\ N LIBRARY OF PRINCETON m I 7 2008 THEOLOGICAL SCMWARY BX8069 .K7 1868 Krauth, Charles Porterfield, 1823-1883. Augsburg confession : literally translated from the original Latin. ,4B^fci£^'''^ ^^""^ >^ /^^ THE JUN 2 7 2008 THHOLOGICAL SEMINAR AUGSBURG CONFESSION, LITERALLY TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN. WITH THE MOST IMPORTANT ADDITIONS OP THE GERMAN TEXT INCORPORATED: XOOXTHEB WITH THE GENERAL CKEEDS; Ain> AN INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND ANALYTICAL INDEX. BT CHARLES P. KRAUTH, D.D., NORTON PE0FE8S0B IN THE THEOIOGIOAI. SEMINARY OF THE EVANGEUOAL LUTHERAN OHUROH, PHILADELPHIA. PHILADELPHIA: Tract and Book Society of St. John's Evangelical Lutheran Church. LUTHERAN BOOKSTORE, 807 Vine Street. 18 6 8. CAXTON PRESS OF SHERMAN k CO., PHIIiADELPHIA. adyepvTiseme:n't. For the edification of its members in the Doctrines of our Church, and to have within reach of all a complete and approved edition, in English, of the great Augsburg Confession, — the fundamental Confession of Protestant Christianity, — Tfie Tract and Book Socieiy of St. John's Evangelical Lutheran Church, of this city, two years ago, entered into arrangements to have this desideratum supplied. The book has been delayed beyond anticipation. The Board of Managers regret that they have been unable to present it sooner; but they congratulate the members of the Society, and the Church at large, that, in the good Providence of God, they now have it in their power to deliver an English edition of our Confession, at once complete in itself, and accompanied with an Introduction and !No*es, which will doubtless be appreciated according to their ex- alted worth. Numerous have been the issues of our Society during the many years of its existence, but none of them are at all to be compared with this, in the importance of the place which it is to fill, or in the labor, scholarly care, and valuable learning which have been bestowed upon it. May the Lord bless it to the good of all into whose hands it may come ! A lasting debt of gratitude is due to Dr. C. P. Krauth for the very able manner in which he has prepared what is herewith re- spectfully submitted by The Board of Managers. Philadelphia, April, 1868. INTRODUCTION. § 1. THE NATURE AND NECESSITY OF CREEDS. The Holy Scriptures are a perfect rule of faith. Be- eauBe they are such they beget a true faith in the heart which receives them aright. The faith, thus begotten, instinctively expresses itself in words. Those words, whether simply thought in the mind, uttered with the lips, written by our own hand, or assented to when writ- ten by another, are a Creed. A Christian Creed is simply the human expression, oral or mental, of the faith which has been received from God's Word. When, indeed, there can be and is no dispute whatever, on the part of any one, as to the meaning of God's Word, its own lan- guage is the most perfect mode of expressing our faith. Then, and then only, is it true that the Bible is our Creed. But when there can be and is a dispute as to the meaning of certain words in it, we can no longer ex- press our Creed or Confession in its words, because, as the object of a public Confession is to testify to others what we hold, and the very words we use are under- stood in more senses than one, we do not really confess or testify by using them — as some will understand them in one sense, and others in another. In this case we conceal our faith, instead of making it known. When God uses words to exj)ress His mind, they are a rule of faith because His meaning is absolute truth. When we use these same words to express our mind they are but a Creed, for we use them as we understand them, and that understanding may be incorrect. When He uses (iii) IV INTRODUCTION. them the question is, What does He mean? and what He means, is the rule of faith. When we use them the question is, What do we mean? and what we mean, is our Confession of faith. As a rule of faith the Word of God is absolute truth, but the meaning intended in the use of those very same words, by an errorist, may be false. When our Lord, for instance, says the wiclied shall "go away into everlasting punishment," his words are a rule of faith, and bind us to believe that there shall be literally no end to the misery of the wicked; but when a Universalist uses these same words as his Creed, they mean the very reverse of what the Saviour meant; their sense, as a Universalist Creed, is exactly the oppo- site of their sense as a divine rule of faith, and so used they cease to mean the truth. g 2. EAELY CREEDS. Not, therefore, as opposed to the supreme authority of the Word of God, but as the result of recognizing it, not to set up the opinions of man against divine truth, but to prevent their being thus set up, to show^that she has taken to her inmost heart the faith set forth in the Holy Scriptures, the Church, from the beginning, has had Creeds, or statements of faith. The oldest and most universally received of these is the Apostles' Creed, so called, not because it was written by them, but because it is a summary of their teachings. Our blessed Lord himself gave the germ of the Apostles* Creed, both as to its substance and its form, when He ordained his Apos- tles to go into all the world, and to make disciples of all nations, by baptizing them into the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, teaching them to observe all things whatsoever he had commanded them. Next to the Apos- tles' is the NiCENE Creed, so called from the j^lace at which the General Council met at which it was set forth. The third General Confession is the Athanasian Creed, which, tho^h not the work of Athanasius, correctly INTRODUCTION. V exhibits the great doctrines which he so earnestly main- tained. These three Creeds the Lutheran Cburcli ac- cepts as her own, and by them testifies to her historical unity with the Ancient Church. g 3. KOMANISM AND ITS CREED. An age of darkness is a creedless age ; corruption in doctrine works best when it is unfettered by an explicit statement of that doctrine. Between the Athanasian Creed (probably about A.D. 434) and the sixteenth cen- tury, there is no new General Creed. Error loves ambi- guities. In the contest with Rome the Reformers com- plained bitterly that she refused to make an explicit official statement of her doctrine. " Our opponents/' says the Apology,* "do not bestow the labor, that there may be among the people some certain statement of the chief points of the ecclesiastical doctrines." Just in pro- portion to the blind devotion of men to Popery were they reluctant to have its doctrines stated in an author- ized form, and only under the compulsion of a public sen- timent which was wrought by the Reformation, did the Church of Rome at length convene the Council of Trent. Its decisions were not completed and set forth until seventeen years after Luther's death, and thirty-three years after the Augsburg Confession. The proper date of the distinctive life of a particular Church is furnished bj^ her Creed. Tested by the General Creeds, the Evan- gelical Lutheran Church has the same claim as the Ro- mish Church to be considered in unity with the early Church, — but as a particular Church, with a distinctive bond and token of docjtrinal union, she is more than thirty years older than the Romish Church. Our Church has the oldest distinctive Creed now in use in any large division of Christendom. That Creed is the Confession of Augsburg. Could the Church have set forth and main- * 231, 43. 1* VI INTRODUCTION. tained snch a Confession as that of Augsburg before the time over which the Dark Ages extended, those Dark Ages could not have come. There would have been no Eeformation, for none would have been needed. §4. THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION: PKELIMINAKIES TO PREPARATION OF. . The mighty agitations caused by the restoration of divine truth by Luther and his great co-workers, had led to attempts at harmonizing the conflicting elements, especially by action at the Diets of the Empire. At the Diet of Worms (1521) Luther refuses to retract, and the Edict goes forth commanding his seizure and the burn- ing of his books; at the Diet of Nuremberg (1522) Chere- gati, the Papal Nuncio, demands the fulfilment of the Edict of Worms, and the assistance of all faithful friends of the Church against Luther. The first Diet at Spires (1526) had virtually annulled the Edict of Worms, by leaving its execution to the unforced action (Jf the dif- ferent Estates, and it promised the speedy convocation of a General Council, or at least of a National Assembly. The second Diet at Spires (1529) quenched the hopes in- spired by this earlier action. It decreed that the Edict of Worms should be strictly enforced where it had al- ready been received; the celebration of the Romish Mass protected, and the preachers bound to confine them- selves to the doctrine of the Eomish Church in their teachings. The Protest of the Evangelical Princes against this decision, originated the name Protestants. The Protestant Princes made their appeal to a free General Council. Charles V, after vainly endeavoring to obtain the consent of the Pope to the convocation of a General Council, summoned the Diet at Augsburg, promising to appear in pei'son, and to give a gracious hearing to the whole question, so that the "one only Christian truth might be maintained, that all might be subjects and soldiers of the one Christ, and live in the INTRODUCTION. VU fellowship and unity of one Church." To this end the Emperor directed the friends of the Evangelical faith to prepare for presentation to the Diet, a statement on the points of division. In consequence of this order of the Emperor, the Elector of Saxony, who was the leader of the Evangeli- cal Princes, directed Luther, in conjunction with the other theologians at Wittenberg, to draw up a summary of doctrine, and a statement of the abuses to be corrected. The statement drawn up in consequence of this, had, as its groundwork, Articles which were already prepared; and as the Augsburg Confession is the ripest result of a series of labors, in which this was one, and as much con- fusion of statement exists on the relations of these labors, it may be useful to give the main points in chronological order. 1. 1529. October 1, 2, 3. The Conference at Mar- burg took place between Luther and the Saxon divines upon the one side, and Zwingle and the Swiss divines on the other. Luther, in conjunction with others of our great theologians, prepared the XV Marburg Articles, October, 1529. These Articles were meant to show on what points the Lutherans and Zwinglians agreed, and also to state the point on which they did not agree, and as a fair statement of the points, disputed and undis- puted, were signed by all the theologians of both parties. 2. 1529. Oct. 16. On the basis of these XY Articles were prepared, by Luther, with the advice and assistance of the other theologians, the XXII Articles of Schwa- bach, so called from the place at which they were pre- sented. 3. 1529. Nov. 29. From the presentation of these XXII Articles at Smalcald, they are sometimes called the Smalcald Articles. 4. 1530. March 20. These XVII Articles of Luther revised were sent to Torgau, and were long called the Torgau Articles, though they are in fact the revised Vm INTRODUCTION. Articles of Schwabach. These Articles are mainly doc- trinal. 5. March 20. In addition to these, a special writing, of which Luther was the chief author, in conjunction with Melancthon, lonas, and Bugenhagen, was prepared by direction of the Elector, and sent to Torgau. These articles are on the abuses,* and are the Torgau Articles proper. 6. The XYII doctrinal articles of Schwabach formed the basis of the doctrinal articles of the Augsburg Con- fession ; the Articles of Torgau are the basis of its arti- cles on abuses, and both these are mainly from the hand of Luther. In six instances, the very numbers of the Schwabach Articles correspond with those of the Augsburg Confes- sion. They coincide throughout, not only in doctrine, but in a vast number of cases word for word, the Augs- burg Confession being a mere transcript, in these cases, of the Schwabach Articles. The differences are either merely stylistic, or are made necessary by the larger ob- ject and compass of the Augsburg Confession; but so thoroughly do the Schwabach Articles condition and shape every part of it, as to give it even the peculiarity of phraseology characteristic of Luther. § 5. ITS AUTHOKSHIP : LTJTHEE'S PvELATIONS TO. To a large extent, therefore, Melancthon's work is but an elaboration of Luther's, and to a large extent it is not an elaboration, but a reproduction. To Luther be- long the doctrinal power of the Confession, its inmost life and spirit, and to Melancthon its matchless form. Both are in some sense its authors, but the most essen- tial elements of it are due to Luther, who is by pre- * For the latest and amplest results of historical investigation on these points, see Corpus Eeformat., vol. xxvi (1858), cols. 97-199. INTRODUCTION. IX eminence its author, as Melanctbon is its composer. If the authorship of the Confession should be claimed for Melancthon to the exclusion of Luther, it would open the second great Eeformer to the charge of the most un- scrupulous plagiarism. Even had Luther, however, had no direct share in the Augsburg Confession, the asser- tion would be too sweeping that he was in no sense its author. Great leading minds are in some sense the au- tbors of all works that have germinated directly from their thoughts. But Luther was, in a peculiar sense, the author of Melancthon's theological life; he w^as, as Me- lancthon loved to call him, ''his most dear father." All the earliest and purest theology of Melancthon is largely but a repetition, in his own graceful way, of Luther's thoughts; and the Augsburg Confession is in its inmost texture the theology of the New Testament as Luther believed it. § 6. ABSENCE OF LUTHEK FKOM AUGSBURG. For the absence of Luther from Augsburg, the reasons constantly assigned in history are obviously the real ones. Luther was not only under the Papal excommu- nication, but he was an outlaw under the imperial ban. In the rescript of the Emperor he was styled "the evil fiend in human form," "the fool," and "the blasphemer." His person would have been legally subject to seizure. The Diet at Spires (1529) had repeated the Decree of Worms. The Elector would have looked like a plotter of treason had Luther been thrust by him before the Emperor, and with the intense hatred cherished by the Papistical party toward Luther, he would not have been permitted to leave Augsburg alive. The Elector w^as so thoroughly anxious to have Luther with him, that at first he allowed his wishes to obscure his judgment, — he attached such importance to the mild language of Charles V, that he allowed himself to hope, yet, as his letter of . March 14th shows, rather feebly, that even Luther might X INTRODUCTION. be permitted to appear. Luther left Wittenberg on tho assumption that be perhaps might be permitted to come to Augsburg. But a safe conduct was denied him. Had it been desired by the Elector to bave Luther out of the way, it would have been far easier to the Elector, and pleasanter to Luther, to have kept him at Wittenberg. That Luther came to Coburg, is proof of the ardent desire to have his counsel and co-operation ; tbat he stopped there, shows the greatness of the peril that would have attended his going further. But Luther's safety was not merely provided for by his detention here, but by placing him in the old castle of the Duke of Co- burg, which occupies a commanding height, more than five hundred feet above the town, and which is so well fortified by nature and art, that during the Thirty Years' War, Wallenstein besieged it in vain. The awful loneliness of such a spot would have im- pressed the soul of Luther under any circumstances, but the isolation of the place seems to have been meant to give him additional security. The arrangements were planned by loving friends for his safety. Luther per- fectly understood the character and object of the ar- rangements, before they were made, while they were in progress, and after all was over. Thus, April 2d, writing before his journey, be says: " I am going with the Prince, as far as Coburg, and Melancthon and Jonas with us, un- til it is known what will be attempted at Augsburg." In another letter of same date: "I am not summoned to go to Augsburg, but for certain reasons, I only accompany the Prince on his journey through his own dominions." June 1, he writes : " I am waiting on the borders of Sax- ony, midway between Wittenberg and Augsburg, for it was not safe to take me to Augsburg." The expressions of impatience which we find in his letters during his stay at Coburg, only show that in the ardor of his great soul, in moments of intense excitement, the reasons for his detention at the castle, which com- INTRODUCTION. XI mended themselves to his cooler judpjment, seemed rea- sons no longer — death seemed nothing — he would gladly face it as he had faced it before, only to be in body where he was already in heart. "I burn," he says, "to come, though uncommanded and uninvited." His seeming im- patience, his agony, his desire to bear often, his refusal for the moment to listen to any excuses, were all inev-i table with such a spirit as Luther's under the circum- stances; yet for places four days' journey apart, in those troublous times, of imperfect communication, with special couriers carrying all the letters, there was an extraor- dinary amount of correspondence. Wq have about sev- enty letters of Luther written to Augsburg during the Diet, and we know of thirty-two written by Melancthon to Luther, and of thirty-nine written by Luther to Me- lancthon in the five months of correspondence, during the Diet, or connected with it in the time preceding.* § 7. CORRESPONDENCE WITH LUTHER. Melancthon's Letters of May 4th. Luther and Melancthon went in company to Coburg, and at Coburg the "Exordium" of the Confession was written. At Augsburg, Melancthon, as w^as his wont, elaborated it to a yet higher finish. May 4, he writes to Luther: "I have made the exordium of our Apology" (that is, the Confession) " somewhat more finished in style (retorikoteron), than I wrote it at Coburg." Speak- ing of his work he says: " In a short time, I myself will bring it, or if the Prince will not permit me to come, I will send itJ^ By the Apology or Defence is meant the Confession, which was originally designed to be in the main a de- fence of the Evangelical (Lutheran) Confessors, espe- cially in regard to their practical application of their principles in the correction of abuses. The second part * Luther's Letters, De Wette's Edit., iii, iv. Xll INTRODUCTION. was the one which at the time of the preparation of the Confession was regarded as the more difficult, and for the immediate objects contemplated, the more important. The articles of faith were designed as a preparation for the second part, and the judgment of Forstemann and others that by the "Exordium," Melancthon meant not the Preface, which there seems to be evidence was writ- ten in German by Bruck, and translated into Latin by Jonas, " but the whole first part of the Confession, is not without much to render it probable." If we take Melancthon'a language, in his letter of May 5, grammatically, it seems to settle it, that the Exordium was the whole first part, for it is inconceivable that he would desire to come all the way to Coburg to show Lu- ther merely the Preface, more especially as we know that the Confession itself was nearly finished at the time. In a letter of the same date (May 4th), to Viet Dietrich, who was with Luther, he says: " I will shortly run over to you, that I may bring to the Doctor (Lu- ther), the Apology which is to be offered to the Em- peror, that he (Luther) may examine it." The Elector's Letters of Mat 11th. For very obvious reasons, Melancthon could not be spared from Augsburg at this time even for an hour, to say nothing of the hazards which might have been in- curred by the journey, which his great anxiety for a per- sonal conference with Luther inclined him to make. But on May 11th, the Elector sent to Luther the Confession, with a letter, in which he speaks of it as meant to be a careful revision of those very articles of which Luther was the main author. He says to Luther (Augsburg, May 11th) : "As you and our other theologians at Wit- tenberg, have brought into summary statement the arti- cles of religion about which there is dispute, it is our wish to let you know that Melancthon has further re- INTRODUCTION. Xlii vised the same, and reduced them to a fornix which we hereby send you." "And it is our desire that you would further revise the same, and give them a thorough exam- ination, and at the same time (daneben) you would also write how you like it, or what you think proper to add about it or to it, and in order that, on his Majesty's ar- rival, which is looked for in a short time, we may be ready, send back the same carefully secured and sealed, without delay, to this place, by the letter-carrier who takes this/' Luther had been the chief laborer in the articles of which the Elector declared the Confession to be but a revision and reducing to shape — there could be little room for large changes, and as the Emperor was ex- pected speedily, the time was too pressing to allow of elaborate discussions, which were indeed unneeded where all were so absolute a unit in faith as our Confessors were. That margin would have been narrow, and that time short, indeed, on which and in which Luther could not have written enough to kill any Confession which tam- pered with the truth. The Elector's whole letter expressly assigns the natu- ral and cogent reason, that Luther's judgment might be needed at once, in consequence of the expected advent of the Emperor, a point which Melancthon's letter of the same date also urges. The haste is evidence of the anxiety to have Luther's opinion and approval, as a sine qua non. The Diet had been summoned for April 8th. It was soon after postponed to the 1st of May, and at this later date, had it not been for the delay of the Emperor in appearing, the articles of Luther, on which the Confes- sion was afterwards based, would themselves have been offered. As it was, it was needful to be ready at any hour for the approach of Charles. The letter of the Elector seems to imply that the original of the Confession was sent to Luther. Great care was taken to prevent 2 XIV INTRODUCTION. copies from being multiplied, as the enemies were eager to see it. Even on June 25th, the day of its presenta- tion, the Latin Confession, in Melancthon's own hand- writing, was given to the Emperor. Melancthon's Letter of Mat 11th. With this letter of the Elector was sent a letter from Melancthon addressed " to Martin Luther, his most dear father." In it he says: " Our Apology is sent to you, although it is more properly a Confession, for the Em- peror will have no time for protracted discussion. Never- theless, I have said those things which I thought most profitable or fitting. With this design I have embraced nearly all the articles of faith, for Eck has put forth the most diabolical slanders against us, to which I wished to oppose a remedy. I request you, in accordance with your own spirit, to decide concerning the whole writing (Pro tuo spiritu de toto scripto statues). A question is referred to you, to which I greatly desire an answer from you. What if the Emperor . . . should prohibit our ministers from preaching at Augsburg? I hav^ an- swered that we should yield to the wish of the Emperor, in whose city we are guests. But our old man is diffi- cult to soften." (The "old man" is either the Elector John, so called to distinguish him from his son, John Frederick, or the old Chancellor Bruck.) " Whatever therefore you think, I beg that you will write it in Ger- man on separate paper'' What Luther was to write was his judgment both as to the Confession and the question about preaching, and the " separate paper," on which he was particularly re- quested to write, must mean separate from that which held the Confession. One probable reason why Luther was so particularly requested not, as was very much his wont, to write upon the margin, was, that this original draft of the Confession might have been needed for pre- sentation to the Emperor. The original of Luther's re- INTRODUCTION. XV plies to the Elector on both points (for to the Elector .and not to Melancthon they were to be made, and were made), still remains. Both are together — neither is on the margin of anything, but both are written just as Me- lancthon specially requested, "in German," and on ''sep- arate paper."* It shows the intensest desire to have the assurance doubly sure of Luther's concurrence, that under all the pressure of haste, the original of the Con- fession was sent him. That the highest importance was attached to Luther's judgment on this form of the Confession, is furthermore proved by the fact that after the Confession was dis- patched (May 11), everything was suspended at Augsburg, till he should be heard from. " On the 16th of May, the Elector indicated to the other States, that the Confession was ready, but was not entirely closed up, but had been sent to Luther for examination." Shortly after Luther's reply of May 15, heartily indorsing the Confession, with- out the change of a word, was received at xiugsburg.f It is called ''form of Confession," in the Elector's let- ter to Luther, because the matter of the Confession had been prepared by Luther himself. Melancthon's work was but to revise that matter, and give it "form,'* which revised form was to be subjected to the examination of all the Lutheran authorities and divines at Augsburg, and especially to Luther. As to the articles of faith, and the abuses to be cor- rected, the matter of the Confession was already finished and furnished— much of it direct from Luther's hand, and all of it with his co-operation and approval. It was only as to the "form," the selection among various abuses, the greater or less amplitude of treatment, that * Ccelestinus, i, p. 40. Luther's Epistol. supplem. Buddei, 93. Salig. Hist. d. Aug. Conf., i, 169. Cyprian Beylage xiv, Ex Auto- grapho. Luther's Briefe : De Wette (Lett. 1213) himself compared the original in the Weimar Archives. t Corpus Keform, No. 700. Kollner, pp. 171, 175. XVI INTRODUCTION. all the questions lay. The "form of Confession " sent on May 11th was the Augsburg Confession, substantially identical with it as a whole, and, in all that is really essential to it, verbally identical. We have copies of it so nearly at the stage at which it then was as to know that this is the case. Melancthon's letter expressly de- clares that nearly all the articles of faith had been treated, and the Augsburg Confession, in its most fin- ished shape, only professes to give "about the sum of the doctrines held by us.'^ But we need not rest in inferences, however strong, in regard to this matter. We have direct evidence from Melancthon himself, which will be produced, that Luther did decide, before its presentation, upon what, in Me- lancthon's judgment, was the Augsburg Confession itself. His words prove that the changes which Luther did not see were purely those of niceties of style, or of a more ample elaboration of a very few points, mainly on the abuses; in fact, that Luther's approval had»been given to the Confession, and that without it the Confession never would have been presented. The Elector's letter of May 11th was answered by Luther, who heartily indorsed the Confession sent him, without the change of a word. Nothing was taken out, nothing was added, nothing was altered. He speaks ad- miringly, not reprovingly, of the moderation of its style, and confesses that it had a gentleness of manner of which he was not master. As the Emperor still lingered, Melancthon used the time to improve, here and there, the external form of the Confession. He loved the most exquisite accuracy and delicacy of phrase, and never ceased filing on his work. What topics should be handled under the head of abuses, was in the main perfectly understood, and agreed upon between him and Luther. The draft of the discussion of them was largely from Luther's hand, and all of it was indorsed by him. INTRODUCTION. XVU The main matters were entirely settled, the principles were fixed, and the questions which arose were those of stjde, of selection of topics, of the mode of treating them, or of expediency, in which the faith was not involved. In regard to this, Luther speedily hears again from his son in the GospeL Melancthon's Letter of May 22. May 22d, Melancthon wrote to Luther :* " In the Apology, we daily change many things ; the article on Vows, as it was more meagre than it should be, I have removed, and supplied its place with a discussion a little more full, on the same point. I am now treating of the power of the keys also. I wish you would run over the Articles of Faith; if you think there is no defect in them, we will treat of the other points as we best may (ut- cunque). For they are to be changed from time to time, and adapted to the circumstances." In the same letter he begs Luther to write to George, Duke -of Saxony, be- cause his letter would carry decisive weight with him: " there is need of your letters." This letter shows : 1. That Melancthon desired Luther to know all that he was doing. 2. That the Articles of Faith were finished, and that the changes were confined to the Articles on Abuses. 3. That in the discussions on Abuses, there were many questions which would have to be decided as the occasions, in the providence of God, would determine them. From three to four days seems to have been the ordi- nary time of the letter-carrier between Augsburg and Coburg. The Elector sent the Confession May 11th; Luther rejjlied May 15th, probably the very day he re- * Corpus Eeformatorum, II. Epist., No. 680. 2* XVlll INTRODUCTION. ceived it ; his reply probably reached Augsburg May 20tli, and two days after, Melancthon sends him the Articles of Faith, with the elaboration which had taken place in the interval, and informs him of what he had been doing, and designs to do. In part, on the assumption that Luther was not per- mitted to receive this letter, a theory was built by Eiickert, a Eationalistic writer of Germany, that the Augsburg Confession was meant to be a compromise with Eome, and that it was feared that if Luther were not kept in the dark he would spoil the scheme. But even if Luther did not receive Melancthon's letter and the Articles of May 22d, we deny that the rational so- lution would be that they were fraudulently held back by the friends of the Confession at Augsburg. Grant that Luther never received them. What then? The retention of them would have been an act of flagrant im- morality; it was needless, and foolish, and hazardous; it is in conflict with the personal character of the great princes and leaders, political and theological, who were as little disposed as Luther, to compromise any principle with Eome. The Elector and Brtick were on some points less disposed to be yielding than Luther. The theory is contradicted by the great body of facts, which show that Luther, though absent in body, was the controlling spirit at Augsburg. It is contradicted by the Confession itself, which is a presentation, calm in nlanner, but mighty in the matter, in which it overthrows Popery from the very foundation. It is contradicted by the tierce replies of the Papists in the Council, by the savage assaults of Popery upon it through all time, by the decrees of the Council of Trent, whose main polemical reference is to it. It is contradicted by the enthusiastic admiration which Luther felt, and expressed again and again, for the Confession. The millions of our purified churches have justly re- garded it for ages as the great bulwark against Eome, INTRODUCTION. XIX and the judgment of the whole Protestant world ha.s been a unit as to its fundamentally Evangelical and Scriptural character over against Eome. Its greatest- defenders have been the most able assailants of Pop-ery. It might as well be assumed that the Bible is a com- promise with the Devil, and that the Holy GLiost was ex- cluded from aiding in its production, lest he should em- barrass the proceedings, as that the Augsburg Confession is, or was meant to be, a compromise with Popery, and that Luther was consequently prevented from having a share in producing it. If the letter really never reached Luther, the theory that it was fraudulently kept at Augsburg by the friends of the Confession, that the whole thing was one of the meanest, and at the same time, most useless crimes ever committed, is so extreme, involves such base wickedness on the part of its perpetrators, that nothing but the strongest evidence or the most overwhelming presump- tions justify a man in thinking such an explanation possible. If this letter, or others, never reached Luther, it is to be attributed either to the imperfect mode of transmis- sion, in which letters were lost, miscarried or destroyed by careless or fraudulent carriers, of which bitter com- plaints constantly occur in the letters of Luther and others at that time, or if there were any steps taken to prevent Luther's letters reaching him, these steps would be taken by the Eomanists, who were now gathering in increasing force at Augsburg. The difficulty in the way of communicating with Luther increased, as his being at Coburg was kept secret from his enemies, and at his re- quest, in a letter which we shall quote, was kept secret in June even from the body of his friends. So much for the theory, granting its fact for argu- ment's sake. But the fact is that Luther did receive Melancthon's letter of the 22d. The letter was not lost, but aj^pears XX INTRODUCTION. in all the editions of Melancthon's letters, entire,* and in the earliest histories of the Augsburg Confession, with- out a hint, from the beginning up to Etickert's time, that it had not been received. When we turn to Luther's letters, complaining of the silence of his friends, we find no evidence that Melancthon's letter had not been re. ceived. They create, on the contrary, the strongest pre- sumption that it had been received. As it was sent at once (Melancthon says that he had hired a letter-carrier before he began the letter), it would reach Luther about May 25th. Luther's letter of June 1st to Jacob Probst, in Bremcn,f shows that he had intelligence of the most recent date from Augsburg, that he was sharing in the cares and responsibilities of what was then passing: "Here, also, I am occupied with business for God, and the burden of the whole empire rests upon us." He then uses, in part, the very language of Melancthon's letter of May 22d, as to the time when the Emperor would be at Augsburg.| He quotes from that letter Melancthon's very words in regard to Mercurinus :§ " He would have nothing tp do with violent councils — that it had appeared at Worms what violent councils would do. He desired the affairs of the Church to be peacefully arranged." He closes his account of things at Augsburg by saying : " You have an account of matters now as they are to-day at Augs- burg" (Jiodie habet). * In the original Latin, in Corpus Reform., ii, No. 698. In Ger- man in Walch's Luther's Werke, xvi, No. 927. f De Wette's Bri^fe, No. 1217. Buddeus Suppl., No. 123. :j: Melancthon : vix ante Pentecosten. Luther : forte ad Pente- costen. § Melanc. : Nolle se violentis consiliis interesse. Luth. : Se nolle interesse violentis consiliis. Mel. : Wormatiae apparuisse, quam nihil proficiant violenta consilia. Luth. : Wormatiae vidisset, quid eflacerentviolentaconsilia. Mel. : Vir summus Mercurinus. Luth.: Summus Mercurinus. Mel.: Res ecclesiasticae rite constituerentur. Luth. : Ecclesiae res cum pace constitui. INTRODUCTION. XXI Luther did receive Melancthon's letter of the 22d, and on June 1st quotes largely from it. Up to this time, too, there is no complaint of suspen- sion of communication with Augsburg, but, on the con- trary, he reports up to the da}'" on which he writes. On June 2d Luther writes to Melancthon.* There is no word of complaint in this letter of any silence on the part of Melancthon, or of others at Augsburg. He com- plains that he is so overrun with visitors as to be com- pelled to leave Coburg for a day, to create the impres- sion that he is no longer there. "I beg of you, and the others with you, in future to speak and write so that no one will seek me here any longer; for I wish to remain con- cealed^ and to have you, at the same time, to keep con- cealed, both in your words and letters.'^ He then speaks of the report that the Emperor would not come to Augs- burg at all, and of his deep anxiety. This letter shows what was the subject of Luther's intense anxiety on the following days. A thousand alarming rumors reached him, and he was anxious to hear, by every possible op- portunity, from Augsburg; at the same time, wishing to be concealed, he had requested Melancthon and his other friends to avoid sending letters in a way that would make it known that he was at Coburg. These two facts help to solve Luther's great solicitude to hear news, and also, in part, as we have said, to account for the irregu- larity in his receiving letters, as they would, in accord- ance with his direction of June 2d, be sent with secrecy. In Luther's letter of June 5th, he complains not that there had been a long delay, but that they did not write by every opportunity. These were sometimes quite fre- quent. In some cases more than one opportunity oc- curred in a day. None of Luther's anxiety is about the Confession. In Luther's letter to Melancthon, of June * De Wette Briefe, No. 1219. Buddeus, No. 124. In German Walch xvi, p. 2826. XXU INTRODUCTION. 7th, he complains of the silence of his friends at Augs- burg, but in a playful tone. In his letter of June 19th, to Cordatus,* he says : '' We have no news from Augsburg. Our friends at Auo-sbura; write us none." In his letter to Gabriel Zwilling,f June 19th, he says: "You will, per- haps, get the news from Bernhard, for our friends have not answered our letters through the whole month" (June). Luther's letter of June 20th, to Justus Jonas,^ gives direct evidence how long the interruption of cor- respondence continued: " Your letters have come at last, my Jonas, after we were well' fretted for three whole weeks with your silence." The period, therefore, does not em- brace May 22d, but only the first three weeks in June. There is no reason whatever, therefore, for doubting that Luther received Melancthon's letter, and the Articles of Faith of May 22d. On June 1st, the Elector, John, sent Luther secret advices of an important proposition which he had received from the Emperor. If, therefore, there were any furtive and dishonorable course pursued toward Luther, the causes and results of it must, in some special manner, be found between the Elector's secret advices of June 1st and the letter to Luther from Augsburg, June 15th; but there is nothing in the course of events to sug- gest any such reason, even if there were a fact which seemed to require something of the sort — but there is no such fact. On the contrary, we shall produce a fact which will sweep away all necessity for any further dis- cussion of this point. We have seen, 1st, that the Confession was sent by the Elector, May 11th, to Luther, at Coburg, for his written judgment upon it, in its first form. 2d. That it was sent again, on the 22d of the same * De Wette Briefe, No. 1229. Buddeus, No. 125. Walch xvi, 2833. t De Wette, No. 1230. Buddeus, No. 126. Walch. xvi, 2836. t De Wette, No. 1232. Buddeus, No. 127. INTRODUCTION. XXlll Tnonth, by Melancthon, and was received by Luther, in its second form. 3d. We shall now show that it was sent as nearly as possible in its complete shape to Luther, for a third time, before it was delivered, and was approved by him in what may probably be called \i^ final form. The evidence to which we shall appeal is that of Me- lancthon himself It is first found in the Preface to his Body of Christian Doctrine (Corpus Doctrinae), 1560, and also in the Preface to the first volume of the Wittenberg edition of his works in folio. It is reprinted in the Cor- pus Reformatorum, vol. ix, No. 6932. He there says, in giving a history of the Augsburg Confession : 1. " I brought together the principal points of the Con- fession, embracing pretty nearly the sum of the doctrine of our Churches." II. " I assumed nothing to myself, for in the presence of the Princes and other officials, and of the preachers, it was discussed and determined upon in regular course, sentence by sentence." III. " The complete form of the Confession was subse- quently (deinde) sent to Luther, who wrote to the Princes that he had read the Confession and approved it. That these things were so done, the Princes, and other honest and learned men, yet living, well remember." IV. ^' After this (postea), before the Emperor Charles, in a great assemblage of the Princes, this Confession was read." This extract shows, 1, that this complete Confession — the tota forma — the Articles on Doctrines and Abuses, as contrasted with any earlier and imperfect form of the Confession, was submitted to Luther. 2. This is wholly distinct from Luther's indorsement of the Confession as sent May 11th, for that was not the "fo^a forma,'' but relatively unfinished ; that had not been discussed before Princes, officials, and preachers, for they were not yet at Augsburg. Nor was it then meant XXIV INTRODUCTION. that the Confession should be made in the name of all the Evangelical States. It was to be limited to Saxony. Luther's reply to the letter of May 11th was not to the Princes, but to John alone. Up to May 11th, the Elector (with his suite) was the only one of the Princes at Augs- burg. On the 12th, the Landgrave of Hesse came; on the 15th the Nurembergers. Not until after May 22d did that conference and discussion take place, of which Melancthon speaks. After the whole form of the Con- fession had been decided upon, it was sent to Luther, re- ceived his filial indorsement, and was presented to Charles. This complete form was identical in matter with the Con- fession as exhibited, although verbal changes were made by Melancthon up to the very time of its delivery. § 8. LUTHEK'S OPINION OF THE AUGSBUKG CONFESSION. On this point, we propose to let Luther speak for him- self 1. 1530, May 15. In Luther's reply to the Elector, he says: " I have read the Apology (Confession), of Pjiilip, from beginning to end; it pleases me exceedingly well, and I know of nothing by which I could better it, or change it, nor would I be fitted to do it, for I cannot move so moderately and gently. May Christ our Lord help, that it may bring forth much and great fruit, as we hope and pray. Amen."* These words of admiration for Melancthon's great gifts, came from Luther's inmost heart. Less than six months before he had written to Jonas :t " All the Jeromes, Hil- larys, and Macariuses together, are not worthy to un- loose the thong of Philip's sandal. What have the whole of them together done which can be compared with one * Luther's Briefe, De Wette, 1213, Walch xvi, 785. In Latin : Ccelestinus i, 40, Buddeus 93. In French : (Le Cop's) Chytraeus, p. 29. t Buddeus, No. 100. INTRODUCTION. XXV year of Philip's teaching, or to his one book of Common Places V Had Luther been at Augsburg, he would have allowed the work of finishing '' the form of the Confes- sion" to be given to no other hands than Melancthon's : " I prefer," he says, " Melancthon's books to my own, and would rather have them circulated than mine. I was born to battle with conspirators and devils, there- fore my books are more vehement and warlike. It is my work to tear up the stumps and dead roots, to cut away the thorns, to fill up the marshes. I am the rough forester and pioneer. But Melancthon moves gently and calmly along, with his rich gifts from God's own hand, building and planting, sowing and watering."* 2. Between June 8th 'and 25th, we have Melancthon's declaration, cited in our former article, as to Luther's approval of the Confession in the form it took after the discussion. 3. June 3d. Luther to Melancthon : ''I yesterday re- read your Apology entire, with care (diligenter), and it pleases me exceedingly."-)- 4. July 6th, to Hausman:| he speaks lovingly of "owr Confession which our Philip hath prepared." 5. July 6, to Cordatus :§ " The Confession of ours was read before the whole empire. I am glad exceedingly to have lived to this hour, in which Christ through his so great Confessors, in so great an Assembly, has been preached in so glorious a Confession, and that word has been fulfilled : ' I will speak of thy testimonies in the presence of kings,' -and this also has been fulfilled : ' and shall not be ashamed,' for ' him who confesseth me before men' (it is the word of him who cannot lie), 'I also will confess before my Father who is in heaven.' " * Pref. to Melancthon on Colossians. t In Latin : De Wette, No. 1243. Buddeus, No. 137. German : Walch xvi, 1082. X De Wette, No. 1245. § De Wette, 1246. Walch xvi, 1083. XXvi INTRODUCTION. 6. July 6, to the Cardinal Albert, Archbishop of Mentz, Primate of Germany:* "Your Highness, as well as the other orders of the empire, has doubtless read the Con- fession, delivered by ours, which I am persuaded is so composed, that with joyous lips, it may say with Christ: ^ If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil; but if well, why smitest thou me ?' It shuns not the light, and can sing with the Psalmist : ' I will speak of thy testi- monies before kings, and will not be ashamed.' But I can well conceive that our adversaries will by no means accept the doctrine, but much less are they able to con- fute it. I have no hope whatever that we can agree in doctrine; for their cause cannot bear the light. Such is their bitterness, with such hatred are they kindled, that they would endure hell itself rather than yield to us, and relinquish their new wisdom. I know that this our doc- trine is true, and grounded in the holy Scriptures. By this Confession we clearly testify and demonstrate that we have not taught wrongly or falsely." 7. July 9, to Duke John, Elector of Saxony if "Our adversaries thought they had gained a great poin^ in having the preaching interdicted by the Emperor, but the infatuated men did not see that by this written Con- fession, which was offered to the Emperor, this doctrine was more preached, and moje widel}^ propagated, than ten preachers could have done it. It was a fine point that our preachers were silenced, but in their stead came forth the Elector of Saxony and other princes and lords, with the written Confession, and prea'ched freely in sight of all, before the Emperor and the whole empire. Christ surely was not silenced at the Diet, and mad as they were, they were compelled to hear more from the Con- fession, than they would have heard from the preachers * De Wette, No. 1247. Walch xvi, 1085. In Latin : Buddeus, No. 139. t De Wette, No. 150. Walch xvi, 969. Latin : Buddeus, No. 142. INTRODUCTION. XXVli in a year. Paul's declaration was fulfilled: * The word of God is not bound :' silenced in the pulpit, it was heard in the palace ; the poor preachers were not allowed to open their lips — but great princes and lords spoke it forth." 8. July 9, to Jonas :* " There will never be agreement concerning doctrine" (between the Evangelical and Ro- mish Churches), "for how can Christ and Belial be in concord? But the first thing, and that the greatest at this Council has been, that Christ has been proclaimed in a public and glorious Confession; he has been confessed in the light and to their face, so that they cannot boast that we fled, or that we feared, or concealed our faith. My only unfulfilled desire about it is that I was not pres- ent at this noble Confession. I have been like the gen- erals who could take no part in defending Vienna from the Turks. But it is my joy and solace that meanwhile my Vienna was defended by others." 9. July 15, Luther addresses a letter to his " most dear brother in Christ, Spalatine, steadfast Confessor of Christ at Augsburg ;"f and again, July 20th, "to Spalatine, faith- ful servant and Confessor of Christ at Augsburg."J 10. July 20, to Melancthon : " It was a great affliction to me that I could not be present with you in the body at that most beautiful and holy Confession of Christ "§ (^pulcherima et sanctissima). August 3d, he sends a letter to Melancthon, " his most dear brother in Christ, and Confessor of the Lord at Augsburg." 11. But perhaps nowhere has Luther's enthusiastic admiration for the Augsburg Confession blazed up more brightly than in his eloquent summary of what our Con- fessors had done at the Diet. It is in the last letter he wrote to Melancthon, before they again met at Coburg * De Wette, No. 1251. W»lch xvi, 1098. t Buddeus, No. 150. % Buddeus, No. 154. g Buddeus, No. 155. XXVlll INTRODUCTION. (September 15th) : " You have confessed Christ, you have offered peace, you have obeyed the Emperor, you have endured injuries, you have been drenched in their re- vilings, you have not returned evil for evil. In brief, you have worthily done God's holy work as becometh saints. Be glad then in the Lord, and exult, ye righteous. Long have ye borne witness in the world, look up and lift up your heads, for jonr redemption draweth nigh. I will canonize you as faithful members of Christ, and what greater glory can ye have than to have yielded Christ faithful service, and shown yourself a member worthy of him?" 12. In his Table Talk Luther said : " Such is the effi- cacy and power of God's word, that the more it is perse- cuted, the more it flourishes and spreads. Call to mind the Diet at Augsburg, where the last trumpet before the judgment-day sounded. How the whole world then ra2:ed against our doctrine ! Our doctrine and faith were brought forth to light in our Confession. Our doc- trines fell into the souls of many of the noblest men, and ran like sparks in tinder. They were kindled, and kin- dled others. Thus our Confession and Defence came forth in the highest glory."* 13. In the year ISSS,"}" Luther united in demanding of candidates as a prerequisite to entering the ministry, the declaration, " that they embraced the uncorrupted doc- trine of the Gospel, and so understood it, as it is set forth in the Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian Creeds, and as it is repeated in the Confession, which our Churches offered to the Emperor at the Diet of Augsburg, 1530, and promise that with God's help they will remain stead- fast in that conviction to the end, and will faithfully per- form their duty in the Church." It is not wonderful that Melancthon himself con- * Leipz., XX, 200. Tischreden (Foerstemann), iv, 354. t Buddeus, No. 178. INTRODUCTION. ' XXIX sidered the Confession as rather Luther's than his own, and called it " the Confession of the revered Doctor Luther."* This, then, is the result of the whole: The Holy Ghost in His ordinary illumination through the Word, is the true source and original of thw Augsburg Confession; its secondary source is the whole Evangelical Church of 1530, the main organ of whose utterance was, as to the matter and the substance of the form, Luther; as to the finish and grace of the form, Melancthon. Melancthon was its composer, Luther, by pre-eminence, as the divinely called representative of the Church, its author, and hence all candid writers have most heartily indorsed Luther's own declaration, in which he not only claims the Augs- burg Confession as his own, but ranks it among his most precious works :f " The Catechism, the Exposition of the Ten Commandments, and the Augsburg Confession are mme." But are there not a few words of Luther in regard to the Confession, which are in conflict with this enthusias- tic approval ? We reply, there is not one word of the kind. The words which have been so tortured, only show that Luther wished that among the Articles on Abuses there should have been a declaration that the Pope is Antichrist, and a full handling of the doctrine of Purga- tory. But the Confession, as a conjoint public docu- ment, could only discuss what a majority of those who were to unite in it thought best to present. Melancthon himself was overruled in regard to matters he desired to introduce. The Augsburg Confession was no private document, but in the labors of both Luther and Melanc- thon in connection with it, both were the organs of the whole Church, and were compelled to sacrifice their mere * Melancthon Orat. (1553). Pref. to Confessio Doctrinse, 1551, in Corp. Ref., lib. xii, No. 5349. t Werke (Walch), xxii, 4532. Koellner, 181 (45). 3* XXX * INTRODUCTION. private preferences to the common judgment. Every sentence, every word of the Augsburg Confession as it stands, embodies the faith of Luther, and received his unqualified, repeated, and enthusiastic assent. If, in the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jeffer- son, in preparing his staffement of the political abuses which justified our separation from Great Britain, had wished to specify one or two more than the Committee thought necessary, and which were consequently not in- serted, it would not weaken his claim to the authorship of that document. Nor would the fact, that he continued to think that it would have improved it to have specified the one or two additional abuses, affect the conscientious heartiness with which he indorsed that document, nor impair the value of his testimony. But even the prefer- ence of Luther, to which this is a fair parallel, was but transient, and he came to see clearly what the whole world has since seen, that in its silence, the Augsburg Confession is a model of exquisite judgment, as in its utterances it is a masterpiece of style. V § 9. OBJECT OF THE AUGSBUKG CONFESSION. The occasion of the Augsburg Confession was the com- mand of the Emperor, — not that he demanded such a Confession, but that under the leadings of God's provi- dence it grew out of his summons. The last was destined to become first, and the first last. The Confessors them- selves did not at first realize the full value of the opening which had been made for the proclamation of the truth, but when it dawned upon them they showed themselves worthy of their great position. They at first meant but an Apology. The faith they cherished, and the usages they practised, they simply wished to defend from the current libels. This object they did not lose sight of, but it became secondary. Their distinctive object soon became the setting forth the great points in the whole sys- INTRODUCTION. XXXI tem of heavenly truth, and the showing how, in its light, they had endeavored cautiously, and gently, yet firmly to remove the abuses which had arisen in the Church of the West. The Apology was transfigured into a Con- fession. It was not only not meant to be a compromise with Popery, but it clearly showed, and was designed to show, that such a compromise is impossible. Our Re- formers had indeed cherished a noble hope, which bitter experience was constantly rendering feebler, that the whole Church of the West, redeemed from the thrall of the Pope, might return to her ancient Scriptural faith, and, abjuring Roman Catholicism, attain once more to Christian Catholicity, and become a Communion of saints. If such a return had been possible, the Augsburg Confes- sion, alike in the simplicity and purity of its statement of doctrine, the conservatism of its whole tone, its firm- ness and its gentleness, would have hel}^>ed to facilitate it; but the bridge it made, was not meant to open the way back to error, but to aid men to come ove/*to the pure faith. § 10. THE PRESENTATION^ OF THE CONFESSION : LATIN AND GERMAN TEXT. The Confession, in Latin and German, was presented to the Diet on Saturda}^, June 25th, 1530. Both texts are originals; neither text, is properly a translation of the other; both present precisely the same doctrines, but with verbal differences, which make the one an indispen- sable guide in the full understanding of the other; both texts have, consequently, the same authority. The Ger- man copy was the one selected, on national grounds, to be read aloud. Both copies were taken by the Emperor, who handed the German to the Elector of Mentz, and retained the Latin. It is not now known where either of the originals is, nor with certainty that either is in existence. In addition to seven unauthorized editions XXXU INTRODUCTION. in the year 1530, the Confession was printed, under Me- lancthon's own direction, both in Latin and German, while the Diet was still sitting. Authorized editions of this year, both in Latin and German, are in the hands of the writer, and have been examined in preparing this work. The Confession began to be multiplied at once. Innumerable editions of the originals, and translations into the chief languages of Europe appeared. Its ene- mies have helped its friends to circulate it, and to pre- serve the reissues of these originals from any change in- volving more than questions of purely literary interest. g 11. THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION ALTERED. When Melancthon, in 1540, issued a varied Edition of the Latin, though he declared that the changes were but verbal, and that he designed only to state more clearly the precise doctrine of the Confession in its original shape, the changes were marked by foe and friend. The Eo- manists at once brought the charge that Melancthon had changed, not merely the phraseology, but the meaning of the Confession. The Calvinists and Crypto-Calvibists showed that they did not believe Melancthon's state- ment that no alteration of doctrine had been intended. In the Lutheran Church different views were taken of the matter. Those who believed Melancthon's declara- tion that the changes were purely verbal, the better to express the very doctrine set forth at Augsburg, either passed them over without disapproval, or were compara- tively lenient in their censure. Every instance of the seeming toleration of them in the Lutheran Church was connected with the supposition that the Altered Confes- sion in no respect whatever differed from the doctrine of the Unaltered. There never was any part of the Lu- theran Church which imagined that Melancthon had any right to alter the meaning of the Confession in a single particular. Melancthon himself repeatedly, after the appearance of the Variata, acknowledged the Unaltered INTRODUCTION. XXXIU Augsburg Confession as a statement of his own un- changed faith, as for example, at the Diet of Ratisbon in ir)41. In 1557, at the Colloquy at Worms, he not only acknowledged as his Creed, the Unaltered Augsburg Con- fession, the Apology, and the Smalcald Articles, but by name, and in writing, condemned the Zwinglian doc- trine. But a few days before his death (15(30), he said: ''I confess no other doctrine than that which Luther propounded, and in this will abide to the end of my life." Any man who professes to accept the Altered Confession therefore, though he rejects the Unaltered, either is dis- honest, or assumes that Melancthon was, and shows him- self willing to take advantage of his moral weakness. The history of the Altered Confession demonstrates that not only is it no gain to the peace of the Church, but pro- duces a yet more grievous disturbance of it, when the effort is made to harmonize men by an agreement in ambiguous phraseolog}^, the adoption of terms which are to be accepted in one sense by one set of men, and in another sense by another. § 12. THE CUERENT EDITIONS OF THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION: LATIN AND GERMAN. The Current Edition of the Augsburg Confession in Latin, the one which is found in the Book of Concord, is the reprint of Melancthon's own first Edition of 1530. The Current Edition of the Confession in Geriman, how- ever, which is the one found in the Book of Concord, is not a reprint of Melancthon's first Edition, and this fact requires some explanation. The original German was, as we have seen, deposited in the imperial archives at Mentz. The Emperor had forbidden the Confession to be printed without his per- mission; nevertheless it appeared surreptitiously several times in the year, printed in no case from a copy of the original, but from copies of the Confession m^de before it had reached the perfect form in which it was actually XXXIV INTRODUCTION. presented to the Diet. These editions of the Confession not only being unauthorized, but not presenting it in the shape in which it had actually been delivered, Melancthon issued the Confession both in German and Latin. The German was printed from his own manuscript, from which the copy had been taken to be laid before the Diet. It reached Augsburg and was read and circulated there, while the Diet was still in session. Melancthon issued it expressly in view of the fact that the unauthorized edi- tions were not accurate. The first authorized edition, the editio princeps, coming from the hand of its composer, and presenting not only in the nature of the case the highest guarantee for strict accuracy, but surrounded by jealous and watchful ene- mies, in the very Diet yet sitting, before which it w^as read, surrounded by men eager to mark and to exaggei*- ate the slightest appearance of discrepance, was re- ceived by Luther and the whole Lutheran Church. Lu- ther knew no other Augsburg Confession in the German than this. It was received into the Bodies of Doctrine of the whole Church. It appears in the Jena edition of Luther's works, an edition which originated in the pur- pose of having his writings in a perfectly unchanged form, and was there given as the authentic Confession in antithesis to all the editions of it in which there were variationSfclarge or small. In the Convention of the Evangelical (Lutheran) Princes at Naumberg in 1561, among whom were two of the original signers, this edition was declared to be authentic, and was again solemnly subscribed, and the seals of the signers appended. Nothing could seem to be more certainly fixed than that this original edition of Melancthon presented the Confession in its most perfect form, just as it was actually delivered in the Diet. But unhappy causes, connected largely with Melanc- thon's latir attempts to produce unity by skilful phrases and skilful concealments, led to a most groundless sus- INTRODUCTION. XXXV picion, that even in the original edition there might be variations from the very letter of the Confession as actu- ally delivered. That there were any changes in mean- ing was not even in those times of morbid jealousy pre- tended, but a strong anxiety was felt to secure a copy of the Confession perfectly corresponding in words, in letters, and in points, with the original. The original of the Latin had been taken by Charles with him, but the German original was still supposed to be there, placed in the archives at Mentz. Joachim II, in 1566, directed Coelestinus and Zochius to make a copy from the Mentz original. Their copy was inserted in the Brandenburg Body of Doctrine in 1572. In 1576, Augustus of Sax- ony obtained from the Elector of Mentz, a copy of the same document, and from this the Augsburg Confes- sion as it appears in the Book of Concord was printed. Wherever the Book of Concord was received, Melanc- thon's original edition of the German was displaced, though the corresponding edition of the Latin has been retained. Thus half a century after its universal recog- nition, the first edition of the Augsburg Confession in German gave way to what was believed to be a true transcript of the original. Two hundred years after the delivery of the Confes- sion, a discovery was communicated to the theoloo-ical world by PfafP, which has reinstated Melancthon's oris;!- nal edition. Pfaff discovered that the document in the archives at Mentz was not the original, but a copy merely, and the labors of Weber have demonstrated that this copy has no claim to be regarded as made from the original, but is a transcript from one of the less finished copies of the Confession, made before it had assumed, under Melancthon's hand, the exact shape in which it was actually presented. While therefore the .ordinary edition of the Augsburg Confession, the one found in the Book of Concord, and from which the current trans- lations of the Confession have been made, does not XXXvi INTRODUCTION. differ in meaning at all from the original edition of Me- lancthon, it is, nevertheless, not so perfect in style, and where they differ, not so clear. The highest critical authority, then, both German and Latin, is that of Me- lancthon's own original editions.* The current edition of the German, and the earliest edition of Melancthon, are verbally identical in the largest part of the articles, both of doctrine and of abuses. The only difference is, that Melancthon's edition is occasion- ally somewhat fuller, especially on the abuses, is more perfectly parallel with the Latin at a few points, and occasionally more finished in style. When the question between them has a practical interest, it is simply be- cause Melancthon's edition expresses in terms, or with greater clearness, what is simply implied, or less explicitly stated in the other. The translation here given is from the Latin original Edition, with the most important additions from the German in brackets. These additions are common to both texts of the German. V § 13. STKUCTUKE AND DIVISIONS OF THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. The structure of the Augsburg Confession bears traces of the mode of its growth out of the Articles which formed its groundwork. It contains, as its two fundamental parts, a positive assertion of the most necessary truths, and a negation of the most serious abuses. It com- prises : I. The Preface; II. Twenty-one Principal Articles OF Faith ; III. An Epilogue-Prologue, which unites the first part with the second, and makes a grace- ful transition from the one to the other; IV. The Second great Division, embracing Seven Articles on Abuses; V. The Epilogue, followed by the Subscriptions. * For the facts here presented, compare Weber Krit. Geschichte: Hase. Lib. Symb., Francke do. KoUner Symb., Luther. Kirch., 342. INTRODUCTION. XXXVU The Articles are not arranged as a whole with refer- ence to a system. They may be classified thus : I. The Confessedly Catholic, or Universal Christian Articles, those which Christendom, Greek and Roman, have confessed, especially in the Apostles' and Nicene Creed. These were the doctrines of the Trinity (I), the Incarnation (III), the Second Coming of Christ, the Gen- eral Resurrection, the Eternity of Rewards and Punish- ments (XVII), the Validity of Administration by Unwor- thy Ministers (VIII), the Offer of Grace in Baptism, and the Right of Children to it (IX), Church Government (XIV), Civil Government (XVI), Free Will (XVIII), and the Cause of Sin (XIX). II. The Protestant Articles, — those opposed to the errors in doctrine, and the abuses in usage, of the Papal part of the Church of the West. To this the Confession, in its whole argument, based upon the Holy Scriptures as a supreme rule of faith, was opposed. But more par- ticularly to the Pelagianisra of Rome, in the doctrine of Original Sin (Art. II) : its corruption of the doctrine of Justification (Art. IV) : its doctrine of Merit in Works (Art. VI, XX), of the Ministerial Ofiice, as an Order of Priests (Art. V), of Transubstantiation (Art. X), of Au- ricular Confession (Art. XI), of Rej^entance (Art. XII), of the Opus Operatum in Sacraments (Art. XIII), of Church Order (Art. XX), of the very nature of the Christian Church (Art. VII), and of the Worship of Saints (Art. XXI). The entire second part was devoted to the argument against the Abuses in the Church of Rome, especially in regard to Communion in One Kind (Abus., Art. I), Celi- bacy of the Priesthood (Art. II), the Mass (Art. Ill), Confession (IV), Human Traditions (V), Monastic Vows (VI), Church Power, and especially the Jurisdiction of the Bishops (VII). III. The Evangelical Articles, or parts of Articles, — 4 XXXVlll INTRODUCTION. those articles which especially assert the doctrines which are connected most directly with the Gospel in its essen- tial character as tidings of redemption to lost man, — the great doctrines of grace. These articles are specially those which teach the fall of man, the radical corruption of his nature, his exposure to eternal death, and the ab- solute necessity of regeneration (Art. II); the atonement of Christ, and the saving work of the Holy Spirit (Art. Ill); justification by faith alone (lY), the true character of repentance, or conversion (XII); and the impotence of man's own will to effect it (XVIII). lY. The articles which set forth distinctive Bibli- cal doctrines which the Lutheran Church holds in pe- culiar purity, over against the corruptions of Eomanism, the extravagance of Eadicalism, the perversions of Ra- tionalism, or the imperfect development of theology. Such are the doctrines of the proper inseparability of the two natures of Christ, both as to time and space (Art. Ill), the objective force of the Word and Sacra- ments (Art. Y), the reality of the presence of both the heavenly and earthly elements in the Lord's Suppea* (Art. X), the true value of Private, that is, of individual Ab- solution (Art. XI), the genuine character of Sacramental grace (Art. XIII), the true medium in regard to the rites of the Church (Art. XY), and the freedom of the will (XYIII), and the proper doctrine concerning the Cause of Sin (XIX). On all these points the Augsburg Confes- sion presents views which, either in matter or measure, are opposed to extremes, which claim to be Protestant and Evangelical. Pelagianizing, Rationalistic, Fatalis- tic, Fanatical, unhistorical tendencies, which, more or less unconsciously, have revealed themselves, both in Romanism and in various types of nominally Evangeli- cal Protestantism, are all met and condemned by the letter, tenor, or spiritof these articles. Througli the whole flows a spirit of earnest faith and of pure devotion. The body of the Confession shows the INTRODUCTION. XXXIX hand of consummate theologians, its soul reveals the in- most life of humble, earnest Christians. § 14. THE LITEKATUEE OF THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. The books that have been written on or about the Augsburg Confession would, in themselves, form a large library. The most important of them may be thus classi- fied:* I. The Literature of the Confession ; in works of a general character; and in special works. II. Collected works, bearing on its History and In- terpretation. III. Interpretation of the Confession : official writ- ings which prepared the way for it; Manuscripts, Latin and German; Editions and Translations; Commentaries, Notes, and Sermons. lY. Works on Dogmatics, Polemics, Symbolic, Irenic, or the History of them, of value in its interpretation or defence, or as illustrating the theology based upon or deviating from it. Y. Works connected with its History. YI. Practical and Devotional works based upon it. § 15. THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION AS A CREED: WHAT IS INVOLVED IN A RIGHT RECEPTION OF IT? The very heart of all the agitation of our Church in this country lies in this question ; Can we honorably bear the name of Evangelical Lutherans, honestly profess to receive the Augsburg Confession as our Creed, and hon- estly claim to be part of the Church of our fathers, while we reject, or leave open to rejection, parts of the doc- trine whose reception gave our Church her separate being and distinctive name, and led to the formation of * See Select Analytical Bibliography of the Augsburg Confes- sion. By C. P. Krauth. 1858. 8vo, pp. 22. Xlii INTRODUCTION. possible, deceive the very elect/' atid which Melancthon considered worthy of a reply — after the unflinching au- dacity of Carlstadt, and the plausible argument of Zwin- gle, which was so shallow, and therefore seemed so clear, it is not probable that the feeble echo of their arguments which is now alone heard in the maintenance of their views, would shake our fathers were they living. The Scripture argument stands now where it stood then, and the Word, which was too strong for Luther's human doubts then, would prove too strong for them now. It is not the argument which has changed: it is as over- whelming now as then ; but the singleness of faith, the simple-hearted trust — these have too often yielded to the Rationalizing s])irit of a vain and self-trusting genera- tion. If our fathers, with their old spirit, were living now, we would have to stand with them, on their Con- fession, or be obliged to stand alone. Luther would sing now, as he sung then : " The Word they shall permit remain, And not a thank have for it." V TV. The very name of Augsburg, which tells us where our Confession was uttered, reminds us of the nature of the obligations of those who profess to receive it. Two other Confessions were brought to that city: the Confes- sion of Zwingle, and the Tetrapolitan Confession: the former openly opposed to the faith of our Church, espe- cially in regard to the Sacraments; the latter ambiguous and evasive on some of the vital points of the same doc- trine. These two Confessions are now remembered only because of the historical glory shed by ours over every thing which came into any relation to it. But can it be, that the doctrine which arrayed itself against the Augs- burg Confession at Augsburg can be the doctrine of that Confession, or capable of harmonizing with it anywhere else; that what was not Lutheranism there is Lutheran- ism here; that what was Lutheranism then is not Lu- INTRODUCTION. xliii tlieranism now; that Zwingle or Hedio of Stranburg could, without a change of views, honestly Kubncribe the Confession against which they had arrayed themselves, that very Confession, the main drift of some of whose most important Articles was to teach the truth these men de- nied, and to condemn the errors these mf^n fostered, or that men, who hold now what they held then, can now honestly do what they would not and could not do then ? What could not be done then, cannot be done now. A principle is as little affected by the lapse of three hun- dred years as of one 3'ear. It cannot be, that, consist- ently with the principles of our fathers, consistently with Church unity with them, consistently with the Church name which their principles and their faith defined, men holding Romish, or Rationalistic, or Zwinglian error, should pretend to receive the Confession as t,heir own. 8uch a course effaces all the lines of historical identity, and of moral consistency, and opens the way to error of every kind. Y. The language of the Confession, when it speaks of itself, is well worthy of attention. 1. It calls itself a Confession^ not a rule. The Bible is the only rule of faith, and this document confesses the faith of which the Bible is the rule. 2. It calls itself a Confession o^ faith ; of faith, not of men's opinions or views, but of that divine conviction of saving truth, which the Holy Ghost works through the Word. It speaks of that with which it has to do as " the holy faith and Christian religion," " the one onl}^ and true religion," "our holy religion and Christian faith." The title of the doctrinal portion of the Confession is, ^^ Principal Articles of Faith." 3. The Confessors speak of this Confession of faith as "the Confession of th