  vices  of 
 power  was  remarkable  ;  while  the  people  were  acquiring  ivithin,  their 
 Rulers  were  wasting  without.  It  was  a  singular  contest :  genius  and 
 industry  ministering  to  the  calls  of  folly  and  prodigality.  The  result  is 
 now  before  us;  and,  after  all  our  inventions,  toil,  and  enterprise,  we 
 find  ourselves  worse  situated  than  a  century  ago.  Instead  of  exhibit- 
 ing an  unexampled  picture  of  real  opulence,  social  enjoyment,  and  gene- 
 ral comfort,  we  are  a  woeful  spectacle  of  embarrassment  and  privation. 
 The  first  was  the  portion  provided  by  the  Genius  of  the  people,  the  last 
 is  the  evil  entailed  by  the  Demon  of  faction  and  misrule. 
 
 Had  government  ever  directed  its  attention  to  the  intellectual  or 
 physical  improvement  of  the  people,  how  different  would  have  been  the 
 result.  Five  things  at  least  might  have  been  expected  from  an 
 eidightened  administration  : — First,  a  general  system  for  the  edu- 
 cation of  the  people,  founded,  not  on  any  system  of  religious  ex- 
 clusion or  political  injustice,  but  on  social  utility.  Secondly,  a  pro- 
 vision for  the  clergy,  independently  of  tithe,  which  is  so  oppressive  on 
 agriculture,  and  adapted  only  to  a  different  state  of  society.  Thirdly,  a 
 more  simple  and  economical  mode  of  taxation,  embracing-  an  abolition 
 of  such  internal  duties  as,  without  adding  proportionately  to  public 
 revenue,  interfere  with  the  operations  of  commercial  and  manufacturing- 
 industry.  Fourthly,  a  revision  of  the  civil  and  criminal  jurisprudence. 
 Lastly,  as  a  necessary  preliminary  to  the  rest,  an  extension  of  the  basis 
 of  representation,  so  as  to  embrace  the  power,  intellect,  and  property  of 
 the  conununity. 
 
 These  ameliorations  might  have  been  all  quietly  effected  within  the 
 last  century.  Instead,  however,  of  government  being  occupied  on  these 
 truly  national  objects,  it  has   been  a  mere  arena  for  aristocratical  con- 
 
"  GREAT    MEN." CONSTITUTIONAL    DEDUCTIONS.      o97 
 
 tention,  on  which  these  pseudo-patriots — these  "  Great  Men,"  as  they 
 are  sometimes  called,  the  Godolphins,  the  Somers,  the  Harleys,  the 
 Bolingbrokes,  the  Chathams,  Foxes,  Burkes,  and  Pitts,  have  displayed 
 their  selfishness  and  ambition,  their  want  of  real  patriotism,  and  en- 
 larged views  of  public  justice  and  happiness. 
 
 We  have  thus  run  through  the  historical  part  of  our  subject,  and 
 brought  out  those  propositions  which  mark  the  progress  of  the  Constitu- 
 tion at  dift'erent  epochs ;  it  only  remains  to  show  their  application  to 
 the  great  question  of  parliamentary  reform  in  progress  through  the 
 Legislature. 
 
 Our  first  inference  is,  that  Eng'land  never  had  a  constitution  in  which 
 equality  of  civil  rights  and  equal  protection  to  all  interests  were  recog- 
 nised ;  and  that  it  is  in  vain  to  look  for  such  a  model  of  government  in 
 any  anterior  period  of  our  history. 
 
 Secondly,  we  infer,  that  in  England,  as  in  most  infant  communities, 
 political  power  was  originally  exercised  by  a  sing-le  person,  and  that  it 
 was  afterwards  divided  between  the  monarch  and  nobility. 
 
 Thirdly,  that  the  power  of  the  government  continued  to  be  exercised 
 by  the  two  estates,  and  almost  to  be  unquestioned  by  any  antagonist 
 claim  till  the  accession  of  the  Stuarts,  when  the  rise  into  importance  of 
 the  Middle  Classes  called  for  a  new  partition  of  political  authority  ;  that 
 these  classes  succeeded  in  wresting  the  government  from  the  king  and 
 nobility,  but  failed  to  retain  it,  and  that  they  also  failed  in  securing"  a 
 direct  share  in  the  g'overnment  in  the  Revolution  of  1688  :  but,  though 
 excluded  on  both  these  occasions,  they  have  ever  since  the  g-reat  struggle 
 in  the  sixteenth  century  succeeded  in  exercising  an  indirect  influence  on 
 national  aflairs  by  their  numbeis,  wealth,  and  intelligence — aided  by  the 
 Press,  access  to  the  debates  of  the  Legislature,  and  a  fragment  of  popu- 
 lar representation  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
 
 Fourthly,  we  infer  that  the  period  has  arrived  Avhen  the  productive 
 classes  can  no  longer  be  excluded  from  a  direct  share  in  the  constitu- 
 tion ;  that  the  indirect  influence  they  have  hitherto  exercised  must  be 
 converted  into  an  integral  and  operative  part  of  government ;  and  that 
 this  is  really  the  object  sought  to  be  accomplished  by  the  Reform  Bill. 
 
 Fifthly,  we  infer  that  we  have  arrived  at  a  crisis  when  this  change  is 
 wholly  irresistible: — 1.  Because  the  interests  to  be  benefited  and  en- 
 franchised by  it  so  greatly  preponderate  over  the  minor  interests  by 
 which  it  can  be  opposed.  2.  Because  the  change  is  expedient  as  well 
 as  just;  and  this  is  shown  by  contrasting  the  past  history  of  the  people 
 with  the  past  hi&tory  of  the  government :  for  while  the  latter  presents  a 
 congerie  of  abuse,  incongruities,  and  embarrassments,  the  results  of  the 
 partial  interests  it  has  embodied ;  the  former  have  been  eminently  suc- 
 cessful in  all  tlieirpursuits,  and  have  only  been  retarded  in  their  progress 
 to  social  happiness  by  the  folly  and  incapacity  of  their  Rulei  s.  The  con- 
 clusion is  manifest;  the  people  ought  to  be  admitted  to  a  share  of  that 
 political  power  lor  which  experience  has  proved  them  qualified,  and  the 
 Aristocracy  deprived  of  the  irresponsible  authoiity,  which  tliey  have 
 perverted  to  their  exclusive  benefit,  and  the  detriment  of  the  nation. 
 
598   HOUSE  of  commons,  past,  present,  and  to  come. 
 
 II.    ADEQUACY     OF     THE     REFORM     BILL     TO     THE    WANTS    OF    Til  E 
 
 NATION. 
 
 Two  considerations  appear  to  have  principally  influenced  Ministers  in 
 framing  the  llefonu  Bill  ;  first,  to  introduce  a  measure  commensurate 
 with  the  wishes  of  sincere  and  rational  reformers;  and,  secondly,  to  in- 
 troduce a  measure  which  should  not  involve  greater  changes  in  established 
 institutions  than  were  essential  to  the  accomplishment  of  this  end. 
 Had  they  intioduced  a  measure  less  extensive  than  it  is,  it  would  have 
 been  unsatisfactory — it  would,  certainly,  have  been  no  resting-place  — 
 and  would  have  left  the  national  grievance  precisely  in  its  original 
 state.  Had  they  introduced  a  measure  more  extensive,  it  would  have 
 had  to  encounter  increased  opposition,  w  hich  opposition,  though  it  could 
 not  possibly  have  averted  an  efficient  parliamentary  reform,  might  have 
 caused  its  postponement,  and,  in  the  intervening  struggle,  involved  us  in 
 those  internal  calamities  Avhich  every  well-wisher  to  his  country  is 
 anxious  to  avoid. 
 
 With  great  ability  Ministers  have  pursued  a  medium  course  ;  if  there  has 
 been  any  leaning-  contrary  to  popular  expectation  we  candidly  confess  it 
 has  been  to  the  democratic  rather  than  the  aristocratic  side,  and  for  this 
 bent  the  people  will  know  how  to  be  thankful.  By  the  extinction  of  the 
 nomination  boi-oughs  they  have,  with  a  bold  and  dexterous  hand,  cut  out 
 the  cancer  of  the  Constitution,  and  by  enfranchising  the  great  towns  they 
 have  conceded  that  political  controul  to  the  people  which  every  intel- 
 ligent community  ought  to  possess  over  the  government  under  w  hich 
 they  live,  and  on  whose  administration  their  happiness  so  greatly 
 depends. 
 
 Judicious  as  Ave  humbly  conceive  the  Reform  Bill  to  be,  happily  as  it 
 has  steered  through  the  middle  passage,  well-adapted  as  it  is  to  the  times 
 — to  the  expectations  it  has  to.«atisfy — the  interests  to  reconcile — and  the 
 prejudices  to  conciliate  ;  still  it  lias  failed  to  give  universal  satisfaction, 
 and  is  opposed  by  two  opposite  and  very  different  classes  of  antagonists 
 — by  one  class  who  conceive  the  Bill  concedes  too  much,  and  by  another 
 who  conceive  it  does  not  concede  enough.  We  shall  submit  a  few  ob- 
 servations to  each  of  these  denominations,  not  in  the  vain  hope  that  we 
 can  add  to  their  previous  knowledge,  but  simply  with  the  view  of  recal- 
 ling to  their  recollection  considerations  which,  in  our  opinion,  will  shew 
 that  the  apprehensions  of  one  party  and  the  nori-expectatiotis  of  the 
 other  are  alike  unfounded,  or  greatly  exaggerated. 
 
 We  shall  first  addiess  ourselves,  as  in  courtesy  bound  to  do,  to  my 
 lords  Harrowby,  Wharncliffe,  Wellington,  Winchilsea,  and  thoiie  who 
 constitute  what  maybe  termed  the  "  Alarmists."  We  may  premise  to 
 these  noble  persons,  in  the  first  place,  that  if  the  Reform  Bill  be  an  evil, 
 it  is  an  evil  wholly  unavoidable  ;  we  have  reached  such  a  crisis  in 
 national  affairs,  that  either  the  bill,  or  a  measure  equally  effective  with 
 ,  the  bill,  must  necessarily  be  passed,  and  that,  therefore,  it  behoves 
 them  to  submit  to  it,  as  one  of  those  dispensations  of  Providence  to 
 which  we   must  be  resigned,  however  painful  to  be  borne.     It  is  true 
 
FEARS    or    THE    ALARMISTS    ALLAYED.  599 
 
 they  may  flatter  themselves  a  measure  less  perilous  would  have  done ; 
 in  this  we  can  assure  them  they  are  mistaken ;  not  an  atom  less  than 
 the  hill  gives  would  have  satisfied  us,  neither  would  it  have  satisfied  that 
 numerous  and  influential  class  with  which  we  conceive  we  hold  com- 
 munity of  interest  and  sentiment. 
 
 But  the  g-reat  spectre  which  haunts  the  imaginations  of  the  Alannists 
 is  that  the  Bill  involves  consequences  of  direful  import,  that  it  is  only  the 
 first  of  a  series  of  constitutional  changes,  which  will  follow  in  rapid  suc- 
 cession, and  ultimately  sweep  away  the  Order,  the  Throne,  the  Altar,  and 
 even  property  itself.  These  are  dreadful  apprehensions,  but  more 
 woi'thy  of  the  dowagers  of  Grosvenor-Square  than  of  statesmen  seated 
 in  the  highest  chamber  of  legislation.  What  the  people  of  England 
 require  is  not  altei'ation  in  the  frame  of  the  constitution,  nor  in  its  con- 
 stituent parts.  All  they  require  is  to  live  under  cheap  and  enlightened 
 institutions — institutions  which  shall  preserve  them  from  unnecessary 
 wars — mstitutions  which  shall  not  take  more  from  the  produce  of  indus- 
 tiy,  neither  under  the  pretext  of  religion,  nor  of  law,  nor  of  ciA'il 
 government,  than  is  necessary  to  the  efficient  administration  of  public 
 affairs— institutions  which  shall  purge  off  the  foul  opprobrium  of  men 
 claiming  honour  and  worship  from  their  fellow  citizens,  though  holding 
 lucrative  offices  without  employment,  and  pensions  without  desert — in- 
 stitutions which  shall  not  be  supported  by  the  offerings  of  want,  but  the 
 redundancies  of  the  rich  — institutions,  in  short,  that  shall  assimilate 
 with  the  altered  mind  and  altered  circumstances  of  the  community.  It 
 is  not  the  form  of  the  government  the  people  wish  changed,  but  its 
 better  administration  ;  and  ^\hat  is  there  in  this,  we  ask,  that  any  just  or 
 wise  man  need  to  dread  or  protest  against  ? 
 
 The  apprehension  of  indefinite  change  is  unwarranted  by  all  pre- 
 vious experience.  The  country  has  been  constantly  undergoing  great 
 changes  without  altering  the  status  of  the  Aristocracy.  The  Reforma- 
 tion was  a  great  change,  but  when  made  it  stopt,  and  did  not  subvert 
 the  Peerage.  The  rise  of  the  House  of  Commons  was  a  great  change  ; 
 so  were  the  abolition  of  feudal  tenures  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the 
 Second — the  revolution  of  1688 — the  Septennial  Act — the  Scotch  and 
 Irish  unions  — the  publication  of  the  debates — the  Catholic  relief  act — 
 the  separation  of  the  American  colonies — the  rise  of  the  Bank  of  Eng- 
 land and  East-India  Company :  all  these  were  great  changes,  but  the  Order 
 buffetted  through  these  storms,  and  not  only  outlived  them,  but,  posi- 
 tively, attained  a  higher,  more  palmy,  and  enviable  state  of  existence 
 than  before.  The  English  government  has  been  a  perpetual  menstruum 
 of  changes.  The  king,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  last  section,  at  first 
 engrossed  all  political  authority  ;  he  afterwards  shared  it  with  the  clergy 
 — next  with  the  nobility — next  with  the  House  of  Commons — next,  in- 
 directly, with  the  middle  classes — and,  ultimately,  perhaps,  he  may  share 
 it  with  the  labouring  classes,  when  circumstances  render  them  sufficiently 
 independent  and  intelligent  for  the  beneficial  exercise  of  it;  and  this 
 last  we  deem  the  utmost  subdivision  and  diffusion  of  political  power. 
 In  all  this  efflux  there  is  nothing  alarming ;  it  has  been   the  work  of 
 
600     IKJLSE   OK  COMMONS,   PAST,    PRKST-NT,  AND   TO   COME. 
 
 two  thousand  years,  anil  is  the  natural  progress  of  events  which  it  is 
 vain  to  try  to  stop.  As  classes  rise  in  wealth  and  intelligence  they 
 must  necessarily  be  incorporated  in  the  government.  There  is  no  help 
 for  it  ;  and  it  is  just  to  be  so.  But  because  men  seek  what  is  just 
 and  useful,  are  we  to  infer  they  aim  at  something  further  ?  because  they 
 seek  the  abolition  of  an  oppressive  and  impolitic  impost,  called  tithe,  is 
 it  to  be  inferred,  as  sir  R.  Peel  most  fatuously  insinuated,  they  seek 
 the  abolition  of  rent?  The  boundary  which  mostly  limits  the  demands 
 of  mankind  is  the  just  and  expedient :  beyond  that,  it  is  against  the 
 general  feeling  of  human  nature  to  trespass. 
 
 But  it  is  alleged  dangerous  opinions  are  abroad — opinions  menacing- 
 the  security  of  property  and  all  social  institutions.  There  are  the  fol- 
 lowers of  Robert  Owen,  of  Thomas  Paine,  of  Joseph  Spence,  of  Parson 
 Irving,  and  the  "  Lady  of  the  Rotunda."  This  is  all  tnie,  and  "  'tis  a 
 a  pity  'tis  true."  But  when  was  it  otherwise  ?  Men's  minds  have 
 bubbles  in  them  as  "  the  earth  and  air  have."  In  the  civil  wars  of  the 
 Commonwealth  there  were  the  Levellers  and  Republicans,  there  were 
 Fifth  Monarchy  men  and  Millennium  men,  who  thought  the  period 
 had  arrived  when  Jesus  was  to  descend  and  reign  a  thousand  years. 
 The  fact  is,  we  are  at  the  crisis  of  transition,  we  are  about  to  undergo 
 a  great  change  ;  and  such  periods  are  now,  and  always  have  been,  the 
 very  Carnival  of  conceits,  theories,  and  fancies.  But  does  any  sane 
 person  believe  that  the  vast  rational  mass  of  English  society,  set  in  its 
 solid  frame-work  of  a  thousand  years' duration,  can  be  endangered  by 
 such  puny  assailants  ?  We  shall  not  utter  another  w'ord  on  the  subject. 
 Let  us  have  the  renovated  constitution,  based  on  the  general  interest, 
 and  all  the  system  mongers,  who  ^\ith  their  new-born  idea  vainly  think 
 to  subvert  a  social  edifice  which,  with  its  habits  and  usages,  is  the  result 
 of  ages  of  experience,  will  disappear  with  the  excitement  that  gave  them 
 birth,  and  be  no  more  heard  of,  except  for  fire-side  laughter  ;  cer- 
 tainly not  to  be  mentioned  in  the  street,  much  less  alluded  to  in  the 
 legislature. 
 
 Having  tried  to  allay  the  fears  of  the  Alarmists,  we  shall  next  turn  to 
 the  honest  portion  of  the  radicals,  who  fancy  they  will  reap  no  bene- 
 fit from  the  Reform  Bill,  by  its  not  including  Universal  Suffrage,  or  a 
 scheme  of  suffrage  co-extensive  with  taxation,  which  last,  we  believe, 
 is  the  opinion  of  the  M.P.  for  Preston,  and  which  in  this  land  of  im- 
 posts would  give  the  franchise  to  every  person  who  eats  and  drinks, 
 whether  male  or  female,  child  or  adult. 
 
 Before  alluding,  however,  to  the  Bill,  let  us  advert  to  the  general 
 principles  that  ought  to  govern  the  elective  qualification  about  which 
 extremely  vague  notions  are  entertained.  It  is  a  question  of  time  and 
 place,  and  circumstance,  not  of  theory.  A  right  of  suffrage  adapted 
 to  France  or  the  United  States  may  be  unsuited  to  England.  In  no 
 country  is  the  franchise  exercised  without  some  condition  being  an- 
 nexed. In  America  the  slave-population,  w'hich  forms  so  large  a  por- 
 tion of  the  inhabitants,  is  entirely  excluded  ;  and,  if  we  recollect  Mr. 
 Cobbett  rightly,  in  none  of  the  States  of  the  Union  is  the  sufiVage  ex- 
 
ELECTIVE   SUFFRAGE   IN   AMERICA  —  DITTO    IN    FRANCE.    601 
 
 ercised  unaccompanied  with  residence  or  other  qualification  in  the 
 elector.  Were  it  otherAvise,  it  would  not  be  a  conclusive  argument  for 
 the  adoption  of  a  similar  scheme  of  representation  in  the  United  King- 
 dom. In  the  cheap  and  universal  circulation  of  neivspapers — in  the 
 independent  circumstances  of  the  industrious — and  in  the  absence  of 
 that  mass  of  vagrancy,  poverty,  and  destitution,  which  is  found  among 
 ourselves,  the  Amei'icans  possess  advantages  for  the  exercise  of  political 
 power  which  unhappily  do  not  exist  in  England. 
 
 Take  another  illustration  of  the  elective  qualification,  in  which 
 a  higher  standard  of  suffrag-e  would  be  sufficiently  protective  of  the 
 people  than  would  be  adequate  to  the  same  purpose  in  England. 
 In  France,  the  number  of  electors  amount  to  250,000  ;  but  the  elec- 
 tors who  returned  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  of  1830,  which  so 
 nobly  withstood  the  encroachments  of  the  Bourbons,  did  not  exceed 
 85,000.  In  England,  the  number  of  electors  who  actually  voted  in 
 the  general  election  of  1830,  has  been  estimated  at  87,000,  Avhich 
 exceeds  the  number  of  electors  in  France  under  the  old  system :  but 
 mark  the  difference  in  the  two  systems  of  representation.  What 
 class,  interest,  or  section  of  society  do  the  English  electors  represent  ? 
 None,  not  a  single  social  element,  either  of  numbers,  intelligence,  or 
 property.  Omitting  county  freeholders  and  metropolitan  electors, 
 THREE-FOURTHS  of  the  remaining  body  of  the  electors  of  England  are  of 
 the  labouring  classes  in  the  lowest  state  of  indigence,  non-resident,  and 
 the  hireling  tools  of  the  candidates.  Contrast  these  with  the  conditions 
 under  which  the  French  constituency  exercise  their  suffrages.  First, 
 the  ballot  excludes  corruption  and  intimidation  ;  and  every  elector,  ac- 
 cording to  his  judgment,  may  be  supposed  to  vote  for  the  man  best 
 qualified  to  advance  the  general  interests:  he  can  have  no  other  motive  ; 
 his  only  gi'ounds  for  preferring  one  person  to  another  must  be  public, 
 not  personal  to  himself,  like  those  of  the  English  elector.  Secondly, 
 the  French  electors  comprise  nearly  the  entire  proprietary  and  intel- 
 ligence of  the  community  ;  they  consist  of  householders,  retailers,  shop- 
 keepers, and  of  the  classes  more  opulent  than  these  :  hence  they  embody, 
 either  directly,  or  through  dependence  on  the  working  classes,  the  chief 
 interests  of  the  community.  These  are  not  the  only  points  of  contrast 
 between  the  two  countries :  in  France  there  is  no  richly  endowed  Church 
 nor  Aristocracy  to  make  head  against ;  there  are  no  interests  like  the 
 Bank,  or  the  East-India  company,  or  West-India  planters,  or  brewers, 
 or  old  chartered  corporations  to  counterpoise.  The  constitution  of  so- 
 ciety is  essentially  democratic ;  there  is  no  monied  aristocracy,  nor 
 landed  interest :  having  no  primogeniture  or  entail  laws,  property  is 
 more  equally  divided.  Hence  it  is,  that  a  much  smaller  body  of  electors 
 in  France  would  adequately  represent  and  sustain  the  interests  of  the 
 community,  than  would  be  adequate  to  similar  purposes  in  England :  for 
 it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  the  excellence  of  any  system  of  repre- 
 sentation does  not,  consist  in  the  number  of  voters,  but  in  the  unbiassed 
 and  intelligent  exercise  of  their  suffrages,  and  in  their  being  sufficiently 
 numerous  to  touch  on  and  constitute  a  fair  and  aliquot  proportion  of 
 
602     HOUSE   OF   COMMONS,   PAST,    PRESENT,  AND  TO  COME. 
 
 every  social  interest.  After  duly  considering  these  points,  the  reader 
 will  not  be  at  a  loss  to  account  for  the  ditlorent  results  presented  in  the 
 history  of  the  French  chamber  of  deputies  and  the  Eng^lish  house  of 
 commons,  though  both  deriving  their  origin  from  an  elective  basis  of 
 similar  extent,  but  differently  constituted,  difterently  exercised,  and 
 with  Avidely  different  interests  to  contend  against. 
 
 The  examples  we  have  mentioned  of  America  and  France  must,  we 
 a])prehend,  demonstrate  that  the  elective  qualification  cannot  bo  deter- 
 mined by  any  general  law,  but  must  be  governed  by  the  circumstances 
 of  communities — the  division  of  property — the  diffusion  of  intelligence 
 — and  the  independent  condition  of  the  people. 
 
 So  far  as  abstract  right  is  concerned,  no  good  reason  can  be  alleged 
 why  every  one  should  not  share  in  the  making  of  laws  to  which  he  is 
 amenable.  The  person  is  not  less  precious  than  propert)';  and  laws 
 which  affect  the  security  of  the  former  are  certainly  not  less  important 
 to  every  individual  than  those  which  affect  the  security  of  the  latter. 
 It  is  not,  therefore,  residence,  householdership,  nor  the  payment  of 
 taxes,  but  legal  responsibility  which  prescribes  the  strictly  equitable 
 limit  to  the  right  of  suffrage. 
 
 But  the  admission  of  such  a  principle  is  clearly  incompatible  with  any 
 practicable  form  of  government:  it  would  entitle  all,  with  scarcely  any 
 exception,  to  participate  in  legislation,  it  would  embrace  females  as  well 
 as  males  ;  all  minors  would  be  included,  of  whatever  age,  provided  they 
 were  judicially  responsible :  in  short,  none  would  be  disqualified,  except 
 the  insane  and  infants  of  so  tender  age,  that  they  are  unable  to  dis- 
 tinguish right  from  wrong.  The  introduction  of  such  an  unlimited 
 scheme  of  suffrage,  no  one  can  seriously  contemplate.  Still,  if  Ave  are 
 asked,  why  we  would  adopt  any  other  principle  of  exclusion ;  why  dis- 
 franchise women  in  preference  to  men,  or  minors  to  majors  ;  why  we 
 would  allow  a  person  to  vote  at  the  precise  age  of  twenty-one,  and  not 
 at  twenty  or  eighteen ;  we  confess,  in  answer  to  these  inquiries,  w-e  can 
 only  give  one  reply,  namely,  that  expediency,  not  strict  justice,  dictates 
 their  exclusion.  Universal  suffrage  is  as  much  governed  by  expediency 
 as  any  other  scheme  ;  for  in  this  plan  some  classes  are  excluded,  so  that 
 the  difference  is  in  degree  not  in  principle. 
 
 We  are  thus  compelled  to  resort  to  the  only  principle  by  which  poli- 
 tical questions  must  be  invariablj'  decided.  They  must  be  determined, 
 not  on  any  abstract  view  of  justice,  but  general  advantage.  It  is  not  by 
 reverting  to  rights,  or,  more  correctly,  j)0ive7'S  appertaining  to  man  in  a 
 natural  state,  that  w'e  can  ascertain  his  civil  immunities;  we  can  only 
 look  to  the  general  good;  or,  as  Mr.  Bentiiam  significantly  terms  it, 
 "  the  greatest  happiness  of  the  greatest  number,  for  the  longest  period 
 of  time." 
 
 Upon  this  principle  we  exclude  minors  from  voting,  because  their 
 interests  may  be  presumed  to  be  indontified  Avith  those  of  their  parents  ; 
 we  exclude  females  from  voting,  because  their  interests  are  merged  in 
 those  of  their  husbands,  fathers,  or  brothers.  How  much  farther 
 the  principle  of  exclusion  should  be  carried,  is  a  practical  question  only 
 
CONDITIONS    OF    THE    ELECTIVE    Q  U  A  LI  TICATIGN.      603 
 
 —  one  of  utility,  not  theory.  Whether  the  right  of  suft'rage  should  be 
 universal,  or  limited  to  householders,  or  to  rent-payers  of  £10  or  £20 
 a  year,  or  to  those  assessed  to  the  poor-rate,  or  direct  taxes,  is  a  con- 
 sideration which  must  be  decided  by  ascertaining  which  would  be  most 
 conducive  to  public  happiness.  The  end  of  just  government  is  the 
 equitable  and  adequate  protection  of  all  interests  ;  and  provided  this  is 
 attained,  the  object  for  which  the  suffrage  is  exercised  becomes  amply 
 secured.  The  task  of  legislation  is  a  part  of  the  labour  of  society;  and 
 it  is  only  a  clumsily  contrived  social  machinery — approaching  to  the 
 organization  of  the  savag-e  state — if  it  demand  the  participation  and  ex- 
 ertion of  every  individual. 
 
 This  we  think  is  sufficient  to  show  that  no  condition  of  suffrage  is  of 
 universal  application,  and  adapted  to  all  times  and  places.  For  further 
 proof  we  may  inquire  w'hat  would  be  the  tendency  of  a  scheme  of  uni- 
 versal suffrage,  aided  by  the  ballot,  in  Spain  and  Portugal.  It  would, 
 evidently,  revive  the  inquisition ;  increase  and  perpetuate  the  domination 
 of  the  priesthood  ;  confirm  the  despotisms  of  Don  Miguel  and  Don 
 Ferdinand  ;  and  strengthen  all  interests  opposed  to  liberal  ideas,  to  the 
 developement  of  internal  resources,  and  the  promotion  of  the  prosperity 
 of  the  Peninsula.  Universal  suffrage  and  the  ballot  would  operate  in  a 
 similar  manner  in  Ireland.  There  the  people  are  so  lamentably  igno- 
 rant as  to  be  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  a  fanatical  priesthood,  who 
 pillage  them  without  mercy,  under  the  pretext  of  saying  masses  for 
 the  repose  of  the  dead  !  The  condition  of  Ireland  in  the  nineteenth 
 century — to  the  eternal  reproach  of  our  Oligarchical  government — is  a 
 living  type  of  the  state  of  England  anterior  to  the  Reformation.  And 
 what,  we  ask,  would  universal  suffrage  have  done  for  us  at  that  era? 
 Would  it  have  broken  the  power  of  the  monks,  or  of  the  feudal  barons  ? 
 Certainly  not ;  it  would  have  perpetuated  vassalage  ;  and  had  such  a 
 regime  continued,  the  body  of  the  people  would  have  been  in  no  better 
 condition  at  this  day  than  that  of  the  barbarians  of  Russia,  who,  like 
 droves  of  cattle,  have  trodden  under  foot  the  liberties  of  the  heroic  Poles. 
 
 Having  said  thus  much  on  the  general  tendency  of  Universal  Suffrage, 
 we  may  be  permitted  to  say  a  few  words  on  its  practicability.  In  the 
 existing  state  of  opinion  it  would  be  wholly  unattainable  by  peaceable 
 means  ;  nothing  but  absolute  force,  nothing  short  of  a  convulsive  move- 
 ment, subversive  of  every  thing,  would  accomplish  it ;  and  then 
 it  would  not  subsist  a  twelvemonth  without  leading  to  Anarchy  and  Des- 
 potism. The  middling  classes,  with  hardly  an  exception,  are  indisposed 
 to  such  a  sweeping  measure  ;  but  without  the  co-operation  of  the 
 middling  classes  no  political  reform  can  be  obtained.  In  France  the 
 encroachments  of  the  Bourbons  Avere  resisted,  and  they  were,  finally, 
 expelled  from  the  soil  they  had  polluted,  by  the  co-operation  of  the 
 industrious  orders.  It  is  only  by  a  similar  united  effort  that  the  Church 
 and  Aristocracy  of  this  country  can  be  successfully  resisted.  What 
 was  it  that  rendered  the  efforts  of  the  Reformers  abortive  in  1817  and 
 1818?  Upwards  of  n  million  and  a  half  of  petitioners  prayed  for 
 parliamentary  reform  ,  yet  this  numerical  array  was  powerless  of  effect, 
 
()04     IIOIJSK   OF   COMMONS,    PAST,   PIJKSKNT,   AND   TO   COMK. 
 
 and  disappeared  like  water  on  a  sandy  bed.  The  cause  of  this  memo- 
 rable failure  may  be  readily  found  in  the  fact  that  the  people  were  not 
 seconded  by  any  portion  of  the  proprietary  ;  the  consequences  of  the 
 revolutionary  wars  had  not  penetrated  deep  enough  into  the  substance  of 
 society  :  the  case  is  now  altered,  and  it  is  because  it  is  altered  that  the 
 Borouohmonoers  are  disposed  to  concession.  But  though  the  middling 
 <ias8('s  are  as  fully  bent  on  parliamentary  reform  as  any  other  section  of 
 society,  it  is  such  a  reform  as  would  restore,  not  destroy. 
 
 Before  concluding,  we  would  beg;  to  inquire  whether  by  universal 
 suiVrage  it  is  meant  the  Hoating  population  of  towns  should  be  eligible  to 
 vote?  \'ayrants,  Irish  emigrants,  and  persons  of  that  description,  for 
 instance.  We  apprehend  the  idea  has  not  been  sufficiently  analyzed;  if 
 it  had,  we  feel  convinced  a  scheme  so  indefinite  could  have  few  advocates, 
 exc.'pt  among'  such  mock  reformers  as  Hailequin  Sheridan,  who  pro- 
 fessed to  be  the  advocate  of  universal  suftrage,  because  he  deemed  it 
 utterly  unattainable,  and  an  excellent  device  for  creating;  divisions,  by 
 which  every  plan  of  public  improvement  might  be  ridiculed  and  frustrated. 
 Our  reasons  for  preferring;  a  more  limited  scheme  of  suffrage  are  prac- 
 tical ;  they  are  that  such  limitation  renders  reform  attainable,  while  a 
 more  indefinite  scheme  defeats  it;  and  the  fact  of  keeping  house  of  a 
 certain  rental,  though  it  confers  no  natural  right,  indicates  a  class  of 
 persons  settled  in  life,  of  mature  age  and  fixed  abode,  and  that  such 
 qualification  is  adequate  to  the  protection  of  all  interests,  conciliates 
 the  timid,  and  preserves  the  suffrage  itself  from  degradation.  Lastly, 
 let  it  be  borne  in  mind  that  persons  are  not  excluded  from  the  suffrage 
 on  the  ground  of  right,  on  the  pretext  that  they  have  no  stake,  no 
 interest  in  the  country ;  but  simply  because  the  exercise  of  it  would  be 
 unprofitable  to  themselves  and  the  community,  and  as  useless  as  two 
 persons  holding   a  pen  in  place  of  one. 
 
 Leaving  the  subject  of  universal  suffrage,  let  us  come  to  the  positive 
 benefits  likely  to  result  to  the  people  from  the  Reform  Bill.  It  is  un- 
 necessary to  premise  we  do  not  anticipate  from  it  the  extirpation  of  all 
 social  evils;  it  will  not  avert  the  calamities,  unhappily  so  frequent — of 
 commercial  vicissitudes  and  unemployed  industry  and  capital ;  these, 
 and  other  difficulties  in  our  internal  state,  the  best  of  governments  can 
 only  mitigate  when  aided  by  the  co-operative  intelligence  of  the  commu- 
 nity. But  though  it  Avill  not  bi-ing  down  the  golden  age,  it  will  accom- 
 plish the  main  object  Reformers  have  been  anxious  to  attain. 
 
 In  the  first  place,  by  the  extinction  of  the  nomination  boroughs,  a 
 mass  of  legislative  power  is  at  once  transferred  from  the  Aristocracy  to 
 the  people.  This  is  a  positive  gain,  without  any  countervailing  loss. 
 Not  a  particle  of  democracy  previously  existing  in  the  Constitution  is 
 extinguished  by  the  Bill.  As  before  observed,  three-fourths  of  the 
 voters  under  the  old  system  (leaving  out  the  Counties  and  Metropolis) 
 were  of  the  woiking  classes;  they  will  continue  voters  under  the  new, 
 and  less  exposed  to  bribery  and  intimidation.  Thus  there  is  an  addition 
 without  subtraction  from  popular  power. 
 
 An  entirely  new  influence  will  be  thrown  into  parliament — an  influence 
 
INTERESTS    INCORPORATED    IN    THE    REFORM    BILL.    605 
 
 emanating^  from  the  people  and  identified  with  the  people  in  interest, 
 sentiment,  and  opinion.  This  influence  will  not  be  measured  by  the 
 additional  number  of  members  returned  for  the  metropolis  and  enfran- 
 chised towns,  but  by  the  masses  of  population  they  will  represent  and 
 of  which  they  will  be  the  organs  and  representatives.  The  ten-pound 
 qualification  is  not  an  uniform  qualification;  it  is  one  thing  in  London 
 and  another  in  the  country;  but  both  in  London  and  the  country  it 
 includes  the  working  classes,  or  those  chiefly  dependent  on  the  working' 
 classes.  On  whom  are  the  Middle  Orders,  the  class  of  shopkeepers,  the 
 butchers,  bakers,  hatters,  grocers,  inn-keepers,  and  alehouse-keepers 
 chiefly  dependent?  Why,  on  the  working  people,  to  be  sure.  Their 
 profits  accrue  more  from  wages  than  rents  or  tithe,  or  any  other  source 
 of  income.  Whatever  tends  to  lessen  wages  will  lessen  their  gains; 
 whatever  tends  to  impair  the  condition  of  the  labourer  and  operative, 
 will  impair  their  own.  They  will,  in  consequence,  exercise  the  elective 
 franchise,  under  an  influence  favourable  to  the  poor,  not  to  the  rich. 
 
 The  ten-pound  qualification  has  been  adopted  not  as  a  test  of  property, 
 but  of  fitness  for  the  elective  function.  The  object  sought  was  not  to 
 create  a  class  of  voters  representing  the  wealth  of  the  community,  but 
 its  virtues,  intelligence,  and  public  spirit.  How  was  this  to  be  done  ? 
 It  was  impossible  to  do  in  this  case  as  is  done  in  schools  and  colleges  — 
 go  through  the  country  and  submit  every  individual  to  personal  exami- 
 nation. Some  external  sign — some  general  rule  must  be  adopted;  the 
 ten-pound  qualification  is  one;  it  is  not  the  best  perhaps;  it  is  not 
 infallible ;  it  neither  demonstrates  invariably  moral  or  intellectual  fitness ; 
 but  it  shews,  at  least,  the  elector  is  not  a  minor,  nor  a  beggar,  nor  a 
 vagi'ant. 
 
 That  it  is  not  ^ property -qtialijication  may  be  instanced  in  this.  In 
 England  there  are  thousands  of  persons  ineligible  to  the  proposed  fran- 
 chise, thoug'h  in  possession  of  millions  of  income — incomes  derived  from 
 the  funds,  from  colonial  property,  from  the  copyrights  of  books,  from 
 government  annuities,  from  professions,  trades,  and  other  sources;  many 
 of  these  are  persons  in  opulent  circumstances ;  they  are  a  class  of  people 
 whom  it  might  have  been  thought  the  Government  would  have  been  desirous 
 to  attach  to  its  interest  by  granting  them  the  sulfrage :  yet  a  great  portion 
 of  them,  not  being  occupiers  of  houses,  from  dislike  to  the  trouble  of 
 housekeeping  or  other  motive,  will  be  totally  without  political  power 
 in  the  State;  they  will  have  no  share  in  making  militia  laws,  nor  laws 
 of  any  other  description,  though  bound  to  obey  them;  they  will  be  as 
 void  of  political  rights  as  the  man  who  has  not  a  sixpence,  nor  a  rao- 
 to  cover  him,  nor  a  shed  wherein  to  lay  his  head.  If  the  new  qualifica- 
 tion be  unjust,  it  is,  at  least,  impartially  so;  it  does  not  strike  one  class 
 and  leave  another  unscotched ;  it  does  not  exclude  all  the  poor,  and  incor- 
 porate all  the  rich :  it  embraces  a  part  of  every  grade  of  society  and 
 omits  a  part;  and  in  this,  in  our  opinion,  consists  the  great  excellence 
 of  the  scheme ;  for,  by  means  thereof,  not  a  single  interest  is  left 
 without  legislative  protection. 
 
 Very  erroneous  notions  are  abroad  as  to  the  greater  popular  power 
 the  people  would  derive  from  the  adoption  of  the  household  or  universal 
 
006     HOUSE    OF   COMMONS,   PAST,   PRESENT,  AND  TO   COME. 
 
 suffrage  scheme  in  preference  to  the  ten-pound  quahfication.  Facts  are 
 stubborn  things,  and  we  shall  avail  ourselves  of  a  few  from  the  mass  of 
 returns  to  parliament,  and  of  which  a  digest  will  be  found  at  the  end 
 of  this  article. 
 
 Owing  to  the  great  wealth,  intelligence,  and  population,  concentrated 
 in  the  metropolis,  the  character  of  the  Reform  Bill  greatly  depends  on 
 its  application  to  this  division  of  the  kingdom.  The  capital  comprises 
 one-tenth  of  the  population  of  England;  it  contains  116,279  qualifying 
 tenements,  while  through  the  whole  kingdom  there  are  only  378,786. 
 But  as  few  houses  in  London  are  tenanted  at  a  less  rent  than  £10  a-year, 
 the  household  plan  may  be  considered  in  operation  in  this  great  inHuen- 
 tial  district  of  the  empire.  In  some  towns,  household  suffrage  and 
 universal  suffrage  nearly  coincide.  Thus,  in  Bishop's  Castle  there  are 
 of  household  votes  344,  of  universal  suffrage  votes  345.  This  is  a 
 small  borough;  but  take  some  of  the  large  ones,  Southwark  for  instance, 
 with  a  population  of  77,799;  here  the  household  voters  are  13,187, 
 the  universal  suffrage  voters  15,559.  In  Hull  are  5,350  household, 
 and  6,591  universal  suffrage  electors;  in  Ipswich  the  proportions  are 
 3,412  to  4,090;  King's  Lynn  2,323  to  2,674;  Knaresborough  976  to 
 1,045;  Lancaster  1,803  to  2,028;  Leicester  6,627  to  8,102;  Ludlow 
 1,006  to  1,050;  Lichfield  1,151  to  1,126;  Norwich  11,031  to  12,219. 
 It  is  unnecessary  to  proceed;  other  and  as  striking  examples  of  coinci- 
 dence will  be  found  on  reference  to  our  Tables.  The  conclusion  to  be 
 drawn  is  important.  Universal  suffrage  is  not  a  bugbear  to  excite  alarm; 
 nor  is  it  of  such  general  concernment  as  to  be  worth  contending  for  by 
 the  people. 
 
 We  have  been  repeatedly  told  that  the  constituency  to  be  created  by 
 the  Bill  is  too  limited — that  it  gives  the  suffrage  to  one  man  and  leaves 
 ten  without  it.  Look  to  the  Tables,  and  let  facts  speak.  In  Birmingham 
 the  proportion  between  the  male  adult  population  in  possession  of  the 
 franchise  and  those  without  it  will  be  1  to  3,  in  Greenwich  1  to  2,  in 
 Lambeth  I  to  1^,  and  in  Mary-le-bone  1  to  1.  In^no  ca.se,  Avith  one 
 or  two  exceptions,  does  the  proportion  exceed  1  to  4. 
 
 On  the  whole,  we  conclude  the  £  1 0  qualification  is  a  happy  medium. 
 Had  it  been  higher  the  elective  basis  would  have  been  too  narrow.  As 
 it  is,  it  touches  on  the  different  schemes  of  suffrage  which  have  been 
 proposed:  it  embraces  every  class  and  excludes  none.  We  should  object 
 to  a  plan  of  representation  which  embodied  only  one  interest,  whatever 
 interest  it  might  be;  for  instance,  we  should  object  to  the  constitution 
 of  a  House  of  Commons  which  represented  only  the  working  classes  or 
 the  middle  classes,  just  as  much  as  we  object  to  the  constitution  of  tbat 
 Avhich  exists,  because  it  represents  only  the  interests  of  tiie  Aristocracy. 
 
 Iir. —  PRACTICAL    RKSULTS    OF    A    RErORMED    HOUSE    OF    COMMONS. 
 
 Constitutional  changes,  like  the  circulating  medium,  are  valueless  in 
 themselves.  They  are  not  the  good  sought,  but  the  instrument  of  its 
 production.  A  reformed  parliament  is  the  machinery  which  is  to  extir- 
 pate the   abuses  of  our  institutions.     When  it  has  been   obtained  the 
 
PRACTICAL    RESULTS    OF    THE    REEOR^W    BILL.  607 
 
 discussion  of  forms  of  aovernment,  theories  of  civil  rights,  and  plans 
 of  elective  qualification  will  cease  to  be  of  interest;  the  people  will 
 naturally  turn  to  subjects  of  more  direct  benefit — to  the  practical  mea- 
 sures by  which  the  condition  of  society  can  be  improved.  Let  us,  then, 
 endeavour  to  ascertain  the  sort  of  materials  which  will  be  brought  to 
 the  new  legislative  manufactory — the  measures  which  will  probably 
 engage  the  attention  of  a  reformed  House  of  Commons.  As  this  part 
 of  our  task  will  be  little  more  than  a  brief  recapitulation  of  the  preceding- 
 topics  of  our  work,  it  will  appropriately  form  the  concluding  section  of 
 our  publication. 
 
 The  first  and  most  important  result  of  the  adoption  of  the  Reform 
 Bill  will  consist  in  the  substitution  for  the  government  of  an  oligarchy 
 vvith  selfish  and  limited  interests — a  national  government  responsible  to 
 500,000  electors,  every  one  of  whom  has  an  interest  in  domestic  peace, 
 order,  and  prosperity. 
 
 For  the  interests  of  the  few  the  Reform  Bill  w'ould  substitute  the 
 interests  of  the  many ;  it  would  lay  the  axe  to  the  root  of  all  monopolies, 
 and  the  community  no  longer  be  compelled  to  enrich  the  Bank  Proprie- 
 tary by  exclusive  privileges;  nor  profit  the  Shipping  Interest  by  the 
 consumption  of  the  dear  and  inferior  timber  of  Canada;  nor  the  East- 
 India  Company,  by  paying  double  the  price  for  tea  the  consumer  pavs 
 on  the  Continent ;  nor  would  industry  be  impeded  by  corn  laws  which 
 are  only  fovourable  to  high  rents — of  no  benefit  to  the  farmer — and  only 
 tend  to  limit  the  exchange  of  our  manufactures  for  the  produce  of 
 America  and  continental  Europe. 
 
 Reform  would  equalize  taxation,  and  the  redundant  incomes  of  the 
 great,  not  the  wages  and  profits  of  the  industrious,  be  made  the  chief 
 fund  of  fiscal  exaction. 
 
 It  would  remedy  the  glaring  abuses  of  our  judicial  administration, 
 and  render  justice  prompt,  protective,  and  attainable  to  every  individual. 
 
 It  would  reduce  the  public  expenditure  to  the  lowest  possible  scale ; 
 abolish  sinecures,  unmerited  pensions,  and  exorbitant  salaries;  cut  off 
 Colonies  that  are  burdensome  to  the  nation,  and  which,  like  useless 
 Boards,  Diplomatic  Missions,  and  Consular  Establishments,  have  been 
 kept  up  solely  to  provide  lucrative  appointments  for  the  Boroughmongers 
 and  their  families. 
 
 It  would  destroy  the  oppressions  of  the  tithe  system,  abolish  the 
 monstrous  inequalities  in  ecclesiastical  income,  and  improve  the  condition 
 of  the  Working-  Clergy,  who  reside  among  their  parishioners,  and  benefit 
 them  by  their  example  and  ministry. 
 
 It  would  reform  the  abuses  of  Corporate  Bodies  and  render  them,  not 
 only  the  faithful  trustees  of  the  poor,  but  the  centres  of  local  govern- 
 ment, police,  and  judicial  administration. 
 
 It  would  provide  for  the  general  education  of  the  people  —  their  profit- 
 able employment- — -and  open  new  channels  for  redundant  capital  and 
 industry. 
 
 It  would  put  an  end  to  the  perjuries,  drunkenness,  riots,  and  immo- 
 ralities of  parliamentary  elections. 
 
COS  PRACTICAL    RESULTS    OF    THE    REFORM    BILL. 
 
 It  would  be  a  guarantee  against  future  liberticide  wars;  if  wa?s  were 
 waged  they  would  be  the  wars  of  the  nation,  not  of  an  Oligarchy;  they 
 would  be  wars  for,  not  against,  the  people. 
 
 Lastly,  it  would  consolidate  the  empire,  uniting  in  the  bonds  of  equal 
 rights  and  reciprocal  advantages  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland,  and 
 render  them  what,  from  superior  wealth  and  intelligence,  they  ought 
 to  be,  "  the  envy  and  admiration  of  the  world !"  England  would  recover 
 her  rank  among  nations,  and  be  a^ain  the  model  of  constitutional 
 governments.  Her  government  Avould  be  founded  on  Public  Opinion, 
 not  on  that  sinister  opinion  fostered  by  a  lavish  expenditure  of  public 
 money — by  the  abuse  of  collegiate  and  ecclesiastical  endowments — by 
 the  restraint  of  discussion — but  an  opinion,  the  result  of  impartial  in- 
 vestigation and  expanded  views  of  social  happiness. 
 
 Such,  we  apprehend,  are  a  few  of  the  advantages  that  would  result 
 from  the  adoption  of  the  Reform  Bill,  and  which  would  form  the  subjects 
 of  deliberation  of  a  reformed  parliament,  and  which,  in  due  course,  it 
 would  endeavour  to  accomplish.  That  the  people  can  be  frustrated 
 in  the  pursuit  of  so  many  national  blessings,  we  cannot  for  a  moment 
 believe;  we  cannot  believe  that  from  supineness  or  want  of  union 
 among  themselves  they  will  continue  the  serfs  of  the  Boroughmon- 
 gers,  who,  for  their  own  emolument,  have  cherished  every  abuse 
 in  our  institutions,  and  entailed  on  the  country  all  its  embarrassing 
 calamities. 
 
 Our  enemies  are  few  in  number,  but  mighty  in  influence.  They  are  an 
 united,  active,  and  desperate  band,  exasperated  almost  to  madness  at  being- 
 kept  for  the  last  fifteen  months  from  their  accustomed  prey.  If  they 
 succeed,  they  well  know  all  the  sacrifices  they  make  will  be  amply 
 repaid  by  the  plunder  of  the  people.  But  their  rapacious  hopes  will 
 be  baffled.  Corruption  will  never  triumph  over  true  patriotism — a  mock 
 representation  over  one  that  is  real — private  interests  over  the  public 
 weal — a  mere  faction  over  the  king,  his  ministers,  the  public  press, 
 and  the  nation! 
 
 Cheap  government — cheap  bread — cheap  justice— and  industry  un- 
 fettered and  productive  will  reward  our  efforts  in  the  triumph  of  the 
 Refonn  Bill ! 
 
 N.B.  Whatever  changes  the  Reform  Bill  may  finally  undergo  in 
 either  House  of  Parliament,  the  subjoined  "  Statistical  Tables"  will  be 
 useful  for  reference;  comprising  as  they  do  the  elements  of  lepresenta- 
 tion  on  any  proposed  plan,  whether  founded  on  population,  on  rental, 
 the  amount  of  taxation,  or  the  household  or  universal  sufirago  scheme. 
 
 Totncss,  in  No.  IV,,  which  formed  one  of  the  semi-disfranchised 
 boroughs,  has  been  removed  in  the  committee  of  the  Lower  House;  but 
 as  it  originally  stood  in  the  Bill,  it  has  been  here  retained. 
 
NUMBER    OF    FRE  FIIOLDEUS.  609 
 
 STATISTICS    OF    REPRESENTATION. 
 
 No.  I. 
 
 The  Year  of  Election,  and  greatest  Number  of  Freeholders  who  have 
 exercised  the  right  of  voting  in  England  and  Wales  for  County 
 Members  since   1811. 
 
 Freeholders  on 
 Counties.  Year  of  Election.  tlie  Poll  Books. 
 
 Bedford 1820 2546 
 
 Berks 1812   1992* 
 
 Bucks 1831    2593 
 
 Cambridge    1830  3717 
 
 Chester.     No  polling  for  last  century  in  this  county. 
 
 Cornwall    1831    27C2 
 
 Cumberland 1811 1390 
 
 Derby.  No  contest  since  1811. 
 
 Devon    1818  7793 
 
 Dorset    1831   2961 
 
 Durham J820  2712t 
 
 P:ssex 1830   5317 
 
 Gloucester.  No  contest  since  181 1. 
 
 Hereford    1818 3505 
 
 Hertford.  No  contest  since  1811. 
 
 Huntingdon  1826 1884 
 
 Lancaster.     No  contest  in  the  county  since  1811. 
 
 Leicester   1830  5420 
 
 Lincoln 1818   5598 
 
 Monmouth.  No  contest  since  1811. 
 
 Norfolk 1817    7217 
 
 Northumberland 1826   2985 
 
 Nottingham.     No  contest  for  a  century  past. 
 
 Oxford 1831    2934 
 
 Rutland.  No  contest  since  1811. 
 
 Salop 1831    2534 
 
 Somerset    1818  4044 
 
 Stafford 1831   12 
 
 Suffolk 1830 1691t 
 
 Surrey   1826 3743 
 
 Sussex    1820  4440 
 
 Warwick   1820 3122 
 
 Westmoreland 1826 3455 
 
 Anglesey.  No  contest  since  1784. 
 
 Brecon 1818 1641 
 
 Cardigan.  No  contest  for  a  century. 
 
 Denbigh.  No  poll-books  filed. 
 
 Flint.  No  contest. 
 
 Glamorganshire    1820 1598 
 
 Montgomery 1831   1005 
 
 Pembroke. 1812  2723 
 
 Radnor.  No  contest  since  1811. 
 
 *  The  number  of  freeholders  in  this  county  is  estimated  at  4000. — Pari.  Pap. 
 149,  Sess.  1831. 
 
 t  The  election  continued  only  six  days,  and  supposed  half  the  number  of 
 freeholders  polled. 
 
 t  The  election  continued  only  one  day.     The  number  polled  in  1790,  when 
 the  election  lasted  two  days,  was  4849. 
 
 2  R 
 
GIO 
 
 STATISTICS    OF    REPRESENTATION. 
 
 No.  II. 
 
 The  Number  of  Freeholders  in  the  different  Counties  in  Ireland, 
 Registered  up  to  the  1st  May,  1831  ;  distinguishing  the  £50,  £20, 
 and  £10   Freeholders. 
 
 Number  of 
 jfoO. 
 
 752    ... 
 
 295    ... 
 
 321    ... 
 
 462   ... 
 
 579  ... 
 2280  ... 
 
 811   ... 
 
 887  ... 
 1223   ... 
 
 273   ... 
 
 897   ... 
 
 632   ... 
 
 682   ... 
 
 767   ... 
 
 788  ... 
 
 336  ... 
 1418   .. 
 
 Counties. 
 Antrim .... 
 Armagh  . . 
 Carlow  . . 
 Cavan  .... 
 Clare  .... 
 Cork  .... 
 Donegal  . . 
 Down  .... 
 Dublin  . . 
 Fermanagh 
 Gal  way  . . 
 Keny  .... 
 Kildare  . . 
 Kilkenny.. 
 King's  .... 
 Leitrim  . . 
 Limerick . . 
 
 Londonderry  488   215 
 
 Longford..     204 85 
 
 Louth  ....  295 
 Blayo    ....     583 
 
 Meath 784 
 
 Monaghan  464 
 Queen's  . .  941 
 Roscommon  468 
 Sligo  ....  399 
 Tipperary  2015 
 Tyrone  . .  265 
 Waterford  458 
 Wcstmeath  395 
 Wexford  . .  661 
 Wicklow..     314 
 
 Number  < 
 
 .  395  . 
 
 .  231  . 
 
 .  97  . 
 
 ,  344  . 
 
 .  293  . 
 
 ,  452  . 
 
 ,  92  . 
 
 .  338  . 
 
 .  496  . 
 
 .  251  . 
 
 .  299  . 
 
 ,  355  . 
 
 .  122  . 
 
 .  798  . 
 
 .  202  . 
 
 .  181  . 
 
 .  1126  . 
 
 85 
 113 
 346 
 160 
 254 
 183 
 357 
 315 
 411 
 316 
 476 
 163 
 328 
 122 
 
 Number  of 
 
 ..  1296  .. 
 
 . .  1087  ., 
 
 ..  193  .. 
 
 . .  781  ., 
 
 ..  930  .. 
 
 ..  447  ., 
 66  .. 
 
 . .  1902  ., 
 
 . .  109  ., 
 
 ..  920  ., 
 
 ..  1812  . 
 
 ..  178  .. 
 
 . .  190  ., 
 
 . .  383  ., 
 
 ..  318  ., 
 
 . .  554  .. 
 
 ..  1369  .. 
 
 ..  836  . 
 
 ..  463  . 
 
 ..  380  .. 
 
 . .  335  .. 
 
 ..  302  .. 
 
 ..  946  .. 
 
 . .  303  .. 
 
 ..  470  ., 
 
 ..  299  ., 
 
 ..  475  .. 
 
 ..  701  ., 
 
 ..  488  .. 
 
 . .  366  .. 
 
 ..  697  .. 
 
 ..  513  .. 
 
 Total 
 Number. 
 
 ..  2443 
 
 ..  1613 
 
 ..  611 
 
 ..  1587 
 
 ..  1802 
 
 ..  3179 
 
 ..  969 
 
 ..  3127 
 
 ..  1828 
 
 ..  1444 
 
 ..  3008 
 
 ..  1165 
 
 ..  994 
 
 ..  1948 
 
 ..  1308 
 
 ..  1071 
 
 ..  3913 
 
 ..  1539 
 
 ..  752 
 
 ..  788 
 
 ..  1264 
 
 ..  1246 
 
 ..  1664 
 
 ..  1427 
 
 ..  1295 
 
 ..  1013 
 
 ..  2901 
 
 ..  I::i82 
 
 ..  1122 
 
 ..  924 
 
 ..  1686 
 
 ..  949 
 
 f|i 
 
 No.  III. 
 
 Population,    Electors,   &c.   of   the  Fifty-six   Boroughs  totally  dis- 
 franchised, forming  Schedule  A  of  the  Reform  Bill. 
 
 •r>„,„  „v..      Population, 
 
 Houses, 
 
 Resident 
 
 Houses 
 
 Houses 
 
 Assessed 
 
 Electors 
 
 1H31. 
 
 1821. 
 
 Electors. 
 
 over  .^10. 
 
 over  jS20 
 
 .    Taxes,  1830 
 
 Uni.Suf. 
 
 Aldborough 
 
 2475    .. 
 
 258 
 
 .     147    . 
 
 39   .. 
 
 10   . 
 
 574    . 
 
 495 
 
 Aldeburgh 
 
 1.538   .. 
 
 268 
 
 .       67   . 
 
 31   .. 
 
 7   . 
 
 297   .. 
 
 307 
 
 Amersham 
 
 2816  .. 
 
 494 
 
 .       79   . 
 
 126  .. 
 
 7   . 
 
 880   .. 
 
 563 
 
 Appleby     . . 
 
 1359   .. 
 
 145 
 
 6.5    .. 
 
 6   . 
 
 487   .. 
 
 271 
 
 Bedwin,  Gt.. 
 
 2191    .. 
 
 125 
 
 .     120   . 
 
 2   .. 
 
 —  . 
 
 627   .. 
 
 438 
 
 Berealston . . 
 
 . , 
 
 1    .. 
 
 —   .. 
 
 3   .. 
 
 375 
 
 Bishop's  Cast. 
 
 1729  .. 
 
 344  . 
 
 .      18S   .. 
 
 83   .. 
 
 4  . 
 
 311    .. 
 
 315 
 
 Blechingley  . 
 
 1203   .. 
 
 85   . 
 
 6   .. 
 
 5   ,. 
 
 1   .. 
 
 390   .. 
 
 240 
 
BOROUGHS   niSFRANCHlSEn    BY   THE   REFORAI   BILL.    611 
 
 Boroughs. 
 
 Population, 
 
 Houses, 
 
 Ucsirl-nl 
 
 Houses 
 
 Houses 
 
 Assessed 
 
 Electors 
 
 1831. 
 
 1821. 
 
 Electors. 
 
 over  ,;fclO. 
 
 over  i£'20. 
 
 Taxes,  1S30 
 
 Uni.Suf. 
 
 Boroughbrid 
 
 ge   950   . . 
 
 158 
 
 70   .. 
 
 18    .. 
 
 4   .. 
 
 358   .. 
 
 190 
 
 Bossiney     ., 
 
 1000   .. 
 
 52 
 
 15    .. 
 
 1    .. 
 
 . . 
 
 46   .. 
 
 201 
 
 Brack  ley    .. 
 
 2107   .. 
 
 354 
 
 .        33    .. 
 
 25    .. 
 
 1    .. 
 
 302   .. 
 
 421 
 
 Bramber     . . 
 
 97   .. 
 
 35   . 
 
 .    . . 
 
 . . 
 
 16   .. 
 
 12 
 
 Callinsrton  . . 
 
 1388   .. 
 
 232   . 
 
 .      153    .. 
 
 32   .. 
 
 . , 
 
 221    .. 
 
 277 
 
 Camelford  . . 
 
 1359   .. 
 
 110   . 
 
 .       26   .. 
 
 14    .. 
 
 1    .. 
 
 127   .. 
 
 271 
 
 Castle   Risin 
 
 g     888   .. 
 
 Ill    . 
 
 . . . 
 
 2   .. 
 
 2   .. 
 
 127    .. 
 
 177 
 
 Corfe  Castle 
 
 900   .. 
 
 156   . 
 
 11    .. 
 
 2   .. 
 
 104    .. 
 
 192 
 
 Downton    . . 
 
 3961    .. 
 
 582   . 
 
 86  .. 
 
 94    .. 
 
 301   .. 
 
 792 
 
 Dunwich    . . 
 
 232   .. 
 
 38   . 
 
 25   .. 
 
 2   .. 
 
 1    .. 
 
 75   .. 
 
 46 
 
 Fovvey    .... 
 
 1767   .. 
 
 310   . 
 
 .     275    .. 
 
 46   .. 
 
 5    .. 
 
 273    .. 
 
 353 
 
 Gatton    .... 
 
 145   .. 
 
 23   . 
 
 6  .. 
 
 6   .. 
 
 4   .. 
 
 206  .. 
 
 29 
 
 GrinsteadjE. 
 
 3364   .. 
 
 444   . 
 
 8   .. 
 
 42   .. 
 
 8   .. 
 
 855   .. 
 
 672 
 
 Haslemere.. 
 
 849   .. 
 
 124    . 
 
 . . . 
 
 16   .. 
 
 4   .. 
 
 369  .. 
 
 169 
 
 Hedon    .... 
 
 1080   .. 
 
 182    . 
 
 .      331   .. 
 
 44   .. 
 
 8   .. 
 
 270   .. 
 
 216 
 
 Heytesbury  . 
 
 1413   .. 
 
 26   . 
 
 21    .. 
 
 7   .. 
 
 306   .. 
 
 282 
 
 Higham  Ferrars  905   . . 
 
 1.54   . 
 
 .   . . 
 
 6   .. 
 
 ■ .. 
 
 168   .. 
 
 123 
 
 Hindon  .... 
 
 921   .. 
 
 163  . 
 
 .   ■  . . 
 
 11   .. 
 
 1    .. 
 
 100   .. 
 
 184 
 
 Ilchester. . . . 
 
 975   .. 
 
 105    . 
 
 .      181    .. 
 
 12   .. 
 
 3    .. 
 
 145    .. 
 
 195 
 
 Looe,  West . 
 
 593   .. 
 
 107   . 
 
 34   .. 
 
 8  .. 
 
 1   .. 
 
 53   .. 
 
 118 
 
 Looe,  East  . 
 
 805   .. 
 
 142   . 
 
 40  .. 
 
 20  .. 
 
 1   .. 
 
 92   .. 
 
 173 
 
 Lostwithiel  , 
 
 1074   .. 
 
 206  . 
 
 23  .. 
 
 37   .. 
 
 15   .. 
 
 344   .. 
 
 214 
 
 Ludgershall . 
 
 535   .. 
 
 116   . 
 
 . . 
 
 4   .. 
 
 1   .. 
 
 122   .. 
 
 107 
 
 MilbornePort  2072   .. 
 
 302   . 
 
 169   .. 
 
 11   .. 
 
 1    .. 
 
 210   .. 
 
 414 
 
 Minehead.. 
 
 1494   .. 
 
 265   .. 
 
 261    .. 
 
 30   .. 
 
 3   .. 
 
 316   .. 
 
 298 
 
 Newport,  C. 
 
 1084  .. 
 
 180   . 
 
 81    .. 
 
 8   .. 
 
 —  . . 
 
 116  .. 
 
 216 
 
 Newtown,  I.  W.  68  . . 
 
 14   .. 
 
 26   .. 
 
 , , 
 
 * •   • 
 
 13 
 
 Newton,  L.  . 
 
 2137   .. 
 
 275    .. 
 
 52   .. 
 
 19   .. 
 
 2   .. 
 
 151    .. 
 
 427 
 
 Okehampton 
 
 2055   .. 
 
 313   .. 
 
 93   .. 
 
 42   .. 
 
 7   .. 
 
 383   .. 
 
 411 
 
 Orford    
 
 1302   .. 
 
 217   .. 
 
 20   .. 
 
 1    .. 
 
 144   .. 
 
 260 
 
 Plympton  . . 
 
 804   .. 
 
 128   .. 
 
 24    .. 
 
 39   .. 
 
 12   .. 
 
 314   .. 
 
 160 
 
 Queenborougli 
 
 786  .. 
 
 175   .. 
 
 300   .. 
 
 11    .. 
 
 6  .. 
 
 82   .. 
 
 157 
 
 Romney,  New 
 
 378   .. 
 
 165   .. 
 
 16   .. 
 
 24   .. 
 
 1    .. 
 
 352   .. 
 
 75 
 
 St.  Germains 
 
 2586  .. 
 
 99  ., 
 
 30   .. 
 
 15   .. 
 
 1    .. 
 
 341    .. 
 
 597 
 
 St.  Mawes.. 
 
 459   .. 
 
 101   .. 
 
 ^— —   . . 
 
 9   .. 
 
 —   . . 
 
 31   .. 
 
 91 
 
 St.  Michael  . 
 
 97  .. 
 
 24   .. 
 
 1    .. 
 
 —  . . 
 
 34    .. 
 
 19 
 
 Saltash 
 
 3092  .. 
 
 234   .. 
 
 .  • 
 
 134   .. 
 
 2   .. 
 
 126  .. 
 
 618 
 
 Sarum,  Old.. 
 
 12   .. 
 
 2   .. 
 
 . . 
 
 7    .. 
 
 2   .. 
 
 12   .. 
 
 2 
 
 Seaford  .... 
 
 1098  .. 
 
 217   .. 
 
 124   .. 
 
 30   .. 
 
 5    .. 
 
 315   .. 
 
 219 
 
 Steyning    .. 
 
 1430   .. 
 
 127   .. 
 
 '   . . 
 
 18   .. 
 
 5    .. 
 
 369   .. 
 
 287 
 
 Stockbridge. 
 
 851   .. 
 
 134    .. 
 
 138   .. 
 
 31   .. 
 
 5   . . 
 
 252  .. 
 
 170 
 
 Tregony .... 
 
 1127   .. 
 
 188   .. 
 
 233   .. 
 
 11    .. 
 
 3   .. 
 
 110   .. 
 
 225 
 
 Wendover  . . 
 
 2008   .. 
 
 1J8  .. 
 
 117   .. 
 
 14   .. 
 
 —   .. 
 
 272   .. 
 
 401 
 
 Weobly  .... 
 
 819   .. 
 
 118   .. 
 
 5    .. 
 
 1   .. 
 
 231    .. 
 
 163 
 
 Whitchurch  • 
 
 1073   .. 
 
 268   .. 
 
 . . 
 
 21   .. 
 
 2   .. 
 
 343   .. 
 
 334 
 
 Winchelsea  . 
 
 772   .. 
 
 187   .. 
 
 8   .. 
 
 13   .. 
 
 6  .. 
 
 217   .. 
 
 154 
 
 Wootton  Bas. 
 
 1890   .. 
 
 379   .. 
 
 300   .. 
 
 30   .. 
 
 5   .. 
 
 321    .. 
 
 379 
 
 Yarmouth,  I.W.  58G  .. 
 
 97   .. 
 
 9   .. 
 
 14   .. 
 
 4   .. 
 
 172   .. 
 
 177 
 
 No.  IV. 
 
 Population,  Electors,  &c.  of  the  Thirty  Boroughs  of  which  the 
 Representatives  have  been  reduced  to  One,  forming  Schedule  B  of 
 the  Reform  Bill. 
 
 Arundel ....     2803  . .       472  . .     403 
 Ashburton..     4165  ..       341  ..   , 
 
 200   .. 
 
 33   . 
 
 877   .. 
 
 560 
 
 54   .. 
 
 11    . 
 
 413  .. 
 
 2  ii2 
 
 833 
 
612 
 
 STATISTICS    OF    REPRESENTATION. 
 
 p^r/..,cThc      Population, 
 
 Houses, 
 
 Kcsident 
 
 Houses 
 
 Houses 
 
 Assessed 
 
 Electors 
 
 lioroiigns. 
 
 IHSI. 
 
 18Q1. 
 
 Electors. 
 
 over  j6  10. 
 
 over  jg20. 
 
 Taxes,  1830. 
 
 Uni.Suf. 
 
 Calne 
 
 4795    .. 
 
 461    . 
 
 .       18  .. 
 
 208    . 
 
 .       45   . 
 
 1681    . 
 
 959 
 
 Christchurch 
 
 1599   .. 
 
 930   . 
 
 20   . 
 
 300   . 
 
 .        18  . 
 
 557   . 
 
 319 
 
 Clitheroe    . . 
 
 5213   .. 
 
 550  . 
 
 7   .. 
 
 60   . 
 
 19   . 
 
 406   . 
 
 .      1042 
 
 Dartmouth.. 
 
 4597   .. 
 
 007   . 
 
 .     100   .. 
 
 234   . 
 
 .       48   . 
 
 050   . 
 
 .       919 
 
 Droitwich  . . 
 
 2487   .. 
 
 474  . 
 
 4   . 
 
 C9   . 
 
 19  . 
 
 519  . 
 
 497 
 
 Eye 
 
 2313   .. 
 
 340  . 
 
 .      129   . 
 
 29   . 
 
 5   . 
 
 411    . 
 
 462 
 
 Grimsby.... 
 
 4225   .. 
 
 734    . 
 
 .     394   . 
 
 94   . 
 
 3   . 
 
 461    . 
 
 845 
 
 Helston  .... 
 
 3293   .. 
 
 466   . 
 
 .       52   . 
 
 234   . 
 
 .       20   . 
 
 883   . 
 
 658 
 
 Horsham    . . 
 
 6105    .. 
 
 288   . 
 
 78   . 
 
 23    . 
 
 .      105    . 
 
 .        1209   . 
 
 .     1021 
 
 Hythe 
 
 2287   .. 
 
 437   . 
 
 .       36   . 
 
 77 
 
 20 
 
 640   . 
 
 .       457 
 
 Launceston.. 
 
 2231    .. 
 
 253    . 
 
 14   . 
 
 176  . 
 
 ir  . 
 
 537   . 
 
 .       446 
 
 Liskeard    .. 
 
 2853   .. 
 
 414   . 
 
 .       24   . 
 
 235   . 
 
 10  . 
 
 542   . 
 
 570 
 
 Lyme  Regis. 
 
 2621   .. 
 
 401   . 
 
 .       25    . 
 
 270 
 
 .       20 
 
 852   . 
 
 624 
 
 Malmesbury. 
 
 2785   .. 
 
 275   . 
 
 13 
 
 158 
 
 6 
 
 338  . 
 
 557 
 
 Mid  hurst    .. 
 
 1478   .. 
 
 234   . 
 
 20   . 
 
 65 
 
 .       23 
 
 802   . 
 
 .       295 
 
 Morpeth  . . 
 
 5150   .. 
 
 478   . 
 
 .     240   . 
 
 162   . 
 
 .       31 
 
 940   . 
 
 .      1031 
 
 Northalltn. 
 
 5118   .. 
 
 567    . 
 
 .   . 
 
 107   . 
 
 .       30 
 
 .       1128  . 
 
 .      1023 
 
 Petersfield.. 
 
 1423   .. 
 
 262   . 
 
 .       50   . 
 
 64 
 
 12 
 
 513   . 
 
 .       284 
 
 Reigate  .... 
 
 3397   .. 
 
 217   . 
 
 8   . 
 
 78 
 
 11 
 
 662   . 
 
 .       679 
 
 Rye 
 
 3715   .. 
 
 574   . 
 
 50   . 
 
 95 
 
 ..       28 
 
 815   . 
 
 .       743 
 
 Shaftesbury . 
 
 3061    .. 
 
 546   . 
 
 .      359  . 
 
 .       158 
 
 7 
 
 628   . 
 
 .       612 
 
 Stives 
 
 4776  .. 
 
 772   . 
 
 .     496   . 
 
 26 
 
 337 
 
 . 
 
 Thirsk    
 
 2835   .. 
 
 591    . 
 
 6  > 
 
 110 
 
 15 
 
 606   . 
 
 567 
 
 Totness  .... 
 
 3442   .. 
 
 366   . 
 
 .       40   . 
 
 .       247 
 
 86 
 
 1088   . 
 
 688 
 
 Wareham  .. 
 
 2325   .. 
 
 417   . 
 
 20  . 
 
 63 
 
 6 
 
 660 
 
 465 
 
 Westbury  .. 
 
 7324   .. 
 
 .  . 
 
 318 
 
 .•   
 
 995 
 
 .      1464 
 
 Wilton    .... 
 
 1997   .. 
 
 299   . 
 
 20   . 
 
 150 
 
 ..       14 
 
 492 
 
 399 
 
 Woodstock .. 
 
 1320   .. 
 
 258 
 
 .      145    . 
 
 90 
 
 ..       23 
 
 487 
 
 .       204 
 
 No.  V. 
 
 Boroughs  not  included  either  in  Schedule  A  or  B,  and  to  continue  to 
 return  two  Members  to  Parliament. 
 
 Abingdon  . . 
 
 5022  .. 
 
 1114   . 
 
 .     253   .. 
 
 148   . 
 
 39   .. 
 
 1355 
 
 ..      1124 
 
 Andover.... 
 
 4748   .. 
 
 810   . 
 
 .       24   .. 
 
 207   . 
 
 94   .. 
 
 1704 
 
 . .       949 
 
 Aylesbury . . 
 
 4450   .. 
 
 886  . 
 
 .    1500   .. 
 
 120   . 
 
 .        21    .. 
 
 1220 
 
 890 
 
 Banbury. . .. 
 
 5900   . 
 
 701    . 
 
 .        16   .. 
 
 1C9   . 
 
 02   ., 
 
 1305 
 
 ..     1181 
 
 Barnstaple.. 
 
 0840   . 
 
 805   . 
 
 .     731   .. 
 
 344    . 
 
 .       88   .. 
 
 1455 
 
 . .      1368 
 
 Bath    
 
 38003   . 
 
 5494  . 
 
 .       29   .. 
 
 1243   . 
 
 .   1062  .. 
 
 16885 
 
 . .     7812 
 
 Bedford 
 
 0959   .. 
 
 1104    . 
 
 .     914   .. 
 
 209   . 
 
 43   .. 
 
 2047 
 
 ..      1391 
 
 Berwick.... 
 
 8920   . 
 
 1061   . 
 
 .     527   .. 
 
 415    . 
 
 .      185   .. 
 
 2130 
 
 ..     1784 
 
 Beverley    . . 
 
 7432   . 
 
 1513   . 
 
 .      870    .. 
 
 328   . 
 
 .      130  .. 
 
 3000 
 
 ..     1486 
 
 BevFdley    . . 
 
 4003   . 
 
 918   . 
 
 .       24    .. 
 
 121    . 
 
 .       22   .. 
 
 925 
 
 800 
 
 Bodmin  . . . . 
 
 3375   . 
 
 467   . 
 
 37   .. 
 
 178   . 
 
 60   .. 
 
 984 
 
 676 
 
 Boston    .... 
 
 11240   . 
 
 2231    . 
 
 .     503   .. 
 
 440   . 
 
 .     219  .. 
 
 2953 
 
 . .     2248 
 
 Bridgenorth. 
 
 5298   , 
 
 1021    . 
 
 .     986   .. 
 
 220  . 
 
 73   .. 
 
 1363 
 
 . .     1069 
 
 Bridge  water 
 
 7807   .. 
 
 1110   . 
 
 .      460   .. 
 
 452   . 
 
 .     210   . 
 
 2711 
 
 ..     1561 
 
 Bridport    . . 
 
 4242   .. 
 
 604    . 
 
 .     200   .. 
 
 338   . 
 
 .     343    .. 
 
 762 
 
 ..       848 
 
 Bristol    .... 
 
 59034    .. 
 
 8451    . 
 
 .   5188   .. 
 
 5022   . 
 
 .   2719  .. 
 
 33041 
 
 ..   11800 
 
 Buckingham 
 
 3010   . 
 
 287    . 
 
 .        13    .. 
 
 75   . 
 
 8   . 
 
 842 
 
 722 
 
 BurySt.Edm. 
 
 11430  .. 
 
 1960   . 
 
 37    .. 
 
 585    . 
 
 .     202   .. 
 
 4994 
 
 . .     2287 
 
 Cambridge  . 
 
 20917   .. 
 
 2682  . 
 
 .      130  .. 
 
 1100   . 
 
 .      514   .. 
 
 7751 
 
 ..     4183 
 
BOROUGHS    NOT    DISFRANCHISED    BY    THE    BILL.      613 
 
 n»-»..r.i..      Population,      House 
 Boroughs.         ^g3j_  jg,,,_ 
 
 Resident      Houses        Houses  Assessed     Electors 
 
 Electors,     over  j6' 10.    over  ^20.    Taxes,  1830.  Uni.Suf. 
 
 Canterbury 
 
 .  12190 
 
 .  2621 
 
 ..  1988 
 
 667 
 
 ..  218 
 
 ..   4585 
 
 . .  2438 
 
 Carlisle  . . . 
 
 .  19069 
 
 .   1014 
 
 . .  850 
 
 687 
 
 ..  275 
 
 .   3798 
 
 ..  3813 
 
 Chester  . . . 
 
 .  21331 
 
 .  4076 
 
 ..  1504 
 
 .  1040 
 
 ..  504 
 
 .  37732 
 
 . .  4266 
 
 Chippingham  4333 
 
 541 
 
 ..  126 
 
 180 
 
 52 
 
 1057 
 
 866 
 
 Chichester. 
 
 .  8270 
 
 .  1328 
 
 ..  828  . 
 
 456 
 
 .  194  . 
 
 3785 
 
 . .  1654 
 
 Cirencester 
 
 .  4520 
 
 900 
 
 ..  573  . 
 
 329 
 
 ..  127  . 
 
 2731 
 
 904 
 
 Cockermouth  4536 
 
 766 
 
 .   101 
 
 .   11  . 
 
 609 
 
 907 
 
 Colchester.. 
 
 16167 
 
 .  2768 
 
 ..  1406  . 
 
 612 
 
 .  285  . 
 
 .   5713 
 
 .  3233 
 
 Coventry  . . 
 
 27298 
 
 .  4470 
 
 ..  2763  . 
 
 .   953 
 
 .  241  . 
 
 .   6658 
 
 .  5459 
 
 Cricklade  .. 
 
 11661 
 
 .  2266 
 
 ..  1188  . 
 
 .  . 
 
 .  2332 
 
 Derby  .... 
 
 23C27  . 
 
 .  3516 
 
 .  700  . 
 
 801 
 
 .  336  . 
 
 .   5488 
 
 .  4725 
 
 Devizes  • . . 
 
 .  4562  . 
 
 488 
 
 .   40  . 
 
 .   336  . 
 
 .   99  . 
 
 1746 
 
 912 
 
 Dorchester. 
 
 .  3033  . 
 
 405 
 
 .  210  . 
 
 333 
 
 .  112  . 
 
 .   2103 
 
 606 
 
 Dover 
 
 .  14381  . 
 
 .  2047 
 
 .  1866  . 
 
 .   273  . 
 
 .   43  . 
 
 3340  . 
 
 .  2872 
 
 Durham... 
 
 .  9262  . 
 
 .  1175  . 
 
 .  987  . 
 
 .   448  . 
 
 .  155  . 
 
 3783  . 
 
 .  1852 
 
 Evesham  . 
 
 3976  . 
 
 .   746  . 
 
 .   155  . 
 
 178  . 
 
 78  . 
 
 .   1297  . 
 
 795 
 
 Exeter  ... 
 
 .  28242  . 
 
 .  3432  . 
 
 .  1300  . 
 
 .  1856  . 
 
 .  886  . 
 
 .  22497  . 
 
 .  5648 
 
 Gloucester. 
 
 .  11373  . 
 
 .   1794  . 
 
 .  1703  . 
 
 760  . 
 
 .  360  . 
 
 4765  . 
 
 .  2276 
 
 Grantham  . 
 
 .  7427  . 
 
 .   766  . 
 
 .  864  . 
 
 228  . 
 
 .  114  . 
 
 2196  . 
 
 .  1485 
 
 Guildford  . 
 
 .  3813  . 
 
 5G5  . 
 
 .  178  . 
 
 213  . 
 
 .   93  . 
 
 1630  . 
 
 .   762 
 
 Harwich  . 
 
 .  4297  . 
 
 699  . 
 
 .   20  . 
 
 .   170  . 
 
 .   28  . 
 
 906  . 
 
 859 
 
 Hastings  . 
 
 10097  . 
 
 .   1068  . 
 
 .   17  . 
 
 596  . 
 
 .  319  . 
 
 .   5144  . 
 
 .  2019 
 
 Hereford  . 
 
 10351  . 
 
 .   1929  . 
 
 .  884  . 
 
 617  . 
 
 .  248  . 
 
 4155  . 
 
 .  2070 
 
 Hertford  . 
 
 4028  . 
 
 656  . 
 
 .  659  . 
 
 .   273  . 
 
 .  132  . 
 
 .   2394  . 
 
 805 
 
 Honiton..., 
 
 3509  . 
 
 .   697  . 
 
 .   506  . 
 
 303  . 
 
 69  . 
 
 1125  . 
 
 701 
 
 Huntingdon 
 
 .  3267  . 
 
 .538  . 
 
 78  . 
 
 200  . 
 
 .   77  . 
 
 1773  . 
 
 365 
 
 Hull 
 
 32958  . 
 
 .  5350  . 
 
 .  2299  . 
 
 .  2136  . 
 
 .  781  . 
 
 .  16182  . 
 
 .  6591 
 
 Ipsvirich  .. 
 
 20454  . 
 
 3412  . 
 
 .  1003  . 
 
 592  . 
 
 .   180  . 
 
 5025  . 
 
 .  4090 
 
 King'sLynn 
 
 13370  . 
 
 .  2323  . 
 
 .  284  . 
 
 334  . 
 
 .   71  . 
 
 2596  . 
 
 .  2674 
 
 Knaresboro 
 
 5226  . 
 
 .   976  . 
 
 .   23  . 
 
 203  . 
 
 56  . 
 
 1148  . 
 
 .   1045 
 
 Lancaster  . 
 
 10144  . 
 
 1803  . 
 
 .  2490  . 
 
 554  . 
 
 .  265  . 
 
 4100  . 
 
 .  2028 
 
 Leicester . . 
 
 40512  . 
 
 6627  . 
 
 .  4781  .. 
 
 855  . 
 
 .  405  . 
 
 5278  . 
 
 .  8102 
 
 Leominster 
 
 4300  . 
 
 854  . 
 
 .  716  .. 
 
 195  . 
 
 41  .. 
 
 1051  . 
 
 .  8600 
 
 Lewes  .... 
 
 6353  .. 
 
 808  . 
 
 ,  626  .. 
 
 230  . 
 
 79  ., 
 
 2475  . 
 
 .   1270 
 
 Lincoln  .... 
 
 13102  .. 
 
 2145  . 
 
 1233  .. 
 
 434  .. 
 
 230  .. 
 
 3048  . 
 
 .  2620 
 
 Lichfield  . . 
 
 6281  .. 
 
 1161  . 
 
 .  763  ., 
 
 321  . 
 
 .  149  .. 
 
 2476  . 
 
 .   1256 
 
 Liverpool.. 
 
 165175  . 
 
 27792  . 
 
 .  4401  .. 
 
 14127  . 
 
 5936  .. 
 
 59086  . 
 
 .  33033 
 
 London  . . 
 
 121344  .. 
 
 17534  . 
 
 8639  .. 
 
 13600  .. 
 
 1888  .. 
 
 198101  . 
 
 24268 
 
 Ludlow  .. 
 
 .5253  .. 
 
 1006  . 
 
 16  .. 
 
 292  . 
 
 116  .. 
 
 1995  . 
 
 .  1050 
 
 Lymington.. 
 
 3361  . 
 
 417  . 
 
 20  .. 
 
 295  . 
 
 66  .. 
 
 1077  . 
 
 672 
 
 Maidstone 
 
 15387  .. 
 
 2276  . 
 
 752  .. 
 
 685  .. 
 
 283  .. 
 
 4784  . 
 
 3677 
 
 Maldon  .... 
 
 3831  .. 
 
 606  . 
 
 251  .. 
 
 274  .. 
 
 53  .. 
 
 1114  . 
 
 766 
 
 Mai  ion .... 
 
 4173  .. 
 
 774  . 
 
 625  .. 
 
 146  .. 
 
 60  .. 
 
 952  . 
 
 834 
 
 Marlborough 
 
 3426  .. 
 
 488  . 
 
 10  .. 
 
 227  .. 
 
 37  .. 
 
 1276  . 
 
 685 
 
 Marlow  .... 
 
 2863  . 
 
 494  . 
 
 .  444  .. 
 
 192  .. 
 
 11  .. 
 
 1741  . 
 
 572 
 
 Monmouth 
 
 13815  .. 
 
 . . 
 
 1279  .. 
 
 535  .. 
 
 7383  .. 
 
 2763 
 
 Newark  . . 
 
 9557  .. 
 
 1691  . 
 
 1362  .. 
 
 351  .. 
 
 198  .. 
 
 2856  .. 
 
 1911 
 
 Nwcstl.UL 
 
 8192  .. 
 
 1510  .. 
 
 800  .. 
 
 267  .. 
 
 139  .. 
 
 1764  .. 
 
 1638 
 
 Nwcstl.UT 
 
 42760  .. 
 
 4317  .. 
 
 3000  .. 
 
 2916  .. 
 
 1223  .. 
 
 14961  ., 
 
 8552' 
 
 Nwprt.I.W. 
 
 4398  .. 
 
 731  .. 
 
 22  .. 
 
 270  .. 
 
 118  .. 
 
 1841  .. 
 
 87t^ 
 
 Nrthmpton. 
 
 15351  .. 
 
 2086  .. 
 
 2300  .. 
 
 691  .. 
 
 266  .. 
 
 4127  .. 
 
 3070 
 
 Norwich  . . 
 
 61096  ,. 
 
 11031  .. 
 
 4202  .. 
 
 2316  .. 
 
 810  .. 
 
 15550  .. 
 
 12219 
 
 Nottingham 
 
 50216  .. 
 
 7676  • 
 
 4051  .. 
 
 1436  .. 
 
 623  .. 
 
 9359  .. 
 
 10043 
 
 Oxford.... 
 
 18460  .. 
 
 2520  .. 
 
 1779  .. 
 
 1460  .. 
 
 443  .. 
 
 2735  ,. 
 
 3692 
 
 Penryn  . . 
 
 4490  .. 
 
 498  .. 
 
 429  .. 
 
 112  .. 
 
 23  .. 
 
 .521  .. 
 
 899 
 
 Peterboro' 
 
 6511  .. 
 
 983  ,. 
 
 548  .. 
 
 245  .. 
 
 139  .. 
 
 2379  ,. 
 
 1362 
 
 Plymouth  . . 
 
 31080  .. 
 
 2384  .. 
 
 177  .. 
 
 2059  .. 
 
 651  .. 
 
 8753  .. 
 
 6216 
 
 Pontefract.. 
 
 9349  .. 
 
 960  .. 
 
 806  .. 
 
 484  .. 
 
 64  .. 
 
 1811  .. 
 
 166a 
 
614 
 
 STATISTICS    OF    REPRESENTATION. 
 
 Boroughs. 
 
 'opulation, 
 
 Houses, 
 
 Resident 
 
 Houses 
 
 Houses 
 
 Assessed 
 
 Electors 
 
 1831. 
 
 1S'21. 
 
 Electors. 
 
 overj^'io. 
 
 oyerse-M. 
 
 Taxes  1830. 
 
 Viii.Suf. 
 
 Poole 
 
 C4.59  .. 
 
 1180   .. 
 
 95    .. 
 
 298   . 
 
 .        71    .. 
 
 1702   . 
 
 1291 
 
 Portsmouth . 
 
 50389   .. 
 
 8506   . 
 
 .59    .. 
 
 • 
 
 . 
 
 10077 
 
 Preston  .... 
 
 33112    .. 
 
 4229   . 
 
 7122   .. 
 
 976   . 
 
 .      510   .. 
 
 7394   . 
 
 .     6622 
 
 Reading. . . . 
 
 15595   .. 
 
 2585    . 
 
 .    1010    .. 
 
 1050   . 
 
 .     657   .. 
 
 8661    . 
 
 .     3119 
 
 Retforrd 
 
 . . 
 
 6724    . 
 
 .    1283   .. 
 
 152    . 
 
 .        31    . 
 
 924   . 
 
 Ripon 
 
 5080    .. 
 
 178   . 
 
 195    . 
 
 70   , 
 
 3076   . 
 
 .      1016 
 
 Richmond  . . 
 
 3900   .. 
 
 748   . 
 
 41    .. 
 
 175   . 
 
 .       77   . 
 
 1899   . 
 
 780 
 
 Rochester  .. 
 
 9891   .. 
 
 1646  . 
 
 .     841    .. 
 
 400   . 
 
 .      608   . 
 
 23.56  . 
 
 .     1978 
 
 St.  Albans.. 
 
 4772   .. 
 
 744   . 
 
 .     623   .. 
 
 ■286   . 
 
 .       93   . 
 
 1964   . 
 
 954 
 
 Sandwich  . . 
 
 3084    .. 
 
 578    . 
 
 .     468   .. 
 
 125    . 
 
 .        28   . 
 
 786   . 
 
 616 
 
 Salisbury  .. 
 
 9338   .. 
 
 1084   . 
 
 .       57    .. 
 
 507    . 
 
 .     286  . 
 
 5365   . 
 
 .      1867 
 
 Scarborough 
 
 8752   . 
 
 1883    . 
 
 .       44   .. 
 
 387    . 
 
 .      173   . 
 
 2503   . 
 
 .      1750 
 
 Shorehani  . . 
 
 , 
 
 210   . 
 
 .   1041    .. 
 
 26   . 
 
 5   . 
 
 196   . 
 
 Shrewsbury 
 
 1C055    ., 
 
 3155    , 
 
 .     974    .. 
 
 989   . 
 
 .     471    . 
 
 8695    . 
 
 .      S211 
 
 Southamptn. 
 
 19324   . 
 
 2249   . 
 
 .      839  .. 
 
 1284   . 
 
 .      656   . 
 
 .     11378   . 
 
 .     3864 
 
 Soutliwark  . 
 
 77799   . 
 
 13187    . 
 
 .    5000   .. 
 
 4658  . 
 
 .   2629   . 
 
 .     26271    . 
 
 .    155.59 
 
 Staflbrd 
 
 8956   . 
 
 .     1013   . 
 
 .     864   .. 
 
 190   . 
 
 80   . 
 
 1331    . 
 
 .      1391 
 
 Stamford    .. 
 
 5837   . 
 
 919   . 
 
 .     607    .. 
 
 340 
 
 .      168  . 
 
 3224   . 
 
 .      1167 
 
 Sudbury    . . 
 
 4G77    . 
 
 843    . 
 
 .     730   .. 
 
 108   . 
 
 21    . 
 
 1131    . 
 
 935 
 
 Tamworth . . 
 
 7118   . 
 
 747    . 
 
 .     470   .. 
 
 137    . 
 
 .       44  . 
 
 914   . 
 
 .      1423 
 
 Tavistock  .. 
 
 5G02   . 
 
 560   . 
 
 .       27    .. 
 
 269 
 
 .       72   . 
 
 1282  . 
 
 .      1120 
 
 Taunton .... 
 
 , 
 
 800   . 
 
 .     739   .. 
 
 336 
 
 .     225   . 
 
 2699   . 
 
 Tewkesbury 
 
 5780   . 
 
 .      1132   . 
 
 .      318   .. 
 
 262 
 
 .      108   . 
 
 1575    . 
 
 .      1156 
 
 Thetford     . . 
 
 3462   . 
 
 602   . 
 
 23   . 
 
 77 
 
 21    . 
 
 887   . 
 
 .       692 
 
 Tiverton.... 
 
 9566  . 
 
 .     1357   . 
 
 25   . 
 
 213 
 
 86   . 
 
 1651   . 
 
 .     1913 
 
 Truro  
 
 8644   . 
 
 464   . 
 
 .       25    . 
 
 190 
 
 90   . 
 
 .        1278   . 
 
 .     J  728 
 
 Wallinsford. 
 
 2545   . 
 
 386   . 
 
 .     286   .. 
 
 218 
 
 43   . 
 
 1073   . 
 
 509 
 
 Warwick    .. 
 
 9109   . 
 
 .     1590   . 
 
 .      186   . 
 
 3.54 
 
 ..      152   . 
 
 .        3227   . 
 
 .     1821 
 
 Wells 
 
 4048   . 
 
 505   . 
 
 .     308   .. 
 
 173 
 
 85    . 
 
 1355    . 
 
 809 
 
 Wenlock    .. 
 
 17435   . 
 
 .     3667   . 
 
 .     485    . 
 
 36 
 
 6   . 
 
 2723    . 
 
 .     3487 
 
 Westminster  202050  . 
 
 .   19275   . 
 
 .170U0   . 
 
 17681 
 
 .15163   , 
 
 .   303421    . 
 
 .   40410 
 
 Wvmth  &  M 
 
 7655   . 
 
 .      1213   . 
 
 .     745    . 
 
 490 
 
 ,.     300   . 
 
 3747    . 
 
 .      1531 
 
 Wigan    .... 
 
 20774   . 
 
 .      3288    . 
 
 97   . 
 
 474 
 
 204   . 
 
 2686   . 
 
 .     4514 
 
 Winchester 
 
 6280   . 
 
 7(i9 
 
 .      140   . 
 
 307 
 
 ..      136  . 
 
 280.5    . 
 
 .      10.56 
 
 Windsor    . . 
 
 86GI   . 
 
 811    . 
 
 .      363    .. 
 
 374 
 
 .      181    . 
 
 3538   . 
 
 .      1732 
 
 W^orcester  . . 
 
 18590   . 
 
 .     2926   . 
 
 .   2173   . 
 
 909 
 
 ..      511    . 
 
 6900   , 
 
 .     3718 
 
 Wycombe  . . 
 
 6299   . 
 
 519   . 
 
 .      124   . 
 
 446 
 
 46   . 
 
 .        1737    . 
 
 .      1219 
 
 Ymtlj.  Nrflk 
 
 22028   . 
 
 .     4103 
 
 .     929   . 
 
 420 
 
 ..      129  . 
 
 .       3192   . 
 
 .     4405 
 
 York 
 
 26260   . 
 
 3326   . 
 
 .   3715   .. 
 
 1589 
 
 .      807    . 
 
 .      11514   . 
 
 .     5254 
 
 WELSH     BOROUGHS. 
 
 Boroughs. 
 Beaum;iris  . 
 Brecon 
 Caernarvon. 
 
 CardilV 
 
 Cardigan. . . 
 Carmarthen. 
 Denbigh . . . . 
 
 Flint 
 
 Haverfordw. 
 Montgomery 
 Pembroke  . 
 Ruduor    . . . 
 
 Population, 
 
 lH-31. 
 
 .13097  .. 
 
 .  4139  .. 
 
 .18106  .. 
 
 .32777  .. 
 
 .  8120  .. 
 
 .15562  .. 
 
 11697  .. 
 
 .28338  .. 
 
 10882  .. 
 
 .16283  .. 
 
 .10098  ,. 
 
 .  7245  .. 
 
 Houses,    Resident 
 
 18-21        Electors. 
 
 462  ..  . 
 
 977  ..  . 
 
 1148  ..  . 
 
 071 
 
 448 
 1128 
 1400 
 
 806 
 227 
 862 
 422 
 
 702 
 1096 
 
 633 
 
 546 
 1217 
 
 500 
 
 85 
 
 1401 
 
 922 
 
NEW    PARLIAMENTARY    BOROUGHS. 
 
 G15 
 
 No.  VI. 
 
 New  Boroughs  forming  Schedule  C,  which  are  to  return  Two  Members. 
 
 Names.  ^"'Jssu'""' 
 
 Birmingham 142251   . 
 
 Blackburn 27091   . 
 
 Bolton    41195   . 
 
 Bradford    23233  . 
 
 Brighton    40684   . 
 
 Devonport 44454  . 
 
 Finsbury  244077   . 
 
 Greenwich,  &c 62009  . 
 
 Halifax 15382  . 
 
 Lambeth    203229  . 
 
 Leeds     123393  . 
 
 Macclesfield 23129. 
 
 Manchester  187022  . 
 
 Marylebone   240294   . 
 
 Oldham 50513   . 
 
 Sheffield     90657  . 
 
 Stockport  25469  . 
 
 Stoke-upon-Trent....  52946  . 
 
 Stroud     13721   . 
 
 Sunderland    43078  . 
 
 Tower  Hamlets     ....  359821   . 
 
 Wolverhampton    ....  67514  , 
 
 23626  .. 
 
 4177  .. 
 
 1044  .. 
 16872   .. 
 
 6683   .. 
 
 1206  .. 
 12639  .. 
 22G37   .. 
 
 1128   .. 
 
 4573  .. 
 854   .. 
 
 2270  .. 
 
 26297   .. 
 
 2125    ,. 
 
 Electors 
 
 Uni.  Suff. 
 
 .      28450 
 
 5418 
 
 8239 
 
 4646 
 
 8126 
 
 8890 
 
 .     48815 
 
 .     12401 
 
 3076 
 
 .     40645 
 
 ,     24678 
 
 4625 
 
 .     37404 
 
 .     48058 
 
 .      10102 
 
 .      18131 
 
 5093 
 
 .     10589 
 
 2744 
 
 .       8615 
 
 .     71964 
 
 .     13502 
 
 No.  VII. 
 
 New  Boroughs  forming  Schedule  D,  which  are  to  return  One  Member. 
 
 Names  Population, 
 
 iMames.  jgg,^ 
 
 Ashton-under-Line ..  33597  . 
 
 Bury 15086  . 
 
 Cheltenham 22942  . 
 
 Dudley 23043   . 
 
 Frome     12240   . 
 
 Gateshead     15177  . 
 
 Huddersfield 31041   . 
 
 Kendal 11265   . 
 
 Kidderminster 14981   . 
 
 Rochdale    35764  . 
 
 Salford 50810  . 
 
 South  Shields   18756  . 
 
 Swansea    19093  . 
 
 Tynemouth    16926  . 
 
 Walsall 15066  . 
 
 Wakefield 12232  . 
 
 Warrington    16018  . 
 
 Whitby 10399  . 
 
 Whitehaven 17808  . 
 
 Houses  at  10?. 
 
 Houses  at  Q 
 
 Ol.    Assessed 
 
 Electors 
 
 and  upwards. 
 
 and  upwaic 
 
 s.  Taxes,  1830. 
 
 Uni.  SulT. 
 
 .  . 
 
 . 
 
 1434  . 
 
 6719 
 
 639  .. 
 
 128  . 
 
 2161  . 
 
 3017 
 
 1939  .. 
 
 1225  . 
 
 21184  . 
 
 .   4588 
 
 595  .. 
 
 131  . 
 
 2536  . 
 
 .   4608 
 
 1354  .. 
 
 91  . 
 
 1960  . 
 
 2448 
 
 795  .. 
 
 140  . 
 
 2036  . 
 
 3035 
 
 1709  .. 
 
 248  . 
 
 3941  . 
 
 6208 
 
 _ ,  , 
 
 . 
 
 3027  . 
 
 2253 
 
 473  .. 
 
 117  . 
 
 1920  . 
 
 2998 
 
 1044  .. 
 
 N.  D.  .. 
 
 3143  . 
 
 7521 
 
 1244  .. 
 
 463  . 
 
 8970  . 
 
 10162 
 
 987  .. 
 
 N.  D.  . 
 
 1627  . 
 
 3751 
 
 739  .. 
 
 303  . 
 
 3644  . 
 
 3818 
 
 974  .. 
 
 N.  D.  . 
 
 2467  . 
 
 3385 
 
 750  .. 
 
 N.  D.  . 
 
 1735  . 
 
 .   3013 
 
 675  .. 
 
 271  . 
 
 5530  . 
 
 2446 
 
 799  .. 
 
 252  . 
 
 2914  . 
 
 .   3203 
 
 .  . . 
 
 . 
 
 2035  . 
 
 ,   2079 
 
 468  .. 
 
 130  . 
 
 2842  . 
 
 3561 
 
G16  STATISTICS    or    REPRESENTATION. 
 
 No.    VIII. 
 
 A  List  of  the  Places  contained  in  Schedule  CC.)  and  (D.);  1.  speci- 
 fying the  Parishes,  Townships,  or  Hamlets,  of  which  the  whole  or  any 
 part  is  recommended  in  the  Reports  of  the  Commissioners  as  the 
 appropriate  limits  of  each  ])lace  contained  in  Schedules  (C.)  and  (D.) 
 2.  The  Population,  Number  of  Houses,  Number  of  Qualifying  Tene- 
 ments, and  Amount  of  Assessed  Taxes,  within  such  limits,  or  as 
 nearly  as  can  be  ascertained. 
 
 SCHEDULE  (C) 
 
 Birmingham. — Parish  of  Birmingham,  parish  of  Edgbaston,  township  of  IJor- 
 desley,  township  of  Deritend,  townshij)  of  Duddeston  with  Neachels: — con- 
 taining town  of  Birmingham  and  its  immediate  neighbourhood. 
 
 Population    142,000  I  Qualifying  tenements 7,000 
 
 Houses 30,000  I  Assessed  taxes    £28,000 
 
 lilackburn. — The  township  of  Blackburn  ; — containing  the  town  of  Blackburn 
 and  its  immediate  neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 27,000  I  Qualifying  tenements  ....         600 
 
 Houses    4,800  |  Assessed  taxes £2,300 
 
 liolton. — The  township  of  Great  Bolton,  the  chapelry  of  Little  Bolton,  the 
 township  of  Haulgh  ; — containing  the  town  of  Bolton. 
 
 Population 42,000  I  Qualifying  tenements  .. ..      1,COO 
 
 Houses   7,G00  I  Assessed  taxes £4,3U0 
 
 Bradford. — The  township  of  Bradford,  the  township  of  Bowling,  the  township 
 of  Little  Horton  ; — containing  the  township  of  Bradford  and  its  neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 34,000  I  Qualifying  tenements. . . .      1,100 
 
 Houses    4,100  I  Assessed  taxes   £2,444 
 
 Brighton. — Parish   of  Brighton,  parish  of  Hove; — containing  the   town  of 
 
 Brighton  with  its  immediate  neighbourhood,  which  includes  the   village  of 
 
 Hove. 
 
 I'opulation 42,000  I  Qualifying  tenements ....      3,000 
 
 Houses   <J,000  I  Assessed  taxes    £31,800 
 
 Devonport. — The  parish  of  Stoke  Damerill,  the  township  of  Stonehouse ; — 
 
 containing  the  town  of  Devonport,  with  its  neighbourhood,  which  includes  the 
 
 suburbs  of  Stoke  and  Morrice  town. 
 
 Population 44,000  I  Qualifying  tenements. . . .      3,000 
 
 Houses    4,G0O  |  Assessed  taxes    £9,700 
 
 Finsbury.— V  art  ofthe  parish  ofSt.  Mary,  Islington,  part  of  parish  St.  Andrew, 
 llolborn,  part  ofthe  parish  of  St.  James  and  St.  John,  Clerkenwell,  part  ofthe 
 parish  of  St.  Sepulchre,  part  of  Furnival's-inn,  part  of  Staple's-inn,  Lincoln's- 
 iiin,  Gray's-inn,  the  parish  of  St.  Luke,  the  parish  of  St.  George-the-Marlyr, 
 the  parish  of  St.  Giles-iu-the-Fields,  the  parish  of  St.  George,  Bloomsbury, 
 the  liberties  of  SadVon-hill,  Hatton-garilen,  and  Ely-rents,  the  liberty  of  Ely- 
 place,  the  liberty  of  the  Rolls,  tlie  liberty  of  Glasshouse-yard,  the  precinct  called 
 the  Charter-house, — containing  the  northern  portion  of  the  metropolis. 
 
 Population  225,000  I  Qualifying  tenements  ..       23,C00 
 
 Houses 30, OOJ  I  Assessed  taxes £201.000 
 
 Gretnw'ch. — The  parish  of  St  .Paul,  Deplford,  the  parish  of  St.  Nicholas,  Dept- 
 ford,  partof  the  parish  of  M  oohvich,  i>art  of  the  parish  ofGrcenwich,  part  of  the 
 parish  of  Charlton,  part  of  tlie  parish  of  Plumstead  ;— containing  the  towns  of 
 >\'oohvicli,  Greenwich,  Deptford,  and  the  intermediate  space,  including  the  vil- 
 lage of  Charlton. 
 
 I'opulation 04,000  I  Qualifying  tenements 0,000 
 
 Houses   12,000  I  Assessed  taxes £21,500 
 
LIMITS    OF    THE    NEW    BOROUGHS.  617 
 
 Hail/ax. — The  township  of  Halifax,  part  of  the  township  of  South  Ouram, 
 part  of  the  township  of  North  Ouram ; — containing  the  town  of  Halifax. 
 
 Population 31,000  I  Qualifying  tenements... .       1,300 
 
 Houses  9,000  I  Assessed  taxes £3,200 
 
 Lambeth. — Part  of  the  parish  of  Lambeth,  part  of  the  parish  of  St.  Giles, 
 Camberwel),  the  precinct  of  the  Palace,  the  parish  of  St.  Mary,  Newington  ; — 
 containing  the  southern  portion  of  the  metropolis. 
 
 Population 154,000  I  Qualifying  tenements  . .       16,400 
 
 Houses 29,000  I  Assessed  taxes £91,000 
 
 Leeds. — The  borough  of  Leeds ; — containing  the  town  of  Leeds,  with  its  sur- 
 rounding neighbourhood. 
 
 Population   123,000  1  Qualifying  tenements 6,700 
 
 Houses 27,600  I  Assessed  taxes    £18,800 
 
 Macclesfield. — The  borough  of  Macclesfield,  part  of  the  township  of  Sutton, 
 part  of  the  township  of  Hurdsfield ; — containing  the  town  of  INIacclesfield  and 
 its  immediate  neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 30,000  j  Qualifying  tenements  ....      1,100 
 
 Houses   6,000  |  Assessed  taxes £2,500 
 
 Manchester. — Township  of  Manchester,  township  of  Chorlton-row,  township 
 of  Ardwick,  township  of  Beswick,  township  of  Hulme,  township  of  Cheetham, 
 township  of  Bradford,  township  of  Newton,  township  of  Harpur  Hey; — con- 
 taining the  town  of  Manchester  and  its  immediate  neighbourhood,  with  the 
 exception  of  the  town  and  township  of  Salford. 
 
 Population 187,000  I  Qualifying  tenements  . .       12,700 
 
 Houses 32,000  |  Assessed  taxes    £40,600 
 
 Marylebone. — The  parish  of  St.  Marylebone,  the  parish  of  Paddington,  part 
 of  the  parish  of  St.  Pancras  ; — containing  the  north-western  portion  of  the 
 metropolis. 
 
 Population   234,000  1  Qualifying  tenements  ..      21,600 
 
 Houses 28,000  |  Assessed  taxes  £274,000 
 
 Oldham. — The  township  of  Oldham  ;— containing  the  town  of  Oldham  and  its 
 neighbourliood. 
 
 Population 32,000  I  Qualifying  tenements.. . .       1,100 
 
 Houses    0,000  I  Assessed  taxes. £2,000 
 
 Sheffield. — The  township  of  Sheffield,  the  township  of  Attercliffe-cuni-Darnell, 
 the  township  of  Brightside  Bierlow,  the  township  of  Netherhallam,  part  of  the 
 township  of  Eccleshall  Bierlow  ; — containing  the  town  of  Sheffield  and  its  sur- 
 rounding neighbourhood,  which  includes  the  village  of  Attercliiie. 
 
 Population 90,000  I  Qualifying  tenements. . . .      4,300 
 
 Houses   20,000  1  Assessed  taxes £12,000 
 
 Stockport. — The  borough  of  Stockport,  part  of  the  township  of  Heaton  Norris, 
 part  of  the  township  of  Brinnington,  the  hamlet  of  Brinksway,  the  hamlet  of 
 Edgeley  ; — containing  the  town  of  Stockport. 
 
 Population 41,000  1  Qualifying  tenements. .. .      1,500 
 
 Houses    7,600  I  Assessed  taxes £4,000 
 
 Stiike-upon-Trent. — The  township  of  Tunstall,  the  township  of  Burslem,  the 
 vill  of  Rushton  Grange,  the  hamlet  of  Sneyd,  the  township  of  Hanley,  the 
 township  of  Shelton,  the  township  of  Fenton  Vivian,  the  township  of  Lane-end, 
 part  of  the  township  of  PenkhuU,  part  of  the  township  of  Fenton  Culvert,  part 
 of  the  township  of  Longton  ; — containing  the  district  of  the  Potteries,  including 
 the  towns  of  Lane-end,  Stoke,  Shelton,  Hanley,  Burslem,  and  Tunstall. 
 
 Population 53,000  j  Qualifying  tenements 1,500 
 
 Houses 9,000  |  A ssessed  taxes £4,900 
 
 Stroud. — Parish  of  Stroud,  parish  of  Bisley,  parish  of  Painswick,  parish  of 
 Pitchcomb,  parish  of  Randvvick,  parish  of  Stonehouse,  parish  of  Eastington, 
 parish  of  Leonard  Stanley,  with  the  exception  of  that  part  called  Lorridge's 
 Farm,  parish  of  King's  Stanley,  parish  of  Uodborough,  parish  of  Minchinhamp- 
 ton,  parish  of  Woodchester,  parish  of  Avening,  parish  of  Horsley  -.—  containing 
 
618  STATISTICS    OF    REPRESENTATION. 
 
 the  Clothing  District,  situate  on  the  Stroud  Water,  or  River  Frome,  and  its 
 tributary  streams. 
 
 Population 41,000  |  Qualifying  tenements 1,000 
 
 Houses 9,300  )  Assessed  taxes £7,000 
 
 Sunderland. — The  parish  of  Sunderland,  the  township  of  Bishop  Wearmouth, 
 the  township  of  Bishop  Wearmouth  Panns,  the  township  of  Monkwearuiouth, 
 the  township  of  Monkwearmouth  Shore,  the  township  of  Southwick  ;— contain- 
 ing the  town  of  Sunderland  and  its  neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 43,000  |  Qualifying  tenements 2,500 
 
 Houses     5,000  j  Assessed  taxes £4,500 
 
 Tower  Hamlets. — Parish  of  St.'Leonard,  Shoreditch,  parish  of  St.  Matthew, 
 Bethnal-green,  parish  of  Christ  Church,  Spitallields,  parish  of  All  Saints,  Poplar 
 and  Blackwall,  parish  of  St.  Anne,  Limehouse,  parish  of  St.  George-in-the- 
 East,  parish  of  St  John,  Wapping,  parish  of  St.  Mary,  Whitechapel,  the 
 liberty  of  East  Smithfield,  the  hamlet  of  Mile-end  Old-town,  the  hamlet  of 
 Mile-end  New-town,  the  hamlet  of  Ratcliff,  the  precinct  of  St.  Catharine,  the 
 liberty  of  Nortonfalgate,  the  several  divisions  of  the  liberty  of  the  Tower;  — 
 containing  the  north-eastern  suburbs  of  the  metropolis. 
 
 Population 293,000  |  Qualifying  tenements 23,000 
 
 Houses 65,000  |  Assessed  taxes £93,000 
 
 Wolverhampton. — The  township  of  Wolverhampton,  the  township  of  Bilston, 
 the  township  of  Wednesfield,  the  township  of  Willenhall,  the  parisli  of  Sedge- 
 ley;  containing  the  towns  of  Wolverhampton  and  Bilston,  and  their  surrounding 
 neighbourhood,  including  the  villages  of  Sedgeley,  Wednesfield,  and  Willen- 
 hall. 
 
 Population 67,000  I  Qualifying  tenements 2,400 
 
 Houses    14,000  \  Assessed  taxes £6,200 
 
 SCHEDULE  (D.) 
 
 Ashton-Under-Line, — Part  of  the  parish  of  Ashton  ; — containing  the  town  of 
 Ashton-under-Liue,  as  limited  by  its  Police  Act. 
 
 Population 15,000  I  Qualifying  tenements 600 
 
 Houses 2,900  I  Assessed  taxes    £1,400 
 
 Bury. — Township  of  Bury,  part  of  the  township  of  Elton  ;— containing  the 
 town  of  Bury  and  its  immediate  neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 19,000  |  Qualifying  tenements 750 
 
 Houses    3,500  |  Assessed  taxes £2,200 
 
 Chatham. — Part  of  the  parish  of  Chatham,  part  of  the  parish  of  Gillingham; 
 — containing  the  towns  of  Chatham  and  Brompton. 
 
 Population 19,000  i  Qualifying  tenements 1,200 
 
 Houses 3,500  |  Assessed  taxes £3,500 
 
 Cheltenham. — The  parish  of  Cheltenham  ;  containing  the  town  of  Cheltenham 
 and  its  neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 23,000  1  Qualifying  tenements 2,100 
 
 Houses   4,350  I  Assessed  taxes   £21,000 
 
 Dudley. — The  parish  of  Dudley  ;— containing  the  towns  of  Dudley  and  its 
 immediate  neighbourhood,  which  includes  the  village  of  Netherton. 
 
 Population 23,000  1  Qualifying  tenements 800 
 
 Houses    4,700  |  Assessed  Taxes £2,500 
 
 Frome. — Part  of  the  parish  of  Frome  ; — containing  the  town  of  Frome. 
 
 Population 12,000  j  Qualifying  tenements 400 
 
 Houses    —      I  Assessed  taxes    £1,900 
 
 Gateshead. — The  parish  of  Gateshead,  part  of  the  chapelry  of  Heworth; — 
 containing  the  town  of  Gateshead  and  its  neighbourhood  south  of  the  river  Tyne. 
 
 Population   15,000  I  Qualifying  tenements 750 
 
 Houses 4,000  |  .'Assessed  taxes   £2,000 
 
LIMITS    OF    THE    NEW    BOROUGHS.  619 
 
 Huddersfield. — The  township  of  Huddersfield  ; — containing  the  town  of  Hud- 
 dersfield. 
 
 Population   19,000  I  Qualifying  tenements  ... .     1,100 
 
 Houses 4,000  ]  Assessed  taxes £3,900 
 
 Kidderminster. — The  borough  of  Kidderminster,  part  of  the  foreign  of  Kid- 
 derminster ; — containing  the  town  of  Kidderminster. 
 
 Population 16,000  1  Qualifying  tenements 500 
 
 Houses ,  . .       3,100  |  Assessed  taxes   £1,000 
 
 Kendal. — The  township  of  Kirby  Kendal,  the  township  of  Kii-kland,  the 
 township  of  Nethergraveship ; — containing  the  town  of  Kendal  and  its  neigh- 
 bourhood. 
 
 Population 11,600  [  Qualifying  tenements 680 
 
 Houses 2,200  1  Assessed  taxes    £3,000 
 
 Rochdale. — Part  of  the  township  of  Castleton,  part  of  the  township  of  Wan- 
 dleworth,  part  of  the  township  of  Spotland,  part  of  the  township  of  ^Vuerdale 
 with  Wardle; — containing  the  town  of  Rochdale. 
 
 Population  20,000  I  Qualifying  tenements 1 ,000 
 
 Houses 3,000  I  Assessed  taxes    £3,100 
 
 Salford. — The  township  of  Broughton,  the  township  of  Salford,  the  township 
 of  Pendleton,  part  of  the  township  of  Pendlebury; — containing  the  tov/n  of 
 Salfoi-d  and  its  neighbourhood  north-west  of  the  river  Irwell. 
 
 Population 50,000  1  Qualifying  tenements 1,300 
 
 Houses 9,500  |  Assessed  taxes  £9,000 
 
 South  Shields. — The  township  of  South  Shields,  the  township  of  Westoe ; — 
 containing  the  town  of  South  Shields  and  its  neighbourhood,  which  includes 
 the  village  of  Westoe. 
 
 Population  18,600  1  Qualifying  tenements 1,150 
 
 Houses 2,200  I  Assessed  taxes   £1,600 
 
 Tynemovih. — The  township  of  North  Shields,  township  of  Chirton,  township 
 of  Tynemouth,  township  of  Preston,  township  of  Cullercoats; — containing  the 
 towns  of  North  Shields  and  Tynemouth,  and  their  neighbourhood. 
 
 Population   25,000  |  Qualifying  tenements 1,150 
 
 Houses  , 3,500  |  Assessed  taxes    £2,800 
 
 Wakefield. — The  township  of  Wakefield,  part  of  the  township  of  Alverthorpe, 
 part  of  the  township  of  Stanley; — containing  the  town  of  Wakefield,  and  its 
 immediate  neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 12,500  1  Qualifying  tenements 800 
 
 Houses 2,800  |  Assessed  taxes   £1,730 
 
 Walsall. — The  borough  of  Walsall ; — containing  the  town  of  Walsall  with  its 
 neighbourhood. 
 
 Population 15,000  I  Qualifying  tenements. ... ..      800 
 
 Houses 3,000  1  Assessed  taxes    £1,730 
 
 Warrington. — Township  of  Warrington,  township  of  Latchford,  part  of 
 township  of  Thelwall ; — containing  the  town  of  Warrington  and  its  immediate 
 neighbourhood. 
 
 Population  18,000  j  Qualifying  tenements 1,000 
 
 Houses 3,400  I  Assessed  taxes    £2,914 
 
 Whitehaven. — Township  of  Whitehaven,  part  of  the  township  of  Preston 
 Quarter ; — containing  the  township  of  Whitehaven. 
 
 Population   15,700  I  Qualifying  tenements 900 
 
 Houses 3,000  I  Assessed  taxes    £2,000 
 
 Whithy. — Township  of  Whitby,  the  township  of  Ruswarp,  the  township  of 
 Hawsker-cum-Stainsacre ; — including  the  town  of  Whitby  and  its  neighbourhood^ 
 which  includes  the  villages  of  Hawsker,  Ruswarp,  and  Stainsacre. 
 
 Population 10,300  I  Qualifying  tenements 500 
 
 Houses —      I  Assessed  taxes  £2,000 
 
620 
 
 STATISTICS    or    llEPUESIiNTATION. 
 
 No.  IX. 
 Population,  Electors,  &c.  of  the  Cities  and  Burghs  of  Scotland. 
 
 City  or  Burgli. 
 
 Population. 
 
 r  Aberdeen 2G484  2187 
 
 1  Inverbervie 1092  217 
 
 ■^  Aberbrotbock  ....  5K17  734 
 
 i  Montrose      10338  1150 
 
 (.Brechin    5900  858 
 
 Ayr 
 
 Irvine 
 
 Kotlisay  , . . . , 
 Campbeltown 
 luverary  .... 
 
 i  Crail     
 
 \  Kilrenny 
 
 <  Anstruther,  East 
 y  Anstruther,  West 
 V.  I'ittenvveein     .... 
 
 Diinifries 
 
 Sanquhar 
 
 Annan  
 
 Lochniaben  . . . 
 Kirkcudbright 
 
 Dysart 
 
 Klrkaldy 
 Kinghorn.. . 
 Burntisland 
 
 7455 
 7007 
 4107 
 C445 
 1137 
 
 1854 
 1494 
 1090 
 429 
 1200 
 
 11052 
 1357 
 4486 
 2651 
 2595 
 
 C529 
 4452 
 2443 
 213G 
 
 Edinburgh  138253 
 
 Elgin  . . 
 CuUen  .. 
 lianir  .. 
 Inverary 
 Kintore 
 
 5308 
 
 1152 
 
 3855 
 
 735 
 
 312 
 
 9G2 
 1037 
 603 
 413 
 103 
 
 344 
 247 
 191 
 05 
 219 
 
 1436 
 
 268 
 808 
 591 
 348 
 
 959 
 451 
 365 
 
 260 
 
 9925 
 
 1122 
 
 341 
 
 708 
 
 164 
 
 79 
 
 Number 
 
 of 
 Electors. 
 ..  19  .. 
 ..  15  .. 
 ..  19  .. 
 ..  19  .. 
 ..  13  .. 
 
 17 
 17 
 17 
 16 
 16 
 
 21 
 15 
 19 
 15 
 24 
 
 25 
 17 
 21 
 15 
 17 
 
 24 
 
 28 
 21 
 21 
 
 33 
 
 16 
 19 
 17 
 9 
 13 
 
 Houses  rated 
 
 at  £\0 
 and  upwards. 
 ..  1166 
 7 
 ..  136 
 . .  239 
 64 
 
 297 
 
 105 
 
 124 
 
 65 
 
 27 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 417 
 
 32 
 
 123 
 
 8 
 62 
 
 20 
 
 167 
 
 11 
 
 32 
 
 9382 
 
 127 
 13 
 
 118 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 Forfar , 
 
 I  Perth    
 
 Dundee    . . . , 
 Cupar 
 
 St.  Andrews 
 
 5897 
 
 19068 
 
 30576 
 
 5892 
 
 4899 
 
 827 
 6304 
 2773 
 
 897 
 828 
 
 19 
 26 
 21 
 
 26 
 29 
 
 561 
 910 
 131 
 160 
 
 Fortrose not  stated not  stated 
 
 Inverness     12264  2240 
 
 Nairn    3228  099 
 
 Forres 3540  775 
 
 15 
 21 
 17 
 17 
 
 14 
 
 221 
 
 38 
 
 72 
 
 ♦  The  cities  and  burghs  sharing  together  in  tlie  return  of  a  nien>l)er  are 
 })iaced  between  brackets.  The  number  of  persons  in  whom  the  elective  franchise 
 is  vested  is  here  stated. 
 
SCOTLAND. — PARLIAMENTS    IN    EACH    REIGN.  621 
 
 City  or  Burgh.  Population.  Houses. 
 
 (Glasgow 147043 
 
 )  Renfrew 2646 
 
 ■j  Rutherglen 4091 
 
 {.  Dumbarton 3481 
 
 (  Haddington     . . 
 1  Dunbar    
 
 V  North  Berwick 
 i  Lauder 
 
 V  Jedburgh 
 
 Inverkeithing . . 
 Dunfermline  . . 
 Queensferry    . , 
 
 Culross    
 
 Stirling    , 
 
 (  Kirkwall , 
 \wick  .., 
 <  Dingall  . 
 i  Dornoch  , 
 (.Tain.... 
 
 I  Selkirk  . . 
 5  Peebles  . . 
 \  Linlithgow 
 C  Lanark     . . 
 
 5255 
 5272 
 1694 
 1845 
 5251 
 
 2512 
 
 13681 
 
 690 
 
 1434 
 
 7113 
 
 2212 
 6713 
 2031 
 630 
 2861 
 
 2728 
 2701 
 4692 
 7085 
 
 33805 
 366 
 549 
 365 
 
 834 
 750 
 237 
 359 
 826 
 
 384 
 2106 
 
 80 
 269 
 727 
 
 311 
 
 1078 
 360 
 137 
 583 
 
 451 
 451 
 
 568 
 797 
 
 SWigton     2042     347 
 
 Stranrear 2463     417 
 
 New  Galloway  ..  notstated notstated 
 
 Whithorn     2361     421 
 
 Number 
 of 
 
 Electors. 
 ..  32  .. 
 . .  19  .. 
 ..  18  .. 
 . ,   15   .. 
 
 25 
 20 
 12 
 17 
 25 
 
 39 
 22 
 21 
 19 
 21 
 
 23 
 12 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 
 33 
 17 
 
 27 
 23 
 
 18 
 18 
 18 
 18 
 
 Houses  rated 
 
 at  ^10 
 and  upwards. 
 ..  6357 
 
 49 
 
 77 
 
 71 
 45 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 76 
 
 18 
 147 
 
 21 
 
 3 
 
 261 
 
 33 
 
 113 
 
 35 
 
 4 
 
 27 
 
 40 
 60 
 53 
 65 
 
 18 
 
 28 
 
 2 
 
 116 
 
 No.  X. 
 
 Number  of  Parliaments  held  in  each  Reign,  from  27th  Edward  I.  A.D. 
 1299,  to  the  End  of  the  Reign  of  George  IV.;  also  the  respective 
 lenath  of  each  Rei^n. 
 
 No.  of     Length  of 
 Parliaments.      Reign. 
 
 Edward  I.  from  1299,  ..   8  ..   8  years. 
 
 Edward  II 15  ..20 
 
 Edwardlll 37  ..50 
 
 Richard  II 26  ..22 
 
 Henry  IV 10  ..14 
 
 Henry  V 11  . .  9 
 
 Henry  VI 22  ..39 
 
 Edward  IV 5  ..22 
 
 Richard  III 1  ..  2 
 
 Henry  VII 8  ..24 
 
 Henry VIII 3  ..38 
 
 Edward  VI 2  ..  6 
 
 No.  of     Length  of 
 Parliaments.      Reign. 
 
 Mary 5   . .  5  years. 
 
 Elizabeth 10  ..45 
 
 James  1 4  ..22 
 
 Charles  1 4  ..24 
 
 Charles  II 8  ..36 
 
 James  II 3   ..  4 
 
 William  III 6  ..13 
 
 Anne 6  ..12 
 
 George  1 2  ..13 
 
 George II 6  ..33 
 
 George  III 11   ..59 
 
 George  IV 2  ..10 
 
G22 
 
 STATISTICS    OF    REPRESENTATION. 
 
 Fiom  this  table  it  ap))eais  tliat  in  the  4G1  years  preceding  the  reign  of  George 
 III.  there  were  202  pjiliiuiients,  whose  average  durauou  was  2^  years;  and 
 that  in  210  years  preceding  the  reign  of  Henry  VIll.  there  were  U3  parliaments, 
 averaging  rafJior  less  than  l^  year  each.  In  tlie  09  years  of  llie  reigns  of  George 
 111.  and  IV.  t'.iere  were  only  thirteen  parlianientB,  averaging^tT  years  and  one- 
 third  each.  Hence  we  learn  !iow  gicaily  the  duration  of  the  same  parliament 
 has  been  extended  in  these  latter  days,  resulting,  no  doui)t,  from  the  better 
 understanding  subsisting  between  the  ministers  of  the  Crown  and  the  repre- 
 sentatives of  the  people,  which  rendered  frequent  dissolutions  unnecessary. 
 
 No.  XI. 
 
 A  List  of  those  Places   which  formerly  sent  Members  to   Parliament 
 and  now  do  not. 
 
 Alresford. 
 
 Aulton. 
 
 Axbridge. 
 
 Bamborough. 
 
 Basingstoke. 
 
 Berkhampstead. 
 
 Blandford. 
 
 Bishops-Stortford. 
 
 Bradnesham. 
 
 Bradford. 
 
 Bromyard. 
 
 Burford. 
 
 Chelmsford. 
 
 Conebrig. 
 
 Crediton. 
 
 Chard. 
 
 Chipping-Norton. 
 
 Dunstable. 
 
 Dunster. 
 
 Dudley. 
 
 Doncaster. 
 
 Dediiigton. 
 
 Egremont. 
 
 Exmouth. 
 
 Ely. 
 
 Fareham. 
 
 Earn  ham. 
 
 Eremington. 
 
 Glastonbury. 
 
 Grampound. 
 
 Greenwich. 
 
 Halifax. 
 
 High^Yorth. 
 
 Jarvell. 
 
 Kidderminster. 
 Kingston-ou- 
 
 Thanies. 
 Lcdford. 
 Langport. 
 Lidbury. 
 Leeds. 
 Mere. 
 Montacute. 
 IManchester. 
 Melton-Mowbray. 
 Medbury. 
 Newbury. 
 Odyham. 
 Overton. 
 Poligreen. 
 Pershore. 
 
 Pickering. 
 
 Haveners. 
 
 Ross. 
 
 South-Molton. 
 
 Sherborne. 
 
 Spalding. 
 
 Stoke. 
 
 Tickliill. 
 
 Tonbridge. 
 
 Teignmouth. 
 
 Torrington. 
 
 Wainfleet. 
 
 Wisbeach. 
 
 Whitney. 
 
 M'hitby. 
 
 Ware. 
 
 Watchet. 
 
 In  all  sixty-nine  boroughs,  which  sent  members  to  parliament  in  different 
 reigns,  and  which  are  now  deprived  of  that  right.  Besides  these,  INIr.  Oldlield 
 has  given  a  list  of  ninety-seven  other  boroughs  which  have  charters,  and  most 
 probably  sent  members  at  some  former  period  since  the  reign  of  Edward  I.  but 
 which  are  now  disfranchised.  From  the  reign  of  l:2dward  I.  to  that  of  Charles 
 II.  boroughs  have  been  created  and  annihilated,  at  the  caprice  of  each  succes- 
 sive monarch.  The  following  will  show  at  one  view,  the  gradual  alterations 
 in  the  representation  of  the  people. 
 
 Edward  I.  . 
 Henry  VIII. 
 
 No.  XII. 
 Shires  and  Universities, 
 
 No.  of  Members. 
 74 
 
 10 
 
 and  preceding  monarchs,  37  counties   .... 
 
 shires  of  Chester  and  Monmouth    4  } 
 
 12  Welsh  counties,  1  member  each    12  S 
 
 James  I the  two  universities 4 
 
 Charles  II Durham  county 6 
 
 Anne    30  Scotch  counties,  with  one  member  each  ....  30 
 
 George  III.    ..     Irish  county  members 64 
 
 Irish  university  1 
 
 George  IV,,  •, .     Yorkshire  couuty 2 
 
 193 
 
GLANCE    AT    PAST    HOUSES     OF    COMMONS.  623 
 
 Cities  and  Boroughs. 
 
 ^,         ,  ,            5  *i^<i  P*'6<^®^i"S  nionaichs,  created  78  boroughs,  7  ^rn 
 
 ^^^^^■'^  ^ }         with  2  members  each,  and  London  with    4  J  *"" 
 
 Edward  II ... .     created     6  boroughs,  with  2  members  each  12 
 
 T?A       A  TTT        5  created     9  boroughs,  with  2  members  each  18  7  90 
 
 Jidwara  111.  . .  -^  restored   2  boroughs,  with  2  members  each     4  S  "^"^ 
 
 W          VT  5  created     5  boroughs,  with  2  members   each  10  7  . . 
 
 Henry  Vl ^  restored   2  boroughs,  with  2  members  each    4  J 
 
 VA       A  ^\T         5  created     3  boroughs,  with  2  members  each    6  7  „ 
 
 ^^^^'^^^^^   "i  restored   1  borough,    with  2  members  2$  " 
 
 ^  created     4  boroughs,  with  2  members  each     8  1 
 Henry  VIII.  ..c  created  12  Welsh  boroughs  1  member    each  12  ^         21 
 
 {.  created     1  borough,     with  1  member  1  y 
 
 T?  1        ri  VT  5  created  14  boroughs,  with  2  members  each  28  }  .„ 
 
 tdward  M.    ..  ^  restored  10  boroughs,  with  2  members  each  20  S 
 
 C  created     7  boroughs,  with  2  members  each  14  1 
 
 Mary    \  created     3  boroughs,  with  1  member  each     3  J         21 
 
 C.  restored   2  boroughs,  with  2  members  each     4  J 
 
 „,.     ,     ,  ^  created  24  boroughs,  with  2  members  each  48  t         ... 
 
 tlizabetli    . . . .  ^  restored  8  boroughs,  with  2  mejnbers  each  16  J 
 
 r  created     3  boroughs,  with  2  members  each  6  ^ 
 
 James  I 'created     1  borough,     with  1  member    each  1  ^         23 
 
 {.  restored   8  boroughs,  with  2  members  each  IG  j 
 
 Charles  I restored  9  boroughs,  with  2  members  each  18 
 
 Charles. II.. .. .     created    2  boroughs,  with  2  members  each  4 
 
 Anne    added     15  Scots  boroughs  1  member     each  15 
 
 George  III,    . .     added     35  Irish  cities  and  borouglis  35 
 
 465 
 
 RETROSPECTIVE    GLANCE    AT    PAST    HOUSES    OF    COMMONS. 
 
 Hence  chartered  boroughs  are  such  public  plagues, 
 
 And  burghers,  men  immaculate  perhaps 
 
 In  all  their  private  functions,  once  combined. 
 
 Become  a  loathsome  body,  only  fit 
 
 For  dissolution,  hurtful  to  the  main. — Cowper. 
 
 In  the  puerile  debates  on  the  East  Retford  bill,  sir  R.  Peel  took  up  a 
 sophism  dropped  by  the  late  Mr.  Canning  ;  namely,  that  however  just 
 and  expedient  a  reform  in  the  representation  might  be,  still  he  should 
 oppose  it,  since  it  would  compromise  the  safety  of  the  monarchy.  What 
 an  argument  to  address  to  the  United  Kingdom  !  Is  the  safety  of  the 
 Crown  and  the  Aristocracy  to  be  put  in  competition  with  the  wishes  and 
 welfare  of  twenty-four  millions  of  people ;  or,  if  we  include  the  popu- 
 lation of  the  colonies  and  dependencies  of  the  empire,  with  one  hundred 
 and  fifty  millions  ?  The  kingly  office  is  only  a  trust  for  the  pubhc 
 benefit,  and  the  Peerage  is  instituted  for  a  similar  purpose :  and  shall 
 the  prerogatives  of  these  be  made  a  pretext  for  withholding  justice  and 
 happiness  from  such  an  assemblage  of  human  beings  ?  But  we  deny 
 either  the  Crown  or  Peerage  would  be  compromised  by  parliamentary 
 
6*24  GLANCE    AT    PAST    HOUSES    OF    COMMONS. 
 
 reform,  between  Avhich  and  a  governmcut  of  three  orders  we  cannot 
 discern  an  inherent  incompatibiUty.  Every  community  must  have  a 
 head :  we  prefer  a  king-  to  any  other  designation,  and  between  the  mo- 
 narch and  the  commons  an  intermediate  body  may  be  interposed,  without 
 deranging^  the  harmony  of  the  system  or  erecting  a  barrier  to  popular 
 rights.  This  intermediate  body  is  the  Peerage,  or  Aristocracy,  and 
 ought  to  be  a  real  aristocracy,  consisting  of  the  ilite  of  society, 
 not  deriving  their  functions  from  the  accident  of  birth,  but  chosen,  like 
 the  judges,  for  life.  Such  an  innovation  as  this  might  compromise 
 the  corruptions  of  monarchy  and  aristocracy,  they  might  involve  a  re- 
 duction in  the  civil  list,  and  in  the  pensions  and  unearned  salaries  of 
 the  nobility;  and  it  may  be  these  Sir  Robert  contemplated  ;  but  the  loss 
 of  them  would  not  bo  greatly  deplored  by  the  people  of  England,  so 
 long  as  the  substance  of  the  regal  office  and  the  legitimate  functions  of 
 an  upper  chamber  were  preserved  inviolate.  It  would  relieve  them  at 
 least  of  the  pain  of  beholding  the  descendants  of  statesmen,  heroes, 
 and  lawyers,  dependent  on  sources  of  income  which  true  nobility  ought 
 to  spurn.  They  inherit  name,  and  fame,  and  rank,  but  no  bread.  A 
 poor  lord  is  a  poor  thing,  and  the  natural  prey  of  a  corrupt  or  ambitious 
 Minister.  What  will  not  a  pauper  peer,  dependent  on  a  paltry  sinecure 
 or  pension,  with  a  fashionable  wife  and  a  crowd  of  infant  nobility  about 
 her — very  hungry,  and  what  is  worse,  very  capricious  and  luxurious — 
 do  for  quarter  day  ? 
 
 It  may  be  truly  said  England  has  yet  to  establish  a  constitution. 
 France  and  America  are  the  only  countries  which  can  answer  the  chal- 
 lenge— If  you  have  a  constitution  produce  it?  An  Englishman,  if 
 asked,  where  is  the  constitution  of  which  you  boast  ?  must  answer,  it 
 exists  by  a  sort  of  inference  from  what  a  half  hundred  hirelings  have 
 written,  and  in  which  they  all  contradict  each  other,  and  are  the 
 whole  of  them  contradicted  by  daily  practice  in  every  transaction  of 
 state.  In  every  part  the  renovated  French  constitution,  under  king 
 Philip,  is  an  improvement  on  the  principles  of  the  English  government. 
 We  shall  select  a  few  points  of  comparison. 
 
 The  French  charter  is  announced  as  the  right  of  the  people,  not  the 
 grant  of  the  Crown,  It  abolishes  the  censorship  of  the  press.  The 
 dramatic  censorship  exists  in  England  in  great  rigour,  and  the  powers 
 of  the  attorney-general  are  an  indirect  censorship — a  suspended  des- 
 potism— which,  aided  by  the  stamp-duties,  and  the  law  of  securities, 
 fetter  the  freedom  of  discussion.  The  sittings  of  the  two  chambers  are 
 •  declared  public :  the  debates  of  our  parliament  are  by  law  declared 
 secret,  and  are  published  only  by  connivance  at  the  illegality.  The 
 French  deputies  are  elected  only  for  five  years,  ours  for  seven.  A  con- 
 fiscation of  goods  is  abolished ; — in  England,  children  may  be  attainted 
 in  blood  for  the  delinquencies  of  their  parents,  and  punished  by  confis- 
 cation of  their  father's  property.  Peers  in  France  cannot  vote  till  they 
 are  twenty-five  years  of  age :  in  England  they  vote  at  twenty-one,  and 
 by  proxy,  without  hearing  the  discussion.  Half  the  members  must  be 
 resident :  in  England,  one-half  the  members  have  no  knowledge  of  the 
 
COMPARATIVE    WORKINGS    OF    TWO    GOVERNMENTS.    625 
 
 boroughs  they  represent.  The  French  government,  without  professing 
 to  be  of  any  religion,  grants  not  only  equal  toleration,  but  equal  provi- 
 sion for  the  maintenance  of  every  Christian  sect :  the  English  govern- 
 ment adopts  one  creed,  and  subjects  to  neglect  every  other.  In  short, 
 the  French  constitution  is,  in  all  respects,  what  the  English  pretends 
 to  be,  except  in  the  impossible  theory  of  three  equal  and  co- existing 
 branches  of  the  legislature.  In  France,  the  commons  are  triumphant, 
 the  peers  subordinate,  and  the  king  only  the  premier,  or  first  public 
 minister:  in  England,  a  surreptitious  branch  of  the  constitution  has 
 been  predominant — the  boroug-hmongers. 
 
 To  all  complaints  against  our  defective  representation,  Mr.  Canning- 
 had  but  one  reply — It  works  well.  Any  government  is  better  than  no 
 government;  and,  consequently,  they  must  all  work  well.  It  was  time, 
 however,  for  that  great  Pacific  Ocean,  the  English  public,  to  look 
 about  them,  and  see  whether  other  governments  did  not  work  better. 
 While  John  Bull  has  been  dozing  under  the  political  drug,  it  works 
 well,  his  more  vigilant  neighbours  in  France  have  laughed  him  to  scorn, 
 and  bravely  achieved  a  government  that  works  better.  Having  com- 
 pared the  principles  of  the  two  governments,  let  us  next  compare,  not 
 theories,  charters,  and  paper-constitutions,  but  simply  the  working 
 well ;  acknowledging,  however,  imprimis,  that  in  working  a  people, 
 no  government  ever  worked  half  so  well  as  that  of  England. 
 
 Who  does  not  remember  the  incessant  goadings  in  the  house  of  com- 
 mons to  acknowledge  the  free  republics  of  South  America,  and  the 
 sophistry,  concealments,  and  shuffling  to  put  oJBf  the  recognition  ?  The 
 French  government,  before  it  was  a  month  old,  declared  its  recognition. 
 
 We  have  been  chuckling  and  rejoicing  over  Mr.  Fox's  libel  bill  for 
 the  last  forty  years.  The  French  have  at  once  determined  that  all 
 offences  of  the  press  shall  be  subject  to  the  adjudication  of  a  jury. 
 
 What  nauseating  debates  have  occurred  session  after  session,  to  induce 
 the  government  to  rescue  the  black  population  of  our  Colonies  from  a 
 brutal  tyranny.  The  French  have  already  given  all  the  rights  and 
 privileges  of  citizenship  to  their  negroes,  and  are  adopting  measures  for 
 the  effective  protection  of  the  African  race. 
 
 What  eloquent  and  endless  declamation  there  has  been  on  the  in- 
 creasing influence  of  the  Crown,  from  the  increased  expenditure,  and 
 the  augmentation  of  the  Peerage.  Within  a  few  days  of  its  first 
 sitting,  the  French  Chamber  struck  off  the  roll  ninety-three  peers  of 
 the  creation  of  Charles  X.  and  last  year  made  a  bolder  step  by  the  aboli- 
 tion of  the  hereditary  right  of  legislation. 
 
 Every  session  has  produced  its  exposure  of  jobs,  which  generate  like 
 the  polypus,  and  are  quite  as  indestructible.  The  Dundas  and  Bathurst 
 and  the  South-American  missions  were  the  jobs  of  the  Tories,  and  the 
 Plunket  doings  those  of  the  Whigs.  The  French  are  subjecting  their 
 pension -list,  their  dead  weight,  and  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil  salaries 
 to  rigid  investigation  and  close  curtailment. 
 
 Every  session  produced  its  scores  of  motions  for  economy,  finance 
 committees,  judicial  inquiries,  and  what  not.     They  all  ended   in  no- 
 
 2  s 
 
626  HOUSE    OF    COMMONS    A    DEBATING    CLUB. 
 
 thing  but  bills  of  charges  for  commissioners,  secretaries,  office-keepers, 
 and  so  forth.  The  most  ridiculous,  and  almost  the  last  farce  of  the 
 Tories,  was  the  mock  trial  of  the  East  Retford  electors,  and  the  passing 
 laws  to  indemnify  witnesses  for  their  evidence  in  proof  of  corruption  ! 
 
 Lastly,  obser\'e  what  the  French  have  done  in  regard  to  capital  punish- 
 ments. We  have  been  nibbling  for  half  a  century  at  our  savage  treason 
 laws  :  in  the  session  of  1830  an  abortive  attempt  was  made  to  abolish 
 capital  punishment  for  forgery;  the  French  have  voted  for  the  abolition 
 of  the  punishment  of  death  for  all  -political  offences. 
 
 Instead  of  a  working  government,  the  Borough  System  has  been  tho 
 laziest  institution  in  the  world  for  any  purpose  save  evil  doing — a  mere 
 congerie  of  formalities,  parade,  and  ostentation.  The  Parliament,  for 
 a  century,  has  been  little  better  than  a  common  debating  club,  where  a 
 mob  of  gentlemen  met,  during  the  winter  season,  to  spend  their 
 evenings  in  cracking  jokes  and  spouting  nonsense.  It  has  been  mere 
 play  at  shuttlecock  between  the  rival  disputants,  who,  in  alternately 
 changing  from  one  side  of  the  house  to  the  other,  have  amused  themselves 
 in  reciprocally  throwing  back  their  opponents'  arguments,  phrases,  and 
 opinions :  all  the  time  the  nation  has  been  looking  on  the  logomachy 
 quite  seriously,  as  if  it  were  real  business,  instead  of  a  sham  fight — ■ 
 harmless  pastime  for  those  who  had  no  better  employment :  but  the 
 game  is  up ! 
 
 ANALYSIS    OF    THE    HOUSE    OF     COMMONS     ELECTED    IN     1830, 
 
 Relations  of  peers 256 
 
 Placemen  and  pensioners   217 
 
 Officers  in  the  army 89 
 
 Officers  in  the  navy    24 
 
 Lawyers • 54 
 
 East  India  interests    62 
 
 West  India  interests 35 
 
 Bankers 33 
 
 Agricultural  interests 356 
 
 Miscellaneous     • 51 
 
 Many  of  the  members  belonged  to  several  classes  or  interests,  and  have  been 
 enumerated  in  each,  which  swells  the  nominal  number  of  individuals.  It  is 
 apparent  that  the  vast  majority  were  connected  with  the  Peerage,  the  Army,  Navy, 
 Courts  of  Law,  Public  Offices,  and  Colonies;  and,  in  lieu  of  representing  the 
 People,  only  represented  those  interests  over  which  it  is  the  constitutional  object 
 of  a  real  House  of  (lommons  to  exercise  a  watchful  and  efficient  control. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 INNS   OF  COURT  AND    CHANCERY. 
 
 In  our  chapter  on  Corporations  we  might  have  properly  included  a 
 short  notice  of  the  present  state  of  the  Inns  of  Court.  They  form  in- 
 corporated foundations,  originally  intended  for  the  study  of  the  law  and 
 advancement  of  legal  science;  and  grew  out  of  the  violent  contests"  be- 
 tween the  clergy  and  laity  respecting  the  introduction  of  the  civil 
 law  into  this  country,  the  former  being  anxious  to  make  it  the  law 
 of  the  land,  and  the  latter,  with  equal  pertinacity,  insisting  on  being 
 governed  by  the  municipal  or  common  law.  As  the  clergy  had  the 
 control  of  the  universities,  the  professors  of  the  common  law  were  ex- 
 cluded from  them,  and  constrained  to  establish  an  university  for  them- 
 selves. Tliis  they  did  by  purchasing,  at  various  times,  certain  houses 
 and  lands  between  the  city  of  Westminster,  the  place  of  holding  the 
 king's  courts,  and  the  city  of  London,  for  advantage  of  ready  access  to 
 the  one,  and  plenty  of  provisions  in  the  other.  —  Chit.  Bl.  C.  18. 
 Here  they  naturally  fell  into  collegiate  order — exercises  were  performed, 
 lectures  read,  and  other  immunities  of  the  regular  universities  assumed. 
 After  being  established  some  time,  the  crown  took  them  under  pro- 
 tection ;  and  more  effectually  to  encourage  them,  Henry  III.  issued  an 
 order,  directed  to  the  mayor  and  sheriffs  of  London,  prohibiting  law  to 
 be  taught  any  where  else  in  the  metropolis,  except  by  these  bodies. 
 He  also  formed  the  members  of  each  inn  or  lodging  house  into  a  cor- 
 poration, and  established  rules  for  their  regulation.  The  societies,  feel- 
 ing their  importance,  began  to  exercise  the  privilege  of  bestowing  rank 
 upon  their  students  of  a  certain  standing,  and  conferred  the  degrees  of 
 barrister  and  Serjeant,  corresponding  to  those  of  bachelor  and  doctor  in 
 the  universities. 
 
 From  Dugdale  and  Stow  it  appears  James  I.  made  a  grant  by  letters 
 patent  of  the  premises  of  the  middle  and  inner  temple  to  the  benchers  of 
 both  societies,  to  have  and  to  hold  the  same  mansions,  gardens,  and  ap- 
 purtenances, &c.  to  themselves,  their  heirs  and  assigns  for  ever,  for 
 lodging,  reception,  and  education  of  the  professors  and  students  of  the 
 laws  of  the  realm,  yielding  and  paying  to  the  same  king,  &c.  the  sum 
 
 2  s2 
 
0'2H  APPENDIX. 
 
 of  £10  a  year  for  each  of  the  temples.  Tiiat  a  similar  grant  for  the 
 same  purpose  was  made  of  Oray's  Inn,  hy  Henry  V'lll.  for  a  rent  of 
 £6:13:4;  that  the  fee  simple  of  Lincoln's  Inn  was  conveyed  to  the 
 benchers  of  that  society,  for  the  same  object,  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth ; 
 that  the  fee  simple  of  Clements  Inn  and  Lyons  Inn  is  vested  in  the 
 society  of  the  Inner  Temple  ;  that  of  the  NeAv  Inn,  in  the  Society  of  the 
 Middle  Temple ;  that  of  Barnard's  Inn  and  Staple's  Inn,  in  the  society 
 of  Gray's  Inn ;  that  Thavie's  Inn  and  Furnival's  Inn  belonged  to  the 
 Society  of  Lincoln's  Inn.  The  latter  was  sold  by  that  society  a  few 
 years  ago.  Such  is  a  brief  outline  of  the  origin  and  objects  of  the 
 inns  of  court  and  of  chancery.  To  enter  more  minutely  into  the 
 history  of  these  societies  would  be  foreign  to  our  ])urpose  ;  our  object  in 
 stating  the  foregoing  facts  is  to  shew  that  these  institutions  were 
 founded  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  legal  knowledge  ;  that  the  dif- 
 ferent estates  above  enumerated  Avere  conferred  on  the  societies  for  the 
 advancement  of  that  object ;  that  the  mode  prescribed  for  carrying  it 
 into  eftect  was  by  giving  public  instructions  in  the  different  inns,  and 
 that  such  instructions  weie  actually  given  at  the  period  when  those 
 estates  were  granted  to  the  benchers.  It  is  unnecessary  to  state  that 
 the  benchers  have  ever  since  been  in  the  reception  of  the  profits  of 
 these  estates,  and  that  no  legal  instructions  have  for  a  long  time  been 
 given  in  the  inns  of  court,  or  any  measures  adopted  to  direct  the  appli- 
 cation of  those  who  may  feel  disposed  to  study.  At  the  Inner  Temple 
 the  exercises  are  compounded  for  by  the  payment  of  money.  In  the 
 Middle  Temple  the  form  is  observed,  but  with  no  real  utility.  These 
 inns,  with  Gray's  Inn  and  Lincoln's  Inn,  are  the  only  societies  the 
 members  whereof  are  called  to  the  bar.  Admission  to  the  inns  of 
 chancery,  which  are  Barnard's  Inn,  Staple's  Inn,  Furnival's  Inn, 
 Lyon's  Inn,  Thavies'  Inn,  Clement's  Inn,  Clifford's  Inn,  and  New  Inn, 
 would  now  be  of  no  avail  in  obtaining  a  call  to  the  bar. 
 
 Two  reasons  may  be  assigned  for  th«  decline  of  the  inns  of  court  as 
 seminaries  of  legal  instruction.  First,  the  more  eminent  of  the  pro- 
 fession find  it  more  advantageous  to  aspire  to  the  receipt  of  the  profit- 
 able fees  in  the  courts  of  law,  the  possession  of  rich  legal  sinecures,  and 
 the  higher  offices  of  state,  than  to  devote  themselves  to  the  teaching  the 
 principles  of  judicial  knowledge.  The  second  reason  we  consider  to  be 
 that  assigned  by  a  waiter  in  the  Legal  ExamiJier — namely,  the  irre- 
 sponsible character  of  the  benchers,  who,  not  being  accountable  for  the 
 revenues  at  their  disposal,  feel  no  disposition  to  part  with  them,  nor  listen 
 to  improvements  which  might  disturb  the  exercise  of  their  authority. 
 They  also  possess  irresponsible  power  in  conferring  the  degree  of  barrister, 
 and  may  even  refuse  to  admit  any  person  a  student  in  the  inns  of 
 court,  and  cannot  be  compelled  to  assign  reasons  for  such  refusal 
 (King's  Bench,  M.T.  1825^;  thus  possessing  authority  arbitrarily  to 
 exclude  any  individual  from  the  most  seductive  department  of  the  pro- 
 fession. 
 
 From  the  known  character  of  many  of  the  Benchers,  it  is  a  subject  of 
 surprise  the  defective  administration  of  the  inns  of  court  has  so  long 
 
INNS  OF  COUUT  AND  CHANCERY. 
 
 629 
 
 escaped  notice  ;  it  can  only  have  arisen  from  that  esprit  de  corp  which 
 usually  renders  individuals  averse  from  any  proceeding  which  savours  of 
 a  betrayal  of  their  own  cast;  and,  if  they  be  of  a  reforming  spirit, 
 induces  them  to  apply  to  objects  foreign  or  extraneous  to  their  fraternity. 
 In  the  list  of  benchers  of  Lincoln's  Inn  we  find  the  distinguished 
 name  of  Henry  Brougham,  synonymous  with  universal  hostility  to 
 abuses.  There  is  also  sir  Thomas  Denman,  the  ex-oUicio  prosecutor  of 
 malversation  and  violated  trusts  by  incorporated  bodies.  There  is  also 
 the  celebrated  Jeremy  Bentham,  who  has  devoted  a  long-  life  to  the  task 
 of  legal  improvement,  not  only  in  this  but  most  other  countries.  Those 
 eminent  individuals,  we  doubt  not,  are  wholly  guiltless  of  participation 
 in  the  mal-administration  of  their  brethren  ;  perhaps  there  are  few 
 subjects  with  which  they  are  so  little  acquainted.  The  government  of 
 the  inns  of  court,  we  suspect,  like  that  of  the  city  companies  and  most 
 corporations,  has  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  few  intriguers,  or  of  those 
 who  have  no  higher  or  more  lucrative  objects  of  ambition.  But  this  is 
 no  justification  of  the  specific  abuses  of  the  law  establishments.  The 
 benchers  are  self-elected  bodies,  accountable  to  no  superior,  consisting' 
 of  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  individuals,  in  the  receipt,  it  has  been 
 calculated,  of  £60,000  a  year,  granted  to  them  in  trust  to  promote 
 legal  knowledge,  yet  not  one  shilling  of  these  revenues  do  they  expend 
 in  forwarding  that  object.  This  is  quite  as  bad  as  the  Gresham  lectures 
 in  the  city  ;  it  is  a  state  of  things  that  ought  not  to  pass  uninvestigated : 
 every  student,  we  apprehend,  who  is  entered  of  the  inns  of  court,  is  a 
 shareholder  in  the  funds  of  the  society  to  which  he  belongs,  and  may 
 rightfully  demand  that  they  shall  be  administered  in  the  advancement  of 
 these  ends  for  which  they  were  originally  g-ranted. 
 
 Some  years  ago  sir  James  Scarlett  had  a  project  on  foot  for  raising 
 the  scholastic  and  other  qualifications  of  aspirants  to  the  bar.  Should 
 this  design  still  be  entertained,  an  improvement  in  the  institutions  of 
 the  inns  of  court,  and  the  administration  of  the  revenues,  might  be 
 rendered  auxiliary  to  the  proposed  undertaking.  If  it  be  true,  that 
 out  of  one  thousand  and  fifty-four  barristers  there  are  only  twenty 
 capable  of  filling  the  situation  of  puisne  judge,  it  is  high  time  some 
 change  was  introduced,  both  for  the  advantage  of  the  community  and 
 legal  students.  With  such  a  limited  number  of  individuals  qualified  for 
 judicial  appointments,  the  choice  of  Ministers  is  restricted,  and  the 
 salaries  of  the  judges  maintained  at  a  monopoly  standard. 
 
 TRINITY    COLLEGE,    DUBLIN.* 
 
 TiiK  revenues  of  "  The  College  of  the  Holy  and  undivided  Trinity  of 
 Queen  Elizabeth,  near  Dublin"  are  kept  so  masonically  secret,  that,  up 
 
 *  We  have  received  the  account  of  this  institution  from  a  correspondent 
 in  Dublin,  well  known  in  that  city  and  also  to  the  English  Public.  With  re- 
 spect to  its  accuracy,  we  can  only  say,  that  we  will  promptly  correct  any  error 
 that  mav  be  pointed  out  from  an  authentic  source  ;  but  at  the  same  time  we 
 warn  the  College  that  partial  contradictions,  unaccompanied  by  plain  statements 
 of  income  and  expenditure,  can  do  no  service  to  that  establisiuiunt. 
 
630  APPENDIX. 
 
 to  this  hour,  all  is  mysteiy  without.  Conjectures  and  statements  have 
 been,  at  different  times,  made  hymen  supposed  to  be  capable  of  judging, 
 and  who  had  graduated  within  the  blessed  precincts,  but  they  are  all 
 vague  and  uncertain.  A  general  opinion  is,  that  the  land  revenues  are 
 about  £60,000  a  year,  and  that  the  profit  on  the  board  and  lodging  of  the 
 fellow  commoners  and  pensioners,  fees,  fines,  and  other  sources  of  income, 
 pay  so  much  of  the  expenses  as  to  leave  £30,000  or,  as  some  think, 
 £40,000  surplus.  One  account  has  been  published,  stating-  that  it  had  in 
 one  county  alone  (Armagh)  60,000  acres,  but  that  a  good  part  was  let  so 
 low  as  6s.  per  acre.  Those  old  leases  are,  however,  occasionally  drop- 
 ping, and  of  course  increasing  the  college  revenue.  It  has  also  very 
 good  estates  in  Donegal  and  Kerry,  estimated  some  fifteen  or  twenty 
 years  ago  at  upwards  of  £15,000  rent.  Besides,  it  possesses  many  ex- 
 cellent Dublin  holdings  in  ground  rents  and  houses,  that  are  all  valuable. 
 It  Avas  James  I.  who  gave  the  Ulster  estates,  and  also  a  pension  of 
 £358:15.  In  your  list  of  composition  tithes  (page  148)  Trin.  Col. 
 Dub.  is  sprinkled  here  and  there,  but  that  is  nothing  to  the  actual  pre- 
 sentation which  it  holds  as  a  matter  of  right,  and  dispenses  at  pleasure. 
 A  writer,  evidently  favourable  to  the  college,  says  that  it  has  nineteen 
 benefices  of  from  £500  to  £1000  a  year,  and  that  their  value  is  con- 
 stantly increasing.  That  was  thirty  years  ago — what  must  they  be 
 worth  now  ? 
 
 There  are  seven  senior  and  eighteen  junior  fellows.  The  latter,  who 
 are  the  teachers,  have,  it  is  said,  £400  (some  say  £500)  a  year,  with 
 lodging  and  commons  (board) ;  but  they  make  from  £800  to  £1000,  and 
 even  above  £1800  more  by  tuition  ;  for  all  the  students,  whether  intern 
 or  extern,  must  pay  for  that  separately,  and  they  can  choose  their  own 
 teacher,  though  great  efforts  were  made  to  deprive  them  of  that  right. 
 Some  restrictions  would,  however,  be  judicious,  as  I  shall  hereafter 
 shew.     The  charges  for  tuition  will  be  noticed  in  another  place. 
 
 The  senior  fellows  have,  it  is  said,  £1000  (some  say  £1200)  a  year, 
 a  church  living  in  some  particular  cases,  and  a  lucrative  post  or  two,  as 
 vice-provost;  bursar,  librarian,  and  catechist  (here  are  three);  senior 
 proctor ;  senior  dean  and  auditor,  &c.  &:c. ;  though  these  were  for- 
 merly distinct  places.  The  junior  fellows  also  hold  places  like  the 
 senior,  though  less  valuable,  as  registrar,  censor,  junior  dean,  junior 
 proctor,  sub-librarian,  professorships,  assistant  ditto,  morning  lecturers, 
 preachers,  &c.  &c. 
 
 We  now  come  to  the  door,  for  we  can  get  no  farther,  of  the  grand 
 arcanum.  Those  seven  senior  fellows  with  the  provost  form  the  actual 
 government  of  the  college,  and  it  is  believed  that  none  else  are  let  into 
 the  mysteries  of  revenue,  and  that  until  a  junior  gets  to  be  a  senior, 
 which  he  one  day  devoutly  expects,  he  is  not  entrusted  with  the  grand 
 secret,  which  has  been  kept  with  a  fidelity  almost  unexampled.  The 
 question  then  is,  what  is  done  with  the  alleged  sorplus  ?  Here  we  non- 
 masons  are  all  left  to  guesses,  and  I  can  only  tell  you  what  people 
 think.  No  one  supposes  that  any  of  the  junior  fellows  get  much  of  it — • 
 indeed,  tlie  popular  opinion  is,  they  get  none  ;  because  if  they  did  they 
 would  not  work  so  hard  as  they  do  at  tuition.     The  common  opinion  is, 
 
TRINITY    COLLEGE,      DUBLIN. 
 
 631 
 
 that  a  good  part  is  shared  amongst  the  senior  government ;  and  surely, 
 if  this  be  false,  it  would  be  very  easy  for  the  college  to  disprove  what 
 brings  it  into,  perhaps,  unmerited  disrepute.  While  the  public  are  left 
 to  mere  conjecture,  they  will  inevitably  believe  in  the  worst  reports. 
 
 Let  it  not  be  thought  by  Englishmen,  that  Trinity  College,  Dublin, 
 is  merely  a  local  Irish  subject,  with  which  they  have  no  concern. 
 If  "  what  every  one  says  must  be  true,"  it  is  the  wealthiest  uni- 
 versity in  the  world,  although  it  has  scarcely  2000  students,  while 
 Oxford  and  Cambridge  together  have  nearly  10,000.  and  it  is  the 
 duty  of  English  members  to  bring  the  subject  under  parliamentary 
 investigation.  Concealment  in  one  great  instance  sanctions  it  in 
 another,  and  it  is  this  that  leads  to  such  abuses  and  misapplica- 
 tions of  the  public  money.  We  know  how  the  honest  portion  of 
 the  London  press  advocated  secrecy  in  the  Bank  of  England,  when, 
 a  few  years  ago,  a  wish  was  expressed  for  a  yearly  expose  similar 
 to  the  Bank  of  Paris.  Old  Trinity,  like  the  church,  always  ap- 
 pears to  be  much  hurt  by  the  frequent  guesses  at  her  wealth ;  but,  until 
 we  have  an  authentic  statement,  it  is  natural  for  the  public  to  presume 
 that  its  income  is  enormous,  and  that  a  vast  portion  of  it  is  not  applied 
 as  intended.  Why  not  set  all  those  conjectures,  that  it  would  call  ma- 
 licious, or  ill  founded — why  not  set  them  at  rest  for  ever  by  a  candid 
 statement  ?  The  public  have  a  right  to  such  statement,  for  the  college 
 is  endowed  with  the  property  of  the  nation,  no  matter  by  what  name, 
 royal  grants  or  otherwise,  it  might  have  been  given  ;  and  parliament  has 
 also  lavished  large  sums  in  the  buildings  at  different  times.  While  au- 
 thentic information  is  unattainable  by  the  public,  can  they  be  blamed 
 for  believing  in  the  worst  reports  ?  Can  they  be  blamed  for  believing 
 that  there  is  something  which  will  not  bear  the  light  ?  The  college 
 threatens  actions — that  is  the  way  it  answers  charges.  About  four  years 
 ago  the  Freeman's  Journal  ventured  on  some  animadversions,  but  it  was 
 silenced  by  a  threat  of  law  proceedings.  Now  this  never  did  any  thing  for 
 a  public  establishment  but  to  excite  and  confirm  suspicion,  hatred,  and 
 disgust,  nor  will  it  ever  make  people  believe  in  the  purity  of  the  college. 
 What  though  the  directors  are  all  in  holy  orders,  they  are  but  men,  and 
 therefore  peccable.  The  charter  of  Charles  I.  granted  in  lieu  of  Eliza- 
 beth's, requires  that  the  bursar  give  in,  on  the  20th  November  in  each 
 year,  an  accurate  account  of  all  receipts  and  disbursements,  and  copy 
 same  into  a  book.  Now  that  book  is  kept — else  the  charter  is  void. 
 "  Show,  show,  show  "  (Macbeth).  That  would  be  the  proper  way  to 
 answer  alleged  libels. 
 
 Old  Trinity  is,  like  the  church,  so  very  tenacious  of  change  in  techni- 
 cals, that  it  is  still  "  near"  Dublin,  though  it  has  been  above  a  century 
 in  it,  and  is  now  more  in  the  centre  of  our  city  than  Ludgate-hill  is  in 
 London.  This  very  absurdity  would  form  cogent  grounds  for  a  new 
 and  improved  charter  for  Trinity  College  in  Dublin,  there  being  now  no 
 such  thing  as  Trinity  College  near  Dublin.  There  is  something  more 
 than  humour  in  this  remark,  and  I  wish  it  to  be  taken  very  seriously. 
 
 Yet,  still,  like  the  church.  Old  Trinity  permits  changes  beneficial  to 
 revenue.    In  1793  Catholics  Avere  admitted  as  students  in  this  orthodox 
 
032  APPENDIX. 
 
 establishmont,  which  assuredly  was  a  great  innovation  on  its  unsullied 
 Protestant  charter.  No  matter  for  that — it  materially  served  the  fiscal 
 department,  for  the  students,  who  had  been  fluctuating  between  5  and 
 700,  rose  in  a  few  years  to  1000,  and  are  now  nearly  2000.  But 
 again — there  were  then  fifteen  junior  fellows  or  teachers  for  500,  and 
 now  there  are  but  three  additional  for  three  times  the  number.  What 
 prodigious  spirit  and  liberality  !  Their  labours  are  indeed  so  great,  that 
 even  an  archbishop  of  Dublin,  in  defending  the  University  from  the 
 charge  of  "  silent  sister,"  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  them  excessive. 
 His  grace  clearly  showed  that  they  left  the  teachers  no  leisure  for  au- 
 thorship, but  it  did  not  occur  to  him  at  the  time,  that  he  was  making 
 a  heavy  charge  against  the  college  itself,  Avhich  the  worthy  prelate 
 otherwise  treats  with  all  the  tenderness  due  to  a  high-church-loving 
 establishment.  The  charter  sets  no  limit  to  the  number  of  junior  fel- 
 lows, and  Charles  began  with  nine,  "  in  the  name  of  more, "when  there 
 were  not,  perhaps,  100  students. 
 
 The  following  are  some  extracts  of  yearly  salaries  and  charges  from 
 the  charter:  — 
 
 Provost,  £100;  senior  fellow-,  £9.  13.  4.;  junior  fellow,  £3 ;  cate- 
 chist,  £13.  6.  8.;  sub-dean,  £4;  junior  ditto,  £2;  lecturer,  £4; 
 bursar,  £10  ;  hbrarian,  £3.     With  lodging  and  commons. 
 
 Scholars. — Natives,  £3,  not  natives  1  Os.    With  lodging  and  commons. 
 
 The  junior  fellows  or  teachers  not  to  charge  more  for  tuition  than  £4 
 for  a  fellow  commoner,  £2  for  a  pensioner,  and  20s.  for  a  sizer. 
 
 College  to  be  charged  no  more  than  4s.  4r^d.  a  w^eck  for  the  commons 
 of  a  fellow,  and  Is.  9hd.  for  a  scholar.  This  was  fixed  by  George  II., 
 who  also  raised  the  salaiy  of  the  librarian  to  £60,  to  which  office  he 
 attached  great  importance  and  responsibility ;  but  he  left  all  other 
 salaries  and  charges  as  in  the  charter.  No  official  mention  of  sub- 
 librarian appears  any  where. 
 
 Having  given  these  very  necessary  extracts,  we  must  now  speak 
 particularly  of  scholars  and  sizers.  Scholars  are  deserving  students, 
 not  lower  than  junior  sophister,  who  stand  an  examination  in  logic,  and 
 though  the  post  cannot  be  held  beyond  the  five  years,  and  the  advan- 
 tages are  very  trifling,  it  is  eagerly  sought.  What  must  we  then  think 
 of  Old  Trinity's  liberality,  when  the  number  is  still  but  70,  as  fixed 
 by  Charles  ?  Yes,  this  college,  Avhich  has  made  such  numerous  bye- 
 laws  and  changes  for  renewal  and  other  purposes,  here  sticks  religiously 
 to  the  charter  !  Do  we  wish  them  to  break  it  ?  No,  but  we  wish  no 
 partial  observances.  Let  it  be  either  "  the  whole  charter,  and  nothing 
 but  the  charter,"  or  let  the  deviations  be  generally  liberal.  The  provost 
 and  senior  fellows  know  full  well,  that  leave  would  be  readily  granted  to 
 increase  the  scholars,  and  Avhy  not  here  apply  to  government?  But  we 
 have  more  to  say  about  the  scholars,  and  shall  leave  them  for  the  present, 
 in  order  to  notice  the  sizers. 
 
 The  free  students  or  sizers  were  directed,  by  the  statutes  of  Charles, 
 to  be  used  as  servants,  to  wait  at  table,  feed  on  the  fragments,  and  do 
 menial  offices  in  the  college.  Of  the  baseness,  the  meanness,  and  the 
 cruelty  of  this,  we  cannot   form  a  just  estimation  without  recollecting 
 
TRINITY    COLLEGE,     DUBLIN.  633 
 
 that  they  were  Protestants — were  they  Papists,  the  thing  might  find  a 
 justification  in  the  persecuting  spirit  of  the  times,  but  we  have  seen  that 
 none  were  admitted  till  1793,  Can  we  possibly  imagine  any  mode  of 
 giving  charity  more  revolting  or  detestable  ?  Is  it  not  something  like 
 inhumanly  flinging  our  alms  in  the  face  of  the  humble  mendicant  ?  A 
 show  is  made  of  fostering  indigent  talent,  while  it  is  wounded  and 
 repressed  by  the  bitterest  mortification  that  can  be  well  conceived.  This 
 was  Charles's  refined  notion  of  rearing  up  spirited  Protestants,  who  were 
 afterwards  to  declaim  against  the  slavish  and  degrading  institutions  of 
 popery.  Yet,  on  a  vacancy  occurring,  it  is  common  to  have  150 
 candidates,  who  must  already  know  more  Greek  and  Latin  than  is 
 necessary  for  a  Jilius  nobilis  to  obtain  a  degree  at  Oxford.  The  best 
 answerer  in  a  most  severe  examination  is  admitted ;  and  he,  though  a 
 mere  boy,  has  often  sufficient  lore  to  qualify,  as  times  go,  for  a  classical 
 professor.  It  is  but  justice,  however,  to  say  that,  about  the  beginning 
 of  the  present  century,  the  college  relaxed  a  great  deal  of  its  authorised 
 severity  towards  those  interesting  objects,  from  whose  ranks  have  sprung 
 some  of  the  finest  geniuses  that  could  adorn  any  country.  Yet  the 
 number  is  still  but  thirty,  as  originally  fixed  by  Charles !  O  the 
 charter — how  beautifully  inviolable  it  appears  in  some  cases  !  So,  then, 
 the  scholars  must  never  exceed  seventy,  nor  the  sizers  thirty,  no  matter 
 how  the  college  revenues  augment ! 
 
 Come  we  now  to  some  most  important  considerations.  No  one  will 
 maintain  that  the  salaries  of  Charles,  though  doubtless  liberal  enough  at 
 the  time,  would  answer  for  the  present  day.  Accordingly,  we  find,  on 
 the  authority  of  T.  Swift,  of  whom  we  shall  have  occasion  to  speak 
 hereafter,  that  thirty-seven  years  ago  the  provost  had  £3000,  the 
 bursar  £2000,  and  the  junior  fellows  £90.  Look  now  to  preceding  page, 
 and  it  will  be  seen  that  the  first  and  last  exhibit  an  increase  of  exactly 
 thirty  fold,  and  the  bursar  two  hundred  fold,  over  the  charter  salaries. 
 And  if  it  be  true  that  the  junior  fellows  have  now  £400,  that  is  an  in- 
 crease of  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  fold.  Now,  how  were  these 
 augmentations  made  ?  Through  bye-laws,  no  doubt ;  but  why  not  keep 
 aeteris  paribus  in  view.  Why  keep  the  scholai's  to  the  now  miserable 
 allowances  of  Charles  ?  Answer  that.  Tell  us  why,  at  only  taking- 
 thirty  fold  as  a  standard,  they  are  not  allowed  £90  a-year ;  for  they  are 
 now,  perhaps,  all  natives  ?  Tell  us  whether  Is,  9d.  a  week  is  not  still, 
 in  some  cases,  the  calculation  for  their  commons ;  and  tell  us,  is  there 
 no  more  than  4s.  4^d.  for  that  of  a  fellow  ? 
 
 Look  again  to  former  page  for  tuition.  The  charge  for  a  pen- 
 sioner now  is,  entrance  (of  which  there  is  no  mention  in  the  charter) 
 £14  :  5  :  0,  and  £6  :  8  :  0  for  first  half  year,  and  it  goes  on  rising 
 according  to  class.  I  have  not  ascertained,  precisely,  the  charges  for  a 
 fellow  commoner,  but  I  find  that  they  are  C07isiderably  higher.  So 
 much  for  the  sacred  charter  and  tuition.  I  do  not  know  what  is  now 
 allowed  for  the  sizers,  but,  as  there  are  not  two  apiece  for  the  teachers, 
 it  is  of  no  consequence. 
 
 All  the  fellows,  "big  and  little,"  are,  with  the  exception  of  three, 
 
634  Al'PliNDlX. 
 
 obliged  to  be  priested,  in  order  to  fill  up  the  college  benefices  as  tbey 
 become  vacant.  We  are  now  approaching  some  of  the  university  mys- 
 teries. No  institution  has  succeeded  so  well  in  getting  favourable  reports 
 in  books  as  this.  Look  into  any  of  the  most  independent  English  works 
 that  mention  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  and  you  would  suppose  it  faultless 
 as  any  thing  human  could  be  expected ;  but  the  truth  is,  that  they  have 
 all  been  deceived  for  want  of  authentic  information.  The  only  attempt 
 worth  notice,  at  a  fearless  expose,  of  which  I  have  heard,  was  by  a 
 gentleman  named  Theophilus  Swift,  in  a  pamphlet  published  1794,  which 
 is  now  out  of  print  and  very  scarce.  He  brings  numerous  grave  charges 
 against  the  entire  college  system,  and  particularly  as  regarding  not  only 
 education,  but  competency  for  tuition.  Those  I  shall  pass,  but  he 
 makes  one  accusation  of  great  importance, — that  mulcts  and  fines  were 
 vexatiously  multiplied  on  the  pupils,  so  as  to  amount  to  no  less  than 
 £8000  a-year,  "  which  was  all  swept  into  the  fobs  of  the  fellows."  For 
 this,  and,  particularly  observe,  for  this  only,  he  was  served  with  notice 
 of  an  action  for  "  libel."  Swift  called  for  a  fair  account  of  receipts  and 
 disbursements,  and  this  is  the  way  that  he  is  answered  1  He  also  states 
 that  a  living  worth  £1000  a-year  was  refused  by  eight  junior  fellows, 
 and  was  only  accepted  by  the  ninth  in  rotation,  because  he  wished  a 
 quiet  life.  See  what  an  answer  this  is  to  the  authentic  accounts  we  read, 
 of  a  senior  fellowship  being  worth  "perhaps"  £1000  a-year,  and  a 
 junior  "  perhaps"  £700  or  £800  a-year,  when  £1000  was  actually 
 spurned  at  by  a  junior  near  forty  years  ago.  To  us,  in  Dublin,  such 
 accounts  are  quite  mawkish — they  appear,  at  best,  like  the  miracle  of 
 the  five  loaves  and  fishes,  when  we  see  senior  fellows  keeping  splendid 
 town  mansions,  beautiful  countiy  seats,  carriages,  livery  servants,  and 
 living  altogether  at  a  rate  immeasurably  above  our  notions  of  a  thousand 
 a-year.  The  fact  is  that  we  know  nothing  of  fellowship  incomes,  for  the 
 whole  machinery  is  managed  with  admirable  dexterity.  Thus  the  pre- 
 sent (now  the  late)  provost,  Kyle,  has  accepted  the  bishopric  of  Cork, 
 estimated  at  £6000  a-year,  and,  of  course,  that  would  seem  to  say  that 
 the  provostship  was  not  worth  so  much.  We  have  seen  what  Swift  says  of 
 the  salary,  and  there  is,  besides,  a  princely  mansion,  with  all  the  other 
 nameless  &c.'s,  and  the  place  is  at  this  day  so  valuable,  that  some 
 carry  their  estimates  as  high  as  £8,000  or  £10,000  a-year.  Why, 
 then,  accept  one  of  only  a-third  the  amount  ?  In  explaining  this,  it  is 
 necessary  to  observe  that  the  patronage  of  the  Cork  see  is  said  to  be  worth 
 from  £10,000  to  £30,000  a-year,  — no  contemptible  source  for  a  family 
 provision ;  but  suppose  it  had  no  patronage,  the  new  bishop  does  not 
 calculate  on  remaining  there  always.  There  is,  you  know,  such  a  thing 
 as  translation — you,  Mr.  Editor,  as  a  learned  man,  understand  that. 
 So,  if  a  senior  fellow  is  vacated  to  accept  a  living  of  £1000  a-year, 
 it  is*  no  proof  that  his  fellowship  was  not  worth  above  treble.  But  these 
 apparent  phenomena  help  to  silence  the  vulgar  inquirer,  who  under- 
 standeth  not  translation,  collation,  or  the  beauties  of  Christian-like 
 expectancy. 
 
 We  can  now  plainly  see  that  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  is,  in  essence  and 
 
TRINITY    COLLEGIi,    DUBLIN. 
 
 63^ 
 
 substance,  a  church  establishment,  and  some  light  on  its  political  character 
 may  be  interesting.  The  suppression  of  the  celebrated  Historical  Society, 
 that  produced  so  many  great  men,  is  well  known,  and  I  shall  only  observe 
 that,  about  sixteen  or  eighteen  years  ago,  Locke  on  Government  was 
 expelled  to  make  room  for  Butler's  Analogy  of  revealed  Religion.  You 
 know  the  two  works,  Mr.  Editor,  and  you  can  judge  of  the  spirit  that 
 actuates  the  only  university  in  a  country  with  eight  millions  of  in- 
 habitants. 
 
 No  Catholic  can  remain  in  college  after  he  have  finished  his  course, 
 as  he  cannot  be  a  scholar,  nor  be  admitted  to  a  higher  degree  than 
 Bachelor  of  Arts. 
 
 None  but  the  provost,  fellows,  and  scholars,  have  a  vote  for  the 
 parliamentary  representative. 
 
 From  all  these  considerations,  the  following'  are  among  some  improve- 
 ments that  naturally  suggest  themselves:  — 
 
 1 .  That  the  real  yearly  revenue  of  the  college,  in  lands  and  otherwise, 
 and  from  fines,  entrance,  or  other  fees,  board  and  lodging  of  fellow 
 commoners  and  pensioners,  tuitions,  &c.  and  the  total  expenditure,  say 
 for  ten  years  last  past,  be  published.  This  is  necessary,  to  inspire  con- 
 fidence and  respect ;  for  no  one  can  conceive  why  there  should  be  any 
 secrecy  in  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  a  national  establishment, 
 assuredly  for  the  advancement  of  learning. 
 
 2.  That,  if  any  surplus  appear  over  and  above  a  reasonable  fund  for 
 contingencies  of  building  or  repairing,  it  should,  in  the  first  instance,  be 
 applied  to  giving  the  scholars  the  increased  allowances  to  which  they  are 
 as  fairly  entitled  as  the  provost  and  fellows. 
 
 3.  That,  after  adjusting  the  rig'hts  of  the  scholars,  any  further  sur- 
 plus should  be  applied  to  extending-  the  sizers  to  one  hundred—  a  num- 
 ber Avhich  would  still  be  by  no  means  proportioned  to  other  augmenta- 
 tions. The  scholars,  too,  should  be  increased,  but  not  until  after  the 
 sizers  were  one  hundred.  And  a  charge,  now  exacted  from  the  sizers 
 for  lodging,  not  mentioned  in  the  charter,  should  be  abolished. 
 
 4.  That  the  number  of  junior  fellows  should  be  regulated  by  that  of 
 the  students,  which  would  be  very  easy  ;  for  if  they  decreased,  a  vacant 
 junior  fellowship  need  not  be  filled  up.  None  of  them  to  have  less  than 
 a  ceitain  number  of  pupils,  say  fifty,  and  while  that  remained  uncom- 
 pleted, no  new  student  should  be  allowed  to  choose  his  teacher.  Such  a 
 regulation  Avould  be  found  most  equitable  and  serviceable. 
 
 .5.  That  the  junior,  or,  at  least,  the  senior  sophisters  have  the  right  of 
 voting  for  a  parliamentary  representative  for  the  college. 
 
 6.  That  Catholics  should  be  eligible  to  scholarships.  For  fellowships, 
 the  church  being  the  fountain  of  college  promotion,  I  do  not  think  they 
 could  or  would  expect  a  participation,  as  the  constitution  of  the  esta- 
 blishment should  be  entirely  changed  to  allow  their  admission  :  but  to 
 scholarships  there  cannot  be  any  reasonable  objection. 
 
 I  now  tell  the  college  that  petulant  or  dogmatical  contradictions, 
 or  actions  at  law,  will  avail  nothing,  while  the  ■whole  revenue  and 
 disbursement  are  unknown  to  the  public.     A  new  charter  and  statutes 
 
636       APPENDIX. — PARLIAMENTARY    REPRESENTATION. 
 
 for  Trinity  College  ix  Dublin,  should  certainly  be  recommended  to 
 parliament.  We  shall,  no  doubt,  hear  a  great  deal  oi  fudge  about  the 
 sacredness  of  charters,  but  that  is  mere  fustian,  with  the  precedent  of 
 Charles  before  us,  who  did  nothing  less  than  abrogate  the  original  of 
 Elizabeth  —  with  the  example  of  George  II.,  who  altered  as  much  as  he 
 thought  proper  of  Charles's  ;  and,  finally,  with  the  admission  of  Catholics 
 by  the  act  of  an  Irish  parliament,  and  which  was  rather  aided  than 
 opposed  by  the  college,  as  could  be  easily  demonstrated.  An  improved 
 charter  would  ultimately  serve  the  college  itself,  by  making  it  a  popular 
 and  respected  establishment,  instead  of  being,  as  it  now  is,  an  object  of 
 suspicion,  monopoly,  and  unfavourable  report,  and  one  of  which  the 
 public  are  ready  to  believe  the  very  worst  rumours. 
 
 PARLIAMENTARY    REPRESENTATION. 
 
 Return  of  the  population,  according  to  the  census  of  1821  and  1831, 
 of  all  towns  or  cities  in  England,  exceeding  a  population  often  thou- 
 sand, to  which  it  is  not  intended  by  the  Reform  Bill  to  give  repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 Population 
 iu  1821. 
 
 City  or  Town. 
 
 Lancashire : 
 
 Toxteth  Park 12,829 
 
 Spotland 13,453 
 
 Middlesex  : 
 
 Chelsea    26,860 
 
 Kensington 
 Staffordshire 
 
 Kingswinford    • 
 
 Tipton 
 
 Yorkshire: 
 
 Saddleworth  •  •  • 
 
 14,428 
 
 11,022 
 11,546 
 
 13,902 
 
 Population 
 in  1831. 
 
 24,067 
 \5,325 
 
 32,371 
 20,902 
 
 15,156 
 14,951 
 
 15,986 
 
HEADS    OF     PUBLIC    EXPENDITURE. 
 
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G38  APPENDIX. 
 
 SUMS    EXPENDED    UNDER    THE    HEAD    OF    CIVIL    CONTINGENCIEH 
 
 IN     1831. 
 
 The  amount  expended  for  furniture,  ironmongery,  &c.  for  White- 
 hall Chapel,  apartments  of  the  officers  of  the  guards,  and  for 
 
 the  Tower,  in  the  three  quarters  ended  June  30,  1831 £336 
 
 Ditto  for  robes,  collars,  badges,  &c.  for  knights  of  the  several 
 
 orders,  in  the  same  period      ■  •  •  •      2578 
 
 Ditto  for  repairing  the  King's  crown,  maces,  badge,  &c.,  gold 
 and  silver  sticks,  officers  attending  proclamation  of  His  Ma- 
 jesty's accession,  in  the  same  period 511 
 
 Ditto  for  plate  supplied  to  Lord  Melbourne,  upon  his  appointment 
 
 as  secretary  of  state,  in  the  quarter  ended  30th  June  1831  •  •        488 
 
 The  commission  for  inquiring  into  the  state  of  His  Majesty's  set- 
 tlements, the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  Ceylon  and  Mauritius    ••    14830 
 
 The  commission  for  inquiring  into  fees  in  the  courts  of  justice  ; 
 
 on  account  of  remuneration  and  expenses 3662 
 
 The  commission  for  inquiring  into  the  law  of  real  property;  on 
 
 account  of  expenses    1 044 
 
 The  commission  for  inquiring  into  the  practice,  &c.  of  the  eccle- 
 siastical courts    ....» 1639 
 
 The  commission  for  carrying  into  effect  the  convention  signed  at 
 London  on  the  29th  September  1827,  between  His  Majesty 
 and  the  United  States  of  America,  stipulating  the  reference 
 to  the  arbitration  of  a  friendly  sovereign,  of  the  disputed  points 
 of  boundary  under  the  5th  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent  •  •  •  •      3000 
 
 The  commission  for  carrying  into  effect  certain  stipulations  rela- 
 tive to  the  demarcation  of  the  boundaries  of  the  new  state  of  i 
 Greece,    agreed  upon  between  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the 
 allied  powers,  parties  to  the  treaty  signed  at  London  on  the 
 6th  July  1827    • 962 
 
 The  amount  paid  on  account  of  R.  Lander's  late  expedition  of 
 
 discovery  to  Africa     853 
 
 The  amount  paid  for  relief  of  certain  distressed  Spanish  subjects 
 residing  in  this  country,  wholly  without  the  means  of  subsis- 
 tence, who  had  been  employed  with  the  British  army,  or  under 
 British  authorities  in  Spain,  or  who  had  otherwise  rendered 
 service  to  our  military  operations  in  that  country 12420 
 
 Expense  of  creating   Admiral  sir  James  Saumarez  a  baron  of 
 
 the  United  Kingdom,  in  reward  for  public  services •  •  •        556 
 
 T.  Wyon,  esq.  chief  engraver  of  His  Majesty's  Mint,  for  en- 
 graving great  and  other  seals  for  the  courts  of  Exchequer, 
 &c.,  and  for  silver  medals  for  native  chiefs  on  the  River 
 Gambia 1428 
 
CIVIL     CONTINGENCIES.  G39 
 
 The  amount  issued  to  C.  Babbage,  to  enable  him  to  proceed  in 
 
 constructing-  a  machine  for  the  calculation  of  various   tables  £2000 
 
 Ditto  to  defray  the  expenses  incurred  in  publishing  the  natural 
 
 history  of  the  late  expedition  to  Behring's  Straits     236 
 
 Ditto  to  J.  Richards,  for  salary  to  himself  and  clerk,  and  for  tra- 
 velling and  other  contingent  expenses  of  his  mission  of  survey 
 in  North  America  •  •  -- 1 600 
 
 Ditto  to  pay  the  fees  on  the  nomination  of  certain  officers  to  be 
 Honorary  Knights  Conmianders  and  Companions  of  the  Order 
 of  the  Bath     210 
 
 Ditto  to  pay  the  fees  on  the  installation  of  his  serene  Highness 
 Augustus  William  Maximilian  Frederick  Lewis,  reigning 
 Duke  of  Brunswick,  Knight  Companion  of  the  most  noble 
 Order  of  the  Garter • 439 
 
 Ditto  to  pay  the  fees  on  the  nomination  of  Count  Munster,  to  be 
 a  Knight  Grand  Cross  of  the  most  honourable  Order  of  the 
 Bath 330 
 
 Ditto  ditto  for  the  maintenance  and  care  of  two  incurable  lunatics, 
 
 for  three  years  to  5th  April  1831 300 
 
 Ditto  ditto  in  removing  the  records  belonging  to  the  court  of 
 common  pleas,  from  V/estminster  Hall  to  the  Old  Mews, 
 Charing-cross    849 
 
 Ditto  to  the  minister  and  churchwarden  of  St.   James's,  in  the 
 
 island  of  Nevis,  towards  erection  of  a  church  there 500 
 
 Ditto  to  Dr.  J.  Bowring,  in  reimbursement  of  the  expenses  in- 
 curred by  him  and  in  remuneration  for  his  services  in  reporting 
 upon  the  public  accounts  of  France 908 
 
 Ditto  to  T.  Telford,  to  defray  expenses  already  incurred  in  his 
 survey  for  supplying  the  metropolis  with  pure  water,  and  to 
 enable  him  to  proceed  with  the  same     • 1000 
 
 Ditto  to  defray  the  expenses  incurred  on  account  of,  and  for  ser- 
 vices connected  with  the  Cholera  Morbus  ■ 1934 
 
 Ditto  to  defray  the  expenses  incurred  in  England  and  Scotland, 
 in  procuring  information  relative  to  the  boundaries  of  different 
 cities  and  boroughs    6623 
 
 Ditto  to  T.  Marshall,  to  enable  him  to  complete  a  series  of  sta- 
 tistical tables  of  the  resources  of  the  British  empire 500 
 
 Ditto  to  pay  rewards  offered  by  His  Majesty's  proclamation  of  the 
 23d  November  1830,  for  the  discovery,  &c.  of  the  offenders  in 
 the  districts  at  that  time  in  a  disturbed  state,  and  to  discharge 
 expenses  connected  therewith    32000 
 
 His  excellency  the   Marquess  of  Anglesey,  the  usual   equipage 
 
 money  allowed  the  lord  lieutenant  on  his  arrival  in  Ireland  •  •      2769 
 
 Right  honourable  lord  Plunket,  lord  chancellor  of  Ireland,  the 
 
 like  on  his  appointment •»• ••• 923 
 
 N.  B.     We  have  only  extracted  a  few  of  the  items  ;  the  total  expendi- 
 ture under  the  head  of  civil  contingences  in  1831,  was  £174,657. 
 
G40  DEAD    WEIGHT. 
 
 An  Account  of  the  Sura  paid  in  1829,  for  Half  Pay  and  Retired 
 Superannuated  Allowances  ;  distinguishing  the  amount  under  separate 
 Heads  and  Departments. 
 
 ARMY. 
 
 Army  pay  of  general  officers 140,362  12  C 
 
 Retired  full  pay,  half  pay,  and  military  allow- 
 
 auces    860,43112  7 
 
 Militia  adjutants  and  Serjeant  majors    11,202  17  0 
 
 Local  militia  adjutants 17,205  14  0 
 
 Out-pensioners  of  Chelsea  and  Kilmainham 
 
 hospitals 1,328,797  7  1 
 
 In-pensioners  of                do.                     do.            40,215  0  9 
 
 Mldows' pensions 151,226  5  9 
 
 Compassionate  list    37,592  5  0 
 
 Royal  bounties 34,561  0  9 
 
 Pensions  for  Avounds 119,107  17  7 
 
 Foreign  half-pay 70,007  13  8 
 
 Foreign    pensions,    including   allowances  to 
 
 widows  and  children  of  deceased  foreign 
 
 officers 18,712  10  0 
 
 Superannuation  allowances 48,462  19  0 
 
 Commissariat 46,545  5  9 
 
 Royal  military  asylum 345  13  9 
 
 2,939,896  15     8 
 
 NAVY. 
 
 HALF-PAY  : 
 
 To  flag-officers,  captains,  commanders,  lieu- 
 tenants, pursers,  masters,  and  surgeons    ..     824,504  6  4 
 To  royal  marine  officers    51113  2  10 
 
 SUPKRANNUATIONS,  PENSIONS,  AND  ALLOWANCES  : 
 
 To  officers,  &c.  in  the  military  line  of  service      127,174  16  6 
 
 To  commissioners,  secretaries,  clerks,  &c.  for- 
 merly employed  in  the  civil  departments  of 
 
 t'lenavy 130,518  7  11 
 
 Victualling  department      33,331  12  6 
 
 Bounty  to  chaplains    1,372  10  0 
 
 Allowances    to  widows  and  orphans  on  the  ; 
 
 compassionate  list 12,808  0  0                                                 « 
 
 Widows' charity 148,327  0  0                                                 [ 
 
 Greenwich  hospital,  out-pensioners 250,000  0  0 
 
 1,579,149  16     0 
 
0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 DEAD    AV  EIGHT.  C41 
 
 ORDNANCE. 
 
 military: 
 
 Superannuated  and  half-pay  officers    £55,118 
 
 Retired  as  general  officers 13,039 
 
 Allowances  for  good  services    5,099 
 
 Pensions  in  remuneration  for  inventions  and 
 
 improvements  in  artillerj*  service     1,200 
 
 Superannuated  and  disabled  men 189,004 
 
 Pensions  to  wounded  officers 7,393 
 
 Pensions  to  widows  and  children    22,910 
 
 Retired  officers  of  the  late  Irish  artillery  and 
 
 engineers,  and  pensions  to  widows 8,590     0     0 
 
 CIVIL  : 
 
 Superannuated  and  half-pay  to  civil  officers, 
 artificers,  and  labourers  ;  retired  pay  and 
 pensions  to  civil  officers,  in  consequence  of 
 reduction  and  ill-health 36,838 
 
 Pensions  to  widows   4,t>6G 
 
 Superannuated  and  half-pay  to  Irish  civil  offi- 
 cers and  artificers  and  labourers  ;  and  pen- 
 sions to  widows 4,429 
 
 Barrack  department  17,340 
 
 365,626     0     0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 4,884,672  11  8 
 To  which  add  the  Civil  Departments  of  the 
 government,     including    pensions,     super- 
 annuations, and  allowances  in  the  treasury, 
 
 tax-office,customs,  excise,  stamps,  police,&c.                               478,967  16  3 
 
 Grand  Total,  military,  naval,  and  civil £5,367,640     7  11 
 
 DEAD  WEIGHT. 
 
 Year  1822 £5,289,087  19  10 
 
 1823 5,311,248  2  4 
 
 1824 5,317,445  3  7 
 
 1825 5,302,499  18  0 
 
 1826 5,376,674  2  1 
 
 1827 5,455,990  19  4 
 
 1828 5,362,670  16  1 
 
 2  T 
 
642 
 
 NUMBER    or    NATIONAL    CREDITORS. 
 
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COLONIAL    TRADE    AND    POPULATION. 
 
 COLONIAL    STATISTICS. 
 
 643 
 
 RETURN   from   each   Colony   or   Foreign  Possession  of  the  British  Crown  ; 
 stating-  the  Number  of  the  Population,  disting'uishing  White  from  Coloured,  and 
 ;      Free  from   Slaves;  also,  the  Value   of  Exports   and  Imports  into  each  of  those 
 I      Colonies,  for  each  of  the  past  Three  Years. 
 
 ,N.B. — Those  with  a  *  affixed  have  a  Legislative  Assembly;  those  without  are  governed  by  the 
 I  Orders  of  (he  King  in  Council. 
 
 U— . 
 
 colonies. 
 
 population 
 
 1829, 
 OR  LATEST  CENSUS. 
 
 north  AMERICA,    i 
 
 |*Lower  Canada  ' 423,630., 
 
 (♦Upper  Canada  \ 18s,5.i8. 
 
 (•New  Brunswick  ' 72,932. 
 
 *Nova  Scotia -i  1 
 
 '*Cape  Breton   /  l4i,MS., 
 
 i  Prince  Eaward's  Island 23,473.. 
 
 I  Newfoundland  60,0S8.. 
 
 Trade  with  Great  Britain. 
 
 Imports 
 into  the 
 United 
 Kingdom 
 Official 
 Value. 
 
 911,029 
 
 569,45 1 
 213,842 
 
 61,701 
 
 243,628 
 
 1,0S8,6^-. 
 
 Exports 
 from  the 
 
 United 
 
 Kingdom, 
 
 Official 
 
 Value. 
 
 Number  and  Tonnage  of 
 
 Vessels  to  and  from  the 
 
 United  Kingdom  and  the 
 
 Colonies. 
 
 Inwards.     I    Out  wards. 
 
 I,117,<21 
 
 274,922 
 
 297,966 
 373,817 
 
 Ship^l  Tons.  jShiiis'  Tons. 
 77S 
 
 760 
 460 
 
 .■27,909 
 155,249 
 
 30,146 
 
 17,820      306 
 
 2,064,126    1,609  431,124    1,652  418,147 
 
 
 -221,694 
 133,469 
 
 31,738 
 
 31,246 
 
 WEST  INDIES. 
 
 )*Antigua   
 
 *Barbadoes 
 
 '*Dominica  
 
 !*Grenada 
 
 ''Jamaica  
 
 "Monserrat 
 
 "Nevis 
 
 "St.  Kitts 
 
 St.  Lucia  
 
 "St.  Vincent  
 
 *Tohago 
 
 "Tortola 
 
 "Anguilla 
 
 I  Trinidad 
 
 [►Bahamas 
 
 ^Bermudas  
 
 Demerara  &  Essequibo 
 
 !  Berbice 
 
 ;  Honduras  
 
 Totals. 
 
 I  Gibraltar 
 
 ;Malta  -1 
 
 ;  Gozo / 
 
 i  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
 
 j  Sierra  Leone  and 
 
 I  Gambia  
 
 Ceylon 
 
 (Mauritius  
 
 Nejv  South  Wales  
 
 IVan  Dieinan's  Land... 
 
 Swan  River 
 
 General  Totals.. 
 
 1,980 
 
 14,959 
 
 840 
 
 801 
 
 1    censu! 
 
 330 
 
 700 
 
 1,612 
 
 972 
 
 1,301 
 
 322 
 
 477 
 
 365 
 
 4,201 
 
 4,240 
 
 3,905 
 
 3,006 
 
 552 
 
 2-)0 
 
 17,024 
 
 104,489-1 
 
 15,480/ 
 
 55,675 
 
 87 
 
 24 
 
 6,414 
 
 8,844 
 
 20,930 
 
 850 
 
 Free 
 Coloured. 
 
 3,895 
 5,1-16 
 3,606 
 3,786 
 taken. 
 
 814 
 2,000 
 3,000 
 3,718 
 2,824 
 1,164 
 I, -296 
 
 327 
 15,956 
 2,991 
 
 738 
 6,360 
 1,151 
 2,266 
 
 37,852 
 
 15,123 
 
 2,192 
 
 906,389 
 
 15,851 
 
 Aborigines 
 
 not 
 ascertained 
 
 2,229,725  829,66, 
 
 White  and  Free.  Slaves, 
 
 exclusive  of 
 Convicts. 
 
 29,839 
 
 81,902 
 
 15,392 
 
 24,145 
 
 322,421 
 
 6,262 
 
 9,239 
 
 19,310 
 
 13,661 
 
 23,589 
 
 12,556 
 
 5,399 
 
 2,388 
 
 24,006 
 
 9,26s 
 
 4,608 
 
 69,-)67 
 
 21,319 
 
 2,127 
 
 00,464 
 
 76,774 
 
 15, 668 
 
 Convicis 
 
 ■       8,484 
 
 Conucts. 
 
 35,714 
 102,007 
 19,838 
 28,732 
 322,421 
 
 7,406 
 11,959 
 23,fiJ2 
 l?,35l 
 27,714 
 14,042 
 
 7,172 
 
 3,080 
 44,163 
 16,499 
 
 9,251 
 78,833 
 23,022 
 
 4,643 
 
 285,500 
 
 489,214 
 
 141,911 
 
 359,813 
 
 3,741,179 
 
 40,958 
 
 78,27f 
 
 1 92,280 
 
 157,533 
 
 414,548 
 
 158,38, 
 
 33,243 
 
 694,00  i 
 
 17,915 
 
 4,901 
 
 1,762,409 
 
 325,051 
 
 190,79 
 
 79fl,769 
 
 9,087,914 
 
 17,024 
 
 119,969 
 
 129,036 
 15,2101 
 2,216/ 
 933,267 
 101,469 
 36,598 
 
 17,905 
 
 238, 
 
 258, 
 
 002, 
 451, 
 
 3, 08?, 542 
 
 Total 
 Population 
 
 33,191 
 
 146,657 
 
 369,82: 
 
 27,478 
 
 93,01 
 
 !,761,4S3 
 
 8,302 
 
 25,223 
 
 97,234 
 
 51,505 
 
 99,891 
 
 51,368 
 
 5,666 
 
 361,077 
 51,524 
 24,817 
 
 502,236 
 51,587 
 
 792,278 
 
 5,521,169 
 
 ,615 
 
 ,359 
 
 ,427 
 
 ,779 
 
 ,496 
 ,530 
 ,620 
 
 1,117,1 
 505,: 
 383, 
 511, 
 
 46,' 
 
 280,: 
 250,( 
 
 9,781 
 17,190 
 3,011 
 12,349 
 85,710 
 1,253 
 1,892 
 6,224 
 5,29( 
 14,379 
 6,594 
 1,317 
 
 22,224 
 
 1,36(1 
 
 6-20 
 
 55,250 
 7,710 
 
 11,184 
 
 II,  508,94  J 
 Imports. 
 
 263,338 
 
 1,795 
 
 2,034 
 
 8,069 
 
 27,915 
 
 1,309 
 12,824 
 
 8,97(! 
 
 9,367 
 
 20,887 
 
 2,921 
 
 1 1 ,03 1 
 
 82,558 
 
 944 
 
 1,996 
 
 6,804 
 
 4,209 
 
 12,084 
 
 6,913 
 
 606 
 
 82 
 
 90,474 
 
 7 
 
 1,338 
 
 9 
 
 2,256 
 
 183 
 
 53,ff87 
 
 23 
 
 6,070 
 
 33 
 
 8,847 
 
 I0,777,244|  2,808  757,375 
 Exports.   Ships  Tons. 
 
 2.977 
 Ships 
 
 10,426 
 7,906 
 7,70,1 
 
 31,909 
 3,048 
 6,391 
 
 -28,719 
 
 767,2-i3 
 Tons. 
 
 2  T  2 
 
044  ORIGIN    OF    THE    PEERAGE. 
 
 HOUSE    OF    LORDS. 
 
 "There  must  be  a  period  and  an  end  of  names  and  dignities  and  wliatsocver 
 is  terrene  ;  and  why  not  of  De  Vere?  l-'or  where  is  Bohun?  A\'liere's  Mortimer  ? 
 Nay,  wliich  is  more  and  most  of  all,  where  is  Plantageuet?" — Speech  of  Lord 
 Chief  Justice  Crewe,  16G2. 
 
 We  have  taken  some  pains  to  view  the  House  of  Lords  under  its  various 
 aspects.  It  presents  itself  in  the  way  of  the  Nation's  wish ;  and  it  is 
 natural  that  the  Nation  should  seek  to  understaiid  the  character  of  the 
 obstacle  which  impedes  its  progress.  We  have  looked  into  the  history 
 of  the  Peerage,  and  what  is  the  result  ?  Who  are  they  that,  g-enerally 
 speaking,  have  been  made  peers — and  why  ?  Is  a  peerage  the  reward 
 of  virtue,  of  talent,  of  disinterestedness,  of  grand  patriotic  efforts,  of  a 
 long  course  of  noble  doings  ?  No  one  who  has  looked  Avith  any  care  to 
 the  family  annals  of  the  British  peers  will  venture  to  say  that,  even  in 
 the  selection  of  a  virtuous  man  for  a  peer,  his  virtue  has  been  the  cause 
 of  his  ennoblement ;  or  if  a  man  of  talent,  that  he  has  been  chosen 
 because  his  talent  has  been  patriotically  directed.  No  —  the  peerage  has 
 been  one  of  the  means  employed  for  several  ages  to  carry  on  the  great 
 JOB  of  government.  If  a  patriot  was  troublesome,  he  was  bought  off  by  a 
 peerage;  if  a  powerful  individual  was  importunate,  he  was  quieted  by  a 
 peerage  ;  if  votes  were  in  demand,  the  possessor  or  manager  was  paid  by 
 a  peerage  ;  if  a  minister's  place  was  desired,  he  vacated  it  for  a  peerage. 
 The  lawyer,  who  proved  the  ablest  instrument  of  government,  was 
 rewarded  by  a  peerage.  In  short,  the  honour  of  the  peerage  has  mostly 
 been  the  Treasury  of  Corruption. 
 
 If  the  House  of  Lords,  by  the  natural  progression  of  things,  is 
 hastening  to  an  cuthajiasia  because  of  its  want  of  correspondence  and 
 sympathjr  with  public  opinion,  what  is  so  well  calculated  to  postpone  that 
 inevitable  hour,  as  the  adoption  of  that  for  the  want  of  which  they  must 
 wither  and  decay  ?  A  large  and  copious  addition  of  popular  peers  would 
 revivify  the  antique  and  mouldering  mass,  and  cause  it  to  rise  up  with 
 much  of  the  ardour  and  beauty  of  a  veritable  rejuvenescence.  LTnless 
 this  plan  be  acceded  to,  the  days  of  the  peerage,  as  at  present  consti- 
 tuted, are  numbered ;  and  yet  it  is  against  this  very  measure  that  the 
 greatest  number  of  prejudices  are  arrayed. 
 
 The  peers  are  jealous  of  new  men.  What  are  they  themselves? 
 Take  even  the  oldest  of  them,  they  are  but  of  a  few  centuries ;  and  the 
 majority  are  the  merest  novi  homines — mushrooms,  whom  a  shower  of 
 wealth,  or  an  accidental  fall  of  borough  rottenness,  has  caused  to  spiing 
 from  the  earth  within  the  last  few  years.  The  peerage  of  England  is 
 the  most  modern  in  Europe  :  it  is  a  contemptible  upstart,  compared  with 
 that  cither  of  Germany  or  of  France.  Where  are  the  true  ancestors  of 
 Englishmen,  the  men  of  Saxon  blood  ?  where  even  the  descendants  of 
 the  butchers  and  bakers  that  came  over  Avith  the  Norman  Conqueror  ? 
 Not  all  the  lies  of  all  the  heralds  can  give  us  a  creation  six.  hundred 
 years  old  ;  and  such  as  go  even  two  hundred  years  back  are  very  thinly 
 scattered  indeed.     Some  of  the  most  ancient  blood  of  England  is  repre- 
 
CONCLUSIONS    ON    THE    MOUSE    OF    LORDS. 
 
 64^ 
 
 sented  by  men  of  private  station,  or  by  baronets,  whose  ancestors  did 
 not  happen  to  receive  the  king's  summons  to  parliament  in  former  reigns, 
 and  whose  descendants,  if  they  were  to  receive  it  now,  would  carry  into 
 the  House  of  Peers  all  that  depends  "  upon  Norman  blood,  or  whatever 
 else  it  is  they  are  so  proud  of."  But  the  day  is  gone  past  when  a  legis- 
 lator is  to  be  chosen  on  such  grounds. 
 
 It  would  be  a  curious  phenomenon,  if  the  obstacle  which  the  peers 
 have  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  people's  measure,  should  lead  to  an 
 immediate  change  in  their  own  body.  It  was  a  reform  in  the  Commons 
 that  was  demanded ;  we  may  come  to  see  that  a  virtual  reform  in  the 
 House  of  Lords  is  a  necessary  preliminary.  The  House  of  Commons 
 has  confessed  its  corruption  :  are  the  Lords  immaculate  ?  They  debate 
 as  if  their  House  stood  upon  the  foundations  of  the  earth,  and  as  if 
 angels  guarded  its  keystone.  It  v.'ould  seem  they  deemed  it  the  very 
 sun  of  our  political  constellation :  they  are  mistaken — it  is  but  a  lamp, 
 and  may  want  trimming — may  be  worn  out,  and  renewed — may  have 
 grown  useless,  and  be  removed  :  a  more  cynical  illustrator  of  its  nature 
 might  even  term  it  a  will-o'-the-wisp,  which,  when  the  bog  of  corrup- 
 tion in  the  other  House  comes  to  be  dried  up  by  Reform,  may  die  out  of 
 itself. 
 
 What  then  are  our  conclusions  ?     They  are  these — 
 
 I.  The  history  of  the  origin  and  progress  of  the  House  of  Peers  indi- 
 cates that  it  was  calculated  for  another  order  of  things ;  and  that  it" is 
 only  by  its  having  been  used  as  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of 
 ministers  and  their  masters,  that  it  has  been  made  tolerable,  under  the 
 increased  wealth  and  intelligence  of  the  people. 
 
 II.  The  House  of  Peers  has  maintained  its  existence  by  usurping  an 
 influence  over  the  representation  of  the  people,  which  it  has  turned  to 
 its  sole  advantage. 
 
 III.  The  history  of  the  peerage  is  a  series  of  jobs.  It  is  a  coinage  ; 
 and  repi'esents  place,  pension,  commission,  civil  employment,  go- 
 vernment contract — in  one  word,  public  money.  The  actual  peerage 
 is  chiefly  an  efflorescence  of  taxation. 
 
 IV.  }Vhenever  the  minister  has  wanted  votes,  he  has  created  peers ; 
 whenever  he  has  wished  to  get  quit  of  votes,  he  has  created  peers. 
 A  peerage  is  the  grave  of  the  patriot — the  throne  of  the  placeman. 
 
 V.  The  antiquity  of  the  families  of  the  existing  peerage  is  a  farce  ; 
 the  Herald's  College  and  the  Alienation  Office  are  the  manag-ers  of 
 this  noble  melodrama.  When  a  line  becomes  extinct,  by  some  trick 
 of  marriage,  or  by  some  interpretation  of  a  patent,  a  trap-door  is 
 struck,  and  out  comes  a  representative  of  the  Mortimers  or  the 
 Mowbrays.  To  such  an  extent  is  this  carried,  that  the  same  family 
 name  is  changed  almost  every  other  year  in  the  peerage ;  and  some 
 peers  do  not  know  their  own  name.  For  instance,  lord  Oriel  wished 
 to  vote  against  the  Reform  Bill ;  his  real  name  is  Foster — he  signed 
 his  proxy  Ferrard,  he  ought  to  have  written  something  else.  The 
 proxy  was  useless — there  was  one  vote  less  against  the  people. 
 
646  APPENDIX'. 
 
 \'l.  The  most  numerous  and  the  most  active  of  the  existing  peers  are 
 tlie  creations  of  the  long  reign  of  George  the  Third  :  they  may  be 
 considered  as  a  body  of  unconscious  conspirators,  bound  together  by 
 the  minister,  for  the  secret  purpose  of  swelling  the  national  debt. 
 With  the  exception  of  tbe  military  and  naval  cliiefs,  they  are  titled 
 contractors  for  a  loan,  who  bave  received  their  per  centage  in 
 peerage. 
 VII.  When  the  personal  characteristics  of  the  descendants  of  this  motley 
 society  of  born  legislators  are  looked  to — this  assemblage  of  "  acci- 
 dents of  an  accident," — we  are  not  led  to  believe  that  station  and 
 fortune  have  redeemed  them  from  the  stain  of  their  original  creation, 
 but  that,  on  the  contraiy,  it  would  be  difficult  to  select  from  any  class 
 the  same  number  of  men  less  competent  to  create  laws  or  propagate 
 legislation. 
 
 If  there  be  any  truth  in  these  conclusions  — and  we  have  come  to 
 them  not  by  rhetoric,  but  rather  by  arithmetic — can  any  thing  be  more 
 absurd,  more  drivelling,  than  the  affected  hesitation  which  has  been 
 shown  in  creating  at  once  a  due  number  of  King  and  People's  Peers, — 
 a  class  which,  when  the  object  of  their  ennoblement  is  considered,  and 
 the  character  of  the  parties  who  instal  them  in  their  elevated  niche, 
 may  be  assuredly  maintained  as  the  most  honourable  and  distinguished 
 division  of  the  House  to  which  they  will  belong  ?  We  have  proved,  in 
 every  possible  way,  that  the  peers  as  a  body  may  derive  honour  from 
 such  a  creation,  but  can  lose  none.  Is  not  all  the  world  convinced,  that 
 this  is  a  course  which  may  save  the  House,  not  only  from  contempt, 
 but  destruction ;  and  that  though  the  people  may  by  it  gain  the  imme- 
 diate passing  of  "  the  Bill,"  the  Lords  will  gain  much  more —they 
 will  snatch  their  political  existence  out  of  the  flames  of  discord  and  civil 
 war.- — Abridged  from  the  Spectator  newspaper. 
 
 BOUOUGH     LORDS    AND    TIIUIR    R  liPU  liSENT  ATI  V  ES. 
 
 Should  tliere  be  found  in  some  not  distant  year — 
 
 [Oh,  liow  I  uish  to  be  no  prophet  here  .'] 
 
 Amongst  our  Biitisli  Lords  should  there  be  found 
 
 Some  great  in  pow'r,  in  principles  unsound, 
 
 \\  ho  look  on  Freedom  with  an  evil  eye, 
 
 In  whom  the  springs  of  loyalty  are  dry. 
 
 Who  wish  to  soar  on  wild  Ambition's  wings, 
 
 Who  hate  the  Commons,  and  who  love  not  Kings— 
 
 Who  would  divide  the  people  and  the  Throne, 
 
 To  set  up  separate  interests  their  own ; — 
 
 Sliould  there  be  found  such  men  in  after-times, 
 
 May  Hp.avf.n,  in  mercy  to  our  grievous  crimes. 
 
 Allot  some  milder  vengeance, — nor  to  them. 
 
 And  to  their  ray;e  this  wretched  land  condemn.— Churchill. 
 
 The  Names  printed  with  r,  were  in  favonr  of  the  Bill  in  1831  ;  those  with  A 
 
 against  it. 
 Numcs  of  Patrons.  Places.  Members  reliirncd. 
 
 Anglesey  Marquis,  p. . . . ,  INIilborne  Port    Mr.  S.  C.  Hyng 
 
 Aylesbury,  Marquis,  a  . .   Marlborough    i\lr.  W.  J.  Bankes 
 
BOROUGH    LORDS    AND    THEIR    REPRESENTATIVES.     647 
 
 Names  of  Patrons.  Places.  Members  returned. 
 
 Aylesbury,  Marquis,  a  . .  Marlborough Mr.  T.  Estcourt 
 
 Great  Bedwin Mr.  J.  J.  Buxton 
 
 Sir  J.  Nichol 
 Bath,  Marquis,  a    Weobley Lord  E.  Thynne 
 
 Lord  H.  Tbjnne 
 
 Bandon,  Earl Bandonbridge Lord  Bernard 
 
 Bathurst,  Lord,    a Cirencester Lord  Apsley 
 
 Beaufort,  D.  a Monmouth    Marquis  of  Worcester 
 
 Bedford,  D.  r Tavistock     Mr.  J.  Hawkins 
 
 Lord  J.  Russell 
 Balcarras,  E.  a   Wigan 
 
 Mr.  J.  H.  Kearsley 
 Beverley,  E.  a Beeralston Mr.  D.  Lyon 
 
 Lord  Lovaiue 
 
 Bristol,  M.  A  Bury  St.  Edmund's    ....  Earl  Jermyn 
 
 Brownlow,  E.  a Clitheroe Hon.  P.  F.  Cust 
 
 Buckingham,  D.  A Buckingham    Sir  T.  Freemantle 
 
 Sir  G.  Nugent 
 St.  Mawe's Sir  E.  Sugden 
 
 Mr.  G.  W.  Pigott 
 
 Winchester Mr.  J.  B.  East 
 
 Bute,  M.  A Cardiff Lord  J.  Stuart 
 
 Caledon,  L Old  Sarum Mr.  J.  Alexander 
 
 Mr.  J.  D.  Alexander 
 
 Calthorpe,  L.  a Bramber Mr.  W.  S.  Dugdale 
 
 Hindon     Mr.  J.  Weyland 
 
 Carrington,  L.  A Wendover Mr.  S.  Smith 
 
 Mr.  A.  Smith 
 
 Carlisle,  E .  r Morpeth  Hon.  W.  Hoysfard 
 
 (^astlemaine,  L Atblone     Mr.  H.  Handcock 
 
 Charleville,  E.  a Carlow Lord  Tullamore 
 
 Cholmondeley,  M.  a  ....   Castle  Rising Lord  Chelmondeley 
 
 Clarendon,  L.  n Wootton  Basset Lord  Mahon 
 
 Cleveland,  M.  b Camelford    Mr.  M.  Milbank 
 
 Mr.  S.  Cradock 
 Ilchester Br.  Lushington 
 
 Hon.  E.  Petre 
 Winchilsea 
 
 Mr.  J.  Williams 
 
 Clifford,  L.  de,  R Kinsale    Captain  J.  Russell 
 
 Clinton,  L.  r Ashburton    
 
 Delewarr,  E.  a East  Grinstead   Mr.  F.  R.  West 
 
 Viscount   Holmesdale 
 
 Devonshire,  D.  n Derby ••......  Mr.  W.  Cavendish 
 
 Dungarvon Hon.  George  Lamb 
 
 Knaresborough Lord  Waterpark 
 
 Sir  J.  Mackintosh 
 
 Youghall Hon.  G.  Ponsonby 
 
 Donegal,  M.  n Belfast      Sir  A.  Chichester 
 
 Downshire,  M.   r Carrickfergus Lord  G.  A.  Hill 
 
 Dundas,  L.  R Richmond    Mr.  I.  C.  Dundas 
 
 Sir  R.  L.  Dundas 
 
 Edgecumbe,  E.  Mt.  a  . . . .  Plympton Sir  C.  Domville 
 
 Lostwithiel Mr.  E.  Cust 
 
 Lord  Valletort 
 
 Egremont,  E New  Shoreham   Sir  C.  Burrell 
 
 Ely,  M.  a Wexford 
 
 Enniskillen,  L.  a Enniskillen Hon.  A.  H.  Cole 
 
648  APPENDIX. 
 
 Names  of  P.ilroiis                                     Places.  Members  returned. 
 
 E.vetc-r,  M.  A    Stamlord Lord  T.  Cecil 
 
 rahijouth,  E.  A    Truro    Lord  Encombe 
 
 Mr.  N.  W.  I'each 
 
 St.  Michaels    Hon.  L.  Keynon 
 
 Hon.  \V.  IJest 
 
 Fitzwilliam,  E.  n Malton     Mr.  H.J.  I'onsonby 
 
 Mr.  H.  G.  Knight 
 
 Peterborough Mr.  Fazakerley 
 
 Sir  R.  Heron 
 
 Ilif^jjatn  Ferrars Viscount  Howick 
 
 Foley,  Lord,    n Droitwich    Mr.  J.  H.  Foley 
 
 Sir  T.  Winniugtou 
 
 Forester,  Lord,  a   Wenlock Mr.  G.  Forester 
 
 Mr.  P.  B.  Thomson 
 
 Grafton,  D.  n Bury  St.  Edmunds C.  A.  Fitzroy 
 
 Thetford   Lord  J.  Fitzroy 
 
 Crantley,  Lord,  a Guildford Mr.  C.  F.  Norton 
 
 G  uilford,  E.  a Banbury   
 
 Hardwicke,  E.  a    Reigate Captain  J.  Yorke 
 
 Harewood,  E.  a Northallerton Hon.  H.  LasccUes 
 
 Sir  J.  Beresford 
 Harrowby,  E.  a Tiverton Mr.  S.  Perceval 
 
 Mr.  G.  D.  Ryder 
 
 Hertford,  Marquis,  a  . . . .  Bodmin    Mr.  H.  B.  Seymour 
 
 Lisbiirne Mr.  Henry  Meynell 
 
 Orford Mr.  T.  H.  Kilderbee 
 
 Sir  H.  F.  Cooke 
 Aldeburgh   Mr.  J.  W.  Croker 
 
 Marquis  of  Duoro 
 Heytesbury,  L Heytesbury INIr.  E.  H,  A'Court 
 
 Sir  G.  Staunton 
 
 Howe,  E.  a Clitheroe Hon.  R.  Curzon 
 
 Huntingfield,  L Dunwicli E.  of  Brecknock 
 
 Kihnovey,  E Newry Hon.  J.  H.  Knox 
 
 Lansdowne,  M.  r    Calne    Colonel  Fox 
 
 Mr.  T.  B.  Macaulcy 
 Leeds,  D.  a Helstone Lord  J .  Townsliend 
 
 Mr.  S.  L.  Fox 
 
 Lichfield,  E Lichfield       Sir  G.  Anson 
 
 Lonsdale,  £.  A   Haslemere Sir  J.  Beckett 
 
 Mr.  W.  Holmes 
 Cockei'mouth Sir  J.  Scarlett 
 
 Col.  Lowther 
 
 Carlisle    
 
 Appleby    Viscount  Maitland 
 
 Manvers,  E.  n Bassetlaw    Lord  Newark 
 
 Marlborough,  D.  a Woodstock Lord  Stormont 
 
 Lord  S.  C    Churchill 
 
 Middleton,  L Newark    
 
 Monson,  L.  a Gatton Hon.  J.  Ashley 
 
 Viscount  Pollington 
 
 Mulgrave,  E.  r Scarborough    Hon.  E.  Phipps 
 
 Newcastle,  D.  a Aldborough Mr.  J.  F.  C.  Clinton 
 
 Mr.  M.  T.  Sadler 
 Boroughbridgc    Sir  C.  Wcthercll 
 
 Mr.  M.  Atlwood 
 
BOROUGH    LORDS    AND    THEIR    REPRESENTATIVES.     649 
 
 Names  of  Patrons.  Places.  Members  returned. 
 
 Newcastle,  D.  A Bassetlaw    
 
 Newark    
 
 Norfolk,  D.B New  Shoreham Mr.  H.  Howard 
 
 Steyning Mr.  G.  R,  Phillips 
 
 Mr.  E.  Bloimf 
 
 Horsham Earl  of  Surrey 
 
 Mr.  N.  W,  Colborne 
 
 Northumberland,  D.  a  . .  Launceston Mr.  J.  Brogden 
 
 Sir  J.  Malcolm 
 
 Newport,  Corn 
 
 Sir  H.  Hardinge 
 
 Orford,  Lord,  a King's  Lynn    
 
 Pembroke,  E Wilton Mr.  J.  Dawkins 
 
 Mr.  J.  Penruddock 
 
 Primate  of  Ireland,  a  . .  Armagh    
 
 Portarlington,  E Poitarlington Sir  W.  Rae 
 
 Portland,  D.   r King's  Lynn    Lord  G.  Bentinck 
 
 Powis,  E.  A Bishop's  Castle Mr.  E.  Rogers 
 
 Mr.  J.  Knight 
 
 Ludlow    Viscount  Clive 
 
 Hon.  R.  H.  Clive 
 
 Montgomery    Mr.  H.  Clive 
 
 Radnor,  E.  r   Down  ton Mr.  J .  Brougham 
 
 Mr.  T.  Creevey 
 
 Salisbury     Hon.  D.  Bouverie 
 
 Ranfurley,  E.  r Dungannon Hon.  T.  Knox 
 
 Hichmond,  D.  a Chichester  Lord  A.  Lennox 
 
 Roden,  Lord,  a Dundalk Hon.  J.  H.  Cradock 
 
 Rutland,  D.  a Braraber Mr.  J.  Irving 
 
 Cambridge Marquis  of  Graham 
 
 Col.  F.  W.  Trench 
 
 Salisbury,  M.  a Hertford 
 
 Sandwich,  E Huntingdon Col.  J.  Peel 
 
 Mr.  F.  Pollock 
 
 Seaford,  L.  n Seaford     
 
 Shaftesbury, E.  a  Dorchester Lord  Ashley 
 
 Sidney,  V.  a    Whitchurch Hon.  H.  Townshend 
 
 Somers,  E Reigate     Capt.  J.  Yorke 
 
 St.  Germains,  E.  a Liskeard Sir  H.  Pringle 
 
 Lord  Eliott 
 
 St.  Germain's Mr.  C.  Ross 
 
 Mr.  W.  M.  Praed 
 
 Thanet,  E.  r  Appleby Mr.  H.  Tufton 
 
 Verulam,  E.  a St.  Alban's 
 
 Warwick,  E.  a   Warwick    — — 
 
 Waterford,  M Berwick Captain  Beresford 
 
 Westminster,  M.  R Chester    General  R.  Grosvenor 
 
 Shaitesbury Mr.  L.  Maberly 
 
 Mr.  E.  Penrhyn 
 
 Hindon     Mr.  J.  Weyland 
 
 Stockbridge Mr.  W.  S.  Stanley 
 
 Mr.  G.  Wilbraham 
 
 Westmoreland,  E.  a  ....  Lyme  Regis Mr.  H.  S.  Fane 
 
 Mr.  J.  T.  Fane 
 
 Wharnclifl'e,  L.  a    Bossiney Hon.  J.  S.  Wortley 
 
 Yarborough,  L.  r Newtown    Mr.  C.  A.  W.  Pelham 
 
6.30 
 
 Al'l'EN  DIX. 
 
 CHURCH  PATRONAGE  OF  THE  NOBILITY, 
 
 I-l.rliibiting  the  Number  of  Rectories  and  Vic  rages  in  the  gift  of  each,  with  the  Valua- 
 tion annexed  of  all  Livings  not  exceeding  £150  jier  annum  as  returned  to  Par- 
 liament in  1818. 
 
 EXPLANATIONS. 
 
 The  following  Tabic  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Patronage  of  the  Nobility  is  abstracted 
 from  tiie  Patroni  F.cclesiarnm,  publisiied  in  1831.  k.b.  is  tlie  value  of  the  living 
 in  tiie  King's  Jiook,  taken  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  and  of  which  an  account 
 v\ill  be  fuuiid  at  pp.  43  and  131.  p.r.  is  the  real  value  of  livings  not  exceeding 
 £1jO  as  presented  to  parliament :  for  a  return  lias  been  made  of  the  present 
 value  of  puor  livings  but  none  of  the  rich  ones;  r,  rectory,  v.  vicarage,  c.  cha- 
 pclry,  pc.  perpetual  curacy,  d.  donative ;  w.  signifies  the  living  is  held  cum 
 or  with  another. 
 
 Abe'^gavennv,  Earl  of 
 
 Byr'ing   Kent     v, 
 
 Bryngwm  w  . .  7   ^y„,„     ^. 
 
 Clytha  c  . . ..  $ 
 
 Coytrey —       ''. 
 
 Llanlihangells-  J      
 
 terullewryne  J 
 
 Ltanfoist     —       '■• 
 
 Llangattock    ....     —        r. 
 
 Llanhill»th —       r. 
 
 Llanvapley —       r. 
 
 Llanvethorine     . .     —       r. 
 Llanwenarth  w.  )      ^. 
 
 Aberystwithc  J 
 
 Brunstead ?iorf.     r. 
 
 Holveston  w.      J      
 
 Burgh  Apton  j 
 Sutton  St.  Mich..     —       »•• 
 
 Otley   Suffolk  r. 
 
 Chiltington,  WestiSussex  r. 
 Easthotliley    ....     —       r. 
 
 Rotberfield    —       r. 
 
 Inkbenow Wore.   v. 
 
 Abingdon,  Earl  of 
 
 Cumnor Berks,  v. 
 
 So.  Hinksey  w.  7 
 
 Wootten  c.      J  '^ 
 
 ■\Vightham —       r. 
 
 Bothenhainpton    Dorset. p.c. 
 
 Aldbury    Oxon.  r. 
 
 Weston  on  the     ? 
 
 reen J 
 
 Adovne,  Earl  of 
 Clicstcrton Hunts   r. 
 
 KB 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 PR 
 
 150 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 6 
 
 rn 
 
 150 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 150 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 PB 
 
 50 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 — 
 
 14 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 — 
 
 26 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 — 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 1(3 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 1'2 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 t'7 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 — 
 
 16 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 PR 
 
 li) 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 -- 
 
 70 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 PR 
 
 45 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 PR 
 
 125 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 —     17 
 
 Haddon I 
 
 w.  Holme  c.    J 
 Orton    Long-     1 
 
 ville    w .Hants     r, 
 
 Botolph  Br.  5 
 
 Ranton    Staff,  pc. 
 
 Ailesburv,  Marquess  of 
 
 Maulden Beds     r. 
 
 Bed  win,  Great  . .  Wilts,  v. 
 
 Little —       t. 
 
 Collingb.  Ducis. .     —       r. 
 
 Easton   —    p.c. 
 
 East  Witton    ....  Yksh.  v. 
 
 VVath   —      r. 
 
 U  est  Tanfield    ..     —       r. 
 Marlbro'  Gram.  Sch.  Wills. 
 Albemarle,  Earl  of 
 Southwd,  Hay-  1 
 
 ling     w.    N.  >  Hants,   v. 
 
 Hayling    c.  J 
 Quiddeuham  ..  >  ^r    /• 
 
 w.  Suetterton  S        ''•''    '"' 
 Shottishm  AUSts.     —       v. 
 
 St.  Mary        —      r. 
 
 Thetrord,StMary     —   p.c. 
 StCuth-  I 
 
 bertw Trinity  i  P*^' 
 St.  Peter?      _ 
 
 w  St  Nicholas  J 
 Winfarthing   ....     —      r. 
 Amherst,  Countess 
 Middleton  on      )  ,-,   . 
 
 Leven \lksh.p.c. 
 
 East  Rovvnton   . .     —    p.c. 
 
 —     11 
 
 — 
 
 20 
 
 13     4 
 
 PR 
 
 84 
 
 0     0 
 
 KB 
 
 15 
 
 9     7 
 
 PR 
 
 146 
 
 0     0 
 
 KB 
 
 9 
 
 6     8 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 6     8 
 
 
 
 notinchar. 
 
 PB 
 
 Ill 
 
 0     0 
 
 KB 
 
 17 
 
 17     1 
 
 — 
 
 13 
 
 0     5 
 
 Mastership. 
 
 KB 
 
 8 
 
 10     0 
 
 <    8 
 
 4     6 
 
 i  12 
 
 17     1 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 18     4 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 0     0 
 
 PR 
 
 70 
 
 0     0 
 
 — 
 
 86 
 
 0     0 
 
 — 
 
 50 
 
 0     0 
 
 KB 
 
 2 
 
 0     0 
 
 
 
 43 
 
 13     6 
 
 _ 
 
 37 
 
 7     6 
 
RECTORIES,    &C.     IN   THE     GIFT    OF     THE     NOBILITY. 
 
 651 
 
 AnDKN,    Lord 
 
 Calverton    Bucks. 
 
 ,  and  others 
 
 M'hittington   ....Salop,    r. 
 A  KUAN,   Earl  and  Countess 
 Springfield.  •  ••  ? 
 Bosville  ....  J 
 
 ■ Richards 
 
 AnuNDEL,    Lord 
 
 r.  —     s;6     2  11 
 
 Essex 
 
 I     _ 
 
 Curm. 
 
 Anstey     Wilts,  p  c. 
 
 AsHBRooK,    Lord  Viscount 
 
 Aberyskin Brecon,  r. 
 
 Croughton Npn.      r. 
 
 AsnBu  UN  H  A  IT,    Earl  of 
 
 Clapham     Beds.    v. 
 
 Llanelliew Brecon,  r. 
 
 Llanfilo  \v  . . . . 
 
 Llandefailog 
 
 Tref  y  Graig 
 Llansaintfread 
 Pemprey    ^vith 
 
 Llandyrw    . . 
 
 Llansillo Here/,  p  c. 
 
 Harking  Tvith    1   g^^^      ^ 
 
 Darnisden  c.   J       •" 
 Badley,  alt     ....     —    p-c. 
 Combes,  alt    ....     —       '• 
 
 C'atsfield Sussex,  r. 
 
 Dallington —       v. 
 
 Ninfield —        t"- 
 
 Aylesford,   Earl  of 
 
 Ditton Kent.     r. 
 
 Ashby,  Great....  ieif.     v. 
 
 Saxleby —       ''. 
 
 Bedworth Warw.  r. 
 
 Bickenhill —       r. 
 
 Meriden —       v. 
 
 Packington,  Gt.       —       i". 
 
 ,   Lit.  . .     —       r. 
 
 Bagot,  Lord,  &  others 
 Great  Linford    . .  Bucks,  r. 
 Barnard,    Lord  Viscount, 
 
 St.  Martin Corn.      r. 
 
 I'ortlemouth  ....  Devon,   r. 
 Bath,   Marquess  of 
 
 Buckland   Glouc.   r. 
 
 Harley  w    ....  7  g^^         ^^ 
 
 Kenley  c.    . .  J  "^ 
 
 Bachwell    Somer.  r. 
 
 Bathwick 
 
 W'oolley  c  . . 
 
 Frome 
 
 ■  ,ew.  Ch 
 
 in  the  Wood 
 
 lands   
 
 Street 
 
 w.  Walton  c. 
 Corsley   
 
 1- 
 
 i- 
 
 \  - 
 
 —  25  4  2 
 of 
 
 KB  11      6     8 
 
 —  11     4  10 
 
 —  not  in  char. 
 
 PR  135     0     0 
 
 Ku  13     3     6 
 
 vv.   140     0     0 
 
 KB  4     6     3 
 
 —  821 
 
 —  6  4  7 
 PK  88     0     0 
 
 —  79     6     6 
 
 KB  'i7  10     7 
 
 p?.  40     0     0 
 
 KB  25  17     8 
 
 —  7     9     4 
 
 —  800 
 
 —  800 
 
 —  11  15  0 
 pii  92  0  0 
 KB  9     0     0 
 
 —  10  3  11 
 PR  54  1  0 
 KB  5  10  0 
 PR  71  8  8 
 KB  3      0      0 
 
 KB  20  2  2 
 &c. 
 
 —  36     2     3 
 
 —  29  18     4 
 
 KB  29     6     8 
 
 —  5  12  1 
 PR  33  0  0 
 KB  11    16     3 
 
 .  —  11   10     0 
 
 .  —  22     0     0 
 
 . —  not  in  char. 
 
 .  —  24  12     3 
 
 .  —  11     0  10 
 
 Fifield  Bavant  . . 
 
 [niber 
 
 Kingston  Deverell 
 Langbridge    ..  "\ 
 
 Deverell  w.     f 
 
 Monktdn     ..  I 
 
 Deverell  c  . .  J 
 Bathurst,  Earl 
 
 Saperton     Glouc. 
 
 Potterspiiry    ....  Aj>n. 
 Beaufort,  Duke  of 
 Crickhowell  sin.     Breck 
 Cwmdfi  sin — 
 
 Llantony  c.y   Flint 
 
 Llanbedr     Breck 
 
 Llangattock  w. 
 
 Llanelly  c.  & 
 
 Llangennith 
 Llanfihangel  . .  I 
 
 Cwmdu  ....  J 
 LUangjnedr  .... 
 Patricio 
 
 —  r.  PR  150     0  0 
 
 —  d.  —     58  14  9 
 
 —  ?•.  KB     19  15  0 
 
 Wilts,  r.   KB     12     0  0 
 
 —  17     0  0 
 PR  80     0  0 
 
 —  5     9  9 
 
 —  19  15  2 
 
 —  14  13  1 
 
 }- 
 
 r.  —     16   17     6 
 r.  —     31   13     9 
 
 r.  —     19  15     2 
 
 on  tlie  ) 
 
 7.   Dil-  [• 
 
 J 
 
 Badminton,  Gt.  1 
 
 Little  c.  1 
 
 Franjpt.     Cottrell 
 Old  bury  on  tlie 
 
 Hill 
 
 niarton 
 Stoke  Gilford 
 Tormerton  w.     "\ 
 
 Acton  Tur-     f 
 
 ville  c.  &  W.  I 
 
 Littleton  c. .  J 
 Woolaston  vv.     l 
 
 Alvington  c.     J 
 
 6c  Lancante  c.  j 
 Chapel  Hill   .. 
 Llanisheu  .... 
 
 Llansoy     
 
 Magor  -with  . 
 
 Rudwich  p  c 
 Monks  AVood. , 
 Monmouth  w. . 
 
 St.  Thomas. , 
 Newchurch  J. 
 Ragland   with 
 
 Llandenny . . 
 St.  Arvans  .... 
 St.  Rinemarks 
 
 —  r.  —     13  14  7 
 ■ —     p  c.  —  not  in  char. 
 
 Glouc.  r.  —       5     5  7 
 
 —  r.  —     11  16  0 
 
 _        r    -     1^     ^  ^ 
 
 8     0  0 
 
 —  f.  PR     40     0  0 
 
 —  r.  KB     33  13  4 
 
 r.  —     33  11     5 
 
 .HJonmp.c. 
 .     —    p  c. 
 
 I  - 
 
 PR     47     0  0 
 
 —  56     0  0 
 
 —  109  15  5 
 
 —  45     0  0 
 
 —     p.c. 
 
 —    p.c. 
 Monm.  V. 
 
 p.c. 
 p.c. 
 
 Mitchell  Troy    "1 
 
 w.  Cumcar-     >     —       r. 
 
 von  c S 
 
 Trelleck   Grange      —    pc. 
 Gt\  eraesney   ....  Mont.    r. 
 
 Sopvvorth    Wilts,    r. 
 
 Bedford,  Duke  of 
 Apsley  Guise. .. .  Beds.     i. 
 Eaton  Socon  ....     —       v. 
 
 —  60     0  0 
 
 —  145     9  0 
 
 —  40     0  0 
 PR  125     8  7 
 
 —  65     0  0 
 
 —  not  in  char. 
 
 KB     12     8  1 
 
 pu     32     0  0 
 
 KB       2  18  6 
 
 —  8  10  5 
 
 KB     15  16  10 
 
 —  20  13  9 
 
652 
 
 CHURCH    PATRON  AGli. 
 
 Flitwick 
 
 Goldin^ton 
 
 Huiigliton  Regis 
 
 Ravensden 
 
 Steppingley    . . . . 
 
 Stevitigton 
 
 WihJen    
 
 Willington 
 
 Wobtiru 
 
 Cheney  East-      ( 
 manstead    .  •  S 
 
 Chesham     
 
 Boys  .. 
 
 V.    V II 
 
 ;.   KB 
 
 V.    Pll 
 
 r.  KB 
 
 V. 
 
 Slibbington 
 Westminster, 
 
 estnnnster,       l 
 
 St,  Paul,  Co-  S  Midd. 
 
 vent  Garden    j 
 
 s..  > 
 
 —    p.c.  — 
 liuclcs.    r.  — 
 
 —  JJ.C. 
 
 Cainb.    r. 
 Devon,  v. 
 
 —  p.c. 
 
 Thorney 
 Awliscombe 
 
 IJrent  Tor —    p.c.  pr 
 
 Denbii ry —        »•.  k  b 
 
 Milton  Abbot     ..  Devim.v-  kb 
 North  i'ethcrwin     —       r.  pr 
 
 Tavistock   —        v.  — 
 
 Whimple     —       r.  kb 
 
 Swyre Dorset,  r.  pr 
 
 Hunts,  r.   KB 
 
 Npn.      r.  — 
 
 Thoruhaugh  w.  I 
 
 Wansford  c.    J 
 
 Streatham Surry,    r. 
 
 Berkeley,  Earl  of 
 
 Berkeley Glouc.   i\ 
 
 Cranford Midd.    r. 
 
 West  Thorney   . .  Suss.     r. 
 Berwick,    Lord 
 Thornton   Mayow  Chesh.    r. 
 Berrington  \v.     )  „  i 
 
 Little  Ness..  \S<i^'>l>-Vc. 
 Shrewsbury 
 
 St.  Giles  & 
 
 Holy  Cross 
 Sutton  St.  John 
 
 Shcnstone Staff,     v.  — 
 
 Fornham  St.  . .  7    o  /r 
 
 Gen.  w  Kisby  5  '^"•^-     '■  ^"^ 
 BoLiNGBROKF,  Lord  Viscount 
 
 Mansion Dorset. r,  ku 
 
 Bolton,  Lord 
 
 Chickerell Dorset,  r.  — 
 
 Frome  Van-  ..  ~\ 
 
 church  with    ^     —        r.  — 
 
 Batcombe  . .  j 
 
 Hooka     —       r.  PR 
 
 Herryard    Hants,  v.  — 
 
 Kingsclere  w.    f 
 
 Itchinswell  c.  >     —       v.  kb 
 
 &  Sidniont  c.  j 
 
 Winslade    —       r.  pr 
 
 Wensley  with      l 
 
 Bolton  and      [  Yksh.     r.  — 
 
 Kadinire  p.c.   J 
 
 7   17 
 140  0 
 
 0 
 0 
 
 11  3 
 
 4 
 
 120  0 
 
 0 
 
 6  16 
 
 3 
 
 111  18 
 
 0 
 
 18  7 
 
 1 
 
 7  17 
 
 0 
 
 not  in  ch 
 
 ar. 
 
 12  16 
 
 0 
 
 13     1 
 
 5 
 
 5  6 
 
 8 
 
 not  in  char.  | 
 
 12  10 
 
 10 
 
 14  19 
 
 10 
 
 12  7 
 
 6 
 
 19  13 
 
 6 
 
 124  0 
 
 0 
 
 111  0 
 
 0 
 
 30  0 
 
 0 
 
 80  0 
 
 0 
 
 7  13 
 
 6 
 
 not  in  char. 
 
 17  1 
 
 3 
 
 18  13 
 
 9 
 
 32  15 
 
 7 
 
 16  0 
 
 0 
 
 10  8 
 
 4 
 
 24  7 
 
 8 
 
 70  0 
 
 0 
 
 8  0 
 
 0 
 
 3  0 
 
 0 
 
 6  5 
 
 8 
 
 94  4 
 
 11 
 
 12  5 
 
 0 
 
 18  16 
 
 0 
 
 7  11 
 
 0 
 
 9  9 
 
 9 
 
 80  15 
 
 0 
 
 105  7 
 
 0 
 
 17  19 
 
 7 
 
 97  0 
 
 0 
 
 149  9 
 
 9 
 
 —    p.c. 
 
 West  Witton  ....  Yksh.  p.c.  — 
 BosTov,    Lord 
 
 Llanddona Angl. p.c.  pr 
 
 Llanidan    .... 
 
 with  Llan-  . 
 
 ddaniel  c    .. 
 
 Llanfair  y  . . 
 
 Cwnimwd  c. 
 
 and  Lianed- 
 
 wan  c 
 
 Penrhos-lligwy 
 
 Hedsor,  alt Bucks,  r. 
 
 Dolwyddelan. . . .  Car;j.  p.c.  — 
 Whiston  with..  )  ^r 
 
 Deynton  c.  . .  $  '^■''" 
 Bradford,  Earl  of 
 
 Hughley     Salop,  r,  pn 
 
 Knockin     —      r.  — 
 
 Walsall Staff,  r.  kb 
 
 Weston   under   >       
 
 Lizaid   ....  J 
 
 VVigan     L(i7ic.   r.  — 
 
 Teddington    Midd.  d.  — 
 
 Castle      Brom- 
 
 75     0     0 
 74  10     0 
 
 15.    RE      10      0      0 
 
 48  0  0 
 59  8  5 
 48  0  0 
 0 
 
 r.   K  B     14  11 
 
 145     0     0 
 
 130     0     0 
 
 10  19     7 
 
 6     7     8 
 
 80  13     4 
 not  in  char. 
 
 isiie      rsrom-  ■j 
 wich,  in  As-  f  ,,,. 
 ton  Birming.  ( 
 
 Parish     ) 
 
 ifton     on        "j 
 Dunsmore  w.  >     — 
 Brownsoverc.  3 
 
 ariv.p.c.  — 
 
 Clifton 
 
 V.   PR  113     0     0 
 
 V.  PR 
 
 p.c.  — 
 
 p.c.  KB 
 
 —         V.    —         9 
 
 Braybrook,  Lord 
 
 Arborfield Berks  r.  kb 
 
 Wargrave —     v.   — 
 
 Saffron  Walden. .   Essex  v.  — 
 
 Shadingfield Suff.    r.  — 
 
 Bridg  ewater.  Countess  of 
 
 Tottenhoe Beds.  v.   pr 
 
 Cheddingfon  ....  Bticks.  r.   kb 
 
 Edlesboro' —       r.  — 
 
 Ivinghoe  .... 
 Nettleden  .... 
 Pightlesthorne 
 Wingrave  .... 
 
 Altibury Herts,  r. 
 
 Little  Gaddesden      — 
 Ellesmere      w.  1 
 Cockshut    and  >  Salop 
 Dudlaston  p.c.\ 
 
 Middle — 
 
 Tilstock — 
 
 VVhitchurch  w.  7 
 
 IMarbury,  c.    J 
 
 Settington Yksh.  r. 
 
 Dunnington    ....     —        r. 
 Bridi'ort,  Lord 
 ('ricket,     St.      }    ,. 
 
 Thomas  . . . .  }    ^'""-     ''• 
 Bristol,  ]Mar<|uess  of 
 Chesterford,    Gt.  Essex,  v.  — 
 Little —      r.  — 
 
 7  19  10 
 
 13  13  6 
 
 33     6  8 
 
 12  0  0 
 
 98     0  0 
 
 15     9  7 
 
 13  17  0 
 70  0  0 
 30  0  0 
 20     0  0 
 
 9  7 
 
 20     8     6 
 11    12     8 
 
 17  18 
 90     0 
 
 p.c.    PR 
 7".     KB 
 
 12  7  3 
 
 110  0  0 
 
 44  11  8 
 
 42  12  6 
 
 19  0  O 
 
 )'R   145     0     0 
 
 10  0     0 
 
 11  0     0 
 
RECTORIES,    &C.     IN    THE    GIFT    OF    THE    NOBILITY. 
 
 653 
 
 Suffolk  r.  — 
 
 p.C,  PR 
 
 Line. 
 
 Wendon, Great.  ^ 
 
 Little  r.  J 
 
 Asgarby     with  ^ 
 
 Kirby    Lay-  J 
 
 thorpe  ....  3 
 Metheriiigliam  .. 
 Norman  ton  .... 
 Quarrington  .... 
 Sleaford,  New  . . 
 
 ,  Old,  sin. 
 
 Bredeeid,    St.    J 
 
 George,     w    ^ 
 
 Rushbrook. .  j 
 Bromeswell  .... 
 Chedburg     w.    \ 
 
 Ickworth  ..  J 
 Horningsheath . . 
 
 Playford    
 
 Riishmere 
 
 Shotley 
 
 Sproughton  .... 
 Tuddenham  .... 
 Anwick,  alt.  w.  ^ 
 Brauncewell?".  > 
 and  Dunsby  r.  j 
 BnowNLOw,  Earl 
 Cockayne-hatley .  Beds. 
 
 Belton     Line. 
 
 Carlton  Scropp. .      — 
 Faldingworth    . .      — 
 
 Hereby — 
 
 Hough  on  the  Hill      — 
 Raisin  Tupholm  .      — 
 Saltfleetby,  East  .      — 
 Snelland..    .....      — 
 
 Little  Billin 
 Ovei'ston    . 
 
 Sywell    — 
 
 Marnhani   Notts. 
 
 Horndon,  E.   alt.  Essex. 
 Warley,   Lit-     7 
 
 tie,  alt S       ~~ 
 
 BuccLEucii,  Duke  of 
 
 Reaulieu    Hants, 
 
 St.  Andrew,  Uolb.  Midd.   r. 
 St.  George,. . . 
 
 Queen's  Sq- . . 
 St.  Matthew  & 
 
 St.  Peter        f 
 
 Cheap,    alt.    i 
 
 Friday  St.  ..} 
 Barton  Seagrave, 
 
 Broughton 
 
 Geddington  w.  ^ 
 
 Newton  d- . .  S 
 Little  Oakley    .. 
 
 Scaldwell 
 
 Warkton     
 
 Weekly 
 
 —      r,  PR     75     0     0 
 
 Line.     r. 
 
 KB 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 PR 
 
 120 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 100 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 PR 
 
 130 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 11 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 — 
 
 4 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 10  17  8 
 
 36     0  0 
 
 80     0  0 
 
 20     0  0 
 
 20  18  9 
 
 10  17  6 
 
 —     15     2  11 
 
 Npn. 
 
 — 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 PR 
 
 150 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 PR 
 
 83 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 108 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 0 
 
 1 
 
 PR 
 
 145 
 
 12 
 
 9 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 19 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 d. 
 
 I    - 
 
 Npi. 
 
 —     11 
 
 PR     61     0     0 
 KB      18     0     0 
 
 —  not  in  chat. 
 
 PR   250     0  0 
 
 KB      10   17  1 
 
 —  21     9  7 
 
 PR  140     0  6 
 
 —  103     0  0 
 KB      14     0   10 
 
 —  .18  16  3 
 PR  135     0     0 
 
 Buckingham,  Duke  of 
 
 Foscot    Bucks,  r.  KB  9     9  4 
 
 Stowe —       ».  pu  91   18  0 
 
 Water  Stratford  .      —      r.  kb  7     0  5 
 
 Wootton    Un-     1  c^     n     n 
 
 ,  ,  J-       —   p.C.  PR     82     0     0 
 
 derwood. ...  J  ^ 
 
 Gostield Essex   ».  kb       8     0     0 
 
 Bighton      Hants,  r.  —     19     8     1 
 
 East  Wellovv....      —       v.  —      5     0     0 
 
 Finniere      Oxon.  r.  pr 
 
 Conipton  Mart. 
 
 w.Nempnetc. 
 
 Doddington    ....      —      r.  pr  122     0 
 
 Keynsham      ....      —      v.  un     11  19 
 
 Saltford —      r.  —     10     5 
 
 Burton  Dasset  . .  Warw.  r.  —     14     0     0 
 
 Buckinghamshire,  Earl  of 
 
 GreatHampden 
 
 Som. 
 
 126 
 10 
 
 Glam.   r.  — 
 
 reatHampden  7 
 
 with  Great     >  Bucks,  r.  kb 
 
 Kimb.  V  ....  J 
 Werrington    ....    Coj'n.   d.  — 
 
 Welborne Line.    r.  — 
 
 Bute,  Marquess  of 
 
 Luton Beds    v.  k  r. 
 
 Kelligaer  with  J 
 
 Birthdir  c.  . .  J 
 Llandough  w.    i 
 
 Leckw'ith  &   ^ 
 
 Cogan  c  . ...  J 
 
 Llanmaes r.  — 
 
 PiIerthyrTydvil..       —       r.  — 
 Neath     with       i 
 
 Llantwitc.&  ^      —       r.  — 
 
 Resolven  c. .  j 
 
 Roath —       I'.  — 
 
 Llanbaddock     ..  Mnm.p.e.  pr 
 Wroxton     . . . .  1     ^ 
 
 w.  Balscot  e.  \ 
 Cadooan,  Earl  of 
 Santon  Downh...  Stiff,  p.e.  kb 
 
 Chelsea Dlidd.  r.  — 
 
 Calthorpe,  Lord 
 
 Elvetham   Hants,  r.  kb 
 
 Acle    Norf.     i:  — 
 
 Aniptoa Suff.     r.  r  n 
 
 Blakeney    w. 
 
 Cockthorper 
 
 Glandford  c.  ^    Norf. 
 
 and   Little 
 
 Langham  v, 
 Pakenham     ....  Suff.     v.  — 
 
 Edg'baston War.  p.e.  pr 
 
 Camden,  Marquess 
 Llanspydded  w  J    „ 
 
 Pennybontc.  !  ^''^'^o^^^-  ^^ 
 Merthyr  Cynog. .  —  v.  — 
 Cardigan,  Earl  of 
 
 Cranoe Leic.     r.  — 
 
 Glooston —      r.  — 
 
 9     9     7 
 6  10     5 
 
 not  in  char. 
 11   12     9 
 
 35  12     1 
 20     7  11 
 
 —       884 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 16 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 13 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 7 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 52 
 
 15 
 
 0 
 
 50 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 not  in  ch 
 
 ar. 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 121 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 35 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 110 
 
 13 
 
 0 
 
 80 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 32 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 143 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 102 
 
 14 
 
 0 
 
654 
 
 Stanton  Wyvel  . .       —      r. 
 
 Corby      Npn.     r. 
 
 Dean   —      r. 
 
 East  Ardsley ....  Vkah.  p  c. 
 West  Ardsley  ..  —  p.e, 
 Slieckling    w.     ^       
 
 Burstwick.  c  \ 
 
 Sproatley   —      r. 
 
 Batley,  alt  ....  —  v. 
 Carlisle,  Earl  of 
 
 Denton    Cumb.  p.c. 
 
 Lanercost   w. .  > 
 
 Farlain $       ~    ^•*^- 
 
 Stapleton    —       r. 
 
 Morpeth   w.  ..  > 
 
 Ulghani  c. .  1 
 Hovinghani    ....  Yksh  p.c 
 
 Slingsby —      r. 
 
 Brampton Cumb.  v. 
 
 Ca  r  n  a  ti  V o  n.  Earl  of 
 Burghclere    w.  |    Hants,  r. 
 
 Highclere —      r. 
 
 Brushford Som.     r. 
 
 Seagry    Wilts  v. 
 
 C  i  R  It  I N  G  T  o  N ,  Lord 
 
 Bledlow     Bucks,  v. 
 
 Humberstou  ....  Line.  v. 
 CartereTj  Lord 
 Bedford,  St.  Haul  Beds.  v. 
 Willhanipstead . .  —  v. 
 Kilkhampton. . . .  Corn.  r. 
 Brown   Cando-  "% 
 
 ver  W.Wood-  >   Hants,  r, 
 
 mancote  c  . .   ) 
 Cavendish,  Lord  G.  A  H . 
 Broughton  Field  .  Lane.  p.e. 
 Cartinell    with  7       
 
 CartmellFell  J  P*^' 
 
 Flockborough    . .       —    p.e. 
 
 Lindale —  p.e. 
 
 Staveling    ......      —  p.e. 
 
 Jev  ington Suss.     r. 
 
 Rye —      V. 
 
 Uddiinore —      v. 
 
 Westhain    —      v. 
 
 Wilmington   ....      —      v. 
 
 Hawnby Yksh.    r. 
 
 Hilton     —    p.e. 
 
 Cawdor,   Earl 
 Llandeveyson    . .  Cann.  p.c. 
 Llanfihangel       I       
 
 Kilvargen  . .  S 
 Ystradlfyn      ....       —    p.c. 
 
 Botheston Peinb.   r. 
 
 Loweston   —      r. 
 
 Penboyr  with    J 
 
 Vdrindod  c.    J  ' ' 
 
 Blackpool    Ba-  I 
 
 sher     J       —       '■• 
 
 CHURCH 
 
 KB 
 
 9   18 
 
 
 
 13  ]6 
 
 
 
 24.     3 
 
 
 
 27     0 
 
 — 
 
 31     5 
 
 — 
 
 7     0 
 
 
 
 7     0 
 
 PR 
 
 130     0 
 
 
 
 68     0 
 
 — 
 
 156     0 
 
 — 
 
 83  10 
 
 KB 
 
 32  16 
 
 PR 
 
 57     0 
 
 KB 
 
 12     1 
 
 
 
 8     0 
 
 
 
 30     0 
 
 
 
 7  13 
 
 
 
 15     1 
 
 PR 
 
 1'20     0 
 
 KB 
 
 16     9 
 
 PR 
 
 7t     0 
 
 
 
 10     0 
 
 
 
 9     9 
 
 
 
 26  13  J 
 
 PATRONAGE. 
 
 4     2 
 
 PC 
 
 90 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 134 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 93 
 
 4 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 111 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 90 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 42 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 PR 
 
 35 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 21 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 PR 
 
 96 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 147 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 47 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 PR 
 
 52 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 65 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 46 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 140 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 106 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 9     9     4 
 
 11 
 
 Elidn,  «.'«..       — 
 
 r.  —     15  12  11 
 
 t).  PR     90  0  0 
 
 r.  —  146  0  0 
 
 p  c.  —  130  0  0 
 
 St.  Petrock    .... 
 
 U'iston    
 
 Chancellor,  Lord 
 
 SIxPreeenda  lSt  alls  in  Br  js<oi  Cathedral 
 
 F"ive  DiTio  in  G/ouces(er  Catliedral 
 
 Five  UiTTo  in  Norwich  Cathedral 
 
 Five  Ditto  in  Rochester  Cathedral 
 
 lltcTORiEs  4 -'8,  Vic  A  RAGES  357 
 
 CriANDos,  Marquess  of 
 
 r.  PR  110     0    0 
 
 94 
 
 4 
 
 44 
 
 0     0 
 
 18   10 
 
 7   11 
 
 PR   121     0     0 
 
 21 
 40 
 
 Suss. 
 
 —       6 
 PR  130 
 
 10   10 
 0     0 
 
 p.e.  KB  not  in  char. 
 
 Bristol,  St.  Ma-  J   5, 
 
 ry  Magdalen   J  '''""• 
 Chatham,  Earl  of 
 
 Curry  Rival   ....  Som.     v.   —     13  16     4 
 Cii ESTERFiPLD,  Earl  of 
 Aston  Abbots... .     —      v.   —  150     0     0 
 
 Grove —       r.   —     40  1 2     3 
 
 Iliner  —       v.   —     97     0     0 
 
 Wing  —      c.    KB     18  16     3 
 
 Cubley  with         l 
 
 Marston  J  Derb.    r.   —     13  16     3 
 
 Montgom.  c.     j 
 
 Horsley   —       v.   pr 
 
 Somershall —       »•.  kb 
 
 Bingham     Notts,   r.  — 
 
 Burton      Joyce  7      
 
 w.  Bulcote  e.  J 
 
 Gedling       —       r. 
 
 Shelford —    p.c. 
 
 Chic H ESI  ER,  Earl  of 
 Falnier  w 7 
 
 Stanmer  r.  . .  J 
 Hastings,     St.     ( 
 
 INIarylnCastle  S 
 
 Hellingley —      v.  — 
 
 Laughton    —       r.  — 
 
 CiioLMON  DELEy,  Marqucss 
 
 Barrow    Chesh.  r.   k  b 
 
 Houghton  in  the  7    ^r    ^ 
 
 Hole    }   ^"'■^-    '•  ^" 
 
 Gt.  Massingham        —       r.    kb 
 
 Stalham —       v.   — 
 
 Syderstrand    ....     —       1 
 Clarenrun,  Earl  of 
 M'ootton  Bassett    Wilts.    \ 
 Llanganna,  alt.  . .  Glum.    1 
 Cleveland,  Marquess  of 
 
 Tregony Cum.      r.  — 
 
 Darlington    ....  Durh.  p.e.  pr 
 Staindrop   with  7  _  — 
 
 Cockfield  r.     J  ^'■'"  kb 
 
 Brigstock  with  / 
 
 Stannyon     . .  J 
 Botterell  Aston  f 
 
 w.  Bold  p.  c.    S 
 
 Billingsley —       r.    pr 
 
 Eaton  Coustanti.    Salop. 
 Hope  Bagot  ....     — 
 
 19 
 
 52 
 
 S3     6 
 
 5     0 
 
 133  12 
 
 —     12 
 PR   150 
 
 10 
 133 
 
 98 
 0 
 
 4  2 
 
 3  10 
 
 0  0 
 
 18  0 
 
 \pn. 
 Salop. 
 
 11    17     3 
 
 129  0  4 
 KB  not  in  char. 
 PR   100     0     0 
 
Wem  with  Ed- 
 staston  c.  and 
 Newtown  p.c. 
 
 Wroseter  with 
 Eyton  on  Se- 
 vern c. 
 
 RECTORIES,    &C.     IN    THE    GIFT     OF      THE    NOBILITY. 
 
 Crewe,  Lord,  Trustees  of 
 Barthomley    ....  Chesh,   r.   — 
 Nantwich    ......     —       r.   pr 
 
 655 
 
 I- 
 
 KB    26     4     4 
 '•    PR    54     0     0 
 
 V.    KB      11      8      0 
 
 9     9     4 
 7   11 
 
 Wrington   with  7    „ 
 
 Burrincrton  c.  S        "  -     •    -- 
 
 Donnington  Gram.  Sch.  Salop.     3Iastership 
 Clifford,  Lord 
 
 Wappenbury  . . . .  TFanc.  v.  pr     70     4 
 Westan   u.  VVe-  ?  nn     n 
 
 therley     ....}      "       t;.   -     70     0 
 Clinton,  Lord 
 
 Huish      Devon,  r.  —  150     0 
 
 WestPutford..  ..     —       r.  kb       9  11 
 
 Southill Corn.     r.   —     38     0 
 
 Callington —       c.   —  not  in  char 
 
 Merton    Devon,  r.   —     20  15     7 
 
 St.  Petrock  Stowe    —      r.    —     17     0     2 
 Comber  MERE,  Viscount 
 
 Burledam   Chesh.p.c.PR  100    0     0 
 
 CouRTENAY,  Vlscount,  Trustecs  of 
 
 Honiton Devon,  r.   —     40     4 
 
 Milton  Damerel 
 with    Cook- 
 bury  c 
 
 MoretonHampstead  — 
 
 i- 
 
 —     26  13     6 
 
 r.    —     49  19     7 
 d,  —  not  in  char. 
 
 ''ore.  r.   —     15     3     0 
 
 20  0  10 
 10     2     7 
 
 21  17     4 
 
 Woolboro'  with  i 
 
 Newton    Ab-  ^     — 
 
 bote S 
 
 Coventry,  Earl  of 
 
 Oxenton     Ghucpcv^    80     0     0 
 
 Woolston    —       r.    KB     13     6     0 
 
 Edgeware   Midd.  d.    —  not  in  char. 
 
 Croome    D'  A-  ) 
 
 bitot    with       \  \\ 
 
 Pirton ) 
 
 Grafton  Fly  ford..  Wore.  r.   kb 
 
 Powick —       V.   — 
 
 Severnstoke    ....      —       r.   — 
 
 Wolvey,  aZf Waiw.v.  pr  144     0     0 
 
 Craven,  Earl 
 
 Enborne Berks,  r.   k  b 
 
 Hampstead  7 
 
 Marshall $     ~      ''•   ~ 
 
 Elkstone Glouc.  r.   — 
 
 Velvertoft   Npn.     r.  — 
 
 West  Felton Salop,    r.   — 
 
 Onibury —       7".    — 
 
 Staunton  Lacy  ..     —       v,   — 
 
 Wistantow —       »•.    — 
 
 Binley     Irani". p.c  pr    53     0     0 
 
 Rugby —        r.   kb     17  19     2 
 
 Wykin     —     p.c.  pr     96     0     0 
 
 AJlington    Wilts,  r.  kb     14  13     4 
 
 Burnsall,    1st    1 
 
 portion  with    >  Yksh.   r.   pr     63    0     0 
 
 Rilstone  c,  . .  \ 
 
 10     0 
 12  14 
 
 12     9  2 
 
 25     0  10 
 
 'JO  12  6 
 
 8  17  8 
 
 16     0  0 
 
 18     0  0 
 
 > North,  p.c.  PR 
 
 ..     —     p.c.  — 
 . .  Staff,    V.    p  R 
 
 >  Camb.   r.  kb 
 
 A\'armingham 
 Bamborough 
 
 with  Lucker 
 Blanchlaud     . . 
 Great  Madely 
 Da  ore.  Lord 
 Carlton   with.. 
 Willingham  c.. . 
 
 Kiinpton Herts,  v.   — 
 
 Royston. ...... .     —        t;.   pr 
 
 Darnley,  Earl  of 
 
 Cobham Kent,   v,   pr 
 
 Sandgate,   in       l 
 
 Folkstone         J     — 
 
 parish ) 
 
 Dahtmoi/th,  Earl  of 
 
 Olney Bucks, 
 
 Lewisham Kent. 
 
 Westbromwich  ..  Staff,  p  c.  pr 
 
 KB 
 
 25     7  1 
 
 100     0  0 
 
 12     4  7 
 
 165  18  0 
 
 115     0  0 
 
 94     0  0 
 
 9     0     0 
 
 12     0     0 
 117     1     4 
 
 65     0     0 
 
 not  in  char. 
 
 t?.     PR 
 V.     K  B 
 
 De  Dunstan viLLE,  Lord 
 
 Camborne Corn.    r.  • 
 
 St.  Illogan —       r.  - 
 
 Redruth —       r.  - 
 
 St  Eweny   —       7\  - 
 
 VV^est  Buckland. .  £>ffon.  r.  - 
 Deeriiurst,  Lord  and  Lady 
 
 100  0  0 
 23  19  2 
 20     0     0 
 
 not  in  char. 
 
 39  16  10 
 22  7  6 
 20  0  0 
 •iO  0  0 
 13     3     4 
 
 80  4  3 
 42   14     0 
 
 46  2  11 
 
 12  0     0 
 
 144  8     0 
 
 113  7     0 
 
 Essex,  r.  KB       7  lO     0 
 
 I  ksh. 
 
 pc. 
 
 Hatfield  with 
 
 St.  Laur 
 De  Grey,  Countess 
 
 Blunham    Beds 
 
 Clophill — 
 
 Harrold — 
 
 PuHoxhill — 
 
 Colchester,    St.  i 
 
 Michael   My-  J 
 
 land ) 
 
 Great  Horkesley 
 
 Ford  ham Es.'^.v.  r.  k  a 
 
 Aston  Flamville. .  Leic. 
 
 Leir — 
 
 DEirtMERE,  Lord 
 
 VVhitegate Chesh 
 
 De  La  VVarrf,  Earl 
 
 Ashurst Kent. 
 
 East  Grinstead  . .  Suss. 
 Df.  La  Warrf,  Earl,  &c 
 Stratford  on  Avon  Wurw. 
 Debry,  Earl  of 
 Chester,  Trlaity    Chest. 
 
 Forrest    — 
 
 Bury   Lane, 
 
 Huyton    — 
 
 Orraskirk   — 
 
 Winwick     — 
 
 Badsworth Yksh 
 
 r. 
 
 — 
 
 15 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 14 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 r. 
 
 PR 
 
 124 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 T. 
 
 KB 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 9 
 
 V. 
 
 PR 
 
 90 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 r. 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 —  20  0  0 
 
 r.  KB 
 
 p.c.   PR 
 
 r.  KB 
 
 f.  PR 
 t).  KB 
 
 8  15  5 
 
 60  0  0 
 
 29  11  5 
 
 70  0  0 
 
 10  0  0 
 
 102  9  9 
 
 32  o  10 
 
65G 
 
 De  Tabif.y,  Lord 
 
 Kmilsford Chesh.  v. 
 
 Peovcr  Nether  • .     —    p  c. 
 
 Witton    —    p.c. 
 
 De  Vesci,  Viscount,  &c. 
 
 Silchester Hants,  r. 
 
 Devonsiiiuf,  Duke  of 
 
 Ault     Derby,  v. 
 
 licaley —     p  c. 
 
 Jilackwell —       r. 
 
 }3radborne  with  '^ 
 
 IJallidon   p.c.  f     
 
 and  Urassing-  j 
 
 ton  p.c J 
 
 Buxton    —     p.c. 
 
 Doveridge —       v. 
 
 Edensover —       v. 
 
 Eyam —       ?•. 
 
 Hartington     w.  ^ 
 
 Earlstcrn-        ^     —       v. 
 
 dale  c J 
 
 Hatliersage   w. 
 
 Mid  die  ton 
 
 Stoney  p.  c. 
 
 &  Peake  Fo- 
 rest p.  c 
 
 Heath —       f. 
 
 Upper  I.angwitli  —  r. 
 Marston  on  Dove      —       v. 
 
 Pentridge —      v. 
 
 Scarclifte     —      v. 
 
 Staveley —       r. 
 
 tSouth  Wingiield  —  v. 
 V'oulgreave  ....  —  v. 
 Sawtry,  All  Sts.     Hunts,  r. 
 
 Brindle    Lane.    r. 
 
 Barrowby Line.     r. 
 
 Arnold    Notts,  v. 
 
 Beeston,  St.  John  —  v. 
 Clareborough     ..  Notts,   v. 
 
 Everton    —       t'. 
 
 Hucknall  Torkard  —  v. 
 Nornianton     on  7 
 
 Trent   S      ~       ^' 
 
 Sutton  Asliiield. .     —      p.c. 
 Martinthorpe,  sin,  Jiutl.     r. 
 
 Kingsley     f^ti'ff-    r. 
 
 Tutbury —       i'. 
 
 Burnby Yksli.    r. 
 
 Londesborough  ..     —       v. 
 
 Bardcn    —     p  c. 
 
 Bolton —     p  c. 
 
 Kirkby    Mai-     J      _ 
 
 hamdale  ....  J  *' 
 
 Keigiiley     —       r. 
 
 Dicnv,  I  "ail 
 
 Castletown Dors.  p.c. 
 
 Bishops  Caundle  —  »-. 
 Heydon —       v. 
 
 fHUT^CH    PATRONAGE. 
 
 KB     26  16     2 
 i-R  146     2     0 
 
 —  85     0     0 
 
 —  960 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 10 
 
 18 
 
 0 
 
 pn 
 
 40 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 160 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 54 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 pii 
 
 40 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 13 
 
 15 
 
 5 
 
 rn 
 
 131 
 
 11 
 
 7 
 
 123     0     0 
 
 — 
 
 132 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 134 
 
 18 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 Pit 
 
 80 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 32 
 
 11 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 PR 
 
 103 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 15 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 pn 
 
 100 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 118 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 — 
 
 87 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 — 
 
 66 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 16 
 
 15 
 
 0 
 
 PR 
 
 130 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 98 
 
 19 
 
 6 
 
 KB 
 
 16 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 not  in  char. 
 
 — 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 PR 
 
 43 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 21 
 
 0 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 PR 
 
 116 
 
 17 
 
 0 
 
 —100     0     0 
 
 lo 
 
 29  15  10 
 
 80  0     0 
 
 15  6     8 
 
 16  18  11 
 —        v.   PR   100  0     0 
 
 —     75  0     0 
 
 r.  KB 
 
 V.    PR 
 V.    KB 
 
 r.   KB     17  13  0 
 
 r.  PR  150     0  0 
 
 r.  KB       9  10  0 
 
 r.   pti  140    0  0 
 
 r.  KB     20  16  3 
 
 Oborne —      r.  kb       6     5  10 
 
 North  Wootton  ..     ^-    p.c.  pr     60    O    0 
 
 Goathill Som.     r.   —    90     0     0 
 
 Colesliill Warw.  V.  kb     10  18     6 
 
 Sheldon —       r.    —     8     10  10 
 
 Water-orton    ....     —    p.c.  ru     75     0     0 
 
 Dillon,  Lord  Viscount 
 
 Marston  Fleet    .  .Bucks,  r.    kb       8     2     8 
 
 Cuddington     ....  Oxon,   r.   —      79     4 
 
 Dorchester,  Lord 
 
 Nately  Scures    . .  Hants,  r 
 
 Dorset,  Duke  of 
 
 Welford Glouc.  i 
 
 Wesfon  on  Avon       — 
 
 Islip    Npn. 
 
 Lowick  — 
 
 Sliptoa    
 
 Drayton,    St. 
 
 Leonard  . . . 
 
 Hanwell 
 
 ('hiddingley  ....  Suss. 
 Rotlingdean  ....     — 
 
 VVatlington — 
 
 DowNE,  Lord  Viscount 
 
 Ash  well Rutld 
 
 Danby Yksh.pc.vR     90    0     0 
 
 Thormanby ■ —      r.  kb       8     2  11 
 
 DowMSHiRE,  Dowager  Marchioness  of 
 
 Eversholt    Beds.    r. 
 
 Ombersley Wore.   v. 
 
 Down  SHI  HE,  Marquess  of 
 Hampstead  "^ 
 
 Norris    with    >  Berks,  v. 
 
 Langley  c.  ..  j 
 
 Somerton     Suff.     r. 
 
 Seascay Yksh.   r. 
 
 DuciE,  Lord 
 
 Frocester Gloue. r.  pr  140     0 
 
 Woodchester  ....     —      r.   k  b 
 Dudley,  Earl  of 
 
 Stonar , . ,  Kent     r.    — 
 
 Hroonie Staff,    r.    — 
 
 Himley —      »•.    — 
 
 Kingswinford    . .     —      r.   — 
 
 Sedgley —      r.  — 
 
 Dudley,  St.  Tho.    Wore.    v.  — 
 DuNDAs,  Lord 
 
 Rlarske Yksh.  v.  pr 
 
 DuNCANNON,  Viscount 
 Llansantfraed  }     r»     i 
 
 Olynkeriog  S 
 Dunraven  and  Moiintea  rle,  Earl  of 
 Coity  w.    Nbl-  ) 
 
 ton  c S 
 
 Little  St.  Bride's 
 Llanniihangel  .. 
 Michaelstow,      > 
 
 nr.Cowbrid.    \ 
 Llanganna,  alt.  . . 
 
 16 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 18 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 17 
 
 0 
 
 2 
 
 40 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 72     0     0 
 
 KB       7  16     6 
 
 Clam. 
 
 KB 
 
 21 
 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 PR 
 
 120 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 72 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 KB 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 PR 
 
 150 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
RECTORIES,    &C.   IN    THE    GIFT    OF    THE    NOBILllY. 
 
 657 
 
 Soin. 
 
 Suss. 
 
 Dynevoh,  Lord 
 
 Great  Barrington  Glouc. 
 
 Rissington       — 
 
 Teynton Oxon. 
 
 Dysart,  Earl  of 
 
 Acton Ches. 
 
 Harrington     ....  A'/^k. 
 
 Framsden Suff. 
 
 Pettaugh   — 
 
 Eg  mo  NT,  Earl  of 
 
 Enmore Som. 
 
 Egue*jont,  Earl  of 
 
 Egremont  Cunib. 
 
 Beercrocombe    1 
 
 w.Copelandc.  J 
 SouthBradon,si/i 
 St.  Decumaus. . . 
 Barlavington. . . 
 Bodecton  w.        \ 
 
 Coates     \ 
 
 North  Chapel    .. 
 Combes  with      \ 
 
 Shipley,  p.  c.  \ 
 
 Bunctou 
 
 Egdean  
 
 Iping  with  > 
 
 Chichurst,  c.  \ 
 
 Kirdford     
 
 Ludgershall   .... 
 
 Petworth    — 
 
 Pulborough    ....     — 
 
 North  Stoke — 
 
 Sutton — 
 
 Tillington    — 
 
 Upwaltham     — 
 
 Catton      Yksh 
 
 Leckonfield     ....     — 
 Scarborough   ....     — 
 
 Wressle    — 
 
 Kirkby  Overblow     — 
 
 SpofTorth    — 
 
 Tadcaster  — 
 
 Essex,  Earl  of 
 
 Little  Raine  ....  Essex 
 
 Watford Herts 
 
 Thrussingtou ....  Leic. 
 ExETEn,  Rlarquess  of 
 
 Calby,  alt Line. 
 
 Stamford,     St.  \ 
 
 Andr.  &  St.  r 
 
 Mich.  w.  St.  V 
 
 Stcphen,      2  I 
 
 turns  in  4      J 
 
 —  St.  Geo.  w.  f 
 St.  Paul S 
 
 —  St.  J.  Bap.  ) 
 w.  St.  Clem.  ^ 
 1  turn  in  3  . .  ) 
 
 r.  KB 
 
 J".     PR 
 
 KB 
 
 —  r. 
 
 PR 
 • J".     K  B 
 
 ■ —       r.   p  R 
 
 —  r.  KB 
 
 l\  PR 
 J'.   KS 
 
 r.  PR 
 
 J".  KB 
 V.  PR 
 r.  KB 
 V.   PR 
 
 r.  KE 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 22 
 
 0 
 
 5 
 
 56 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 19 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 85 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 150 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 36 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 140 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 54 
 
 19 
 
 0 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 11 
 
 not  in  char  | 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 2 
 
 99 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 not 
 
 inchar | 
 
 68 
 
 17 
 
 0 
 
 7 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 11 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 41 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 19 
 
 0 
 
 7 
 
 24 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 15     0  10 
 
 13  10     0 
 
 V25     0     0 
 
 21   12 
 
 66     7 
 
 7     0 
 
 90 
 20 
 73 
 
 I 
 
 12     7 
 
 Rutl. 
 
 PR     80 
 
 —  91 
 
 KB       19 
 PR    100 
 
 —  104 
 
 KB        14 
 
 —  11 
 
 — -       4 
 
 0  0 
 
 0  0 
 
 8  9 
 
 0  0 
 
 0  0 
 
 13  1 
 
 <i  11 
 
 0  0 
 
 17  0 
 
 2  1 
 
 —     12   10 
 
 —        V.    PR   138     0     7 
 
 PR  100     0     0 
 
 —  145 
 
 KB        36 
 
 0     0 
 0     0 
 
 14  13  4 
 
 21    12  1 
 
 6     0  0 
 
 9     I  10 
 
 —  r.   PR   128  17      1 
 
 —  r.  —  125     7   10 
 
 —  r.  —   144     3     0 
 
 —  All     Saints 
 w.  St.  Peter  S  Line. 
 2  turns  in  3    } 
 
 —  St.  Mary — 
 
 —  Barron Npn. 
 
 Easton,  All  Sts.       — 
 
 AVakerley — 
 
 VVhittering — 
 
 Barrowden     ....  Rutl. 
 Great  Casterton 
 
 Pickworth — 
 
 Ryhal  w.  Eson- 
 
 dine,  c 
 
 Stoke  Dry  .... 
 
 Tinwell 
 
 ExMouTH,  Viscount 
 
 Christowe 
 
 Falkland,  Lord  Viscount 
 
 Skinnand,  sin.  . .  Line,     r. 
 
 FALMouT[i,Earl  of 
 
 Lamorran Corn.     i 
 
 St.  Mabyn  ......     —        r 
 
 St.  Michael         ^ 
 
 Penkevil     . .  i 
 St.  Stithian  w.  ^ 
 
 Peran  Arwo-  >     —        «.  kb     14     0  10 
 
 thai  c 3 
 
 Feversham,  Lord 
 
 Sutton  Full    Yksh 
 
 Helmsley     on     J      
 
 Black  Moor    S 
 
 Kirkby  Cold — 
 
 Misperton — 
 
 FiTZ  WILLI  AM,  Eai'l 
 
 Dora    Derby  p.c.  pr    70     0     0 
 
 Glossop   with     A 
 
 Charles-           (     _  ^    —  109 
 
 worth  c.  and    ^  '  k  b       4 
 Ludworth  v.   J 
 
 Covington Hunts  r.  pr   135 
 
 Fletton    —  r.  K  B       9 
 
 Great  Gidding  ..     ■ —  r.  pr  114 
 
 Keystone    —  r.  kb     29 
 
 BiUinghay  w.    J  ^.^^^_ 
 
 r.  PR  106     0     0 
 
 r. 
 
 — 
 
 130 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 V. 
 
 KB 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 d. 
 
 PR 
 
 53 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 25 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 6  9 
 
 4  4 
 
 0  0 
 
 3  9 
 
 0  0 
 
 5  0 
 
 Walcot  e.    ..\ 
 
 Etton Npn 
 
 Harpole — 
 
 Harrowdn  Magna     — 
 Parva 
 
 —     13  14     0 
 
 —      p.c. 
 
 9 
 18 
 13 
 18 
 
 Higham   Fer- 
 rers w.  Cal- 
 decott  and 
 Chelveston  c. 
 
 Irthingboro',       ^ 
 All  Saints  w.  J-     — 
 St.  Peter  v.     S 
 
 Lutton    with      }  Npn. 
 Washingley    J  Hunts. 
 
 r.  — ■     o 
 
 :  KB     21 
 — •  not 
 2  u 
 
 9     9 
 13     4 
 
 0      0 
 
 4     4 
 
 11     0 
 in  char 
 
0-58 
 
 CHURCH     PATRONAGE. 
 
 Som. 
 Yksh. 
 
 —      p.c.  — 
 
 p.c.    FR    117 
 
 Marliolme Npn.      r.  kb 
 
 Hutton  Bushel  . 
 Ycddingham ... 
 
 Biilmer 
 
 Swiiiton 
 
 Malton,  Old 
 
 — New,  viz.  I 
 
 St.  Mich.  &      I 
 
 St.  Leon.  c.    ., 
 
 Ecclesfield 
 
 Greasborough    . 
 Hooton  Roberts 
 Smeaton  Kirk   . .     —        r. 
 Tankersley     ....     —        r. 
 
 Thornscoe —       r. 
 
 Tinsley —     p.c. 
 
 V/entworth    ....     —     pc. 
 
 9 
 U 
 
 5 
 11 
 
 24 
 
 p  c.  — 
 
 150 
 
 110 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 26 
 
 11 
 
 111 
 
 120 
 
 . .  Wore. 
 
 \      - 
 }     _ 
 
 s 
 
 FiTzwiiLiAM,  Earl,  and  others 
 Thorpe  Basset  ..     —        r.  —  144 
 Foley,  Lord 
 Great  Witley 
 Holt  w.  Little 
 
 Witley  c. . . . 
 Kidderminster 
 
 with  Lower 
 
 Mittonc 
 
 Oddingley. . . . 
 Oldswinfordw.  ) 
 
 Lye  c S 
 
 Pedmore    — 
 
 Shelsley  Beau-  } 
 
 champ ^ 
 
 Shelsley  Walsh..     — 
 I'^oR ESTER,  Lord 
 
 Broseley    Salop 
 
 LitWenlock  w.  ^  Salop 
 
 Barrow J      — 
 
 Willey    — 
 
 FoniEscuE,  Earl 
 
 p.r.  — 
 
 Challacombe 
 Filleigh  with 
 
 E.  Buckland 
 Wyer  Gifford 
 Billiogborough 
 Sempringham 
 
 w.  Pointonc. 
 
 &  Birthorpe 
 
 Devon,   r.  — 
 
 \  -    — 
 
 —        r.  — 
 Line.      V.  — 
 
 7 
 15 
 
 30 
 
 4 
 
 26 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 67 
 
 7 
 
 11 
 
 80 
 
 117 
 
 11 
 
 21 
 
 13 
 6 
 
 )- 
 
 Gage,  Lord  Viscount 
 
 Staunton     Glouc. 
 
 Dixton   Monm. 
 
 IMaresfield Suss. 
 
 GdDERiCH,  Viscount 
 Bennington    ....  Line. 
 Conisliolmo    ....     — 
 
 Wyhani — 
 
 GosFORD,  Earl  of 
 Wysall    Notts. 
 
 r. 
 
 — 
 
 94 
 
 V. 
 
 PR 
 
 130 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 12 
 
 r. 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 r. 
 
 PR 
 
 n'8 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 80 
 
 V, 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 '2 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 19 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 fi 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 14 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 8 
 
 11 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 It 
 
 0 
 
 KB       7     6  3 
 
 —  21    12  3 
 
 —  12     0  0 
 16     0  0 
 
 —  14     0  0 
 
 p.c.  PR     40     0 
 Salop,    r.  KB 
 
 Surry 
 
 6  18 
 
 20     0     5 
 5     0     5 
 
 7  17     3 
 
 7   11   10 
 
 —     21   13     4 
 
 Beccles,  Sf.Mary  Suff. 
 
 St.  Mich.     — 
 
 Ellough — 
 
 Kettleborough  . . 
 Pakelicld    ....   »     _ 
 
 1st  Mediety     ' 
 
 2d  Ditto S 
 
 Itedisham — 
 
 GowEu,  Earl 
 Kinnersley     . 
 
 GoWER,  W.  L 
 
 Limpsfield. . . 
 Tatsfield    . . . 
 
 Titsey — 
 
 Grafton,  Duke  of 
 Barnham,  St.      }   q  ff- 
 Gregory  . . . .  i       •^' 
 
 —  St.  Martin     ^ 
 
 w.  Euston        '     
 
 &  Little    Fa-  i" 
 kenham  ....  * 
 
 Great  Fakenham      — 
 
 Sapiston — 
 
 Grantham,  Lord 
 
 Bracewell Yksh.     v.  tr     60     0     0 
 
 Grant  ley,  Lord 
 
 Wonersh-- Surry     v.  —  119     0     0 
 
 Grenville,  Loi"d 
 
 Boconnoc  w.  ;  ^,„,„  ,.  „„  ir  n  n 
 „  1  y-.  1  >  Lorn,  1.  KB  lo  11  u 
 Broad  Oak    J 
 
 Ladock   —        r.  —     18     0     0 
 
 New  Milford    . .  Pemb.  p.c.  —  not  in  char 
 
 Grosvenor,  Earl  (marq.  of  Westminster) 
 
 Alford     Chesli.    r.  —     16  17     8 
 
 Chester,  St.  Mary     —        r.  —     52     0     0 
 
 Eccleston —        r.  —     15  13  11 
 
 Farndon —      pc.  pr  104    0     0 
 
 Pulford —         r.   KB      6  15  10 
 
 Prestwich Lane.      r.  —     4()     6     9 
 
 Ratcliffe.St  Thos.     —     p.c.  —  not  in  char 
 
 Guilford,  Earl  of 
 
 Ashley  w.  Sil-    J  (,^,„j 
 
 verley  V 5 
 
 Kirtling 
 
 r.  — 
 
 pc-  PR 
 
 11   10 
 34    0 
 
 r.  KB    15  17     3 
 --     10     0     0 
 
 Harlow Essex  v.  —     15    7  11 
 
 Lindsell —  v.tr     99     8     0 
 
 East  Langdon   ..Kent  r.  —   136     0     0 
 
 ChippingWarden  Npn.  r.  kb    26  10     0 
 
 Elslield Oxon  r.  pr   134     0     6 
 
 Shotteswell  ....  Waric.  v.  kb       5  13     4 
 Guilford,  Earl  of,  and  others 
 
 Eythorne Kent  r.  —     15  12     6 
 
 Harborougii,  Earl  of 
 
 Saxby Leic.  r.  —  120     0     0 
 
 Staplelbrd —  v.  —  100     0     0 
 
 Stainby   with      |    j..,,^_  ,,_  ^^     to  10  10 
 
 Gunby     ....  S 
 
 Teigh Butl.  r.  —     14     2  11 
 
RECTORIES,    &,C.     IN    THE    GIFT    OF    THE    NOBILITY.  659 
 
 6     0 
 
 20  14  2 
 18  0  0 
 4 
 
 8     6 
 —      r.  PE  110     0     0 
 
 p.  c.  KB  not  in  char. 
 
 Whisendine    ....Rutl.     v.  pr  144     0     0 
 Harcourt,  Earl 
 
 North  Hinksey..  Berfcs.p.c. —    90     0     0 
 Nuneham-  J  ^    ^^ 
 
 Courtney    . .  J         -^ 
 Hardwicke,  Eai'l  of 
 
 Foulmire     Camb.   r 
 
 ^Vimpole     —      r. 
 
 Shenfield    Essex,  r.  —     14  18 
 
 Haresfield Glouc.v.  pr  113  13 
 
 Aspeden     Herts,  r.  kb     15     5 
 
 Ayott,  St.  Peter..      —      r.  —      7 
 
 Ridge , 
 
 St.  Alban's,  St.  i 
 
 Peter  Colney  \ 
 
 Westniill    '.  Herts  r.  kb     20     0     0 
 
 Crudewell WUts.  r.  —     17     .5     2 
 
 Buntingford  Gram.  Sch.  Herts,  3Iastersldp 
 
 Harlvvood,    Earl  of 
 
 Goldsborough    . .    Vksh.    r.  —     10     1     0 
 
 Harewood,  u/^  . .      —      v.  —     14     1  10 
 
 Harrowbv,   Earl  of 
 
 Aston-sub-edge..   Glouc.   r.  —     10     2     2 
 
 Mark .Soot.  p.  c.  pr    7.5     0     0 
 
 Sandon    Staff,  r.  kb       7  10     0 
 
 Harrington,   Earl  of 
 
 Gawsworth    ....  Chesh.  r.  kb       7     4    4 
 
 Hastings,  Marquess  of 
 
 Smisby Derby,  p. c. —     35     0     0 
 
 Piddletown    Dorset,  v. —     31     2  11 
 
 AshbydelaZouch   Leic.  v 
 
 Belton     
 
 Castle  Don-        f       _ 
 
 niugton   ....  S  "' 
 
 Markfield   —        r.  — 
 
 Osgathorpe  ....  —  f.  — 
 Stanton  Stoney  . .  — •  r.  — 
 West  Leake  ....  Notts,  r,  — 
 H  E  N  n  1 K  E  R ,  Lord 
 
 Catcott    Som.  p.c.  —     50     0     0 
 
 Ashlield  with    ?     .-  xr 
 
 Thorpe   c.  . .  J    ^"^^  P'''  " 
 
 Debenham — 
 
 Kenton    — 
 
 Great  Thornham .     — 
 Little  Thornham  .     — 
 Worlingworth     / 
 ■w.  Southolt  c.  J 
 Hertford,  Marquess  of 
 
 Laughtou    Leic.    r.  kb     10  10    5 
 
 Laughtou    Line.    v.  pr   140     0     0 
 
 Alcester Warw.  i-.  k  b     14     8  10 
 
 Arrow     —        r.  —     10  10     7 
 
 Binlon     —       r.  pr  140     0     0 
 
 Birdsall —     p.c.  — 
 
 Holland,  Lord 
 
 Ampthill     Beds.    r.  — 
 
 Milbrook    —        r.  — 
 
 Brinkworth    ....    Wilts,  r.  —     23     9     2 
 Foxley    —        r.  ~       3  17     8 
 
 14  10  4 
 
 V.   PR     68     0  0 
 
 8*    2  3 
 
 6  13 
 
 7  0  0 
 14  13  1 
 
 25     4  7 
 
 0  0 
 
 u.   KB     15     2  6 
 
 V.   pii  130     0  0 
 
 r.  KB       7  11  3 
 
 r.  —       4  14  4 
 
 r.  —     19  12  3 
 
 49     0 
 
 0 
 
 10     6 
 
 8 
 
 9  16 
 
 3 
 
 HoTHAM,  Lord 
 
 South  Dalton....    Yksh.  r.  kb     12 
 
 Hutton   Crans-  I 
 
 wick    S  -       '•  ^^    ^-^ 
 
 Scarborough  ....  —       i'.  —     60 
 Howard  of  Effingham,  Lord 
 
 Kotheram Vksh.  v,  kb     16 
 
 ^Vhiston —        r.  —     10 
 
 Howe,  Earl 
 
 Little  Minster   . .  Bucks,  v.  —     93 
 
 Penn   —       c.   k  b       9 
 
 Altham   Lane.  p.c. pu     73 
 
 Clithero —     p  c. —  110 
 
 Dowuham —     p.c. —  128 
 
 Newchurch    in  7 
 
 Pendle    ....  J  "~     P 
 
 Ratcliffe  onSoar  .  Notts,  r.  kb     10 
 
 Acton Suff.     V.  —       9 
 
 ^Vhitacre  Over  ..  Warw.p.c.pn  140 
 
 Gotham,  a?^ Notts,  r.  kb     19 
 
 Hunting  FIELD,  Lord 
 
 Aldham Suff.     r,  kb 
 
 Aldringhara  w.  ? 
 
 fi^l  >        p.c.  PR 
 
 1  Jiorpe  c.    ..  \  '^ 
 
 Huntingfield  w.  /      
 
 Cookiey  ....  J  '  ^^ 
 
 Laxfield    with    7 
 
 Cratfield....  J     ~ 
 Great  Linstead  . .     —    p.c.  pr     82 
 Little  Linstead  . .     —    p.c.  —     65 
 
 Ubbeston    —        v.  kb       6 
 
 HuNTiNGTOwER,  Lord 
 Buckniinster  .. . .  Leic.     v.  pr  150 
 Silk  Willoughby  .  Line.    r.  kb     14 
 Ilchester,  Earl  of 
 
 Rewe Devon,  r.  —     22 
 
 Abbotsbury    .... 
 
 Bridport 
 
 ?"Iaideu  Newton  . 
 3Ielbury  Bubb  . . 
 
 Osmond  . 
 
 Sampford 
 
 0  0 
 
 1  0 
 0  0 
 
 8  6 
 
 0  0 
 
 0  0 
 
 13  4 
 
 10  10 
 0  0 
 0  0 
 
 105     0  0 
 
 11  3 
 6  3 
 0  0 
 8  6 
 
 10 
 40 
 13 
 
 KB  g 
 
 —     15 
 
 Dorset, V.  PR  125 
 —       r.  —  135 
 30 
 11 
 
 —  ?•.    K  B 
 
 0       0 
 
 10     0 
 13     4 
 
 0  0 
 
 8  1 
 
 4  2 
 
 4  0 
 0  0 
 
 5  0 
 
 V.  —     11    10 
 r.    ..        8     3 
 
 r.  —  .•> 
 
 V.  —  12 
 
 7'.    P  R  130 
 
 ?••    KB  7 
 
 Stinsford — 
 
 Winterborne       7  
 
 Monkton     . .  J 
 
 Middle  Chinnock  Som. 
 Chiselborougli    ^ 
 
 with    vYest       >     — 
 
 Chinnock  c.     j 
 
 Kilmington     ....  —        r.  —     21 
 
 Milton    Clevedon  —        v.  —       6 
 
 Penselwood  ....  —       ?•.  pr  147 
 Shepton  Montagu     —     pc.  — 
 
 Somerton    —       r.  kb 
 
 WestGrimstead  7  ti^;*, 
 
 w.Plaitford  c.  J 
 Little  Somerford       —        r.  — 
 Ilchesteh,  Earl  of,  6«:c. 
 
 Lustleigh    Decon.  r.  — 
 
 Silveitou     —        r.  — 
 
 2  u  2 
 
 6  5 
 
 17  1 
 
 0  0 
 
 9  7 
 
 r.  —     14     6     7 
 
 9  4 
 
 13  4 
 
 16  0 
 
 0  0 
 
 0  7 
 
 10  2 
 
 7  1 
 
 46 
 16 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 16 
 51 
 
 7  6 
 
 8  4 
 
CHURCH    PATRON AG K. 
 
 (iGO 
 
 J  Fnsi- Y,  Earl  of 
 
 Hritton  Ferry    ..   Glam.p.c.rn  10 1     0     0 
 
 (rlyncorriog    ....     —     p.c.  —  62  17     4 
 Ken  VON,  Lord 
 
 Peel    Lane.  pc.  ?r  93     0     0 
 
 Pulverbatch  ....  Halop,  r.  kb  10  13     4 
 King,  Lord 
 
 Culborne    Som.     r.  pr  51    0     0 
 
 East  Clandoa    ..   Surrij.  r.   kb  10     6  10 
 
 Ockham      —        r.  —     11     2     1 
 
 Lansdowne,  INIarquis  of 
 
 Hif^h  Wycombe. .   Bucks,  v.  vn  122     0     0 
 
 Calstone Wilts,  r.  kb  4  13     4 
 
 Le  Despencer,  Lord 
 
 Mereworth Kent     r.  —  14     2     6 
 
 Tudeley  w.  Ca- 1      _       ^    _  4  jg     q 
 
 pel  lePernec.  J 
 Leicesteii's  (Earl  of)  Hospital, Govs,  of 
 Hampton    in       i 
 
 Arden  with     J    WWw.  v.  —  15     6     8 
 
 Knowle  c.  . .   » 
 Lichfield,  Earl  of 
 
 Marshaui    Nor/,    r.  kl<  10  17     9 
 
 Paston    —       V.  PR  107     0     0 
 
 Swan  ton  Abbot..     —       r.  kb  6  10     9 
 
 Ellenhall    Staff,  pc.  pr  91  18     2 
 
 Norbury —       r.  kb  10     2     6 
 
 LiLFORi),  Lord 
 
 Leigh Lane.   r.  pr  94    0     0 
 
 Warrington    ....     —       »•.  kb  40    0     0 
 
 "^P^r^^!'..!*:!    ^>-     r.  -  11     6    3 
 
 Vilton     —       r.  PR  136  n     3 
 
 Tliorpe  Achurch    } 
 
 w.  Lllford  V.        \ 
 
 Titciiniarsli     ....     —       r.  —  45     0    0 
 
 Warrington  Gram.  Sch.  Lane.  Mastership 
 
 Lindsay,  Earl  of 
 
 I'ffington    —        r    —  21     5     2 
 
 LisouuNE,  Lord 
 
 Ystrad-nieiric    ..   Card.    r.  KBnotinchar. 
 
 Ysotty  Ystwith  . .     —    pc.  pr  83  18     0 
 
 Liverpool,  Earl  of 
 
 Hawkesburvw.  i    ^,  ^A^nn 
 
 rp      ,         •'J    Gloue.v.  PR  140    0     0 
 Iresham  c. .  J 
 
 Pitchford    Salop,  r.  kb  6     5     5 
 
 Londonderry,  Marquess  of 
 
 Durham,  St.  Giles  Lurh.p.c.pv.  50     0     0 
 
 ■ St.  Nichol     —     px.  —  90    0     0 
 
 Great  Asby    . . .  .Wtstm.v-   kb  23  13     4 
 
 8  11 
 
 PR 
 KB 
 
 80 
 9 
 
 0     0 
 9     8 
 
 Lo.vsDALE,  Earl  of 
 
 Aikton    Cumb.  ?•.  kb     14  13     1 
 
 lieaumont      w.  j 
 
 Kirk    Andrs.  J     — 
 
 on  Eden  . . . .  j 
 Bolton  Gate  ....     — 
 
 Bootle — 
 
 Bowness     — 
 
 Brigham 
 
 C'ockermouth, 
 
 _  r.    —  19  18     4 
 
 —  r.    —  19  17     3 
 
 —  r.    —  21  3  11 
 
 —  V.    —  20  16     0 
 
 —  ;).c.  PR  97  0     0 
 
 Corney    Cumb.  r.  kb  9  17  1 
 
 Uittington —        r. —  7     10 
 
 Embletou    —     p.c.  pr  36     0  0 
 
 Hajle —     p.c—  79     0  0 
 
 Hensingham  ....     —    pe.  —  136     0  0 
 
 Kirkbampton     ..     —        r.  —  86     0  0 
 
 Lorton     —     p.c.  —  60     0  0 
 
 Lowswater     ....     —     p.c.  ■ —  46  16  6 
 
 Moresby —        r.  —  107     4  8 
 
 Mossar    —     p  c.  —  54     0  0 
 
 Patterdale —    p.c.  —  70     0  0 
 
 St.  Bees —     p.c—  66     0  0 
 
 Whitehaven,       i  ^  ,n     n  n 
 
 ct   M-  u   1        i     —     pc.  —  140     0  0 
 St.  Nicholas    J             ^ 
 
 St.  James..     —    p.c.  —  108  16  0 
 
 Trinity  ....     —     p.c.  —  92     0  0 
 
 Whiteham —       r.   kb  8  15  0 
 
 Melling Lane.  p.c.   pr  63  0  0 
 
 High  Barton  ....    West.  v.  pr  150     0  0 
 
 Lowther     —       r.  kb  25  7  3 
 
 Ravenstondale  ..     —    p.c.  pr  120  0  0 
 
 Shap    —        ».  —  91  10  0 
 
 Arkingarthdale..   Yksh.p.c.  —  92     0  0 
 
 Startforth    —       r.  —  128  19  8 
 
 \\  ilton    —    p.c  —  114  10  0 
 
 Lyttelton,  Lord 
 
 Halesowen    w.  J   Salop.  .     „ 
 
 Offchurchc    I   Wore.  *''  "^  '^     ^  '^ 
 Penkridge  and 
 
 —  24  0  0 
 
 Staff,  pc  PR  70     8  0 
 
 KB  10  0  0 
 
 Shareshill —    p.c.  pr  105     0     0 
 
 Churchill,  near  7    jwr  -co 
 
 K^  ■ ,  ,     '  .         >    Tk  ore.    r.  K  B     o     6     8 
 Kiddermjns.   J 
 
 Hagley       with  'i     
 
 Franklevcik  >    c  ,         r.  —     10     6     5 
 
 St.Kenelmc5   ^'"''P' 
 Malmesbury,  E.arl  of 
 
 Dibden    Hants,  r.  kb     5  12     11 
 
 Manchester,  Duke  of 
 
 Quedgeley .. ..    Gloue.  d.  —     40     0     0 
 
 Breamore  with  >    rr     .      .  nc     .^     r. 
 
 ii ,,  J    Hants,  d.  —     92     0     0 
 
 Hale    5 
 
 Kinibolton Hunts,  v.  —  137  14  9 
 
 Holywell  with    1 
 
 Needing-         J     —       r.  kb  30     6  3 
 
 worth  c  J 
 
 Swinestead     ....     —       r.   —  12  13  6 
 Man-Corn WALLis,  Earl  of 
 
 Llandewi  Brery  .  Card.  p.c.  —  110  10  6 
 
 Linton     Kent.   v.  kb  7  13  4 
 
 Little  Saxham    ..   Suff.     r.    —  8  11  5 
 
 Palgvave     —       r.    —  19  11  3 
 
 Thrandeston  ....     —       r.    —  13     6  8 
 
 Packwood IFanc.pc.  pu  66    0  0 
 
 Man  vers,  Earl 
 
 Langton,        by  i    , .  ^   ..^^  .. 
 
 \Wagby...:  !    ^'"''-   "•    -  '*  '-^  * 
 
RECTORIES,    &C.    IN    THE    GIFT    OF    THE    NOBILITY. 
 
 rre-  1 
 dth  S 
 
 Cotgrave,      1st 
 
 and    2d    Me- 
 
 diety 
 
 Cuckney 
 
 Eakring 
 
 Fledborough 
 Holm     Pierre- 
 point       with 
 
 Adbolton 
 
 Laxton    —      v. 
 
 Lowdham —      v. 
 
 Nottingham,        "i 
 
 St.  Mary    &  >     —      v. 
 
 St.  Paulc...  y 
 Radcliffe    on     7 
 
 Trent S      "~      ^'• 
 
 Snenton —    p.c 
 
 AVeston   in   the  ? 
 
 Clay    S     —      '■• 
 
 Marlborough,  Duke  of 
 
 Hurley    Bei-ks.  v. 
 
 Long  Crendon  .  -Bucks,  p  c 
 Low  Winchendon  —  p.c. 
 Waddesdon,        } 
 
 three  portions  S 
 
 Ardley    Oxon.   r. 
 
 Bladon     with     ) 
 Woodstock  c.    S 
 
 Noke 
 
 Sandford  .... 
 Stonesfield  .... 
 Hardwjck  Pri 
 
 ors   w.  Mar- 
 
 ston  Priors  c 
 
 and   Low        i 
 
 Shuckburg  c.  ) 
 Liddinglon,  sin. . .    Wilts. 
 West     Overton  \ 
 
 with      Alton  (     
 
 Priors  c.     &  I 
 
 Fitield  c.     . .  ) 
 Maynard,  Lord  Viscount 
 
 Notts,  f.  PR     20 
 
 —  V.  —  150 
 ■ —  r.  KB       9 
 
 —  r.    —       9 
 
 -  —  1 
 
 —  f.   PR   129 
 
 —  «.      KB         4 
 
 —  20 
 
 —  4 
 pn  87 
 KB  19 
 
 PR  138 
 
 —  98 
 
 —  80 
 
 KB  45 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 ISO 
 
 50 
 
 4 
 
 r.  PR 
 
 d.  — 
 
 Wane,   V.  —     23 
 
 14 
 
 Great  Easton. , 
 
 Little  Easton.. . 
 
 Thaxstead 
 
 Tiltey 
 
 Thornton    with 
 Bagworth    c.  | 
 and    Stanton 
 under      Bar- 1 
 don  c 
 
 Passenham     . . . 
 
 Essex,  r.  KB 
 
 —       d.  en 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 16 
 
 0 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 2 
 
 11 
 
 17 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 19 
 
 9 
 
 16 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 0     0 
 0     0 
 
 Leic. 
 
 KB       6  10     2 
 
 Npn.    r.    —     20     0     0 
 
 Mkleoubne,  Lord  Viscount 
 
 Boothby    Grafton  Line.  r.  kb 
 
 Willesford —    r.  — 
 
 Duston    Np7i.  V.  PR 
 
 Greasley  with    }   ^.^^     ^.  _ 
 
 Kiniberlcy  c,  S 
 Hertford  Gram.  Sch 
 
 11 
 10 
 93 
 
 —     51 
 Master 
 
 0  0 
 
 5  5 
 
 0  0 
 
 ship. 
 
 MiDDLETON,  Lord 
 Carlton  in  i 
 
 Moorland  w.  ^  Line,    v, 
 
 vStapleford  c.  J 
 
 Griuioldby —      r. 
 
 Saundby Notts,   r. 
 
 Trowell,    1st  &  > 
 
 2d  Med J      ~~       '"' 
 
 North  Wheatley       —       r. 
 Wollaton  with    }     
 
 Cossall   c.  . .  ^ 
 
 Middleton Wariv.  p.c 
 
 Wharram  in  the  }   ^,   , 
 
 Street S 
 
 Smeaton     —        r. 
 
 Henbury  with  "\ 
 
 Aust  c.  and     f  ^, 
 
 TVT       .1         •     I  >    LrlOUC.    V. 
 
 jNorthwick  c.  / 
 
 1  turn  in  4  . .  * 
 MoLEswoRTii,  Lord 
 
 Edlington Ffcsft.    ?■. 
 
 MoNsoN,  Lord 
 
 Broxholme Line.     r. 
 
 Buckuall     —      r. 
 
 Burton    —       r. 
 
 Camringham ....     —      v. 
 
 Croft —       V. 
 
 Dalby 
 
 Donnington  on   ) 
 
 Baine S 
 
 North  Carlton    . . 
 Owersby  with   "j 
 
 Kirby     Os-    > 
 
 garby \ 
 
 South  Carlton    . . 
 MoNTACuTE,  Lord 
 Eastbourne,    n.  i    « 
 
 Midhurst    ..  S 
 
 Montagu,  Lord 
 
 Copmanford  w.  )    rr     i 
 TT   .  ;  Hunts. 
 
 Upton  c ) 
 
 Wiuwick    — - 
 
 Luddington    ....  Leic. 
 
 Barnwell,  AllSts.  Npn. 
 
 St.  Andrew       —     ; 
 
 Hemington     ....      —     ^ 
 
 Church    LaAV-     ■^ 
 
 ford  with 
 
 Newnhani 
 
 Regis  p.  c.      } 
 Montford,  Lord 
 At'estwicken  ....  Cam.  p.c. 
 IMoRLEY,  Earl  of 
 Morley    with      )  j^^,     ^ 
 
 Smalley  c.  . .  S  ^     ' 
 
 Charlton     Devon,  r. 
 
 Morleigh     —      r. 
 
 North  Moullon 
 w.  Tw  itchin  c. 
 
 661 
 
 3     3     4 
 
 p.c. 
 
 p.c. 
 
 —  p.c. 
 
 —  116 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 —  78 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 KB    9 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 PR  105 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 —  88 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 .  not  in 
 
 char. 
 
 PR  70 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB   13 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 —  30 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 —  130 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 —   9 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 —   9 
 
 11 
 
 10 
 
 —  11 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 PR  137 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 KB   23 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 PR  73 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 —  110 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 —  35 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 —  103 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 KB    8 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 PR  37 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 35     0     0 
 
 18  13     1 
 
 PR 
 
 44 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 PR 
 
 120 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 150 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 99 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 Warw.  r.    k  b 
 
 11  15     5 
 5     0     0 
 
 \  - 
 
 PR     50     0     0 
 
 —  13     6     8 
 
 —  31     8     4 
 PR  102   16  5 
 
 —  81     8     5 
 
p.c. 
 
 662 
 
 Zele    Mona-      |  ^,,,„.  ,.  ,„ 
 
 chorum    . .      S 
 
 Mount  Edgecombe,  Earl  of 
 
 Landrake Corn.  r.  kb 
 
 Lostwithiel    ....     —    v.  rn 
 
 Megavissey    ....     —     v.  kb 
 
 Rame —    i".  — 
 
 St.  Michael  on  I 
 
 the   Mount..  ^ 
 
 Trnro,  St.  Mary       —    r.  pb 
 MouNTNoitRis,  Earl  of 
 
 Arley  Over    ....Staff,  p.c.  kb 
 Muncasteh,  Lord 
 
 Irton   Cumb.  p.c.  pr 
 
 Muncastcr —    pc.   — 
 
 Wabberthwaite. .     —     r.  — 
 
 "Warter    Yksh.  v.  — 
 
 Newcastle,  Duke  of 
 
 Bamber Line.  p.c.   — 
 
 Bothamsall     ...  .Notts,  p.c.  — 
 
 Cromwell  —     r.  kb 
 
 Elksley —     v.  pu 
 
 Kirton     —     r.  kb 
 
 Mapplebeck  ....     —    p.c.  ra 
 East  Markham  ^ 
 
 with    West      ^     —     r.  KB 
 
 Drayton  c.  . .   j 
 
 Damerham  w.     J  ^.j  _ 
 
 Martin  c.    ..  J  ^"*«- '" 
 Norfolk,  Duke  of 
 Blxley     with     1 
 
 Franilingham  >  Norf.   r.  kb 
 
 Earl     3 
 
 Bressingham . . ..     —     r.  — 
 
 Great  Poringland     —     r.  — 
 
 Shelf'anger —     r.  — 
 
 Thwaite, St. Mary    —     r.  pr 
 
 Worksop     "Notts.  V.  kb 
 
 Bungay Suff.  p.c.  pr 
 
 Ilketshall,  St.    1 
 
 Margaret    . .  $      ~     '^-  ^^ 
 
 Capel Surry,  d.  r  r 
 
 Dorking —    v,  kb 
 
 Arundel Suss.  v.  — 
 
 South  Stoke  ....     —    r.  — 
 
 Storrington     ....     —     r.  — 
 
 Thakeham —    r.  — 
 
 Worminghurst. .       —   p.c.  pr 
 
 Handsworth  ....  Yksh.  r.  kb 
 
 Treeton   —     r.  — 
 
 Northampton,  Marquis  of 
 
 Moulsoe Bucks,  v.  k  b 
 
 Castle  Ashby-. . .  Npn.   r.  — 
 
 Yardley  Hastings    —     r.  — 
 Compton  Wy-    j 
 
 neate  with      yWarw.r.  — 
 
 Tysoe \ 
 
 Whatcott    —     r.  — 
 
 Northumberland,  Duke  of 
 
 Haslebury  Bryan  Dorset,  r.  kb 
 
 CHURCH    PATRONAGE. 
 
 17  8 
 
 9 
 
 18  12 
 
 4 
 
 92  10 
 
 0 
 
 6  4 
 
 2 
 
 12  7 
 
 6 
 
 not  in  char. 
 
 140  0 
 
 0 
 
 not  in  char. 
 
 110  0 
 
 0 
 
 40  14 
 
 0 
 
 107  0 
 
 0 
 
 27  0 
 
 0 
 
 30  0 
 
 0 
 
 60  0 
 
 0 
 
 13  2 
 
 3 
 
 110  0 
 
 0 
 
 7  14 
 
 9 
 
 37  0 
 
 0 
 
 11  18 
 
 11 
 
 25  10 
 
 10 
 
 8  6 
 
 8 
 
 15  0 
 
 0 
 
 6   13 
 
 2 
 
 17  0 
 
 0 
 
 138  17 
 
 2 
 
 12  4 
 
 2 
 
 44  0 
 
 0 
 
 5  13 
 
 9 
 
 50  0 
 
 0 
 
 14  13 
 
 11 
 
 5  0 
 
 10 
 
 11  15 
 
 10 
 
 18  0 
 
 0 
 
 14  9 
 
 9 
 
 40  0 
 
 0 
 
 12  4 
 
 7 
 
 12  0 
 
 0 
 
 16  16 
 
 8 
 
 17  9 
 
 7 
 
 13  16 
 
 0 
 
 20  0 
 
 0 
 
 12  17 
 
 3 
 
 19  13 
 
 9 
 
 St.Maryat  Hill  i 
 
 and  St.  And.   ■  Lond- 
 
 Hubbard, a/f.  > 
 
 Alnham North, 
 
 Alnwick — 
 
 Biitley    — 
 
 Chatton — 
 
 Doddington    ....     — 
 
 Elsdon    — 
 
 Long  Houghton . .     — 
 
 Ilderton 
 
 Tyneniouth 
 
 with  Nortli 
 
 Shields  c.  alt. 
 Kirkby  Wiske 
 Kirkheaton     ....     — 
 North  wick,  Lord 
 
 Harrow Midd. 
 
 Onslow,  Earl 
 
 West  Clandon   . .  Surry 
 
 Merrow — 
 
 Send  w.  Ripley  c.     — 
 AVisley  w.  Pir-  f 
 
 PR  333     6     8 
 
 \- 
 
 Yksh.  r. 
 
 Surry 
 
 ford  V. 
 
 Woking — 
 
 Or  FORD,  Earl  of 
 
 Huntshaw Devon. 
 
 Aldby     Norf. 
 
 Bircham  New-  >     
 
 ton  and  Tofts  J 
 Burnham  Thorpe     — 
 Itteringham  w.  f     
 
 Mannington  .  S 
 Nortli  Barsham. .     — 
 
 Sloley — 
 
 Tivetshall,  St.     > 
 
 Mary  and  St.  ^     — 
 
 Margaret    ..  ) 
 
 Waborne    
 
 Wickmere  w.     ^ 
 
 Woolterton.    J 
 Oxford,  Earl  of 
 
 Aylton    Her^.  r. 
 
 Brampton  . . ..  }      
 
 Bryan, a?^..  j 
 Cusop 
 
 —   p.c. 
 
 —  px. 
 
 —  V. 
 
 —  pc. 
 
 —  p.c. 
 Mon.  p.c. 
 
 Kenderchurch   . . 
 
 Leintwardine. . . . 
 
 St.  Margaret  .,  ^  , 
 
 Walterstone   .... 
 
 Old  Castle 
 
 Presteigne,   w.  ^ 
 
 Discoyd  c.  &  f  „  j 
 
 i^-     ,  ynadn.  v. 
 
 Kinsnaiu    c.  l 
 
 alt .3 
 
 Pembroke,  Earl  of 
 Langeinweu  w.  ?  -      . 
 Langaffoc...  ^^"^'-    '^ 
 
 Chalbury    Dorset,  r 
 
 Abdon    Salop,   r. 
 
 70     0     0 
 106     0     0 
 
 —  120     0     0 
 KB     12   16     0 
 
 —  not  in  char. 
 
 —  20     0     0 
 PR  140     0     0 
 
 —  80     0     0 
 
 KB     24  ^9  4 
 
 —  27   16  5 
 
 —  25  13  9 
 
 —  33     4  2 
 
 —  124  13  0 
 
 —  Ill     1  0 
 KB        8   18  1 
 
 KB     40  19  0 
 
 —  11     5  0 
 
 PR  100     0  0 
 
 —  115     8  7 
 
 KB       7  13  4 
 
 —  19  10  0 
 
 —  12  10  5 
 
 —  6     0  0 
 
 —  5     6  8 
 
 —  20     0  0 
 
 —not  in  char. 
 
 —  17     0  0 
 
 PR     75     0  0 
 
 KB       5  11  0 
 
 PR 
 KB 
 
 5  19  7 
 32     0  0 
 
 7   15  8 
 
 6  0  0 
 62  0  0 
 76     0  0 
 
 KB     20     0     0 
 
 —  16     4     4 
 
 —  7  10     2 
 PR     95  10     0 
 
RECTORIES,    &,C.     IN    THE     GIFT    OF     THE     NOBILITY. 
 
 663 
 
 ?       _ 
 
 Bishopstone   n.  >  ^y.^^^ 
 
 awind.  sin.     s 
 
 Ditto    — 
 
 Chilmark    — 
 
 Fovant    — 
 
 Fugt^leston, 
 
 St.   Peter  w. 
 
 Bemerton     c.  J 
 Little  Lanngford   Wilts,  r. 
 North  Newington  —  ^'-^'P- 
 South  Newton  . .     —     v. 
 Stanton    St.        |      
 
 Bernard  ....  \ 
 Wilton    with       \ 
 
 Bulbridge  v.   I 
 
 Ditchampton  \     —      r. 
 
 ».  and  Nether  I 
 
 Hampton  c.    * 
 
 AFylye —      r. 
 
 Plymouth,  Earl  of 
 Pennarth   St.      l 
 
 Austin  with   ^Glam.   r. 
 
 Llavernock      > 
 St.  Fagan  with  J      
 
 Llaniltern  c.  i 
 
 Radir —     v. 
 
 Kempsing    w.  7^-^,,^    ^ 
 
 Seal   c \ 
 
 Stratford    on      |  y^„,^.  ^,. 
 
 Avon,  alt.  . .  S 
 
 Tanworth —      v. 
 
 Tardebig    Wore.  v. 
 
 PoMFRET,  Earl  of 
 
 Bourne Line.     v. 
 
 Cold  Higham    . .  Npn.     r. 
 
 Easton  Neston  . .     —     v. 
 
 Portland,  Duke  of 
 
 Bolsover     Derby,  v. 
 
 Botley    Hants,  r. 
 
 Bothall  with      i  ^x    ,, 
 t,,  ,        >  North,  r. 
 
 Sheejjwash..  S 
 
 KirkbyinAsh-^^  r. 
 
 field     S 
 
 Manstield  i 
 
 Woodhouse      : 
 
 w.  Skegby..  } 
 Muskham,    2d 
 
 Mediety 
 
 Sibthorpe 
 
 Sutton    on  ^ 
 
 Lound  with    > 
 
 Scrooby  ... .  J 
 Gotham,  1  tu. 
 
 KB  19  14  2 
 
 —  12     1  3 
 
 —  19  13  4 
 
 —  17     0  0 
 
 pu  110     0 
 
 KB  2    15 
 
 PR  115     0 
 
 KB 
 
 23  18 
 10     0 
 
 \]  - 
 
 p.e. 
 d. 
 
 \  -  - 
 
 PoRTMORE,  Earl  of 
 
 Tiiorne    Yksh.  p.c. 
 
 Portsmouth,  Earl  of 
 Farley    Wallop  t      ^_ 
 w.  Cliddesdcn  i 
 Over  Wallop. .. .     —     v. 
 
 24     0     0 
 
 7     0     0 
 
 —     21   14     2 
 
 PR  119     6     0 
 
 EB 
 
 14 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 PR 
 
 37 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 19 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 23     0     0 
 
 —  6  13 
 
 —  8     0 
 
 KB  a  0 
 PR  124  0 
 KB         8      0 
 
 PR   117     0 
 
 KB  5    10 
 
 —  28  17 
 
 —  18     1 
 
 —    DC.   rn    142     0     0 
 
 KB 
 
 8 
 
 19 
 
 7 
 
 PR 
 
 28 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 PU 
 
 57 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 19 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 PR 
 
 72 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 — 
 
 27 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 Weild     Yksh.  p.e. 
 
 PouLETT,  Earl 
 Cliafcombe Som.     r. 
 
 p.e. 
 
 —  p.c. 
 
 Chillington  .... 
 Lympsham  .... 
 Seavington,  St.  ) 
 
 Rlary  and  St.  ( 
 
 Michael  r.w.  / 
 
 Dinningtonc.  ) 
 Hinton,  St.  Geo.      —     ?• 
 Powis,  Earl 
 
 Bishops  Castle. . Here/",  f 
 Llanwddun    . 
 Bromfield    w. 
 
 Hawford  c. 
 Clunbury  . . . 
 Clunn    with 
 
 Bettws  p.c. 
 
 &  Edgton  c. 
 Llanfair  AVa- 
 
 terdine  and 
 
 Shipton  c.  . 
 
 Monsford    — 
 
 Mindtown — 
 
 Shrawardine ....     — 
 Radnor,  Earl  of 
 
 Coleshill    Berks 
 
 Hanibledon    ....  Surry 
 Great  Civerhail      Wilts 
 
 Little  Ditto    — 
 
 Odstock. — 
 
 Pewsey — 
 
 t  anton,  St.         )       
 
 Quintin  ....  S 
 Rancliffe,  Lord 
 Bunney   with     } 
 
 Bradmore  c.    S  ^^otts.    v.  — 
 
 Costock —       r.  — 
 
 Keyworth —      r.  — 
 
 Thorpe  in  Glebis       —      r.  — 
 Ravens  WORTH,    Lord,  &c. 
 
 Lamesley   Dur.    p.e 
 
 Tanfield —    p.e. 
 
 Redesd  ALE, Lord 
 
 Lower  Leming-j   aiouc.  p.e. 
 
 ton S 
 
 Goring    Suss.      v. 
 
 Richjiond,  Duke  of 
 
 Boxgrove   Suss.      v. 
 
 Tangmere   —       r. 
 
 Singleton   w.      "^ 
 
 Eastdam    v. 
 
 and  Friston  v 
 
 1  turn  in  3  . . 
 Rivers,  Lord 
 Belchalwell  w. 
 
 Fifehead 
 
 Neville  .... 
 Cerne  Abbas  . . 
 Chesselborn  . . 
 
 PR  not  in  char. 
 
 —  120     2  0 
 
 —  46     0  0 
 KB     38     5  2 
 
 PR   163     0  0 
 
 KB     30     0  0 
 
 —  13   13  4 
 
 —  9  12  11 
 PB     57  10     O 
 
 KB        6     0     0 
 
 not  in  char. 
 
 —  13  10     5 
 PR    34  10     0 
 
 —    p.c.    —  100     0     0 
 
 KB  4  18     6 
 
 PR  60     0     0 
 
 KB  9  12     6 
 
 —  17     11   8 
 
 —  6     7  11 
 
 —  16     0     0 
 
 —  11   17     3 
 
 —  11   17  11 
 
 —  26  16     8 
 
 —  10     3     T 
 
 6  14     0 
 
 —  7   18     4 
 
 —  750 
 
 —  12     9     4 
 
 —  90     0     0 
 
 —  85     0     0 
 
 KB      10      0      0 
 PR   130     0     0 
 
 —       9     .5     5 
 PR  145     0     0 
 
 —       r.  KB     18  17 
 
 3 
 
 Dorset 
 
 —     12  16     5 
 
 PR     95     5     0 
 KB      18  10     5 
 
0'6"4 
 
 Burton   Brad-    ■) 
 
 stock  vv.  f  Dorscl 
 
 Shcppinglon    ^ 
 
 (Jeoi-'^v  p.c.      J 
 
 Ibberlon — 
 
 Iwernc  Courtney  — 
 Melconib  Horsey  — 
 Okelord     Fitz-  I 
 
 paine  \ 
 
 I'imperne — 
 
 Sliapwick  w.      ^       
 
 Ashcott  p.c,     J 
 Sturininstor         f       
 
 Newtun  . . . .  i 
 
 Sudely     Glouc. 
 
 Winchcoinbew.  )       
 
 Grelton  c.  ..  S 
 
 liociiFOKD,  Earl  of 
 
 Easton    Suff. 
 
 RoDNiv,  Lord 
 
 High  Roding. . . .  Essex 
 
 KoKF.BY,  Lord 
 
 Coveney  with     7    ,,      , 
 :ii„     ■'  >   Lamb. 
 
 3ianey  c. . ..  J 
 
 Arthingworth    ..Njm. 
 
 lioi.LE,  Lord 
 
 Abbots    Bick-    )    ri 
 ;.    ,  !   Devon 
 
 ingion S 
 
 Bickton — 
 
 Chittleh;unpton..      — 
 
 Harpford  with    f       
 
 Fen  Ottery  c.  S 
 
 Lancross     — 
 
 Langtree    — 
 
 North  Taraerton 
 
 Otterton — 
 
 RoLLF,  Lord,  &c. 
 Little  Torrington        • — 
 West  Chelboro'. .       — 
 Rom  ney,  Earl  of 
 
 Allingtou    Kent 
 
 Paddlesworth,(/es.  — 
 RosEBEUYjEarl  of 
 
 Postwick    Norf. 
 
 RossLYN,  Earl  of 
 Knaresborough..   I'ksh. 
 Rutland,  Duke  of 
 Borough  Green..  Camb. 
 Newmarket  w.  i       
 
 M  oodDittonr.  \ 
 
 Whilwell    Derhy 
 
 Sturnicr Essex. 
 
 Ayleslone  with  \ 
 
 Lit.    Glen    c.  '    ••   • . 
 
 and    Lubbes-  i 
 
 tliorp  c ) 
 
 Barkslon    — 
 
 Botteslord — 
 
 Branston    — 
 
 (llUKCIl     PATIIONAGK. 
 
 Leic. 
 
 r.  KB     iio     0     0 
 
 19  1.^ 
 
 —       r,  — 
 
 p.c. 
 
 —      d. 
 
 — 
 
 16 
 
 0  0 
 
 — 
 
 21 
 
 12  8 
 
 — 
 
 19 
 
 12  6 
 
 — 
 
 7 
 
 9  4 
 
 — 
 
 16 
 
 16  8 
 
 PR 
 
 46 
 
 0  0 
 
 — 
 
 61 
 
 11  10 
 
 — 
 
 10 
 
 18  6 
 
 — 
 
 20 
 
 0  0 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 0  0 
 
 — 
 
 12 
 
 2  8 
 
 ph 
 
 83 
 
 0  0 
 
 KB 
 
 12 
 
 13  4 
 
 — 
 
 34 
 
 18  11 
 
 PR 
 
 139 
 
 10  6 
 
 
 
 40 
 
 0  0 
 
 KD 
 
 S?9 
 
 1  3 
 
 _ 
 
 not  in  char 
 
 — 
 
 22 
 
 0  0 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 18  11 
 
 PR 
 
 133 
 
 0  0 
 
 
 
 114 
 
 0  0 
 
 KB 
 
 not  in  char 
 
 10     0     0 
 
 9     9     4 
 
 18  10 
 
 0 
 
 46  5 
 
 5 
 
 20  3 
 
 4 
 
 8  10 
 
 0 
 
 31  8  11 
 
 7  5  .5 
 
 51  5  0 
 
 lo  10  .T 
 
 Notts. 
 
 Croxton  Iverrial 
 Croxlon  Sou(i)  .. 
 Knaptoft    with  ) 
 
 Shearsby  c.     S 
 
 Knipton 
 
 liedniile 
 
 Scalford 
 
 Sproxton     and   } 
 
 Saltby     S 
 
 Thorpe   Arnold  J 
 
 with    Brent-  .       — 
 
 ingby > 
 
 Walthamle  Wolds      — 
 
 Harby     — 
 
 Flungar — 
 
 Gunby     Lin 
 
 Osbourny  — 
 
 Ropesley     — 
 
 South  Withani  • .  — 
 VV'oolsthorpe  . .  •  •  — 
 Granby    with     } 
 
 Sutton  c  . ..  S 
 
 Gringley     —       r. 
 
 Bisbrooke Rutl.      r. 
 
 Lidgate •^'"if-       '"• 
 
 Trowbridge  w.  J    ^y.^^    ^ 
 
 Staverton  c.    ) 
 Salisbury,  Marquess  of 
 Cranborne     ....  Dorset  v. 
 Long    Burton    |        _ 
 
 w.  Holnest  c.  S 
 
 Pebworth Glouc.  v. 
 
 Lit.  Berkhampst.   Herts,   r. 
 
 Bygrave      —      r. 
 
 Clothall —       r. 
 
 Essendon   with  }       
 
 Bayford  c.  . .  S 
 Bishops  Hatfield       —       r. 
 
 Great  Oflley —      v. 
 
 Edstone    . .   Vksli.    v. 
 
 San  dwich.  Earl  of 
 
 Little  Ravely . . .  .Hunts  p.c. 
 
 Say   and  S  e  l  e,  Lord 
 
 IMursley Bucks    r. 
 
 Scarborough,  Earl  ot 
 
 lilyton    Line.     v. 
 
 Glentworth  w.    /      
 
 Spittle  c...      S  ^' 
 
 Saxby  St.  Helens    —      r. 
 
 Scothern      —      v. 
 
 Skegness  ••....  —  r. 
 Staiuton  St.  John  —  v. 
 Willoughton,   alt.    —       r. 
 
 Maltby    Yksh.   v. 
 
 Staiuton      —       v. 
 
 Sca  rsdale,  Lord 
 
 Kedlaston Derby   r. 
 
 (Juarndon  « —     p.c. 
 
 Worthington  ....  Leic.    p.c. 
 
 KB       7   14  17 
 
 —  r.  vn  125     0     0 
 
 —  r.  K  u     32   12     0 
 
 —  r.  —     16   12     3 
 
 —  r.  -.     12     9     2 
 
 —  r.  —       8     1   10 
 
 —  t.  PR   100     0     0 
 
 6  17     8 
 
 11      0     0 
 
 — 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 PR 
 
 120 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 140 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 0 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 PR 
 
 95 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 PR 
 
 120 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 140 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 6 
 
 0 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 —     20  12 
 
 — 
 
 120 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 100 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 55 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 — 
 
 16 
 
 0 
 
 7 
 
 — 
 
 18 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 _ 
 
 S6 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 PR 
 
 140 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 pn 
 
 30 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 12 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 PR 
 
 56 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 PR 
 
 100 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 90 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 KB 
 
 4 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 PR 
 
 14:> 
 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 — 
 
 80 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 PR 
 
 90 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 40 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 110 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
RECTORIES,    &.C.    IN    THE    GIFT    OF    THE    NOBILITY 
 
 665 
 
 p.c. 
 
 Scott,  Lord,  alt. 
 Dunchurch   ....   Wariv.  v. 
 Sefton,  Eai"l  of 
 
 Altcar   Lane 
 
 Selsey,  Lord 
 
 Elstead Suss.     r. 
 
 Stedham    with  1      
 
 Heyshot     ..\ 
 Treyf'ord   with  1 
 
 Didling i 
 
 Seymour,  Lord  Robert 
 
 Taliaris Carm.  p.c. 
 
 Seymour,  Lord  H.  &c. 
 Bonchurch    ....  Hants,  r. 
 Shatesbury,  Earl  of 
 Cann,St.  Rumbold  —      r. 
 Edniondisham  . .     —       r. 
 Hinton  Martel  ..     —      r. 
 
 Horton —       v. 
 
 Loders  with     7      
 
 Baunton  c.alt.  i 
 Shaftesbury,      7      
 
 St.  James  . .  J 
 St.Pefer&7      _ 
 
 Holy  Trinity  S 
 — —  St.  Rumb.      —        r. 
 VViniborne,  All 
 
 Saints  &  St. 
 
 Giles 
 
 .Minster 
 
 KB     14     1    10 
 
 PK     37  10  0 
 
 PR     31   10  0 
 
 KB     17  18  6 
 
 pii  127     0  0 
 
 PR     52     0  0 
 
 —  UO     0  0 
 
 9     2  1 
 
 —  r.  PR  100     0  0 
 
 —  r.   KB     16  18  6 
 
 —  V.   PR     .50     0  0 
 
 —  c.  —  105     0  0 
 
 —  r.  KB       1  11  0 
 
 —  r.  PR    140     0  0 
 
 —  r.  KB       9     2  1 
 
 —  r,    —       9     4  4 
 
 Garthorpe Leic. 
 
 Kettering Npn. 
 
 Rockingham....  — 
 Stoke  Albany  ..  — 
 VV  eston    on       "j 
 
 AV'elland  w.    f 
 
 Sutton   Bas-  i 
 
 set 3 
 
 Wilbarston  ....     — 
 
 V.  KB      7     5  3 
 
 r.   —     34  13  4 
 
 7-.   PR  107     0  0 
 
 r.  KB     13     6  8 
 
 r.    —     11  17  1 
 
 t).   —       7  17  1 
 
 SouTHW  ELL,  Lord  Viscount,  &c. 
 
 Ganvay Here/,  p.c.  p  r     45     0  0 
 
 Southwell,  Lady 
 
 Asterby Line.     r.  —  135  10  6 
 
 SpETiicER,  Earl 
 
 Duuton Beds.     v.   ph    104  16  O 
 
 Bucks,    r.  K  B       9     9  7 
 
 Stanton  Bury    ..     — ■       r.  i'r     30     0  O 
 
 Saiidridge     ....  Herts,  v.  kb       8     0  0 
 
 ~     15     0  0 
 
 r.    — 
 r.  KB 
 
 Leic. 
 
 Beeby    . . . 
 
 Purlon Wilts,  v. 
 
 Sherborne,  Lord 
 
 Sherborne Glouc.  v. 
 
 Windrush —       v. 
 
 Shrewsbury,  earl  of 
 
 Burghfield    Berks. 
 
 Cotfield,  alt Norf. 
 
 SoMERs,  Earl 
 
 Eastnor Here/,   r. 
 
 Pixley   —      I'. 
 
 Droitwich,   St.  1    jy 
 
 St.  Peter  ..S 
 Leigh     with      7      
 
 Bransford  c.  J 
 Little  Malvern. .     — 
 North  Piddle  . .     — 
 
 Stoulton    — 
 
 Somerset,  Duke  of 
 Berry  Pomeroy    Devon,    v. 
 Witham  Friary    Som.     p.c. 
 Somerville,  Lord 
 Aston  Somerville  Glouc.  r. 
 Sondes,  Lord 
 Wendy     with 
 
 Shengay  c. 
 Badlesniere  w 
 
 Lev  eland  . , 
 Selling 
 
 —  12  13  4 
 PR  107  3  0 
 KB  22  17  6 
 
 KB  15     6  8 
 
 —  500 
 
 KB  14   19  8 
 
 Rv  7   10  0 
 
 —  7  19  5 
 PR  65  12  0 
 
 KB        6     0  0 
 
 —  13     9  4 
 
 PR  15     0  0 
 
 —  116  12  11 
 
 —  60     0  0 
 
 KB  18   19  7 
 
 PR  40     0  0 
 
 KB       9     3  4 
 
 Camb.   r.   PR     42     0     0 
 
 p.c. 
 
 pc. 
 
 Kent. 
 
 9     2     0 
 6  13     4 
 
 Bozeat    with    7    ,.- 
 
 Strixton  r.     J       " 
 
 Brampton  Church  — 
 
 Great  Brington. .     — 
 
 N.  Creake.ai^    Norf. 
 
 Hinton    with    > 
 
 >     —       r    — 
 Steane....    J 
 
 Battersea Surry,  v.  — 
 
 Wornileighton  ..   Warw.  v.  pr 
 
 Spencer,  Lord  Charles 
 
 Wheatfield    ....  Oxon.    r.  kb 
 
 Spencer,  Lord  Robert 
 
 Woolbeding  ....  Suss. 
 
 STAFFOitD,  iNIarquess  of 
 
 Brackley,  St.    "j 
 
 Peter  w.  St.  f  ,t 
 ,  5    >  Npn 
 
 James   c.   ci  '      '^ 
 
 St.  John  c. 
 
 Donnina;ton  . 
 
 21 
 40 
 
 St.  George 
 Lillershall     . 
 
 . .  Salop, 
 
 \  - 
 
 6  8 
 
 0  0 
 
 33     6  8 
 
 10     0  0 
 
 5     9  7 
 
 13  15  2 
 
 75     0  0 
 
 9   10  10 
 
 —       701 
 
 —     19     1 
 
 13     6 
 93  10 
 
 0 
 
 f.    KB        6   17    11 
 
 p.c.  PR  13     9     2 
 
 Barlaston Staff  px.vK  147  10     8 
 
 Blurton —     p.c.  kb  not  in  char. 
 
 Sherilfhalesw.  > 
 
 Burleton  c.&  >     —       ».  —     11     1     8 
 
 Woodcote  c.  y 
 Trentham  with  7      
 
 Blurton  c. .   \ 
 Stamford,  Earl  of 
 Carrington    ....  Chesh.  p.c.  — 
 Risley  with      j  jj„,j      .,.  _ 
 
 Breasonc. ..  S 
 
 Ashton  under   )     r 
 T  ;    Lane.    r.  kb 
 
 Lyne S 
 
 Staley  Bridge  ..     —    pc.  pr 
 
 Breedon    with  1 
 
 StauntonHar-  >  Leic.     v.  — 
 
 rold  c J 
 
 Rath  by   cum     } 
 
 I     Groby  ....    S 
 
 100 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 125 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 26 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 98 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 98     0     0 
 
 V.  —     86     0     0 
 
666 
 
 Wolverhamp-     j    staff.p.c. 
 
 ton,  St.  John  S 
 Stow  ELL,  Lord 
 Hainpnet   with  )    ,,, 
 btowt'll  ....  ) 
 '  Stra  dbroke,  Earl  of 
 
 Bedfield Suff.      r. 
 
 Brusyaid    —    pc. 
 
 Darsbam     —        v. 
 
 Eyke —        r. 
 
 Reydon    with    7      
 
 Southwold  j;.c.  J  ^' 
 
 Wangford —    p.c. 
 
 Yox(brd —        v. 
 
 Strathmoke,  Earl  of 
 Itomaldkirk  ....    Yksh.   r. 
 Sidney,  Viscount 
 
 Bexley    Kent.    v. 
 
 Paul's  Cray  ....     —        r. 
 St.  Albans,  Duke  of 
 Little  Grimsby  . .   Line.    v. 
 
 Pick  worth —        r. 
 
 Redbourn —        v. 
 
 St.  Germains,   Earl  of 
 
 Jacobstow Corn.     r. 
 
 Eisey Wilts,  v. 
 
 Latton     —       V. 
 
 St.  Helen's,   Lord,  &c. 
 Westminster,      ^ 
 
 St.  Clement     ^  Midd.    r. 
 
 Danes 3 
 
 St.  John,  Lord 
 
 Bletsoe  ........  Beds.    r. 
 
 Melchburn     ....     —       v. 
 
 Risley —       ». 
 
 Tilbrook —       r. 
 
 Woodford,  )    J., 
 
 1st  Mediety     S    ^"''      '' 
 
 2d  Mediety      —        r. 
 
 SuFFiELD,  Lord 
 Aldborough  ....  Nor/,     r. 
 Antinshaui,        ?      
 
 St.  Mary    ..] 
 Blickling  with  i 
 
 Erpingham,     J     —       r. 
 
 alt ) 
 
 Bradfield    —       r. 
 
 Colby —       r. 
 
 Frettenham  w.  ji      
 
 Stanninghall   S 
 Gunton    with     }      
 
 Hanworth  i'.    S 
 Hunworth  with  1      
 
 Stody /  '"■ 
 
 Knapton  alt —        r. 
 
 Overstrand    ....     —        r. 
 
 Suflield —        r. 
 
 Thorpe  Market..     —       i;. 
 SuFFiELD,  Lady 
 INIiddleton Lane.     r. 
 
 CHUUCU    PATRONAlJE. 
 
 PR   130     0     0 
 
 10     0     0 
 5  17     1 
 
 14  0  0 
 54  13  4 
 70     0  0 
 
 15  0  0 
 13  6  8 
 83     2  0 
 
 not  in  char. 
 
 5  14,  9. 
 
 KB     58  14     2 
 
 13     4     7 
 22     0     0 
 
 78  13  4 
 
 137     2  7 
 
 126     0  0 
 
 19     0  0 
 
 n    14  4 
 
 46     8  6 
 
 —     52     7     1 
 
 17     0 
 
 75  10 
 
 124     5 
 
 13  10 
 
 n     8 
 
 11    11 
 
 —  800 
 
 —  631 
 
 10  13     4 
 ^^       9  18     0 
 
 PR  119     0     0 
 
 KB        8   15   10 
 
 __      10     0     0 
 
 1    13     6 
 
 —  518 
 
 —  10     3     4 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 68 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 Staff,     r.  — 
 
 SuFFiELD,  Dowager  Lady 
 Norwich    St.       ■) 
 
 Michael    at 
 
 Thorn 
 
 Talbot,  Earl 
 Church  Eaton 
 Gratwich   ... 
 
 Ingestrie    —       r. 
 
 Ta  nkerville,  Earl  of 
 Shrewsbury,        }    „  , 
 
 St.  Julian..  S   ^^^"P-P-' 
 Thanet,  Earl  of 
 
 Hothdeld    Kent 
 
 Framfield Suss. 
 
 Brougham West 
 
 Dufton    — 
 
 Kirby  Tliore  ....  — 
 Mallerstang  ....  — 
 Long  Marton. ...     — 
 
 Milborn — 
 
 Sowcrby  Temple      — 
 
 Stainmore — 
 
 Silsdon  on  the  >   .r,   , 
 
 Moor i   ^''■'f' 
 
 HatdeJd Suss. 
 
 Thurlow,  Lord 
 Great  Ashfield   ..  Suff. 
 Towns II END,  Marquess 
 Walton      on        l 
 
 Trent  with       >  Derby 
 
 Rolleston  c.     J 
 Norwich,     St.    7    »t    /• 
 
 MaryCoslanyJ  ^'"■•'• 
 East    Rudham    7      
 
 w.W.Rudham  J 
 
 Sherford — 
 
 Stiffkey,    St 
 
 Nor/.p.c.  PR     87     0     0 
 
 14 
 
 140 
 
 10 
 
 19  9 
 0  8 
 6     8 
 
 —   130     0     0 
 
 .  r 
 
 — 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 V. 
 
 — 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 t.   r. 
 
 — 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 r. 
 
 PR 
 
 120 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 37 
 
 17 
 
 11 
 
 p.c. 
 
 PR 
 
 97 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 21 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 p.c. 
 
 PR 
 
 94 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 p.c. 
 
 
 
 86 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 p.c. 
 
 — 
 
 92 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 pc.. 
 
 — 
 
 86 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 r. 
 
 KB 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 p.c,  KB      16      0      0 
 
 KB     17     2     8 
 
 PR     96     0     0 
 
 13     4 
 0     0 
 
 tittKey,  St.  -^ 
 John  w.  St.  f 
 Mary  and  ? 
 Morston  ....  5 
 
 —       1-.   —     43     0     0 
 
 —      V.  PR     86  14    0 
 
 r.  KB     21  13     4 
 
 —     36     3    II 
 
 Toftres 
 
 TowNSHEND,  Lord  John 
 Col  kirk     with    7    ,r    ^ 
 ^Stibbard....;  ^'"■^- 
 Vat.letort,  Viscount 
 
 Beerferris Devon 
 
 Dittishani    — 
 
 Plympton,  St.  Maude  Gr.Sch.  Devon 
 Vernon,  Lord 
 
 Sudbury Derby,  r.   — 
 
 Aberavon    with  )  ^, 
 
 Baglandf.  ..  J  ^'""'-  ^-  '^« 
 Llandilo  Talybont  —  r.  kb 
 Llaugwinor  ....  —  ;).c.  pr 
 Llangonoyd    ....     —       v.   — 
 
 Penrice —    p.c.    — 
 
 Nuthall Notts,  r.    kb 
 
 \'  i:  R  w  L  A  M ,  Earl  of 
 
 Colne  Wake  ....  Essex,  r.   kb 
 
 Messing —       r.   — 
 
 24 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 34 
 
 15 
 
 0 
 
 >evon 
 
 .  Mast 
 
 14 
 
 12 
 
 0 
 
 160 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 4 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 
 42 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 145 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 36 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 J 
 
 14 
 
 9 
 
 12 
 
 0 
 
 S 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
RECTORIES,    &C.     IN    THE    GIFT    OF     THE    NOBILITY.  667 
 
 10     0     0 
 
 —  16     5     0 
 
 —  10     1     8 
 
 r.   KB     ir  19     4 
 
 p.C.  PR 
 
 6 
 35 
 
 Pebmarsh Essex,  r.    k  b 
 
 Redburn Herts,  v.    — 
 
 St.  Alban's,  St.  ) 
 
 Michael S 
 
 Waldegrave,  Earl  of 
 
 Borley Eseex.  r.   —       9     0     0 
 
 Lapgenhoe —       r.   —     14     3     4 
 
 Peldon    —       r.  —     16  15  10 
 
 Radstock    Som.      r.  —      6  110 
 
 Walsinguam,  Lord 
 Copdock  with    X   o.ji- 
 
 Washbrook  v.  \       •^' 
 
 Merton    Norf. 
 
 Sturston,  sin — ■ 
 
 Warwick,  Earl  of 
 
 Milverton    Warw.p.c.FR    58     0     0 
 
 Waterford,  Marquess  of 
 
 Ford    North  r.    k  b     24     0     0 
 
 Wellinston,  Duke  of 
 
 Strathfieldsaye  . .   Hants,  r.  kb     24  13     0 
 
 Turgis  .     —       r.  —       6  10     2 
 
 Westminster,  Marq.  of,  (see  Grosvenor) 
 WrsTMORELAND,  Earl  of 
 Cotterstock   w.  |    ^r         ^ 
 
 Glapthorne  .    S 
 
 Kingscliff 
 
 Warmington  .... 
 Whauncliffe,  Lord 
 
 Barnstaple Devon,  v.  — 
 
 Ordsall Notts,  r.  — 
 
 Hardrow    Yksh.p.c.  m 
 
 Whitworth,  Lord,  tScc. 
 
 Drayton O.xon.  r.  pr 
 
 WiLi.ouGHEY  DE  Broke,  Lord 
 
 Kimcot Leic 
 
 Tothill    Line.     r.  m   135  12 
 
 Pointington    ....   Som.     r.   kb     13     8 
 
 Bramshall Staff,    r.  —       4     3 
 
 East  Lavant  ....  Suss.     r.  —     20  18 
 
 Chesterton Warw.p.c.  pr  128     0 
 
 Kingston  with    ) 
 
 Combrook  c.   S 
 
 Leighthorn —       r.  kb     14 
 
 WiLLouGHBY  D'Eresby,  Lord 
 Bellau  w.  Aby  1 
 
 v.  &   Green-    >  Line. 
 
 field  V 3 
 
 —       r.  PR  117  12 
 
 Little  Stepping..  Line, 
 Swinestead    ....      — 
 
 Tallington — 
 
 Toynton — 
 
 All  Saints    — 
 
 r.  PR 
 
 V.  PR 
 U.     KB 
 
 r.  — 
 
 v.    PR 
 
 r.  KB 
 
 PR   100     0     0 
 
 r.   KB     13  16     3 
 V.  PR   141  10 
 
 0 
 
 9 
 7 
 65     0     0 
 
 15     8 
 19  10 
 
 75     0     0 
 
 —  20  16  3 
 0 
 4 
 9 
 1 
 0 
 
 45     6 
 
 7 
 
 KB     19     7     3 
 
 Careby    
 
 Edenham    • . . 
 
 Partney  with 
 
 Spilsby  p.C. 
 
 Skendleby 
 
 —    p.C.  KB  not  in  char. 
 
 Somerby  cum    7      
 
 Humby  . . ..  j 
 West  Theddle 
 
 thorpe  with 
 
 Mablethorpe 
 
 St.  Peter 
 
 PR  164  10 
 4    5 
 11  12 
 
 KB 
 
 ^1 
 
 —        r.  —     18  10     2 
 
 53  0  0 
 
 100  0  0 
 
 8  9  9 
 
 12  0  2 
 
 94  0  0 
 
 11  1  8 
 
 21  0  5 
 
 16  0  0 
 
 150  0  0 
 
 Bucks,  r.  —     20     0  0 
 
 —       V.  PR  100     0  0 
 
 98  12  0 
 
 16     0  0 
 
 110     0  0 
 
 120     0  0 
 
 10  13  1 
 
 127     0  0 
 
 28     0  0 
 
 r.  KB 
 r.  PR 
 
 Low 
 
 Wilton,  Earl  of 
 
 Radcliffe    Lane,    r 
 
 Farthingoe     ....   Npn.     i 
 
 Batley,  alt Yksh.  v 
 
 WiNCHELSEA,  Earl  of 
 Middleton  \ 
 
 Keynes  ....  J 
 Ravenstone    ....     —       «.  pr 
 
 Foulness    Essex,  r.  p  r 
 
 Eastling Kent.    r.  kb 
 
 Eastwell     —       r.  pr 
 
 Wye    —      p  c.  — 
 
 Burley    Rutl.    v.  kb 
 
 Greetham —      v.  pr 
 
 Winchester,  Marquess  of 
 
 Yateley Hants,  pc.  — ■ 
 
 VroDEHousE,  Lord 
 Carlton  Forehoe     Norf. 
 Crownthorpe. . ..     — 
 
 Hingham    — 
 
 Kimberley  w.     i 
 
 Barnham         J-     — 
 
 Broom  /•....   i 
 East  Lexham  w  ?      
 
 Litcham  ....  J 
 West  Lexham    . .     —       r.  — • 
 
 Runhall —       r.  PR 
 
 Yarborough,  Lord 
 
 Ey worth     Beds.    v.  pr 
 
 Bonby Line.     r.  k  b 
 
 Brocklesby     ....     — 
 
 Cabourn — 
 
 Cadney   — 
 
 East  Halton  ....     — 
 
 Horkstow — 
 
 Irby  on  Humber    — 
 
 Keelby   — 
 
 Killingholme. . 
 Kirmington  . . 
 Ruckland  with 
 
 Farforth  and 
 
 Maiden  Well 
 
 5  17  1 
 125  10  0 
 
 29     5  0 
 
 6  12  3 
 12     8  1 
 
 —  17     8     6 
 
 —  5  11      8 
 PR     48     0     0 
 
 r.  PR 
 V.  — 
 
 »J.  KB 
 V.  PR 
 V.    KB 
 
 V.    PR 
 
 Line.    r.  pr 
 
 65     0  0 
 
 6  4  4 
 
 59  7  2 
 36     6  0 
 
 7  18  4 
 112  10  0 
 
 4  18  4 
 
 18     0  0 
 
 60  0  0 
 132     4  4 
 
 1- 
 
 Swallow. . 
 
 Counde  with      ?    c<  i 
 
 Cressagec.J  ^"^"P'    ''•  ' 
 
 St.  Lawrence. . .  .1.  of  IV.  r.  pr 
 
 ZoucH,  Baroness 
 
 East  and  West   )  c.  o 
 
 .  J  Suss.  r.Scv.  K  B 
 
 Angmering      J  " 
 
 Parham —       r.  pr 
 
 130     0  0 
 
 115  15  0 
 
 7  10  10 
 
 33     0  0 
 
 112   14  0 
 
 21     9  8 
 
 90     0  0 
 
668 
 
 CHURCH  RATES  AND  LOCAL  CHARGES. 
 
 A  MO  u  NT  of  Highway  Rates,  Church  Rates,  Poor  Relief,  County  Charges, 
 Constables  Charges,  Militia,  Litig-ation,  and  all  other  incidental  local 
 charges,  for  the  Year  1827,  in  each  County  in  England  and  Wales; 
 also  the  annual  value  of  Real  Property  Assessed  in  1815  to  the  Pro- 
 perty Tax,  and  the  Population  according  to  the  last  census. 
 
 Year 
 
 ending  Oitli  March, 
 
 18J7, 
 
 Bedford     
 
 Berks    
 
 Bucks    
 
 Cambridge    .... 
 
 Chester 
 
 Cornwall 
 
 Cumberland 
 
 Derby    
 
 Devon    
 
 Dorset    
 
 Durham     
 
 Essex     
 
 Gloucester    .... 
 
 Hereford 
 
 Hertford    
 
 Huntingdon  .... 
 
 Kent 
 
 Lancaster 
 
 Leicester 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 Middlesex 
 
 Monmouth     .... 
 
 Norfolk 
 
 Northampton  . . 
 Northuml)eriand 
 Nottingham  .... 
 
 Oxford 
 
 Rutland 
 
 Salop 
 
 Somerset    
 
 Southampton    . . 
 
 StatFord      
 
 Suffolk 
 
 Surrey   
 
 Sussex 
 
 Warwick 
 
 Westmorland    . . 
 
 Wilts     
 
 Worcester  .... 
 York,  E.  R 
 
 N.  R 
 
 W.  R 
 
 Wales    
 
 Total  of  England 
 and  Wales    . . 
 
 Highway 
 Kates. 
 
 £ 
 
 8,045 
 11,979 
 15,207 
 16,511 
 26,449 
 24,086 
 13,734 
 16,049 
 39,588 
 10,767 
 17,363 
 29,444 
 31,755 
 13,367 
 14,034 
 
 5,335 
 46,693 
 96,615 
 24,315 
 76,731 
 34,246 
 
 6,766 
 25,240 
 21,441 
 16,067 
 27,703 
 12,984 
 
 4,128 
 17,032 
 34,680 
 16,096 
 19,108 
 24,819 
 34,086 
 27,087 
 
 20,ot»:^ 
 
 3,099 
 21,231 
 17,506 
 24,503 
 26,564 
 102,776 
 46,550 
 
 Chiircli 
 Rales. 
 
 1,121,834 
 
 Expended 
 in  Kelicf  of 
 the   Poor, 
 Couniy 
 Rate,  &c. 
 
 £ 
 
 6,826 
 
 7,015 
 
 7,118 
 
 5,698 
 
 9,135 
 
 8,072 
 
 3,758 
 
 8,793 
 
 19,56t 
 
 6,913 
 
 9,518 
 
 19,808 
 
 11,560 
 
 5,999 
 
 9.305 
 
 2^387 
 
 32,715 
 
 27,111 
 
 8,775 
 
 18,186 
 
 94,359 
 
 4,387 
 
 14.236 
 
 8,577 
 
 5,337 
 
 6,208 
 
 5,829 
 
 947 
 
 9,865 
 
 18,314 
 
 10,077 
 
 13,542 
 
 13,557 
 
 36,597 
 
 9,442 
 
 11,198 
 
 1,158 
 
 8,851 
 
 10,030 
 
 8,227 
 
 6,320 
 
 21.632 
 
 23,417 
 
 564,388 
 
 £ 
 91,359 
 114,970 
 152,515 
 104,863 
 147,124 
 115,453 
 
 58,785 
 
 99,518 
 244,887 
 
 94,923 
 
 94,181 
 306,794 
 200,596 
 
 69,433 
 108,054 
 
 48,27( 
 392,253 
 539,388 
 138,904 
 214,368 
 711,874 
 
 31,851 
 344,950 
 167,352 
 
 79,117 
 
 99,685 
 135,886 
 
 13,873 
 
 96,46) 
 186,809 
 210,526 
 158,808 
 252,283 
 291,830 
 273,664 
 178,425 
 
 31,514 
 190,043 
 
 92,078 
 119,911 
 
 96,730 
 388,730 
 313,771 
 
 Total 
 Expendi- 
 ture. 
 
 7,803,465 
 
 £ 
 106,230 
 133,964 
 174,810 
 127,072 
 182,708 
 147,611 
 
 76,277 
 124,360 
 304,042 
 112,603 
 121,062 
 356,046 
 243,911 
 
 88,799 
 131,393 
 
 55,998 
 471,661 
 663,114 
 171,994 
 309,285 
 840,479 
 
 43,004 
 384,426 
 197,370 
 100,521 
 133,596 
 1.54,699 
 
 18,948 
 123,358 
 239,803 
 236,699 
 191,458 
 290,689 
 3.56,513 
 310,193 
 209,626 
 
 35,771 
 220,125 
 120,244 
 152,641 
 129,614 
 513,138 
 383,783 
 
 Annual  Value 
 of 
 
 Real  Property, 
 April    1815. 
 
 9,489,687 
 
 £ 
 
 343,682 
 
 652,082 
 
 644,129 
 
 655,220 
 
 1,083,083 
 
 916,060 
 
 705,445 
 
 887,659 
 
 1.897,615 
 
 698,395 
 
 791,359 
 
 1,556,836 
 
 1,463,259 
 
 604,614 
 
 571,107 
 
 320,187 
 
 1,644,179 
 
 3,087,774 
 
 902,217 
 
 2,061,830 
 
 5,595,536 
 
 295,097 
 
 1,540,952 
 
 942,161 
 
 1,240,594 
 
 737,229 
 
 713,147 
 
 133,487 
 
 1,037,988 
 
 1,900,651 
 
 1,130,951 
 
 1,150,281 
 
 1,127,404 
 
 1,579,172 
 
 915,384 
 
 1,236,726 
 
 298,198 
 
 1,155,158 
 
 799,605 
 
 1,190,325 
 
 1,145,252 
 
 2,392,405 
 
 2,153,801 
 
 Populntioni 
 
 1831. 
 
 51,898,423 
 
 95,383 
 145,289 
 146,529 
 143  955 
 334,410 
 302,440 
 169,681 
 237,170 
 494,168 
 159,252 
 253,827 
 317,233 
 386,904 
 110,976 
 143,341 
 53,149 
 479,155 
 
 1,336  854 
 197,003 
 317,244 
 
 1,358,541 
 98,130 
 390,054 
 179,276 
 222,912 
 225,320 
 151,726 
 19,385 
 222,503 
 403,908 
 314,313 
 410,485 
 296,304 
 486,326 
 272,328 
 336,988 
 55,041 
 239,181 
 211,356 
 168,646 
 226,235 
 976,415 
 805,236 
 
 13,894,574 
 
LAY    AND    CLERICAL    MAGISTRATES. 
 
 669 
 
 Return  of  Lay  and  Clerical  Magistrates  in  each  County   in  England 
 and  Wales  wlio  have  qualified,  appointed  by  the  Lord  Chancellor. 
 
 Names  of  the  Counties 
 
 Bedford    
 
 Berks    
 
 Bucks    
 
 Cambridge    
 
 Chester 
 
 Cornwall 
 
 Cumberland 
 
 Derby    
 
 Devon    
 
 Dorset   
 
 Durham     
 
 Essex 
 
 Gloucester    
 
 Hants    
 
 Hereford   
 
 Hertford    
 
 Hunting-don 
 
 Kent 
 
 Lancaster 
 
 Leicester 
 
 Lincoln  
 
 Middlesex 
 
 Monmouth    
 
 Norfolk     
 
 Northampton    
 
 Northumberland  .... 
 
 Nottingham 
 
 Oxford 
 
 Rutland 
 
 Salop 
 
 Somerset   
 
 Stafford 
 
 Suffolk 
 
 Surrey 
 
 Sussex 
 
 WarvFick 
 
 Westmoreland 
 
 Wilts   
 
 Worcester 
 
 York— East,  West,  & 
 North  Ridings  .  . . 
 
 Anglesea 
 
 Brecon  
 
 Cardigan 
 
 Carmarthen 
 
 Carnarvon 
 
 Denbigh    
 
 Flint 
 
 Glamorgan    
 
 Merioneth 
 
 Montgomery 
 
 Pembroke 
 
 Radnor  
 
 Names  of  the  present  Lord 
 Lieutenants. 
 
 Lord  Grantham 
 
 Earl  of  Abingdon 
 
 Duke  of  Buckingham 
 
 Earl  of  Hardwicke    
 
 Earl  of  Stamford   
 
 Earl  of  IMount  Edgecumbe  . . 
 
 Earl  of  Lonsdale   
 
 Duke  of  Devonshire 
 
 Earl  of  Fortescue 
 
 Earl  Digby 
 
 Marquis  of  Cleveland   
 
 Viscount  Maynard    
 
 Duke  of  Beaufort,  K.G 
 
 Duke  of  Wellington 
 
 Earl  Somers   
 
 Earl  of  Verulam    
 
 Duke  of  Manchester 
 
 Marquis  Camden,  K.G 
 
 Earl  of  Derby    
 
 Duke  of  Rutland  
 
 Earl  Brownlow 
 
 Duke  of  Portland 
 
 Duke  of  Beaufort 
 
 Hon.  John  Wodehouse     .... 
 
 Earl  of  Westmoreland 
 
 Duke  of  Northuutberland    . . 
 
 Duke  of  Newcastle  
 
 Earl  of  Macclesfield 
 
 Marquis  of  Exeter     
 
 Earl  of  Powis    
 
 Marquis  of  Bath    
 
 Earl  Talbot    
 
 Duke  of  Grafton    
 
 Lord  Arden    
 
 Earl  of  Egremont 
 
 Earl  of  Warwick    
 
 Earl   of  Lonsdale 
 
 Marquis  of  Lansdowne    .... 
 
 Earl  of  Coventry   
 
 Earl  Carlisle,  Earl  Harewood, 
 
 and  Duke  of  Leeds    
 
 Marquis  of  Anglesea    
 
 Duke  of  Beaufort 
 
 W.  E.  Powell,  Esq 
 
 Lord  Dynevor    
 
 Lord  Willoughby  de  Eresby  . 
 
 Sir  W.  VV.  Wynn,  Bart 
 
 Earl  Gros\  enor 
 
 Marquis  of  Bute    
 
 Sir  W.  W.  Wynn,  Bart 
 
 Lord  Clive 
 
 Sir  John  Owen,  Bart 
 
 Lord  Rodney      
 
 Total   
 
 Number. 
 
 Clergy    Lay.    Total 
 
 19 
 28 
 54 
 23 
 16 
 36 
 15 
 
 42 
 25 
 23 
 51 
 49 
 19 
 
 27 
 
 95 
 
 90 
 
 28 
 
 58 
 
 54 
 
 39 
 
 79 
 
 144 
 
 43 
 
 59 
 
 119 
 
 127 
 
 131 
 
 0» 
 
 44 
 
 102 
 
 7 
 
 18 
 
 2 
 
 145 
 
 24 
 
 151 
 
 17 
 
 27 
 
 52 
 
 59 
 
 16 
 
 153 
 
 13 
 
 44. 
 
 78 
 
 119 
 
 35 
 
 49 
 
 6 
 
 40 
 
 10 
 
 44 
 
 18 
 
 53 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 38 
 
 106 
 
 53 
 
 97 
 
 16 
 
 70 
 
 58 
 
 98 
 
 39 
 
 215 
 
 . . 
 
 189 
 
 24 
 
 42 
 
 15 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 71 
 
 44 
 
 92 
 
 103 
 
 311 
 
 7 
 
 14 
 
 24 
 
 37 
 
 11 
 
 53 
 
 9 
 
 75 
 
 14 
 
 17 
 
 24 
 
 41 
 
 15 
 
 26 
 
 18 
 
 36 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 13 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 35 
 
 4 
 
 29 
 
 1324 
 
 4017 
 
 46 
 
 123 
 
 144 
 
 51 
 
 74 
 
 90 
 
 54 
 
 79 
 
 186 
 
 68 
 
 82 
 
 170 
 
 176 
 
 150 
 
 155 
 
 146 
 
 25 
 
 147 
 
 175 
 
 44 
 
 111 
 
 169 
 
 67 
 
 197 
 
 84 
 
 46 
 
 54 
 
 71 
 
 9 
 
 144 
 
 150 
 
 86 
 
 156 
 
 254 
 
 189 
 
 66 
 
 30 
 
 89 
 
 136 
 
 414 
 
 21 
 61 
 64 
 84 
 31 
 65 
 41 
 54 
 23 
 44 
 45 
 33 
 
 5371 
 
670  ORIGIN    OF    COMMISSIONERS    OF    SEWERS. 
 
 COMMISSIONERS  OF   SEWERS 
 
 **  Out  of  evil  sometimes  comes  good,  but  do  not  evil  that  good  may  come." — 
 
 Fielding's  Proverbs. 
 
 While  a  malignant  distemper  is  either  actually  amongst  us  or  im- 
 pending, it  seems  a  suitable  moment  for  referring  to  a  subject  directly 
 bearing'  on  the  general  health  of  the  community.  Except  in  periodical 
 calls  for  rates  the  public  know  and  hear  little  of  the  Commissioners  of 
 Sewers.  They  arc,  however,  a  branch  of  the  ancient  institutions  of  the 
 country,  and  the  people  have  a  right  to  be  informed  of  the  derivation  of 
 their  powers,  their  duties,  and  the  abuses  in  their  administration. 
 
 From  the  lectures  of  Challis  at  Gray's  Inn,  in  1662,  public  sewers 
 appear  to  have  been  first  vested  in  commissioners  in  the  reign  of  Henry  III.; 
 and  after  several  acts  to  extend  their  powers,  became  consolidated  in  the 
 23d  of  Henry  VIII.  c.  25;  when  authority  was  granted  to  certain  in- 
 dividuals, in  various  districts  of  the  kingdom,  to  construct  sewers  for 
 drainage,  and  levy  rates  for  the  purpose.  The  authority  of  the  Com- 
 missioners is  almost  absolute,  and  still  continues  with  little  abridgement. 
 They  can  summon,  examine,  and  even  imprison;  and  it  is  even  doubtful 
 whether  the  superior  courts  of  law  can  interfere.  As  regards  the  qualifi- 
 cations and  appointment  of  the  Commissioners,  the  statute  of  Henry  VIII. 
 directs  that  substantial  persons,  having  a  freehold  qualification  of  £20 
 per  annum,  shall  be  nominated  by  the  lord  Chancellor,  lord  Treasurer, 
 and  two  chief  justices,  for  "  making  and  repairing  ditches,  banks, 
 gutters,  gates,  sewers,  calcies,  bridges,  streams,  trenches,  mill-ponds, 
 and  locks."  Each  commission  is  to  continue  ten  years  ;  and  six  are 
 to  form  a  quorum.  Commissioners  acting  without  being  duly  qualified, 
 to  forfeit  £40  each  sitting  ;  they  may  proceed  either  by  inquisition  or 
 survey ;  each  commissioner  to  be  allowed  40s.  a  day  while  engag-ed  in 
 the  duty  of  the  commission,  and  the  rates  to  be  assessed  in  proportion 
 to  land,  rents,  profits,  and  fisheries. 
 
 Besides  this  and  other  general  acts,  local  acts  have  been  obtained  by 
 several  commissions,  the  provisions  of  which  extend  only  to  the  par- 
 ticular jurisdiction  for  which  they  have  been  passed.  In  the  district  of 
 the  metropolis,  north  of  the  Thames,  are  four  principal  commissions. 
 Monthly  committees,  clerks  of  the  works,  surveyors,  inspectors,  mes- 
 sengers, &c.  are  attached  to  each  commission.  Everyone  who  receives 
 a  benefit  or  avoids  a  damage  is  liable  to  be  assessed  to  the  sewers'  rate. 
 The  average  expenditure  under  the  Westminster  commission  is  £24,000 
 per  annum  ;*  the  Holborn  and  Finsbury,  £10,000  ;  the  Tower  Hamlets, 
 
 *  Pari.  Paper,  vol.  v.  No.  542,  Sess.  1832. 
 
COMMISSIONERS    OF    SEWERS.  671 
 
 under  £2,000;  the  city  of  London,  £8,000:  making- a  yearly  expen- 
 diture of  £44,000  for  the  maintenance  of  the  sewers  of  one  district  of 
 the  kingdom. 
 
 Having  shortly  noticed  the  origin  and  powers  of  Commissions  of 
 Sewers,  we  shall  instance  their  defective  administration.  We  shall  call 
 attention  to  the  state  of  that  portion  of  the  environs  of  this  great  metro- 
 polis on  the  south  side  of  the  river.  It  may  be  thought  by  some, 
 perhaps,  so  obscure  and  remote  a  corner  of  the  realm  is  totally  un- 
 worthy of  legislative  notice,  but  it  ought  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  it  is 
 the  principal  seat  of  productive  industry  in  the  capital,  and  that  it 
 comprises  a  dense  population  of  half  a  million  of  persons,  every  one  of 
 whom  is  equally  entitled  with  other  of  his  majesty's  lieg-es  to  the  en- 
 joyment of  health  and  the  blessings  of  life.  If  the  inhabitants  of  this 
 portion  of  the  suburbs  be  peculiarly  subject  to  the  cholera  or  other 
 malignant  disease,  it  cannot  be  matter  of  astonishment.  They  are  com- 
 pelled to  drink  the  most  deleterious  bevei'age,  and  the  sewers,  ditches, 
 and  channels  for  carrying  off  the  foul  and  redundant  water  are  in  a  state 
 of  disgraceful  neglect.  In  all  that  thickly-peopled  area,  of  at  least 
 sixteen  square  miles,  embracing  the  entire  parishes  of  Rotherhithe, 
 Bermondsey,  Horseley  Down,  Walworth,  Newington-Batts,  and  a  con- 
 siderable portion  of  Lambeth,  extending  from  Deptford  and  the  Kent 
 Road  to  the  New  Camberwell  Road,  and  the  roads  in  the  vicinity  of 
 the  Surrey  Zoological  Gardens,  the  channels  and  ditches  for  carrying' 
 off  the  water  remain  in  their  natural  state,  overflowing  with  filth  and 
 impurity.  If,  for  want  of  descent,  it  might  not  be  easy  to  drain  them, 
 they  might  at  least  be  widened,  cleansed,  and  covered  over.  If,  by 
 economy  in  the  expenditure  of  the  existing  assessment,  it  could  not  be 
 made  adequate  to  the  undertaking,  at  such  a  moment  of  apprehension  of 
 infectious  disease,  and  for  such  a  salutary  end,  the  inhabitants  would 
 hardly  complain  of  an  additional  rate  for  the  purpose  ;  in  fact  they  Avould 
 save  it  in  the  reduction  of  poor-rate,  caused  by  the  employment  created 
 for  men  who  now  burden  the  parish  for  want  of  work.  As  it  is,  the 
 nuisance  of  which  we  complain  is  personally  dangerous  to  the  passenger, 
 offensive  to  the  eye,  and  most  injurious  to  the  constitution. 
 
 It  is  gratifying  to  think  the  Surrey  parishes  are  about  obtaining 
 representatives  in  parliament,  were  it  only  for  the  sake  of  local  improve- 
 ments. At  first  we  thought  of  calling  the  attention  of  Mr.  Warburton 
 to  the  power  and  duties  of  commissioners  of  sewers,  but  this  gentleman 
 has  his  hands  full  with  the  Anatomy  Bill,  and  moreover  is  in  some 
 measure  a  particeps  criminis,  having  been  recently  presented  for  a 
 nuisance  on  his  own  lands,  by  the  Surrey  grand  jury.  However,  we 
 trust  some  honourable  Member  will  take  up  the  subject.  A  parlia- 
 mentary committee  sat  on  the  state  of  the  public  sewers  in  1823,  but  it 
 had  an  indifferent  chairman  in  the  late  Mr.  Peter  Moore — made  no 
 report,  and  nothing  came  of  its  inquiries. 
 
C72 
 
 INCREASE    OF    POPULATION.  —  POSTSCIllPT. 
 
 PROGRESS  OF  POPULATION. 
 
 1801. 
 
 1811. 
 
 1821. 
 
 0  u 
 
 ~  0. 
 
 1831. 
 
 England.. . . 
 
 Wales 
 
 Scotland     . . 
 
 Army,  Navy, 
 
 ^c 
 
 8,331,434 
 
 641,540 
 
 1,599,068 
 
 470,598 
 
 14! 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 9,551,888 
 
 611,788 
 
 1,805,688 
 
 640,500 
 
 in 
 
 17 
 16 
 
 11,261,437 
 
 717,438 
 
 2,093,456 
 
 319,300 
 
 16 
 12 
 13 
 
 13,089,338 
 
 805,236 
 
 2,365,8^7 
 
 277,017 
 
 10,942,646 
 
 15i;' 12,609,864 
 
 14 
 
 14,391,631 
 
 15 
 
 16,537,398 
 
 The  increase  in  population  has  been  rapid  and  nearly  at  an  uniform 
 rate  per  cent,  for  the  last  thirty  years,  notwithstanding  the  increase  or 
 diminution  of  the  Army,  Navy,  &c.  The  population  of  Ireland 
 amounted  in  1831  to  7,734,365,  making-  the  ag-g-regate  population  of 
 the  three  kingdoms  24,271,763.  With  such  an  augmented  number  of 
 people,  cribbed  in  by  corn  laws,  anti-emigration  prejudices,  and  mono- 
 polies, can  it  be  matter  of  surprise  that  capital  is  redundant — bread 
 dear  and  labour  cheap  ?  .  Is  it  possible,  while  society  is  progressively 
 increasing  in  numbers,  wealth,  and  intelligence,  public  institutions  can 
 be  stationary?  Is  it  possible  that  an  Aristocracy,  daily  becoming  more 
 dispropoilionate  in  every  element  of  power  to  the  mass  of  the  com- 
 munity, can  maintain  a  monopoly  of  political  authority  ?  Either  they 
 must  speedily  repair  the  few  decayed  pillars  by  Avhich  the  State  is  sup- 
 ported within,  or  be  crushed  from  the  superincumbent  pressure  without ! 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 Two  or  three  changes,  occasioned  by  deaths  and  removals,  have  occurred 
 while  the  work  has  been  printing,  but  they  are  of  too  great  publicity  to  need 
 particularizing.  Me  may  also  remark  that  the  observations  at  pages  376  and 
 502  were  printed  prior  to  the  publication  of  the  Navy  Estimates.  The  energy 
 with  which  sir  J.  Graham  has  proceeded  to  new-model  the  department  over 
 which  he  presides  will  leave,  we  apprehend,  little  to  desire  in  that  branch  of 
 the  public  service. 
 
 After  the  explanations  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  (House  of  Lords,  March 
 IGth)  we  suppose  we  must  acquit  his  Grace  of  the  design  imputed  to  him,  p.  584, 
 and  conclude  that  he  had  no  intention  of  joining  the  continental  despots  in  a 
 crusade  against  the  liberties  of  France  and  Belgium. — May  not  this  be  an  after- 
 thou^hl  of  the  ex-Premier,  like  his  famous  explanation  on  the  subject  of  Par- 
 liamentary Reform  ? 
 
 Page  498,  line  14,  for  custos  read  cws/orfcs ;  page  592,  line  15,  for  divmoris 
 read  division ;  page  597,  line  27,  for  sixteenth  read  seventeenth  century. 
 
 In  tlie  printed  Reform  Bill,  as  amended  in  committee  by  the  House  of  Com- 
 mons, Wallingfurd  forms  one  of  the  semi-disfranchised  boroughs,  and  ought  to 
 have  been  inserted  in  No.  IV.  instead  of  No.  V.  of  our  Tables,  page  614. 
 
 In  No.  VII.  page  615,  Chatham  should  be  inserted  and  Swansea  omitted. 
 
 On  bringing  up  the  Report,  Merthyr  Tydvil  was  included  in  the  number  of 
 enfranchised  boroughs. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 A. 
 
 Abbott,  J.  H.  remanet  fees  of,  506 
 
 Abell,  an  excise  case,  321 
 
 Abergavenny ,  earl,  his  pension,  500 
 
 Absolution,  granted  by  the  clergy,  77 
 
 Abuse  under  existing  system  cannot  be 
 reformed,  only  commuted,  491 
 
 Advertisements,  duties  on,  38fi 
 
 Advertisers  for  wives,  a  hint  to,  5 17 
 
 Adcowsons  not  inviolate  Ijke  private 
 property,  19  ;  the  right  of  an  hono- 
 rary function  merely,  20;  owners  of 
 ought  not  to  be  compensated  for  loss 
 of,  91 
 
 Acts  of  parliament,  headlong  facility 
 with  which  passed,  291 ;  cause  of 
 obscurity  of,  293 ;  examples  of 
 hodge-podn'e,  295 ;  blundering  natui'e 
 of  results  from  afler-dinner  mode  of 
 business  in  house  of  commons,  29G 
 
 Agistment  tithe,  Ireland,  163 
 
 Agrarian  laws,  271 
 
 Agriculture,  protection  afforded  to,  in 
 our  fiscal  regulations,  262 
 
 Alarmists,  their  fears  allayed,  598 
 
 Albemarle,  a  court  lord,  507 
 
 Ale-drinkers,  the  poisoning  of,  not  of 
 much  consequence,  323 
 
 Alison,  A.  to  whom  indebted  for  his 
 preferments,  98 
 
 Althorp,  lord,  budget  of,  386  ,  his  dif- 
 ficulties, 507;  hint  to  on  the  pension 
 list,  581 
 
 Ambassadors,  expense  of,  247,  252 ; 
 qualifications  of,  248 
 
 America,  elective  suiFrage  in,  600 
 
 Amherst,  lord,  origin  of  hispension,  507 
 
 Archbishop,  reforms  of,  90,  95 
 
 Archdeacon,  duties  of,  00 
 
 Arcot,  commissioners  of,  411 
 
 Arkicright,  influence  of  on  national 
 prosperity,  596 
 
 Army,  abuses  in  civil  department  of, 
 375  ;  return  of  half-pay  of,  040 
 
 Aristocracy,  fictions  of,  255  ;  privileges 
 of  lords  formerly,  ib. ;  seceded  from 
 their  civil  duties,  256 ;  principal 
 motives  for  institution  of,  ceased, 
 257 ;  statute  de  donis  to  preserve 
 "the  order,"  j^;  primogeniture  and 
 entails  an  usurpation  on  general 
 rights  of  mankind,  259 ;  absurd  and 
 unjust  privileges  of,  200 ;  partial 
 system  of  taxation  by,  262 ;  rental 
 of,  proper  fund  for  taxation,  205  ; 
 late  game-laws  of,  268 ;  landed  in- 
 comes of,  271  ;  not  their  estates 
 which  excite  popular  cupidity,  but 
 usurpations  of  the  franchises  of  the 
 people,  273  ;  assessment  of  under 
 income-tax,  274  ;  their  property  does 
 not  entitle  them  to  monopolize  poli- 
 tical power,  275  ;  source  of  riches 
 of  individuals  of,  ib. ;  imposed  chief 
 taxes  on  industrious  classes,  278  ; 
 house-tax  on,  280;  increase  in  num- 
 ber of,  281;  votes  of  on  reform  bill, 
 283 ;  all  our  institutions  aristocratic 
 and  all  abuses  result  from,  285  ;  state 
 of  agricultural  population  proof  of 
 ■  viciousness  of  in  church  and  state, 
 578  ;  status  of  not  altered  by  political 
 changes,  599 ;  their  fears  from  le- 
 velling opinions  ridiculed,  600 ; 
 church  patronage  of,  650 
 
 Arrest  for  debt,  limits  under  which 
 ought  to  be  allowed,  308 
 
 Assaye,  battle  of,  404 
 
 Athlone,  family  of  and  pension,  509 
 
 Attorneys,  increased  50  per  cent,  in 
 number,  297  ;  their  absurd  conduct 
 in  choice  of  counsel,  317 
 
 Audit-office,  a  snug  retreat,  374 
 
 B. 
 
 Banking,  evils  which  have  resulted 
 from,  428 ;  remedied  by  Peel's  bill, 
 559 
 
 Bank  of  England  projected  by  a  Scotch- 
 2  X 
 
674 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 man,  430 ;  privileged  to  carry  on 
 l)usiness  of  pawnbrokers,  431  ;  gra- 
 dually lower  denomination  of  notes, 
 
 432  ;  resumption  of  cash  payments, 
 
 433  ;  causes  of  Restriction  Act,  434 ; 
 amount  of  bullion  in  the  Rank  at  the 
 stoppage,  ib.;  irresponsible  power 
 over  the  circulation,  43G;  sources 
 of  the  profits  of,  ih.;  expenses  of 
 management  of,  437  ;  enormous  pro- 
 fits of,  439  ;  hanged  and  transported 
 800  persons,  and  realized  a  profit 
 of  300  per  cent.,  ib.;  statement  by 
 the  Hank  of  its  profits,  441 ;  exclu- 
 sive privileges  in  banking,  hurtful 
 tendency  of,  442 ;  thoughts  on  a  new 
 15ank  of  England,  443  ;  accounts  of 
 the  Bank,  44C  ;  postscript  on,  451 
 
 Bankcs,  and  Corfe  Castle,  9Q 
 
 Bankrupt  court,  new,  319 
 
 Bankrupt  pensions,  494 
 
 Baring,  A.  statement  of  revenue  of  see 
 of    London,  47 
 
 Bath,  corporation  of,  469 
 
 Bathurst,  Bragge,  introduces  parsons' 
 indemnity  bill,  39 
 
 Bathurst,  sinecures  and  pensions  of 
 family  of,  510 
 
 Begums,  torture  of,  402 
 
 Belsham,  on  application  of  secret  ser- 
 vice money,  211 
 
 Benefices,  unequal  extent  of,  87 
 
 Benfield,  Paul,  members  put  by  him  in 
 house  of  commons,  411 
 
 Bennett,  bishop,  his  remains,  143 
 
 Benthiim,  on  lawyers,  325;  principle 
 of  government  of,  {)02 
 
 Beverley,  on  drinkings  of  clergy,  128; 
 on  manners  and  dress  of  clergy,  159 
 
 Be.rlty,  lord,  high  ellicient  man,  493  ; 
 incapacity  of  as  chancellor  of  exche- 
 quer, 512 
 
 Birch,  Dr.  a  Gresham  professor,  an 
 inquiry  of,  101 
 
 Bishops,  support  war  and  slave-trade, 
 G ;  claims  of  bench  of,  to  promotion, 
 23;  their  greediness  of  tillliy  lucre, 
 28 ;  dress  of,  32 ;  do  not  pay  their 
 secretaries  stipends,  38;  estimate 
 of  incomes  of,  in  king's  book,  4G; 
 exemplify  a  game  at  chess,  87 ; 
 income  of,  in  king's  book,  4fi,  131; 
 conduct  of,  on  reform,  95 
 
 Black  Book,  a  leaf  torn  out,  2G8  ;  not 
 published  at  Calcutta,  407 
 
 Blackhui-n's  opinion  on  first  fruits,  172 
 
 BlomJicUl,  bishop,  promoted  for  ren- 
 dering Greek  verses,  23;  letter  on 
 profanation  of  Lord's  day,  41  ; 
 
 Book  of  common  prayer,  its  defects, 
 7G  ;  alteration  in,  by  lord  Sidmouth, 
 79 
 
 Boroughs,  disfranchised,  electors,  po- 
 pulation, &c.,  610;  and  ditto  not 
 disfranchised,  612  ;  new.  61 5  ;  limits 
 of  ditto,  617  ;  ancient,  622 
 
 Borough  lords  and  members, 
 
 Boston,  lord,  and  Hillingdon,  44 
 
 Bowles,  promotion  of,  513 
 
 Brady  on  boroughs,  455  ;  his  interpre- 
 tation of '  communitatis,'  477 
 
 Bristol,  noted  absentee  bishop,  16 1 
 
 Bristol,  its  corporation,  467 
 
 Brougham,  lord,  his  description  of  the 
 Scottish  church,  89  ;  his  apostrophe 
 on  the  debtor  laws,  310;  on  costs 
 of  law  suits,  313  ;  his  disinterested 
 exertions  for  remedy  of  legal  abuses, 
 315  ;  his  reforms  in  chancery,  319; 
 emoluments  as  lord  chancellor,  514  ; 
 remarks  on  his  taking  that  oflice, 
 515  ;  his  speech  on  reform,  ib. 
 
 Brydges,  sir  John,  account  of  his  elec- 
 tion for  Coleraine,  516 
 
 Buccleugh, '  duke,  obtains  lease  of 
 crown-lands,  188;  his  income,  273 
 
 Buckingham  palace,  cost  of,  239 
 
 Buller,  how  he  saddles  the  country 
 with  a  pension,  517 
 
 Burde.tt,  sir  F.  efforts  for  reform,  230 
 
 Burgess,  G.  success  of  family  in  the 
 church,   102 
 
 Burke,  his  merits  and  pension,  20S 
 
 Burnchurch,  union  of,  146 
 
 Camden,  lord,  his  sacrifice,  518 
 Campbell,  Thomas,  his  pension,  519 
 Canning,  general  profligacy  of  his  prin- 
 ciples, 233  ;    system  of  government 
 under  Perceval  and  Huskisson,  ib.; 
 pension  to  his  family,  and    statue, 
 519 
 Cape  of  Good  Hope,  cost  of,  382 
 Carey,  bishop,  author  of  a  Jubilee  ser- 
 mon, 24 
 Carr,  Jane,  her  pension  and  marriage, 
 
 518 
 Calvinism,  its  monstrous  impiety,  77 
 Cati-chism  of  royal  duties,  227 
 Catholicism,  cause  of  increase  in  Ire- 
 land, l(i7 
 Ceylon,  cost  of,  to  England,  382 
 Chttd,  his  charge  for  a  mission,  249 
 Chancery,   court   of,    cause    why    not 
 reformed,  319;  effects  of  suitors  in. 
 329 
 Chnplainships,  clerical  income  of,  50 
 
INDEX. 
 
 675 
 
 Charter-house,    masters    exempt   from 
 
 clerical  residence,  38 
 Chatham's,  lord,   observations  ou  the 
 
 church,  82 
 Cheap  political   publications,    advan- 
 tages of,  391;  Avould  have  prevented 
 FIRES  and  destruction  of  machinery, 
 392 
 Child-nit, an  aristocratic  privilege,  255 
 Christinnitij,  benefits  derived  from,  1 ; 
 principles  of,  not  to  spare  the  rich 
 and  plunder  the  poor,  166 
 Chureh-building',  51 
 Church  of  Englandism,  expense  of,  and 
 
 other  churches,  63 
 Church  property,  origin  and  tenure  of, 
 10;  proved   to   be  public  property, 
 16.— See  Tithes. 
 Church  Rates,  return  of,  668 
 Church  catechism,  its  defects,  76 
 Church  of    England,   who   would    be 
 benefited  by  reform  of,  86 ;  intole- 
 rance    of,     illustrated,     176. — See 
 Clergy,  Tithes,  Patronage,  and  Plu- 
 ralities. 
 Cities  and  boroughs,  alphabetical  list, 
 n  umber  of  electors,  houses,  taxes,  &c. 
 610 
 City  Companies,  management  of,  460  ; 
 
 immense  revenues  of,  463 
 Civil  government,  expenses  of,  383 
 Civil  contingencies,  return  of,  638 
 Civil  List,  delusion  practised  respect- 
 ing, 184  ;  improvident  settlement  of, 
 on  the  late  king,  217  ;  pensions  pay- 
 able out  of,  215  ;  comparison  of  civil 
 list   of  George  III.  &  IV.  217 ;  in- 
 come of  George  I^^  exceeded  that 
 of  his  predecessor  half  a  million, 
 218;  civil  list  of  M  illiam,  IV.  219; 
 charge   of    during  two  last  reigns 
 100  millions,  225;  oflicial    returns, 
 illustrative   of,    234 ;    ancient   pay- 
 ments out,  239 
 Cliipham,  how  made  a  pluralist,  103 
 Clare,  family  pensions  of,  520 
 Cleavers,  owe  preferments  to  bishop  of 
 
 St.  Asaph,  104 
 Clergy,  established,  of  England,  cost 
 more  than  clergy  of  other  countries 
 united,  5 ;  tiieir  names  associated 
 with  the  most  disastrous  measures 
 in  the  history  of  the  country,  6 ; 
 neglect  the  education  of  the  peojile, 
 ibid  ;  not  charitable  to  the  poor,  7  ; 
 do  not  explain  to  the  people  causes 
 of  their  privations,  ibid  ;  contrast  of 
 the  wealth  and  pomp  of  the  rich 
 clergy,  with  the  poverty  of  their 
 humbler  brethren,  9 ;    coustitutioa 
 
 and  government  of  similar  to  that 
 of  the  army,  18;  their  rights  not 
 similar  lo  those  of  corporations, 
 ibid ;  removable  like  tenants-at- 
 will,  19;  influence  of  clergy  in 
 public  meetings,  23  ;  number  of  in- 
 cumbents, 27,  71,91;  pretexts  of  for 
 non-residence,  34  ;  returns,  in  1830; 
 of  non-residents,  36  ;  what  services 
 from  clergj-  for  ten  millions  a  year, 
 42  ;  sources  of  the  revenues  of,  ibid  ; 
 income  of  from  public  charities,  48 ; 
 general  statement  of  revenues  of,  52  ; 
 average  income  no  criterion  of  dis- 
 position of  church  property,  53  ; 
 real  situation  of  the  clergy  stated, 
 56 ;  division  of  church  revenue 
 among  the  several  orders  of  clergy, 
 58 ;  their  stipends  compared  with 
 other  countries,  64 ;  conduct  of  in 
 respect  of  first  fruits,  65  ;  houses  of 
 call  for,  69  ;  conduct  of  in  respect 
 of  compositions,  71 ;  the  revenues  of 
 the  real  El  Dorado,  90  ;  incomes  of, 
 in  the  King's  book,  43  ;  alphabeti- 
 cal list  of,  96;  drinking-bouts  of,  128 
 Cobbett,  Mr.  exclamations  by,  on  the 
 splendour  of  the  ancient  cathedrals, 
 15  ;  introduces  two-penny  trash, 
 392 
 Cobbold,  rev.  T.  one  of  the  Winchester 
 
 witnesses,  104 
 Cockburn,  mission  to  Bogota,  249 
 Colchester,  lord,  a  shuffling  lawj  er,  522 
 College  livings,  remarks  on,  117 
 Collet,  W.  rev.  his  attempt  to  sow  dis- 
 sension among  his  parishioners,  104 
 Colma.'i,  examiner  of  plays,  522 
 Colonial  statistics,    612 
 Colonies,  utility  of,  379  ;  rage  for,  one 
 of  the  great  blunders  of  aristocratic 
 rule,  380 
 Combermcre,  lord,  outshines  the  duke 
 
 in  the  tent  scene,  5c5 
 Comitiissioners   of    accounts,   375 ;     of 
 
 inquiry,  497  ;  sewers,  670 
 Companies,  corporate,  origin  of,  455 
 Compensations,    unjust     principle    of, 
 493 ;    abolition   of    useless    offices, 
 like  introduction  of  new  machinery, 
 494  ;  curious  examples  of,  496 
 Consular  establishments,    object    and 
 
 expense  of,  250 
 Cooke,  widow  of  circumnavigator,  523 
 Cornwall,  duchy  of,  revenues  of,  209 
 Coronations,  expenses  of,  and  folly  of, 
 
 384 
 Corporations  had   their  day  and  uses, 
 453;  origin  of,  454;    not  identified 
 with  the  aristocracy  of   cities  and 
 
C7G 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 towns,  4G5  ;  all  iheirfunclionsmade 
 a  job  of,  ibid;  of  London,  4C5 ;  of 
 Bristol,  4f)7  ;  of  Liverpool,  468  : 
 of  liath,  409;  ofl'reston,  471;  of 
 Liclilield,  ibid.;  of  Stallonl,  472; 
 of  Nurtliainpton,  ifc/d. ;  of  Glouces- 
 ter, 473  ;  of  Leeds,  474  ;  sugges- 
 tions for  tlie  reform  of,  475 
 
 Costs,  in  law  suits,  313 
 
 Coiint'ts  palatine,  parade  of  useless 
 ofiices  in,  215 
 
 Court  pension  list,  210 
 
 Courts  of  justice,  way  to,  over  a  bridge 
 of  gold, 104,  sinecures  in,  485 
 
 Courts  of  request,  their  mischievous 
 tendency,  301 
 
 Courts  of  law. — See  Laivs. 
 
 Cotcper,  earl,  his  character  and  pen- 
 sion, 622 
 
 Cove,  Dr.  traces  tithes  to  Adam,  10 
 
 Crawford,  general,  203 
 
 Crcevtj,  T.  Mr.  on  application  of  4^  per 
 cent,  duties,  207 
 
 Croker,  John  Wilson,  "  a  high  and 
 efficient  public  man,"  492 ;  his 
 pamphlet  to  alarm  the  proprietary, 
 624  ;  his  Boswell  and  lease  of  crown 
 land, 525 
 
 Cromwell,  his  opinion  on  lawyers,  328 
 
 Crown,  how  dignity  of  best  maintain- 
 ed, 587 
 
 Crown-lands,  nature  and  origin  of,  ISO  ; 
 corrupt  leases  of,  187;  income  and 
 expenditure  of,  194  ;  estimate  of  the 
 value  of,  195  ;  utility  of  sale  of 
 shown,  197 
 
 Curates  only  working  part  of  clergy, 
 57 
 
 Currency  question  stated,  559 
 
 Cursitors,  lor  London  and  Middlesex, 
 a  hint  to,  331 
 
 Customs  board,  a  reform  of,  568 
 
 I). 
 
 Dalbiac''s,  sir  C.  military  notions,  525 
 
 Daniels,  Rev.  W.,  payment  to  out  of 
 Admiralty  droits,  200 
 
 Dead-weight  entail  of  Aristocratic  war, 
 483  ;  ollicial  return  of,  G40 
 
 Dead-weight  annuity  project,  354 
 
 Deans  and  chapters,  revenues  of,  47 ; 
 duties  of  a  farce,  CO 
 
 Debt,  public,  334 
 
 Dehtor-laivs, {ra.\i(l  and  impoverishment 
 resulting  from,  300  ;  inconsistent 
 operation  of  on  property,  309  ;  num- 
 ber of  persons  imprisoned  under, 
 331 
 
 De  donis,  statute  of  explained,  258 
 
 Diplomatists,  charge  of,  252 
 
 Dissenters,  number  of,  79 ;  educational 
 energy,  81  ;  reasons  for  discontent, 
 
 82  ;    reasons  for  not  paying  tithes, 
 
 83  ;  number  of  places  of  worship, 
 85  ;  receive  stipends  from  t!)e  state  ; 
 1G9;  intolerance  towards,  170 
 
 Dividends,  public,  042 
 
 Don  Miguel  and  Ferdinand,  tyranny 
 of,  prevent  increase  of  population,  14 
 
 Double-doctrine  held  by  most  public 
 men,  3 
 
 Droits  of  crown  and  admiralty,  bucca- 
 neer origin  of,  193  ;  management  of, 
 198 ;  purposes  to  which  they  have 
 been  applied,  199 ;  sums  paid  to 
 royal  family  out  of,  201  ;  total  pro- 
 duce of,  210  ;  tendency  of,  575 
 
 Dunning,  his  mode  of  expounding  sta- 
 tutes, 289 
 
 Durham,  lord,  resigns  his  salary,  628 
 
 E. 
 
 pAigle  on  tithes,  17 
 
 Easter  offerings,  produce  of,  50 
 
 East-Indit  Company  an  outwork  of  the 
 oligarchy,  394;  origin  and  progress 
 of,  395;  rise  of  Calcutta,  397  ;  mea- 
 sures against  the  ryots,  398  ;  fur- 
 nish, gratis,  10,000  tons  of  shipping 
 on  alarm  of  invasion,  400  ;  war  and 
 territorial  acquisitions,  401  ;  popu- 
 lation of  Indian  empire,  ib. ;  torture 
 of  IJegums,  402  ;  sales  of  territory, 
 403  ;  patronage  and  government, 
 40.^  ;  number  of  persons  in  civil  ser- 
 vice, 4U8 ;  salaries  anil  superannu- 
 ation allowances,  410  ;  territorial 
 revenues  and  commerce,  412  ;  inter- 
 course with  China,  413  ;  conunercial 
 profits  of,414  ;  agreement  with  public 
 respecting  their  tea-sales  violated, 
 415;  success  of  the  private  trade, 
 417  ;  public  pay  dividends  in  mono- 
 poly-price of  tea,  415  ;  renew  alof  the 
 charter  considered,  418  ;  conduct  of 
 company's  servants  at  Canton,  422  ; 
 real  point  of  interest  between  com- 
 pany and  publicstated,  423  ;  sources 
 of  relief  to  company  without  levying 
 poll-tax  on  people  of  England,  424  ; 
 
 East-India  accounts,  425 ;  postscript 
 on,  451 
 
 £«.«<-/«(//ans,  injustice  sustained  by,  420 
 
 Ecclesiastical  dirfc<"ri/,number  of  clergy 
 computed  fiom,  30 
 
 Ecclesiastical  establishments,  on  Con- 
 tinent mostly  reformed,  4  ;  not  a  part 
 of  Christianity,  02 
 
 Edinburgh  lievicw  on  legal  insecurity 
 of  property,  312 
 
 t 
 
INDEX, 
 
 677 
 
 Education,  hostility  of  clergy  to,  7 
 
 Eldon,  lord,  pension  of,  o2'J;  his  in- 
 terest in  the  late  war,  575  ;  lived  to 
 see  the  issues  of  his  politics,  529 
 
 Elective  qualification,  what  deter- 
 mines, 600 
 
 Ellcnhomugh ,  lord,  insolent  threat  of, 
 485;  his  family,  530 
 
 Ely,  dean  and  chapter  of,  71 
 
 Emigration,  381 
 
 Entails,  an  usurpation  on  general  rights 
 of  mankind,  259 
 
 Escheats,  produce  of,  to  the  crown^  208 
 
 Eton  college,  abuses  of,  107 
 
 Exchequer-bills  explained,  345 
 
 Exchequer,  great  job  of,  372 
 
 Excise-board,  reform  of,  568 
 
 Excise-laws,  oppressions  under,  321 
 
 Facfoni  system  detestable,  382 
 Fees  of  law  courts,  314,  499,  506 
 Finance,  general  principles  of,  366 
 Fines  and  recoveries,  their  absurdity, 
 
 307 
 Fire-insurance  duty,  impolicy  of,  387 
 First-fruits,  conduct  of  rich  clergy  re- 
 specting, 03  ;  ditto  in  Ireland,  170 
 Fisher,  master  of  Charter-house,  106 
 Fitzclarences,  their  pensions,  432 
 Foreign  miiiisteis,  charge  of,  247,  252 
 Forgery-act,  example    of   Idundering 
 
 legislation,  295 
 Foster,  baron,  his  statement  of  waste 
 
 land  in  Ireland,  181 
 Foil  r-and-a-hal/pcr  cent. \eewa.rd-is]a.nd 
 duties,  origin  of,  202  ;  a  famous  par- 
 liamentary jobbip.g-fiind,  ib.;  total 
 produce  of,  205  ;  extraordinary  ruse 
 of  Wellington  ministry   respecting, 
 ib. 
 Fox,  mission  to  Buenos  Ayres,  230 
 Fox,   Charles  James,   on   religion  of 
 whigs  and  tories,  75  ;  his   bill    for 
 government  of  India,  399  ;  his  cha- 
 racter as  a  statesman,  533 
 France  had  to  defend  not  conquer  free 
 institutions  by   the  battle  of  three 
 days,  584  ;  elective  system  of,  COl 
 Freeholders,  number  of,  609 
 Funding- system,    exposition   of,    343 ; 
 catastrophe  of,  described,  359 
 
 G. 
 
 Cnme-laws,  late  tyranny  of,  209 
 Gamier,  utility  of  church  for  making 
 
 marriage-settlements,  107 
 George  III.,   policy  and  character  of 
 
 his  reign,  228 
 
 George  IV.,  ditto,  232  ;  confirmed  La- 
 vater's  theory,  233  ;  his  expenses  in 
 robes  and  small  clothes,  223 
 "  German  Prince"  in  Ireland,  162 
 Gibbon,  his  description  of  the  demea- 
 nor of   Roman  statesmen    towards 
 religion,  2 
 Gibraltar  duties,  origin  and  applicatioa 
 
 of,  208 
 Glass,  duties  on,  386 
 Gloucester,  corporation  of,  473 
 Graham,  sir  James,  his  exposition  of 
 the  privy  council,  181  :  his  reduc- 
 tions, 537,  672 
 Grafton,  duke  of,  his  pension,  533 
 GrenviUe,  lady,  pension,  204 
 Grtsham  lectures,  abuse  of,  101 
 Greri/i'es,  ample  provision  for  them,  539 
 Grey,  earl,  539  ;  his  opinions  on   the 
 currency   question,  559 ;   promotion 
 of  brother  to  a  deanery,  110 
 Goodall,  provost  of  Eton  College,  107 
 Goodenough,   origin  of  church  prefer- 
 ments, 109 
 Government,  general  principles  of,  last 
 
 fifty  years,  503 
 Governors  of  forts,  487 
 Goulboiii-n,  ]Mr.  ruse  of,  246;  ought  to 
 
 wear  sackcloth,  537 
 Gower,  estates,  origin  of,  275 
 Grosvenor,  family  wealth  of,  275 
 Guildford,  earl,  preferments  of,  110 
 Guilds,  origin  of,  455  ,  customs  of,  456 
 
 H. 
 
 Half-pay,  number  of  officers  on,  483  ; 
 
 return  of,  640 
 Hall,    capt.    Basil,    his  coxcombries, 
 
 49,  94 
 Hall'im,  iMr.  on  effect  of  suppressing 
 religious  houses,  13  ;  aristocracy  de- 
 rived wealth  from  spoils  of  reforma- 
 tion, 275 
 Hamilton,  professor,  explains  true  prin- 
 ciples for  reducing  the  debt,  353 
 Harroicby,  lord,  an  alarmist,  598 
 Harvey,  iMr.   oversight   in   estimating 
 valueofiNIiddlesex  ground-rents,  195 
 Hastings,  governor,  403 
 Hemp,  impolitic  duty  on,  386 
 //tH/c!/,  lord,  aristocratic  stuffabout,542 
 Henty,  an  excise  case,  322 
 Hereditary  revenues  of  the  crown,  184  ; 
 
 total  produce  of,  210 
 Hett,  church  preferments.  111 
 Hill,  lady,  note  on  pension  to,  543 
 Hillingdon,  tithe  composition  in,  44 
 Hingstune,  a  noted  Irish  pluralist,  151 
 Hobart,  church  preferments  of,  111 
 
G78 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Holland,  lord,  liis  sinecure,  513 
 Holland,  rev.  S.  instance  of  scandalous 
 
 uses  of  cliurcli  property,   112 
 Holy  Ghost,  how  the  clergy  are  filled 
 
 with  the,  78 
 House  of  Peers,  territorial  income  of, 
 does  not  exceed  three  millions,  275  ; 
 remarks  on,  G44 
 House  of  Commons,  past  and  to  come, 
 591  ;   progress  of  up  to  the   reform 
 bill,  592  ;  principle  for  determining 
 condition  of  the  people,  592  ;  laws 
 of  the  Saxons,  ib. ;  origin  and  influ- 
 ence of  middle  orders,  593  ;  house 
 of  commons  began  usefully  to  exist 
 only  at  the  end  of  civil   wars,  591  ; 
 great   men  of,    597 ;    constitutional 
 deductions  on,  ib. ;  duration  of  in- 
 difTerent   reigns,  621  ;  retrospective 
 glance  at,  023  ;  analysis  of,  elected 
 in  1830,  (i2() 
 Household  troops,  expenses  of,  378 
 Hume,  Rlr.  his  economical  elForts,  371 
 Huntingdon,  earl  of,  seeks  a  title  for  a 
 pension  to  it,  545 
 
 I. 
 
 India,  see  East  India  Company 
 
 Inhabited  house-tax  partial,  280 
 
 Inns  of  court,  abuses  in,  627 
 
 Insolvents,  number  of,  332 
 
 Ireland,  state  of,  an  illustration  of 
 good  working  government,  138;  Pro- 
 testant property  in,  139  ;  proportion 
 of  Catholics  and  Protestants  in,  166  ; 
 besotted  tyranny  which  has  impeded 
 her  prosperity  hardly  creditable  to 
 posterity,  181  ;  union,  repeal  of,  180, 
 573  ;  exemption  of  trom  taxes,  387  ; 
 number  of  freeholders,  01 0. 
 
 Ireland,  established  church  of,  more 
 pregnant  with  abuse  than  English 
 church,  139;  acres  of  land  apper- 
 taining to  sees,  140  ;  mode  of  leasing 
 bishops'  lands,  141 ;  immense  wealth 
 of  bishops,  142  ;  incomes  of  paro- 
 chial clergy,  144;  tithe  composition- 
 act  —  its  injurious  tendency,  ib. ; 
 parishes,  nature  and  number  of 
 unions,  145  ;  sums  paid  for  composi- 
 tions for  tithes,  witii  names  of  incum- 
 bents and  patrons,  148  ;  proportions 
 of  lay  and  clerical  tithes,  152 ;  minis- 
 ters money  explained,  153 ;  total 
 revenue  of,  ib. ;  number  of  clergy, 
 ib. ;  beneficed  parochial  clergy,  only 
 1075,  155  ;  number  of  clerical  offices 
 3195,  and  shared  among  850  persons, 
 whose  average  income  is  jt;i678, 157  ; 
 
 tabular  statement  of  patronage,  158  ; 
 non-residence  of  clergy,  160 ;  op- 
 jtressiveness  of  tithes  illustrated, 
 103;  treatment  of  Catholics  under, 
 169 ;  first  fruits  of,  how  managed, 
 170;  promotions  in,  172;  crisis  of 
 Irish  Church  at  close  of  last  year, 
 179 ;  digest  of  benefices  from  dio- 
 cesan returns,  183. 
 Irish  union,  see  Union 
 
 Jews  may  select  persons  for  the  Gospel 
 ministry,  20 ;  as  numerous  in  Ireland 
 as  Protestants,  161 
 
 Job-parsons,  nature  of,  explained,  69 
 
 Jur/g'es  not  more  independent  tiian  other 
 functionaries,  286  ;  laws  not  under- 
 stood by  them,  289  ;  salaries  ol,  in 
 1792  and  1831,  329 
 
 Justices  i/j)ftice,  imj)rovement  required 
 in,  303  ;  better  than  a  stipendiary 
 magistracy,  303 
 
 K. 
 
 King's  household,  gothic  origin  of,  and 
 expensive  establishment,  212 
 
 King,  duties  of  one,  after  the  old 
 fashion,  226 ;  legal  disparity  be- 
 tween, and  a  subject,  305 
 
 King's  Book,  16,  47,  131 
 
 King's  printer,  remarks  on  patent  of, 
 572 
 
 King,  lord,  notice  to  tenants  to  pay 
 in  guineas,  433 
 
 Kipling,  dean,  177 
 
 Knighton,  sir  \\  m.,  the  late  court  fa- 
 vourite, how  he  may  be  useful,  547 
 
 Lady's  Bishops,  origin  of,  523 
 
 Lukenheath  fen,  71 
 
 Lambeth  arms  motto,  41 
 
 Lancaster,  (\»chy  of,  a  late  court  favou- 
 rite receiver  of,  548 
 
 Land,  proper  subject  of  taxation,  265 
 
 Langrishes,  the  relatives  of  a  boon 
 companion  at  the  Castle,  459 
 
 Lansdowne,  marquis,  effects  of  recent 
 changes  on,  549 
 
 Laurie,  sir  1'.,  on  debts,  333 
 
 Laws,  their  divisions  and  origin,  280  ; 
 may  be  quoted  like  the  llible,  288  ; 
 number  of  volumes  and  works  com- 
 prised in,  290 ;  profusion  with  which 
 partial  have  been  made  in  lieu  of 
 general,  291 ;  oppressive  on  mid- 
 dling classes,  292;  different  in  dif- 
 ferent places,  304  ;  diflerent  for  dif- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 679 
 
 ferent   persons,  305  ;   debtor  laws, 
 evils  from,  300  ;  inconsistent  opera- 
 tions   of,  on   property,   309 ;    inse- 
 curity of  property   under,  312;   in- 
 consistency in  regard  to  marriage,  ih. ; 
 costs  of  proceedings,  313  ;    govern- 
 ment instituted  for  administration  of, 
 316;    summary   of  absurdities  and 
 abuses  in,  317 ;   piospects  of  legal 
 reform,  325  ;  course  w  hich  might  be 
 adopted  to  reform,  328;  official  re- 
 turns to  illustrate,  329 
 Lawyers,  their  libraries,  290;  number 
 of,   in  London    and    country,   297  ; 
 most  gainful  of  professions,  298  ;  in- 
 solvent laws,  chief  source  of  profit 
 to,  299  ;  difference  between  in  this 
 country  and  on  the  continent,  326  ; 
 sumptuous  pickings  of,  499 
 Liiy-imprGpriatioiis,  origin  of,  13;  dif- 
 ferent tenure  of,  and  clerical  tithes, 
 91. 
 Lay  and  clerical  magistrates,  669 
 Leaf  and  Coles,  smugglers,  324 
 Leases  and  conveyances,  defects  in,  308 
 Lectureships,  ]}Yodace  of,  50;  mode  of 
 
 paying  for,  in  London,  69 
 Leeds,  corporation  of,  474 
 Legal  sinecures,  485 
 Leo  X.  curious  anecdote  of,  286 
 Levee  at  court — what,  227 
 Liber  regaiis;  King's  Book,  16,  47,131 
 Life  annuities,  loss  by,  356 
 Lindsay,  part  played  by  at  Canton,  423 
 L  tchfield,  lord,  feudal  sinecurist,  550 
 Litchfield,  corporation  of,  471 
 Liturgy  of  the  church,  origin  of,  23 
 Liverpool,  corporation  of,  468 
 Livings,  sale  of,  21  ;  defined,  96 
 Loans,  amount  of,  in  each  year,  from 
 
 1793, 340 
 London  clergy-,  rapacity  of,  65 ;  mode 
 of  performing  their  spiritual  duties, 
 69,   corporation  of,  465 ;    city's  es- 
 tates, 476 
 Lonsdale,  rev.  John,  a  successful  specu- 
 lator in  the  crown  lands,  189 
 Lord-steward  of  king's  household,  his 
 duties,  214  ;  expenditure  in  his  de- 
 partment, 234 
 Lord-lieutenant  of  Ireland,  cost  of,  383 
 Lord  chancellor's  pension,    500,  569 
 Lushington,    Dr.    his  opinion   contro- 
 verted   that    advowsons    are    like 
 private  property,  19;  states  annual 
 value  of  see  of  Canterbury,  47 
 Litxmores,   origin  of,   in  the  church, 
 
 114 
 Lyndhursf,  lord,  493 
 
 M. 
 
 Machiavel,  his  double  doctrine,  3 
 
 Macintosh,  sir  James,  552 
 
 Madan,  his  church  preferments,  115 
 
 Mado.r,  history  of  the  exchequer,  373 
 
 Magistrates,  lay  and  clerical,  669 
 
 Magna  Charta,  593 
 
 Malthas,  proof  of  theory  of,  281 
 
 Manchester,  duchess  of,  acurious  case, 
 
 554 
 Manuscript -Sermons,  sale  of,  41 
 Marlborough,  duke  of,  an  instance  that 
 
 true  nobility  is  not  hereditary,  554 
 Marble  arch,  cost  of,  192 
 JMarriage  laws,  their  defects,  312 
 Mason,  Mr.  his  efforts  to  obtain  valua- 
 tion of  first-fruits,  172 
 3Jasler   of  report  office,  emoluments, 
 
 549 
 Muster  of  the  horse,  his  duties,  214  ; 
 
 expense  of  his  department,  236 
 Master  in  chancery,    emoluments   of, 
 330 — See  also  Wingfield  in  List  of 
 Places. 
 Mavor,  Dr.  his  preferments,  115 
 Merchant  tailors  of  London,  462 
 Merchant  tailors  of  Bristol,  458 
 Middle  classes,  origin  and  influence  of, 
 
 59'3 
 Middleton,  Dr.  on  liturgy,  73 
 Military  academy,  Woolwich,  375 
 Ministers,    economical   reductions  of, 
 
 500 
 Modus,  how  set  aside  by  clergy,  72 
 Modus,  what,  72 
 
 Blolesworth,  a  very  old  pensioner,  550 
 Monk,  bisiiop  of  Gloucester,  a  haber- 
 dasher of  points  and  particles,  23 
 Monopolies,  their  effects,  385 
 Moravians,     successful     missionaries, 
 
 53 
 Morel  and  Seddon,  pickings  of,  193 
 Morier,  Mexican  mission  of,  248 
 Mounicashel,  lord,  165  ;  curious  state- 
 ments of, 
 Mulgrave's  countess  of,  pension,  557 
 
 N. 
 A'asfc,  Mr.  his  dubious  conduct,  193 
 JSiational  debt,  increase  of,  from  aris- 
 tocratic wars,  335  ;  increase  of  in 
 each  reign  since  the  revolution,  336  ; 
 mode  in  which  reductions  in  have 
 been  effected,  344  ;  summary  of  pro- 
 gress to,  1831,346;  plans  for  redemp- 
 tion of,  349  ;  new  suggestions  for  li- 
 quidating, 356  ;  obligation  of  on  the 
 public,  360  ;  number  of  persons  in- 
 terested in,  361 ;  forcible  redaction 
 
(i80 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 of  perpetuate   power  of  oligarchy, 
 302  ;  best  ally  of  reform,  3C5 
 Tidvy,  return  ol"  lialf-pay  of,  376 
 Nary  bills,  wiiat,  346 
 Netvcastle,  duke  of,  his  lease  of  crown- 
 lands,  188 
 
 Newport,  sir  John,  his  statement  of 
 wealth  of  Irish  bisliops,  142  ;  his 
 etl'orts  on  the  first-fruits  tund,  171  ; 
 on  an  Irish  pensioner,  548 
 NcusiMpers,  taxes  on,  388 ;  dangerous 
 consequences  of  monopoly  of.  Hi. 
 East  India  Company's  monopoly 
 not  more  hurtful,  ib.  how  they 
 might  be  conliolkd  by  govern- 
 ment, ib.  "  The  Times"  an  ex- 
 ample of  irresponsible  power,  391  ; 
 repeal  of  stamp  duties  increase  cir- 
 culation of  and  profit,  393 
 NiehoUs,  M.  recollections  of  Geo.  III. 
 
 232 
 Nobility,  church  patronage  of,  650 
 Non-residence,  See  Clerj^y 
 Northampton,  corporation  of^  472 
 Northumberland,  duke  of,  his  income, 
 
 273 
 Nott,  rev.  G.  F.  inquiry  about  from  his 
 parishioners,  117 
 
 O. 
 
 O'Connell,  Mr.  his  crucifix  in  Merrion- 
 square,  60 ,  consequences  of  his  ef- 
 forts to  repeal  the  Union,  180  j  his 
 bagatelle  motions,  573 
 Onslou-,  ai'chdeacon,  117 
 Owen's,  Kobert,  doctriues,  272 
 
 Palaces,  job  pickings  from,  193 
 
 Paky,  Dr.  on  choice  of  a  national  re- 
 ligion, 61 
 
 Palmerston,  lord,  253 
 
 Pamphlet,  duty  paltry,  386 
 
 Paper,  duties  on,  386 
 
 Parish,  diiTerent  extent  of  in  north  and 
 south,  96 
 
 Parks,  royal,  capricious  conduct  re- 
 specting, 194 
 
 Parlia7nent,—See  House  of  Cojnmons, 
 and  Reform  Bill- 
 
 Parnell,  sir  H.  a  doctrinaire,  371 
 
 Patronage,  of  the  churcii,  19;  in 
 whom  vested,  21;  applied  to  politi- 
 cal purposes,  23  ;  monopoly  in,  24 ; 
 bishop  Sparke's  perversion  of,  25 ; 
 archbishoj)  Sutton's  do.  26 ;  exam- 
 ples of  parochial  monopoly,  28 ; 
 number  of  individuals  and  number 
 of  preferments  held  by  each  in  the 
 church  of  llngland,  30 
 
 Pay-niasler  of  marines  a  sinecure  and 
 
 abolished,  376 
 Peace  establishments,  increase  of,  377 
 Peel,  Sir  R.  blunder  of  his  acts,  293 ; 
 puerile  argument  on  parliamentary 
 reform,  623  ;  specinien  of  obscure 
 phraseology  of  one  cf  his  acts,  293  ; 
 his  currency  bill  defended,  559 ; 
 fatuous  insinuation  of,  600 
 
 Pellew,  hon.  G.  his  rapid  progress  in 
 the  church,  118 
 
 Penn,  origin  of  pension  to,  473 
 
 Pensions,  479;  total  amountof  £805,022, 
 489;  profligate  act  for  rewarding 
 ministers  with,  490  ;  roll  of  "  high 
 and  eflicient"  men  called  over,  492  ; 
 to  ex-lord  chancellors  and  judges, 
 493;  return  of  exceeding  £1000, 
 497  ;  £2.161,927  received  by  956  in- 
 dividuals, 498 ;  total  amount  of 
 salaries  and  pensions  £9,457,985, 
 502,  alphabetical  list  of,  505 ;  con- 
 cluding remarks  on,  589 
 
 Pension-list,  worthless  names  inscribed 
 on,  216 
 
 Percy,  bishop,  his  rapid  promotion  in 
 the  church,  from  having  married  a 
 Sutton,  26 
 
 Pew,  rents  of,  51 
 
 Philpotts,  Dr.  remarks  on  his  promo- 
 tion, 118 
 
 Placemen,  22,912  in  the  public  offices, 
 480  ;  plural  offices  held  by,  482  ; 
 classification  of,  499 ;  alphabetical 
 hit  of,  505 
 
 Plantu,  Mr.  high  efficient  man,  492 
 
 Plunket,  lord,  Whigs  injured  them- 
 selves by  his  elevation,  562 
 
 Pluralists,  number  of,  2,886,  130  ;  al- 
 phabetical  list  of,  96 
 
 Pluralists,  civil  and  military,  482 
 
 Political  economy,  264 
 
 Political  economists  know  little  of  real 
 state  of  country,  371,  428 
 
 Poor  livings,  returns  of,  55 ;  gross 
 impositions  respecting,  57 
 
 Popery,  a  religion  of  "  knaves  and 
 fools,"  4  ;  in  temporal  matters  a  more 
 reformed  religion  than  C'liurch  of 
 England,  5 ;  n)ore  expensive  in  ce- 
 remonies than  Protestant,  63 
 
 Popham,  sir  Home,  his  smuggling  voy- 
 age, 199 
 
 Population,  progress  of,  672 
 
 Portland,  duke  of,  his  sale  of  advow- 
 son  of  ]Mary-le-bone,  191 
 
 Prebendary,  an  useless  order  in  the 
 church,   57 
 
 Preston,  corporation  of,  471 
 
INDEX. 
 
 681 
 
 Pretymans,  church  preferments  of, 
 27,  118 
 
 Price,  Dr.  his  delusive  project  for  re- 
 deeming the  debt,  350 
 
 Prices,  fall  in,  482 
 
 Primogeniture,   origin   and  utility  of, 
 
 Privy-coimcil,  constitution  and  duties 
 of,  244 ;  emoluments  of,  245  ;  ob- 
 jection to  inquiring  into,  answered, 
 246 
 
 Privy-seal,  lord,  duties  of,  149 
 
 Privy-purse,  origin  and  nature  of,  215 
 
 Progress  of  public  debt,  334 
 
 Property,  utility  of,  272 
 
 Public  prosperity,  causes  of,  595  ;  the 
 people  not  the  government  cause  of, 
 596 
 
 Public  creditor,  obligation  to  keep 
 faith  with,  360  ;  distress  caused  by 
 a  breach  of  faith  with,  ib. ;  number 
 of,  ib. ;  orticial  return  of,  C42 
 
 Public  charities  a  source  of  clerical 
 income,  48  ;  results  of  inquiry  into 
 prove  great  increase  of  value  of 
 church  property,  43 
 
 PkW/c  expenditure,  heads  of,  637 
 
 Public  men  not  believers  in  the  super- 
 stitions of  the  vulgar,  3 
 
 Pugh,  John,  c!evk  in  chancery,  563 
 
 Pultency  family  obtained  valuable  lease 
 of  Clown  lands,  18 
 
 Purititnism,  (ear  of  falling  into,  92 
 
 Q. 
 
 Qualification,  elective,  considered, 600 
 Quarterly  Review,  attempts  to  contro- 
 vert fourfold  division  of  tithes,  12; 
 its  estimate  of  church  revenues  ex- 
 amined, 45 
 Queen  Anne's  bounty,  appropriation  of, 
 65 
 
 R. 
 
 Itadicals,  their  non-expectations  from 
 reform  bill   considered,  600 
 
 Rae,  dame,  her  pension,  564 
 
 Raynsford,  T.  A  registrar  in  chancery, 
 duties  and  emoluments  of,  564 
 
 Receivers  of  taxes  abolished,  520 
 
 Rectories,  number  of,  22 
 
 Reformation,  new  disposition  of  eccle- 
 siastical property  at,  12 ;  popular 
 hostility  to,  explained,  13  ;  a  similar 
 spirit  opposed  cow-pox  and  machi- 
 nery, ib. ;  the  evil  of  great  posses- 
 sions by  individuals  aggravated  by, 
 14  ;  number  and  value  of  religious 
 houses  suppressed,  ib. ;  immense  va- 
 
 lue of,  proved  from  state  of  Ireland, 
 Tuscany,  and  France,  15 
 
 Reform  bill,  adequacy  of,  598;  two 
 objects  meant  to  accomplish  by,  ib.; 
 qualification,  principle  of,  604;  em- 
 braces all  interests,  606;  benefits 
 from  enumerated,  607;  towns  with 
 population  exceeding  10,000  not  in- 
 cluded, 636 
 
 Regent-street,  cost  of,  193 
 
 Regium  donum,  169 
 
 Religion,  conduct  of  public  men  in  re- 
 spect of,  2 ;  lost  its  most  objection- 
 able trait  by  progress  of  know- 
 ledge, 92 ;  men  without,  seldom 
 better  than  beasts,  93;  not  favour- 
 able to  a  free  trade  in,  ib. 
 
 Rennell,  dean,  his  adventures,  120 
 
 Representation, — see  House  of  commons. 
 
 Reversions,  nature  of,  explained,  488 
 
 Revolution  of  1688,  character  of,  594 
 
 Ricardo,  school  of,  428 
 
 Richmond,  duke  of,  remarks  on  ofHce 
 of,  565 
 
 Ricketts,  Mr.  anon-resident  consul,  190 
 
 Robes,  royal,  223,  234 
 
 Royal  family,  incomes  of,  237 
 
 Royalty,  pageantry  of,  184,  227 ;  use- 
 less trappings,  587 
 
 Russell,  lord  John,  567 
 
 Ryders,  their  progress  in  the  church, 
 121 
 
 S. 
 
 St.  Mary-le-bone,  sale  of  advowson  of, 
 191 
 
 •S'^  Paul's  school,  abuses  in,  121 
 
 St.  Simon,  doctrines  of,  272 
 
 Salaries,  enormous  increase  in,  480; 
 one  million  per  annum  might  be 
 saved  by  reduction  of,  481 ;  exceed- 
 ing £1000  return  of,  497  ;  classifica- 
 tion of  957  placemen  and  pension- 
 ers who  receive  £2,161,927,  499  ; 
 total  amount  of,  502 
 
 Scarlett,  sir  James,  blunders  in  for- 
 gery act,  295  ;  law,  reforms  of,  326 
 
 Schomberg,  duke,  his  heirs  receive  a 
 pension,  569 
 
 Scotch  hereditary  revenue,  207,  242 
 
 Scotch  boroughs,  electors,  taxes,  &c., 
 616 
 
 Scott,  sir  D.  his  services  at  Brighton 
 not  merit  a  pension,  569 
 
 Scott,  W.  H.  J.  sinecures  and  rever- 
 sions of,  568 
 
 Scottish  church,  economical  establish- 
 ment of,  93 
 
 Sea  policies,  duties,  387 
 
 6'erfdon  and  Morel's  pickings,  193 
 
 2   y 
 
682 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sermons,  how  manufactured,  40 
 Settlement  of  Europe, — what  a  picture, 
 
 377 
 Seymours,  show  working  of  the  bo- 
 
 rouj;hs,  568 
 Sewers,  commissioners  of,  670 
 Shuwe,  Merrick,  pensioned  as  private 
 
 secretary,  57 
 Sheridan,   late,   pensions  to  his  chil- 
 dren, 570 
 Short,  C.  his  great  emoluments  from 
 
 fees,  570 
 Shovel-hat  of  the  clergy,  32 
 Simonij,  laWs  against,  nugatory,  20 
 Sinecures,  examples  of,  484 ;  total  in- 
 come of,  488 
 Sinkin^-fu7id,  fallacious  principle  of, 
 explained,  349 ;  thirty  millions  lost 
 by,  363 
 .S^/ai'f -<rade,  expense  of  abolition  of,  382 
 Sleath,  Dr. — see  St.  Paul's  School. 
 Smith,  lady,  sister  of  the  duke,   her 
 
 pension,  &c.  571 
 Smuggling,  vast  extent  of,  in  Ireland, 
 
 32 
 Soap  duties,  impolicy  of,  385 
 Society,    classes  into  which    divided, 
 
 and  incomes  of  each,  277 
 Southwell  collegiate  church,  99,  137 
 Sparke,  bisiiop,  his  perversion  of  patro- 
 nage to  emolument    of  his  family, 
 25  ;  origin  of  family,  122 
 Spottisivood,  A.  remarks  on  patent  as 
 
 king's  printer,  572 
 Stafford,  corporation  of,  472 
 Stafford,  duke  of,  his  income,  271 
 Stamp  duties,  irregularities  of,  387 
 Stanhope,  lord,  puzzles  the  judges,  288 
 Stanhope,  lady,  her  pension  out  of  4J 
 
 per  cent  duties,  204 
 Stanley,  E.  G.  his  eagle  talons,  573 
 Stewart,  Dugald,  his  remark  on  double 
 
 doctrine  of  public  men,  3 
 Stowell,  lord,  his  interest  in  late  war, 
 
 575 
 Suffrage  universal,    principle  of,  603 
 Suitors'  effects  in  chancery,  329 
 Sumner,  bishop,  a  lady's  bishop,  523 ; 
 required  at  Winchester  College,  123 
 Superannuations,  482,  494 
 Surplice-fees,  produce  of,  49 
 Sutton,  archbishop,  his  abuse  of  church 
 patronage,     26 ;     his    principle    of 
 churcli   government,    41 ;    cause   of 
 first  promotion  of,  124 
 Swing  fires,  how  to  prevent,  392 
 
 T. 
 
 Taxation,  inequalities  of,  266;  ditto, 
 
 278;  more  tyranny  under  than  the 
 star-chamber  or  inquisition,  325 ; 
 amount  of  in  each  year,  330 ;  general 
 principles  of,  3C0 ;  workings  of,  385 
 
 Tea,  prime  cost  of,  in  China,  and  sale 
 price  by  East-India  Company,  415; 
 John  Bull  finely  crucified  respecting, 
 between  exclusives  of  Leadenhall 
 and  Downing-street,  424 
 
 Ten-pound  qualification  defended,  605 
 
 Thompson  colonel,  on  rent,  264 
 
 Thurlow,  jNIr.  T.  remarks  on  his  judicial 
 sinecures,  577 
 
 Tierney,  Mrs.  the  Whigs  ought  to  have 
 provided  for,  378 
 
 Times  newspaper,  irresponsible  power 
 of,  391 
 
 Tindal,  C.  J.  Bristol  charge,  578 
 
 Tithes,  originated  with  Adam,  accord- 
 ing to  Dr.  Cove,  10  ;  neither  Judaism 
 nor  Christianity  sanction  them,  ib.; 
 introduction  of  into  England,  in- 
 volved in  darkness  like  other  points 
 of  constitutional  history,  11  ;  four- 
 fold division  of,  proved  from  exist- 
 ing practice  in  Ireland,  12  ;  reasons 
 of  dissenters  for  not  paying,  83  ;  not 
 meant  to  be  abolished,  but  com- 
 muted for  an  equivalent  assessment 
 on  landlords,  88  ;  different  tenure  of 
 lay  and  clerical,  91 ;  compositions 
 for,  in  Ireland,  144,  148 
 
 Tobacco,  smuggling,  325 
 
 Tradesmen's  debts,  333 
 
 Trafford,  Trafford,  late  receiver-gene- 
 ral of  taxes,  580 
 
 Trinity  college,  Dublin,  abuses  in,  629 
 
 Troutback.  the  crown  appropriates 
 money  he  left  for  charitable  uses, 
 208 
 
 Tyburn  or  Tartarus,  the  dread  of,  ne- 
 cessary to  restrain  human  passions,  3 
 
 Tyton,  A.  his  extravagant  retiring  al- 
 lowance as  late  solicitor,  680 
 
 V. 
 
 Underwood,  an  excise  case,  322 
 
 Unfunded  debt,  345 
 
 Union,  Irish,  effects  of  a  repeal  of,  180  ; 
 effected  by  lavish  grant  of  pensions, 
 495;  impolicy  of  repeal,  573 
 
 Unions,  number  and  nature  of,  in  Ire- 
 land, 145 
 
 Universal  suffrage,  practical  tendency 
 of,  603 ;  advocated  by  mock-reform- 
 ers, 604 
 
 Universities,  practices  at,  49;  patron- 
 age of,  117 
 
INDEX. 
 
 683 
 
 Uttcrson,  E.  V.  one  of  six  clerks,  emo- 
 luments and  duties  explained,  581 
 
 V. 
 
 Vernons,  church  gleanings  of,  126 
 
 Vicarages,  number  of,  22 
 
 Vincents  in  church,  126 
 
 Voltaire  may  be  read  with  impunity  by 
 
 men  of  £10,000  a  year,  93  ;  preaches 
 
 at  Ferney,  139 
 
 W. 
 Wakefield  on  the  Irish  tithe  system,  165 
 Waldegrave's  Memoirs,  232 
 War  bur  toti, bishop,  his  adventures,  143 
 Ward,  charges  of  his  mission,  249 
 Wars, cost  of  each  since  the  revolution, 
 336 ;  final  eifects  of,  342  ;  in  former 
 times,  343  ;  permanent  annual  bur- 
 then from,  348 
 Wastes,  iOOb  bills  for  inclosure  of,  291 
 Waters,  John,  his  judicial  fees,  582 
 Watson,  bishop,  opposes  the  war,  6  ; 
 
 on  selfishness  of  public    men,  232 
 Watt,   Mr.  a  cause  of  prosperity,  396 
 Welch  clergy,  54 
 Welch  boroughs,  614 
 Wellesley,  marquis,  seventy-two  sons 
 
 provided  for,  583 
 Wellesley,  hon.  W.  sale  of  livings  by,  21 
 Wellington,  duke  of,  obtains  a  slice  of 
 crown  lands  to  round  area  of  Apsley- 
 house,  194 ;  his  Tory  administration 
 better  than  any  other  formed  from 
 same  class  of  politicians,  230  ;  his 
 remark  on  common  law  report;  328  ; 
 letter  describing  his  Indian  exploits. 
 
 404  ;  remarks  on  his  political  cha- 
 racter and  the  dissolution  of  his 
 ministry,  583  ;  his  skill  in  posting 
 his  picquets,   585 
 
 Wesley,  John,  his  description  of  Gal- 
 vanism, 77 
 
 West-India  church  establishment,  205 
 
 Westmeath,  marchioness  of,  a  waylay 
 of  the  field-marshal,  585 
 
 Westmoreland's  relations,  531 
 
 Wharncliffe,  lord,  an  alarmist,  598 
 
 Whigs,  civil  list  of,  221 ;  retrench- 
 ments of,  500,  568 ;  strictures  on 
 principles  of,  230 ;  party  character 
 of,  under  Fox  and  Burke,  533  ;  ne- 
 glect of  Mrs.  Tierney  by,  418 
 
 Whiggism  and  Toryism  defunct  super- 
 stitions, 229 
 
 William  IV.,  his  civil  list,  219 
 
 Winchelsea,  lord,  540,  598 
 
 Winchester  college,  abuses  in,  123 
 
 Winchester,  marquis  of,  holds  a  courtly 
 office,  587 
 
 Windsor  cottage,  sums  expended  on, 
 223  ;  ditto  castle,  238 
 
 Wingjield,  W.  master  in  chancery,  re- 
 marks on  duties  and  emoluments,  587 
 
 Wives,  hint  on  advertising  for,   547 
 
 Wudehouses  in  church,  129 
 
 WraxalVs  memoirs,  232 
 
 Wright,  Mr.  exposure  of  church  disci- 
 pline, 34 
 
 Wyndham,  P.  C.  his  sinecures  in  the 
 West-Indies,  588 
 
 Wynn,  H.  his  mission  to  Switzerland 
 and  hospitality  at  the  public  expense, 
 248. 
 
 MARCHANT,    PRINTER,    I  NG  RA  M-COU  RT,    FENCHURCH-STREET. 
 
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 Gazette,  July  I8th,  1829. 
 
 "  This  work  is  compiled  with  great  care,  and  all  who  feel  inferesled  in  such 
 subjects  will  find  it  a  compendium  of  the  principal  facts  useful  to  be  known." — 
 I\'ew  Monthly  Magazine,  June  \st,  1829. 
 
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