THE HISTORY AND SONG OF DEBORAH JUJ)GES IV AN1> V REV. G. A. COOKE, M.A. FELLOW OF MAGDALEN OOLLEGE, OXKOUD CLARENDON PKESb DEPOT, IIG lliGil aTKEET LONDON: HENRY FROWDE, AMEN CORNER, E.C. BSI305 .E.C77 1892 Price Is. Gd. l^./^.'2>7 .<^ ^^ x\\t ^¥oimm ^ "% PRINCETON, N. J. \ Sfction ^ ^ • ^^-— ' / THE HISTORY AND SONG OF DEBORAH JUDGES IV AND V BY THE EEV. a A. COOKE, M.A. HEBREW LECTURER AT ST. JOHn's AND WADHAM COLLEGES, OXFORD Oxford HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 1892 \_Privatelij printed '\ 2 from bottom, for New Series read New Series, vol. v. I „ Well, „ Wellh. II „ Jehovists ,, J^hovistes. 13 ,, ptcp. ,, participial adjective. 17 „ ^^ „ V 18 from top „ 2C. 35, 32 „ 2C. 35, 22. 8 „ „ Ex. 17, 8 „ Ex. 17, 8 ff. CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA. Page 3, line „ 15 » „ 17 » „ 24 „ >. 34 » » 47 !. ,> 57 n Page 10, line 6. Ps. 83, 10. 11 implies the same situation. It places the overthrow at Endor, the modern Endur, at the foot of Tabor. Baed. p. 245. The mention of Jabin and Sisera in the Ps. presupposes the union of the two traditions : see p. 17. Page 36, on Dnb, The accent perhaps rather shews that the Mass. understood the word as an unusual form of DH? (cf t3?3) : Stade, § 88, 3. Page 37, line 19 from bottom. Field wrote in 1875. Wellh. (Bleek, Einl. iv. aufl. 1878, p. 592) attributes the same ex- planation to Ewald, Gott. G. A. 1867, pp. 635 ff. Possibly each made it independently. Page 39, line 19 from top. Another emendation that has been suggested is 1"i''{J'. Page 43, line 8 from bottom. Perhaps D^DDJ? was the north Palestinian form : it is the usual one in Aramaic. Page 45, line 2 from top. riiSpEl may come either from a sing. Si's, in which case the proper parallel would be t^yJD, Cisytt, or more probably from a sing. 3?2l, napQ like ]'^\>, na^p, niSDp. But the punctuation is anomalous, and perhaps we should read ni3pa from *^f>^. Page 50, on n"lD?n . The ending HV is very strange in a noun denoting a conci'ete object ; the only parallel seems to be ri1JD?n jyurslain in Job 6, 6. Nouns ending in JW' from verbs n"? sometimes have a concrete sense (niD3 , nv3 , nion); but probably in these cases the termination is not ni' but simply n, the 1 representing the original 3rd radical. See Barth, Die nominal- hildung in den Serti. sprachen, 1891, ii. pp. 411 ff. At any rate the form here is open to doubt. THE HISTORY AND SONG OF DEBORAH : Judges iv. and v. Part I. THE HISTORY. The story of Deborah and Barak is told in two versions, the one in prose and the other in poetry. Of these, the latter possesses the high authority of a document beyond doubt contemporary with the events it describes. All critics are agreed upon the antiquity of the poetical version ; indeed there is nothing in the Old Testament of the same extent and integrity which can be placed earlier. The style and language, equally with the subject-matter, belong to an archaic age ; the religious temper and the political situa- tion are both those of the period of the Judges ; and the whole song glows with the passionate enthusiasm of a poet who was keenly interested, and perhaps took part, in the heroic deeds of which he sings ^. The antiquity of the poem, then, may be taken for granted, and its value as historical evidence must be admitted at the same time. But we have another authority at our disposal, the corresponding narrative in ck. 4. We must examine the contents and character of this version before we can use it for the purpose ^ 'Hoc mihi videtur gravissimum argumentum, canticum Deborae statiin post rem gestam ortum esse, quod in carmine nostro plus historiae continetur, quam in ipsa descriptione historica.' Bottger in Kauffer'a Studien der sack- sischen Geisllicheu, Dresden, 1842, quoted by Hilliger. Wellhausen, Die Com- position des Eexateuchs u.s. w., 1889, P- 223 n., notes as evidence for tliis, the fact that the number of warriors in Israel is reckoned at 40,000 men (in Pent. 600,000) V. 8, the wild passion of vv. 25-27, and the exultation over the disappointment of Sisera's mother rr. 28 ff. li 2 The History and Song of Deborah, of gaining as consistent an idea as the circumstances will allow of the actual course of events. We shall find that cli. 4 is clearly of later date, and therefore of less historical value, than cli. 5, which, of course, wall be our criterion. Our method, then, will be to test the internal evidence afibrded by ch. 4, ex- hibiting the difficulties which it presents, and then to compare the narrative with the external evidence contained in ch. 5. When we come to look into cli. 4 we discover that, like other parts of the Historical Books, it is composite in struc- ture. The main body of the narrative is enclosed in a frame- work which can be readily detected ; and we could hardly find a clearer specimen of the method or scheme of the Redactor, who is responsible for this framework. A. We will deal first with this element in ch. 4. As in the case of Othniel (3, 7-1 1), Ehud (3, 12-30), Gideon (6, 1-7.8, 28), Jephthah (10, 6. 7. 10. 1 1, '>^'^. 12, 7), Samson (13, 5. 15, 20. 16, 31), the Redactor takes the story of Deborah and Barak and fits it into his regular scheme ^ This scheme is based upon a theory of the period of the Judges which is announced in 2, II-19. National apostasy and sin, such as always occurred after the death of the last Judge, is followed by a period of oppression ^ ; Jehovah sells His unfaithful people into the hand of their enemies ^ ; they cry unto Jehovah, and He raises up a deliverer, a judge ^, who becomes the divine instrument in the subjugation^ of the oppressors. After the victory the land has rest for forty years *'. Such being * Jivisev, Introduction, 1892, pp. 154, 155. Budde, Eichter und Samuel, 1890, p. 93. 2 ynb 2, 18. 6, 9. 10, 12 ; cf. 1, 34. ^ A characteristic figure of the compiler, cf. 2, 14-3, 8. 4, 2. 10, 7 ; similarly I Sa. 12, 9. Ezra 30, 12. Cf. xp. 44, 13. Probably derived from Dt. 32, 30. * T'ffiin, TDDttJ 2, 16. 18. 3, 9f. 15. 4, 4. 10, I ff. 13. 12, 8 ff, i3f. 15, 20. 16, 31 ; cf. 2, 19. 6, 9. 9, 22. 10, 12. ^ 2?23 3> 30. 4, 23. 8, 28. II, 33. These last two expressions form such in- tegral parts of the narratives to which they are attached, that it has been thought that they may be due to the pre-Deuteroiiomic compiler. Di'iver, ib., p. 157. * Bpffi 3, II. 30 ('twenty'). 5, 31. 8, 28. Cf. Jos. 11, 23. 14, 15 A. Well- hausen, ComposUloi}, p. 218. I. The History. 3 the Redactor's scheme, the parts due to his hand in our two chapters are clearly 4, 1-3. 23. 24. 5, 31**. This time the enemy is Jabin, king" of Canaan ; Hazor is the seat of his king-dom, and Sisera of Harosheth the general of his army ; and for twenty years he had mightily afflicted Israel. Against this Canaanite oppressor God raises up a judge in the person of the prophetess Deborah, who, with Barak, defeats the enemy by God's help, and brings about a lasting peace for forty years. This is the Redactor's account of what occuiTed. Two things strike us at once as presenting difficulties which cast doubt upon the accuracy of his narrative, (i) The title 'king of Canaan ' (4, 2. 23. 24 lis); as though ' Canaan' were an organ- ized kingdom united under a single head, while in fact it was a general name for a number of independent tribes, each with a chief of its own, no doubt of the same race, but certainly not bound together under a federal government (cf. Josh. 5, i. 9,1. 11,1.2. 12,19-24). Moreover, the title contradicts the express statement of the Song (5, 19), ' then fought the kings of Canaan.' (2) The remark that Sisera, Jabin's general, dwelt at Harosheth, in a town of his own, far away from his chief, apparently holding an independent position, and direct- ing the movements of the army entirely on his own responsi- bility. If, as seems most probable, Harosheth is to be identifie'd with the modern el-Harithije on the right bank of the lower Kishon, N. W. of Megiddo^ then Sisera's town will * Baedeker, Paled, und Syrien, ed. 1891, p. 241 ; Bertheau, Richter u. Ruth, 2nd ed., 1883, p. 84, though he wrongly places the village on the left bank of the river; Budde, p. 68. Kiepert, in his map of Palestine (1891), places both Harosheth and Hazor in a different locality. He identifies Haro- sheth with Haris, about 18 miles north of the modern HazAr (i.e. Hazor, ace. to Kiepert), which lies a little to N. W. of Sea of Galilee. In either case the argument above will hold good. It is more probable, however, that Hazor was near the lake of Hule, S.W. of the modern Deschftn, and S. of Kedesh. So Pal. Expl. Fund's map, 1890, and Baed. Hazor is mentioned as Huzar in the list of the places in Palestine conquered by Tliothmes III ; on the Tel el- A mama tablets it is called Khazura. Hecorrls 0/ the Pas(, New Series, pp. 45 and 89. B 2 4 Tlie History and Song of DcboraJt. have been at least forty miles south of Hazor. Is it likely that the general and the army would have been stationed so far away from the centre of the kingdom ? Such a state of things would be quite contrary to what we otherwise know of the political conditions of the time. We notice, too, that the ' nine hundred chariots of iron ' belonging to Jabin in V. 3 belong to Sisera in t?. 13. In fact, the suspicion arises that Sisera and Jabin are separated by more than a geogra- phical distance from each other. Jabin apparently has nothing to do with his general, and takes no part in the battle : he is a motionless figure in the background. His name occurs again in v. 7, 'captain of Jabin's army,' and in v. 17, 'for there was peace between Jabin the king of Hazor and the house of Heber the Kenite.' It has been thought, not with- out reason, that these words are merely glosses inserted by the Redactor to make the narrative in vv. 4-22 fit into his frame ^. The narrative itself, when these words are struck out, leaves the distinct impression that Sisera is an independent chief, with an army of his own. He is the sole leader of the campaign ; to kill him is to win the chief glory of the battle {v. 9) ; he is in fact a Canaanite king. The mention of Jabin in this chapter presents another difficulty. Hazor, his town, was a few miles south of Kedesh ; accordingly the negotiations that are said to have passed between Deborah and Barak must have crossed his territory, and Barak's army of 10,000 men must have been allowed to muster unmolested, almost under the shadow of the enemy's walls. Moreover, Heber's tent, which is said to have been by Kedesh, cannot therefore have been far from Hazor; so that when Sisera fled after the battle to Jael's tent he must have crossed the kingdom of Jabin on his way. It is hardly credible that he would have sought shelter with a stranger, when his own people and his own patron were so close at hand. For these reasons, then, we conclude that Jabin does not really belong ' So Bertlieau, p. 83. I. The History. 5 to the main narrative of ch. 4, and that he has been brought into connexion with the Deborah-story through some accident Or misunderstanding. Jabin^ king of Hazor, is found again in Josh. II (JE) ; and there can be no doubt that it is he who has been introduced into the narrative here. But as a full discussion of this question concerns more than the Redactor's portions of ch. 4, it must be reserved until we have treated vv. /if-%1. But what does concern us here is this : did the Redactor himself connect Jabin with this history, or did he find the connexion already made before he added his framework ? It is clear that the Redactor must have found the narrative vv. 4-22 already in existence, because he provides it with an introduction and conclusion. But, as was suggested above, he may have manipulated the text to make it agree with his view, and the fact that Jabin agrees so badly with the context, as has been shewn, supports this opinion. On the other hand it is, perhaps, worth noticing that in v. 7 the name Jabin occurs alone, and in v. 17 we find ' Jabin king of Hazor,' and this is the title given in Josh. 1 1 ; the Redactor's expression is ' king of Canaan.' If the Redactor is solely responsible for Jabin, we of course conclude that the name may be withdrawn from ch. 4 without any loss to the narrative beyond the removal of a disturbing element. Does the narrative (4-22), then, become more consistent and intellig-ible when Jabin is struck out ? It is very doubt- ful whether it does ; for, as will be shewn later, we are almost driven to the conclusion that more of Jabin than his mere name exists in ch. 4, that, in fact, tradition wove together two distinct histories of Jabin and Sisera. As there was only room for one king, and Jabin came first in order of time, Sisera had to be degraded into the * captain of his host.* So, on the whole, we believe that the Redactor found the connexion between the two already made when he incor- porated the tradition into his work ^. ' Kuenen, i)('e huiorhclicn rriicher d. A. T. (rjenn. transl. , 1S90), p. 14, says that there is no reason for supposing that rv. 7 and 17 have been interpolated. 6 The History and Song of Deborah. There are traces of the Redactor's hand in three other parts of ch. 4, in v. ^, in v. gajS, and in v. 14*. The phrasing of 4^, ' she judged (ptcp.) Israel at that time,' suggests the point of view announced in 2, 16 and 3, 10 — both passages belonging to the compiler. The older narra- tives distinctly imply that the Judges were ' merely local heroes ; ' their authority hardly extended beyond their own people and the tribes immediately around them. But the later historian generalizes their position, and gives them a jurisdiction extending over all Israel (e.g. 3, 10. 9, 32. 10, 2. 12, 8-9. 16, 31 etc.)^ Jer. 4*^ is expressed in accordance with this view. That it is a generalization appears also from the fact that Deborah is said to have 'judged Israel' during the period of the oppression ; and that her influence and authority had been long established before the overthrow of the Canaanites. In the case of the other Judges, their rule always begins after they have vindicated their right to be leaders by some signal victory over the enemy. In V. gal3 we meet with the characteristic expression, ' Jehovah will sell . . into the hand [of a woman].' As has been already remarked, this is a favourite figure of the com- piler. Finally, in v. 14, ' Jehovah hath given [Sisera] in thy hand,' is probably another phrase of the same writer (cf. 3, 28. Jos. 8, 18. 10, 8 A). B. So much for the Redactor. He gives us not so much history, as what Prof. A. B. Davidson calls 'the religious philosophy of history^.' But fortunately he incorporates earlier traditions and documents which enable us to go behind his statements, and reach firmer historical foot-hold. When his contributions to the story have been extracted, there remains the bulk of the narrative, contained in vv. 4-22. ' Driver, Introd., p. 157. Yet this generalization dates from early times, and probably was ' a trait due to the first compiler; ' it ' is so associated with the individual narratives that it must have formed a feature in them before tliey came into the hands of the Deuteronomic compiler.' * E.rpositor, Jan. 1S87, p. 48. I. The History. 7 "We have to examine the tradition it embodies and its vahie as a historical source. Accordingly, we will first give an account of its contents, and then point out the features in which it agrees, and next those in which it disagrees, with ch. 5, and finally estimate its character and worth. There will be some uncertain and diflficult ground to traverse before we reach the firm rock. I. Contents. Deborah, a prophetess, the wife of Lappidoth, dwelling under a well-known palm tree in the south of Ephraim, between Ramah and Bethel, summons the warrior Barak of Kedesh-naphtali in the far north, to help her to form a combination to resist the Canaanite enemy. He is to march towards Tabor with 10,000 men of Naphtali and Zebulun, and she will attract Sisera and his army to the torrent Kishon. Barak refuses to undertake the campaign unless the prophetess go with him. She consents, but, as a punishment for his hesitation, promises the chief glory of the war, the slaying of Sisera, not to him but to a woman. So Deborah sets out with Barak for Kedesh in the north, where the two clans are mustered, 10,000 strong, and the march to Tabor begins. Sisera is informed of the movement ; he gathers his forces, and proceeds from Harosheth along the Kishon valley. The critical moment has come. The two armies engage somewhere in the alluvial tract which runs N. E. from the plain of Esdraelon to the foot of Tabor 1. Jehovah discomfits Sisera, and all his chariots, and all his host, and Sisera himself is forced to fly. The Canaanites retreat to Harosheth whither Barak pursues them, while Sisera flies in a north-easterly direction as far as Kedesh. Jael, the wife of the Kenite Heber, gives him shelter and refresh- ment, and then treacherously murders him as he lies asleep by driving a tent-peg into his temples. Barak comes up, and finds his enemy slain. * Probably the broad valley or filaiu watered by the W. el-!Mu\vclI, an ofVshoot from the Kishou. 8 The History and Song of Deborah. 2. These are the contents of the narrative. How do they appear when compared with our standard authority, ch. 5 ? In the main features the prose account is in agreement with the Song. The chief actors are the same, Deborah, Barak, Sisera, and Jael. The formidable Canaanites are overthrown in a signal victory by tbe help of Jehovah, and Sisera himself is murdered by Jael, after she had given him food and shelter in ber tent. Zebulun and Napbtali are mentioned as taking part in the battle, and the torrent Kishon is the one geographical term common to both versions. Thus we have in ch. 4 all the essentials of the drama, the dramatis j)ersonae, the main action or motive, the final denouement^ and a hint as to the scene. In these essential points ch. 4 agrees with ch. 5, and that means, according to the canon we have laid down, that ch. 4 has preserved a true tradition of the main facts of the story. These points, then, will form the element of accurate history in ch. 4. 3. But in many respects the two accounts exhibit striking differences. Of course allowance must be made for the fact that one is in prose and the other in poetry; but the Song is so full of living impressions of persons and places, and is so near to the events themselves, that it may be freely used for comparative and constructive purposes. For the sake of clearness we may gather these differences into three groups, according as they are concerned with the persons engaged in the battle, the circumstances and geography of the cam- paign, and the Jael-episode. a. The persons engaged in the battle : Deborah. According to ch. 4, as we have seen, she comes from the hill-country of Ephraim, apparently from the territory of Benjamin. In ch. 5 it is at any rate implied {v. 15) that she belongs to the tribe of Issachar 1. There is nothing in the Song to suggest that she ' Reuss, however, Gesch. d.Jicih Schr. d. A. T., 2nd ed., 1890, p. 126, says that the text is too uncertain here to build this conclusion upon it. But see Wellhausen, Composition, p. 221 ; Stade, Oeschichte, i. p. 178; Budde, p. 104; Driver, Infrod., p. 162. 1. The History. 9 had been a Judge for some time before the victory ; it is in fact stated, as we should expect, that she arose to meet the emer- gency and put an end to the disorders (r. 7). Barak, too, is also associated with the tribe of Issachar i^v. 15), while in ch. 4 he comes from Kedesh in Naphtali, and evidently belongs to that tribe (4, 6). There is no trace in the Song of Barak's hesitation and consequent punishment — the forfeiture of the chief glory of the battle. If we adopt the reading 'lead captive thy captors' (Luther, Wellh., Stade, Budde, Kittel, etc.) in v. 12, Barak had suffered so much at the enemy's hands that he would not have needed much stirring up. The divergences in the two accounts extend further. In cJi. 4 it said that only Naphtali and Zebulun engaged in the war, and that the army of 10,000 was gathered entirely from their two tribes. In the Song it is very different. Six tribes, both from the north and from the south, Ephraim, Benjamin, Machir (i. e. West Manasseh), Zebulun, Issachar, Naphtali, respond to the summons of Deborah and Barak. Everything is on a more imposing scale ; the campaign is an affair of national concern ; the call to arms goes round to all the organized tribes, and bitter, mocking irony is hurled at those who refused to respond (5, I5''-I7); for Jehovah Himself, the national God, descends to take part in the battle {v. 23). And not only Deborah and Barak but the chiefs of the various tribes take their places as leaders {vv. 2. 9. 12. 15). As the Israelite forces in ch, 5 are of greater magnitude, so the enemy is more formidable. Sisera does not appear alone, as in ch. 4, but he is the head of a confederation of Canaanite kings {v. 19). h. There are considerable differences, too, in the circumstances and geography connected with the war. As Wellhausen points out', in ch. 5 the picture is not so much of a land subdued by the enemy and ' mightily oppressed ' (4, 2. 3), as of a land rendered insecure and harassed by constant inroads. The area of the battle is not the same in the two chapters. ^ Coiiq>ofitio)i, p. 221. lo The History and Song of Deborah. According to ch. 4 the army is mustered in the far north, in Kedesh, and then marches to Tabor [v. 9), and takes up a strong- position commanding the plain below. The offensive movement begins with a descent from the mountain, and the actual engagement takes place on the broad levels at the foot^. In cli. 5 there is no mention either of Kedesh or of Tabor ; the battle is fought along the right bank of the Kishon (vv. 19. 21)^, whose torrent, swollen by a heavy storm (not mentioned in the prose narrative), materially furthers the Israelite victory (z;. 21) ; in ch. 4 the battle-field is on the left side of the Kishon. We gather that it was Issachar who had been the principal sufferer at the hands of king Sisera ; the two chief leaders belong to this tribe, and the battle takes place entirely within its territory. Naphtali and Zebulun are the generous allies who boldly risked them- selves for the deliverance of their brother-tribe. Wellhausen seems to exaggerate when he says^ that in ch. 4 the victory is won entirely by Divine intervention, while in ch. 5 all is due to human exertions. In both accounts all the available forces are collected and manoeuvred, and in both Jehovah lends His divine assistance (4, 9. 14. 15. 5, 4. 13. 23. Note esp. Jehovah's 'going down' to the battle, 4, 14 and 5, 13). c. The last important difference between the two versions lies in the accounts given of the murder of Sisera by Jael. In ch. 4 she takes a tent-pin in one hand and a hammer in the other, and treacherously murders him while he is asleep, by driving the tent-pin through his temples. In ch. 5, on the other hand, while he is standing and drinking eagerly out of the deep bowl*, she comes behind and deals him a * In 4, 7. 13 •^^'Si^•^l bn: will mean the Kishon torrent- mZ^e^, while in 5, 19 the same words denote the torrent itself. * In ch. 4, the verb describing the army on march is n"?? (rr. 10. 1 2), Barak'3 object being to entrench himself firmly in a mountain position. In ch. 5 the verb is TT (rr. ii. 13, cf. 15) ; the combined forces pour down the Kishon valley. ^ J'riifeffoincno, p. 249. * C'TTN btc 'a lordly bowl,' the great bowl only used on special occasion? I. The History. ii terrific blow with a hammer {v. 26). This puts a different complexion upon what otherwise appears to be an act of cruel treachery ; in reality it was a bold stratag-em swiftly planned and daringly carried out. As such it wins the praise accorded in VL\ 24-27. 4. According to the principle laid down, those features which ch. 4 has in common with ch. 5 and in which it differs from the earlier authority will be of inferior historical value. The external evidence which has just been adduced from the Song substantiates this opinion ; the internal evidence of the narrative itself points in the same direction, a. It has been already noticed (§ A) that the generalization of the position and jurisdiction of Deborah betrays the influence of a later age, and is at variance with the impression we gain from the rest of the story. There is a further point, about her relations with Barak, which must be mentioned here. The prophetess is made to dwell in the south, between Ramah and Beth-el. This necessitates distant negotiations with Barak in the far north, so that Deborah's messengers must have crossed right through the very heart of the enemy's territory ; to get to Kedesh they would have to pass Hazor, the town of Jabin, according to the narrative as it now stands. The interval between the two leaders strikes us as strange. The Ephraimite Deborah has no obvious connexion with an affair which concerned only the tribes of Naphtali and Zebulun. In other cases where a Judge is raised up to deliver his people he is a member of the suffering tribe, and dwells in the immediate vicinity of the enemy's aggressions. But Deborah lives in the south, far from the centre of the troubles ; she brings no reinforcements of her own to join the northern army ; she is simply the counsellor of the chieftain of another tribe. How came she to be thus separated from Barak and the seat of the war ? There is nothing in ch. 5 to suggest a connexion •ind for diftinguiehed gueBte. The word only occurs again in 6; 38. In 4, 19 the word is tn3, i.e. a skin-' bottle.' 12 The History and Song of Deborah. between her and Ephraim. The most probable explanation of the difficulty is to suppose that tradition has confused her with the earlier Deborah, Rebekah's nurse, whose grave was ' below Beth-el under the terebinth of Bachuth' (Gen. '>^^, 8) ^. In this way the prophetess became connected with the south, and had to carry on communication with Barak at a distance. Accordingly vi\ 5. 6a. 9 end will be based upon this confusion^. h. There is another doubtful feature in our narrative, which admits, though with less probability, of a similar explanation — the position of Kedesh. The town mentioned in vv. 6. 9. 10. II is Kedesh in Naphtali, also called Kedesh in Galilee (Josh. 20, 7. 21, 32. I Chr. 6, 76), situated near the Lake of Hide (? Merom), and one of the most important towns in the north. After the battle Barak pursues the Canaanites in a north-westerly direction as far as Harosheth, while Sisera flies towards the north-east, to Kedesh, nearly 40 miles from the battle-field. And yet Barak comes up to Heber's tent (by Kedesh) only a short while after Sisera, who had fled there direct. Here is a manifest inconsistency. Barak follows the retreat of the Canaanites in one direction, and then pursues Sisera for some forty miles in exactly the opposite direction, yet he is only a few steps behind him I Again we may suppose that there has been some confusion. Kedesh in Naphtali, it has been suggested^, was confused with Kedesh in Issachar, situated between Taanach and ' So Wellh., Stade, Budde. Cf. i Sa. 10, 3 iian ]i'pn near Bethel; Berth, suggests that n-nn 'n should be read. But Reuss {Gesch. d. heil. Schr, d. A. T., p. 126) objects that Deborah here is said to have dwelt under a well-known palm-tree (inn), while the other Deborah was buried under a terebinth (jibs). The objection seems rather trifling, and Wellh. (Prolcg., p. 246 n.) points out that the two words might mean the same thing — e.g. Elim (d'''7«) is the name for an oasis of seventy palm-trees, and Elath (n'j'Nj by the Red Sea has perhaps the same meaning. At any rate tradition might easily have confused the two words. See also Robertson Smith, Bel. of Semites, p. 179 n. '' Budde, p. 70 /!., is disposed to strike out the whole of v. 9, and v. 8 as well. ' Kcuss, (7;., p. ij6; Wellh., Comp., p. 221. I. The History. 13 Megiddo in the Ki!?hon- valley \ This is a convenient solution of the difficulty. If it be rig-ht, everything- will fall into its proper place : the area of the campaig-n will be the plains lying- about the Kishon ; Barak of Kedesh becomes a member of the tribe of Issachar, as is implied in ch. 5. Moreover, the tent of Heber, pitched ' as far as the terebinth in Zaannim^ which is by Kedesh' (4, 11), will have lain on the route of the retreat ; Barak as he pursues ^ the Canaanites turns aside and finds his enemy lying- slain. Thus the difficulty connected with the flight of Sisera disappears, and the account is brought into agreement with ch. 5. But the question remains, how did Kedesh get into the narrative ? There is no Kedesh in the Song- from which the confusion could have arisen. This is one of the points in which the prose account goes beyond the original authority, and we prefer to explain the occurrence in a different way, viz. that Kedesh is part of an independent tradition, which originally belonged to quite a different event. And it will be found that this is the most probable explanation to be given of the remaining parts of cJi. 4 which contain matter which seems suspicious when contrasted with ch. 5. c. Stade^ explains the statement that Barak had an army of only 10,000 men drawn from only two tribes, Naphtali and Zebulun, as modified in the interests of religious edification. The victory was gained solely by the might of Jahweh ; man had little or nothing to do with it. So too, Barak was punished for his hesitation and want of faith by having to yield the chief glory of the battle to a woman in order to point a religious moral. This may be true of vv. 8 and 9, but hardly of vv. 6 and 10. What is said here of Naphtali and * I Chr. 6, 57. Josh. 12, 22 (as context shews). ' Ewald, History, ii. p. 377 »., Yvrites it 'the terebinth of Bezaannim,' i.e. 'of the marsh-dwellers ' (n:? 3 = marsh). 80 Wellh. 'Elon Besaanim.' The name would be as suitable for the neiglibourhood of the Kishon- torrent as for the marshy land about the Lake of Hule. ' Point f]iT (ptcp.), V. 16. LXX Sici/foif. Budde, p. 68. * Geschiclite, i. p. lySn. 14 The History and Song of Deborah. Zebulun most probably belongs to the same tradition as Kedesh ; the position of the town sug-gests the connexion. So far, then, we have discovered the traces of some story concerned with the early history of these two tribes and the muster of the clan-warriors in Kedesh ag-ainst some common foe in the north country. d. Another element in the same tradition is most probably to be found in the prose version of the Jael-episode. It is true that many scholars prefer to explain the peculiarities of this account by suj)posing that they are due to a misunder- standing of the parallelism in v. 26 of the Song. According to the laws of Hebrew poetry, ' she put her hand to the peg ' or pin, i. e. the handle of the hammer, might very well mean the same thing as ' and her right hand to the workmen's mallet.' The word 'peg' 'suggested a tent-peg, and so the later prose story took it, and thereby misunderstood the whole thing.' So writes Prof. Robertson Smith ^. But Kuenen and Budde are probably right in refusing to admit that the divergence arose from a misunderstanding of the words ' peg' and 'hammer^.' The whole account of the Jael- episode in c//. 4 must be ascribed to a secondary tradition, according to which Jael murders Sisera in his sleep. Thus the result of our comparison of the two accounts will be this : they are agreed as to the main facts ; but c^. 4 exhibits considerable divergences from ck. 5, the chief authority for the history, and these divergences consequently possess inferior liistorical value, internal evidence being also against them ; at the same time some of these divergences contain matter ' The Old Testament in the Jetoish Church, 2nd ed., p. 132. Wellh., Cotnp., p. 222, was the first to suggest that m' and ninbn mean the same thing, like- wise HT (not n'^NDic) and nrn'. Cf. Zech. 9, 9 with Mat. 21, 2. 7. So Stade, Geschichte, i. p. 178)). ^ A. Mliller in Konigsberger Studien, i. 1S87, p. 20, says that neither ill Hebrew nor in Arabic can nn' mean anything but 'a peg,' i.e. a tent- peg. j,j, always = a wooden pin, peg, or stake, fixed in the ground or in a wall; Lane, s. v. Miiller characterizes both T.n' and □''joy m'3'?n as diiubtful. I. The History. 15 which goes beyond the history that lies in the background of the Song, and seems to belong to a different tradition. It has been noticed that neither Jabin, Kedesh, nor Tabor are found in c7i. 5, and the mention of all three introduces serious disturbance into the narrative. There is one other name found only in ch. 4, that of Lappidoth, Deborah's husband [v. 4). Now we have seen (a, above) that Deborah is brought into relation with Ramah and Bethel through a confusion based on Gen. '^^. 8. Originally, then, according to ch. 4, she dwelt at Kedesh, the city of Barak, and set out with him from their common dwelling-place. This agrees with the impression that we gain from ^, 1^ that Deborah and Barak were themselves of the same tribe, though here it is Issachar. Both in the song and in the narrative (5, i2-i5- 4; 6 etc.) they appear as though they were intimately connected with one another. Now it is remarkable that both Barak (' lightning ') and Lappidoth ('flames/ Ex. ao, 18) mean very nearly the same thing ; it is but a step further to conclude that they are the same person ^. The words ' the wife of Lappidoth' occur in a verse which we have seen reason to believe has been influenced by the Redactor's point of view. So it is at least possible that these words date from the same period, and that a later age had preserved Barak's second name, and made him the husband, though in the earlier tradition he is only the fellow- tribesman, of Deborah. We are now in a position to form some idea of the way in which the narrative in cli. 4 assumed its present form. Woven together, and largely modified so as to form a con- secutive narrative, are two independent traditions, the one relating to Jabin, the other to Sisera. To the Jabin-tradition will belong such facts as cannot naturally be brought into agreement with the history con- tained in the Song. This tradition, in fact, related the early ' T!ie suggestion was first made by Hilliger, Das Dehorah-lied , Giessen, 186-. He is followed by Well., Comp., p. 223, and Budde, p. 69. 1 6 77?^ History and Song cf Deborah. fortunes of Naphtali and Zelnlun in the early days when their newly-won possessions were still insecure ^. The neig-h- bouring" Canaanites under Jabin, king of Hazor, combined to resist the intruders. The two clans assembled all their avail- able warriors, and made Kedesh their head-quarters. March- ing out from here they encountered Jabin, and won a decisive victory. This ancient tradition forms the basis of the later account of the battle of Merom given in Josh, ii, 1-9 (JE), which contains many traces of the Deuteronomic redaction ; and, as Budde suggests it is probable that the compiler of Joshua chose the tradition of an ancient battle in the far north to complete his number of three representative victories occui-ring in upper, middle (at Ai, Josh. 8), and lower Palestine (at Gibeon, Josh. 10). In some way or other Barak (?and Deborah) became connected with the Jabin-tradition, just as Joshua is made the leader in the other form of the story (Josh. 11). The remaining part of our narrative (of course excepting the parts due to the Redactor) is derived from a Sisera- tradition, which forms a secondary narrative of the events which were the occasion of the Song. This tradition is con- cerned with the fortunes of the tribe of Issachar. The Canaanites in the Kishon valley combined under Sisera, king of Harosheth, to harass the Israelite settlers ; until their intermittent attacks culminated in a pitched battle fought out at the foot of Mount Tabor, all within the territory of Issachar. Deborah and Barak led the Israelite army, and, wdth the help of Jehovah, inflicted a severe defeat upon the enemy. The Canaanites were forced by Barak to retreat upon Harosheth, and Sisera himself had to fly for his life. He found shelter and food in the tent of the Kenite Jael, who murdered him as he lay asleep, weary after the fight ^. ^ The fact that this tradition speaks of only ttvo tribes being engaged is an evidence of its antiquity (Budde, p. 69), and connects it with the fragments in 1, 1-2, 5, whicli narrate the efforts of the separate tribes to win their territories. ^ The contents of the two traditions as given here correspond generally with 1. TJic History, ij How the two traditions came to be united is difficult to say. Perhaps the connexion was sug-g-ested by the fact that both were concerned wdth the fighting- that took place in Upper Palestine when the northern tribes were engag-ed in securing their territories, and by the fact that Canaanites in both cases were the enemy. Budde thinks that the person of Barak formed the link between the two ^. At any rate the historian combined the traditions in such a way as to make them agree in the essential features, and sacrificed secondary details. That the Song had an historical introduction attached to it in early times is rendered probable by analogy. Bertheau^ points out that the not very common word OrT'l, 'dis- comfited,' occurring onl}'' here in Judges, is found in the prose counterpart to the Song of Moses (Ex. 14, 24 J), and again just before the poetic fragment in Josh. 10, 12. 13 [v. 10 JE, only here in Josh.). C. It remains to give an outline of the history contained in the Song, our standard authority for what actually took place. After a long period of oppression and insecurity which had lasted since the days of Shamgar, Deborah, a woman of the parts assigned by Bruston to what he calls the Second and the First Jehovist. Bruston, however, attaches the Jael-episode to the Second Jehovisti (Jabin-tradition), and confines Deborah to the First Jehovist (Sisera- tradi- tion). Barak occurs in both. The weak points in this arrangement are the occurrence of Naphtali and Zebulun in both documents, and the association of Jael with the Jabin-story. Revue de Thcologie et de Philosophie, 1885, pp. 501 ff., Les deux Jehovist s, vi. ' Cf. Jos., Ant., V. 5. 4. ' Barak also fought with Jabin at Hazor ; and when he met him he slew him : and when the general was fallen, Barak overthrew the city to the foundation, and was the commander of the Israelites for forty years,' ^ Richter w. Ruth, 2nd ed., 1883, p. 85. He supposes that the main part of ch. 4 was attached to the Song in the collection from which the latter was derived. The unhistorical character of much of the narrative would not necessarily be an objection to Bertheau's view, for the historian must have lived at least two or three centuries later, and so might easily have had his ideas confused. Kueueu, p. 15. C i8 The History and Song of Deborah. martial spirit and fearless determination, together with Barak, who probably himself had once been taken prisoner by the enemy, resolve to free their people from the Canaanite tyranny. Issachar, their tribe, had been the principal sufferer, but could not cope with the formidable enemy unaided. Accordingly the summons is sent round to all the tribes^, claiming their assistance for what was declared to be the cause of Jehovah, the God of their fathers. For the first time in its history Israel acts in a national capacity; it was the genius and courage of Deborah that instigated this united action. The tribes of Ephraim, Benjamin, West Manasseh, Zebulun, and Naphtali, with their chiefs, rally round the tribe of Issachar ; Reuben, Gilead, Dan, and Asher refuse to rouse themselves. To meet this warlike confederation the kings of Canaan, under the leadership of Sisera, march to the attack, and the battle takes place in the neighbourhood of Taanach and Megiddo, along the right bank of the Kishon. A tremendous storm comes on, and the swollen torrent works havoc among the Canaanite forces, so that it seemed as if the very powers of nature were fighting on the side of Israel. A woman had successfully initiated the war, and a woman brings it to a triumphant conclusion. Jael, by a bold stratagem, slays king Sisera as he stands drinking in her tent. But the Hebrew patriot could not tell of such deeds in bare prose. The recollection of that eventful day stirred him to praise Jehovah and recount the victory in passionate song. Thus we have preserved to us not only the finest ode in Hebrew literatui-e, but also the most venerable authority for a page in the history of ancient Israel. ^ Simeon and Levi, of course, excepted. But it is noticeable that Judah is not mentioned. It had not yet realized its corporate existence, and had not entered into any close connexion with the other tribes. II. The Text and Versions. 19 Part II. THE TEXT ANT) VERSIONS. Chapter IV. There is not much difficulty about the text of ch. 4. Only the most important points will be noticed here. Verse i. T\ IDD'^l] Formula, characteristic of the Red., as in 2, II. 3, 7. 12. 10, 6. 13, I. r\12 llni^l] Circumstantial clause. Driver, Tenses, ed. 3, § 159. nio is pf. not ptcp. ; cf 8, ii^ Ruth i, 21. etc. 4. n^^'^ni niDb^] Cf. for similar apposition 6, 8 N^33 K>^N. Ex. 2, 13 Onay D''ErJN. I K. 21, 10. 2 K. 2, 16. Jer. 43, 9. Deborah acts as a prophetess when she declares the will of Jehovah in regard to the war {y. 6), and when she determines the day for the battle [v. 14). The other prophetesses in the O.T. are Miriam (Ex. 15, 20), Hulda (2 K. 22, 14), and Noadiah (Neh. 6, 14). 5. mill IDn nnn] Deborah is here represented as de- claring the sacred oracle under a palm-tree near Bethel, which also marked the grave of Rachel's nui-se, according to tradition — see Rob. Smith, Hel. of Semites, p. 179. For illustrations of trees being connected with Divine oracles cf. 9, 37 }1^N CJiiyo with Gen. 12, 6 miD 'n ; Dt. 11, 30, and esp. 2 S. 5, 24. But we have seen reason to doubt the genuineness of this association of Deborah with the sacred tree. Budde (p. 70 n.) treats the words as a gloss on D^B'I"', the meaning of which is consequently changed from ' dwelling' to ' sitting' (cf. 6, ii) ; but they rather seem to be due to the original confusion with Gen. '3f^. 8, which connected Deborah with Ramah and Bethel. The Targ. embroiders the text with an account of Debomh's ' palm-trees in Jericho, gardens in Ramah, olive trees yielding oil in the valley, irrigation wells (N"'ptJ' JT'a) in Bethel,' etc. The difference between the expressions in 4*^ and ^ is noticeable. The former betrays the influence of the comj)iler. 6. 7. "7^^] is used in three ways: a. Intrans. = *'/m?<' out, ileploy, e.g. r. 6. 20, '^J aiNH ID'0^.1, Ex. 12, 21, cf. Job 21, 33. C 2 20 The History and Song of Deborah. h. Intrans., with n of instrument = ^/mM?, 7;ro/w«^, move along, icifh, e.g-. 5, 14. Dt. 21, 3. Josh. 6, 5 bvn p^^i, i K. 32, 34- c. Trans., with accus, = f/m^^7 o?/?*, lead along, extend, e.g. v. 7. Gen. 37, 28. Jer. 38, 13. ^. 10, 9. Hos. 11, 4 (non). etc. 6. tyip] (Naphtali). Here and in vv. 9. 10. 11 Pesh. has ya«», as in Josh. 12, 22. i Chr. 6, 76. 72 (Kedesh in Issaehar) ; but in Josh. 19, 37. 21, 32 Jk-Ie, and in 15, 23 for K. in Judah. The Targ. always gives C'lp in these places. For Kadesh (Barnea) in S. of Pal., the Pesh. writes f£>'i (e.g. Gen. 14, 7. 16, 14. 20, I etc.) or )lI}.^? f.Di (Num. 32, 8. 34, 4. Dt. I, 2. 19 etc.), except in Num. '^o,, 36. o^j. \J/. 29, 8 (^r^). The Targg. always have Dpi or HN'^J Dpi (nn^i spelt in different ways) for this Kadesh. Arab. *^^l There was evidently a tra- dition of another name for Kadesh Barnea, consistently pre- served in the Targg., and partially in the Pesh., the latter sometimes (through confusion) giving the name to the different towns called Kedesh in the north. nTtrm and 'j irip?2 must be due to the historian who placed Deborah in the S., and so made it necessary for her to summon Barak from Kedesh. 7. ]*•::*' h?n!J IIZ? i^'iD'^D n^] These words mark the con- fluence of the two traditions of Jabin and Sisera which must have been united before the time of the Ked. (see p. 5), who adopted the expression into his framework, v. 2. 8. LXX. adds on ovk olha t^]v i^ixipav ev f] evobol tov ayyeXov KvpLOS jJ-eT ifxov B. so Luc. ks tov ayyeXov A. Syr.- Hex. The sentence is not found in the other Verss. ; it is merely a gloss. On this verse see above, p. 13. 9. '^!3 DDhJ] =//otv6eit, qualifying the preceding statement; cf. Num. 13, 28. Dt. 15, 4. Am. 9, 8. i S. i, 5 (corrected). DSN is primarily a noun ^= ceasing, then it = non-exisfence, and so comes to be used as a particle of negation, e.g. Is. 5, 8, and, finally, as an adv. of limitation. The new Ilet/r. Lex., Clar. Pr. 1892, s.v. LXX. 7rA?)y yivuxTKe on. niLnp . . , '^T'n'l T Dpnl] Another harmonizing addition, to be grouped with 5*^ and 6^. LXX, Luc, e/c KaS???. Perhaps the LXX. took the view that the campaign begins in this verse, and therefore chose to ignore the accus. ending (r\^'lp = to II. The Text and Versions. 21 Kedesli). In the next verse the same form is translated Ik Kdbrjs B. ds K'. A. Luc. Pesh. yiia;:^. 11^ Both here and in i, 16 (a most ancient document, probably of same ag-e as J) the Kenites are broug-ht into close relation with the father-in-law of Moses ; in fact it is implied here that Hobab was a Kenite. In the time of Moses the Kenites were settled about Sinai^ and had attached themselves to the Midianites. So close was the alliance that the tribe of nomads was content to adojit the name of its more powerful patron, so that Moses' father-in-law, the priest of Kain or the Kenites, could be called 'the priest of Midian' (Ex. 2, 16), 'the Midian ite ' (Num. 10, 29 JE). How readily a nomad tribe could ally itself with a more powerful nation is shewn by the subsequent history of this clan, as far as it can be traced. Not only did their chief priest g-ive his daughter to Moses for wife, but he willingly lent the Israelites all the assistance he could on the journey through the wilderness (Num. 10, 29 ff.), and this kindness was ever remembered with gratitude (i S. 15, 6). In spite of the refusal of Hobab to cast in his lot with Israel (Num. 10, 30), it appears that some part of the Kenites allied themselves with Judah, and, in the early days of that tribe's settlement in W. Palestine, left their former habitation and found a home in the desert of Judah, south of Arad (Jud. 1,16). In the same way the Kenites formed an alliance with the Amalekites : they are associated together in Balaam's prophecy (Num. 24, 21 f. JE), and in the time of Saul they were dwelling side by side in the south (i S. 15, 5 ff.). They were on intimate terms with David; he sends them presents from his spoil (i S. 30, 29). Our verse tells how a certain family of the clan, that of Heber, branched off from the chief settlement and moved into the north, where it was destined to play an important part in this crisis of Israel's history. The connexion of the Kenites with Moses through his father-in-law seems to have been dwelt upon with special satisfaction. It is twice emphaticall}^ mentioned in this book, Jud. I, 16 and 4, 11. In the former place "'J''p (for ]''p) is called the father-in-law of Moses ; but the name merelv 22 The History and Song of Deborah. denotes the representative or chief of the tribe. In our verse his name is nan, which only occurs again in Num. lo, 29 ' Hobab the son of Reuel the Midianite the father-in-law of Moses.' Which of the two are we to take as the father- in-law ? If Reuel, then Hobab must be Moses' brother-in-law. But Reuel only occurs ag-ain in Ex. 2, 18, where its originality is open to question (Driver, Tntrod., p. 21). Stade explains it as the name of a family or clan. At any rate the name Hobab seems the better attested. According to another tradition, that of E, Moses' relative was called Jethro, Ex. 3, i. 4, 18. 18, I ff. Jud. 1, 16 LXX. B inserting 'lo^op, but A. Luc. 'Ia)/3a^. See Stade, Geschichte, i. pp. 131 f. □"•il^!^! \'hv(\ Mentioned again in Josh. 19, 0,'^ P (p^K D"'Jjyif2) ; in the territory of Naphtali. Here it is said to be ' by Kedesh.' It is not certain whether the 1 is the prep, or part of the root. Tradition is in favour of the latter alternative, Josh. I.e. R.V.M. Targ. Jon. here connects with n^3 marsh, N^JJN* -iC^» ; so Talm. Jer., Megila i. N^JJX, followed by Ewald, History, ii. p. 37 7 n. But nV3 from Vj^xn can hardly be connected with yV3. LXX. B and 0 also make the 1 radical, ecos Spuos TrXeoveKTovvTojv (yV3). But Cod. A and Luc. confuse with D''JJN*C>, TTpos bpvv avaitavoiiivoiv. Pesh. takes 3 as prep, and transliterates the Hebr. Vulg., ad vallem quae vocatur Sennim. The omission of the rel. and of the art. with p7N favours the view that n is radical ; so rend. ' the terebinth of Bezaanim.' 15. Qn*'l] See p. 17. I'^n "^S 7] lit. according to the mouth of the sword, i. e. accord- ing to its capacity for devouring. This expression, generally with nan, occurs regularly in the accounts of the exterminating wars against the Canaanites and Amalekites, e. g. Gen. 34, 26 J. Ex. 17, 13 E. Num. 21, 34 JE. Josh. 6, 21. 8, 24 JE. 10, 28 ff. II, II if. A (13 times). Jud. i, 8. 25. 4, 15. 16. 18, 27. 1 S. 15, 8; and in those parts of the historical books which recall the old Canaanite wars, Jud. 20, 37. 48. 21, 10. i S. 22, 19. 2 S. 15, 14. 22, 19. 2 K. 10, 25 etc. Bertheau on i, 8. He conjectures that the phrase must have stood in the older narratives which originally related these wars. t6. Point ^"iT. See p. 13 n. II. The Text and Versions. 23 T\V^n TV] LXX. B ea)s 'Apeio-o)^. ea)s Spv/xoO A. Luc, connecting with ^ir\n = aivoof1. Is. 17, 9. i S. 23, 15 f- 19 etc. int^ -ly 1«II}J t^^] Cf. Ex. 14, 28 ?J. 8, 27. 9, 7. 10, 19 J. Bruston (see p. 17 n.) makes the 'First Jehovist,' i.e. the Sisera-tradition, end here, and the Song* immediately follow. I7'\ Another connecting-link (cf. 7* n.) due to the writer who wove together the Jabin- and Sisera-traditions before the time of the Redactor. 18. ^ibs nniD '':i^5 mlD] The accent on the ultima in these forms when n, n, y follow, to avoid the hiatus, cf. \/a. 82, 8. Jud. 5, 12. Is. 51^ 9. So when m.T' for ''JnN follows, Num. 10, 36. Ges. § 72. i. 3. n3''Q\r'] a. A. Derivation and exact meaning uncertain. In some MSS. written HJ^DD, and in OcJda W^Ochla (ed. Frensd., no. 191) placed among the 18 words in O. T. written wuth ir for D. See also Kimchi, Rad. Lib. s.v. Perhaps its meaning may be illustrated from the uses of the root y.^aat) in Syr. = to sustain, lean upon, incumbere, etc. Hence [a-aoflo = a reclining, accubitus, a seat for reclining, I S. 20, 25 Pesh. = o-u/xTToVtoy, Mk. 6, 39 = KAi(T^a, Lk. 9, 14. Hence na'^Dt;?' may be something connected with reclining, the rug or blanket used to make up a tent-bed. The Verss. give various renderings : LXX. eTri/SoAato) B. kv rfj beppci avTrjs A. Luc. ^v tw crdyo), 0. iv KOiixr\Tp(a S. )fc«J^,*iO.0Q^ Pesh. N3315n ( = KavvaKy]) Targ. In pelle sua,V. L. ; pallio,Vulg. 19. Another contrast between this account and that in 5, 25-27 — Sisera asks for drink and Jael brings it to him after he has lain down and been covered with the tent-rug. 20. l?3y] for HDJ? the nearest gender, cf. Is. 32, 11 n'lJJN'K' n"in. Am. 4, i. Mic. 1,13. For the form of sentence, mDNI , , . n^ni, expressing a wish, entreaty, or injunction, cf. 9, ■^'^ nut's"! . . . n\Ti. II, 31 ; with impf in apod. 7, 4. 17. Driver, Tenses, § I2i. 21. t:^^^S] The ptcp. of ^yb with vowel-letter X, cf. CXf? Hos. 10, 14. B'Ni 2 S. 12, I. 4. Elsewhere the form is t5p3 I S. 18, 22. 24, 5. Ru. 3, 7. Ges. § 72. I. I (N.B. The refs. to Ges. are to the 25th ed. by Kautzsch, 1889). n^iin'^] In the only two other places where it occurs this 24 The History and Song of Deborah. rt. = to alight, descend from, Josh. 15, 18. Jud. i, 14 pVI^ T\ViT\\ ">1onn. So here, 'it descended, went down, into the earth.' LXX. 8te^?/A.^ey B. St^Aao-ey A. Luc. fc^i^^oPesh.; defixit,Vulg. NyiNa nxyjl Targ. (of. Targ. Gen. 28, I2 = 3VD, 30, 38). DllD t^inl] perf. ; a circumstantial clause. Tr. 'and he hav- ing fallen fast asleep,' ef. 3, 36. 16, 31. Driver, Tenses, § 160. r|yi] is introduced parenthetically : ' now (lit. and) he was weary, and so he died.' This form comes from P]''!?, which only occurs again in i S. 14, 38. 31. 2 S. 21, 15; cf. r\^*'^ Jer. 4, 31. Clause ^. LXX. koX avrbs i^ea-rcos idr], koI airiOavev B. KoL avTos OLTTea-Kaptaev ava fx^crov tcov yovdrutv (■nob&v Luc.) avrrji, Kol e^4\j/v^€v, Kol aTridavev A. Syr.-Hex. Some Codd. KCKapcaixivov avTOv' 6 be ikenToOvjjLrjcrev. airodavovros 6e avrov [((jjdvrj Bapax) 2. The words dva jxea-ov t5>v yov . a. in LXX. A are inserted from 5, 27. liwooo <3^lio yjm} oo» *» Pesh., so Targ., 'qui soporem mortui consocians defuit, et mortuus est.' 22. ^DJ] The ptcp. here of the immediate past, fallen, not falling. Cf. 4, 22. Num. 24, 4. Dt. 21,1. i S. 5, 4 ; cf use of no = 'one lying dead,' 'a dead body.' 23. D"^n7t^] A mark of the Redactor's age and handiwork. This name does not occur elsewhere in the narrative. 24. ntrpl 'T^v'n] The inf abs. is here carried on by the ptcp. instead of another inf abs.; cf Gen. 26, 13 /HJI 1l?n. i S. 14, 19. 2 S. 18, 25. Chapter V. Various analyses of the Song have been suggested^ differing considerably as to the grouping of details, but agreed in recog- nizing a division into two main parts, viz. an introduction leading up to the principal subject of the ode, and a descrip- tion of the circumstances connected with the battle and victory. It is generally agreed that the great break occurs between vv. it. 12. Ewald, indeed, was so impressed with the difference between the first and second half of the Song that he supposes two distinct poems to have been united, a song of thanksgiving (2-1 1) and a song of victory (12-31). The II. The Text and Versions. 2$ tone and character of the two parts differ fundamentally. In the former we find a summons to praise Jehovah, a thankful remembrance of His past dealings on behalf of the nation, a deep sense of His powerful share in the recent battle. But in the second part we pass from the divine to the human. The victory was due to the valour of the confederate army, the swollen Kishon, the heroism of Jael. [Didder d. Alien Buncles, erster Theil, 2nd ed., 1865, p. 188.) But Ewald exaggerates the extent of the break after v. 11, and his view has not found favour with subsequent scholars. On the whole, the following analysis, in the main that of Bertheau, seems to commend itself. Part I. V. 2. Prelude. '■^' 3~5' Retrospect of the Exodus . . , Verse-members or iSiic^of 9 t'c. 6-8. The recent period of oppression . „ 11 vv. ^-11. Summons to praise Jehovah . . „ 9 Part II. V. 12. Prehide to main subject. vv. 13-15". The mustering of the tribes rv. 15^-18. The reluctant and the ready rr. 19-2T. The battle rv. 22-24. After the battle .... wj?. 25-27. The murder of Sisera . . vv. 28-30. The anxiety and disappointment „ 11 of his mother. t). 31. Conclusion. That the structure of the Song implies some strophical arrangement cannot be doubted. The one given above is perhaps as good as any other ; at any rate it will serve as a starting-point. It will be noticed that there are three chief stanzas (A. B. C), each containing three strophes. The three larger groups, moreover, display a symmetry of arrangement in the number of stichoi or verse-members belonging to each strophe, that is to say, in the text as it stands at present. But the text is by no means certain in several places, and the cor- rections which it will l)e found necessary to introduce have the effect of disturbing this apparent symmetry. For instance, in 9 9 9IC. 16 The History and Song of Deborah. stanza C two sticJioi must probably be struck out, so tbat the numbers will be 9. 8. 10. The originality of this stichieal order is doubtful, and not to be entirely relied upon. Another arrangement, turning on the number of syllahles^ not of verse-members, is that of Bickell {Carmina V.T. metrice^ pp. 195 ff.). Applying his metrical principles, Bickell scans the Song by the 8.6 | 8.6 | 8.10 measure, to which he also adapts y\r. 86. Ex. 15, 1-18, Is. 12. This involves a treat- ment of the text and its pronunciation which seems arbitrary and hard to believe, though it often suggests valuable emen- dations. One other scheme must be noticed, that of Aug. Miiller (in Konigslerger Studien, i. 1887). He takes the stichoi as the basis of his arrangement, and finds that the first part of the Song [vv. 1-6) and the last part {vv. 16-31) follow a regular stichieal scheme, while in the middle [vv. 7-15) the structure becomes disturbed and irregular. In the first part the order of stichoi is 2. 4. 4. 2 [v, 2 has two members, v. 3 has four, and so on), and in the last part the order is 3. 4. 2. He notices further that, in a four-membered verse, the two subdivisions of each pair (i. e. of clauses a and 6) are closely parallel in meaning, while clause a is not in complete parallelism with clause d, but the latter marks an advance in the thought upon the former. This scheme, according to Miiller, furnishes the key to all the difficulties of the Song, and to the true restora- tion of the Text. It is remarkable that just where the struc- ture becomes irregular there the obscurities of the Text begin (vv. y-iS)- All goes smoothly before and after this central crux, the sequence of thought is natural, the style unbroken and correct. Accordingly Miiller gives up these unfortunate verses as hopeless. ' The irregularity of the structure and of the order of thought, the difficulty of the language through clumsy attempts at correction, shew that this middle portion has been distorted until it can no longer be understood.' But it is doubtful whether the case is so bad as Miiller II. The Text and Versions. 27 tries to make out. It is possible to extract sufficient sense from tliese middle verses, thoug-h no doubt the Text has suf- fered. Rather than dislocate the Song as Miiller proposes, and assign the verses to another poet, it seems more reason- able to suppose that the Text was difficult to begin with, and that succeeding transcribers, through misunderstanding and attempts at correction, only made matters worse. Moreover, Miiller's scheme does not always work even in the first and last parts. For instance, in order to secure a two-mem- bered verse between 3 and 4 he proposes to write 3^ in four members, and to make 3^ the surviving limb of the missing half-verse, in spite of the parallelism between m''K^x and nnoTN. At the same time, in the working out of his ingenious theory, Miiller suggests certain corrections of the Text which we shall gladly make use of. On the whole, then, these attempts to arrange the Song in anything more than a general division into obvious strophes, however successful they may be to a certain extent, seem to break down at the crucial points. A characteristic of the poetical form of this Song is the recurrence of the kind of parallelism known as the climactic or progressive. Of this there are two classes: (i) cases where the first line is incomplete, and the second line repeats some words from it and completes them, e. g. 4''. 7. la*. 19*. 23''; cf. V'- 29, I. 89, 51. 92, 9^ 93, 3. 94, 3- ii3. I- (2) where the first line is complete, and the second repeats some words of it with an addition, e.g. 3^ 5. 11 a/3. 21. 24; cf. \/^. 22,4. 29, 5. ^- *^7> 3- 77j i*^- Ex- i5> ^^^ ; cf tv. 4. II. 14. This kind of parallelism is uncommon, and belongs only to the most elevated poetry. I. pim ryrcn 'y^r\S\ This verse forms a title to the Song, attached to it at a later age, and embod^'ing the view of posterity that Deborah (if not Barak as well) was the com- poser and the singer of the poem. Perhaps Barak was s8 The History and Song of Deborah. inserted in the title on the strength of the apostrophe in V. 1 2, and it was supposed that he and Deborah sang the ode antiphonally, though there is nothing either in the form or in the contents to supj)ort the idea. That Deborah was the authoress and singer was concluded, no doubt, from vi\ ^.7. 12. 13. At first sight it looks as if the first pers. in vv. 3 and 13 could refer to no other than Deborah ; but against this must be set the fact that the prophetess herself is mentioned by name, and wherever her name occurs it is in connexion with the second (vv. 7 see note, 12) or third person (ik 15). In fact Deborah and Barak are addressed by name in v. 1 2 ; they could hardly address a summons to themselves. Therefore some other explanation must be found for the occurrence of the first person in the Song. The patriot poet may well be imagined to have acted as the mouthj^iece of his victorious countrymen, and to represent their feelings in an cde of thanksgiving. There are abundant analogies to justify this view. Elsewhere a single tribe or the entire community speaks in ' terms properly applicable only to an individual ; ' e.g. the tribe of Judah in i, 3 ; the 7N"lL^'"' ""Jn in 20, 23 ; the bin^^ B^'.N in Josh. 9, 7, and the ^DY ^J3 in 17, 14 f. 17 f. JE ; Moses and the children of Israel in Ex, 15, i. 2 ; cf. Num. 20, 18. 19 JE with Dt. 2, 27-29 ; 'this custom is due, probably, partly to a sense of community of interests and sympathies pervading the entire group, partly to the love of personifi- cation ' (Driver, Introduction^ p. '^dd). i^inn DV3] The Redactor's expression in 4, 23. 2. 1^11 . . . H] 'on account of . . . bless ye.' This con- struction does not occur again; Gen. 12, 3. 18, 18. 28,4 13 1313:1 being hardly parallel. For 3 in this sense, cf. Gen. 18, 28 nB>»n3, and ntyN3, hhll etc. riiy"lE yiC] The primary meaning of the root seems to be to loosen. In the O. T. it denotes Itt loose: (1) in a general sense, e.g. Ex. 5, 4 J ; to cast off restraint, Ex. 32, 25 E. Ezra 24, 14 ; in Prov., to set at nought counsel etc. i, 25. 4, 15 etc. (with accus.), 8, '^'^ (absol.). (2) In a special sense, of letting the hair go loose, forbidden to the priests, Lev. 10, 6. 21, 10, commanded in the case of a leper Lev. 13, 45, of a II. The Text and Versions. 29 woman suspected of adultery Num. 5, 18, and of a Nazarite Num. 6, 5. But this meaning to loonen in connexion with the hair does not help us here, nor in Dt. 32,42 3''1X niyiD C'NiO. In order to find a sense for these two passages we must suppose that the root-meaning was developed thus ; to loosen oneself from something, to Lecome separate, prominent, and so a leader, chief. Thus we may render here, ' for the leading of the leaders,' and the place in Dt., 'from the head (i.e. chief) of the leaders of the enemy.' In Arabic the verb p^i primarily seems io = he or it overtopped or surpassed in height; he loas superior, excelled. Derivatives of the root are used of the top of a mountain, of a mountain high above the sui-rounding land. In Targ. Onk. Dt. 16, 18 and Jon. Ex. 20,5 D^jyiiD = ono't:'. The rendering given above is suj^ported by LXX. A. Luc. 0. Syr.-Hex. Iv rw ap^acrOai apyr]yovs. So in Dt. 1. c. airo K€(f)aKris apxpvTdiV kydpGiv. Cod. B renders amKaXvc^Or] a-noKdK.vp.iia, also 2. kv r<3 avaKaXv\j/arrdai,, as in other places where this root occurs — e.g. Lev. 13, 45 (10, 6. 21, 10 according to some codd.). Num. 5, 18. Dt. 32, 42 S. The Pesh. has )l.Q.i.-b.»aa.;> >*^;sl|> = ' for the vengeance which the . . . took,' according to the common usage of the word in the Targums ; so Arab. Vulg., qui sponte obtulistis de Isr. animas vestras, etc. Another rendering has been suggested, based upon the use of the word in reference to the long hair of the Nazarites ; 'for the loosing of the hairs,' i.e. 'for those whose hair was let flow loose,' i.e. the Nazarites, the devoted men (like Samson and Samuel) who had let their hair grow long, and so had received the supernatural force through which the enemy was routed. Maurice Vernes, Bevue des £^tudes juices, Jan.-Mar. 1892, reviving an old explanation dating from Cassel. Perhaps the words might be used as synonyms for ardent and consecrated service, but the first rendering seems safer. mi^lL] lit. leadings ; fem. plur. because abstract instead of concrete; cf. n"i33 Ezra 4, 7, and mns. For the fem. cf. Arab, hallfa, etc., Ges.-Kautzsch, § 122. 4. b and n. Ql* 113nn2] Cf. V. 9. The Hithp. occurs again twelve 30 The History and Song of Deborah. times, all in Chr., Ezra, and Nehem., generally of donations offered to the Temple (i C. 29, 5. 6. 9. 14. 17. Ezra i, 6 etc.) ; in 2 C. 17, 16 of consecration with a view to military service. This may be the meaning- here, though the rendering, ' self- offering of the people,' gives a sense more suitable to the antiquity of the Song. Illustr. from \/^. no, 3 nmj ^oy. LXX. h' T(5 cLKOVcnaa-drjvai Xaov Bn. €v irpoaipiaei Kaov A. Luc. 0. Syr.-Hex. Orig. kv kKovcnaaryi.^ \aov 'A. 3. 0^::^ . . . D^D^n] Together, as in y^r. 2, 2. Pr. 8, 15. 31, 4. Hab. I, 10. cf. Pr. 14, 28. An invitation (hardly ironical, Reuss) to the surrounding chiefs, Canaan ite and others, to attend the praises of the victorious God of Israel. For tS'i'n LXX. has (raTpdirai. ""DD^^ •''"'^ ""^Di^] For the suspended pronoun ''5JN '7— to Yahweh /will sing,' cf. Gen. 37, 30^. i/r. 76, 8. Driver, Tenses, § 198. Obs. 2. LXX. BX. eyw dp.L rci) Kupto) eyw et/xt aa-ofxaL. 4. '^lyiJIl] denotes stately movement. Of Jehovah only again in Hab. 3, I2 and \//-. 68, 8, both borrowing from this place ; ? Is. 6^^ i (Cheyne). □:i . . . q:i] Cf. Job 15, 10. ISTIDD] Cf. \jr. 68, 9. Budde suggests 113103 or 13103, but these verbs are used of the earth, hills, mountains, foundations of the earth, not of the heavens. The use of 1St33 here can be quite w^ell accounted for by the principle of the parallelism explained above (p. 27). Vulg. om. □""T^ IDt^i] For the accus. after a verb of abounding, over- flowing, cf. Joel 4, 18 D''Dy Dnnn iQt3\ Ges. § 117. 4. 4 1^. 5. ^ /t3] for V?i: Is, 6^, 19. 64, 2, imitated from here; nif. pf. oi^^— shake, tremble, Cf. Gen. 11, 7. Ezek. 41, 7. Ges. § 67. II, for the weakened pronunciation. LXX. ea-aXevOi^crav. Pesh. qX?. This agrees with the parallel nti'yn. The Mass., Kimchi, etc. took it from b\i=^ow. Vulg. fluxerunt. So Ew. In Mic. 1,4. \//-. 97, 5 we find 1D03 . . . Cin. "'^"'D n't] The demonstrative here is to be taken rather as emphasizing the following subs, than as used SetKrtKcS?, ' Sinai indeed,' 'Sinai I say,' not 'yon Sinai.' So Is. 23, 13. v//-. 104, 25. In the same way HT is used adverbially to strengthen an interrogative. Ges.-Kau. § 136. 2 n. II. The Text and Versions. 31 The question here arises, do these two verses describe the coming down of Jehovah from Edom and Sinai to help in the battle, or do they allude to the Theophany which took place at the Exodus ? Wellh., Prolegomena, p. 359, says that Sinai was looked upon as the dwelling--p]ace of Jehovah, from which He issued on different occasions to help Israel, and to place Himself at the head of His warriors in their battles. So Reuss, in loc. ; Rob. Smith, Proj)kets, p. 34, Religion of Semites, p. III. The Godhead descends in storm and thunder, in the very storm which did so much to win the battle, see vv. 13. 20 f. This was a common conception among the ancient Israelites, and no doubt may be traced back to a reminiscence of that stupendous Theophany which inaugurated Israel's existence as a nation. Similar accompaniments of Jehovah's manifestation are described or expected in ^. 18, 8-16. ^o, 3. 97, 2. 3. Mic. I, 3. 4. Is. 64, I ff. 29, 6. But in this passage there is an important element which differentiates the Theo- phany described here from those just enumerated, and that is the mention of Edom and Sinai. Now whenever either of these places is named in connexion with a manifestation of the Godhead, the reference is always to the great revelation of Jehovah at the Exodus (Ex. 19). See Dt. 'J,'^-' 2- Hab. 3, 3 ff. ^^. 68, 7. 8. cf. 77, 17-19. After-ages came to look back upon this epoch-making event, when Jehovah came down to give His law to His people and lead them into their promised land, as a pledge of His continued presence and help in times of difficulty. This is the case here. The poet calls upon his victorious countrymen to praise Jehovah, who had in former days declared Himself to be the God of Israel by a special revelation, and marched to the assistance of His chosen tribes. He has once again proved Himself to be Israel's Protector and Deliverer. It is to be observed that in these verses Jehovah comes from Edom, and Sinai trembles before Him. This must mean that He comes from Edom to Sinai ; He does not come from Edom (or Sinai) to the field of battle. And further, in the other Theophanies the mighty effects of Jeho- vah's presence appear at once in the overthrow of His enemies, and in the deliverance of His faithful ones. But here there is 32 The History and Song of Deborah. a wide interval before the account of the battle in vv. 20 ff. According-ly we conclude that the reference here is to the past revelation at Sinai. So Bertheau, Hilliger, Ewald [Blchter d. A. B.^ p. 188), etc. Recently, Robertson, Eai-ly Beligmi of Israel, 1892, pp. 193 ff. It is to be observed that Jehovah's prog-ress moves along* from Edom, that is from the north, to Sinai. From the same quarter comes the Theophany in Ezek. i , 4 ff. Thus we seem to find here a trace of the old mythological idea that the ever-mysterious north was the peculiar home of deity, Is. 14, 13 ; cf. Job 37, 22 and Ezek. 25; 13. I4' See also Lev. i, 11 ; the victim is to be slain towards the north, before Jehovah. According" to one conception, then, Jehovah's dwelling'-place was in Edom (so Hab. I.e., Paran, cf. Is. 6'^, i), according* to the other it was at Sinai, and the Theophany moves over Seir and Paran on the way to Kadesh, Dt. '^'^. 6. "^yf^^] Only again in 3, 31. Vy] Bertheau, enlarging on the difficulty of identifying* py here with the heroine of vv. 24 ff., supposes that there was a judge of this name, otherwise unknown. It is simpler to suppose either that the poet names the two most famous characters of the age, both of whom broug-ht deliverance from the prevailing distress, or that the words py ''0^3 must be struck out as a gloss crept in from the margin. Bickell, p. 196 n., is willing to do this. I7in] ceased, kept holiday, i.e. were unfrequented. LXX. l^kKmov obovi B. IfeAetTToy (BaaiXds A. Luc. Syr.-Hex., prob. through some confusion with 7*. ']^hphpv] For the redupl. form, cf. P1P1], D"^»'!«, n^P.S^'^n. Stade, Le/trbuck, § 234 a. For other forms from this root, see Is. 27,1. Hab. 1,4. v|r. 125,5. 137'^] Impf. frequentative, here followed by accus. of place, as in Dt. i, 19. Job 29, 3. Is. 57, 2. Ew., Syntax, § 282 a. 7. "jItID and IDltnc v. ii] The exact form is not found again. The other derivatives of the root are used in two ways : (i) of open villages situated on the plain, as ojiposed to lofty, fortified towns ; the best illustration is Ezek. 38, 11 ; cf. 1 S. 6, 18. Zech, 2, 8. Esth. 9, 19 ; (2) of the inhabitants of II. The Text and Versions, ^^ these unwalled villag-es, living sometimes on the lower plains, sometimes in the hill-country, called the ''PS, often mentioned among" the tribes of Canaan, Gen. 15, 20, etc. But neither of these meanings is suitable here. The nearest parallel is the use of the ^Yord in Hab. 3, 14 VPD CwSi VDM napj, ' warriors,' R. v., ' hordes ' or ' villages,' R.V.M. The Yerss. throw some light on the meaning, v. 7. LXX. e^eAtTror hwaroi B. efe'At- TTOv (ppa^iav A. Luc. Some codd. 01 KaToiKovvres ; so Vet. Lat. Vulg., fortes, so v. 11. Pesh. ^^ cua^aS ('level tracts'). Targ. N-nVD Milp (' villages '), so v. 1 1 ; cf. Zech. 2, 4 Targ. In Hab. 3, 14 LXX. has hvvacnGiv 'A. 2. In v. 11 LXX. hiKaiocFVva's av^i] b^* vy\. Neubauer, Aihenceum, Aug. 2, 1 890. TlT^'p] was no doubt originally intended to be a 2nd fern, sing, (see v. 12), the old ending in -ti being preserved, as in Jer. 2, 20 (/;/>). Mic. 4, 13. Gnitz, Wellh., Reuss, jNIuUer, etc. D 34 The History and Song of Deborah. Ges. § 44. 2. 4 n. The Mass. evidently took it as ist pers., otherwise there would have been a Q^ri, as in E-uth 3, 3. 4 •'rri"!';, ■'ri:??^. Jer. 2, 0^0^. 3, 5. See Wrig-ht, Compar, Gr., p. 173. LXX. Luc. Vu. 3rd pers. ; Pe. Targ-. ist pers. V^llL^"-! n^] Cf. use of 3N in Is. 22, 21. Job 29, 16. Also Gen. 45, 8 E. The mention of Deborah's ' arising" ' to deliver her people, before the description of the previous distress is completed, creates a difficulty. We should expect 7" to come after v. 8, or, as Meier places it, after v. 9. The poet canies us back to the unhappy days of Shamg-ar ; but before they are over he suddenly introduces us to another and a later ag-e, that of Deborah ; and then goes back to Shamgar's days again, v. 8. He proceeds to heighten his description of Israel's helplessness, and records the free self-offering of the leaders, for which he w^ould have men ' bless Jehovah.' And then, to our surprise, Deborah is summoned to 'awake' {v. 12) after she has already ' arisen ' in r. 7^=. Miiller lays stress upon this irreg-ularity as a proof of the disturbed and corrupt state of the middle part of the Song (pp. 18. 19). Budde would strike out 7*= as being a g-loss, shewn to be such by its illog-ical position, and by the recurrence of ^^ ; he would take the second i^th as the remainder of the original third member of the verse. On the other hand, we cannot expect in an ode like this, so full of eag-er and exultant emotion, to find the order of events and the order of thoug-ht always arranged in strict sequence. It is not unusual in Hebrew writing to find an author describing" the issue of a series of events by anticipation, and then returning- to give the further particulars, which, logically, should have been given before ; e. g. Gen. 37, 6 and 5^ 42, 21 ff. and 20. Jud. 6, 27, etc. See Driver, Tetises, § y^. So there does not seem sufficient reason for altering the text here. Bickell [SiqijiJem.) omits i^nn^ and TlCpK^^ for metrical reasons. He says that many of the repetitions in the Song were inserted for the purposes of singing and musical ac- companiment. 8. a^Iinn D^nVi^ -^nn^] This most difficult expression has been explained in three ways: (i) Taking Israel (under- II. The Text and Versions. '^S stood) as the subj,, ' they chose new gods.' Then the meaning, taken with the context, will be, ' Isr. was unfaithful to Jehovah ; he preferred to serve the gods of the neighbouring people, and consequently he was punished with the sufferings inflicted by his enemies.' LXX. e^eAe^a/ro Oeovs Kacvovs BX. i)ptTi(rav B' . Kivovs A*. Kaivovs Luc. 0. Syr.-H. Targ. Cf. Dt. 32, 17. Jud. 10, 14 — both later than this Song. This would be quite in accordance with the theory of the Redactor, but it would hardly come from the author of the Song. Moreover, at the time when the Song was written, the idea prevailed, as it did down to a much later period, that to adopt the deity and cult of a neighbouring people was equivalent to entering* into a close alliance with that people ; therefore if Israel ' chose ' the gods of the Canaanites the consequence would have been friendship, not war, between them. There is nothing in the description of the distress in vv. 6. 7 to suggest that it was due to national apostasy, (2) Ewald, followed by Bertheau and others, takes Israel as the subject, but renders nTibn Jii'^lpes. For n'^nhn signifying a judge as the niouil/jnece of the T)ivine sentence, see Ex. 21,6. 32, 7f. 27 J, and cf. 18, 16. 19. i S. 2, 25. This would give good sense ; in the time of oppression they ' chose new judges ' to resist the enemy and deliver the sufferers. In this case the following clause will mean exactly the opposite from what it did above ; ' under the leadership of the new judge attacks were made on the enemy's gates.' The great objection to this explanation is that the undoubted use of DM^N for ptdge is practically confined to the Book of the Covenant (refs. above), that is to say, in a context which is concerned with leg'al decisions and naturally suggests this meaning. But here it is quite diflerent. Elohim would not be the word used for a judge in the sense required here, a warrior and deliverer. As Bissinger says (quoted by Hilliger, p. 29), when 'judges' or ' leaders ' occur in the Song other expressions are used {yv. 2. 7. 9. 14. 15); and DTi^N here would lead to inevitable mis- understanding. (3) Making DNl^wS the snl)jcct, ' God chose new things.' Pcsli. Arab. Bar-Heb. Vulg., nova bella elegit Dominus. D 2 36 The History and Song of Deborah. The obvious objections to this -are, that nin'' is always the name of the Deity in the Song", and where D^■^i'N does occur it is in the phrase fjsnt^'' M^x mn^ {vv. '3^. ^\ ' new thing-s ' w^ould be not D'»t^nn but the fem. nicnn, as in Is. 42, 9. 48, 6 or HK'nn Is. 43, 19. Jer. 31, 31. The fact is, nothing can be made out of the text as it stands : there must be an ancient corruption here, but it is too deep-seated for emendation (but see Budde, below, on next ch). Perhaps an early attempt was made at correcting" the passage from Dt. 32, 17 ; and this must have become stereo- typed as part of the text before the Greek Version was made. "in^"'] If rig-ht, the impf. here vividly conjures up the past ; cf. vv. 26. 29. Driver, Tenses^ § 27 a. Q'^"1i?\2} □nb ti^] If, as seems most probable, this verse con- tinues the description of the unsettled times before Deborah, then f^< must refer to some occasion in that period when a sally was made against the enem3^'s gates. It was a bold attempt to throw off the enemy's oppressive yoke, but it proved unsuccessful. The Israelite army, though its full strength numbered 40,000 men, had been rendered ineffective through the loss of proper weapons ; not a shield or a spear was to be seen among them, they were forced to arm them- selves with such rude im2:>lements as they could find. A deliverer who should win an effectual victory was yet to come. On^] The Mass. specially notes it as milra', Ochla W^ Ochla, 373, in a list of words usually with the accent on the penultima, but exceptionally accented on the ultima ; that is to say, it w^as taken as a pausal form of Onb. Cf. for seg-hol in final accented shut syll. (in pause) PpSO Gen. 21, 9. Ex. 32, 6. Dt. 32, 11. Kimchi explains it as a Qal form like ti'n^, with seghol for cere [Bad. L'lh. s. v.). It is probably an Infin. Piel used as a noun, cf. £2?3 y^, 32, 7. 5*23 Dan. I2, 7 (both doubtful). The Piel of nrb does not occur again ; the form must be pronounced very uncertain. U^-yVXD Qnb] Lit. ' battle of, i. e. at, the gates.' Por this obj. gen. cf. I K. 18, 19 brx \rh\y ^bs. ^. 69, 13. Ges. § 128. 2b. As V. 1 1 shews, the ' gates ' must be those of the enemy. II. The Text and Versions. 37 LXX. on fTroXiiJLi](rav Tro'Aets ap^ovruiv B. apx. probably only an explanatory addition. The Vulg*. explicitly renders, portas hostium ipse subvertit. But LXX. A. Luc. point the words D''"}Vr' on?, and render w? apTov KpiOivov. So Pesh. Arab. ; V.L. Eleg-erunt ut panem hordaceum deos novos : tunc ex- pug-naverunt civitates principum ; so some Greek codd. Following- this punctuation Budde sug-g-ests as an emendation for clause «, D^yt?' nrh IN D^t^'nn n^rb^ ^nat, i. e. ' The sacrifices of God came only on the new moons, then was there barley bread ' and nothing better — a further mark of the distress of the time ; sacrifices could be oflTered, i. e. meat could be eaten, only once a month ! This does not commend itself. nh^'T'] Impf. used of past time in an interrog. sentence ; was there ever . . to be seen . . / cf. Gen. 43, 7 y^3 ynTi. 2 S. 3, ^^. Driver, Tenses, § 39 (3. LXX. Ovpebs lav d(f)9ri koI Aoy)(77 B. crKeTrrj veavibcov (npofxa- (ttG>v' avi](p6r] KoX aipop-aaTi^s A. (tk, v^ . av 6v 0. The rend, of the three latter forms of the Gk. Vers, is curious. Theodoret gives the reading kav Ihoo aeipop-aaruiv reaa. ^tA.. ; hence Field ingeniously conjectures that the reading of A. Luc. 0. veavCboiv arose out of eav ibu). Thus di-'Tj^^?) A. av ocpdfj Luc. becomes a double rendering of nsiS and koL (TTpop-aarris an insertion to fill up the sense. The Vulg. and Pesh. follow the M. T. 9. After *'I17 supply ' saith,' ' leans.' "'Pp'^n Qal ptcp. with 3rd rad. preserved instead of being assimilated. Cf. Is. 10, i. 22, 16. y\r. 8, 3 etc. Stade, LeJirb., § 105. The meaning here is ' leaders ' rather than ' lawgivers ; ' Qal ptcp. only here in this sense, cf. v, 14. LXX. TO. hiareTayixiva tw ^l(Tpa7\k Luc. Orig. to. TTpoardy- fxara 2. rois aKpi/BaCoixevots 'A. 0. ; the three latter render similarly ppn» in Gen. 49, 10. Vulg., principes. Pesh. )Iip>-\n:^N = interpreter, Arab. The Pesh. uses this word for ppriD in r. ] 4. Gen. 49, 10. Dt. ^^, 21. Is. ^^, 23; prob. a free translation, for in yj/. 60, 9. 108, 9 ppriD is rendered >«n'^>o m^ hing. C^^.I-il^nJ see V. 2. LXX. o\ kKovcnaCpp-^voi Iv Aaw B. ot hvva.(nai rov \aov A. Luc. Syr.- Hex. The j)oet has summoned the patriot leaders to praise Jehovah ; now other classes of 38 The History and Song of Deborah. the community are called upon to take their share in cele- brating" the victory. 10. ni"in!^ ni^n^^ ■'n^'^] ye that ride on ivhite she-asses. The root "inv only occurs again in the pr. name "inbf and in Ezek. 27, 18 ">ns "iDlf. The meaning of the word must be sought from the Arab, js^ = to withei\ hecome yelloio or brown, J.:s-^^ of a plant (Lane). But primarily the Yoot= to tmrn, of the sun ; hence of a colour produced by the burning sunlight, brown, or reddish-yellow, 'ij^ diiesses rotissdtres (Reuss), not ' dazzling white ' as Ges. Thes. See Miiller, Konigsb. Studien, pp. 5 f. The old Israelite chiefs used to ride on asses, just as the members of the ruling house in Zanzibar, and as the schechs in S, Arabia do at the present day. See 10,4. 13, 14. 2 S. 17, 23. 19, 27. LXX. e7ri/3e/3r;Kores k-nX ovov ^rjAeias iica-qulSpCas (D''in^) B. €7rt/3. €7TL vTTo(vyio)v A. Luc. + iTTLkaiXTT-qvoiv. Thus A. does not transl. ni"iinv. Some codd. have {jLearjjxlS pea's koL XaixTTovcrcav. Syr.- Hex. cmk^ovatav 2. Pesh. Vulg. as M. T. plD 7i? ■^m?"'] ye that sit upon saddle-cloths or carpets. The root yyo^extend, measure out, and so ip (plur. D''TO)=: usually a garment (3, 16. i S. 4, 12 etc. Lev. 6, 3. \//-. 133, 2), but here the reference must be to the garments, i. e. saddle- cloths, of the asses. Illustr. fr. Ezek. 27, 20 n33"ii? can n33. The context shews that those referred to by ''3C''' must be riding, moving in procession. piD, Aram. plur. ending, Ges. § 87. I a. ? North Palestinian. LXX. Ka9)]ixh'0L cTTt Kpirr]piov B. Luc. (i. e. ^O and pi) ; Targ. Vulg. Kadif]p.ivoi knl \ap.-n'r]vG>v [=.chariots^ A, cf. I K. 26, 5. 7. Is. 66, 20 LXX. The Pesh. freely, in houses. hv ^l^'^l Constr. st. before prepos., cf. Is. g,i. yj/. 2, 13 etc. ; Ew., Syntax, § 289 b. ["^"T ^i^^D^n*1J LXX. Koi TTopevojjiei'OL eirl obovs avvihpoov e0' 68(5 (a doublet) B. A omits, koi it', e^' oSw Luc. Pesh.Vulg. in^'U;] The verb is used in the O. T. as follows: (i) to speak, e.g. ^. 69, 13. Job 7, 11. 12, 8 etc. (2) to speak to oneself, V^. 77, 7 ''337 Dy. Gen. 24, 60^ J, so to meditate, \//-. 105, 2. 119, 15 etc., and, with the nuance of meditating sadly, y^. ^^, 18. 77, 4. Similarly the noun; (i) talk, 3 K. 9, 11. II. The Text and Versions. 39 (2) troubled sj^eeck, comjjlaint, 1 S. i, 16. \//-. ^^, 3 and oft. in Job. (3) thonght\ meditation^ Am. 4, 13. i K. 18, 27. Job 15, 4. Thus the word never =/o shiy, Bertheau, etc., and it is commonly used only in late books. Its rare occurrence in earlier literature does not warrant more than the transl., miise^ meditate. This would hardly be forcible enough to suit the exultant tone of the context. Can the word be right ? If it is corrupt, it must have reached its present form before the LXX. transl. was made, as is the case with other corruptions in the Song*. LXX. has StTjyeto-^e B, (^Qky^acrQai A. Luc. Syr.- Hex. 6/xtAetre 'A. (pd^y^aaOe 2. Pesh. aj». All the Verss., except Vulg., loquimini, attach the word to the foil, verse ; but the contraction |D IT'C' is never found ; the verb always takes 3, or -J, or an accus. It is difficult to find a satisfactory emendation. One might suggest iriKDtt' ; or better lyotJ*, can- celling the D at the beginning of the following word, . . . lis-teii ! The shout of the archers . . . ! But there would be the objection that the copyist could hardly have misunderstood such a simple word as lyDC' and allowed it to become IIT't;'. II. Clt^U^n ]^l D''!J!Jn?^ ^V^] "^^^ P^'^P- creates a difficulty. After froni the voice . . . we might expect to have the sentence completed with some such phrase as, ' let praise be heard' (Ber., edn. i, Keil, Cheyne). All kinds of meanings have been forced upon this awkward jd, ' away from,' ' louder than,' ' with.' Bertheau in his last edn. renders ' on account of,' ' by reason of the shout ... let men rehearse . . .' cf. Is. 6, 4. 24, 18. 31, 4. Jer. 3, 9. \}/. ^^^, 4; the shout of the archers, now resting after victory, is to be an impulse for general thanksgiving. But in the examples which Ber. quotes the meaning of JO is made clear by the construction of the verb immediately before or after it, while here IJir" d'C^ must begin a fresh sentence, and DC' cannot introduce the apodosis. Either a clause has drojiped out, or, more probably, D did not originally belong to 7"ip (Buddc) ; the D of pID above, or the D at the beginning of the following word may have caught the copyist's eye and led him to write the letter here by mistake. If it is removed an excellent sense results. Hark ! the archers ... ! or, 'JVic shout of the archers . . . ! 40 The History and Song of Deborah. C^l'Iiriw] Probably a denominative of )'n an arroiv ; so Jewish interpreters, Kimchi D*vnn nv, Luth., Schult.,and most moderns. Ewald compares Pr. 30, 27 |*vn and Arab. \x:^ = viake a line, subs. = fl( line, and rends, 'those who keep time' on musical instruments, cf. LXX. A third rendering- is tliose who divide, scil. the spoil, making- p*n = nvn. But it is too much to supply such an obj. as 'spoil,' and p?n is the proper word {v. 30). Budde conjectures DVnvo, and translates, ' Hark, how merry they are . . . !' But there is more colour and force in the text as it is. D^Hb^II'^] The verb always means to draw water ; the noun (only here) with prefixed ro will consequently =jo/ac^^ /or draw- ing water (Ges. § 85, 48), or tvater-troughs. LXX. vhpevoixiviov B. The cool, shaded wells are a common place of rendezvous in the East. There parties of victorious archers were resting- after the battle. The Verss. present great varieties of rendering. LXX. [Sirjyeto-^e] cnrb (poovrjS' avaKpovojx&oiyv ( = pulsantes, 'beating musical instruments,' cf. i C. 25, 5, nrn LXX.) apa pia-ov vbpevojxevcov B. [<^0ey^aa-^ai] (poovijv avaKp . ava fxea'. ev(f)paL- rop.€V(jov A. Luc. Syr.- Hex. For vbp\, 'A has KaTaXeyovroov. 2 (TV[X7nv6vrcov (i.e. CXiDD fr. N3D potavif, cf. Nah. i, 10 2). 'A.'s rendering cannot be traced to any Hebrew word. Pesh. Ua^^ l^i'^:»? )"JOt^? Ji-** ^:5o [qj»], i.e. 'consider the words of the investigators (cf. Is. 23, 13 Pesh. = eKCr]Tr]TaL Bar. 3, 23) who are among the learned' — a curious paraphrase ; so Arab. Vnlg., ubi collisi sunt currus, et hostium suffocatus est exercitus. Targ. understands D^ifvnn as something to do with robbers, pnoi? nJ"i3D rr-n, and explains D'-nXE^'a as a X^'^ n-'n, ' the place where the sons of Israel went to fill water,' "• ^ Jllplli lin"' QirJ t//ere let men rehearse the righteous acts of Jehovah. Ijn"' vb. only again in this sense, 11, 40. Arab. ^ Conj. \\. = praise ; T\ir\ in kx^m. = anno^lnce. The meaning here is a combination of both. In Hos. 8, 9. 10 Hif. of njn = hire, whence nJDX, pns'. '' "^ JTlpl!^] Jehovah here is the subj. genit. For the ex- pression cf. Mic. 6, 5. I S. 12, 7. v//. 103, 6. II. The Text and Versions. 41 'lilt'^D 'ti] This must also be subj. genit. : 'The righteous acts of His rule in Israel.' See on v. 7. 1^1 ''ill'^ tb^] There has been a good deal of dispute as to the significance of TN in the Song. Ew. [liichier d. A.B., p. 184) treats it, together with TT" (here and v. 13), as a ' kriegerischer Ausdruck,' and wherever it occurs {vv. 8. ii. 13. 19. 23) he understands it as referring to the battle and the victory. So Bertheau, This, however, seems to force the context into an a jjviori uniformity. The i^oet deliberately avoids the more regular method of marking the succession of events, and chooses a particle which enables him to express more vividly his intense realization of the past, and to emphasize each particular feature in his description. At one time rx is associated with an imj^f. w^hich calls up the more distant days before Deborah (v. 8), at another time it is preceded by imperatives (v. 12), commonly it stands in connexion with a perfect (vv. 11. 13. 19. 22). Its meaning, then, is determined in each case by the context, sometimes, as in vv. 8. 19. and 22, by the foregoing verb ; cf. for use of tN in poetry Gen. 49, 4. Ex. 15, 15. Is. ^^, 23. yj/. 2, 5. 96, 12 etc. D'*"^i?L''] Obviously, the 'gates' of the enemy ; because Ti"* in the Song is always used of the march of the Israelite army to the battle, vv. 13. 14. It is difficult to find a suitable connexion between these words and the previous part of the verse. Clause ^ gives a picture of the victorious soldiery resting after battle, and bids them recapitulate with thanksgiving Jehovah's deeds for His people. Then clause'' begins a description of the campaign. But as we have seen (p. 24 f ) the main break in the Song occurs here, and v. 12 serves as the prelude to Part ii, introducing the real subject of the ode. Accordingly 1 1"* anticipates in an awkward fashion the description of the battle which is to follow. It presents a striking- likeness to the first part of v. 13, and it is more than probable that this clause is a doublet of the latter, incorrectly inserted here. Budde is in favour of this view. If 11'' is struck out, the rhythm and balance of the verso will be greatly improved. 42 The History and Song of Deborah. Vulg-. has a paraphrastic addition : tunc descendit ad portas j^opukis Domini, et obtinuit principatum. 12. ""lli'] So accented for sake of emphasis in earnest and vig-orous speech: cf. Is. 51, 9. Zech. 13, 7. See Hupf.- Nowack on \/^. 3, 8 (foot-note). "^nil] E. lAeiQic {Uebersetzung u. Erld. d. Dehora-Liedes, Tiib. 1859, p. 38) suj)poses that there is a play here on the name n"im- This may be so. He renders, ' Lead the song-.' This might possibly be the meaning of Hif. (Arab. Conj. \Y.^=lead back), but not of Piel. ' To lead ' is the common meaning- of the root in Aram. nn^T'l] For the hatef-pathah cf. Lev. 25, 34 nnE^l. Num. 23, 18 y)o_^i. ■^112? n2\D] =take prisoner Num. 21, i. 2 C. 28, 17, or lead off a train of captives Dt. 21, 10. i//-. 68, 19. But Luth., Wellh., Stade, Budde read ^"'^'ti' tliose ivho lead thee captive ; of. I K. 8, 46. 1 C. 6, 0^6 ; cf. Is. 14, 2. LXX. A after Ae^lBoopa adds e^eyeipov (xvpLabas f-iera Xaov, so Luc. Similarly, instead of B's avdara BapaK A reads €VL(T)(yMV e^avda-raao Bapdx^ '^"^ evL(rxv(Tov Aey8/3a)pa tov Bapd^^. Luc. has efai'toras 6 BapaK aal KaTio-yyaov, Ae/3/3copa, tov Bap6.K ; so Syr.-Hex. The Pesh. Vulg". follow M. T. 13. in"] is evidently intended by Mass. to be an apocopated impf. Piel of m"i (Ges. § 69. i. c 71.), with the meaning-, 'Then shall the remnant (i. e. of Isr.) rule over the mig-hty ones.' But Piel of nm does not occur, and D''"inN like D''")13J in clause '' refers to Israelites. So point as perfect 11^ = tvent down. LXX. KaTi^r] B N' ; Pesh. QV D"^"l^"Ti^^ T'W\ 'a remnant of the nobles (of the) people.' For h> n^tr cf. the construction nn^ niDTD. The M. T. takes Dy in appos. to D^nx (Vulg. Targ.). An alterna- tive is to place the athnah at Cins, and attach DJ? to the beginning of the next clause ; ' the people of Jehovah came down for me with the heroes.' So LXX. B. This removes the awkwardness of the apposition, and would give a suitable parallelism with Dn''ix. The Versions here are curious. LXX. rore KaTs^i] KaTakiiixp-a II. The Text and Versions. 43 roi!> layypois' kaos KvpCov KaTijSr] avri^ iv rois Kparatots e$ efxov B. TToVe efJ-eyaKwev rj tcr^i/? avrov' kc" TaiiiivuxTov juoi rovs laxvpoTepovs p.ov A. 6it6t€ kjx^yakvvOi] k.t.\. as A., Luc. 2. has \et\}/avov and 'A. crctiCoixevoLS for xaraA'. and ia-xypols ; prob. both are interpretations of 1^iti>. Pesh. tai^es this word as meaning ' saviour/ )j^.a.aa ; so Arab. Targ-, somewhat similarly. Vulg"., salvatae sunt reliquiae populi, Dominus in fortibus dimicavit. ' Then came down a remnant of the noble ones ' must refer to the six tribes who alone, out of all Israel, rallied to the standard of Deborah and Barak. But D''nnN seems hardly a suitable term to apply to the whole of Israel, to tbose who came and those who stayed behind alike, especially as the latter, a few verses on, are treated with mockery and rebuke. Would it be possible to follow a hint of Budde's (p. 103) and attempt to con-ect this verse from 11^, which we found to be a corrupt repetition of the Avords before us ? We mig-ht read d"iij?c>^ for D''"i','>,, 21. Is. 'i,'^, 22. Tr. leaders; cf. v. 9 «. . . . those who march with the marshal's staff. For y^'O see on 4, 6, For the ISD in military sense see 2 K. 25, 19. || Jer. 52, 25; cf. 2 C. 26, II. For the Dnu^ cf. Gen. 49, 10 and illustrate from Num. 21, 18. i/r. 60, 9. The 3 here is that of concomitance. Cf. Gen. 32, 11 ''^pM. For Versions see p. ^'^. 15. 'i:!! -l!)tZ;i2?^:i '•nipi] The first word is pointed with what looks like a suffix ; but ' my princes in Issachar ' does not give a suitable sense. Ges.-Kautzsch § 87. i. c give it a doubtful place among such rare forms of the plural as ? '•^vH^ nin, "'SltJ'n Is. 20, 4. It is safer to follow Pesh. Targ., and read '•"i.^'i Ber., Miiller, Budde. For constr. st. before a prep. cf. pnD bv ''3K'"' t?. 10 and note. But the text does not run very smoothly. Budde proposes nnUT Oy i^e'K'^a ntj* 1130 count [if yoiL can) the princes hi Issachar, Deborah's tribe. Miiller thinks that as Issachar is here classed with Deborah, so Barak's tribe (which he takes to be Naphtali) ought to be mentioned here. A correction of the same kind was suggested long ago by Meier (p. 44), who would substitute for the six letters '^2^^''^ the same number in the word mmi, supposing that an old error was responsible for the change of name. But it is impossible to feel certain about any of these proposals. 2 ]3 I15"'l] To make the expression complete a 3 should be prefixed to the first term of the comparison, e.g. \/^. 127,4. Joel 2, 4 ; but in brief, poetic style it is sufficient to attach p to the second proposition. Ew. § 360 a. VT'^H] according to prevailing usage must mean ' at his feet,' i.e. as we should say, 'at his heels,' following him; cf. 4, 10. 8, 5. Ex. 20, 8 etc. (9 times). So tr. into the xaUey theij [Issachar) rushed forth behind him. It might mean on his feet as in Num. 20, 19. Dt. 2, 38. 3 S. 3, 18. Am. 2, 15 (all) ; * into the valley he rushed on his feet,' Ewald ; but there would be no particular force in such an expression. Or ag'ain, 'he was driven by his feet' as Job 18, 8 vb"i3 nt^in n^C> O 'by his feet.' The first way of taking the word is the best. II. Tlie Text and Versions. 45 At the si reams of Beuhen there are great resolves ! but no deeds, iTiil^p] The plur. in fem. form only here, v. 16, and Job 20, 17. The sing-, would be 3^2 (usually 3^2), cf. "i?a, 15 B', V^}, Vl]. \i= streams; but Versions take it to mean divismis. LXX. fxepibas B, biaipecrets A. Luc. Vulg-., diviso contra se Ruben. But Pesh. Jla^^^^. "^ppT} for "^ppn] rare shortening of w into t; cf. Is. 10, j. Ges. § 93. 1.7. 16. Q^nETt!?^] The root n^i^ = jrut, place, e.g. 2 K. 4, 38. 'put on.' Ezek. 24, 3. In Is. 26, 12. ^. 11, 16 the meaning is slightly extended. Accordingly 'ti'n means ' the place where (flocks) are put.' It occurs again only in Gen. 49, 14. It is dual, because folds were divided into two, cf. DTniJ Josh. 15, 36. Ewald, § 180 a, cloppelMirde. Stade, § 340 b, classes it with words which denote things that exist in pairs. The word DTiSK' occurs in y\r. 68, 14.-= folds, and in Ezek. 40, 43 is rendered hooks, but according to some ancient Versions ledges, E/.V.M., Cornill alters punctuation. LXX. here hiyojxias B. Mo(r(^at^a/x A. Luc. Syr.-Hex. k\ti]poov 'A. (LXX. Gen. 49, 14). \xiTaiyjxmv 2. Vulg., inter terminos ; Pesh. \il2^M, I^ola2>, both as in Gen. 1. c. Stade, Geschichfe, i. p. 151, remarks that already at the time of this Song Reuben had lost political importance ; he pre- ferred an easy agricultural life to taking part in the progress of the nation. mAcS] For b of place, cf. v. 17 ^'\rh. \}/. 9, 5. In the application of his stichical scheme (see p. 26) to this verse, Aug. Miiller is led to strike out clause '\ as a two- membered verse is required. There can be little doubt that these words are a corrupt rei)etition of 15^'; so Reuss, 'after the emphatic question 'IJI HD? they are dull and disturbing.' Miiller considers that npn is the original form which stood in f. 15 ; the change, like that of 'sa into 's^, was introduced merely to make the repetition of the clause less obvious. 17. p'lD , , . li^7:i] The earliest Israelite settlement in East Jordan was in the land of Gilead. Reuben and Gad settled there ; and it appears from this verse that the latter 46 The History and Song of Deborah. tribe was known in early times as Gilead after the name of its territory. Stade, GescJi., p. 148. The Pesh. has *^for ny^j. ]T-|^rJ niyn] Cf. 10, 8. Josh. 2, 10. 7, 7. 9, 10 etc. The expression denotes East Palestine, and implies that the anthor was resident in West Palestine. So in the Pent. See Prof. Driver's Article in Expositor, May, 1892, pp. 338 f. ni^J« 11.T' n^^ Jll] For accus. of place after ">1J^ cf. Is. 33^ U- ^- 5, 5- It is difficult to suppose that Dan occupied the country S.W. of Ephraim as far as the coast, since it is expressly said in I, 34 that the Amorites forced the Danites into the hill- country, and would not suffer them to g-o down to the valley. In Josh. 19, 46 the territory of Dan is said to have extended to Joppa; but this is late, and comes from P. Thus our passage is at variance with i, 34, and implies that Dan did take possession of the coast, and apparently developed into a seafaring- people. Against this we must set the northern situation of the events alluded to in the Song", the context in which Dan is mentioned, and especially the fact that in later times the tribe settled in the north (18, 27 ffi). Accordingly there must be some error in the text; Budde (p. 16 n.) in- geniously suggests vnw for nvjs. See also Stade, GescL, p. 166. Kittel, Geschiclite der Hehrder, ii. 1892, p. (>^n. D'^?^^ ^^Th 2^2}^ ItZ?^^] The shore of seas must be the Mediterranean, cf. Gen. 49, 13, where the ref. is to Zebulun. Q'^Q^J plur. of extension over space, cf. Gen. i, 10. Vli'^D?^] a. A. H\x& xoo\, = to Ijnrst,tjreak ; so the noun will = 2)taces where {the coast) is broken, cracks or tjreaks. Illustr. from Job -J,?), 10 ''pn V^y "ine'NI of the sea-coast. For the significance of the expression see Prof. G.A.Smith, Expositor, Feb. 1892, p. 146. On these tribes, cf. the statements in Gen. 49, 13-17. Dt. ^^, 18-24. 18. In 4, 6 the tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali form the army of Barak. 19. □"D ,?D] i. e. those who owned Sisera as their overlord; of the gathering of kings against Israel in Josh. 10, 3. ii, 1-6. For the ' kings of Canaan ' cf Josh. 5, i. II. The Text and Versions. 47 ■^^Vn] The modern Ta'annuk. INTentioned again in i, 27 among the towns still inhabited by Canaanites in spite of the efforts of Manasseh to drive them out. On the list of Thothmes III. it is named Taaanak. Records of the Past, new series, vol. v. p. 46. TT^Q] The modern el-Lejjun, probably the Legio of Euse- bius. See Robinson, Bill. Hesearches, 3rd ed., vol. ii. pp. 328-330. Baed., pp. 229 f. Though the identification is not certain, yet it is favoured by the fact that Taanach and Megiddo are always mentioned side by side, e. g. i, 27. Josh. 17, II. They both had kings of their own, Josh. 12, 21, and in time belonged to the tribe of Manasseh, i C. 7, 29. El-Lejjun lies about 4^ miles N. of Ta'annuk, and it is still watered by a periennal branch of the Mukatta' (Kishon) ; hence the expression ' waters of Megiddo.' The town lay on the edge of the plain of Esdraelon, the battle-ground of Palestine, and gave its name to the plain of Kishon, Zech. 12, II. 2 C. 35, 32. In later times Megiddo was one of the towns fortified by Solomon (i K. 4, 12. 9, 15) ; Ahaziah, king of Judah, died here, mortally wounded (2 K. 9, 27). But it was with the defeat and death of Josiah at the hand of Pharaoh- Necho that Megiddo became specially associated in the mind of posterity (2 K. 23, 29), and Har-Magedon is the mystic name for the scene of the ' war of the great day of God, the Almighty ' (Rev. 16, 16). Lejjun is situated at the north end of the pass which leads from the Sharon into the plain of Esdraelon. Through this opening the armies of Thothmes III. must have found a passage to the Hittite frontier and the Euphrates, and the Assyrian hosts must have poured through the same outlet on their way to Philistia and Egypt. It is not sur- prising, then, that we find Megiddo mentioned under the name of Mayti among the places in Palestine conquered by Thothmes III. ['Recants of the Past, new series, vol. v. p. 43), and appearing in Assyrian Inscriptions as Ma-gi-clu-u or ^la-ga- (In-n (Schrader, Cnn. Inscr. awl the 0. 71, vol. i. p. 156). The city of Magi3 is used specially with D''3">3 to express ' kneeling; ' so 7, 5. 6. i K. 8, 54. 19, 18. 2 K. i, 13. Is. 45, 3 etc. For ^33 cf. i S. 28, 20 ; and for 33tt* cf Lam. 2,21. 2 S. 13, 31. TntU] destroyed, shattered, cf Is. '^'3^, i. Jer. 4, 30. The second T'Di V"^3 n'^7^1 '^l is an otiose repetition of the first clause, due to the carelessness of the copyist. So Reuss, Miiller. The Pesh. omits, and the first clause 22'^ . . . p3 is wanting in 11 MSS. Kenn. and 6 de Rossi. 28. The last scene is a fine piece of dramatic irony. To make the satire more poignant, the mother of Sisera is imagined to be waiting for her son's return. Her bitter disappointment is not described, but silently dwelt ujDon by satisfied ven- geance. nCpITD] looked forth. The root = inclinavit ; so in Nif = se proclinavit. Ges. Thes. The Arab, i_i.il has the meaning of being ' tall and bent.' Hence the word is used in Hebr. of looking out from an upper window, 2 S. 6, 16. 2 K. 9, 30 (Hif). niTTl] Only here. The root »aa* is common in Syriac and in the Targg., and is always used in Pael. It = cry, sound (e.g. with a trumpet). Payne Smith, Lex. s.v., quotes Arab. C^\, but this is not given in Lane. For the order, subject coming in second clause, cf. v. 20. HDlZJb^] lattice. Again in Prov. 7, 6 in parallelism with pi^n. For the form with ? prefixed cf miN, "aCTN, IDK'N. 2?tt?l] Pil. cf tJ"i3, cf piD, -)iiy. The meaning is properly to disappoint ]^y delay. Again in Ex. 32, i. E 2 52 The History and Song of Deborah. ^^^ lint^ t^] Wh^ linger the steps of Ms team ? 1"inK for 'K (Piel). So in Gen. 34, 19 "insi ; cf. ^Jn^n^ for 'n^ y\r. 51, 7. Ges. § 64. 3. 3. 3310 here used not of the chariot, but of the chariot-horses. 29. 2? mD3n] Her wisest princesses. For the comparative deg-ree expressed by the genitive cf. Is. 19, ii nyiD "'Vy ''DDn. Ezek. 28, 7. V^. 45, 13. Ges. § 133. 3. i. n:i3m] may be defectively written for n^iyn, cf. nrsin Mic. 7, 10. m^ini Ex. 2, 16; or it may be a sing, with the suff. of the 3rd sing. fem. Ges. § 75 Anm. i. 6. For a sing, verb after a plural used collectively cf. Gen. 49, 22. Joel i, 20. 30. \t\ nnn] A maiden, two maidens^ for every man. Dni in this sense only here in O. T. It occurs on the Moabite Stone 1. 17 ncm. The Verss. connect with the meaning to pity, LXX. oiKTeCpuctiv olKTCtprjcrd. B. c^iAia^coi^ (pikois A. Luc. S^^r.-Hex. 'j tl't^n , ] Cf. for this distributive sense Tnbibib in Ex. 16, 16. a sjwil of dyed garments for Sisera, a spoil of dyed garments, a broidered cloth, a dyed garment, two broidered cloths, for . . . The root vyi=dip (cf. y3Li), dye; the verb occurs in the Aramaic part of Daniel, 4, 12. 20. 22. 5, 21. A derivative is yus a hyena, Jer. 12, 9. In Arab. ^~^. For 7M::ip'^ cf. y\r. 45, 15. Ezek. 16, 10. 13. 18. 27, 7. 16. 24. h\r\=zan embroiderer Ex. 26, 36 etc. 7727 "*1^<1!^. J has been taken in various ways : {1) for the neck of the spoil, i.e. for the plundered animals (cf. 8, 21. 26) or maidens. This is unnatural, and supplies too much with 77B', (2) changing "'"iNlvi' ; for the neck (Dnx^i^fi?) as a spoil, Vulg., ad ornanda colla ; or, for my neck ("'li^lif'') ; or, for his neck (Sisera's, V^^<1vi?), LXX. Keil, etc. Studer takes ^h^ as a perf. in pause, and translates /br my neck hath he plundered it. (3) taking '^ as an adj. with participial meaning, for the neck of the spoil-takers. Pesh. ))oJLs> )>o. "^x. This is contrary to the usage of the language. (4) Ewald ingeniously emends hl^'' i.e. qveen, consort: xfr. 45. 10. Neh. 2, 6. In Aram., Dan. II. The Text and Versions. S'^ 5, i. 3. 23. This title seems to have been used in N. Palestine (i/r. 45), and of Persian and Babylonian queens ; and as this Songf is N. Palestinian the word would be suitable enough. This correction has found favour with many modern scholars (Bertheauj Wellh,, Stade, etc.). But it cannot be considered certain, owing to the general insecurit}^ of the text of this verse. The words D''y3V bh^ look very much like a repetition of the same clause above, and yiv, which comes in very awkwardly, might have found its way into the sentence from the line above it, and the third V?^ appears also to be a corrupt repetition ; so that the most probable text of this verse is : Thus we arrive at something like order out of chaos ; the four lines become well-balanced as to rhythm and thought ; DTlom Dm corresponds suitably to DTlJ^p"! iiDpi ; and the three different persons introduced by p appear in uninterrupted order. Miiller and Budde propose some correc- tion of this kind. 31.^ The epilogue or conclusion, perhaps added later. Thine enemies : of. ^. 68, 2. 3. 92, 10 etc. 1X1 irn nt^iiD] The sun was mythologically regarded as a giant or hero, who went forth every morning to run his course, \//-. 19, 7. Clause '' comes from the Redactor's hand. See p. 3. A few further notes on the Versions, too extensive to be inserted in the commentary, must biC appended. 14. D^ppn^ . . . D'''^C^^ ^D^] LXX. e^ kixov- 'E4)palix c^epi^oicrev avrovs iv tw ^AixaXrjK.' ottictco (tov, BevtaixeCv, ev rots Aaots (TOV kv ep-OL Ma\e\p KaTelSrjcrav e^epfwcovres B. p-ov Xaos 'E(fipaipi (Tipaiprja-aTo avTovs kv KOikahi (0. Syr. -Hex.) abe\(j)ov (TOVj Bena/xeiV, iv Aaoi? crov (^ epov Ma^dp KaTi^r^aav e^epuu- 54 The History and Song of Deborah. vdvTes A, reading "ITIN pDy2. So Luc, but iTL[xo}pTi(ravTo. 2. has for d5'. . . . crov, aKokovOrjo-oo crot, Bev\, ixera tS>v XaStv tS)V irepl (tL For e^ep'., 'A. has aKpijiacrTaL 2. eTrtrdo-croi'res. Pesh., as in V. g, ^in,-^v> and confuses ^nriN with ^ninx ; so Arab. Targ. makes DnDK = Joshua, and pO''33 = Saul, and renders Cppno by H2~\p2 COK'nD *T3 'quasi signati in bello.' Vulg. nearly as LXX. B. "^DD I . . I7l!lt?2l] LXX. Koi aiTo Za/^ovXoiv eXKovres ev pa/38s yp . 0. iina-TTioixevoL kv p . h'. Pesh. ' those who write with the pen of the scribe ; ' so Targ. Vulg., qui exercitum ducerent ad bellandum. 15. LXX. KOI dpx.^yot kv 'lacrayap ixera AefBjScopas koL Bapd/c' ovTctiS Bapd/c iv KOiXaaLV dTreoretAey (^fB') kv 'noarXv avTOv' els Tas jxepCbas 'Vovf^-qv jxeyAXoL k^iKvovjx^voi Kaphiav B. ivtcrxvov- T09 7/y?jo-ecos (see last verse) ev 'lacraxap ixera Ae/3/3(opas' i^aireaTeikfv ireCovs avrov ets Tr]v KotXaba' tva aoi KaroLKfjs ejujueVco x.etAecoi' i^erewev rots ttoctIv avrov StatpeVet? 'PovjS-qv Ix^yaXoi aKpifta(Tp.o\ Kapbias. A. So Luc, but reads the middle clause iva [rt] crv KaTom^ls iv fxicria xlXlmv ; i^ereivev iv rot? TToalv avTov iv htaipiaecriv. So Syr.-Hex., but StatpeVet for last word. The clause Iva . . . xetA.ecoi; is introduced from v. 16, and when it is removed there appear (in A. Luc. Syr.-Hex.) two versions of IvJin , . . pDy3, viz. [ey tj] KotXdbi (so some MSS,)] i^airecTTeiXev tt^Covs avrov and ets rr]v KoiXdba i^ereLvev rot? TToalv avrov. The Pesh. renders poya by ^viv^in-^ (? Vnya), otherwise it nearly follows the M. T. The Vulg. has for the second clause, et Barac vestigia sunt seeuti. As to the variations in Hebrew MSS., they are slight and of little importance. The most interesting are the following: — 3. r]^r^^h ^^2^^] om. 4 MSS. Kenn., I de Rossi. 7. pnSD] 2 MSS. K., I de R. read nina. 13. QV □''*T^T^«^7] Some 14 codd. connect Dy with foil, clause, as LXX. ; 8 codd. connect nin'' Dy Dn''^^*^. II. The Text and Versions. SS 15. ypri] 2 MSS. K., 2 de R. read npn. 27. nDU? ^DD Vn3 7^'hT\ ]"^n] Wanting in ii MSS. K., 6 de R. 31. vnn«^] 2 MSS. K. T^nsi. A few general remarks as to the character of the principal Versions. 1. LXX. is, of course, the most valuable and important. The diflBculties and obscurities of the text naturally lead to a great many misunderstandings, a. Cod. B. goes less astray than any of the Gk. Verss., and represents the M. T. on the whole very fairly. E.g. rv. 7. 8. 13. 15. 17.28. Occasionally it agrees with A. and Luc. vv. 9. 12 (in part). 21. 23 (in part); rarely with Luc. against A. lo**. /3. Cod. A. is very much inferior to B. [v. 2* is an exception) and differs from it widely. A. is often loose in translation (e. g. v. i o), and often is obliged to transliterate, vv. 7. 16. 21. 22. Asa rule A. goes with Luciau, e. g. vv. 7. 8^ II*. 12 (both having an addition to B. and M.T.). 14. 16. 26. The commonest combination is A. Luc. and Syro- Hexapla, e.g. vv. 2^ 6*. 11*. 13. 15. 17. 25. 28. 29. 30. Occa- sionally A. differs from Luc. e. g. vv. 4 (in rend, of D^OK^ D3 1BD3). II ^ 2. The Peshitto is generally careful, and understands the text sometimes remarkably well. As a rule it follows the M. T., e.g. vv. 14. 15. 16. 21. 23. 26. 30. Occasionally it is free, e. g. v. 13, and leaves out clauses, vv. 27. 29. In v. 8 it agrees with LXX. A. Luc. as against B. It agrees with the Vulg. in vv. II. 15 (partly). 16. 21^. 3. The Vulgate as a rule is free in its renderings, e. g. vv. 8. 9. II. 13. 22. 26 (end). Sometimes it agrees with the M.T., e.g. vv. 14. 16. 23. 26''. 30, and with LXX. B. e.g. vv. 4. 7. 4. The Targum hardly ever fails to misunderstand the natural meaning of the text. It is often extravagantly parjiphrastic, e.g. 4,4. 5, 3. 4. 5. 8. 16. 26. 31 ; sometimes explanatory, 56 77?^ History and Song of Deborah. e.g. V. 14 (DnQN = Joshua, pD>33 = Saul). The ' leaders,' ' mar- shals,' etc. are all turned into Rabbis and Scribes, e. g. vv. 9. 10. 14 etc. Sometimes it agrees with the Pesh., e. g. vv. 7^ 22^ 27°. In T'V. II. 19. 21 it is suggestive. 5. The Arabic almost invariably follows the Pesh., e. g. vv. 2. 8. 9. 13. 14. 31 etc. A brief note on the Theology of the Song. The Song of Deborah can hardly be called a religious poem, although it contains a religious element sufficiently well marked to enable us to form some idea of the theological conceptions of the time. The most significant feature, theo- logically, in the Song is the occuiTence of the name Jehovah [vv. 2. 3. 4. 5. 9. II bis. 13. 23 ter. 31), and Jehovah the God of Israel [vv. 3. 5). Two main results follow from this fact, (i) That the name of Israel's God at this time was Jehovah (Jahweh) shews the lasting effect of the great inaugural work of Moses. It was he who first brought Israel to realize Jehovah as their God. Israel and Jehovah were henceforth inseparably connected, and the true religion was based upon this relationship. Accordingly the use of the name Jehovah in the Song, the summons to praise Him and acknowledge His sovereignty and powerful intervention, represents a wide-spread conviction as to His Nature and the reality of His Presence. Israel first learnt the elements of this religion at the time of the Exodus. We have seen reason to believe that the opening verses of the Song look back upon that ' marching forth ' of Jehovah which so im- pressively revealed His special interest in Israel. That event- ful epoch had already settled down in the mind of the people as their most cherished memory ; they had already arrived at the conviction that Jehovah was their ' God from the land of Egypt ' (Hos. 12, 9. 13,4}. (2) Secondly, Jehovah is the God of Israel. Underlying the Song we can trace the presence of the belief in some sort of national life or national unity bound II. The Text and Versions, ^y up with tlie acknowledg-ment of Jehovah as the national God. Israel is the 'people of Jehovah' (v. 41), Israel's enemies are Jehovah's enemies (v. 31), He fig-hts in the battles of Israel (vv. 13. 23), and it is in Israel that His 'righteous acts' are done (v. 11). The belief in Jehovah as a 'man of war' was most characteristic of the time — Ex. 15, 3. cf. Num. 2i, 14 (JE) ' book of the wars of Jehovah,' 10, ^^ (JE) ' Let Jehovah arise and let His enemies be scattered,' cf. Ex. 17, 8 (J). Jud. 7. Every revival of religion was brought about by a victorious war. The Song reflects no doubt the higher faith and temper of the age, both of them in the early stages of their development, and it gives us the picture of a people acknowledging Jehovah as their God, and believing in the reality of His protection and assistance in their affairs. This common belief was the bond that united the varied policies and interests of the different tribes. Israel was gradually growing into a nation ; and the one thing that made it possible for the loosely-banded clans to hold their own in the country which they had only partly conquered, and to win higher stages of political and religious life, was their common belief in Jehovah the God of Israel.