LIBRARY PRINCETON. N. J No. Case, -■::^-0- . No. Shelf, £- No. Book JX^^-- 'MM IBAILSEIL, ILS ( 1)11X10(5 the Attack ) Rfili^ioiis Tract Society 1859 . A HISTORY YAUDOIS CHURCH FEOM ITS ORIGIN, AND OF THE YAUDOIS OF PIEDMONT TO THE PRESENT DAY. AiS^TOIlS'E MONASTIEE, rOEMEELY PASTOR IX THE CAXTON' DE VAUD, AXD A XATIVE OF THE VAUDOIS VALLEYS OF PIEDMOXT. ^Translatcti from t\)t jhtnd). A NEW EDITION. LO]S"DOjS^: THE RELIGIOUS TRACT SOCIETY, 56, PATERNOSTER EOW ; 65, ST. PAUL's CHURCHYARD ; AND 164, PICCADILLY ; AND THE BOOKSELLERS. ilDCCCLIX. DEDICATION. riiOTECTOES and Eenefactors of the Yaiidois ! Princes, Magistrates, and Christians of every denomination, rank, order, condition, and sex, who by a gracious dispensation of Providence, and the effect of a fervent Christian charity, have co-operated in past ages, and who still co-operate, for the preservation of the feeble remnant of the Yaudois of Piedmont ! Permit the humble Author of this History, himself a son of the Yaudois church, the exti'aordinary vicissitudes of which he has here attempted to describe — ^permit him to be the organ and interpreter of the sentiments that animate this scanty but grateful population towards their charitable protectors and benefactors. Pennit him to be the echo of the benedictions and prayers which incessantly arise, on theii' behalf, from the hearts of mere simple and obscure men, who still live under the cross, surrounded by snares, seductions, and dangers, contraiy to the benevolent intentions of their revered and beloved sovereign. May the memorj^ of those powerful, glorious, and charitable protectors and benefactors, who have entered into rest, be blessed for ever ! IV DEDICATION. May the most precious blessings, temporal and eternal, of our great God and Saviour Jesus Christ, continue to rest abundantly on those who are now living, and on their children and descendants to the remotest generations ! These sentiments and wishes — a feeble token of their gratitude — truly animate the hearts of the Yaudois of the Piedmontese Alps towards their generous protectors and benefactors past and present, and are shared and expressed on this occasion, mth profound respect, by one of their number, in the name of all. A^^T. MO]^ASTIER, Pastok. Lausanne, Oct 17, 1846. # PEIITGBTOII -^ r n ■^Ti 'i:> To demonstrate theii- close connexion with the primitive church founded by the apostles, to establish theii' right to call themselves a faithful church, and even to be regarded as forming the true chiux-h of the Lord Jesus Clmst on earth, the evangelical churches appeal to the conformity of theii' doctrines, their worship, and their internal life Avith the pictm^e the l^ew Testament gives us of the primitive church, and with the precepts, rules, and regulations taught by this same word. This internal argument is, in fact, the most important on this question ; it has an irresistible force, and is of itself sufficient. Yet there is an external argument, which, T^-ithout being conclusive, has a certain value; and which, if we are to believe the enemies of the evangelical churches, is altogether wanting to them, namely, antiquity of existence. You are but of yesterday, cries the Eomish chuix-h in a tone of ii'ony and triumph. You forsook the mother church by a revolution, which you pompously term a Eefonnation ; but if truth be on your side, it must be very modern. An existence of little more than thi^ee centuiies is a very recent title, when it relates to pretensions of i)rofessing eternal tmth. To dare a conflict with Eome, you require what she possesses, and what you are destitute of, an ancient and venerable origin. IS'ow, this attribute of the truth is not so completely wanting to the evangelical churches as might at first seem to be the case. The Yaudois chiuTh is a link that unites them to the primitive chui'ch. By means of it they establish the anterior existence of their constitution, doctrine, and worship, to that of the papistical idolatries and errors. Such is the object of the work we now lay before the public. It is intended to prove by the fact of the uninteiTuptcd existence of the Yaudois church, the perpetuity of the primitive church, represented in the present day not only by the church of the Yaudois valleys of Piedmont, but by all her sister evangelical churches, founded solely on the word of God. ^ In wiiting this work on an essential part of ecclesiastical history, its author has had in view the glory of his Saviour. He considers that however humble and"^ despised these VI PEEFACE. Yaudois may have been in the eyes of the world, forgotten by some, hated and persecuted by others, their history exhibits and presents to the imitation of "the faithful, some of the essential characteristics of the true disciples of Jesus Christ, faith, fidelity, humility, detachment from the world, perseverance and resignation under the most painful trials. He also believes that the development of this history will demonstrate the Lord's faithfulness to the humble members of his church, the "^dsdom of his plans and intentions in their favour, the power he puts forth when he purposes to deliver them, and the efficacious consola- tions he grants them under their trials. It will moreover show, he may venture to hope, that the Head of the church has fulfilled the j)romise he made that '^ the gates of hell shall not prevail against it," and that in this History of the preservation of evangelical truth in the midst of darkness, it may be perceived to His glory, that '' God hath chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise ; and God hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty; and base things of the world, and things which are despised, hath God chosen, yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought things that are," 1 Cor. i. 27, 28. The author does not flatter himself that he has pro- duced a perfect work ; the subject was difficult, particularly in Avhat related to ancient times. The materials to be consulted were immense ; while continual concealment, partial judgments, and incomplete recitals veiled the truth at every step in Catholic writings. ^Nevertheless, he thinks that he has brought forward some new facts of great importance, and esjDecially that he has contributed to a satisfactory demonstration of the ancient origin of the Yaudois church. This has been a labour of love. A Yaudois by birth, by his affections, by all his associations, a Yaudois too, he trusts, by his faith, the author has devoted more than ten years to accomplish the wish of his life — the com- position of a brief History of the Yaudois Chub.ch. In its preparation and arrangement, he has called in the aid of one of his dear sons, who is his constant assistant in his pastoral functions. May this little work contribute to the glory of our great God and of our Saviour Jesus Christ ! Amen. CONTENTS. Dedication ^",7^ iii Peeface V CHAPTER I. STATE OF THE CHRISTIAN CHUKCH AT THE ACCESSIOK" OF THE EMPEEOE CONSTANTINE. [a.D. 306.] The great progress of the gospel during the fii-st three centimes — Obstacles to its promulgation — The pure and lively faith of beUevers dm-ing that period — The primitive constitution of the chm-ch undergoes some alteration in the episcopate — Commencement of the liierarchy — Places and nature of puhUc worship — Alteration in reference to baptism and the Lord's supper — Internal dissensions — Heresies — The pui-e faith triumphant — Sects . 1 CHAPTEK ir. CHAIfGES IN THE BOCTEIITES, WORSHIP, AKD LIFE OF THE CHUKCH, AFTEK THE TIME OF CONSTAJfTIXE. [fBOM A.D. 337.] A glance at the preceding state of the church— The peace it enjoyed opened the door for alterations — Arianism — Pelagianism — Dissensions and la- mentable consequences — Constantine's protection of the chm-ch baneful — Fatal to the clergy fi-om the snares of wealth — The church sinks by its de- pendence on the emperor— He elevates the episcopate— The bishop of Rome — The numerous converts from paganism bring their superstitions with them into the chm-ch — The new ceremonies become estabhshed on the inva- sion of the Ijarbarians — The authority of the Holy Scriptures weakened — Doctrines modified and altered— Introduction of the mass and many errors 4 CHAPTER III. OPPOSITION WHICH THE NEW DOCTRINES AND CEREMONIES ENCOCNTEEED IN THE CHURCH. This opposition is manifested— From what quarter first — Noticed by pope Celestru in Gaid— Shows itself in Lombardy in the instance of Vigilantius — Continued in France, under Serenus— In Germany — Epistle of Zachai-y— Reflections — Opposition against images under Charlemagne — Episcopate of Claude of Tm-ui — Notice of Claude— Passages from liis writmgs— Cha- racter of his ministry — Effects of it in the Vaudois vaheys — Considerations in support — Testimonies 9 CHAPTER IV. VESTIGES OF THE FAITHFUL CHURCH IN THE TENTH AND ELEVENTH CENTURIES. Traces of continued conflict— State of society in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centmies— The clergy, absorbed by worldly interests, encroach on the civil power, and neglect spu-itual interests — Their errors and ignorance— Pro- gress of superstition — Rome and the chm-ch a prey to anarchy— State of the eleventh century— Rome, and its eflorts to raise and to extend its power — X CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVII. THE VATJDOIS AND THE EEFOEMATIOK AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIX- TEENTH CENTUET. Small number of the Vaudois — Reduced to conceal themselves or to dissemble — When at the worst, the Reformation begins — Glance at the Reformation — Eagerness of the Vaudois to gain information respecting it— Martm of the vale of Lucema — Morel of Merindol, and Masson of Burgundy in Switzer- land and Germany — A document wliich gives an account of the state of the Vaudois — Advice asjied— Affecting and kind reply of QEcolampadius— Bucer and Capito visited — Sympathy and agreement of the reformers with the Vaudois — Return of the two Vaudois— Masson a martyi- — Answer of the reformers carefully examined — Synod of Angrogiia in 1532, to dehberate upon it— Decision of the Synod — Decision on the public service — all dissimu- lation branded — Disagreement — Relation between the Vaudois and the churches of Bohemia and Moravia Fage 136 CHAPTER XVIII. IMMEDIATE EFFECTS OF THE UNION OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH WITH THE EEFOEMED CHUECH. Renewal of persecution in Provence— of Bersour in Piedmont — Martyr — Ces- sation of the persecution — Martin Gonin a martyr — The first French Bible printed at Neufchatel, at the expense of the Vaudois — Zeal for Divine ser- vice in pubhc— The use of the French langnage instead of the Vaudois — Occuijation of Piedmont by France rather favourable to the Vaudois cause — Complamts of Belvedere— Persecution of the Vaudois of Provence — Their final destruction — Tranquil state of the Vaudois of Piedmontr— Temples built in the valleys— Sever ai martjrrs at Chambery — Danger incun-ed l^y two pastors — Several pastors arrive in the valleys — A challenge and discussion — Attempts of the parhament of Turin against the Vaudois — Baronius — Sartohe and VaraUle martyi's— a tliird escapes— New menaces against the Vaudois without effect — Measures in. their favour 150 CHAPTER XIX. THE VAUDOIS, ONCE MOEE UNDEE THE EULE OF THEIE LEGITIMATE PEINCE, AEE PEESECUTED WITH THE UTMOST EIGOUE. Return of the Vaudois under the rule of Savoy — Emmanuel — Phihbert pul)hshes a persecutmg edict in 1560 — The inquisition active in the plain — Martyrs at Carignan, Meane, Barcelonette — Measures taken by the Vaudois — Cruelties — The duke's commissioners to the valleys — The monks of Abbadie and their victims — Momentaiy concession of the duke — Mission of Poussevin — Pubhc disputation — Final measui^es— Preparations for defence — The count La Trinite comes to the vaUeys with an army — Has recom'se to a stratagem — Removes the notables — Increasing oppression — Alhance with the vaUey of Clusone — the Vaudois attacked again and again in their refuge of Pra-di-torre always conquerors — Truce— Signing of the treaty of peace — Basis of the future relations of the Vaudois to their sovereign 170 CHAPTER XX. DESTEUCTION OF THE VAUDOIS COLONIES IN APULIA AND CALABEIA. State of the colonies — Influence of the Reformation — Request for a pastor from Geneva — Mission and success of Pascal — Persecution— Svu^Diises— Horrible punishments — Total destruction of the colonies— Martyrdom of Pascal 203 CHAPTER XXI. THE BENEFITS OF THE PEACE ATTENDED WITH GEEAT EVILS. The valleys relieved in their disti'css — Annoyances on the part of the priests- Unjust order— Intrig-ues — The valleys mider the governor Castrocaro— Em- iDassies from the princes of the Palatinate and Saxony — Persecution in the marquisate of Saluzzo— St. Bartholomew — Attack on the valley of Perosa CONTEXTS. XI —Death of the good duchess Marsraret — Eeisn of Charles Emmanuel— The valleys imder French dominion— Then- return to that of Savoy — Means em- ployed to bring over the Yaudois to poper^'— The exiles — Mai-t\Tdom of Coupia — The Yaudois mihtia ia the field— Fiiie, on accoimt of cemeteries — The valley of Perosa occupied by the duke's troops — Secret practices of the inquisition— Abduction of children— The Yaudois on their fi'ontiers — Ineffec- tual attempt to estabhsh the monks and the mass in the Yaudois conununes — Invasion of Piedmont by the French— A dreadful plague carries off half the population Fage 210 CHAPTER XXII. THE VArnOIS, CALTJMNIATED AT COUET, AEE MISUXDEHSTOOD AlfD ILL-TEEATED. Unjust complaints against them — Letters patent refused — Complete and final expulsion of the Yaudois from the valley of the Po— Disputation with the priests — Plan for the Propagation of the Faith and the Extirpation of Here- tics— Strokes ready to faU discovered in. time 2^ CHAPrER XXIII. CErELTIES COMMITTED BY THE PAPISTS IX THE VALLEYS. Expulsion of the Yaudois from the plain of Lucema — The Piedmontese army in the valleys — Massacres — Heroic conduct of Janavel— The Yaudois under arms — Truce — Embassy from the Swiss evangehcal cantons — Pleasures of Great Britain and other Protestant powers — Collections — Conferences at Pignerol— Mediation of France — Signing of the treaty .... 262 CHAPTER XXIV. PEBSECUTiox a:nt) emigbatio^". [1656—1686.] Erection of the fort of La Torre — Yexations committed by the garrison — Con- demnation of the distinguished Yaudois — Order for the cessation of aU reli- gious services at San Giovanni — Resistance of the Synod — Leger condemned to death— De Bagnols — The exiles — An army surjOTses San Giovanni — Ge- nerosity of the Yaudois — Defeat of the army — Mediation of France — Pro- ceedings of the evangehcal cantons— Conference — Charter of 1664, denomi- nated that of Turin — Arbitration of Louisxrr. — Peaceful times — Revocation of the edict of Nantes —Requirement of the king of France — Edict for the abo- Ution of evangehcal worship — Emljassy of the Swiss cantons — Pi'oject of emigi'ation — Indecision of the valleys — Attacks upon them by Catinat and the army of Savoy — Submission of the Yaudois —Their imprisonment — • Leidet a mai-tyi*- Negotiations of the cantons for the release of the prisoners, and their departure for Switzerland — State of the Yaudois in thefortresses — Their travelling in the depth of water, and their arrival at Geneva . 292 CHAPTER XXV. THE VATjDOIS EEFUGEES IN SWITZEELAJTD AND GEEMANT EETrHN, IN" ASMS, TO THEIE COUNTEY, AND OBTAIN PEACE. [1686 — 1690.] Their arrival at Geneva — Distribution in Switzerland — Project and first attempt for returning to the valleys — Offers of the elector of Brandenburg and the German princes — Hem-i Amaud — Second attempt — Departure of the Yaudois for Brandenburg, the Palatinate, and Wirtemberg — Retiun of the greater part to Switzerland — Third attempt— The Yaudois having assembled in the wood of Prangins, cross the lake — Enter Savoy— Defeat an armed force at Salabertrand— Enter victoriously into then- valleys — Difficulties of their situation — Cruel measure — The Yaudois masters of the upper valleys attack that of Lucema — Conquerors, afterwards repulsed — Retire to the heights — Desertions — Forced successively, they take refuge in BalsUle — Attacked in vain before winter — Providential supply — Sufferings— Attempt at negotia- tion — Attack of Balsille—Siesre— Wonderful flight — Good news— Peace — Re- turn of the prisoners— Bobbio restored to the Yaudois — Amaud before the duke — Address of Yictor Amadeus — Yaudois in the service of the duke — B«tum of the scattered Yaudois to their vaUeys 329 Xll CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXVI. THE VAUDOIS IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ANB DUEIN& THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, [1690—1814.] The Vaudois under the banners of their prince— Their re-estaljhshment in their heritages - Their numbers— Edict of 1694— Exile of the French Protes- tants domiciled in the valleys— Colonies of Wirtemberg— Death of Amaud — Attempts at oppression — Intermission — Foreign subsidies — Siege of Turin in 1706— Victor Amadous in the valleys— Devotedness of the Vaudois- New vexations — Expulsion of the Vaudois from Pragela — The French and those who had become Catliohcs — Edict of 20th June, 1730— Summary of the edicts concerning the Vaudois— Eifects of the French revolution — Guard of the frontiers by the Vaudois — Unjust suspicions of their fidelity — Project of a massaci-e rendered abortive — Ai-rests — Petition to the king — Shght favours — Revolutionary spu-it in Piedmont— Aljdication of Charles Emmanuel— New state of the Vaudois— The Austro-Russians in Piedmont— Carmagnola — Wounded French — Bagration— Re-union of Piedmont to France — Misery to the valleys — Distress of the pastors — Allotment of rents, and funds for tlieir use — New consistorial arrangement — Earthquake — Sketch of the rehgious state of the Vaudois— MM. Mondon, Geymet, and Peyran — New field opened for the activity of the Vaudois Page 378 CHAPTER XXVII. THE VALLEYS SINCE THE GENERAL PEACE. [1814—1846.] The restoration— Conduct of the valleys in 1814 and 1815— Deception— Edict which replaced them in their ancient condition— Measures taken in conse- quence—Temple of San Giovanni — Question of the revenues of the Romish clergy— Salaries allowed to pastors— Pastoral letters of the bishops of Pinerolo — Charles Felix— Charles Albert — Cessation of abuses— Restrictions — Foreign benefactors of the Vaudois— Frederic William iii.— Count deWal- burg— Evangehcal chapel at Turin— Foundation of two hospitals for the valleys— Collections — Fimds formed at Berlin — EngUsh benefactors — College of La Torre— Schools — Walloon Committee— Swiss cantons— Erection of the convent of La Torre— Anxieties in the valleys— Visit of Charles Albert to his subjects 412 A WORD TO MY DEAR FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN OF THE VaUDOIS VALLEYS . 425 APPENDIX. Pieces given in the Appendix to the original work— The Three Catalogues — The Noble Lesson 427 A Geographical and Statistical Description op the Valleys of Piedmont — Geography 428 The Valley of San Martino— The Half Valley of Perosa— The Valley of Lucema 430 STATISTICS. Population— Climate and productions— Rehgious administration of the Vaudois valleys . . , 431 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. CHAPTER I. STATE OF THE CHRISTIAX CHrECH AT THE ACCESSIOZ^ OF A^ THE EMPEROU COXSTAXTIXE. [a.D. 306.] IsoT three centimes from the death and resiuTection of the , Saviour had passed away, before the good news of salvation \ through him was spread over all the pro^THces of the \ Roman empire, and received Avith joy by a considerable part of their population. Faith in Jesus, the Son of the living God, was proclaimed from the shores of the Red sea to those of the Atlantic ocean ; fr^om the banks of the Xile to those of the Ebro, the Rhone, the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates; in all the countries washed by the waters of the ]y!editeiTanean, even to the most retired valleys of the Iberian mountains,^' of the Alps, Hemus, and Atlas, and especially through all the cities that were scattered over this immense tract. The gradual extension of the Christian religion was not accomplished without conflict and suifering on the part of its professors. Its progress fii'st irritated, and then alarmed, those who were attached to national traditions, dissolute manners, and the worship of false gods, as it did the suspicious and tjTannical government of the Roman emperors. The Christians were very soon regarded as enemies of their country and rebels, and as such were exposed to the most terrible pei^ecutions. Thousands and hundreds of thousands were destroyed by fire and sword, * pSTamely, the Pj-renees and their oflfshoots.] B 2 HISTORY OF THE YAIIDOIS CHURCH. by instruments of torture, and by the fangs of wild beasts in the amphitheatres. But as the grain of corn falls into the ground and increases a hundredfold, so the blood of the martyi^s became the seed of the church ; the faith of Christian confessors spoke to the heart, and won more souls to the service of their Lord than the terrors of punish- ment could drive from him. During the first three centuries, the church was com- posed, for the most part, . of persons firmly convinced of the truth of its doctrines, and who showed forth, by a pure, holy, and devoted life, the virtues of Him who had called them out of darkness into his marvellous light. The contempt and hatred with which the Christians were treated by the pagans, preserved them in general from a pernicious alliance "svith the vicious and indifferent ; and by breaking the ties which might have held them fast to a seducing world, purified their faith, and united them more closely to one another, and to their Saviour. The constitution of the church remained nearly the same as in the apostolic age.^'* Every believer was an active member of the Christian community, which was under the guidance of one or more pastors, whose special ofiice it was to preach the word, and watch over souls. The pastor of a Christian community, or one of them, if there were several pastors, bore also the particular title of Bishop, that is, Overseer, on account of the inspection which it became him to exercise over all the members of his fiock, and the influ- ence that was conceded to his piety and example. But though this distinction exposed its possessor to greater danger in times of persecution, it is evident that many of those who obtained it did not entirely escape the seductions of pride and ambition. The pastors of the larger churches soon obtained, or preferred, the title of bishop to that of elder, and easily assumed a supremacy over their fellow- labourers in the work of the ministry. The fi'aternal connexion that subsisted between the apostles and the companions of their work, as that of St. Paul with Sylvanus and Timothy, was very soon succeeded by a dangerous * [A few passages in the first and second chapters, and other places, relating to the early constitution of the church, its officers, rites, and connexion with civil governments, which, accorchng to the rules oftheRehgious Tract Society, are retained without alteration, must be regarded as containing the individual \'iews of the author.] IXTEEXAL DISSEXSIOXS. 3 hierarchy. Still, the injuiy which this tenclencj- might have inllicted on that Chi'istian libert}- and brotherhood wliich were then so conspicuous, was considerably lessened by the individual activity which the difficult position of the chuix'h, in the midst of pagans, imposed on each of its members. Another danger, arising fi*om within, also tlu-eatened the constitution and life of the church, in this prosperous period of its existence, namely, the pre-eminence acquired by the bishops of Antioch, Alexandria, Carthage, and Eome, over the other bishops, and the ill use they often made of the deference that was yielded to them by courtesy. The bishop of Eome especially took the precedence of all the other bishops, on many occasions, and even aspu-ed to a certain authority in matters of religion. But these preten- sions encountered resistance in the rivalry of other apostolic or metropolitan churches, and in the independent nature of the Christian life. The Christian worship preserved its primitive simplicity. It was held in private houses ; and often in secret or in deserts. Some places of worship, however, had been erected at the close of the third centuiy. Prayers, the singing of hymns, reading the Scriptui-es, preaching, and the celebration of the Lord's supper, were the ordinary acts of divine service. The Christians, who had mtnessed the pompous ceremonial of j^aganism, and regarded idolatry with detestation, excluded all images from their places of meeting, and every idle ceremony from their worship. Nevertheless, some observances, such as the use of white vestments, unction, and the presence of sponsors, were in- troduced at the administi^ation of baptism; and the holy supper, celebrated in remembrance of those who had died in the Lord, and as a sign of perpetual communion ^dth them, sometimes degenerated into a ceremony for their su2^posed advantage. In relation to doctrine, the chiux-h had ah*eady to sustain severe contests both without and within : without, against the attacks of pagan philosophers and Jews : but especially within, against the erroi*s that were often propagated by men of piety, who were under the influence of some invete- rate notion, some peculiar opinion, not in conformity with the true faith, according to the belief of the church. Prom B 2 4 HISTOEY OF THE VAIJDOIS CHITRCII. being isolated partisans of a new doctrine, they rapidly became leaders of a sect, by the impression which their talents, powers of persuasion, and the very singularity of their sentiments, made on men whose turn of mind, dis- positions, and circumstances, were similar to their own. But diversities of doctrine, heresies, and the formation of sects within the pale of the visible church, ought not to astonish those ^v]lo are aware that an ardent imagination, the pride of reason, and particular prejudices, prevent men from seeing the truth; and that the profession of the gospel has not alwaj^-s eradicated these unhappy disposi- tions from persons who, wishing ''to be something," cannot consent to be classed among ''the poor in spirit." Let us not be smprised, then, that the Cliristian church of the first three centuries had to defend the truth against heresies brought forth and nourished in her bosom : let us only rejoice in her victories ; for invigorated from on high by her Divine Leader, to whom she applied with coniidence in all her sorrows and conflicts, no less than in the days of her prosperity, she retained, in the faith and love that are in Christ Jesus, the form of sound doctrine ; she kept that good thing which was committed unto her. The formalism and asceticism of the Ebionites ; the efforts of the Gnostics to transport the agitated soul beyond the natural limits of this world, their pretensions to ex- plain everything, and their ambitious sj)eculations, gave way, like the dualism of the Manicheans, to the power of simple faith in Jesus Christ, and of the Christian life which it supports. Reduced to the state of mere sects, they served as beacons, to warn believers of the danger of wandering beyond the limits that are fixed by the written word. CHAPTER II. THE CHANGES IN THE DOCTHINES, WORSHIP, AND LIFE OF THE CHURCH, AFTER THE TIME OF CONSTANTINE. [fROM A.D. 337.] The germs of numerous errors may be detected in the ^^re- ceding period, but they were checked and arrested in their progress ; on the one hand, by the abundance of healthy, ARIAXISil PELAGIAXISiT. vigorous, and fn.iitfLil plants which covered the soil of the chui-ch, and on the other, by the little time and space which incessant persecutions allowed to perverse or am- bitious spirits for the formation and propagation of their opinions. But no sooner was a season of external peace granted to the church, along ^vith numerous temporal advantages, than the Christian Kfe, sound doctrine, and di^dne worship were deteriorated. Arius, a presbyter of Alexandria, about the year 318 or 321, put forth a system of doctrine which goes to shake the veiy foundations of the gospel, by denpng the divinity of Christ, and regarding him only as the first and most excellent of created beings. From its first rise, this heresy, which reduces the faith of the gospel to a very in- considerable thing, and sets the mind of man at ease, was welcomed by many with enthusiasm. Condemned at the council of Xice (a.d. 325), victorious under Constantius, combated afi'esh and with success by those who remained faithfal to the apostolic doctrine, it nevertheless saw its principles adopted by numerous sections of the church. Professed in succession by the Yisigoths, Tandals, Suevians, and Burgundians, it invaded Italy, Greece, Gaul, Spain, and Africa. Besides many other errors, which cannot be here enume- rated, there arose one, in the year 412, of which the eff'ects were scarcely less deplorable than those of Arianism. This was the doctrine of Pelagius, a British monk, on fi^e ^vill,\ which ascribed to every man the liberty [power] of deter- ;1 mining himself for good, as easily as for evil, and saw in the dominion of sin nothing more than a habit fi*om which the will could release itself. This docti^ine, by attributing too much power to man, and denying his inability to efi'ect his own salvation, nullified, or at least greatly impaii-ed, the doctrine of redemption by Jesus Christ, disowned regeneration, and presented sanctification in a false light. This system, a little modified, and with something more of a Christian colouiing, obtained many partisans, in spite of the powerful opposition of Augustin, bishop of Hippo ; and the merit of good works, which it favoui'ed, insensiblywas received into the belief of a great many churches, especially in the east and in France. Endless disputes, and deplorable conflicts, in the majority 6 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. of churches, and between different churches, were the result of all these novel doctrines. It is almost needless to add, that true faith necessarily declined, continually showed less vigour, and was everywhere more uncommon. One great event exerted a powerful influence on the destinies of the church, namely, the protection which an emperor, Constantino the Great, granted to the Christians, and the position in which he placed Christianity, by sub- stituting it for paganism, and declaring it to be the religion of the state. Though certain advantages, such as liberty of worship, and freedom from persecution, were gained for the Christians by this event, yet it cannot be denied that great evils followed in its train. Favoured by the emperor, put in possession of the pagan temples, and of the honours and credit formerly granted to the priests of idolatry, and loaded with wealth, the bishops were soon assailed by all the temptations of ambi- tion, of the love of the world, and of power. Every func- tionary of the church, treading in the same path, saw his own consideration increased by the external advantages thus held out, and, like his superiors, was eager to grasp them. The distinction between the ecclesiastics and lay members became more established. The dignitaries of the church adopted a particular costume. Simplicity and humility gave place to vanity, ambition, and pride, and the ecclesiastical profession was entered by numbers for the sake of the temporal advantages that were attached to it.* Another great evil, also, which resulted from the new position in which the church was placed by the emperor's protection, was this protection itself. For to accept a pro- tector, is just so far to acknowledge dependence upon him.f Men think they have obtained a stay and defence, and find themselves oppressed by a yoke. The Christian church soon perceived this to be the result. The emperors inter- * To understand how the power of the episcopate estabhshed and settled itself, and how such a hierarchy as that of the Roman Cathohc clnu'ch was organized, we refer the reader to Beugnot and A. de Saint-Priest, who explain in what way, after the jiatronage granted to the chm-ch by Constantine, the patrician body by degi-ees usmiied the episcopate, thus confii-mmg its pre- eminence in the chui'ch and in the state, and laying the foimdations of the [Roman] Catholic hierarchy. (Vide Semem-, t. xiv.. No. 33, pp. 258—261.) t Another most lamentable consequence of such protection is, that men are impelled to uphold by carnal weapons what is to be propagated and defended only by spiritual means, siich as the faith, etc. CHAlJfGES IX DOCTRINES, WORSHIP, ETC. 7 fered in the choice of the metropolitan bishops, seciu'ed their submission, and on more than one occasion, by means of their numerous dependents, influenced the decisions of the councils. In return for the advantages which the emperors derived from the submission of the bishops of Eome, we find that they supported the pretensions of the latter to pre-eminence over all other bishops, and facilitated their success. Ev their assistance, the bishops of Eome obtained a general recognition of their title, and their claim to be the popes, or fathers of Christendom. The public services of the church, likewise, were affected by this substitution of Christianity for paganism as the state-religion. The worshippers of idols, who, yielding to the force of events, made a profession of the gospel, brought their superstitions with them into the chiu'ch. It was thought necessary to make some concessions to them. The temj)les were adorned ; recoiu'se was had to the mag- nificence and pomp of the ancient rituals, both Jewish and pagan, from which were borrowed emblems, images, statues, vestments, altars, sacred vases, and ceremonies.^* Upon every invasion of the barbarians, accessions were made to the ritual. It was imagined that these rude and ignorant tribes, the terror of the civilized world, and count- less as the trees of the forest, could not be softened by the simple preaching of the gospel, and that the only pacific means of inducing them to receive it was the ceremonial splendour of a pompous worship. In this manner, under the influence of a complication of causes, in a time of political troubles, which paralysed the minds and the efforts of the truly pious, (always few in number,) that idolatrous ritual which invaded the Latin or Eoman church, established and developed itself, and has been perpetuated to the present day. The authority of the holy Scriptiu^es was weakened by the intrusion of apocry][jhal books into the canon of inspired A^T.itings ; by the increasing importance and value attached to the opinions of the fathers, or ancient ecclesiastical ^vriters ; by the pretensions of councils to fix the sense of the sacred text in an exclusive manner ; and, lastly, by the * The cross being adopted as a standard, quickly became an object of wor- ship, as his banner was for the Roman soldier. 8 HISTORY OF THE VATJDOIS CHURCH. usurpation of spiritual power by the popes, in their pre- tended quality of successors of St. Peter and St. Paul. The foundations of the Christian faith having been dis- turbed, the doctrines of the church underwent continual modifications, and a ritual of man's devise supplanted the ''worship of God in spirit and in truth." We shall not enter into the history of these changes ; they have only an indirect connexion with our narrative, that is, in conse- quence of the resistance made to them by the faithful. Eor enabling us to understand subsequent events, it will be sufficient to recollect that the worship of images was gene- rally introduced, and became an essential part of the Pomish religion. The mass, originally designed to com- memorate the sacrifice of the Saviour, gradually became itself a pretended sacrifice, though an unbloody one, of the body of Christ, for the remission of the sins both of the living and the dead. Twenty popes, probably, have contri- buted to form the canon of the mass, each one of them devising some new forms, some additions to its ceremonial. Having commenced so promising an undertaking, why should they stop short? Th3y proceeded to invent pur- gatory, indulgences, penances, vigils, fastings. Lent, dis- pensations, auricular confession, extreme unction, absolu- tion, and masses for the dead — all but so many means of entangling souls, and holding them in a fatal security, as well as of attracting to the church a tremendous authority and boundless wealth. Lastly, by the doctrine of the real presence of Jesus Christ in the sacrament of the supper, and the adoration of the host, the church fell back into idolatry. Composed of the ruins of Jewish formalism, pagan superstitions, disfi- gured fragments of the gospel, mixed with human specula- tions and reveries, the Latin Catholic, apostolic, and Poman church has for ten or twelve centuries been toiling to collect together, arrange, amend, and settle this strange medley, which she has decorated with the imposing title of one and infallible. OPPOSITION IS MANIFESTED. CHAPTEU III. THE OPPOSITION WHICH THE NEW DOCTHINES AND CEREMONIES ENCOUNTERED IN THE CHURCH. The right patli of sound doctrine, the puiity and simplicity of the " life hidden with Christ," were not abandoned by the church without a long resistance from the sound part of its members. AMio can recount all the eiforts made to avert so great a calamity? A\Tio can tell all that was attempted to prevent such a shipwreck — to arrest this sad catastrophe? The documents which have come doAvn to us on this subject are very few; and they have reached us only through the medium of the dominant party. '^\'^e are reduced to glean on the field the few ears which they have failed to remove out of sight ; and often, it must be con- fessed, we have foimd the ground totally bare where we should have rejoiced to collect a sheaf. Resistance to the encroachments of error of all kinds often proceeded from the higher ranks of the church, but more fiTquently from the inferior orders. It was organized not only in the convocations of bishops, but also in the common assemblies of Christians, in the hearts of simple priests or humble la^Tnen. ^ope Celestin i., writing to the bishops of Yienne and ISTarbonne, in France, between a.d. 423 and 432, complains of men having granted permission to foreign priests to preach as they pleased, and to agitate '' unlearned ques- tions,'" which introduced dissensions into the church.^' He aifects not to specify the object of his complaints; yet, from the conclusion^ of his letter, we learn that the point in question relates to the saints, and that the i^reachers he had in view were not favom^able to the eiTors in vogue on that head. '^ Yet," said he, ''we ought not to be asto- nished if they attempt such things towards the living, who endeavour to destroy the memory of our brethren who are * The snme pope, in a second letter to the same prelates, again denounces other priests who have not been brought up in the church, who came from some remote country -svith foreign manners, who understand the Scriptures according to the letter, who preach novel doctrines, and refuse penance (no doubt absolution) to the dying. (Delectus Actorum Ecclesise imiversahs, 1. 1. pp. 181, 182.) B 3 10 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHrECH. now at rest." Prom this language we maj^ infer that tlie Gallic chnrclies were not then favourable to images and the invocation of saints, and that a considerable number of priests courageously withstood the entrance of this false doctrine.^' About the same time, toward the end of the fourth cen- tury, another fact, while it confirms what we have stated respecting the Gallic churches, shows also that in Lombardy there were believers who opposed the use of images, and other novelties. Vigilantius, a well-infonned man, though Jerome asserts the contrary, a native of Comminge, in Aquitaine, had exercised the functions of a priest at Bar- celona or its neighbourhood. During his travels in the east, he fell in with St. Jerome. This celebrated recluse in vain attempted to convince Yigilantius, and to bring him over to his opinions respecting relics, saints, images, and prayers addressed to them, tapers that were kept burning at the tombs, j)ilgrimages, fasts, the celibacy of priests, a solitary life, etc. Yigilantius remained immovable. On his return, this opponent of the new doctrines appears to have fixed himself in Lombardy, where he found a refuge, probably in the vicinity of the Cottian Alps.f Jerome himself gives us this information in one of his epistles to Eiparius : ''I saw, a short time ago," he says, '^that mon- ster Yigilantius. I would fain have bound this madman by passages of holy writ, as Hippocrates advises to con- fine maniacs ^^dth bonds; but he has departed — he has withdrawn — he has hurried away — he has escaped; and from the space between the Alps, where Cottus reigned, and the waves of the Adriatic, his cries have reached me. Oh infamous ! he has found, even among the bishops, accomplices of his wickedness. ";]: We see b}^ this passage, that the bishops of Lombardy approved of Yigilantius, and joined him in opposing the above mentioned errors. In Lombardy it would appear that many churches had, more or less, preserved sound doctrine. The long and persevering resistance of one part of the * Delectus Actorum, etc., t. i. pp. 177, 178. t The Cottian Alps are to the north of Mount Viso, and among these the Vaudois valleys are situated. X Hieronymus ad Eiparium, contra Vigilantium, t. ii., p. 158, etc. EPISTLE OF ZACHART. 11 church to the encroachments of the errors of the Romish chiu'ch, is unquestionable; for, at the close of the sixth century, we find that Serenus, bishop of Marseilles, had succeeded in banishing images fi'om his diocese. A\^e learn this fact from a letter of pope Gregory the Great, who was pope from a.d. 590 to 604: ''We have been apprised," he says, " that, animated by an inconsiderate zeal, you have broken in pieces the images of the saints, on the plea that they ought not to be adored. In truth, we should have entirely approved of your conduct, had you forhidden their heing adored ; but we blame you for ha^-ing broken them in pieces. . . . For it is one thing to adore a painting, and another to learn by its history the proper object of adoration."-'' This letter shows, not only that the worship of images, and consequently several other deviations from sound doc- trine, had not yet entirely j)ervaded the chiux'h, but that the pious popes hesitated to recommend them under their most censurable form. Towards the middle of the eighth century, the struggle of the faithful against these errors still continued. AVe see it carried on between the French prelates and Boniface, the apostle of Germany. Claude Clement, Sidonius, Tir- gilius, Samson, and Aldebert at theii' head, reproached Boniface with jDropagating the following errors : — the celibacy of the priests; the worship of relics; the adoration of images ; the supremacy of the popes ; masses for the dead; purgatory, etc. For this reason, Eoman Catholic authors accuse them of heresy, and reproach Aldebert especially, for condemning as useless the imposition of hands, the sign of the cross, and other ceremonies afready adopted at baptism. The tenth epistle of pope Zachary to Boniface is so ex- plicit on the existence, in the chiu-ch, of a strong opposition to the encroachments of the Eomish ritual, aad of a different and more evangelical worship, that we cannot forbear citing it: — ''As for the priests," he says, "whom your fraternity report to have foimd {who are more numerous than the Catholics) wandering about, disguised under the name of bishops or priests, not ordained by Catholic bishops, who deceive the people, perplex and trouble the ministers of the * Delectus Actorum, etc., t. i., p. 4nl3. 12 HISTOEY OF THE YAUDOIS CHrECH. church, they are false vagabonds, adulterers, murderers, effeminate, sacrilegious h5q)ocrites, the greater j^art tonsured slaves who have fled from their masters, servants ofthede^T.1 transformed into ministers of Christ, who live as they list, being without bishops, having partisans to defend them against the bishops, that they may not attack their irregular lives, who meet in separate assemblies, with persons that abet their proceedings, and exercise their erroneous minis- try not in a Catholic church, but in strange places, in the cellars of country-people, where their stupid folly may be concealed from the bishops."^' We do not think it necessary to clear the priests who are here spoken of from the charges of adultery and murder, sacrilege and hj^pocrisy. Every one knows that the writers of the llomish church have never spared injurious epithets and calumnies when their adversaries were concerned. It is enough that we have ascertained, by the letter even of a pope, the existence, in the eighth century, of priests and Christians united in religious assemblies who were not in subjection to the see of Rome. jS^or must we omit to notice the vigorous opposition that was made in the dominions of Charlemagne to the decisions of the second council of Nice, a.d. 787, in favour of the worship of images. These decisions, and others also on the sign of the cross, were rejected by the council of Frankfort, a.d. 794, in spite of the representations of the pope's legates. The prelates of the second council of jSTice having anathematized those who refused to worship images, Charlemagne observed, that, ''in so doing, they had anathematized and branded as heretics their o^vn fathers, and as they had been consecrated by them, their consecra- tion was null, and therefore they were not themselves true priests."! One of the most striking facts to illustrate the resistance made by the faithful church to the introduction of those errors of which Rome was the centre, is the episcopate of Claude of Turin. It is a beacon which illumines the night of those remote times, and reflects afar its brilliant and beautiful light. By its brightness we discern in the dis- tance the Yaudois valleys, where the sacred flame of the * Sacro-sancta Concilia, studio Pli. Labbei, t. v., col. 1519. t Dupin, Nouvelle BibUoth., etc., t. v., p. 148, NOTICE OF CLArDE. 13 gospel which Claude had revived and maintaiiied, continued to pimiy the heart, when the humid mists of the Eoman heresy had extinguished it in the ojDen country. Claude,* at fii'st chaplain of Louis le Debonnaii'e, while Charlemagne was still li"sdng, was nominated by Louis to CU; the bishopric of Turin, about the year 822, under the pon- tificate of Pascal I., who died May 13, 824, and adminis- tered in that diocese till 839, the time of his death, as it is believed. An eloquent preacher, and profoimdly conversant with the Scriptures, he exercised an active and successful ministry for seventeen years ; and what forms a most pro- minent feature in his labours, he banished all images from the basilicks [chiuThes]. Being censured b}' the abettors of a worship unknown to the primitive chui'ch, he ^vrote several books to refute his foreign opponents. These ^vritings are lost, with the exception of the fragments which have been preserved by his opponent, Jonas d' Orleans. Although incomplete and perhaps mutilated, they form a splendid testimony of the doctrine that was preached for seventeen years in the same countries where we fijid it, at a later period, professed by the Yaudois. The jDassages we are about to cite will prove that Jonas d' Orleans did not make too great a concession when he allowed that Claude had some knowledge of the Holy Scriptures. The work of Claude of Tui^in which Jonas d' Orleans, as well as Dungal, has thus preserved for us, is entitled, " Apologetic Eeply of Claude, Bishop, to the Abbot Theo- demir." " I have received," he says, "by a certain country car- rier, {portitorem,) your epistle, full of prate and nonsense, in which you declare that you have been troubled, because a report has been spread to my discredit fi^om Italy thi'ough all Gaul, and even as far as Spain, that I preach in order to form a new sect, contrary to the rule of the Catholic faith, which is totally false ; but it is not strange if the members of Satan speak of me in this manner, since they called our Lord a seducer and demoniac. For I, who remain in the imity, (of the chiux-h,) and proclaim the truth, aim at forming no new sect ; but, as far as lies in my * Some account of Claude may be found in Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xvi., p. 139, etc. He was a Spaniard and not a Scotchman, as was Claude Clement, mentioned above [p. 11.]. 14 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS CHTJECH. power, I repress sects, schisms, superstitions, and heresies ; I have combated, overthrown, and crushed them, and, by God's assistance, I shall not cease to do so to the utmost. And since, .contrary to my wishes, I have been charged with the burden of a bishopric, and sent by the pious Louis, a son of God's holy church, and have arrived in Italy, I have found at Turin all the basilicks filled Avith execrable im- purities and images, contrary to the commands of the truth (of the gospel) ; and as I alone have overturned all these things that others adore, it is against me alone that they are embittered. Por this they have all opened their mouths to calumniate me ; and if the Lord had not been on my side, they would probably have devoured me alive. The prohibition so clearly expressed, Thou shalt not make unto thee the likeness of anything that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, etc., applies not only to the like- nesses of strange gods, but also to those of celestial beings, and whatever the human mind can invent in honour of the Creator. '' We do not pretend, say those against whom we defend the church, that the image we adore has anything divine, but we adore it with the respect due to that which it repre- sents. To this we rejjly : if the images of the saints are adored with a diabolical worship, my adversaries have not abandoned idols, but only changed their names. If, then, you draw or paint upon the walls the images of Peter, Paul, Jupiter, Saturn, or Mercury, these are neither gods, nor apostles, neither one nor the other are men ; the name is changed; but the error remains and continues always the same, inasmuch as they have an image of God deprived of life and reason, instead of images and animals, or, which is nearer the truth, instead of wood and of stone. ''It deserves to be well considered, that if men ought not to adore and serve the works of God's hands, there is much stronger reason for not adoring or serving the works of men's hands, not even with the adoration due to those whom it is pretended they represent ; for if the image that you adore is not God, you ought by no means to adore it Avith the adoration offered to saints, Avho make no preten- sions to divine honours. "We ought, then, carefully to bear this in mind, that all those who pay diAdne honours, not only to visible PASSAGES FKOil THE WRITINGS OF CLAUDE. 15 imaf^es, but to any creature, whether celestial or terrestrial, spiritual or corporeal, and who expect from it the salvation which conies from God alone, are of that class whom the apostle describes as serving the creature more than the Creator. '* ^Miy do you humble and bow yourself before vain images ? "Why bend your body before idols that are with- out sense, terrestrial, and base? God has created you up- right, and while the animals are prone toward the earth, he would have you raise your eyes to heaven, and fix your regards on the Lord. Thither you must look ; thither you must lift uj) your eyes. It is on high that we must seek after God, that we may learn to wean ourselves from earth. Haise, then, your heart to heaven. ^Tiy prostrate yourself in the dust of death with the insensible image that you serve ? A\Tiy deliver yourself to the devil for it, and with it ? Keep the elevation in which you were bom ; maintain yourself such as God made you. '' But let us hear what the miserable followers of false religion and superstition say. It is in memory of our Saviour that we serve, honour, and adore the cross either painted or erected to his honour. jSTothing, then, pleases them in our Sa^-iour but that which pleased the impious, the opprobrium of his sufferings, and the ignominy of his death. They believe respecting him what the wicked believe, both Jews and pagans, who reject his resurrection, and only regard him as tortured, and who, in their heart, always tliink of him in the agony of his suffering, ^vithout thinking of what the apostle said, and without understand- ing that expression, ' Though we have known Christ after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we him no more,' after that manner. " Such persons must be told, that if they are disposed to adore every piece of wood that is cut in the fonn of a cross, because Christ was hung on the cross, that there are many other things that had a connexion with Christ in the days of his flesh, which are fitter objects of adoration. " In fact, he remained scarcely six hours suspended on the cross, while he passed nine months in the virgin's womb ; let us, then, adore virgins, because a virgin gave bii'th to Jesus Christ. Let us adore mangers, because soon after his birth he was laid in a manger ; let us adore old 16 HISTORY or THE YAUDOIS CHUECH. swaddling clothes, because lie was wrapped in such. Let us adore ships, because he often sailed in a ship ; he taught multitudes out of a ship ; he slept in a ship ; and was in a ship when he ordered his discijiles to cast out the net in which the miraculous draught of fishes was caught. Let us adore asses, because he entered Jerusalem mounted on an ass. Let us adore lambs, because it is written of him, * Behold the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the world.' But these abettors of unsound doctrine prefer eating the living lambs, and adore those painted upon walls. Let us adore lions, for it is written of him, ' The Lion of the tribe of Juda, the Root of David, hath prevailed.' Let us adore rocks, since, after being taken down from the cross, he was placed in a sepulchre hewn out of a rock ; and the apostle says of him, ' That rock was Christ.' But Clirist is called a rock, a lamb, a lion, figuratively, and not in a literal sense. Let us adore the thorns of the bramble, because a crown of thorns was placed on his head, during his passion. Let us adore reeds, because they furnished the soldiers with an instrument for striking him. Lastly ; let us adore spears, because one of the soldiers pierced his side with a spear, and out of it there came blood and water. ''AH this is ridiculous; and we would much rather lament it, than write it. But we are obliged to answer fools according to their folly, and to hurl against hearts of stone, not the darts or maxims of the word, but missiles of stone. Be converted, ye prevaricators, who have with- drawn yourselves from the truth, and who love vanity, and have become vain ; Avho crucify the Son of God afresh, and expose him to open shame ; who have thus led a multitude of souls to become associates of demons, and who, turning them away from their Creator, by means of your detestable, sacrilegious images, have cast them down, and precipitated them into eternal damnation. '' God commands one thing, and these jDeople do another. God commands to bear the cross, not to adore it. These persons would adore it, while they bear it neither cor- poreally nor spiritually. To serve God in this manner is to forsake him. He has said himself, ' Whosoever will come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross, and follow me ;' doubtless because he who docs not renounce PASSAGES FE0:M THE WKITIXGS OF CLArDE. 17 himself, does not approach to Him who is above him, and he cannot seize that which passes by him, if he has not learned in good time to distinguish it. " But as to your saying, that I prevent men from going en pilgrimage to Rome, in order to do penance there, you accuse me falsely. For I do not approve [nor disapprove]^- of that journey, because I know that it does not injure all, nor profit all.^ I wish, in the first place, that you would ask yourself, if you acknowledge that to go to Eome is doing penance, why, for so long a time, have you danmed so many souls whom you have kept in your monastery, and have even received to do penance there, obliging them to serve you, instead of sending them to Rome ? You say, in fact, that you have a huncbed and forty monks, that have all come to you to do penance, who have devoted them- selves to the^ monastery, and not one of whom have you allowed to go to Rome. If it be so, that men must go to Rome to do penance, and yet you have prevented them, what will you say to this declaration of the Lord, ' AYhoso shall ofi'end one of these little ones which believe in me, it were better for him that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and that he were drowned in the depth of the sea.' There can be no greater ofi'ence than to hinder a man from following a road that may conduct him to eternal happiness. " We well know that this sentence of the gospel is very ill understood : ' Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I vdll build my chiuxh ; . . . and I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven.' On account of these words of the Lord, an ignorant multitude, neglecting all spiritual understanding, persist in betaking themselves to Rome, in order to obtain eternal life. He who properly understands the keys of the kingdom of heaven, does not seek for the local intercession of St. Peter. In fact, if we examine the force of our Lord's words, he did not say to St. Peter alone, ' AMiatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven.' In truth, this ministry belongs to_ aU the true inspectors and pastors of the church, who exercise it as long as they are in tliis world ; and when they have paid the debt of death, others succeed in theii- place, and enjoy the * [Nee approbo, nee improbo.— Gieseler, vol. ii., § 1, p. 102, 4tli ed. ; Band. ii.j Abtheilimg i.] 18 HISTOKY OF THE VATJDOIS CHUECH. same authority and power. You may add the example of David, ' Instead of thy fathers shall be thy childi-en, whom thou mayest make princes in all the earth.' " Return, blind mortals, to your light ! Return to Him who ' lighteth every man that cometh into the world.' This ' light shineth in darkness, and the darkness comprehended it not.'^' Hearken every one of you, who, not seeing or not regarding the light, walk in darkness, and know not whither you go, because that darkness has blinded your eyes ; foolish men ! who, by going to Rome, seek the intercession of the apostle, hear what St. Augustine says, in his ninth book on the Trinity. Come with me and consider why Ave love the apostle. Is it on account of his human countenance, which we well know ? Is it because we believe that he was a man ? ]^o, certainly ; for then we should no longer have anything to love, since the man exists no longer ; his soul has quitted his body. But we believe that what we loved in him still lives. If the believer must believe God when he promises, how much more when he swears and says, ' Though Noah, Daniel, and Job were in ' that town ; that is to say, if the saints whom you invoke were filled with a sanctity, a merit, and a righteousness as great as what those persons possessed, they should ' deliver neither son nor daughter.' And for this purpose he has declared it, namely, that no one may put confidence in either the merits or the intercession of saints ; since if he himself does not persevere in the faith, in the righteousness, and in the truth, in which they persevered, and by which they pleased God, he cannot be saved. As for you who seek the inter- cession of the apostle by a pilgrimage to Rome, hear what St. Augustine, so often quoted, f says against you. Hear this, ye perverse people ; fools as ye are ; take warning once more : ' He that planted the ear, shall he not hear ? He that formed the eye, shall he not see ? He that chastiseth the heathen, ... he that teacheth man know- ledge, shall not he know ?' "The fifth thing with which you reproach me is, that you are displeased because his apostolic lordship [dominus * This passage reminds us of the device on the escutcheon of the Vaudois and their lords, a lamj) hghted in the dark, with these words, — Lux lucet in tenehris : " The hght shineth in darkness." t This expression, " so often quoted," seems to indicate that the quotation from Claude, in Jonas d' Orleans, is incomplete. CHAEACTEH OF CLAUDe's MINISTRY. 19 aposfolicus) Tras exasperated against me, (tliiis yon speak of the deceased bishop of Rome, Pascal,) and that he had honoured me with my appointment. Bnt since the term apostolic in some degree means the gnardian of an apostle, ha certainlj* is not to be called apostolic who merely occu- pies the apostle's seat, but he who fuiiiis the functions of the apostle. As for those who occupy that seat without fulfilling its duties, the Lord has said, ' The scribes and the pharisees sit in Moses' seat : all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do ; but do not ye after their works ; for they say, and do not,' "'^'' Matt, xxiii. 2, 3. This letter, if read attentively, clearly shows the Chris- tian and eminenth' evangelical character of Claude. We here see that the source whence he derived his courage and fidelity was the word of God ; and we may conclude, from the continual use made of the Scriptures in his writings, that he preachedf and circulated them in his diocese ; that he must have given a fresh impulse to the study of holy writ, prompted the ministers of religion to teach nothing but what it contained, and conducted the sheep that were entrusted to his care to the one heavenly Shepherd who could feed them, and save them for ever. It is easy to imagine the immense influence which such a man must have exerted during an episcopate of seven- teen years. And even if persons could succeed in proving, which is not possible, that his work was isolated, without antecedent preparatory circumstances, and without any remarkable ulterior consequences ; — if it could be shown that the bishops who followed him all laboured to destroy it, it would not be less certain that it once existed ; and the possibility, or rather the probability, will remain, that it was perpetuated after him in many hearts, in some parts, at least, of his vast diocese ; in the valleys of the Yaudois Alps, for example, which were less exposed than the open country to the sudden irruption of the papal authority. But this extravagant supposition of a ministration of an unusual character, is untrue and untenable. Claude was no innovator. His work was not isolated. All the accounts we have given of the resistance of the faithful church prove * Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. x\d., col. 139—169, etc. t In doing so, he conformed to ttie decision of tlie council of Frankfort, a.d. 794*, as any one may be convinced by a reference to its acts 20 HISTORY OP THE VAUDOIS CHTJECH. this. It was in the same, or the neighbouring countries, that Yigilantius had found a refuge among bishops who professed, like himself, a doctrine opposed to the worship of images and saints, to ceremonies at tombs, to pilgrim- ages, to fasts, to the celibacy of priests, and to a monastic life. Let us not forget that Serenus, on the other side of the Alps, at the beginning of the seventh century, accom- plished a work similar to that of Claude, in the diocese of Marseilles ; that in the eighth century many French prelates opposed the introduction of the same errors, and the altera- tions in doctrine that Boniface preached. And, lastly, it is to be remembered that the majority of the bishops in the wide domains of Charlemagne, of which Turin and Piedmont formed a part, resisted in the council of Frank- for (a.d. 794) the solicitations, prayers and orders of the pope's legates, and rejected the same worship of images which Claude banished from his diocese.-'' ]^o ; the labours of the pious bishop were not isolated. At that very time, the conflict against the errors of Rome was vigorously carried on in diiferent countries ; and if the par- tisans of the worship of images had sometimes the victory, as it appears they had under the episcopate of Claude's pre- decessor, it was soon disputed, and often reversed. Father Pagi himself, in his " Chronological and Critical Abridg- ment of History," citing Dionysius of Padua, after having made some rather curious acknowledgments respecting the introduction of images, f and the pretended motives which justified it in the eyes of Poman Catholics, confesses, " that it is by no means proved that this (the introduction of images) prevailed in all places, nor in the same manner ; but it was effected in one place sooner, in another later, according to the ability and disposition of the people, and according as those who directed them judged it seasonable ;" — {expedire judicahant. ) \ * It is worthy of notice, that Agobard, archbishop of Lyon, shared entirely in the views ofhis contemporary Claude, as liis wiitings assert. (Vide Maxima BibUoth., P. P., t. xvi., col. 241, etc.) t He acknowledges " that in the first ages of Christianity the nse of sacred images was not frequent," (he ought to have said, "was not known;") he adds, " that the motive or reason for then- introduction was that they were regarded as a means of edification, and of spreading Christianity ; that their adoption was reasonable when the superstitious regard for idols, formerly concealed in the heart, was no longer to be feared." Not a word of the proliibition con- tained in the word of God against it. + Breviarium historico-chronologicum, etc. R. P. Pagi, t. i., P. 521—524, §.22. COXSIDEEATIOIN^S IX SUPPORT OF CLAUDe's MINISTRY. 21 But the very words of Claude, in Ms letter to the abbot Theodeniii', show us most clearly that the bishop of Turin merely carried on a work that had been already begun : '' I do not teach a new sect," he writes ; ^' I, who remam in the unity [of the chiu'ch], and proclaim the truth. But, as far as it depends on me, I have suppressed sects, schisms, superstitions and heresies ; I have combated, crushed, and overturned them; and, by God's help, I will not cease to overturn them to the utmost of my power." ^lio does not see, that in opposing the worsliip of images within his diocese, Claude believed that he remained in the unity of the church ; that he was defending the truth— the ti'uth that was still known and revered ? Who does not see, that in reforming abuses that were already inti-oduced, Claude wished to repress a sect, gaining ground, perhaps, but still a sect, to combat schism,— to ariTst superstition and heresy ? The strong language that Claude employs to designate the partisans of image-worship, and the energy of his remonstrances, show us a man who rather attacks his enemy than defends Hmself ; so well guarded did he feel himself to be from danger by the mere strength of his posi- tion. The contempt with which he speaks of the preten- sions of Rome, and of the pope himself, ^^ whom he compares to the scribes and pharisees sitting in Moses' seat, is an index not only of his corn-age, but of his power. Lastly; what completes the demonstration that the laboui's of Claude were not those of an isolated innovator, without predecessors in the diocese itself, or beyond it, is, his complete success. The images were taken from all the basilicks, to the great annoyance, it is true, of those who exhibited them ; but without any serious opposition being raised from any quarter. It would even appear, that as he speaks only of their expulsion from the basilicks, the worship of images had not reached the country places, but only Turin, and perhaps the larger cities in the diocese. It is obvious, that a work accomplished with scarcely any opposition, in a wide tract of coimtry, supposes the mass of the clergy and the church to be in its favoui' ; and if we recoUect that Claude fiUed the bishopric for at least fifteen years, we must be convinced that his zeal and fidelity, * It may be inferred that the title of Fope was not then prevalent, or Claude would not have failed to make some aUusion to it. 22 HISTOET OF THE VAUDOIS CHTJECH. seconded by an intelligent and devoted clergj^, by the love of the believers and the conscience of the people, mnst have given an impnlse to the cause of sound doctrine and the Christian life, which could not be checked all at once. It may not be uninteresting to add to the foregoing the testimony of a modern Piedmontcse author: " Be that as it may," he tells us, ''this bishop of Turin, a man of eloquence and austere manners, had a great number of partisans. These persons, anathematized by the pope, and persecuted by the lay princes, were chased from the open country, and forced to take refuge in the mountains, where they have kept their ground from that time, always checked, but always endeavouring to extend themselves."^' CHAPTER lY. VESTIGES OF THE FAITHFUL CHURCH IN THE TENTH AND ELEVENTH CENTUEIES. The episcopate of Claude of Turin seems, at the first glance, to be the last striking instance of the opposition of the sound part of the Christian church to the encroachments of the errors that were propagated in the west. In fact, from Claude of Turin to the writings of the Yaudois, that is to say, from the first half of the ninth century to the commencement of the twelfth, the history of the faithful church offers but few prominent and well-ascertained facts ; yet it is not entirely destitute of them. Intelligent study and conscientious investigation bring to light scattered facts which at first seem like traces half effaced, but in which we soon recognise the vestiges of a church oppressed but always militant. These facts, impressed on the course of the world, at unequal intervals, and often in different places, converge towards a centre, and lead us back to countries in which we shall shortly find an evangelical church, exhibiting a mature Christian life, according to the doctrine of the apostles. It is here necessary to take a survey of this epoch. The end of the ninth, the whole of the tenth and eleventh * M^moires Historiques, par le marquis Costa de Beauregard, t. ii., p. 50. THE CLEEGY. 23 centuries, \rere times of incessant trouble ; an epoch when a new social system, was gradually rising on the ruins of the old, which had been overtiu^ned by a succession of calamities. The invasions of the Goths, Franks, Lombards, and all the ferocious hordes of the north, designated by the general name of barbarians, had been checked. The "vic- torious sword of Charlemagne had diiven them back to the frontiers. But the efforts of this great prince to reconsti- tute society on a solid basis, had only a momentary success. On his decease, interminable wars began afresh, under his sons and their successors, between the old and new popula- tion of his vast empire. The maritime invasions of the !N^ormans and the Saracens aggravated the general con- fusion. The elements of ancient civilization, though feeble and exhausted, still combated against the vigorous elements of the turbulent and savage life of the barbarians. From this chaos a new social system arose, or rather society reconstructed itself in a new form, the feudal system. On all sides, society, after being shattered in pieces, was forming itself anew in a multitude of small, obscure, isolated, rival societies, obejing their chiefs, the lords of the soil, who were linked to one another by the complicated relations of suzerain and vassal. In the conflict of aims which marked these times, the clergy were not forgetful of their temporal interests. The bishops and abbots also sought to emancipate themselves fi'om the civil power. They desired to combine with their spii'itual authority the civil juiisdiction over the cities and rural districts of their dioceses and parishes. In a word, they claimed the power, the rank, and the honours of lords, counts, and princes of the empii-e ; and they gained their object. But it will be easily comprehended that such ambitious projects impelled the clergy to a life of worldly agitation, military enterprises, intrigues, and passions, which diverted their attention fi'om the duties of piety, and of meditation on the truths of rehgion. The superior clergy aspired only to power, riches, and pleasiu-e. All their thoughts were bent on their proud pretensions, on luxury and worldliness. The inferior clergy, in their turn, became lax, and did not always preserve even a decent exterior. They were sunk, moreover, in the grossest ignorance. The monks, especially. 24 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHTJECH. became the instruments of knavery, and the encouragers of debauchery. The light of the gospel was hid under a bushel. Ileligion, akeady deteriorated by the controversj^ respecting images and the worship of saints, became conti- nually more obscure, and Avas at last reduced to gross superstition. In the tenth century these evils were at their height, so that it has justly been styled the iron age. During the Avhole of this period Rome was a prey to anarchy ; di\T.sion paralysed its force and activity. History shows us that the parties which existed in that city con- tended for the papal throne. The popes who were chosen spent their lives in defending their nomination, in com- bating their antagonists, and in strengthening their own party. But taking advantage of some favourable juncture, the vanquished party regained the ascendancy, chose a new pope, and deposed the old one, who often was imprisoned and put to death. The majority of the popes in these times were undeserving of any respect ; some were absolute monsters. Scandalous proceedings of the same kind dis- turbed most of the dioceses. The eleventh century resembled the preceding in its general features. The same spiiit of insubordination and corruption, of ambition, voluptuousness, and luxury in the superior clergy, prevailed ; •'' the same relaxation of manners, the same grossness in the inferior clergy and the convents ; among all classes an ignorance almost beyond belief. Nevertheless, some laudable efforts were made. Schools began to flourish about the year 1050 in Italy. Literature reappeared in France, after the example of Spain. The tendency of Rome, in this age, was to regain the ground it had lost in the preceding, and to bring under the papal authority not only the ecclesiastical power, the bishops and abbots, and even councils, but the political power likewise, kings and emperors. It is not oiu* present business to trace the history of those encroachments which began to be made, in the ninth century, upon the Carlo\T.ngian race, and were carried to the greatest lengths in the eleventh century, by Hildebrand, against the unfortunate Henry iv., emperor of Germany : it is sufficient to state, that during the eleventh century, as was the case during the preceding and the end * It was about tliis time that councils had to fix the number of horses to be used by j)relates on then- journeys. HATTO DI YEECELLI. 25 of the ninth, the attention of the heads of the Koniish chiux'h was diverted from the scattered remnants of the faithful church, preoccupied as they were with their own temporal interests, and the dangers and advantages of their position, while the whole social system was dissolving, and about to be settled on a new basis. It will not be thought strange, that during this imhappy season of trouble and conflict, both political and ecclesias- tical, when scarcely an individual in the Latin church en- gaged in the conscientious search after evangelical truth, the documents essential for a history of the struggle of the faithfal church should be few and of very little service ; the struggle itself having everywhere ceased, and the truth, where it still existed, no longer being noticed or attacked, on account of the general preoccupation of men's minds with worldly interests. Having made these preliminar}- remarks, we proceed to examine the small number of documents known to us, which serve as distant landmarks to point out the Yaudois of the valleys of Piedmont, as successors and continuators of the primitive and faithful chui'ch. The reader will bear in mind all that has been said in the preceding chapter. We have seen that in the diocese of Turin, in a.d. 839, the year of the decease of its worthy bishop, the gospel was preached and professed in its purity, and with fideKty. The existence of a number (greater or less) of Christians, separated from Home, in the north of Italy, is clearly as- certained by the epistles of Hatto, who, in the year 945, held the diocese of Yercelli, situated between Turin and Milan. The letters of this bishop have been preserved. In some of them, he speaks of persons who had left the church, and describes them as being in the neighbourhood of his own diocese. The doctrinal and other points which he specifies as separating them from the church of which he was a bishop, appear to be those which were held by the Yaudois. These coincidences of place and doctrine are of great interest : they draw oiu' attention to those districts where Claude of Turin laboured as a faithful shepherd of Jesus Christ, and confii^m the fact that the little lamp of truth, once lighted in these parts, was never extinguished. c 26 HISTOEY OP THE VAUDOIS CHTJECH. The very words of Hatto sufficiently indicate, that the e^-il of which he complains was considerable, for he was sensible of it within his ovm diocese. Listen to one of his complaints: "Hatto to all the faithful of our diocese. Alas! there are mani/ among you who turn our sacred worship into ridicule ! Alas ! that these miserable offenders have separated themselves from our holy mother chiu'ch and the clergy, by whose means alone you can attain salva- tion."-^ This quotation proves, — 1. That these *' miserable of- fenders," as the bishop of Yercelli was pleased to call the remains of the faithful church, were separated from the holy mother church, and the clergy of that church ; that consequently their existence out »f that church was an ab- solute fact, of which we must take note: 2. That the effects of this existence of a Christian church, separate from the pretended holy mother church, had been felt even within the diocese of Vercelli ; and that the worship of saints, which had abeady been in much repute, as well as other vanities and errors, had received a check from that quarter ; which shows that the light which shone in the darkness was not so very faint. A passage from an author of the eleventh century may be considered as referring to the same subject. Pietro Damiano, Avriting in a.d. 1050, to Adelaide, countess of Savoy (of Susa properly) and duchess of the Subalpines,f complains that the clergy in the domains of this princess did not observe the ordinances of the church. J The chronicle of the monastery of St. Thron, in Belgium, written by the abbot Radulph, or Eodolph, between a.d. 1108 and 1136, contains a most important article. The chronicler, speaking of a country which he was anxious to visit when he should cross the Alps, on his way to Eome, describes it as a country polluted by an inveterate heresy, respecting the body of our Lord : " Moreover, he heard that the land to which he had intended to travel was polluted Avith an inveterate heresy respecting the body and blood of the Lord."§ * Dacherii Spicilegium, t. viii., p. 110, as quoted by Dr. Gilly. t Piedmoiitese. X Opera Damiani, p. 566 ; Gilly's Researches, p. 88; Memoires Hist, par le marqms Costa cle Beaui-egard, I., p. iii. § " Pra^terea terrain, ad quam ulterius disposuerat peregrinari, audiebat BRUNO d'asti. 27 Tliis passage is important, as marking the locality of the heresy; it was a country {terram); and a country at the passage of the Alj)s, on the way to Rome. 'No doubt the designation is vague in one sense, but it is very precise in another,-^ in characterizing it as being in the Alps, or at the foot of the Alps ; a description wliich perfectly agrees with the Yaudois valleys. But more especially, this c-ountr}' is represented as '' polluted with an inveterate heresy," {polliitam esse inveteratd hceresi.) This reproach is of great importance for our object. It demonstrates that tliis heresy was of ancient date, as having had its seat in that country, from which it could not be expelled, for it was inveterate [inveterata). It proves that the heresy in this country was not confined to a few isolated individuals, but existed among the people in general, since the whole country was polluted {^"pollutani) with it. The point on which the passage is less precise, is the doctrine which it terms heretical. It seems to consider it as relating only to the Lord's supper; but this would veiy properly mark the church of the Vaudois, who, as we shall see in the sequel, rejected the sacrifice of the mass. Another testimony worthy of attention is taken from the writings of a man born in the neighbourhood of the valleys, namely, Bruno d'Asti, bishop of Segni, and abbot of Mont- cassin, about the year 1120. ^Tiat he says relates not only to a disgraceful traffic in sacred things — to simony, but to the general corruption of the church in his time, and especially to the existence of the active promoters of a more Christian life ; in other words, the existence of a faithful church. We translate the passage : " "We have said," Bruno remarks, ''that from the time of St. Leo, about A.D. 460, the church was already so corrupted, that it was difficult to find an individual not guilty of simony, or who had not been ordained by simoniacs ; also up to the present day we meet with persons who, by erroneous reasoning, and not understanding the organization of the chiu-ch, maintain that the priesthood has failed in the church since that time."f pollutam esse inveterata hseresi de corpora et sanguine Domini." Spicnegimn Dacherii, t. \'ii., p. -493; GUly, p. 88. * That is, to every one wlio knows that it is necessary to cross the Alps ia taking siich a iomTiev. t :\Ia,xima Biblioth., P. P., t. xx., col. 1734. C 2 28 HISTOEY or THE YAUDOIS CHUECH. Bruno d'Asti has not named the Yaudois, but he has marked them with sufficient exactness ; for while he con- founds the pope St. Leo with another more ancient Leo, he quotes a claim formally set forth in the writings of the Yaudois, and repeated in those of their opponents; and he seems to allude to one of their best-established traditions, namely, that according to which the Yaudois trace back their belief to Leo, an associate and contemporary of Sjdvester, bishop of Eome in the time of the emperor Constantine, as we shall see further on. These expressions of a man who was born in the neigh- boui'hood of the Yaudois valleys, which he uses while attempting to refute an opinion that still had currency among them conformably to their tradition, will doubtless carrj^ great weight with all reflective persons. These various facts forcibly demonstrate the existence, in the tenth and eleventh centuries, of a church distinct from the Roman, in the north of Italy, To these ancient testimonies we shall add that of a modern author, the marquis Costa de Beauregard. Tliis testimony is of so much greater importance, because M. Costa, as a Catholic, cannot be suspected of favouring the cause of the Yaudois, and as a Savoyard of noble birth, a friend of historical inquiiies, and an author occupied on the history of his native country, he has had the oppor- tunity of consulting all the documents in the archives. He expresses himself as follows : ''To fill up the measure of these evils, they fought with one another on account of religious opinions ; and carried on their controversies while surrounded by depravity and the grossest ignorance. Arianism was widely spread through Savoy, and Mani- clieism in Piedmont."^' In the tenth century, we see a count of Turin and a bishop of Asti joining in arms to exterminate the Manicheans who were assembled in the Langhes, pursuing them Avith fire and sword, and com- mitting them and their villages to the flames. '' The sectaries who took in France the name of Albi- genses, were called in Italy Pater ini, Cathari, or Gazari, names equivalent to that of Puritans . They afterwards j oined themselves to the religionists in the valleys of Pinerolo. * In the following chapter we shall state our opinion respecting the Mani- cheans of that period. ATTEiEPTS TO PEOPAGATE PUKE DOCTEIXE. 29 ''There exists also a chronicle of Era-Dolcino, a heretic of the eleventh centuiy, containing some notices of the Manicheism of which he was an ardent propagator in Biella, ]S^ovarra, and Yercelli, and the dogmas of which are in part still held by the Protestants in the valleys of Pinerolo."* CHAPTER V. THE EELIGIOrS ilAXIFESTATIOXS OF THE ELEVENTH CEXTTJET. "We mnst now adduce certain facts that occurred in the eleventh centiuy, which indicate an unquestionable re- ligious activity in the propagation of sound evangelical doctrines. Before enumerating such as have come to our knowledge, it will be proper to remind our readers that eveiy manifestation has an origin, and every event its cause ; that, consequently, the religious manifestations of the eleventh centiuy, like those of succeeding ages, so re- markable for their evangelical character, also had theirs. "Without doubt, the word of God read and meditated upon, in different places, by sincere, humble, and believing men, was able to produce, in these times of darkness, effects analogous to those which it produced at a later period in the hearts and lives of a Luther, a Lefe^TC, and a Zi^ingle ; but if, in these religious manifestations of the eleventh cen- tury, we find indications leading us to suppose or perceive that many of them had their source and origin in the Alps which separate Italy fi'om France, we shall have a new proof of the continued existence of an evangelical, faithful church in those countries. Certainly, all the facts adduced will not have the same force, or be equally con-v^incing ; but when united and taken in connexion with what has been already said, they will add strength to the precediag proofs. It must also be recollected that these facts have come down to us only in the writings of the adversaries of these * Memoires Hist., par le marquis Costa de Beauregard, t. i. pp. 46, 47, pre- face, pp. siii. and xiv. 30 HTSTOET OF THE VAUDOIS CHTJRCH. manifestations, throiigli the medium of men who have ill understood them — who have often misrepresented them, and who have suppressed what it was their interest to con- ceal, in order to extenuate the criminality of their own degenerate and persecuting church. The following are some of these facts : — In the year 1017 according to some, or 1022 according to others, a religious manifestation attracted attention. Persons distinguished by the regularity of their lives, their knowledge, and their position in society, were accused of heresy at Orleans. They were fourteen in number, in- cluding a nun. The clergy were strongly represented, for six of these people were canons of Sainte Croix; among whom the names of three are preserved, Lisoius, Heribert, and Etienne. One of them had been confessor to queen Constance. It was stated that they had held their peculiar views for some time, and that while remaining in outward connexion with the church, they celebrated a religious ser\'ice in private. It was agreed on all hands, that they had been gained over to heresy by a female who came from Italy. IIa\dng been tried by a synod assembled for the piu'pose, they were condemned to the flames, because they would not abjure or retract their pretended errors.^' Pleury, a Catholic author, having spoken in detail of these sectaries, adds, ^'The adherents to this sect, who were found elsewhere, particularly at Toulouse, were burned, as is testified by Ademar, a monli of Angouleme, and a writer of that age." The same Ademar, a contemporary of these pretended heretics, expresses himself as follows : — ''These emissaries of Antichrist were spread through difi'erent parts of the west, and carefully concealed themselves, seducing as many as they were able, both men and women. "f In support of these facts. Usher, archbishop of Armagh, in Ireland, in the seventeenth century, cites a passage from the History of Aquitaine, by P. Pitherus, in these words : '' All at once the Manicheans appeared in Aquitaine, (Gas- cony,) seducing people of every class, and drawing them away from truth into error .... so that they have turned * Usserius, Gravissimse Qusestionis, pp. 279, 280. Histoire G^n^rale du Langiiedoc, t. ii. pp. 155, 156. t Fleury, Histoire Ecclesiastiqiie, t, xiii., p. 416, etc. MANIFESTATIONS AT CHALONS-SUE-MARNE. 31 aside many simple persons from the faith." After men- tioning the heretics of Orleans, and Toulouse, he repeats vhat ^ye have quoted fi^om Ademar."^' JS^early at the same epoch, a.d. 1025, other sectaries were discovered at Arras, at the northern extremity of France, in Flanders. According to Dupin, a Catholic theo- logian of the seventeenth century, it was reported to Gerard, bishop of Cambray and Arras, but residing in the latter city, that '^ some persons had come from Italy, who had introduced a new heresy. They said that they were dis- ciples of Candulph or Gandulph, who had instructed them in the commandments of the gospel and the apostles ; add- ing, that they received no other scriptures, but observed these exactly." A synod was called. The accused parties were not condenined to the stake, because they abjured their new belief, and retiu-ned to the bosom of the church. f Turin, also, had its heretics; in 1030, according to the account of Pierre de Yaux-Cernay, cited by M. Charles Victor Goguet, in the ''Dissertation on the Albigenses," which he laid before the faculty of theology at Strasburg, in 1840. Eadulph Glaber, a wiiter of the eleventh century, tells us that in the year 1028 a sect found their way into the chateau of Monteforte, in the diocese of Asti, in Piedmont, who re^vived pagan and Jewish rites, or rather those of the Manicheans, according to Muratori. The bishop of Asti, and his brother the marquis of Susa, in conjunction with other prelates or lords of the province, had made many attacks upon them without success. But Landolfo the elder states that Eribert, or Aribert, archbishop of Milan, happening to be at Tiuin, caused one of these heretics, named Gerard, to be apprehended, and having learned from him that he held Manichean doctrines, sent troops against the chateau and took it. A lew of the heretics abjured their tenets ; the rest were burned alive in the Place du D6me.| Other heretics were discovered in the diocese of Chalons- sur-Mame, about the year 1046, as we see by a letter of Eogerius n., bishop of Chalons, to Wazo, bishop of Liege. * Usserius, etc. p. 279. t Dupin, Nouvelle Biblioth., t. viii., pt. ii., p. 127. j Bossi, Stx)ria d'ltalia, t. xiv., p. 187, etc. 32 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. He accuses them of following the perverse doctrine of the Manicheans, and of holding secret conventicles. He asserts that if rude and ignorant men joined this sect they very soon became able to speak better than well-educated Catholics, so that their unpremeditated talk seemed superior to the true eloquence of philosophers. He also remarks, that heretics might be known by their pallid countenances. "^ In the synod assembled at Rheims, in 1049, under pope Leo IX., the new heretics who had made their appearance in Gaul were excommunicated. Radulph Ardens also mentions that Manichean heretics polluted the territory of Agen, about the end of the eleventh century, but he leaves us in ignorance of the characteristics and circumstances of this religious manifestation.! We might specify some other religious movements ; for example, that which took place at Goslar, in Germany, in 1052, in consequence of which the emperor Henry iv., who was visiting that city during the Christmas holidays, caused those who were convicted of heresy to be appre- hended, for the purpose, he said, of striking terror, and preventing others from falliiig into the same errors. But it is suflicient for our present purpose to have cited the foregoing facts.;]: It would be desirable to know exactly the doctrines pro- fessed by these men whom the church of those times branded with the name of heretics, and put to an ignomi- nious death. They would throw much light on the ques- tion which now occupies us, that is, the spiritual relationship which possibly existed between the religious manifestations we have been detailing, and the Christians in the north of Italy, in the mountains of the diocese of Turin, who have been already mentioned, and will come again under our notice. Contemporary authors, it is true, have at- tempted to give an account of the tenets of these heretics; but judging of those times even by our own, and looking at the manner in which the Eomish church speaks of the reformers of the sixteenth century, and of their lives and doc- trines, though the Protestant churches were then existing, and consequently at hand to correct distorted facts, what * Recneil des Historiens des Gaiiles, t. xi., p. 11, by Anselm. t Usserius, etc., p. 281. t Centariat. Magdeb., Cent, si., col. 246. Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, t. xi., p. 20. ABSURD ACCUSATIONS EEFUTET). 33 can be expected from these same partisans of Eomish' errors, when they report to us the tenets and lives of martp's who have had no one to defend their memoiy, and to protest against the unjust censures with which they have been branded ? Did they understand the proper cha- racter of those manifestations ? "W^ill they initiate us into the real faith and practice of their victims ? On these points we are very sceptical. Let the reader judge for himself, from a fragment which is communicated by a Catholic writer of integrity — Fleury. He quotes a contemporary of the heretics of Orleans, and other sectaries of that age, all of whom he terms ]Mani- cheans : '' These persons," he says, '' assemble on certain nights in a specified house, each one with a lamp in his hand, and recite the names of demons in the form of a litany, till, all at once, they see a demon descend in the shape of a small animal. Immediately all the lights are put out, which is the signal for general debauchery with the females present : one of the ofi'spring of this intercourse, when eight days old, is brought into the midst of their assembly, thrown into a large fire, and burned to a cinder. They collect these ashes, and preserve them with as much veneration as Christians preserve the body of Jesus Christ, as the viaticum [last sacrament] for the sick. Such was the magical wtue of these ashes that it was almost impos- sible to convert any one who had swallowed the smallest particle of them." '' This story," adds Fleury, ''is so similar to the calum- nies cast on the primitive Chiistians, that it seems a mere imitation ; and yet, such is the accoimt given by a contem- porary author. Another writer says that they carried with them the powder of dead infants, and if they could make persons take any of it, they would directly become Mani- cheans, like themselves."^'' This acknowledgment of the Catholic historian, riemy, will serve to show the want of correctness that must be expected in documents which so grossly distort historical truth. Can we credit a statement of the docti^ines at- tributed to the parties by such ^Titers ? 'Ko ! this would be to acquiesce in the calumny and injustice that have been heaped on men who deserved to be better spoken of. They * Fleury, Hist. Eccles., t. xiii., p. 416. c 3 34 HISTOEY OF THE YAUDOIS CHURCH. were reproached with the name of Manicheans, but we do not believe that they deserved it. The forcible expressions and energetic language with which they described the opposition made to God, and to the work of Christ by the prince of darkness, the prince of this world, the prince of the power of the air, Satan, the chief of the rebel angels, who works in the children of disobedience, who goes about as a roaring lion seeking to devour the children of God, who attempts to seduce even the elect ; — yes ! this effort of the pretended heretics to exhibit in strong colours the war waged by the wicked one against the living and true God, against our Lord and Saviour, may have been called Dualism and Manicheism by men devoted to a material and idola- trous worship of God, angels, and saints. So there are men in our day who reject the doctrine of the existence of Satan and his opposition to the work of Jesus Christ, because they think that they see in it a denial of the power of God, — Dualism and Manicheism ; and especially because they do not believe, or do not know the word of God which reveals this melancholy truth. We believe, then, that these so-called heretics were friends of the gospel, who, themselves illumined by the light that was almost everywhere hid under a bushel, attempted to replace it on a candlestick, but whose efforts were rendered abortive by that thick darkness in which Europe was en- veloped. The following are some fragments of their doctrine, as given by a contemporary author, quoted by Fleury. Those who are taught of God will here recognise the lessons of the gospel in spite of the unfavourable form under which they are presented to us : " They affirm that baptism does not wash away sin ; that the body and blood of Jesus Christ are not made by the consecration of the priest ; that it is useless to pray to saints, whether martjn^s or confessors ; lastly, that works of piety are a useless labour, from which no recom- pense can be expected, and no punishment is to be feared for the most criminal pleasures." '■•' A fragment of a history of Aquitaine, published by Pistorius and quoted by Usher, attributes the following- errors to heretics in the time of king Robert and of pope Benedict viii. : — " They deny baptism, the sign of the holy cross, the church, and the Redeemer of the world * Fleury : the same reference as before. SOTJUCES OF THIS EELIGIOUS MOVEMENT. 35 himself, the honour clue to the saints of God, lawful marriages, and the use of meats." The heretics of Orleans, Toulouse, and other places, are also called Manicheans in this document.-'' JS^atalis sums up the errors of the heretics of Arras in these few words : '^ The heretics deny the mystery of holy bajDtism, the sacraments of the eucharist, penance, holy orders, and marriage. They admit of no worship to confes- sors, no veneration for the Saviour's cross, the images of saints, churches, and altars. They deny purgatory, and say that Christian burial is of no advantage to the deceased."! We find it also stated in Dupin, ''that they attach no value to bells, nor to unction, nor to exorcism. "| Eadulph Ardens, according to Usher, speaks thus of the Manicheans of Agennois : '' They falsely pretend to follow the lives of the apostles, saying that they may not lie, nor swear at all."§ It now remains to deduce some inferences from the fore- going facts. We follow the traces of the church that continued faith- fid to evangelical doctrines. We seek for them in the dark ages ; and we at once find religious manifestations, which, although misrepresented by the reports of victorious adver- saries, exhibit to our view an opposition to the superstitious worship of a degenerate church, a return to evangelical doctrines, a life of self-denial, charity, truth, and purity, to the example of the apostles, whom they professed to take as their models. Although stigmatized by prejudice, igno- rance, and hatred, these religious movements appear to us to be genuine. We believe that we discover among them, imder the rubbish with which they have been covered, sometliing more than materials for the fire, — ^hay, wood, and stubble ; we catch a glimpse of gold, silver, and precious stones, built upon the true foundation. 1 Cor. iii. 12. If now we endeavour to ascend to the soui'ces of these religious manifestations, we perceive that if some are indi- genous, if they seem to have issued from the very soil over which their subsequent course was directed, yet there are other springs which must be traced up to the distant and * TJsserius, etc., p. 279. t R. P. Natalis Alexandri, etc., t. vii., p. 82. t Dupin, Nouvelle Biblioth,, etc., t. viii., pp. 127, 128. § Usserius, etc., p. 281. 36 HISTORY OF THE YAT7D0IS CHURCH. solitary valleys, where those gushing streams that afterwards watered the plains, displayed their wild beauty under the ancient shade of the lofty Alps, far away from the observa- tion of the world. 'No doubt, God has preserved, in all places, in his church, when invaded by error and idolatry, some faithful ones, who have not wholly bowed the knee to Baal. Such in France, in the eleventh century, was the illustrious Berenger, prin- cipal of the school of Tours, of whom Teoduin, bishop of Liege, speaks, in a letter addressed to king Henry : — " The report," he writes, " is spread through Gaul and in all Germany, that Bruno, bishop of Angers, and Berenger, of Tours, have revived the ancient heresies, maintaining that the Lord's body is not so much his body as the shadoAV and figui'e of his body, destroying lawful marriages, and abolishing, as far as lies in their power, the baptism of infants. ""^^ But there can be no doubt that the evangelical truth which sought to manifest itself, was also conveyed to diiferent places, by persons who were not natives of the districts in which they propagated it. In fact, this heresy, almost the same wherever it appeared, is often ascribed to the seductions of numerous emissaries of Antichrist, spread through different parts of the west, active and insinuating men, who seduced the people imper- ceptibly, etc. On these data, we think it must be admitted that this heresy, in many places where it existed, was the work of special emissaries, or, to use the proper term, missionaries. But we see by the writings of the Yaudois, which will be fuU}^ noticed in the sequel, that the missionary work was held in honour among them, and even engaged the special attention of their synods, since a fund was set apart for persons who were employed in such expeditions. This fact, confirmed by various other testimonies of their adver- saries, tends to support the position we are maintaining. But more than this. Italy is pointed out, on two occasions, as the native country of these abettors of heresy. We have just seen it asserted, that the heretics of Orleans had been won over to heresy by a woman from Italy ; and that the movement in Arras was owing to the teachings of some * Fleiiry, Hist. Eccl^s., etc., t. xii., p. 575. THE POWEK OF FAITH. 37 persons cIcToted to the study of the Scriptures, who also came from Italy >' It was then, not impossible, and, in our opinion, it is probable, that the religious movement which took place in the eleventh century, and was unjustly taxed vrith Mani- cheism, was in a great measure a radiation of the light pre- served in the diocese of Claude of Tmin, on the Italian side of the Alps. We believe, therefore, that the religious manifestations we have been mentioning, go to prove the pre- servation of a faithful church in the bosom of the Italian Alps. But we shaU shortly lay before our readers additional and more conclusive evidence. CHAPTEPt YI. EELIGIOrS MANIFESTATIONS OF THE TWELFTH CENTIIEY. The little success of the attempts made in the eleventh century to establish in the western church the pure doc- trines, and to revive the spirit of the gospel, might lead us to apprehend that the cause of truth was entirely and everywhere suppressed, and that fi'om the thinned ranks of the remnant of the faithful chui'ch there would arise no more courageous adversaries of error and superstition. After so many unfortunate attempts, there seemed to be no probability of success ; why, then, should any one ad- vance in a path leading to certain destruction ? But Chiis- tian faith hopes when, humanly speaking, there is no hope. She hopes, because she trusts in her Divine Leader. She expects victory, not fi'om an ann of flesh, but from the power of Him who says to her, " Cry aloud, spare not. — Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world." Impelled by faith, and fortified by hope, the redeemed servant of Christ does not ask, " Are there many of us ?" Sufacient for him is the promise of his Lord and Saviour ; and alone, if so it must be, he consecrates his life * Ecrits des Vaudois, livre de la Discipline, (Writings of the Vaudois, book of Discipline,) ch. iv., second pai-agraph.— Leger, etx;., pt. i., p. 192.— Perrin, Hist, of the Vaudois, ch. iv. 38 HISTORY OF THE YAUDOIS CHURCH. to the work of the ministry, and the salvation of souls. The fear of death and outrage cannot deter him. Like Paul, he goes forth for the conquest of the world in the name of Jesus Chiist. His credentials and apology for such boldness are comj)rised in these few words : — " I be- lieve, therefore have I spoken." This taith was not wanting to the feeble -remains of the faithful church. If the lamp of truth, which was still burning in by-places was small, its flame was yet bright and well fed. In the year 1100 the church of the Yaudois valleys set forth its belief and discipline, and reflected its life, in writings with which we shall make our readers acquainted, -with a clearness and precision that by no means indicate a recent origin. We need not, then, be astonished to see, at this same period, evangelical missionaries coming from these countries, or their vicinity, to carry on the work of their predecessors. Two men especially attract our attention, Pierre de Bruis and Henry, his fellow-labourer. The first was a priest ;^* the second was often designated '^the false hermit." They began to disseminate their doctrines in La Septimanie, which, according to Dupin, included Dauphine and ^Pro- vence. From Provence they passed into Languedoc and Gascogne, whence their so-called heresy penetrated into Spain and England, etc.f Before we follow them into their field of labour, and inquire what doctrine they taught, it "^ill be desirable to acquaint ourselves with their origin, which is already seen to be of importance. Pierre de Bruis was a native of Dauphine, and Hemy an Italian. In the preceding chapter we have seen that several religious manifestations had emanated from Italy. We have observed, in chapter iv., that the provinces at the foot of the Alps, the districts of Yercelli, Piedmont, and Astesan, were infected with Ma- nichean heresy, — that is, in our view, with evangelical doctrines. Henry, the false hermit, the companion of Pierre de Bruis, is surnamed the Italian, which we confess does not prove that he belonged formerly to those districts that were accused of heresy ; nevertheless, this supposition * It would be interesting to know the exact nature of liis priesthood ; whether he had received orders from a known superior, or whether he was one of those who were persecuted, and sometimes caUed acephalous, {acephales,) headless. t Centur. Magdeb., Cent, xii., col. 832. PIERRE DE BRriS AND HENRY. 39 docs not appear extravagant, especially if we reflect that the connexion between Henry and Pierre de Bruis, and the conformity of their docti'ine, will be explained hj the fami- liar intercourse that Dauphine always maintained with Piedmont, and the Yaudois valleys in particular. In the twelfth century, these relations became more intimate than ever, since Dauphine possessed some valleys on the eastern side of the Alps, (valleys which make a part of Piedmont at the present time, ) as may be seen in the letters-patent of the year 1155, by which the emperor Frederic granted to the dauphin the right of coining money at Cesane, in the valley of Susa.^'' We also find that the valley of Pragela, or Clusone, belonged to Dauphine. Thus the Yaudois valleys were wedged in by Dauphine, by which they were bounded on three sides. On the basis of these geographical and political facts, nothing is easier than to explain the origin of the doctrine preached by Pierre de Bruis of Dauphine, and by Henry the Italian, as well as their inti- mate comiexion. More than this : if we trace with atten- tion the labours of these two illustrious missionaries, scru- tinize their lives, and examine their doctrines, we shall be satisfied of their affiliation to the religious movement of the subalpine countries, which has already been discussed, but of which a fuller account will be given in the chapters relating to the doctrine and life of the ancient Yaudois. Few particulars have come down to us respecting the conflicts and sufferings of one of these distinguished servants of the Lord Jesus Christ, namely Pierre de Bruis. It is only knoT\Ti that, after preaching and laboimng to establish and extend the Saviour's kingdom, for twenty years, he received the crown of martyrdom, by being burned to death at St. Gilles, in Languedoc, a.d. 1126.f More details are known respecting the adventiu^ous life of Henry. After having laboured for some time in concert with Bruis, he parted from him, for what reason we are not informed. "VYe may suppose that their work being weU advanced, it was thought advisable that they should proclaim separately the good news of salvation and regeneration, for the conversion of a greater number. Henry at first directed his ste]3s towards Lausanne. He * Histoire du Dauphine, Geneve, chez Fabry, 1772, t. i., passim, and p. 93, etc. t Centui-. Magdeb., Cent, xii., col. 832. 40 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. came at a later period to Mans, with two other Italians. They travelled, barefooted, in all weathers, each carrying a staff, surmounted with a cross. The exact time of Henry's arrival at Mans is uncertain: DupiUi gives the year 1110. Authors are better agreed as to the effects of his preaching in this city. Henry obtained from Heribert, who was bishop of Mans, and just on the point of leaving the place, permission to preach in the churches during his absence. His preaching made a powerful impression on his hearers. The people were fascinated. But the clergy, who at first approved and welcomed their foreign brother, were not slow to change their opinion, when they felt their personal credit diminished. The captivating orator was prohibited from preaching any more. The people in vain expressed their disapprobation of this step, and threatened that they would have no other pastor. Henry, though loved and supported by the multitude, was obliged to give way and depart. From Mans he proceeded to Poitiers ; then, as some say, to Perigueux; afterwards to Bourdeaux, Toulouse, and the parts where he had already laboured with Bruis."^"' In the year 1134, having been arrested by order of the archbishop of Aries, he was conducted by that prelate to the council of Pavia, which was held that same year. Henry was condemned as a heretic by that assembly, and imprisoned. By some means, however, he regained his liberty, and apjD eared again in the south of France. There he was opposed by St. Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux, an eloquent and energetic man, who had gained a high reputation b}' the superior management of his convent, by his zeal, by different miracles of which he had the credit, and by his victory over Abailard, whose condemnation he obtained at the council of Sens, in 1140. By the efforts of this abbot and the legate Alberic, who were sent to Toulouse, in 1147, to repress heresy, Henry was delivered into the hands of the bishop of that city, and conducted, the following year, to the council of Pheims. Being con- demned a second time, he was again thrown into prison, where he soon died, after more than forty years of toil and labour for the cause of the pure gospel. Many of these facts are contained in the letter of St. Bernard to Ilde- * Dupin, Notivelle Bibliotli., t. ix., p. 101. Eecueil des Historiens des Gaiiles, xiv.j p. 430. Admonitio prasvia — Gieseler, p. 4i2. DEATH OF HENRY. 41 phonse or Alphonse, count of Toulouse and St. Gilles, ^viitten at the time of his mission. If the injustice of the abbot of Clairvaux towards his enemies were not well known, we should be astonished to find him atti^ibuting Henry's abrupt departm^e from many cities, in which he had sojourned, to prosecutions for acts of immorality; but we well know that it was for his preaching and so-called heresy that this confessor of the faith was persecuted and forced to make his escape.^' The success of Pierre de Bruis and Henry was astonish- ing. The work in which they laboured, seconded by brethren whose names have not come down to iis, was rapidly consolidated, and spread into many distiicts, in spite of the efforts of part of the clergy and the popes to destroy it; until at last, in the thii^teenth century, the Homan pontiffs raised against it those brutal and bloody persecutions, kno^ii imder the name of the crusades against the Albigenses. The regions traversed by Pierre de Bruis and Henry soon swarmed with heretics, even in those parts where they had been partiallv checked. For example, at Perigueux, a city which Hemw passed thi'ough in his way from Poitiers to BoiuTleaux, there were found, in 1140, and thi'oughout the countiy, Heribert informs us, a great number of heretics, who professed to lead an apostoKc Kfe. Another contem- porary author, the abbot Morgan, the annalist, relates, that, about the year 1163, heretics of the same sort, who aspired also to lead an apostoKc life, had made great progress in Perigord.f At Toulouse, and other places where the new docti^e had been sown, the efforts of St. Bernard, who opposed it, had at first some success, particularly at the moment when the infant church was deprived of its leader, Henry, who died in prison. The Catholic chuix-hes, heretofore deserted, were again filled ; the heretics concealed themselves ; the preachSig of the abbot of Clairvaux and his pretended mii-acles, seemed to have subdued the common people. * D. Bemardi Epistola, 241— Acta Episcop. Cenomanensiiim, cap. xxxiii — Mabillionis Analecta, t. iii., p. 312.-PetmsClimiacensism Maxima Bibhoth P. P., t. xxii., cols. 8G1, 1034.— Histoire du Languedoc, etc.,t. u., p. iU-U.- ite- ceuil des Historiens des Gatdes, t. xii. p. 547, etc. ^ • ..i ^ t ^laV^mioms Analecta, t. iii., p. 467.-Histoire du Languedoc, etc., in the preamble of Book xix. 42 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. This state of things, however, did not last long. The historians of Languedoc admit this. *' St. Bernard had the happiness," they say, ''to lead back to the faith those who had wandered ; but in spite of all his care the heresy of the Henricians secretly kept its hold, and, some years later, it revived with so much vigour as at last to cause extreme desolation."*^ The importance of this fact is confirmed by the acts of the council assembled at Tours, in 1163. The fourth canon, in which it is enjoined on the bishops of Toulouse and the neighbouring places, to have a watchful eye over heretics, mentions them in the preamble in the foUoTvdng terms: — "Eor a long time, in the neighbourhood of Tou- louse, there has arisen a damnable heresy, which, gradually spreading like a cancer, has already infected Gascogne and many other provinces."! In A.D. 1165 or 1176, (authors differ as to the date,)J a council, held at Lombers, summoned before it certain heretics, who had been discovered in the province of Tou- louse, and were known by the title of ''good men" (honi homine!^.) After being examined in the presence of Peter, archbishop of Narbonne, Gii'ard, Albi, Gaucelin, Lodeve, and other bishops, they were pronounced heretics, and handed over to the secular power. The chief among them was called Olivier. They were numerous. The nobility partook of their opinions. "But the condemnation of these heretics," we are told by the Benedictine historians of Languedoc, " did not stop their progress, either in the province or in foreign lands ; they spread especially in Burgundy and Flanders, under the name of Poplicans." "In fact," they say in another passage, " the error made such astonishing progress, that it gained over the greater part of the ecclesiastics and the nobility of high, and part of low Languedoc. Eajnnond, count of Toulouse", a prince zealous for the faith, resolved to remedy the evil. . Recollecting the services of Saint Bernard, which had been rendered thirty years before to count Alphonse, his father, he applied to the chapter general of Citeaux, assembled in September, 1177, and * Histoire du Languedoc, etc., t. ii., p. 447. t Ad Labbeum. . . Concil., t. x., col. 1419. t According to Usher it was in 1176 ; according to the Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, in 1165. DOCTEINES OF PIEREE DE BEUIS AXD HENEY. 43 besought that body to come to his succour. ' This heresj^' added he, 'has prevailed to such a degree, that it has caused division between husband and ^vil'e, father and son, mother-in-law and daughter-in-law. Persons of the priestly order have suffered themselves to be corrupted ; the churches are forsaken and fallen into ruin ; they refuse to administer baptism ; the eucharist is treated as an abomination As for myself — I who am armed "svith two swords, and consider it my glory to be thereby appointed the avenger and the minister of God's ^T:ath — I seek in vain for the means to put an end to such great evils, and I confess that I am not strong enough to accomplish the object; for the most distinguished of my subjects have been seduced, and have carried away mth them the greater part of the people. .... I therefore humbly implore your succoiu', counsel, and prayers, to extii'pate this heresy.' "^'' At a later period, the same count Raymond adopted the very principles which he had at first disowned, and sacrificed for them his property and estates in the terrible crusade that was made against his people and himself. "W^e shall not undertake to recount the subsequent history of the so-called heretics of Languedoc and the neighbouring provinces ; such a topic deserves to be treated of separately, as has been done already by various authors, to whom we refer the reader. For our present puqjose it is sufficient to have shown the connexion of the religious movements in the south of France, during the twelfth century, with the similar manifestations of the preceding century, and with the religious state of some countries in the north of Italy, particularly Piedmont. But before dismissing this subject, we have to give an account of the doctrines, which, according to the reports of their adversaries, were preached and propagated by Pierre de Bruis, Hemy, and their fellow-laboiu'ers, in the countries above mentioned. Peter the Yenerable, abbot of Clugny, attributes to Pierre de Bruis the five following points of doctrine, which he states in his ninth letter, entitled, '' Against the Petrobrusians," and addressed to the archbishops of Aries and Embrun, as well as to the bishops of Gap and Die. * Histoire du Languedoc, etc., t. ii. pp. -i — 46. 44 HISTORY OF THE TAUDOIS CHURCH. (i.) He (Pierre de Bruis) denies that children, before they arrive at years of intelligence, can be saved by bap- tism, or that the faith of another person can be useful to them, since, according to those of his opinion, it is not the faith of another which saves, but the faith of the individual with baptism, according to our Lord's words : ^' He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved; but he that belie veth not shall be damned." (ii.) The second point consists in this — that we ought not to build either temple or church, but Ave ought to over- turn the existing edifices of this kind ; that consecrated places are not necessary for Christian devotion, because God, who is invoked, understands and hearkens to those who are worthy of being heard, whether in a tavern or a church, a market-place or a temple, before an altar or in a stable. (iii.) The third article enjoins the cutting in pieces of the sacred crosses and burning them, because they have the form of the instrument which was made use of to tortiu"e Jesus Christ, and so cruelly to deprive him of life ; the cross is not Avorth}^ of adoration or veneration, or any kind of supplication ; on the contrary,, by way of retribution for the sufferings and death of Christ, it merits all dishonour, such as being cut in pieces and burned. (iv.) Bruis not only denies that the true body and blood of the Lord are offered daily and continually in the church by the sacrament, but declares that this sacrament is nothing, and ought not to be offered to God. (v.) He (Bruis) ridicules sacrifices, prayers, alms, and other good works performed by li^dng believers on behalf of such as are deceased, and affirms that these things caimot be of the slightest use to the dead. ''I have answered these five points," says the venerable Peter, ^' according as God has granted me grace, in the letter which I have addressed to your holinesses."^' The venerable abbot goes on to say, — '' But after the zeal of the faithful, in burning Pierre de Bruis, near St. Gilles, had taken vengeance for the fii'e which he had lighted, and which had consumed the cross of the Lord ; after this impious maA had passed from the fire of the pile * Maxima Biblioth, P. P., t. xxii., col. 1033.— [Also Gieseler's Lelirbuch der Kirchengeschichte, vol. ii., pt. 2, p. 524. Third edition. Bonn. 1832.] HERETICS ALOXG THE EHINE. 45 of faggots to eternal fire, the heir of his heresy, Henry, -v^ith I know not what other j)ersons, so far from correcting his diabolical doctrine, endeavoiu-ed to confirm it, and, as I have seen in a volume, which they say proceeded fr'om his lips, he has published not only these five points of doctrine, but a great many more."* AVe have read a letter of later date, to the above mentioned prelates, in which the venerable Peter refutes the pretended false doctrines which he had just enumerated, describing their diabolical tendency in still stronger terms ; but ex- cepting some new developments, and a critique on church music, the two letters appear to us to be nearly the same.f The !Magdeburgh Centuriators, who have extracted and collected the different points of doctrine professed by the heretics of the south of France, in the twelfth century, mention some other articles of faith beside ; for examjole, on the Lord's supper, ''That the bodj' and blood of Christ were not offered in the theatrical mass, and that it was not an oblation made for the salvation of souls ; that the altars ought to be destroyed ; that the doctiine of the change in the sacramental elements is false ; that the sacred supper ought not now to be given to men, because it was once given by Chi^ist to his apostles," Evident^, this last opinion is incoiTectly reported, since, as we shall see by the testimony of St. Bernard, the so-called heretics of the south of France partook of the supper. It certainly related to the expiatory sacrifice of Jesus Christ, which was offered only once, and which need not and cannot be repeated. On ^Marriage : "That the priests and monks ought to marry, rather than be the prey of lust, or give themselves up to impuiity." On Chants and Instruments of ]\Iusic : " That God is mocked by the chants which the priests and monks repeat in the temples ; that God cannot be appeased by monkish melodies." On Meats : " That it is allowable to eat meat on Sundays and other days." On the Holy Scriptures : ''A rimiour is prevalent," said * [Gieseler, p. 527.] Maxiina Biblioth., ibid., col. 1034. The reader is re- quested to take particulai- notice of these ex|3ressions, as they prove the close coiuie:?don that subsisted between Pierre du Bniis and Homy, and the identity of theh doctrine. t Maxima Biblioth., ibid., cols. 1036, 1048—1076. 46 HISTOEY OF THE VATJDOIS CHTJECH. the abbot of Clugii}", " that they do not receive the whole canon ; that is to say, all the writings of the Old and 'New Testament;" he also said, ''that they received only the Gospels." But here we beg to observe, that so grave an accu- sation as that urged by the venerable Peter against the heretics, of not receiving the whole canon of Scripture, rests on a very weak foundation, nothing more than " a prevalent rumour." Such a charge requu'es much stronger evidence than mere rumour to establish it. He also says, " They believe in one canon; they do not grant the same authority to the fathers as to the Holy Scriptures."^' The same centuriators have also extracted from the writings of St. Bernard the errors which he noticed in the apostolic heretics. We translate the passage : " The Apostolicals or Henricians ; their doctrines, ac- cording to St. Bernard, as far as they can be ascertained, are : (i.) " That infants ought not to be baptized. (ii.) " That they (the apostolicals) have the power of consecrating daily the body and blood of Christ at their table, to nourish themselves, since they are themselves the body of Christ and his members. f (iii.) " That virgins alone are allowed to marry, because God created man and woman virgins. (iv.) " That continence must be sought by marriage. (v.) ''That the fire of purgatory does not exist. The reason is, that the soul when separated from the body passes into a state of repose or danm.ation. (vi.) " That we must not pray for the dead. (vii.) "That we ought not to ask for the intercession of departed saints. (viii.) " That a man who lives in sin ought not to be a bishop. (ix.) " That it is not lawful to eat milk, nor what is made from it, nor an^^hing that comes by procreation. (x.) "They do not acknowledge the church, nor the * Centur. Magdeb. xii., col. 832, etc. t We read in the thirteenth sermon of Ekbert, abbot of St. Florin, the fol- lowuia: words relative to the heretics of Cologne, of the same jDeriod: *' They say that they alone make the body of the Lord at their tallies. But they use the words with a dou^ljle meaning- ; for they do not intend the true body of Christ, but they caU their own flesh the body of Christ." HEEETICS ALONG THE EHINE. 47 pontificate ; but assert that they, themselves, are the chiuTh. (xi.) " That swearing or oath-taking is forbidden." St. Bernard cites besides, several other points of doc- ti^ine and opinions of the apostolicals. Among other things he says, ''That they depreciate the orders of the church; they do not receive its institutions ; they despise its sacra- ments, and do not obey its commandments." He remarks that these doctrines have been collected by his own research, partly fi'om altercations or disputes, and partly from the lips of those who had returned to the papal church. On the other hand, we may remark that there is reason to ap- prehend that prejudice and animosity have more than once led to incorrect and unfavourable reports of the doctiines of those who were looked upon as heretics. The reader will have already had reason to make this observation for himself; for evidently many of the heretical opinions as given by Pierre de Clugny and St. Bernard are incom- plete, and presented in a false light; and we need only compare analogous opinions together, to be con\inced that such is the case. A contemporary' author, whom we have already men- tioned, Heribert, a monk of Angouleme, says of the heretics of Perigord and Perigueux in pai-ticular : ''In the country of Perigueux, a multitude of heretics have appeared, who pretend to lead an aj)ostolic life. They neither eat meat nor chn'rik wine oftener than once in three days, and then very moderately. They bend their knees a hundred times a day. They do not take money. Their sect is very per- verse and secret. They set no value on the mass, and say that the wafer is not to be taken, but a bit of bread. They adore neither the cross, nor the image of Jesus Christ; but rather hinder those who would. A great many people have been already seduced ; not only nobles who abandon their wealth, but also scholars, priests, monks, and friars."^'' The annalist de Morgan, in Thomas Gale, under the date of the year 1163, expresses himself nearly in the same manner. He adds a remarkable instance of the power of persuasion, and of the Christian life wliich they possessed ; it is the only one we shall report : "If ignorant persons," * MabiUionis Analecta, t. iii., pp. 4&7 — iS3. 48 HISTORY OF THE YAITDOIS CHURCH. he says, ''come to them, at the end of eight days they become so accomplished, that they cannot be surpassed either in information or exemplary conduct.""^' The religious and evangelical movement did not remain confined with the limits of the south of France. Mani- festations very similar, although presenting, as they are reported, some points of difference, appeared along the Rhine, in Flanders, Burgundy, Lower Britanny, and else- where. Evervin, writing to St. Bernard about the heretics discovered at Cologne, of whom a great number were burned, and the rest returned to the church, expresses himself as follows: ''You know, my lord, that, on returning to the church, they have told us that they are a very great multi- tude, spread almost everywhere, and that they have in their ranks some of our ecclesiastics and monks. And those who have been burned, have urged in their defence, that this heresy has been propagated secretly from the times of the martyrs to the present day, and has existed in Greece and some other countries." This spiritual soldier}^, armed against error for the triumph of truth, gradually recruited its ranks through a long course of time, with prudence and a somewhat timid sagacity, and at last, as we have already seen, ventured on a more open warfare, in j^roportion as it saw its forces increase. Home itself, the residence of the pope, the for- tress of superstition, saw its enemy pass through its gates, and preach within its walls. In 1128, a foreign preacher excited as much surprise, as admiration or hatred, by his discourses. His name was Arnulph : his origin was never known. But thus much may be affirmed, that a Yaudois missionar}^ would not have preached otherwise than he did. Let us hear the report made of him by Trithemius : "At this time, under pope Honorius ii., a certain priest, named Arnulph, came to Rome, a man of great devotion, and a distinguished preacher. While he proclaimed the word of God, he rebuked the dissoluteness, the libertinism, the avarice, and the extreme haughtiness of the clergy. He exhibited, for universal imitation, the poverty and life of spotless integrity of Jesus Christ and his apostles. In truth, his preaching was approved by the Roman nobility, as that of a true disciple of Jesus Christ. But, on the other * Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, t. xiii., p. 108. ABAILAJEID AISD AENAUD OF BEESCIA. 49 hand, it exposed him to the intense hatred of the cardinals and the clergy, who seized him by night, and put him to death secretly."^'' In the ranks of the antagonists of Eome, of superstition, and of immorality, might be also seen men whose principles were, perhaps, not always founded on a simple faith in the pure gospel of Clirist. Such was Abailard, in Trance ; such was Arnaud of Brescia, in Italy. The latter dared, like Amulph, to attack Home in Eome itself. One word on his life and labours. Being a native of Brescia (Brixia), in Lombardy, he might have obtained a knowledge of the Vaudois doctrines, though history does not expressly affirm it. AYe are simply told that he was brought up in France, near the famous Abailard. His career was fall of adven- ture, and his labours seem to have been as much political as religious. On returning to his native country, having taken the habit of a monk, he began to preach. Having been excommimicated by the Lateran Council, under Inno- cent II., in the year 1139, he was obliged to take to flight. He retired to Zurich, in Switzerland, and there propagated his principles. Being denounced by St. Bernard to the bishop of Constance, he Avas disturbed in his retreat, and passed again into Italy. He was at Eome, in 1145, in the time of Eugenius in. St. Bernard of Clairvaux once more "s^Tote against him to cardinal Guide, warning him that " his conversation was honey, and his doctrine poison." " He has," he added, " the head of a dove, and the tail of a sequent." In his letter to the bishop of Constance, St. Bernard had involuntarily borne a favourable testimony to his enemy, when he said, ''I wish that the doctiine of Amaud of Brescia was as sound as his life is austere ; and, if you would know him, let me tell you that he is neither gluttonous nor a wine-bibber ; only, like the devil, he hungers and tliii^sts for the blood of souls." This refers to Ai-naud's zeal for converting the world to his doctrines. In his preaching he dwelt incessantly on the crying abuse of the power and wealth of the clergy. According to Otho of Freisingen, Arnaud declared, "that priests who had landed property, bishops who possessed the revenues of vacant benefices {regales), and monks who had estates, * Trithemius, or Chronica insignis, p. 157. — Leger, etc., pt. i., p. 152, who reports the facts a httle difFerently, according to Platina. D 50 HISTOEY OF THE YATJDOIS CHrRCH. could not be saved ; ^^ that all these things belonged to the sovereign, and that he ought not to grant them to any but laymen." The poet Gunther adds, ''that Arnaud despised the delicate meats, the splendid vestments, the misplaced pleasantries and boisterous mirth of the clergy, the ostentation of the pontiffs, the dissolute manners of the abbots, and the pride of the monks." After having succeeded in concealing himself a long time at Eome, where his political opinions were much relished by the citizens, he was at last arrested in 1155, and burned there by order of the prefect Peter. His ashes were thrown into the Tiber, to prevent his disciples from making relics of them.f AU these antagonists of Rome, who sustained the cause of truth in the twelfth centmy, and who were connected with each other by an analogous or common origin, as well as by features of resemblance of more than one kind, received from their enemies particular denominations, besides the common appellation of heretics. It would appear, also, that they were sometimes designated by names of their own choosing. Branded, in the eleventh century, with the name of Manichcans, as favourers of ancient heresies ; in the twelfth centmy, they were called Apostolicals, from their professing to lead lives worthy of the apostles. St. Bernard always gives them this title ironically, whether speaking of the disciples of Pierre de Bruis and Henry, or of the sectaries of Cologne. In the second half of the twelfth century, new designations were added to the preceding, according as the stream of pretended heresy flowed through new countries, and as some particular circumstance modified the course of this reformation more in its appearance than in realitj^. In various places, they bore the name of Cathari, or Purists, on account of the purity to wliich they aspired. | In Flanders, they were called Piphles, a word of unknown etjTuology ; in many parts of Prance, Texerans, or Tisse- rands (weavers), from the trade to wliich many of them belonged. The heretics of Aquitaine, who passed over to England about the year 1160, were called Poplicans, as * This is entirely in accordance with the principles of the apostohcals or Vandois. t Otho of Freisingen, p. 248. — Natahs, t.vii.,pp. 88, 89. — Dupia and Flemy. X The details are given in Usher, p. 269, etc. DESIGN- ATIOIfS GIYEX TO HERETICS. 51 well as those of Yezclay ; perhaps, because, in attacking pharisaic formalism, they insisted much on the humility, penitence, and faith of the publican in the gospel. The title Patarins, or Paterins, given in Italy and also in France to these same persons, was derived from the name of a quarter in Milan to which the married priests were ba- nished, in 1058, to celebrate their worship ; ^ or rather it is a synonym with persecuted, or those reserved for per- secution, from the verb ^^rt^/, wliich signifies to suffer.j It appears that they designated the heretical travellers, or missionaries, by the nickname Passagins.j They were also called Good Men {honi homines) in Germany and Prance. According to Gretser, when the innovators of Mayence were put down, the Inquisition demanded of them, ''How often have you confessed to the heresiarchs, that is, those good-men who come to you secretly, pre- tending that they are called, in the apostles' stead, to go thi'ough all the world from place to place, to preach, to shrive, etc, ?" § The same good-men were also called Per- fect {perfecti) by those of the same faith ; a term indicating their superiority over simple believers, who were designated by the name of The Consoled {consolati), on account of the peace of heart which the gospel communicated to them. II The reproachful name of Insabbates (mentioned for the first time by Eberard de Bethune under this form ; Xabatatenses, from xahatata, a kind of wooden sandal, ) was also given them ; because, said father Xatalis, they celebrate no sabbath or feast-days, and do not dis- continue their work on the days consecrated among the [Roman] Catholics to Christ, the blessed virgin, and the saints.^ It was more usual in the following century, though several examples may be cited in the twelfth, to designate the friends of alleged novel doctrines by the names of their country or particular leaders. Such were the names — ^heretics of Provence, Toulouse, Agen, and Picardy; * According to Sigonius, De Regno Italico, book ix. t According to De Vineis, Epist., book i., epist. 27 or 96. J Usher, p. 306. § Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. sxiv., col, 1520, etc — Historiens des Gaules, t. xiii,, p. 173, II Usher, p. 293. •l Maxima Bibhoth., P, P.,t, xxiv,, cols, 1520, 1572, etc.— P. XataJis Alexandri, etc., t, \'ii., pp. 94-, 95, D 2 52 HISTOET OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. Albigenses, Lombards, Bohemians ; Petrobrusians, from Pierre de Bruis ; Henricians, from Hem.y ; Arnaldists, from Arnaud of Brescia ; Arnoldists, from a companion of Yaldo ; Leonists, from Leon, etc. Lastly, and speciall)^, we must mention that denomination which is the most celebrated and most worthy of our best attention — we mean that of Yaudois, which was constantly given by [Roman] Catholic authors from the thirteenth century, not to any one of the subdivisions of the alleged heretical sect, but to the whole sect. A single testimony, amongst many, will suffice to convince us of the generality of this designation : it is a work which was written about the year 1254, by a celebrated inquisitor, Eainier, or E,einier Sacco, of the order of preaching friars, who per- secuted the Christians who were opposed to Rome. This work, which treats of all the heresies and pretended impieties that were attributed to the Cathari, Paterins, Toulousians, Albigenses, Passagins, Poor Men of Lyons, Arnaldists, etc., in a word, to the sectaries of the twelfth century, is entitled, Lkre de Rainier, de Vordre des precheurs, contre les heretiques Vaitdois (Valdenses), ['' Book of Rainier, of the order of preachers, against the Yaudois heretics."] Prom this we infer, that, from the commencement of the thirteenth century, the name of Yaudois served to designate all the pretended heretics of the age. Moreover, an author of the twelfth century, Bernard de Poncald {Fontis-ccdidi, warm-spring), near Saint Pons, in Languedoc, who wrote, according to Dupin, about the year 1180, gives the name Yaudois to the same heretics who are called Good Men in the acts of the Council of Lombers. "These Yaudois," he says, ''although condemned by the same sovereign pontiff (Lucius ii.), continued to diffuse with surpassing audacit}-, far and mde, through all the world, the poison of their perfidy. This is why Bernard, "^^ lord archbishop of Narbonne, opposed them (at the Coun- cil of Lombers, when bishop of Lodeve,) in the name of the church, as a fortress ; in fact, having assembled a considerable number of the clergy and laity, monks and * This Bernai'cT Gaucelin, bishop of Lodeve, conducted the cause at Lombers against the Good Men, and pronounced the sentence. He ):)ecanie archbishop of Narbonne in 1181. He does not appear in any other councils. See His- toriens des Gaules, t. xiv., p. 430. THEEE ETYilOLOGIES PROPOSED. 53 seculars, he brought them to trial. In a word, after their cause had been examined with great care, they were con- demned." The collection of the Historians of Gaul {His- toriens des G aides), in a summary which precedes the acts of the council, confirms, in part, the facts abeady men- tioned.* This name of Yaudois (Yaldenses) given to heretics in the south of France, by an author of the same age and country, is an additional proof of the common origin of the religious manifestations on this side and beyond the AIjds, a confirmation of what we have stated, at the beginning of this chapter, of the intimate connexion of Pierre de Bruis and Henry with the Christians of the valleys of Piedmont, with the inheritors of the principles of Claude of Turin and the friends of Yisilantius. CHAPTER YII. origij!^ of the ]S^AME vaudois. HisTOEicAL clearness, and, what is still more important, truth, equally demand an exact knowledge of the origin of the name Yaudois, which was given to reputed heretics of the twelfth and following centuries, in Prance, the north of Italy, and Germany. Three principal etymologies have been proposed. Ac- cording to some, it is derived from Yaldo, whose disciples were called the Poor Men of Lyons, with which epithet it may be considered as sj-non^mious ; according to others, Yaudois is derived from vaux (valleys), as Yallenses from the Latin word vallis, a valley, and Yaldenses (most gene- rally used) from vallis densa, a thick, or shaded valley. Lastly, in the opinion of others, the name Yaudois was a term of reproach, sjTionymous with sorcerer. Let us examine each of these etymologies. Alain de rile, or de Lille, who lived at the end of the twelfth century, ■]- and the beginning of the thirteenth, according to * Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xxiv., jap. 1585, 1586. t AccordiBor to Bossuet, he died in 1202 ; according to Xatalis, in 1181 ; Cave says that he flourished in 1215 ; and Visch, that he died in 1294. 54 HISTOEY OF THE YATJDOIS CHUHCH. the most coniinon opinion, expresses himself as follows : — ''There are certain heretics who pretend to be just, while they are wolves in sheep's clothing . . . They are called Yaldenses, from the name of their leader, Yaldus." Pierre de Yaux Cernay, or Sernay, an author known at the beginning of the thirteenth century, speaks, in his History of the Albigenses [Ilutoire des Albigeois), of the Yaudois who were spread among them. '' There are be- sides," he says, ''the heretics called Yaldenses, after the name of one Yaldius, of Lyons. "^' This author notices, as one of the four marks Avhich distinguish the Yaudois, the sandals which they wore after the manner of the apostles. But this usage may 1/e traced back to a date much more ancient than he assigns to it, in referring it to Yaldo ; since the companions of Henry, the promoters of the sect of the Albigenses, wore them, as well as the Yaudois missionaries, and were often called Xabata- tenses, from xahatata, as we have remarked in the j^receding chapter. Later [Roman] Catholic authors have agreed in admitting this etymology, which we rej ct with good reason, as will be seen. But before adducing our proofs, it will be proper to state what we know about Yaldus, or Yaldo, and his work. Pierre, a merchant and citizen of Lyons, called also by historians Pierre Yaldo, Yaldus, Yaldius, Yaldensis, or Yal- decius,! and Yaldesius, having been deeply affected by the sudden death of one of his friends, in a party of pleasure, formed the resolution of renouncing the world, and labour- ing thenceforth only for his salvation. | Luther, the cele- brated reformer of Germany in the sixteenth centurj^, entered a convent, and devoted himself to the concerns of religion, in consequence of a similar event. § Pierre gave his utmost attention to the reading of the Bible ; it is even said that he translated some books of it from the Latin into the vulgar tongue. He also applied himself to the study of the Fathers. Stephanus de Borbone, or de Bella- * Petri Monachi, coenobii valliiim Cernaii, etc. — Historia Albigensium, cap. ii., apud Duchesne. t According to Usher, p. 159. X This is Rahiier's opinion, wliichwe follow. Polichdorf, and an anonymous wiiter in the collection of the Historiens des Gardes, report the fact differently. § Consult Merle D'Aubigne's excellent work on the Reformation [published by the ReUgious Tract Society.] YALDO. OQ villa, who giyes lis these particulars, adds : '' This citizen of Lyons) having often read these sentences and engraven them in his memorj-, determined to seek after that evan- gelical perfection which the apostles had practised. Havin«^ sold all his goods in contempt of the world, he distribute d the money he had gained to the poor, and dared to usurp the office of the apostles, preaching the gospel and the tilings he had committed to memory, in the sti'eets and public places. He encouraged men and women to do the same, whom he collected around him, and confirmed in the knowledge of the gospel. He sent men of all trades, even the meanest, into the surroimding coimtiy, to preach. These men and women, ignorant and illiterate, running over the country, gaining admission into town-halls ; and preaching in public places, and even in churches, excited others to do the same."^' Detachment from the world, and zeal for the advance- ment of the kingdom of Christ according to the gospel, were the characteristics of the religious movement that was abetted by PieiTe, the merchant of Lyons. It was in allusion to the fii'st of these peculiarities, the most striking in the eyes of the devotees of the world and of wealth, that the disciples of a man who had reduced liimself to poverry in order to follow Jesus Christ were called the Poor Men of Lyons. Their great success in the conversion of souls, the truly apostolic life of the former merchant, quickly drew on himself and his adherents a violent persecution. Anathematized and prosecuted bj' Jean de Bollesmanis, or Bellesmains, archbishop of Lyons, Pierre made his escape into Picardy, where he remained awhile. He then mth- drew into Yindelicia, the present Siiabia and Bavaria, where he sojourned a long time; at last, he went into Bohemia, and there ended his days.f Pierre, the merchant of Lyons, may be regarded as the most eminent continuator of the laboiu-s of Pierre de Bniis and Hemy. AVe now resume our inquiry respecting the name Vau- dois, which [Eoman] Catholic ^Titers have derived fi'om * Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xxv., p. 264. — Stephaniis de BorboDe (or de Bella\'LlIa) Liber de septem Donis Spuitus Sancti, pt. iv., cb.. xxx. ; in Echard, t. i. t Usher, p. 266, wbo quotes Tbuanus (De Tliou) Hist., c v. 56 HISTORY OF THE YATJDOIS CHTJECH. Valdo, as if lie had been the leader of the Yaudois sect, and the author of this reputed heresy. The Yaudois, they assert, received their name from that of Yaldo. (i.) We observe, that in the canons of councils, and other official documents relative to the disciples of Pierre, the merchant of Lyons, these persons never receive the appellation of Yaudois, but are always designated by the name of the Poor Men of L^^ons ; the name Yaldo is never mentioned further. A treatise of an anonymous author, quoted in Martene, on the heresy of the Paores of Lyons, never gives the name ofYaudois to Pierre's disciples; more- over, it never gives him the name Yaldo, but always that of Valdensis, that is, the Yaudois, which is very different ; for this designation, being equivalent to an adjective, would mark the origin of the religious opinions of the person to whose name it is affixed. (ii.) In the next place we remark, that Pierre, the mer- chant of Lyons, was not the originator of the religious move- ment which appeared in Prance before the commencement of the twelfth century, since he did not preach till about the year 1180; and if the reputed heretics of Agen, Tou- louse, Albi, and other places, were called Yaudois, this - name could not have been given them on account of Yaldo, as he was not their leader. (iii.) The name Yaudois could not be derived from that of the merchant of Lyons, for the name Yaldo never be- longed to him. In his time, about the year 1 1 80, it was still the custom to have only one name, that given at baptism, for family names had not then been brought into use : it is true that a particular designation was often added to the baptismal name, that, for instance, of a per- son's residence or profession. By this qualif3dng epithet, the individual in question was sufficiently distinguished from every other ; but our supposed leader of the sect of the Yaudois, whose name was Pierre, is ordinarily dis- tinguished by one of the following qualifications, — Pierre, a citizen of Lyons ; Pierre, a merchant, or trader of Lyons. It has been said that the appellation Yaldo, sometimes and subsequently given to Pierre, indicates the place of his origin, and may be considered as synonymous with native TALDENSES EEROXEOUSLY DEEm:D PEO])! VALDO. 57 of Yaud, or VaJdum, or Vaudram, which might have been a Lj'omiese town. But why this double designation of jDlace ? Pierre was sufficiently, and very properly, distin- guished by that of citizen, or merchant, of Lyons, as he really was. Besides, Yaldo would be ver}- incorrectly de- rived from Yaldum, or A'audram, even on the gratuitous supposition that he was a native of such a town. The right word would have been Yaldunensis, or Yaudramensis. And even if this name Yaldo had been taken from the place of his birth, why all this uncertaint}" in the designaHon and orthography ? For PieiTe is called Yaldo, Yaldus, Yaldius, Yaldensis, Yaldecius, and Yaldesius, etc."^-* A siu-name so undecided, so varied in its form, so rarely employed diu'inghis lifetime to designate Pierre, f the mer- chant of Lyons, cannot be regarded as the root of a name so precise and invariable as that of Yaudois, given to the reputed sect that invaded France, Germany, Italy, Spain, etc., in the twelfth century ; while this uncertainty in the pronunciation and orthography of the appellative Yaldo, may be easily accoimted for, if we take it to be a siu'uame synonymous with Yaudois, an adjective equivalent to — the Yaudois. (iv.) A comparison of dates brings us to the same result, showing us that the Yaudois heretics, in Latin ValJenses, or Valdenses, were so known and designated before the time of Yaldo. It is a well-authenticated fact, that it was the archbishop Jean de Bollesmanis, or Bellesmains, who anatlismatized Yaldo and his disciples ; and it is certain that th:.; prelate obtained the see of Lyons in 1181, the date of the sitting at Yerona, of the council which, under Lucius in. con- demned, for the first time, the Poor Men of Lyons. It was not, then, earlier than the year 1181 that the heretics could be called Yaudois, from their supposed leader, Yaldo. But we can cite two authors who mention the Yaudois prior to the date of 1181. One of them is Eberard de Bethune, who, according to Duj)in, floimshed in the year 1160, and who, speaking of heretics, says, "Some of them call themselves Yallenses, because they live in a * Usher, p. 159. t We suppose that it may have been so used during his Ufetime, but we have no proof of it. D 3 58 HISTORY OF THE VATJDOIS CHUECH. vale of sorrow or tears, and bring the apostles into derision."''"' The other writer, Bernard, abbot of Foncald, before quoted, thus expresses himself on the same subject :f — ' ' AVhile pope Lucius, of glorious memory, presided over the holy lloman church, new heretics suddenly raised their heads, who received a name that was an omen of their future lot, being called Yaldenses, from a dark, dense valley, because they are involved in deep and thick shades. These heretics, although condemned by the sovereign pontiff above named, have, with unparalleled audacity, not ceased to emit their perfidious poison, far and vnde, throughout the world." The author of these lines having dedicated the book from which we have taken them to Lucius III., who was pope from 1181 to 1185, and men- tioning another pope of the same name, already deceased, of glorious memory, must allude to events that happened before 1144, the date of the death of Lucius ii.J The Yaldenses or Yaudois, were, therefore, ah^eady known by this name before 1144, and, consequently, long before Peter Yaldo, since he was not persecuted for heresy till after 1181, under Jean de Bellesmains, who anathematized him, and was only made archbishop of Lyons at this latter date.§ But, in the comparison of these particulars, we have something more than mere dates to go upon. The testi- monies of Eberard de Bethune and of Bernard de Foncald demonstrate, in another way, the baselessness, the vanity, and nullity of the [E-oman] Catholic opinion which derives the Yaudois heresy, and the name of Yaudois, from Yaldo ; so that even if it were possible to throw a doubt on the preceding evidence, by arguing the uncertainty of this or the other date, it would not be less certain than two authors prior to Pierre Yaldo (or contemporary, or even posterior, if you 2:)lcase — it signifies little), in naming the sect of the * Maxima BMioth., P. P., t. xxiv. t [Gieseler's] Lehi-buch der Kirchengeschichte, vol.ii., pt. ii.,p. 562, 3rd ed., Bonn, 1832. X A letter from a bishop of Liege to the same pope (LiTcius ii.) describes the heretics as " ancient enemies," who have spread themselves from Mount Guimar into Prance, and who have a settled organization and ecclesiastical discipline; but he gives them no particular name. Martene and Durand, Veterum Scriptormn et Monmnentoriim, t. i., col. 777. § Beruai-d, in Maxima Bibhoth., P. P., t. xxv. TESTIirOXIES OF EBERAED AXD BEEXARD DE FOXCALD. 59 Yauclois, make no mention of Yaldo ; and so far from derh-ing the name of these sectaries from the name of one of their leaders, they assign it a totally different and local origin. We say then to our opponents, If you admit that the ^vritings of Eberard and Bernard are prior to Yaldo and liis laboiu's, then you must also admit, since these authors name the sect of the Yauclois, that it was prior to Yaldo, and could not derive its name from his. But if you main- tain that Eberard and Bernard Tvere contemporaries of Yaldo, or posterior to him, j'ou must admit that since they attribute another origin to the sect of the Yaudois, and had better means of ascertaining the truth than you have, the name Yaudois was not derived fi'om Yaldo. We think, then, we have proved that the name Yaudois, given by [Eoman] Catholic writers to Christians, who were regarded as heretics in the twelfth centiuy, was not derived from the name of Yaldo. AYe rather believe that Pierre, a citizen and merchant of Lyons, was called Yaldo, on account of the resemblance of his laboiu's to those of the Yaudois ; perhaps, also, because he had been received into their communion, and instructed in part by them, — a con- jectiu'e neither impossible nor improbable, but which we shall not pursue any further.-'' The [Eoman] Catholic opinion on the origin of the name Yaudois is, therefore, en'oneous. Another etymology of the name Yaudois has been given. Eberard de Bethune, about the year 1160, says : — '' Certain heretics call themselves Yallenses (from rallis, a valley), because they dwell in a vale of sorrow or tears ;" and Ber- nard de Eoncald, about a.d. 1180, says, ''They were called Yaldenses (fr-om vallis densa, a shady valley, ) because they were enveloped in deep and thick darkness." Among the modems, Leger, in his " General History of the Yaudois'' {Histoire Generale des Yaudois), derives the name Yaudois from Yaux or Yal ; and an ancient pastor of the valley of San llartino, within the precincts of the Yaudois valleys, * This is the opinion of a Roman Catholic Piedmontese historian, who is no friend of the Vaudois ; we mean M. Charles Botta, who thus exjoresses himself in his remarkable History of Italy : " The Vaudois were thus called, either because they dwelt iu the VaUeys, or because Valdo, a celebrated lieresiarch of the twelfth century, coromuriicated his name to them after embracing their opinions." The anonymous writer, quoted by Martene, appears to have taken the same view as ourselves, siace he caUs the leader of the sect, Valdensis — the Vaudois. 60 HISTOET OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. has declared that, according to tradition, the valley in which he dwells was once called Val Omhreuse (shady valley). Without absolutely rejecting an etjonology which is founded on the nature of the locality inhabited by the Yaudois, and even acknowledging that there is an apparent foundation for it in the Latin words, Vallenses and Valdenses, yet, as far as the Trench word, Vaudois, is concerned, we are in favour of the derivation given in '' The JS^oble Lesson." In fact, this venerable and original monument of the ancient Yaudois church — '' The JSToble Lesson" — assigns another etymology to the name Yaudois, the third to which we have referred, and the last that we have to examine. This precious mtness of the Yaudois faith, which is of the date 1100, expresses itself, in verses 368 — 372, in the fol- lowing manner : — [" Si n'i a alcun bon, que ame et tema Yeslm Xrist, Que non voiha maudire, ni jiirar, ni inentir, Ni avoutrar, ni aucir, ni penre de I'autruj-, Ni venjar se de li seo enemis nil dion qu'es Vaudes, e degne de punir."*] Which we translate thus : — " If there be any one who loves and fears Jesus Christ, Wlio will not curse, nor swear, nor he. Nor be unchaste, nor kill, nor take what is another's, Nor take vengeance on his enemies. They say that he is a Vaudes and worthy of punishment." Por a long time, this word Yaudes was taken to be only a variation of Yaudois ; but it is now acknowledged to contain a cruel reproach, and to be equivalent to an accusation of sorcery. The word Yaudes has, in fact, in the Romance language, the meaning of sorcerer, and has not yet ceased to be used in that sense in the patois of the can- ton de Yaud. This^ interpretation is also supported hj other proofs. Rubis, quoted by Perrin, says in express terms : " When they speak of a sorcerer, they call him Yaudes." We read in Mezeray's History of France, in reference to Joan of Arc, then m the power of the English, a.d. 1430, " Those members of the LTniversity who remained at Paris, the base slaves of English t5T:"anny, immediately urged that she might be handed over to the ecclesiastical power to bring her to trial as a Yaudoise — enchantress, heretic, impos- * See the original in Giesler, p. 561 ; HaUam's Middle Ages, with variations from Leger (p. 28), iii., 470 ; and in Morland's History of the EvangeUcal Chui-ches of Piedmont, foL, Lond., 1658, p. 114. PEEFERABLE ETYltOLOGY OF THE WOED TArDOIS. 61 tor, etc." The epithet Yaiidoise is placed here close by that of " enchantress."^' The monk Belvedere, in his report to the illustrious congregation for the propagation of the faith {de iwopagandd fide), printed at Tui^in in 1631, charges the Yaudois with sorcery, in the following passage : " The unfortunate valleys of Lucema, Angrogna, San Martino, and Perosa, owing to the vicinity of France to Italy, or to the mountains which naturally render them very strong, have always been subject to various plagues, either heretical locusts, or infidel cateriDillars, blight, or sorcery."t We see clearly, by this account of a Eomish inquisitor, that the valleys where the principal remains of the Yaudois chmx-h at present exist, were accused of having been always infected with sorcery, etc. In the times of ignorance, fanatical priests have accused of secret intercourse with the spirits of darkness those whom an enlightened faith or unbelief caused to withdraw from the [Eoman] Catholic churches. J The Eomish superstition — and a cruel system of persecution very often, for the pur- pose of exciting an ignorant people to frenzy — designated as sorcerers, men whose lives were perfectly free fi'om the sen- timents and actions imputed to them.g Is^ow, since it is a certain fact that the Yaudois have often been held up to popular hatred as sorcerers, can we be suriDrised if at a time when superstition and ignorance were at their height, the tenth and eleventh centuries, a name so odious was generally given to them, and was not withdrawn ? How- can we refuse to credit such a misapplication of the epi- thet, when we read in an anonymous author, quoted by Martene and Diu'and, and who wrote about the year 1447, '' that the Yaudois, by means of diabolical spells, assembled * Mezeray, Histoire de France, ii., 17. t Les fortunate valli de Lucema, Angrogna, S. Martmo, e Perosa, per la %^cinanza deUa Francia c'ha coU' Italia, oper la proportione di montuosi siti Che gli danno natural fortezza, sempre sono state soggette a varj flagelli ai eretiche locuste, o d'infidi bruchi, rubigni, o cavallette." Belvedere, cli. xiv., p 242. + Costa de Beauregard quotes from Duboulay (t. iv.) an account of a concu- l)ine of a heresiarch monk, Dolcino, an eager propagator of Manicbeism in Bielli, Novan-a, and Vercelli, in tbe sLxteenth centmy, who passed for a witch, and adds that both were dismembered, cut in pieces, and burned, (t. i., p. 47.) S What Christian does not know that the Son of God was called a Samaritan b>y the Jews, and that they even said of him that he had a demon, and expeUed demons by the Prince of demons ? 62 HISTORY OF THE VATJDOIS CHUECH. suddenly by night, being speedily transported, in great numbers, to some forest or lonely place."* The origin attributed to the name Vaudois, in " The E'oble Lesson," appears then to us to be justified by facts. It would be interesting and satisfactory, no doubt, to know at what period the little faithful church received a name equally unjust and odious ; but on this point proofs are wanting. All we know is, that it was prior to the twelfth century, as it is mentioned in '' The JS'oble Lesson," which was written, as the author himself intimates, in the year 1100. CHAPTER yill. THE VATJDOIS OE PIEDMONT IN THE TWELFTH CENTUIIY. Having given an account of the religious movement which agitated Prance and other countries in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and which, as we have seen, pro- bably took its rise in the Alps situated between France and Italy, we must return to the Yaudois valleys, to resume the thread of their particular history, to recount their tradi- tions, and to explain the state of their church. Let us first notice some historical facts. Without going back to the documents cited in chapters iii. and iv., which attest the existence of a so-called heretical church in the bosom of the Alps, from the fourth century, we shall only remind the reader that at the commencement of the twelfth century, and long before Yaldo's time, the Chronicle of Saint Thron, in Belgium, written between 1108 and 1136 by the abbot Eadulph, mentions a region of the Alps as polluted by an inveterate heresy ; and that Bruno d'Asti, about the year 1120, speaks of the Yaudois, though not designating them, it is true, by this name, but with sufiicient details, particularly in what he says of their traditions, to enable us to recognise them without difiiculty. To these testimonies, which are given at length in chap- ter IV., we add the following. * Veterum Scriptorum et Monumentorum, a Martene et Durand, t. v., col. 501. TESTIXOXIES OF HOXOEirS AXD EBEEAED. 63 Honorius, a i^riest of Autim, at the beginnini^ of the twelfth centiuy, speaks of certain heretics, whom he calls Montani, or Mountaineers, and describes in these few words: "The Mountaineer heretics are thus named from the mountains. In the times of persecution they concealed themselves in the mountains, and separated from the body of the church." Eberard de Bethune, about the year 1160, expresses himself in terms but slightly different on the same subject : "The)* are called," he says, "Mountaineers; because, in a time of persecution, they concealed themselves in the mountains, and for this reason they erred in relation to the Catholic faith." And although this last author does not say that the heretics, whom he calls Yallenses in the twenty- fifth chapter of his book, and represents as missionaries come from a valley of tears, are the same as those whom he calls Montani, or Mountaineers, in the twenty- sixth chapter, yet he says nothing to the contrary ; for Eberard, in the long list he has made out of all possible sorts of heresy, passes over in silence the Yallenses whom he had before named, and cites only the Montani. This omission of the Yallenses can only be accounted for on the suxDposition that the Yallenses are the same as one of the classes of heretics whom he there names and describes. This is exceedingly probable, considering the resemblance of the signification in the names Montani, Mountaineers, and Yallenses, that is, inhabitants of the valleys ; and likewise, considering the analogy of the details he gives of the persecutions suffered by the Mountaineers, and those which afilicted the inhabitants of the vale of sorrow, or of tears. We may further add, that the name Montani was given to a people of Liguria, established in the Alps, adjacent to the Yagienni (at present the inhabitants of the marquisate of Saluzzo), and bordering on the Yaudois valleys.* And we need not be astonished that, according to this last explanation, the so-called Yaudois heresy should have extended more to the south in the mountains of Liguria, just as we have seen, in chapter iv., that it extended more to the east in Biella and ^^ovarra; for nothing is more * For Honorius, see Maxima Biblioth., P.P., t. xx., col. 1039; for Eberard, t. xxiv., cols. 1575—1577; for Montani, see Geographia Antiqua Cellarii, t. i., p. 518 ; or Plinii Geog., cap. xs. 64 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. certain. Let our readers only call to mind what we have said of its conquests in Astesan, in the tenth centurjr. "We shall elsewhere have an opportunity of proving, by fresh details, this extension of the Yaudois church beyond the limits within which it is confined at the present day. An ancient ^Titer, Gioifredo, informs us that the Yaudois heresy, which he erroneously supposes to have proceeded from France, had already extended, in the year 1198, not only into the valleys of Angrogna, Lucerna, and San Martino, in the diocese of Turin, but also into the plain. " JS"ot content," he says, ''with remaining hid in the caverns of the mountains, they (the Yaudois) have had the audacity to sow false doctrine in the plains of Piedmont and Lom- bardy, fixing a centre at Bagnolo, from which circumstance it is believed that some of them have acquired the denomi- nation of heretics of Bagnolo," (Bagnolenses,) as Rainier Sacco writes, about the year 1250. This is why James, bishop of Turin, desirous of expelling this pestilence from his diocese, organized a persecution against them, after having obtained for that purpose, in the year 1198, a decree of the emperor Otho iv., to which we shall again refer in the sequel. "^^ Should it appear surprising that the Yaudois sect, or rather, the remains of the faithful church, could maintain itself so long without severe persecution, in the ancient diocese of Claude of Turin and elsewhere, in spite of the oppressive tendency of the E-omish church, we must repeat what we have said before, in chapter iv., of the political agitations and contests in the tenth and eleventh centimes, f during which the attention of the heads of the Eomisli church were turned away from the scattered remains of the faithful church, preoccupied as they were with their worldly interests, and with the dangers and advantages of their position as secular princes. One general cause which also favoured the preservation of various small companies of the faithful church, was the inherent vital power of Chiistian principle, which is such * See Gioffredo, Storia delle Alpi Maritime, in Monmnenta Historige Patrige, t. iii., p. -iSy ; cit. Spondanus, an. 1198. t The agitations and contests were carried to the greatest lengths in Pied- mont and Lombardy, where, to the elements of discord existing among in- numerable petty sovereignties, were joined the efforts of a number of free cities, wliich aimed at repelling these vexations for their own preservation. CIECTMSTAXCE rECrLIAR TO THE YArDOIS VALLEYS. 65 that it cannot be altered or perverted wherever it has spread its roots, except by a very slow process. Other special causes were combined with this general and powertiLL one. Thus, in the first place, the innovations adopted in the popish chui'ch, in regard to images, the mass, the real presence, etc., took a considerable time to spread themselves, as histoiy shows. In the second place, for a long time, nothing more was attempted than insensibly to undermine the ancient doctrines, to apologize for novelties, and to refute those who attacked the innova- tions. We may cite, as examples of this fact, the writings of St. Jerome against Yigilantius, of Jonas of Orleans against Claude of Tmin, of Pascase Eatbert against the ancient doctrine of the euchaiist, maintained a long time after by Berenger of Tours, and others. In the thii^d place, for a long time it was thought suf&cient to excommimicate and anathematize heretics, or those who were thought to be such. Of this the councils famish numerous examples. In course of time they proceeded to much greater lengths ; they shut up in cloisters and subjected to severe penance those whom they deemed opponents. But it was hardly till after the power of the popes had reached its height, in the time of Gregory vii. (Hildebrand), that here and there a few persons of note, holding opposite opinions, perished by a violent death, either by fire or sword. But systematic persecutions, such as the crusades and the horrible incjuisi- tion, are not of earlier date than Innocent in.* It is, then, easy to understand how fidelity and truth could be so long maintained, especially where cii'cumstances were favourable. It vnH be proper here to notice a circumstance of high importance, which serves forcibly to explain the fact of the preservation of evangelical truth, from the time of Claude of Turin, in the territory which is still occupied by the Yaudois ; it is this, that in the most remote feudal times these valleys were governed by a powerful lord, who held his domains directly of the empire, and was himself imbued * This remark may enable oiir readers to miderstand how, in proportion as the power of Rome, founded on falsehood by the spuit of falsehood, was able to maintain itself, it indulged in that excess of tyranny and barbarous cruelty, by which so much innocent blood was spilt from the' time of Innocent iii. to Innocent xi., under whom the revocation of the Edict of Is antes and the dis- persion of the Vaudois took place in 1685 and 1686. 66 HISTOET OF THE TATJDOIS CHUECH. witli Yandois doctrines. This Yciy important fact is re- corded in the work we have already cited of a [Roman] Catholic author, who was better qualified than any other person to ascertain its truth — the marquis Costa de Eeaure- gard. These are his words : " Besides the earldoms (conites) which sprang from the great marquisates, we cannot doubt that there were others of very ancient date, created by the emperors in favoiu- of the principal barons of this country, and that they had only the simple titles of counts granted to some lords who held them inmiediately of the emperor. Such were the counts of Castellamonte, Blandra, Lucerna, and Piossasque, to whom the Picdmontese history gives this qualification, from the eleventh and twelfth centuries." According to this evidence, the counts of Lucerna, lords of the valleys,^' held immediately of the empire, and were, consequently, independent of every neighbouring prince; and so Httle was their power inferior to that of the counts and marquises in the vicinity, that in their valleys, which their natural position rendered easy to defend, they could protect their vassals against every foreign invasion. The same author adds, "We do not see, however, that the princes of Achaie, who lived so near them (the Yaudois), persecuted them. It is even believed that some of the counts of Lucerna, immediate vassals of the empire and principal lords of these valleys, at a very ancient period, shared their belief, f In the absence of other historical documents | the armorial bearings of the house of Lucerna are sufficient, it appears to us, to prove the fact just stated. They are symbolical; they present a flambeau {lucerna) emitting a brilliant light in the midst of darkness. The surround- ing device is explanatory — Lux lucet in tenelris, '■'•The light shmeth in darhness.^^ These armorial bearings and this device, which the Yaudois of the valle^^s, even to this day, love to regard as theirs, attest, by their symbolical signi- * Or, at least, of the valley of Lucerna. t Let it be recollected that this was also the case with the counts of Montfort m Astesan. See Memohes Historiques, etc., t. i., p. 64, t.ii., p. 51. % One dociunent, which certainly exists, would interest the Vaudois in more than one respect, namely, the treaty by which the comits of Lucerna. and the marfjuis of Angrogiia submitted to the house of Savoy. The conditions of this deed were certauilj^ favourable to the Vaudois. These were the franchises and religious hberties which they have always claimed, but, for the most part, in vain. APPEAL TO TEADITIOX. 67 fication, the antiqiiitj' of evangelical truth in the valleys of Piedmont. They attest that from the time when the name of Lncerna was given to the most considerable part of these valleys, and to its then count, that is, from the tenth or eleventh century, according to the testimony of the marquis Costa, a long time before Valdo, the light of the gospel shone in darkness, in the midst of the Romish superstitions which had spread over almost all the kingdoms of the west. We believe, then, that we have proved, as far as the absence of more precise docimients will permit, that the Yaudois of Piedmont are not a sect which owes its origin to Valdo, an accidental phenomenon of the twelfth century, an isolated religious movement, but a branch of the primi- tive chiu'ch preserved by a striking Divine intervention, flourishing apart in the midst of the rubbish which had covered the trunk that once noiuished it, and had crushed and withered all the other branches. The chuix-h of the val- leys was a young infant, that had escaped, unperceived, from the disaster which deprived its parent of life, and had lived concealed in desert places, among the valleys and rocks, till the day when it involuntarily attracted attention ; while its sisters, magnificently attired, forgot in slavery and cor- ruption the memory of their pious and faithful mother; and, by their levity and dissoluteness, forfeited the incor- ruptible inheritance which the Lord intended to have secured to them by his atoning death. For further illustration of the subject, we proceed to report the traditions of the Vaudois church. CHAPTER IX. TEADITIONS OF THE VAUDOIS WHICH ATTEST THEIE ANTIQUITY. The Yaudois have a twofold tradition respecting their origin : one, more general ; the other, more in detail ; and both very exact. In all the persecutions they have passed through, from 68 HISTOET OF THE VATJDOIS CHrECH. the fifteenth century and later, in the appeals they have made at different times to their sovereign, the Yaudois have always, as formerly, maintained that the rehgion they fol- lowed had been preserved from father to son, and from generation to generation, from time immemorial : Da ogni tempo, e da tempo immemoriale, (" from all time, and from time immemorial,") is the language of their appeals. Moreover, not only the Vaudois of Piedmont, but all those who have laid claim to the name, in all places, have constantly maintained that they received their way or religious belief from Leon, an associate and contemporary of Sylvester, bishop of Rome, under the emperor Constantino the Great. This tradition, under its second form, is more precise than the first, and rests on a historical basis. We read, in fact, in the Fasciculus Temporum, ''The temporalities of the church which the prelates began to possess about this time, (the time of Sylvester and Constantino,) often occa- sioned violent altercations among the doctors; some as- serting that it was just and advantageous for the church to have an abundance of temporal goods and worldly honours, and others maintaining the contrary." Leon was one of the latter, and would have preferred Christian liberty, with poverty, to a rich benefice, the possible cause of servility and dissoluteness. "^^ This tradition agrees with what Ho- uorius d'Autun and Eberard de Bethune, in the twelfth century, tells us of the Mountaineers (Montani;) that is, as we believe, of the Yaudois : '' That, in the times, of per- secution, they concealed themselves in the mountains, and separated themselves from the body of the church, or wandered from the Catholic faith." Should any one hesitate to regard this quotation as a confirmation of tradition, we would appeal to another by father Moneta, professor and inquisitor at Bologna, about the year 1244. Speaking of the Yaudois, in whom he was disposed to see only recent sectaries, this author expresses himself as follows : — ''It is evident that they take their origin from Yaldecius, a citizen of L^'ons, who commenced this work a little more or less than eighty years ago : thus they are not the successors of the primitive church, and therefore not the church of God. But if they assert that * Fasciculus Temporum, in Pistorio, t. ii., p. 47. EAINIER SACCO CALLS THEil LEOXISTS. 69 theii' way was prior to Yaldo, let them show it by some testimony."^' By this passage we see, that if Moneta combats the antiquity of the Yaudois church, he nevertheless testifies that these reputed innovators regarded themselves as suc- cessors of the primitive church, as the church of God, and consequently maintained that their way was prior to Yaldo. This quotation clearly shows that about the year 1244, eighty years or more after Yaldo, the Yaudois of Piedmont refused to admit the recent origin that was assigned them, and took their stand on a direct descent from the j)rimitive church. A second inquisitor, Peter Polichdorf, a German, ac- cording to some, a contemporary of Moneta, according to others, a century later, also says :—" The Yaudois heretics, those childi-en of iniquity, falsely pretend before foolish people that theii' sect has continued since the time of pope Sylvester ; that is to say, when the church began to possess temporalities."! The inquisitor Ptainier Sacco, a violent opponent of the Yaudois Cathari, among whom he had lived some years before entering the order of preaching friars or dominicans, and who wi'ote about the year 1250, not only speaks of this tradition, but gives many particulars besides, respecting the sect of the Leonists. After saying that of the seventy sects that were formed without the church, there only remained four, of which that of the Leonists was one, he adds : — ''Of all the sects that exist or have existed, there never has been one so pernicious to the church as that of the Leonists ; and that for three reasons : first, because it is the most ancient, since, as some assert, it has been preseiwed from the time of Sylvester,— according to others from the days of the apostles ; secondly, it is the most widely spread, — ^in fact, there is hardly a country where it is not to be found ; thii^dly, while all other sects strike with hoiTor those who hear them, on account of their awful blasphemies against God, this of the Leonists manifests a great appear- ance of piety, inasmuch as its members live justly before * Venerabilis P. Moneta adversus Catharos et Valdenses, lib. v., cap. i., sec. 4, Romee, 174>3. • o-q t Maxima Bibliotli., P. P., t. xxv., m proefat., cap. i. p. ^/». 70 HISTOEY OF THE YArDOIS CHUECH. men, have true faith in God, and believe all the articles of the creed>' jS'otmthstanding the intentional or involuntary confusion of llainier in designating sects, confounding what he ought to sei^arate, and separating what he ought to unite, and although, in this particular case, he appears to confound the Leonists with the Poor Men of Lyons, there can be no doubt that, in what he says about the Leonists, in the pas- sage just quoted, he had in view, not the disciples of Yaldo, or Poor ]\Ien of Lyons, (since he assigns to the Leonists an origin prior to these last by several centuries,) but the Yaudois, whom the [Eoman] Catholics of his time already affected to confound mth the Poor Men of Lyons. Every- thing, in fact, that he says of the Leonists perfectly corre- sponds with what we know of the history and tradition of the Vaudois, and with what we shall exhibit in the sequel of their doctrine and piety. The etymology of the name Leonists is altogether favour- able to our views ; we cannot perceive in it a derivative from Lyons, while it seems perfectly natural to derive it fi^om Leon, with whom the Yaudois connect their religious opinions. Lastly, the tradition which we have reported of the origin of the Yaudois, is confirmed by an archbishoj^ of Tuiin, Claude de Seyssel, who from 1517 to 1520 occu- pied the diocese in which the Yaudois valleys are situated, and who had the means of acquiring an exact knowledge of their opinions. But as he only repeats what is known to us, and treats it as a fable or a tale, Ave shall spare our readers the quotation of the passage. f This tradition has also been preserved in the evangelical churches, the descendants of those of the valleys ; in Bohe- mia and Moravia, for instance. | But wo shall not dwell longer on this point : it is enough that we have well established its certainty. The value of such a tradition, to wliich the wi'itings of the Yau- * Maxima Bibliotli., P.P., t. xxv., caps. v. and ^d., p. 261, etc. t R. P. Claudii Seysselii, archiep., Taitrin. adversus errores et sectam Val- densiuni Tractatus, c. i. X Such a tradition is reported in the work entitled Histoire des Fersecutions de VEqllse de Boheme de SQi a 1632 (History of the Persecutions of the Church of Bohemia, from 894 to 1632). TArDOIS WIlITrN'GS SEXT TO PERKIX. 71 dois allude,^- as a proof in fovoui' of the antiqiiity of their church, ^sill a^Dpear indisputable to every honest and intel- ligent person. CHAPTER X. weiti:n"gs of the tatjdois. A STRiETXG testimony to the antiquity of the Yaudois church exists in the original manuscripts which it pos- sesses from the year 1100 to 1230; the greater part of them fifty years prior to the religious manifestation in which Pierre Yaldo took the lead. These works in verse and prose, in the Eomance or Yaudois language, form the stock of a great number of similar productions, animated with the same spirit, written in the same dialect, or in Latin, at different periods, but almost all prior to the Reformation of the sixteenth centuiy. To Leger, the historian and Yaudois pastor, we are indebted for the preservation of these precious memorials of the piety and ancient origin of the Yaudois church. Foreseeing, probably, the storm that was rising against it, and which, after giving portentous tokens of its approach duiing his life, terminated in the lamentable catastrophe of 1686, Leger collected the ^^itings of the Yaudois and sent them, in 1658, to Sii' Samuel :Morland, the English ambas- sador at the court of Turin, who brought them to England, and deposited them in the libraiy of the university of Cam- bridge. Leger made a second collection, but smaller, which he deposited himself in the library of Geneva.f Above forty years before, about the year 1602, a number of Yaudois writings had abeady been sent to P. Perrin, by direction of a synod held in the valleys ; they had been coUected particularly in the valley of Pragela. This author has preserved a list of those that were in his possession.^ * An aUusion is made, amongst others, to this tradition, in the -i09th verse of " The Noble Lesson," in this expression, " AU the popes from byivester to t A catoloffue of both is given in an appenchx to the original of this work. t This hst^is also in the same appendix. Leger, part i., p. 74 ; V i.^^aux, a pastor who exercised his ministiy in the valleys for forty years from lo.39, col- lected, accorchng to Perrin, many manuscripts in his tune. It is to this good 72 HISTOEY or THE VArDOIS CHUECH. The general character of these writings is doctrinal and practical ; some are controversial. Their doctrines are ex- pounded in a very simple manner. We find there neither theological formulas nor systematic exposition, unless in the Catechism and Confession of Faith. Revealed truths are generally announced in their scriptural form. Instead of comments on grace, election, and predestination, these profound mysteries are taught in the terms which the Holy Spiiit has chosen. In such a frequent and faithful use of passages of Holy Scripture, the Yaudois barhes, or pastors, showed great wisdom. Although written at a period of general darkness, we can detect nothing exaggerated, nothing superstitious, in these documents of the religious life of the Yaudois. The moderation and propriety of their language, even on controverted topics, which are frequently touched on, never leaves them, and is more striking, since these qualities are extremely rare among their adversaries. Their spirit is a truly Christian spiiit. It is also to be observed in the ancient writings of the Yaudois, that doctrine, so far from being separated from morality, gives it constant support. Faith and piety, the contemplation of divine truths, and a life of obedience and devotedness to the Saviour, are invariably united in their literary j)roductions. They treat all Christian subjects with gravity and a practical aim ; the natural corruj)tion and misery of man, the remission of sins by the work of Jesus Christ, the fear and love of God, charity and brotherly love, for- giveness and endurance of injuries, watchfulness and prayer, humility, contempt of the world, detachment of the affec- tions from earthly objects, patience, resignation under the evils of life, the duties of pastors and spiritual guides,^' of husbands and wives, of parents and children. There must have been a profound knowledge of the gospel, a develop- ment of vital piety and Christian intelligence, in order to servant of God," says Perrin, " that we are indebted for the collection of these ancient works of the Vaudois ; for he gathered as many as he could find, and carefully preserved them. At the close of his life, he gave to certain indivi- duals the memoirs he had prepared respecting the Vaudois, and all the old books he had got together in the valleys." Vignaux himself says, " We have at hand some ancient books of the Vaudois, containing catechisms and ser- mons written in the vulgar tongue, wliich contams notlung that makes for the pope or popery. It is wonderful how they could see so clearly, in a time when the darkness was more intense than that of Egypt." — Perrin, Geneva, 1619. * They had and still have elders in every division of the parishes, whose busmess it was to presei-ve order and to afford consolation to the afflicted. THEY AliE VAUDOIS WKITIXGS. 73 reach so high a standard of ti^uth and morals at the end of the eleventh centuiy. Some of the Yaudois treatises are altogether polemical Ihe critical position of these evangelical Christians, exposed to the attacks of the Eomish church, rendered controversv unavoidable. They Tvere obliged to defend their faith and to explam their doctrines. Besides theii- Confession of J^aith and their Catechism, the Yaudois barbes composed polemical works on antichi'ist, imaginaiy purgatory, true purgatory, the invocation of saints, etc. Ainong the original works of the ancient Yaudois, we must reckon a translation of the Eible into the Eomance language. The numerous quotations made fi^om it in '' The mUe Lesson," in the - .inticlmst," and other treatises of that period, are proofs of it. Eut there is stiU more positive ^^n • ^ • f ^'' ' In regard to life and man- ners, he strikes no one; he cii'cimivents no one; he does not exalt himself above any one. Fastings render him pale ; he never eats the bread of idleness, but laboui^s with his own hands for his liveliliood."f An archbishop of Turin, Claude de Seyssel, who, about the year 1517, endeavoui'ed to di'aw the Yaudois of the Piedinontese valleys within the pale of the Eomish chuixh, attests, that " as to their life and manners, they were irre- proachable among men, applying themselves with all their power to the observance of the commandments of God.":J: De Thou, in his Universal History, has preseiwed the account given to Francis i. by Guillaume du Bellay de Langey, who had been commissioned by that prince to collect information respecting the Vaudois of Provence, Merindol, Cabrieres, etc., colonies of the Yaudois of Pied- mont. '' He found," says the author, '' by the most exact scrutiny, that those who were called Yaudois were persons who, for tlu'ee centuries, had received from certain lords some uncidtivated lands on certain conditions; who, by indefatigable labour and constant cultivation, had made them fertile in com and pasturage ; that they knew how to endure toil and privations with patience; that they abhorred quarrels and law-suits ; that they were compas- * This would be scarcely honourable for the Vaudois ; but we may venture to say, that the imputed fact was only true for a short time, or in individual cases. The Chiistians mentioned here 1iy St. Bernard were, perhaps, only recently converted when he came to Toulouse and other places, and he has attributed to the generahty what was true only of persons who were timid and imperfectly convinced. It should be particularly obsei-ved, that Rome was not yet entirely sunk in its errors and sui^erstitions, since heretics were per- mitted to preach, as Henry at Mans, etc. t Divi Bernardi Opera; Parisiis, 1548, Sermo 65, pp. 170 and 171. t Leger, pt. i., p. 184. F 98 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. sionate towards the poor ; that they paid with much exact- ness and fidelity tribute to the king and the dues to their lords; that their continual prayers and the innocence of their manners made it sufficiently aj)parent that they honoured God sincerely." "^ Lastly, a Piedmontese historian, Botta, in speaking of more modern times, remarks, " In short, the Vaudois, whether it was the effect of their religion, of their poverty, of their feebleness, or of the persecutions which they endiu'ed, have preserved integrity of manners, and it can- not be said that they threw off the reins of authority in order to yield to the impetuosity of the passions." f After these various proofs and all these testimonies, it must be acknowledged that the ancient Yaudois honoured by their character, their words, and their life, the profes- sion they made of submitting in all things to the gospel. CHAPTER XIII. THE MISSIONARY ZEAL AND PROSELYTISM OF THE ANCIENT VAUDOIS. A PROMINENT feature in the religious physiognomy of the ancient Vaudois, and one which merits special attention, is their spirit of proselytism and their missionary zeal. In this respect, also, the Vaudois church resembled that of the first Christians. With a deeper sense of the blessedness of knowing and serving God, according to the pure gospel of Jesus Clmst, the more that the adjacent countries were continually sink- ing lower into the errors and superstitions of Rome, the Vaudois church was sensible of the duty that resulted from her position and her obligations to her supreme Head. She was aware that if she had received and preserved the faith by the reading and preaching of the word of life, she was also bound, in gratitude to the Saviour, and from love to her brethren who were plunged in error, to make known to them that gospel which is " the power of God unto salva- * Histoire Universelle, par De Thou, Bale, 17-42, t. i., p. 539. t Storia d'ltalia di Carlo Botta, Parigi, 1832, t. i., 369, 370. SPIRIT OF ritOSELTTlSM. 99 tion to eveiy one that believeth;" in a word, to fulfil the duty expressed by the apostle of the Gentiles, and even lonpj before by king David, in these words, " I believed, ^nd therefore have I spoken," 2 Cor. iv. 13; Psa. exvi. 10. The church which engraved on its seal a torch burning in darkness, with this motto. Lux liicet in tenehris, — (''the light sliineth in darkness,") this church was not unmindful to put in practice the Saviour's injimction, on "v^^hich that image was founded, and which is thus expressed : '' iS^either do men light a candle, and put it under a bushel, but on a candlestick ; and it giveth light unto all that are in the house. Let vour light so shine before men," Matt. v. 15, 16. Bernard de Foncald, a E-onian Catholic author of the twelfth century, speaking of the members of the Vaudois sect that were spread through France, says, " They* all 2^reach here and there, without distinction of age or sex ; and maintain that every one who knows the word of God ought to spread it among the people and preach it." An anonpnous writer of the following century expresses him- self in these terms in his treatise on the heresy of the Poor Men of Lyons : '' They (the Yaudois) emj)loy all their zeal in drawing numbers with them into error. They teach very yoimg girls the Gospels and the Epistles, that they may be habituated to embrace error fi'om their infancy; and when they have learned a little in these books, they use their utmost efforts to teach it to others, wherever they may happen to be, if they consent to hear them favourably."*-' It was, no doubt, a dread of the efforts of this well known spirit of proselytism, which induced the magistrates of Pinerolo, in the year 1220, to prohibit the inhabitants of that city and its enwons, at the risk of a penalty, from showing hospitality to a Yaudois man or woman. f It is also an incontestable fact, that the Yaudois churcli sent out numerous and active missionaries in all directions. The ancient Discipline of the evangelical churches of Pied- mont, cited at length in the preceding chapter, is a proof of it ; for it tells us that a part of the money collected by the elders was placed by them in the hands of their superiors, * Maxima Biblioth., P. P. xxiv. cols. 1586—1600. In Martene, etc Tracta- tus de Hgeresi pauperum de Lugdiino, auctore anonymo. t Liber Statutonun civitatis Pinaroli. Augiistse Taurinorum, anno 1603. F 2 100 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. Avho distributed it to those who went to distant parts. Gilles, in his Ecclesiastical History, gives some interesting details and facts relative to the Yaudois missionaries, at a more recent period, it is true, but yet prior to the Reforma- tion. These details illustrate the application and develop- ment of the very brief article in the Discipline, which was itself, no doubt, a summary of the ancient practice of the church. The same writer states that the barbes in theii' ordinary synods " examined and admitted the students who were eligible for the sacred ministry, and nominated those who were to travel and to go to distant churches in Calabria, Apulia, Sicily, and other parts of Italy, and also in other countries. This mission was ordinarily for two years, and continued till the places were supplied with other pastors, sent*by another synod of the Yalleys." He adds, in the following chapter (iii.), ''it (the sj-mod,) generally sent them out two and two ; one, who was more familiar with the places, roads, persons, and affairs, and the other belonging to the newly- chosen, in order that he might acquire practical knowledge," etc.*'' The author likewise informs us that a minister of the same name as himself, Gilles, was more than once employed as a missionary in Calabria, about the time when the Ee- formation broke out. Gilles adds, on this subject, a singular fact, which we think worth recording. " The pastors," he says, "who were fitted for foreign service, readily under- took it, although generally attended with considerable dan- ger, because it was for the honour of God and the salvation of men : the barbes also accustomed their disciples, from the first, to such implicit obedience that none of them would have dared to attempt anything important without the advice and permission of their leaders."! We conceive that this entire submissiveness of the younger barbes to the more aged and to the leaders, has led Roman Catholic authors into an error, and made them believe that the Yaudois had a clerical hierarchy, like themselves, of bishops, etc. But nothing in their history or writings authorizes us to believe in the existence of any other dis- tinction among the barbes, excepting that of age, expe- rience, and personal qualities, which determined their * Gilles, pp. 16, 17, 20, etc. t Ibid, p. 16, 17. TESTIMONY OF KAINIEK. 101 choice of leaders as circumstances might require, as is still practised, aud no doubt was always practised, in this chui'ch. In support and confinnation of what has been said of the missionary zeal of the Yaudois, we may refer to the religious manifestations of the eleventh and twelfth cen- times, called forth by some well-known foreigners, as PieiTe de Bruis and Henrj', for example; others by un- known indi"ST.duals, as the female who came from Italy, to whom the heresy at Orleans is attributed. Even their adversaries acknowledge the fact. Thus Eberard de Bethiuie, speaking of the Vallenses, whom he also calls Xabatatenses says, ''They cannot visit and sec foreign countries, without endeavouring to pass for so many Christs,"^' that is,' he says, for Christians, disciples of their Master. We attach the same meaning to the following passage from Bernard de Foncald : ''These Yaldenses, although condemned by the same sovereign pontiff (Lucius ii.), continued to pour forth, ^yiih daring effrontery, far and wide, all over the world, the poison of their perfidy." f Mapee is till more explicit, when, speaking of the Yaudois who appeared at the Lateran council in 1179, he adds, "These people have no settled home anywhere; they travel here and there, two and two, barefooted, in a woollen dress, professing nothing, and having all things common like the apostles." :j: The inquisitor Sacco (or Eainier) fiuTiishes many similar testimonies on the same subject. We wiU only mention one, which is very much to the point. He tells us that the Yaudois missionaries gained access to the higher classes by going about as pedlars. " They offer for sale to people of quality ornamental articles, such as rings and veils. After a purchase has been made, if the pedlar is asked, ' Have you anything else to sell ? ' he answers, ' I have jewels more precious than these things ; I would make you a present of them, if you would promise not to betray me to the clergy.' Ha\dng been assured on this point, he * We see, that the missionaries had been obliged to abandon the clerical costume here, and had adopted another, perhaps, as they beUeved, in imita- tion of Christ. t Maxima Bibhoth., P. P., t. xxiv., col. 1572, 1586. t Usher, pp. 269, 270. 102 HISTORY OF THE VAFDOIS CHTJECH. says, ' I have a pearl so brilliant that a man, by means of it, may learn to know God; I have another so splendid, that it kindles the love of God in the heart of him who possesses it,' and so forth. He speaks of pearls meta- phorically; then he repeats some portion of Scriptiu'e with which he is familiar, — such as that of Saint Luke, ^ The angel Gabriel was sent,' or the words of Jesus Christ in John xiii., ' Before the feast,' etc. " When he has succeeded in gaining the attention of his hearer, he passes on to that passage in Matt, xxiii. and Mark xii,, ' Woe unto you that devoiu' widows' houses,' etc. If asked to whom these denunciations are to be applied, he says, ' To the clergy and the religious orders.' Then the heretic compares the state of the E-omish church with his own. ' Your doctors,' he says, ' are ostentatious in their dress and their manners ; they love the highest seats at table (Matt, xxiii.) and desire to be called masters (Rabbi) ; but we do not seek such masters.' And again : * they are unchaste ; but each one of us has his wife, with whom he li\'es chastely.' And again : ' they are the rich and avaricious, to whom it is said, ''Woe unto you, rich men : who have here your reward." Eut as for us, wc' are content if we have food and raiment.' And again : ' they are like the voluptuous, to whom it is said, " Woe unto 3''ou that devour widows' houses," etc. We, on the contrary have, in one way or another, enough for our wants. They fight, stir up wars, kill and bum the poor. It is of them it is said, he that ''taketh the sword shall perish by the sword." We, on the contrary, endiu^e perse- cution from them, for righteousness' sake. They wish to be the only teachers : and thus it is to them it is said, ''Woe be wito you who hold the key of knowledge." Among us, the women teach as well as the men, and a disciple of seven days' old instructs another. Among them it is a rare thing to find a doctor who knows literally three consecu- tive chapters of the JN^ew Testament ; but among us there is scarcely a woman who does not loiow as well as any man how to repeat the whole of the text in the vulgar tongue. And because we possess the true Christian faith, and all teach a pure doctrine, and recommend a holy life, the scribes and pharisees persecute us to death, even as they treated Christ himself. TESTIMONY OF ECKBERT. 103 " 'Besides this, " They say and do not; they lay heavj- burdens on men's shoulders, and will not themselves move them -wdth one of their fingers ;" but as for us, we do what we teach. The}' strive to keep human traditions rather than the cormnandments of God ; they observe fasts, feast- days, times and seasons of presenting themselves at chiux-h, and many other rules of mere human prescrijDtion ; we persuade men only to observe the doctrine of Christ and his apostles. In like manner, they load penitents Avith heavy punishments, wliich they do not touch -with their fingers ; we, on the contrary, after the example of Christ, say to the sinner: "Go and sin no more;" and we remit all their sins by imposition of hands ; and at death we send their souls to heaven ; * whilst as for them, they send all souls to hell ! ' " After this or some such address, the heretic says to his hearer : ' Examine and consider which is the most per- fect religion and the purest faith, whether ours or that of the Eomish church, and choose it, whichever it may be.' .... And thus, being turned from the Catholic faith by such errors, he forsakes us. A person who gives credit to such discourse, who imbibes errors of this kind and be- comes their partisan and defender, concealing the heretic in his house for many months, is initiated into all that relates to their sect,"f The foregoing details can leave no doubt respecting the existence of Yaudois missionaries and the sj^irit of prose- lytism which animated the whole church. We shall have more than one occasion to refer to this characteristic in the course of this history. Eckbert, or Egbert, j' an author of the middle of the twelfth centiuy, whose writings are valuable to any one who can discriminate between facts and suppositions, or the false applications by which they are disfigured, con- firms what the Yaudois have told us respecting their mis- sionaries. In Ms first sermon against the Cathari, who * We have seen that the doctrine of the Vaudois was conformal)le to the gospel ; it is represented con-ectly in the accounts aheady given, but here it is distorted. The Vaudois never remitted sins even to a penitent sinner, still less to him who was not so ; but declared that Christ remits them to the true behever, and so likewise as to admission into heaven. t Reinerus, Maxima BibUoth., P. P., t. xxv., col. 275, and following. X He was abbot of St. Florin, near Treves. The Cathari, or Vaudois, of whom he speaks, were discovered m the country bordering on the Rhine. 104 HISTOEY OP THE TAFDOIS CHURCH. are no other than the Yaudois, speaking of those among them whom he calls the elect, and others call perfect, and who, we helieve, were the barbes, he expresses himscK in these terms : '' They send out from among all these elect those who appear fitted to uphold their error, either where it exists already, or to extend and disseminate it where it is as yet unknown."^' M. Planta, in his History of the Helvetic Confederacy, quotes a passage from the Chronicle of the Abbey of Corbie, taken from a manuscript which he believes was written about the beginning of the twelfth century. This quotation, while interesting as an example of missionary zeal, is also an additional proof of the antiquity of the Vaudois church of the Alps, as Hallam remarks in his Yiew of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages. " Some laics of Suabia, Switzerland, and Bavaria, persons seduced by the ancient race of simple men who inhabit the Alps and their vicinity, and Avho love ancient things, wished to abase {Jkumiliare) our religion and the faith of all the Christians of the Latin Church. Merchants belong- ing to the people of these Alps who commit the Bible to memory, and who have an aversion to the rites of the church which they call new, often find their way from Switzerland (ex Suicia) into Suabia, Bavaria, and northern Italy. They refuse to honour {venerari) images, they have an aversion to relics, they live on vegetables, rarely eat meat, and some of them never. We therefore call them Manicheans; some of these persons having come to them from Hungary, etc.f We cannot conclude this subject without recalling to mind a fact which we have already noticed in chapter iii., as well as in chapters v. and vi. of this history ; namely, the appearance in different places, during more than three hundred years, of priests or foreign preachers, unknown, but pointed out to the attention and inspection of the pre- lates, as not belonging to any church, nor being subject to any spiritual chief; on which account they are often called Acephali [headless]. In our opinion, these men, or at least many among them, might be the emissaries or rather * Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xxiii. col. 602. t History of the Helvetic Confederacy, by Planta, vol. i., pp. 179, 180 Qx 93, 4to. edit.], quoted by HaUam, [iii., 467.] THE VAUDOIS IN FEANCE. 105 the missionaries, of the faithful churches — of the Yaiidois chiu'ch, for example — still surviving in various places the general apostasy, the Eomish heresy. These priests, with- out a name, and Tvithout an ordination, approved of by the apostate chiu'ch, were, perhaps, the spiritual guides sent to rouse the zeal and reanimate the drooping faith of scattered flocks, as well as to win new souls to Christ. Such were the priests twice denoimced by Celestin to the prelates of Gaul; those denounced to Zachary by Boniface of Germany ; the acephalous clerks anathematized in the coimcils of Mayence or Arras in the year 813, of Pavia in 850 and 855, and of Melphi, a city of La Pouille, in 1090 ; in short, an Amulph, a Pierre de Bruis, a Henry, and many others.^'' CHAPTER XIV. PEESECUTIOX OF THE VAUDOIS IX THE THIETEEXTH CEXTUEY. At the beginning of the thirteenth centur}', the number of Yaudois Chi-istians was considerable in all parts; but, as we have shown at the end of chapter vi., they were known imder different names, derived from theii^ particular leaders, or owing as much to ill will as to certain circiunstances. In France, the work begim by Pierre do Bruis and by Heniy, received a new impulse from PieiTo Valdo or Pienx' the Yaudois. The preaching as well as the exemplary self- denial and charity of this faithful and pious servant of Jesus Christ, combined with the labours of his disciples, who were branded with the honourable name of the Poor Men of Lyons, had rendered essential service to the cause of Chiistian truth. General attention was directed to these manifestations. The effect they produced was so powerful, that the remembrance of former ones was in a measure effaced ; and most persons living at the time make mention only of PieiTC Yaldo and his disciples. The state of religious affairs when he appeared was not recollected : the relation in which he probably stood to the Yaudois who * For the Councils see the Magdeburgh Centizriators, Cent, ix., cols. 369, 370, 419, 420.— Delectus Actorum Ecclesise Univ., 1. 1., pp. 750, 922, 1555. F 3 106 HISTOKY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. had preceded him was not suspected ; and by an egregious mistake, some through ignorance, and others by an inex- plicable confusion, made him the chief of the Yaudois sect, to which he was only affiliated, though inferior to none of its members in activity. At the beginning of the thirteenth century, the zeal of the Poor Men of Lyons, joined to the efforts of the Petrobrusians, the Heniicians, and other sectaries, had remarkably increased the numbers of the Yaudois in almost all the pro^dnces of Prance. Germany, as well as Italy, abounded with many enemies to Pome. They belonged to all classes of society. Among them were to be found nobles, plebeians, clergy, monks, persons belonging to the religious orders, townspeople and peasants. Triteme, who states this fact, informs us that, at the date of the year 1229, the Cathari — a subdivision of the Yaudois, as we have seen in chapter vi. — were spread, though secretly, through Germany and Italy, in Lombardy especially, in such numbers that, as was said by some belonging to them, they could travel fi^om Cologne to Milan, and be hospitably received every night on their road by members of their fraternity."^* One of them, mentioned by the name of IlciUre Nouveau {New Master), and who suffered martyi'dom at Yienna, in Austria, in the year 1299, averred that in that same coun- try, in Bohemia and the adjacent districts, they amounted to more than 80,000. Our readers will recollect that Pierre Yaldo, when obliged to flee from Lyons, after having spent some time in Picardy, in Yindelicia, took refuge in Bohemia, where he ended his days. The inquisitor Painier Sacco informs us, also, that Italy in his time, about the year 1254, was filled with Cathari. Besides the Bagnolensian heretics,! (so named from Bag- nolo, a city situated in the vicinity of the present Yaudois valleys,) Painier speaks of the Cathari of Mantua, Brescia, Bergamo, and the duchy of Milan. He mentions also those of Yicenza, Plorence, and the valley of Spoletto. After enumerating sixteen churches belonging to the Yaudois Cathari, established through all Europe as far as Constan- tinople, he adds, that if their number (the number of the perfect, without doubt, that is, of the principal among * Triteme, pp. 224-232. t This fact is confirmed by Gioflfredo. Storia delle Alpi Maritime ; — in Monu- menta Historiaj Patiiee, t. iii., p. 488. DECREE OF OTHO IV. IN PIEDMONT. 107 them,) did not exceed four thousand, the believers (that is, no doubt, all who were affiliated to them,) were innu- merable. Besides, many of these churches, which he places in France, as the Albigensian, he names those of Bulgaiia, Sclavonia, etc."^'' A movement so general and so opposed to the Romish worship could not fail to excite great indignation in the bosom of the pope, the prelates, and the clergy. Yery soon a cry of wrath and vengeance resounded from the south to the north, and the persecution, which had hitherto been only partial and local, extended to all points. Superstition trembled for its altars, its images, and its false miracles. Ignorance was offended with evangelical light. Wounded pride and avarice anticipated the ruin of the credit and revenues of the clergy. A war of extermination could alone save the Romish establishment from the terrible blow with which it was threatened by the efforts of the Yaudois Christians for the propagation of pure doctrine, by the example of their self-denying lives, their charity, their purity, and their good works. The prelates and the pope therefore invoked the assistance of the temporal power, and by its aid laboured to destroy their enemies ; nor did they stop till they saw themselves masters, and supposed they had suppressed or annihilated them. All the particulars of this work of iniquity have not come down to us. The cries of many of its victims never reached beyond their prison-walls, or the crowd that assem- bled round their funeral pile. The correspondence of Rome and the archives of the inquisition contain many a secret and abimdant details which have not transpired. On many points, we are acquainted with only some isolated facts. To begin with one of these facts, not very ciiTumstan- tially given, but relating to the eountiies most fi-equently mentioned in this work, the Yaudois valleys of Piedmont, we shall cite the first decree of persecution of which we know, obtained sj)ecifically against the Yaudois by the Roman clergy, and emanating from the imperial power. It is dated a.d. 1198. Otho iv., when he visited Rome in order to be crowned by the pope, glinted it at the request of James, bishop of Turin. The following are the prin- cipal passages, translated from the Latin : * Maxima Biblioth., P. P., t. xxv,, col. 269, and following. 108 HISTOEY OF THE VAITDOIS CHURCH. " Otho, by the grace of God august emperor, to his well-beloved and faithful bishop of Turin, grace and good- will, etc. It is our wish that all those who do not proceed in the right path, and who strive to extinguish in our dominions the light of the Catholic faith by their perverse heresj^, should be punished mth imperial severity, and that in all parts of the empii^e they should be separated from intercourse with the faithful. By the authority of these presents we enjoin you, in reference to the Yaudois heretics ( Valdenses), and all those who sow the tares of falsehood in the diocese of Turin, and who attack the Catholic faith, teaching any perverse error whatever, that you expel them from the whole diocese of Turin, supported by the im- perial authority. To tliis end we confer upon you, etc., etc."-'* "What use the bishop of Turin made of the powers thus granted to him is not known, but we cannot doubt that he persecuted those against whom he obtained this commis- sion, and that the heretics of Bagnolo and their neigh- bours in the Yaudois valleys, as well as those who were settled in the open country, were subjected to its severities. The ordinance of Count Thomas of Savoy, and the magis- trate of Pinerolo, of the year 1220, already cited in a pre- ceding chapter,! might be introduced here under the head of persecutions, since it prohibited every inhabitant of that city and its environs from showing hospitality to the Yaudois, either men or women. This severe measui'e shows the state of proscription in which the Yaudois of this part of Piedmont were placed, whenever they ventured beyond their valleys. Some isolated* facts which have escaped oblivion, make it apparent that religious persecution was carried on with vigour in other parts of Italy. Thus we read of a female, called Tedesca, or la Tedesca (the German) "whose punish- ment by fire occasioned great tumults at Parma in 1277, during which the convent of the dominican inquisitors was piUaged. In the district of Domo-d'Ossola, in 1307, the * Taken from Spondanus in the year 1198, and the archives of Turin. See Monum. Hist. Patriae, t. iii., p. 488. t It may be inferred, we tliink, from this quotation, that Thomas, who had taken a part in the crusade against the Albigenses, and who left the Vaudois of the Piedmontese vaUeys undisturbed, as it appears, was not yet their sovereign. It would be much later that the marquis of Lucerna submitted to the house of Savoy. MEANS OF CONVERSION. 109 lieresiarch Dolcigno was pursued sword in hand, mth liis numerous partisans and followers, and was accused of re- viving the sect of the Cathari and the Paterins. Having assembled to the number of three hundred, they were attacked and defeated, and their leader burned/''' But the greatest severity of the church of Rome was exercised on the fiiends of the gospel to the west of the Alps, the disciples of Pierre de Bruis, Henry, and Pierre Yaldo. Its concentrated rage was especially let loose for a niunber of years over the beautiful champaigne country watered by the Tarn and other tributary streams of the Garonne in the vales of the Durance, and the plains washed by the lower Phone and the waves of the Mediterranean. It assailed without pity those conscientious and enlight- ened men, who only aimed at offering to God a pui'er worshij) than had been taught them by the Pomish priests. These cruel persecutions are known by the name of the crusades against the Albigenses ; a name taken from the city and territory of Albi, one of the principal centres of the Yaudois sect in the south of Prance. It forms no part of our plan to give the liistory of this gi'eat act of iniquity : such a subject requires a separate treatise ; and we refer our readers, for the details, to the historians who have written expressly upon it. We confine ourselves to noticing the means employed by the coiu^t of Home and their results. It was by carnal weapons that the pretended vicar of Jesus Christ and his clergy undertook to bring back the heretics within the pale of the Pomish church ; while the apostle who won the greatest number of souls to the Christian faith, the apostle Paul, exclaimed, " We do not war after the flesh ; for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal," 2 Cor. x. 3, 4 ; and Jesus Christ said to St. Peter, who wished to employ the sword, not to assail opponents, but to defend the beloved person of his Divine Master, " Put up again thy sword into his place," Matt. xxvi. 52. Pope Innocent ni. began the work by combining persua- sions with menaces ; appeals to Roman Catholic fidelity, with insinuating measures of the most able and refined policy towards the reigning princes. The selection of agents who were perfectly adapted for such a mission, seemed to * Bassi, Storia d'ltalia, t. xv., p. 391—520. 110 HISTOET OF THE VAIJBOIS CHTTKCH. assure him of success. They were, in the first instance, Eainier and Guy, monks of Citeaux, who were sent in 1198, with the title of legates, into the infected countries. In 1204, Innocent joined to them Pierre de Castelnau, arch- deacon of Maguelone, with full powers. But whatever pains they took, however pressing their exhortations, or severe their menaces, their mission was attended with little success, till the Spaniard, Dominic Gusman, who thence- forward became so celebrated, began to give a new direction to theii" proceedings. " Considering," says father Tournon, in his Life of Do- minie, '' that the -sdolent methods which had hitherto been adopted against the apostates, had only served to iiTitate them ; that the luxury and self-indulgence of the Catholics scandalized both the friends and enemies of the church ; that the Albigenses on the contrary, by a pious exterior, conciliated the confidence of the people and the esteem of the great ; that the cupidity and dissolute conduct of those (the priests) whose profession engaged them to the greatest sanctity, formed a deadly taint which caused their religion to be blasphemed, while the heretics, believing they might discredit the doctrine of those whose manners could not be respected, made use of this state of things to cherish in ignorant persons that spirit of revolt with which they had inspired them against their legitimate pastors; Dominic concluded that he must make use of persuasion and example rather than terror, and tread in the steps of the apostles, by preaching and living like them, always travelling on foot like St. Peter and St. Paul, without equipage, money, or provisions. He had no doubt that such a line of conduct would prejudice people in their favour, and would gradually reform the manners of the clergy, and confound the hypo- crisy of the heretics."* This advice was followed ; bishops and legates them- selves became missionaries, and not without some success. They did not even shrink fi'om public disputes. But the method of persuasion being too slow to satisfy the extrava- gant hopes that were entertained, and deviating too much from the exclusive and tyrannical proceedings of Borne, the legates had recourse to excommunications and the employ- ment of force. • Tournon, Yie de St. Dominique, liv. v. p. 36, DOMINIC. 1 1 1 Everything being prepared, Innocent launched his thun- ders against Eavniond, count of Toulouse, whom he ex- communicated, and abused him in an outrageous manifesto. He, at the same time, urged the king of France, the dukes, piinces, and lords of that country and the neighbom^hood, to a crusade against the heretics ; exciting them by the promise of plunder, besides magnificent and eternal rewards in heaven for the blood of the martp^s which they should shed. In obedience to his orders, in the year 1209, a hun- di^d thousand crusaders* at least, under the conduct of the count de Montfort, commander-in-chief of the army, and Amahie, abbot of Citeaux, the pope's legate, invaded the heretical territory of Languedoc. Dominic, iiTitated by the little success of his eloquence, now loudly demanded the infliction of temporal chastise- ments on those whom he was unable to convert. With a crucifix in his hand, he showed himself in the midst of the soldiers, dressed in a long white robe and black mantle, as the inexorable messenger of war, or rather as the befitting agent of Antichrist. To hear him, it was by fii^e and sword that heaven was to be avenged. When, in the first campaign, Beziers was taken and sacked, in the heat of the massacre, even the canons, who were walking in procession to meet the crusaders, were involved in the same fate as the heretics. " Kill them all," said Amalric, the faithful legate of a pitiless pope; ''kill them all; the Lord knoweth them that are his I" From the banks of the Rhone to those of the Lot, fimeral piles were continually biuning. The confiscation of their property, tortures, horrible tor- ments and flames, were reserved for all those jDrofessing the so-called heretical doctrine, whom the sword and lance had not slain on the field of battle. While bands of ferocious and greedy warriors attacked the strong places, the chateaux and cottages of the Albi- gensian sectaries, Foulques, bishop of Toulouse, and his associates of Languedoc, Dominic and his disciples, skilful and ^villing instruments of Antichrist, spied out by means of their emissaries, and denounced, examined, and con- demned unfortunate persons, without number, whoni they tore from their families. * Some writers give a much higher estimate of the numbers of this anny. 112 HISTOHY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. Years of experience having shown what signal services an association of intriguing monks, accusers, and persecutors, could render to the cause of religious oppression, Innocent III., in the year 1215, at the council of Lateran, approved of the plan which Dominic laid before him of founding an order of mendicant monks and preaching friars, for the conversion and suppression of the enemies of the church ; and in the following year, Honorius in., the successor ol the sanguinary Innocent, confirmed the institution, and constituted the order. These preaching friars were, at a later period, called Dominicans, from the name of their founder, and received special privileges for the extirpation of heretics. '^' To spy out and discover the unbelievers, to convince them of their errors, to j)ersuade them to return into the pale of the church, and, if they refased, to draw up the indictments, to arrest the accused, to conduct the criminal proceedings, to pass sentence, and cause it to be executed by means of the secular power ; such were the functions which were delegated to this order, from which the ever- execrable tribunal of the inquisition shortly arose. Prom the year 1215, the Dominicans, in conjituctionwith the bishops, began to celebrate with pomp those acts of faith, {auto-da-fe,) as they were called by a deplorable abuse of language, in which they exhibited the persons condemned before a crowd of spectators, and then burned them with apparent devotion, according to the customary ceremonial in the most solemn rites of Roman Catholicism. Ye holy martyrs of the Christian faith ! dying of want in prisons,! ^^ ^^ ^^ rack, or crowded on the funeral-piles, you were judged, like your Divine Master, worthy of suffering, victims of the hatred vowed by h}^ocrisy and superstition against the truth. Like Jesus, your Saviour, accused of blasphemy, and condemned by the leaders of his people, at the very time when he proclaimed before them the accomplishment in his own person of the prophecies and promises, you, his faithful disciples, were declared * About the same time St. Francois d'Assise founded a second order of mendicant monks, known by the name of Minor Friars and Franciscans. They showed themselves to be worthy rivals of the Dominicans. t One of the most barbarous pimishments consisted in immuring (emmitrer) —that is, inclosing the suiTerer within four waUs, and feeding him scantily through a wicket, or even lea\i.ng him to perish with hmiger. THE INQUISITION. 113 worthy of death, and devoted to the eternal fire reserved for the impenitent, when you were endeavouring to do honour to the light of the gospel, and were confessing the name of Jesus, the King of glory, in opposition to the Ibl- lowers of Antichiist ! Holy martyrs, treading in the steps of Stephen, we trust that, in the midst of your sharpest sufferings, when the flame glowed around your scorched and palpitating limhs, you were able to behold, like the faithful deacon of Jerusalem, the heavens open and the Son of Man standing at the right hand of God! Your last looks Avere those of gratitude, and your last Avords, while here below, those of triumphant faith. Honoured be yoiu' ashes scattered to the winds ! venerated be the remembrance of your fidelity ! and, above all, God grant that your per- severance, in confessing his name by a worship in spirit and in truth, and your fidelity, even to martp^dom, may not be a lost example to us ! To attain the end for which their order was instituted, and to show themselves worthy of the confidence reposed in them, the Dominicans, equally malignant and fanatical, went through the towns and districts of Languedoc, estab- lishing provisionary tiibunals of the inquisition in different places. They had the barbarity to decide that the chikben of heretics, if above seven years old, might be sentenced to be bm-ned to death, as having, at that time of life, reached the age of reason. Cardinal Conrad, the new legate of the pope in 1222, ardently upheld this sanguinary tribunal. The fiuy of the inquisitors being increased by his support, exasperated the people of Languedoc to such a pitch, that they ran to arms on all sides. Conrad, wielding the thunderbolts of Rome, laimched forth excommunications, called the faithful to his banner, invoked the aid of war and destiiiction, and preached a new crusade against the Albigensian Yaudois. Raymond vi. was dead, and so was his enemy, Simon de Montfbrt ; their sons, Raymond a'II. and Amanri, crossed their swords against one another on the field of battle, as their fathers had done. Louis viii., king of France, placed himself at the head of the friends of the pope, who committed unheard-of cruelties in every quarter. Louis ix., whom Rome has canonized under the title of St. Louis, followed in the same track. Having obtained the submis- 114 HISTOEY OF THE VAL'DOIS CHURCH. sion of the count of Toulouse and his principal allies, the ancient supporters of the Albigensian Yaudois, he issued a strong ordinance against all heretics. They were put out of the i^ale of the common law, deprived of their civil and political rights, and prosecuted. Large sums were oifered to persons for laying informations against them, or arresting them. The council of Toulouse, of the year 1229, took similar measures in reference to the ecclesiastical admi- nistration and the rights of the church. It specially inter- dicted la^mien fi'om keeping in their possession the books of the Old and IS^ew Testament, with the exception of the Psalms. The}" were forbidden, above all, to translate any part of them into the Komance language. Heres^^, notwithstanding, was not destroyed; it even made progress in some parts of the desolated countries. Gregory;' ix., the Roman pontiff, attributed the ill success of the measures against it to the negligence of the bishops, who were more occupied about their temporal affairs than the welfare of their flocks. He resolved, therefore, to take from them the cognizance of the fact of heresy, and to vest it solely in the preaching friars ; this immense power he granted by a decree dated April 12, 1233, to the disciples of Dominic, in the diocese of Toulouse principally, and in the archbishoprics of Boui'ges,-'- Bordeaux, Aix, Arks, Auch, Narbonne, Vienne, and Embrun. He placed the inquisitors under the special protection of the counts of Toulouse, Foix, and other lords, as well as the seneschals of France ; requiring the latter to render their assistance whenever it was called for. As a sequel to this ordinance, tribunals of the inquisition were established and made per- manent at Toulouse, Carcassone, Avignon, Montpellier, Albi, and Cahors. Their authority was everywhere re- cognised, and even at the last creation of the parliament at Toulouse, in 1444, their sentences were executed without appeal. Is it necessary to add, that the Dominicans showed them- selves worthy of the pontifical confidence ? They displayed unequalled zeal, indescribable severity, limiting themselves to no rule, or rather breaking all rules. They dived into the secrets of families, set relations and friends against one another, exasperated and overwhelmed all generous minds * Places, no doubt, where the progress of heresy was most strongly marked. THE YAUDOIS OF GEEMANY. 115 with anguish. Thus they at last obtained their end. Tlie prisons were crowded with victims, and often required to be enlarged ; funeral piles were reared in all parts. Every one who did not renounce his convictions, or who did not succeed in concealing liimself, or dissembling his belief, perished in the flames, or pined away in a dungeon. It is estimated, that, in the first fifty years of this centuiy, a million of Albigenses lost their lives, victims of the hatred, barbarity, and superstition of the E,omish church. These statements are mostly taken from the History of the Inquisition in France, by M. cle la Mothe-Langon, Paris, 1829. Alas ! in exterminating or imprisoning the majority of the Yaudois Chiistians, and in giving them no rest in the very spots where their labours had been most successful, their j^ersecutors succeeded in stopping the progress of that glorious awakening which the return to the Holy Scrip- tures, and to the sound and ancient doctrine of the gospel, had produced. They flattered themselves, no doubt, that they had stifled it altogether. In such results, the court of Eome rejoiced ; she hastened to prosecute her infernal work, and to employ the same means in all places where heresy was informed against, wherever the secular power submitted to be the intrument of her vengeance, and the exterminator of its own subjects. The Yaudois of Germany had also their turn, and could not escape persecution. Eighty persons were apprehended in Strasburgh alone, of whom the greater part were de- livered to the flames. The famous inquisitor, Conrad de Marpurg, adopted a sui'e method of convicting the accused, by subjecting them to the ordeal of heated iron. In the year 1233, a great number of heretics were biu-ned in differ- ent parts of Germany by the exertions of this preaching monk and inquisitor, who at last paid for the sufierings he had inflicted by a violent death. In the course of this centuiy, the same punishments were often renewed. Mat- thew Paris reports, that, in the year 1249, four hundred and forty-three heretics were condemned to the flames in Saxony and Pomerania. Among the victims belonging to Germany, to the astonishment of the spectators, an inquisitor, the monk Echard, an ancient persecutor of the Yaudois, took his 116 HISTORY or THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. place at the stake. During the veiy time that he was putting interrogatories to persons accused of heresy, the Spirit of God touched his heart; their constancy in the midst of their sufferings made him ;^deld to the gospel : an illustrious triumph of the faith ! — We are without infor- mation as to what took place in Italy. CHAPTER XV. THE VAUDOIS, RETREATIISTG FROM PERSECUTION, FOUND COLONIES IN THE ALPS. The Vaudois, jDcrsecuted in the south of Prance with unparalleled and incessant violence, sighed after some re- pose. Many of them had found a temporary refuge in the domains of the king of Aragon ; others had migrated into different provinces of Prance, as Picardy, Burgund}^, Lorraine, Alsace ; into different parts of Germany ; into Bohemia especially, and even into Poland ; others had taken refuge in Lombardy and the Italian cities which were more 2:>articularly under the influence of the Ghibelines, and where, consequently, the papal power had less influence, and where intestine dissensions, as well as external contests, left the clergy no leisure for indulging in persecution.^' A great number took refuge in that part of the Alps which forms the frontier of Prance and Italy, the same Yaudois valleys where the pure doctrine of the gospel had been preserved from before the time of Constantino, and had been propagated far and wide by its missionaries during the preceding centuries. They filled with their weeping families the valleys of Lucerna, Angrogna, and San Martino, that of Pragela or the Clusone, the high valley of the Po, those of Susa, Praissiniere, and I'Argentiere, the. vale of Loyse (or Louise) or Pute, where theii^ brethren in the faith had been abeady established for centuries, and where we shall very soon meet with them again. * Perrin, Histoire des Vaudois, pp. 233 — 246. Histoke de I'lnquisition en France, par de la Mothe-Langon, t. ii., p. 587. SITUATION OF THE COLONIES. 117 The multitude of the refugees in that quarter became so large, that the land could not support them. It was necessary to plan new migrations to find an outlet for this superabundance of population. Diiferent causes, which oui- distance from this period and the want of documents pre- vent our appreciating, dii'ected numbers of the Yaudois towards the southern extremity of Italy, to Apulia and Calabria, in the kingdom of Xaples."^'' This settlement of the Yaudois in Apulia is mentioned in a report as recent as 1489, by the legate dc Capitaneis, to the archbishop of Embrun, in which he notices similar establishments in Liguria and Italy, adding this fact, that when the Yaudois (whom he incoiTcctly represents as coming from Lyons) decided on forming them, there were more than fifty thousand of them in the Alps, on the con- fines of Dauphine, and in the dioceses of Embrun and Turin, f An ordinance of the emperor Erederick ii., dated at Padua, in the year 1244, supports our account. '' We ought to pursue them," it says of the Yaudois, "with so much the more vigour, the more audaciously they set them- selves to oppose Christianity and the Roman church by their superstitions on the confines of Italy and Lombardy, where we know, fi'om certain information, that their malice lias committed the greatest ravages : they have already spread themselves even into our Idngdom of Sicily. "| The province of Calabria, in. the kingdom of ^N'aples, where the Yaudois founded one of their principal colonies, is a beautiful country, ])rotected by mountains, and formed of smiling valleys and fertile plains. Orange-trees and olives display their fruit not far from chesnuts and larches. The persons who were sent to explore the district came back equally satisfied Avith its fertility and the conditions of settlement oifered by the lords of the soil. An advan- tageous treaty for the colonists was soon concluded, and a considerable number of Yaudois prepared for their depar- ture. The young people married before they emigrated. On theii' arrival, they founded in the neighbourhood of Montalto a town called Borgo d'Oltramontani, or Oltro- * Hist, de rinquisition en France, t. ii., p. 613. GiUes, Hist. Eccles., p. 18. t Taken from Leger, Hist. Generale, t. ii., p. 22, J Hist, de rinquisition en France, t. ii., p. 538. 118 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHTJKCH. montani ; that is, the town of the TJltramontanes, because the new settlers originally dwelt beyond the Appenines. The stream of emigration continning to flow in the same direction, the Yandois built, at a little distance from the first town, another called San Sesto, afterwards the site of one of their most celebrated churches. They also founded Argentine, La Ilocca, Yacarisso, and San Yincente. At length, the marquis Spinello permitted them to build Guardia, a walled city, which has retained the name of (xuardia-Lombarda, situated on an eminence near the sea ; and he granted important privileges to the inhabitants, so that, in time, it became opulent and considerable. The Yaudois, or Ultramontanes as the natives called them, increased greatly, and prospered for a length of years in their happy colony. More than a century later, about the year 1400, in con- sequence of the severities practised by the inquisition in Provence and Dauphine, under the eyes of the popes at Avignon, the Yaudois who had fled from these provinces into the valleys, determined on a new emigration into the kingdom of Naples, where they founded in Apulia, the five small cities of Monilone, Montanato, Paito, La Cella and La Motta. Lastly, about the year 1500, the Yaudois of Fraissiniere and other valleys, to escape persecution, established themselves in the neighbourhood of their brethren, in the valley of Yolturata. Thus we may understand how, from these different centres, the Yau- dois could spread themselves all over the kingdom of !N^aples, and even to Sicily. We shall give an account, in the sequel, of their lamentable end."^' These colonies maintained direct and constant relation with the Yaudois of the valleys, who provided them with pastors, according to the decision of thcfr synods. Accord- ing to their established custom, the barbes, or pastors, undertook thefr distant journey by two and two — one of them advanced in years, already acquainted mth places and persons, and experienced in practical matters ; the other younger, in order to be trained to his vocation. Both in going and returning they visited the faithful who were scattered through the towns and country places of Italy, exhorting and consoling them; a proceeding not entirely * GUles, Histoii-e Eccles., p. 18, and follomng. NEW COLONIES IN PEOVENCE. 119 unknown to their adversaries.* The barbes of the valleys possessed a house in each of the cities of Florence, Genoa, and Yenice,t and probably elsewhere ; but it was onlj^ at intervals, when the pastors were passing through on their missionary travels, that the faithful of these cities and other places fully enjoyed an evangelical ministry; while, according to all appearance, the colonies of Apulia and Calabria retained for a continuance, till they were replaced, the pastors who had been sent to them by a preceding synod. At a period not exactly known, towards the end of the thirteenth century, perhaps at the commencement or in the course of the fourteenth century, the Yaudois of the valleys, to remedy the inconvenience resulting from their being- crowded within too small a compass, turned their thoughts again towards Provence, which many of their forefathers had been forced to quit during the crusades against the Albigenses. Fertile though uncultivated lands in the in- habited valleys that border on the river Durance to the east of Cavaillon, having been granted to their deputies by the proprietors on advantageous conditions, they sent thither the surplus of theii^ population. Their industry, integrity, and exemplary conduct were recompensed by unexampled prosperity.;]: Cabrieres, ^Merindol, Lormarin, Cadenet, Gordes, towns of considerable size, were successively founded and enlarged by them. Such was their prosperity, that when Francis i, caused them to be persecuted and massacred by the infamous d'Oppede, in the year 1545, not less than twenty-two towns, villages, and hamlets were destroyed. It will appear from this recital, that the Yaudois church, * GiUes relates that a barbe of his name having gone into a church at Florence, heard a monk who was preaching exclaim : " O Florence ! What does Florence mean ? The flower of Italy. And so thou wast tUl these Ultra- montanes persuaded thee that man is justified by faith, and not hj works ; and herein they he." — Gilles, p. 20. t In the hst which Perrin gives of the barbes about the year 1602, we find among those whose memory was preserved for more than three hundred years, one named Jehan, from the vaUey of Lucema, who was suspended for some fault from his office for seven years, during which time he stayed at Genoa, where the baibes had a house, as they also had a handsome one at Florence. — Pen-in, p. 66. X The exact date of the fotmding of these colonies is uncertain. According to Camerarius, who reckons that they had in his time existed two hundred years, they must have been formed in 1345. De Thou assigns them a dura- tion of thi-ee himdred years, which would place their origin as far back as about 1245, (Camerarius de Excidio, etc. ; and De Thou, i. 293.) 120 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. in spite of the dreadful persecutions it had endured, espe- cially in the south of Trance, was yet so strong and nume- rous, and spread over so many places, that it might have been hoped that the sound doctrine and purity of worship transmitted by its means from the times of Constantino the Great, would long maintain the struggle against the efforts of Babylon the Great ; but the hour was come when Rome proceeded to attack the Yaudois of the Alps in their retreats, and thus threatened a fatal blow to the militant, and already much enfeebled, church. CHAPTER XVI. PIRST PERSECUTIONS KNOWN, AGAINST THE VAUDOIS OF PIED- MONT, IN THE FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES. The churches of Vaudois origin being in ruins in the south of France, and on the point of dissolution wherever the emissaries of Rome had free access, the moment seemed come for pursuing these defenders of the evangelical faith to extremities among the retired moiuitains, in the bosom of which a considerable jDart of them lay, as it were, entrenched. They occupied, halfway between Turin and Grenoble, the two declivities of the Alps which incline to the east and west of the snowy peaks of the mountains Genevre and Yiso. Their humble dwellings, erected on the sides of the mountains either in groups or scattered, reached to the bottom of the valleys. To the west, among the woods of the high Alps of Dauphine and Provence, the most elevated and retired valleys were inhabited wholly, or at least in great part, by the Yaudois. In the diocese of Embrun, in particular, there was not a valley without some of their churches. But the most noted were, the High Yalley of the Durance, and the adjacent glens of Argentiere, Eraissiniere, and Loyse, or Pute. To the east, all the glens and valleys which descend from the High Alps to the plain towards Pinerolo and Saluzzo, those which are watered by the Clusone and the Ger- manasca, the Pelice and the Grana, tributaries of the Po, and by the Po itself — ^namely, the vale of Pragela, the PEESECFTION UNDER CLEMENT YI. 121 valley of San Martino, the vale of Angrogna, the valley of Lucema, that of the Po, and of Bagnolo, etc., were then, and had been for centnries, the earthly fatherland of the faithful Yaudois of Piedmont. Into these ancient and venerable retreats of the jDure faith, the pretended ^icar of Jesns Chi'ist, the Saviour of the world and the Prince of peace, planned to cany a cruel persecution. This scourge had already approached several times, and caused many tears in the distinct of Embmn, and, no_ doubt, in the"^ plains of Piedmont also, though histoiy is silent respecting it. But the hour was come For it to burst on the mountain region of the ancient diocese of Claude of Turin, — the very spot where the light of truth was still biuTiiu";. Pope John xxii., desirous of prosecuting the work begun by Innocent iii., and to do it systematically, ordered Jean de Badis, inquisitor at Marseilles, to join 'his efforts M-ith those of Albert de CasteUatio, who resided in Pied- mont in the same capacity. In his bull, dated in the year 1332, this pope directed his legate's attention to the Yal- denses, or Yaudois, of the valleys of Lucerna and Perosa. He complained of the increase of these heretics, of their frequent meetings in the form of chapters, (probably by this term he meant their synods,) at which as many as five hundi-ed persons were often present. He accused "^them of having killed the rector Guillaume, after mass, in a place that he caUs Yilla,^*' and of having risen against the inqui- sitor De CasteUatio, when about to exercise his office. A detailed account of this first attempt at persecution against the valleys of Lucerna and Perosa has not come down to us. AU we know of this expedition, as having reaUy occurred, is, that De Badis succeeded in enti'apping Martin Pasti'e, one of the Yaudois leaders, whom he sent to Marseilles and imprisoned; but, by the pope's orders, he recalled him to Piedmont, to be judged by Albert de CasteUatio and subjected to tortiu^e, if' needful, "'ui order to denounce his associates.! In 1352, pope Clement vi. gave it in charge to lYiUiam, * Rorengo says that Guillaume was slain at AngrosTia, where he was rector, and that he was taken off for ha\-ing given information of the heresy to Castel- latio. We can assert that there is no locahty at Angrogna answering to the name of Villa, but there does exist a town called Villaro to the west of La Torre, t De la Mothe-Langon, t. iii., p. 217.— Leger, pt. ii., p. 20. G 122 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHIJECH. archbishop of Embrun, and Pierre de Mont, Franciscan friar and inquisitor, to extinguish heresy. The lords, judges, and consuls (syndics) of the province were invited to lend him their aid. But, once more, the results did not answer the expecta- tions of the pontiff. (De la Mothe-Langon, t. iii., p. 256.) In page 254 of the same work, we meet with a strange letter ^T:'itten to the same pope, which might have occa- sioned the persecution which he undertook, after he had been ten years in the pontificate. Yet, as this possibility is not expressed, we shall content ourselves with having referred to the letter. The pope also urged the dauphin, Charles of France, Louis, king of JN'aples, and queen Joanna, his wife, to per- secute the heretics. This latter circumstance serves to confii'm the fact of there being Yaudois colonies in the kingdom of IS^aples ; for why should the pope address this prince, if there were no heretics in his dominions ? The invitation addressed to the queen of Naples, who possessed territory in the marquisate of Saluzzo, near the vallej^s, adds a fresh presumption to the evidence we have already given of the existence of the Yaudois in many parts of this marquisate.'^' These solicitations, also, of the court of Avignon had not, at this time, the results that were hoped for. Two years later, James, prince of Acqui, of the house of Savoy, ordered Balangero and Ueto Borengo to imprison those of the Yaudois sect who had been discovered in the valley of Lucerna and the neighbouring valley s.f Urgent appeals for the destruction of heresy were con- tinually addressed by the papal court at A^dgnon to the secular authorities. But, far from displaying the requisite zeal, both magistrates and people seemed to lean to the side of clemency. Gregor}'- xi., when writing, in 1373, to Charles v., the king of France, to complain of his officers for thwarting the inquisitors in Dauphine, says, ''They put obstacles in the way of the inquisitors, forcing them to hold their tribunal in places exposed to the attacks of the enemies of the faith ; not permitting them to institute pro- * Monumenta Historiae Patrise, t. iii., p. 860. t This fact shows that the marquises of Lucerna had at that time made their submission to the house of Savoy. Histoire de la Ville, etc., de Pignerol, t. iii., p. 35. PERSECUTIOX COXTINrES. 123 ceedings against the heretics ^vithout the concurrence of the civil judges, and constraining them to reveal the secrets of* their proceedings. They release condemned sectaries from prison; they even refuse to take an oath to act against these obstinate people. Lose no time," he adds, '^ to rectify such proceedings, under pain of draT\-ing down upon you the indignation of the holy apostles Peter and Paul." '' But though the inquisitors, who were commissioned to extirpate the Yaudois faith, were often ill seconded, yet they made many victims, and caused much suffering. These incessant severities and excessive acts of violence impelled the Yaudois, in 1375, to make some deplorable reprisals. They attacked the city of Susa, forced the con- vent of the Dominicans, and put the inquisitor to death. They are like"\vise accused of having taken the life of another inquisitor of Turin, perhaps near Bricherasco, at the entrance of the valley of Lucema.f The great schism in the church of Pome, which took place in 1378, by the election of two popes. Urban vi. at Pome, and Clement vn. at Avignon, did not occasion any abatement in the persecution. The inquisitor, Borelli, having in vain cited all the inhabitants of Praissiniere, Argentiere, and the vale of Loyse, to his tribunal, caused a great number to be arrested. By his orders one hundred and fifty Yaudois men were brought to Grenoble and burned alive, besides many women, girls, and even young children, all of the vale of Loyse. In the valleys of Argentiere and Fraissiniere, eighty victims, men and women, were handed over to the secular power ; and such was the determination to punish them, that, in many cases, they were executed without any other sentence than a general declaration of being criminals famished by the holy office. " There is evidence," writes a catholic author, '' that many accused persons were thrown into prison only for the purpose of seizing on their propert3\ Blood or gold," he adds ; " this is what the inquisition required." % * De la Mothe-Langon, t. iii., pp. 270, 271. It may easily be imagined that the interests of the seculkr princes did not always coincide with those of the pope. t Ibid., p. 278.— Monumenta Historise Patriae, t. iii., p. 861 .— Rorengo, ta I'Histoire de Pignerol, by Massi, t. ii., p. 35. X Ibid., p. 289.— Perrin, Hist, de Vaudois, p. 114. G 2 124 HISTOKY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. The same inquisitor, Borelli or Borille, has been accused of having practised great cruelties in Susa, at the head of an armed troop, and particularly of having laid waste the valley of Pragela, or Clusone, in the dead of winter, at the Christmas of the year 1400. The Yaudois historians lay the odium of this attack on people belonging to the valley of Susa."^' The peaceable inhabitants of Pragela, unex- pectedly assailed, at a season of the year when they fancied themselves protected by the snows which covered the ridges and declivities of the mountains, could only flee with the utmost haste, men, women, and children, to the heights and rocky steeps. The fugitives, being pursued without intermission till nightfall, fell, many of them by the sword of the enemy, or were taken prisoners ; others, still more wretched, perished miserably of hunger and cold on the rocks, covered with snow and ice. The most numerous company fleeing in the direction of Macel, in the vale of San Martino, passed the night on a lofty mountain, on a spot still called the Albergan, or the Refuge. The heart is pained at the recital of their sufferings. Let it suffice to say, that in the morning fifty poor little children (some say eighty) were found dead with cold; some in their cradles, others in the frozen arms of their poor mothers, lifeless like themselves. f The popish troops, who had passed the night in the dwellings abandoned b}^ the unfortunate inhabitants of Clusone, the next day took the road to Susa, laden with plunder, and destroying what they could not carry off. They are charged with having hung on a tree a poor aged Yaudois woman. Marguerite Athode, whom they met with on the mountain of Meane. This bloody incursion, when it was noised abroad, ter- rified the people of Dauphine and Piedmont, and at the same time roused their indignation. They manifested their sentiments with so much energy, that the pope enjoined on the inquisitor to moderate his zeal and to exercise more prudence, from an apprehension that heresy might make still greater progress. This general dissatis- faction and these remonstrances lead us to suppose that even the Eoman Catholic population had suffered from this * The storm came thence, but they may have been ignorant of its cause, t De la Mothe-Langon, t. iii., p. 295.— Perrin, p. 116.— Leger, part ii., p. 7. OEDEES OF lOLANTE. 125 expedition, in which no particular care had been taken to spare them. It wouhl seem that the persecution directed against the Vaudois died a^yaJ at the beginning of the fifteenth cen- tury, to be revived, at the close of it, with fresh violence. About the year 1460, the archbishop of Embrim commis- sioned the Franciscan monk, John Yeleti, or Yeileti, to take measures against the survivors in Fraissiniere, Argentiere, and the vale of Loyse. He discharged his mission with so much barbarity, partiality, and bad faith, that he irritated and troubled the whole comitr^^, and complaints were made against him to king Louis xi. In the examination of accused j^ersons, he altered and dictated their answers to liis questions without scruple. For example : if an accused person were asked — Do you believe that, after the sacra- mental words have been pronounced by the priest at mass, the body of Christ is in the host ? if the Yaudois replied, JSTo ; Yeleti would write down or dictate, The accused con- fesses that he does not believe in God. This iniquitous priest made many faithfiil disciples of the Lord pass through the fire.* Under the government of Louis of Savoy, between 1440 and 1465, twenty-two females, denounced as Gazaris, or Yaudois, were burned at Coni, as having relapsed. They belonged to Bemezzo (Burnecium), a town of the neigh- bourhood, in which, according to the expression of a Roman Catholic Pieclmontese author, the heresy of the Poor Men of Lyons was rank. We notice this fact, because it is one of a small number, and among the last of those which show that the Yaudois church formerly extended in Piedmont, towards the south, far beyond its present limits. f At the instigation of Giovanni Compesio, and of the inquisitor Andi'ea di Aquapendente, who, on Xov. 28, 1475, had published very severe bulls against the Yaudois, the duchess lolante, a French princess, Avidow of Amedee-le- Bienheureux, and guardian of his son Charles, ordered, in January, 1476, the governors of Pinerolo and Cavor, and the podesta (the head of the police) of Lucerna, and her other officers in these distiicts, to take active measures for the suppression of heretics. In her ordinance, the * De la Mothe-Langon, t. iii., loc. cit. t Rorengo, iii I'Histoire de Pigiierol, t. ii. 126 HISTORY OF THE VATJDOIS CHUKCH. duchess thus expresses herself: '' It is oiu* pleasure that the inhahitants of the valley of Lucerna especially may be able to enter {venire possint) into the bosom of the holy mother church." The expression enter (not return) might lead us to suppose that up to this time there had not yet been any thought of denying the simultaneous and prior existence of the Yaudois church with that Of Home."^' These orders were executed, and it frequently happened that the Yaudois, when they ventiu'ed beyond their valleys for commercial or other purposes, were seized and delivered to the inquisitors, who did not fail to put some of them to death. The consequence was, that there was hardly a city in Piedmont in which some of their number were not punished. Jordan Tertian, a barbe, or pastor, was burned at Susa. Hippolyte Roussier mounted the funeral pile at Turin. Yillermin Ambroise was hung at the defile of Meane, and so was Anthoine Hiun. XJgon Chiamp of Penestrelles was taken at Susa, and brought to Turin. There, being tied to a stake, his bowels were taken out and placed in a large vessel : his martyrdom was soon accomplished.! But what could these single acts of severity effect towards satisfying the impatience of Rome? How could a little blood appease the wrath of the irreconcileable enemy of the Yaudois — an enemy who could put on a level with crimes punishable by the edge of the sword or by fire, the claim of evangelical Chiistians to think for themselves, and the assertion of the right of examination in matters of faith ? Having commenced the application of her op])ressive sys- tems to the worthy and timid inhabitants of the neigh- bouring valleys with some partial success, how could the persecuting church stop in her career ? Her pride was interested in continuing the war which her jealousy, her thirst of power, her avarice and her hatred, had begun. But, to render her triumph certain, it was necessary that the attack, from being partial, local, crafty and slow, should become general, violent, rapid, and terrible. An expedi- tion of the same kind as that which annihilated the Albi- genses, was resolved upon against these thousands of * Raccolta degli Editi, etc. ; Stamperia Sinibaldo, etc. t L^ger, part ii., p. 7. CRFSADE OF ALBERT DE CAPITANEIS. 127 labourers and herdsmen, whose firm and unwavering faith had resisted the assaults of the Eomish superstition, as the lofty summits of their moimtains withstood the threatening- storms, and the shock of winds and tempests. Innocent vni., a worthy successor of that Innocent iii.^ who proclaimed the first crusade against the Christians, charged Albert de Capitancis, archdeacon of Cremona, ^vith the execution of his cruel projects, and gave him the inquisitor Blaise de Bena, of the order of preaching monks, as his coUeague. He accredited them to the king of France and the duke of Savoy, as weU as to aU the lords, as nun- cios and apostolic coimnissioners in their domaiA, and espe- cially in Dauphine and Piedmont, to proceed against that most pernicious and abominable sect of mischievous persons, called Poor Men of Lyons, or Yaudois, " which," he says in his bull, " has unhappily for a long time been prevalent in Piedmont and the neighboui'ing parts." And though he acknowledges that the objects of his wrath possessed an appearance of sanctity, he orders them to be crushed like venomous snakes, and to be exterminated if they refuse to abjure.*''' The papal buU promised, as a recompense to all those princes, lords, or others, Vv^ho should arm themselves with the buckler of the orthodox faith, and bring help to the aforesaid legates, plenary indulgence, remission of their sins once in theii' lifetime, and the same in the article of death; and, what was not less tempting, it granted pennission to each person to appropriate to himself any possessions of the heretics, whether lands or goods. f Yery soon nothing was heard of but the bull of Inno- cent vin. All the countiies that bordered on the Cottian Alps resounded with it. At Embrun, Susa, Pinerolo, Turin, Yienne in Dauphine, Lyons, and even at Sion in Yalois, nothing was talked of but the approaching crusade .^ The whole population was roused. Charles viii., king of Prance, and Charles ii., duke of Savoy, ^ sanctioned the expedition, and the lords made preparations for it. A numerous army was on the march to smi'ound the fortress of heresy on aU sides, and attack it simultaneously. Albert de Capitaneis, armed with sufficient powers, called forth, * Extract from the bull of Innocent viii., L^ger, part ii. p. 8. t Ibid. 128 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. urged, and directed the crusaders. Who could hope to escape a heart so hard, and a hand so strong ? The year 1488 was destined to be a time of sore distress to the Vaudois, and of everlasting shame to E-ome. De Capitaneis had two bodies of soldiers under his orders : one, formed in France, was designed to invade the valleys of Dauphine, and to come in aid of the other, which, setting out from Piedmont, was to surround the eastern valleys, and, approaching the French frontiers in a semicircle, would destroy all the heretics on its way. The first of these divisions, commanded by count de Yarax, lord*of La Palu, and royal lieutenant, ascended the mountains of Dauphine, and invaded the vale of Loyse. All the horrors of war fell at once on the affrighted inha- bitants of this valley. The papists treated them with unparalleled barbarity. Those who were first slain by the sword were the most fortunate. Those who made their escape to the recesses of the rocks and the depths of caverns, known only to the inhabitants of the valleys, were pursued thither ; large fires were kindled at the entrance of their hiding-places, and left them only the choice between a horrible massacre from without, or death by suffocation if they remained within. The greater part resigned them- selves to the latter. It is reported that four hundred young children were found stifled in these caverns, and that three thousand persons perished in these terrible encoun- ters. The misfortunes of the vale of Loyse spared the repetition of them to the neighbouring valle3^s of Argentiere and Fraissiniere. Seeing no hope of safety but in ener- getic resistance, they guarded the passes, defended them- selves valiantly, and very soon saw their persecutors retreat for a time. A corps detached from the army that was assembled in Dauphine, on the western side of the Alps, crossing the elevated defiles of the mountains, came suddenly by Cesane, on the eastern side, into the valley of Pragela, or Clusone, the most northern of all the Yaudois valleys. The hostile force, falling unexpectedly like an avalanche on a people occupied as usual in their peaceful labours, surprised them without the means of defence, threw them into consterna- tion, laid waste and ravaged their towns, pillaged their cottages, and massacred the inhabitants. The fugitives ATTACK OX THE VALLEYS. 129 themselves were not able to escape the fiuy of their pur- suers. As in the vale of Loyse, inflammable materials Avere heaped at the enti'ance of the caverns, to which they had retreated from the fiuy of theii' pitiless adversaries ; and if they tried to escape from the flames that devoured, or the smoke that stifled them, they were instantly slain by the sword. Of all the valley of Pragela, the villages of Fraisse and Meane suffered the most. JSTevertheless, the inhabitants of Clusone, recovering from their first alarm, organized themselves at different points, fell, in their turn, on their enemies, and succeeded in repulsing them. The army collected in Piedmont, by the urgent appeals of the pope's legate, Capitaneis, and destined to extiipate the Yaudois heresy fi'om the valleys of San Martino, Perosa, and Lucerna, as well as Pravilhehn and other places in the valley of the Po, was now ready to invade these unhappy counti'ies. It is asserted that there were not less than eighteen thousand men in the ranks, besides a great number of Piedmontese, who followed them, in order to merit the plenary indulgence promised by the pope, and to take their share in the plunder. JS^o record has been preserved of all the particular acts of this great persecution ; so that we cannot even name all the places laid waste, or all the Yaudois churches that were destroyed. But it is ver^- probable that, from this epoch, the ruin must be dated of numbers of the Yaudois, in the towns and villages of the plain of Piedmont. As for the attacks on the valleys, strictly so called, we possess more details. It appears that one division of the army penetrated with no great difficulty into the valley of Lucerna. This was too large, and the ground too little broken for men unaccustomed to war to oppose effectively the enti'ance of a numerous body of soldiers, well armed and disciplined. San Giovanni, La Torre, Yillaro, Bobbio, and all their hamlets, were occupied by the enemy. God alone knows all that was inflicted on those who had not escaped in time. Bobbio is the last "v-illage in the plain of the valley of Lucerna, peacefrilly seated in the midst of chestnut-trees and vines, surrounded by beautiftil and gently-sloping meadows, at the base of gigantic mountains, through which the Pelice forces its way, and rolls along murmuring and covered G 3 130 HISTORY or THE VATJDOIS CHURCH. with foam. From this fertile spot, rich in the beauties of natnre, bnt then laid waste by greedy and pitiless soldiers, a defile open« to the north between the rocks. The mountain- path tracked upon it by herdsmen rises to the ridge of Mount Julien, (Giuliano,) which, not far from the formid- able i3eaks of the French frontier to the west, and the "heights of the valley of Angrogna to the east, separates the valley of Lueerna, on the south, from that of San Martino on the north. Following its course, always in a northerly direction over the ojDposite slope, across pasture-land and woods, we descend at last to the hamlets of the comm.une of Prali, scattered over a plain inclosed by steep mountains. It was to this spot, and through the pass we have been describing, that seven hundred men, detached from the papal army which occupied the valley of Lueerna, brought all the horrors of war. They had hoped to siu-prise this peaceable district, which, from its position at the extremity of the valley of San Martino, and out of any direct road, might have thought itself secure from attack. For an instant the invaders might suppose they had succeeded. They had reached the hamlet of Pommiers, when they found themselves assailed by the united Pralins with a courage so impetuous, that they could make but little re- sistance. Fatig-ued by a long and rapid march over roads, uneven, slippery and steep, astonished at meeting, instead of affrighted and suppliant fugitives, armed men full of ardour, and some of them urged on by gloomy desperation, they soon gave way, and were all cut in pieces, save one, an ensign. During the massacre, he escaped along the torrent, which he reascended, and concealed himself under a great mass of snoAV, in a cavity which had been formed by the melting of the snow, (for it was summer,) and there he remained till cold and hunger forced him to descend and implore mercy from those whom he would have mas- sacred. His request was readily granted. The Praliris, appeased by their success, allowed him to go in peace, to announce the defeat and death of all his companions. The efforts of the crusading army were directed prin- cipally to the vale of Angrogna, which might be regarded as the heart of the valleys ; and was doubtless then, as on many other occasions, the place of refuge, and the fortress of the affrighted inhabitants. This glen, a lateral and ATTACK OX THE VALLEYS. 131 northern branch of the valley of Lueerna, descends from the north and "svest, where the sharp ridges of Soiran, rinfernet, and the Eons, separate it from the Alpine pastm-es of the valley of San Martino towards the south-east, and opens hy an abrupt bend to the south into the valley of Lueerna, to the east of the town of La Torre. The spinal ridge of rocks and peaks which, from the Eous on the west, inclines eastward, and terminates in the magnificent Tan- dalin, with its pp-amidal sides, closes the glen on the south, and separates it from the valley of Lueerna, as far as the spot where it merges into that valley. On this side it is impregnable. From the heights of Sou'an, on the north, the chain of mountains which separates the vale of Aiigrogna from the valley of San Martino and the half-val- ley of Perosa, lies to the south-east, flattened and uniform all the way from Mount Cervin. It is called the Sea of Angrogna. It turns, at last, towards the south, and de- scends in an undulating manner from the heights of Eoceamaneot upon the sides of San Giovanni, and is lost in the valley. On the declivity of this chain first towards the south, and then the west, the principal hamlets of the valley are situated on gentle slopes. This vast plain, with a regular siu^face, cleared of woods, and covered with pasture- land in the higher parts, inclines afterwards more decidedly, subdivides and breaks in the lower part into diversified ridges, shaded by a forest of magnificent fruit-trees, and terminates by precipitous ravines in the torrent of Angrogna at the bottom of the valley. The road which leads from La Ton^e to the populous hamlets scattered over these fertile slopes, follows the windings of the river, undulating and bending, according to the inclination of the hills, on the left bank, half-way up. To attack Angrogna on this side would have been foUy. The steeps, the bends, the rents of the ground, fuiTowed with streams, as well as the shelter of the chestnut and wahiut trees, with their thick foliage, which perpetiially intercept the view, would expose an army to continual sui-prises, and enable a small number of resolute men to stop it at every step, and would subject it to perpetual losses, and to be attacked and hurled down the precipices which are all along the road. Eut if the valley of Angrogna could not be forced on this 132 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUJICH. side, it might be by gaining the high plateau by means of the gentle declivities which rise from the plain of San Giovanni, at the entrance of the valley of Lucerna, in a northerly direction, towards the Sea of Angrogna, by the heights of Roccamaneot, Once arrived there, a hostile troop is master of the higher plateau. No obstacle opposes its march, till it reaches the rocks which inclose the retired vale of Pra-di-torre : it may then rush down, like a devas- tating torrent, on the hamlets it overlooks, and which have no further means of natural defence. It was by the latter road we have been describing that the army of crusaders prepared to invade the central valley of Angrogna. They left their quarters, and prepared to climb, by the declivity of San Giovanni, the southern side of the hills, directing their march towards the upper plateau and rock of Roccamaneot. On these hills, the poor Yau- dois had to sustain a very severe combat. They prepared for it by prayer. Their enemies, as they advanced, saw them prostrate, and heard the petitions they offered aloud to God. The papists ridiculed them, being full of con- fidence in their o^vn numbers, equipments, and valour. But the Divine mercy secured the victory to the smaller number; God hearkened to those who relied upon him. Among the assailants, one of the principal leaders, Le jSToir, of Mondovi, another Goliath defjdng Israel, boasted, with horrible blasphemies, of the carnage he would make among these heretical herdsmen, when, having raised his visor on account of the heat, and to show his contempt, he was struck between the eyes by an arrow discharged loj Peiret Pevil, of Angrogna. He fell; and his death so terrified his companions in arms, already surprised and embarrassed by the obstinate resistance of the Yaudois, that they turned their backs on those whom they had before despised, and fled with much loss. The joy felt for so great a deliverance was expressed on the field of battle, and in all the valley, by thanksgivings and hymns of praise. The enemy, irritated by their loss, and ashamed of the defeat, having reassembled all their forces, again assailed the valley of Angrogna, and made themselves masters of all the plateau and the hamlets on the left side of the torrent as far as Eocciailla, a mass of rocks which descends ATTACK OX THE TALLEYS. 133 abriiptlj^ from the neighbouring heights of La Yachere, southward to the very bed of the toiTent, and separates the lower and cultivated valley of Angrogna fi'om the upper. This latter valley is perfectly alpine in its character, and has the form of an immense funnel, broken on the eastern side ; it is bounded on the south by the sharp ridge of the majestic Yandalin, on the west by the snow}^ simimits of Sella Yeglia and the Rous, on the north by the frightful rocks of the Infernet and Soiran, and on the east b}- the Rocciailla, a mass of rocks not very pointed, but steep and rugged, which confine the torrent of the Angrogna at its outlet. In the centre of this funnel is an extensive meadoAV, bounded on one side by the torrent, and on the other by some buildings; it is the Pradutoiu-, or Predutoui' — Pra- di-toiTe — so celebrated in Yaudois history. On this spot, according to tradition, was once situated that celebrated school of the barbes, or pastors, which preserved the holy doctrine of the primitive church imdefiled and pure, which fed the flame of evangelical truth in these retired mountains, and diffiised its light to a distance by means of its mission- aries. This retired glen, fertile in its lower parts, was chosen in almost all the persecutions as a last earthly re- fuge,^'' with some other spots equally inacccessible. Thither the population of Angrogna, and the fugitives who had joiued them, hastily betook themselves, and crowded their iamilies into it, with the little property they were able to save. In ascending the lower valley of Angrogna, as was done by the victorious army of the pajDists, the only way of reaching the Pra-di-torre was through a defilef at the foot of inaccessible rocks, which only open wide enough for the passage of the torrent and a narrow road. It was in this contracted gorge, between Eocciailla and the Angrogna, that the victorious bands entangled themselves. The more advanced were on the point of penetrating into the refuge of the Yaudois, the Pra-di-torre, when all at once they were enveloped in a thick fog. They could not distinguish a single object, nor tell whereabouts they were ; they dared * Pra-di-torre was not the only place whicli served as a retreat, but all the low neighbouring country, which includes Ciauvia, Chiot, Chaudet, etc. t The enemy attempted aftenvards to peneti-ate by other roads, but with the same ill success. 134 HISTORY OF THE VAFDOIS CHURCH. not advance for fear of a surprise, but halted in a state of extreme disquietude. At this juncture, the Angrognines, emboldened by this interposition of Providence in their favour, issued forth from all their retreats, vigorously attacked their perplexed aggressors, whom they defeated, put to flight, and jDursued. Profiting by the knowledge they possessed of the locality, they soon came up Avith them, by crossing the rocks, and took them in flank. The fugitives choking up the narrow road, were crowded toge- ther, and in pressing forwards precipitated one another over the rocks into the foaming waters. The fog, the precipices, the rocks, and the torrent, made more victims on that day than the swords of the Yaudois. The number of deaths was very considerable. Tradition has preserved a faithful memorial of one of the men whom the hand of God smote in this defeat — a captain Saguet, or Saquet, of Polonghera, in Piedmont, a man of colossal size, who filled the ak with his blasphemies and his menaces against the Yaudois. His foot slipped over the edge of a rock, he fell into the boihng waters of the Angrogna, was carried away, and thrown by them into a whirlpool or basin, which still goes by his name ; Tempi Saquet. Many other assaults were made on the Yaudois in their difl'erent retreats. It is known that the valleys of Perosa and San Martino sufiered from the cruelties of the army of the legate Capitaneis. Pra^dlhelm, in the valley of the Po, was also attacked. Much blood was shed in these repeated combats. The unfortunate inhabitants were oppressed with grief, and recovered very slowly from their disasters ; yet the course of years has succeeded in effacing the recollection of the greater number of the scenes of desolation which de- formed this 23eriod. This, however, is well known, that God everywhere succoured his children ; and that after this army had for a twelvemonth hovered over these valleys and the adjacent parts, like a menacing tempest, the prince of Piedmont, Charles ii.,^' ]Dut an end to a war so injurious to his subjects. This young prince, only twenty years of age, being desirous of peace, expressed his displeasure at this cruel conflict, and sent proposals of peace to the Yaudois. He entrusted this mission to a bishop who * Gilles attributes this peace to diike Philip, but he is mistaken, for this prince was then in France, and did not begin to reign till 1496. VAUDOIS OF THE TALLEY OF THE PO. 13o came to Prassuit, a hamlet of the ralle}- of Angrogua, to confer with the mountaineers. The prelate assured them of the good- will for their sovereign, and of the kindly recep- tion he was ready to give them ; and succeeded in per- suading them to send a deputation. The Yaudois sent twelve of the principal persons among them to Pinerolo, whom the duke graciously received. He questioned them for a long time, and, after hearing theii- answers, candidly declared that he had been misinformed both as to their persons and their belief. He wished to see theii' chikben ; for it had been certified to him that they were all born with some monstrous deformity, such as one eye in their foreheads, four rows of black teeth, and other things of that sort. "WTien he found that those who were brought to him were beautiful and well made, he could not repress his indignation at having been so grossly imposed upon. Being imdeceived as to his opinion of his Yaudois subjects, he accepted the gift which the deputies offered him in the name of the people, conni-med them in theii' privileges and accustomed liberties, •>' and promised that they should be unmolested in future. Such was the issue of this cruel crusade of the year 1488, undertaken in the name of a merciless religion, and which owed its termination to the sense of justice in a T^ise prince. Alas! how frequently shaU we have occa- sion to see the same facts and the same characters present themselves again, Avith only some variation of circimi- stances. Cakimny has been but too often a weapon in the mouth of Eome to destroy the faithful Yaudois. After the peace of 1489, several years passed away in tranquillity for those of the Yaudois who sui'vived the cruel persecution we have been narrating. But the year 1500 Avas marked by a most violent attack on the Yaudois in the upper valley of the Po, in the marquisate of Saluzzo. Theii' neighbours, the Yaudois of Bagnolo, so numerous, and formerly so weU known, had now entirely disappeared. The story of theii^ misfortunes has not come down to pos- terity. "We know not when or how they ceased to exist ; but the arm which effected theur extirpation could be no * We feel certain that these privileges and hberties were those renewed br the marquises of Lucema in favour of their subjects, when they submitted to the house of Savoy. 136 HISTOEY OF THE YAUDOIS CHURCH. other than that which decimated the valleys. The same spirit of darkuess infused thoughts of destruction into the heart of Marguerite de Foix, Avidow of the marquis of Saluzzo, against her Yaudois subjects of Pravilhelm, the Biolets and Bietone, in the upper valley of the Po. Being assailed and persecuted with unceasing rancour, these poor people saw no hope of safety but in flight. They retired to the valley of Lucerna. From that place they addressed petitions to their sovereign, for five years, to be reinstated in their dwellings and possessions. Yain hope ! The only reply was the dishonourable proposal to sell their souls by accepting popery. Such a mercenary and criminal pro- ceeding was foreign to their simplicity : they demanded justice, and that being refused, they resolved upon taking it by force. Perhaps, in doing so, they went bej'-ond the bounds of Christian moderation. Under the conduct of one of their number, an intrepid man, they unexpectedly returned in arms to their ancient dwelling-places. Sword in hand, they drove away the papists who had established themselves there, and struck such terror into the surround- ing population, that, expecting repose only by a compro- mise with the legitimate and ancient inhabitants of the contested territory, and recollecting, no doubt, the friendly relations that had formerly existed between them, they joined in imploring from their sovereign the free return of the Vaudois to their villages. This was granted, as well as the enjoyment of their liberties in what concerned their faith. Thus the persecutions raised against the Yaudois, who were faithful to the religion of their fathers, terminated for a time.* CHAPTER XYII. THE VAUDOIS AND THE REFORMATION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. The peace of 1489 could not heal all the wounds in- flicted on the Yaudois by persecution. It is true that the kind language of the duke of Savoy had at first excited * Our authorities for this part of the narrative are the works of De la Mothe- Langon, Perrin, and Gilles. SMALL XUMBEE OF THE YArCOIS. 137 hopes in manj' hearts ; but it was too soon perceived that the new state of things was very uncertain and precarious. The Yaudois population was considerably diminished in the valleys. Could it be otherA^T.se, after so many con- flicts and massacres? And in the towns and villages of the plain of Piedmont, where some Yaudois churches had existed, cruel persecution had destroyed them : it had slain, dispersed, or diiven into concealment, their members and adherents. The loss of so many friends and brethren was most mournful, and the ruin of so many Yaudois con- gregations, that ^^'ere lights in the midst of darkness, was irreparable. If the Yaudois churches in the bosom of the Alps could henceforth have been secui'e from the snares of the enemies of their faith ! but their plots, though more concealed, were not the less kept in operation. Instead of crusades, with an armed force, which were susj)ended for a time, omng to the humanity or policy of the prince, the Romish clergy had recourse to secret manoeuvres, the employment of underhand methods, and the regular agency of the tribunals of the inquisition. These latter, by virtue of the privileges granted by the civil authority, had the right of judging special cases of heresy which might occui'. The external situation of the Yaudois, already decimated, weakened, and impoverished by the war of 1488, was there- fore very precarious, not'svithstanding the peace concluded with their sovereign. In such times, when disasters had been succeeded by an uncertain peace, or one which gave little confidence to the enfeebled population, if no event, nor any new incentive occurred to invigorate their depressed energies, a torpor seized them; the dread of fi'esh misfortunes, if any exertion were made, paralysed their members, and a cowardly desire of repose made even slavery acceptable. Such was the lamentable condition of the Yaudois j)opu- lation of the Piedmontese valleys after the peace of 1489, enfeebled, impoverished, decimated, in di'ead of fresh per- secutions. A timid spectator of the isolated sufferings of those of her sons who ventiu'ed into the plains of Piedmont, and were arrested by the inquisition,^' the Yaudois church, * Perrin, in his Histoire des Vaudois, says, (p. 165,) " The monkish inquisi- tors always conunenced law proceedings against those whom they could lay hold of, and particularly lay in wait for them at a certain convent, (no doubt the convent of I'Abbadle,) netir Pinerolo, from which they delivered them to the secular power. 138 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. while seeking an alleviation of her sorrows in the pro- mises and kind language of her prince, was threatened in her interior life. A great number of her members, occu- pied with their temporal interests, and forgetting the Saviour's injimction on the duty of confessing his name, had recourse to shamefal and criminal dissimulation. In order to be shielded from all interruption in their journeys on business, they obtained from the priests, who were settled in the valleys,^' certificates or testimonials of their being- papists. To claim them, they frequented the Eoman Catholic churches, were present at mass, confessed, and had their children baptized by the priests. It is true that they fancied that they palliated their fault by saying to them- selves, when they entered the temples of the enemies of their faith, ^'Cave of robbers, may God confound thee ! " It is true that they also attended the preaching of the barbes, or Yaudois pastors, and submitted to their cen- sure, f But these precautions, far from acquitting them, made their dujolicity, and their divided heart, and the severe judgment which their own consciences passed upon their conduct, more striking. The Yaudois church, in tolerating so great a scandal, evidently suffered a stream of impurity to flow into the channels of her spiritual life, which had been hitherto nourished by the pure water of the word of God alone. She manifestly incurred the risk of altering her faith, and modifying the profession of it. But the invisible Head of the church, the Lord who had redeemed her by his blood, watched over this feeble but ancient portion of his inlieritance with love. As a friend never shows himself more faithful than in the moment of danger, nor more tender than in the hour of affliction, so the Lord Jesus came to deliver the Yaudois church when her temptations were aggravated, and to console her under all her sufferings, by announcing his triumph over anti- christ in the E,EFOEMATio]sr. How much is contained in that single word ! '^ Reformation !" It expresses nothing less than a deep, radical, and complete renovation of the form, constitution. * It is very doubtful wliether there were other ministers, excepting at La Torre, Lucerna, and Bricherasco. This would form the subject of an inter- esting investigation, t Gilles, p. 28. GLANCE AT THE EEFOEMATION. 139 and life of the chiux-h ; nothing less than a return to its primitive state ; than a rc-establishment of doctrine, morals, and divine service on the foundations laid by our Lord him- self and the apostles, and an aspii^ation after a new life of faith, self-denial, charity and holiness ; in one word, a life hid with Christ in God. For a long time, even in the chui'ch of Eome itself, reform had been talked of : princes, magistrates, men of science and letters, ecclesiastical per- sons, and nimibers of the faithful among the laity, had at different times demanded it : even the assembly of bishops at the council of Constance wished to attempt it, but always in vain. The evil was too great ; the plague too deep and inveterate ; the body itself too tainted, for the cui*e to be attempted in good faith and with, the consent of all its members. Every one was sensible of the evil, and marked its symptoms, but no one in the chiu'ch pointed out its true cause. a^o one was for applying to it the only efficacious remedy, namely, the faithful preaching of the word of God. The youngest child among the Yaudois could have indicated it; but for the Romish church to discover the remedy, and consent to employ it, needed a direct intervention of Divine Providence ; for how could the cruel persecutors of the Albigenses and Yaudois, of her own accord, seek for the cure in the very book which had animated, and still sustained and consoled the objects of her hatred ? This miracle of mercy God was pleased to effect in many places, and in more than one heai-t at once, that the glory might redound to him, and not to any human being. He awakened the love of the truth, and excited here and there a sj)irit of inquiry, which for a long time had been unknown in the Eomish church. He put into the hands of men " after his own heart " the text of the holy Scriptures, and revealed the meaning to them by his Spirit. In France an old man, a distinguished doctor ; in Germany, a young monk, Martin Luther, concerned for his own salva- tion, in a convent in Saxony; in S^uitzerland, Zwingli, a young cure, devoted to his pastoral duties, at Glaris, in the bosom of the Alps, and afterwards to the office of preacher in the celebrated abbey of jS^otre-Dame-des-Ermites, (our Lady of the Hermits, ) or of Einsiedlen, re-established simul- taneously, by the sole study of the Bible, and without being 140 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCn. privy to one another's labours, the vital doctrines of the gospel."^' 'No sooner were they initiated into evangelical truth, and regenerated by it, than these men, blessed from on high, had only one desire, that of glorifjdng God, by communi- cating to others, their friends, their relations, and their contemporaries the grace which had been sho^vn to them. In their familiar conversations, they excited great interest in recounting the providential circumstances by which God had put into their hands the sacred text, and opened their hearts to its insjDirations. By these recitals, they produced in many souls the lively and profound emotions which they had themselves experienced; the joy, the ecstasy, the alarm, the penitence, and the gratitude, which by turns had taken possession of their own minds in reading the declarations of God's word. By their preaching and public instructions, these illustrious reformers, above all those of Germany and Switzerland, had poured streams of light, and infused a vital warmth, into a multitude of sincere hearts. By their publications, by their commentaries, and especially by the translation, printing, and dissemination of the holy Scrip- tui'es, they had brought within the reach of all those who possessed some elementary instruction, and, through them, M^ithin every one's reach, the knowledge of God and of his Christ, according to the gospel. The light was replaced on the candlestick. By its vivid and pure radiance the superstitions, the idolatry, the errors, and the vices of Home, appeared in all their deformity. Thousands of sincere souls turned from the way of destruc- tion in which their blind leaders had hitherto kept them, and advanced with joy, confidence, and hope, in the paths of the gospel. The Reformation had extended itself in Germany and Switzerland ; it had tried its strength at Paris, Meaux, and various other places, when the report of its operations resounded as far as the Yaudois churches of Piedmont, Dauphine, and Provence. These ancient churches, isolated, surrounded by enemies, weakened, and somewhat discou- raged by persecution, were roused at the consolatory news of a retui'n to the word of God, to the doctrine of salvation * See Merle D'Aubigii<5's History of tlie Reformation of the Sixteenth Centmy . DOCUMENT GIYIXG AX ACCOUXT OF THE YArDOIS. 141 by faith in Jesus Christ, and to a purer life, in countries heretofore papal. They hastened to collect certain infor- mation, and to enter into connexion with their new brethren. As early as the year 1526 the barbe (or pastor) ^lartin, of the valley of Lucerna, had returned from one of these joiu'- neys of inquiiy, and brought back many books printed by the refonners. This fact is proved by the deposition of one Bartolomeo Fea, who lived near Pinerolo, but, having been cast into prison on account of his religion, confessed to the inquisitors that the aforesaid barbe Martin, on his return from German^', had called at his house, shown him the books which he brought back, and given him a wonderful account of the reformation that had taken place. ^'' Of all the joui^neys of the Yaudois barbes at this period, that of Georges Alorel, of Merindol, and Pierre Masson,t a native of Burgimdy, is the best known. Having been deputed by the Yaudois churches of Provence and Dauphine:|: to ^isit the reformers of Switzerland and Germany, they held a conference ^ith the brethren of Xeuchatel, Morat, and Berne, with Berthold Haller, and doubtless, also, with William Farel;§ and in the month of October, 1530, they presented to (Ecolampadius, the reformer of Bale, a long document in Lathi, in which they gave a complete account of their ecclesiastical discipline, worship, manners, and docti'ine, requesting, at the same time, his advice on seve- ral points. This document, marked by a humility and openness of heart not common even among brethren in the faith, throws great light on the internal state, at that time, of the Yaudois churches in the south-east of Prance. It is also probable that this state was more or less that of their neighboui's, the Yaudois churches in Piedmont, but perhaps in a less degree of declension. The precediag accounts give us a glimpse of this ; the sequel will render it certain. The exposition made by the barbe Morel, and which may be found in Scultetus, or'in Euchat, shows that there was among the Yaudois of that time a sensible inferiority in * Gilles, p. 30. t G-. Morel's companion is called Latome by Scultetiis. + Perrra asserts positively that they were sent by the Vaudois churches of France, and not by all the Vaudois churches. § [See the Life of WUHam Fai-el, from the German of the Rev. Melchjor Kirchhofer ; pubUshed bv the Rehgious Tract Society, London, 1837, pp. 102 —104, 271.] 142 HISTORY or THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. their acquaintance with saving truth, and especially in the profession of evangelical faith, if we compare them with their ancestors, such as they are made known to us by history, and the religious writings of the twelfth century.^' The information given by Georges Morel respecting the barbes, or pastors of the Vaudois churches, agrees in general with what we know of their ancient discipline. Yet we may trace indications in his statement of a certain unset- tledness or uncertainty on some points of doctrine or dis- cipline, an imperfect acquaintance with the Scriptures, and, as it strikes us, a limited knowledge of their very inter- esting religious literature. The candidate for the pastoral charge, having been em- ployed in agricultural labour, or as a herdsman, till the age of twenty-five or thirty, came before the barbes, and made known his wishes. If the inquiry respecting his character proved satisfactory, he spent the winter months for the next three or four years in self-improvement : he learnt by heart the Gospels according to Matthew and John, the catholic (or general) Epistles, and a good part of those of St. Paul. After this, he had to pass a year or two in retirement. In this part. Morel speaks of sisters, or virgins, living together in perpetual celibacy, and says that it was to the place where these resided that candidates were sent, to prepare in silence for the functions of the sacred ministry, to which they were afterwards appointed, by partaking of the eucharist and imposition of hands. This kind of reli- gious society of females is a fact without parallel in the Yau- dois history, and, if it be true, would prove, in conjunction with the celibacy of the barbes, then generally practised, that Romish notions had become considerably prevalent at this period, at least in the churches of Provence. The holy ministry, as it appears, was exercised in faith and love. The doctrine taught was, for the most part, the same as in remote times ; it was always, in essential points, evangelical. Yet it would appear that, in what regards the acceptance of salvation, and the internal life of the Christian, the barbes at that time aUowed an immense share to the human will. "We believe," say they, ''that all men have naturally some gift, which God has bestowed * Scultetns Annalium Evangelii, etc., Heidelbergfe, 1618, t. ii., p. 294.— Eucliats Hist, de la Reformation de la Suisse, t. ii., p. 319, and follomng. (ECOLAMPADirS. 143 Oil them, one man more, and another less ; so that men can do something b}^ this power which is given them, but especially when God stimulates and excites it, as he says himself: * Behold, I stand at the door, and knock.' " Moreover, they did not admit predestination, excepting ^dth certain explanations, which reduced it to be nothing more than an anticipated view of human intentions and actions by the omniscience of God. Some Homish tendencies are also perceptible, such as auricular confession, but ^dthout superstition or tp'anny. They asked the reformers whether it was proper to have degrees of dignity among ministers of the word of God, such as bishops, priests, and deacons ? whether the dis- tinction of sin, as original, venial, and mortal, were correct ? whether it was allowable to pray for the dead ? which were the ceremonial, and which the civil precepts? Avhether these ordinances were entirely abolished by the coming of Jesus Christ? They rejected pui'gatory, as a fiction of anticlirist ; also, all the inventions of men, such as saints' days, vigils, holy water, abstinence from meat at certain times ; and, in particular, they looked upon the mass as a horrible abomination before God. But they tolerated one great evil : through weakness and fear of theu' persecutors, they had their children baptized by the priests, and com- mimicated at the mass. The injustice and cruelty of their enemies having brought the Yaudois into numberless dangers, and occasioned their adoption of particular modes of acting, Georges Morel in- fXuired whether open force or stratagem could be autho- rized in cases where life and property were endangered ? He also proposed the question, whether it was allowable for the faithful (Yaudois) to plead before unbeHe\'ing (Roman Catholic) judges ? OEcolampadius, like the other refonners, beheld with deep emotion and delight their foreign brethren, deputed by the ancient Yaudois churches, the small remnant of evangelical Cliristians who had escaped, as by mii^acle, from the persecutions of Rome. With all his colleagues, he blessed God for the preservation of these disciples of the truth ; these lowly flocks, scattered at the foot and in the bosom of the Alps ; saved with difficulty from the snares that were constantly laid for their lives as weU as their 144 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. souls. These sentiments are expressed in the answer of the reformer of Bale to the Yaudois of Provence, dated October 13, 1530. '' It is not," he tells them, '' without a lively sentiment of joy in Christ that we have learned from Georges Morel who takes such faithful care of your salvation, what are your religious belief and worship. We render thanks to our most gracious Father that he has called you into such marvellous light, dimng ages in which such thick darkness has covered almost the whole world, under the empire of antichrist. We acknowledge also that Christ is in you ; we therefore love you as brethren ; and (xod grant that we may be able to testify the affection of our hearts by its fruits !" To these expressions of kindness and proofs of attach- ment, the reformer felt himself impelled to add some Christian observations and counsels of truth, which fidelity demanded of him : '' As we approve of many things among you, so there are several which we wish to see amended. We are informed that the fear of persecution has caused you to dissemble, and to conceal your faith. Now you know that with the heart man believeth unto righteousness, and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation ; but that those who are ashamed of Christ before the world, will not be acknowledged by him before his Father. Because our God is truth, he will be served in truth ; and as he is a jealous God, he will not permit his own people to put themselves under the 5^oke of antichrist, — for there is no concord between Christ and Belial. You commune mth unbelievers ; you take part in their abominable masses, in which the death and passion of Christ are blasphemed. For when they boast of making satisfaction for the sins of the living and the dead by their sacrifices, what is the consequence, unless it be that Christ has not made satisfac- tion by his one sacrifice ? that Christ is not what his name of Jesus signifies, that is, a Saviour, — and that he died for us in vain ? And in saying Amen ! to their prayers, do we not deny Christ ? How many deaths would it not be better to sufifer ? I know your weakness ; but it becomes those who know they have been redeemed by the blood of Christ to be more courageous It is letter for us to die than to he overcome ly temptation.^'' fficolampadius replied in the spirit of the reformation to MASSON A MARTYE. 1-1.5 all the other questions which they had proposed to him, giA^ng the required explanations and counsels. It is not necessary to detail them here. Suffice it to say, that the doctor of the Ecformation and the pastor of the ancient Yaudois church, felt themselves to be brethren, and the Lord gave them the unity of the Spirit in the bond 'of peace. From Bale, the two deputies of the Yaudois went to Strasburg, to confer with Bucer and Capito. They took a letter of reconnnendation to the former fi'om (Ecolam- padius, dated Oct. 27, 1530. This direct communication of the Yaudois barbes 'with the reformers of Switzerland and Strasburg has still a veiy legitimate interest for us in the present day. It is delight- ful to see that the conscientious study of the word of Grod led the reformers, when they left the Eoman church, to reconstiiict a church wliich, from its first formation, won the esteem and sympathy of the ancient Yaudois churches, which had preserved the doctrine and worship of the first ages of Christianity as pure, at least, as it was in their power to do. It is equally instructive to see the reformed churches, which it has been attempted to depreciate, by calling them new, confirming by their unity of faith, and even by theii' community of forms, with the Yaudois churches, the antiquity of their doctrine, worshij), and ecclesiastical organization. Some slight differences on secondary points, which have been noticed, do not weaken this assertion any more than some slight symptoms of decline in a little persecuted flock would. The two Yaudois barbes having fulfilled their mission, and being furnished with the answer of Qiiolampadius, set out on their journey homewards. One of them, Pierre Masson, could not escape suspicion ; he was waylaid and arrested at Dijon, imprisoned, and condemned to death. Georges Morel was more fortunate, and passed unnoticed with his letters and papers, and arrived safely in Provence.* The answer of G^colampadius produced a powerful im- pression throughout the Yaudois churches. The pastors of the valleys discussed among themselves, and in con- ferences with their neighboiu's, the questions of wliich it treated. As some diversities of opinion still existed, and * Perrin, p. 216. H 146 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. it was thoiiglit proper to rc\dsit the reformers of Germany and Switzerland several times, it was also decided to con- voke a synod, in order to terminate the business. All the Vaudois churches were to be represented in it. The Swiss pastors were in\dted. A great number, convened at Grandi- son, in French Smtzerland, chose as their representative William Farcl, that bold and faithful reformer, and Antony Saunier, both natives of Dauphine.*' The presence of Farel at the Yaudois S3rnod is confirmed by the deposition of a Vaudois, who was cast into prison by Bersour, in the persecution of 1535. Jeannet Peyrel, of Angrogna, deposed that he had kept guard for the ministers who taught the good law, who were assembled in the town of Chanforans,f in the centre of Angrogna, and said that amongst others there was one called Farel, who had a red beard, and a beautiful white horse, and two others accompanied him, one of whom had a horse almost black, and the other was very tall, and rather lame, j' The synod met in Angrogna, at the place called Chan- forans, and commenced its sittings September 12, 1532. § It was solemn and decisive. All the questions had been sufhciently matured ; they were then debated very freely for six days. II At length the synod, or assembly of the barbes and heads of families, prepared a short confession of faith, which may be considered as a supplement to the ancient confession of faith of the year 1120, wliich it does not contradict in any point. It consists of seventeen articles, which are as follows :^\ " 1. We believe that divine worship ought to be per- formed in spirit and in truth, for God is a Spirit, and desires that those who worship him should do so in spirit and in truth. "2. That all those who have been, and shall be saved, have been chosen hj God before the foundation of the world. * Riichat, t. iii., p. 176 and 557. t Now a lone house, near Odins, towai'ds Le Serre. t Gilles, p. 40. § Perrin misdates it Sept. 12, 1535, since the Vaudois chiu'chwas at that time harassed with persecution. Leger, pt. i., p. 95, is equally wrong in fixing it December 12, 1532. Tliis time of the year would have been far too severe for the journey of the Swiss deputies and of so many pastors from beyond the Alps. II Gilles, p. 41. i[ L^ger, pt. i., p. 95. Copied from a manuscript in the Ubrary of the University of Cambridge. See also Gilles ; and Perrin, p. 157. DECISION OF THE SYXOD. I47 ''3. That it is impossible that those who have been ordained (elected) to salvation should not be saved. '; 4. That whoever establishes the fix>e-wiU of man denies entirely the predestination and grace of Grod. "5. That no work is good but that which God has com- manded, and none bad but what he has forbidden.* ''6. That a Christian may swear by the name of God without contravening what is mitten in Matthew v. 34, pro^^ded that he who swears does not take the name of the Lord m vain. It is not taken in vain when the oath tends to the glory of God and the welfare of one's neighbour. Moreover, an oath may be taken before a magistrate, because he who fills the office, whether he be a believer or un- believer, holds his power of God. ''7. That auiicular confession is not commanded of God' nor appointed by the Holy Scriptui'es ; that the ti'ue con- fession of a Chiistian is to confess to God alone, to whom belong honour and glorj^ ; that there is another sort of con- fession, which is, when any one seeks reconciliation with Ills neighbour, spoken of in Matthew v. ; a third sort of c^ession is, when any one has committed some public offence, and confesses it also publicly. ''8. That on Sundays we ought to cease from oui' earthly labom^s, from zeal for God and love towards oui' servants, and that we may apply om^selves to hearing the word of God. ''9. That a Chiistian is not permitted to avenge himself m any manner on his enemy. ''10. That a Chiistian may exercise the office of a magi- strate over other Christians. ''11. That the Scriptures do not fix any time for a Christian's fasting. "12. That marriage is not forbidden to any one, in any condition whatever. "13. That whoever forbids marriage teaches a diaboKcal docti'ine. "14. That whoever has not the gift of continence ought to marrj', "15. That the ministers of the word of God ought not " *A "^^®,^^o^ Jaeger, pt. i., p. 95, and Perrin.-Gilles adds the foUo\ving words. And that man can do things indifferent which God has not forbidden, according to the occasion, as he can also refrain from doing them " H 2 148 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHFECH. to be transfeired. from cue place to another, unless for some great good to the church. " 16. That it is not incompatible with apostolic com- munion that the ministers possess some private property to support their families. 'M7. Touching the sacraments: The Holy Scriptures show that Jesus Christ has left us only two sacraments — baptism and the eucharist, or the holy supper ; that we partake of the latter in order to tcstifj^ that we persevere in the holy faith according to our baptismal engagement, and to celebrate the remembrance of the sufferings of Jesus Christ, who died for our redemption, and has washed us from our sins hj his precious blood." The sjTiod of Angrogna also adopted a decisive resolu- tion for the well-being of the Yaudois church, which had been compromised for a number of years by the fear of persecutions. It was decreed by common consent, tliat they should cease entirely from all the arts of dissimulation by vrhich they had hoped to escape the notice of the enemies of the faith ; that henceforth they would take no part in any of the poj)ish superstitions ; that they would not acknowledge as a pastor any priest of the Uomish church, and never have recourse to his ministrations in any case, or under any circumstances. They likevtdse resolved to cease from all concealment in their religious assemblies ; that the worship should be carried on openly and publicly, in order to give glory to God.^' These resolutions met with some opposition in the synod, on the ]3art of some barbes, who were either friends of the ancient order of things, or timid. Two of them, of foreign extraction, Daniel de Valence and Jean de Molines, mth- (h'ew without authority from the general assembly, and made their complaints to the churches of Bohemia and Moravia. Relations equally ancient and close united the Vaudois of France and Piedmont to the evano-elical Christians of Bohemia and Moravia. The origin of these latter is pro- bably to be dated from the end of the twelfth century, the times of Pierre Yaldof and his immediate disciples, the Poor Men of Lyons. Being driven about by persecution, and dispersed in various places, they had become, in the * GiUes, p. 30. t On Pierre Valdo and his disciples, see ch. vii. of tMs history. CHURCHES OF UOnEMIA AND MOKAVIA. 149 hands of God, the means of revival and union for churches that were still governed by the word of God, in the bosom of which they had found a refuge ; and thus, amongst others, for the churches of Bohemia and for the ancient Vaudois churches in the valleys of the Alps. It was in Bohemia that Yaldo himself terminated Ids admirable and useful career.-'' He found a Christian church there, which, like those of the Sclavonian race, had received Clmstianity through the medium of the Greek chiux-h, and Avhieh, like all her sisters, abhorred the yoke and errors of Home. Attached to the Holy Scriptures, which she read in an ex- cellent Sclavonian translation, the language of the country, the church of Bohemia had welcomed with a cordial feeling of Christian brotherhood, Pien-e Yaldo and his friends, who had been persecuted for their fidelity to the word of God ; and, o'wing to the well-kno^\-n acti^-ity of the Poor M^en of Lyons, and the journeys of the Yaudois barbes, who travelled in all directions to evangelize their brethi^en, the churches of Bohemia, and, at a later period, those of Moravia, entered into strict fellowship A\ith the Yaudois churches of France and Piedmont. And, once brought into connexion with one another, these two churches, both daughters of the primitive church, loved each other as two sisters, and never ceased to interchange proofs of their affection. In the instance now before us, the chuixhes of Bohemia and Moravia testified their cordial affection and esteem for the Yaudois church by their general coimsels, given in the spirit of the gospel. It is evident by the letter they Avrote, and which the two dissatisfied barbes brought back the follo^ong year, (1533,) that these churches had been but imperfectly informed ; but we may at least infer from its contents that they always felt a liTcly interest in the spiritual welfare of their Yaudois brethi-en. The latter, fi'om regard to their brethix^n of Bohemia and Moravia, held a s^mod in the vale of San Martino, the loth of August, 1533; and after having confirmed the resolutions of the synod of the preceding year, decided on communicating them, with suitable explanations, in a fraternal letter to the churches of Bohemia and Moravia. In consequence of this, * Does not Valdo's retiring to Boliemia authorize us to believe that a con- nexion had akeady existed between the chui'ch of Bohemia and the \ auacis chiu-ch ? 150 HISTORY OF THE YAUDOIS CHURCH. Jean de Molines and Daniel de Valence left the valleys, never to return. This strenuous but ineffectual opposition of the two barbes, who were, moreover, not natives of the Yaudois valleys, rendered the intimate agreement of the spirit of the Reformation with that of the Yaudois still more appa- rent. The ancient and venerable Yaudois church, still faithftd, in its somewhat impaired old age, to the true apostolical traditions, came forward gladlj* to hold out the right hand of fellowship to her younger sister, the offspring of the conscientious study of the Bible. They recognised each other as children of the same Father — as servants of the same Lord ; they embraced one another, feeling them- selves to be one in God's sight; and acinic wledging, with transports of delight, that thus blended they were the beloved spouse of Jesus Christ. Glory be to God the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. Amen ! CHAPTER XYIII. IMMEDIATE EFFECTS OF THE U:N^I0]Sr OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH WITH THE REFORMED CHURCH. The resolutions adopted at the s}Tiod of Angrogna in 1532, and conffrmed the following year, were soon put in practice. Repentance for preceding acts of dissimulation stimulated ardent minds to give proofs of the sincerity of their love to God, and their attachment to his word. A clearer view of their duty strengthened the laith of the feeblest : a zeal, that had been languishing for some years, revived afresh in all hearts. A Christian life, not entirely new, but renovated, circulated faithfully through all the branches of the Yaudois churches. Barbes and private Christians supported one another, and rendered mutual aid in realizing the same desire — that of glorifying their Saviour in the midst of idolaters. Their ardent wish was to rej)ro- duce in their actions the device engraved to this day on the seal of the Yaudois chiu'ches of Piedmont — a light shining PvENEWAL OF PEESECl^TION. 151 in darkness. Proofs in coiifii'matioii of this zeal are not wanting : we shall adduce them in theii- proper order. And first of aU let us mention an external, but veiT convincing proof : the renewal of persecution on the part of the papists. Religious animosity never pursues the lukewarm ; it is never roused by the sight of timid men who dissemble, and whose sole aim is to escape observation. Resistance and opposition alone provoke it; antagonism inflames it. Two years had not elapsed after the sjmod of Angrogna, when persecution began ; at first in Provence, in the year 1534, at the instigation of the bishops of Sisteron, Apt, and CavaiUon, and in the following year in Piedmont, by the endeavour's of the archbishop of Turin and the inquisitor of the same city. The duke of Savoy, Charles iii., yielding to theii' solicitations, referred the cruel oface of pui'suing the pretended Yaudois heretics to a nobleman in their neighbourhood, the lord of Rocheplatte, Pantaleon Bersour, who, from his frequent residence at his chateau of Mirandol, (Mirandeul,) or in the city of Pinerolo, at the entrance of the valley of Perosa and not far from that of Lucema, had greater facilities than any other person of knowing the places, the cii'cumstances, and the men. For the purpose of obtaining all the information possible, Bersoiu', fm-nished with ducal letters for the parliament of Provence, betook himself to the dioceses of that pro\-incc in which persecution had recommenced. Having obtained copies of the depositions relative to the accused, as well as permission to assist at the subsequent examinations, he fiu-nished himself by this means with very precise data relative to the late events, and the persons who were the most devoted to the interests of evangelical religion in the valleys of Piedmont. Por, as we have abeady said, the Yaudois of the domains of the duke of Savoy maintained a constant connexion with those of Dauphine and Provence, and theii' barbes often passed the Alps to edifj- the churches of their brethren. It was even found that many of the persons who had been apprehended on the charge ot heresy were Piecbnontese subjects, refugees in Prance, and that one of them who died in prison was from Rocheplatte, a lordship peopled with Yaudois, and belonging to the ducal commissioner. 152 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. On his return to Piedmont, Bersour laid before the inqui- sitors the list of denounced or suspected Yaudois, and received from the duke Charles, by letters patent of August 28, 1535, an order to proceed forthwith to inflict punish- ment on the offenders. Having assembled a troop of about five himdred picked men, foot and horse soldiers, he made an inroad on the valley of Angrogna, penetrating it by way of E-ocheplatte, through roads which were well known to him. But the enterprise was not more than half successful. The disturbed and threatened population had placed scouts, who gave information of the approach of the invader soon enough to dispute the victory, and to snatch part of the boot}'' from him, as well as the prisoners made at the first onset. Strong remonstrances having been addressed to him by the countess Blanche, widow of the count of Lucerna, and lord of An- grogna, who reproached him with not having respected the memory of her husband, and with having treated him, herself, and their chikh*en witli insult, in assailing her sub- jects without her knowledge, Pantaleon Bersour ceased his attacks on that side and among the mountains, to fall upon the districts of the plain instead, which were inhabited by Yaudois. AYith th^se unfortunate persons he filled his cha- teau at Mirandol, the prisons and convents of Pinerolo, and the inquisition of Turin, where Benoit de Solariis with his assessors conducted criminal proceedings against them. A great number of them suffered in the flames. The words of one of these martyrs of the faith deserve to be preserved. Catelan Girardet, who had been arrested at Pevel, in this same year, 1535, was led to punishment. When he reached the pile, he asked for two stones. Having received them, he rubbed them violently one against the other, and said to the attentive spectators, who were astonished and curious to know his motive for so strange an act, '* You think to abolish our churches by j^our persecutions, but you can no more do it than I can destroy these stones with my hands, or eat them." The persecution would have raged much longer, if poli- tical circumstances had not at all at once put an end to it. Prancis i., king of Prance, laying claim to certain rights in Piedmont on behalf of his mother, the queen Louisa, sister of duke Charles, and demanding a passage for an army intended to recover Milan, had met with a refusal, and pre- MARTIX GONIX A 3IAETYR. 153 pared to enter his uncle's domains by main force. The fears which so dangerous a situation excited in the duke's goveniment, forced him to give an order which huma- nity and sound policy would have pre\'iously dictated, — namely, to stop the persecution against the Yaudois. In fact, it was important for him not to alienate entirely the attachment of the population that was settled on the frontier of his enemy, and who occupied the usual passes of the Alps, and had it in their power either to sun-ender them, and thus inflict a severe blow on their imprudent sovereign, or to defend them with tried fidelity, and to be a substitute in their valleys for a body of troops which he might then send elsewhere. Thus Ber soma's persecution was suddenly stopped. One unfortunate effect for the Yaudois valleys, of the ruptm-e otherwise so favoiu'able for their cause, between their sovereign and the king of France, was the arrest and death of one of their best pastors, Martin Gonin, of An- grogna. He had gone to Geneva, at the beginning of 1536, to confer there on ecclesiastical affairs with some learned theologians, and to make a purchase of books. He was endowed with superior talents and some rare qualities, and though only thii^ty-six, had abeady ti'avelled and laboiuTd much for the churches, in Piecbnont and elsewhere. But on his return, he was arrested in Dauphiiie ; being a Pied- montese, he was taken for a spy, sent to observe the pre- parations for war in France. The parliament of Grenoble having pronounced him innocent, he was on the point of being released ; but the jailer, on searching him, found some papers relative to religion : he was thereupon again impii- soned and brought to trial for this latter fact. When ex- amined on his belief, he made a frank and um^eserved con- fession of it, and he resisted, at the same time, all importu- nities and solicitations to induce him to change his religion, and was condemned to be cbrowned in the Isere. This barbarous sentence was executed on the night of April 26, 1536. It was apprehended, that if it had taken place in the day-time, the gentleness and pious discourse of the martp- would have moved and shaken the resolution of the specta- tors. The death of tHs faithful servant of God was deeply regretted in the valleys, where he was justly appreciated, and where the want of pastors began to be felt. H 3 154 HISTOKT OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. The commitments to prison, and the punishments inflicted for two years on the Yaudois of France and Piedmont, are not the only proofs that we have of the increase of Christian life among them in consequence of their intercourse with the reformers. They gave another striking proof of it, during the very time of their persecution, in defraying the cost of the first edition of the French Bible. They contributed for this object fifteen hundred gold crowns, — a considerable sum at that time, and especially for a small population of country people and herdsmen. It was at the synod of Angrogna, in 1532, in the presence of Farel and Saunier, deputies from the Swiss churches, that in consequence of the scarcity of manuscripts of the sacred books, and the increasing diffi- culty of copying them, the resolution was passed for trans- lating into French and printing the sacred Scriptures, both of the Old and 'New Testament. P. Robert Olivetan, a relation of the celebrated Calvin, the reformer of Geneva, was commissioned to undertake this work. This Bible was printed in folio, and in black letter, at l^eufchatel in Switzer- land, in the year 1535, by Pierre de Wingle, commonly called Piccard. The Yaudois spirit, that attachment to the word of God which in former ages was manifested by the pains taken by individuals to commit whole books to memory, now reappeared in every heart, renewing its youth, and eager to avail itself of the recent invention of the press, to facilitate, for all who knew how to read, the possession, at a trifling expense, of a copy of the Holy Scriptures."^' Another proof of the increase of the Christian life among the Yaudois, is, on the one hand, the zeal displayed in preaching pure doctrine, and on the other, the eagerness of the people in coming to hear it. It would be difficult to decide which showed the most courage and self-denial — the preachers who sought to do good to souls, or the hearers, hungering for the bread of life, flocking to their faithfal shepherds, mthout dread of committing themselves, often even at the peril of their lives. The country people came in crowds to the appointed places of meeting. By degrees the citizens and inhabitants of the j)lain resorted thither. Even the lords protected the evangelical faith, and openly de- clared themselves in its favour. In a short time the barbes * Perrin, Hist, des Vaudois, p. 161— Gilles, ch. vii. pp. 43, 44— Ruchat, Re- formation, etc., t. iii., pp. 176—403. OCCUPATION OF PIEDMONT BY FRANCE. 1.^.3 A\'orc not sufficiently mimerous for their work and the new cares which claimed their attention. Those among them whose office it was to instruct and train candidates for tlic sacred ministry, '^' were obliged to cease from this employ- ment, in order to give themselves entirely to preaching and the care of souls. They soon found it necessary to have recourse to foreign academies belonging to the reformed — that of Geneva, for example — either to send thither young Taudois who had devoted themselves to the evangelical ministry, or to obtain additional pastors from thence, who were now required on account of the increasing nimiber of the congregations and hearers of the truth. From this period may be dated the use of the French language in the worship of the Yaudois valleys of Piedmont. Hitherto it had been carried on in the common language of the country, that is, in the Romance language, in which all their ancient writings were composed. Henceforth the French was generally employed,! ^^^^ ^^® editions of the Bible printed at the expense of the Yaudois and circulated in their houses were in this language, and the body of pastors likewise spoke it, owing either to their origin, or the course of their studies. | The religious movement which had commenced at the synod of Angrogna, in 1532, extended and strengthened itself still more when the political differences between Pied- mont and France supervened, and particularly when the latter power invaded and occupied the territory of the former. The attention of the govemment being absorbed by concerns which seemed more pressing, it neglected for years to watch or to check the proceedings of the Yaudois ; and it was not roused till the papists, surprised, confounded, and in-itated by the success of the once oppressed church, raised the ciy of alarm. The priests who had been pre- viously settled in the valleys, § having lost all hope of ever seeing the people brought under Eomish domination, and judging that for the future no fuiiher revenue would be obtained from them, voluntarily withdrew in despair ; and with them went the mass. That these happy results took * This fact e\idently implies the existence of that school of thebarbes in the Pi'a-di-Torre, which we have before mentioned, t In civil affairs the Italian langiiasre was used. X GOles, chs. vii., viii. — Perrin, p. 161. § It is still a question in what part of the valleys they were established. 156 HISTOEY OF THE YAUDOIS CnURCH. place is not denied by Eoman Catholic writers ; so far from it, they complain of them bitterly. This is done by father Belvedere, in his report, addressed in 1636, to the Congrega- tion for the propagation of the feith, in which he makes many mistakes, and, amongst others, has this absurdity, — that the reformer Parol had been appointed governor of the valleys by a count of Wurtemberg, in the name of the king of France, and had persecuted the papists. But, however singular the explanations he gives of the facts that he reports may be, the latter fully confirm all that we have stated. Among other things, he says expressly: ''The heresy had reached such a height in the valley (of Lucerna), that from all parts of Piedmont, subject to the king, people came to hear the preachers, contrary to the king's wish, who either was ignorant of it, or pretended to be so."-^ But, while the Yaudois of Piedmont enjoyed the respite which political commotions had obtained for them in their religious concerns, and made use of it to consolidate and extend their church, they received most melancholy in- telligence respecting their brethren the Yaudois of Pro- vence, of which we shall now proceed to give an account. (See what has been already said in ch. xv.) The reader will recollect, no doubt, those flourishing Yaudois churches, founded in Provence, at the end of the thirteenth century, in the valleys that border on the Dur- ance, to the east of Cavaillon. Here were situated the towns and ATiUages of Cabrieres, Merindol, Lormarin, Cade- net, Gordes, and many others besides, as celebrated for their long prosperity and high reputation, as for the terrible persecution which put an end to their existence. Abeady, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, efforts had been made to prejudice king Louis xii. against them. They had been represented to him as infamous people, who, having separated from the church of Rome, lived in the commission of all kinds of abominations. But the king, having sent to these places two honourable men, in whom he placed confidence, namely, his confessor Parvi, and Adam Pumee, master of requests, who made a favourable report of the manners and piety of the people, gave orders that they should be left undisturbed. f * Gilles, c. \ni., p. 45— Perrin, p. 161. t La Mothe-Langou, t. iii., p. 425. PEESECUTIOX OF THE VAUDOIS OF PROVENCE. 1,37 In the year 1534, imder Francis i., the searohin'^s, punishments, and imprisonments on religious accounts were begun anew. The parliament of Aix, at the instigation of the bishops of Sisteron, Apt, and Cavaillon, had proceeded with rigour against the Yaudois of these countries, as we have mentioned a few pages before. The parliament allowed itself to be so deceiyed and blinded by intrigue, calunmy, and fanaticism, that in 1540 it condemned tlie Yaudois to general destruction, to the loss of life and pro- perty, and their country to be made a desert. The benevo- lent intervention of Guillaume du Bellay, lord of Langey, and governor of Piedmont, since it had been occupied by the French, retarded the execution of the ordinance. He had the courage to represent to the king the injustice of this barbarous decree. He showed that it would affect a worthy population, who were distinguished among other virtues for temperance, chastity, patience, fidelity to their prince, industiy, hospitality, and a genuine piety devoid of superstition. Enlightened by the judgment of this honoiu'- able lord, Francis i. refused to confirm this sentence. But as irritating calimmies were spread without ceasing against the unfortunate Yaudois, and false rumours designedly circulated, till they reached the ears of the king, accusing this peaceable people of plots against the government, of clandestine armaments, and even of levpng troops with the intention of getting into Marseilles, it might be anticipated that the fatal blow would soon be struck. The drawn sword and lighted torch which Romish hatred waved in menace over the heads of its victims only waited the signal for general havoc. At last it was given. ^' Francis i., at the instigation of one of the princes of the Eomish chuiT-h, a pretended successor of the apostles, the odious cardinal de Tournon, decreed the punishment of the Yaudois of Provence. On the fii'st news of this alarming- project, the evangelical cantons of Switzerland vainly inter- ceded in the most urgent manner Avith the king ; all the)' obtained was a dry answer not to meddle with the afi'airs of his government, any more than he would trouble himself about theii's. Calvin, the illustrious reformer of Geneva, would have gone and thrown himself at the feet of the French monarch, but had been taken ill, and Farel was too * Leger, pt. ii., p. 330.— Gilles, p. 47. 158 HISTORY or TUE VAIJDOIS CHTJECH. niuch. oppressed by the infirmities of age to undertake the journey. Yiret, one of the reformers of the Pays de Yaud, set out to request favour for his co-religionists, bearing with him letters of recommendation, not only from the reformed states of Switzerland, but also from the Protestant states of the league of Smalkald. But all these efforts at mediation were useless.-'' The order for destroying the heretics of ProTence having been once issued, no time was lost in putting it into execu- tion. A hard-hearted, avaricious man, irritated, moreover, it is said, because a lady who possessed the seignorial right of many of the Vaudois villages had refused him her hand — John Moinier, baron d'Oppede, first president of the parlia- ment of Provence, and royal lieutenant of the province, in the absence of count de Grignan, marched against the innocent people whom he had disgracefully calumniated. At the head of a troop of the militia of Provence, besides two thousand regular soldiers, and accompanied by commis- sioners, nominally his colleagues, but in reality quite under his influence, he attacked his devoted victims in April, 1 545. These poor people, whom he had represented to the king as armed rebels, fiu-nished with all the munitions of war, and entrenched in places difficult of access, never dreamt of defending themselves ; they saw no safety but in flight. A modern author gives the following account of this atrocious transaction : — " The shrill outcries," he writes, " the blasts of the savage horns and other signals in use at this period, to announce the approach of a hostile force, warned the Vaudois in the different villages and hamlets, of the coming of the terrible Oppede. Every one abandoned his home, leaving his little fortune in it : each wished to save his aged father, his wife, his children, and nothing more. They hastened to the mountains or the neighbour- ing rocks, or the bottom of precipices, without sparing a thought on what they had left, or rather hoj^ing that the love of plunder would detain their persecutors, and turn them aside from the pursuit. ' ' During this time, the Catholic army set fire to the houses, filled up the wells and fountains, tore up the vines, cut down the trees, left not one stone on another, sparing neither gardens, nor hospitals, nor bridges, in a word, nothing that * Paichat,*t. v., p. 253. PEESECTJTIOlSr OF THE VAUDOIS OF PROVENCE. 159 existed in this imfortimate coimtiy. The Vaudois, dying with hunger and sorrow, exhausted with fatigue and want, continued their uncertain march. In a short time, the women, chikben, and old men, overcome by fatigue, were forced to stop. They were abandoned in despair y^ and yet some hope was indulged that all Chi'istian chanty would not be extinguished in the heart- of these devout assassins, that they would not dare to butcher weakness, innocence, and decrepitude. A Piedmontese soldier unexpectedly foimd this troop of wretched fugitives in a kind of plain, and fi^om the mountain above rolled down stones to warn them of the approach of the band of murderers commanded by the baron de la Garde. But no strength was left to the remains of this Yaudois troop, — they stirred not, but awaited their fate with resignation. The soldiery, guided by the monkish inquisi- tors,! rushed upon the women, whom they treated with such licentious indignity that the greater number died on the spot, without a wish to survive their honour; the rest perished of sufferirig and hunger, after having been stripped even of their last garment. The expedition commenced on the 14th of April, with the sacking of Cadenet. On the 16th, they set fire to the villages of Pepin, La-Mothe, and Saint Martin, belonging to the countess of Ceudal (the same who had refused her hand to Oppede.) There the poor labourers were slain without making resistance ; . as to the females, the young were violated, and the pregnant women, with the children, were massacred. Prom some they cut off their breasts; the elder children and mere babes might be seen dying of hunger on the corpses of their mothers, for the baron d' Oppede had interdicted all jDersons (under paia of being hung), from furnishing provisions to any one of this accursed race. The population of these places were swept entirely away, either by the flames or the sword. Only those were saved alive who were destined to work in the galleys. On the 1 7th of April, Oppede, at the head of a body of * Gilles says, p. 49, that they were about five hundred. t Gilles, m his histoiy, mentions this fact as ha\ang occiured after the destruction of the villages, which is very probable. To be just, we ought to add that he does not relate these indignities ; that he says on the contrary, that one of their leaders prevented them at this time from coramitting those abominable acts which they perpeti'ated elsewhere. 160 HISTOEY OF THE VAIJDOIS CHFRCIT. Piedmontese, who had been formed into regiments at the expense of France, advanced towards the villages of Lorma- rin, Yille-Laure, and Trezemines, which were burned by his orders on the following day ; while the wretches who came from Aries on this sacrilegious crusade set fire to Genson and Laroque, on the other side of the Durance. Oppede, whose approach justly inspired terror, found in Merindol only one young man, Maurisi Blanc, a half-witted lad, who surrendered to a soldier on conditions of being allowed to ransom himself for two crowns. Oppede, apjoarently assenting to these terms, paid the two crowns, and claiming Blanc as his own, caused him to be tied to a mulberry tree, and shot. The two hundred houses which formed the village of Merindol were entirely razed, after having been set on fire on the 18th. Cabrieres still remained: it was a large fortified town, and situated three leagues from Cavaillon. The inhabitants had closed the gates : cannon were brought to force them open on the 19tli. On the first discharge of artillery, those who were in the place cried out to the besiegers that they made a show of resistance not from a spirit of disobedience to the king's orders, but only to protect themselves from the first attack of a furious soldiery, and that they would voluntarily surrender themselves, pro- vided their lives were guaranteed, and that they might be allowed free egress to go to a foreign laud, to pray according to their own "vdews. The lord of Cabrieres accompanied the assailants. He made terms for his vassals, and was promised tliat their cause should be carried before the parliament, and that no violence should precede the judicial decision. The terms of capitulation being concluded, Cabrieres surrendered. Oj)pede, no longer concealing the black villany of his heart, caused all the men to be seized, to the number of sixty. They were led to an adjacent meadow, and by his orders cut in pieces. '^ Cut in pieces," we say, — for they cut ofi^ their heads and limbs, uttering all the while the most horrible blasj)hemies and shouts of victory. The females of all ages, with child or not, were shut up in a barn, which was then set on fiiT. One soldier, touched with pity, (and who therefore must have been an indiff'erent Catholic,) made an opening in the wall, that they might save themselves ; but his comrades THA::ariLLiTY of the vaudois of piedmont. 161 pushed them back into the flames with their pikes and halberds. Many Vaudois were found alive in caves, where they had concealed themselves. They were brought out into the great hall of the chateau, and massacred in the presence of the baron d'Oppede. Eight hundred persons of both sexes had sought an asylum in the church ; the dissolute rabble of Avignon, who had run together to take part ill the pillage and murder, received the commission to massacre them all without mercy. Similar enoiTuities were committed in La Coste, and m all other parts of the country inhabited by the Yaudois. It is too painful to continue the recital. One fact, however, may be mentioned. Some who were concealed in retirt^d places implored Oppede to be content with taking their property, and to allow them to retire to Geneva. His answer was, '' I will send you to dwell in hell with devils, you, yom- wives, and your children ; so that no memorial of vou shaU be left." Twenty-two Yaudois ^-illages were burned ; nearly five thousand persons lost their lives ; seven hundred men were sent to the galleys. The name of Yaudois disappeared from Provence. A general cry of indignation was raised throughout France ; but the cardinal de Tonmon became the apologist of the assassins to the king. Yet it is said that Francis' conscience was oppressed and tonnented by the deed, and that on his death-bed, two years after, he expressly enjomed his son, Henry n., to chastise its perpetrators. Most of them, however, escaped punishment.^' While the Yaudois of Provence experienced the utmost severity of a government enslaved to the priests of Rome, and violently prejudiced against evangelical^ truth, the Yaudois of Piedmont enjoyed a far better position. The authority of Francis i. in Piedmont being an usurpa- tion, this prince, who persecuted the reformed in his own hereditary- kingdom to the utmost, was obliged to x>roceecl with more caution against the pretended heretics of his new domains, lest his violence should serve as a pretext for rebellions, and consequently lead to complicated embarrass- ments. :N'ot but that, at intervals, harsh measures had * La Mothe Langon, t. ii., pp. 429-412.- GiUes, ch. vii., p. 47.-Rucliat, t. v., p. 253. 162 HISTORY OP THE TAUDOIS CHUECH. been adopted, and some had even suffered death..'^' But compared with what took place elsewhere, the external position of the Vaudois church in Piedmont was favourable. As to its interior life it was most satisfactory, and left nothing- to be desired, as we said at the beginning of this chapter. During the first twenty years of the French occupancy, from 1536, the Yaudois, or, which is the same thing, the Christian spirit, was so spread or manifested, not only throughout all the extent of the valleys, but tlirough all Piedmont, that there were few towns or villages of any importance where some of their brethren or friends were not to be found, and among them even lords and persons of distinction. The concourse of hearers who flocked fi-om all the hamlets of the valleys and different places in lower Pied- mont round their pastor for instruction and edification, became go great, that it was impossible to avoid something like display in the assemblies of the faithful. The meetings were become entirely public, conformably to the decision of the synod of Angrogna in 1532, when they took the last step in this act of fidelity by constructing temples. Before that time they had held their meetings either at the houses of the barbes, or of private individuals, or in the open air. It was at Angrogna, that bulwark of the Yaudois church, that the first temple was built in the place called San Lorenzo. Soon after another was erected in the same commune, but higher up in the vallej^, at a place called Le Serre, about half an hour's walk from the former. In the same year (1555) several other communes of the vale of Lucerna put their hand to the work for the same purpose ; and in 1556, several temples were raised in the valley of San Martino for the Yaudois, or evangelical worship. While many hearts rejoiced, in 1555, and rendered lively thanks to God for the building of these edifices, many were also grieved, and many tears were shed, in the same year, at the news of the martp'dom of two of their dear pastors.f Being natives of France and refugees at Geneva, they had responded to an appeal from the valleys, and * It is alleged that Francis i. replied to the humble appeals of these pre- tended heretics, that he would not bm-n them in France to support them iu the Alps. L^ger, t. ii. , p. 28. t They were Jean Vernou, of Poitiers, and Antoine Labori, of Quercy. daxgkPl ixcfreed by tavo pastors. 163 had come there to exercise their ministrs', and subse- quently undertook a joiuncy to Geneva. On their return from this city to their faithful flocks, in company with three ^ French Protestants, they were arrested at the Col de Tamiers, in Savoy, and suffered martyrdom at Chambery, towards the end of Apiil, 1555, after having avowed theii- fiiith and obtained a glorious victor}^ over all temptations. Some weeks before, the parliament of Turin had burned in the castle yard, in this last-mentioned city, the bookseller Barthelemi Hector, of Poitiers, whom some persons of the higher ranks in the Yaudois valley of San Martino had deKvered to the inquisition on the charge of having come to sell Genevese books in the valley. His sincere answers and courageous confession of faith affected the hearts even of some of his judges. But the cold and selfish considera- tions of the world dictated the sentence of death. The multitude who surrounded his funeral jnle testified their lively interest by many tears ; and from their midst might be heard miumurs and invectives not a few, against the monks and inquisitors. Two other ministers also, about the same time, were exposed to imminent danger in Savoy. The barbe Gilles, of the Gilles family, on his return fi^om the colonies of the kingdom of iSTaples, having passed through Yenice, and cleared the frontiers of Germany, was bringing Etienne ^oel, a Frenchman, from Lausanne to the valleys. One day they fell in with a company of officers of justice at an inn. Being compelled, by the artfid ci\ilities of the chief of the archers, to sup with him, they had great difficulty not to commit themselves in answering his wily questions about their occupations and the object of their journey. Perceiving, on rising from table, that they had not laid asleep all the suspicions of their examiner, and that he seemed hardly willing to postpone fiu-ther interrogatories to the next day, they proposed retiring to rest, with the view of proceeding on theii' route vrithout delay. Their com- passionate host being well rewarded, gave them some addresses, and having let them out privately, they gained the fields, the woods, and the mountains, and ^ happily reached the valleys, praising God for so great a deliverance. * Guiraud Tauran, of Cahors, Jean Frigulet, of Nismes, doctor of laws, and Bertrand Bataille, a student of Gascony. 164 HISTORY OF THE YArDOIS CHUECH. jSToel Ts^as nouiinatcd pastor of Angrogna, and Gillcs of Yillaro. At this period, several pastors, most of tliem French, but some Italians, arrived in the valleys. One of the former, Humbert Artus, a little after his installation at Bobbio, was one day surrounded b}" the magistrate, monks, and other papists of the place, eager to enter into a debate with him, and conducting themselves very tumnltuously. But when he required that the discussion should be in due form and order, and offered to mamtain it in Latin, Greek, or Hebrew, whichever they chose, and on any subject they pleased, these eager gainsayers withdrew in confusion, and left him in peace. The year 1556, the twentieth of the Erench domination in Piedmont, was. marked by an attempt to bring the mass of the Yaudois within the j)ale of the Romish church, by the joint influence of persuasion and threats. The parlia- ment of Turin, besides being promjDted by the pope's agents, and the orders of Henry ii., king of Prance, had lately heard of the erection of Yaudois temples in various parts of the valleys. Indignant at this audacious pro- ceeding, they devolved the business of repressing heresy on two of their members, the president de Saint Julien and the councillor de Ecclesia (della Cliiesa), who set out on their mission in March, with a numerous retinue. In the valley of Pcrosa, where at that time there was no pastor, and everybody fled at their approach, they found not a single person to converse with. Having reached the valley of San Martino, they there published an edict menacing those who should resist, but conciliating and flattering those who should hasten to make their sub- mission. Ha^dng met with no success, they descended to Pinerolo, where they caused a number of accused persons to be brought before them, several of whom they condemned to various punishments. It was on this occasion that ii labourer whom they asked why he had brought his child for baptism to the temple at Angrogna, replied, — because baptism was there administered according to the institution of Jesus Christ. This same man being ordered to have his child re-baptized immediately, and having obtained permission to pray before he gave his answer, embarrassed de St. Julien extremely, when he said to him after praying, TAULIAMEXT OF TVIIIX. 165 '' C- pleased first to give me a ^vi'iting, signed with your own hand, by which you absolve me from the sin I may commit in re-baptizing my child, and take upon yourself the punishment I may incur before God." The president, astonished at this language, contented himself with saying coldly "I have my o^ii sins to answer lor, ^^ithout charging myself with yours. Take yourself out of my sight." Departing immediately, the poor man was not troubled again about the matter.^* Wi^hin«- to iDroduce a deep impression on the valley of Lucerna, the commissaries made their appearance at in-rogna, accompanied by a great number of lords priests, and monks, besides theh' ordinary attendants. i he pre- sident, after visiting the two temples, ordered one ot the monks to preach. The pastors and people were obhged to listen to a discourse which urged them to become obedient to Eome ; and when they requested that a pastor might speak in reply, they were met by a refusal. The president then addressed the assembly in the names of the king, the marshal de Brissac, his lieutenant in Piedmont, and the parUament of Turin ; he summoned them to turn papists and to deliver up their pastors, threatening them m case of refusal, with similar ruin to that which had destroyed their brethren in Provence.f ... , To all this, the people, worthy of theii^ pious ancestors, replied with the most admirable simplicity and hdeiity that they were resolved to live agreeably to the word ol (lod, in obedience to all their superiors, m aU things pos- sible, so that God were not wronged; that f to their vcli-ion, if it could be proved by the word of God that they were in error, they were ready to acknowledge it. The president, on the foUowing days, went through the Yaudois communes in the valley of Lucerna. Things took c^xactly the same coiu^se there as in Angrogna. I^either threats nor caresses could lead astray the descendants ol so long a series of pious servants of God. This general appeal having been unsuccessful, h>t. Julien * Le^er, pt. ii., p. 28. whom we have foUowed in this t Seethe suinmaiy of the echct m Gmes whom we na ^^,,,^p ^ ,,. ^^e fact, p. 58. In the foUowmg P^" wf coXIfon Sth, conformable in Vaudois churches, and Partictilarly a W cordession oi^ , other respects to what we know ol the Vaudois. teee aiso i. ^ , i 106, 107. 166 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. had recourse to special measures with iudi^dduals. lie seut for the principal persons separately, flattered them, made them tempting offers, or tried to terrify them by threats ; hut all in vain. He addressed himself a second and a tliird time to the communes, but they remained immovable. Their answers were always dignified, firm, and respectful. Their actions evinced true Clnistian courage. Alwa3's and universally they refused to give up their ministers and schoolmasters. .'^'' Little satisfied with the result of his efforts, the president St. Julien made his way back to Turin with his colleague, della Chiesa. Their report rendered no assistance to the deliberations of the parliament, who, not knoAving what to do, sent the above-named commissioners to France, to lay the answers of the Vaudois before the king and his council, and to give all requisite explanations by v/ord of mouth. As the royal mil was not known by the parliament till after the lapse of a year, the churches of the valleys enjoyed during that term the delightful fruits of peace, contrary to the desires and attempts of their adversaries. An enemy more dangerous to their souls than persecution itself sought to instil a subtle and mortal poison into the consciences of the Vaudois believers and the Protestants scattered through Turin and the other towns or villages of Piedmont. This Avas Dominic Baronius, of Plorence, a popish preacher. This man, for a long time not understood, condemned in his book on the Pomau Constitutions, and in other works, the principal errors of his church, and approved, almost without exception, of the truths proclaimed by the Vaudois and reformed churches. But notwithstanding this, he endeavoured to persuade persons that, according to times and places, it was allowable to conceal one's belief by taking a part in contrary practices, even, for example, to go to mass, provided that it was disapproved of entirely, and sound doctrine held. Such principles might have stifled the germ of spiritual life in many hearts too much inclined to worldly prudence, if the prayers and representations of the pastors of the valleys, as likewise the letters of the ministers of Geneva, and especially a book written by one of them, the Italian Celse Martinengo, had not refuted such * Gilles, p. 58.— L%er, pt. ii., pp. 106, 107. S-VKTOIRE AXD AAEAILLE. 167 Avrctclied doctrines, and combated such lax and degrading scntinients. The glorious death of t\ro raartjTS of the Christian faith proclaimed still more loudly the duty of confessing one's belief in the face of persecutors. One of these faithful witnesses of the tmth was Xicolas Sartoire, of Quiers, in Piedmont, a young man at that age when life appears most attractive, and a student educated at the expense of tht^ republic of Berne, who came to pass a few weeks in his native country, by way of relaxation li'om his studies. He; had scarcely stepped across the frontier when he was arrested, and instead of the pleasm-e he anticipated he had to prepare to ascend a burning pile. They sought to make him deny his faith, and laid snares for his youth : but he preferred death and the peace of God's chosen to a life gained by unfaithfulness. In spite of urgent appeals fi-om Berne to obtain his release, he was burned at Aosta, on the 4th of Mav, 1557. The second martyr was fifty years old. His character had been matured by reflection, by observation of human actions, and the study of the word of God ; his name was Geofroi Yaraille. He was a native of Busca, in Piedmont, and by birth a papist. His father had even been distin- guished among the leaders of the army that laid waste the valleys in 1488. The only son of a persecutor, Geofroi became a monk, and was sent as a popish preacher to travel through Italy, and in this capacity became the com- panion of Ochino, of Sienna, the foimder of the order of the Capuchins. At this period, while preaching to others, he had already detected many enters in the Pomish religion. He was attached to the pope's legate in France, was honoured, and enioyed several benefices, and resided for a long time at the court of the king, till the year 1556, when unable any longer to hide from himself the eiTors of the Koman system, and unmlhng to risk his salvation, he quitted the legate and retired to Geneva. Here he continued to gam in- struction in the truth and in the proper method of teaching it till he received ordination by imposition of hands for the evangeUcal ministry, in 1557. At this time, the evangehcal chui'ch of San Giovanni, in the valley of Luceraa, was m want of a pastor. Yaraille was sent there, and preached for some months with great success. Having been imited to 168 IIISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. Busca, his native place, in the enAdrons of wliich there were a few believers, he quitted the valleys for a few days, as he intended, but never saw them again, for he was arrested on his return, on the information of the monks, who were on the watch for him. While a prisoner on Ms parole at Barge, he might have escaped if he had thought of nothing but his life. He even prevented the Yaudois of Bibbiana, who were his parishioners, from coming to rescue him, telling them to leave the matter with God. At Turin, the archbishop, the president St. Julien, and other personages of rank who had kno"\^m him, made use of every expedient to induce him to return to the Boman church. It is needless to say that they lost their time. Abandoning all hope of gaining him by promises, his judges condemned him to de- gradation and the flames ; and this sentence was carried into effect at Turin, March 29, 1558. His firm and joyful countenance, as he went to death, the grave and pious address he made at the place of execution, astonished his adversaries as much as the}^ animated and edified the minds of those who were disposed to listen to the truth. He was first strangled, then burned. A good old man, who had already suffered much for the gos- pel, was forced to assist at the punishment of Geofroi Yaraille; after Ivhich he was scourged and marked mth a hot iron. About the same time, another minister of the valley of Lucerna, returning to Geneva, was arrested at Susa, and brought to Turin. But on the day fixed for his martyr- dom, one of the executioners feigned illness; the other, after ha^dng inflicted punishment on some malefactors, and fearing he should be forced to execute the minister, ab- sconded ; the German executioner refused to do it, so that the execution was put off; and a fortunate circumstance having occurred, the pastor succeeded in making his escape and returned to his friends. In the month of March, 1557, however, the commis- sioners St. Julien and Chiesa arrived from France, and came back to Pinerolo, with fresh directions to continue and finish, if possible, the work they had undertaken in the preceding year; namely, the intimidation and the forced return^ of * AVe have seen that the word " return," which the CathoUcs are fond of nsing, is quite inapphcable. The Vaudois must have left that chiu'ch before they could be said to retiu-n to it; but this was not the case. XEAV MEASUEES AGAIJv'ST THE TAUDOIS. 169 the Taudois churches within the pale of the lioman church. At Pinerolo, they cited into their presence the notables of the valleys, communicated to them the king's order to sub- mit to the papal yoke, and gave them only three days to make their decision. Ha^T.ng gained nothing by this step, they went from place to place, assembling everywhere a general council of the heads of families, and communicated to them, with many threats, the express will of the king. But everywhere they received the same answer ; a protesta- tion of submission to the sovereign in temporal affairs, and a declaration of firm and inviolable fidelity to God, accord- ing to the teachings of his word, in matters of religion. In the hope of accomplishing their purpose by rigorous measures against the most considerable persons in the val- leys, they ordered the pastors, schoolmasters, and notables of the communes (to the number of forty-three for the val- ley of Lucema,"^*) to appear before them at Turin, on the 29th of !March, 1557, under pain of terrible punishments if they failed. The -s-ictims thus marked out, not venturing to go near a city which had been fatal to so many of the faithful Yaudois, and having sent only an epistle in their stead, an order was issued by the parliament to seize the pastors and schoolmasters of the three valleys, and biing them prisoners to Turin ; threatening the syndics with the loss of their property and lives if they did not deliver them up. The danger, certainly, was great; but God, whose mercies are infinite and his providence admii^able, watched over his servants. The king of France had too many afi'airs on hand to dream of occupying the valleys with a military force, * It may be interesting to the descendants of many of these notables to find here the names of their ancestors who were marked as victims on account of their evangehcal beUef : From Angi-ogna — Noel, minister ; Jean Dubroc, schoolmaster, and his assist- ant Paul Ghiot; Laurent Rivoire, Jean Stringj^, Guillaimie Malan, Antoine Odin, Laurent Viton alias Peron, Antoine Fraschia, George Monastier, Isaac Musset, Francois Tussiane, Colet Buflfa, George Stale, Pierre Berlin. From San Giovanni— Simon Appia, Antoine Daniel, Barthelemi and Jafre Danna, Jean Malanot, Guillaume Thurin, Antoine Simond, Francois Daniel, and Guillaume Gu-ardet. From Rora— Artuset Durand, Etienne Durand, Jacques Morgha, Jacques Mirot, Jacques Mairrauda, Louis ilirot. Fi'om Bobbio— M. Himabert Artus, minister; Jean Bodet, Antoine Bodet, Jacques Bonjour, and Jacoljin Rua. From Villai'o— Gille or Juhano Dughet, preacher ; Peiron Moussa.Guillamne Pelenc, Jacques Alaisan, Claude Rambaud, Baithelemi Viton, Jacques and Ciabert Dalmas. ilany of these names are preser\-ed in families to the present day ; some are mdely spread. I 170 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. and of persecuting mth an armed band. The Protestant cantons of Switzerland, moreover, at the solicitation of Farel and Theodore Beza, interfered hj wi^iting to the par- liament of Turin and the marshal de Brissac, and by an em- bassy to the king, and thus obtained a suspension of the decree against the Yaudois. The princes of Germany adopted similar measures. Our friends of the valleys, favoured by these circumstances, enjoyed some respite diuing the latter part of the ^French domination in Pied- mont, that is to say, till 1559.* CHAPTER XIX. THE VAUDOIS, ONCE M0E,E TJNDEE THE EULE OF THEIE LEGITI- MATE PEINCE, AEE PERSECUTED WITH THE UTMOST EIGOUR. After having been subject to Prance for three-and- twenty years, Piedmont was restored to its legitimate sovereign on the 3rd of April, 1559, by the treaty of Chateau Cambresis, with the exception of Turin, and three strong cities in the neighboiu'hood, with their territory. Thus the Vaudois valleys were once more under the dominion of the house of Savoy. The reigning duke, Emmanuel Philibert, who, in 1553, succeeded his father Charles iii., (author of the per- secution of Bersour,) was a prince justly esteemed, and as much distinguished by his valour as by superior talents and the wisdom of his administration. He had just married Margaret, sister of the king of Prance. This princess, instructed in the excellence of evangelical principles by her illustrious relations, Margaret, queen ofXavarre, andHenee of Prance, daughter of Louis xii., was well disposed towards .the reformed. The Yaudois might, therefore, hope for tranquil times and the enjo^^ment of the worship of their forefathers. But in making the terms of peace, the contracting parties entered into reciprocal engagements to combat the reforma- tion and to destroy heresy. The reign of Emmanuel Phili- bert, consequently, could not be established, without lead- * Gilles, p. 70. — We have generally followed this author in the narrative contained in this chapter. For the mediation on behalf of the Vaudois, see Ruchat, t, vi., pp. 195, 196. THILIBEET PUBLISHES A PEESECTTIXG EDICT. 171 ing to religious persecution. Deplorable and disgraceful necessity, if it were so ! It is also certain, and thelfact has been established in the preceding chapter, that the Yaudois doctrine was no other than that of the reformation ; that it gradually spread through Piedmont, during the French domination, and that in the valleys especially, as at its beginning, the so-called heretical chui^ch had very much increased, and had substituted a general and public profes- sion for its ancient system of dissimulation. The clamours of the zealous papists, who felt wounded in their belief, and imtated by the success of the friends of the Bible ] the alanns of devotees ; the incessant lamentations of the super- stitious partisans of images ; the discontent of many lords, who were disquieted about the effects which the religious changes among their vassals might have on their revenues ; and lastly, and above all, the complaints of the priests, whose influence diminished as much as their income ; — all these accused the brave Yaudois to the government of the young duke, and sought only for vengeance under the mask of religion and justice. We may believe that the judgment of the prince was in favour of a peaceable and moderate administration, and that the wish of his heart, enlightened by the gentle representations of his consort, would have led him to spare his inoffensive subjects. But being personally ignorant of that piety which is according to the truth, and brought up in the errors of Eome, how could he resist the solicitations of the inquisition, the prelates, and the pope's nuncio, with the lords of the court, and the am- bassadors of France, Spain, and various Italian princes in coalition against the Yaudois ? F'rged on by so many enemies of the gospel, Emmanuel Philibert, after reigning a year, published on the 1 5th of February, 1560, at Xice, where he resided, (Tui^in being still in the hands of the French, ) a persecuting edict against the Yaudois and the refonned in his domains. It prohi- bited every one of his highness' subjects from going to hear the non-catholic preachers in the vaUey of Lucerna, or any other place, under pain of a fine of a huncbed dol- lars of gold for the fii^st offence, and of being sent to the gaUeys for life, for the second. Half of the fine was pro- mised to the informer. ]!*^ew ordinances followed very soon after, increasing in severity ; and, among others, one enjoin- I 2 172 HISTORY OF THE YArDOIS CHURCH. ing attendance at mass, under pain of being condemned to the flames. The execution of these edicts was confided to a prince of the blood, Philip of Savoy, count de Raconis, a cousin of the duke, and to George Coste, count de la Trinite. To carry on the legal proceedings, there were joined with them Thomas Jacomel, inquisitor-general, a cruel, licentious man, and councillor Corbis, in whom violence had not extinguished sensibility, as he j)roved by resigning his commission after having been present at some scenes of barbarity, and the provost-general of justice.-'' They began the enforcing of the ordinance of persecution at Carignan ; and first of all on a stranger, in order to strike terror into the numerous members of the reformed church in that opulent cit}'. His name was Mathimn.f After having confessed his belief, he was sentenced to be burned, according to the terms of the edict, if in three days he did not retract and consent to go to mass. His faithful wile, Jane, obtained leave to see him, wishing, she said, to speak to him for his good. She had scarcely entered his cell, when, like the courageous mother in the book of Maccabees, she exhorted her husband in the presence of the commis- sioners to persevere in the profession of his faith for the sal- vation of his soul ; not to trouble himself about anything relating to this world, not even his punishment, which would not last long, nor his leaving her a widow and deso- late ; for she was resolved to go mth liim to death, if such were the will of God. The threats of the commissioners could not shake either her or her husband. She even ob- tained leave, by her entreaties, to suff'er punishment on the same day, and on the same pile, with her husband. The faithful in Carignan, and in a multitude of other places, persecuted to the extreme, fled to Turin, then belonging to Trance, or elsewhere. Their property was confiscated ; but they saved their lives, for a time at least. It is melancholy to add, but truth requires it, that many abjured their religion through fear of death, and to preserve their fortunes for their children. The executioners of the vengeance of Rome pillaged the districts of Meane and Mattis, in the vicinity of Susa, which * L^ger, pt. ii., p. 34— Gilles, ch. xL, pp. 72, 73. See the same author for all that foUows. t He is caUed Marcellin in a letter -written to a lord of Geneva, by Scipio Lentullus, a pastor of the valleys at that period. — (Leger, pt. ii., p. 3i.) MEASTJEES TAKEX BY THE YAUDOIS. 173 were peopled ^dth Yaiidois. They condemned the inhabit- ants to the galleys, or to other punishments, and biu-ned the worthy minister to death slowly at a small fire. The valley of Barcelonette, and other places that had lately submitted to the duke, experienced similar treatment. Gradually, the persecution which was raging all round the valleys approached the ancient fortress of evangelical truth. Accounts from all quarters of the devastations, con- fiscations, arrests, ignominious sentences, pimishments, and abjurations, reached this region, which was destined to the same evils. In so critical a juncture, the pastors and prin- cipal persons of the valleys met together to advise on means for warding off the danger, if possible. They implored with ardent and humble prayers the direction of the Spirit of God and the effects of his all-powerful grace. It was then decided to write to the duke, the duchess, and the council, to lay before them the state of affairs, and the justice of their cause, and to implore the clemency of a sovereign whom they had never intentionally offended. In the letter to their prince, they claim from his justice the right granted to every accused person, even the most criminal, — that of being heard before they were condemned. They then solemnly protest their attachment to the true faith, and to the pure and spotless religion of the Lord Jesus Christ. They declare that the doctrine they followed was that of the prophets, the apostles, of the council of Xice, and Athanasius ; that they voluntarily received the decisions of the four principal councils and the writings of the ancient fathers of the chmxh, in every point in which they did not depart from the analogy of faith. They aver that they rendered most heartily the obedience due to their superiors, and that they sought peace with theii' neighboiu^s. That, as regarded their opinions, they by no means refused instruction ; that, so far fi-om opposing a free council, in which every question should be debated and detemiined by the word of God, they desired it with all their heart, and prayed God to dispose the prince to grant one. They then implore their sovereign to consider that the religion they followed was not a new one, as some persons would have him believe, but that it was the religion of their fathers, grandsires, and still more remote ancestors, and of their predecessors the holy martp's, confessors, prophets, and 174 HISTOEY OF THE YAUDOIS CHUECH. apostles. Tlicy then make mention of these confessions of faith, saying- that they had proposed it to the examination of the doctors of every university in the Christian world, with a promise of renouncing every error that might be found ill it, if it could be proved by the word of God ; but that not one had been pointed out to them. Consequently, they requested to be tolerated. " In the name of the Lord Jesus," they write, "we request, that if in us or in our religion any error or fault be found, it should be shown to us ; but if we have the truth, pure and irreproachable, it should be left to us pure and entii-e. One tiring is certain, most serene prince, that the word of God will not perish, but will abide for ever. If, then, oiu* religion is the pure word of God, as we are persuaded it is, and not a human invention, no human power will be able to abolish it. This is what Gamaliel urged in defence of the apostles, and every one must acknowledge its truth. ' Hefrain from these men,' said he : ' and let them alone : for if this counsel or this work be of men, it will come to nought : but if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it ; lest haply ye be found even to fight against God,' Acts v. 38, 39." The courageous Yaudois then remind their prince that it had been in vain attampted in former times to destroy the religion of their ancestors by persecution, and they conjui'e him not to join with those who had stained their hands with innocent blood. They promise to render him entire fidelity and perfect submission in everything which would not affect their faith, wishing to '' render unto Ceesar the things which are Caesar's and unto God the things that are God's." " And we pray with aU our heart," they add, " that our all-good and all-powerful God may please to pre- serve your highness in all prosperity." The letter was signed in the name of the inhabitants of the valleys of Lucerna, Angrogna, Perosa, San Martino, and innumerable other inhabitants of the country of Piedmont. The letter addressed to the duchess was in a different style : it contained no ai^ology. The writers expressed much confidence in her. They spoke to her as a protec- tress and a friend. They detailed the sufferings which the disciples of the word of God had ah-eady endured at Carig- nan and other places, and the terrible threats with which all those were visited who would not consent to attend at mass ; MEASURES TAKEN BY THE VAUDOIS. 175 and, in imploring her benevolent and powerful mediation with the prince, her consort, they reminded her of the examples of Esther and other pious women, and of other believers who had saved the persecuted children of God. The letter addressed to the council reiterated the consi- derations and petitions contained in the letter to the duke, enforced by iresh. arguments. It dwelt on the obligation of Christians to prevent the effusion of innocent blood, and of the account they must render of their administration to God. It urged them to remember what God had said and done on account of the blood of one righteous man, Abel, and to consider what he would do for the blood of so great a number of the faithful whom they were persecuting to death. Finally, it claimed for themselves. Christians secluded in their mountains, the same tolerance that was granted to Jews and Saracens in the most considerable cities of Piedmont. The Yaudois added to this letter an apology or defence of their religion, as well as of their present and past con- duct. They victoriously refuted some unjust accusations and calumnies. They also sent their confession of faith. It was no small difficulty for men who were regarded as worthy only of contempt and reprobation, and given up beforehand to the executioners of justice, to get their justi- fication and requests safely into the hands of their prince and princess, who had been imposed upon by misrepre- sentations. One of their two fiiends, who had visited Xice for this pm^pose, de Castillon, allowed himself to be dis- mayed by the apprehension of affronts and insults. But the other, Gilles of Bricherasco, being kindly received by the count de Eaconis, did not leave his residence tiU he had placed all the documents in the hands of the duchess, Avith the assui^ance that she would lay them before the duke. The Taudois also requested the intercession and good offices of one of these lords, the count Charles of Lucema, lord of Angrogna. But while the deputies of the Yaudois repaired to Nice, and during the three months which elapsed before Gilles had delivered the letters to Margaret of France, the state of things, which was already so thi'eatening, became worse, and the hatred felt against the friends of the Bible manifested itself by acts of violence. Some of the lords of 176 HISTOKY OF THE YAUDOIS CHTECH. the country were the fu'st to become agents of persecu- tion, and rivalled the inquisitor and his tools in barbarity. "WTiile the Dominican, Jacomel, and the councillor Corbis, who were established at Pinerolo, signified by letters to the Vaudois that it was their duty to submit to the church of Eome, and to go to mass, and the count de Ptaconis entered into a conference at San Giovanni, in April, 1560, with the syndics and ministers, without any other result than an exchange of words, several lords ill-treated their vassals and neighbours on account of their religion. In the valley of Luccrna, great complaints were made of count Guillaume, who with some friends, and at the head of his servants, arrested and denounced the Vaudois who attended their own places of worship ; particularly those of Bibbiana, Campiglione, and Fenile. He turned this proceeding into a trading speculation, receiving for his trouble half the fine of a hundred gold dollars imposed by the edict on every delinqn.ent when convicted for the first time. In the valley of San Martino, two brothers, Charles and Eoniface Truchet, (or Truquet,) incessantly harassed the Yaudois in their seigniory of Rioclaret. They were im- pelled by hatred of evangelical religion. Even during the French domination, they did all in their power to hinder the public performance of religious services. These were the persons who arrested, and delivered up to the inquisi- tion, the bookseller Hector, who was burned at Tiuin. They had latterly made two attempts to seize the pastor. The first time, they left him for dead in the arms of his faithful parishioners, who fought for him ; and the second time, they would have arrested him in the temple itself, having already laid hands on him, but for the determined resistance of the congregation. The edict of persecution liad been solicited by them. They had even obtained per- mission to raise a hundred men, and to employ them in forcing the heretics to submission. Accordingly, in the month of April, 1560, they made a sudden assault on the hamlets in the commune of Hio- claret, which were scattered over the sides of the moun- tains, ravaging and slaughtering. The day had scarcely dawned ; the terrified inhabitants rushed out of their dwellings, the greater part without clothes, uttering cries of alarm to warn their brethren, and sought a refuge on MEASUEES TAKEX BY THE VArDOIS. 177 the heights that were still covered with snow. The minis- ter escaped, but not without great difficulty; and while the population, driven away by the discharge of musketry, were destroyed by cold and hunger in the retreats of the woods and rocks, their impious assailants loaded themselves "^'ith their property in the forsaken cottages. A minister of the valley, soon after his return from Calabria, heai^ing of the invasion, wished to go and console his brethren in distress, but was discovered, seized and conducted to the abbey of Pinerolo, where Jacomel and Corbis condemned him to the flames with another man belonging to the valley of San Martino. The fugitives, however, beheld the dawn of deliverance, on the fourth day ; four hundi-ed of their brethren in the vale of Clusone, subjects of France, being moved with compassion at the news of their mis- fortune, crossed the mountains, and threw themselves on the hostile troop and dispersed it. The two Truchets were exasperated, and repaired to IS'ice, complained to the duke, and requested succour. Everything was promised them. They were also permitted to rebuild the castle of Perrier, which had been destro^-ed by the French twenty years before, and to place a garrison in it. The personal circum- stances'^ of these lords alone stopped the explosion of their wrath for a time.f Towards the end of the month of June, Philip of Savoy, count de Eaconis, and chief commissioner, came a second time into the valley of Lucema, accompanied by his col- league, the coimt de la Trinite. Ha^dng assembled the ministers and the syndics, they informed them that their letters had been sent to Rome by the duke, who waited for the pope's reply. Then addressing the leading men of the communes, they insinuated that persecution would cease immediately, and the prisoners be set at liberty, if the churches would consent to hear the preachers whom the duke should send to them, and if they withdi-ew the right of preaching fi^om their pastors, while they made trial of the former. The sjTidics replied, on the spot, to the first point : if the proposed preachers announced the piuT word of God, they would hear them; but if other^^^se, they would not. As to the second point, they requested that they might * They were taken by the Turks at sea, near Nice, but afterwards ransomed* t Gilles, ch. xiii., p. 88, etc. I 3 178 HISTORY OF THE VAIJDOIS CHURCH. have till the next day to consider it. Their answer was, that they could not silence their pastors, as long as they were ignorant whether the new preachers were the true servants of God, and ministers of the pure gospel of truth : a prudent and wise answer, and worthy of pious magistrates. They likewise refused to send back those of their pastors who were foreigners. As the commissioners of the duke required an answer in writing to their demands, the council of the communes assembled on the 30th of June, and gave one drawn up in decided terms, and yet with all the respect and courtesy due to the dignity of i^e prince to whom it was addressed. The dissatisfaction of the commissioners v/as excessive. In their wi'ath, they republished the edicts, and the persecution broke out more violently than ever. Among the greatest enemies whose fury the Yaudois had to dread, the monks of the abbey of Pinerolo must not be forgotten. ]S^ot content with living in opulence, it was at all times a special gratification to them to hunt the Yaudois. The present moment seemed to them particularly well suited for doing it on a large scale. Tor this purpose, they took into their pay a numerous band of wretches, who frequently made incursions on the evangelicals of the val- ley of Perosa, and of Saint-Germain in particular, a village only about a league and a half distant from Pinerolo. In one of their expeditions they succeeded but too well. Having gained over a man who was well known to the pastor of this latter place, they sent this traitor very early, before day, to the parsonage, requesting the attendance of the faithful pastor in an urgent case, who suspected no danger till it was too late ; that is, when he saw himself surroimded by the cut- throats of the abbe3^ He attempted to save himself by flight, and, at the same time, aroused the villagers by his outcries. Alas ! it was too late. He was hit, wounded, and carried off. Many of his faithful parishioners were also taken with him, and several women. Some were massacred in attempting to rescue him from the soldiers. The pastor, a few days after, was tied to the stake. By a refinement of cruelty, and for the amusement of the spectators, the poor female prisoners were forced to carry the faggots to the fire which was to consume their spiritual guide. The Bomish priests needed no instruction in the methods of inflicting suffering. MONKS OF ABBADIE AND THEIR VICTIMS. 179 The mercenaries of the abbey of Pinerolo, (de rAbbadic/j about three himcbed strong, made fresh expeditions against Saint-Germain, and laid it waste. Thej- also attacked Yillaro of the Pcrosa, not far fi'om it, and the neighbouring villages, Prarustin and San Bartolomeo. They extended their incursions as far as Penile, Campigiione, and other places in the plains, at the opening of the valley of Lucerna. Plunder was their favourite occupation. The prisoners were for the most part sent to the galleys. Their approach was the signal for a general flight. The perse- cuted peasantry hardly ventured to reap the crops. Famine and sore distress were spread over all parts of the Yaudois mountains in the direction of Pinerolo. These assassins, hired by the monks, in due time, how- ever, met with their match. The inhabitants of the valley of Lucema, moved with compassion for the calamities of their brethren, first formed a plan for protecting them, by means of a strong detachment of aiTaed men, who should keep guard while the persecuted people got in. their harvest, and put their affairs in order. Complete success crowned theii' efforts ; but, after their departure, the depredations began afresh, till one day the people of Angrogna, who were reaping their fields on the heights that overlook Saint- Gennain, heard a discharge of musketiy, and perceived a numerous body of armed men making their way to the village that lay at their feet. As soon as the cry of alann was raised by their brethren, the Angrogniues, well-armed, rushed into the plain, like an overwhelming avalanche. Having divided themselves into two bands, while one put the papists to flight, the other took possession of the bridge over the Clusone, to cut off their retreat. The enemy, thus siuToimded and beaten, had nothing left but to abandon their dead and wounded, and to throw themselves into the stream. Fortunately for them, the waters were low, o"\ving to the dryness of the summer; yet many perished, being struck by the shots that were fired from the banks. The Angrognines, on reckoning their number, found that they were about four hundred strong, and were on the point of marching to the abbey of Pinerolo, to deliver their captive brethren, which could have been easily done, as was after- wards known, since the monks and their people, being panic-stricken, had quitted the convent and taken refuge in 180 HISTOEY OF THE YATJDOIS CHTTECH. tlie city. But the want of an experienced leader, and prudential considerations, restrained them from venturing into the stronghold of their infuriated enemies, who had already sounded the tocsin in their villages, and would soon do the same in Pinerolo. The Vaudois of the valley of Perosa, on the left side, who were subject to Prance, also had their troubles at this period. They were obliged sometimes, like their neigh- boiu-s, to have recourse to arms to defend themselves.* Nevertheless, the duke and his council were seriously occupied vtdth the requests and representations which the poor Yaudois had addressed to them in the spring. The duke, imagining that his religion was the best, and that its excellence could be demonstrated by sufficient reasons, and unquestionably also by the Holy Scriptures, to which the Yaudois always appealed when they spoke of defending theirs, was inclined to agree to holding conferences in which well-informed Catholics might demonstrate the truth of the Poman religion, and the error of the Yaudois wor- ship, f This proposal had been communicated to the pope, but did not meet with his approbation. The pontiff replied that he would never consent to make the points of his religion matters of debate ; that the constitutions of the Ptoman church must be admitted absolutely, without dis- pute or exceptions ; and that nothing remained but to proceed with the utmost rigour against the recusants ; that he would consent to send a legate with theologians to instruct the penitent, and to absolve those who abjured heresy, but that he was not sanguine of great results from this method ; that it would be most expedient to proceed against them in the way of pimishment, and even by force of arms. He ojffered the duke his assistance, if required. The pope's ad\T.ce was adopted by the council. They only modified it on one point. It was thought proper that the ecclesiastical commissioner should attempt to convince the Yaudois of their errors, and to instruct them, before proceeding to the last extremities. Por this mission, a man of note among his equals was chosen, though his merit * Gilles, pp. 94, 95. t Botta himself says, " H duca, desideroso di non far sangue, penso d'insti- tuire un colloquio, per cvii sperava dipotergli acquistare alia religione dei piu." " The duke, desu-ous of not shedding blood, thought of appointing a con- ference, by wliich he hoped to gain them over to the rehgion of the many." — Storia d'ltaha, t. ii., p. 423. MISSION OF POUSSETIN. 181 "was not equal to his reputation, namely, Antoine Pousse- vin, commander of Saint- Antoine-de Fossan. He came to the valleys, furnished with very extensive powers, and anti- cipating an easy triumph. He preached with much parade at Cavor, Bibbiana, and Lucerna, making great preten- sions, and poiuing forth a stream of threatenings and invec- tives against the evangelicals. At San Giovanni, where he had called together the syndics and ministers of the valley of Lucerna, he thought to con"ST.nce those present by the word of God, by proving to them that it made mention of the mass, in using the word massah, which signifies to consecrate. He maintained that since the Holy Scriptures contain the word massah, in the sense of consecrating, the mass is taught in the Holy Scriptures. The ministers Avhom he flattered himself he had crushed and reduced to silence by this argument, had no difS.culty in proving to him that the quotation was not correct — that there is no mention of the mass in the sacred text — that the word massah never has this sense — and especially that the Bible nowhere teaches the doctrines represented or set forth in the mass, such as the repetition of our Lord's sacrifice, the adoration of the host, and many other errors. Poussevin, who had not expected to find in these despised ministers theological and biblical knowledge of which he himself was destitute, abruptly closed a discussion which he could not maintain with honour, and, huiTied away by passion, indulged in reproaches and thi^ats. The nobles and officers of justice who accompanied him were ashamed of his ignorance ; they were also deeply humbled by the marked inferiority in wliich this discussion placed their religion as well as their priests. These occun^ences took place in the course of the months of July and August. A little later, probably in the beginning of September, the Yaudois, understanding what sad results would be likely to follow from the report Poussevin would give of his ill success to the court, availed themselves of the duke's retiuTi to the north of Piedmont, to wiite to him again, and appeal to his justice and compassion. They also addressed Eenee of France, widow of the duke of Fen^ara, an en- lightened princess, and fi-iendly to the reformation, im- ploring her to intercede in their favour, in her journey to 182 HISTOEY OF THE YAUDOIS CHUECH. the court of Piedmont ; but the irritation was too great at head- quarters. It was there thought that too much con- sideration had been shown towards obstinate religionists; and that it would be right to compel them to abjure. From the month of October a report spread through the valleys that the duke was levying and assembling troops to exterminate the inhabitants. The Piedmontese who were connected with the Yaudois, urged their relations or friends to abjure or to make their escape while there was yet time. The count Charles of Lucerna also sought, by a clever manoeuvre, to lead his vassals of Angrogna into a criminal defection, to the dismissal of their pastors, the admission of new preachers, and the celebrating of the mass in their commune. A convention had even been signed, when the people acknowledged their fault and disavowed all that had been done. It only remained to prepare for the storm that was gathering and muttering as it approached, and was soon to burst on the valleys. The pastors and principal persons assembled repeatedly, and deliberated as to what measures it would be desirable to take, in order to avoid the total ruin with which they were tlii*eatened ; and, first of all, being convinced that God alone could deliver them, and that their only refuge was in his mercy and grace, they decided not to countenance any measure that would be prejudicial to his honour, or opposed to his word. They agreed to exhort every one to apply to God seriouslj^, with true faith and sincere repentance, as well as by humble and ardent prayer. Pelative to precautionary measures, they decided that every family should collect their provisions, clothes, and utensils, and carry them away, together with all infirm persons, to the most elevated dwellings at the foot of the heights and crags. At length, about the end of October, at the approach of the papist army, they held a public fast, and on the following Sunday partook of the Lord's supper. At this solenm juncture, the people were evidently strengthened from on high. They were resigned to the trials with which it pleased God to visit them for the holy cause of his gospel. In the cottages and on the mountain-tracks, as they were removing from their homes, these martyrs of the truth might be heard encouraging one another with edifying discourses and sacred songs. COrXT DE LA TRINITE. 183 As to making a defence, there was a diversity of opinion. Some urged that they should not use arms till the last extremity, when they were pursued to their hiding-places on the mountains. Others were in favour of an immediate resistance, alleging that it was the pope, with his satellites, rather than their prince, who made war upon them, since, as it was affirmed, he engaged to pay a great part of the expense of the expedition ; ^' and as to bloodshed, if there were any, the guilt would lie not on those who defended their lives, their families, and their religion, but on those who attacked them unjustly. Xot to be mlling to defend themselves till they were reduced to their last asylum in the mountains, when the enemy would have pillaged and destroyed everything in the hamlets below, would be to destroy themselves without remedy, since no means of subsistence would then be left. They earnestly besought, therefore, that they should defend themselves as soon as the enemy entered the valleys, while trusting in God, the protector of the oppressed. This ox^inion prevailed, and they prepared for the combat. On the 1st of ]S'ovember, the Piedmontese army, of at least four thousand infantry, and two hundred horse, f composed in part of officers and soldiers who had grown old in the wars of their sovereign with France, and com- manded by the count de la Trinite, arrived at Bibbiana on the Yaudois territory, and the next day conmienced operations in the valley of Lucerna, by an attack on the heights of Angrogna, nearest to San Giovanni. To oppose these experienced and disciplined troops, the Yaudois had only a small number of men, badly armed, without order or militaiy science, having on their side, besides the assistance of Heaven, nothing but their native courage, their knowledge of the locality, and the habits of mountaineers ; for although the total population of the Yaudois valleys at that time amounted to eighteen thousand souls, :j: it is a well-known fact that their anned men did not exceed twelve hundi-ed, who were, moreover, scattered at great distances from one * " Fifty thousand, dollars per month, and the relinquishment for one year of the revenue of all the ecclesiastical propei-ty in the domains of his highness." — Gilles, ch. xviii., p. 115. t These are the numbers given by the pastor of San Giovanni, Scipio Len- tulus, in his letter to a lord of Geneva. — Leger, pt. ii., p. 35. 1 See the above-mentioned letter of Lentnolus. 184 HISTORY OF THE YArDOIS CHURCH. another iu their three valleys. To the attack on the heights of Angrogna, by a body of twelve hundred Piedmontese, they could only oppose two hundred men, got together very hastily. These, nevertheless, did their duty so well that the enemy sounded a retreat, leaving more than sixty dead on the field, while the Yaudois lost only three ! * The same day, the army occupied La Torre, a small tovYn on the plain, in the heart of the valley of Lucerna, and peopled for the most part by Roman Catholics. La Trinite put the castle in repair, which was situated to the north, on a hill at the entrance of the valley of Angrogna, and which had been destroyed by the Prench during their occupation of the country. He placed a strong garrison in it, which became notorious for its cruelties. He also occupied the castle of Yillaro, in the same valley ; that of Perosa, in the vallej^ of the same name ; and that of Perrier, in the valley of San Martino. The main body of the army was at La Torre, whence it would advance to the north on Angrogna, to the west on Yillaro and Bobbio, and to the south on Pora. To the east, San Giovanni, Bibbiana, etc., were already occupied. On Monday, the 4th of ]^ovember, La Trinite made another attempt, by an expedition to La Combe, a popu- lous hamlet on the height which commands Yillaro, whither the inhabitants of this commune had withdrawn their families and effects ; but his troops were obliged to retreat with loss, as well as at Taillaret, a mountain hamlet on the north-west of La Torre. In these combats, the Yaudois gave proof of their military capacity, and of their courage and fixed resolution to die rather than surrender their families to the enemy. The general perceived that he could make little progress, unless he made use of artifice and policy. He had discovered in these mountaineers such sincerity and good-nature, joined with an ardent desire for peace — such a total ignorance of intrigues, and a confidence so extraordinary in the good faith of others — that he saw at once the use which might be made of these qualities. Having skilfully set Jacomel, the inquisitor, to work, and especially Gastaud, his private secretary, .who pretended to love the gospel, the count was not ashamed to deceive the principal persons of Angrogna, whom he had sent for, * According to the same letter. COUXT DE LA TEIXITE. 185 repeating to them the pretended language of the duke and duchess, most flattering to themselves, and, at the same time, the best adapted to laj- their susf)icions asleep ; leading them to suppose, that, by means of certain compliances, eyer}i;hing might be arranged amicably. He thus suc- ceeded in making them de^^osit, in the house of one of their sjTidics, some of their arms, which he seized, to allow the celebration (merely for fomi's sake as it was pre- tended,) of a mass in the temple of St. Laurent, at Angrogna, and to lead liim, a hostile general, to Pra-di- torre, a natural fortress, their ordinary refuge in times of persecution. Certainly the people of Angrogna dis- played a superabundance of coniidence or of simplicity. To crown the whole, he induced them, and, after their example, the other communes, in spite of the opposition of some intelligent men, and of the greater part of the ministers, to send the principal persons of their valleys as a deputation to the duke, then residing at Yercelli, (Turin being still in the power of the French) in order to obtain peace. By this artifice, the count de la Trinite gained more than one point. He laid asleep the vigilance of these poor people ; he weakened their resolution by the hope of peace ; he deprived them of their best coimsellors, and prevented them doing anything against him, for fear of putting in peril the negotiation, and even the lives of their chiefs, who were actually in the hands of the papists. On the other hand, by these measures, the count imposed no constraint ujDon himself, and was left quite free in his movements, as we shall soon see. Scarcely had the deputies left for Yercelli when the coimt began again to molest the people of Taillaret, a large hamlet in the commune of La Torre, situated to the north- west, at the foot of the majestic Yandalin. This locality is of peculiar importance in time of war, being at the junction of the mountain roads, which foiin a commimi- cation between the higher hamlets of YiUaro and the town of La ToiTe, and likewise between these same hamlets and to^TL, and the glen of Pra-di-torre, in the valley of Angrogna. Complaining of the want of respect shown to him, and of threats against his people, (in the style of the wolf in the fable,) he requii'ed, first of all, that they should humble 186 HISTOSY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUKCil. tliemselves before him; then that they should surrender all their arms ; then he pillaged all theii' dwellings, no doubt, in order that they might be abandoned, and that the road to the mountains might be left open to him. He also made a great number prisoners. He acted in the same manner in the hamlets of Yillaro. The oppression became such, that at La Torre, under the very eyes of the general, nothing was secure ; and the evangelical inhabitants of the town endeavoured to secrete themselves, their ^AT.ves, and their daughters, Tvith whatever they could carry away, in the caverns of the rocks, although it was winter. Others more fortunate found an asylum in the neighbouring com- munes. The soldiers tracked them to their hiding-places. Let us mention one instance. They found in a cavern an aged man, a hundred and three years old, and his grand- daughter, who took care of him. After having killed the venerable man, they would have violated the girl, but she sprang over the precipice, preferring death to dis- honour. La Trinite also exacted a contribution of six thousand dollars from the valley. He then required the dismissal of the ministers ; at least, he said, till the return of the deputies. They were obliged, or rather thought they were obliged to consent. He hoped to be able to make himself master of their persons on their departure ; but the Yaudois took such precautions, that they conducted them in safety, even across the snows and the high passes of Giidiano, and then through the vale of San Martino to theii' brethren of Pragela in the French territory. Stephen Noel, pastor of Angrogna, alone was excepted, as by favour of the count, who pretended to hold him in high esteem. But it was soon seen that this was done only in the hopes of carrpng him off with greater certainty. The scheme happily failed, thanks to the attachment of JS^oel's pa- rishioners, who protected him against the soldiers sent to seize him, and conducted him out of their reach. At last, the count de la Trinite, having destroyed all the wine and all the crops that he could not carry away with him, and having broken in pieces all the mills he could lay hands on, led his armj into winter- quarters in the plain, lea^king strong garrisons in the forts and castles of La Torre, Yillaro, Perosa, and Perrier. INCREASING OPPEESSION. 187 During their leader's absence, these garrisons committed all kinds of cruelties and atrocities. But it is more cre- ditable to be silent upon them than to relate them. The inhabitants of the valleys waited with great im- 2)atience for the deputies who had been sent to Yercelli, lor the purpose of obtaining an honourable capitulation. At length, tidings came of their retm-n to theii' beloved moun- tains, to the bosom of their families, and their persecuted brethren. But it was seen, even before they uttered a syllable, by theii' appearance of son^ow, and their downcast looks, that they brought no good news, that they had been cruelly deceived, that they were ashamed of themselves and of the part they had been made to act. Gastaud, the count's secretary, they said, had frightened them, and made them present to the duke a letter totally different fi'om the one which their brethren of the valleys had charged them to deliver. They had been made to ask pardon of his high- ness and of the pope's legate. During the six weeks of their sojourn at Yercelli, they had been continually worried b}^ the monks. They had been loaded ^dth insults and thi^eats, till they felt th'emselves consti-ained to promise to go to mass. They brought back a formal order to the Yaudois commimes to receive the priests, to contribute to their support, and to consent to the Eomish worship, and consequently to the introduction of the mass, under pain of a general extermination. AYhat was to be done? Their situation had become worse than before. There remained only to choose between apostasy with peace, but at the price of thek soul's salva- tion, and fidelity to God, his word, and the apostolic church, Avith a prospect of terrible and immediate sufferings, but with the approbation of conscience, and the hope of the crown of life in heaven Avith the Lord. Placed between these two alternatives, the people chose the good part. They preferred life eternal to the good things of the present world. They rejected the disgraceful conditions which had been imposed upon them in the name of the prince. They recalled theii^ pastors, and again held di\'ine service pub- licly, and in the usual form. AYhere the introduction of some images into the temple had been allowed, as for example at Bobbio, they pulled them do^vn with indig- nation. Everywhere the generous intention was decidedly 188 HISTOET OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECII. manifested of suffering everything, even to burning, flight, mid death, rather than deny the faith of their fathers. The pastors also received in these critical circumstances letters full of affection and Christian sympathy from their brethren in foreign parts. The assm^ance of a lively interest which they conveyed to them, the knowledge of the prayers that were offered up for them in various places, the advices of the purest brotherly love, and the exhorta- tions to look alone to God for deliverance, — all these testi- monies did them good ; they felt themselves less alone in the conflict. The sincere attachment which their neighbours and brethren in the faith of the vale of Clusone, or Pragela* had always sho^\Ti them, both in brighter days and in times of distress and persecution, but particularly in the latter, suggested a renewal of their ancient union. Deputies from the three valleys crossed the moimtains, covered with snow, and brought proposals of alliance to the communities in Clusone, whom their sovereign, Francis i., king of France, had also issued orders to persecute. The alliance was accepted without hesitation, and immediately ratified. It was agreed to render mutual succour with all their dis- I)osable means, whenever their ancient apostolic church should be persecuted. The fidelity of the contracting par- ties to their respective sovereigns f was, however, carefully reserved. The messengers from the valleys of Lucerna, Perosa, and San Martino received the oath of their brethren in Dauphine, who in their turn sent deputies to receive the oath of their allies. They arrived by way of Giuliano at Bobbio, where the alliance was unanimously sworn to by the assembly of all the heads of families. On the next day, they were spectators of the first aggressive act of these peaceable men, who, in the hope of peace, had always hitherto kept strictly on the defensive. All the people of the western hamlets in the valley of Lucerna rushed down, like one of their mountain torrents, on the fortress of Yil- laro, and demanded the release of their relations who were confined in its dungeons. The gentry of the district who * A valley to the north of the three Vaudois valleys of Piedmont : the vale of Clusone, is the continuation of the valley of Perosa.— See the map. t Although the vale of Clusone is on the eastern side of the Alps, inclosed in the Piedmontese possessions of the house of Savoy, it anciently made a part of Dauphine, and still belonged at that time to France. ATTACKED I>' TnEIR EEFTJGE OF PEA-DI-TORRE. 189 were in the castle, aided the garrison in making a \igorous defence. The Yaudois wanted artillery and other means for ctmying on a siege. One division of them had to guard the road to La Torre, for they there fought thi-ee times in foui' days ^vith the troops which the commandant of the castle in the latter place had sent to succour his companions in arms. The besieged, however, being ill suppHed with provisions, and above all m want of water, were obliged to capitulate on the tenth day. They surren- dered the fortress, which was immediately demohshed, and thought themselves weU off in being conducted to their advanced posts, and escaping with their lives. In the interval, the deputies of all the communes had met and ratified the alliance ^vith an oath, promising mutual succour, and engaging to determine on nothing Avithout consulting one another. Among the measures ot detail which they adopted, we must not omit noticing the lew of a chosen troop of one hundi'ed musketeers for con- stant seiwice, and destined to hasten to any point where an attack was thi'eatened, and on that account caUed " The riyino- Company." It is also worthy of notice and com- mendation that two pastors were appointed to attend them alternatelv in aH their expeditions, to remind them ol their Chiistian^ duties, to check aU excess, and regularly to celebrate religious service. . r. x-u ^ It was quite time to prepare for the warfare ; for the count de la Trinite haxiag heard of the siege of YiUaro, hastened to coUect his troops that were scattered in winter- quarters over thp plain, and to throw them into the vaUey of Lucema. Having arrived on February 2nd, 1561, the day after the surrender of the fortress, he renounced for a time his pui- pose of taking vengeance on the further end of the valley ; but, after having again tried, though uselessly, to divide his adversaries, by making offers and promises to the^people ot Ano-rogna, he resumed Ms preparations against the citadel of these mountains ; we mean, the higher part of the valley of Angrogna, caUed the Pra-di-torre. This spot, celebrated in the history of the vaUeys,* is in the shape of an immense funnel, of which the sides are of different heights, and which is much broken on one of them. It is girt on the north by the high rocky cliffs of I'lnfernet and bou^an, which * See ch. xvi. 190 HISTOEY OF THE VATJDOIS CHURCH. separate it from the vale of San Martino ; on the west by the impassable chain of the snowy mountains of the Rora, and the indented peaks, rivalling the Vandalin, which enve- lope the alpine valley of La Sellaveilla, with its summer cottages ; on the south by the sloping sides of the superb Yandalin, which sinks by sudden declivities to the wide table-land of Costa-Roussina, whence it descends on the south towards Taillaret, and the plain of La Torre ; lastly, on the east, by pasture-lands, more or less inclined, and by a mass of rocks, called Rocciailla, which, although inferior in height to the proud peaks in the vicinity, form, never- theless, an insurmountable barrier between the foot of Mount Cervin, on the north, and the torrent of Angrogna, on the south. Between these lofty mountains and La Rocciailla, a meadow called the Pra, or Pra-di-torre, with its small town, is stretched by the side of a pure and murmuring stream, and on all sides, on the slopes, the little domains with their rustic buildings surrounded b}^ orchards. This district is thickly peopled in summer, though much less in winter ; but it had not ceased to be so in the rigorous months, from the end of 1560 and the commencement of 1561. The return of the count de la Trinite to the valleys caused the inhabitants of Angrogna immediately to take refuge in their ancient asylum. A mill was already in existence there for the use of the locality, and they pra- dently constructed a second.^' The enemy, clearly perceiving that the asylum of the Pra-di-torre was (so to speak) the heart of the valleys, and that the only method of inflicting a fatal wound was to make themselves masters of it, directed all their efforts to this quarter. After two successive attacks on the lower part of Angrogna, the first, fruitless, by the Sonnagliettes, or Poc- camaneot, and the second, made on difterent sides at once, with large forces and complete success, although dearly purchased, the count de la Trinite was master of the country as far as Pocciailla and La Cassa. Then, after having set fire to all the hamlets, without being able, however, to burn down the two temples, he assaulted the Pra-di-torre on the 14th of February, at thi-ee diff'erent points; namely, by its natural entrance on the south-east, along the torrent and at the foot of Pocciailla, by the heights which separate it on * Gilles, ch. xxiii., p. 142. ATTACKED IX THEIR REFUGE OF rRA-DI-TORRE. 191 the north-cast from the valley of Pramol, and on the north, by those of the valley of San Alartino. The attack by the ordinarj^ road on the south-east, was announced by the conilagration. At the sight of the flames, consuming the forsaken hamlets, the refugees might suppose that the army was approaching ; they would perhaps have thi'0"\vn them- selves in a mass in this dii'cction, if they had not suspected a feint, and recollected that at all events a few men would suffice to defend so narrow a passage. They were not mis- taken. The attack on this side was only feigned. Six musketeers stopped and put to flight the hostile detachment. Another division which suddenly appeared on the plateau of La Yachere, to the north-east of Ilocciailla, coming from Pramol,"^ where it had passed the night, met with the same fate. But while our warlike peasantiy were pui'suing them, there was descried in the direction of the Pra-di-torre, on the ridges of the high mountains wliich separate it on the north from the vale of San Martino, a considerable body of soldiers rapidly descending. A cry of alarm was raised. The defenceless multitude addressed a fervent prayer to God, and while some ran to give notice to their principal force, which was occupied in pursuing the fugitives on the side of La Yachere, only twenty-five or thirty men went up to meet the enemj'. Being very soon rejoined by their victorious brethren and by the Plying Company, they fell on their knees, in sight of the papists, praying God to succour them, and then assailed their adversaries so im- petuously that they fled panic-stricken before them. Twice the unfortunate soldiers, fatigued by an extraordinary and forced march over the slippery turf or the rolling stones of the mountain, tiu^ned about, preferring to fight rather than to clamber up the same endless declivities which they had just descended ; and twice, terrified by the spiiit and rising courage of the Yaudois, they again fled and dispersed in all directions. The strong-limbed, practised mountaineers soon came up to them, and despatched them. The slaughter was great, and would have been greater still if the chaplain of the Flying Company had not checked it whenever he could make his voice heard. * In making this ctrcnit by St. Germain and Pramol, the enemy had gone round the dangerous passage of La Cassa, a little to the east, composed of the debris of broken and scattered rocks. 192 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH, This combat cost the lives of two of the principal officers in the count's army. One, Charles Truchet, lord of Rio- claret, who had persecuted his own vassals as w^e have seen, and was one of the promoters of this war, was first struck to the ground by a stone from a sling, and being left by his men, had his head cut off with his own sword. He was lamented b}^ his general and the army, for he was valiant and experienced. The other officer, Louis de Mon- teil, who was among the first that fled, had already passed the summit of the mountain, when a young man of eighteen came up ^\ith him in the snow, refused his ransom, and killed him. Thus the hopes of the papists, relative to this great enterprise, vanished. God granted the victory to his children. The pastors, and all who were unable to tight, never ceased, from morning to evening, to call upon his name, — like Moses, Hur, and Aaron, when Israel fought with Amalek. In the evening, the air resounded in all directions with songs of praise and expressions of gratitude to God. By this victory, the Yaudois gained considerable booty in arms, clothing, and warlike stores. Not having been successful at the Pra-di-torre, La Tri- nite, who had already burned the greater part of the ham- lets of Angrogna, vented his wrath on some villages in the vale of Lucerna. He surprised the village of Hora, com- posed of eighty families, and situated in a glen behind the mountain which rises on the right bank of the Peliee, to the south of La Torre and Yillaro, and which, inclining towards the east, pours its waters into the river just named, a little way from the town of Lucerna ; yet, in spite of the forces which the general sent, he did not make himself master of the village till the third day ; and such was the determined courage of as many of the inhabitants as could bear arms, and particular!}^ of the Plying Company, who were sent to their aid, that all the families, and even some of their goods, were saved, and brought across the snow by dangerous paths to Yillaro, where they were received with the most cordial hospitality. Yillaro had also been pointed out by the count to his officers as a place to be attacked. His army moved from La Torre in three divisions ; the main body consisting of infantry, by the high road ; the cavahy with the pioneers. ATTACK ON THE EEFrGE OF PEA-DI-TOERE. 193 and some light troops along the Pelice, in the plain ; the third column followed, on the other side of the river, the path which goes behind La Torre and passes between Bobbio and Yillaro. The duke's troops had the advantage of being in an open country. The Yaudois were obliged to give way on all points. Perhaps they were too much bent on defending some advanced x>osts. At this time, they were tiu-ned, and obliged to retreat, with some loss, abandoning Yillaro, to take a position among the vineyards at the entrance of La Combe, which the enemy was never able to force. They beheld their large and beautiful village bui^ned before their eyes; but considered themselves as less un- fortunate, in tids disaster, than if the enemy had established and fortified themselves in their abodes. La Trinite continued his ravages to the further end of the valley, pillaging, burning, and slaughtering. He even attempted to attack, with considerable forces, the higher hamlets in the commune of Yillaro ; but he was compelled to give up the attempt, and to retire mth loss. The end of February was now come. The count, seeing his army much reduced, spent a month in reinforcing it. Xew troops arrived every day at head-quarters. The duke of Savoy even obtained from the king of France ten com- panies of foot-soldiers, and some other choice ti'oops.'^' A body of Spaniards also joined the standard of persecution, so that from four thousand men, which composed the army of La Trinite at first, the numbers rose to about seven thousand. It included in its ranks the nobility of the country. At the head of such a fine army, the count thought himself sure of success, and his first eff'orts were dii-ected against the heart and bulAvark of the valleys, the asylum of all the fugitives, the celebrated Pra-di-torre. On the 17th of ITarch, he attacked it on the east, by the road along the torrent, below Eocciailla, by the brow and ridge of the mountain to the north-east of the same Eoc- ciailla, where the Yaudois had erected, over all the breadth, a formidable rampart,! ^^^ ^J ^^ intermediate path a little below this last, a dangerous path across the rocks, and * See Leorer, who quotes tlie Histoire Universelle of d'Aubigni. (Lc-ger, pt. ii.. pp. 36, 37; Gilles, ch. xxv., p. 150.) t There was at this pomt a natm-al rampait. La Cassa, aheacly mentioned ; another rampart was raised on the Gavia, commanding the post ; and a thii'd on the other extremity of La Vachere, called the bai-ricades. K 194 HISTOET OF THE VATJDOIS CHUKCH. which, on that account, the Yaudois had not thought of lining mth defenders. The enemy had well-nigh penetrated by this narrow passage, for all the forces of the Yaudois were collected at the principal places of defence ; happily, the enemy was perceived in time and repulsed. Beaten at once, at all the three points of attack, the general saw his best officers killed before his face, and his choice and renowned troops decimated. He gave up, therefore, the design of continuing the assault on the following days, although he had made preparations for so doing, and re- treated the same evening mth his harassed army and the wounded, leaving a great number dead at the foot of the rampart and on all the approaches. While the defeated army was making a hasty retreat, the Yaudois might have caused it irreparable loss by attacking it in the defiles across the torrents, or along the precipices ; and this was the wish of a great many. But the principal leaders, and especially the ministers, were totally averse from it, reminding them that it was agreed to employ arms only to defend their lives, and to use them only as long as they were threatened. Admirable mode- ration ! and the more exemplary, since those towards whom it was exercised were devoid of pity. The success of this affair restored courage and hope to the Yaudois. Their enemies, on the contrary, were dis- concerted, and cast down. "God fights for them!" they exclaimed; and these words were echoed through Pied- mont. Even the count appeared desirous of peace, and made proposals for a treaty with these invincible peasants. They replied that they also wished to see the war at an end, and followed by an honourable peace, which should allow them to serve God with a good conscience. But they did not dare to trust him, after having been duped more than once by his fair words, and having even experienced that he talked of peace when he was meditating the most violent attacks. They showed more confidence in Philip of Savoy, count of Raconis, who, although chief commis- sioner of the persecution, seemed to disapprove of this war. They received his envoy favourably, — the same Gilles of Bricherasco, who had succeeded in placing their complaints, requests, and apologies, in the hands of the princess of Savoy, at Mce, in the preceding year ; but a most melan- ATTACK OX THE REFUGE OF PEA-DI-TOERE. 195 choly event oeeiuTed to interrupt this negotiation. Gilles, although it Avas gro^Wng late, wished to return the same evening to the count's quarters. They gave him an escort; but ha^dng dismissed it too soon, he was killed by two men of Angrogna, who met him. The measures they at once adopted towards the count de Eaconis, and the im- mediate siuTender of the offenders, fi'eed the Yaudois authorities from all suspicion of being implicated in the act : but for a time it interrupted the negotiations. Dm-ing this parley, the count's army marched to the valley of San Martino, to raise the siege of the castle of Perrier, which was closely invested by the Vaudois of the vicinity, and by theii^ neighbours and allies of the valley of Clusone. At its approach the besiegers retired, with tiieir brethiTU of the lower villages, to the hamlets in the upper part of the valley, where they successfully defended them- selves for a month, and then had the satisfaction of seeing: the enemy retire. The Yaudois, who had retreated into the most rugged and savage localities, pressed and crowded into a few huts with all theii' families, saw their provisions rapidly diminish, wliile, at the same time, the number of their fugitive brethren who resorted to them in quest of shelter and food, increased. It might have been aj)prehended that famine would come, in addition to so many other sufferings, to weaken their bodies and discourage their hearts ; but He who fed Elijah by the brook Cherith, supplied the wants of his servants who had taken refuge among the sources of their mountain-ton^ents, and replenished the vessels of the widows, the children, and the poor, with ilom' and oil, according to theii' desire, as he once did lor the pious widow of Zarephath. The genial mildness of spring began to be felt even on the mountains. But wliile the sovereign Benefactor and Disposer of all things was awakening creation to new life, and shedding fertility over the earth, the cruel count de la Trinite was only j^lanning how to destroy God's noblest creatures, and moisten the soil with their blood. He longed, at any cost, to penetrate the asylum of the Pra- di-torre, to quench his thirst in a stream of blood, like a famished wolf, who, with open jaws and parched tongue hanging from his mouth, prowls for days, with fury in his heart, round a multitude of sheep and lambs, in a well- K 2 196 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHrRCH. inclosed fold, seeking for some opening by which to enter in. Such an entrance the count hop(;d. that he had found at last. He planned to surprise the Pra-di-torre through the hamlet of Taillaret, which, it may be remembered, is situated to the north of La Torre, on the south side of a moderately elevated plateau, at the foot of the eastern side of Yandalin, Avhich plateau separates the valley of Lucerna, and the commune of La Torre in particular, from the higher vale of Angrogna, on the Pra-di-torre. To succeed on this side, it was absolutely necessary to reach the plateau of Costa Eoussina unobserved, with the whole of the forces employed, before the alarm could be given ; otherwise the troops would be liable to be assailed from the higher ground, and infallibly driven back, while climbing up a slope of more than two leagues in length. The woful end of Truchet and his division, who were cut in pieces in a like situation, by a small number of herdsmen, was a suf&- cient lesson. It was therefore necessary, if possible, to lay asleep the vigilance of the people of Taillaret and their neighbours. The count, whom it cost but little to play the hypocrite, persuaded some influential individuals of Tail- laret, and in particular captain Michael Peymondet, to come and see him, having sent them the necessary passport. He flattered their vanity by saying that the duke esteemed them, and would give them proofs of liis good-will if they would lay down their arms and cease to exhibit distrust and a spirit of revolt by the incessant patrols they so unne- cessarily kept up. He assiu^ed them, that if they remained quiet, he would prevent the soldiers from giving them the least vexation ; but, on the contrary supposition, he would punish them with the utmost rigour. The vanity of these poor people being thus ^vrought upon, they promised to remain quiet, and they kept their word, notwithstanding the warnings and reproaches of the minister of the Plying Company, to whom they gave an account of their journey. The minister, foreboding what would happen, collected his company of musketeers at La Combe di Villaro, placed sentinels, and sent messengers in diff'erent directions to announce an impending attack : in fact, at daybreak, the small corps of picked men who had already rendered such great services to the Yaudois cause, were warned by the advanced sentinels that the papists ALWAYS CONQUERORS. 197 Avere marching on Taillaret. They immediately sot out by a dangerous road, along slopes and precipices, with the intention of coming above Taillaret, where they would overlook the enemy. Nevertheless, the latter, in several bands, siu'prised all the small towns in this extensive quar- ter. A regiment of Spaniards were distinguished for their excesses. The credulous Eej-mondet escaped, not "svithout difficulty, with his wdfe and her newly -born infant. The troops reach the plateau. The Yaudois musketeers could not arrive in time. From the summit of the mountain, the enemy saw before them, to the north, the large and deep oval of the Pra-di-torre. In less than an hour, descend- ing by the slopes of Barfe, they would have reached the dwellings on the south side. But they preferred follow- ing a path which would allow them to attack the Pra-di- torre from above ; this proved their destmction. The Yaudois had finished their customary morning prayer, when, almost at the same time, their sentinels gave notice of the enemy's approach at three points ; by the plateau on the south, which we have just mentioned, and on the east by the two roads to the north and south of Eocciailla. Twelve men only threw themselves forward to meet the column issuing from the plateau by the narrow path, and they were sufficient to stop it. A traveller little accustomed to a mountainous tract, would advance T\ith hesitation and trembling on a path scarcely visible down a steep declivity. The steps of the great part of the duke's soldiers were not more firm; they halted, therefore, when they saw their narrow passage stop- ped by six resolute men ; and stones, and fragTaents of rocks, which six others were detaching fr-om the neighbouring heights to roll upon them, threatening to hiud them down T\T.th one boimd into the ravine. But their heai'ts failed them entirely when they saw the agile and intrepid moun- taineers running in constantly increasing numbers to the aid of their advanced guard. They turned their backs and fled precipitately to the plateau, where some of their ti'oop were resting. In the meanwhile, the Plying Company ad- vancing along the flank of the Yandalin, gained the heights which overlooked the plateau, and screening themselves behind large trees, rocks, and low walls that separated the pasture lands, opened a close and deadly fire. The 198 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. popish troops, crowded together and exposed, lost a great number, while the sharpshooters of the mountains had only three killed. At last, having made another attempt to act on the offensive, they retreated, not by way of Taillaret, which would have been too exposed, but across the sum- mit of the mountain which sinks insensibly, and directing their course to La Torre, which, owing to its small breadth, was more easily defended. As to the two columns which were advancing by An- grogna, as they were not to act alone, but simply to sup- port the attack made on the side of Taillaret by causing a diversion, they retreated as soon as they saw their com- panions in arms put to flight on the neighbouring mountain. Such was the issue of the last attack made on the Yau- dois in this campaign. The count de la Trinite, probably fearful, after so many reverses, of being attacked in his quarters at La Torre by the warlike mountaineers, broke up his encampment the same night and retreated to Cavor with a part of his troops. From that place, he threatened again to ravage the whole country, to destro}^ the corn in the blade, the vines, and the trees ; but a dangerous illness, which brought him to the brink of the grave, prevented the execution of his evil designs. During his compulsory in- activity, the Yaudois renewed their relations "Vidth Philip of Savoy, count de Raconis, which had been interrupted by the murder of Gilles of Bricherasco. This prince, who, in the discharge of his office, as chief commissioner, had always given proofs of moderation, showed himself favourable to peace. He consented to transmit to the duchess the desires and request of her persecuted subjects, for the purpose of obtaining conditions such as their consciences could accept. Having received the necessary powers for negotiating, the count de E,aconis displayed a confiding benevolence which shortened the negotiation, and after a month of preliminary conferences, brought about an agreement which settled all the questions at issue, and was signed by both parties. A general pardon was granted to all persons in the val- leys and elsewhere, who had taken arms against his highness and against their particular lords on account of religion. The liberty of assembling in the customary places to hear sermons, and to perform all the acts of their religion, was granted to the greater part of the communities of the three TREATY OF PEACE. 199 T alleys,'^' and likewise of building edifices for this purpose. But the right of preaching and holding meetings was for- mally denied beyond the limits indicated in the capitula- tion. XeTcrtheless, the ministers were authorized to make pastoral ^dsits to such of their people as were residents in places where they had not the public exercise of their reli- gion,! provided these visits were made with j)rudence and discretion. It was specified that the answers which the Yaudois might give, when interrogated, concerning their faith, were not to be regarded as an infraction of the pre- sent treaty, nor as preaching for the piu-pose of making proselytes. All the fugitives of the said valleys, and all those who had abjured, or promised to abjure, before the war, were permitted to return to their houses with their families, and to enjoy the free exercise of their religion. Their goods were to be restored to them ; all those, at least, which had been taken from them in the course of the war. A similar promise was made to the inhabitants of the valley of Meane, and of St. Barthelemi. Restitution was guaranteed to all, by legal means, of their movables and cattle (excepting what had been carried off" by the soldiers) as well as the redemption of the articles sold at the same price as the jDiu'chasers had paid for them. The same right was secui'ed to the Eoman Catho- lics against the Yaudois. To the Yaudois:|: all fi-anchises and immunities were confiiTued, as well as all privileges, whether granted by his highness, or his predecessors, or by the lords, provided they were vouched by public documents. * The places where the Vaudois were authorized to hold their religious assembhes were the follo^ving :— in the vaUey of Lucernu, Angrogna, Bobbio, YiUaro (with this condition, "that if the sovereign should Iniild a fort in this place, the reh.aious meetings should no longer he held in the town, but in one of the hamlets', or some other place approved by the inhabitants) Val-C4uichard, Rora ;— in the commune of La Torre, the hamlets of TaiUaret and La Rua cli Boneti (the town of La Torre was excluded) ;— in the vaUey of San Mariinu, Praah, Rodoret, Macel, ManeiUe ;— in the vallev of Perosa, Peui, a hamlet of the parish of La Perosa ; le Grand-Dublon (a hamlet of the parish of Pinachel, St. Germain (in the quarter of Dormillouse), Rocheplatte (in the Gaudens). The right of meeting in the temples was refused to those of San Giovanni, of the to-«Ti of La Torre, of Bibbiana, Rioclaret, etc. t The capitulation mentions especially those of the commime of il^ane, as well as those of Saint-Barthelemi, near Rocheplatte, as authorized to enjoy this privilege. t In the capitulation no particular name, as for example that of Vaudois, is given to those ^\-ith whom it is made. They are only described as inhabitants of the valleys {ceux des vallees.) 200 niSTOET OF THE VAUDOIS CHTJECH. The proper administration of justice was promised to them. A list of the fugitives who were to return was to be pre- pared and transmitted to his highness. The duke reserved to himself the liberty of erecting a fortress at Villaro ; but he gave, at the same time, the assurance that it should not be employed to the prejudice of the property and consciences of the people of the valleys. The duke also required the aforesaid to dismiss such of their pastors as he named ; but, in return, he permitted them to fill up their places. He excluded, however, the pastor Martin, of Pragela, from their choice. The right of celebrating the mass and other services of the E-orndsh worship in all the parishes of the valleys was renewed by his highness ; but the liberty of not being pre- sent at them was granted, in return, to those of the op- posite religion, while they were under obligation not to molest those who wished to attend such ser^dces. All the expenses of the war were remitted to the afore- said, as well as the eight thousand dollars which they owed his highness out of the sixteen thousand which they had engaged to pay. All the prisoners that remained in the hands of the soldiers were to be released for a moderate ransom : all those who had been sent to the galleys for their religion were to be set at libertj^ gratuitously. Permission was granted to all the inhabitants of the valleys of Meane, and other places mentioned in the capi- tulation, except the ministers, to stay, to come and go, to buy, sell, and traffic in the dominions of his highness, provided their settled residence was within their limits, "^ and that they abstain, in their journeys, from controversy, preaching, and holding assemblies. This treaty of peace was signed at Cavor the 5th of June, 1561, in the name of the duke, by Philip of Savoy, count de E-aconis, and in the name of the communities of * The history of Pinerolo mentions, after this article, a supplementary article which is not found in the copy given by L^orer. The substance of it is, that a Vaudois might obtain a dweiling beyond these limits, in the domains of his highness, if he foiind emplo;>Tnent there as a servant or farmer, or if he acquired property there, provided he did not hold rehgious meetings, etc. This article, not known to L^ger, and quoted by a Roman CathoUc author, is not without its importance. — See Storia di Pinerolo, Torino, 1834, t. iii., p. 54. BASIS OF FUXrEE EELATIO^'S TO THEIR SOVEEEIGX. 201 the valleys, by two pastors, Francois Yal, minister of Yil- laro, and Claude Berge, minister of Taillaret, and by two of the principal deputies, George Monastier, syndic of An- grogna, and Michael Eeymondet, envoy of Taillaret.*^'' Such was the arrangement which was effected, thanks to the noble and generous heart of the distinguished Em- manuel Pliilibert, seconded by his royal consort, Margaret of France, by the honourable Philip of Savoy, count de Raconis, and certainly by the majority of a just and en- lightened council. "WTiether we call it a compact, a treaty, or a patent, matters little ; the essential point is, that the contract took effect according to the engagement of the parties who signed it. To call such an act (which was one of clemency, it is true, but also of justice,) " a blameable weakness," as is done by the liistorian Botta, because the duke of Savoy permitted the consent of his Yaudois sub- jects to regulate and determine the points of this arrange- ment, appears to us a criticism as ill-founded as it is un- just ; for why should a sovereign not allow his people to express their adhesion to the solemn act which regulates their relations to him ; especially when, being of different religions, the matter in hand is to' settle a mode of living which may harmonize his rights with the discharge of the duties which they feel themselves obliged to render to God ? Far from being chargeable with weakness, the prince who condescends to the religious wants of his subjects only shows himself just ; and if he consent to grant them gua- rantees b)^ an agreement signed by the two parties, he gives a proof of high wisdom, and places himself in the elevated and glorious position of father of his people. Certainly the house of Savoy never had to regret the polic)' it followed on this occasion. If, in order to meet the requirements of Rome, it has often persecuted its Yaudois subjects, by afterwards treating them with kindness, it so won their hearts, that their attachment, fidelity, and de- votedness to it has never failed. f Botta further remarks, that although the duke adhered to the edict for some years, he would never ratify it, nor * Leger, pt. ii., p. 38. The other deputies were Rambaud, of Villaro ; Arduinc, of Bobbio ; Jean Malanet, of San Giovanni ; Pierre Pascal, of the valley of Saa ilartino ; and Thomas Roman, of Saint-Germain, for the valley of Perosa. t Storia d'ltaha da Carolo Botta, t. ii., p. i2S, etc. . Paris : 1832. 202 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. cause it to be registered by the senate and by the court of exchequer, — a formality indispensable for giving it the form of an edict to be observed. But this argumentation is strange. The authenticity of the treaty cannot be denied ;^' and its actual observance, had it been for ever so short a time, is equally a sufficient proof to establish its validity. The sequel of this history will show, moreover, that it became the basis of the ordinary relations between the civil authorities and the inhabitants of the valleys. It is lamentable that recourse should be had to such a subter- fuge, when it is so essential that the word of a prince should be treated with respect and confidence. All ho- nour to Emmanuel Philibert, who during his whole life was faithful to the agreement which was made in his name ! But though the two parties immediately interested agreed to the convention, finding it to be for their mutual advan- tage, there was one person who felt highly displeased : this was the pope, to whom the duke communicated the transaction. The Roman pontiff complained bitterly. He thought that this ''pernicious example" of tolerance would find imitators, and that by their lax indulgence, heresy would take perpetual root in the many kingdoms placed under his crosier. The monks and priests of Piedmont made themselves very busy, and if they did not succeed in breaking the treaty, they at least retarded or shackled its execution; particularly in what concerned the restitution of the confiscated! or pillaged goods, and the liberation of the prisoners, particularly those who had been sent to the galleys. Nevertheless, Philip of Savoy, count de Raconis, having agreed to lay the grievances of the Yaudois before the duchess, that excellent princess, after consulting with the venerable pastor, Noel of Angrogna, obtained the redress of all their wrongs and the strict execution of the treaty. The persecution lasted fifteen months, seven of which were spent in obstinate warfare. We now leave the valleys of Piedmont, and transport * L^ger gives in his history irrefragable proofs of the legal validity of this document ; pt. ii., p. 200, etc. t This restitution met with obstacles, especially at Bibbiana, Fenile, and ' Campiglione, small towns in the valley of Lucerna, at the extreme frontier towards the plain. STATE OF THE COLONIES. 203 ourselves to one of their ancient colonies, in Calabria, to be A\T.tnesses of its entire destruction.** CHAPTER XX. DESTEUCTIOX OF THE VAUDOIS COLONIES IX APVLIA AND CALABRIA. The religious life wliicli the Reformation had awakened in the ancient Yaudois churches of the Alps, manifested itself, though more slowly, among their colonies in the kingdom of Xaples. The evangelical docti'ine, constantly taught for three centuries by the Yaudois barbes in their regular missions among their brethren of Apulia and Calabria, had maintained in the hearts of this persecuted race an indestructible aversion from Romish errors, at the same time that it gave their manners a character of mild- ness, sobriety, chastity, and fidelity, which struck all persons in their vicinity, though a certain timidity or prudence constrained them, in the presence of the enemies of their faith, to conceal part of their sentiments, and of their acts of worship. Xo district was more peaceable or flouiishing in the whole kingdom of Xaples than that which was inhabited and cultivated by the Yaudois of Calabria, not far from Montalto, and of which San Sesto and Guardia were at that time the most remarkable places. The inde- fatigable acti^-ity of these labourers, their order, their good manners, while they were a source of happiness for them- selves, had gained for them the favour of their lords, who derived considerable advantages fi'om them, — such as higher rents, and much greater security than from any other of their vassals. *' The clergy and priests alone," says an ancient author, " complained that they did not live like other people in matters of religion ; that they made none of their children priests or nuns ; that they gave themselves no concern about chants, wax-tapers, lights, bells, or even masses for their dead ; that they built temples without ornamenting them with any images ; they never went on * For the whole of this chapter see GiUes, chs. xi. to xs\'iii, Leger, pt. ii., pp. 29—40. 204 HISTOET OF THE VAUBOIS CHUECH. pilgrimages ; they had their children instructed by unlaiown foreign schoolmasters, to whom they showed much more respect than to themselves, papng them (the clergy) nothing hut the tithes, just as they had agreed with their lords. They suspected that these said people had some particular belief, which prevented them from connecting themselves or mixing with the original inhabitants of the country, and that they were bad Roman Catholics." Never- theless, the abundance of the tithes, and the regularity of their payment, added to the dread of displeasing the lords, had restrained the suspicious and irritable zeal of the priests of the country.^' But at the news of the triumphs of the Reformation, the noise made by its doctrines, and the profound emotion they excited in Italy, suspicion was again awakened, and marked with a restless eye the most trifling proceedings of intelligent and generous men. The inquisition, watch- ing its 'prej, followed like bloodhounds the traces of the numerous writings, and especially of the sacred books, which were circulated in all places by the recent invention of printing ; and when the Yaudois colonies of Calabria awoke from their slumbers, agitated by the gales of the spirit of life which blew from the north, they were encountered by the ferocious aspect of their sworn foe, watching every step they took, and seeking to penetrate into their most secret thoughts. Being informed by the barbes who were sent to them,f of the courageous resolutions of the synod of Angrogna, in 1532, and feeling constrained to glorify their Saviour openly by the example of the reformed churches, as well as by that of their brethren of Piedmont, the Yaudois colonies of Calabria wished to associate with the barbe Etienne Negrin, who had come to them from the valleys, a minister ordained at Geneva, above all others the city of the Reformation. They deputed for this purpose one of their principal men, Marco Uscegli, who, on reaching the city of Calvin, spoke on behalf of the Italian church, and obtained what he desired for it. A young Piedmontese, named Jean Louis Pascal, was then finishing his studies at Lausanne ; he had * See Perrin, Histoire des Vaudois, p. 197. t See Chapter xvii. — The minister Gilles, ancestor of the historian, was the last of these barbes who could return in peace to the vallej-s. PEESECTJTIOX. 205 quitted popery for the gospel, and _ the military scrTice for that of the Lord Jesus Christ. Ey general consent he was appointed for the perilous mission in Calabria.*' He set out wdth XJscegli, leaving his betrothed bridef at Geneva, whom he was never more to see in this world. Pascal's energetic ministry was not in vain. His preach- ing took possession of the souls of his hearers. The light so often hid under a bushel was now placed on a candle- stick ; but its splendour, beneficial to the sound eyes of the true believers, irritated the diseased organs of the papists, and alarmed the principal lord of the Vaudois of Calabria, the marquis of Spinello. Eoused by the outcry raised by the bigots of his religion, and perhaps feaiing lest he should himself be suspected of heresy if he did not act, the marquis, who had been heretofore so indulgent, now had recourse to measures of severity. He cited before him the principal of his vassals along vrith Pascal. He censui-ed and thi-eatened them, and cast the faithfal pastor and his friend Uscegli into the dungeons of Foscalda. This was in 1558, or 1559. The diocesan bishop of Cosenza, not being contented T\'itli these arrests, took the matter into his own hands. He attempted a forced conversion of the prisoners, if that were possible ; and at the same time persecuted the destitute flock, in spite of the secret efforts of the marquis to turn his blows aside. The apprehension of Pascal, and the perseverance of the faithful Calabrians in the evangelical doctrine having attracted the attention of the pope, his holiness delegated cardinal Alexandria., inquisitor-general, to put an end to heresy in the kingdom of jS^aples. The first essay at forced conversion was made in the spring of 1560, at San Sesto, a considerable town in the neighboui'hood of Montalto. Promises, exhortations, and threats were alternately em- ployed : nothing was neglected to overawe or seduce the inhabitants ; but rather than attend at mass they all fled together to a wood in the moimtain. The inquisitors, imable to pursue them instantly, betook themselves with * M. I. P. M * * *, in an article on the Vaudois of Calabria, in the Reviie Suisse, (Lausanne, 1839, t. ii., p. 691,) asserts, on the authority of a Grison minister of that period, that Pascal set out for Calabria, accompanied by another pastor and fr«"o schoolmasters. t [Her name was Camilla Guerina. See M'Crie's History of the Reforma- tion in Italy, p. 283.] 206 HISTOEY OF THE YATJDOIS CHTJECH. all speed to the Yaudois city of Guardia, about twelve miles distant. Having shut the gates, they assembled the population, and falsely announced the return of the inhabi- tants of San Sesto to the pale of the Romish church. They pretended to love them, and pressed them to imitate so excellent an example. The marquis of Spinello joined his entreaties to those of these deceitful ^vretches, and promised them new temporal advantages; and these poor people, deceived and surprised, yielded and promised to comply with the demands made upon them. The truth, however, soon became known to them, and a considerable part escaped and proceeded to join the fugitives of San Sesto. Two companies of soldiers were sent in pursuit of them. In vain the unfortunate beings begged them to come to terms with them, and allow them to emigrate ; they were only answered by denunciations of death. Thus constrained to defend themselves by arms, they j^iit their enemies to flight. This victory gained them some days of repose ; but it brought into Calabria the viceroy in person, at the head of a considerable number of troops. The fugitives were tracked in the woods by dogs trained for the purpose, to the foot of trees in which they had taken refuge, or to the copses and pits where they were secreted. Scarcely any escaped, but all were either taken prisoners or killed. While the viceroy threatened universal destruction, the inquisitors affected compassion, and were lavish of their expressions of peace, and thus drcAV the credulous people into their snares, who, as the chronicler Gilles says, thinking to escape the fuiy of the lion, threw themselves into the jaws of the serpent. When these double-faced men had, hj their artifices, got possession of more than sixteen hundi^ed persons, they threw aside the mask and the executions began. They wished to fix on their victims the odium of lewdness, and therefore put them to torture, hoping to force from them the confession that in their religious assemblies they were guilty of detestable impurities. But the patience of the tortured bafiled their ^dle design ; no one confessed. Charlin expired on the rack itself; his bowels being forced out. Yermincl, who had even consented to apostatize, was kept for eight hours on an instrument of torture, called a hell, without being prevailed upon to confess to such infamous HOREIBLE rUNISHMEXTS. 207 calumnies. ^larcon, the father, was beaten with iron chains, and then killed. One of his sons had his throat cut ; and the other was precipitated from a liigh tower. Bernard Conte, for having thrown away from him a cnicifix which they wished him to hold, was led to Cosenza, and there, covered Tsath pitch, he was burned like a pine-torch; a honid punishment, copied from Xero. Sixty women were tortured : some of them were burned ; others died of their wounds ; the most beautiful disappeared. Eighty-eight men of Guardia were butchered at Montalto, by order of the inquisitor Panza. '' I confess," says a witness of this scene, a Roman Catholic, in a letter which has been pre- served to us,"^" " I can only compare these executions to a slaughter-house. The executioner came, and called out one of the unfortunate creatures, and having wrapped his head in a cloth, led him to a spot adjoining the house, made him fall on his knees, and cut his thi'oat with a knife. Then, taking off the bloody veil, he came for another prisoner, who underwent the same fate ; in this manner eighty-eight persons were butchered. I leave your imagi- nation to picture this horrible sight. At this very moment I can hardly restrain my tears. jS^o one can ever describe the meekness and patience with which these heretics suffered such a martyrdom and death. A small number of them, when at the point of death, declared that they embraced the Catholic faith ; but the greater part died in their in- fernal obstinacy. All the old men ended their lives Avith an imperturbable calmness ; only the yoimg manifested some agitation. A shudder comes over my whole frame when I picture to myself the executioner with the bloody knife between his teeth, holding the dripping napkin in his hand, entering the house, and, with his arms covered with blood, seizing the prisoners one after another, as a butcher goes and takes the sheep he is about to slaughter." Their bodies, when quartered, were fastened to stakes all along the road from Montalto to Chateau-Yilar, a distance of thirty-six miles, for the terror of heretics, and the satis- * See tliis letter in Porta, Historia Reformationis Rhetige, t. ii., pp. 310—312 and in Pantaleon, Reriim in Eccles. Gestarum, pp. 337, 33S. The author of the letter also says, " These people were originally from the valley of Angrogna, near Savoy f and ta Calabria they call them Ultra-Montanes. They still occupy four cities in the kingdom of Naples ; but I have not learned tliat they conduct themselves amiss. (See the article on the Vaudois by M. I. P. M * * *, in the Revue Suisse, t. ii., p. 707.)— [See also M'Crie'sHistoiy of the Reforma- lion in Italy, p. 263.] 208 HISTOET OF THE YAUDOIS CHUECH. faction of the Catholics. Those who were not massacred, and yet would not abjure, were sent to fill the Spanish galleys. Some only escaped by flight and reached the valleys, (the women dressed as men,) when the persecution described in the preceding chaj)ter was at its height ; some, still later, after incessant dangers, being forced to travel only by night, very frequently to go up the course of rivers till they could meet with fords, scantily fed on seeds, roots, fraits, and what they could get as alms, or purchase in out- of-the-way places. Many of them were stopped on the road and delivered up, the order having been given through- out Italy, to all officers of police, lightermen, bargemen, and others, not to allow to pass, and to every innkeeper, not to lodge any stranger presenting himself without a certificate from his parish priest, attested at each stage of his journej^ from the place of his setting out. The churches of the Yaudois valleys mourned over those of Calabria that were thus destroyed ; especially the pastors who had exercised their ministry among them, and who knew each of the \dctims whom the survivors named to them. Their hearts were melted with sorrow when they learned the fate of their colleague, Etiemie J^egrin, who, after having resisted all the solicitations and seductions of the priests in the prison of Cosenza, died of starvation or of other secret tortures. As to Louis Pascal, he consummated, after all the others, at the stake at Rome, in the presence of the pope, the cardinals, and an immense concourse of spec- tators, the sacrifice which he had begun in separating him- self, for a time as he suj)posed, from his betrothed, to visit Calabria. Neither flatteries nor importunities; nor the continual threats of a crowd of monks and priests ; nor the bodily sufferings he endured in damp prisons, where he was not even allowed straw ; nor the prayers and tears of a dear brother-''' who remained a papist, who implored him to recant, and to tempt him more stronglj^, offcTed him half his property ; nor the sad remembrance of a tender friend, who though not yet espoused, would by his death be left, as it were, a Avidow ; no human power, — in short, nothing could move this faithful and tried soul. It was decided at last to * His brother thus whites : " It was hideous to see him, bareheaded, his arms and hands tied so tightly with small cords tliat they penetrated the flesh, as if he were about to )je led to the gibl^et. Seeing him in tliis state, and going fonvard to embrace him, in my distress I fell to the gi'ound, by which I in- creased his sulfermg."— Crespin, Histoire des Mai-tyrs, fol. 520.— M'Crie, p. 285. HOEKIBLE PUlTISHlVrENTS. 209 pimisli him -w-ithout waiting any longer. The pope deter- mined to give himself the pleasure of being present at the last moments of so obstinate a heretic, who had constantly called him antichrist. On Monday, the 9th of September, 1560, an excited multitude might be seen eagerly pressing towards the court of the castle of St. Angelo. A scaffold, and close by a pile of fagots, had been akeady placed there. In the immediate Ticinity, rose an amphitheatre of richly decorated benches, on which were seated his holiness the pope, vicar of Jesus Christ on earth, the cardinals, the inquisitors, with priests, and monks of all kinds in great numbers. AMien the martyr to Chiistian ti'uth appeared, dragging himself along with difficulty under the weight of his chains, liis enemies, who watched ail his motions and the play of liis features, ready to exult in the least symptom of weakness, could not detect in his countenance any change or fear. There was the same mild and resigned expression which had never left him during the whole time of his long imprisonment. Having arrived at the scaffold, and taking advantage of a short interval of silence, he declared to the people that if he were put to death it would not be for any crime, but for having confessed vrith purity and boldness the doctrine of his Divine Master and Saviour Jesus Christ. " As to those," he went on to say, " who hold the pope to be God upon earth and vicar of Jesus Christ, they are strangely mistaken, seeing that in everything, and everywhere, he shows himself to be a mortal enemy of His doctrine and true service, and of pure religion, and by his actions that he is manifestly the real antichrist." He could say no more. The inquisitors gave the signal to the executioner, who, raising Mm from the ground, put an end to his life by strangulation. His body was tMoAvn on the funeral pile and soon reduced to ashes. " The pope," says a historian, " must have wished himself elsewhere, or that Pascal had been dumb, or the people deaf; for he said many things against the pope, according to the word of God, which displeased him exceedingly. Thus this man died, calling on God with so ardent a zeal that he deeply moved the assistants at his execution, and made tjie pope and his cai^dinals gnash their teeth."* * Crespin, Hist, des Martyrs, fol. 520.— Perrin, Hist, des Vaudois, et des Albigeois, p. 207. 210 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. _ The Yaudois churches of Apulia and some other pro- vinces of Naples, not having displayed any extraordinary zeal, escaped the suspicious notice of Borne. Those of their members who had real piety, were not slow in dis- posing of their property and taking refuge in a safe place. All the rest bent their heads before the storm and aban- doned the profession of the gospel. At the present day, we should seek in vain, in these countries, for vestiges of the once flourishing Yaudois colonies. "^^ CHAPTER XXI. THE BENEFITS OF THE PEACE ATTENDED WITH GEEAT EVILS. The peace signed at Cavor on the 5th of June, 1561, by Philip of Savoy, and the deputies of the valleys, had dis- sipated many fears, and restored tranquillity to a desolated country. The hearts of mothers no longer failed them at the very name of soldiers, and the prospect of hateful and agonizing scenes no longer drew their restless and stealthy glances to their offspring. The aged people were once more led, ^dth slow and feeble steps, from their hiding- places in the mountains. The joy of returning to the places where they had passed their infancy under the vines on the hill-side, or the shade of the chesnut-trees, brought smiles on their faces again. Sons and fathers hung- up their weapons, and their warlike hands once more took the spade and sickle for their peaceful occupations. But the signing of the treaty, though it had allayed many fears, had not healed all their wounds; some were too deep. The distress most generally felt, was increasing want. Seven months of unsparing warfare on the part of the papists had impoverished every family. Y^hole villages and countless hamlets had been consumed by the flames, and were only a heap of ruins. They had to be rebuilt, * For the whole of this chapter consult Botta, Storia d'ltaha, t. ii., p. 430, and foUoAving : — Gilles, Hist. Eccles., ch. xxix. — Leger, Histoire G^n^rale, pt. ii., p. 333.— Perrin, Histoire des Vaudois, p. 199.— Revne Suisse, t. ii.— Crespin, fol. 515, etc. mfJUST OEDEE. 211 but everytliing "was wanting. The provisions of the pre- cedino; year had come to an end. The time for sowing corn was past. The harvest approached, but there was hardly anything to reap, for only the heights had been cultivated and the best lands had been left tallow. To this destitution was added the difficulty of pro^-iding for the maintenance and establishment of the Calabrian fugitives, who came to the valleys stript of everything. In this state of things, and by the ad^-ice of the church of Geneva, the churches of the valleys had recourse to the chmty of their brethren in Switzerland and Germany. John CaMn exerted himself for them ^vith great zeal. Their deputies were everywhere received with interest, and had the consolation of collecting sums adequate to relieve their most pressing necessities. The elector palatine made the largest donation. ^N^ext to him may be mentioned the duke of AYurtemburg, the marquis of Baden, the evan- gelical cantons, with Berne at their head, the church of Strasburg, and a great number of others, among which the churches of Provence may be specially noticed. France would have sent much more, if the collections made in dif- ferent places had not been checked by internal troubles. In addition to the daily trials caused by theii' actual indigence, they had to endure various annoyances from the priests and monks. They provoked the pastors to disputes on religion. An exchange of letters took place, and be- came a pretext for violent measures. The Vaudois were accused of fomenting discord, and the civil authorities, deceived by false reports, published on the 6th of May, 1563, a mandate prohibiting the Catholics from holding any relation or intercourse with the heretics. But as this vexatious measure occasioned inconvenience to the pa- pists — as much to the monks themselves as to the poor Yaudois — the gentry of the country and neighbom-hood ap- pealed to the duke and procured a modification of the de- cree.^*' On the market-day, July 9th, it was annoiuiced at Lucema that his highness did not mean that commercial deaKngs should cease between the professors of the two reli- gions, "but only that they should abstain fi'om controversy. * In fact, bvthis measure, the markets of many small towns on the frontiers, and even in Pinerolo, found themselves deprived of a proper supply of pro- visions, etc. 212 HISTORY OF THE YATIDOIS CHmCH. The enemies of the Yaudois were not willing to consider themselves defeated. Pretending that the treaty of peace had not been exactly observed in all points by the people of the valleys, they endeavoured to foment intrigues against them at court, and to impose upon the duke by false reports. On the faith of their calumnious representations, the go\'ernment thought of restricting the liberties of the Yaudois by severe measures, and, for the execution of its designs, chose Sebastian Gratiol, of Castrocaro, a Tuscan by birth, a man worthy of such a charge. He had served against the Yaudois as colonel of the militia in the last persecution, under the count de la Trinite. Having been taken prisoner in one encounter, he had been honourably treated and released out of respect to the duchess, to whose retinue he pretended to belong. Being deeply mortified at finding himself in the hands of these rustic mountaineers, and at owing his liberty to their generosity, he thought himself fitted to act the part of an oppressor, and succeeded in getting himself appointed, first of all, commissioner of the duke in the vallej^s, and soon after governor of the same. Two contrary influences contributed to his eleva- tion : the support of the archbishop of Turin, to whom he had promised to do everj^thing for the conversion of the Yaudois to popery, and the recommendation of the pious princess, the protectress of the valleys, to whom he managed to recommend himself, and whose vigilance he deceived by false rej)resentations. The first words of Castrocaro on his arrival in the valley of Lucerna, in the spring of 1565, were threatening. The duke, he said, retracted the concessions which he had made in the treaty of peace. But the churches having appealed to his highness, the commissioner modified his language, and only insisted on the immediate signature of an engage- ment, drawn up by himself, which tended considerably to restrict the liberties of the churches and of private persons. In case of refusal, the cavalry were immediately to enter the valleys and renew the war. In so critical a position, the churches conducted them- selves with wisdom, combining prudence with firmness in their answers, and a respectful tone with sound arguments. The latter, however, would, according to all appearance, have had little weight, if the excellent j^rincess, whom God PRINCES OF THE TALATIXATE AXD SAXONY. 213 had placed near the duke as their safeguard, had not again interceded in their favour. Yet the answer in which she acquaints the churches with the success of her intervention, and the abandonment of the demands which had so greatly disquieted them, indicates too great confidence in the craftv individual who was imposed on the valleys as governor. Castrocaro being established with a strong garrison in the castle of La Torre, in the valley of Lucerna, only kept too well the promises he had made to the archbishop. He ordered the pastor of San Giovanni to refuse the holy sup- per to many who came from lower Piedmont and apjDlied for it. He requii^d the chiu'ch at Bobbio to dismiss their pastor, on the pretext that he was a foreigner. Then, on the refusal of its noble-hearted members, he pronounced their sequestration, and forbade every person under his juris- diction from having the least connexion or intercourse with them. He imprisoned, fined, or ill-treated in some other way, all who did not comply with the slightest intimation of his wishes. He vexed the pastors : one of the most respectable, Gilles, on his return from Geneva through Dauphine, was arrested as a conspirator by the soldiers of the governor, thrown into a dungeon, loaded with irons, and then conducted to Turin by the archers and a detach- ment of cavahy. Intolerance and religious oppression were felt not only in the valleys of Lucerna, Angrogna, and San Martino, (the greater part of the valley of Perosa on the left side was then subject to France,) but in all the towns of Piedmont where the reformed were to be found. An edict, published the 10th of June, 1565, enjoined them to attend mass, or to leave the dominions of his highness within two months. '' The duke no longer wishes to allow two religions in his coimtiy," was the chancellor's answer to some reformed members of the noble family of Solari. In fact, a great number of them had to choose between exile and a prison. The hearing and sight of so many grievances, and espe- cially the dread of still greater, dictated an extreme measure to some of the Yaudois and their friends ; they implored the intercession of the Protestant princes of Germany, and especially of the electors of the Palatinate and Saxony, with the duke. These generous defenders of the faith sent as an ambassador for this pui'pose, to his highness of Savoy, 214 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. John Junius, councillor of state of the elector Palatine, and a man of piety, and experienced in business. He arrived at Turin in Eebruary, 1566. A strange proceeding, and con- trary to the law of nations, soon taught him the zeal, or rather madness, which operated against those who were not papists. Barheri, the fiscal general, no sooner heard that the secretarj^ of the embassy, David Chaillet, was a minister of the gospel, than he proceeded to put him under arrest in his hotel. It is right to say that the councillor .Junius, having immediately complained of this gross infraction of the law of nations, and demanding reparation for the insult committed against his prince in the person of one of the members of his embassy, obtained his immediate libera- tion, and the arrest of Barberi. But this unheard-of act served as the basis and argument of the remonstrances which the delegate of the Protestant courts of Germany made on the part of his masters to the court of Savoy, on the subject of the persecutions against the Yaudois and the reformed in general. The government of Turin was not pleased with these officious interventions. JN^evertheless, the duke promised some relaxation in the measui-es taken against the reformed in Piedmont, and throughout his do- minions in general. He also assured the ambassador, that the conditions of the treaty of peace, made -with the inha- bitants of the valleys, should be strictly observed. The im- mediate result was the liberation of some prisoners — of the respectable minister Gilles in particular — to the great joy of the members of his church, his colleagues, and all the people. How little dependence could be placed on the promises of the court of Turin to the Protestant ambassador appeared soon after his departure. He had scarcely cleared the fron- tier, when Castrocaro issued two ordinances in the valley of Lucerna, one of which enjoined on every inhabitant, or native of any place not under his government, to leave the country on the morrow, rmder pain of death and the con- fiscation of his property. The other ordinance prohibited the reformed of Lucerna, Bibbiana, Campiglione and Penile, from coming to the preaching at San Giovanni, under the same penalties. The castle of La Torre was soon crowded with prisoners, who could never deem it their duty to obey such orders. A deputation to the court and the interces- sion of the good duchess once more diverted the storm. PRINCES OF THE TALATIXATE AND SAXOXY. 215 The dungeons were opened, the accused returned in peace to their habitations, and the ordinances fell into oblivion.* Castrocaro would not suffer himself to be stopped by the obstacles opposed to his zeal in high quarters. He did not the less pursue the course of his oppressive attempts, con- formably to his secret engagements. He had already en- deavoured, but, thanks to the intervention of the duchess, without success, to restrain a custom established from time immemorial, that of synodical meetings of the pastors and deputies of the parishes of all the Yaudois churches, both those of the Piedmontese valleys, and those of Dauphine and other places.! l^ot being able to prevent the sjmods, he attempted to alter theii' character, and to cramp the liberty of the members, as well as the discussions and votes, by being there in person. His presence in the sjmod of Bobbio was protested against, but in vain ; Castrocaro remained in the assembly. The persecution was also renewed against the reformed in lower Piedmont, Barcelonetta, and other places. It be- came, indeed, so violent, that a great number of these poor people took refuge for a time at Yars, Guillestre, Fraissi- niere, and the other valleys of the Upper Dauphine. The news of these proceedings, so little in conformity with the promises made to councillor Junius, was brought to the princes who had sent him as ambassador to Turin, and excited their sti'ong displeasure. The elector Palatine complained to the duke of Savoy. The historian Gilles has preserved the remarkable letter which that prince wrote on this occasion ; it is as remarkable for the elevation of its views, as for the nobleness and piu-ity of its sentiments. It is a glowing defence of liberty of conscience; an eloquent pleading in favour of toleration ; and, at the same time, an act of homage to the Chi'istian faith, an appeal to the con- science and justice of the duke, and a serious warning of the judgment to come. '' Let your highness," it is there * Under Castrocaro's administration the fortress of Mirebouc was erected, at the bottora of the valley of Lucema, in the commune of Bobbio, on the frontiers of France, at the foot of the Col de la Croix. t The marquisate of Saluzzo, for example.— A general Vaudois s.\Tiod, hke those to which we have aUuded, was held at the end of May, 1567, at V illaret, in the vale of Clusone or Pra' It does not appear that the regent felt much indebted to the Yaudois valleys for theii' fidelity, or that she so much as noticed it. For scarcely was she again in possession of power than her government began to treat them with rigour. Perhaps it was found easier to revive the tradi- tionaiy method of persecution than to enter on the untrod- den path of justice and truth. There are, moreover, persons to whom gratitude is not considered as due, and who are treated harshly just because their oppressors are unwilling to acknowledge their obligations to them. The temple of San Giovanni, which had been re-opened, was again closed. A commissioner was sent to drive away to the left bank of the Pelice all the Yaudois who were settled on the right bank, at the opening of the valley, at Lucema, Bibbiana, and Penile, and to make those who were established at Bricherascof return within the limits. One of the pastors, Antoine Leger, uncle of the liistorian, who had taken the most active part in the measiu-es of defence in favour of the regency of the duchess against the princes of Savoy, was cited to appear before the tribunal at Turin. Being warned in time that his life was aimed at, he did not go there ; and notwithstanding the efforts made on his behalf by the churches and many persons of distinc- tion who esteemed him, he was sentenced to death for con- tumacy, and his property confiscated. A victim of his fide- lity, he left his coimtry for ever and betook himself to Geneva, the city of Protestant refugees, where he was appointed pastor and professor of theology and the oriental languages. I It may be noticed, in passing, that the adver- saries of the Yaudois made it a part of their system to get rid of every man of eminence who appeared in the valleys. By this sentence of death pronounced against the most dis- tinguished person that the Yaudois churches possessed, they were deprived of an able, prudent, and pious coimseUor at the very juncture when he was most needed. The times, * Leger, pt. ii., pp. 69, 70.— Gilles, whom we have preferred to follow hitherto, closes his history in the year 1643. For the fi;tru-e we follow Leger. t At this time"^ there were forty-seven Vaudois families at Lucema and its neighV)Oiu'hood ; thu-ty-five at Bibbiana ; thirty-thi-ee at Femle ; and nine at Biicherasco. (See Memoire de Rorenco, Storia di Pinerolo, t. iii., p. 201.) t Leger had been tutor in the fanuly of the ambassador of HoUand, at Con- stanttaople, for many years. 252 HISTOUT OF THE VATJDOIS CHUECH. in fact, were more serious than ever, for a board specially charged with taking cognisance of heresy had jnst been formed at Turin by the regent. Cardinal Maurice of Savoy"^ . was the president, and the archbishop of Tuiin vice-presi- dent. It was, no doubt, by desire of this board, ordinarily called by the simple designation of 11 Congresso, (The Con- gress,) that the duchess published, in 1644, the regulations respecting the honours due to the crucifix, the keeping of holidays, the burials of the Yaudois, etc. ; and she delegated, in 1646, the prior Eorenco, to re-establish in the valley of Lucerna, the ruined churches, (popish churches which had never existed but in the imagination of the friends Rome.) The board underwent a transformation some time after the jubilee of 1650, when the Council for the Propagation of the Faith and the Extirpation of Heretics, sitting at Rome, decided on the formation of auxiliary councils of the same name in the metropolitan cities, in some of which the par- liaments also held their sittings. These secondary councils, under the immediate direction of that at Rome, directed in their turn the inferior boards, and all the numerous agents distributed through the dif- ferent places of their district. This organization left no- thing to be desired in reference to its completeness, the unity of spirit which presided in it, the promptitude and secresy of its acts, as well as the activity and fanatical zeal of its members. The pope was well served, and the machine of destruction was as well constructed as it was sharp and well furnished. To combine the most numerous and efficacious modes of action, the provincial councils were advised to organize committees of females, whose special business would be to collect the large funds that would be required to purchase the conversion of certain heretics, and to cover the expenses of the agents. They were also, by means of their spies, who were most frequently female- servants, sick-nurses, and persons in attendance, to pene- trate into the households of heretics, in order to make use of the slightest tendency to disunion, to induce the discon- tented to abjure. The Council for the Propagation of the Faith and the Extirpation of Heretics, had its seat at Turin, under the * We may infer that the cardinal had withdrawn from the regency, by im- posing conditaons on Christina. COUNCIL FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE FAITH, ETC. 253 presidency of the archbishop, and in his palace. But the most active and influential member of this assembly was a layman, — a lord of the court, the marquis Pianezza, one of the most crafty and cruel of men. His wife presided at the female committee, and impressed upon it an activity equal to that of her husband. No sooner was it constituted, than the new council set itself vigorously to work. Severe orders, or to speak more truly, unjust and cruel orders were drawn up and sub- mitted to Charles Emmanuel ii., for signature. This inex- perienced prince, — only sixteen years old, but declared of age two years before, in 1648, — was under the direct in- fluence of his mother, who approved of these opjDressive measures. A compliant magistrate, .the auditor Andrea Gastaldo, was chosen, and sent to the valleys to put them into execution. According to his instiiictions, which have been preserved, he was to drive back to the moun- tains the whole Yaudois population, not only on the right bank of the Felice, where they formed the minority, but also in the large commune of San Giovanni, where they constituted almost the whole, and in the town of La Torre, where they were the majority. He was to confiscate all the lands and houses in these places which their Yaudois possessors had not disposed of to the papists within fifteen days, unless they became papists themselves ; in that case their goods would be restored to them. Every Yaudois who bore fire-arms was to be treated as a criminal. The communes of Angrogna, Yillaro, Bobbio, Eora, etc., were to fui'nish, within the term of three days, a house where the missionary fathers might lodge and celebrate mass. Einally, the communes were to be prohibited from granting a dwelling to any foreign heretic, imder pain of a fine on the commune of two thousand gold crowns, and of death and confiscation of his property, to the foreigner. By this last measure they hoped to deprive the valleys of pastors, for the future at least. These orders bore the date of ]May 15, 1650, and the signature of the duke Charles Emmanuel.* The auditor Gastaldo began to fulfil his commission with brutality, granting in his manifesto only three days to the Yaudois in the denounced localities, to choose between ♦ Storia di Pinerolo, etc., t. iii., pp. 212—216. 254 HISTORY OF THE YATJDOIS CHTJECH. deatli and dispossession, or abjui'ation.* This part of the decree was, nevertheless, not carried into effect at that time ; for which delay we can suppose no other reason than the difficulty of accomplishing this barbarous work; the means of coercion not being yet sufficiently prepared, and also the preference that was given to the establishment of the monks and of the popish worship in all the communes. The other part of the orders of the board was fully and promptly executed, to the great sorrow of all the faithful. Eora, Angrogna, Yillaro, and Bobbio saw the zealous satel- lites of the pope established in the heart of their popula- tion, and the office of the mass, so hateful to the Yaudois, acquire a firm footing there. Henceforward, on this soil, sanctified from time immemorial by the word of truth, by the pure preaching of the gospel of Jesus Christ, error would have its ritual and idolatry its altars : the true worshippers of God would see walking in their midst the priests of images and saints, the suppliants of Mary : they must be doomed to hear that incense is agreeable to God, and that Latin litanies and chants are the prayers and songs that he delights in. Those whom the splendour of a pompous and outward ritual could not seduce, were to be allured by the promise of the pardon of their sins after confession, or won over by money, flatteries, and worldly honours; and those who were not carried away by the example of their brethren, threats, fines, prisons, torture, and the sword would reduce to silence. In a few months, at least in a few years, the victory of the pope would be complete, f Such were the hopes of the Council for the Propagation of the Faith and the Extirpation of Heretics. But it was soon seen that all the means of persuasion, seduction, and inti- midation, had no effect on men so enlightened and conscien- tious as were the leaders of the chiuThes, or on the main body of the Yaudois, whom their traditions of fidelity to the gospel, and sound religious instruction, had fortified gene- rally against apostasy. The Council not succeeding in the Propagation of the Faith, the first purpose and object of its labours, decided on attempting the second, the Extirpation of Heretics. Nothing was wanting but to seize a favourable * L^ger, pt. ii., p. 73. t Rome always cherishes such hopes. STROKES READY TO FALL DISCOTERED IN TIME. 255 opportunity, or to make one, if it did not offer itself. In the space of some years, the council created several, of Trhich we shall give an account, but which did not produce all the results desired, until the day when these men, panting for blood, found at last the means of quenching their burn- ing thirst in the streams which they caused to flow. The first farom^able occasion which the coimcil thought they had found for the extirpation of the Yaudois had been contriyed at Yillaro, by a creatui^e of the marquis of Pianezza, named Michel Berti'am Yilleneuve. This man had been saved by this lord from prison, fi^om which his father, who had been accused, like himself, of coining base money, had escaped only by poisoning himself. Being settled at Yillaro, and pretending a lively indignation at the introduction of the monks and their officers into that town, he excited the people to violence in an imderhand manner, constantly repeating that such a nest of vipers as these fathers should not be allowed in a place where no one could recollect having seen a papist reside, much less their missionaries. He played his part so well that the pastor's wife and two persons of respectability in the place, named Joseph and Daniel Pelenc, ardent young men, adopted these views, and at last induced the pastor, named Manget, to coincide with them ; who, nevertheless, was not disposed to act excepting so far as the churches of the valley might give their consent. "With this view, he requested the moderator, or ecclesias- tical president of the managing committee of the Yaudois churches, to assemble the deputies of the communes and the pastors, for an important object. The assembly was held at Bouisses, in the commime of La Ton-e, March 28, 1653. They heard T\dth surprise Manget's proposition, to diive away the monks from Yillaro, those insolent strangers, whose convent, a focus of intrigues, and unjustly esta- blished, might, if it met with no opposition, become a fire as dangerous to the Yaudois church as it was hostile to it. But, though experiencing much annoyance from the pre- sence and attempts of the monks, the assembly did not relish his proposal, nor the expedient by which he wished to ren- der this attempt less culpable, which consisted in commit- ting it to the women. Jean Leger, pastor of San Giovanni, who became known at a later period, by his history of the Yaudois churches, showed himself worthy of the confidence 256 HISTORY OF THE VAT7D0IS CHUECH. wliich the people placed in him by calling him, though still young, (he was only thirty-eight,) to the difficult and im- portant post of moderator. Leger, as a faithful subject, demonstrated the injustice of the proposed measure, by citing the 19th article of the treaty of 1561, which re- served to the prince the liberty of having mass celebrated in places where there was preaching, without at all obliging the Yaudois to be present at it. ISTevertheless, the imprudent Manget, carried away by a bitter zeal, and blind to the consequences of a criminal enterprise, agreed to the expulsion of the monks, whom his friends, misguided like himself, terrified that same evening ; and his wife so far forgot herself as to carry to the infuri- ated men the matches for setting fire to the bundles of hemp that were heaped together on purpose, which soon spread the fire and consumed the convent. The unfortunate pastor of Yillaro had allowed his impru- dence and bad faith to go so far as to make his headstrong friends believe that the assembly of Bouisses had approved and ordered the expulsion of the monks and the burning of their residence. This report spread from place to 4)lace, with the news of the event of which it was the commentary. In this way it reached the ears of the formidable marquis Pianezza, and his associates of the Council for the Propaga- tion of the Paith and the Extirpation of Heretics. They appeared as much irritated as they must secretly have been gratified. They had at last an opportunity ; here was not only a pretext, but a reason, a motive as plausible as just, for inflicting punishment. The pimishment ought to be proportioned to the offence. Utter ruin would not be too great a chastisement for incorrigible men who, after having resisted the appeals of the Romish church, had outraged her ministers, profaned her mysteries, and burned her holy places; and, in fact, the duchess gave instant orders to assemble all the troops of the State, and forthwith despatched colonel Tedesco, an enterprising and courageous officer, at the head of five or six thousand troops, (both horse and foot,) to surprise the populous town of Yillaro and reduce it to ashes. On his part, the young and prudent moderator had no sooner heard the reports which attributed to the conference at Bouisses the order to burn the convent and expel the STEOKES KEADT TO FALL DISCOVEEED IN TIME. 257 monks, than he went, accompanied by the principal persons of his church, and of those in the neighbourhood, to the magistrate of the valley who resided at Lucerna, and there protested his innocence, and that of his colleagues and the entire conference, and even of the majority of the inha- bitants of Yillaro ; the deplorable acts of expulsion and incendiarism having been committed both by the will and act of only a small number of offenders. Leger and the deputies, his colleagues, offered, in the name of their chiu'ches, to render every assistance in bringing the crimi- nal parties to punishment. They begged, in return, that favour might be shown to the innocent. These declarations, di'awn up as an authentic act, were taken at the same time to Tiu-in by one of the lords of Lucema. jSTevertheless, on the 26th of April, while the men of the valley were, according to custom, at the market of Lucema, the count Tedesco hastened to attack Yillaro, at the head of two hundred horsemen, well moimted, followed verj'- closely by the rest of his troops. Such was his expedition, that he passed through Fenile, Bibbiana, San Giovanni, and La Torre, and found himself at the gates of Yillaro .^^'ithout having met the slightest resistance. The devoted town would have been lost beyond recovery, if God, in his mercy, had not caused torrents of rain to fall ; which so completely soaked the equipments of the cavahy that hardly a single musket was in a state to answer the well- sustained &e of a little troop of about twenty-five men, vrho, forming just in time at the entrance of the town, dared to make resistance.^' The rain continuing to fall, the day di'a^\dng to a close, and the alaiTQ being given thi^ough all the valley, the count found himself obliged to sound a retreat, and returned the same evening to Lucema, without having been assailed or interrupted on his march. The next day all the Yaudois of the valley were under arms. The most ominous reports came from Piedmont. It was said that different bodies of soldiers were on their march, who meant to make a temble example of the inha- bitants. The leading men of the communes and the pastors assembled in haste. The deputies of the lower places, * But it must be observed, that the position was very favourable for making a defence ; the approach was practicable only by a narrow road, bounded by steep declivities, and presenting an exposed bend. 258 HISTORY OF THE VATJDOIS CHTJECH. particularly those of San Giovanni, were for submission, because their property and families were already in the power of the army ; but prayer having restored calmness to the assembly, and the news received from various places and friends, as well as the exhortations of Leger and others having shown the certainty of a massacre, they united in the same determination to defend themselves even to death. This resolution astonished the count Tedesco. He clearly saw that his progress in the valley would be marked by streams of blood. The road which he must take was in every part commanded by the mountain heights. To manoeuvre slowly formed no part of his plan. He had not made the necessary preparations for a slow or complicated expedition : he consented, therefore, to a cessation of hostilities. It was agreed that the communes should sign a declaration similar to that which some of their leaders had laid before his highness ; that they should protest their innocence in reference to the expulsion of the monks and the burning of the convent; that they should supplicate their sovereign to confine himself to punishing the authors of the outrage ; that, finally, they should ask pardon for having taken arms to defend themselves, since they could not believe that it was the will of their sovereign that they should be exterminated. Count Christophe, of Lucerna, who had consented to carry the act of submission of the Yaudois communes to Turin, brought back the promise of a general amnesty and the confirmation of their grants, on condition of the actual surrender of the minister Manget and his wife, as well as the re-establishment of the missionary fathers in a house to be provided by the commune of Yillaro. A depu- tation also was required to appear at court, to request pardon for having taken arms. These conditions having been fulfilled,^* the count Tedesco retired with his army ; and on their departure the dread of the most heart-rending scenes was also withdrawn for a few months. * One of these conditions, that which obUged the commune of VUlaro to provide a house for the monks, being contrary to tlie letter of former treaties, which stipulate that the communes should be at no exj^ense on account of the Romish worship, the difficulty was got over in the following manner : The cotmt Tedesco took by force, in the name of her liighness, a house belonging to Jacques Ghiot, and placed the reverend fathers" in it. The mdi\idual, no doubt, received compensation from the commune. L^ger, pt. ii., p. 78. STEOKES HEADY TO FALL DISCOVEEED IX TIME. 259 Eut the valley of Liicema did not long enjoy an undis- turbed tranquillity. At the beginning of 1654, it was suddenly menaced with all the hoiTors of war by the artful contrivances, it cannot be doubted, of the princess who held the reins of government, though her son had akeady been declared of age. The duchess had consented, for a con- siderable sum of money, to receive into winter quarters in her domains the aimy of Trance in Italy, commanded by marshal De Grance. She assigned the Yaudois valleys and a few of the neighbouring communes for it. Two regiments were at first distributed in the valley of Lucerna, already biu'dened by the constant presence of the Savoy squadron, who were billeted upon individuals, and in part maintained by them, both men and horses. This pressure on their means, although great, would have been borne with patience, out of submission to the "svill of the prince, but on all sides it was whispered that it was against the inten- tions of the duchess that the French ti'oops of Grance were establishing themselves in the country; that the duchess esteemed the valleys too highly to believe that they would admit foreign troops among them without her precise orders and sign-manual ; that to receive them would be to expose themselves to be treated as rebels and traitors after their departure. These disquieting rumours were spread by the monks and popish lords, who professed to be well informed as to the state of things. Their object was gained; the people of the valley took up arms to drive back the French. To appease them the prefect, Ressan, wrote to the overseers that the marshal had the approbation of her highness ; but his secretary immediately came and informed them that this letter had been forced from him, and did not express the truth. The communes of La Toitc, Bobbio, and Yillaro, not being yet occupied, persisted in their refusal. The prefect pretended to be iiTitated by the contempt shown to his letter, and encouraged the marshal, a hot-headed man, to collect his army, in order to biing the dogs {les harhcts)"^ * An epithet of contempt, synonymous with ehien, (dog,) which the Pied- montese papists give to the Vaudois. Perhaps originally it was derived from the title barbe, given by the Vaudois to their pastors before the Reformation, and aftei-wards to old men in general. In the latter case it is synonj-mous with oncle, (imcle.) The papists generahzed the title, and apphed it to all the Vaudois, after having shghtly altered it, to make it richculous. However, the word barle, (signifying sir, or uncle,) is also in use among the Carhohcs of Piedmont. 260 HISTOET OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. to their senses. No sooner said than done. On the 2nd of February, Grance appeared before La Torre with all. his troops. The men of the valley hastened to stop his passage, — a dangerous attempt in the plain, since they were destitute of artillery and cavalry, with which the enemy was provided. The firing was just about to open, when a French reformed captain, named de Corcelles, catching sight of the moderator, Jean" Leger, rode up to him. Leger, laying hold of his horse's tail, crossed over mth him to the army standing in battle array, and threw himself at the feet of the marshal, just as he had finished giving his last orders, and explained to him, in a rapid manner, the scruples of his fellow-citizens. " Obtain," he said, " only a single line from her royal highness to testify that she consents to the quartering of these troops, and then the valleys are at your discretion. They will be patient even if you march over their bodies, provided they do not incur the anger of their prince." These words perfectly describe the complete submission of the Yaudois to their sovereign in all matters not affecting their religious faith. The marshal, says Leger, cursed the pestilent fellows that fomented such troubles, and consented to suspend his operations till the return of a courier, who was despatched immediately to Turin, and brought back in the morning a letter from the duchess to the valleys, authorizing the cantonment of the French troops. The valley of Lucerna had not less than four regiments quartered upon it, of which one alone counted about three thousand men. The intention of destroying the Yaudois was thus de- feated a second time ;^ but it could not always be so, as we shall be convinced to our astonishment and poignant sorrow. Let us first call to mind a conspicuous fact in the whole history of the Yaudois; I mean, their fidelity to their sovereign, and their entire and prompt obedience to his orders, as Avell as to his laws, in everything that did not affect their duties to God, according to the holy gospel of * In the follo^ralg year, after the massacres, L(5ger, conversing with marshal Granc^ at Paris, heard him express himself tlnis : — •' Reverend sir, I now know very well, and I discovered'^t before, that they wished to make use of me to cut all your tln-oats, and then to cut off my own head, when the duchess told me to lodge my troops ui the valleys ; and yet they were threatened -svith the total loss of her favour if they received them, as you yourself informed me, in good time, before the town of La Torre." See L^ger, pt. ii., p. 81, MACHIXATIOXS OF EOME. 261 Jesus Clirist. Of this they gave proof on many occasions ; and again in the instance of defending the regency against the princes in coalition with the Spaniards ; and lastly, in risking their being massacred by the army of Grance, rather than submit themselves to a stranger, contrary to the pleasure of their sovereign. Let us also notice that the young duke confirmed their former pri^T-leges, in 1653, by three decrees, and by a fourth in the month of May, in 1654, to the same effect. It is true that the subordinate agents raised one obstacle after another to the confi.rmation of these decrees, opposing new difficulties of a formal kind as soon as the preceding were removed, so as to prevent the registration of the documents. i^evertheless history has established the fact, that down to the period at which we are arrived, excepting the mis- demeanor committed at Yillaro by some imprudent indi- viduals, and which could not without injustice be attri- buted to the general body, the conduct of the Yaudois towards the authority of their prince was free from all reproach, and even exemplary. It was not, then, for political reasons, as the ministers of the sovereign at a later period pretended, that the edge of the sword at last fell on so many victims. The fact, moreover, of the existence at Turin, from the year 1650, of a Council for the Propagation of the Faith and the Extirpation of Heretics, is attested by the very wording of a proclamation of Gastaldo, dated Lucerna, the 31st of May, 1650, and pm^iorting that only those persons would be exempt fi^om pimishment who could prove that they had become CathoHcs before the above-named council, established at Turin by his royal highness. This fact of itself suffices to explain everytliing ; and when it is attempted to heap accusations, more or less plausible, on the Yaudois, shows with so much greater force, in the absence of political pretexts, that the terrible persecutions that ensued were the result of the machina- tions of Rome. And who can be surprised ? Those who know its history, or who have seen the operations of this corrupt church, know that one of the proofs of the ciu'se it has received from the Lord is, that it is constrained by its own principles, and forced by the spirit that aniniates its most faithful agents, to persecute to the utmost, as irrecon- 262 HISTOEY OF THE VATJDOIS CHURCH. cileable enemies, worthy of the severest punishments, the most faithful confessors of the name of Jesus Christ, the most zealous friends of his word, the holiest men, and the purest churches. Eut we check ourselves. Let us leave the judgment of this church to the Lord, for to him alone belongeth vengeance CHAPTEE XXIII. CRUELTIES COMMITTED BY THE PAPISTS IN THE VALLEYS. The storm was followed by a calm. Events, it appeared, had not favoured the design of extirpating the heretics ; and the Vaudois, reposing in their valleys, already indulged the hope of better days, and hastened to request the regis- tration by the senate of the four decrees by which, in 1653 and 1654, the duke had confirmed their privileges. But how far were they from perceiving the real state of things, and susjiecting the dreadful catastrophe that awaited them ! Eor while, under various pretences, their requests were set- aside, or the consideration of them deferred, the agents of Eome at the court of Turin, in conjunction with the chief members of the government, were secretly plotting fresh schemes, worthy of the powers of darkness that inspired them. Xo time was lost in forming their plan ; they adopted an old project already sketched, in 1650, in a manifesto of the auditor Gastaldo, intended to restrain the Vaudois within narrower limits, and to oppress them more severely than ever. In consequence of these deliberations, and furnished with new powers, the lawyer Gastaldo, auditor of the exchequer, conservator-general of the holy faith, commissioned to enforce the observance of the orders published against the pretended reformed religion of the valleys of Lucerna, Perosa, and San Martino, and delegated for this special object by his royal higliness, proceeded to Lucerna, and there published, on the 25th of January, 1655, the follow- ing cruel order: — " It is enjoined and commanded on all persons, heads of families, of the pretended reformed reli- gion, of every state and condition without exception, inhabitants and landowners of Lucerna, Lucernetta, San THEm EXPITLSION FEOM THE TLAO OF LrCERN.V. 263 Giovaimi, La Toitg, Bibbiana, Fenile, Campiglione, Bri- cherasco, and San Scconclo/^ to ^itbcbaw from the afore- said places and temtories, and to leave them ^vith all their families, within the space of three days fi'om the pubhca- tion of the present edict, in order to settle within the localities and limits tolerated by his royal highness, accord- ino-to his good pleasure, and which are Bobbio Aillaro, iSo-roo-na, llora, and the district of Bonnets, buch per- ;on1 as° refuse to obey these orders, and are found beyond the aforesaid Hmits, will incur the penalty of death and the confiscation of all theii' property, unless witbm the next twenty days they declare before us (Gastaldo) that they are Catholics, or that they have disposed of theu' property to CathoUcs " The manifesto contains the strange and incre- dible assertion, that neither his highness nor his pre- decessors ever designed to grant the inhabitants of the yaUeys more extensive Hmits than those laid down in the present edict ; that the claim of the Yaudois to more ex- tensive limits was an encroachment; that this encroach- ment constituted a crime, and that those who had committed it were liable to punishment.! -u . „ An order which forcibly expeUed whole famihes by hun- di^eds, in three days, and in the middle of winter, even had it been legal, and been brought about by the bad conduct of the condeinned parties, would stiU have been a cruel order. Imagine the distress of fathers and mothers compeUed at once, without any previous warning, to leave the abode which they had buHt, or received by inheritance from their parents, where they had brought up_ then^ chilcfren stored their c^ops, and were li™g happUy in the fear of the Lord and enioying the light of his countenance. See them now Sng AYhfther ai^e we to go? what is to become of us? must we then quit everything? abandon ox- goods o^ hearths? renounce so many earthly blessings ?-One_v^^ay alone was left them of avoiding such comiolete rmn J5y a cruel refinement of compassion, Gastaldo had pointed it out to them ; it was apostasy. Become a papist, invoke ttie .^ihi and the sainti, prostrate thyself before graven images, were directed against it, as being the most consulera^ history, he can t If the reader recoUect the contents of Chap, viii.oitmb ^^ decide for himself how fai' this charge of encroachment is weU tomiaea. 264 nisTOEY OF xnE yaudois chuece:. attend the mass, adore the host, confess to the priest, oifer him gifts, and thou shalt preserve thy house, thine orchard, thy vines, and fields, — at the cost of thy immortal soul ! If all received strength fi^om above, we might hope, no doubt, that faith in the Saviour, and the expectation of future blessedness would gain in theii' hearts the victory over the love of earthly things. But who would venture to expect such faith and self-renunciation from all, or even fi^om the greater number ? And then, the infirm and aged, and the sick, and the multitude of little chilcben — what will become of them ? how can they be removed ? what course are they to take ? in what villages of their sympathising brethren must a refuge be sought for them, and with them ? Only let the reader imagine himself a witness of the anguish, the embarrassment, the fears and lamentations of the victims devoted to the direst evils by popish cruelty. It is now the most inclement season of the year ; it snows on the moun- tains, while in the valleys the flakes are turned into rain which penetrates through everything. The hour of depar- ture is arrived : the cruel Gastaldo has marked it. Those who delay will have their goods confiscated, and receive themselves the sentence of death. What will be your deci- sion, ye men of peace, who sigh for rest ? Oh victory of faith ! — the love of God has triumphed in their hearts ! . . They depart, carrying as they are able, whatever is most precious to them. Often, instead of articles of absolute necessity, with which they would have loaded a mule, here and there belonging to more wealthy families, they place upon its back the weak old man of eighty, the sick, taken from his bed, or children too young to walk. Ye holy fami- lies, beaten by the storm, frozen by the cold, advancing with confidence, though uncertain what awaits you in the future, we behold you with reverence, we follow you with love ! May the recital of your suiferings transmit to your descendants, in the present day, the glorious example of your faith and your sacrifices ! The pastor of the majority of these victims, the histo- rian, Jean Leger, is at a loss, in his narrative, sufficiently to express his admiration of the goodness of God, w'ho in so great a multitude of persons, allowed not one to do violence to his conscience. '^' All preferred the prospect of * Fifteen hundred at least ; probably two thousand. THE EXILES. 265 misery and sufferings of every kind to tlie peaceable pos- session of their houses and goods at the cost of abjuration. They took for their motto, he exclaims, the words of Holj- Writ in reference to the sacrifice of Isaac ; ** In the mount of the Lord, it shall be seen." The exiles were received with compassion by their bre- thren in the tolerated villages ; they gave them a place by their firesides ; and crowded themselves to lodge them ; the table was spread for all ; they shared with them the dish of parched com or polenta, boiled chesnuts, butter, and milk. To welcome them, the cup of red wine went round from hand to hand, while they listened to their melancholy story. But this was not all. An attempt was made to soften Gastaldo. A humble petition was presented to the duke. Alas! all was useless. The petition was rejected; the de- puties retui'ned in consternation. '' The mass, or exile" — was all the answer they received. IS^o other alternative was left them. But not allo^dng themselves to be baffled, the three valleys persevered in presenting memorials in behalf of their persecuted brethren. They knocked at every door. Their principal letters to the dowager duchess, to the duke, and to the man on whom their fate seemed chiefly to depend, on account of the influence he possessed and the powers he was invested with, we mean, the marquis do Pianezza, have been preserved. They represent, with all possible respect, that, from time immemorial,^' they had dwelt in those plains from which they had just been expelled ; that the treaty of 1561, which had refused to the Yaudois the liberty of preaching in most of the communes in question, had nevertheless recognised their residence in them ; that this latter privilege had been established by very ancient authen- tic acts, and had been constantly guaranteed in later con- cessions, that their expulsion from the places of their birth and the communes of their ancestors could not consequently be effected without violating the most explicit and venerable documents, and infiinging a right hitherto undisputed. But these representations were not listened to. Even ac- cess to the throne of their sovereign was shut against the Yaudois. Gastaldo declared that it was so ; and they were * Leger remarks that the Vaudois inhabited these parts before Piedmont belonged to the house of Savoy. N 266 HISTORY OF THE YAUDOIS CHURCH. soon convinced that this was the case. Neither their peti- tions nor their deputations were admitted. It was required of them that they should petition for favour, and leave the conditions of it entirely to the good pleasure of his highness. This was, in fact, the only means of bringing them to abjure. Yet, whatever was done, this point could not be gained. In all their petitions, and all their promises of submission, they constantly renewed the maintenance of their ancient privileges, and especially that of liberty of conscience. And on these wishes and reservations being rejected, they supplicated their prince to allow them to leave his dominions in peace. These urgent entreaties and conditions irritated the council. Their situation, already very critical, had been aggravated by imprudences, which calumny was quick in taking advantage of. Some of the exiles from Bibbiana and other villages in the plain of Lucerna, having heard that certain Piedmontese robbers were lajdng waste their property and plundering their houses, returned thither to assure themselves of the truth of the report, and to protect their property. Their ancient lords, and especially count Christophe, of Lucerna, pretending sentiments of bene- volence, encouraged them to look after their dwellings, and not entirely to abandon the cultivation of their lands, provided, however, their families kept away. The auditor Gastaldo, it was added, saw no harm in their doing so. This language was like a bait which the angler puts on his hook to entice and catch the voracious fish. The Vaudois of San Giovanni, La Torre, Lucerna, Bibbiana, and other places, too anxious to preserve their unprotected property, did not see that they gave their enemies a handle for accusing them of transgressing their sovereign's edict, which they did not fail to do. Word was sent to the count that they resisted, and persisted in their obstinacy. Their imprudence was even described as outrageous rebellion. A murder committed on the person of the priest of Fenile, one of the communes from which the Yaudois had been expelled, was at once attributed to the revenge of the barbets. The real authors of the assassination were soon j)ui'sued by the relations of the deceased and cast into prison. They were the lord of Fenile, Ressan, prefect of justice of the province, one of the most ardent enemies of the Yaudois, THE EXILES. 267 his secretaiy Dagot, and a celebrated bandit named Bcrru. Nevertheless the hasty nimoiir had akeady filled all Pied- mont \vith the imputation of this crime to the detested barbets, though the real criminals were suspected. The mischief was done ; calumny had gained its end.'^^ The Yaudois were in the judgment of the Piedmontese, not only heretics, enemies of the virgin and the saints, but also rebels against their prince, and assassins. The punishments they deserved from the avenging justice of their sovereign, it was thought, could never be severe enough. At length, the persecutors of the Yaudois had attained their object; the Council for the Propagation of the Faith and the Extirpation of Heretics had won the consent of the duke and his family, as well as the general approbation. The hour was come to strike a great blow, to extii'pate heresy in a day. The marquis of Pianezza, the soul of the council, assembled his troops while he deceived and quieted the deputies from the valleys at Tuiin. All the disposable tix)ops were secretly prepared for the expedition, and to these were added some companies of Bavarians. At the request of Charles Emmanuel, six regi- ments of the French army crossed the Alps, then covered with snow, besides an Irish regiment of papists who had fled before Crom^'ell. It is even said that banditti, a^^pre- hended criminals, and other abandoned wretches were allowed to follow the army with a promise of pardon and plunder if they acquitted themselves well. The marquis of Pianezza continued to the last to amuse the Yaudois deputation, to whom he had long promised an audience, which he put off from one day to another, and at length fixed for April the 17th, 1655. But while they were knocking at his door, at the houi' appointed, and David Branchi of San Giovanni and Francois Manchon of the valley of San Martino, were told that they coiJd not yet speak to his excellency,! the deceiver Pianezza, who had set ofi" at * Berru even dared to assert that he had been hired by the pastors Leger and Michelin, to commit this mm-der. But in the conferences held during the month of August, at Pinerolo, in the presence of the French ambassador and the Swiss deputies, Leger confounded his calumniators by demonstrating his perfect innocence as well as that of his colleague, and by offering to clear up the aflfair at Pinerolo, on the French territory where they should bring Berru himself, whom they had just apprehended in the valleys. But the Piedmon- tese papists declined the offer sajdng it was needless ; that Leger was free from all suspicion, etc., and that Berru ought to be dehvered to the ordmarj- judges. t Thev would, no doubt, have been aorested themselves, shortly after, if a N 2 268 HISTORY or the taudois church. night, was entering the valley of Lucerna at the head of an army which, the next day, counted not less than fifteen thousand men, according to the statement even of the enemy. San Giovanni and La Torre, which had been abandoned by the Vaudois ever since the manifesto of Gastaldo, were taken possession of without any trouble, as were also all their ancient dwellings in the villages of the plain. It is hardly necessary to add that every place was pillaged. The poor exiles and their brethren from Bobbio, Yillaro, and Angrogna, sorrowfully kept themselves in safe places on the heights, whence they could see the troops scattered over the plain and ravaging it. Their sentinels kept watch night and day. The aggressive intentions of the papists were too evident for the Yaudois to hesitate about defending them- selves. The mountaineers resolved to sell their Kves dearly. As early as the 1 9th of April, they were fiercely assailed in many places, at San Giovanni, La Torre, Angrogna, and the hills of Bricherasco, all at the same time. Although Yerj inferior in numbers, they repulsed the regular troops at every point. On the 20th, the attacks were renewed, but with no better success. The marquis of Pianezza thereupon called in stratagem and deceit to his aid. He convened the deputies of the communes of the valley of Lucerna, to meet him at the convent of La Torre on Wednesday the 21st, early in the morning, and pacified and encouraged them. He repre- sented that he was merely in pursuit of those obstinate individuals who had resisted the orders of Gastaldo ; that, as for all the rest, they had nothing to fear, provided, that, as a mark of obedience and fidelity to the prince, they would consent to receive and lodge a regiment of infantry and two companies of horse soldiers, in each of their communities, for two or three days. Some soothing words lessened in the minds of the deputies the painful impression which these proposals at first made. A sumptuous entertainment pro- vided for them with apparent kiadness by the artful vice- president of the Council for the Extirpation of Heresy, succeeded in convincing them of the sincerity and benevo- lence of his intentions. On returning to their communes, lord, a friend of the Vaudois had not whispered to them, " The marquis is gone to the v^eys, be ofl"!"^ THE PIEDMONTESE AEMY IX THE VALLEYS. 269 they inspired their brethren with similar confidence, in spite of the efforts of several clear-sighted men, the pastor Leger in particular. The whole army, accordingly, put itself in motion, on the 22nd of April, to occupy the Yaudois communes. The regiments first took possesion of the large to^Tis of Yillaro and Bobbio, in the plain, as well as of the lower hamlets of Angrogna. At the same time, they seized upon the principal passes, and meeting with no obstacle, penetrated while day- light allowed, as far as the hamlets in the higher valleys. Thus instead of a few regiments and squadrons, the whole army lodged and established itself in the habitations of the credulous Yaudois. Their reliance on the word of other people, and respect for their sovereign, were their ruin. It is sad to think that sentiments so honoui^able should often become a cause of destruction. The eagerness of some of the soldiers to execute the orders that had been secretly given them, apprised the akeady suspicious Yaudois of what they had to fear. One troop hastened to climb the heights above La Torre, in order to penetrate into the quarter of the Pra-di-torre, that natural citadel of Angrogna, so often mentioned in the preceding- persecutions ; on their way up, these madmen set fire to all the houses, and moreover, massacred all the unfortunate beings they could lay hands upon. The spectacle of these flames, the sound of the cries and screams of the victims whom they stabbed or pursued, left no doubt of their inten- tions. The alarm, '' Save himself who can ! the treason is out!" resounded from one extremity of the valley to the other. In the valley of Angrogna, most of the men had time to escape to the mountains and to save a good part of their families, by favour of the darkness. They passed over to the side of the mountain opposite to that on which their hamlets were situated, as far as that part of the valley of Perosa, which belonged to France, and where they felt themselves safe. The sick and aged were obliged to remain ; many women also and their children stayed with them. The soldiers, on the day of their arrival, and the follow- ing, were very pacific. They seemed only intent on pro- viding themselves with refreshments. They lavishly used the provisions stored up by the refugees of San Giovanni, Pibbiana, and other towns in the plain. Tl^y exhorted 270 HISTORY OF THE VATTDOIS CHTJRCH. those who were in their power to recall the fugitives, assur- ing them that they would receive no injury, so that there were some credulous enough to entangle themselves again in the snares from which they had already escaped. The troops conducted themselves in the same manner in the communes of Villaro and Eobbio, and in all the western hamlets they occupied. But, neither the poor inhabitants of these places, nor the persons who had taken refuge among them, had equal facilities with those of Angrogna for escaping. They had but two outlets to make their way to France, the defile of La Croix, and the defile of Giuliano (Julian), which opens upon Prali, whence they might reach Abries, all covered with deep snow; the first, moreover, guarded by the fort of Mirebouc, or Mirabouc, situated half way through the pass, and the other two prodigiously long and difficult, especially in the middle of winter in these Alpine countries. The circumstances not appearing to promise a more fa- vourable opportunity for the duke's troops, and as delay might frustrate their evil project, Saturday, the 24th of April, 1655, was chosen for the execution of the orders of the Council for the Propagation of the Faith and the Extir- pation of Heretics. How shall we rehearse such a tragedy ? It is Cain a second time shedding the blood of his brother Abel. '' The signal having been given on the eminence near La Torre, called Castelus" (this is the account of Leger, an eye-witness of these horrors,) " almost all the innocent crea- tures who were in the power of these cannibals had their throats cut like sheep in a slaughter-house ; what do I say ? they were not put to the sword like conquered enemies to whom no quarter is given ; nor executed by the hands of public executioners, like the most infamous criminals, for massacres of this kind would not have sufficiently signalized the zeal of their general, nor gained credit enough for those who executed his orders. " Children, cruelly torn from their mother's breast, were ' seized by the feet, and dashed and crushed against the rocks or walls, which were often covered with their brains, while their bodies were cast away on the common heaps : or, one soldier seizing one limb of these innocent creatures, and another taking hold of the other, would tear them MASSACRES. 271 asunder, then throw them at each other, or beat their mothers with them, and at hist hurl them into the fields. ** The sick and aged, both men and women, were either burned in their houses, or literally cut in pieces, or tied up, stripped of their clothes, like a ball, with their head between their legs, and thrown over the rocks, or rolled down the sides of the mountains. After violating females, young and old, they forced flints into their bodies, or gunpowder, to which they set fire ; others they impaled, and in this horrible position, placed naked as crosses by the way side. Others were mutilated in various ways, and even portions of their bodies were fried and eaten by these cannibals. ''As for the men, some were cut up while still lining, one member after another, like meat at the shambles. Others were hung up so as to* outrage all decency, or scorched alive, etc,"^'' *' The valleys resounded with such mournful echoes of the lamentable cries of the wi^etched victims, and the shi-ieks wrung from them by their agonies, that you might have imagined the rocks were moved with compassion, while the barbarous perpetrators of these atrocious cruelties remained absolutely insensible. ''It is true that many of these bloody rufiians of Pied- mont, who were without children, on seeing these sweet creatures, beautiful as little angels, instead of kilKng them, carried them to their homes. It is also true that, whether from hopes of obtaining a ransom or other motives, they spared some of the higher classes, both men and women ; many of whom perished miserably in prisons. f " After the general massacre, the soldiers went in pursuit of the fugitives who had not been able to pass the frontier, and were wandering in the woods and mountains, or were languishing destitute of fire and food in remote sheds, or ill caves of the rocks; death in its most dreadful forms piu^sued them. Alas, for those who were discovered and * The details of these atrocities are given in Leger's History, pt. ii., pp. 116 — 139, after having been collected and committed to writing by a notaiy on the testimony of eye-witnesses questioned in all the valleys by L^ger, on the re- turn of peace. i u ■ ♦ t The merciless marquis of Lucema and Angrogna had the barbarity w leave the cori^ses of those who had died in the dungeons in the im^dst of the prisoners. We may imagine what they must have suffered in their health and feelings, expecting every day to die, and forced to breathe, eat, and sleep, during the heat of simimer by the side of dead bodies in a state of putrefaction. — Leger, pt. ii., p. 139. 272 HISTORY OF THE YATJDOIS CHURCH. taken! "When the houses of their victims had been pillaged, the soldiers made it an amusement, or shall we say, considered it a duty, to reduce them to ashes : villages, hamlets, temples, lone houses, barns, stables, "^^ buildings great and small, were all consumed. The beautiful valley of Lucerna, with the exception of Villaro and some buildings reserved for the Irish cut-throats, whom they thought of settling there, all these districts, hitherto resembling the rich soil of Goshen, were now more like the burning brick- kilns of Egyj)t. *' It was then," exclaims Leger, " that the fugitives, who had been snatched like brands out of the fire, could address God in the words of the 79th Psalm. ' O God, the heathen are come into thine inheritance ; Thy holy temple have they defiled ; They have laid Jerusalem on heaps. The dead bodies of thy servants have they given To be meat unto the fowls of the heaven. The flesh of thy saints Unto the beasts of the earth. Their blood have they shed hke water round about Jerusalem ; And there was none to bury them,' etc." " Our tears are no longer of water," wrote the Yaudois fugitives of Pinache to the Swiss evangelical cantons on the twenty- seventh of April ; ** they are of blood ; they do not only obscure our sight, they choke our poor hearts; our hands tremble, and our heads are stunned by the blows we have just received; strangely troubled, moreover, by fresh alarms, and by the attacks made upon us, we are prevented from writing to you as we wish ; but we pray you to excuse us, and to collect, amidst our groans, the meaning of what we would fain utter." f The court of Turin, in a manifesto published in Prench, Latin, and Italian, denied the greater part of the facts above narrated. The Roman Catholic historians have accused Leger of exaggeration in his recitals. We can imagine how a crime, after its commission, excites even in its authors and approvers an involuntary horror. Con- science protests; pride feels the ineffaceable blot on the honour of the guilty parties, and strives to veil it, by denying its reality. But the crime was not of that kind which could be concealed. Hundreds of victims had been * Every property of any considerable size, and remote, had its barn and stable, t See Dieterici die Valdenses. Berlin, 1831, p. 66, MASSACRES. 273 seen lying mutilated, dishonoured, unburicd, in the fields and on the roads ; their names, and the manner of their death, were carefully noted. Why should thousands ot lamilies put themselves in mourning if this account were an exaggeration? Why did the commanding officer of a French regiment, the sieur du Petitbourg, whom the marquis of Pianezza, in his manifesto, calls a man of honoui% worthy of credit, resign his commission after the events in the vaUey of Lucerna, if it were not, as he has declared in an authentic document, that he would not be again present at such disgraceful scenes ? "I have been a witness," he says, " of numerous acts of extreme violence and cruelty exercised by the outlaws of Piedmont and the soldiers on persons of every age, sex, and condition, whom I have seen massacred, dismembered, hung, burned, violated, besides numerous dreadful conflagrations. When they brouo-ht persons to the marquis of Pianezza, I saw him crive "orders to kill them all, because his highness would not have people of that religion in any part of his domimons.' - The eyes of Protestant Europe were, moreover, assured of the reality of these atrocities. The ambassadors of the evano-elical cantons of Switzerland, of the United Provmces of HoUand, and of England, established and declared it. Theii' despatches, the letters of their governments, and their proceedings with the duke of Savoy attest it, as also the fiistory published by sir Samuel Morland, the envoy extraordinary of the Protector, a personage distinguished for his noble quaUties of heart and mind, and who visited the spot soon after the massacres. The only community in all the valley of Lucerna that escaped the vengeance of the army was the smaUest, called Rora, consisting of only twenty-five famihes, situated to the south of YiUaro and La Torre, on the right side of the Pelice, among the mountains, where it fonns a retu'cd glen between two low ridges, which descend to the east ol the maiestic pile of Eriolant. We may penetrate into this hollow by two roads, one which goes up from Lucerna, and the ordinai-v wav, and which winds in places precipitously above the mountain toriTiit, called the Lucerna; the other, which proceeds from the borders of the Pehce, and by the * See the authentic declaration of these horrors given by M. du Petitbour commanding officer of the regiment of Grance, m Leger, pt. u. p. lio. 274 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUKCH. paths going from Bobbio and Yillaro, leads with, difficulty along rapid slopes turned to the north, passes by the foot of steep rocks, and when it reaches the top of the ridge goes down again into the lonely valley of Eora. Although spared at first by the army, this little commune was not forgotten ; for in spite of the reiterated promises of its lord, the count Christophe of Lucerna, in the name of the marquis of Pianezza, on Saturday the 24th of April, the day of the great massacre of the Vaudois, foiu- or five hundred soldiers received orders secretly to climb the path described above, which would bring them by the mountain of Rummer to Rora. They would have taken the district by surprise if, through the Divine mercy, they had not been discovered at a distance by a noble-hearted man, Joshua Janavel, who had left his residence at Les Yignes, near Lucerna, and had retired to Rora with his family. He was keeping watch on the rocks with six men. At the sight of the danger, instead of taking to flight, he advanced and lay in ambush in an advantageous spot. A sudden discharge of all the pieces of this little troop levelled six of their enemies to the ground, and terrified the head of the di-vdsion so much the more, as they could not see the persons who had fired upon it, and consequently could not tell their number. The soldiers, ah'eady prevented from keeping together by the inequalities of the road, were thrown by this occurrence into the utmost disorder. They fell back, rolled one over another, struck by the balls of Janavel and his six companions. They fled, without having the courage to face their pursuers for an instant, leaving, besides the first six, fifty-three or fifty-four others dead, lying on the path or in the precipices. The poor people of Rora, having escaped the danger, betook themselves to their count and the marquis of Pianezza to exculpate themselves, and to complain. To lull them into a false security, they were told that no division of the arm}^ had marched against them ; that those who had attacked them could only be Piedmontese robbers, whom they did well to chastise, and that strict orders would be given that no one should trouble them in future. But as it is a principle of popish morality, not to keep faith with heretics, on the very next day six hundred soldiers, chosen as the best fitted for mountain warfare, took a route HEROIC DEFENCE OF JAXAVEL. 275 somewhat different, by the Cassulet. Thej- did not escape the IjTix-eyed Janavel. This valiant and prudent wamor watched the movements of his perfidious enemy, at the head of twelve herdsmen anned with fusils, pistols, and cutlasses, and six others equipped only Avith slings and flints, which they knew how to use very effectively. Placed betimes, in ambush in flank and fi'ont, at a very advanta- geous spot, they poured on the head of the colimin a shower of balls and stones, of which each one struck down its man. The enemies, terrified by so rude an assault, and not knowing how to get out of the defile, nor how to pursue, amidst thickets and rocks, combatants who were generally invisible, sought safety in flight, leaving, as on the pre- ceding day, from fifty to sixty corpses. It would seem ahnost incredible that the count of Lucema should attempt to represent a second time to his vassals that the attack originated in a mistake, and that the like thing should not happen again. AMiat meanness, joined to such cruelty ! On the ibllo^ing day, from eight to nine himdred men siurounded Rora anew, and set fire to all the houses they could reach. It was to be feared that no one would escape ; but Janavel and his men, seeing the soldiers disband themselves, too eager for plunder and too sure of their victory, attacked them so com'ageously, and, with God's aid, so successfully, in a place called Damasser, that the whole division fell back by Pianpra upon La Toitc and Yillaro, abandoning their booty and the cattle they had taken, which had hampered them, and was a principal cause of their defeat. Imtated by these checks, Pianezza ordered a fourth attack, for which he assembled all his disposable troops, as well as aU the armed men that could be obtained fi'om Bagnolo, Barge, Famolasc, Cavor, and other places; but on the day appointed, the troops fi'om Bagnolo, commanded by the impetuous and cruel Mario, being at the rendezvous before the rest, who stiU delayed theii' coming, Maiio, urged on by his hatred of the barbets, and by the ambition of reaping the glory of the expedition, set out at the head of his band, a troop of Irishmen and some other detach- ments, and reached without opposition the hamlet of Rummer, where the families belonging to Rora had taken refuge. There Janavel' s seventeen comrades again managed 276 HISTORY OF THE VAUBOIS CHURCH. to choose their point of defence so well, that they could not be forced, and after a long and obstinate resistance they saw signs of confusion and discouragement arising in the enemy's ranks. At this decisive moment, it pleased God to sow terror in the hearts of these troops that a few hours before were so proud and confident. They iled, leaving sixty-five dead on the spot. Their dismay was increased by the very effect of their hasty flight; and then, on arriving at a place called Petrocapello, where they hoped to be able to take breath, the unexpected attack of Janavel and his heroes, who had pursued them, completed their rout. Unable to escape with sufficient speed by the narrow road which goes by the Lucema, the wretched men pressed on one another, and fell from rock to rock into its waves. This was the fate of the great Mario himself, who was pulled out of the water only to die at Lucerna in inex- pressible anguish, tormented in his last hours by the recol- lection of the crimes he had committed in this valley. After so long a combat,, and a deliverance so miraculous, Janavel and his troop, harassed with fatigue, were seated on a height, and were refreshing themselves by a slight repast, when they observed a small body of soldiers from Yillaro climbing the mountain, and hoping, no doubt, to take them in the rear, placed, as they imagined, between two fires. They hastened to put themselves in an advan- tageous position. Their enemies, as they advanced, per- ceived them, and sent a detachment to reconnoitre. The Yaudois allowed them to advance, and when challenged, instead of giving the countersign, of which they were igno- rant, beckoned to them to come on. The soldiers, taking it for granted that they were papist peasants belonging to the expedition, pressed forward, and many met their death by point blank shot. Those whom the balls had missed fled with all their might, and threw the main body into disorder, which was exposed in a disadvantageous position on account of its decKvity, and all joined in the flight, without any of them having time to notice the number of their con- querors, who killed many more. After this fresh success, Janavel having assembled his troops on a rising ground, invited them, as he always did, to fall down with him on their knees, and return hearty and due thanks to Grod, the Author of their deliverance. HEROIC DEFENCE OF JAXATEL. 2/7 Three days after, the marquis of Pianezza summoned the people of Rora, with tenible threats, to attend mass within four-and-twenty hours. " We prefer death to the mass, a hundred thousand times," was theii' reply. At length, the marquis, for the purpose of reducing five-and-twenty families, did not think it too much to assemble eight thousand soldiers and two thousand popish peasants. He divided this aiTuy into thiTe bodies, of which two were to penetrate into the district by the two roads already mentioned, namely, by the road of the Villar and that of Lucema. The thii'd crossed the mountains which separate Eora from Bagnolo. Alas ! while Janavel and his devoted troop made all possible resistance to the first division which presented itself, the two others reached the place where the poor families had taken refuge, and inflicted on them all the horrible cruelties we have akeady enumerated, and which oui* pen refuses to describe a second time. Old age, infancy, or sex, far from being a safeguard, seemed only to excite the fury and base passions of these men, whom no discipline kept in check. A hundred and twenty-six persons met with an agonizing death. The ^viie and thi'ee daughters of the captain Janavel were reserved for prison, as well as some refugees of the hamlet of Les Yignes in Lucema. Such houses as were still standing, were set on fii'e after everything valuable had been removed. The conquerors divided the booty among them- selves. Janavel and his friends had escaped the disaster. Pian- ezza probably fearing the resentment of men who had nothing more to lose, wrote to the hero of Rora, offering him his own life and that of his vrife and daughters if he renounced his heresy, but threatening him on the contraiy, if he per- sisted in it, with the loss of his head, and that liis family should be burned to death. Far from being subdued by these menaces, this man, worthy of the name of Vaudois, replied, " That there were no torments so cruel, nor death so barbarous, which he could not prefer to abjuration ; that if the marquis made his mfe and daughters pass thi'ough the fire, the flames could only consume their poor bodies ; that, as for their souls, he commended them to God, trusting them in his hands equally with his o\vn, in case it were His pleasure that he should fall into the hands of the execu- tioners." One of his little boys, eight years old, had escaped 278 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. the massacre. Janavel, almost destitute of provisions, powder and ball, made his way with his troop through the snows of the lofty mountains in the neighbourhood, carrying his child on his back, and having deposited him at Queyras, on the French territory, and rested a few days, he and his men repassed the lofty Alps, bringing with him a smaller number of refugees well armed. They returned to increase the little Vaudois army, which, since the massacres, had been forming on the mountains of Bobbio, Yillaro, and Angrogna. During these conflicts at Rora, the other valleys had also been threatened. The lords of San Martino had done their utmost to induce its inhabitants to make their submission and abjure the faith of their fathers, warning them seriously that a division of the army would invade and punish them if they refused to yield. Far from complying, they took up arms and succeeded by their courage in warding off the evils which had crushed the valley of Lucerna. The valley of Perosa also suffered ; but its calamities were far less aggravated than those we have described in the preceding narrative. Meanwhile, those who had escaped from Eora, Bobbio, Angrogna, La Torre, and San Giovanni, with whom were joined a few of their brethren from the other valleys, had armed themselves, and formed when they were all assembled together (not a very frequent occurrence), a body of about five hundred combatants. In most of the encounters, they mustered not above half this number, and often hardly one third. This little army, master of the mountains which were abandoned by the enemy after all the villages and hamlets upon them had been burned, was continually scattered abroad, either to obtain subsistence or to avoid danger, and then reassembled to fall unexpectedly on detached bodies of the Piedmontese army, which was stationed in the towns, villages, and hamlets, at the entrance of the valley of Lu- cerna. The Yaudois fought several battles in the latter days of May, and in the months of June and July. They obtained even considerable success under the conduct of the valiant captains Janavel and Jayer. This latter officer was from Pra- mol. In one of their expeditions, they surprised the town of San Secondo, which was filled with their enemies. By the aid of casks, which they had found in the first houses that were THE VAUDOIS UNDER AHMS. 270 stormed, and rolled before them as a protection, they aj)- proached so near the fortress into which the governor had retired, that they burned the gate by means of bundles of "sdne-branches which they set on fire. They did tlie same at the door of a large hall, in which the soldiers, pressing one upon another, had taken their last refuge. These unfortunate creatures, mostly Irishmen, whose cruelty had been unparalleled in the massacres, could excite no pity in those whose sisters, daughters, and wives they had disho- noured, and whom they had deprived of fathers, mothers, and childi'en. They considered that they treated them with sufficient lenity by putting them at once to the sword, with- out any preparatory torture except the thought of death. Yery differently from their enemies, they spared the lives of the aged, of children, and the sick, and respected the females here as in all other places. In this manner they acted during the whole course of the war. Only, either by way of reprisal, or to deprive their enemies of this post, they set jBre to the town, after having taken out whatever could be carried away, a booty in which they found part of that which had been taken from themselves. The Irish regiment lost several hundred men by this defeat : the Piedmontese troops sustained about an equal loss. Encoiu'aged by this success, the little Yaudois army dared to approach Bricherasco, and to ravage the cottages or siuTounding dwellings.^' The alarm having been given by a signal agreed upon, they saw themselves assailed by all the Piedmontese forces in the neighbourhood, ])oth horse and foot. As they retreated in good order, they often charged the enemy with advantage, and retired with, only one killed and a few wounded. Shortly after this gallant troop appeared before the town of La Ton-e, which was fortified, and kept the garrison there in check. From the mountains of Angrogna, its head-quarters, it sent out a sti'ong division to attack the town of Crussol, in the upper valley of the Po ; at their approach, the inhabitants, who had done much mischief in the massacres, fled, abandoning their flocks, which the Yaudois drove to the Alps of Yillaro.f They found among the booty many of their own cattle. * It must not be forgotten that those troops hafl no other supply of provi- sions for their daily wants than what they prociu-ecl by such excursions. t One object of this expedition was to procure a fresh supply of cattle in lieu of those they had lost dui-ing the massacres. 280 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHTJECH. IS'otwithstanding the absence of the brave layer, who was engaged elsewhere, Janavel made a sudden attack on Lucerna ; but after two unsuccessful assaults he retreated, the garrison having been reinforced by a regiment, of which he was not aware on his arrival. Being attacked himself by three thousand of the enemy, on one of the heights of Angrogna, and having on his side only three hundred defenders, he still made head against them, and repulsed all their attempts. And when the assailants retired, about two o'clock in the afternoon, having lost, by their own confession, more than five hundred men, Captain Jayer suddenly appeared with his troop. The joy of his return raised the courage of the Yaudois beyond all bounds. Without thinking of their fatigue, they rushed into the plain, threw themselves with fury on their enemies, who were retreating, some to La Torre, others to Lucerna, and slew fifty of their men, besides three officers of distinc- tion. But, sad to relate, at the end of this fierce combat, the brave, the valiant, the pious Janavel fell. A ball passed through his breast. They expected every moment that he would breathe his last. He desired to speak to Jayer, who succeeded him in the command. He gave him some advice before he was carried to a distance from the field of battle to Pinache, in the valley of Perosa, within the French ter- tory, where by degrees he recovered. This day was destined to be a day of mourning for the valleys. Forgetting the counsel given by the (apparently) dying Janavel not to undertake anything more that even- ing, and as if it had not been enough to beat the enemy on their retreat, Jayer, too impetuous, and deceived by a traitor, who led him to expect immense booty in the direc- tion of Ousasq, advanced, at the head of a hundred and fifty picked men, to throw himself into the hands of his enemies. Having already pillaged and burned some cot- tages on the heights, he suffered himself to be led on by the traitor, with fifty of his men, towards some houses, where he was, all at once, surrounded by the Savoy cavalry, who having received an intimation of his coming, were waiting in ambush for him. Overpowered by numbers, Jayer died as a hero, together with his son, who never quitted his side, and all his companions, only one excepted. He killed three ofi&cers, and fell, alter a long defence, THE YAUDOIS TTNDEIl ARMS. 281 covered with wounds. Leger has described him in the fol- lowing words : ''A great captain, worthy of being held in remembrance ; zealous for the service of God, alike capable of resisting allurements and threats ; courageous as a lion, and meek as a lamb, rendering God alone the praise of all his victories : his character would have been complete had he known how to curb his adventurous boldness." The valleys, disheartened for a brief interval, were re- animated by the voices of captain Laurent, of the valley of San Martino, and of a brother of Jayer, and of several others. In a conflict maintained by theii' little troops against six thousand of the enemy, they slew two hundred men, among which was the lieutenant-colonel of the Ba- varian regiment ; but on their side they lost the excellent captain Bertin, of Angrogna. At the beginning of July, the Yaudois had the satisfac- tion of seeing the arrival of many of their brethren in arms from Languedoc and Dauphine ; one of them, named Descombies, an experienced and renowned officer, was soon after made commander-in-chief. Colonel Andrion, of Ge- neva, who had distinguished himself in France and Sweden, as well as in the valleys, arrived at the same time.'^' The moderator, Leger, just returned from a long and rapid journey, which he had been making in France and Switzer- land, on behalf of the valleys, proceeded immediately, with colonel Andrion, to the mountain of Angrogna, called La Tachere, where the little Yaudois army had thrown up some entrenchments. The enemy, as if they had had notice of their arrival, and to prevent the impulse which it might give to the energy of these persecuted herdsmen, went up to take them by surprise, very early on the follo^-ing morn- ing, with all their forces, among whom were some fresh troops. The Yaudois, being timely warned by their scouts, were able to concentrate themselves in the fortified position of Casses.f The duke's army divided into four bodies, of which one remained in observation as a reserve, made the assault on three points at once, almost incessantly for nearly ten hours, and at last, breaking through the biirri- * M. de Barcelona also came thither from the Pays de Vaud. (Re^nie Suisse. Lausanne, 1840, iii. 270.) t A remarkable succession of fragments of rocks scattered over a long sur- face, forming, with the dechvity of the mouiitain from which they had been detached, a barrier veiy difficult to pass. 282 HISTORY OF THE VATJDOIS CHURCH. cades, forced the Yaudois to retreat, pursuing tlieni with the cry of ''Victory! victory!" to the foot of the last fortified height, on which they took refuge as their last earthly asylum. But their heavenly Protector so strength- ened them, that although the enemy often attacked them at the distance of a pike's length, they defended themselves mthout abandoning the post. Their supply of powder and ball began to fail, which would have been fatal, had they not at the instant had recourse to their slings, and also rolled down fi-agments of rock, which, often splitting in pieces in their rapid course downward, struck even the furthest detachments. JSToticing at last some hesitation and disorder in the enemy's ranks, they sallied forth at once from their entrenchment, a pistol in one hand, and a cutlass (a cubic in length, and two or three fingers broad,) in the other, and struck such terror in the exhausted popish troops, that they sounded a retreat. More than two hun- dred soldiers were slain, and as nianj severely wounded. The Bavarian regiment lost some of its best officers. It was on the return of these disappointed troops, and at the sight of the wounded and the dead, that the syndic Bianchi of Lucerna, although a papist, playing on the nick- name of barbets, (synonymous with dogs,) given to the Yaudois, exclaimed, ''Formerly the wolves devoured the dogs, but now the time is come for the dogs to devour the wolves ;" a speech that cost him his life. On the 1 8th of July, at night, the Yaudois army, at least eighteen hundred strong, owing to the reinforcements from France, of whom between sixty and eighty were horsemen lately mounted, invested the town of La Torre, and would probably have taken it by assault, and the fort too,"^' if the new general Descombies, who commanded for the first time, had better understood the ardour and intrepidity of the mountaineers under his orders. He lost time in recon- noitring the fort. The alarm was given, the Piedmontese regiments, in garrison at Lucerna and elsewhere, arrived, and the enterprise failed. Nevertheless, captain Belin and lieutenant Peironnel, (also called Gonnet,) forced the wall of the convent of the Capuchins, took possession of it, and * The fort here spoken of was not that situated to the north of the town, the niins of which are still to be seen ; it was a fortified place, situated within the town itself, and which had been raised during the war. Leger, pt. ii., p. 26.1. EFFECT PRODUCED BY THE MASSACRES. 283 set it on fire, as they did the rest of the towTi, made prison- ers of some reverend fathers, and did not retire till the enemy's reinforcements, joining the beaten troops of La Torre and those of the fort, pressed them on every side. General Descombies, full of confidence in his little aiTay, was about to make another attack on the fort of La Torre, intending to march afterwards on Lucerna, when a truce was concluded, and after a while a treaty, which put an end to all the military operations of the Vaudois. But, before speaking of this negotiation, we must go back a little, to show the effect produced by the massacres and persecutions of the Yaudois on the Protestant populations of Europe and their governments. A cry of reprobation had resounded throughout all the reformed countries, on hearing the bloody recital of the cruelties inflicted on their brethren in the valleys of Pied- mont. A thrill of horror pervaded the whole Protestant body. Bitter tears were shed at the remembrance of the dead ; and at the recital of the woes endured by the sur- vivors, the necessity of coming to their aid seized all hearts, both of rulers and their subjects alike. It is a fact deserv^- ing of perpetual record, that the reformed nations were moved as the heart of one man, and presented to their brethiTn in the faith a beautiful exam])le of Christian charity. Almost all the churches humbled themselves before God by a solemn day of fasting and prayer in refer- ence to the valleys ; liberal collections were made at the same time in every district, to foi^nish those who had escaped with the means of subsistence, in that total des- titution to which the fiuy of their enemies had reduced them, to rebuild their houses that had been bui^ned down, to procure agricultural implements, and the necessary sup- ply of cattle of which they had been deprived. But what would this succour have availed, to whatever extent it had been given, if the poor persecuted Vaudois had been left without protection, under the hea^y- and painful yoke of iron which galled their neck ? Something more was needed than pecuniary aid, or than letters ot sympathy and consolation ; it was requisite that Chi'istian charity should be shown, by direct application to the Pied- montese government, to obtain from it assurances and guarantees of peace in reference to the oppressed. 284 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. TMs interference of Christian charity was spontaneous, as it ought always to be, like all the fruits of the gospel. The court of Turin persisted in attributing it to the requests, complaints, and entreaties made by the valleys to the reformed governments. This is to misconstrue, or not to know, the force of the brotherly love that unites the disciples of the truth, it is even to doubt the heart of man ; for where Christian sentiments might not have been power- ful enough to inspire generous efforts in behalf of brethren in misfortune, humanity alone would have dictated them. It is true that the valleys made their tried friends in Swit- zerland acquainted with their alarming situation. Could they help doing so ? Are our tears to be concealed from our most intimate friends ? It is possible the Vaudois had anticipated, that they had even hoped, that their brethren would raise their voices in their behalf. But who could blame them for so doing ? Is it required that the unfor- tunate should renounce all hope of exciting the sjonpathy of others ? Does the recital of his misfortunes constitute a crime? ISTone but a tyrant will pretend that it does. For if so, every letter of a victim would be an accusa- tion ; every lamentation of an oppressed people, a cry of rebellion. The honour of the first movement in favour of the persecuted Yaudois, belongs to the evangelical cantons of Switzerland. Their religious zeal and their charity shone with the purest lustre ; their anxiety had been manifested before the massacres. In fact, scarcely had they been informed of the cruel order published by Gastaldo, when they wrote to the duke, on the 6th of March, a most respectful letter, in which they entreat him to allow his Yaudois subjects to remain in their ancient habitations, and to insure them liberty of conscience by the maintenance of their hereditary privileges.^' And when the news of the massacres reached them, rapid and overpowering as a tliun- derbolt, they forthwith, on the 29th of April, appointed a fast and collections through all their territories, and on the * In the answer of the duke to the evangehcal cantons, he accuses the Vau- dois of a fact which was slanderously imputed to them, of a farce acted at La Torre, by children, on Christmas day, 1654, in a masquerade, where an ass cut the principal figure. It was afterwards proved that these children were papists, and thus the Vaudois were cleared from the charge of insulting theii* neighbours in their reUgion. L6ger, pt. ii., p. 203, 204, GKEAT BE.ITAIX AND OTHER PROTESTANT POWERS. 285 next day they informed the Protestant powers, in pathetic epistles, of what had occnrred in the Yaudois valleys of Piedmont, calling upon them to interest themselves in their future fortunes. As for themselves, without waitin^i^ for the effect of their suggestions, they deputed colonel de Weiss (or de Wyss), of Berne, to the court of Turin, with directions to place in the hands of the dowager duchess, and of Charles Emmanuel, a letter of intercession in favour of their afflicted hrethren. The Swiss deputy accompKshed little by his mission ; he was received, it is true, by their highnesses, but was referred, for negotiations, to the deceitful and fanatical Pianezza, wdth whom he could make no arrangements. This man attempted to employ him to disarm the per- secuted Yaudois ; but de "Weiss, not being able to guarantee them an honourable treaty, things remained in the same state in which he foimd them. At all events, he ascertained the real state of affairs by personal observation. He re- turned soon after to render an account of his mission to his superiors. The evangelical cantons, far from being discouraged by having obtained nothing, resolved to send an embassy to offer their mediation between the two parties actually in arms, and which should strive to obtain for the Yaudois, from the duke, liberty to dwell in any part of the valleys, the restoration of their possessions, and the free exercise of their religion. The cantons, by fi^esh communications, in- formed the Protestant states of the situation of the Yaudois, as well as the steps which their deputies were going to take, and irndted them to support theii' intervention by letters, or still better, by ambassadors. All the Protestant powers answered to this appeal. Be- sides the collections which they ordered in all their towns and country places, they all ^Tote to the duke of Savoy to entreat him to act differently with his subjects of the Pro- testant religion. The king of Sweden, the elector Palatine, the elector of Brandenbiu'gh, the landgrave of Hesse Cassel, gave special proofs of theii' great zeal in the management of this affair ; but the greatest efforts proceeded from the cantons already named, fi'om Great Biitain, then imder the protectorate of Cromwell, and the United Pro\-inces of Holland. England, still agitated by its own religious move- 286 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CKUECH. ments, entered warmly into the case of the Yaudois, ftxsted and made liberal collections. Oliyer Cromwell displayed great zeal, wrote to the Protestant states, and interfered by an embassy, first to Louis xiv., allied to the house of Savoy, and whose regiments had taken part in the massacres, and afterwards to Charles Emmanuel. Sir Samuel Morland, a young diplomatist equally intelligent and pious, attempted to interest the French monarch in giving succour to the victims of his own soldiers, and received at least some promises. On his arrival at Turin, at the end of June, he obtained an audience, and having expressed a severe judg- ment on the atrocities committed, he claimed from the justice and generosity of the prince, in the name of his government, gentler measures, and the re-establishment of the Yaudois in the enjoyment of their property, their ancient privileges and their liberties. While Sir Samuel Morland was on his way to Geneva, towards the end of July, the lord protector of Great Britain sent a new plenipotentiary to Turin, sir — Dunning, who alter having seen sir Samuel Morland, was directed to visit Piedmont, in company with him and Mr. Pell, the English resident in Switzerland, in order to conduct the settlement of the affairs of the Yaudois and bring them to a successful termination. At the same period, the states-general at the United Provinces, deputed for the same object, M. Yan Ommeren, with orders to act in concert with the English ambassador and the evangelical cantons. The latter had already des- patched their ambassadors at the commencement of the month. They did not meet sir Samuel Morland, who had returned from Geneva by another road. Sir — Dunning and M. Yan Ommeren arrived in Switzerland still later. The embassy of the evangelical cantons found itself there- fore alone in the effort to accomplish this difficult mission. This was a great evil. The absence of the envoys of Great Britain and the United Provinces gave a decisive influence to the Roman Catholic party, represented by the ambassa- dor of the king of France, and permitted the hasty con- clusion of an arrangement which was far from advantageous to the poor Yaudois. While on their way, the Swiss ambassadors were informed that the mediation of the king of France in the affairs of the MEDIATION OF FRANCE. 287 Yaudois had been accepted by the duke, nevertheless they continued theii' journey, and met with an honourable recep- tion. This embassy consisted of Solomon Hirzel, Stadt- holder of Zimch, Charles de Bonstetten, baron de Vaumar- cus, etc., counsellor of Berne, Benedict Socin, counsellor of Bale, and Jean Stockar of Schaffhauscn, formerly a magi- strate of Locarno. Under pretence that the acceptance ot the mediation of the king of France would not allow^ an aiTangcment to be made with any other party, the court of Turin would not enter on the discussion of the subject with them, but allowed the ambassadors to follow the negotiation, and to interest themselves about the Yaudois. The dejDuties, in consequence, betook themselves to Pignerol, at that time a city belonging to France, some leagues fi'om the valleys, which the ambassador of France, de Servient, had assigned to the parties for their abode. The arrangement was a work of labour. The first fort- night in August was spent in recriminations and explana- tions, in animated debates, in suing for their Kberties on the part of the Yaudois, in insidious proposals from some dele- gates of the court, and in friendly offices on the part of the evangelical commissioners. -'' At last, on the 1 8th, the agree- ment was concluded, and the peace signed. The conditions would have been doubtless more advantageous to the Yaudois, if the ambassadors of Great Britain and the United Provinces, as well as those of the evangelical cantons, had been present. Sir Samuel Morland, it is true, w^'ote from Geneva to the Swiss deputation, requesting them to protract the negotiations, and if possible, to put off the conclusion of the treaty till their arrival, which would be at no distant time. But it is doubtful whether these diplomatists would have been allowed to exercise any direct interference, since the mediation of the king of France had been accepted by the duke, and the Protestant princes themselves had solicited the concurrence of that ambitious monarch who * The narrative of the negotiation would have been very instructive and useful. It would have set in a clear Ught the intentions of those hard-hearted men who felt no regret but that of not having been able to get rid of the barbets ; but we have abstained from speaking of it at length, because our narrative is already too full of harrowing scenes, and atrocious acts which provoke indig- nation, and if multiphed, would banish aU charity from our hearts. The king's representative, Servient, endeavoured to entangle the Vaudois deputies and to gain their consent to proposals of which he concealed the bearing, and which tended to destroy them. See, for instance, his conduct in reference to the fort of La Torre, in Leger, pt. ii., p. 264. 288 HISTOEY OF THE YAI7D0IS CHFECH. now claimed to act alone. Moreover, the deplorable state of the valleys required a speedy settlement. Plundered, and a prey to all the miseries of war, they sighed after repose. Their families, without provisions and without homes dur- ing two months, could wait no longer. Their representa- tives, with the pastor Leger at their head, all persons in whom they could confide, thought they did well in accept- ing conditions which, without being entirely satisfactory, secured to them a dwelling-place in the greater part of their ancient limits, the sale of their goods in some localities which it would be necessary to leave, and the free exercise of their religion throughout the whole extent of the new limits, besides exemption fi'om all imposts for a certain term of years. The release of all the prisoners, including the children who had been carried off, and a full amnesty, were also stipulated at the same time. The districts which the Yaudois were interdicted from settling in, and in which they must dispose of all their goods, were the following communes, mostly popish, in the plain of Lucerna, and specified in Gastaldo's order, namely, Lucerna, Lucernette, Bibbiana, Penile, Campiglione, Gar- sillana. Permission was granted them to reside in La Torre and San Giovanni — an amendment of Gastaldo's edict — but with the reservation that the temple of San Giovanni was not to be within the commune, and that there should be no preaching in that commune, any more than in the town of La Torre. San Secondo was closed against the Yaudois, but the possession of Prarustin, Saint Barthelemi, and Poche- platte, was allowed them, as in times past, together with the exercise of their religion in those villages. Liberty to dwell in the city of Bricherasco might be obtained by special license. These alterations excepted, the limits remained the same as before. The other communes of the valleys of Lucerna and Angrogna, Perosa, and San Martino, re- tained their privileges. The duke reserved to himself the right of celebrating mass, and placing priests or monks in whatever places he thought proper ; but in return he guaranteed to all liberty of conscience, and the exercise of their worship, within the new limits. A separate article confirmed the ancient fran- chise, the prerogatives, and privileges granted and settled in times past. The act was attested by the duke's signa- GREAT BEITAIX AXD OTHEE PllOTESTANT PO^VERS. 289 ture, and that of some of his ministers. The numerous dej)utation from the valleys also signed it. It was ratified by the senate and chamber. IS^otwithstanding the ui'gent request of the deputies from the valleys, no mention was made in the act of the inter- cession of the Swiss embassy, as the French ambassador refused his consent that any other name than his master's should weaken, by sharing it, his title of mediator. The Yaudois suffered two other mortifications — that of seeing themselves described in the preamble of the treatj' as rebels, to whom their prince had graciously remitted the punishment which their offences deserved ; and, secondly, of reading in the printed edition of this charter an article expressing the consent of the valleys to the erection of a new fort at La Torre, shamefully interpolated, in order to effect the ruin of the poor Yaudois. All their deputies protested against tliis infamous trickery. The 8wiss am- bassadors, who were present at the treaty, declared they had no recollection of such an article. Moreover, during the whole of the negotiation, they had insisted on the demolition of the existing fort, which was promised them. They even at one time manifested an intention of not leaving Tmin till they had been apprised that the de- molition had been begun. We should have preferred passing over in silence such a misdeed ; but the mention of it was requisite in order to understand subsequent events. The plenipotentiaries of Great Britain and the United Provinces, who had been detained in Switzerland by busi- ness during the negotiation at Pinerolo, felt great dis- satisfaction on learning that it was tenninatcd; for they wished to obtain better conditions for the Yaudois. They exerted themselves to induce the evangelical cantons to make fresh proposals to the duke, with a view to revise and modify the treaty or charter of Pinerolo. But the war which broke out between the Catholic and evangelical cantons would not allow the latter to involve themselves in fresh perplexities. The commissioners of Great Britain and the United Provinces then turned towards Paris, and solicited fr^om Louis xiv. the revision of the treaty, of which he was the mediator. The king did not absolutely refuse. M. de Bais was sent to the valleys and to the 290 HISTOEY or THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. court of Turin to collect fresh information ; but it is pro- bable that this mission was undertaken merely to save appearances. One thing is certain, that nothing came of it. Louis xiY. and Charles Emmanuel were quite of one mind. It now remains for us to state the amount, as near as may be, of the sums collected, in the Protestant states, in aid of the desolated valleys, and the use that was made of it. On the 25th of July, the sums received from France amounted to 200,000 francs. From the beginning of March, 1655, to the 1st of l^ovember, 1656, the Yaudois had received from France, England, Holland, and Switzer- land, upwards of 504,885 francs, and from the city of Zurich alone 3778 florins."^ It would appear, however, that the sum total was even more than this. We are led to believe so from the fact stated by Leger, — that of the collections made in England, the Protector deducted and pledged the state for £16,000 ster- ling,! equal to 400,000 French francs, the interest of which was to be employed to pension the pastors, school- masters, and students of the valleys, etc.;}: If a sum of 400,000 francs could be deducted for an object which was not strictly identical mtli that for which the collections were made, their amount must necessarily have been at least as much again, and even more than that.§ And if to the 400,000 or 500,000 francs which must have been sent from England, we add the 200,000 sent by the French Protestants in the month of July, 1655, and the sums which came from Switzerland, Holland, and Germany, we shall have a total sum of more than a million francs. It was thought proper at the time, for prudential reasons, which may easily be imagined, not to publish to the world the large amount of donations sent by the charity of the Protestants. I^evertheless, accounts carefully prepared * Revue Smsse, t. iii., p. 273, for this last sum. t M. George Lowtlier says " more than fr^velve thousand pounds sterhng." X This sum was lost, in great part, on the accession of Charles ii., who would not acknowledge the engagements of the Protector as valid. § In fact, the smn total of the Enghsh contributions is reckoned at 917,784 of French francs, including the above sum of 400,000 francs. (See " Cathohcism," etc., by George Lowther, vol. i., p. 294, pubhshed in 1827.) [The Protector gave 2000/. out of his own private pm-se. The sum total of the collections arnounted to 38,241/. 10s. 6d., of which the cities of London and Westminster contributed 9384/. 6s. lid. Jones's History of the Waldenses, 2nd ed., 1816, vol. ti., pp. 345, 367. The sums collected in each county through- out England and Wales are given in Morland's EQstory, p. 588.] COLLECTIONS. 29 ] were rendered by the consistories of Geneva and Grenoble, to whom all the sums had been sent, and who supenntendcd their disti'ibution by commissioners. These officci-s, in concert with the general assembly of the valleys, had determined what coui'se to pui-sue in the distributions ; they formed a scale of division according to the losses sus- tained and the cii'cumstances of the conmiunes, as well as of individuals, leaving to competent persons appointed by the communes the particular appraisement of damages and estimate of the relief needed. Lastly, a commission of four members, all sti'angers to the valleys, was employed for three whole months in revising all the accounts of distri- bution, visiting the places, and there, in the presence of the assembled commune, hearing the appeals and giWug the final decision. The proceedings of this commission were afterwards approved, and all the accounts adopted, by the consistories of Grenoble and Geneva, aftei-wards by the synod of Dauphine, and lastly by the national synod of Loudun. jSTevertheless, strange and calumnious reports were put in circulation to the discredit of liiose members of the valleys who took part in the management of this business. The principal promoter of these falsehoods was a man named de Longueil, once a Jesuit, a pretended convert to the gospel, to whom the school at Yillaro had been intmsted. The second person was the same Bertram Yilleneuve who had been bribed by Pianezza, and in 1653 had almost effected the iniin of the valleys by proposing the expulsion of the monks from Yillaro, and the burning of their dwelling. These men contiived their plot in secret, conjointly with two other accomplices. They made the envious and discontented — a class of people that always abound when anything is to be given away — believe that a considerable sum was left, wliich the chief persons in the valleys had set apart for themselves, and which, if divided amongst all, would give each one a dividend of five hundred livres at least, perhaps fifteen hundi'ed. The credulous people, whom these deceivers had filled with discontent, deputed some of their number to make a complaint to the French synods; but the examination which was made afresh of all the accounts confounded the accusers, and wiped away all suspicion fi'om the accused. Yet so iadus- 2 292 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. triously had the enemies of the Yaudois propagated this calumny, that it was still credited by a number of dis- trustful persons. The European public, even the Pro- testant part of it, gave a partial credit to it, which sensibly injured the Vaudois when they were visited with new deso- lations in 1663 and 1664. The wicked one did not mean that the vivid interest which all the reformed churches had latterly taken in the persecuted inhabitants of Piedmont should become strength- ened.* CHAPTER XXIV. PERSECFTIOJSr AND EMIGEATION, 1656 1686. If the foregoing period has presented us with a melancholy spectacle, and filled our ears with the machinations of the great, the furious outcries of Pomish assassins, and the groans and sobs of victims, that on which we are entering will be hardly less distressing; Though less bloody, it will exhibit new proofs of the inveterate hatred which the Council for the Propagation of the Eaith and the Extirpation of Heretics cherished against the poor peaceable mountaineers, — a hatred which could not be extinguished but by the re- moval and ruin of those who were the objects of it. The ambassadors of the evangelical cantons of Switzer- land had recrossed the Alps, carrying with them the consoling remembrance of the efforts they had made to obtain a tolerable peace for their brethren in the valleys. Some verbal promises of the agents of the court had given them a hope that the treaty in which they had concurred would be executed in a comprehensive and liberal manner. Moreover, it had been agreed that the fort of La Torre should be demolished at as early a period as would consist with the honour of the duke, who was not to appear submissive to his subjects. But the facts by no means corresponded with the words. Not only the clauses of the charter of Pinerolo that were most unfavourable to the Vaudois were maintained in all their rigour, but all haste was made to execute the article which had been deceitfully * See Gilles, ch. Ix. — Mi, ; Leger, pt. ii., pp. 57—260 ; for all this chapter. TEXATIONS COinnXTED BY Xni: GARRISON. 293 foisted into the printed copies, and which, contrary to the promises that had been made to the Swiss embassy, declared that a fortress should be built on the ancient site of the castle of La Torre, demolished by the French in 1593. The deputies of the erangelical cantons had not yet (piittcd Turin when the works were abeady begun, and the founda- tions of a formidable fortress laid on the very spot where the soldiers of the count de la Trinite had committed so many acts of violence, and whence Castrocaro had issued his commands over the whole valley. Hirzel and his colleagues, having received timely information, demimded an explanation. They were told that what had been done would not last long, and would never be finished; tliat these works were merely to save the duke's honoiu\ Faithful to the traditional Helvetic loyalty, the ambas- sadors, incapable themselves of deceiving, did not suspect falsehood in a government which pledged its Avord. They therefore encouraged the disturbed and anxious Yaudois, and advised them to be patient and submissive.* The Yaudois were certainly not quite so confiding : experience of the past, and the nearness of the danger, served to enlighten them ; yet they submitted, habituated as they were to bow to the will of their sovereign on all points not within the province of religion. The works were pushed on Avith so much vigour, that, before winter, the place was in a state of defence, and in the following year the fortifi- cations were fijoished. If the erection of a citadel occasioned the Yaudois serious apprehensions for the futui'e, the powerful garrison that was placed in it became an immediate and constant source of humiliation, injury, and vexation. The soldiers com- mitted all sorts of excesses, and seemed sure of impunity in most cases. It constituted their amusement to lay waste the orchards and vineyards, to enter the houses, seize upon whatever they pleased, glut themselves with wine and provisions, to spoil or scatter on the ground what they could not caiTy away, to iU-trcat those who attempted _ to protect their property, and to conduct themselves with indecency towards the females, old and young. To strike ^-ith the sabre, to discharge fire-anns, to take what was * Hirzel wrote in 1662 to L^ger, " We have been too weU ^ght by expe- rience the deceitful practices of this court." L^ger, pt. ii., p. -60. 294 msToiiY OF the yaudois chuech. not their own, to outrage the weaker sex, were daily occur- rences : even rape and assassination were committed. When complaints were made, they led to no result. ''Seize the offenders, bring them to me, and I engage to punish them," said the commandant De Coudre ; hut when, one day, some peasants brought before him two soldiers whom they had apprehended in the act of robbing a house, and ill-treating its owners, the commandant sent them to prison, only to release them as soon as the complainants had turned their backs. Informations laid before the j)resident Truchi, or the magistrate, even when accompanied with the necessary documents stating the nature of the offence, and describing the culprits, remained without effect. In consequence, on several occasions, the Yaudois, irritated with the increasing audacity of their bad neighbours, might be seen defending their threatened property, or recovering it with their own hands, when they found themselves the strongest. To this permanent source of disquietude another was very soon added. Accusations, without reason, were made against persons of note. The Council for the Propagation of the Faith and the Extirpation of Heretics, could invent no more certain method of getting rid of men whose influ- ence they feared, or to intimidate such as might be disposed to tread in their steps. Accordingly, all at once thirty-eight persons in the valley of Lucerna received orders to proceed to Turin, to answer such questions as should be put to them. The valiant captain Janavel, the hero of Eora, was one of them. The first two summonses contained no explanation. The thii'd and last alone mentioned the crime imputed to them, and denounced their condemnation for contumacy if they refused to present themselves. This mode of proceeding was contrary to the grants and privi- leges of the valleys, confirmed by the charter of Pinerolo. Eegularly they were not bound either on a first or second suit for a criminal or civil cause to answer elsewhere than before their own tribunals. To this first reason for not appearing at Turin might be added a second, of much greater importance. The Inquisition had its seat at Turin. The right it always arrogated of seizing its victims w^herever it found them, in spite of the safe conduct of princes, and of removing them from their jurisdiction, to treat them as it pleased in its own dungeons, was well known. Every EELIGIOUS SERVICES FOEBIDDEN AT S.VX GIOVANNI. 29') one knew vrhat was to be expected, wliethcr from its justice or its mercy. Alas for the ^ man who became ac(iuaintcd with either the one or the other ! We need not be sur- prised, then, that of the thirty-eight accused i)crsons, only one, John Fina, of La Torre, surrendered himself into the hands of the senate at Turin ;* the rest declined doing so. They were condemned for contumacy, some to the galleys, others to death. The property of all was conliscatcd, and a price was set upon their heads. It was forbidden to grant them an asylum : an order was given to hunt them do^vn at the sound of a bell, whenever the presence of any one of them was made known. This sentence served as a. pretext for the soldiers at the fortiTss of La Toitc to enter any private dwelling by force, and to commit a thousand exactions. From this time, the valleys were filled with trouble and disti'ess. Hitherto the Yaudois had enjoyed the free exercise of their religion, and satisfied with that, they were resigned to the evils we have mentioned, sufiiciently happy to be able to worship God according to their consciences. But their hearts were harassed with apprehensions, when, in 1657, through the whole extent of the church and the commune of San Giovanni, all public exercise of religion was forbidden ; not only the sermons which were interdicted by the charter of Pinerolo, but catechisms, prayers, and even schools. The valleys justly took the alarm at this prohibition. The charters and ducal concessions all set forth that the usual exercises were maintained in all the places where they were practised at the date of the promulgation of the said con- cessions or charters. But aged men, a hundred years old, besides the authentic acts and protocols of general councils, cbawn up in the presence of the lords and judges of the place, attested that the chuix-h of San Giovanni had always enjoyed the privilege of public religious sen-ices, like the other parts of the valleys. Hitherto there had been no dispute, excepting about the erection of a temple, to whidi the authorities were opposed, without ever denpng to the inhabitants of San Giovanni their ancient right of assem- bling for the exercise of their religion. If, then, the church * He remained one year in prison, after which he was released, \Tithout ha\'ing been confronted with his accuser. L^ger, pt. ii., p. 2&9. 296 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHTJECH. of San Giovanni, and the other chm^ehes of the valleys, allowed all evangelical or Yaudois worship to be abolished in San Giovanni without making any resistance, what would soon become of the other churches ? For who could doubt that the success obtained over one of the most enlightened and firmly-established churches, would encourage the Coun- cil for the Extirpation of Heretics to impose the same pro- hibition on all the rest ? The Yaudois church, whose very existence was put in jeopard}'- by this attempt on its liberties, held a synod to deliberate on the measures its present situation called for. The assembly held in March, 1658, at Pinache, decided on addressing a petition to his royal highness, and on writing to his ministers, humbly to request the revocation of the severe orders proscribing all religious services in San Gio- vanni. It seemed also desirable to engage the good offices of M. Servient, the French ambassador, as mediator of the charter of Pinerolo, and those of the evangelical cantons who had taken so much interest in it. It was, moreover, decided that the pastor of San Giovanni ought to continue the performance of the usual religious services there, since their cessation might be detrimental to their liberties. Lastl}', knowing that the Lord of heaven and earth could alone bless their design, and insure success to their mea- sures, the assembly ordained a solemn day of fasting and prayer, during which no one, the infii'm excepted, should leave the temples from sunrise to sunset. In thus resolving to defend the liberty of worship that had been attacked in the church of San Giovanni, we can affirm that the churches of the valleys were not led away by a narrow or cavilling spirit, nor by blind ambition, nor by the vanity of their pastor Leger, as their adversaries affirmed. They judged that it would have been criminal in them to allow the liberty of serving God according to the rules of their ancient faith, to be taken from them by men. We shall not enter into the details of the petitions ad- dressed to their sovereign, nor of the memorials forwarded to his ministers. The cause of the church of San Giovanni was defended on the ground of right according to the prin- ciples laid down in the ducal grants and charters. All that could be advanced in favour of the menaced church was said ; but in vain. The resolution, it appeared, had been LEGEK CONDEMNED TO DEATH. 297 taken beforehand, to seize again, by these means, an occa- sion for troubling the valleys. Nevertheless, there was probably some hesitation in high places, respecting- tlie opportuneness of the occasion, and the ulterior maniur of proceeding with the recusants. Perhaps, also, and we are vcrj- ready to believe it, the recollection of the recent intercession of the Protestant states fettered the impatient movements of the council for the propagation of the lloman faith. AVe are led to think so from the part which the embassy of the evangeKcal cantons, on retiu^ning to their native country-, continued to take in the affaii^s of the Taudois. They wrote, for this purpose, on the 30th of ^N'ovember, 1657, to Servient, the ambassador of Prance at Turin, the mediator of the charter at Pinerolo, and to the two principal agents of the duke in this affair, to commend the unfortunate Yaudois to their justice and equity. To put down the resistance of these poor people, they sought at first to gain Leger. A count of Saluzzo repaired to the valleys, and requested a conference Avith him ; which Leger would not grant, except in the presence of the deputies of his own church and of the other churches. This attempt being rendered abortive by the firmness of the pastor, was soon followed bj^ threatening citations, requiring the said Leger to render an account of his conduct at Tmin. The tliird citation specified his crime. He was accused of having assumed the fimctions of a pastor, of having taught certain docti'ines, and kept a school at San Giovanni, in the house of the commune. Six of the piincipal persons among his parishioners were cited with him. Their crime consisted in having been present at rehgious services conducted by their pastor. This took place in May, 1658. Their know- ledge of the manner in which the authorities were accus- tomed to proceed in similar cases, as well as the unlimited confidence placed in judges, who were almost all meml)ers of the Council for the Extirpation of Heresy, deterred every one of the accused fi'om going to Tuiin. None of their friends advised them to do so. The churches wrote in their favour to the count and to the judges. They addres.sed several letters to his highness himself. A milder sentence might have been expected. But, after about three years of waiting, applications, and deputations, a sentence of death was pronounced against Leger, and ten years' confinement 3 298 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. in the galleys for the other accused parties. The property of all was to be confiscated. "With this sentence hanging over him, Leger, by concealing himself, and continually changing his place of refuge, succeeded in remaining for some months longer in his native country, till towards the end of 1661, when the valleys deputed him to interest the evangelical cantons and the Protestant states in their cause. He was instructed to request them to employ their inter- cession with the duke, and their good oflS.ces with the king of France in his capacity of mediator of the charter of Pinerolo, to obtain the consent of Charles Emmanuel to examine for himself the complaints of his Yaudois subjects, and to judge respecting them, without leaving them at the discretion of the Council for the Extirpation of Heretics. Hardly was Leger's departure to the cantons and evan- gelical states known, than a sentence of death still more cruel was pronounced upon him.'^* He was hung in effigy ; his houses were razed to the ground ; and his propert}^, which was considerable, was confiscated. The house of the valiant Janavel, who was at that time a fugitive, was in like manner demolished. The ducal government resisted all attempts at an accom- modation ; and, however conciliatory were the letters of the Protestant princes, f which colonel Holzhalb, of Zurich, the envoy of the evangelical cantons, presented to his royal highness with those of his superiors, in July, 1662, they produced no eff'ect. Charles Emmanuel replied that he had exactly fulfilled towards his Vaudois subjects all theii' char- ters ; and representing them as being charged with crimes, declared them to be undeserving of intercession. It would seem that the duke of Savoy, surrounded by the members of the Council for the Extirpation of Heresy, believed that he was acting in full accordance with his rights, and imagined that his subjects in the valleys were rebels, because they would not consent to the loss of some of their principal religious liberties. * He was to be strangled. ; then Ms body was to be linng by one foot on a gibbet for four-and-twenty hours ; and lastly, his head was to be cut off and pubUcly exposed at San Giovanni. His name was to be inserted in the Ust of noted outlaws : his houses were to be burned, etc.— Leger, pt. ii., p. 275. t The principal letters were from the elector palatine, the elector of Bran- denburgh, the landgrave of Hesse, and the states-general of Holland. Leger not having been able to visit England, the king of Great Britain had not in- terposed.— L^ger, pt. ii.; pp. 277—282. THEIR INVOLVED SITUATION. 299 Moreover, at the moment when Charks Emmanuel made this answer to the envoy of the evangelical cantuns, liis minister Pianezza, whose influence over him was unbounded, had just obtained, by his intrigues, a success which autlio- rized him to persist in his policy, imd to relincpiish nothing of his pretensions. By the intei-vention of the popish ad- vocate, Bastie, of San Giovanni, in whom the Yaudois of that commune had some confidence, he had made them believe that by consenting to an act of submission they would obtain the religious liberty they wished for. These simi)le-minded men, easily imposed upon, had at last, although with reluc- tance, written and signed two documents, namely, a promise that they would not catechise or perform other religious ex- ercises in the commune of San Giovanni ; and, in the second place, a petition in which they requested that they might continue these practices as heretofore. At the same time, they sought for some commercial and other pri-\-ileges. Bastie had solemnly engaged not to give up their promise till the decree sought for in their petition had been granted and placed in their hands. But the contrary of what was pledged to them actually took place. Pianezza retumed the promise, and contemptuously rejected the request, when he had read the second article which spoke of religion. ITpon this, the Yaudois were advised to present another petition, in which no mention should be made of their reli- gion ; and they were at the same time promised that then all they wished for would be granted, and that they would be left undisturbed. But, ashamed and mortified at having been deceived on this point, they refused to make any fur- ther concessions. They had already placed themselves in a wi-etchedly false position by the imprudent promise depo- sited in the hands of the pi4me minister. They were not disposed to put the finishing stroke to the catastrophe by fresh imprudences, which their cra% enemies knew well how to turn against them. If the Yaudois aff'airs made little progress at court, if the efforts of their friends there were fruitless, their situation was not more improved in the valleys. On the contrary-, it became continually more involved, in consequence of the violent measures of the governor of the fort of La Torre, and by the reprisals in which the exiles indulged. The commandant De Coudi^e was succeeded by an officer 300 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. named De Bagnols, who had signalized himself by his cruel zeal in the massacres of 1655. The friendship of the mar- quis of Pianezza, his godfather, and his near relationship to the count Ressan, well known for his hatred to the Yaudois, and by his success against them in the valley of Barcellonette, had procured his nomination to this post, for which he was so well suited. This officer fully justified the confidence placed in him by his distinguished patrons : he behaved so violently and unjustly that the count of Saluzzo, in his Military History,*^ allows that ''this governor abused his power, and gave the Yauclois just grounds of complaint." He had scarcely arrived when he imprisoned a great number of unfortunate persons, and treated them with harshness. He also commissioned an officer of justice to force alleged confessions from them, and to oblige them by some means or other to sign them under the promise of bettering their position, but in reality to establish their criminality by reciprocal accusations. De Bagnols, moreover, relaxed the discipline of the soldiers, who indulged with impunity in outrages of every kind. He did more ; he established at Lucerna a noted bandit, Paol (Paolo, or Paul,) de Berges, who had been condenmed for murder, but pardoned on the occasion of the marriage of his highness. This man of blood having gathered round him about three hundred vil- lains, plundered the valleys in concert with the troops in the fortress. Such was the terror inspired by Paol de Berges and De Bagnols that in that year, 1662, the inhabit- ants of San Giovanni, La Torre, Bora, and Les Vignes of Lucerna being panic-stricken, took to flight the instant they had finished the harvest. 'No one felt secure in any part of the lower valley. Whole families retired daily to the high mountains, into the woods, or to the French territory in Pragela, or to Queiras. On their dej^arture, the garrison carried ofi" the wine and oil, and the best of whatever was left by the fugitives; the neighbouring j)apists took the remainder. Then, as if by withdrawing, the unhappy vic- tims of oppression had committed a crime, De Bagnols issued orders in the name of his bigness. May 19, 1663, that all such persons should return, under severe penalties in case of disobedience, within three days, and surrender * Histoire Militaii'e du Piemont, (Military History of Piedmont,) Turin, ISIS, t. ii., p. 336. THE EXILES. 301 themselves at the fortress, -svithout nnj' exception of age, sex, or condition. The knowledge of the sutfcrings that so many victims would endure, crowded in the foil of La Torre, prevented the majority from thinking of going thither ; but some individuals ventured to return to their homes, for the sake of being allowed again to cultivate their lands. But how bitterly they repented ! They were imme- diately surrounded. Etienne Gay was beheaded; his brotlier was wounded and dragged into the fortress with some women and girls, who there suffered unspeakable toraients. And rather later, when a similar order had been pu])lished on the 25th of June in the same year, and some credulous householders had retui'ned to their own friends, they were perfidiouslj' surrounded and menaced with death, not only by the troops of the governor, but also by an amiy assem- bled for their desti'uction. The vigour previously displayed against a great number of the A'audois condemned for contumacy, and latterly against the persons dwelling in the vicinity of the fortress, had forced the former to take arms for the protection of their lives, which were in constant jeopardy, and the second to join themselves in great numbers to the exiles whose courage excited their o^vn. Joshua Janavel, the hero of Eora, who had been condemned to be quartered, and then to have his head exposed on an eminence, saw gathered round him exiles and fugitives whom Ids great coui-age, intrepidity, prudence, and consummate experience had tilled with confidence. Amounting now to two or thi'ee hundred, they presented, either in small detachments, or in one body,^ an armed resistance, which was fonnidable to the troops of De Bagnols and Paol de Berges ; sometimes even, throwing themselves suddenly on their enemies, they met with signal success. Thev were also seen, it is time, attacking the peaceable inhabitants of Bricherasco, at Bibbiana, for I'xam- ple, and even pillaging the churches of their adversanes ; so that frequently the reproach was cast upon the exiles of leading the lives of banditti.. But we must not forget, in judging of their conduct, that they were quite homeless, and that the feeling of the injustice with which they were treated, as well as the prospect of the ruin to which their valleys were devoted, did not always allow of their practis- 1112: the moderation that was desii'able. 302 HISTORY OF THE YAUDOIS CHFECH. While the commandant of the fortress of La Torre or- dered the fugitive families to return to their homes, Jana- vel exerted his influence to prevent their doing so : but before the 25th of June, which was the fatal term, arrived, and the number of those who had returned could be ascer- tained, an army commanded by the marquises of Fleury and Angrogna, appeared at the entrance of the valley of Lucerna, and surrounded San Giovanni. The Yaudois, till then undecided, could no longer doubt of the intention to destroy them, and took arms, having placed their families in security in those distant places to which they had retired in preceding persecutions. Whatever accusations have been brought against the Vau- dois, whatever ajDpearance of imprudence may have marked their conduct in the judgment of certain persons, yet their history contains facts which demonstrate their probity and their sincere and affectionate desire of always pleasing their . prince. We shall here give a striking example of this. The Yaudois population in arms closed against the duke's troops the passage which led to the bottom of the valley of Lucerna, which rendered it impossible to convey supplies to the fort of Mirebouc, situated in the mountains, towards the French frontier, and then destitute of provisions and miKtary stores. The duke's generals called together the principal persons of the communes, and requested them to give their sovereign a proof of their submission and good intentions, by escorting a convoy which was on its way to the fortress, assuring them that if they consented, peace would soon be re-established. It is difficult to believe so extraordinary a fact, but the proposal was actually com- plied with. The devoted Yaudois feared less to risk their own safety, than to appear to distrust their prince, and to refuse to give him a pledge of their love. They con- ducted the convoy to its destination, and the fortress which closed against them the passage to Trance was victualled by their own good offices.* Their devotedness was scarcely noticed by their enemies, who were accustomed to attach little value to the best words or the noblest actions of those whom they believed worthy of the greatest evils as heretics ; for while the * Some weeks later they consented to guard another convoy, tliough a war of extermination was then beiag waged against them. DEFEAT OF THE AIIMY. 303 Vaudois, trusting in the promise that had hoen made to them, were preparing to come down again from the moun- tains and biing back their families to the phdn, De Fleun- marched into the heart of the vaUeys with the inti'ntion (»f attacking the heights of La Yachere, between Angrogna antl Pramol, where their principal fortifications and their best entrenchments lay.^ On the 6th of July, at day-break, the enemy ascended the mountains at four different i)oints, San Secondo, and Bricherasco, La Costiero de San Gioyanni, and Le Chabas (Ciabas.) The first two divisions under the orders of Fleiuy, forniing an effectiye force of four thousand men, met on the hill of Plans (Plans), between the yalleys of Lucerna and Perosa, and there fortified themselves by an entrenchment of turf, the height of a man, before they attempted to force the narrow pass called the Gate of Angrogna, which was occupied by a detachment of Vaudois. f The two other diyisions, of the same strength, commanded by De Bagnols, climbing to the lower plains of Angrogna, on the side of San Gioyanni and La Toitc, di'oye before them the six or seyen hundred mountaineers that had been collected, with some diffi-culty, at this point ; but when they reached the rocks and ruins of Ptoccamaneot, cele- brated ah'eady for more than one yictor}*, the Vaudois posted themselyes adyantageously, stopped the enemy, wearied them out, decimated their ranks, strewed the ground with their corpses, and when their courage failed and they began to retreat, charged them in their turn, and pursued" them to the plain, on which they dared not to venture in sight of the reserye of cayalry that was stationed there. Haying left a party to keep watch on these heights, they directed their course towards Plans, where De Fk-urj- had entrenched his diyision. But the little detachment at the Gate of Angrogna no sooner saw their brethi-en at their side, than two of their number, Boirat of Pramol and another, crawling on all fours, and concealed by a rock, approached the camp, killed each a sentinel, cleared the rampart, slew four more of the enemy, and kept shouting, ''Forwards! VictorjM" The Vaudois, roused to enthu- * In the war of 1655, Pianezza was never able to capture them, t By forcing this passage, the enemy could attack the defenders of Rocca- maneot in the rear. 304 niSTOET OF THE YAUDOIS CHURCH. siasm, followed in their footsteps with unparalleled ardour. The Piedmontese army, surprised and disconcerted, could not form their ranks, and sought for safety in a rapid flight. Their generals, the marquises of Fleury and Angrogna, Leger tells us, "■ fearing the bite of the dogs (the barhets), were not the last to run away." The number of men slain in the rout was considerable. The vanquished army took their revenge some days after. They surprised and massacred a detachment of five-and- twenty men at Rora. They burned down between twenty and thirty houses that formed the hamlet of Sainte Mar- guerite, in the commune of La Torre. JN^evertheless, these little successes could not make up for the losses sustained at E-occamaneot, Plans, and other jDlaces besides. The command of the army was taken from the marquis de rieury, and given to the marquis de St. Damian. The army itself was reinforced. But while it was repairing its losses and recovering from its fatigues, negotiations were entered upon at Paris and Turin in favour of the Yaudois. The duke of Savoy chagrined with the turn the Yaudois affairs had taken, so little to the credit of his policy or his military skill, fearing also the friendly intervention of the Protestant powers, appeared desirous that the king of France, whose feelings against the evangelicals agreed with his own, and who already in 1655 had been, by his ambas- sador, arbitrator of the treaty of Pinerolo, should again offer his mediation in the present posture of affairs. Servient, who had been charged with the former mediation, received in consequence, orders to betake himself to Turin, and to effect an accommodation between the parties. This was about the end of the summer of 1663. But, on the other hand, the friends of the Yaudois were not aslcej). The evangelical cantons, in agreement with the Protestant powers, sent, on their part, ambassadors to Turin, to take in hand the defence of their brethren in the faith. The Swiss deputies, Jean Gaspard Hirzel, a dis- tinguished magistrate of Zurich, and colonel de Weiss, a senator of Berne, arrived in the course of JS^ovember, 1663, at Turin, where, without losing time, they interceded in- favour of the poor inhabitants of the valleys, and requested favourable conditions for them. The court consented to their amicable intervention as friends and advocates of the COXFEREXCES. 30/5 Yaudois, but would not accept them for arbitrators. The valleys, although rejoiced at the presence of such protectors, hesitated about sending deputies to Tui'in, where the Inqui- sition might lay hold of them in spite of their safe conduct. Yet they decided on not losing so good an opportunity of negotiating peace. The delegates of the yalleys, on their arrival, requested a suspension of hostilities during the whole period of the negotiation. Without refusing it, the court made as a con- dition of it, that the villages of Pranistin and St. Barthe- lemi should be given up to the troops ; a point to which the delegates had not power to assent. The conferences then began, leaving this important question undecided. This was imj)rudent ; for eight days had not elapsed, wlien the news reached Turin, of a battle fought on the 25th of De- cember, along the whole extent of the Yaudois lines. The marquis of Saint Damian, strengthened by the anival of fresh troops, had attacked simultaneously all the points of approach to the valley of Angrogna, from St. Germain in the vale of Perosa, to TaiUeret in the valley of Lueenia. More than twelve thousand men had attacked twelve or fifteen hundred. The Piedmontese had been repulsed ^vith loss in all their attempts to peneti^ate the mountains. In spite of their numerical superiority, they had always been driven back upon one another ; but they had been com- pletely successful in their attack on the villages situated at the foot of the moimtains. They had made them- selves masters of St. Germain in the valley of Perosa, having attacked it fi^om the French territory, — an in- fraction of which the Swiss dei^uties complained after- wards in a memorial to Louis xiv. ; and had occujned Pranistin, St. Barthelemi, and Rocheplatte. _ This affair deprived the Yaudois of all their positions in the open country ; but it demonstrated, like the prcA-ious attempt, the impossibility of driving them out of their fastnesses in the mountains. On hearing of this combat, the delegates of the valleys at Turin reques'ted that they might rejoin their families. The Swiss deputies, on their part, made strong repr(>sentations to the ministers of his royal highness, who consented at last to sign a truce for twelve days; a truce which was continued fi^om week to week till the conclusion of the negotiations, two months later, in Pebruary, 1664. 306 HISTOEY OF THE VATJDOIS CHUECH. The conferences began at Turin at the Hotel-de-Ville, on the 17th of December, 1663. There were eight of them in all. On the part of the duke, there were present the pro- moter of the war, the author of the massacres of 1655, the formidable and sagacious marquis of Pianezza, and the coun- sellors of state, Truchi, De Gresy, and Perrachino, who had already represented his highness at the conferences ofPine- rolo, nine years before. The ambassadors of the evangeli- cal cantons were present as witnesses and advocates of the valleys, who were represented by eight delegates, of whom two were pastors.^' It was agreed that everything which was proposed and answered, on both sides, should be com- mitted to writing, and signed hj a secretary of his highness and by the secretary of the Swiss embassy, | The duke's ministers did their utmost to convict the Yaudois of rebel- lion. With this view, they imputed all the crimes commit- ted by the exiles to the whole population, making no distinc- tion whatever between them : at least they wished to make the latter responsible for all the acts of violence committed by the former, alleging that they ought to have delivered them up, had they disapproved of them. This mode of arguing was specious, but nothing more. Por if the duke's troops could not master these determined men, how could people who were of unwarlike habits and badly armed ? The minister of his royal highness also made it a crime, that the Vaudois had quitted their houses and withdrawn to the mountains, that they had not returned home when they had received orders to that effect ; and lastly, that they had defended themselves and resorted to arms. Here it was not difficult for the oppressed to prove that they had been forced to these extreme measures by the violence of power, and in particular by the vexations, injustice, and cruelties of the governor De Bagnols and his soldiery. It appeared difficult to effect an accommodation between the parties, the duke' s ministers being disposed to regard the Yaudois only as rebels; and the Yaudois, in their turn, feel- * Pierre Baile, minister at St. Germain ; David Leger, minister at Chiots in the valley of San Martino ; Jacques Bastie, of San Giovanni ; Andre Michelin, of La Torre ; David Martinat, of Bobbio ; Jacques Jahier, of Pramol ; Francois Laurent, and his son David. Afterwards the minister Ripert took the place of Ledger. t Their proceedings were published at Turin the same year, under the title of Conferences faites a Turin, etc. (Conferences held at Tui'in), by Jolin Sinibaldo, 1664. AEBITEATION OF LOUIS XIV, 307 ing themselves in danger of becoming ^-ictims, and requir- ing the strongest guarantees to give them confidi'nce. At last, by the persevering efforts of the Swiss ambassii- dors, some points were settled which seemed as the basis of the edict of pacification or charter, which Charles Emma- nuel granted his Yaudois subjects on Tebi-uary 14, KiCi. In its form and terms, this act was an anmesty. The sove- reign consented to pardon. Yet, for the sake of his repu- tation, and to maintain his authority, he required a satisfac- tion and a guarantee of obedience on the part of the Yau- dois. But out of respect for the princes and republics that had interceded for them, and particularly on account of the mediation of the king of France, his roj-al highness consented to submit the decision of these two points to his most Christian majesty, Louis xiv. By this new act, all the Yaudois, excepting a list of persons formerly condemned, thirty-six or thirty-seven, were pardoned, and admitted to the benefit of the charter of Pinerolo in 1655. For greater clearness, the third article of the aforesaid charter, relative to San Giovanni, which had been interpreted so differently by the two parties, was explained in this sense : — " Eveiy religious ser^•ice, sermon, catechism, prayers, school, excepting family worship, is forbidden throughout the whole extent of the commune : no pastor can be admitted to reside in it, though families may receive his visits twice a year, and the sick according to their need. In case of necessity, in one of these visits the pastor may sleep a night in the commune. The school, if the parents do not prefer sending their childi'en to that which the duke intends to establish, must be removed to Chabas, in Angrogna." An article of the charter imposed the obligation of obtaining the prince's consent for ever)- foreign pastor who might be called to the valleys, and who, besides, would be obliged to take an oath of fidelity. As for the rest, these restrictions excepted, liberty of worship was insured by the charter of Turin, as by the former one, to the ancient churches of the valleys. It will be obvious, that though apparently the new edict placed the Yaudois in the same situation as that secured by the charter of Pinerolo, which was inferior to the preceding, they had, in fact, lost many of their privileges. The evan- gelical public worship had been entirely and expressly taken 308 HISTOET OF THE VAUDOrS CHTJRCH. away from the chiu'ch of San Giovanni, as well as its school. The admission of the necessary pastors had been limited. Still, if by these new and disadvantageous conditions, the affairs of the valleys had been definitively arranged, some- thing would have been gained ; but we must not forget that the charter of Turin placed it in the power of the king of France to determine what satisfaction aud what guarantee of obedience the Yaudois ought to give their sovereign. This important point was debated in the course of May, after the departure of the Swiss ambassadors, at Pinerolo, a city at that time belonging to the French, before M. Servient, ambassador of Louis xiv., by the duke's mini- sters and the delegates of the valleys. The satisfaction claimed by the duke of Savoy was a pecuniary one. His agents presented a schedule of claims amounting to more than two million francs, for the charges of the war and the extraordinary expenses of the state, besides damages done to the communes and private Catholics. What a sum for poor husbandmen and shejDherds, at the end of a war which had laid waste their fields, dispersed their cattle, and burned many of their villages, which were scarcely rebuilt since their almost total destruction nine years before ! — Two million francs for a population of only five thousand souls ! a demand fraught with ruin ! As to the guarantees of obedience claimed for the future, they were six in number, of which we shall only mention tliree. The duke demanded, (i.) that his popish delegate should be present at all the synods, and other assemblies of the same kind; (ii.) that the ministers should cease from occupying themselves with civil affairs, and that the com- munes should not discuss together their civil and political interest, but only separately; (iii-) that three or four towers similar to the Tourras de Saint-Michel should be built at the expense of the valleys, to be garrisoned by a sufficient number of soldiers, at the expense of the aforesaid valleys, to put down revolt, should it be required, and to maintain free communication from one valley to another. When the evangelical Swiss cantons had been informed of the demands of the court of Turin, and were apprised that all the documents relative to this affair were to be submitted to Louis xiv. himself, they svrote to this monarch in favour of their clients, and sent to the king of ARBITRATION OF LOUIS XIV. SO'J England and the states-general of Holland an account of what had transpired, which led to similar movcineuts to their own on the part of these states. Such zeal and inter- vention from such high quarters exerted, no douht, a happy influence on the arbitration of a monarch who was other- wise so little disposed to favour oppressed Protestants. In his perplexity respecting the duke, a long time elapsed before he arrived at a decision, which, after about three years, he gave on Januaiy 18, 1667. Moreover, idthough he proceeded on the admission of the culpability of the Yaudois, by condemning them to make a pecuniary satis- faction to their sovereign, and guarantees of obedience for the futiu'e, yet, in fixing the indemnity and the proofs of submission, he made such abatements from the demands of the duke's government, that in fact the rights of the Vaudois rather gained by it than received an injur)-. Instead of the two million jfrancs or more, at which the satisfaction had been estimated, Louis xiv. fixed it at fifty thousand Piedmontese li^Tes, payable in ten years. As for the guarantees of obedience, the Yaudois were required to give an act of submission duly attested and confinned by an oath ; they were also to consent to the presence of a ducal commissioner in their sjTiods, and to some other particulars. As for the rest, Charles Emmanuel did not abuse his victory. Ear from that, this prince, more enlightened, it would seem, as to the real interests of his government, imd more free, since the death of his mother Christina, to follow the generous movements of his own heart, rendered justice to his Yaudois subjects. He recollected the zeal they had displayed for his cause in 1638, 1639, and 1640, when a great part of his subjects had taken sides with his uncles against him. Einally, the war which he had to carrj- on, in 1672, against the Genoese, and in which the Yaudois, flocking to his standard at the first appeal, ser^'ed him with extraordinary devotedness and the greatest courage, completely brought back his heart to his faithful subjects. Satisfied with their conduct, he assui'ed them of his entire approbation, in a letter full of kindness, — a restorati^•e balm for the deep wounds that fanaticism and the malice of his servants had inflicted. The Yaudois, happy to possess a place in the affections of their sovereign, hoped to live a 310 HISTORY OF THE VATJDOIS CHURCH. long time in peace under his paternal sceptre ; but he died on the third of June, 1678.-'' The Yaudois continued to enjoy some years of peace, under the regency of the duchess, the widow of Charles Emmanuel, and under the government of their son, Yictor Amadous ii. It was at this time that they gave a fresh proof of devotedness to their prince, in marching against the banditti of Mondovi, and assisting in bringing them to submission ; but at the very time when they might reason- ably have indulged the delightful expectation of a durable peace, they saw themselves all at once menaced with the greatest misfortunes, and dragged into ruin. Barbarous orders spread terror through the valleys. Yery soon they had no choice between apostasy and death under a thousand forms, or exile. Let us describe these melancholy scenes, and their origin : A monarch to whom the world has given the name of Great, Louis xiv., who reigned over the country on the western side of the Piedmontese Alps, the powerful king- dom of France, attempted to atone for the vices of his dissolute life by the forced conversion of the Protestants in his kingdom to poj)ery. Such an undertaking could not fail to assure him of plenary indulgence from the sworn foe of evangelical Christians, namely, the pope of Eome; and while he deprived his subjects belonging to the reformed religion of all their civil rights, and revoked the edict of Nantes by which they were guaranteed, while by these cruel measures he drove to apostasy, or forced into exile, the worthiest part of the French nation, he urged his neighbour, the young duke of Savoy, to abolish also the Yaudois church. Yictor Amadous, though young, had sufficient penetration to shrink from coming to such extremities with subjects who were serving him faithfully. f He generously and in a Cliristian spirit resisted this pernicious temptation, until * He was only forty-one years old. On his death-bed, with a sentiment of affecting humility, he gave orders to admit all persons indiscriminately into liis chamber, in order, said he, that people may know that princes die like other men. t Arnaud, whose testimony certainly cannot be suspected, gives this cha- racter of him in the preface to his Histoire de la Glorieuse Rentree des Vaudois dans lem-s VaUees, (History of the glorious Retm'n of the Vaudois to theii- Valleys,) printed in 1710, and reprinted at Neufchitel, by Attrnger, 1845. ABOLITION OF EVANGELICAL WORSHir. 311 M. dc Eebenac Feuquiercs, the French ambassador, liavin"- told him one day that the king his master would find the means of di-iving away these heretics with fourteen thou- sand men, but that he would keep the vallej's they inhabited for himself, he was obliged, by this kind of menace, to take other measures; and judging that it concerned his ovn\ honoui' and interest to prevent a foreign power from gi^'ing laws to his own subjects, he preferred persecuting them himself. A treaty was concluded on this footing. Louis XIV. promised an armed force to reduce them. The valleys had a presentiment of their fate, when, a few days after the news of the revocation of the edict of Xantes (October 22, 1685), they heard on Xovember 4th a procla- mation prohibiting every stranger from staying there more than three days without the governor's permission, and every inhabitant fi'om lodging them under pain of severe chastisement. But what was their alarm when all at once from one end of the valleys to the other the alarming words of the edict of January 31, 1686, resounded, ordaining the complete cessation of every religious sei'vice except the Eomish, under pain of death and the confiscation of pro- perty ; the demolition of the temples of the so-called reformed religion ; the banishment of the ministers and schoolmasters, and in future the baptism of all the children by the popish priests, who were to educate them in the Eomish religion. This effect annulled all the liberties ac- knowledged and confirmed by the house of Savo}' from age to age, and from reign to reign, since the valleys had come under their sway from the beginning of the thirteenth cen- tury. All hearts were oppressed by unspeakable teiTor. No traditions or recollections could produce an edict equally iniquitous. The vaUej's had never been menaced with so great a danger ; never, at least with one so imminent. If they were unable to alter the duke's determination by their enti^eaties, nothing remained but to take anns and defend themselves even to death : for the Yaudois, descendants of the martyrs, would not think of apostatizing. But it was in vain that they supplicated their prince : their natural protector, ordained by God to defend the oppressed, to administer justice, remained deaf to their cries. Some delay in the execution was all they could obtain. Despairing of bending the duke, seeing the French and Piedmontese 312 HISTOET OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. troops concentrating themselves on the confines of their valleys; and lastly, hearing the insulting menaces of the papists in the vicinity, they took some defensive precau- tions, and prepared for resisting in case of an attack. Meanwhile the news of the almost incredible edict of the 31st of January, excited in all the Protestant countries indignation and pity. The German princes, Holland, and England, wrote to the duke. The evangelical cantons of Switzerland, whose friendship and protection had already proved so useful to the Yaudois, did not act inconsistently with their previous conduct. Having addressed a letter to the duke, which remained unanswered, they decided, in an assembly held at Baden in February, 1686, on sending an ambassador to Turin, to take in hand the defence of their brethren in the faith. The counsellors of state, Gaspard de Muralt of Zurich, and Bernard de Muralt of Berne, chosen for this mission, arrived at their destination at the begin- ning of March. They assigned as a reason for their inter- vention, not only the agreement of their faith with that of the Yaudois, but the interest they took in what concerned the charters of 1655 and 1664, which were in part the fruit of their mediation, but which the edict of January 31st annulled. In the memorial they presented, they urged in favour of their oppressed brethren the pressing motives of tolerance. Especially they founded a cogent argument on the historical view of the question. They represented that the churches of the valley of Piedmont had never separated from the religion of their prince, since they had lived in that which they had received from their fathers more than eight centuries ago, and which they professed before passing under the domination of Savoy ; that the ancestors of his royal highness having found them in the possession of their religion, had maintained it by various concessions, princi- pally by those of 1561, 1602, and 1603, confirmed in 1620, at the price of six thousand half-ducats ; all these acts establishing, as a perpetual and irrevocable law, the right of the Yaudois to exercise their very ancient religion. They also called to mind, that in spite of the error of Gas- taldo and the trouble excited by his ordinance, the father of his highness had acknowledged and confirmed the pri- vileges of the Yaudois by two solemn, perpetual, and irre- vocable charters of the years 1655 and 1664, confirmed PROJECT OF EMIGRATION. 31. '3 in due form. The ambassadors finally appealed to the engagements which the predecessors of his highness had made in the face of Europe, when they had been stdicitxjd hj kings, princes, and republics to confimi to the Yaudois their religious privileges. The memorial also showed that the Yaudois had never given any subject of complaint which could justify such a decree.^* The reply made by the marquis de St. Thomas, in the name of his sovereign, to the memorial, contained a humi- liating confession. This minister of foreign affairs declared that his master was not at liberty to retract or modify his decree; that there were engagements which he could not break ; that the neighboui'hood of a powerful monarch who was jealous of the deference paid to him, imposed on the duke the line of conduct he followed. The letters of the Protestant princes were not able to turn Yictor Amadous from the projected persecution. f The Swiss ambassadors had received orders from their lords, if they could not procui-e the withdi-awment of the decree, or its being considerably modified, then to try to obtain leave for the Yaudois to emigrate to foreign coun- tries. The court of Turin being sounded on the subject, seemed not to oppose it, and consented that the deputies should make the proposal to the valleys. The assembly of the delegates of the communes } heard, with great pain, the report made to them by the ambas- sadors of the desperate condition of their affairs, and the wholly novel proposal of emigrating in a body. The Yau- dois had believed that the reformed powers of Europe would obtain the guarantee of their liberties ; and instead of this efficacious succoui', there seemed no hope of deliverance but in abandoning their native soil. ^Tiat resolution could they adopt ? What part could they choose ? They con- sulted their good friends the ambassadors. By them they were advised, though with pain, to emigrate, fr-om a con- viction that in the presence of the united forces of Savoy * The historian Botta, who is not very favourable to the Vaudois, says that not only were they innocent this time, but they had even deserved well of the government. Storia d'ltalia, v. vi., p. 340. t See the History of the Negotiation. t We are not informed where this assembly was held, but the correspon- dence of the Vaudois, always dated from Angrogna, sufficiently mdicaies that the different assemblies were held in that place. P 314 HISTOEY OF THE YAUDOIS CHURCH. and France, tlie Yaudois had no chance of escaping dreadful and final ruin. While the ambassadors returned to Turin, and conferred with the duke's ministers, the Yaudois communes assem- bled at AngTogna on March 18, (28th,) 1686, and delibe- rated. If the consideration of an unequal and bloody war influenced them to emigrate ; on the other hand, they could not tliink without despair of quitting the country of their fathers, the soil of their infancy, the land of martyrs. The love of their native country, joined with religious recollec- tions, the glorious and venerable traditions of the Yaudois church, bound them to their rocks. Uncertain, and divided in opinion, they at last decided on communicating their perplexities in writing to the ambassadors, and committing themselves to the direction of their prudence. After considering this letter, the ambassadors requested that the Yaudois might have permission to leave the domains of his royal highness, and to dispose of their property. But without any fresh reason, by a sudden change of policy, the duke refused to treat with the embassy, and required the Yaudois to come themselves with an act of submission, and request leave to emigrate. Evidently, the court being chagrined at the turn the affair had taken, wished not to be fettered, as would have been the case in treating with the Swiss, but to retain the power of imposing on their suppliant subjects conditions they would not have dared to off'er to their advocates. Although the ambassadors might have considered themselves as insulted by the refusal of the court to treat with them respecting the emigration, their prudence did not abandon them; their benevolence sus- tained them. They obtained, at all events, from the ministers of his highness, permission to regulate the terms and clauses of the submission. But Avhen they had pro- posed them to the valleys, the latter were divided in opinion, and sent deputies to Turin, who were not all of the same mind. Five of them were authorized to make an act of sub inission, as well as to ask permission to leave the country, and to dispose of their property. The sixth, deputed from Bobbio, San Giovanni, and Angrogna, was to confine him- self, besides submission, to request the revocation of the edict of the 31st of January. The ambassadors, finding themselves greatly embarrassed by this division in the DECISION OF THE VALLEYS. 315 Yaudois communes, sought to gain time from the court diu'ing which the discordant deputies might aj)})!}- for fresh instructions.*' But this inten^al was soon gone. The enemies of the Yaudois were on the alert, and Victor Ama- dous published on the 9th of April, a new edict, declared to be final. By this act, which put an end to all ulterior negotiations, since it settled beforehand all the points under discussion, nothing was left to the Yaudois, but to choose between entire submission to the absolute and arbitrary will of their sovereign, and an exile encompassed with dangers, snares, and perplexities. According to the edict, it was lawful for the greater part to remain in the valleys, (the prince, how- ever, reserving to himself the right of exiling such as he pleased,) but on the following conditions: — The Yaudois were to lay down their arms, and retire each one to his own house ; they were to engage in no tumults ; they were not to hold more assemblies than had been usual. The damages sustained by the missionary fathers, by the Catholics and the Catholic converts, were to be made good by means of the property of the said professors of the so-called reformed religion. The edict of the 31st of January was in other respects confirmed. As to those who wished to leave the duke's domains, they were allowed to carry away with them such of their effects as they chose, and to sell their goods to the Catholics, or to cause them to be sold by a small number of agents in the three months following their depar- ture. They were to travel in companies, and imder the inspection of the authorities. The places of departure, and days of assembling together were fixed. "WTiatever was the intention that dictated this decree, whether it was hoped or not that the Yaudois woidd be di^-ided by offering them two methods instead of one, of exti-ication from their embarrassments, the relinquishment of their religious assemblies, or of their native soil; this end, at all events, was not attained. Far fi'om dismiiting them, the decree combined them all in one sentiment, that of remaining and defending themselves. For they saw in different parts of the ordinance, the intention of getting rid of a certain number among them, and of forcing the rest to * They returned with the same instructions ; the three communes persisteil in maintaining their views. p 2 316 HISTORY OF THE VAT7D0IS CHtTRCH. embrace popery. For why was the decree of the 31st of January maintained, which obliged the valleys to demolish their temples, if the court seriouslj^ consented to their depar- ture ? Why should the duke reserve to himself the power of dismissing whom he pleased, unless on the supposition that the greater number would remain ? E\ddently it was not his wish that all the Yaudois should leave ; and on the other hand, measures were taken for preventing the celebra- tion of the evangelical worship ; was not this equivalent to saying, that the untractable alone were to be dismissed from the territory, and that the rest would be forced to embrace popery ? This was the general opinion.^* Driven to such extremities, they had no choice but to j)ersevere in an armed resistance. Prej)arations were accordingly made for the contest ; but the ministers were first requested to preach to the people, and to administer the Lord's supper to them on the following Sunday, which was Easter day. Unfortunately, the seeds of disunion were sown among the Yaudois. The valley of San Martino was disposed to submission and exile. The church of Yilleseche, in parti- cular, wrote to the ambassadors that they had decided, and requested them to obtain a safe-conduct for their members. The duke refused ; the application, he said, had not been made in time. The ambassadors, who seeing the inutility of their medi- ation, were preparing to depart, received again before their departure two letters, dated from Angrogna, addressed, one to the evangelical cantons in the name of the Yaudois, the other to the ambassadors in the name of the pastors : affecting letters, in which gratitude was shown in lamenting the little benefit that had resulted from the interference of the cantons and their deputies. Certainlj-, in reading them, their generous benefactors could not say that they had been labouring for the imgrateful. Meanwhile, Yictor Amadous repaired to the camp formed in the plain, at the foot of the Yaudois Alps, where he had assembled his guard, all his cavalry and his infantry, as well * The following fact confirmed their suspicions : — About fifteen householdei'S having requested, soon after the promulgation of the edict, to leave the duke's domains, could not obtain permission ; and as the most of them refused to apostatize, they were sent to prison, where some died, and others were not released till nine months after, with the other prisoners. — Hist, de la Persecu- tion, p. 14. CATINAT AND THE ARilY OF SAVOY. 317 as the militia of Moudovi, Barges, and Bagnolo, besides a great number of foragers. He also reviewed the French troops under the command of Catinat. These were com- posed of some regiments of cavalry, seven or eight battalions of infantry who had crossed the mountains, and a part of the garrisons of Pinerolo and Casal. On the part of the Yaudois, there were two thousand five hundred men under arms. They had made in each of their valleys some entrenchments of turf and rough stones. ^ If they* had concentrated their forces, instead of scattering them ; if they had abandoned their advanced posts to retire into the retreats of the mountains ; above all, if they had been of one mind as to the course to be pursued ; if they had had at their head experienced men of coui'age and influence, like a Leger or a Janavel ; if, at least, they had not nimibered among their ranks the iiTcsolute, the cowardly, and probably the treacherous, the issue would have been different ; but in the actual state of things it could not be otherwise than disastrous. On the 22nd of April, the popish army began its march, divided into two bodies; the duke's troops entered the valley of Lucerna, led by their general, Gabriel of Savoy, the duke's uncle. The French troops, commanded by Catinat, took theii' route through the vaUeys of _ Perosa and San Martino. We shaU begin with narratmg the operations of these latter. .-,11.^1 Setting out before day they ascended along the left bank of the Clusone : having arrived opposite the large tillage ot St Germain, Catinat detached a division of infantry' and cavaK, with orders to drive away the Yaudois from this localitv, while he continued his march. About two hundred of the Yaudois ver^- soon retired behind the entrenchments they had raised on the side of Pramol. There the French colonel, de YiUevieiUe, met with an invincible resistance His soldiers, in the proportion of six to one, fought without success for ten hours, and then fell back. Seemg this, the little Yaudois troop pursued, routed, and chased them as far as Clusone. YiUevieiUe threw himseU with seventy men into the temple of St. Germain. Being summoned to surrender, he constantly refused, even on honourable capi- tulation. His retreat would have been forced, it night had not come on, during which fi-esh troops arrived from Pineroio 318 HISTOEY OF THE YAUDOIS CHUECH. to liis aid. The loss of the rrench, in killed and wounded, amounted to five hundred. Catinat pursued his march, and invested the valley of San Martino. On the next day, the 23rd, he attacked E-ioclaret ; which was without defence, as was the whole valley, the inhabitants having reckoned on the benefit of the edict of April 9, as they had communicated through the ambassadors that they would submit and resign them- selves to exile. They did not know that their submission had been rejected. The French, irritated by the defeat of their troops at St. Germain, of which the news had just reached them, were not content with pillaging, burning, and violating ; they massacred without distinction of sex or age, with unheard-of fury, all who had not escaped by flight from their barbarity. Catinat, leaving a part of his troops in the valley of San Martino, where they put all to fire and sword, then crossed the mountains on his left, and fell upon the valley of Pramol, which his soldiers treated in the same manner. On hearing of these excesses, the two hundred Yaudois who were entrenched behind St. Germain, towards Pramol, seeing themselves cut oiF, made haste to quit a post now useless, and rejoined, in the district of Peumian, those of their bretlii'on of Pramol, St. Germain, Prarustin, and Pocheplatte, who were assembled there. While all this was going on, the army of Savoy attacked the valley of Lucerna. When it reached San Giovanni, on April 22, it swejDt away, by the fire of its artillery and the charges of the cavalry, all the advanced corps of the Yau- dois, and then attacked the valley of Angrogna, defended by five hundred mountaineers. These brave men having taken refuge in the entrenchments they had cast up in a place called the Casses (Cassa), and on the heights of La Yachere, which had already witnessed so many terrible com- bats, resisted for a whole day all the duke's forces. But, on the 24th, having learned that the valley of San Martino had surrendered, and that the French, abeady masters of Pramol, were about to attack them in the rear, the Yaudois sent a flag of truce. The general Gabriel, of Savoy, pro- mised to admit them to the benefit of the edict of April 9, if they submitted. And as they still hesitated, he wrote a note, signed with his own hand, in the duke's name, in the following terms : " Lay down your arms immediately, and SrBMISSIOX OF THE TAUDOIS. 310 trust yourself to the clemency of his royal highness. On these conditions, be assiu'cd he will show you favour, and that you shall not be injured either in your ovm persons, or in that of yoiu' ^VNives and children." On this promise the Taudois laid doA^-n their arms, and the Piedmontese army occupied theii' entrenclunents. Xevertheless, under the pretext of conducting them to the duke for the purpose of making their submission, they brought all the ablebodied men to Lucerna, where tliey kept them as prisoners. The abandoned soldiery, masters of the hamlets, indulged meanwhile in all the irregular acts of the most shameful licentiousness and the most teriible brutality. The same scenes passed at Pra-di-torre, the ancient bulwark of the yalleys, whither the inhabitants of Angrogna, San Giovanni, and La Torre had withdraA\Ti their most valuable effects. There also the Yaudois trusted to a faithless proposal, and saw themselves unworthily treated, they and their families being alike defenceless. It was the same with fifteen hundred persons who were collected at Penmian, near Pramol, some refugees at Ciamprama and Geymets, retired localities in La Toito ; and, in a word, to avoid repetitions, throughout all the valleys. All the detacliments, even those which were entrenched in the strongest places, were alarmed at finding themselves isolated in the midst of a population who submitted themselves in succession. Uneasy in regard to the future, they lent an ear to the fair words and promises of their enemies, and surrendered themselves, one after another. The Yaudois of Bobbio were the last to surrender, and not without ha\-ing made a brave defence. They laid down their arms on the rocks of Yandalin. AYe shall not soil our pages by detailing the honible deeds committed by the soldiers of Catinat on the weaker sex at Penmian, after the departure of their commander; nor by the recital of those with which the duke's troops, especially the bands of Mondovi, disgraced themselves at Angrogna, and in the valley of Lucerna. These atrocities, which too much resemble those of the persecution of 1655, have been detailed in the authentic work already cited, en- titled, Ristoire de la Persecution des Valleys du Piemont en 1686 (Historv of the Persecution of the Yalleys of Pied- mont in 1686),"'pi'iiited at Rotterdam in 1689. Suffice it 320 HISTOET OF THE VATJDOIS CHURCH. to say, that the generals in the war against the Yaudois, always regarded the wives and daughters of their enemies merely as victims for their licentious soldiers, and the old men and children as playthings on which to try their swords. From all quarters, armed bands conducted prisoners to Lucerna. They had been promised, that, after having per- formed an act of submission before his royal highness, they should be sent to their homes where they would decide either for exile or popery. Instead of this, they saw them- selves separated from one another, sons from their fathers, husbands from their wives, parents from their children, and conducted to fortified places. Twelve thousand persons,^' men, women, and children, were, in the course of a few days, dragged from their native soil, distributed in thirteen or fourteen fortresses, where we shall soon see they endured a thousand evils. About two thousand children, abducted from their parents, were at the same time dispersed through- out Piedmont among the papists. Many executions also took place. We shall only give that of the minister Leidet, of Prali. After passing many months in prison, fed on bread and water, having one foot fastened in heavy wooden stocks, which prevented his lying down, he was condemned to death, as if he had been taken bearing arms, which was not the case, for he was found under a rock, singing psalms. The monks, who allowed him no rest, for they came every day to worry him (so to speak) about his faith, and to provoke him to a disputation, were determined to have the pleasure of tormenting him in his last moments. Having been present when his sentence was read, which the martjT heard without agitation, the monks would not leave him, and gave him no rest all day, though he entreated them, saying that he wished to pray to God with freedom of spirit. Moreover, they returned on the morrow at daybreak to harass him again. Yet they could not disturb his peace. As he came out of his prison, he spoke of the twofold deliverance he was about to enjoy, namely, that from the captivity which he had so long en- dured within those narrow walls, and that which death * These are the numbers given in the Hist, de la Persecution. Amaud raises them to fourteen thousand, a number which corresponds better with that stated to the Swiss ambassadors to the Valleys. (See Histoirede laNego- ciation, p. 63.) LEIDET A MAETYE. 321 would give his soul, free from that moment to ascend to heaven! He -went to execution with holy exulta- tion. At the foot of the scaffold he made a long and admirable prayer, which deeply affected the attendants. He borrowed his last words from his Redeemer ; '* Father," he cried, ''into thy hands I commend my spirit." Thus Victor Amadeus succeeded. From the gardens of the palace of Lucema, whither he had come to enjoy tlie victory, he could behold the ravages made by his triumpliant army. The fields that lay before his eyes were deserted, the hamlets on the sides of the mountains, the smiling villages, with their green bowers and rich orchards, no longer contained one of their ancient inhabitants; the valleys no longer resonnded with the bleatings of the flocks and the voices of the shepherds; the fields, the meadows, the vineyards, the alpine pasture-lands, scenes once so beautiful, — all these districts, so happy in the previous spring, were reduced to one vast solitude, di'cary as the wildest rocks. Holy hymns would no more be heard there to celebrate the Author of so many wonders. The cultivators of these beautiful regions were some of them dead, and their carcasses scattered over the soil ; others were crowded in dungeons, ignorant of each other's lot ; others, again, were children delivered to the mercy of strangers, who never ceased to persecute these poor crea- tui-es till they had forgotten their parents, their country-, and their religion. Alas! what bloody outrage had this people committed against their prince to be thus treated ? Were they a ferocious tiibe, addicted to robbery, pillage, and assassination ? Thou, Lord, knowest ! they rever- enced thy name; they only asked permission to obey thy precepts ; they loved their prince ; his honour and glorj- were dear to them. Faithfnl, devoted, submissive to his laws, they only did not prefer him to Thyself, and never resisted his will but when he attempted to draw them away from that worship which they had rendered to thee for ages. Upon the most remote Alps, in the midst of forests, and in holes of the rocks, a few persons, had, nevertheless, succeeded in concealing themselves, liring by stealth on the remnants of their pro\'isions, and on what they could find around their retreats: and when the French had retired ^ith the bands of Mondovi, and a part of the p 3 322 HISTORY OF THE VATJDOIS CHUECH. Piedmontese troops, these unfortunate people issued from their hiding-places. They soon collected together, and rendered assistance to each other. Being often obliged to descend to the inhabited places to seek for food, they rendered themselves formidable. The armed force which frequently chased them, could neither intimidate nor lay hold of them. Their boldness accordingly increased. Unable to defeat them, their enemies offered them passports, on condition of their emigrating. The}^ only consented when hostages had been given them, which one band guarded while another travelled, and when some of their relations, prisoners in the fortresses, had been permitted to go with them. They reached Switzerland in three detachments, in the course of JSTovember.^* The evangelical cantons of Switzerland, although their interference had been unavailing, and they had not been able to save their brethren in the faith from the catastrophe that had befallen them, never ceased to feel a lively in- terest on their behalf. They supplicated God for them on an extraordinary fast- day, and ordered collections through all their territory.! They redoubled their importunity mth the court of Turin; and as they had been informed that the count de Govon, the resident of Savoy in Switzerland, had received power to treat with them, they charged two deputies with this mission, after having deliberated on the basis of this negotiation, in their assembly at Aran, in September, 1686. The plenipotentiaries agreed, subject to ratification, that all the prisoners should be set at liberty, decently clothed, conducted to the borders of Switzerland at the expense of the duke, and that those who still wan- dered on the mountains should receive passj)orts lor the same destination. The Swiss, on their part, engaged to receive them, and keep them in the heart of their country, so that they might not return. The ratification of the convention was immediate on the part of the Swiss ; it was less readily given by the duke, who nevertheless signed it. The decision of the evangelical cantons of Switzerland is above all praise. They charged themselves entirely * Dieterici, die Waldenser, p. 136. — Boyer, p. 260.— Hist, de la Persecution, p. 27. — Archives de Geneve, register of the 26th November, 1686, p. 306. We there read that eighty Vaudois, men, women, and cliildren, had just arrived. See the same for the other detachments. t Extracted from the public register of Berne. Li^i'e des Mandats, p. 726. THEIR STATE IX THE FORTRESSES. 323 ^vith an imfortimate people. They had some thousands of siekl}', suffering, and dejected persons to feed, lod.^c, and maintain. AVhat a burden for their slender means I It is tme they might calculate en succoui- fi'om the Protestants of Eui'ope, but they knew not to what amount. One source was di'ied up, namely, in France, whence the persecuted Protestants had escaped by thousands in quest of an asylum, and sometimes even of bread. England, where a Eoman Catholic king, James ii., favoured the religion of the pope, and which was itself engaged in opposing his pretensions, had not sufficient liberty to make collections in favour of those whom it formerly protected. Holland and Germany alone, although worn out by long and expensive wars, could still in some degree assist the unfor- timate people whom they had often supported in their distress. The cantons acquainted them with their inten- tions, and expected a favourable answer. The elector of Braudenburgh, Frederick William, was the first who replied to theii* appeal ; the states of Holland followed ; and after them several German princes, who vrill be named in their proper place. In passing, let us pay our first tribute of admiration to these Swiss cantons, who, from their proximity to the valleys, were called on, prior to all their other brethren, to give proof of their sincere charity to the suffering disciples of Christ. The autumn was di^a^ving to a close, the snow already whitened the summits of the alpine passes : it would soon cover all the heights, and threaten with its avalanches and whiiiwinds imprudent or late travellers. Yet the Yaudois were still in prison. According to the best accounts, there were, in the spring, from twelve to fourteen thousand in confinement. They could not all be restored to liberty, for akeady five hundred of them had been placed beyond the jurisdiction of the duke. This piince, desirous of showing his gratitude for the succour afforded him by the king of France, had sent this number of his subjects as a present to his most Christian majesty, who had deposited them in his galleys at Marseilles.* A great number of those who were left in the fortresses died in them, of chagrin or disease. A change of situation so complete had brought to the grave men accustomed to inhale the mountain breezes, to live in * See Dieterici, p. 123. 324 HISTORY OF THE VATFDOIS CHUECH. the fields, or herdsmen's cottages, and above all, to liberty. Bad water, scanty fare, confinement in narrow rooms, l}dng on the hard bricks with which they were paved, or on straw reduced to powder or rotten, the suff'ocating heat of summer, the chilliness of the nights as soon as winter came, and the vermin that covered their emaciated bodies, had aggravated the morbid tendencies of many, and produced epidemic disorders. Seventy-five sick persons had been found at a time in one room. Moreover, they received little or no medical aid. It is said that many children with the small-pox died from exposure to the rain. If the Yau- dois wanted aid for their suffering bodies, to make up for that, they were constantly beset by the monks. Certain it is, that of twelve thousand who entered the prisons, not more than tliree or four thousand emigrated to Switzerland. "What became of the rest? The greater part had died; others turned Catholics."^' Many children and young per- sons had been taken away ; lastly, a considerable number of adults were condemned for their lives to the fortifications and the galleys. As to the rest, there is one fact which famishes decisive proof of the determined intention of the Piedmontese go- vernment to treat the miserable remains of the Yaudois with the utmost rigour ; and that is, the hindrance put in the way of their departure, and the manner in which it was at last effected. It was winter, a season in which no one, unless as a matter of necessity, would attempt to cross the Alps. This observation, which is true in our days, notwithstanding the excellent roads now made across the mountains, would be particularly so two centuries ago, when the means of communication were so inferior to what they have since become. A journey which some robust persons would not have attempted without hesitation, on account of the perils of the season, the ice and snows, it was cruel and barbarous, to force thousands of men, en- feebled by disease and imprisonment, to undertake, in the depth of winter, across the Alps ; and also old men, worn down by sufferings as well as by years, besides women and children of the tenderest age. It was to consent be- * Those who apostatized were in hopes that their goods would be restored, to them, which was not the case. These persons were mostly distributed through the province of VerceUi. (Hist, de la Persecution, p. 32.) THEIR TRAVELLING IN THE DEPTH OF WINTER. 325 forehand to the death of a multitude of them, and even to insure it. Spirit of Papal Home, how many victims hast thou made ! It may perhaps be said, not without foundation, that in choosing this season, the ministers of Victor Amadiiis reckoned on the discouragement that "would seize the un- fortunate exiles, in the prospect of the sufferings and perils that awaited them, which might induce them to apostatize, and thus retain them in the duke's domains. But if the end was praiseworthy, were the means so ? !N"o man of the slightest humanity, and much more, no Christian, could assent to this. The intention of retaining within the duke's dominions these poor prisoners, who for eight months had been de- prived of their liberty, appeared evident from the means that were employed to damp their courage. Proclamation was made, it is true, that all, even those who had promised to abjure, were at liberty to depart ; but, as the accounts state, it was attempted to allure by promises, or to deter by a description of the dangers of all kinds, that they might expect on the road. Many, in fact, suffered themselves to be dissuaded. But nothing could stop the general move- ment. Yet a great number of children, who, although scat- tered through Piedmont, had heard of the proclamation, were prevented from rejoining their parents, when they made the attempt. Moreover, the proclamation was not published in the prisons of Lucema ; it was only posted up in the market-place ; so that those who were detained in this town could not avail themselves of the liberty that was granted them. The prisoners, also, who groaned in the deep dungeons of Asti, were detained, as well as their parents, who waited for them in the citadel of Turin. AVithin the walls of the latter place nine pastors, with their fami- lies, were enclosed ; of whom mention will be made in the sequel. The Yaudois travelled in companies, escorted by the officers and soldiers of the duke. They were promised decent clothing, but only a small number of pairs of stock- ings and of jackets were distributed among them. The two following facts will suffice to depict the situation of these unfortunate beings. At Mondo\-i, it was five o'clock in the afternoon, at Christmas, when their liberation was announced 326 HISTORY OF THE YAUDOIS CHUECH. to the prisoners, but with the addition that if they did not set out forthwith, it would be out of their power altogether, as the order would be revoked the next day. Pearfal of losing the favourable opjDortunity, these unfortunate persons, wasted by disease, set out on their march by night and walked four or five leagues thi'ough the snow, and in the most intense frost. This first march cost the lives of a hundred and fifty of them, who died on the road without their brethren being able to give them any aid. The other fact was this. A troop of prisoners from Tossan having passed a night at jN^ovalese, at the foot of Mount Cenis, some of them, on setting out again, remarked to the officer who conducted them that a storm was rising on the mountain. In the Alps, during the winter season, per- sons never expose themselves to these storms without bitterly repenting. The Yaudois, to whom fi'om their habits of observation the danger was obvious, begged that their march might be suspended, out of pity for so many weak and exhausted persons who were to be found in their ranks. If their request caused delay, they would not ask for food. They saw less danger in going without food than in travel- ling at such a season. The officer refused. The company was forced to proceed on its march, and eighty-six sunk in the drifted snow, and were frozen to death ;^' they were the aged and sick, women and little children. The bands that followed, and merchants that passed that way some days after, saw the bodies stretched upon the snow, the mothers still pressing their children in their arms. The SavIss com- missioners, of whom mention mil soon be made, requested, when they returned to Turin, that measures might be taken to bury the bodies as they became exposed to view. Yet we do not say, (God forbid!) that all the officers were like this one. There were several who displayed great humanity in the accomplishment of their painful task. The news of such sufierings endured in the prisons and on the journey, brought by the first detachment of the unfortunate Yaudois, no sooner came to the knowledge of the magistrates of the cantons than, moved with pity and following the inspirations of Chiistian charity, they sent commissioners to the sj^ot, who were directed to relieve the * Besides the eighty-six Yaudois, six of the duke's guards, with the drummer lost their hves. (Letter of M. Truchet, iii the Ai'cliives of Berne, mark C.) THEIE TRAVELLING IN THE DEPTH OF WIXTr.U. 327 exiles by all possible means. These agents with the per- mission of the Piedmontese authorities, stationed tlu msclves, in the beginning of February, along the road to Tui-in ; one at Chambery or Annecy, another at St. Jean de Mami- enne, a third at Lans le Bourg ; a fourth at Suza. Their names were, lioy, lord of Eoniainmotier, Forestier of Cully, Panchaud of Merges, and Cornilliat of ^N'yon. Their cor- respondence with the government of Beme shows that they were well qualified for the eoumiission entrusted to tlieir care. Each one, at his station, provided the unfortunate Yaudois, on their arrival, during their short stay, and on their departure, ^^ith every comfort which sickness, fatigue, age, feebleness, or the inclemency of the season could call for. To fiu'nish the means of transport to all, medicines and warm clothing to others, money to a great number ; to give to all consolation and encoui'agement, such was the task in the performance of which these benevolent indivi- duals gained the praise of their superiors and the profound gratitude of the exiles. By their attentions, multitudes who were weak, exhausted, and dejected, acquired strength and courage, and were enabled to rejoin their bretkren, whom otherwise they would never have been in. a state to follow, and consequently would have seen no more. On many occasions, they accompanied one and another band to their destination, when the care of the sick and the numerous childi'en required their presence. Their inquiries and pro- tests led also to the liberation of the greater number of the children and girls that had been taken away from their parents, while they were travelling. Towards the middle of February, when the principal bands of the Yaudois had passed, •>' two of the commission- ers, Messieiu's Eoy and Forestier, confomiably to the in- sti'uctions of their superiors, repaired to Timn to solicit the liberation of the remaining prisoners, namely, the ministers and theii^ families, as well as those who had taken up aims. They also claimed the children who had been taken away during the preceding distui'bances. The presence of the commissioners at Turin produced imtation. Such urgency was looked upon with an evil eye. The Romish propaganda took offence at it. The Yaudois * The last reached Genera at the end of Februaiy ; after this the commis- sioners Panchaud and Cornilliat returned home. 328 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. pastors, who before could sometimes leave the prison under the inspection of an officer, no longer received this indulg- ence.^' The numerous barbets, or Vaudois footmen, whom the gentry placed in a livery behind their carriages, were no longer to be seen. All the claims for the abducted children were disregarded. The commissioners only ob- tained leave to visit the ministers, and that in the presence of several officers. But, as if the interest shown towards them was a sufficient reason for tightening the bonds of the prisoners, the next morning three pastors and their families, with a malefactor fromMondovi, were sent away to the castle of Kice. On the following day, three other pastors, with their families, were despatched to Montmeillan. The malefactor of Mondovi was not forgotten. The commissioners, having been apprised of the departure of the first and second, watched in the neighbourhood of the citadel for the setting- out of the last. At the head of the procession was the bandit in chains ; then came a cart with the children and the sick ; next the three ministers and their wives on foot, accompanied by a sergeant-major. Dii-ecting their course to the Po, they embarked on it for the castle of Yercelli. The commissioners were scarcely allowed to exchange a few words with them, and to furnish them with what money they had. The father of the minister Bastie, sixty- five years old, and in bad health, was separated from his son, and remained in the citadel, with one person of his family to assist him.f It was not that the duke's council had resolved on the destruction of these faithful pastors ; they had even pro- mised to release them in course of time ; but they dreaded their influence on the exiles, and wished to keep them apart for some time longer.;}: The efforts to obtain the return of the young children who were taken from their parents at the time of their imprisonment, remained without success. The commis- sioners returned in the course of May, 1687, having had * There were nine in the citadel of Turin, (besides their families, consisting of forty-seven persons); they were Malanot; Jahier, of Pramol; Laurent; Giraud ; Jahier, of Rocheplatte ; Cliauvie, Bastie, Leger, and Bertrand. t See the Letter of April 2, (12th,) 1687, from the Commissioners to their Excellencies. Mark C of the Archives of Berne. t Among the Vaudois pastors after their return, we find six of those here mentioned, Bastie, L^ger, Giraud, Malanot, and the two Jahiers. The names of the others do not occur again, to om* knowledge. THEIR AEEIYAL AT GENEVA. 329 the satisfaction, if not of saving all the unfortunate victims of oppression for whom they laboui'ed, yet of preventing very great evils, and becoming, to a great number, a support against discoui'agcment, an aid in distress, guides to brave the storm, and skilful pilots, to bring with a friendly hand the almost ship'^Tecked bark into port. Christ, the head of the church, had promised faithful protectors and sympathizing brethren for his witnesses while bearing the cross. Switzerland was the asylum where, by their care, the children of the martyrs, the descendants of the primitive Christians, came to sit down by the side of the sons of fi-eedom, in the dwellings of the disciples of the reformers, Calvin, Yiret, Farel, Zwingle, fficolampadius, and Haller, ancient and revered Mends of their fathers. Hasten hither, mountaineers of the Yaudois Alps, dis- owned by your sovereign ! come ye families reduced by the sword of your persecutors ; parents desolated by the loss of your children, torn from your arms by the cruel hand of antichrist ! come, ye enfeebled old men, ye widows in tears, and ye children left desolate or orphans ! Beyond the limits of your ungrateful country, Christ your Sovereign, your Husband, your Brother, waits for you. His brethren, who love you for his sake, and because they recognise in you that faith which dwells in them also, receive you with open arms. 'W'^eary travellers, a day of rest awaits you — a blessed station on the road watered with tears, which nevertheless leads you to heaven ! CHAPTEE XXV. THE VAUDOIS EEFTJGEES IN SWITZERLAND AND GERMANY RETURN IN ARMS TO THEIR COUNTRY AND OBTAIN PEACE. (1686—1690.) Two thousand six hundred Yaudois, men, women, and children, were received within the walls of hospitable Geneva.* About one hundred and sixty, in two or three bands, had reached that city before them in the preceding * This is the number stated in the letter of March 19, (29th,) 1687, addressed from Switzerland to the marquis de St. Thomas, the duke s mmister at Turin. Archives of Berne, mark C. 330 niSTOET OF THE YATJDOIS CHUECH. autumn. A nearly equal number, retarded by sickness, abduction, or imprisonment, gradually joined the main body, which, with all these additions, never reached three thousand ; the feeble remnant of a jDopulation of from four- teen to sixteen thousand. Moreover, they were either sick or worn out "wdth fatigue and anxiety, and the greater part indifferently protected against the rigours of winter^' by the old garments they had worn in prison. There were some whose lives ended at the very moment their liberty began, and who expired between the two gates of the city ; but in proportion as the wounds to be dressed were deep and alarming, the Genevese charity exerted itself to meet the exigencies of the case. The population hastened forth to meet the exiles as far as the bridge of the Arve, which is the frontier. The magistrates were obliged to prohibit persons from going out of the city in this manner, on account of the embarrassment which resulted from this eagerness. It was a point of contention who should have the honour of lodging one of these persecuted Christians. The greatest invalids and sufferers were taken by prefer- ence.! If they had any difficulty in walking, men carried them in their arms into their houses. Their hosts, as well as the committee of the Italian Exchange, provided clothes for all. If Geneva did so much for the Yaudois, it was because she believed that by the presence of these martyrs she would receive in spiritual blessings more than she could render to them in temporal aid. One scene, which was repeated every time a new com- pany of exiles entered the citj^, deeply touched the hearts of the bystanders, namely, the search made by the first and last comers for their relations, the questions they put and the answers they received respecting the fate of a father, a mother, a husband, a wife, or of brothers, sisters, and children, whom they had not seen for ten months. We can scarcely tell which answer was the most overwhelming, '' Your father died in prison," " Your husband has become a papist," " Your child has been carried away," or " No one has heard a word about the person you are inquiring for." It was not only bread, and clothing, and an asylum, * The joui'ney was made in Januaiy and February, 1687. The duke had clothed a small part of them, very indifferently. t Amaud says, " The Genevese contested with one another who should take hom.e the most destitute." DISTEIBUTIOX IX SWITZERLAND. 331 which these cliildren of the Alps had need of, thej- wanted also sincere fi'icnds to moiu-n with them and console them in their afflictions. If they met with sympathizing hearts at Geneva, thev also found many in the cities and countrj' places of Pro- testant Switzerland and Geimany, where the Christian brotherhood received them ;-•' for they coidd not remain at Geneva. The treaty concluded by the evangelical cantons with the duke, for the emigration of the Yaudois, specified their withdi-awment from the frontiers. Consequently, in proportion as they recovered fi'om their fatigue, thej' were transported to the Pays de Yaud, and thence by Yverdon,f by the lakes and rivers, into the interior of Switzerland. The evangelical cantons, Berne especially, had already supported thousands of the French refugees.]: These victims of the cruelty of Louis xiv., were, one-fourth or one-thii'd of them, assisted hj public and private charity. The Yaudois, therefore, being quite destitute of everything, gave occasion for a superadded expense to the state and people, which was a heavy charge ; but wise measures had been taken. Beme, for example, had made preparations from the moment that emigration had been decided upon. Five thousand ells of linen had been made into under gar- ments ; an equal quantity of the common woollen stuffs of Oberland had been used to prepare warm outer gannents. Hundi'eds of pairs of shoes were laid up in the depots. The bailiffs, being informed betimes of the wish of their excellencies, had stimulated (if, indeed, that were neces- sary) the generous sentiments of the communal administra- tions and of individuals. Another fast in Februtiry, 1687, at the moment when the great body of the exiles entered Geneva, had prepared their hearts by the inspirations of religion. Another collection had been made at the same time. The reformed Swiss received ^Wth open arms their brethi-en of Piedmont, as they had already received those * A Vaudois, the author of the " Histoire de la Persecution des Valines du Piemont," printed at Rotterdam in 1689, from which we have taken most of the preceding details, expresses his gratitude in these words—" With respect to the Vaudois, as well as other refugees, we may say that Switzerland was a secure haven, formed by God's own hand, to save from shipwreck those who were exposed to the waves of persecution. t M. Louis du Thon, of Yverdon, was charged by their excellencies with pro'viding the means of transport. X Among these were many Vaudois from Pragela.Queyras, and other valleys in Upper Dauphine. 332 HISTORY OF THE YAUDOIS CHXJECH. of France ; and with still greater compassion, for the Yau- dois needed it more. The evangelical cantons distributed the refugees among them in a fixed proportion. Zurich took thirty per cent. ; Bale, twelve ; Schaff hausen, eight ; Saint-Gall, Outer Appenzel, the Grisons, and Glaris also received some. Berne took charge of forty-four per cent. ; part of whom were placed at Bienne, J^euville, and in the district of Neufchatel. The degree of charity, doubtless, was not the same every- where. We must even confess that in some places it was constrained, being called for by the authorities. Some Piedmontese refugees complained ; not all who employed them as workmen, always treated them well. Possibly, too, the kind reception given them in some places may have rendered them less contented in others ; and, above all, languor and a longing for their native country, may have sometimes produced bad humour or despondency. Yet the generality of the exiles showed themselves sensible of kindness and grateful. '' We have no language strong enough," said those of them who afterwards went to Bran- denburg, ^' to express our gratitude for your favours. Our hearts, penetrated with all your acts of kindness, will publish in distant parts the unbounded charity with which you have refreshed us and supplied all our need. We shall take care to inform our children, and our children's children, that all our posterity may know, that, next to God, whose tender mercies have preserved us from being entirely consumed, we are indebted to you alone for life and liberty."* While these victims of a fanatical policy rested under the roof of Christian hospitality, the question of their future residence seriously engaged their protectors in Ger- many, Holland, and Switzerland.! The elector of Bran- denburg and several German princes opened their states to them. In Holland, they spoke of facilitating their emigra- tion, in a body, to the Cape of Good Hope or to America. ;|: * Letter of July 26, 1688, signed in the name of the Vaudois, assembled in the territory of Lenzburg, by Daniel Fomeron and Jean Jalla. Ai'chives of Berne, mark D, t England governed by a popish prince, James ii., who was soon to be driven from the throne for his attempts at religious oppression, was not, and could not be at that period, an effective protector of the Vaudois. X Letter from the pastor Bilderdeck to the Vaudois. See Beattie's Views of the Valleys, London and Paris, 1838, p. 118. DESIEE TO EETURX TO THE TALLETS. 333 The echo of these friendly voices brought their proposals to the ears of the Yaudois, and tilled their hearts with disquietude. When, in the preceding year, the S^^^ss deputies had proposed to them the abandonment of their native countiy, as the only means of escaping still greater e^ils, a numerous party among them were energetically opposed to such a step. They never consented, till, having been prisoners for months in the fortresses of Pied- mont, nothing remained to them but to apostatize or to emigrate. Now that dungeons, and their prolonged ab- sence from their beloved native countrj', had only increased their affection for it, they felt intense agony at the thought that they should never see it again, and that they should be compelled to renounce it for ever. Certainly, they retiu'ned thanks to God, and blessed their brethren, for having obtained their liberty, for having fed and consoled them, and for offering them houses and lands again ; but the places in which love to God and Christian charit}- offered them an asylum, could not occupy in their imagina- tion the place of their native soil. A foreign land, however benevolent the inhabitants might be who would consent to share it with them, could never be the same to them as their own country-, the land of their fathers. They could not forget those spots the scenes of their childhood, which the habit of beholding had identified (so to speak) with their o^vn being; the paternal roof, full of the most delightful recollections; the shade of the fig-trees and chcsnuts, the fields, the patches on the hill-side they had cultivated, the majestic moimtains, the green pastures where they had fed their flocks; their hearts were de- lighted with cherished images and recollections, which had increased doubly in value in their eyes. Ye Chiistians of Smtzerland, GeiTaany, Holland, and England, benefactors of the Yaudois, be not offended at this apparent indiffer- ence to your countn', for you also have each a countiy that is dear to you ! And thou, Lord of heaven and earth, canst thou disapprove the preference they give to the country where their ancestors adhered faithfully to thee in the fkst ages of the church of thy Son ? Their desire to serve thee still on the soil of Christian liberty, surrounded by the tombs of the martyrs, their progenitors, and to re-light in these revered spots the torch of thy gospel, that 334 HISTORY OF THE YAUDOIS CHURCH. its flame may still shine in darkness, will it not be agree- able to thee ? What shall we say ? Does not theii' design come from thee ? Doubtless, thou art not willing that the testimony rendered to the faith by the ancient Vaudois, should be weakened by the permanent removal of their children from the country in which they bore that tes- timony. The desire of the Vaudois to return to their native country, though deeply cherished by them all, was only by degrees formed into a project, in proportion as they believed in the possibility of its realization. The minister Arnaud, who, in the sequel, was the leader of the enter- prise, was probably its originator ; but, in the first account that was given of it, it was attributed to the fervent zeal of the hero of E,ora, the intrepid Janavel, who had retired to Geneva, after a capital sentence had menaced his life. Geneva, believing its honour engaged to the duke, banished him from its walls ; but he soon returned thither. The first attempt of the Yaudois to return to the valleys necessarily failed at its outset, from its being made so much at hazard, without precaution, without leaders, and, we may say, without arms. Those who engaged in it came in an irregular manner from their cantonments at Zurich, Bale, Argovie, and Neufchatel, to Lausanne and its environs, about the end of July, 1687, mthout having taken any of the preliminary measures necessary for such an expe- dition. Their numbers, moreover, were inconsiderable; only about three hundred and fifty. Being stopped by the chief magistrate of Lausanne at Ouchy, where they attempted to embark, they submitted, sorely against their will, to the order for returning to the places from whence they came. Though in this instance unable to succeed, the Yaudois did not abandon their design. They perceived that it had been badly managed; that it was necessary to mature a plan, to make preparations for it, and then to execute it simultaneously and secretly, under the direction of their chiefs. This method they actually pursued. Their first care was to send three men^' to discover by-roads, by * One belonged to the valley of San Martino, another to Queyras, the third to the valley of Pragela. The fact, that of the thi-ee, two were Frenchmen from vaUeys near those of our friends, shows that the number of Protestants of these Fi-ench valleys of Pragela and Upper Dauphine, who had fled from per- OFFER OF THE ELECTOR OF BRANDENBURG. 335 ^\idch they could return to the valleys. It was desirable to avoid populous localities, to follow by preference the higher valleys and the elevated ridges, to pass tlie rivers near theii* sources, and then reaching their destination, to engage their fi-iends secretly to prepare bread,* and to deposit it in convenient places. Such were the principal directions and instructions these persons received. While the three spies were ftilfilling their mission, at the peril of their lives, the cantons, dissatisfied witli the attempt of the Yaudois, which might have compromised them ^ith the duke of Savoy, continued the former nego- tiations with the German princes lor the emigration of their guests, whose presence was now become inconvenient. The elector of Brandenburg, Frederick-William, who was called by his contemporaries the Great Elector, a prince whose memory both the Yaudois and the French Protest- ants will bless for ever, was not content with interceding with the duke of Savoy on behalf of his oppressed brother Protestants, he showed himseK ready to receive a pait of the remains of their population, and wrote for subsidies on their behalf to the prince of Orange, to the states-general of Holland, to the city of Bremen, and to the elector of Saxony, as well as to England. It only remained to com- pute the number of the emigrants. Of two thousand six hundred and fifty-six Yaudois distributed among the can- tons, the elector consented to take charge of about two thousand ; the aged and the sick were to remain in S\^'it- zerland. Such were the arrangements settled at Berlin, in concert with the deputy of the cantons, counsellor Holzhalb of Zurich. But the Yaudois, full of the project of returning to their native land, showed little eagerness to accept the asylum which the benevolence of the great elector offered them at Stendal, in the vicinity of the Elbe, to the north of Magde- burg. They were alarmed at the thought of being fixed at such a distance from their ancient countiy. The climate and the language also made them hesitate. The measures taken by the evangelical cantons and the Yaudois delegates had also inclined the hearts of the elector Palatine, the secution, was considerable. They now thought of establishing themselves in the Piedinontese valleys. * In the high Alps bread is only made once a year. It becomes as hard as a stone, and is kept like biseuit. 336 HISTOEY OF THE VATJDOIS CHUECH. count Waldeck, and the duke of Wii'temberg to place lands capable of cultivation at the disposal of the exiles of the valleys. But, although the spring of 1688 had now arrived, the Yaudois could not resolve to separate themselves, and to settle in these distant colonies. '' It seemed that these unfortunate people," said Remigius Merian, resident of the elector of Brandenburg, at Frankfort, ''changed their plans every day, and could decide on nothing. They were always longing after their own country and people. They under- valued the favours offered them by princes."^' ISTevertheless, being obliged by their position to make their choice, they decided at last, that one part of them, about a thousand, should repair to Brandenburg, but that the others should distribute themselves in the Palatine and Wirteniberg, not to be too far removed from the dominions of the duke of Savoy; for they had not forgotten their secret project. How is it possible, when religious recollec- tions and exile render your country doubly dear to you, to turn away your gaze from the distant mountains that envi- ron it? The captives of Babylon exclaimed, '' If I forget thee, Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth," Psalm cxxxvii., 5, 6. The chamberlain de Bondelly had arrived with a com- mission to conduct the thousand Yaudois to their destina- tion. The death of his master the great elector Prederic- AYilliam, the protector of the persecuted Protestants, formed no obstacle to their departure, Prederic iii. his successor, having shown his readiness to receive the inheritance of charity which his father had bequeathed to him. On the other hand, the three spies had returned, f Their report on the state of the valleys, at that time inhabited by strangers, and on the road to be taken in returning thither, induced the directors to hold a council, in which it was resolved to make a second attempt through the valleys, the great and little St. Bernard and Mount Cenis. Bex, a little town at the southern extremity of the state of Berne, ;[: at the foot of the mountains, near a bridge over the Rhone, * Dieterici, die Waldenser, etc. p. 145. t They had been exposed to imininent danger. They were arrested in the district of the Tarentaise. Eight days they "remained in prison, but at last had the good fortune to be set at hberty. J It now makes a part of the canton of Vaud. SECOND ATTEMPT FOtt RETURNING TO THE VALLEYS. 337 Avas chosen as the place of rendezvous. The time fixed was the 9th or 10th of June, 1688. At the head of the movement was a man, whose name has resounded far and wide, and will be transmitted to the most distant posterity, a man fitted both for peace and war; a humble minister of the Lord, and commander of an army; copious and eloquent in language emiched by the iloly Scriptures, when he applied himself to teach and exhort ; full of unction and fervour when on his knees he suj^plicated the Father of mercies for his depressed chui'ch ; brief and decided in tone when he directed the march, or gave orders in the tumult of battle : such a man was Arnaud. A native of the vicinity of Die, in Daupliine, Henri Arnaud, one of the most esteemed pastors of the Yaudois church, had with- drawn himself at the time of the general disaster of 1686, being too prudent and too clearsighted to suiTcnder himself to the duke's troops.'^' And when the residue of the people, to whom he had consecrated his life, were released from prison, he joined them. He sojoiu'ned at XeulVhutel "sWth a part of his people. His genius and resolute character marked him out to the Yaudois, as the man around whom they ought to gather, as the living soul of their people, — in one w^ord, as their chief. It was to him, in fact, that the general confidence gave the command of the enterprise for a long time projected, and which was now ripe for execution. The most courageous Yaudois had quitted theu' canton- ments and traversed Switzerland by night, thi'ough b}Toads, and repaired to Bex, the general rendezvous. But however secret their march, it could not be concealed from^ the senates of Zurich and Berne, nor from the council of Geneva, who suddenly were informed that sixty Yaudois who served in the ganison had just deserted, and entered the Pays de Yaud. Their project being thus di%-ulged, was thwarted. A bark laden with arms did not reach Yilleneuvi-, where they were waiting for it. The chief magistrate of Aigle, being apprised by their excellencies, was obliged to conform to theii' orders and stop the expedition. It also met with other insiu-moimtable obstacles. The inhabitants of Yalais in agreement with the Savoyards, ha^-ing, on tlie * He Tvas present at the affairs of St. Germain, when tAVO hundred Vaiidois made so gallant a defence. Q 338 HISTOKY OF THE VATJDOIS CUTJECH. first rumour, occupied the bridge of St. Maurice, the key of the pass, had both of them by their signals roused all Chablais, and put Yalais on its guard. The fatal order for stopping their march was given with all the kind considera- tion possible to six or seven hundred Yaudois, who were then assembled in the temple of Bex, by the generous Fr. Thormann, magistrate or governor of Aigie. He addressed them with tears in his eyes, showing them that their pro- ject having taken wind and their adversaries being in arms, it would be rash to think of going any further, and that their excellencies could not permit it without laying them- selves open to the charge of violating treaties. He did justice to their zeal; and, in order to incline their hearts to patience and trust in God, under their trials, he reminded them that the Lord, who is attentive to the desires of his children, and holds the times in his own hand, knew well how to bring about the favourable moment. This sensible and friendly discourse having somewhat calmed tlieir spirits, their pastor and leader, Arnaud, led them to entire submis- sion by a sermon on the affecting words of the Savioui' — 'Tear not, little flock," Luke xii. 32. The Yaudois being conducted to Aigie, and lodged with private individuals, took a grateful leave of this humane governor, who lent them two hundred crowns to assist those of them in returning who lived in the furthest parts of Switzerland. They felt how much they were indebted to him, when they saw themselves repulsed from Yevey, where they were even refused provisions, and when they found themselves treated with severity, all along the road, by order of the coimcil of Berne, who were disj)leased, as may be easily imagined, with an expedition which compromised their honour, since there were not wanting persons at Tiu'in to suspect them of being accomplices. This was actually the fact; but the cantons cleared themselves entirely of such an imputation. As to the persons engaged in this attempt, who were banished for some time to the Isle of Bienne (St. Pierre,) they received orders two months afterwards from the assem- bled cantons, to resume their route to the north of Switz- erland, Zurich, and Schaffhausen, and to accept, notwith- standing the opposition many continued to show, the charitable oifers of the German princes. More than eight EETUHN OF THE GIIEATEK TAET TO SWITZERLAND. 339 hundred persons, men, -women, and children, embarked on the Rhine, to be conveyed to the ek'ctorate of Brandenburg. And while the French commandant do Brissac tired at their boats, Frederic in. prepared to give them a cordial reception. A separate part of the town of Stendal was given them for a residence ; they were amply supplied with all the comforts of life. They were allowed to have, not only their own pastor and schoolmaster, but also their own municipal magistrates and judges. Eight hundred Yaudois were to till and sow the rich lands of the Palatinate, which the elector, Philip AVilliam of Xeuburg, had ])ut at their dis- posal. Seven hundi'ed were settled in Wirtemberg. A few hundreds remained in Switzerland, particularly in the Orisons. Arnaud, after having superintended this distri- bution, which he could not but deplore, set out, in company with a Yaudois captain,* for Holland, to consult respecting his secret project with prince AYilliam of Orange, who was more conversant than any other man with public affairs and the politics of Europe. This prince, who in the following year ascended the throne of England in the place of the papist James ii., encouraged the persevering Amaud, and led him to hope that circumstances would be very favour- able to his enterprise. He advised him, meanwhile, to keep the Yaudois as much united as possible. In fact, scarcely had a few months passed away, when the situation of political affairs favoured the accomplish- ment of Arnaud' s project. War broke out, Oermany was invaded in the autumn of 1688, and the French army over- ran the Palatinate. The Yaudois who were there, dreading these Frenchmen who had done so much mischief in their valleys, retired before them, and retook the road to Switz- erland. A part of those in Wii'temberg did the same. The evangelical cantons, affected by their new sufferings, gave them a kind reception; Schaffhausen, particularly, where they obtained a temporary settlement. They were soon distiibuted in their ancient allotments, even in districts where the French language was spoken ; as at Xeuville and Neufchatel. The intervention of Holland was perhaps not useless, in these times, for the poor exiles, tossed about by political storms at a distance from their native land. M. de Convenant, deputed by the states general, requested the * Baptiste Bess on of Saxi Giovanni. Q 2 340 HISTOET OF THE VAUDOIS CHTJECH. cantons at the beginning of 1689 to continue their protec- tion to the Vaudois till his Britannic majesty, William of Orange/* could provide for their settlement in his new dominions. Thus protected, the children of the valleys waited for the important hour of their departure, gaining an honest livelihood, with their own hands, chiefly among the peasantry. Everywhere justice was done to their acti- vity and probity. The only misdemeanor of which any one of them was accused, was the carrying off a musket ; and this after some time was restored. The dawn of their deliverance, so impatiently longed for, at last appeared on the political horizon, inviting the Yau- dois to depart and to re-enter their own country in arms. Savoy was stripped of troops; Victor Amadeus having withdrawn them to Piedmont, where he needed them. France, attacked by the emperor and by the Dutch, to whom England, now governed by William in., would soon be joined, having itself to defend, could farnish no succour to the duke of Savoy against the Vaudois, who, when once more entrenched in their mountains, would know how to defend themselves, till their powerful protectors could obtain an honourable capitulation for them. Eeeling secure on the side of their adversaries, the Vau- dois needed only to be on their guard against their friends, whose political relations constrained them to put obstacles in the way of their departure. The undertaking was cer- tainly difficult ; but if secrecy could be preserved, it was not impossible. The experience of two abortive attempts had taught silence and extraordinary prudence. Yet some suspicions were excited at Berne, and orders were given to the chief magistrate at Chillon and Aigie, at Nyon and some other places, in case the Vaudois should attempt a passage, as in the preceding year. Berne also caused Ar- naud, who was residing at Neufchatel with his wife, to be watched. This enterj)rising leader, however, took his pre- cautions so well, made his preparations with so much ability, and gave his orders with such precision, that in spite of the watchfulness of the authorities, he perfectly succeeded. The place of rendezvous appointed for the scattered Vaudois was a forest of considerable size called the wood of * The prince of Orange landed in England in Nov. 1688, and was crowned April 11, 1689, WOOD OF PRANGINS. 341 Prangins, situated on the borders of tlie lake Lenian, in the vicinity of the little town of Xyon, on the confines of tlie Bernese Territory.* The extent of the forest, its isolated position along the banks facing the Savoyard coast, from which it was not above a league distant, rendered it preferable to eveiy other point. The time fixed for the gathering was equally well chosen. They took advan- tage of the solemnity of a general fast, which, keeping the population in the temples and the interior of the villages, prevented them from noticing the armed travellers, and rendered it very difficult to call out the militia of the country, in case the authorities wished to oppose either the gathering or the embarkation. The movement of several hundreds of anued men could not be concealed so entirely that the magistrates should receive no notice of it ;f but the care taken by the bands to * This district now forms part of the canton of Vaud. t On the 14th of August, 1639, early in the morning, the chief magistrate of Lausanne, M. Sturler, was informed that one hundred and eighty Piedmon- tese, armed, had ai-rived at Vidy, and kept themselves concealed while waiting to embark. Major de Crousaz was sent to them, with orders to give up their undertaking, and to return home. The major sent back three boats, which were already at hand. The Piedmontese were irritated, but promised never- theless to retrace their steps. The same magistrate received at midnight the deposition of two peasants of Romanel, near Lausanne, who declared that a troop of five hundi-ed men, led by an officer on horseback, marching very qtiickly and in silence, had passed by their viUage towards the side of the lake. He learned, by his agents, that four hundred of these men had embarked in boats that came from the side of Geneva. The next day he found that they came from near Nyon. The others had disappeared. At Morges, a town on the borders of the lake of Geneva, about fifteen or twenty miles from Nyon, on the 15th, a fast day, at the hour of afternoon ser- vice, that is at one o'clock, the magistrate of "this to^vn was informed that a gi-eat number of Piedmontese were secreted in the copses below Allaman. He immediately rode thither with some persons belonging to the place, and satis- fied himself that there were about three hundred men there, armed with good firelocks. They declared their intention of going that evening to the wood of Nyon. The magistrate ^vl■ote to the chief magistrate of Nyon, and wished to arrest them, but of the hundi-ed he thought he had made prisoners he could only secm-e seventeen. Not satisfied with this attempt, he called out the militia, and went to the wood of Nyon, where he found nobody. He also caused the boats to be seized. The magistrate of Nyon, M. Steiger, who, agreeably to the orders he had received from Berne in'^the preceding month, had prohibited all boatmen from taking any Piedmontese to Geneva or Savoy under pain of death, was informed on the evening of the 15th by the magistrate of Morges of what had taken place. He sent a strong detachment of mihtia to the bridge of Promonthoux to watch for the arrival of the detachments of Piedmontese which were said to be in a wood of chesnut trees under St. Bonet and Bursinel, or m the copse of Allaman, and had been also seen near the gibbet of RoUe. This watch was renewed on the next day, the 16th of August. He sent a guard also to the entrances to the wood of Prangins. On the loth, at evening, and particularl;y on the 16th, the magistrate of Nyon gave notice to all the mihtia of the baih- \N-ick, even those of the mountain, to be, on the 17th of August, at five o clock in the morning, at the guardhouse of Nyon, to march and take all the I led- montese they could find in the wood of Prangins prisoners ; but in the mght 542 HISTOET OF THE TAUDOIS CHUECH. conceal their march into the wood, and particularly their staying on the distant lands of the chief magistrate of Morges till the decisive moment, the evening of the 16th of August, when they entered unperceived into the baili- wick of Nyon and the wood of Prangins, at a time when they were supposed to he far oiF, as the distance was thought to he too great for their arrival there; by such precautions the measures were thwarted, which the magi- strates had hastened to take. All sources of apprehension were not yet removed. Scarcely had the principal brigades reached the wood of Nyon in the evening, when they saw persons landing from a multitude of boats, whose curiosity had brought them there to ascertain if the reports in cir- culation were well founded. This circumstance, which might have been fatal to them, and obliged them to em- bark much sooner than they had expected, before all their own people had arrived, tui-ned out very advantageously for them, by putting at their disposal means of transport which they would otherwise have been without. It was between nine and ten o'clock, in the evening of the 16th of August, 1689, the day after the fast, that Henri Arnaud gave the signal for their departure -'' by falling on his knees on the margin of the lake, and invoking, in a loud voice, the all-good and all-powerful God, who, in their distresses, had remained their safeguard and their hope. Fifteen boats unmoored, laden with the greater part of the little army. A gust of wind, which for a short time dispersed some of them, brought them within sight of a Geneva boat that contained eighteen of their people. Ko sooner had they reached the opposite shore than the transports pushed off again, in quest of those who might be waiting for them ; f but of the fifteen boats, three only reached the wood of Prangins in the night, and of the 16th and 17th the Piedmontese, knowing- what measures had been taken, embarked, although they were not all assembled. A letter from the syndics of Geneva, of the 15th of August, announced to their excellencies that in the night sLxty Vaudois had left for Nyon or Lau- sanne in several boats. (Archives de Berne, mark D.) * How inscrutable and unfathomable are the ways of God ! How did it come to pass that in the midst of such a movement, in some sense contrary to their plan, the Vaudois, so coimteracted, set out in the numbers most con- venient, according to all appearance ? t To the number of six or seven himdred, if we may rely on the declaration of the secretary Baillival, who had surprised them, and who employed many exhortations, reproaches, and menaces to turn them from their purpose.— (See the report of the magistrate of Nyon in the Archives of Berne, mark D.) CEOSS THE LAKE LEMAX. 343 brought over a fresh detachment to the Savoy side. * The others disappeared. By this mishap, two hundred men remained on the Swiss side. It may be presumed that they were not the most ardent to engage in the stnigglc. Many of them were not even armed. Arnaud also regretted the loss of a score of men, who reached ^^lorges too late, where they were stopped and prevented from joining him. All these men, however, regained their asylum in the can- tons ; but the loss most lamented was that of a hundred and twenty brave men coming from the Grisons, St. Gall, and Wirtemberg. They were arrested in the small popish cantons by the desire of the coimt de Govon, the resident of the duke of Savoy, who had got tidings of their setting out, and they were sent to the prisons of Turin, where they remained till the peace. The Vaudois who were settled at Neufchatel, and left it only on the 16th, also failed to reach the rendezvous, as well as the captain Bourgeois,! who was to have commanded the expedition.^ 'Nine hundred men had effected the passage of the lake, — a small company to attempt making their way through an unfi'iendly population, and thousands of soldiers entrenched behind streams of water, or in fortified positions ; a com- pany, on the other hand, far too numerous for the slender means of sustenance to be found in the bj'-places tlu^ough which they intended to go ; an untrained assemblage, * One of the boatmen of Nyon, named Signat, a native of Tonneins, in Guienne, a man zealous for religion, and a refugee, was left on the Savoy side by the other boatmen, while he was taking leave of his friends from the valleys. In vain he ran to the shore, calling after his comrades, who went off vriih his boat. " Come with us," said his new friends, " and we \viU give you a good house in heu of your Uttle boat." He accordingly set out \nth them. t Captain Bourgeois, of Yverdun, or Neufchatel, an officer of merit, who had been requested by Amaud to take the command of the httle Vaudois army, was absent from the rendezvous. Being suspected of cowardice, he ^vished to clear himself from this injurious imputation, and to rejoin Amaud. He collected a thousand Piedmontese, Swiss, and French, (the latter were the most numerous,) and crossed the lake at Vevay on September Uth, in the same year. He had some success in Chablais ; but it was impossible for him to restrain his undisciplined troops, who gave themselves up to drinking and plunder, instead of marching onwards. When they arrived at Faucigny they would not go any fm-ther. The Savoyard troops guarded all the mountain ridges and passes. Being driven back on Geneva, and transported to the Swiss tenitorj^ by vessels from that city, they disbanded. Captain Bourgeois was aiTested by order of their excellencies, condemned to die, and beheaded at the harbour of Nyon in March, 1690. " All eyes but his own were bathed in tears," says a "manuscript account.— Gnmer, in Vuhiemin, Historj' of Switzerland, v. xiii. X The sources from which we have taken the foregoing accounts are the archives of Berne, Vaud, and Geneva ; the Histoire de la Rentree dcs Vaudois, (History of the Return of the Vaudois,) by Amaud, of which there are two editions, one very rare, of 1710, the other printed at Neufchatel, in late.— Dieterici die Waldenser, Berlin, 1831, 344 HISTOET OF THE VATJDOIS CHUECH. formed of persons of every age, hardened, it is true, by toil, but yet strangers to military discipline and manoeuvres. What could become of them, exposed as they would be to incessant privations and fatigues ; to scorching heat diuing the day, and frost at nights, most frequently without shelter, through rain, through inhospitable tracts and deep defiles, by the sides of precipices, and over rocks crowned with eternal snow ? They are aware of all this, these inheritors of the Vaudois name, and of the glory and sufferings of their fathers. Now alone on the strand of the lake they have just crossed, they tread on the soil which they are about to bathe with their sweat and their blood. No illusion deceives them. The hard reality, with its dangers and privations, is before their eyes, stern as truth. But no one draws back ; no one is startled. The love of their country influences them; the hope of return to the places of their birth, where from time immemorial their fathers raised on high the standard of the truth which is in Jesus Christ, animates them with unshaken confidence. The prize of the conflict seems to them worthy of the greatest sacrifices. It is a terrestrial native land, to the recollection of which they have attached their faith and hope of salvation, by an association of ideas easily to be accounted for in men fall of the religious traditions of their ancestors. In setting out, sword in hand, to reconquer it, their hearts are at ease, for their cause is just. They seek for nothing but what they have been deprived of by deceit or violence.'"^' Thus, in former ages, Israel seized the sword and buckler to maintain his right to the possession of the Holy Land. And these sons of the Yaudois, could they abandon, without remorse and without a struggle, their right to the land of the martyrs, their ancestors,— to their unquestionable heritage ? Their presence on the Savoy side, at the entrance to the domains of their prince, is their answer ; and as to the means of execution, they wish to employ none but such as are peaceful. They carry arms only to defend themselves if attacked, or if their passage be opposed. They desire to remain under the observation of God the righteous Judge, * It cannot be said that the court of Turin kept its promises to the Vaudois, when MM. de Muralt, the deputies from the evangehcal cantons, negotiated the conditions of enaigration ; nor those that piince Gabriel of Savoy made in the name of the duke, liis nephew, to induce the Vaudois, who were not yet conquered, to lay dowTi their arms. TAKE A SOUTHWAKD DIRECTION. 345 and beneath his holy protection. They hope to be able to repeat on their maix-h and in eveiy encounter, like the childi-en of Israel, " Jehovah is oui' Banner." Between Nernier and Yvoire, two towns of the Chablais, facing the wood of Prangins, Arnaud, the leader, landed from his fi'ail bai'k -with fourteen companions, and his tirst care was to place sentinels at all the avenues, and to marshal his troops as they disembarked. He then di\ided his nine hundi^ed men into twenty companies, six of which were composed of the French of Dauphine, adjoining the valleys,^-' and of Languedoc ; thirteen others were of different Yaudois communes ;f and the last of volunteers, who were not willing to make a part of the preceding. They fonned tiu'ee bodies, an advanced guard, a centre, and a rear- guard, according to the tactics of regular troops, Avhich were always observed by the Yaudois in their marches. Two ministers, beside Arnaud, were with the little army, — Cp'us Chyon, formerly pastor of Pont-a-lloyaus, in Dauphine, and Montoux, of the valley of Pragela. The first, Chj^on, was soon separated from the expedition. Having repaired with too much confidence to the fu'st village,:]: to obtain a guide, he was taken prisoner, and led to Chambery, where he remained till the peace. The army once organized, and in a condition to defend themselves if the enemy aj)peared, bent their knees before the Lord, on whom the success of their enteiprise depended, and ardently invoked his all-powerful aid. They then took a southward direction, in order to pass over the little moun- tain range that separates Chablais ii'om Paucigny ; — Yvoire being threatened, opened its gates and gave them a free passage. The villages tlii'ough which they passed never di-eamed of making resistance. Some gentry, as well as subaltern magistrates, whose persons they secured as hostages, were obliged to follow, and served as guides, till they were replaced by others. Nevertheless, they * Namely, the valley of Clusone, or Praorela, of Queyras, of Embninois, etc. Their captains were caUed Martin, Privat, Lucas, Turel, Foufrede, and Chien. t Angi'oarna had three companies, whose captdins were Lam-ent Buffa, Etienne Frasche, and Michel Bertin ; San Giovaimi two companies, under the captains BeUion and Besson ; La Toi-re one, under Jean Frasche ; Villai-o one, under Paul Pelenc ; Bobbio two, under the captains Martinat and Mondon ; Prarustin one, imder Daniel Odin ; St. Germam and Pramol one, mider cap- tain Robert; Macel one, under Phihp Tron-Poulat; Prali one, under captaiii Peyrot. X Probably at Nemier. Q 3 346 HISTOET OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. performed, these coercive measures with so much address, and the discipline of the army was so strict, that the apprehensions at first felt by the inhabitants of the open country soon subsided, and the peasants with their ministers might be seen approaching and quietly watching the troops as they filed off, and even saluting them by saying. May God go with you ! The parish minister of Filly opened his cellar, and supplied them with refresh- ment, without receiving any remuneration. But very soon, while ascending the mountain by the path which leads to Boege on the Menoge, in Eaucigny, the encounter they had with the gentry, whom, notwithstanding their threatening tone, they made prisoners, and then with two hundred armed peasants, under the command of the governor of Boege and a quarter-master, whose resistance was next to nothing, showed them nevertheless the necessity of being beforehand with the inhabitants. They perceived that if arms were generally taken up, the expedition would be exposed to great danger. They therefore employed a slight stratagem : they made one of the gentry who were kept as hostages write the following letter from Boege: '* These persons have arrived here to the number of two thousand ; they have requested us to accompany them, that we may be able to give an account of their conduct, and to assui-e you that it has been perfectly regular ; they pay for every thing they take, and all they ask is a free passage. We beg you, therefore, not to sound the tocsin, or to beat the drum, and to withdraw your people in case they should be under arms." This letter, signed by all the gentry and sent to the to"s\Ti of Yiu, in Paucigny, where they arrived at nightfall, had a very good effect ; and on their march they met with no more resistance ; on the contrary, they found the people eager to furnish whatever they asked for, even to saddle-horses and wagons. A similar letter sent to St. Joyre prepared a good reception for the weary travellers. But to gain time, they pushed on. It was only at midnight that they stopped in an open field and rested a little notwithstanding the rain. The next day did not pass quite so peaceably. Cluse, a walled city, obstructed the narrow passage between the mountain to the north, and the impetuous Arve on the south. The inhabitants in arms lined the trenches ; the DIFFICtTLTIES OF THEIR SITUATION. 347 mountaineers ran together, shouting out abuse. The firm- ness of the Yaudois, who resolved to force a passage, and the intervention of the hostages, who trembled for tlieir own safety, led to a capitulation. The gates were opened, and provisions were sold. The little army continued its marcli southward, on the east bank of the Aiwe, at the foot of contiguous mountains from whose declivities thej- might have been crushed, by rolling down fragments of rock, and reached by way of Maglan the great bridge of St. Mar- tin, facing Salenches. ^Tiile still at a great distance they had seen on the other side a horseman riding at full speed, and concluded that he was going to give the alarm in the town, the chief place in Faucigny. Having advanced within a hundred paces of a great wooden bridge, flanked by many houses, and easily defended, the Yaudois halted and formed in close columns for the attack. But faithful to their rule never to seize by force what they could obtain willingly, they requested a passage over the bridge and through the city. The town-council, avoiding giving a precise answer, gained time, and collected six liundrcd men. At the sight of the latter, the Yaudois knew what they had to do, and, in an instant, they had crossed the bridge, and set themselves in order of battle. Their antago- nists retreated behind the hedges, without firing; our waniors of two days old left them in peace, in theii' tiuTi, then resumed their march, and, quitting the val- ley of the Arve to plunge into a defile which opened to the south of Salenches, passed the night at Cablau, where they wanted a sufficient supply of provisions, and could scarcely dry theii' gannents, soaked with the rain that had been falling incessantly since the preceding even- ing. Nevertheless these poor people blessed God that they had so far marched successfully, ^dthout fighting or loss of men, over bridges and through defiles where a few courageous defenders could have done them irreparable injury, and that he had granted them a peaceful night after so much fatigue and anxiety. Eest was very necessary for them ; for they were about to face physical'difficulties of which the prospect might have shaken the courage of persons quite unfatigucd and free from anxiety ; how much more men who for a number of days and nights had known no rest or sleep but what they could enjoy during their brief halts, exposed to the injuries of the 348 HISTOET OF THE VAFDOIS CHUECH. atmosphere, and for the last eighteen hours to rain, — not to mention the mental disquietude which scarcely allowed them to close their eyes ? Now they had reached the foot of the gigantic Alps, — those masses which have braved the winds and storms of centuries, whose heads are hoary with eternal snows, and whose precipitous sides only offer in their rents or accidental slopes, a few perilous paths by which the traveller cannot advance without difficulty. They were come into the presence of the monarch of European mountains, the majestic Mont-Blanc ; the Vaudois had to bend their steps over the undulating folds of his mantle of forests, and of rocks surmounted with silver snows, hollowed out with dazzling glaciers and torrent waterfalls ; they came hither not to admire the wonderful works of God, nor to refresh their hearts by this sublime spectacle, but to shun cities and men, to breathe at liberty as they marched on rapidly, like the chamois bounding from cliff to cliff on the heights above them, or as the eagle that soared over their heads. They were arrived at the spot, where the Alps to the west of Mont-Blanc change their direc- tion all at once by an obtuse angle, and instead of stretch- ing westward descend in a zigzag to the south. N'umerous valleys are spread out at their base, separated from one another by lateral branches of the principal chain. To the summit of these lateral branches it was necessary for our nine hundred travellers to ascend from the bot- tom of the valleys, in order to descend again into the opposite valley. This fatiguing labour was to be their daily task for eight days, one excepted. Often they could scarcely find an3^thing to maintain them excepting milk and cheese, and the frozen water of the mountains. The rain frequently beat upon their backs bent with fatigue, and their suffering feet slipped many times in a day upon the snows and in the stony ravines. We shall not recount their sufferings in detail ; they would fatigue the reader. Let it suffice to give a general idea, by this description of the route they followed. From Cablau, in the mountains to the south of Salenche, the little army ascended to the valley of Megeve, at the foot of Mont Joli, which bounds it to the east, and sepa- rates it from that of Mont-Joie or Bonnant, and after having passed the first defile, where they refreshed them- selves in the herdsmen's huts, they descended into the DIFFICrLTIES OF THEIR SITUATION. 349 valley of Haute-LucG, to ascend immediately on the left, to the east, a precipitous mountain, whose aspect in- spii'cd horror, but which must unavoidably be crossed by whoever would enter the valley of Bonnant, to pass next throup;h the defile of Bonhomme, as was the design of our travellers. At the sight of this awful mountain,* the courage of many failed. In various places, the road was he^TL out of the rock : they were obliged to ascend and descend as if by a ladder suspended over the precipices. ''Arnaud," says the author of the ''Glorieuse Rentree," C Glorious RetiuTL,"! ) ^' the zealous and renowned leader of this little flock, restored, by his holy and excellent exhortations, the courage of those who followed him. But this was not all ; the descent was still more painfid and dangerous than the ascent. To effect it, it was neccssaiy almost always to sit and slide down precipitously, without any other light than the reflection of the snows and glaciers of Mont-Blanc, which rose before them.:J: It was not till late at night that they reached the shepherds' huts,§ in a place deep as an abyss, barren and cold, where they could not make a fire except by um'oofing the hovels to take the * Which the author of the Rentr^e calls the mountain of Haute-Luce, from the name of the village at its foot, but which, without doubt, is either the Col- Joli, (7240, high,) or the Col de la Fenetre, or Portetta, as it was named to Mr. Brockedon, who has visited these countries, and followed the same road as the Vaudois. - (See Picturesque Views of the Vaudois Valleys, by Beattie, p. 16S.) It is difficult, perhaps impossible, to detenrdne thi-ough which of these two defiles the Vaudois passed ; they could not teU themselves, being obhged, owing to the thick fog, to commit themselves to a guide whom they disti-usted and were obhged to threaten, and who, perhaps in revenge, led them through the most difficult roads. t It is not probable that Amaud, to whom is attributed the compilation of the Glorieuse Rentree, would speak thus of himself. But possibly this eulo- gium is quoted from the journal of young Paul Renaudin, (or Reynaudin,) of Bobbio, which Amaud might have reproduced in the text- The author of the Glorieuse Rentree acknowledges, in fact, that this journal, written with great fidehty and exactness, furnished him with many exceUent materials for his history. The aged Joshua Janavel, who lived at Geneva, might have heard before' his death the manuscript of his young compatriot read to him, which would excite the hvehest emotions. Paul Renaudin left Bale, where he was a student, to join the army. He returned to his studies after the peace, and died pastor of Bobbio. (Histoire de la Glorieuse Rentree, edition of 1710, pp. 69 and 175 ; or the edition of 1845, pp. 65 and 131.) See, also, the learned essay on the Vaudois which is preserved in the hbrarj' at Bale. t The summits and glaciers of the Miage, Trez-la-tete, etc. § The author of the Rentree beheves that these huts were those of St Nicolas de Verose ; in which opinion he is probably mistaken, for he describes the place as in a deep hoUow, Uke a desert and cold abyss, while St. Nicolas is a large village in a hvely situation on the hiU-side of Mont-JoU. The huts in which our travellers foiind such a miseraV;le lodtring were probably some near St. Nicolas, but situated higher up in the vallev, at the foot of the pass of Bon- homme. Mr. Brockedon, quoted by Dr. Beattie in the Picturesiiue Views of the Vaudois Valleys, as ha\Tng visited these districts by a Vaudois itinerary, believes that these huts, of which the Rentree speaks, were those of the Barme. 350 HISTORY OF THE VAT7D0IS CHURCH. wood, which in return exposed them to the rain which lasted all night. So many hardships determined captain Chien, belonging to one of the six Trench companies, to desert, taking a horse along with him. He was of a delicate constitution. On the fourth day the little army passed through the defile of Bonhomme, which separates the pro^'ince of Pau- cigny from that of Tarentaise, the basin of the Arve from that of the Isere. They ascended the mountain up to their knees in snow, while a heavy rain was falling. They had not been "^^thout fear of having their passage disjDuted, for they knew that in the preceding year, at the report of their first attempts, fortifications and entrenchments had been con- structed in these places, with embrasures and coverings, in a position so advantageous that thirty persons would have sufficed, our friends said when they saw them, to stop their passage and destroy them. They praised God most heartily that all these works had been abandoned. From the heights of Bonhomme they descended into the valley of the Yersoi, where their resolute appearance overawed the peasantry who had assembled by the command of their lord to oppose their passage. In the evening they reached Sey on the Isere, and meeting there with a plentiful supply of pro- visions, they encamped not far from the town. The fifth day spent in going up the Isere had nothing remarkable, unless, perhaj)s, the excessive earnestness with which some gentlemen of Sainte-Foi wished to detain and lodge them ; a politeness which rendered them suspected, and procured them the advantage of travelling in company with the other hostages. The number of these persons was now very considerable; but their lot was not so melancholy as to prevent their repeating with good-humour their accustomed saying when they saw some person of consequence coming towards them, *' Here is another handsome bird for our cage !" This evening for the first time in eight days and eight nights, Arnaud and Montoux, his colleague, were lodged, supped, and rested in peace three hours. On the following day, they ascended Mount Iseran, from which the Isere takes its rise. Some shepherds, who had regaled them with milk on these mountains covered A^dth cattle, warned them that on the other side of Mount Cenis some regular troops were waiting for them, determined to oppose them. This news, far from alarming them, inflamed DIFFICULTIES OF THEIR SITrATION. 351 their courage ; for, knowing that the issue of battles depends on God, for whose glory they had taken arms, they doubted not that he would open a passage for them, whoever nii"-ht attempt to close it. Having reached Maui-ienne in the evening, the little army on the seventh day ascended Mount Cenis, whore the}' seized all the post-horses, so that the news of their coming could not be transmitted very rapidly. A small division also laid hands on some mules laden with the bag- gage of the pope's nuncio in France, cai'dinal Angc Ilanuzzi, who was returning to Italy ; but the muleteers haWng com- plained to the officers, they caused all the booty to be restored. Only a watch could not be recovered.* Having ended this affair, the army took the route of the little Mount Cenis, leaving the most fi-equented road to the h.'ft, and descended by the pass of Clairee,f into the valley of Jaillon, having wandered out of the way in a mist and over the snow with which the earth was covered. Many passed the night wretchedly in the woods. The main body had no advantage over them, except that of warming and drying themselves round some fires. When on the eighth day, leaving the valley of Jaillon, the Yaudois wished to press on to Chaumont, where they hoped to pass the Doire, (Doria Hiparia,) one league above Suza, and for this purpose were seeking for an outlet fi-om the narrow valley in which they had passed the night, they found the enemy in possession of the heights. A part of the French garrison of Exilles, and a great number of peasants, occupied an advantageous post which commanded the path along which they must go. Captain Pelcnc, who was sent to treat with them, ha^-ing been kept ])risoner, the advanced guard, a hundi'cd strong, set forward, but being immediately repulsed by a shower of balls, grenades, and stones, they forded the Jaillon, and defiled on the right bank, protected by a grove of chesnut trees. Yet the examination of the places inspiring some fears as to ulti- mate success, they decided on regaining the heights they had descended. This last resolution filled the hostages * The prelate's correspondence was also missing. It seems that it came into the hands of the king of France, which sorely displeased and vexed the cardinal, as he felt himself committed by it. But the Vaudois always asserted their entire ignorance of the affair. t This is :Mr. Brockedon's opinion, who has carefully sm^eyed these places. The author of the Eentree gives another name to this mountain, that of Tour- lier. 352 HISTORY or the vaudois church. with despair, worn out as they were with fatigue. '^ Eather put us to death," they cried. Many of them were left behind. The Yaudois themselves did not accomplish it without great difficulty. Forty men lost their way ; among others, the French captains Lucas and Privat, who were never heard of again ; besides two good surgeons, Jean Malanot, taken by the Piedmontese,^* and then con- ducted to the prison at Tuiin, and JeanMuston, taken by the French, and sent to the galleys, where he ended his days. As they re -ascended the defile of Claire e, the trumpets were sounded for a long time in order to collect the wanderers, and to indicate to all the right direction. They even waited full two hours, and then, being pressed for time, resumed their route, although a considerable number were missing. From the summit of the mountain, where the little army had avoided an encounter with two hundred soldiers of the French garrison of Exilles, they proceeded through the defile of Touillc, to the west, against Oulx, situated also in the valley of the Doire, but several leagues above Suza. Arnaud's intention was to pass the river at the bridge of Salabertrand, between Exilles and Oulx. The night had already overtaken them while they were still on the mountain. ]N^ear a village, a league from the bridge they hoped to force, a peasant whom they asked whether they could get any provisions by pajdng for them, replied very coolly, '^ Come on, they will give you all you want, and are preparing you an excellent supper !" These words, from the tone in which they were uttered, seemed rather threaten- ing. But there was now no time to hesitate. After taking refreshment in the village, they renewed their march, and half a league from the bridge they saw before them about six-and-thirty fires, an indication of rather a large encamp- ment ; a quarter of an hour afterwards the vanguard came upon an advanced post. Every one perceiving that the critical hour on which the success or ruin of the expedition depended was come, listened to the prayer with deep attention ; then, under favour of the night, they advanced to the bridge. To the cry of '' Who's there ?" they answered, " Friends," — a sus- * It appears that the Piedmontese cavahy of the count de Verrue, who occupied Suza, was also in the field ; but the gi'eater part of the troops were French. Each nation guarded its own prisoners. — See Histoire Mihtaire, (IVIilitary History,) by the count of Saluzzo, t. v., pp. 6, 7. DEFEAT AX ARllET) FORCE AT SALABERTRAND. 353 jDicious answer, to "which the enemy's only rejjly was "Kill! kill!" accompanied T\4th a tremendous tu-e for a quarter of an hour ; which, however, did no harm, Arnaud having at the first shot ordered the men to fall on the ground. But a division of the enemy who had followed the Yaudois having taken them in the rear, they found them- selves placed between two fires. In this critical moment, some of them, feeling that they must risk everj'thing, shouted, " Courage ! the bridge is won !" At these words the Yaudois rushing forwards headlong, sword in hand and with fixed bayonets, on the passage marked out for their valour, carried it, and vigorously attacking the entrench- ments, forced them at once. They pui'sued their enemies so closely as to seize them by the hair. The \'ictory was so complete that the marquis de Larrcy, who commanded the French, and was himself wounded in the arm, exclaimed, '' Is it possible that I have lost the battle and my honour?" In fact, two thousand five himdred soldiers, firmly en- trenched, that is, fifteen companies of regular troops and eleven of militia, without reckoning the peasantr}' and the troops that attacked the Yaudois in the rear, were defeated hj eight hundred men worn out with fatigue, as well as novices in the art of war. The hand of God did this. The Yaudois had only ten or twelve wounded, and fourteen or fifteen killed, the French acknowledged a loss of twelve captains, besides many other officers, and about six hundred soldiers. This combat was advantageous for the hostages, who, almost all, availed themselves of it to make theii' escape. Of thirty-nine there remained only six of the most aged. The moon had risen, the enemy had disappeared. The Yaudois provided themselves with military' stores and other booty. They longed to take some repose ; but pmdence dictated their departure, for which Arnaud gave orders. Having thro^vn into the Doire a part of what they could not cany away, they collected what powder remained, and, on going away, set what they left on fire. To the tremen- dous explosion that followed, and resounded to a distance among the mountains, was added the sound of the Yaudois tnimpets and the acclamations of the conquerors, who threw their caps in the aii' as a sign of gladness, and exclaimed, '' Thanks be to the Lord of hosts, who hath given us the victon' over all our enemies." 354 HISTOEY OF THE YAtTDOIS CHTJUCH. But if the joy were great, so also was the fatigue : to such a degree, indeed, that the greater part were overpowered with sleep ; and yet it was necessary to advance, and, if possible, ascend the mountain of Sci, which separated them from Pragela, that they might not be surprised the next morning by all the forces which the enemy had in the valley of the Doire. But, with all the care of the rear- guard to arouse the sleepers and make them march, twenty- four remained behind and were taken prisoners — a loss which, added to the forty that missed their way in the ravines of Jaillon, deeply affected the army, otherwise so elated with their great success. The next day, the ninth since they set out, was a Sun- day. The dawn appeared as they reached the summit of Sci ; and when they were all assembled, Arnaud, with a fall heart, pointed out to them in the distance the tops of their mountains, A single valley only separated them — that of Pragela or Clusone, well known of yore, peopled throughout with Yaudois from time immemorial, who had long been united to those of Piedmont by alliances, by a similar ecclesiastical organization, and by a common synod. It was long ago a place of refuge for them in the perse- cution of 1655. It would still have been so if his most Christian majesty had not caused all the evangelicals to disappear, some years since, either by emigration or ab- juration. It was not in a temple of any one of those once evangelical villages that our travellers Avere able to retiu'n thanks to God for the numerous proofs of his infinite com- passion ; it was on the solitary Sci, under the vault of the heavens, encii'cled by a vast horizon of mountains, lighted up by the dazzling rays of the rising sun. On this spot the conductor of this little band, Arnaud, on his knees like all around him, humbled himself with them before the Eternal, adoring and blessing him for their deliverances. All, after having confessed their sins, looked up with confidence to God, the Author of their salvation, and rose filled with fresh courage. Some hours after, they passed the Clusone, rested at La Traverse, and slept at the village of Jaussaud, at the foot of the defile of Pis. The tenth day was spent • by our travellers in the defiles of the mountains which unite the valley of Pragela with that of San Martino. A detachment of Piedmontese soldiers, which guarded the pass of Pis, took flight at the sight of CRTTEL MEASUKE. 355 our intrepid band. The latter, constrained by their })riva- tions to provide for the wants of the present niuiuent as well as those of the futui'e, felt authorized to cai)ture a flock of six hundi-ed sheep, which were feeding on their route; they restored, however, a small number for some money. The rest, slaughtered the next day and eaten "without bread, furnished an acceptable repast. On Tuesday, the 27th of August, 1689, the valiant troops who had crossed the lake of Geneva eleven days before, and surmounted immense obstacles with self- denpng constancy, set foot in the first Yaudois village, Ealsille, at the north-west extremity of the valley of San Martino. Solemn moment ! luiiting the pleasant and pain- ful recollections of the past with the fears and disquietudes of the futui'e. Everything reminded them of happy days that were no more, but which might possibly be renewed. But, whatever might be the issue of their bold entei-jmse, everything announced to them that, for a long time yet, privations and a deadly struggle awaited them. They knew it, and were prepared for it. The repulse at the Jaillon, the glorious affair at the bridge of Salabertrand, and the effects of exhaustion and drowsiness at the ascent of Sci, had deprived them of almost a hundred imd fifty men. Many who were wounded in the passage of the Doire had remained behind on the French tcn'itory; traitors, and minute search, had delivered them up to the royal vengeance. Lastly, desertion had taken from the amiy, during the last night, tAventy of their defenders, probably Frenchmen of Pragela or of Dauphine, whom the "sicinity of theii' native countr}^ detached fi-om the common entei-prise. Oui' heroic mountaineers were thus reduced to about seven hundred, while severe conflicts with thousands of disciplined soldiers awaited them. It is important to form a just idea of their situation, rendered so critical by their small numbers, to find some apology for a cruel measure which the instinctive desire to preserve theii' own lives forced upon the Yaudois. The impossibility of guarding their prisoners, combined "snth the imperative necessity of concealing fi'om their enemies their route and numerical weakness, constrained them to grant no quarter to the unfortunate soldiers or peasants whom the events of war threw into their hands. It was 356 HISTORY or the taudois chuech. on the Alp"^ of the Pis, that the first execution began : six soldiers of the duke's guard were put to death. f At Balsille, forty-six militia-men of Cavor, besides two apos- tate peasants, were led two and two to the bridge of the Germanasco, executed, and then thrown into the whirlpool below. We must state, however, that thenceforward, the army never treated so many prisoners with such severity, and that only guides suspected, or apostate peasants, and some military men occasionally, were the victims of this terrible regulation. From the northern valley, of which the village of Balsille occupied the western extremity, Arnaud with his troops descended at first along the torrent as far as Macel, into another part of the upper valley of San Martino, into the valley of Prali, (or the Prals,) which touches Prance on the west and joins the former on the east, above Perrier, form- ing as far as Pomaret only a deep furrow traversed by the Germanasco, with some slopes leading down to its two banks. The little army, for greater security, and that it might better explore the country, divided itself into two bodies, of which one passed by the mountain to Eodoret, and the other to Pontaine by the base of the valley. They nowhere met with soldiers, but only some Savoyards, new inhabitants, whom they captured. On reaching the hamlet of Guigou they were rejoiced to find the temple of Prals still standing. They pulled down the ornaments placed in it by supersti- tion. Then the seven hundi'ed warriors, laying down their arms, and crowding to the inside and before the porch, sang the seventy-fourth Psalm, wliich begins thus : " O God, why hast thou cast iis off for ever ? Why doth thine anger smoke against the sheep of thy pasture ?" etc. They also sang the hundred and twenty-ninth Psalm : ^' Many a time have they afflicted me from my youth, may Israel now say : Many a time have they afflicted me from my youth : Yet they have not prevailed against me," etc. In order to be heard hj those within as well as those without, Arnaud stood upon a bench placed in the doorway, and took for his text some verses of this latter Psalm. * The term Alp is given by the Vaudois to the high pasture lands in which are the shepherds' huts. t When exliorted to pray, these poor ignorant papists asked how it was to be done ! (See Glorieuse Rentree.) ATTACK ON LUCEEXA. ,357 At the sight of this temple, on hearing these sacred songs, and listening to the preaching of this servant of God surrounded ^vith dangers, many were reminded of the last pastor who had preached in these places — the blessed Leydet, sur[3rised by the papists as he sang psahns under a rock, and who died a martjT in 1686, confessing the name of the Savioirr. Everything here, past and present, united to fill the assembly with deep emotion, and to make them seek from on high the help of which they felt the need. Being assured that the upper villages of the valley of San Martino, thinly inhabited by a small number of papists, were stripped of troops, these con<|uerors of their native soil hastened to pass into the valley of Lucema by the pass of Giulian, which they found occupied by two hundred soldiers of the guards. To attack them in spite of their bravadoes,^' force their entrenchments, and put them to flight, was the work of an instant. Tliis action only cost the life of a single Yaudois. The fugitives lost their am- munition, provision, and baggage, — an agreeable booty for the conquerors, who also slew about thirty-one men in the pursuit. The little army rushing downi fi'om the mountains into the large valley of Lucerna, took Bobbio, which lies at the bottom, by surprise, and drove away the new inhabit- ants. Then passing for a day from the fatigues of marching and conflict to more peaceful scenes, they transformed themselves either into a religious assembly, and listened with earnestness to the exhortations of one of their pastors, M. Montoux, or into a national coimcil, deliberating on their interests, and imposing laws on themselves, the guarantee of order and justice. An oath of union and fidelity to the common cause, their re-establishment in the heritage of their fathers, with the practice of their holy religion, was taken, as in the sight of the living God, by the pastors, captains, and others officers, towards all the privates, and by the latter towards the former. They also swore to consider the booty as common property, to reverence the name of God, and to labour to recover their brethren from the thraldom of cruel Babylon. Four treasurers and two * " Come on, come on, barbets (dogs) of the devil," cried the soldiers, "we occupy all the passes, and there are three thousand of us." Their sentinel shouted, " "Who's there ? K you do not speak, I fire." (VUe Gloneuse Rentr^e.) 358 HISTORY or the vatjdois chtjech. secretaries were chosen to take charge of the booty, and a major^* and an adjutant appointed over the companies. The large town of Yilkiro, in the midst of the valley of Lucerna, was attacked as Bobbio had been ; and at first the enemy fled, some to the valley of Guichard on the right bank of the PeKce, others to the convent, where they were closely pressed. But a considerable reinforcement of regular troops having come to their succour, the Yaudois were forced to retreat upon Bobbio, and eighty of them could only escape by dispersing themselves over the Yandalin, the limit of the Alps of Angrogna, and then rejoining each other at a dis- tance from the main body. Montoux, the second pastor, being separated from his people under similar circumstances, was surrounded by the enemy, and sent to prison at Turin, where he remained till the peace. Arnaud three times gave himself up for lost, three times he prayed with six of his men, and three times God averted the fatal blow. At last, this chief, whose life was so precious, gained the ridge on which eighty of his men had halted. This defeat occasioned a change in their tactics. The first eight days of their return, the Yaudois, acting on the offensive, had successively beaten every corps of the enemy they had met on their march. Henceforward they attacked more rarely, and then only convoys, advanced-posts, or detached columns. Being reduced to act on the defensive, they entrenched themselves in mountainous retreats of difficult access, in natural fortresses that might be easily defended, while their detachments scoured the country to obtain pro^dsions. It was on the declivities of their moun- ^tains, in the centre of their verdant pastures, once covered with their flocks, but now solitary, that they sold their lives dearly. Decided, at least, to die in their heritage on their widowed and desolate soil, thej would not lay down their arms, except with their last groan, or for peace, if their prince offered them an honourable one. Abandoning, therefore, the hope of keeping their ground in their ancient villages of the rich valleys of Lucerna, renouncing even the possession of Yillaro and Bobbio, the Yaudois retreated to the heights of this last district to the granges of the Serre-de-Cruel, a locality naturally fortified, whither they carried their sick and wounded. The eighty * Captain Odin. Arnaud was commander-in-cliief. EETIRE TO THE HEIGHTS. 359 men who had taken refuge in the Alps of Ang^rogna, having received a reinforcement, formed an active brigade, alwavs on the alert, making incursions on the hamlets and villages of this glen, and engaging in several skirmishes : amongst others, one near la Yachere and Mount Cer^'in. In this last, they made head against six hundred men, killed a hundi-ed of them, and lost themselves only four. But they suffered great privations. Often they had nothing to eat but wild fruits. Twenty-nine men returned one evening with no food but a few nuts, with which they were forced to content themselves. A detachment which rejoined the flying camp before the combat we have just mentioned, had passed two days without anything to eat ; yet thej* could not give each one a piece of bread to revive him larger than the palm of the hand. On the evening of the same day, all these refugees, in the rocks near a small hamlet called Turin,-'' thought themselves well off with a supper of raw cabbages, which they did not dare to cook for fear of being discovered. The next day, at Crouzet, also in the valley of San Martino, they had nothing to appease their hunger and recruit their strength but a soup made ■v\dth cabbages, peas and leeks, without salt, fat, or any seasoning, wliich, nevertheless, they swallowed very eagerly. However, the little army here and there got hold of some better provisions, which they partly kept in reserve and partly used. Being stationed at Prali for two days, they cut down all the wheat they could find,f and hastened to have it ground at the mills in that place. I In the midst of these conflicts and labours, religious duties were not neglected. Arnaud administered the holj- supper to the troops who accompanied him. He also visited the distiict of Bobbio, to attend to the same sacred ordinance with the Yaudois who lived there. The little army was left in possession of the valley of San Martino by the retreat of the Piedmontese troops of the mar- quis de Parelle, who, at his departure, had burned le Perrier. Taking advantage of this, the Yaudois proceeded to get in * Riere Fayet, in the valley of San Martino. t The rye could not be cut at this height before the month of September. i It was then, no doubt, that the expedition took place which is mentioned in the second part of the " Glorieuse Rentree," (p. 160 of the edition 1/10 and p. 122 of the edition 1845,) when fiftv men went into Qneyras, a Prcnch valley, and carried off seven or eight hundred sheep, and some heifers, of which tbey restored a small part. 360 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHTJECH. all the standing com, thresh, and transport it to the retired village of Rodorct, where they established their magazine. It was also the vintage season in the lower parts of the valley, as well as the time for gathering walnuts, apples, and chesnuts.*' The flying camp, always vigilant and active, captured some large convoys of provisions and wine ; so that, if no misfortune happened, the future, as far as regarded the means of subsistence, was by no means to be dreaded. The general satisfaction was disturbed at the moment by the desertion of captain Turel, a Frenchman, who, although brave and estimable, gave up the hope of final success, and persuaded four of his friends to go off with him. The un- fortunate man only escaped the privations he dreaded, to endure a horrible punishment. Having been seized at Embrun, he was broken on the wheel alive, at Grenoble, among twelve wretched beings, of whom six were hung on his right and six on his left.f The body of Vaudois that was left on the heights of Bobbio, though considerably weakened by the succours sent to the division that overran the valley of Angrogna, and particularly by the larger force that had entered the valley of San Martino, did not remain inactive. They burned and destroyed the convent abandoned at Villaro, that, on the enemy's return, it might not be made a fortress. They reduced Eora to ashes, pulled do"s\Ti the popish temple, killed more than thirty persons, and took away much booty. But when the Piedmontese troops, stationed in the valley, had received reinforcements large enough to cover the mountains with their soldiers, the Yaudois found themselves obliged to abandon their refage at Serre-de-Cruel, after having set it on fire, and to with- draw to a more secure asylum — Pausettes, at the foot of I'Aiguille, a height easily defended, in the rocks of which * Chesnuts make an important part of the winter provisions in the valleys of Piedmont. t Here the First Part of the " Glorieuse Rentr^e" ends, which is a record of +hirty-one days to the 16th of Sei^tember, taken from the joui-nal of young Renaudin. The Second Part, if we are not mistaken, is the original work of Ai'naud himself; the general style is more concise; it is that of a leader who knew how to estimate the course of events, and, placing himself above the actors, felt himself authorized to distribute praise or blame. The pious reflections on the providential dealings of a merciful God are also those of a man deeply convinced, as Ai-naud was, that the work he had undertaken proceeded from the Most High, and could not be caiTied on without his constant support. DESEETIOXS. 361 they constructed a few hovels, to stow the pro\'isions they had brought from Prali in safety. In more than one affair, the Yaudois, hunted like deer, made their pursuers repent of their boldness. Sometimes they even resumed the offensive, as at Sibaut, where the sixty brave men who were stationed at Pausettes, forced the entrenchments, behind which a body equal in number had mounted guard. They thi^ew the captain and some of his men do^no. the rocks. Altogether the enemy's loss amoimted to thirty-four, without the Yaudois losing a man ; but very soon losing theii' courage at the sight of so many enemies, they abandoned their new refuge, the fortifications of Pausettes, and lastly the impregnable post of Aiguille,* leaving all their winter provisions at the mercy of the soldiers, who scattered some over the ground, and set fire to the depots that contained the rest. Even their flocks were taken from them. Being pursued from rock to rock, and forced to hide themselves in dismal recesses, on the brink of precipices, or in frozen caverns, deprived of their magazines, and unable to procure food, except at the peril of their lives, they would have come to a miserable end if Providence had not constantly watched over them, and at last enabled them to rejoin the main body, whose scene of action lay in the valley of San Martino. As the foregoing recital intimates, in the autumn, numer- ous battalions apj^eared in the valleys, both Piedmontese and French ; the former under the command of the marquis de Parelle, lieutenant-general, the latter under that of M. de rOmbraille. Their troops covered all the villages and all the passes, with the exception of a few scattered hamlets and byways. The vale of Rodoret being attacked in the middle of October (at the same time as the position of Aiguille) by a troop of the enemy, had been found untenable. Desertion had begun again among the Prench refugees. ^N'either the fear of perishing miserably like Tiu^el, nor nobler feelings could detain captain Ponfrede, with his lieutenant and twenty soldiers, who escaped to Pragela, where they were soon arrested, and then hung. The situation of the Yaudois army was certainly most critical, piu'sued as it was, incessantly, by a force twenty times its superior. * In the middle of October. B 362 HISTOET OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. Accordingly on the 22nd of October, two thousand Trench having passed from Pragela into the valley of San Martino, and pitched their camp at Champ-la-Salse, the small rem- nant of the Yaudois held a councH at nightfall, at Eodoret, as to what stej) it would be most proper to take. It was evident that, in the presence of so many enemies, this post after a while would be untenable. But whither were they to retreat? Some advised the mountains of Eobbio ; others suggested following the steps of the valiant captain Buffa, to the heights of Angrogna. Although the latter proposal seemed to be most generally acceptable, the partisans of the former were unwilling to accede to it. Division crept in among the chiefs : things seemed tending to certain ruin. At this critical moment, the pious Arnaud proposed that they should join in prayer to God, and without waiting for their reply, he invoked Him who is the Author of Avisdom, prudence, and union ; then, after having seriously and warmly exhorted his companions to sacrifice their particular views to the judgment of others, he advised the adoption of a third plan, that of retreating to Balsille ; a proposition which gained all their suffrages so completely, that the same night, two hours before day, they were on their march thither. Wishing to avoid meeting their enemies, they passed through places so dangerous that it was often necessary to use both hands and feet, to keep their footing.^* The general attention was so much occupied at such seasons that the hostages escaped after having bribed their guards. The reader vnll recollect the position of the village of Balsille, on the Germanasque, at the habitable extremity of the north-west of the vale of San Martino, separated from the valley of Pragela by the defiles of Damian (or Dalmian,) and Pis, in the same direction, and by that of Clapier towards the east. The principal group of houses is near the torrent at the foot of the mountains, at Avhich the gradual slopes have an eastern aspect. A stone bridge, near which is a mill, unites the two parts of the village, situated to the east, at the foot of the steep rocks of * " He who lias not seen these places," Arnaud exclaims, " cannot well imagine the clangers ; and he who has seen them will no doubt consider tliis march as a fiction and a romance, but it is nevertheless pure truth ; and it may be added, that when the Vaudois saw them again by day, as happened many times afterwards, their hair stood on end," etc. (V. Glorieuse Rentr^e.) REFUGE IX BALSILLE. 363 Giiignevert, Trhich rises towards the Avest, and is thickly wooded at its base. Prom this natural wall, a rock pro- jects against the river and over the dwellings, sufficiently^ elevated, flattened, and in some places divided into terraces, forming finite a natural fortification. Three fountains supply it with water. It was on this rock that the Vaudois posted themselves, with a firm resolution of waiting steadily for their enemies without wearying themselves, as they had so often done, with running fi'om moimtain to mountain. To maintain their position, they began to form entrenchments, made covered ways, ditches, and walls, and dug more than fourscore cabins in the earth, surrounding them with channels to carry off the water. After the morning prayer,-'' those who were appointed went to labour at the fortifications. The entrenchments consisted of cuttings one above another. They made as many as seventeen where the ground was the least inclined, and disposed them in such a manner that when necessary they could retreat from one within the other ; so that if the besiegers carried the first, the second remained ; then the third, and so on, till they reached the summit of the rock. They drew out of the Germanasque the millstone which the proprietors, named Tron-Poulat, had thi^own in on quitting the place three years before, and set the mill at work, which was of great service.f A little fort was also constructed above the castle we have described, on a rock higher up, but contiguous, though separated itself from the mountain towards the top by a rent, where they made a triple entrenchment. Lastly, on a lofty ridge, commanding the works, as well as the valley, they left a constant watch, to give notice of the least movement of the enemy. The Yaudois had not commenced these laboiu^s more than three or four days when the French battalions, who, not having met with them at Eodoret, could only lay hands on their abundant stock of provisions, penetrated into the valley, coming from Prali, besides some other troops of the same nation, commanded by M. de TOmbraiUe. In a short time, the Yaudois saw themselves inclosed on all sides; * Amaud preached twice a week, once on Sunday, and again on Thursday. Every day, morning and evening, he also assembled his companions for prayer, in which "they joined on their knees, and with theii' faces on the ground. t They also took advantage of the mill at Macel whenever they could. E 2 364 HISTORY OF THE YAUDOIS CHrRCH. their advanced post at Passet, which, covered the entrance of Balsille, was at the same time captured by a stratagem, though without any loss on their part, and on the 29th of October the enemy advanced to attack the castle. For this purpose they filled the woods, mtli which the mountain on which Balsille rests is covered, with detachments, which blockaded them from Friday to Sunday evening, and which suffered extremely, the snow falling incessantly. A hot skirmish, in which they lost at the passage of the bridge sixty men killed, and as many wounded, at last proved to them the impossibility of forcing a position so well en- trenched and defended. All their summonses to surren- der had been rejected. The Yaudois had not lost a single man. In the course of ISTovember, as a part of the rrench troops had already retired much discouraged, De TOmbraille having learned, by the report of an apostate who had visited Balsille, that the mill of Macel was often employed by the men of the castle, sent five himdred soldiers thither, who, after all, captured only one man, and killed two. These were French refugees. The survivor, who had only gone out, the day he was taken, to nurse his two sick friends, and to bring them back to the castle, had to carry their heads to La Perouse to head-quarters. His edifying discourses so much interested the judge of the place, although a Poman Catholic, that he endeavoured to obtain his pardon from the inflexible Ombraille, but in vain. His constancy in the profession of his faith, his calmness in ascending the fatal ladder,"^' j)roduced a powerful impression on the people of Pragela, the witnesses of his execution, and who had for the most part changed their religion from timidity. Whether the season was too far advanced, or the position of Balsille appeared too strong to be carried by the means they had at their disposal, their enemies abandoned the upper glens of all the valley of San Martino, Macel, La Salse, Eodoret, and Prali, burning almost all the houses, granges, and corn-stacks, carrying away or destroying the stores of wheat and other eatables, and calling out to the Yaudois to have patience and wait for them till Easter. Having * He was hung at the castle of Bois in Pragela, from which it is supposed that he belonged, to that district. SFFFERHs^GS. 365 retired into better cantonments, they had their advanced posts at Maneillc and Perrier. Owing to this withdrawal of their enemies, the Vaudois felt perfectly free in their movements. The first months of their retiu'n to their native land had been spent, it is true, in privation and suffering, in the midst of daily con- flSSts; but at least they, the ancient proprietors of the soil, had remained masters of it. God who had protected them at the time of their first danger, and who had brought them to that inclement season of the year in which no one would ventiu-e to attack them in their mountains, could not he still deliver them in days to come ? They were there- fore, if not happy, yet thankful and inspired with hope. Desertion rather than death, had a little thinned their ranks : their numbers howi^Ter, in the valley of San Martiuo, still amounted to fourhundred, without reckoning the little division which had fixed , itself on the mountains of Angrogna, and one or two little bands in the wilds of the glen Guichard or among the alpine rocks of Bobbio. One thing made them anxious; their means of sustenance. AYhere could they be found? The enemy, besides destroy- ing everything they could when they retired, had closed against them all the avenues to inhabited places. A gracious Providence had provided for their need, by cover- ing the fields of rye with snow, ripened in September, but wliich the papist cultivators in their flight had not reaped, and which they themselves had cut only in part, in order to withcbaw them from the notice and devastation of the soldiers. Ptcmaining untouched under this protective covering, they furnished a wholesome and abundant nutri- ment to the recluses of Balsille who reaped them, during the winter. Moreover strong detachments, making sudden incursions into the valleys of Pragela and QuejTas, brought in salt, butter, wine, and other provisions. Prom these various sources their subsistence was secured. Those most to be lamented among the Yaudois were they whom the course of war, or some imprudence, had placed at a distance from their brethi'en. The following fact wiU show what they suffered. A band of twelve, who had concealed themselves in a cave or isolated grotto, behind L'Essart, in the disti'ict of Bobbio, were constrained by hunger to come out and procure provisions. On return- 366 HISTOEY OF THE TAUDOIS CHUECH. ing to their as^^lum, tliej^ thought that the traces of theii' footsteps in the snow might be perceived, and decided on seeking for a new one in La Biava difficult of access. Scarcely had they set out when they saw behind them a troop of one hundred and twenty -five peasants, who in less than a quarter of an hour would have surprised and surrounded them; therefore, throwing away their little baggage immediately, they made haste and reached a ridge above, from which they fired so accurately on the assail- ants, that of the first fifteen shots thirteen took effect ; and when the jjeasants asked for a parley, and an honourable retreat on both sides was agreed upon, they acknowledged twelve dead and thirteen wounded : not one of the twelve Yaudois was hurt. Their victory, neverthelesss, did not relieve them from trouble for more than a daj^, or even a shorter time ; for on returning towards evening through the bypaths to La Biava, they were every moment exposed to destruction among the precipices under their feet. The situation of their new refuge left nothing to be desired in point of security. They might have passed months there without being pursued; but after two days they were diiven from it by the intensity of the cold. Accordingly they again descended into less savage parts, to seek for a milder climate, or a better abode, in the midst of new dangers. Saddened by suffering, but animated with stern resolution, they were proceeding on their way, when they met an armed band. In a moment, they retreated behind a house, and their fire killed one man, an enemy as they supposed ; when to their great grief, mingled with livel}' joy, they recognised the party to be composed of their Yaudois brethren. "With tears in their eyes they ran to meet them. They went on together through the pass Giulian, and at last found in the castle of Balsille the rest, protection, subsistence, and security which the twelve fugitives had almost despaired of. The winter passed peaceably at Balsille in the work of erecting defences, in lading in a stock of pro\dsions, and in anticipations of the future, regulated by the confidence in God which the pious Arnaud sought to cherish in all by his firm bearing, his conversation, and the exercises of worship. The monotony of their life was interrupted only by the friendly visits and messages of relations, or of ATTEMn AT NEGOTIATION. 367 officers in the duke's sei-vice. All these proceedings tended to the same end, intimidation. The desire was to induce the Taudois to arrange for a final withdrawal from their native soil. For this purpose it was sought to excite their fears by confidential communications respecting the lot that awaited them. A numerous army would suiTound and desti'oy them in the spring ; if they were wise, they would accept terms while they could be granted. They were conjured not to risk any longer the cause of their relations who were detained in the prisons, nor the interests of those who, having become papists, dwelt in their ancient villages; and were implored also to think of their wives and children whom they had left in Switzerland, and who would be deprived of their natural protectors by their inconceivable and imprudent pertinacity. They were re- proached also for their attempt, as if it had been an act of rebellion, a crime against their lawful sovereign. The last argument was the only one which deserved a formal answer on the part of men who, submitting to all personal sacrifices, could not be turned from their enterprise by the consideration of the sufierings of individuals. Arnaud explained himself many times on this point, and particu- larly in a letter which the council of war, of which he was president, wrote to the marquis de Parelle, begging him to lay the contents before the duke. Its statements were as follows : ^' I. That the subjects of your royal highness, dwelling in the valleys, were in possession of the lands to which they lay claim and which belonged to them from time immemo- rial, and that these were left to them by their ancestors. ''II. That they always punctual^ paid to his royal highness all the imposts and taxes he was pleased to lay upon them. '' III. That they always rendered faithful obedience to the orders of his royal highness, in all the commotions that have taken place in his dominions. '' lY. That in the last commotions'^' excited against his faithful subjects at the instance of others, and not of his royal highness, f there was not so much as a single criminal * This refers to the persecution of 1686, as a consequence of which they were obUged, as we have seen, to emigrate to Switzerland, t At the suggestion of the king of France. 368 HISTOEY OF THE YAI7D0IS CHTJECH. process in the valleys, but each one was occupied in living peaceably in his own house, rendering to God the adoration which all his creatures owe him, and to Caesar what belongs to him ; nevertheless, a people so faithful, after having endured manj^ sufferings in the prisons, were dispersed and sent wandering over the world. It could not be thought strange that this people should long to return to their own country. Alas ! the very birds, creatures destitute of reason, return in their season to seek their nests and their dwelling-places without being hindered from so doing ; and shall men be hindered, who are created in the image and likeness of God? The intention of the Yaudois is not to shed human blood, except only in self-defence ; thej will injure no one. If they remain on their own lands, it is to be, as before, with all their families, good and faithful subjects of his royal highness, the sovereign prince whom God has given them. They will redouble their prayers for the pre- servation of his roj'al highness and all his royal house, and above all, to appease the anger of the Most High, who appears to have a controversy with the whole earth. "'^' As the Yaudois could not make an unconditional sub- mission, and the hour was not yet come in which the prince would acknowledge the justice of their cause, the negotiations were interrupted after some conferences, and led to no result. AYhen the snows had begun to melt in the upj)er valleys, and the roads underneath the mountains might be con- sidered as passable, French troops might be seen directing their march towards Balsille, at the bottom of the valleys of San Martino and of Pragela, through the pass of Clapier and that of Pis. Those who made their way through this latter passage remained two days on the mountain in the snow, and without fire, for fear of being discovered. The soldiers were obliged to crowd closely together, in order to keep themselves warm while they were waiting for orders to renew their march and invest the place. ■ We have described the position of the castle, and the artificial means of defence which were added to those afforded by nature. Yet there was one more which we have not yet mentioned, because it was formed during the winter. Access to the place not being possible with any * Europe was distracted by a general war. ATTACK OF BALSILLE. 369 chance of success for the assaihmts, except on the side of a stream which ran at the foot of the castle where the ground is not so steep, Amaud had fortified this part with special care. He had planted strong palisades and raised small parapets, T\'ith trees disposed in snch a manner that the arms and boughs were towards the enemy, and the trunks and roots towards the Yaudois ; and to make them finn they were covered Avitli large stones, so that it was not easier to move them than to scale them. The distinguished De Catinat, lieutenant-general of the armies of France, commanded the troops assembled round Balsille, amounting to twenty-two thousand men ; namely, ten thousand French, and twelve thousand Piedmontese : too large a body, certainly, to make the assault, but of whom two-thirds were to be employed in investing the place and guarding all the passages, in order to make prisoners of the five hundi-ed men who were besieged, if they should attempt to escape. Catinat, in haste to go elsewhere, hoped to accomplish the aff'air in one day.* The firing began on Monday morning. May 1, 1690. The dragoons, who were encamped in a wood on the left of the castle, crossed the river, and placed themselves in ambush all along its bank, under a shower of balls and with great loss of men. Some hundreds of the duke's soldiers remained without stirring from their first position. f The major part of the enemy's forces approached the ruins of Balsille as far as the foot of the rock, but they quickly retreated, leaving many dead on the spot, and caiTjdng away a number of wounded. An engineer:|: having observed the approaches to the chateau with a spy-glass, and noticing, as he thought, that the weakest part was on the right, a picked corps of the regiment of Artois, five hundred strong, was dispatched thither for the assault. Seven hundred peasants of Pragela and Queyras followed, * A letter ■written by an eye-witness, •u'ho sensed in the duke's army, and which is quoted in the " Glorieuse Rentree," speaks of Catinat as having directed the operations in person. We are disposed to beUeve him. Amaud, who out of respect, perhaps, for so great a name, does not name him in nar- rating the assault, says nevertheless, some pages further, " Catinat, who had experienced the valour of the Vaudois, did not judge it expedient to expose his person a second time."— Glor. Rent., p. 306, ed.l710 ; and p. 197, ed. 1845. t On the mountain, at the back of which the fortress lay which they were to attack, bvit which they thought impregnable. They fired, nevertheless ; Catinat waited for their firing to order the assault on the castle. X As we are disposed to think, this was no other than Catinat himself. K 3 370 HISTOET OF THE VATJDOIS CHURCH. to pull down the palisades and the parapets. On the signal being given, and amidst the general firing of seven thousand soldiers drawn up in line of battle, the picked battalion rushed forward to the entrenchment marked out with unparalleled ardour. They thought that they should only have to clear away the boughs that were heaped together, in order to have an open path ; but they soon perceived that the trees were immovable, and, as it were driven into the soil by the mass of stones that were heaped upon them. The Yaudois seeing that they could not accomplish their object, and were advanced very near, opened such a \T.gorous fire, the young men loading the muskets which the more experienced discharged with a sure aim, that, though the snow was falling and wetted their powder, the ranks of the assailants were evidently thinned ; and when confusion began to spread among the victims of the assault, the Yaudois made a fierce sally, pursuing and cutting in pieces the remains of these picked troops, of which not above ten or a dozen escaped, with the loss of their hats and weapons. Their commander, De Parat, being wounded in the thigh and arm, and having been found among the rocks, was made prisoner with two sergeants, who remained faithfully by his side to take care of him. Strange to say, the Yaudois had not one either killed or wounded ! The enemy retreated in consternation the same evening ; the French to Macel, the Piedmontese, who had remained quiet spectators of the engagement, to Champ-la- Salse. Three days after, the enemy passed into the Prench territory (the vale of Pragela) to recruit them- selves, firmly resolved to return and avenge such an afi'ront, and to die rather than abandon their enterprise. The same day Arnaud delivered a very powerful discourse, and was himself so deeply afiected that neither the flock nor their pastor could refrain from tears. On strij)ping the dead bodies, charms were found upon them, or supposed preservatives against the attacks of the evil one and death ; precautions that were judged indis- pensable by men who had been taught to believe that the barbets had dealings with the devil.* * Most of these charms or amulets were printed. The following is a speci- men : " Ecce crufcem Domini nostri Jesn Clu'isti, fugite partes adversse ; vici leo de tribn Juda, radix David, Allel. AUel., ex S.Anton. De Pad., homo natus est in eaj Jesus, Maria, Franciscus, sint roihi salus." i. e. " Behold the cross SIEGE OF BALSILLE. 371 Catinat, deeply mortified by the check he had received, made all the necessary preparations for taking signal vengeance ; but he did not judge it expedient to risk a second time his oAvn person, and his hopes of a French marshal's baton ; he therefore left the execution of the enterprise to the king's ambassador at the court of Savoy, the marquis de Feuquieres. On Satiu'day, the 10th of May, the advanced guard gave notice of the approach of the enemy. Immediately the outposts were abandoned, and all fell back into the castle. They gave up with regret the exercises of preparation for the holy supper, of which they had intended to partake the next day, being AYhitsunday. The same evening, the enemy encamped close at hand ; this time there were only twelve thousand soldiers and fourteen hundred peasants. Ha^^-ing been formed into five divisions, they completely surrounded the place ; two were stationed in the valley at Passet, and at the foot of the mountain near La Balsille ; the three others on the heights in the ^-icinity of the fort, one at Clos-Dalmian, the other a considerable way up the rocks, the last in the woods beyond the castle, at Serre de Guignevert. Dispensing T^ith the tactics of a siege, they approached the castle within musket-shot, entrenching themselves behind some good parapets; for, besides pioneers in great numbers, and soldiers, either for mus- keteers or for digging trenches, all the rest employed themselves in making fascines and carrying them to the extremities of the works. Ey day, it was impossible to attack their works ; for no sooner did the enemy catch sight of a Yaudois cap, than they let off a hundred fire- locks without running any risk on their part, protected as they were by sacks of wool and by their parapets. But scarcely a night passed without some sallies being made by the besieged. Seeing that the discharge of musketry answered no end but to waste powder and shot, De Feuquieres jDlanted a cannon* on a level with the castle, on the mountain of of our Lord Jesus Christ ; flee, ye adversaries ! I, the Lion of the tribe of Judah, the Root of David, have conquered. Alleluia, Alleluia. From Saint Anthony of Padua, a man who was bom in it ; Jesus, Maria, Franciscus, may they be my salvation." * We may judge of the cahbre of the cannon by this fact :— About 1811, in removing the earth on the site of the castle, a ball was fotmd weigliing about eleven pounds of twelve ounces, that is, about eight pounds avondupois. 372 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHrECH. Guignevert ; he then hoisted a white flag, and after that a red one, to intimate to the besieged that unless they requested peace they could expect no quarter. They had already been invited to surrender, and had answered, that "not being subjects of the king of France, and that monarch not being master of the country, we cannot treat "^^dth his officers. Being in the heritage left us by our fathers from time immemorial, we hope by the aid of him who is the Lord of hosts to live in it and die in it, should only ten of us be left ! Discharge your artillery, our rocks mil not be terrified, and we will listen to it." The next day the camion thundered all the morning; the balls made a breach in the walls, and orders were given for the assault in three points. One column marched up by Clos-Dalmian ; a second by the ordinary approach ; and the third by the stream, without caring for the fire of the besieged, nor for the stones they rolled do\\Ti upon them. The enemy, moreover, protected their men by a shower of balls, which, nevertheless, by a miracle of the Divine good- ness, killed none in the castle. But the Yaudois assailed at once from so many quarters, and by forces so dispropor- tionably greater than their own, saw themselves comj^elled to evacuate their lower entrenchments. Before quitting them they put to death their prisoner, M. de Parat, who, when informed of their intentions, replied, " I pardon you my death." Balsille could not be defended much longer. The watch placed upon an elevated summit had been driven ofi" by the enemy, who had fired upon it from the neighbouring rocks. According to all appearances, the fortress as well as the upper entrenchments must soon be forced. Happily, the day was drawing to its close. One means only of safety was left to the Yaudois — fiight. It was a difficult matter, for they were surrounded on all sides by the enemy. If they had for a moment indulged the hope of succeeding during the darkness, they lost it as soon as they beheld the great fires which were lighted every evening and cast a bright glare all round. Nothing was left for them but to die. The French were rejoicing at the prospect of seeing them march to execution : the cords for tying and hanging them all were quite ready ; but if that Providence which had hitherto delivered them from the hands of their enemies, I WOISTDEEFUL FLIGHT. 373 liad permitted them now to be driven to the last extremity, it Tras only for the 2:»urpose of making them more sensible witli -^'liat care He watched over their preservation. In fact, a thick fog came on before night, and captain Poulat, who belonged to Balsille, ha^HLng offered to be their guide, they prepared to follow him. An attentive examination of the enemy's posts, by means of their fii'es, had indicated to this leader (who was perfectly familiar with the localities, the undulations and inclinations of the ground,) the jDOssi- bilitj' of escaping, if God peiTiiitted it, though by a frightful road along a ravine or precipice which he pointed out. "Without hesitation they descended in file, tlirough a fissure of the rocks, the greater part of the time sitting and sliding down, or going on their knees, laying hold of branches of trees or of bushes, and resting for a few moments. Poulat and those who were with him at the head groped with their feet, purposely made bare, as well as with their hands, lengthening or gathering up their bodies, to make sure of the nature and firmness of the ground on which they were about to trust themselves : all in their turn imitated the movements of those who preceded them. The approaches to the castle were so well watched that they could not entirely avoid coming into the neighbourhood of some of the soldiers on guard. Accordingly so it happened ; they passed close to a Trench patrol just as he was going his rounds : and, unfortunately, at that instant, a Yaudois trying to help liimself with his hands, let fall a small kettle he was carry- ing, and which as it rolled attracted the attention of the sentinel. Immediately he gave the challenge, '' Who goes there?" "But," says Amaud humorously, in his nan^a- tive, "this kettle (which fortunately was not like one of those that the poets feign as giving oracles in the forest of Dodona) making no answer, the sentinel thought he was mistaken, and did not repeat his challenge." Having reached the foot of the precipice, the Yaudois, descending the steep slopes of Guignevert, directed their coui'se south- ward towards Salse. It was now two hours after daybreak, and they were still ascending by steps which they hoUowed out in the snow. Then the enemy, who were encamped at Lautiga under the rock where the Yaudois had placed their mountain watch, discovered them, and cried out that the barbets had made their escape. 374 HISTOET OF THE YAUDOIS CHTJECH. A detachment in pursuit followed at their heels. The Vaudois descended to Pausettes, or Salse, on the other side of the mountain, where they rested and took refreshment. They did the same at Eodoret, wliither they next betook themselves. They were no sooner on their march again than they perceived on the heights behind them a column of the enemy, taking the road to Eodoret. Penetrating theii' design, the Vaudois ascended the summit of Galmon, between Eodoret and Prali. They halted there for two hours, during which they made a review, the sick and wounded were sent to a declivity called Le Yallon, with the surgeon of M. de Parat, under the guard of some of the strongest. They then descended rapidly on the side of Prali, concealed themselves in the wood of Serrelemi, where they waited for the night. A fog fortunately^ rising, they resumed their march, and ascended to the hamlet called La Majere, where they were disappointed in finding no water; but Heaven taking pity on them, sent them rain, which in this retreat was as useful and seasonable, as on other occa- sions it had been inconvenient and injurious. On the next day, the 16th, they reached Prayet; then crossing the valley below Prali in a fog, they entered the rocky mountains and precipices which, from Pons on the south, descend and divide themselves towards the north. They j)assed on to Poccabianca (a white rock, with a quarry of fine marble, ) and halted for the night at Payet, a lateral glen of the valley of San Martino. On the 17th, as the enemy were already on their track at Pouet, they left the mountain to the south and invaded Pramol. There they came into conflict mth the inhabitants, and some soldiers entrenched in the churchyard, killed fifty- seven men, and burned the village. They had to lament on their own side three wounded and as many killed, without reckoning one of their wives (though very few of them were there) who was struck at the very moment she was carrying some straw to smoke those persons who had taken refuge in the temple. They captured the commandant de Vignaux, with three lieutenants. The first of these ofiicers informed Arnaud, when he delivered up his sword, that Victor Amadous would have to decide in three days either to con- tinue his alKance with Prance, or to join the coalition which the emperor, one part of Germany, Holland, England and EETT7EN OF THE PEISOXERS. 375 Spain, had formed against Louis xiv. Amaud, who by his secret relations w^ith the prince of Orange, now become king of England, had been initiated into European politics, but duiing his isolation in Balsille had been debarred from any certain intelligence, perceived in an instant how much depended for himself and his troop on the resolution the duke might take. He saw it would be either their ruin or deliver- ance. To foresee what the determination of the prince would be, was impossible : he waited for it with intense anxiety. On the folloAving day. May the 18th, 1690, being Sunday, in a higher hamlet of Angrogna, (probably Les Bouils,) whither the Yaudois had repaii'ed on quitting Pramol, the decision taken by Victor Amadous was announced to them, and peace was offered them in his name by two individuals of San Giovanni and Angrogna, whom they well knew, MIE. Parender and Bertin, sent for this pui'pose by the baron de Palav acini, a general of the duke. "V\Tio can imagine the joy of these poor people whom a war of nine months had weakened and reduced to two -thirds of their original number, whom famine pursued, and who, chased from their last asyliun, tracked like game from rock to rock, from valley to valley, could only exjDect death or perpetual imprisonment ? Xews so unexpected might have been fatal to many by exciting their sensibility too strongly, and transporting them at once, without any intermediate steps, from the gloomiest resolutions to the most delightful hopes, if the fear that it was premature had not repressed the first impulses of their joy. But gradually events occurred to confirm the fact. The Piedmontese garrison of the town of La Torre, captured, under the eyes of the Yaudois, the French detachment of Clerambaud, which in pursuit of these latter, had entered that place to refresh themselves. At the same time, provisions were distributed in the duke's name to these poor fugitives from Balsille, who eight days before had been doomed to death. The village of Bobbio was put into theii' hands and entrusted to their protection. A little while after, they witnessed the arrival of the ministers Montoux and Bastie, captain Pelenc, the surgeon Malanot, and twenty others who, released from the prisons at Turin, hastened to meet their brethren with transports of joy. It is told that on this occasion the prince kindly addressed them, and said 376 HISTORY OF the vatjdois chtjech:. that lie would not prevent them from preaching anywhere, even in Turin. They also saw themselves treated with confidence. The commandant of the troops of his royal highness called for their co-operation, and, in conjunction with the duke's troops, they passed through the defile of La Croix, assisted in beating the enemy, burned Abries, and returned to Bobbio laden with booty. They attacked the Prench troops entrenched in the forts of San Michel of Lucerna, and of La Torre. Success crowned the arms of their prince whom they were now happy to serve. One of their captains having made an inciu'sion into Pragela and seized a courier with letters for the king of France, Arnaud, who had informed the baron Palavicini of the occurrence, received orders to bring the desjDatches to him, and accompanied this general-in-chief to his royal higliness. Victor Amadeus ii. received the Yaudois depu- tation with cordiality. ''You have," he said, ''only one God and one prince to serve. Serve God and your prince faithfully. Up to the present time we have been enemies ; henceforward we must be good friends ; others have been the cause of your misfortunes ; but if, as you ought, you hazard your lives in my service, I will also hazard my life for you ; and as long as I have a morsel of bread, you shall have your share of it." If political interests had reconciled Yictor Amadeus to his unfortunate subjects of the Yaudois valleys, if the necessity of defending his frontier, joined to the want of experienced soldiers, made him confide that post of honour to these very men whose character and sentiments he had misapprehended, we must still acknowledge that the sight of their devotedness to his cause and their exemplary fidelity touched his heart, and won his afifection for them. This prince, enlightened as to the disposition and wishes of his subjects in reference to religion, gave them his esteem, and did not withdraw it. It is true, it was not till some years after, the 13th (23rd) May, 1694, that the act of pacification respecting the Yaudois affairs was pro- claimed ; nevertheless from the first day that the off'er of peace was made, the reconciliation was sincere and complete on both sides. The confidence of the prince was not limited to com- mitting the guard of the frontiers to a band of the once I I 1 ' rvETTJEN OF THE SCATTERED V.VrDOIS. 377 proscribed Yaudois, nor his esteem to granting the rank of colonel to their cliief, Arnand; his justice crowned their wishes by consenting to the return of theii' families to the valleys, as well as their reinstatement in their ancient heritage. At the beginning of July, the indefatigable Arnaud traTclled in all haste to Milan, to meet the Yaudois bands who were exjDected there. '^' These were without doubt composed of exiles that had remained in the north of Switzerland, the Grisons, and Wirtemberg, and who, being informed of the favourable disposition of Yietor Amadous rejoined their brethi^n, bringing with them their -^-ives and childi'cn whom the latter had confided to their generous hosts, when they set out eleven months before for the conquest of their native countiy. From the lofty mountains of Switzerland, they descended to the friendly plains, whose sovereigns, like their o^ti, were members of the coalition. We regret the want of precise information respecting the return of the Yaudois who were domiciled in western Switzerland, those of jS'eufchatel for instance, who arrived too late at the wood of Prangins for embarking.f But what does it signify? It is sufficient to know that the generality of the members of this great family, with few exceptions, directed their footsteps to the country of their fathers. This was the case with even those at the greatest distance. The elector of Brandenburg, who had received them into his dominions with so much cordiality, and had incurred great expense in their settlement, did not hesitate to make fresh sacrifices in order to gratify the wish of their hearts. He generously furnished them mth the means of returning home.;j: To do entire justice to the good faith of Yietor Amadous we ought to add that he not only allowed all the exiles to return, but consented that those Yaudois whom distress * See Arnand's letter to the governor of Aigle.— V. Glorieuse Rentr(?e. t Amaucl'swife was atNeufchritel,asappears from the letterabove-mentioned. i Their passport is dated the end of August, 1690. (See Dieterici, p. 290.) Nine hundred and fifty -four set out : only eight hundred and forty-fom- had anived there, and some of these remained in their new coimtiy ; among others two preachers, a Jacob and a Da\-id Bayle. (Dieterici.) This difference between the number of those who set out, and those who had anived natiu^ally prompts the question, "Whence did this difference arise? Among the conjectm-al answers that may be given to it tliis appears the most simple and probaljle, that many of those who at first had refused to set out for Brandenbiu-g, after- wards decided to do so. 378 HiSTOKT or the vaudois chitech. had enslaved for a time to the Eomish worship should return to the faith of their pious ancestors and their heroic brethren. Availing themselves of his benevolence, and making use of their liberty, a great number of young persons of both sexes, who had been forced to enter into the service of the rich Piedmontese in order to save their lives, as well as the children who were abducted at the time of the imprisonment in 1686, and of the emigration in 1687, hastened to the places of their birth to seek their relations, and to profess once more a faith the recollections of which still filled their hearts. After four years of cruel and painful separation, how happy were they to see themselves again in that beloved country which they had recovered, but where they had everything to re-establish ! As when Israel released from captivity returned to the land of their fathers to rebuild Jerusalem, to restore its temple and its worship and to cultivate its long-abandoned fields that they might present their tithes to Jehovah, so this feeble remnant of the Vaudois, without laying aside the weapons that were necessary for the defence of their prince, took the trowel, the spade, and the plough, rebuilt their thatched cottages, repaii'ed their temples and their villages, recognised, and sowed their fallow ground, and with grateful and loving heart returned thanks to the all-wise, all-good, all-powerful God, who having made them pass through severe but salutarjr trials, had restored to them, on the soil of their fathers, the liberty of serving him with a pui'e worship, conformable to his word. CHAPTER XXYI. THE VAUDOIS UST THE EIGHTEENTH CENTFEY, AND DUEING THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION. 1690 1814. ^' Seeve God and your prince faithfully;" such was the principal passage and substance of the adcbress of Victor Amadous ii. to the Vaudois chiefs, when he declared that he would grant his afi'ection as well as protection to their people. Words delightful to their ears ! for if they brought ' TNDEK THE BAXXEES OF THEIR PKIXCE. 379 luiclcr thcii' notice a duty which in their last amied conflict had undergone a forcible interruption, they specified in the first place tliat duty ■\^hich claimed the preference to it. The duke himself placed fidelity to God before that which related to his own person. Their past conduct thus received its justification in the judgment even of him who was most interested, next to themselves, that there should be no reciuTence of conflict between the two duties. The Mure, in its turn ofi'ered them some secuiity, since the prince _ of his own motion assigned to the two great duties which should govern the life of a Christian citizen, the same order as that in which the Yaudois had always placed them, when they supported them by an appeal to the apostolic injunc- tion, '' Fear Ood, honoiu' the king," 1 Peter ii. 17. The Yaudois, grateful to their sovereign for the return of his benevolence, endeavoured to give him palpable proofs of theii^ sincerity ; and, in the fii^st place, by shedding their blood for him. They hastened to his standard at the first call, without sparing themselves. " They were a great support to the duke of Savoy, when the war with France broke out," says a Piedmontese author, Charles Botta, who is far from being prejudiced in their favour.* The count of Saluzzo, in his Military History of Piedmont, expresses himseK as follows : — " These mountaineers hastened to join the marqids de Parelle who had not long before attacked them, and the skinnishes on the mountains cost the enemy, whom they drove from Lucema, more than a thousand men. ' ' f The marquis Costa de Beauregard, in his ' ' Histori- cal Memoir's of the House of Savoy," {Jllemoires ITistonqties sur la Mai son de Savoie,) speaks of the braveiy of the barbets, who rendered themselves formidable to the French. J He even passes an eulogium on their conduct at the siege of Coni, in the foUowing year. " This fortress," he says, " invested fi^om the commencement of the campaign, was for a long time defended only by its own inhabitants and some troops of peasants from the neighbouring districts, among others by eight hundred Yaudois under the command of a chief celebrated among them." ^Tiile the military force of the valleys distinguished itself in the defence of towns as well as in the field of * Storia d'ltalia, t. vii. p. 20. t Histoire Jlilitaire, t. v. p. 13. % Tome iii. pp. 33— il. 380 HISTORY OF THE VATJDOIS CHURCH. battle,^' and thus fulfilled the wish expressed to their leader Amaud by their prince, the latter interested himself ac- cording to his promise in the establishment of the Yaudois families, and gave the necessary orders for that purpose. ^Nevertheless, the resumption of their ancient inheritance was not so easy in point of law as the simple act might have been, for this property had changed masters. One part had been ceded to religious corporations ; another part sold to individuals ; a third had been let on a lease. It was desirable to make an amicable arrangement with the various holders of the property ; and the prince acted accordingly. It would be interesting to know the numbers of the Vaudois who established themselves in their burned or half- deserted villages ; but the exact data are wanting. All that we know is, that, during the years immediately following, the number of Yaudois able to bear arms did not exceed a thousand or eleven hundred. f And taking into account the very small proportion of children to adults, on their return, we can scarcely suppose the population more than three or four thousand persons. There was, however, in a short time, a rapid increase, the effect of numerous mar- riages and births, as is attested by some of the parish registers. J To the account of the Yaudois we must also add, in order to have the real number of the evangelical professors who came to repeople the valleys, some thou- sands of French from Pragela, DaujDhine, and elsewhere, some of Avhom had deserved this favour by fighting in the ranks of the Yaudois, under the conduct of Arnaud ; and others, attracted by their brethren and friends, had joined them, desirous as they were to live in countries bordering on the parts from which Louis xiv. had driven them. Yictor Amadeus, who regretted having been deprived, by * At Marsaille— a battle lost, it is true, by the duke and his aUies— the Vau- dois captains were Inabert, Peyrot, Combe, and Caffarel. (Storia di Pinerolo, 1836 ; t. iv. p. 140.) t Letter translated from the Dutch, sent from Zurich to their Excellencies at Berne. (Archives de Berne, mark E.) X In the resfister of births, in the church of Angrogna, it is stated that from the month of August, 1690, to January 1st, 1697, there were 95 marriages and 143 births in this very large commune. It is also stated that at this latter date there remained in the commune, thirty-eight or forty men who had been at Balsille ; that 100 persons of Angrogna had retm-ned from Piedmont, and that during these six years seventy persons of aU ages and both sexes died. (It is not mentioned in this document whether any women, childi'en, and other persons, retui-ned from Switzerland.) EDICT OF 1694. 381 a persecution equally unjust and impolitic, of a faithful and courageous people, and who now wished to see them acquire some consistence, permitted the establishment of these strangers, Avho assimilated themselves to his subjects. The manifesto, which was intended to determine the position of the Yaudois in the state, to recognise theii^ right to the possession of the territory, and to guarantee the exercise of their religion, was, we may easily imagine, a docimient as difficult for the sovereign to draw up as to publish, on account of the constant opposition of their inveterate enemies, the papists, especially the jDnests and their agents. Nevertheless, the real ser\-ices they had rendered to their prince in this war were too recent, and "those that were still expected from their zeal too necessary, to allow the refusal of this authentic act. An edict of pacification was therefore published; but care was taken to grant the Yaudois no new advantage. They were put on the same footing on which they stood before the events that led to their exile. The edict, which is dated 13 (23) May, 1694, contains in substance the recognition of their legitimate establishment in the land of their ancestors, and their hereditaiy possessions ; the revocation of the edicts of January and April, 1686 ; ^vith a general and complete amnesty, and the promise of the favour of their prince. It obtained, moreover, all the legal sanctions of registration that were necessary to render it effectual. "^^ That the Yaudois, however, did not obtain their re-settlement with- out meeting with impediments is proved by the fact that pope Innocent xii., in a bull of the 19th of August, of the same year, 1694, declares the ducal edict respecting the Yaudois to be null and void, and enjoins on his inquisitors to pay no regard to it in the piu'suit of these heretics. But the senate of Turin, in decided harmony with the will of the prince, confii-med, by their rescript of the 31st of August, the validity of the edict of May 13 (23), and prohibited the pope's bull. However ill-disposed certain persons might be, the Yaudois colony would have advanced rapidly to prosperity * This fact is not without importance. The history of former periods shows us that many decrees of his royal highness were not effective, owing to their not being entered in the registers of the Senate. (For the Edict, see Storia di Pinerolo, iv. 141, and especially Duboin, Raccolta, etc., Turin, 1826, t. ii. p. 109 to 278, which contain the edicts relating to the Vaudois.) 382 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. and risen from its ruins, protected as it was by the good- will of its sovereign, if politics, with their sinister means, their temptations and cruel reservations, had not given it a fatal blow. Victor Amadeus, seduced by the brilliant promises of Louis XIV. who restored to him his lost provinces and requested his daughter's hand for his grandson, the heir presumptive to the crown of Prance, consented to break his engagements with his allies and to place himself under the patronage of the great king. If, in accordance with the conditions of the treaty, Victor Amadeus remained faithful to his pledge to maintain the Yaudois in their heritage, and if he protected them against their inveterate enemy, the real author of the frightful calamities of 1686, yet he consented, alas ! to rigorous measures against the French belonging to the reformed church who were settled in the valleys, with whom he had made, it is true, no express engagement, but whom five years' residence might authorize to consider themselves as his new subjects. It was stipulated in this treaty, concluded secretly at Loretto at the beginning of 1696, — 1, That the inhabitants of the Vaudois valleys should have no communication or connexion with the sub- jects of the great king in matters of religion ; and, 2, That the subjects of his most Christian majesty who had taken refuge in the valleys should be banished. In conformity with this treaty those of the French reformed settled in the vallej^s, who had enlisted in the Yaudois army, in the service of the duke, were obliged to quit the camp at Frescarole, and pass into Switzerland. They reached the Trench part of the canton of Berne at the beginning of August. Others followed them in the month of September."^' In the course of 1698, and not before, the terms of the treaty were fully executed. In the interval, apart from the efforts made to lead back to popery, by working on their fears, those who had returned to the Yaudois faith ; to alienate family property by marriages with Catholics ; and to prevent the valley of Perosa from being peopled with Yaudois, — scarcely any change was per- ceptible in the valleys. f But on the 1st of July, 1698, the duke of Savoy published the twofold decree which his * Archives of Berne, mark E. t Ai-naud's letter, dated from La Torre, 1697, to M. Walkenier, ambassador to the Swiss from the Low Coimtries.— (Aj'chives de Berne, mai-k E.) EXILE OF THE FEEXCH PROTESTANTS. 383 powerful neighbour had wrested from him ; namely, pro- hibiting the Yaudois from having any connexion, in reli- gious matters, with his French subjects, and ordering the latter to leave the valleys "within the space of two months, under pain of death and confiscation. This edict forcibly expelled seven pastors, who came originally from Pragela and Dauphine, — Montoux, the companion ofAmaud, Pap- pon, Giraud, Joiuxlan, Dumas, Javel, and, lastly, Henri Arnaud himself. In fact, Ai^naud was a Frenchman, from the environs of Die. Had it been otherwise, some reason probably would have been found for getting rid of him, for jealousy and calumny pui'sued him with their envenomed tongues. The accusation was wickedly renewed against him of wishing to form a republic, although his part in civil aifairs was confined to settling the difi'erences which sometimes arose in families, in rebuilding houses, or in the division of property on the unexpected return of some rela- tion. His person was too highly venerated, his counsels were much valued, and followed too promjDtly, to render it surprising that umbrage should be taken at a man so in- fluential among his adopted people. His name, celebrated by the remembrance of his exploits, by his enterprising genius and heroic firmness, as well as by his talents and virtues as a pastor, made him an object of dread to a party destitute of generosity, who in the councils of the prince secretly excited hatred against the evangelicals. It was with a heavy heart that the friend, the leader, the hero, the beloved pastor of the Yaudois, quitted for ever these churches to which he had consecrated his Kfe, and for whose re-establishment he had not feared death on the field of battle. Three thousand Frenchmen, refugees fr'om Pragela, Dauphine, and elsewhere, withdrew with him fr'om the valleys, where after cruel persecutions, they had found for a few years an imperfect repose. Geneva, which had admitted within its walls the un- fortunate Yaudois twelve years before, again charitably received these new guests, until their departure for Switzer- land and Germany. Arnaud entered it on the 30th August, 1698. The companies of the other exiles followed during the first days of Setember.* Always prompt in his measures, Amaud had scarcely * Archives of Berne, mark E ; correspondence of Geneva. 384 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS CHUECH. arrived, when he set out to solicit an asylum for his brethren from the Protestant courts of Germany. Writing from Stuttgard, he had the pleasure of announcing to the Bernese magistrates that the duke of Wirtemberg was favourable to the exiles, and would admit them within his territories. They left, and this time without the hope of ever return- ing to their inhospitable valleys. The love of the Lord and Christian charity upheld their tottering steps. At one of their halts, at Knittlingen on the road from the Rhine to Maulbronu, a few leagues only from their destination, they took jDossession of the soil by depositing in it the remains of one of their faithful pastors, named Dumas, to whom death had scarcely given time to reach a place of refuge before he departed.'"' It was on the west and north of Stuttgard that the emigrants from the Yaudois Alps established themselves and founded their colonies, to which, from recollections at once mournful and ■ delightful, they gave the names of villages in the valleys of Perosa and Pragela which they had been obliged to quit. In the district of Maulbronu Yillar, (more commonly Gross Villar, that is Great Villar,)f Pinache, and Serres, j' Lucerna or Wurmberg, Le Queyras, a quarter in the town of Diirrmenz,§ and Schoenberg, to which Arnaud, who settled there as pastor, gave the name of Muriers;[| Perouse,^ in the district of Leonberg; jN^eu- * We are indebted for these particulars, as well as for many others respect- ing the Vaudois settlements in the south-west of Germany, to the kindness of oiir fellow-coimtryman and friend, M. P. Appia, pastor of the French church at Frankfort-on-Main. The valleys of Piedmont nvimber him among the worthiest of their sons, and one of theii' most devoted counsellors. I hope this humble and faithful servant of God will bear with tliis pubhc expression of respect which his character claims ; we are prompted to it by personal regards and a conviction of its truth. t In course of tune, this village contained a thousand Vaudois, and thus, no doubt, acquired the name of Great Villar. At the present time, the village is much less populous, and one-third, or perhaps one-half of its fa mil ies are of German extraction. The last Vaudois pastor in this parish was one of the name of Mondon, at the beguining of tliis century. He was a native of the valleys. X This latter place is sometimes called Sarras. § At Diirrmenz the emigrants bmlt, in 1700, a street in a straight hne, which they called Queyi'as, in remembrance of the valley of that name in Upper Dauphine. The chapel of ease belonging to the parish is at a hamlet called Sangach, which the Vaudois pronounced Sinach. II Schoenberg is now only a subiu-b of Diirrmenz. T[ Now a village of 500 souls which retains no vestiges of a Vaudois settle- ment beyond the names of the families and of the locahty, such as Sartaz, PinadeUa, Grands-Ordons, Petits-Ordons. ' YATJDOIS COLONIES OF AVIHTEMBEEG. 385 Hengstett, which they called Bourset,^'' in the district of Calw; Mentoiile^t now Xordhausen, in the district of Brachenheim ; La Balme, now called Palnibach, mth ]Mout- schelbach, between Pforzheim and Dourlach ; Waldensberg, in the county of AVaechtersbach, (Isemburg.) A certain number of families established themselves at AValdorf, a village in the ancient principality of Isemburg. The land- grave of Hesse-Darmstadt offered also an asylum to some of Arnaud's companions in Eohrbach, Wembach, and Halm, also at Iveltersbach ; the prince of Hesse-Hom- burgh at Dornholzhausen, and the count of Hanau in his own residence. On the soil of Germany, these victims of the fanatic hatred of Louis xiv. experienced no recurrence of sufferings such as those they formerly endured. Protected by the august princes of the Protestant faith, and treated by them with equity and kindness, like their other subjects, they have lived in prosperity and peace. Down to the commencement of the present century, the Yaudois colonies of Wirtemberg governed themselves, as far as regarded ecclesiastical affairs, by means of a presby- terian synod. Conformably to the ti*aditions of their church, they provided at their own expense the means of worship and instruction, and paid for the rejDairs of the temples, parsonages, and school-houses, as well as the maintenance of the schoolmasters and pastors ; a consider- able charge upon their poverty, which was lightened how- ever by the contributions of English charity. For a long- time they had the pleasure of being watched over by pastors of their own or of the mother-country, and of listening to their instructions in the language of their ancestors. But for many years they have been under the control (though un^^dllingly for the most part, and with a constrained submis- sion) of the superior consistory of Stuttgard. Hencefor- ward, the language of their worship and schools is German, and the national element is lost. Li a short time their separate history will end, if it have not done so akeady. * Neu-Hengstett is only a poor commune of about 400 souls, all acrricultura! labourers. The last Vaudois pastor was named Gejononat, whom many per- sons still remember. He came from the valleys. t Founded by the Vaudois of Montoul, Fenestrelles, andUsseauxin Pi-agela, not being able to agree on the name of the settlement, the prince of Wirtem- berg called it Nordiiausen. S 386 HISTOEY OF THE VAUDOIS CHURCH. The Yaudois patois is almost forgotten, though, it may he in use in a certain number of villages.* Very soon, it is to he feared, nothing but the naraesf of families and those of villages and particular localities will recall the origin of these men of the south, whose swarthj^ complexion and black hair will no longer serve to distinguish their de- scendants. In one of these colonies, Schoenberg, near Diirrmenz, the hero of the Vaudois terminated his career. Preferring the exercise of his pastoral functions to military honours and glory, Henri Arnaud declined the pressing invitations of William in., king of England, who had sent him a colonel's brevet and the offer of a regiment. He wished to forget, as a humble presbyter, the art of war and gene- ralship together with the remembrance of his exploits. Wholly devoted to the work of the ministry, to the preach- ing of the gospel, to consoling the poor and the afflicted, he applied liimself to lead the flock committed to his charge no longer into their ancient country, as when he reconquered the Vaudois soil at the head of nine hundred valiant men, but to the heavenly abodes, in the footsteps of the Head and Saviour of the church. Having been twice married, and the father of three sons and two daughters, he died at Schoenberg on the 8th of September, 1721, at the age of fourscore years, leaving a very inconsiderable patrimony to his children, — an evident proof, that in his connexions with the great in this world, as well as in his enterprises, he had forgotten himself while seeking oiAj the general good. Within the humble precincts of a temple with walls of clay, and a bell whose sound was never heard bej^ond the cherry-trees of the village, gratitude and respect have assigned an honourable place to the mortal remains of this great man, for whom the modest crook of a shepherd of souls had a stronger attraction than an elevated rank in the * In 1820, a schoolmaster, originally from the settlemient of Serres, con- versed at Lausanne in the patois, which he pfeneraUy used, with the students from the Vaudois valley, and was understood by them. The pastor Appia, in two visits which he paid to the Vaudois settlements of Wu-temberg, in 1845 and 1846, ascertained, that though in many villages, such as Serres and Pinache, all the famiUes stiU speak their ancient idiom ; at other places, such as Perosa, it is entirely forgotten. t Among the names well known in the Vaudois vaUeys and in Pragela, are those of Ravou-e, Mondon, Geymet, Vole, Poet, Peyrot, Clapier, Pascal, Jom'- dan. Carrier, Jouvenal, etc. ATTEMPTS AT OPPEESSIOX. 387 army, than honour and glory, or than the favour of courts. His ashes repose at the foot of the communion-table. An engTa\dng-, hung under the desk of the pulpit, exhibits the features which distinguished the hero of Salabertrand and Balsille ; while a Latin inscription engraven on the stone that covers his tomb recalls his exploits. The following is a translation : '' BENEATH THIS TOMB LIES HEXRI AENAUD, PASTOR, AXI) ALSO MILITARY COMMANDER, OF THE PIEDMONTESE YAUDOIS." In the centre of the monument — " Thou seest here the ashes of Arnaud, but his achieve- ments, labours, and undaunted courage no one can depict. The son of Jesse combats alone against thousands of foreigners ; alone he terrifies their camp and leader. He died Sept. 8, and was buried, 1721. " AGED LXXX." The Yaudois population of the valleys of Lucerna, An- grogna, Perosa, and San Martino, now considerably dimi- nished by the forced emigration of three thousand French- men, whose presence during many years had filled uj) the immense vacancies made by persecution, had themselves to sufi'er, at times, measures severe and vexatious, as Avell as prejudicial to their prosperity. Although it appeared cer- tain that Yictor Amadous was not unfavourably disposed to the Yaudois, yet an underhand and concealed war was made upon them. Contrary to the terms of the edict for their re-estabhshment, the children of the Yaudois who had been dispersed over Piedmont were tampered with and tm^ned from the faith by promises of marriage and other means of seduction, or by acting on their fears by threats. Under the pretext of the incompatibility of Protestantism and Popery, and at the instigation of Prance, their next neighbour,^*' endeavours were made to prevent the Yaudois of the half- valley of Perosa from entering into possession of their property on the left bank of the Clusone, and estab- lishing themselves there. Payment in full was claimed out of their slender means, of all the taxes and imposts since * It must lie recollected that France at that time possessed the valley of Pragela, the eastern part of the valley of Perosa and Pinerolo. s 2 388 HISTOEY OF THE VATJDOIS CHTJECH. their expulsion in 1686, and consequently during the period which they had spent in foreign lands, and in which their property was possessed by others. Ancient debts, also, which they supposed were extinguished, were laid to their account, amounting, with some fresh items, to 450,000 French francs, for which interest was required at three per cent. It was an additional misfortune that the imposts had been considerably increased, and were exacted with rigour. While they were not required from the Catholics, the Vaudois, who were unable to discharge them, were immediately ejected. Popish missionaries traversed the villages and mountains, directing their efforts chiefly to poor families, whom they too often succeeded in di^awing into apostasy. Sometimes, the vague rumour of a new and immediate forced emigration was spread from place to place, and filled their hearts with anxiety ; at other times, they were calmed and consoled by being assured that the duke was most kindly disposed towards his Yaudois subjects. They were never allowed to repair or rebuild the churches that had been injured or pulled down, and the severe measures taken against the French part of the population prevented their having a sufficient number of ministers. This want would have been unsupplied if the canton of Eerne had not sent some preachers, by permission of the duke."^' At the end of 1698, the situation of the Yaudois appeared so precarious that one of their pastors, Blachon, expressed in a letter his fears that such a state of things could not last a year, and as it concerned himself, he saw no safety but in emigration. The Yaudois at this period, after the departure of the French Protestants, were reduced to the number of eleven hundred men able to bear arms. Such were the effects of the return of Yictor Amadeus to an alliance with France. Political considerations overpowered the better feelings of his heart. The Yaudois were victims to his plans of aggrandizement. An alteration in the politics of the court of Savoy, at the commencement of the eighteenth century, led to a slight amelioration in the condition of the valleys. Yictor Ama- * At that time, the following emineiit men were among the pastors of the vaUeya : Jacob Dubois, Philippe Dind, Isaac Senebier, Joseph Decoppet, Philippe Dntoit, and Abram Heniiod. — (Extract from the pai-ish registers of the -s-alleys.) ' rOREIGX SUBSIDIES. 389 dcus Gscapod from the infliieiice of Louis xiv. on tlie occa- sion of the Spanish succession, and entered into a league with the emperor of Germany and the two great Protestant powers, England and Holland, to make war on the French monarch. It may he supposed that in the correspondence of the allied cabinets, and in the conferences of the ambas- sadors, the affairs of the Yaudois came under discussion, and that the intercession of the Protestant courts was not unavailing. The secret articles of the preceding treaty of alliance, signed at the Hague, in 1691, were no doubt confirmed, by which the duke of Savoy guaranteed to the Yaudois the exercise of their religion. This prince also approved of the protection granted by these two powers to the churches of the valleys, and peiTaitted the transmission of foreign subsidies intended to aid their poverty. A few words on this subject may be properly introduced here. Queen Mary, the consort of AVilliam iii., king of England, had formed a fund, — the interest of which was then and is still called, the Poyal Subsidy, for the purpose of paying the salaries of the pastors of the valleys, and also those of the colony of Wirtemberg.* The states-general of Holland employed the interest of a fund obtained by collections throughout the states, as well as the amount of annual collections, for the payment of the salaries of schoolmasters, gratuities to superannuated pastors, and to the widows of pastors, for relie\'ing the poor of each church, and also for the support of a Latin school. And as we are now on the subject of gifts of Christian charity made at this time, or a few years before, for the suffering Yaudois, we must not forget the bursaries appro- priated by the evangelical cantons of Switzerland to the students of the valleys in some of their academies ; namely, one at Bale, five at Lausanne, and two at Geneva. In this last city, one was paid by the state out of the funds of the general hospital ;f the second proceeded from a donation * It has been said that since the wars at the beorinning- of this centmy, the pastors of the Vaudois settlements in Wirtemberg cease to receive their salaries from England. Those of the valleys are still indebted to it for a part of their maintenance. We may add that in 1770, the hberal collections made in Great Britain permitted an augmentation of the pastors' salaries in the valleys. The interest of this latter fund bore the name of the National Subsidy, to distin- gvtish it from the Royal Subsidy furnished by the crown. t This bursary ceased in 1798 ; those of Lausanne were partially interrupted, and afterwards re-estabhshed for a time. 390 HISTORY OF THE TAIJDOIS CHUECH. made by M. Clignet, postmaster at Lcyclcn, and entrusted to the Committee of the Italian Exchange.* While the valleys, in consequence of their prince's taking a part in the coalition against France, felt themselves less oppressed h}' the restraints of a hateful fanaticism which that power then displayed towards evangelical Christians, their militia, enlisted under his banners, acquitted them- selves with the greatest credit. The war that Victor Amadeus had to sustain against his ancient alty was long and disadvantageous to his arms. His personal courage, his perseverance in the contest, and great efforts could not save him from being crushed under the strokes of his for- midable neighbour. He saw himself deprived of the greater number of his fortified places, and at last, in 1706, was besieged in his capital, Turin. The recital of the vicissitudes of this siege docs not enter into the plan of this history, yet we must mention an episode in it which is strictly connected Avith our subject. The labours of the siege were suddenly interrupted by the flight of the duke of Savoy, who left the city at the head of a body of cavalry. The French general, the duke de la Feuillade, pursued him with a party of the besiegers, reckoning upon getting pos- session of his person. In fact, more than once Victor Amadeus was closely pressed, and in imminent ' danger. Having almost reached Saluzzo, he proceeded to the left of the Po, and took refuge in the moimtains, among his faithful Vaudois. Let us here quote the words of the count de Saluzzo, who was, after all, no great friend to the Vaudois : ''The object of Victor Amadeus was," he says, ''to en- courage M. de la Feuillade to run after him. He fell back to Lucerna. The Vaudois joined him in great numbers. He was so well fortified in the position he chose, that the French general, after advancing as far as Bricherasco, gave up the design of encoimtering him."f The Piedmontcse historian notices the fact of the stay of Victor Amadeus in the midst of the Vaudois, and the zeal of the latter to surround his person, in order to defend him unto death; but he does not say, what, nevertheless, we cannot pass over in silence, that the duke reposed at night under the roof of a Vaudois, * These details are extracted from a little work, entitled, Le Livre de Famille, (The Family Book,) Geneva, 1830, by the ancient moderator of the Vaudois churches, P. Bert, who, from his oflETce, might be expected to know them. t Histoire Militaire, t. v., p. 189. XEW VEXATIONS. 391 in the midst of the humble f)opulation of Rora. Thus this enlightened prince appreciated and estimated at its proper value the honesty and perfect fidelity of his evangelical subjects, whom the popish perfidy and hatred of Louis xi\., though they had been so long attached to him, had repre- sented as enemies of his person and kingdom, and whom he had treated with excessive rigour twenty years be- fore. The confidence displayed on this occasion hj Victor Amadeus did as much honour to his judgment as to the simple and faithful men to whom it was given. The family of Durand Canton, to whom the privilege belonged of offering hospitality to their sovereign^ preserve irrefrag- able proofs of it ; namely, the goblet and silver ser^dce he made use of, which he left as a memorial of his "s-isit, as well as an authentic act, authorizing the family who received him to bury their dead in their garden. Duiing the retreat of the French, who were at last beaten by prince Eugene under the walls of Tiu'in, and constrained to flee after having raised the siege of that city, the Yaudois gave a second mark of devotion to their sovereign, by not sj)aring them- selves in the pursuit. ''The French army," says the count of Saluzzo; " took the route to Dauphine, which it did not reach without experiencing fresh losses, having been continually harassed on its march by the Yaudois soldiers, under the command of colonel de Saint-Amour."* The peace of Utrecht in 1713, so advantageous to Yictor Amadeus, whose dominions it increased, while putting on his head a royal crown, that of Sicily, exchanged some years afterwards, rather by constraint, for that of Sar- dinia, tended inevitably to bring back that attention and activity to the interior which had been expended outwardly on a contest of the most serious importance. Political pre- judices were again in action against the existence of a reli- gious confession diff'erent fi-om that of the generality. The secret enemies of the Yaudois and of the reformed religion impelled the government to some vexatious and even unjust measures. In the first class we may mention the obliga- tion imposed on all the Yaudois churches to observe as holy- days all the numerous festivals ordained by the Eomish chiu-ch, contrary to their ancient usages, and notwithstand- * Histoire Militaire, t. v., p. 212. The Vaudois sigrnalized themselves by other feats of arms in the first half of the eighteenth centuiy . 392 HISTOET OF THE YATJDOIS CHUECH. ing the absence of antecedent legal arrangements ; so also the difficulties, or rather direct hindrances, put by the custom-house in the way of the admission of the books necessar}^ for the services of religion ; and the refusal to admit any Yaudois to the office of notary : also many grievances which have been constantly repeated since that time. Another measure taken against the Yaudois may be cited as evidently unjust, namel}^, that which con- strained the Yaudois parents, whose child might have passed over to popery, to provide him with a maintenance, or to give him his legal portion, both of personal and real pro- perty; an unjust measure, for it tended to weaken parental authority, to give an advantage to vicious and rebellious children, and to reduce aged persons to indigence, by depriving them of property without which they could not make shift to live. These exactions and severities drew forth complaints from the population of the valleys. They had recourse to the benevolence and justice of their sove- reign ; but whatever methods they took, however humble the petitions they addressed to him, no success attended their efforts. At this juncture, a monarch, whose august house had constantly given the Yaudois proofs of its enlightened and Christian benevolence, Prcderic William i., king of Prussia,^* * The letter of the Idng of Prussia to the king of Sarthnia : — " Sir, my Brother,— Affected as I am with the present moirrnful situation of the Protes- tant chni'ches in the valleys of Piedmont, I cannot forbear addressing these lines to you on theii' l^ehalf, hoping that yom* majesty will receive them more favourably, since you wiU. easily judge by the affection you feel towards those who profess the same religion as yourself, that I must have the same tender regard for the said chm-ches, and that their preservation and tranquillity can never be indifferent to me. " I cannot beheve that the complamts of these poor churches have reached jour majesty, or if they have, that they have been represented so as to do them complete justice ; for every one knows that your majesty is too generous to be able to refuse remedjong the grievances of a people who, on many im- portant occasions, have shed their blood and sacrificed their property in the service of your majesty, and that with so much bravery and fidehty that your majesty has always appeared satisfied. " Relying on these testimonies, I promise myself that your majesty will be well plensed, as I earnestly entreat, to contmue yoiu' roynl protection and benevolence to the aforesaid Protestant churches, and allow them peaceably to enjoy the edicts already published in then favour, and especiaUy that of the 23rd of May, 1694, in contravention of which it has been attempted to olihge the said Protestant churches, under rigorous penalties, to observe all the feasts appointed by the Romish church, winch is a proceeding dnectly conti'ary to that liberty of conscience, of which, as your majesty knows, no prince can deprive his subjects without committing extreme violence, and without encroachhig even on the rights reserved for the Divine Majesty, to whom alone belongs the dominion over the hearts and consciences of men. " The ordinance pul:)lished under youi* majesty's name, that the Protestant I NEW TEXATIOXS. 393 interceded in their favonr in the beginning of the year 1725. The ans^^-er of Victor Araadens, although evasiye, expressed friendly dispositions towards them. These were also shown in a subsequent act, which will soon come under our notice, without its being possible to say that they materially modified the condition of the victims of popish prejudices, or that they much weakened the opposition of a jealous religion, which never ceased to hold uj) to their prince as dangerous subjects men whose blood had recently been spilt in his service. The principles of an enlarged tolera- tion never prevailed in the administration of the Vaudois aifairs, and at this time so much the less, when the govern- ment was resolved to take very severe measures against the evangelical Christians of another part of his majesty's states, namely, that of Pragela, annexed to the Piedmontese terri- tory by the treaty of Utrecht. In spite of the fiuy of Louis xiv., and the violent emi- gration to which, in 1698, he had forced more than three thousand Protestants of that country, there still remained in the valley of Pragela some hundreds of persons who although less fervent in their faith, and less disposed to sacrifice their lives for it, either by exile, or openly con- fessing their religion, nevertheless preserved in secret the hopes, the belief, and the worship of the gospel. Passing under the dominion of Savoy in 1713, and seeing that their brethren in the faith and neighbours in the valleys of Lucema and San Martino enjoyed the exercise of their religion, they took courage, put off all dissimulation, and assembled frequently for edification in the temple of their brethren. For some time, their return to the faith of their Vaudois must furnish the children who have abjui'ed the religion of then- fathers with a maintenance, or give them their legal share of the real and personal property of their parents, cannot be less severe nor less contrary than the above-mentioned Divine and human laws, since it inspires Protestant children with sentiments of insubordination and withdraws them from the obedience due to their fathers and mothers, reducing the latter at the same time to an impossibihty of maintaining themselves ; especially when their property hes entirely in land, or they are constrained to part with many por- tions of their property, to make them over to their childi'en, who may have been seduced to abandon the Protestant rehgion. " I beg also your majesty to be assured that of aU the marks of friendship you are able to give me, that of paying attention to my intercession for the said Protestant churches will always be to me the most agreeable, and the one for which I shall feel most sensibly obhged. I shall with pleasiu-e avail myself of every opportunity to testify my lively gratitude, and to prove to your majesty the sincerity and high consideration with which I am, etc., "Berlin, Jan. 6, 1725." " Fbedeeic William. (Vide Dieterici, p. 396.) s 3 394 HISTOEY OF THE YAUDOIS CHURCH. ancestors was unnoticed, both by the Yaudois and their neighbours. But Romish susceptibility and the traditional policy of the government now took the alarm at their bold- ness, and brought it to an issue in 1730. An edict con- strained them to choose between a fresh abjuration and exile. A friendly attempt at mediation on the part of the king of Prussia with the king of Sardinia could not ward off the bloAv."^' Three himdred and sixty individuals, recovered from their former fall, and animated with the love of the Lord, not feeling themselves at liberty in their consciences to deny their faith, decided on the latter alternative. They arrived in the Pays de Yaud in the course of May, 1730. The government of Berne received them with the same charity which it had displayed towards their unfortunate brethren in the preceding century. A part of them settled there ; f the rest rejoined their relatives who were settled in Wirtemberg or elsewhere. All the friends of the gospel in Pragela did not emigrate. The weak dissembled afresh, and went to mass. In secret, they continued to read the word of God. After the end of the century, the author of this work, then a student, having requested hospitality at a house in the valley, met with a cordial reception as one preparing to be a minister of the gospel. " We have the Bible, — we read it," they said, and placed the precious antique volume before him. It is not very long since that the popish authorities, jealous of the sacred book, seized and burned all the copies they could, discover in the valleys. The last victory over the truth — to burn the Bible in the nineteenth century! — Spirit of Eome, thou art alwa^^s the same. In this same year, 1730, Yictor Amadous ii. was urged by the Prench court to severe measures against the Prench Protestants who had taken refuge in the valleys, and by pope Clement xii. to punish the relapsed and renegades, with the threat, that if his wishes were not complied with, he would dissolve the advantageous concordat that then existed between him and the court of Turin. Being thus * Dieterici, pp. 398, 399. t We find in the lists published by M. Dieterici, p. 404, names that stiU exist in the Canton de Yaud, and in the neighbom-ing cantons, such as Bermond, Guvot, Papon, Jannin, Perrot, Turin, Chailler, etc. Many other names are the same in the Canton de Yaud as in the Yaudois valleys ; such are those of Ganin, Buffa, Chauvi, Goimet, Barloz, Bonnet, Bonjom-, Blanched, Odin, Malan, Combe, etc. SrilMAEY OF THE EDICTS COXCEKXIXG THE VAFDOIS. 395 prompted, Yictor published on tlie 20th June a severe edict against three classes of persons, in which also are to be found some arrangements respecting the churches of the valleys. The French Protestants, whom the toleration granted to the Yaudois and their vicinity to them had attracted thither, were ordered to leave his majesty's domi- nions ^^-ithin six months under pain of flogging, and after- wards five years at the galleys. The Yaudois who should give them an asylum would receive the estrapado"^' for the first off'ence, and for the second a public flogging. Catholics who had embraced Protestantism, and Yaudois who had become Catholics, but had returned to their former profes- sion, were to receive a similar sentence. The same threats were held out to those who should conceal them. In vain the compassionate monarch who reigned over Prussia requested a full toleration in favour of the converts from Catholicism, referring on their behalf to the edict of paci- fication of 1694: Yictor Amadeus remained inflexible.! About five hundred proselytes, now stedfast and unflinch- ing at the thoughts of exile, took, at the beginning of the winter of 1730, the road to Geneva, where they arrived in the course of December. As to the arrangements in the edict of the 20th of June, respecting the ancient churches of the three Yaudois valleys, it was decreed that conformablj^ to the edict of 1620, their members should enjoy the right of working in their houses, with closed doors, on Catholic feast-days, and that they might from time to time obtain from magistrates of this religion permission to be employed on pubKc works when similar permission was granted to the Catholics ; that the acquisition of real and personal property was lawful for them within the limits, and that as to their properties beyond these, the senate would decide according to reason and justice ; ;|: that the cemeteries of the Yaudois were to be at a distance from dwelling-houses, or the public roads, and without inclosures ; that, however, no alteration should be made in the state of those of Eora, La Torre, Yillaro, and Bobbio. A subsequent article decreed that the funeral processions might be as numerous as they pleased ; that no * A ptmishment in whicli the person was raised by his hands tied behind his back, and then let fall with a shght concussion, once, twice, or more, as the case might be. t Correspondence of the king of Prussia and the king of Sardinia in Dieterici, p. 398. X That is, according to their notions of what was proper. 396 HISTOET OF THE TAUDOIS CHrECH. new temple should be built, tbeir number remaining the same as before 1686; tbat, however, the cahane (cottage or thatched house; this is the name the edict gave to the temple of St. Barthelemi) might be kept standing, but without being enlarged or repaired ; that the pastor should not live in its vicinity, but return and fix himself at Eoche- platte, as in ancient times ; *"^' the Yaudois were authorized to have schoolmasters taken from among themselves and of their religion, provided they admitted into their schools none but Yaudois children, under a penalty of twenty-five crowns of gold for every Catholic child they should admit, and banishment in case of a second ofience ; provided, it was further enacted, that the said schools were held in the quarters where the fewest Catholics dwelt : finally, in a concluding article, it was absolutely forbidden to admit the people of Pragela into the temples of the valleys. We may be convinced by the preceding account, that Yictor-Amadeus, though personally recovered from his pre- judices against the Yaudois, and convinced of their fidelity as well as of the other moral qualities that distinguished them, did not grant them much greater liberties than his predecessors. Yet, if he did not show entire tolerance, if he established restrictions of many kinds on the extension, rather than on the maintenance of the Christian faith, and the increase of the evangelical population in the three ancient valleys and in that of Pragela, we must allow that it was owing to the incessant solicitations of the eternal enemies of the Yaudois and the requirements of his warlike and powerful neighbour of Prance. Let us acknowledge that if he could not do more for his subjects, whose services and characters were misapprehended, he had at least the merit of fixing definitively, with a firm hand, the civil and religious positions of the Yaudois, by confirming the ancient edicts which determined it, and promulgating new ones. Ey these measures, if the condition of the descendants of the martyrs remained low, humbled, and straitened, yet it escaped, for ever it may be hoped, from arbitrariness and nncertainty. Under the reign of Charles Emmanuel iii., who ascended the throne in 1730, on the voluntary abdication of his father, Yictor-Amadeus ii., the senate of Turin published, * These restrictions respecting St. Barthelemi have ceased. EFFECTS OF THE FEEXCH KEV0LT7TI0X. 397 iu 1 740; a summary of the edicts concerning the Yaudois, in tTventy-six articles, to serve as a guide to the judicial and executive authorities. This publication might be con- sidered as a new royal benefit. For if it notified to the magistrates the restrictions imposed on the civil and reli- gious liberties of the Yaudois, it established on the other hand the rights that were conceded to them by their sovereign, and thus rendered their position more stable for the future. Henceforward under the reign of Charles-Emmanuel iii., and after that, under Yictor Amadeus iii., who took the crown in 1773, until the time of the French revolution, few striking events interrupted the course of the uniform life of the inhabitants of the valleys. We may, however, cite as a title to the favour of their sovereign, the brilliant courage which they exhibited at the siege of Coni in 1747, and at the battle of Assiette in 1747, which was lost by the French ; renowned actions which have claimed the praises of military men,^'' as well as the esteem of Charles- Emmanuel III., who called them his brave and faithful Yaudois. f Why are we obliged to add, in spite of the proofs of love and devotion on the part of the subjects, and of esteem on the part of the sovereign, the Yaudois fre- quently saw their children taken away by the artifices of priests and monks, sometimes even by violence, without any possibility of obtaining justice ; and themselves forced to contribute to the expenses of the Eomish worship, to pay tithes, first-fruits, and other things besides to parish priests, j contrary* to the express words of the royal edicts, which relieved them fi'om such burdens. Such was the success which the papal power had obtained in the valleys, when, in 1789, the sound of the first move- ment of the French revolution was heard in Piedmont. The Alps could not arrest the progress of the new ideas, which, after fermenting and thi'eatening for a long time, at length found vent in a sudden explosion. Attractive and dazzling theories, promises of liberty and happiness, pro- claimed in tones that were everywhere audible, inflamed * Histqire Militaire, by the count of Saluzzo, t. v., p. 213. t This royal expression was quoted, with the facts we have naiTated, in a petition presented, tu 1814., to count Cenitti, minister of liis Sardinian majesty. % Tableau du Piemont (Picture of Piedmont) , by Maranda, Timn, the year xi., p. 32. Memoirs and petitions presented in 1814 to count Cerutti. 398 HISTOET OF THE TAUDOIS CHUECH. the minds of men, and wrapped their hearts in 2)leasing illusions. In their conversations, in the social circle, nothing- was talked of but the events that were transpiring beyond the Alps. A pastor of the valleys ventured to make an allusion to them, in a sermon preached before the assembled synod, in the autumn of the same year, 1 789. His brethren, being disturbed at the possible effects that so im]3rudent a discourse might produce on public opinion, as well as the evils which it might bring on the Vaudois population from the ruling powers, exerted their right of discipline, and suspended the indiscreet orator from his functions for six months. This decision was equally wise and just ; for the preacher had violated his duty as a subject of the king, by attracting attention to questions hostile to his government, and as a pastor, by introducing politics into the pulpit. Such a fact sets in a clearer light than any words would do, the spirit that animated the valleys at this critical epoch. The emotions of the heart spoke in favour of the new j)rin- ciples proclaimed in Trance; but a sense of duty to the authorities prevented the faithful subject from receiving and propagating them. The heart in some persons pre- vailed over a traditional submission. Nevertheless, we shall not depart from the truth in saying, that it would have been difficult, under such circumstances, for men so little favoured by the government as the Yaudois had been, to have given greater proofs of prudence and moderation. Perceiving the delicacy of their situation, they took the greatest pains to prevent and to avoid everything that might commit them. This conduct insured to them the confidence of their sovereign, who, in 1792, called them to take arms for the defence of their frontiers. And, when in the following year, Yictor Amadous in., being despoiled by the French of two of his most beautiful provinces. Savoy and Mce, resolved to act on the offensive and attack the enemy, he entrusted the protection o'f the valleys of Lucerna and San Martino to the fidelity of the Yaudois, commanded by one of their officers, colonel Maranda, under the orders of general Gaudin, also a Protestant and a Swiss. "^^ The French, who were aware how precarious and exposed the situation of this poor people had been, believed that * From Nyon, on the lake of Geneva. PKOJECT OF A MASSACRE. 399 thcv *oul