\ N LIBRARY OF PRINCETON m I 7 2008 THEOLOGICAL SCMWARY BX8069 .K7 1868 Krauth, Charles Porterfield, 1823-1883. Augsburg confession : literally translated from the original Latin. ,4B^fci£^'''^ ^^""^ >^ /^^ THE JUN 2 7 2008 THHOLOGICAL SEMINAR AUGSBURG CONFESSION, LITERALLY TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN. WITH THE MOST IMPORTANT ADDITIONS OP THE GERMAN TEXT INCORPORATED: XOOXTHEB WITH THE GENERAL CKEEDS; Ain> AN INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND ANALYTICAL INDEX. BT CHARLES P. KRAUTH, D.D., NORTON PE0FE8S0B IN THE THEOIOGIOAI. SEMINARY OF THE EVANGEUOAL LUTHERAN OHUROH, PHILADELPHIA. PHILADELPHIA: Tract and Book Society of St. John's Evangelical Lutheran Church. LUTHERAN BOOKSTORE, 807 Vine Street. 18 6 8. CAXTON PRESS OF SHERMAN k CO., PHIIiADELPHIA. adyepvTiseme:n't. For the edification of its members in the Doctrines of our Church, and to have within reach of all a complete and approved edition, in English, of the great Augsburg Confession, — the fundamental Confession of Protestant Christianity, — Tfie Tract and Book Socieiy of St. John's Evangelical Lutheran Church, of this city, two years ago, entered into arrangements to have this desideratum supplied. The book has been delayed beyond anticipation. The Board of Managers regret that they have been unable to present it sooner; but they congratulate the members of the Society, and the Church at large, that, in the good Providence of God, they now have it in their power to deliver an English edition of our Confession, at once complete in itself, and accompanied with an Introduction and !No*es, which will doubtless be appreciated according to their ex- alted worth. Numerous have been the issues of our Society during the many years of its existence, but none of them are at all to be compared with this, in the importance of the place which it is to fill, or in the labor, scholarly care, and valuable learning which have been bestowed upon it. May the Lord bless it to the good of all into whose hands it may come ! A lasting debt of gratitude is due to Dr. C. P. Krauth for the very able manner in which he has prepared what is herewith re- spectfully submitted by The Board of Managers. Philadelphia, April, 1868. INTRODUCTION. § 1. THE NATURE AND NECESSITY OF CREEDS. The Holy Scriptures are a perfect rule of faith. Be- eauBe they are such they beget a true faith in the heart which receives them aright. The faith, thus begotten, instinctively expresses itself in words. Those words, whether simply thought in the mind, uttered with the lips, written by our own hand, or assented to when writ- ten by another, are a Creed. A Christian Creed is simply the human expression, oral or mental, of the faith which has been received from God's Word. When, indeed, there can be and is no dispute whatever, on the part of any one, as to the meaning of God's Word, its own lan- guage is the most perfect mode of expressing our faith. Then, and then only, is it true that the Bible is our Creed. But when there can be and is a dispute as to the meaning of certain words in it, we can no longer ex- press our Creed or Confession in its words, because, as the object of a public Confession is to testify to others what we hold, and the very words we use are under- stood in more senses than one, we do not really confess or testify by using them — as some will understand them in one sense, and others in another. In this case we conceal our faith, instead of making it known. When God uses words to exj)ress His mind, they are a rule of faith because His meaning is absolute truth. When we use these same words to express our mind they are but a Creed, for we use them as we understand them, and that understanding may be incorrect. When He uses (iii) IV INTRODUCTION. them the question is, What does He mean? and what He means, is the rule of faith. When we use them the question is, What do we mean? and what we mean, is our Confession of faith. As a rule of faith the Word of God is absolute truth, but the meaning intended in the use of those very same words, by an errorist, may be false. When our Lord, for instance, says the wiclied shall "go away into everlasting punishment," his words are a rule of faith, and bind us to believe that there shall be literally no end to the misery of the wicked; but when a Universalist uses these same words as his Creed, they mean the very reverse of what the Saviour meant; their sense, as a Universalist Creed, is exactly the oppo- site of their sense as a divine rule of faith, and so used they cease to mean the truth. g 2. EAELY CREEDS. Not, therefore, as opposed to the supreme authority of the Word of God, but as the result of recognizing it, not to set up the opinions of man against divine truth, but to prevent their being thus set up, to show^that she has taken to her inmost heart the faith set forth in the Holy Scriptures, the Church, from the beginning, has had Creeds, or statements of faith. The oldest and most universally received of these is the Apostles' Creed, so called, not because it was written by them, but because it is a summary of their teachings. Our blessed Lord himself gave the germ of the Apostles* Creed, both as to its substance and its form, when He ordained his Apos- tles to go into all the world, and to make disciples of all nations, by baptizing them into the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, teaching them to observe all things whatsoever he had commanded them. Next to the Apos- tles' is the NiCENE Creed, so called from the j^lace at which the General Council met at which it was set forth. The third General Confession is the Athanasian Creed, which, tho^h not the work of Athanasius, correctly INTRODUCTION. V exhibits the great doctrines which he so earnestly main- tained. These three Creeds the Lutheran Cburcli ac- cepts as her own, and by them testifies to her historical unity with the Ancient Church. g 3. KOMANISM AND ITS CREED. An age of darkness is a creedless age ; corruption in doctrine works best when it is unfettered by an explicit statement of that doctrine. Between the Athanasian Creed (probably about A.D. 434) and the sixteenth cen- tury, there is no new General Creed. Error loves ambi- guities. In the contest with Rome the Reformers com- plained bitterly that she refused to make an explicit official statement of her doctrine. " Our opponents/' says the Apology,* "do not bestow the labor, that there may be among the people some certain statement of the chief points of the ecclesiastical doctrines." Just in pro- portion to the blind devotion of men to Popery were they reluctant to have its doctrines stated in an author- ized form, and only under the compulsion of a public sen- timent which was wrought by the Reformation, did the Church of Rome at length convene the Council of Trent. Its decisions were not completed and set forth until seventeen years after Luther's death, and thirty-three years after the Augsburg Confession. The proper date of the distinctive life of a particular Church is furnished bj^ her Creed. Tested by the General Creeds, the Evan- gelical Lutheran Church has the same claim as the Ro- mish Church to be considered in unity with the early Church, — but as a particular Church, with a distinctive bond and token of docjtrinal union, she is more than thirty years older than the Romish Church. Our Church has the oldest distinctive Creed now in use in any large division of Christendom. That Creed is the Confession of Augsburg. Could the Church have set forth and main- * 231, 43. 1* VI INTRODUCTION. tained snch a Confession as that of Augsburg before the time over which the Dark Ages extended, those Dark Ages could not have come. There would have been no Eeformation, for none would have been needed. §4. THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION: PKELIMINAKIES TO PREPARATION OF. . The mighty agitations caused by the restoration of divine truth by Luther and his great co-workers, had led to attempts at harmonizing the conflicting elements, especially by action at the Diets of the Empire. At the Diet of Worms (1521) Luther refuses to retract, and the Edict goes forth commanding his seizure and the burn- ing of his books; at the Diet of Nuremberg (1522) Chere- gati, the Papal Nuncio, demands the fulfilment of the Edict of Worms, and the assistance of all faithful friends of the Church against Luther. The first Diet at Spires (1526) had virtually annulled the Edict of Worms, by leaving its execution to the unforced action (Jf the dif- ferent Estates, and it promised the speedy convocation of a General Council, or at least of a National Assembly. The second Diet at Spires (1529) quenched the hopes in- spired by this earlier action. It decreed that the Edict of Worms should be strictly enforced where it had al- ready been received; the celebration of the Romish Mass protected, and the preachers bound to confine them- selves to the doctrine of the Eomish Church in their teachings. The Protest of the Evangelical Princes against this decision, originated the name Protestants. The Protestant Princes made their appeal to a free General Council. Charles V, after vainly endeavoring to obtain the consent of the Pope to the convocation of a General Council, summoned the Diet at Augsburg, promising to appear in pei'son, and to give a gracious hearing to the whole question, so that the "one only Christian truth might be maintained, that all might be subjects and soldiers of the one Christ, and live in the INTRODUCTION. VU fellowship and unity of one Church." To this end the Emperor directed the friends of the Evangelical faith to prepare for presentation to the Diet, a statement on the points of division. In consequence of this order of the Emperor, the Elector of Saxony, who was the leader of the Evangeli- cal Princes, directed Luther, in conjunction with the other theologians at Wittenberg, to draw up a summary of doctrine, and a statement of the abuses to be corrected. The statement drawn up in consequence of this, had, as its groundwork, Articles which were already prepared; and as the Augsburg Confession is the ripest result of a series of labors, in which this was one, and as much con- fusion of statement exists on the relations of these labors, it may be useful to give the main points in chronological order. 1. 1529. October 1, 2, 3. The Conference at Mar- burg took place between Luther and the Saxon divines upon the one side, and Zwingle and the Swiss divines on the other. Luther, in conjunction with others of our great theologians, prepared the XV Marburg Articles, October, 1529. These Articles were meant to show on what points the Lutherans and Zwinglians agreed, and also to state the point on which they did not agree, and as a fair statement of the points, disputed and undis- puted, were signed by all the theologians of both parties. 2. 1529. Oct. 16. On the basis of these XY Articles were prepared, by Luther, with the advice and assistance of the other theologians, the XXII Articles of Schwa- bach, so called from the place at which they were pre- sented. 3. 1529. Nov. 29. From the presentation of these XXII Articles at Smalcald, they are sometimes called the Smalcald Articles. 4. 1530. March 20. These XVII Articles of Luther revised were sent to Torgau, and were long called the Torgau Articles, though they are in fact the revised Vm INTRODUCTION. Articles of Schwabach. These Articles are mainly doc- trinal. 5. March 20. In addition to these, a special writing, of which Luther was the chief author, in conjunction with Melancthon, lonas, and Bugenhagen, was prepared by direction of the Elector, and sent to Torgau. These articles are on the abuses,* and are the Torgau Articles proper. 6. The XYII doctrinal articles of Schwabach formed the basis of the doctrinal articles of the Augsburg Con- fession ; the Articles of Torgau are the basis of its arti- cles on abuses, and both these are mainly from the hand of Luther. In six instances, the very numbers of the Schwabach Articles correspond with those of the Augsburg Confes- sion. They coincide throughout, not only in doctrine, but in a vast number of cases word for word, the Augs- burg Confession being a mere transcript, in these cases, of the Schwabach Articles. The differences are either merely stylistic, or are made necessary by the larger ob- ject and compass of the Augsburg Confession; but so thoroughly do the Schwabach Articles condition and shape every part of it, as to give it even the peculiarity of phraseology characteristic of Luther. § 5. ITS AUTHOKSHIP : LTJTHEE'S PvELATIONS TO. To a large extent, therefore, Melancthon's work is but an elaboration of Luther's, and to a large extent it is not an elaboration, but a reproduction. To Luther be- long the doctrinal power of the Confession, its inmost life and spirit, and to Melancthon its matchless form. Both are in some sense its authors, but the most essen- tial elements of it are due to Luther, who is by pre- * For the latest and amplest results of historical investigation on these points, see Corpus Eeformat., vol. xxvi (1858), cols. 97-199. INTRODUCTION. IX eminence its author, as Melanctbon is its composer. If the authorship of the Confession should be claimed for Melancthon to the exclusion of Luther, it would open the second great Eeformer to the charge of the most un- scrupulous plagiarism. Even had Luther, however, had no direct share in the Augsburg Confession, the asser- tion would be too sweeping that he was in no sense its author. Great leading minds are in some sense the au- tbors of all works that have germinated directly from their thoughts. But Luther was, in a peculiar sense, the author of Melancthon's theological life; he w^as, as Me- lancthon loved to call him, ''his most dear father." All the earliest and purest theology of Melancthon is largely but a repetition, in his own graceful way, of Luther's thoughts; and the Augsburg Confession is in its inmost texture the theology of the New Testament as Luther believed it. § 6. ABSENCE OF LUTHEK FKOM AUGSBURG. For the absence of Luther from Augsburg, the reasons constantly assigned in history are obviously the real ones. Luther was not only under the Papal excommu- nication, but he was an outlaw under the imperial ban. In the rescript of the Emperor he was styled "the evil fiend in human form," "the fool," and "the blasphemer." His person would have been legally subject to seizure. The Diet at Spires (1529) had repeated the Decree of Worms. The Elector would have looked like a plotter of treason had Luther been thrust by him before the Emperor, and with the intense hatred cherished by the Papistical party toward Luther, he would not have been permitted to leave Augsburg alive. The Elector w^as so thoroughly anxious to have Luther with him, that at first he allowed his wishes to obscure his judgment, — he attached such importance to the mild language of Charles V, that he allowed himself to hope, yet, as his letter of . March 14th shows, rather feebly, that even Luther might X INTRODUCTION. be permitted to appear. Luther left Wittenberg on tho assumption that be perhaps might be permitted to come to Augsburg. But a safe conduct was denied him. Had it been desired by the Elector to bave Luther out of the way, it would have been far easier to the Elector, and pleasanter to Luther, to have kept him at Wittenberg. That Luther came to Coburg, is proof of the ardent desire to have his counsel and co-operation ; tbat he stopped there, shows the greatness of the peril that would have attended his going further. But Luther's safety was not merely provided for by his detention here, but by placing him in the old castle of the Duke of Co- burg, which occupies a commanding height, more than five hundred feet above the town, and which is so well fortified by nature and art, that during the Thirty Years' War, Wallenstein besieged it in vain. The awful loneliness of such a spot would have im- pressed the soul of Luther under any circumstances, but the isolation of the place seems to have been meant to give him additional security. The arrangements were planned by loving friends for his safety. Luther per- fectly understood the character and object of the ar- rangements, before they were made, while they were in progress, and after all was over. Thus, April 2d, writing before his journey, be says: " I am going with the Prince, as far as Coburg, and Melancthon and Jonas with us, un- til it is known what will be attempted at Augsburg." In another letter of same date: "I am not summoned to go to Augsburg, but for certain reasons, I only accompany the Prince on his journey through his own dominions." June 1, he writes : " I am waiting on the borders of Sax- ony, midway between Wittenberg and Augsburg, for it was not safe to take me to Augsburg." The expressions of impatience which we find in his letters during his stay at Coburg, only show that in the ardor of his great soul, in moments of intense excitement, the reasons for his detention at the castle, which com- INTRODUCTION. XI mended themselves to his cooler judpjment, seemed rea- sons no longer — death seemed nothing — he would gladly face it as he had faced it before, only to be in body where he was already in heart. "I burn," he says, "to come, though uncommanded and uninvited." His seeming im- patience, his agony, his desire to bear often, his refusal for the moment to listen to any excuses, were all inev-i table with such a spirit as Luther's under the circum- stances; yet for places four days' journey apart, in those troublous times, of imperfect communication, with special couriers carrying all the letters, there was an extraor- dinary amount of correspondence. Wq have about sev- enty letters of Luther written to Augsburg during the Diet, and we know of thirty-two written by Melancthon to Luther, and of thirty-nine written by Luther to Me- lancthon in the five months of correspondence, during the Diet, or connected with it in the time preceding.* § 7. CORRESPONDENCE WITH LUTHER. Melancthon's Letters of May 4th. Luther and Melancthon went in company to Coburg, and at Coburg the "Exordium" of the Confession was written. At Augsburg, Melancthon, as w^as his wont, elaborated it to a yet higher finish. May 4, he writes to Luther: "I have made the exordium of our Apology" (that is, the Confession) " somewhat more finished in style (retorikoteron), than I wrote it at Coburg." Speak- ing of his work he says: " In a short time, I myself will bring it, or if the Prince will not permit me to come, I will send itJ^ By the Apology or Defence is meant the Confession, which was originally designed to be in the main a de- fence of the Evangelical (Lutheran) Confessors, espe- cially in regard to their practical application of their principles in the correction of abuses. The second part * Luther's Letters, De Wette's Edit., iii, iv. Xll INTRODUCTION. was the one which at the time of the preparation of the Confession was regarded as the more difficult, and for the immediate objects contemplated, the more important. The articles of faith were designed as a preparation for the second part, and the judgment of Forstemann and others that by the "Exordium," Melancthon meant not the Preface, which there seems to be evidence was writ- ten in German by Bruck, and translated into Latin by Jonas, " but the whole first part of the Confession, is not without much to render it probable." If we take Melancthon'a language, in his letter of May 5, grammatically, it seems to settle it, that the Exordium was the whole first part, for it is inconceivable that he would desire to come all the way to Coburg to show Lu- ther merely the Preface, more especially as we know that the Confession itself was nearly finished at the time. In a letter of the same date (May 4th), to Viet Dietrich, who was with Luther, he says: " I will shortly run over to you, that I may bring to the Doctor (Lu- ther), the Apology which is to be offered to the Em- peror, that he (Luther) may examine it." The Elector's Letters of Mat 11th. For very obvious reasons, Melancthon could not be spared from Augsburg at this time even for an hour, to say nothing of the hazards which might have been in- curred by the journey, which his great anxiety for a per- sonal conference with Luther inclined him to make. But on May 11th, the Elector sent to Luther the Confession, with a letter, in which he speaks of it as meant to be a careful revision of those very articles of which Luther was the main author. He says to Luther (Augsburg, May 11th) : "As you and our other theologians at Wit- tenberg, have brought into summary statement the arti- cles of religion about which there is dispute, it is our wish to let you know that Melancthon has further re- INTRODUCTION. Xlii vised the same, and reduced them to a fornix which we hereby send you." "And it is our desire that you would further revise the same, and give them a thorough exam- ination, and at the same time (daneben) you would also write how you like it, or what you think proper to add about it or to it, and in order that, on his Majesty's ar- rival, which is looked for in a short time, we may be ready, send back the same carefully secured and sealed, without delay, to this place, by the letter-carrier who takes this/' Luther had been the chief laborer in the articles of which the Elector declared the Confession to be but a revision and reducing to shape — there could be little room for large changes, and as the Emperor was ex- pected speedily, the time was too pressing to allow of elaborate discussions, which were indeed unneeded where all were so absolute a unit in faith as our Confessors were. That margin would have been narrow, and that time short, indeed, on which and in which Luther could not have written enough to kill any Confession which tam- pered with the truth. The Elector's whole letter expressly assigns the natu- ral and cogent reason, that Luther's judgment might be needed at once, in consequence of the expected advent of the Emperor, a point which Melancthon's letter of the same date also urges. The haste is evidence of the anxiety to have Luther's opinion and approval, as a sine qua non. The Diet had been summoned for April 8th. It was soon after postponed to the 1st of May, and at this later date, had it not been for the delay of the Emperor in appearing, the articles of Luther, on which the Confes- sion was afterwards based, would themselves have been offered. As it was, it was needful to be ready at any hour for the approach of Charles. The letter of the Elector seems to imply that the original of the Confession was sent to Luther. Great care was taken to prevent 2 XIV INTRODUCTION. copies from being multiplied, as the enemies were eager to see it. Even on June 25th, the day of its presenta- tion, the Latin Confession, in Melancthon's own hand- writing, was given to the Emperor. Melancthon's Letter of Mat 11th. With this letter of the Elector was sent a letter from Melancthon addressed " to Martin Luther, his most dear father." In it he says: " Our Apology is sent to you, although it is more properly a Confession, for the Em- peror will have no time for protracted discussion. Never- theless, I have said those things which I thought most profitable or fitting. With this design I have embraced nearly all the articles of faith, for Eck has put forth the most diabolical slanders against us, to which I wished to oppose a remedy. I request you, in accordance with your own spirit, to decide concerning the whole writing (Pro tuo spiritu de toto scripto statues). A question is referred to you, to which I greatly desire an answer from you. What if the Emperor . . . should prohibit our ministers from preaching at Augsburg? I hav^ an- swered that we should yield to the wish of the Emperor, in whose city we are guests. But our old man is diffi- cult to soften." (The "old man" is either the Elector John, so called to distinguish him from his son, John Frederick, or the old Chancellor Bruck.) " Whatever therefore you think, I beg that you will write it in Ger- man on separate paper'' What Luther was to write was his judgment both as to the Confession and the question about preaching, and the " separate paper," on which he was particularly re- quested to write, must mean separate from that which held the Confession. One probable reason why Luther was so particularly requested not, as was very much his wont, to write upon the margin, was, that this original draft of the Confession might have been needed for pre- sentation to the Emperor. The original of Luther's re- INTRODUCTION. XV plies to the Elector on both points (for to the Elector .and not to Melancthon they were to be made, and were made), still remains. Both are together — neither is on the margin of anything, but both are written just as Me- lancthon specially requested, "in German," and on ''sep- arate paper."* It shows the intensest desire to have the assurance doubly sure of Luther's concurrence, that under all the pressure of haste, the original of the Con- fession was sent him. That the highest importance was attached to Luther's judgment on this form of the Confession, is furthermore proved by the fact that after the Confession was dis- patched (May 11), everything was suspended at Augsburg, till he should be heard from. " On the 16th of May, the Elector indicated to the other States, that the Confession was ready, but was not entirely closed up, but had been sent to Luther for examination." Shortly after Luther's reply of May 15, heartily indorsing the Confession, with- out the change of a word, was received at xiugsburg.f It is called ''form of Confession," in the Elector's let- ter to Luther, because the matter of the Confession had been prepared by Luther himself. Melancthon's work was but to revise that matter, and give it "form,'* which revised form was to be subjected to the examination of all the Lutheran authorities and divines at Augsburg, and especially to Luther. As to the articles of faith, and the abuses to be cor- rected, the matter of the Confession was already finished and furnished— much of it direct from Luther's hand, and all of it with his co-operation and approval. It was only as to the "form," the selection among various abuses, the greater or less amplitude of treatment, that * Ccelestinus, i, p. 40. Luther's Epistol. supplem. Buddei, 93. Salig. Hist. d. Aug. Conf., i, 169. Cyprian Beylage xiv, Ex Auto- grapho. Luther's Briefe : De Wette (Lett. 1213) himself compared the original in the Weimar Archives. t Corpus Keform, No. 700. Kollner, pp. 171, 175. XVI INTRODUCTION. all the questions lay. The "form of Confession " sent on May 11th was the Augsburg Confession, substantially identical with it as a whole, and, in all that is really essential to it, verbally identical. We have copies of it so nearly at the stage at which it then was as to know that this is the case. Melancthon's letter expressly de- clares that nearly all the articles of faith had been treated, and the Augsburg Confession, in its most fin- ished shape, only professes to give "about the sum of the doctrines held by us.'^ But we need not rest in inferences, however strong, in regard to this matter. We have direct evidence from Melancthon himself, which will be produced, that Luther did decide, before its presentation, upon what, in Me- lancthon's judgment, was the Augsburg Confession itself. His words prove that the changes which Luther did not see were purely those of niceties of style, or of a more ample elaboration of a very few points, mainly on the abuses; in fact, that Luther's approval had»been given to the Confession, and that without it the Confession never would have been presented. The Elector's letter of May 11th was answered by Luther, who heartily indorsed the Confession sent him, without the change of a word. Nothing was taken out, nothing was added, nothing was altered. He speaks ad- miringly, not reprovingly, of the moderation of its style, and confesses that it had a gentleness of manner of which he was not master. As the Emperor still lingered, Melancthon used the time to improve, here and there, the external form of the Confession. He loved the most exquisite accuracy and delicacy of phrase, and never ceased filing on his work. What topics should be handled under the head of abuses, was in the main perfectly understood, and agreed upon between him and Luther. The draft of the discussion of them was largely from Luther's hand, and all of it was indorsed by him. INTRODUCTION. XVU The main matters were entirely settled, the principles were fixed, and the questions which arose were those of stjde, of selection of topics, of the mode of treating them, or of expediency, in which the faith was not involved. In regard to this, Luther speedily hears again from his son in the GospeL Melancthon's Letter of May 22. May 22d, Melancthon wrote to Luther :* " In the Apology, we daily change many things ; the article on Vows, as it was more meagre than it should be, I have removed, and supplied its place with a discussion a little more full, on the same point. I am now treating of the power of the keys also. I wish you would run over the Articles of Faith; if you think there is no defect in them, we will treat of the other points as we best may (ut- cunque). For they are to be changed from time to time, and adapted to the circumstances." In the same letter he begs Luther to write to George, Duke -of Saxony, be- cause his letter would carry decisive weight with him: " there is need of your letters." This letter shows : 1. That Melancthon desired Luther to know all that he was doing. 2. That the Articles of Faith were finished, and that the changes were confined to the Articles on Abuses. 3. That in the discussions on Abuses, there were many questions which would have to be decided as the occasions, in the providence of God, would determine them. From three to four days seems to have been the ordi- nary time of the letter-carrier between Augsburg and Coburg. The Elector sent the Confession May 11th; Luther rejjlied May 15th, probably the very day he re- * Corpus Eeformatorum, II. Epist., No. 680. 2* XVlll INTRODUCTION. ceived it ; his reply probably reached Augsburg May 20tli, and two days after, Melancthon sends him the Articles of Faith, with the elaboration which had taken place in the interval, and informs him of what he had been doing, and designs to do. In part, on the assumption that Luther was not per- mitted to receive this letter, a theory was built by Eiickert, a Eationalistic writer of Germany, that the Augsburg Confession was meant to be a compromise with Eome, and that it was feared that if Luther were not kept in the dark he would spoil the scheme. But even if Luther did not receive Melancthon's letter and the Articles of May 22d, we deny that the rational so- lution would be that they were fraudulently held back by the friends of the Confession at Augsburg. Grant that Luther never received them. What then? The retention of them would have been an act of flagrant im- morality; it was needless, and foolish, and hazardous; it is in conflict with the personal character of the great princes and leaders, political and theological, who were as little disposed as Luther, to compromise any principle with Eome. The Elector and Brtick were on some points less disposed to be yielding than Luther. The theory is contradicted by the great body of facts, which show that Luther, though absent in body, was the controlling spirit at Augsburg. It is contradicted by the Confession itself, which is a presentation, calm in nlanner, but mighty in the matter, in which it overthrows Popery from the very foundation. It is contradicted by the tierce replies of the Papists in the Council, by the savage assaults of Popery upon it through all time, by the decrees of the Council of Trent, whose main polemical reference is to it. It is contradicted by the enthusiastic admiration which Luther felt, and expressed again and again, for the Confession. The millions of our purified churches have justly re- garded it for ages as the great bulwark against Eome, INTRODUCTION. XIX and the judgment of the whole Protestant world ha.s been a unit as to its fundamentally Evangelical and Scriptural character over against Eome. Its greatest- defenders have been the most able assailants of Pop-ery. It might as well be assumed that the Bible is a com- promise with the Devil, and that the Holy GLiost was ex- cluded from aiding in its production, lest he should em- barrass the proceedings, as that the Augsburg Confession is, or was meant to be, a compromise with Popery, and that Luther was consequently prevented from having a share in producing it. If the letter really never reached Luther, the theory that it was fraudulently kept at Augsburg by the friends of the Confession, that the whole thing was one of the meanest, and at the same time, most useless crimes ever committed, is so extreme, involves such base wickedness on the part of its perpetrators, that nothing but the strongest evidence or the most overwhelming presump- tions justify a man in thinking such an explanation possible. If this letter, or others, never reached Luther, it is to be attributed either to the imperfect mode of transmis- sion, in which letters were lost, miscarried or destroyed by careless or fraudulent carriers, of which bitter com- plaints constantly occur in the letters of Luther and others at that time, or if there were any steps taken to prevent Luther's letters reaching him, these steps would be taken by the Eomanists, who were now gathering in increasing force at Augsburg. The difficulty in the way of communicating with Luther increased, as his being at Coburg was kept secret from his enemies, and at his re- quest, in a letter which we shall quote, was kept secret in June even from the body of his friends. So much for the theory, granting its fact for argu- ment's sake. But the fact is that Luther did receive Melancthon's letter of the 22d. The letter was not lost, but aj^pears XX INTRODUCTION. in all the editions of Melancthon's letters, entire,* and in the earliest histories of the Augsburg Confession, with- out a hint, from the beginning up to Etickert's time, that it had not been received. When we turn to Luther's letters, complaining of the silence of his friends, we find no evidence that Melancthon's letter had not been re. ceived. They create, on the contrary, the strongest pre- sumption that it had been received. As it was sent at once (Melancthon says that he had hired a letter-carrier before he began the letter), it would reach Luther about May 25th. Luther's letter of June 1st to Jacob Probst, in Bremcn,f shows that he had intelligence of the most recent date from Augsburg, that he was sharing in the cares and responsibilities of what was then passing: "Here, also, I am occupied with business for God, and the burden of the whole empire rests upon us." He then uses, in part, the very language of Melancthon's letter of May 22d, as to the time when the Emperor would be at Augsburg.| He quotes from that letter Melancthon's very words in regard to Mercurinus :§ " He would have nothing tp do with violent councils — that it had appeared at Worms what violent councils would do. He desired the affairs of the Church to be peacefully arranged." He closes his account of things at Augsburg by saying : " You have an account of matters now as they are to-day at Augs- burg" (Jiodie habet). * In the original Latin, in Corpus Reform., ii, No. 698. In Ger- man in Walch's Luther's Werke, xvi, No. 927. f De Wette's Bri^fe, No. 1217. Buddeus Suppl., No. 123. :j: Melancthon : vix ante Pentecosten. Luther : forte ad Pente- costen. § Melanc. : Nolle se violentis consiliis interesse. Luth. : Se nolle interesse violentis consiliis. Mel. : Wormatiae apparuisse, quam nihil proficiant violenta consilia. Luth. : Wormatiae vidisset, quid eflacerentviolentaconsilia. Mel. : Vir summus Mercurinus. Luth.: Summus Mercurinus. Mel.: Res ecclesiasticae rite constituerentur. Luth. : Ecclesiae res cum pace constitui. INTRODUCTION. XXI Luther did receive Melancthon's letter of the 22d, and on June 1st quotes largely from it. Up to this time, too, there is no complaint of suspen- sion of communication with Augsburg, but, on the con- trary, he reports up to the da}'" on which he writes. On June 2d Luther writes to Melancthon.* There is no word of complaint in this letter of any silence on the part of Melancthon, or of others at Augsburg. He com- plains that he is so overrun with visitors as to be com- pelled to leave Coburg for a day, to create the impres- sion that he is no longer there. "I beg of you, and the others with you, in future to speak and write so that no one will seek me here any longer; for I wish to remain con- cealed^ and to have you, at the same time, to keep con- cealed, both in your words and letters.'^ He then speaks of the report that the Emperor would not come to Augs- burg at all, and of his deep anxiety. This letter shows what was the subject of Luther's intense anxiety on the following days. A thousand alarming rumors reached him, and he was anxious to hear, by every possible op- portunity, from Augsburg; at the same time, wishing to be concealed, he had requested Melancthon and his other friends to avoid sending letters in a way that would make it known that he was at Coburg. These two facts help to solve Luther's great solicitude to hear news, and also, in part, as we have said, to account for the irregu- larity in his receiving letters, as they would, in accord- ance with his direction of June 2d, be sent with secrecy. In Luther's letter of June 5th, he complains not that there had been a long delay, but that they did not write by every opportunity. These were sometimes quite fre- quent. In some cases more than one opportunity oc- curred in a day. None of Luther's anxiety is about the Confession. In Luther's letter to Melancthon, of June * De Wette Briefe, No. 1219. Buddeus, No. 124. In German Walch xvi, p. 2826. XXU INTRODUCTION. 7th, he complains of the silence of his friends at Augs- burg, but in a playful tone. In his letter of June 19th, to Cordatus,* he says : '' We have no news from Augsburg. Our friends at Auo-sbura; write us none." In his letter to Gabriel Zwilling,f June 19th, he says: "You will, per- haps, get the news from Bernhard, for our friends have not answered our letters through the whole month" (June). Luther's letter of June 20th, to Justus Jonas,^ gives direct evidence how long the interruption of cor- respondence continued: " Your letters have come at last, my Jonas, after we were well' fretted for three whole weeks with your silence." The period, therefore, does not em- brace May 22d, but only the first three weeks in June. There is no reason whatever, therefore, for doubting that Luther received Melancthon's letter, and the Articles of Faith of May 22d. On June 1st, the Elector, John, sent Luther secret advices of an important proposition which he had received from the Emperor. If, therefore, there were any furtive and dishonorable course pursued toward Luther, the causes and results of it must, in some special manner, be found between the Elector's secret advices of June 1st and the letter to Luther from Augsburg, June 15th; but there is nothing in the course of events to sug- gest any such reason, even if there were a fact which seemed to require something of the sort — but there is no such fact. On the contrary, we shall produce a fact which will sweep away all necessity for any further dis- cussion of this point. We have seen, 1st, that the Confession was sent by the Elector, May 11th, to Luther, at Coburg, for his written judgment upon it, in its first form. 2d. That it was sent again, on the 22d of the same * De Wette Briefe, No. 1229. Buddeus, No. 125. Walch xvi, 2833. t De Wette, No. 1230. Buddeus, No. 126. Walch. xvi, 2836. t De Wette, No. 1232. Buddeus, No. 127. INTRODUCTION. XXlll Tnonth, by Melancthon, and was received by Luther, in its second form. 3d. We shall now show that it was sent as nearly as possible in its complete shape to Luther, for a third time, before it was delivered, and was approved by him in what may probably be called \i^ final form. The evidence to which we shall appeal is that of Me- lancthon himself It is first found in the Preface to his Body of Christian Doctrine (Corpus Doctrinae), 1560, and also in the Preface to the first volume of the Wittenberg edition of his works in folio. It is reprinted in the Cor- pus Reformatorum, vol. ix, No. 6932. He there says, in giving a history of the Augsburg Confession : 1. " I brought together the principal points of the Con- fession, embracing pretty nearly the sum of the doctrine of our Churches." II. " I assumed nothing to myself, for in the presence of the Princes and other officials, and of the preachers, it was discussed and determined upon in regular course, sentence by sentence." III. " The complete form of the Confession was subse- quently (deinde) sent to Luther, who wrote to the Princes that he had read the Confession and approved it. That these things were so done, the Princes, and other honest and learned men, yet living, well remember." IV. ^' After this (postea), before the Emperor Charles, in a great assemblage of the Princes, this Confession was read." This extract shows, 1, that this complete Confession — the tota forma — the Articles on Doctrines and Abuses, as contrasted with any earlier and imperfect form of the Confession, was submitted to Luther. 2. This is wholly distinct from Luther's indorsement of the Confession as sent May 11th, for that was not the "fo^a forma,'' but relatively unfinished ; that had not been discussed before Princes, officials, and preachers, for they were not yet at Augsburg. Nor was it then meant XXIV INTRODUCTION. that the Confession should be made in the name of all the Evangelical States. It was to be limited to Saxony. Luther's reply to the letter of May 11th was not to the Princes, but to John alone. Up to May 11th, the Elector (with his suite) was the only one of the Princes at Augs- burg. On the 12th, the Landgrave of Hesse came; on the 15th the Nurembergers. Not until after May 22d did that conference and discussion take place, of which Melancthon speaks. After the whole form of the Con- fession had been decided upon, it was sent to Luther, re- ceived his filial indorsement, and was presented to Charles. This complete form was identical in matter with the Con- fession as exhibited, although verbal changes were made by Melancthon up to the very time of its delivery. § 8. LUTHEK'S OPINION OF THE AUGSBUKG CONFESSION. On this point, we propose to let Luther speak for him- self 1. 1530, May 15. In Luther's reply to the Elector, he says: " I have read the Apology (Confession), of Pjiilip, from beginning to end; it pleases me exceedingly well, and I know of nothing by which I could better it, or change it, nor would I be fitted to do it, for I cannot move so moderately and gently. May Christ our Lord help, that it may bring forth much and great fruit, as we hope and pray. Amen."* These words of admiration for Melancthon's great gifts, came from Luther's inmost heart. Less than six months before he had written to Jonas :t " All the Jeromes, Hil- larys, and Macariuses together, are not worthy to un- loose the thong of Philip's sandal. What have the whole of them together done which can be compared with one * Luther's Briefe, De Wette, 1213, Walch xvi, 785. In Latin : Ccelestinus i, 40, Buddeus 93. In French : (Le Cop's) Chytraeus, p. 29. t Buddeus, No. 100. INTRODUCTION. XXV year of Philip's teaching, or to his one book of Common Places V Had Luther been at Augsburg, he would have allowed the work of finishing '' the form of the Confes- sion" to be given to no other hands than Melancthon's : " I prefer," he says, " Melancthon's books to my own, and would rather have them circulated than mine. I was born to battle with conspirators and devils, there- fore my books are more vehement and warlike. It is my work to tear up the stumps and dead roots, to cut away the thorns, to fill up the marshes. I am the rough forester and pioneer. But Melancthon moves gently and calmly along, with his rich gifts from God's own hand, building and planting, sowing and watering."* 2. Between June 8th 'and 25th, we have Melancthon's declaration, cited in our former article, as to Luther's approval of the Confession in the form it took after the discussion. 3. June 3d. Luther to Melancthon : ''I yesterday re- read your Apology entire, with care (diligenter), and it pleases me exceedingly."-)- 4. July 6th, to Hausman:| he speaks lovingly of "owr Confession which our Philip hath prepared." 5. July 6, to Cordatus :§ " The Confession of ours was read before the whole empire. I am glad exceedingly to have lived to this hour, in which Christ through his so great Confessors, in so great an Assembly, has been preached in so glorious a Confession, and that word has been fulfilled : ' I will speak of thy testimonies in the presence of kings,' -and this also has been fulfilled : ' and shall not be ashamed,' for ' him who confesseth me before men' (it is the word of him who cannot lie), 'I also will confess before my Father who is in heaven.' " * Pref. to Melancthon on Colossians. t In Latin : De Wette, No. 1243. Buddeus, No. 137. German : Walch xvi, 1082. X De Wette, No. 1245. § De Wette, 1246. Walch xvi, 1083. XXvi INTRODUCTION. 6. July 6, to the Cardinal Albert, Archbishop of Mentz, Primate of Germany:* "Your Highness, as well as the other orders of the empire, has doubtless read the Con- fession, delivered by ours, which I am persuaded is so composed, that with joyous lips, it may say with Christ: ^ If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil; but if well, why smitest thou me ?' It shuns not the light, and can sing with the Psalmist : ' I will speak of thy testi- monies before kings, and will not be ashamed.' But I can well conceive that our adversaries will by no means accept the doctrine, but much less are they able to con- fute it. I have no hope whatever that we can agree in doctrine; for their cause cannot bear the light. Such is their bitterness, with such hatred are they kindled, that they would endure hell itself rather than yield to us, and relinquish their new wisdom. I know that this our doc- trine is true, and grounded in the holy Scriptures. By this Confession we clearly testify and demonstrate that we have not taught wrongly or falsely." 7. July 9, to Duke John, Elector of Saxony if "Our adversaries thought they had gained a great poin^ in having the preaching interdicted by the Emperor, but the infatuated men did not see that by this written Con- fession, which was offered to the Emperor, this doctrine was more preached, and moje widel}^ propagated, than ten preachers could have done it. It was a fine point that our preachers were silenced, but in their stead came forth the Elector of Saxony and other princes and lords, with the written Confession, and prea'ched freely in sight of all, before the Emperor and the whole empire. Christ surely was not silenced at the Diet, and mad as they were, they were compelled to hear more from the Con- fession, than they would have heard from the preachers * De Wette, No. 1247. Walch xvi, 1085. In Latin : Buddeus, No. 139. t De Wette, No. 150. Walch xvi, 969. Latin : Buddeus, No. 142. INTRODUCTION. XXVli in a year. Paul's declaration was fulfilled: * The word of God is not bound :' silenced in the pulpit, it was heard in the palace ; the poor preachers were not allowed to open their lips — but great princes and lords spoke it forth." 8. July 9, to Jonas :* " There will never be agreement concerning doctrine" (between the Evangelical and Ro- mish Churches), "for how can Christ and Belial be in concord? But the first thing, and that the greatest at this Council has been, that Christ has been proclaimed in a public and glorious Confession; he has been confessed in the light and to their face, so that they cannot boast that we fled, or that we feared, or concealed our faith. My only unfulfilled desire about it is that I was not pres- ent at this noble Confession. I have been like the gen- erals who could take no part in defending Vienna from the Turks. But it is my joy and solace that meanwhile my Vienna was defended by others." 9. July 15, Luther addresses a letter to his " most dear brother in Christ, Spalatine, steadfast Confessor of Christ at Augsburg ;"f and again, July 20th, "to Spalatine, faith- ful servant and Confessor of Christ at Augsburg."J 10. July 20, to Melancthon : " It was a great affliction to me that I could not be present with you in the body at that most beautiful and holy Confession of Christ "§ (^pulcherima et sanctissima). August 3d, he sends a letter to Melancthon, " his most dear brother in Christ, and Confessor of the Lord at Augsburg." 11. But perhaps nowhere has Luther's enthusiastic admiration for the Augsburg Confession blazed up more brightly than in his eloquent summary of what our Con- fessors had done at the Diet. It is in the last letter he wrote to Melancthon, before they again met at Coburg * De Wette, No. 1251. W»lch xvi, 1098. t Buddeus, No. 150. % Buddeus, No. 154. g Buddeus, No. 155. XXVlll INTRODUCTION. (September 15th) : " You have confessed Christ, you have offered peace, you have obeyed the Emperor, you have endured injuries, you have been drenched in their re- vilings, you have not returned evil for evil. In brief, you have worthily done God's holy work as becometh saints. Be glad then in the Lord, and exult, ye righteous. Long have ye borne witness in the world, look up and lift up your heads, for jonr redemption draweth nigh. I will canonize you as faithful members of Christ, and what greater glory can ye have than to have yielded Christ faithful service, and shown yourself a member worthy of him?" 12. In his Table Talk Luther said : " Such is the effi- cacy and power of God's word, that the more it is perse- cuted, the more it flourishes and spreads. Call to mind the Diet at Augsburg, where the last trumpet before the judgment-day sounded. How the whole world then ra2:ed against our doctrine ! Our doctrine and faith were brought forth to light in our Confession. Our doc- trines fell into the souls of many of the noblest men, and ran like sparks in tinder. They were kindled, and kin- dled others. Thus our Confession and Defence came forth in the highest glory."* 13. In the year ISSS,"}" Luther united in demanding of candidates as a prerequisite to entering the ministry, the declaration, " that they embraced the uncorrupted doc- trine of the Gospel, and so understood it, as it is set forth in the Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian Creeds, and as it is repeated in the Confession, which our Churches offered to the Emperor at the Diet of Augsburg, 1530, and promise that with God's help they will remain stead- fast in that conviction to the end, and will faithfully per- form their duty in the Church." It is not wonderful that Melancthon himself con- * Leipz., XX, 200. Tischreden (Foerstemann), iv, 354. t Buddeus, No. 178. INTRODUCTION. ' XXIX sidered the Confession as rather Luther's than his own, and called it " the Confession of the revered Doctor Luther."* This, then, is the result of the whole: The Holy Ghost in His ordinary illumination through the Word, is the true source and original of thw Augsburg Confession; its secondary source is the whole Evangelical Church of 1530, the main organ of whose utterance was, as to the matter and the substance of the form, Luther; as to the finish and grace of the form, Melancthon. Melancthon was its composer, Luther, by pre-eminence, as the divinely called representative of the Church, its author, and hence all candid writers have most heartily indorsed Luther's own declaration, in which he not only claims the Augs- burg Confession as his own, but ranks it among his most precious works :f " The Catechism, the Exposition of the Ten Commandments, and the Augsburg Confession are mme." But are there not a few words of Luther in regard to the Confession, which are in conflict with this enthusias- tic approval ? We reply, there is not one word of the kind. The words which have been so tortured, only show that Luther wished that among the Articles on Abuses there should have been a declaration that the Pope is Antichrist, and a full handling of the doctrine of Purga- tory. But the Confession, as a conjoint public docu- ment, could only discuss what a majority of those who were to unite in it thought best to present. Melancthon himself was overruled in regard to matters he desired to introduce. The Augsburg Confession was no private document, but in the labors of both Luther and Melanc- thon in connection with it, both were the organs of the whole Church, and were compelled to sacrifice their mere * Melancthon Orat. (1553). Pref. to Confessio Doctrinse, 1551, in Corp. Ref., lib. xii, No. 5349. t Werke (Walch), xxii, 4532. Koellner, 181 (45). 3* XXX * INTRODUCTION. private preferences to the common judgment. Every sentence, every word of the Augsburg Confession as it stands, embodies the faith of Luther, and received his unqualified, repeated, and enthusiastic assent. If, in the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jeffer- son, in preparing his staffement of the political abuses which justified our separation from Great Britain, had wished to specify one or two more than the Committee thought necessary, and which were consequently not in- serted, it would not weaken his claim to the authorship of that document. Nor would the fact, that he continued to think that it would have improved it to have specified the one or two additional abuses, affect the conscientious heartiness with which he indorsed that document, nor impair the value of his testimony. But even the prefer- ence of Luther, to which this is a fair parallel, was but transient, and he came to see clearly what the whole world has since seen, that in its silence, the Augsburg Confession is a model of exquisite judgment, as in its utterances it is a masterpiece of style. V § 9. OBJECT OF THE AUGSBUKG CONFESSION. The occasion of the Augsburg Confession was the com- mand of the Emperor, — not that he demanded such a Confession, but that under the leadings of God's provi- dence it grew out of his summons. The last was destined to become first, and the first last. The Confessors them- selves did not at first realize the full value of the opening which had been made for the proclamation of the truth, but when it dawned upon them they showed themselves worthy of their great position. They at first meant but an Apology. The faith they cherished, and the usages they practised, they simply wished to defend from the current libels. This object they did not lose sight of, but it became secondary. Their distinctive object soon became the setting forth the great points in the whole sys- INTRODUCTION. XXXI tem of heavenly truth, and the showing how, in its light, they had endeavored cautiously, and gently, yet firmly to remove the abuses which had arisen in the Church of the West. The Apology was transfigured into a Con- fession. It was not only not meant to be a compromise with Popery, but it clearly showed, and was designed to show, that such a compromise is impossible. Our Re- formers had indeed cherished a noble hope, which bitter experience was constantly rendering feebler, that the whole Church of the West, redeemed from the thrall of the Pope, might return to her ancient Scriptural faith, and, abjuring Roman Catholicism, attain once more to Christian Catholicity, and become a Communion of saints. If such a return had been possible, the Augsburg Confes- sion, alike in the simplicity and purity of its statement of doctrine, the conservatism of its whole tone, its firm- ness and its gentleness, would have hel}^>ed to facilitate it; but the bridge it made, was not meant to open the way back to error, but to aid men to come ove/*to the pure faith. § 10. THE PRESENTATION^ OF THE CONFESSION : LATIN AND GERMAN TEXT. The Confession, in Latin and German, was presented to the Diet on Saturda}^, June 25th, 1530. Both texts are originals; neither text, is properly a translation of the other; both present precisely the same doctrines, but with verbal differences, which make the one an indispen- sable guide in the full understanding of the other; both texts have, consequently, the same authority. The Ger- man copy was the one selected, on national grounds, to be read aloud. Both copies were taken by the Emperor, who handed the German to the Elector of Mentz, and retained the Latin. It is not now known where either of the originals is, nor with certainty that either is in existence. In addition to seven unauthorized editions XXXU INTRODUCTION. in the year 1530, the Confession was printed, under Me- lancthon's own direction, both in Latin and German, while the Diet was still sitting. Authorized editions of this year, both in Latin and German, are in the hands of the writer, and have been examined in preparing this work. The Confession began to be multiplied at once. Innumerable editions of the originals, and translations into the chief languages of Europe appeared. Its ene- mies have helped its friends to circulate it, and to pre- serve the reissues of these originals from any change in- volving more than questions of purely literary interest. g 11. THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION ALTERED. When Melancthon, in 1540, issued a varied Edition of the Latin, though he declared that the changes were but verbal, and that he designed only to state more clearly the precise doctrine of the Confession in its original shape, the changes were marked by foe and friend. The Eo- manists at once brought the charge that Melancthon had changed, not merely the phraseology, but the meaning of the Confession. The Calvinists and Crypto-Calvibists showed that they did not believe Melancthon's state- ment that no alteration of doctrine had been intended. In the Lutheran Church different views were taken of the matter. Those who believed Melancthon's declara- tion that the changes were purely verbal, the better to express the very doctrine set forth at Augsburg, either passed them over without disapproval, or were compara- tively lenient in their censure. Every instance of the seeming toleration of them in the Lutheran Church was connected with the supposition that the Altered Confes- sion in no respect whatever differed from the doctrine of the Unaltered. There never was any part of the Lu- theran Church which imagined that Melancthon had any right to alter the meaning of the Confession in a single particular. Melancthon himself repeatedly, after the appearance of the Variata, acknowledged the Unaltered INTRODUCTION. XXXIU Augsburg Confession as a statement of his own un- changed faith, as for example, at the Diet of Ratisbon in ir)41. In 1557, at the Colloquy at Worms, he not only acknowledged as his Creed, the Unaltered Augsburg Con- fession, the Apology, and the Smalcald Articles, but by name, and in writing, condemned the Zwinglian doc- trine. But a few days before his death (15(30), he said: ''I confess no other doctrine than that which Luther propounded, and in this will abide to the end of my life." Any man who professes to accept the Altered Confession therefore, though he rejects the Unaltered, either is dis- honest, or assumes that Melancthon was, and shows him- self willing to take advantage of his moral weakness. The history of the Altered Confession demonstrates that not only is it no gain to the peace of the Church, but pro- duces a yet more grievous disturbance of it, when the effort is made to harmonize men by an agreement in ambiguous phraseolog}^, the adoption of terms which are to be accepted in one sense by one set of men, and in another sense by another. § 12. THE CUERENT EDITIONS OF THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION: LATIN AND GERMAN. The Current Edition of the Augsburg Confession in Latin, the one which is found in the Book of Concord, is the reprint of Melancthon's own first Edition of 1530. The Current Edition of the Confession in Geriman, how- ever, which is the one found in the Book of Concord, is not a reprint of Melancthon's first Edition, and this fact requires some explanation. The original German was, as we have seen, deposited in the imperial archives at Mentz. The Emperor had forbidden the Confession to be printed without his per- mission; nevertheless it appeared surreptitiously several times in the year, printed in no case from a copy of the original, but from copies of the Confession m^de before it had reached the perfect form in which it was actually XXXIV INTRODUCTION. presented to the Diet. These editions of the Confession not only being unauthorized, but not presenting it in the shape in which it had actually been delivered, Melancthon issued the Confession both in German and Latin. The German was printed from his own manuscript, from which the copy had been taken to be laid before the Diet. It reached Augsburg and was read and circulated there, while the Diet was still in session. Melancthon issued it expressly in view of the fact that the unauthorized edi- tions were not accurate. The first authorized edition, the editio princeps, coming from the hand of its composer, and presenting not only in the nature of the case the highest guarantee for strict accuracy, but surrounded by jealous and watchful ene- mies, in the very Diet yet sitting, before which it w^as read, surrounded by men eager to mark and to exaggei*- ate the slightest appearance of discrepance, was re- ceived by Luther and the whole Lutheran Church. Lu- ther knew no other Augsburg Confession in the German than this. It was received into the Bodies of Doctrine of the whole Church. It appears in the Jena edition of Luther's works, an edition which originated in the pur- pose of having his writings in a perfectly unchanged form, and was there given as the authentic Confession in antithesis to all the editions of it in which there were variationSfclarge or small. In the Convention of the Evangelical (Lutheran) Princes at Naumberg in 1561, among whom were two of the original signers, this edition was declared to be authentic, and was again solemnly subscribed, and the seals of the signers appended. Nothing could seem to be more certainly fixed than that this original edition of Melancthon presented the Confession in its most perfect form, just as it was actually delivered in the Diet. But unhappy causes, connected largely with Melanc- thon's latir attempts to produce unity by skilful phrases and skilful concealments, led to a most groundless sus- INTRODUCTION. XXXV picion, that even in the original edition there might be variations from the very letter of the Confession as actu- ally delivered. That there were any changes in mean- ing was not even in those times of morbid jealousy pre- tended, but a strong anxiety was felt to secure a copy of the Confession perfectly corresponding in words, in letters, and in points, with the original. The original of the Latin had been taken by Charles with him, but the German original was still supposed to be there, placed in the archives at Mentz. Joachim II, in 1566, directed Coelestinus and Zochius to make a copy from the Mentz original. Their copy was inserted in the Brandenburg Body of Doctrine in 1572. In 1576, Augustus of Sax- ony obtained from the Elector of Mentz, a copy of the same document, and from this the Augsburg Confes- sion as it appears in the Book of Concord was printed. Wherever the Book of Concord was received, Melanc- thon's original edition of the German was displaced, though the corresponding edition of the Latin has been retained. Thus half a century after its universal recog- nition, the first edition of the Augsburg Confession in German gave way to what was believed to be a true transcript of the original. Two hundred years after the delivery of the Confes- sion, a discovery was communicated to the theoloo-ical world by PfafP, which has reinstated Melancthon's oris;!- nal edition. Pfaff discovered that the document in the archives at Mentz was not the original, but a copy merely, and the labors of Weber have demonstrated that this copy has no claim to be regarded as made from the original, but is a transcript from one of the less finished copies of the Confession, made before it had assumed, under Melancthon's hand, the exact shape in which it was actually presented. While therefore the .ordinary edition of the Augsburg Confession, the one found in the Book of Concord, and from which the current trans- lations of the Confession have been made, does not XXXvi INTRODUCTION. differ in meaning at all from the original edition of Me- lancthon, it is, nevertheless, not so perfect in style, and where they differ, not so clear. The highest critical authority, then, both German and Latin, is that of Me- lancthon's own original editions.* The current edition of the German, and the earliest edition of Melancthon, are verbally identical in the largest part of the articles, both of doctrine and of abuses. The only difference is, that Melancthon's edition is occasion- ally somewhat fuller, especially on the abuses, is more perfectly parallel with the Latin at a few points, and occasionally more finished in style. When the question between them has a practical interest, it is simply be- cause Melancthon's edition expresses in terms, or with greater clearness, what is simply implied, or less explicitly stated in the other. The translation here given is from the Latin original Edition, with the most important additions from the German in brackets. These additions are common to both texts of the German. V § 13. STKUCTUKE AND DIVISIONS OF THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. The structure of the Augsburg Confession bears traces of the mode of its growth out of the Articles which formed its groundwork. It contains, as its two fundamental parts, a positive assertion of the most necessary truths, and a negation of the most serious abuses. It com- prises : I. The Preface; II. Twenty-one Principal Articles OF Faith ; III. An Epilogue-Prologue, which unites the first part with the second, and makes a grace- ful transition from the one to the other; IV. The Second great Division, embracing Seven Articles on Abuses; V. The Epilogue, followed by the Subscriptions. * For the facts here presented, compare Weber Krit. Geschichte: Hase. Lib. Symb., Francke do. KoUner Symb., Luther. Kirch., 342. INTRODUCTION. XXXVU The Articles are not arranged as a whole with refer- ence to a system. They may be classified thus : I. The Confessedly Catholic, or Universal Christian Articles, those which Christendom, Greek and Roman, have confessed, especially in the Apostles' and Nicene Creed. These were the doctrines of the Trinity (I), the Incarnation (III), the Second Coming of Christ, the Gen- eral Resurrection, the Eternity of Rewards and Punish- ments (XVII), the Validity of Administration by Unwor- thy Ministers (VIII), the Offer of Grace in Baptism, and the Right of Children to it (IX), Church Government (XIV), Civil Government (XVI), Free Will (XVIII), and the Cause of Sin (XIX). II. The Protestant Articles, — those opposed to the errors in doctrine, and the abuses in usage, of the Papal part of the Church of the West. To this the Confession, in its whole argument, based upon the Holy Scriptures as a supreme rule of faith, was opposed. But more par- ticularly to the Pelagianisra of Rome, in the doctrine of Original Sin (Art. II) : its corruption of the doctrine of Justification (Art. IV) : its doctrine of Merit in Works (Art. VI, XX), of the Ministerial Ofiice, as an Order of Priests (Art. V), of Transubstantiation (Art. X), of Au- ricular Confession (Art. XI), of Rej^entance (Art. XII), of the Opus Operatum in Sacraments (Art. XIII), of Church Order (Art. XX), of the very nature of the Christian Church (Art. VII), and of the Worship of Saints (Art. XXI). The entire second part was devoted to the argument against the Abuses in the Church of Rome, especially in regard to Communion in One Kind (Abus., Art. I), Celi- bacy of the Priesthood (Art. II), the Mass (Art. Ill), Confession (IV), Human Traditions (V), Monastic Vows (VI), Church Power, and especially the Jurisdiction of the Bishops (VII). III. The Evangelical Articles, or parts of Articles, — 4 XXXVlll INTRODUCTION. those articles which especially assert the doctrines which are connected most directly with the Gospel in its essen- tial character as tidings of redemption to lost man, — the great doctrines of grace. These articles are specially those which teach the fall of man, the radical corruption of his nature, his exposure to eternal death, and the ab- solute necessity of regeneration (Art. II); the atonement of Christ, and the saving work of the Holy Spirit (Art. Ill); justification by faith alone (lY), the true character of repentance, or conversion (XII); and the impotence of man's own will to effect it (XVIII). lY. The articles which set forth distinctive Bibli- cal doctrines which the Lutheran Church holds in pe- culiar purity, over against the corruptions of Eomanism, the extravagance of Eadicalism, the perversions of Ra- tionalism, or the imperfect development of theology. Such are the doctrines of the proper inseparability of the two natures of Christ, both as to time and space (Art. Ill), the objective force of the Word and Sacra- ments (Art. Y), the reality of the presence of both the heavenly and earthly elements in the Lord's Suppea* (Art. X), the true value of Private, that is, of individual Ab- solution (Art. XI), the genuine character of Sacramental grace (Art. XIII), the true medium in regard to the rites of the Church (Art. XY), and the freedom of the will (XYIII), and the proper doctrine concerning the Cause of Sin (XIX). On all these points the Augsburg Confes- sion presents views which, either in matter or measure, are opposed to extremes, which claim to be Protestant and Evangelical. Pelagianizing, Rationalistic, Fatalis- tic, Fanatical, unhistorical tendencies, which, more or less unconsciously, have revealed themselves, both in Romanism and in various types of nominally Evangeli- cal Protestantism, are all met and condemned by the letter, tenor, or spiritof these articles. Througli the whole flows a spirit of earnest faith and of pure devotion. The body of the Confession shows the INTRODUCTION. XXXIX hand of consummate theologians, its soul reveals the in- most life of humble, earnest Christians. § 14. THE LITEKATUEE OF THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. The books that have been written on or about the Augsburg Confession would, in themselves, form a large library. The most important of them may be thus classi- fied:* I. The Literature of the Confession ; in works of a general character; and in special works. II. Collected works, bearing on its History and In- terpretation. III. Interpretation of the Confession : official writ- ings which prepared the way for it; Manuscripts, Latin and German; Editions and Translations; Commentaries, Notes, and Sermons. lY. Works on Dogmatics, Polemics, Symbolic, Irenic, or the History of them, of value in its interpretation or defence, or as illustrating the theology based upon or deviating from it. Y. Works connected with its History. YI. Practical and Devotional works based upon it. § 15. THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION AS A CREED: WHAT IS INVOLVED IN A RIGHT RECEPTION OF IT? The very heart of all the agitation of our Church in this country lies in this question ; Can we honorably bear the name of Evangelical Lutherans, honestly profess to receive the Augsburg Confession as our Creed, and hon- estly claim to be part of the Church of our fathers, while we reject, or leave open to rejection, parts of the doc- trine whose reception gave our Church her separate being and distinctive name, and led to the formation of * See Select Analytical Bibliography of the Augsburg Confes- sion. By C. P. Krauth. 1858. 8vo, pp. 22. Xlii INTRODUCTION. possible, deceive the very elect/' atid which Melancthon considered worthy of a reply — after the unflinching au- dacity of Carlstadt, and the plausible argument of Zwin- gle, which was so shallow, and therefore seemed so clear, it is not probable that the feeble echo of their arguments which is now alone heard in the maintenance of their views, would shake our fathers were they living. The Scripture argument stands now where it stood then, and the Word, which was too strong for Luther's human doubts then, would prove too strong for them now. It is not the argument which has changed: it is as over- whelming now as then ; but the singleness of faith, the simple-hearted trust — these have too often yielded to the Rationalizing s])irit of a vain and self-trusting genera- tion. If our fathers, with their old spirit, were living now, we would have to stand with them, on their Con- fession, or be obliged to stand alone. Luther would sing now, as he sung then : " The Word they shall permit remain, And not a thank have for it." V TV. The very name of Augsburg, which tells us where our Confession was uttered, reminds us of the nature of the obligations of those who profess to receive it. Two other Confessions were brought to that city: the Confes- sion of Zwingle, and the Tetrapolitan Confession: the former openly opposed to the faith of our Church, espe- cially in regard to the Sacraments; the latter ambiguous and evasive on some of the vital points of the same doc- trine. These two Confessions are now remembered only because of the historical glory shed by ours over every thing which came into any relation to it. But can it be, that the doctrine which arrayed itself against the Augs- burg Confession at Augsburg can be the doctrine of that Confession, or capable of harmonizing with it anywhere else; that what was not Lutheranism there is Lutheran- ism here; that what was Lutheranism then is not Lu- INTRODUCTION. xliii tlieranism now; that Zwingle or Hedio of Stranburg could, without a change of views, honestly Kubncribe the Confession against which they had arrayed themselves, that very Confession, the main drift of some of whose most important Articles was to teach the truth these men de- nied, and to condemn the errors these mf^n fostered, or that men, who hold now what they held then, can now honestly do what they would not and could not do then ? What could not be done then, cannot be done now. A principle is as little affected by the lapse of three hun- dred years as of one 3'ear. It cannot be, that, consist- ently with the principles of our fathers, consistently with Church unity with them, consistently with the Church name which their principles and their faith defined, men holding Romish, or Rationalistic, or Zwinglian error, should pretend to receive the Confession as t,heir own. 8uch a course effaces all the lines of historical identity, and of moral consistency, and opens the way to error of every kind. Y. The language of the Confession, when it speaks of itself, is well worthy of attention. 1. It calls itself a Confession^ not a rule. The Bible is the only rule of faith, and this document confesses the faith of which the Bible is the rule. 2. It calls itself a Confession o^ faith ; of faith, not of men's opinions or views, but of that divine conviction of saving truth, which the Holy Ghost works through the Word. It speaks of that with which it has to do as " the holy faith and Christian religion," " the one onl}^ and true religion," "our holy religion and Christian faith." The title of the doctrinal portion of the Confession is, ^^ Principal Articles of Faith." 3. The Confessors speak of this Confession of faith as "the Confession of thetter things than vengeance, pleads forever, with the blood of Him whose all-availing love, whose sole and all-atoning sacrifice, is the beginning, middle, and end of its witness. But not alone on the grand field of historical -events has its power been shown. It led to God's Word mil- lions, who have lived and died unknown to the great world. In the humblest homes and humblest hearts it has opened, through ages, the spring of heavenly influ- ence. It proclaimed the all-sufficiency of Christ's merits, the justifying power of faith in Him; and this shed heavenly light, peace and joy on the darkest problems of the burdened heart. " It remains forever," says Giese- ler, " a light to guide in the right path those who are struggling in error." It opened the way to the true unity of the Church of Christ; and if it has seemed to divide, for a little time, it has divided only to consolidate INTRODUCTION. xlix at length, the whole Church, under Christ's sole rule, and in the one pure faith. Its history, in its full connections, is the histor^^ of the centuries midway in the fourth of which we stand, and the future of the Church, which is the future of the race, can unfold itself from the present, only in the power of the life which germinates from the great principles which the Augsburg Confession planted in the world. § 17. OBJECT AND CHAEACTER OF THE PRESENT WORK. The distinctive peculiarities of this Edition of the Augsburg Confession are these : First. After the Three General Creeds, which are presupposed as an historical foundation, it gives a lit- eral TRANSLATION of the Coufcssion from the Latin, with the most important additions from the German [in brackets]. Second. The Articles are reduced to a uniform nu- meration from One to Twenty-eight, with a second number marking the Articles on Abuses as such. Third. The Articles are divided into paragraphs, each one of which contains a distinct thought. These are numbered in correspondence with the best editions of the original, so as to facilitate reference. Fourth. It furnishes, in an Introduction, a new col- lection of materials for an understanding; of the orifrin and character of the Confession, and also gives refer- ences to the chief original sources of its history. Fifth. In a series of Notes, it endeavors, chiefly by official evidence, to remove the most important misap- prehensions of the meaning of the Confession. It gives, in this connection, the titles of other works in Entj-lish. in which the same topics are' treated. 5 1 INTRODUCTION. Sixth. It gives a more thorough Index of the Confes- sion, than, so far as the writer knows, has ever been pre- pared before, in fact, to a large extent, a Concordance of its most important words. Tliis Index is meant as an aid in making the Confession its own interpreter. Seventh. This Edition, while it excludes what could be interesting to the scholar merely, has endeavored to compress within a moderate compass what will be of most general utility to our ministers and people. It is designed as an humble aid, by God's help, in the work of deepening an intelligent devotion to the great doc- trines of His Word, the doctrines which have been the life of His Church, the revival of which created the Eeformation, and the conservation of which, as the only hope of the world, is the holiest duty of those who love the faith once delivered to the Saints. Part I. THE GENERAL CREEDS. /. THE APOSTLES' CREED. 11. THE NICENE CREED. III. THE ATHANASIAN CREED ( 1) THE THREE GENERAL CREEDS. I. THE APOSTLES' CREED. 1. I believe in God, the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth : 2. And in Jesus Christ, his only Son, our Lord, 3. Who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, 4. Born of the Virgin Mary, suffered under Pontius Pilate, Was crucified, dead, and buried: 5. He descended into Hell, the third day he rose again from the dead. He ascended into heaven, And sitteth on the right hand of God the Father Almighty; 6. From thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. 7. I believe in the Holy Ghost ; the holy Cath- olic [Christian] Church, the Communion of Saints; The forgiveness of sins ; 8. The Resurrection of the body, And the life everlasting. Amen. II. THE NICENE CREED. 1. I believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth, And of all thino-s visible and invisible. 5* (3) 4 THE THREE GENERAL CREEDS. 2. And in one Lord Jesus Christy the only- begotten Son of God, 3. Begotten of his Father, before all Worlds, God of God, Light of Light, Very God of very God, Begotten, not made, Being of one Substance with the Father; By whom all things were made, 4. Who for us men, and for our salvation came down from heaven, And was incarnate by the Holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary, and was made man, 5. And was crucified also for us under Pontius Pilate. He suffered and was buried, And the third day he rose again according to the Scrip- tures, And ascended into heaven, And sitteth on the right hand of the Father. 6. And he shall come again with glory to judge both the quick and the dead : Whose kingdom ^all have no end. 7. And I believe in the Holy Ghost, The Lord and Giver of life. Who proceedeth from the Father and the Son, Who with the Father and the Son together is worshipped and glorified. Who spake by the Prophets. 8. And I believe in one holy. Catholic [Chris- tian] and Apostolic Church. 9. I acknowledge one Baptism for the remis- sion of sins, 10. And I look for the Resurrection of the dead, and the life of the world to come. Amen. THE CREED OF ATHANASIUS. 5 III. THE CREED OF ATHANASIUS. Written against the Arians. 1. Whosoever will be saved, before all things it is necessary that he hold the Catholic [true Christian] faith, 2. Which Faith except every one do keep whole and undefiied, without doubt he shall perish ever- lastingly. 3. And the Catholic [true Christian] faith is this: that we warship one God in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity; 4. Neither confounding the Persons; nor di- viding the Substance. 5. For there is one Person of the Father, ano- ther of the Son, and another of the Holy Ghost. 6. But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, is all one: the Glory Equal, the Majesty Coeternal. 7. Such as the Father is, such is the Son : and such is the Holy Ghost. 8. The Father uncreate, the Son uncreate: and the Holy Ghost uncreate. 9. The Father incomprehensible, the Son in- comprehensible : and the Holy Ghost incompre- hensible. 10. The Father eternal, the Son eternal: and the Holy Ghost eternal. 11. And yet they are not three Eternals : but one Eternal. 6 THE THREE GENERAL CREEDS. 12. As also there are not three incomprehensi- bles, nor three uncreated: but one eternal, and one incomprehensible. 13. So likewise the Father is Almighty, the Son Almighty: and the Holy Ghost Almighty. 14. And yet they are not three Almighties: but one Almighty. 15. So the Father is God, the Son is God: and the Holy Ghost is God. 16. And yet they are not three Gods : but one God. 17. So likewise the Father is Lord, the Son Lord : and the Holy Ghost Lord. 18. And yet not three Lords : but one Lord. 19. For like as we are compelled by the Chris- tian verity : to acknowledge every Person by him- self to be God and Lord ; v So are we forbidden by the Catholic [Christian] Religion : to say, There be three Gods, or three Lords. 20. The Father is made of none: neither cre- ated nor begotten. 21. The Son is of the Father alone : not made, nor created, but begotten. 22. The Holy Ghost is of the Father, and of the Son; neither made, nor created, nor begot- ten, but proceeding. 23. So there is one Father, not three Fathers ; one Son, not three Sons: one Holy Ghost, not three Holy Ghosts. THE CREED OF ATHANASIUS. 7 24. And in this Trinity none is before, or after other : none is greater, or less than another ; 25. But the whole three Persons are coeternal together, and coequal : So that in all things, as is aforesaid: the Unity in Trinity, and the Trin- ity in Unity is to be worshipped. 26. He therefore that will be saved must thus think of the Trinity. 27. Furthermore, it is necessary to Everlasting Salvation : that we also believe rightly the Incar- nation of our Lord Jesus Christ. 28. For the right Faith is, that we believe and confess : that our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, is God and Man ; 29. God, of the Substance of the Father begot- ten before the worlds : and Man of the Substance of his mother, born in the world; 30. Perfect God, and perfect Man : of a reason- able soul and human flesh subsisting. 31. Equal to the Father, as touching his God- head : and inferior to the Father, as touching hi^ Manhood. 32. Who although he be God and Man : yet he is not two, but one Christ; 33. One; not by conversion of the Godhead into flesh: but by taking the Manhood into God; 34. One altogether; not by confusion of Sub- stance : but by Unity of Person. 35. For as the reasonable soul and flesh is one man : so God and Man is one Christ ; 8 THE THREE GENERAL CREEDS. 36. Who suffered for our salvation : descended into hell, rose again the third day from the dead. 37. He ascended into heaven; he sitteth on the right hand of the Father, God Almighty: from whence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. 38. At whose coming all men shall rise again with their bodies : and shall give account for their own works. 39. And they that have done good shall go into life everlasting : and they that have done evil into everlasting fire. 40. This is the Catholic [true Christian] faith : which except a man believe faithfully, he cannot be saved. Part IL THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. PEEFACE TO THE EMPEEOE CHAELES Y. I. CHIEF AETICLES OF FAITH. /. OF GOD. IL OF ORIGINAL SIN. IIL OF TEE SON OF GOD. ■IV. OF JUSTIFICATION. V. OF THE MINISTRY OF THE CHURCH. VL OF NEW OBEDIENCE. VIL OF THE CHURCH. VIIL WHAT THE CHURCH IS. IX. OF BAPTISM. X. OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. XL OF CONFESSION. XIL OF REPENTANCE. XIIL OF THE USE OF SACRAMENTS. XIV. OF ECCLESIASTICAL ORDERS. ( 9 ) 10 CONTENTS. XV. OF ECCLESIASTICAL RITES. XVL OF CIVIL MATTERS. XVIL OF THE RETURN OF CHRIST TO JUDGMENT. XVIIL OF FREE WILL. XIX. OF THE CA USE OF SIN. XX. OF FAITH AND GOOD WORKS. XXL OF THE WORSHIP OF SAINTS. XXIL CONCLUSION. n. AKTICLES IN WHICH AKE ENUMEKATED THE ABUSES COERECTED. L OF BOTH KINDS. IL OF THE MARRIAGE OF PRIESTS. i IIL OF THE MASS. IV. OF CONFESSION. V. OF THE DISTINCTION OF MEATS, AND OF TRA^ DITIONS. VL OF MONASTIC VO WS. VIL OF ECCLESIASTICAL POWER. EPILOGUE. CONFESSION OF FAITH PRESENTED TO THE INVINCIBLE EMPEROR CHARLES V, C^SAR AUGUSTUS, AT THE DIET OF AUGSBURG, ANNO DOMINI MDXXX. **I will speak of thy testimonies also before kings, and will not be ashamed." Psalm 119:46. Preface to the Emperor Charles V. Most Invincible Emperor, Caesar Augustus, Most 1 Clement Master : Inasmuch as Tour Imperial Maj- esty has summoned a Convention of the Empire at Augsburg, to deliberate in regard to aid against the Turk, the most atrocious, the hereditary, and an- cient enemy of the Christian name and religion, in what way, to wit, resistance might be made to his rage and assaults, by protracted and perpetual prepa- ration for war : Because, moreover, of dissensions in 2 the matter of our holy religion and Christian faith, and in order that in this matter of religion the opin- ions and judgments of diverse parties may be heard in each other's presence, may be understood and weighed among one another, in mutual charity, meek- ness, and gentleness, that those things which in the 3 writings on either side have been handled or under- stood amiss, being laid aside and corrected, these things may be harmonized and brought back to the one simple truth and Christian Concord; so that here- 4 after the one unfeigned and true religion may be em- 6 ( 11 ) 12 . THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. braced and preserved by us, so that as we are subjects and soldiers of the One Christ, so also, in unity and concord, we may live in the one Christian Church : and inasmuch as We, the Electors and Princes, whose 5 names are subscribed, together with others who are conjoined w4th us, in common with other Electors and Princes, and States, have been called to the afore- named Diet, we have, in order to render most humble obedience to the Imperial Mandate, come early to Augsburg, and with no desire to boast would state that we were among the very first to be present. When therefore Your Imperial Majesty, among 6 other things, has also at Augsburg, at the very be- *• ginning of these sessions, caused the proposition to be made to the Princes and States of the Empire, that each of the States of the Empire, in virtue of the Imperial Edict, should propose and offer in the Ger-* man and in the Latin language its opinion and decis- 7 ion ; after discussion on Wednesday we replied to Your Imperial Majesty, that on the following Friday we would offer on our part the Articles of our Confession : Wherefore, in order that we may do homage to the 8 will of Your Imperial Majest}^, we now offer in the mat- ter of religion the Confession of our preachers and of ourselves, the doctrine of which derived from the Holy Scriptures and pure Word of God they have to this time set forth in our lands, dukedoms, domains, and cities, and have taught in the churches. If the other 9 Electors, Princes, and States of the Empire, should in the writings, to wit, in Latin and German, accord- ing to the aforementioned Imperial proposition, pro- duce their opinions in this matter of religion : we here in the presence of Your Imperial Majesty our most 10 Clement Lord, offer ourselves, prepared, in conjunc- tion with the Princes and our friends already desig- nated, to compare views in a kindly manner in re- gard to mode and ways which may be available, so PREFACE TO THE EMPEKOR CHARLES V. 13 that as far as may honorably be done, we may agree, and the matter between us of both parts being peace- /ally discussed, with no hateful contention, by God's help the dissension may be removed, and may be brought back to one true accordant religion (as we 11 are all subjects and soldiers under one Christ, so also we ought to confess one Christ, in accordance with the tenor of the decree of Your Imperial Majesty), and all things should be brought back to the truth of God, which with most fervent prayers we beseech God to grant. But if, as regards the rest of Electors, Princes, and 12 States, those of the other party, this treatment of the matter of religion, in the manner in which Your Im- perial Majesty has wisely thought fit it should be con- ducted and treated, to wit, with such a mutual pre- sentation of writings and calm conference between us, should not go^ on, nor be attended by any result; 13 yet shall we leave a clear testimony that in no manner do we evade anything which can tend to promote Christian concord (anything which God and a good conscience allow); and this Your Imperial Majesty 14 and the other Electors and States of the Empire, and all who are moved by a sincere love of religion and concern for it, all who are willing to give an equitable hearing in this matter, will kindly gather and under- stand from the Confession of ourselves and of ours. Since, moreover, Your Imperial Majesty has not 15 once only^ but repeatedly signified to the Electors, Princes, and other States of the Empire; and at the Diet of Spires, which was held in the year of our Lord 1526, caused to be recited and publicly pro- claimed, in accordance with the form of Your Impe- rial instruction and commission given and prescribed: That Your Imperial Majesty in this matter of reli- 16 gion for certain reasons, stated in the name of Your Majesty, was not willing to determine, nor was able 14 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. to conclude touching anything, but that Your Impe- rial Majesty would diligently endeavor to have the Eoman Pontiff, in accordance with his office, to assem- ble a General Council : as also the same matter was 17 more amply set forth a year ago in the last public Convention, which was held at Spires, where through 18 His Highness Ferdinand, King of Bohemia and Hun- gary, our friend and clement Lord, afterward through the Orator and the Imperial Commissioners, Your Imperial Majesty, among other propositions, caused these to be made, that Your Imperial Majesty had known and pondered, the resolution to convene a 19 Council, formed by the Eepresentatives of Your Im- perial Majesty in the Empire, and by the Imj)erial President and Counsellors, and by the Legates of other States convened at Eatisbon, and this Your Imperial Majesty also judged that it would be useful to assem- ble a Council, and because the matters which were to be adjusted at this time between Your Imperial Maj- esty and the Eoman Pontiff were approaching agree- ment and Christian reconciliation. Your Imperial Majesty did not doubt that, but that the Pope could be induced to summon a General Council: Wherefore 20 Your Imperial Majesty signified that Your Imperial Majesty would endeavor to bring it to pass that the Chief Pontiff, together with Your Imperial Majesty, would consent at the earliest o^:>portunity to issue letters for the convening of such a General Council. As the event, therefore, has been that in this mat- 21 ter of religion the differences between us and the other party have not been settled in friendship and love, we here present ourselves before Your Imperial Majesty, in all obedience, and in more than mere obe- dience, ready to compare views, and to defend our cause in such a general, free, and Christian Council, concerning the convening of which, there has been concordant action and a determination by agreeing PREFACE TO THE EMPEROR CHARLES V. 15 votes on the part of the Electors, Princes, and the other States of the Empire, in all the Imperial Diets which have been held in the reign of Your Imperial Majesty. To this Convention of a General Coimcil, 22 as also to Your Imperial Majesty, we have in the due method and legal form, before made our protestation and appeal in this greatest and gravest of matters. To which appeal both to Your Imperial Majesty and 23 a Council we still adhere; nor do we intend, nor would it be possible for us to forsake it by this or any other document, unless the matter between us and the other party should, in accordance with the tenor of the latest Imperial citation, be compared, settled, and brought to Christian concord, in friendship and love; concerning which appeal we here also make our sol- 24 emn and public protest. 6* 16 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. L CHIEF AETICLES OF FAITH. Article I. Of God. The churches with common consent among us, do 1 teach that the decree of the ISTicene Synod [Council] concerning the unity of the divine essence and of the three persons is true, and without doubt to be be- lieved: to wit, that there is one divine essence which 2 is called and is God, eternal, without body, indivisi- ble [without part], of infinite power, wisdom, good- ness, the Creator and Preserver of all things, visible and invisible; and that yet there be three persons of 3 the same essence and power, who also are coeternal, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. A-nd they use the name of person in that significa- 4 tion in which the ecclesiastical writers [the fathers] have used it in this cause, to signify, not a part or quality in another, but that which properly subsisteth. They condemn all heresies which have sprung up 5 against this Article, as the Manichees, who set down two principles, good and evil; in the same manner the Yalentinians, Arians, Eunomians, Mahometans, and all such like. They condemn also the Samosatenes, old and new; 6 who, when they earnestly contend that there is but one person, do craftily and wickedly trifle after the manner of Rhetoricians, about the Word and Holy Ghost, that they are not distinct persons, but that the Word signifieth a vocal word, and the Spirit a motion created in things. CHIEF ARTICLES OF FAITH. 17 Article II. Of Original Sin. Also they teach that after Adam's fall, all men be- 1 gotten after the common course of nature, are born with sin ; that is, without the fear of God, without 2 trust in him, and with fleshly appetite; and that this 3 disease, or original fault is truly sin, condemning and bringing eternal death now also upon all that are not born again by baptism and the Holy Spirit. They condemn the Pelagians, and others, who deny 4 this original fault to be sin indeed; and who, so as to lessen the glory of the merits and benefits of Christy argue that a man may, by the strength of his own reason, be justified before God. Article III. Of the Son of God, and of the Holy Spirit. Also they teach that the Word, that is, the Son of 1 God took unto him man's nature, in the womb of the blessed Virgin Mary, so that there are two natures, 2 the Divine and the human, inseparably joined together in unity of person ; one Christ, true God and true man : who was born of the Virgin Mary, truly suffered, was crucified, dead, and buried, that he might reconcile 3 the Father unto us, and might be a sacrifice, not only for original guilt, but also for all actual sins of men. The same also descended into hell, and truly rose 4 again the third day. Afterward he ascended into the heavens, that he might sit at the right hand of the Father; and reign forever, and have dominion over all creatures; might sanctify those that believe in him, by sending the Holy SjDirit into their hearts, 5 who shall rule [purify, strengthen], comfort, and quicken them, and shall defend them against the devil, and the power of sin. 18 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. The same Christ shall openly come again, to judge 6 the quick and the dead, according as the Apostles' Creed declareth these and other things. Article IY. Of Justification. Also they teach, that men capnot be justified [oh- 1 tain forgiveness of sins and righteousness] before God by their own powers, merits, or works: but are justi- 2 fied freely [of grace] for Christ's sake through faith, when they believe that they are received into favor, and their sins forgiven for Christ's sake, who by his death hath satisfied for our sins. This faith doth 3 God impute for righteousness before Him, Eom. iii and iv.- Article V. Of the Ministry of the Church. For the obtaining of this faith, the ministry of^ 1 teaching the Gospel, and administering the Sacra- ments was instituted. For by the Word and Sacraments, as by instru- 2 ments, the Holy Spirit is given; w^ho worketh faith, where and when it pleaseth God, in those that hear the Gospel, to wit, that God, not for our merit's sake, 3 but for Christ's sake, doth justify those who believe that they for Christ's sake are received into favor. They condemn the Anabaptists and others, who 4 imagine that the Holy Spirit is given to men without the outward word, through their own prej)arations and works. Article YI. Of New Obedience. Also they teach that this faith should bring forth 1 good fruits, and that men ought to do the good works CHIEF ARTICLES OF FAITH. 19 commanded of God, because it is God's will, and not on any confidence of meriting justification before God by their works. For remission of sins and justification is appre- 2 bended by faith, as also the voice of Christ witness- eth : " When ye have done all these things, say, we are unprofitable servants/' The same, also, do the ancient writers of the Church 3 teach ; for Ambrose saith : " This is ordained of God, that he that believeth in Christ shall be saved, with- out works, by faith alone, freely receiving remission of sins.'^ Article YII. Of the Church. Also they teach, that one holy Church is to con- 1 tinue forever. But the Church is the congregation of saints [the assembly of all believers], in which the Gospel is rightly taught [purely preached], an(^ the Sacraments rightly administered [according to the Gospel]. And unto the true unity of the Church, it is suffi- 2 cient to agree concerning the doctrine of the Gospel and the administration of the Sacraments. Nor is it 3 necessary that human traditions, rites, or ceremonies instituted by men, should be alike everywhere; as St. 4 Paul saith : " There is one faith, one baptism, one God and'Father of all.'' Article YIII. What the Church is ? Though the Church be properly the congregation 1 of saints and true believers, yet seeing that in this life many hypocrites and evil persons are mingled with it, it is lawful to use the Sacraments adminis- tered by evil men; according to the voice of Christ: " The Scribes and the Pharisees sit in Moses' seat," 20 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. and the words following. And the Sacraments and 2 the Word are effectual, by reason of the institution and commandment of Christ, though they be deliv- ered by evil men. They condemn the Donatists and such like, who 3 denied that it was lawful to use the ministry of evil men in the Church, and held that the ministry of evil men is useless and without eifect. Article IX. Of Baptism. Of Baptism they teach, that it is necessary to sal- 1 vation, and that by Baptism the grace of God is offered, 2 and that children are to be baptized, who by Baptism, beino: offered to G-od are received into God's favor. They condemn the Anabaptists who allow not the 3 Baptism of children, and affirm that children are saved without Baptism. Article X. Of the Lord's Sapper. Of the Supper of the Lord they teach that the 1 [true] body and blood of Christ are truly present [under the form of bread and wine], and are [there] 2 communicated to those that eat in the Lord's Supper 3 [and received]. And tliey disapprove of those that teach otherwise 4 [wherefore also the opposite doctrine is rejected]. Article XL Of Confession. Concerning confession, they teach that private ab- 1 solution be retained in the churches, though enumera- tion of all offences be not necessary in confession. For it is impossible; according to the Psalm: " Who 2 can understand his errors?" CHIEF ARTICLES OP FAITH. 21 Article XII. Of Repentance. Touching repentance, they teach that such as have 1 fallen after baptism may find remission of sins, at what time they are converted [when they come to repent- 2 ance], and that the Church should give absolution unto such as return to repentance. Now repentance consisteth properly of these tw^o 3 parts. One is contrition, or terrors stricken into the 4 conscience through the acknowledgment of sin : the 5 other is faith, w^hich is conceived by the Gosjoel, or absolution, and doth believe that for Christ's sake sins be forgiven, and comforteth thjionscience, and freeth it from terrors. Then should follow good works, 6 which are fruits of repentance. They condemn the Anabaptists, who deny that 7 men once justified can lose the Spirit of God, and do 8 contend that some men may attain to such a perfec- tion in this life, that they cannot sin. [Here are re- jected those who teach, that those who have once been holy cannot fall again.] The Novatians are 9 also condemned, w^ho would not absolve such as had fallen after baptism, though they returned to repent- ance. They also that do not teach that remission of 10 sins is obtained by faith, and who command us to merit grace by satisfactions are rejected. Article XIII. Of the Use of Sacraments. Concerning the use of the Sacraments, they teach 1 that they were ordained, not only to be marks of pro- fession amongst men, but rather that they should be signs and testimonies of the will of God towards us, set forth unto us, to stir up and confirm faith in such as use them. Therefore men must use Sacranlents 2 22 THE, AUGSBURG CONFESSION. SO, as to join faith with them, which believes the promises that are offered and declared unto us by the Sacraments. Wherefore they condemn those that teach that the 3 Sacraments do justify by the work done, and do not teach that faith which believes the remission of sins is requisite in the use of Sacraments. Article XIY. Of Ecclesiastical Orders. Concerning Ecclesiastical Orders [Church Govern- 1 ment], they teach, that no man should publicly in the Church teach, or administer the Sacraments, except he be rightly called [wiRout a regular call]. Article XY. Of Ecclesiastical Rites. Concerning Ecclesiastical rites, they teach, that 1 those rites are to be observed, which may be observed without sin, and are profitable for tranquillity and good order in the Church; such as are, set holidays, feasts, and such like. Yet concerning such things, 2 men are to be admonished, that consciences are not to be burdened as if such service were necessary to salvation. They are also to be admonished that human tradi- 3 tions, instituted to propitiate God, to merit grace and make satisfaction for sins, are opposed to the Gospel and the doctrine of faith. Wherefore vows and tradi- 4 tions concerning foods and days, and such like, insti- tuted to merit grace and make satisfaction for sins, are useless and contrary to the Gospel. Article XYI. Of Civil Affairs. Concerning civil affairs, they teach that such civil 1 h CHIEF ARTICLES OF FAITH. 23 ordinances as are lawful, are good works of God; that 2 Christians may lawfully bear civil office, sit in judg- ments, determine matters by the imperial laws, and other laws in present force, appoint just punishments, engage in just war, act as soldiers, make legal bargains and contracts, hold property, take an oath when the magistrates require it, marry a wife, or be given in marriage. They condemn the Anabaptists, who for- 3 bid Christians these civil offices. They condemn also 4 those that place the perfection of the Gospel, not in the fear of God, and in faith, but in forsaking civil offices, inasmuch as the Gospel teacheth an everlast- ing righteousness of the heart. In the meantime, it 5 doth not disallow order and government of common- wealths or families, but requireth especially the pres- ervation and maintenance thereof, as of God's own ordinances, and that in such ordinances we should exercise love. Christians, therefore, must necessarily 6 obey their magistrates and laws, save only then, when they command any sin ; for then they must rather obey God than men. Acts 5 : 29. Article XYII. Of Christ's Return to Judgment. Also they teach that, in the consummation of the 1 world [at the last day], Christ shall appear to judge, and shall raise up all the dead, and shall give unto the godly and elect, eternal life, and everlasting joys; but ungodly men and the devils shall he condemn unto endless torments. They condemn the Anabaptists, who think that to 2 condemned men and the devils shall be an end of torments. They condemn others also, who now scat- 3 ter Jewish opinions, that, before the resurrection of the dead, the godly shall occupy the kingdom of the world, the wicked being everywhere suppressed [the 7 24 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. saints alone, the pious, shall have a worldly kingdom, and shall exterminate all the godless]. Article XYIII. Of Free Will. Concerning free will, they teach, that man's will 1 hath some liberty to work a civil righteousness, and to choose such things as reason can reach unto : but 2 that it hath no power to work the righteousness of God, or a spiritual righteousness, without the Spirit of God; because that the natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God : 1 Cor. 2 : 14. But 3 this is wrought in the heart when men do receive the Spirit of God through the word. These things are in as many words affirmed by St. 4 Augustine, Hyjyognosticon, lib. iii: "We confess, that there is in all men a free will, which hath indeed the judgment of reason ; not that it is thereby fitted, with- out God, either to begin or to perform anything in matters pertaining to God, but only in works belong- ing to this present life, whether they be good or evil. By good works, I mean those which are of the good- 5 ness of nature; as to will to labor in the field, to desire meat or drink, to desire to have a friend, to desire ap- parel, to desire to build a house, to marry a wife, to nourish cattle, to learn the art of divers good things, to desire any good thing pertaining to this present life ; all which are not without God's government, yea, 6 they are, and had their beginning from God and by God. Among evil things, I account such as these: to 7 will to worship an image; to will manslaughter, and such like." They condemn the Pelagians, and others, who teach, 8 that by the powers of nature alone, without the Spirit of God, we are able to love God above all things; also to perform the commandments of God, as touching the substance of our actions. For although nature be 9 CHIEF ARTICLES OF FAITH. 25 able in some sort to do the external works (for it is able to withhold the hands from theft and murder), 3^et it cannot work the inward motions, such as the fear of God, trust in God, chastity, patience, and such like. Article XIX. Of the Cause of Sin. Touching the cause of sin, they teach, that although God doth create and preserve nature, yet the cause of sin is the will of the wicked ; to wit, of the devil, and ungodly men; which will, God not aiding, turneth itself from God, as Christ saith, " When he speaketh a lie, he speaketh of his own." John 8 : 44. Article XX. Of Good Works. Ours are falsely accused of forbidding good works. 1 For their writings extant upon the Ten Command- 2 ments, and others of the like argument, do bear wit- ness, that they have to good purpose taught concern- ing every kind of life, and its duties; what kinds of life, and what works in every calling, do please God. Of which things, preachers in former times taught 3 little or nothing: only they urged certain childish and needless works; as, keeping of holidays, set fasts, fraternities, pilgrimages, worshipping of saints, the use of rosaries, monkery, and such like things. Whereof 4 our adversaries having had warning, they do now un- learn them, and do not preach concerning these un- profitable works, as they were wont. Besides, they 5 begin now to make mention of faith, concerning which there was formerly a deep silence. They teach that 6 we are not justified by works alone, but they conjoin faith and works, and say we are justified by faith and 26 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. works. Which doctrine is more tolerable than the 7 former one, and can afford more consolation than their old doctrine. Whereas, therefore, the doctrine of faith, which 8 should be the chief one in the Church, hath been so long unknown, as all men must needs grant, that there was the deepest silence about the righteousness of faith in their sermons, and that the doctrine of works was usual in the Churches, for this cause our Divines did thus admonish the Churches : First, that our works cannot reconcile God, or de- 9 serve remission of sins, grace, and justification at his hands, but that these we obtain by faith only, when we believe that we are received into favor for Christ's sake ; who alone is appointed the Mediator and Pro- pitiatory, by whom the Father is reconciled. He, 10 therefore, that trusteth by his works to merit grace, doth despise the merit and grace of Christ, and seek- eth by his own power, without Christ, to come unto the Father : whereas Christ hath said expressly of himself, " I am the way, the truth, and the life.'" John 14 : 6. This doctrine of faith is handled by Paul almost 11 everywhere : "By grace ye are saved through faith, and that not of yourselves, it is the gift of God ;, not of works:" Ephes. 2 : 8, 9. And lest any here should 12 cavil, that we bring in a new-found interpretation, this whole cause is sustained by testimonies of the Fathers. Augustine doth in many volumes defend 13 grace, and the righteousness of faith, against the merit of works. The like doth Ambrose teach in his 14 book, De Vocatione Gentium, and elsewhere ; for thus he saith of the calling of the Gentiles : " The redemp- tion made by the blood of Christ would be of small account, and the prerogative of man's works would not give place to the mercy of God, if the justification which is by grace were due to merits going before ; CHIEF ARTICLES OF FAITH. 27 SO as it should not be the liberality of the giver, but the wages or hire of the laborer." This doctrine though it be contemned of the un- 15 skilful, yet godly and fearful consciences find by ex- perience that it bringeth very great comfort: because that consciences cannot be quieted by any works, but by faith alone, when they believe assuredly, that they have a God who is propitiated for Christ's sake; as Paul teacheth, ''Being justified by faith, we have 16 peace with God :" Eom. 5 : 1. This doctrine doth 17 wholly belong to the conflict of a troubled con- science; and cannot be understood, but where the conscience hath felt that conflict. Wherefore, all 18 such as have had no experience thereof, and all that are profane men, who dream that Christian righteous- ness is naught else but a civil and philosophical right- eousness, are poor judges of this matter. Formerly, men's consciences were vexed with the 19 doctrine of works; they did not hear any comfort out of the Gospel. Whereupon conscience drove some 20 into the desert, into Monasteries, hoping there to merit grace by a monastical life. Others devised 21 other works, whereby to merit grace, and to satisfy for sin. There was very great need therefore to 22 teach and renew this doctrine of faith in Christ ; to the end that fearful consciences might not want com- fort, but might know that grace, and forgiveness of sins, and justification, were received by faith in Christ. Another thing, which we teach men, is, that in 23 this place the name of Faith doth not only signify a knowledge of the history, which may be in the wicked, and in the Devil, but that it signifieth a faith which believeth, not only the history, but also the effect of the history; to wit, the article of remission of sins; namely, that by Christ we have grace, right- eousness, and remission of sins. Now, he that know- 24 eth that he hath the Father merciful to him through - 7* 28 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. Christ, this man knowcth God truly: he knoweth that God hath a care of him ; he loveth God, and calleth upon him j in a word, he is not without God, as the Gentiles are. For the devils, and the wicked, 25 can never believe this article of the remission of sins : and therefore they hate God as their enemy; they call not upon him, they look for no good thing at his hands. After this manner doth Augustine admonish the reader 26 touching the name of Faith, and teacheth, that this word Faith is taken in Scriptures, not for such a knowledge as is in the wicked, but for a trust, which doth comfort and lift up disquieted minds. Moreover, ours teach, that it is necessary to do 27 good works; not that we may trust that we deserve grace by them, but because it is the will of God that we should do them. By faith alone is apprehended 28 remission of sins and grace. And because the Holy 29 Spirit is received by faith, our hearts are now re- newed, and so put on new aifections, so that they are able to bring forth good works. For thus saith Am- 30 brose, " Faith is the begetter of a good will, and oi good actions." For man's powers, without the Holy 31 Si^irit, are full of wicked affections, and are weaker than that they can do any good deed before God. Besides, they are in the Devil's power, who driveth 32 men forward into divers sins, into profane opinions, and into heinous crimes : as was to be seen in the 33 philosophers, who, assaying to live an honest life, could not attain unto it, but were defiled with many heinous crimes. Such is the weakness of man, when 34 he is without faith and the Holy Spirit, and hath no other guide but the natural powers of man. Hereby every man may see that this doctrine is not 35 to be accused, as forbidding good works; but rather is much to be commended, because it showeth after what sort we must do good works. For without 36 faith, the nature of man can by no means perform CHIEF ARTICLES OF FAITH. 29 the works of the First or Second Table. Without 37 faith, it cannot call upon God, hope in God, bear the cross; but seeketh help from man, and trusteth in man's help. So it cometh to pass, that all lusts and 38 human counsels bear sway in the heart so long as faith and trust in God is absent. Wherefore also Christ saith, " Without me ye can 39 do nothing," John 15 : 5, and the Church singeth, "Without thy power is naught in man, naught that 40 is innocent." Article XXI. Of the Worship of Saints. Touching the worship of saints, they teach, that the 1 memory of saints may be set before us, that we may follow their faith and good works according to our calling; as the Emperor may follow David's exam- ple in making war to drive away the Turks from his country : for either of them is a king. But the Scrip- 2 ture teacheth not to invocate saints, or to ask help of saints, because it propoundeth unto us one Christ the Mediator, Propitiatory, High Priest, and Intercessor. 3 This Christ is to be invocated, and he hath promised that he will hear our j^rayers, and liketh this worship especially, to wit, that he be invocated in all afflic- tions. " If any man sin, we have an advocate with God, Jesus Christ the righteous :" 1 John 2 : 1. This is about the sum of doctrine among ns, in 1 which can be seen that there is nothing which is dis- crepant with the Scriptures, or with the Church Catholic, or even with the Eoman Church, so far as that Church is known from writers [the writings of the Fathers]. This being the case they judge us harshly, who insist that we shall be regarded as her- 30 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. etics. But the dissension is concerning certain [tra- 2 ditions and] abuses, whicli without any certain au- thority have crept into the Churches, in which things even if there were some difference, yet would it be a becoming lenity on the part of the bishops, that on account of the Confession which we have now pre- sented, they should bear with us, since not even the Canons are so severe, as to demand the same rites everywhere, nor were the rites of all Churches at any time the same. Although among us in large part the 3 ancient rites are diligently observed. For it is a ca- 4 lumnious falsehood, that all the ceremonies, all the things instituted of old are abolished in our Churches. But the public complaint was, that certain abuses 5 were connected with the rites in common use. These, because they could not with good conscience be ap- proved, have to some extent been corrected. IL AETICLES IN WHICH ARE EECOUNTED THE ABUSES WHICH HA YE BEEN CORREOTEI). Inasmuch as the Churches among us, dissent in no 1 article of faith from the Church Catholic [the Uni- versal Christian Church], and only omit a few of cer- tain abuses, which are novel [in part have crept in with time, in part have been introduced by violence], and contrary to the purport of the Canons have been received by the fault of the times, we beg that Your Imperial Majesty would clemently hear both what ought to be changed, and what are the reasons that the people ought not to be forced against their con- ABUSES (XXII) I. 31 sciences to observe those abuses. Nor should Your 2 Imperial Majesty have faith in those who, that they may inflame the hatred of men against us, scatter amazing slanders among the people. In this way 3 the minds of good men being angered at the beginning they gave occasion to this dissension, and by the same art they now endeavor to increase the discords. For 4 beyond doubt Your Imperial Majesty will find that the form both of doctrines and of ceremonies among us, is far more tolerable than that which these wicked and malicious men describe. The truth, moreover, 5 cannot be gathered from common rumors and the re- proaches of enemies. But it is easy to judge this, that 6 nothing is more profitable to preserve the dignity of ceremonies and to nurture reverence and piety among the people, than that the ceremonies should be rightly performed in the Churches. Article XXII. (I.) Of both Kinds \in the Lord's Supper^. Both kinds of the Sacrament in the Lord's Supper 1 are given to the laity, because that this custom hath the commandment of the Lord, "Drink all ye of this:'' Matt. 26 : 27; where Christ doth manifestly command concerning the cup, that all should drink. And that 2 no man might cavil, that this doth only pertain to the priests, the example of Paul to the Corinthians wit- nesseth, that the whole Church did use both kinds in common: 1 Cor. 11 : 28. And this custom remained 3 a long time in the Church; neither is it certain, when, or by what authority, it was changed. Cyprian in 4 certain places doth witness, that the blood was given to the people : the same thing doth Jerome testify, 5 saying, " The priests do minister the Eucharist, and communicate the blood of Christ to the people." Nay, Pope Gelasius commandeth, that the Sacrament 6 32 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. be Dot divided: Dist 2, Be Consecr. Cap. Comjperimus. 7 Only a custom, not thus ancient, doth otherwise. 8 But it is manifest that a custom, brought in contrary 9 to the commandments of God, is not to be approved, as the Canons do witness: Dist. 8, Cap. Veritate; with the words w^hich follow. Now this custom has been 10 received, not only against the Scripture, but also against the ancient Canons, and the example of the Church. Therefore if any would rather use both 11 kinds in the Sacrament, they are not to be compelled to do otherwise with the offence of their conscience. And because that the division of the Sacrament doth 12 not agree with the institution of Christ, among us it is the custom to omit that procession which hitherto hath been in use. Article XXIII. (II.) Of the Marriage of Priests. There was a common complaint of the examples of 1 such priests as were not continent. For which cause 2 also Pope Pius is reported to have said, " that thete were certain causes for which marriage was forbidden to priests, but there were many weightier causes why it should be permitted again:" for so Platina writeth. Whereas therefore the priests among us seek to avoid 3 these public offences, they have married wuves, and have taught that it is lawful for them to enter into marriage. First, because that Paul saith, " To avoid 4 fornication, let every man have his wife:" again, " It is better to marry than to burn :" 1 Cor. 7 : 2, 9. Secondly, Christ saith, "All men cannot receive this 5 word :" Matt. 19 : 11; where he showeth that all men are not fit for a single life, because that God created mankind, male and female : Gen. 1 : 28. Nor is it in 6 man's power, without a special gift and work of God, to alter his creation. Therefore^such as are not meet 7 for a single life, ought to contract marriage. For no 8 ABUSES (XXIII) II. 33 law of man, no vow, can take away the commandment of God, and his ordinance. By these reasons the 9 priests do prove that they may hiwfully take wives. And it is well known, that in the ancient Churches 10 priests were married. For Paul saith, " that a bishop 11 must be chosen which is a husband:" 1 Tim. 3:2. And in Germany, not until about four hundred years 12 ago, the priests were by violence compelled to live a single life; who then were eo wholly bent against the matter, that the Archbishop of Mentz, being about to publish the Pope of-Rome's decree to that effect, was almost murdered in a tumult by the priests in their anger. And the matter was handled so rudely, that not 13 only were marriages forbidden for the time to come, but also such as were then contracted, were broken asunder, contrary to all laws divine and human, con- trary to the Canons themselves, that were before made not only by Popes, but also by most famous Councils. And seeing that, as the world decayeth, 14 man's nature by little and little waxeth weaker, it is well to look to it, that no more vices do overspread Germany. Furthermore, God ordained marriage to 15 be a remedy for man's infirmity. The Canons them- 16 selves do say, that the old rigor is now and then in latter times to be released because of the weakness of men. Which it were to be wished might be done in this matter also. And if marriage be forbidden any 17 longer, the Churches may at length want pastors. Seeing then that there is a plain commandment of 18 God; seeing the use of the Church is well known; seeing that impure single life bringeth forth very many offences, adulteries, and other enormities wor- thy to be punished by the godly magistrate, it is a marvel that greater cruelty should be showed in, no other thing, than against the marriage of priests. God hath commanded to honor marriage : the laws 19 in all well-ordered commonwealths, even among the 20 34 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. heathen, have adorned marriages with very great honors. But now men are cruelly put to death, yea, 21 and priests also, contrary to the mind of the Canons, for no other cause, hut marriage. Paul calleth that 22 " a doctrine of devils," which forbiddeth marriage: 1 Tim. 4:1; which may now very well be seen, since 23 the forbidding of marriage is maintained by such pun- ishments. But as no law of man can take away the 24 law of God, no more can any voav whatsoever. There- 25 fore Cyorian giveth counsel, that those women should marry, which do not keep their vowed chastity. His words are these, in the 1st Book, the 2d Epistle : "If they will not or are not able to endure, it is far better they should marry, than that they should fall into the fire by their importunate desires. In any- wise let them give no offence to their brethren or sis- ters." Yea, even the Canons show some kind of jus- 26 tice towards such as before their ripe years did vow chastity; as hitherto the use hath for the most part been. i Article XXIY. (III.) Of the Mass. Our Churches are wrongfully accused to have abol- 1 ished the Mass. For the Mass is retained still among us, and celebrated with great reverence; yea, and al- 2 most all the ceremonies that are in use, saving that with the things sung in Latin, we mingle certain things sung in German at various parts of the ser- vice, which be added for the people's instruction. For therefore alone we have need of ceremonies, that 3 they may teach the unlearned. This is not only 4 commanded by St. Paul, to use a tongue that the people understand, 1 Cor. 14 : 9, but man's law hath also appointed it. We accustom the people to re- 5 ceive the Sacrament together, if so be any be found fit thereunto ; and that is a thing that doth increase ABUSES (XXIV) III. 35 the reverence and due estimation of the public cere- monies. For none are admitted, except they be first 6 proved. Besides, we pat men in mind of the worthi- 7 ness and use of the Sacrament, how great comfart it bringetli to fearful consciences; tliat they may learn to believe God, and to look for and crave all good things at his hands. This worship doth please God: 8 such an use of the Sacrament doth nourish piety to- wards God. Therefore it seemeth not that Masses be 9 more religiously celebrated among our adversaries, . than with us. But it is evident, that of long time this hath been 10 the public and most grievous complaint of all good men, that Masses are basely profaned, being used for gain. And it is not unknown, how far this abuse bath 11 spread itself in all Churches; of what manner of men Masses are used, onl}^ for a reward, or for wages; and how many do- use them against the prohibition of the Canons. But Paul doth grievously threaten those 12 who treat the Lord's Supper unworthily, saying, "He that eateth this bread or drinketh this cup of the Lord unworthily, shall be guilty of the body and blood of the Lord :" 1 Cor. 11 : 27. Therefore, when 13 the priests among us were admonished of this sin, pri- vate Masses were laid aside among us, seeing that for the most part there were no private Masses but only for lucre's sake. Neither were the bishops ignorant 14 of these abuses, and if they had amended them in time, there had now been less of dissensions. Here- 15 tofore, by their dissembling, they suffered much cor- ruption to creep into the Church : now they begin, 16 though it be late, to complain of the calamities of the Church; seeing that this tumult was raised up by no other mean, than by those abuses, which were so evi- dent, that they could no longer be tolerated. There 17 were many dissensions, concerning the Mass, con- cerning the Sacrament. And perhaps the world is 18 8 36 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. punished for so long a profaning of Masses, which they, who both could and ought to have amended it, have so many years tolerated in the Churches. For 19 in the Ten Commandments it is written, " He that taketh in vain the name of the Lord, shall not be held guiltless:" Exod. 20 : 7. And from the beginning of 20 the world, there neither was nor is any divine thing, which seems so. to have been employed for gain, as the Mass. There was added an opinion, which increased pri- 21 vate Masses infinitely; to wit, that Christ by his pas- sion did satisfy for original sin, and appointed the Mass, wherein an oblation should be made for daily sins, both mortal and venial. Hereupon a common 22 opinion was received, that the Mass is a work, that taketh away the sins of the quick and the dead, and that for the doing of the work. Here men began to 23 dispute, whether one Mass said for many were of as great force, as j^articular Masses said for particular men. This disputation hath brought forth that in- finite multitude of Masses. Our preachers have ad- 24 monished, concerning these 0})inions, that they do depart from the holy Scrij^tures, and diminish the glory of the passion of Christ. For the passion of 25 Christ was an oblation and satisfaction, not only for original sin, but also for all other sins; as it is written in the Epistle to the Hebrews, 10 : 10: " We are sane- 26 tified by the oblation of Jesus Christ once made:" also, "By one oblation he hath perfected forever them 27 that are sanctified :" Heb. 10 : 14. The Scripture also 28 teacheth, that we are justified before God through faith in Christ, when we believe that our sins are for- given for Christ's sake. I^ow, if the Mass do take 29 away the sins of the quick and the dead, even for the work's sake that is done, then justification cometh by the work of Masses, and not by faith ; which the Scripture cannot endure. But Christ commandeth 30 ABUSES (XXIV) III. 37 US "to do it in remembrance of himself:" Luke 22 : 19, therefore the Mass has been instituted, that faith, in them which use the Sacrament, may remem- ber what benefits it receiveth by Christ, and that it may raise and comfort the fearful conscience. For 31 this is to remember Christ, to wit, to remember his benefits, and to feel and perceive that they be indeed im^parted unto us. Nor is it sufficient to call to mind 32 the history; because that the Jews also, and the wicked, can do. Therefore the Mass must be used to 33 this end, that there the Sacrament may be reached unto them that have need of comfort; as Ambrose saith, '-Because I do always sin, therefore I ought always to receive the medicine." And seeing that 34 the Mass is such a communion of the Sacrament, we do observe one common Mass every holy day, and on other days, if any will use the Sacrament, at which times it is offered to them which desire it. Neither 35 is this custom newly brought into the Church. For the ancients, before Gregory's time, make no men- tion of any private Mass : of the common Mass they speak much. Chrysostom saith, " that the priest 36 doth daily stand at the altar, and call some unto the Communion, and put back others." And by the an- 37 cient Canons it is evident that some one did celebrate the Mass, of whom the other elders and deacons did receive the body of the Lord. For so the words of 38 the Nicene Canon do sound: "Let the deacons in their order, after the elders, receive the holy Com- munion of a bishop, or of an elder." And Paul, con- 89 cerning the Communion, commandeth, "that one tarry for another," 1 Cor. 11 : 33, that so there may be a common participation. Seeing therefore that 40 the Mass amongst us hath the example of the Church, out of the Scripture, and the Fathers, we trust that it cannot be disapproved; especially since our public ceremonies are kept, the most part, like unto the 38 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. usual ceremonies: only the number of Masses is not alike, the which, by reason of very great and mani- fest abuses, it were certainly far better to be mod- erated. For in times past also, in the Churches where- 41 unto was greatest resort, it was not the use to have Mass said every day; as the Tripartite History, lih, 9, cap. 38, doth witness. "Again," saith it, "in Alex- andria, every fourth and sixth day of the week, the Scriptures are read, and the doctors do interpret them : and all other things are done also, except only the celebration of the Eucharist." Article XXY. (IV..) Of Confession. Confession is not abolished in our Churches. For 1 it is not usual to communicate the body of our Lord, except to those who have been previously examined and absolved. And the people are taught most care- 2 fully concerning the faith required to absolution, about which before these times there has been a deep silence. Men are taught, that they should highly regard abso- 3 lution, inasmuch as it is God's voice, and pronounced by God's command. The power of the keys is honored, and mention is 4 made, how great consolation it brings to terrified con- sciences, and that God requires faith, that we believe that absolution as a voice sounding from heaven, and that this faith in Christ truly obtains and receives re- mission of sins. Aforetime satisfactions were immoderately ex- 5 tolled: of faith, and the merit of Christ, and justifica- tion by faith no mention was made. Wherefore on this point our Churches are by no means to be blamed. For this even our adversaries are compelled to con- 6 cede in regard to us, that the doctrine of repentance is most diligently treated and laid open by us. ABUSES (xxvi) V. 39 But of Confession our Churches teach, that the 7 enumeration of sins is not necessary, nor are con- sciences to be burdened with the care of enumeratino* all sins, inasmuch as it is impossible to recount all sins, as the Psalm (19 : 31) testifies: " Who can understand 8 his errors V So also Jeremiah (17 : 9) : <' The heart is deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked. Who can know it ?" But if no sins were remitted ex- 9 cept what were recounted, consciences could never find peace, because very many sins they can neither see nor remember. The ancient writers also testify that the enumera- 10 tion is not necessary. For in the Decrees Chrysos- 11 tom is cited, who speaks thus: " I do not say to thee, that thou shouldst discover thyself in public, or ac- cuse thyself before others, but I would have thee obey the prophet when he says: 'Reveal thy way unto the Lord.' Therefore with prayer confess thy sins before God the true Judge. Pronounce thine errors, not with the tongue, but with the memory of thy conscience.'' And the Gloss {Of Repentance y Dist. 12 V, Chap. Consideret), admits that Confession is of human right only [is not commanded in Scripture, but has been instituted by the Church]. Nevertheless, on account of the very great benefit 13 of absolution, as well as for other uses to the con- science, Confession is retained among us. Article XXYI. (Y.) Of the Diatinction of Meats, mid of Traditions. It hath been a general opinion, not of the people 1 alone, but also of such as are teachers in the Churches, that the differences of meats, and such like human traditions, are works available to merit grace, and are satisfactions for sins. And that the world thus 2 thought is apparent by this \ that daily new ceremo- 8* 40 THE AUGSBURG .CONFESSION. nies, new orders, new holidays, new fasts, were ap- pointed : and the teachers in the Churches did exact these works as a service necessary to deserve grace; and they did greatly terrify men's consciences, if aught were omitted. Of this persuasion concerning traditions, many dis- 3 advantages have followed in the Church. For first 4 the doctrine of grace is obscured by it, and also the righteousness of faith, which is the principal part of the Gospel, and which it behoveth most of all to stand forth and to have the pre-eminence in the Church, that the merit of Christ may be well known, and faith, which believeth that sins are remitted for Christ's sake, may be exalted far above works. For 5 which cause also Paul lays much stress on this point : he removeth the law, and human traditions, that he may show that the righteousness of Christ is a far other thing, than such works as these be, namely, a faith, which believeth that sins are freely remitted for Christ's sake. But this doctrine of Paul is almost 6 wholly smothered by traditions, which have bred an opinion, that, by making difference in meats, and such like services, a man should merit grace and jus- tification. In their doctrine of repentance there was 7 no mention of faith; only these works of satisfaction •were spoken of: repentance seemed to consist wholly in these. Secondly, these traditions obscured the command- 8 ments of God, because traditions were preferred far above the commandments of God. All Christianity was thought to be an observation of certain holidays, rites, fasts, and attire. These observations were in 9 possession of a most goodly title, that they were the spiritual life, and the perfect life. In the meantime, 10 God's commandments, touching every man's calling, wereof saiall estimation: that the father brought up his children, that the mother nurtured them, that the ABUSES (XXVIj V. 41 prince governed the commonwealth. These were re- puted worldly iiflfairs, and imporfect, and far inferior to those glittering observances. And this error did 11 greatly torment pious consciences,which were grieved that they were held by an imperfect kind of life, in marriage, in magistracy, or in other civil functions. They had the monks, and such like, in admiration, and falsely imagined that the observances of these men were more grateful to God than their own. Thirdly, traditions brought great danger to men's 12 consciences, because it was impossible to keep all tra- ditions, and yet men thought the observation of them to be necessary services. Gerson writeth, " that many 13 fell into despair, and some murdered themselves, be- cause they perceived that they could not keep the traditions:" and all this while, they never heard the comfort of the righteousness of faith, or of grace. We 14 see the Summists and divines gather together the traditions, and seek qualifications of them, to un- burden men's consciences: and yet all will not serve, but meantime they bring more snares upon the conscience. The schools and pulpits have been so 15 busied in gathering together the traditions, that they had not leisure to touch the Scripture, and to seek out a more profitable doctrine, of faith, of the cross, of hope, of the dignity of civil affairs, of the comfort of conscience in arduous trials. Wherelore Gerson, 16 and some other divines, have made grievous com- plaints, that they were hindered by these strifes about traditions, so that they could not be occupied in some better kind of doctrine. And Augustine for- 17 biddeth that men's consciences should be burdened with observations of this kind, and doth very pru- dently warn Januarius to know, that they are to be observed as things indifferent^ for he so speaketh. Wherefore our ministers must not be thought to have 18 touched this matter rashly, or from hatred of the 42 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. bishops, as some do falsely surmise. There was great 19 need to admonish the Churches of those errors, which did arise from mistaking of traditions : for the Gospel 20 compelleth men to urge the doctrine of grace, and of the righteousness of faith, in the Church ; which yet can never be understood, if men suppose that they can merit remission of sins, and justification, by ob- servances of their own choice. Thus therefore they 21 teach us, that we cannot merit grace, or justification, by the observation of man's traditions; and there- fore we must not think that such observations are necessary service. Hereunto they add testimonies 22 out of the Scriptures. Christ excuseth his disciples, which kept not the received tradition (which yet seemed to be about a matter not unlawful, but indif- ferent, and to have some aflSnity with the baptisms of the law); and saith, "They worship me in vain with the commandments of men :" Matt. 15 : 9. Christ 23 therefore exacteth no unprofitable service. And a little after, he addeth : "Whatsoever entereth in at the mouth defileth not the man:" ver. 11. So also 24 Paul : " The kingdom of God is not meat and drink :" Eom. 15: 17. "Let no man judge you in meat or 25 drink, or in respect of the Sabbath-days, or of a holi- day:" Col. 2:16. Again: "If ye be dead with Christ 26 from the rudiments of the world, why, as though ye lived in the world, are ye subject to traditions ; Touch not, taste not, handle not?" ver. 20, 21. Peter saith, 27 " Why tempt ye God, laying a yoke upon the necks of the disciples, which neither we, nor our fathers, were able to bear 't But we believe that throu