ui£ BOOKS 
 
 5cP 
 
 # 3TOC=> 
 
 The United States Government, the Found- 
 er and Necessary Patron of the 
 Liberian Republic. 
 
 ■A.2ST -AJDIDiR/ESS 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE TUB 
 
 JANUARY 18, 1881, 
 
 BY 
 
 GEORGS W. SAMSON, D. D. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. 
 
 WASHINGTON CITY; 
 
 PCLONIZATION ^BUILDING, 45O pENNSYLVANIA ^YENUE, 
 l88l, 
 
z 
 
 Normal School Steam Press, 
 Hampton. Va. 
 
> 
 
 ADDRESS. 
 
 When intelligent business men are seen to be directing their capital 
 into some new field of enterprise, they are supposed to have reasons 
 justifying their investment. Whcp. leading nations are observed 
 to be conspiring in making government appropriations for the common 
 attainment of a like end, it is justly inferred that some adequate motive 
 controls their policy. So, too, the principles of natural religion, tho 
 convictions of all men, lead to the necessary conclusion, that, the Divine 
 Author of all, rules alike the material Universe and the families of man- 
 kind in their intercourse with each other for the accomplishment of 
 His own wise and kind purposes. 
 
 The fact that no less than nine leading powers of Europe, — England, 
 France, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Belgium, Denmark, Germany and Rus- 
 sia, — have been engaged the past year in African explorations, certainly 
 indicates a common and an important end which those nations, leading 
 in modern civilization, arc seeking to attain. The summary, so concise- 
 ly and clearly presented in a recent publication of the Secretary of the 
 American Colonization Society, aids the ordinary observer of foreign 
 affairs to analyze and group the reasons that have led to this converging 
 of interests on the Continent of Africa. 
 
 There are three classes of corporate bodies that are providing the 
 money appropriations which sustain and promote these explorations; the 
 two former of which have been sustained by Government action. First 
 in natural order are commercial companies; since itis through commerce 
 that the shores and ports of foreign lands arc made kuowu, and because 
 the want of products, for the bodily welfare of advanced nations is tho 
 first to prompt enterprise. Second in order come scientific associations, 
 including geographical and archceological societies, whose explorations 
 have the double end of opening roads to commerce and of amassing 
 knowledge, interesting or profitable to men as intellectual beings. 
 Third in the list appear religious societies; including educational and 
 missionary organizations. 
 
 This grouping of organizations that have been penetrating the con- 
 tinent of Africa on all sides for years, and that have displayed special 
 completeness and activity during the past year, naturally suggests in- 
 quiry as to the originating spring, the fundamental source, and espe- 
 cially the harmonizing and all-controliug influence in human nature, 
 which prompts the united action of these classes of associations and the 
 favoring co-operation of the nine governments of Europe which have 
 
4 
 
 sustained the two former in their work . Without doubt it is to be 
 foutod in the principles brought out by such masterly works on the 
 philosophy of history as Guizot’s Progress of Civilization in Europe. 
 There are, as Guizot shows, two elements that constitute and that ad- 
 vance human civilization, the material and the moral. The material 
 interests and the physical impulses of men prompt them to the supply 
 of animal wants by the accumulation of wealth and through that of all 
 the conveniences and comforts of bodily life. The moral interests and 
 the mental impulses prompt to the accumulation of knowledge as to all 
 the social and religious relations of diankind and to the supply provided 
 in the teachings of nature and of revelation which meets those wants. In 
 this analysis the great statesman, Guizot, accepts all of truth brought out 
 by such minds as Buckle, Comte and Spencer; who in their seclusion see 
 clearly what men ought to be in their relations to the world and to each 
 other; and what they would be provided they partook only of the na- 
 ture of mere animals or of pure angels. But the practical man of af- 
 fairs, mingling with men in their social, political and religious rela- 
 tions, finds that men partake of both the animal and the angelic na- 
 tures; that these two natures, which “war within us,” and which lead 
 to .“wars and fightings among men,” must be harmonized ; otherwise 
 neither the passive quiet of herded animals nor the active peace of 
 banded angels, will be found in human families, communities and na- 
 tions. Going farther, with the fearful experience of communistic an- 
 archy fresh and frequent before his own eyes, Guizot saw, as also Eng- 
 lish and American statesmen have seen, that men need, not simple accu- 
 mulation of wealth, but the guarantee in man’s improved moral instruc- 
 tion, moral training and religious enlightenment, that the accumulation 
 of individual wealth and of national treasures in art, in science and in 
 all the appliances of human advancement, will not in the frenzy of a day 
 be plundered or destroyed. It is this ruling necessity which in the ex- 
 plorations of the past year on the continent of Africa, has caused com- 
 merce, science and religion to go hand in hand. It seems to be timely 
 to review, at this sixty-fourth anniversary of the American Colonization 
 Society, the necessary union of Governmental and Associational co-op- 
 eration in repaying our National debt to Africa. 
 
 The consideration of t his topic requires a brief review of the assum- 
 ed relation through the mother country of the American Colonics, and 
 then of the independent United States of America, to the people of 
 Africa. 
 
 As Bancroft has clearly shown the Government and people of Great 
 Britain, more truly than of Spain, sought two cuds in bringing African 
 slaves into this country. As Governor Brown, of Georgia, has just re- 
 peated in the United States Senate, the people of Georgia, who at first 
 resisted the attempts to introduce African slaves into that colony, yield- 
 
5 
 
 ed at last because of tbc conviction, urged by such men as George 
 Wbitcfield, that tbc only apparent means of enlightening and Christ- 
 ianizing the people of Africa, who in their native land were warring 
 against and enslaving each other, was to receive and educate them as 
 laborers on the rich lands of the South. At the same time, Jonathan 
 Edwards, whose sincerity none will doubt, urged the same idea, and as 
 a motive to Christian fidelity in evangelizing the colored people in New 
 England. 
 
 When the colonial times bad passed a new relation was assumed by 
 the state and national governments to the colored people. New Englmd, 
 provided with laborers from the old world and moved by convictions 
 of moral duty, freed her slaves; some of whose descendants yet linger 
 in her large towns. The duty, however, of educating and Christianiz- 
 ing, and if dependent, of providing homes and food for these freedmen, 
 remained, and was met by state legislation. The Southern StaV^dif- 
 crcntly situated, retained their colored people in servitude; ofteu indeed 
 making provision for emancipation by individuals, as well as for the 
 care of freed people; and, above all, through the fidelity of Christian la- 
 borers winning to a sincere Christian faith a larger proportion of the 
 colored people than has ever before been found among any people in 
 any age. 
 
 At the same time the national as well as state governments, recogni- 
 zed and assumed a new relation to the colored people. The provision 
 of the U. S. Constitution limiting the importation of slaves to twenty- 
 one years, was not only an assumed relation, but it implied and com- 
 pelled another assumed duty when the twenty-one years had expired. 
 The anxious thought and effort of the successive Presidents, Jefferson, 
 Madison and Monroe, to provide a fit asylum for slaves brought to Amer- 
 ican ports after the year when the importation was to cease, not only 
 suggested, but, after various expedients compelled the naval expeditions 
 repeatedly sent, first to explore, then to colonize and then to protect 
 the colonists on the shore of Africa. 
 
 Another new relation was assumed, when, after years of ineffectual 
 efforts in co-operation with Great Britain to arrest slave-ships by means 
 of national cruisers on the African coast, the American cruisers were 
 directed to act on the American shore of the Atlantic, while the British 
 cruisers acted on the African Coast. Then, since the naval vessels were 
 no longer detailed for the long voyage, the American Colonizition So- 
 ciety was made the agent of the United States government in sending 
 the recaptured slaves to Liberia and in providing a safe asylum and a 
 school for independence on the coast of their native Continent. Then 
 amid all the countless influences which agitated the people both North 
 and South a3 disunion threatened, the voice of the public conscience, 
 prompting to assumed duty, was triumphant in Congress, while it was 
 
6 
 
 specially deep and earnest in the executive. No American can so real- 
 ize this as did the two men called to meet frequently the two Christian 
 statesmen, the Secretaiies of State and of the Navy, whose duty it was 
 to provide for the necessity laid upon the United States Government. It 
 is enough to state the fact, that, under the two administrations respon- 
 sible for the integrity of national policy from March 4th, 1853, to 
 March 4th, 1 SGI, the slave trade to all North American ports, the West 
 India Islands included, was completely broken up and all the captured 
 people were colonized by Government appropriations in Liberia. 
 
 Yet a new relation was assumed when the war for the union brought 
 Southern slaves within the lines of the Union armies. The duty of 
 providing for them was such, that, promptly on the appeal of President 
 Lincoln, Congress made an appropriation for the foreign colonization 
 of the people desiring such provision. When the scheme of coloniza- 
 tion firs, in Central America, then in the Danish West Indies, had been 
 frustrated, no one but those called to the interview, can ever appreciate 
 the intense anxiety shown by President Lincoln; personally sending for, 
 and conversing two hours witlv the sub committee of the Executive Com- 
 mittee of this Society; sending at their suggestion an intelligent colored 
 clergyman as their representative to visit Liberia and report to the clus- 
 tering crowds of his people gathered at the national Capital. The rush 
 of events during the delay, the decision of the War Department to em- 
 ploy colored troops, and the idea that lauds and other provisions at 
 home would be granted to the emancipated people, arrested this stago 
 of Government provision for colonists to the African Republic. 
 
 Yet another new stage of Government duty had now arrived; before 
 entering upon whose consideration, since it is the present demand, this 
 fact should be distinctly recalled. In every stage of the relations as- 
 sumed between this country and its people, towards Africa and her 
 people, the two elements above considered, that constitute civilization 
 and that impose consequent national duty, have been found acting in 
 co-operation; the material without question too often dominant; buttho 
 moral silently hut surely asserting ultimate supremacy over the Christ- 
 ian people who settled the American continent, and over their descen- 
 dants of each succeeding generation. Certainly no one will question tho 
 essential fact at issue, that since the origin of the United States Govern- 
 ment, the moral has steadily gained sway over the material in tho 
 motives controlling the policy of the United States people and its rep- 
 resentatives in their relation to the colored people. This certaiuly was 
 the case w hen by provision of the Constitution, for material consider- 
 ations, the importation of slaves was permitted during twenty-one 
 years; while in the same Constitution, the moral consideration was de- 
 clared to be ruling after that period. This certaiuly was the case when, 
 though at the planting of the hist colony of Liberia material consider- 
 
7 
 
 alions might li.ivc influenced some who desired the removal of free- 
 colored people, the highest moral convictions ruled the statesmen and 
 philanthropists who wished to provide a safe home for captured slaves, 
 and a Christian Republic, on the dark continent. Surely, too, religious, 
 duty led to t lie supply of most of the colonists, when Christian owners 
 sacrificed thousands of dollars in giving, first freedom, and then ainplo- 
 provision in their freedom, to their most advanced and valuable serv- 
 ants, who went joyfully to their new home. This, yet again, was the 
 ease when the measures were inaugurated which broke up the slavo 
 trade, and threw on the hands of the United States Government hun- 
 dreds of captured slaves to be provided for in Africa; for, though ma- 
 terial interests can, in almost any act of men and of nations, be sup. 
 posed to enter into human counsels, such suggestions at this stage of 
 African Colonization arc certaidy overshadowed by a nobler impulse. 
 
 Coming then to the last stage the study of human impulses should 
 be impartially weighed, that decision may be just and duty clear. In 
 his interview with the Committee of the American Colonization Socie- 
 ty, asked by President Lincoln, he did drop expressions, like this: “I 
 must get rid somehow of this burden of care for the colored people; 
 which may prove, among other weights, the last pound to break tho 
 camel's back.” But such utterances were momentary ebulitions. Tho 
 deep, pcivading, controlling utterances were like these; “I must do 
 right by these people. I am not sure that I have authority to assumo 
 that they arc free; and that I shall not be called to account for sending 
 them out of the country. But, I must do the best for them under tho 
 circumstances; and I will run the risk of sending them to Africa if they 
 care to go.” 
 
 As mentioned, however, the delay necessary to make the requisite 
 arrangements, the sending of an agent to explore and bring back his re- 
 port to the people, the rush of events, the need of immediate provision 
 for the increasing crowds of refugees who had come within tho lines, 
 and the policy of the Secretary of War, as well as the hopes that t lie em- 
 ploy of colored troops inspired ns to future Government provision, 
 delayed African Colonization ; until a new phase of assumed duty re- 
 vived the demand. 
 
 The impoverished condition of the border Slave States, the dc. 
 struction and waste of farming implements during the years of war, yet 
 more the exhausted soil, made the necessity of transferring colored labor- 
 ers to the richer lands of the South, as well as of partial provision for 
 them in their field of labor; and this transfer and provision through tho 
 Freedman's Bureau became a Government duty and charge. Accom- 
 panying this transfer, disappointment and dissatisfaction in the minds 
 of some of the dependent people naturally arose ; then came, afresh, 
 thoughts of Africa as a home that had a future of promise; and this. 
 
8 
 
 lime for the first, it was (he thought, the aspiration and the request of 
 the colored people themselves. Just at tills juncture, the experienced 
 and honored Secretary. Rev. R, It. Guiley, finished his course; and by 
 the desire and direction of the Executive Committee, l lie single indi- 
 vidual who for years had been Mr. Gurley’s associate in such calls was 
 desired to see the men most likely to take a just view of the demand. 
 President Lincoln was no more; and two intimate personal friends were, 
 therefore, sought; Maj. General Howard, at the head of the Frecd- 
 men's Bureau, and Senator W. P. Fessenden, of Maine, whose declin- 
 ing health, had compelled him to resign the post of Secretary of the 
 Treasury, and w ho was then Chairman of the Finance Committee in the 
 Senate. Both urged that the presence of the colored people was needed 
 as a material force in promoting the labor required in the South, and 
 yet more as a moral clement, aiding as voters to secure the protection 
 of their associates in the Southern States and their advancement in 
 social relations. The force and justice of these ends suggested, was 
 allowed; hut the counter truth was urged that those who wished to go 
 to Liberia were entitled to seek their individual interests as truly as 
 white citizens, aud that to deny this would he to perpetuate the sub- 
 ordination of the interests of the colored people to the interests of the 
 while race. The justice of the pica was allowed. Through General 
 Howard the cost of transport as far as Charleston or Norfolk to emi- 
 grants for Africa was granted. Senator Fessenden promised to urge in 
 the Finance Committee of the Senate that the same appropriation be 
 made for freed people wishing to emigrate to Africa, w hich had in years 
 past been made for slaves captured on the ocean. The untimely death 
 of Senator Fessenden prevented the realization of his design. 
 
 During the past year, in the mission of Commodore Shufeldt, the 
 United States Government has again recognized the debt of the Ameri- 
 can people to the Liberian Republic. It is a debt, with its correspon- 
 dent responsibilities, both to the American colored people aud to the 
 land robbed, since their ancestors were brought hither, of its legiti- 
 mate population; yet a debt, which, as Jefferson, Madison and Clay all 
 agreed in stati: g, can be amply repaid provided the people and Gov- 
 ernment of the United States return to Africa, in place of uncultured 
 and heathen barbarians, a cultivated and Christian people capable of 
 maintaining an independent and growing civilization on the continent 
 of Africa. Whether this can be realized, whether the facts of past 
 history assure this realization, is the vital practical question, worthy our 
 final consideration. For, if this cannot be realized, the duty of the 
 American people is doubtful; whereas, if it can he realized no shadow 
 of a doubt can he allowed to excuse the neglect of paying our debt. 
 
 Here it is of vital importance to notice that England and America, 
 equally implicated in bringing the sons of Africa to our shores, and 
 
9 
 
 equally indebted to Africa, have from the first been true represent- 
 atives of two lines of policy pursued towards the African people in all 
 past ages, and now legitimate in these two distinct nations. England, 
 whose increasing and ever advancing people, pent up in a little island, 
 must seek foreign territory in fulfilling the double dnty of sclf-dcvel- 
 opement and of extending civilization, has in both Asia and Africa, 
 since the loss of her chief American colonies, been steadily sacking 
 territorial occupation; and of course in establishing imperial rule, in 
 both Asia and Africa. The history of her occupation of African terri- 
 tory began, when during the war of American Independence, slaves 
 came within the lines of her armies just as they came within the lines 
 of the Union army during our late war. As a necessity imposed upon 
 them the British Government provided the colored refugees, first, a tem- 
 porary home in Canada; and then, afterwards, at great cost, — an ex- 
 pense perpetuated to this day, — they were furnished a permanent home 
 at Sierra Leone; a projecting Western Cape of Africa, which became a 
 depot in the line of England's then increasing India trade. Since that 
 day, points of permanent territorial occupation have been sought; first 
 at the Southern Cape of Africa; then at Natal on its eastern coast; then 
 at Lagos commanding the mouth of the Niger, South of the Great West- 
 ern desert; to which have succeeded a temporary military expedition 
 into Christian Abyssinia, and permanent commercial establishments in 
 the heathen and Mohammedan sections of the Continent. No impartial 
 observer, however, — no honest critic, even, can fail to see and to say that 
 in this occupation, British Christian blessings to the African people 
 have gone hand in hand with British monopoly of African commerce. 
 For exploration she has both wisely and humanely employed such men 
 as Livingstone, the Christian missionary; whose mantle fell even upon 
 the young American Stanley with such grace that the Christian con- 
 version of the African Emperor Mtesa became as truly a part of his mis- 
 sion as the opening of a newiicld for British trade. 
 
 This is England's chosen and legitimate policy of promoting civili- 
 zation in Africa. But, America has another mission; approved alike by 
 the reasoning of her men of science and by the deductions from history 
 which will rule American statesmen. In the winter of 1SG0 ‘61, Guyot 
 the Christian scientist, the peer of Agassiz in comprehensive observation 
 and careful analysis, in a course of Lectures at the Smithsonian Insti- 
 tution, brought out the fact that in the Divine design, the three fam- 
 ilies are three types of human development of mankind, whose history 
 has been alike traced by Moses, Herodotus, Diodorus and Bunsen. 
 These three families are permanent types of bouyant and sincere 
 childhood, of the imaginative and self-sufficient spirit of youth, and 
 of the advanced and advancing thirst for science and philosophy pe- 
 culiar to mature age. The first family is the Ilamitic of Africa; cheerful, 
 
10 
 
 docile, fond of physical employ; simple in its unelaboratcd language, 
 and isolated except when forced from their home. The second is the 
 Semitic or Asiatic; imaginative, poetic and self-satisfied ; with language 
 half-elaborated; arbitrary in rule over inferior tribes, yet overshadow- 
 ing only those simpler people naturally brought under its shade by its 
 own branching, which extends its spread. The third is t he Japhetic or 
 European; never satisfied with the highest attainments in individual 
 progress; and ever aspiring for more extended rule over less devel- 
 oped tribes. 
 
 Iu Africa, the home of t!\c first race, the modern British policy was 
 witnessed from time immemorial in Egypt and Carthage on the North; 
 a precedent too often quoted as if it were the only guide in African de- 
 velopment. In Egypt foreign kings, as Herodotus records, ruled from 
 the days of Mcncs, two centuries before Abraham's day; it was into this 
 family Joseph married, and it was under their tuition that Moses be- 
 came learned in all the wisdom of Egypt. At Carthage, Phcnician 
 science and lettcis were ruling before Eneas, the fugitive TrojaD, visi- 
 ted its shore; while Greek colonies ruled in Cyrene before Homer wrote. 
 At the same time, however, in Central Africa, in ancient Ethiopia, now 
 modern Abyssinia, a pure type of the darkest colored African race 
 threatened Egypt in Moses’ day; Moses, as Josephus records, led an 
 Egyptian army thither, justifying Luke's record that he was “mighty 
 in deeds” as well as “in words;” and in his exile the Hebrew law-giver 
 married an Ethiopian wife, to whom lie proved faithful in his exalta- 
 tion, though opposed by family pride. As permanent witness to the 
 association of Moses in On with both these superior and inferior races 
 is the fact, that one-tenth of the words of Moses’ records are Sanscrit 
 and one-fifteenth arc Ethiopic. Shortly after the Hebrews left Egypt 
 under Moses, as Bunsen has &liown, Ethiopian kings invaded, and for 
 centuries held, upper Egypt, with its grandest city Thebes. In the cul- 
 minating spread of the Hebrew' power under David, the royal poet and 
 prophet wrote: “Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God.” 
 That promise of early conversion to the faith of the Old Testament was 
 in the reign of Solomon, and through his commerce, realized ; illustrating 
 the fact recorded by Luke the historian of Christ and 11 is apostles, that 
 the treasurer of the Queen of Ethiopia wms reading the prophet Isaiah, 
 while making a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, as a proselyte to the Jewish 
 faith. Returning home as a Christian convert, as Bishop Goba: has 
 shown, an independent African power lias maintained an independent 
 and high character to this day, resisting the assaults of all foreign' pow- 
 ers, and holding fast the Christian faith amid heathenism, untempted 
 by the professedly new supplements to Christianity claimed to have been 
 made by Mohammed. Even when England, iu 1808, invaded this African 
 •nation, the proud monarch, boasting his descent from the Queen of Sheba, 
 
11 
 
 whose realm was separated from Ethiopia by only the narrow strait of 
 Bab-cl-mandcb, claiming alto descent from Solomon through this Queen 
 os one among his thousaud wives — this proud and consciously superior 
 African prince proposed an alliance with England by offering to tako 
 its widowed sovereign ns one of his wives. 
 
 With this perpetuated example of the true African's capacity for in- 
 dependent government before them, it was not surprising that at a very 
 caily day in the history of the colony at Liberia, the nation, whose an- 
 cestors for a century and a half had been ruled by their mother country 
 as dependent colonists, should have entrusted the colored people them- 
 selves with the management of theifcown executive, legislative and ju- 
 dicial affairs. It is confirmatory of this wisdom in the past, that for 
 half a century the U. S. Government has interposed in t lie affairs of the 
 Liberian Republic, only when, as during the last year, their good offi- 
 ces in aiding the settlement of a territorial question as to boundary, 
 was invited ; a question to whose settlement our people are committed 
 because theirs was the original purchase. When now that Republic is 
 asking for emigrants from our shores to increase their population, and 
 when, too, t lie Colonization Society is specially careful to select the men 
 and the families best fitted in every respect to become useful citizens 
 of the Republic of Liberia, no wonder that the intelligent men, who 
 must act in meeting our national responsibility, declare with assurance 
 that the future stability and success of the Colony is assured. One tact 
 especially, no lover of his country north or south can forget, as a testi- 
 mony to the moral control exhibited by the colored people of the South 
 at home ; which cannot prove deceptive as to their future in Africa. 
 When in the progress of the late war for the Union, four millions of peo- 
 ple were assured that emancipation would be their boon if the war final- 
 ly turned against their masters, not a single instance of insurrection 
 during the four long years of conflict occurred. Without any question 
 it was an all-controlling religious sentiment that lay at the foundation 
 of this anomaly in history. When the remarkable fact is taken into ac- 
 count that 450,000, or about one-eighth of the 4,000,000 of colored peo- 
 ple in our Southern States, arc communicants in the Christian Churches 
 of a single denomination, that about 220,000, or an added half-eighth are 
 united to a single other denomination— so that without doubt nearly one 
 half of the entire adult population arc followers of the Prince of Peace — 
 not only does this fact explain the past as to the order and stability of 
 the Liberian Republic and as '.o their years of faithful, loyal service in 
 our States, but it is a prophetic voice giving assurance that, through 
 them as colonists, all Africa will become civilized and Christianized. 
 
 In a brief but suggestive address following a lecture on the Irish 
 and their promise, by Rev. G. W. Nepworth, delivered a few evenings 
 since, in New York, cx-Govcrnor Huffman, whose political course is 
 
12 
 
 known, uttered words to this cflcct: that “God had disappointed the 
 politicians of all schools in our country; and the same might prove true 
 in Great Britain.” That was a pregnant tiuth. The Iiisli people nev- 
 er can be independent of their union to Great Biitain: they may never- 
 theless, yet be reconciled to that union ; but in the future, as in the past, 
 without question, the laboring people who aspire to a future of promise 
 for themselves and their children, will seek it by emigration. So in 
 our Union, no state or section will ever be independent of their sister 
 states; that Union both for white and colored citizens, may and will 
 become more universally satisfactory; but the colored people in our 
 country will always be dependent on superior capital and culture, and 
 the more intelligent and aspiring will seek a home where competition 
 will not always keep them behind in the individual struggle for social 
 preferment. 
 
 We end, therefore, as we began. Men of business and nations will 
 have their plans for Africa and its people. But the Lord of all mankind, 
 the God of nations, has also His plans; and those plans will prevail. 
 

 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 
 
 
 
 
*r 
 
 r* . I 
 
 I he United States Government, the Found- 
 er and Necessary Patron of the 
 Liberian Republic. 
 
 -A-ILT .A-IDIDiR/IESS 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE 
 
 JANUARY 18, 1881, 
 
 B V 
 
 GEORGE W. SAMSON, D. D. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. 
 
 WASHINGTON CITY; 
 
 pOLONIZATION J3UILD1NG, 45 O pENNSYCYANIA ^ VENUE