PBESENTED TO THE LIBRARY or PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY Professor Henry van Dyke, D.D., Uli.D (^^ u Intcrtiatioital Critifaj Commeutarg on tl]c fioiij Scriyitureg of tl]e ®[lr anb 'Ntm Testaments UNDER THE EDITORSHIP OF The Rev. CHARLES AUGUSTUS BRIGGS, D.D. Edivard Robinson Professor of Biblical Theology, Union Theological Seminary, New York: The Rev. SAMUEL ROLLES DRIVER, D.D. Regius Professor of Hebre^v, Oxford; The Rev. ALFRED PLUMMER, D.D. Master of University College, Durham. Cljf Intenational Crititat Commfutarj on tlie fioitt Scrlptttvcs of tl)e 0[b onb N^o) (ileBtaments. EDITORS' PREFACE. There are now before the public many Commentaries, written by British and American divines, of a popular or homiletical character. The Cambridge Bible for Schools, the Handbooks for Bible Classes a?id Private Students, The Speakers Commentary, The Popular Com??ie?ttary (Schaff), The Expositors Bible, and other similar series, have their special place and importance. But they do not enter into the field of Critical Biblical scholarship occupied by such series of Commentaries as the Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum A. T; De Wette's Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum N. T; Meyer's Kritisch-exegetischer Kom- mentar; Keil and Delitzsch's Biblischer Commentar iiber das A.T; Lange's Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk ; Nowack's Handkommentar zum A. T; Holtzmann's Handkommcntar zum N. T Several of these have been translated, edited, and in some cases enlarged and adapted, for the English- speaking public ; others are in process of translation. But no corresponding series by British or American divines has hitherto been produced. The way has been prepared by special Commentaries by Cheyne, Ellicott, Kalisch, Lightfoot, Perowne, Westcott, and others ; and the time has come, in the judgment of the projectors of this enterprise, when it is practicable to combine British and American scholars in the production of a critical, comprehensive EDITORS PREFACE Commentary that will be abreast of modern biblical scholar- ship, and in a measure lead its van. Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons of New York, and Messrs. T. «S: T. Clark of Edinburgh, propose to publish such a series of Commentaries on the Old and New Testaments, under the editorship of Prof. C. A. Briggs, D.D., in America, and of Prof. S. R. Driver, D.D., for the Old Testament, and the Rev. Alfred Plummer, D.D., for the New Testament, in Great Britain. The Commentaries will be international and inter-con- fessional, and will be free from polemical and ecclesiastical bias. They will be based upon a thorough critical study of the original texts of the Bible, and upon critical methods of interpretation. They are designed chiefly for students and clergymen, and will be written in a compact style. Each book will be preceded by an Introduction, stating the results of criticism upon it, and discussing impartially the questions still remaining open. The details of criticism will appear in their proper place in the body of the Commentary. Each section of the Text will be introduced with a paraphrase, or summary of contents. Technical details of textual and philological criticism will, as a rule, be kept distinct from matter of a more general character ; and in the Old Testa- ment the exegetical notes will be arranged, as far as possible, so as to be serviceable to students not acquainted with Hebrew. The History of Interpretation of the Books will be dealt with, when necessary, in the Introductions, with critical notices of the most important literature of tlie subject. Historical and ArchDeological questions, as well as questions of Biblical Theology, are included in the plan of the Commentaries, but not Practical or Homiletical Exegesis. The Volumes will constitute a uniform series. THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY. The following Volumes named Genesis. Exodus. Leviticus. Numbers. Deuteronomy. Joshua. Judges. Samuel. Kings, Chronicles. Ezra and Nehemiah. Psalms. Proverbs. Job. Isaiah. Jeremiah. Daniel. Minor Prophets. eminent Scholars are engaged upon the below : — THE OLD TESTAMENT. The Rev. T. K. Cheyne, D.D., Oriel Professor of the Interpretation of Holy Scripture, University oi Oxford. The Rev. A. R. S. Kennedy, D.D., Professor of Hebrew. University of Edinburgh. J. F. Stenning, M.A., Fellow of Wadham Collej^e, Oxford. G. Buchanan Gray, M.A., Lecturer in Hebrew, Mansfield College, Oxford. The Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew, Oxford. [A'^ozo Ready. The Rev. George Adam Smith, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, Free Church College, Glasgow. The Rev. George Moore, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, Andover Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass. \_Noii) Ready. The Rev. H. P. Smith, D.D., Professor of Biblical History, Amherst College, Mass. {^Ncno Ready. The Rev. Francis Brown, D.D., Professor of Hebrew and Cognate Languages, Union Theological Seminary, New York City. The Rev. Edward L. Curtis, D.D., Professor of He- brew, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. The Rev. L. W. Batten, Ph.D., Professor of Hebrew. P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia. The Rev. Charles A. Briggs, D.D., Edward Robinson Professor of Biblical Theology, Union Theological Seminary, New York. The Rev. C. H. Toy, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, Har- vard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. The Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew, Oxford. The Rev. A. B. Davidson, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Hebrew, Free Church College, Edinburgh. The Rev. A. F. Kirkpatrick, D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew, Cambridge, England. The Rev. John P. Peters, Ph.D., late Professor of Hebrew, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia, now Rector of St. Michael's Church, New York City. W. R. Harper, Ph.D., LL.D., President of the Uni^ versity of Chicago, Illinois. THE IHTERHATIONAl CRITICAL COMMENTARY.— Continued. St. Matthew. St. Mark. St. Luke. Harmony of the Gospels. Acts. Romans, Corinthians. Galatians. Ephesians and Colossians. Philippians and Philemon. The Pastoral Epistles. Hebrews. St. James. Peter and Jude. The Epistles of John. Revelation, THE NEW TESTAMENT. The Rev. Willoughby C. Allen, M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. The Rev. E. P. Gould, D.D., Professor of New Testa- ment Literature, P. E, Divinity School, Philadelphia. \^Now Ready. The Rev. Alfred Plummer, D.D., Master of Uni- versity College, Durham. \_Now Ready. The Rev, William Sanday, D.D., Lady Margaret Pro- fessor of Divinity, Oxford, and the Rev. Willoughby C. Allen, M.A,, Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. The Rev. Frederick H. Chase, D.D., Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge, The Rev. William Sanday, D.D., Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, and the Rev. A. C, Headlam, M.A., Fel- low of All Souls' College, Oxford. [_N'o%(j Ready. The Rev. Arch. Robertson, D.D., Principal of King's College, London, The Rev. Ernest D. Burton, D.D., Professor of New Testament Literature, University of Chicago. The Rev. T. K. Abbott, B.D., D,Lit., formerly Pro- fessor of Biblical Greek, Trinity College, Dublin. \_Now Ready. The Rev. Marvin R. Vincent, D.D., Professor of Biblical Literature, Union Theological Seminary, New York City, [_Now Ready. The Rev. Walter Lock, D.D., Warden of Keble College, and Dean Ireland, Professor of Exegesis, Oxford. The Rev. T. C. Edwards, D.D., Principal of the Theo- logical College, Bala; late Principal of University College of Wales, Aberystwyth. The Rev. James H. Ropes, A.B., Instructor of New Testament Criticism in Harvard University. The Rev. Charles Bigg, D.D., Rector of Fenny Compton, Leamington, England. The Rev. S. D. F. Salmond, D.D., Principal of the Free Church College, Aberdeen. The Rev. Robert II. Charles, M.A., Trinity College, Dublin, and Exeter College, Oxford. Other engagements will be announced shortly. SAMUEL HENRY PRESERVED SMITH The International Critical Commentary CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL COMMENTARY ON THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL BY HENRY PRESERVED SMITH PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL HISTORY AND INTERPRETATION IN AMHERST COLLEGE NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1899 COPYRIGHT, 1899, BY CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS Novtoaoti Prras S. Gushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Norwood Mass. U.S.A. TO MY WIFE ^nua fflanualc Smitft WHOSE CONFIDENCE AND AFFECTION HAVE BEEN MY HELP IN THIS AS IN ALL MY WORK AND TO THE MEMORY OF OUR BELOVED Neale SO EARLY CALLED TO HIGHER SERVICE THAN WE ARE YET PERMITTED TO RENDER PREFACE. The plan and purpose of this series of commentaries are so well illustrated by the volumes that have preceded this — the one on Deuteronomy by Professor Driver and the one on Judges by Professor Moore — that further statement would be superfluous. In preparing the present number of the series I have constantly had occasion to admire the work of these predecessors, and I shall be gratified if the present volume shall be found worthy of a place by the side of theirs. The historical importance of the Books of Samuel must be evident to the least attentive reader. In them we have the only sources of information concerning the origin of the monarchy in Israel. How much this implies will be seen if we suppose the names of Samuel, Saul, and David blotted out of our history of Israel. Besides the direct information which we receive from their narrative, these books throw great hght upon the manners, customs, and rehgion of Israel, not only for the period of which they professedly treat, but also for the times in which the various authors lived and wrote. An understanding of these books is therefore a first necessity to the scholar who would correcdy apprehend the history of Israel. Such an understanding is not so easy to attain as appears upon the surface. For one thing, the Hebrew text has come to us much corrupted in transmission — imperfect to a greater degree than that of any other part of the Old Testament, with perhaps one exception. The difficult and delicate task thus thrown upon the exegete will appear to the careful student of Viii PREFACE this volume. In the second place, these books present peculiar problems for the so-called higher criticism. Nowhere are the phenomena of a complex literary process more obvious, and yet nowhere are these phenomena more difficult to interpret. The expositor is encouraged in the face of these difficulties by the fact that excellent work has already been done in both these departments of study. The criticism of the text was seriously undertaken (though with inadequate apparatus) by Thenius in 1842, and since that time the problem has been attacked by Wellhausen, Klostermann, Driver, and Budde. In the department of the higher criticism so much cannot be said. Yet even here the books before us have had as much attention as any part of the Old Testament, except the Pentateuch and the Book of Isaiah. Originality can hardly be claimed by one who follows in such a train. I can only claim that I have carefully considered every suggestion of my predecessors and have tried to judge it on its merits. With regard to the text, the emendations of Thenius and AVellhausen have become a part of exegetical tradition. In my anxiety to be helpful to the beginner I have sometimes explained that which the more advanced student will find to be sufficiently clear in itself. So far as I know, I have passed no difficulty by in silence. That the consideration of many passages results in a non liquet will probably not be found surprising. The preparation of the commentary, after being begun, was interrupted for about two years by causes beyond my control. For the greater part of the time in which I was engaged upon it, no good library was within my reach. . My friend Professor Briggs and the librarians of Union, Lane, and Hartford Theo- logical Seminaries generously relieved this difficulty by granting me the use of a number of volumes — a courtesy which it gives me pleasure here to acknowledge. Amhkrst, Mass., /«/^ 20, 1898. CONTENTS ♦ PACK Introduction xi-xxxix § I. The Title xi § 2. Contents xii § 3. Composition of the Book xv § 4. Analysis of i Sam. i.-xv xvi § 5. Analysis of i Sam. xvi.-2 Sam. i xxii § 6. Analysis of 2 Sam. ii.-xxiv xxvi § 7. The Text and Versions xxix § 8. Religions Ideas xxxiii § 9. Commentaries xxxvii Commentary i-393 Appendix 395-4io Index , . . . 411-416 Abbreviations . . . , 416-421 INTRODUCTION. § I. The Title. The two books are one book in Hebrew manuscrij)ts. The division into two was first made by the Greek translators or by the Greek copyists. As we know from classic writers, the rolls on which Greek and Latin works were written were of certain con- ventional sizes. Biblical books (Samuel, Kings, Chronicles) were divided into two in order to conform to this rule of the trade. The division passed over into the Latin Bible, but invaded the Hebrew copies only with the first Rabbinical Bible of Bomberg.* The original state of the case is still indicated, in editions of the Hebrew, by the Massoretic summary which gives the number of verses only at the end of the second book, thus treating the two as one. In this summary we find also the phrase Book of Sajfinel nsQ^L, and are told that the middle verse is the one num- bered by us I S. 28-^ Origen is quoted by Eusebiusf as affirm- ing specifically that the first and second Books of the Kingdoms form one book among the Hebrews, and that this bears the name of Samuel. A Greek MS. also remarks \ at the close of i S. that Ao^mldi following the Hebrews does not divide but makes the two one book. Jerome in the Prologus Galeatus (printed in the authorized editions of the Vulgate) names as third in the list of the Prophets, Samuel, quern nos Regum primum et secundum dici- mus. With this agrees the Talmud, which names Judges, Samuel, Kings, § as though each were but a single book. * Published at Venice, 1516. Cf. Ginsburg, Introduction to the Massoretico- Critical Edition of the Hebrew Bible (1897). t Hist. Eccles. VI. 25, as cited by Kl. X Field, Hexap. Orig. I. p. 543. ^ The passage {Baba Bathra, 14 a) is translated in Briggs, Biblical Study (1883), p. 175 ff., and Briggs, General Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture (1899),. p. 252 f. xi xii INTRODUCTION The title of the book (or books) is in the Hebrew Canon Samuel, apparently because Samuel is the leading character in the earlier chapters. The name is unfortunate, as Samuel ceases to be prominent after the middle of the first book, and David occupies the narrator's whole attention from that point on. The infelicity is removed by the Greek translators who count the two books as First and Second Books of the Kingdoms, the two fol- lowing counting Third and Fourth of the series. The Latin adopted a modification of this form, counting four books of Kings {Regum). In at least one printed edition of the Hebrew text, this name has been introduced by the side of the other. In the more accurate editions of the Hebrew text 2 S. has no heading, and is separated only by a space of three words' breadth from the preceding book. The note at the end of 2 S. begins SNiT^tt* niDDT ••piDfj didd, the verses of the two books together being reckoned 1506. The edition which introduces □i3'?::nD (^r^) p'J'sn nsD along with (-3) 'n Sxidc is the edition of Plantin, 1680. In O we find ^aaiXeiwv tt/jwtt?, Sevrepa, represented in some Latin MSS. by Regnorum instead of Regum. In % Kethabha dashmuHl nebhiya. § 2. Contents. The Books of Samuel form a part of the continuous history of Israel which begins with the conquest of Canaan and ends with the Exile, or, if we include the Pentateuch as is apparently the design of the collectors of the books, which begins with the Crea- tion and ends with the Exile. This part of the history is, how- ever, less closely connected with the Book of Judges, which precedes, than with the First Book of Kings, which follows. For, while there is every reason to believe that the Philistine oppres- sion, from which Samson began to deliver Israel, is the same which afflicted the people in the time of Samuel, we have no certain means of deciding how long a time had elapsed from the death of Samson until the events narrated in i S. i ; while at the conclusion of 2 S. the unfinished hfe of David is immediately continued in the opening chapters of i K. The period covered by these books may be estimated at about a hundred years. It was evidently one of the most important centuries in the life of Israel, for in it was effected the transition from the tribal form of government (if government it may be CONTENTS Xiii called) to the settled monarchy of David. At the opening of the period the prominent figures (Eli, Samuel) are classed by the author with the heroes of the Book of Judges. Saul is the first who attempts to cement the people together by the monarchy. Although his experiment ended in disaster, there is no reason to doubt that his failure paved the way for David's success. In the long struggle against the Philistine oppressor the nation realized its own unity, learned its own strength, and prepared to play its part in the history of the world. What light we have upon this time of storm and stress, of heroic struggle and high achievement, comes from the Books of Samuel. In accordance with what has just been said, the subject-matter divides itself readily under the three heads : Samuel, Saul, and David. But as the three are contemporaneous for some years, the sections overlap, and the transition period of Saul falls within the time allotted to Samuel on the one hand or to David on the other. Such seems to have been the mind of the author (or final redactor) of the Books, to whom Saul was of minor importance. This is sufficiently indicated by the fact that Samuel is the real authority after Saul is anointed, and that so soon as Saul is rejected David is anointed. To the theocratic view, the history belongs to Samuel and to David, and its two sections are i S. 1-15, the life of Samuel; and i S. 16-2 S. 24, the life of David. The life of David, however, consists of two well-marked sections, the first, the period of struggle, is described in i S. 16-2 S. i ; the second, his reign over Israel, occupies 2 S. 2-24. The plan of the Book is of course the plan of the final editor. The remarks just made concerning the minor importance of Saul apply to the view of this editor alone. For it is evident that the work embodies documents whose view of Saul is much more favourable. To the earlier vi^riter Saul is one of the heroic figures in the history of Israel, and this writer vi^ould doubtless have made the story of Saul equally important with the story of David. The manner in which his work is now interrupted by sections of a different tenor makes it difficult to form a distinct scheme of the Book. But the following schedule will show the subjects treated : A. I Samuel 1-15. The Life of Samuel. j-y. Sam tiel as Judge. \^-^^. Birth, consecration, and call. 4ib-22. The house of Eli. XIV INTRODUCTION 8-12. Election of a King. 8. The people's demand. 9, lo. Saul is secretly anointed and then publicly chosen. 11. Saul's victory over Amnion. 12. Samuel's farewell address. iJ-iS- SaicPs Early Keign. 13. 14. Defeat of the Philistines. 15. Disobedience and rejection. B. I Samuel 16-2 Samuel i. Saul and David. j6^-2i^. David at the Court. \&-^^. The secret unction. 1514-23^ The service of Saul. 171-18^. The encounter vv^ith Goliath. 186-30. Saul's jealousy. 19. Attempts upon David's life. 20^-2 1 1. David's flight. 2i~-26. David an Outlaw Captain. 2i2-io^ The help of the priest. 21 11-22^. The escape made good. 22^-23. Murder of the priests. 23. Saul seeks David. 24. David spares Saul. 25. David and Nabal. 26. David spares Saul. 2y-2 S. I. David as Vassal of Achish. 27. David takes service. 28. Saul's extremity. 29. David's rejection from the Philistine army, 30. Burning of Ziklag. 31. The battle of Gilboa. 2 S. I. Information of Saul's death. C. 2 Samuel 2-24. David the King. 2-4. hi Hebron. 2I-3I. The civil war. 3^ David's family. 36-39. Death of Abner. 4. Assassination of Ishbaal. COMPOSITION OF THE BOOK XV 3-24. hi Jerusaletn. 5. Capture of Jerusalem. 6. Transfer of the Ark. 7. The Messianic promise. 8. Sundry wars. 9. Meribbaal. 10-12. The Ammonite war and David's adultery. 13. Amnon's crime and Absalom's revenge. 14. Absalom's recall. 15-19. The usurpation. 20. Sheba's revolt. 2\^-^^. The Gibeonites avenged. 2ii5-22_ Sundry exploits. 22^-23'^. Two Psalms. 238-39. Catalogue of the chief warriors. 24. The pestilence. § 3. Composition of the Book. As is now well known, the Hebrew historians whose works have come down to us made free use of previously existing documents. Their method is abundantly exemplified in the Books of Chroni- cles, where we are able to compare the result and the sources. Where the earlier documents, or sources of compilation, have perished, as is the case in the books we are now considering, the demonstration is not so striking. But even here the phenomena are sufficiently plain, and enable us to say with practical certainty that the method was the same. The first thing that attracts our attention in reading the story of Samuel and David is the obvious duplication of certain incidents. Two denunciations of Eli's course are related, either one of which abundantly answers the author's purpose. There are two accounts of Saul's rejection, and the second makes no allusion to the earlier. The two (or three) accounts of Saul's appointment as king are probably another example. Two accounts of David's coming to court have long given trouble to the harmonist. AVe have two sets of negotiations for Saul's daughter, the later being ignorant of the earlier one. There are at least two accounts of David's flight from court, two of his having Saul in his power, two of his seeking refuge with Achish, two of the death of Saul. The difficulty of working these into one history increases with each additional incident. The XVI INTRODUCTION simplest way to account for them is to suppose tliat they are real duplicates, — variant accounts of the same series of events, put together by a compiler who wished to preserve for us whatever he found of interest in both (or all) his sources. Equally convincing is the difference in style and point of view, which is noticed as we pass from one section to another. In one place Samuel appears as the theocratic ruler of the people, com- parable to Moses, and to Moses alone among the heroes of Israel. He administers the government as the representative of Yahweh. The whole people gather at his call, and he rebukes and com- mands with more than kingly authority. In another place he is the seer of a small town, respected as one who blesses the sacrifice and presides at the local festival, but known only as a clairvoyant, whose information concerning lost or strayed property is reliable. Even thus he is unknown to Saul, whose home is only a few miles away. With this difference of view goes a difference of pohtical theory. In one account Saul is chosen as king by God, is wel- comed by Samuel, is assured that God is with him and encour- aged to act as he finds opportunity. His election by God is an act of grace ; for God has looked upon the affliction of his people, and now promises that Saul shall deliver them from the hand of the Philistines. But in other sections of the narrative the desire of the people for a king is an act of rebellion against Yahweh. Their act is an act of apostasy parallel to all their rebellions of earlier times. No wonder ; for to this narrator the Philistine oppression has already been reheved by Samuel. By spiritual weapons these enemies have been vanquished so that they come no more into the territory of Israel, and even surrender the terri- tory which they had taken away. So great a discrepancy, not in details of the narrative only, but also in the whole view of the same period, is not conceivable in one author. It can be accounted for only on the hypothesis that various works have been combined in one. § 4. Analysis of i Sanniel i.-xv. As already remarked, these chapters form a distinctly marked section of the work before us. Within this section we can easily select certain paragraphs which have a common tone. In these ANALYSIS OF i SAMUEL L-XV. xvii Samuel appears as the theocratic ruler of Israel. The most strik- mg instance is chapter f^-. In this section Samuel's influence suffices to make the people put away their false gods as by a common impulse. At his command they gather at Mizpah. Their assembly is a religious convocation. The PhiHstine attack finds the people apparently undefended. But the prevailing prayer of Samuel is stronger than earthly weapons. Throughout the chapter, Samuel reminds us of Moses. Like the great Law- giver, Samuel rebukes the people, judges them, intercedes for them. Their victory over the enemy is due to his prayers, as the victory over Amalek in the Wilderness is due to the upraised hands of Moses. The parallel continues in the next chapter (ch. 8). Here the people rebel against their prophet, and in so doing rebel against Yahweh himself. Their action is as ungrateful as was their mur- muring in the Wilderness. Their hearts are incorrigible. Even the fact that Samuel's sons do not walk in his ways is not allowed to mitigate their guilt. The position of Samuel as Yahweh's vicegerent is impregnable. The continuation of the story is io^'"^\ The choice of a king by lot follows immediately on the people's demand. In handling the lot Samuel appears not exactly as another Moses, but at least as another Joshua. Like Joshua also he delivers a farewell address, now contained in chapter 12. This originally followed at once on the election of Saul. Its resemblance to Jos. 24 is obvious. In it Samuel still appears as the executive officer of the theocracy. He holds up to the people their revolt against Yahweh, and con- vinces them that they have sinned in asking a king. The convic- tion leads to no attempt to undo what has been done, and people and king are allowed to go on on sufferance. But they are sol- emnly warned that, if they do ill, they and their king will perish. The forebodings which thus cast their shadows over Saul's inauguration are realized in chapter 15. Although Samuel has resigned the supreme power, the king is still subject to his order; and he commands Saul to exterminate the Amalekites. Saul obeys only in part, and for his sin is peremptorily deposed — de jure deposed, for the prophet consents to pay him outward honour. But to the author's view, the experiment with Saul has turned out xviii INTRODUCTION a failure; and Samuel pronounces the divine sentence to this effect. The common tone of these chapters will be admitted by the attentive reader, and their contrast with the sections now inter- polated between them will scarcely be denied. And, reading them in connexion, we discover that they form an unbroken nar- rative. Their author told in them all that he cared to tell of the life of Saul. But we naturally suppose that he told more of Samuel, who was to him the important figure. And it is altogether likely that he introduced him at an earlier stage of life than that in which he here appears — already at the height of his power. It is not improbable, therefore, that the account of Samuel's birth and youth form part of the same document. And in the account of this which we find in i there is nothing inconsistent with the sup- position that it is a part of the same history. With this we naturally take the call of the prophet as narrated in 3. As the text now stands, chapter 4 belongs in the same connexion, for it is the sequel of 3. Provisionally, then, we may restore a life of Samuel which was once a separate document and which embraced what we now read as chapters i, 3, 4, 7'^^', 8, io^"~^^, 12, 15. I will designate it Sin. We next examine the parts which do not belong to this source, and our attention is attracted by 9^-10^*^. This is a continuous, and, for the most part, homogeneous, narrative, contrasting re- markably with the one we have been examining. It begins like a separate book, introducing persons hitherto unknown. When Samuel appears, it is in a very different character from the one he wears in Sm. This story has little of the theological character of the other account, though the author shows piety of another stamp. Chapters 11, 13^-14^-, agree so well in their tone with 9, 10, that we have little difficulty in joining them together. As in the other case, they belong to a single document, and are apparently continuous.* This document is a life of Saul, as truly as the other is a life of Samuel, and we may call it SI. There are considerable portions which have not yet been as- * Some minor sections, which do not at first sight agree with the context in which they are found, will be considered later. ANALYSIS OF i SAMUEL L-XV. xix signed to either of our two sources. The most marked in its indi- viduaUty is the account of the Ark in the country of the PhiHstines, 5^-7^ It contains no references to Samuel or Saul, so that we are quite at a loss to place it. Our only clue is that it presupposes the capture of the Ark, the account of which is now contained in 4. We therefore put it in Sm., but its individuality is so marked that we may suspect it to have been embodied in that document from some source now lost to us. Chapter 2, which next claims our attention, is made up of. several distinct para- graphs. First is Hannah's Psalm. This is now universally con- ceded to be an independent composition inserted in the text from some poetical collection like our own Book of Psalms. We next find an account of the wickedness of Eli's sons, 2^--"', followed by a panegyric of Samuel ^^"-^ The next four verses take up Eli's sons again, while v.-*^ recurs to Samuel. Finally, we have a denunciation of Eli (2-'"'^'^) by an anonymous man of God who reminds us of the similar character in i K. 13^ By experiment we discover that the paragraphs concerning Eli's sons and the weakness of their father, with the message of the man of God, can be put together without the references to Samuel. But the references to Samuel do not stand together (if taken by themselves), and seem to have been inserted into the other account when it was already complete. The case is not Hke that of the references to Eli in chapter i, for those references are so wrought into the narrative that we cannot suppose them ever to have been independent of it, nor it ever to have existed without them. The riddle will be solved if we suppose that Sm. took from an earlier source the account of the wickedness of Eli's sons, the rebuke of the anonymous prophet, and the account of the capture and restoration of the Ark. This material he wrought into his life of Samuel in the usual method of the Hebrew historiographer. The analysis given above, so far as the separation of the documents is con- cerned, is the one now the common property of criticism. The only point at Vi^hich I have ventured to diverge from my predecessors is in regard to the denunciation of punishment contained in 22"-"'". This is generally taken to be a sheer intrusion made by a very late hand, after the virtual completion of our present Book. The argument is, that it duplicates chapter 3 and takes away XX INTRODUCTION its point. The truth in this is that 4 is the sequel either of 2^"^-^^ or of 3. One of the two denunciations is superfluous. But I find it more probable that an author in writing the life of Samuel should add 3 to the denunciation already in the text, than that one should put 2-'-^''' into a text which already has the message to Samuel. The author of Sm. must give the honour to Samuel even if he found the anonymous already there. And that the anonymous is pre- supposed is evident from 3^-, for in this verse Yahweh says: /;/. ^Aa^ day I will execute tip07i Eli all that I have spoken against his house. The palpable refer- ence is to what the man of God has said in the preceding chapter. The earlier document which I here postulate consists of 2^2 ^'- -2-25- sr-SG 4ib_yi It also contained originally some further account of Eli and of Shiloh which the author could not use. One indication of this is the fact that Eli steps upon the scene in 1^ without introduction. As a Philistine oppression of forty years is known to the author of Judges (13^), from which Samson only began to deliver Israel (Jd. 13^- 25), it is not unlikely that this Eli document was once read in that connexion. The argument that 2^'^-^^ is of later date than the context has no weight in the face of the difficulty we meet in assigning a defi- nite date to either of our documents. So far as Saul is concerned, the two narratives which we have separated cover the same ground. Each has an account of his election, both make Samuel the instrument of his anointing, each gives an exploit of his, each narrates his rejection. They must have existed as separate histories before they were combined in our present text. Of the two, SI. is evidently the older document. It is more primitive in its religious ideas. It has a near and clear view of the personages and of the progress of events. We may class it with the stories of Gideon, of Jephthah, and of vSamson, which form the groundwork of the Book of Judges. The other account, so far as it is original with the author whom we call Sm., is less concrete. It idealizes persons and events. It is dominated by a theological idea. It is, in fact, in line with the latest redac- tor of the Book of Judges, who embodied the Deuteronomistic theory of history in the framework of that book. There is reason to suppose, therefore, that Sm. designed to replace the older his- tory by one of his own which would edify his generation. This design and this method are indications of a comparatively late date — perhaps in or after the Exile. The historical method which joins together two or more documents, narrat- ing the same events or treating the same subject, is so well illustrated in the Pentateuch that I need not sto]) to argue the prolmbilities in its favour in the ANALYSIS OF i SAMUEL L-XV. xxi Books of Samuel. The original independence of the document which we have called SI. accounts for the insertion of one section which has puzzled the critics. I refer to 138-158^ the first account of Saul's rejection or of the breach between him and Samuel. The paragraph is an evident duplicate of 15 and its insertion in the completed book is unaccountable. Yet the critics generally assume that it is a late insertion by an editor or scribe to whom Saul's rejection in 15 came too late. As the reason why the other events of Saul's life are duplicated is that they are narrated once in each document, there is a pre- sumption that the same is true in this case. The section i3«-i''a vvas Sl.'s account of Saul's rejection and was inserted into his history before Sm. was written. The argument is briefly: (i) that this section was closely inwoven into SI. by the preparatory verse 10^. This could hardly be called the method of a mere interpolator; (2) historical fidelity called for some account of this kind. The fact was notorious that Saul's kingdom did not endure. This was as well known to the writer of SI. as it is to us. Though far from the prag- matism of Sm. he would yet find the reason for this in the will of Yahweh and his prophet; (3) this account is as mild as it well could be. It does not blame Saul but leaves us in doubt whether he was really at fault. In this respect, certainly, the paragraph does not show dependence on 15, where a high- handed act of disobedience is narrated. The gentler treatment of Saul would naturally come earlier in time; (4) only by supposing this to have preceded can we account for the geographical location of 15. As is well known, the centre of Samuel's public activity, according to Sm., is Mizpah. It is here that he calls the people together on solemn occasions, and it is here that Saul would most naturally bring the people for his festivities. Why then do we find the festivities and the rejection of 15 at Gilgal? Only because the author had before him an account which already made Gilgal the site.* It remains to inquire whether either of the two documents was complete in itself, or whether one or the other contained more than the life of a single hero. The probability is in favour of each one's being part of a larger history. The life of David was so important in the eyes of any Israelitic writer (we may feel sure) that the life of Saul or of Samuel would be treated as an intro- * In order to show the state of the discussion I have here assumed that the paragraph in question is exactly i38-i5a^ which is its extent according to tlie analysis of Wellhausen, Budde, and others. The exact boundaries of the insertion how- ever are not absolutely certain, as the reader will see by turning to the exposition in the body of the book. I myself think it begins with v.4. It should be remarked also that though the section was in the history of SI. before it was joined to Sm., it is nevertheless an addition to the earliest text of SI. It fits so badly in its present context that it shows itself to be an insertion. My only contention is that it is an early insertion. XXll INTRODUCTION duction to the story of David. This is confirmed by the phe- nomena before us. Chapter 15, which is as far as we have traced Sm., is continued in 16^"^^, while 14^- certainly prepares the way for 1 6"^-. The paragraph 14*""^^ is indeed a concluding summary such as we find elsewhere at the end of an important reign or period. But it is probable that the author of SI. would at least give us some account of his hero's death. As he has no more exploits to tell, it is not improper for him to insert his summary here. Still it is possible that these verses are a later insertion or have been transferred hither from some other place. Redactional alterations, made to fit the documents together, are not numerous. The most marked is ii^^'^* where the proposi- tion to 7-ene7v the kingdom is a concession to the other document. Some other minor alterations or insertions will be considered in the course of the exposition. This is the place to consider whether the two streams of narra- tive so plainly discernible in i Sam. 1-15 belong to the Penta- teuchal (Hexateuchal) authors commonly known as J and E. The affirmative has been maintained by recent critics.* The document which I have called Sm. these scholars identify with E, and the other history they attribute to J. Repeated examination of the points of resemblance has failed to convince me of the identity which is claimed. Details may be left until we come to the exposition ; but here it may be allowed to say that Sm. shows quite as many resemblances to D, or the Deuteronomic school, as it shows to E. For SI. it seems enough to say that its affini- ties seem to be with the stories that form the basis of the Book of Judges rather than with the traditions of the Patriarchs told us by J. § 5. Analysis of i Samud xvi-2 Sa?nuel i. The problems presented by this section of the history are more complicated than those just considered. The confusion and in- * The theory that the Pentateuchal sources extend into the historical books is as old as Gramberg's Kritischc Gcschichte (1830) and was elaborated by Schrader in the eighth edition of De Wette's Einleitung (1869). It has recently been revived by Budde and Cornill, with the qualified approval of Professor Moore {Judges, p. xxxiii f.). A judicious review of the arguments of Bu. and Co. is given by Kittel, SK. 1 89 1, p. 44 ff. ANALYSIS OF i SAMUEL XVL-2 SAMUEL L XXlll consistencies of the narrative, and the evident duphcates which it contains, show that it is composite. But as Saul and David appear in both accounts, and as Samuel is in the background, it is more difficult to separate the documents. Chapter i6 encourages us to make a beginning, for it introduces David to us twice. In the first half of the chapter he is a shepherd boy not old enough to be called to the family sacrifice. In the second half he is a war- rior of experience and of approved valour. The two sections cannot come from the same hand, and each of them fits admirably to one of the two documents we have traced hitherto. For vv.'"''' are the logical sequel to 15 (Sm.) ; since the rejection of Saul must be followed by some provision for his successor. The other account 16'^-" continues 14^- (Sl.)j as has already been pointed out. The first definite clue in what follows seems to be 18^^ where we read that Saul removed David from his presence (iJsi'Js) by giving him a command of troops engaged in service away from the court. This points back to 16^^ where David had been made his armour-bearer; 18^^^ therefore belongs with 16^^^. It did not follow immediately on that paragraph, however, because the song of the women 18^ which is the occasion of Saul's distrust must have been preceded by some exploit of David's which called forth the eulogy. Such an exploit is indeed found in 17. But that chapter agrees more nearly (in its representation of David's youth) with the other document. We must assume that the original paragraph has been omitted, or else that it has been worked over so that we no longer recognize it.* The chapter now under consideration gives an account of two of Saul's daughters, each of which Saul offers to David as a wife. The two accounts are evidently independent, and one of them shows reference to Sm. It is natural to find in the other iS-'^"'* a continuation of SI., with which it agrees in representing Saul as hoping to get David out of the way by the hand of the Philistines. In this hope he is disappointed and the marriage takes place. The account concludes with the statement that Saul feared David * The question whether the recension of ffir is to be preferred to that of ?? in 17 and 18 will be discussed in the commentary. The presumption is in favoui of the shorter text, which is that of ffi. XXIV INTRODUCTION still more. This would properly introduce one of the attempts upon David's life. Among several that offer themselves, the one which fits most naturally in the story is 19^^"^'' where Saul sets guards about the house of David. The night in which this took place is the wedding night, a time when David would be least suspicious. The evident sequel is the flight to Nob, 21^"^°, and the conclusion to this is the massacre of the priests 22^ -:^^. The most striking duplicate in what follows is 23^^-24^ com- pared with 26. It is altogether probable that one of these should be assigned to each of our documents. If so, 26 is the one which belongs with SI. because in it David appears as the daring warrior who invades the enemy's camp. The intervening matter offers 23^'^ which seems to belong in the same stream. The story of. Nabal in 25 and the account of David's service with Achish 27. 29. 30 also go well in this connexion. 2 S. i seems to be the continuation of the same document. Without denying the subjective nature of such an analysis, I venture to think that we have 'a consistent narrative in the sec- tions thus put together, to wit: 16^^23 jgf^is. 2o-29a j^ii-17 2^2-10 2 2I 2.6-23 23^"^'' 25. 26. 27. 29. 30. 2 S. I. What is left is not so homogeneous, though for the most part the fragments fit together fairly well. It makes David, the shepherd lad secretly anointed by Samuel, come to the camp of Saul where he slays the Philistine champion. His introduction to Saul is followed by Jonathan's pledge of friendship (18^"^). Saul, on the other hand, is his enemy at once and tries to pin him to the wall (i8^'*''^) — the evi- dent reference to i6^^'-^ does not necessarily prove the coherence of the two paragraphs. We had reason to believe in the earlier period that Sm. was dependent to some extent on SI. The same seems to be true here. The evil spirit which SI. made the occa- sion of introducing David to the court, becomes in Sm. the divine inciter of Saul against David. Yahweh is with David to protect him, while Saul is the incarnation of all villainy. So in 18^'"'^, Merab is promised to David, being his by right on account of the defeat of Goliath, but taken from him by a flagrant breach of faith, and given to another. Soon after, Saul orders Jonathan to slay David, but a temporary reconciliation is effected, i8^"-i9''. But at the next exhibition of prowess Saul tries again to murder ANALYSIS OF i SAMUEL XVL-2 SAMUP:L L xxv David with his own hand, 19"^-'^ David escapes and comes to Samuel at Ramah, where he is miraculously saved from Saul's various attempts to take him, ip'^-''. This, it should be noticed, is a duplicate account of what we have in 10'""'-, and as that be- longs to SI., this is naturally attributed to Sm., where we have already placed it. The natural continuation is 21^'"'", David's flight to Achish, with which we may perhaps connect 22^"^ It has already been pointed out that 23'''-24-'^ belongs in this document. Its tone agrees with this, for David is saved by an interposition of Providence, 23-'^, and his enemy is delivered into his hand by the same power. The distinct recognition of David's kingly future on the part of Saul, 24^^'^, seems to point in the same direction. Further, 23^^"^** should perhaps be taken with this narrative, though it may be a later interpolation. Samuel appears for the last time in 28, where, although dead, he plays the part assigned to him in the earlier chapters of this source, and his message is vindicated in 31, the story of Saul's despair and suicide. Reading continuously 16''^'^ 17^-18^ (in the text of (3) 18'**'^ i8""-i9i^ 19^^---^ 21^1-^*^ 22'-^ 231^-2426 28. 31 we shall find no in- superable objection to considering them one history. We have thus accounted for all our text except 20 (including 21^). This seems impossible to fit into either of our sources. It is the ac- count of Jonathan's device for sounding his father and acquaint- ing David with the result. In the composite text it comes after Saul's repeated attempts upon David's life, when it is simply ludi- crous to have Jonathan deny that David is in danger. But it is equally out of place in either of the separate sources. In one it comes immediately after David's flight to Samuel, which, with Saul's pursuit, must have been known to all the world. In the other it would follow David's escape from his own house, in con- nexion with which Saul's animus must have been revealed to the court and to his own immediate family. The only place where it would seem possible is after Saul's first manifestation of hostility, which is the first attempt with the spear, 18^-". But when we place It here we are at once brought into difficulty by the fact that at the end of the interview David leaves the court for good — which contradicts the subsequent tenor of both documents. There seems to be nothing left except to suppose we have here XXvi INTRODUCTION a fragment from another source. The obvious purpose of the story is to prepare for David's treatment of Jonathan's son Merib- baal (Mephibosheth) in 2 S.^ and it is possible that that story and this originally stood in connexion. It should be noted that in this chapter there is an assumption that it was not safe for David to be seen with Jonathan, something which is not intimated in either of our sources. Here, as in the analysis of 1-15, I cannot claim originality in discovering the paragraphs which belong together. Earlier critics, however, have been obliged to assume a number of fragmentary insertions which do not seem to me probable. In claiming that the book is made up of two fairly continuous histories, I do not mean to assert that these are not themselves composite. There is every probability in favour of this being the case. It is perhaps suf- ficient for the present to show the first stage of the critical process. There is evidently much yet to be done. Some minor interpolations will be discussed in the commentary. § 6. Analysis of 2 Samuel ii.-xxiv. The narrative here shows few dupUcate sections such as we meet in the earlier book. It is now generally conceded that we have in 9-20 a block of homogeneous matter from an old and well-informed source. It reaches a period with the description of David's court m 20^^^*^. A similar description is given in 8'^^*. It seems natural to suppose that in the latter place the paragraph was intended to serve the same purpose as in the earlier ; and, in fact, chapter 8 is a compendium of David's wars, designed to take the place of the more extended history in 9-20. Chapters 5 and 7 seem to belong with 8, for their author empha- sizes the religious ideas of Israel's unity and of David's significance with reference to the Messianic hope. The tone of these chapters would agree with Sm., while there seems no objection to making 9-20 a part of SI. Chapters 2-4 will then belong with the latter, while 6 represents matter belonging to both. At least, it is impossible to suppose either to have lacked an account of the capture of Jerusalem such as is here given. The curious appendix, 21-24, contains pieces of widely different origin. The two calamities recounted in 21^"^* and 24 seem to belong together, and to have been originally continuous. Between ANALYSIS OF 2 SAMUEL IL-XXIV, xxvu them was first inserted an old catalogue of exploits and of heroes, 2ji5-22 23^-3'-'. This was in turn rent asunder by the two Psalms, 22 and 23^-^ It is possible that some of this material belongs to the documents already separated, and there seems no internal reason why we should not make 21^-^'* and 24 a part of the history from which came 9-20. But how they came to be dislocated from the main body is difficult to say. It should be noted that the whole section, 21-24, separates what belongs together, for I Kings I is the original continuation of i Sam. 20. Spinoza in the Tradatits Theologico-Politicus sets forth the theory that all the books from Genesis to Kings are the work of a single historian. He does not discuss the Books of Samuel in detail, but probably held that they (like the Pentateuch) contain fragments of different dates. Richard Simon likewise does not discuss the composition of these books in detail, but is content to assert that the historical books of the Bible are all compiled from ancient records by way of abridgment. He cites the opinion of Abarbanel that Samuel and Kings were compiled by Jeremiah out of the records of Samuel, Nathan, Gad, and other prophets or public writers who lived before him. He also quotes other opinions to the same effect, and remarks that there are in these books several ways of speaking which clearly demonstrate that the last collection was not made until a long time after most of these prophets had lived.* The first attempt at detailed analysis of the Books of Samuel seems to have been made by Eichhorn, in whose Introduction f we find a comparison of the matter common to 2 Samuel and i Chronicles. This he supposes to be taken from a common source, a compendious life of David. He further points out that I S. 24 and 26 are duplicates, and that i6i*--3 and 17II-32 are inconsistent. The last-mentioned paragraph he strikes out of the text, on the ground of its omission by (g. He points out also that i S. 1-3 and 7 are later than the adjacent matter. Eichhorn's hypothesis of a brief life of David which furnished the matter common to Samuel and Chronicles was ably refuted by De Wette in his Bei- tr'dge (II. p. 14 ff.). The same scholar J gives the evidence of compilation, beginning with the contradiction between i6^*"23 and i^isfr. 55^ j^g adds that these last are not consistent with 1731-40.54^ Besides other inconsistencies, he points out the duplicate nature of 231^-2423 and 26, recognizes that 2 S. 21-24 is an appendix, and that the poetic sections are inserted from a book of songs. * Richard Simon, A Critical History of the Old Testatnent, translated into English by H. D., London, 1682 ; pp. 4, 22, 62. •\ Einleitung in das Alte lestatnent, Fiinfte Auflage, Gdttingen, 1823, III. pp. 464-533- X In his Einleitung in das Alte Testament, Vierte Auflage, Berlin, 1833. xxviii INTRODUCTION He does not make a thoroughgoing analysis, and contents himself with refut- ing Bertholdt, whose work is now antiquated. Gramberg * with genuine critical insight calls attention to the resemblance between the pragmatism of i S. 7 and that of the framework of the Book of Judges. He also recognizes that i S. and the early part of 2 S. consist of two narratives which relate the same events in different ways. He disentangles the two documents, beginning with I S. 9 and following them through 16. From that point on, his analysis is not so successful, Ewald t divides the historical books Judges to 2 Kings among six different authors. He supposes the earliest materials to have been statistical, like 2 S. 2^8-39^ and that these were taken from the pablic records — it is unfortunate that he should class with them i Chr. ijio-i" and 12^-". Next to these was a narrative, near the events in point of time, which embraced such sections as 1 S. 13. 14 and 30-'*-3i. Then came an extended work, the Prophetical Book of Kings, which is the source of a large part of the material in Samuel and Kings (down to 2 K. 10). Another writer, of less vigorous style, covered the same period — a specimen of his work is i S. 5-8, and another is i S. 31. Later fragments inserted into the history are i S. 12. 15-17. 24. 26. 28. The work thus compiled was Deuteronomically edited, brief insertions indicating the point of view of the editor, like I S. 83-^ and parts of 12. The final redactor lived in the Exile, but the changes made by him in our books were slight, the insertion of i S. 2-''^'- being the only one mentioned. The analysis made by Schrader X assigns the greater part of the books to two writers whom he distinguishes as the theocratic and the prophetic narrator, and whom he identities (as already mentioned) with the two authors of the Pentateuch now generally known as E and J. The details of his analysis however do not bear examination, as he classes together sections palpably inconsistent. The problem was taken in hand afresh by VVellhausen. § With great clear- ness of vision he separates the two main sources of i S., though he is not always positive concerning the intricacies of 19 and 20. In 2 S. he makes 6. 9-20 parts of a life of David, while pointing out the various elements which are put together in the rest of the Book. His conclusion is that the bulk of 2 S. is a hterary unit, and that i S. 14^2.2 S. 8^8 jg another literary unit, " in which however the continuous thread is frequently interrupted by foreign matter. These later insertions are doubtless supplements which attach them- selves to the older connexion, or put a new elaboration in the place of a * Kritische Geuhichte der Reltgwnsideen des Alien Testament, Berlin, 1830, p. 71 ff. t Gesch. des Volkes Israel^, I. pp. 193-244; ETr. I. pp. 133-168. + In De Wette's Einleitung, Achte Auflage, 1869. ^ In his edition of Bleak's Einleitung, the fourth, published in 1878. This sec- tion is not contained in the later editions of Bieek, but is reprinted in the book entitled Composition des Hexateiichs und der liistorischcn Biic/ier, Berlin, 1889. THE TEXT AND VERSIONS Xxix genuine member of the older document." In i S. 1-14, finally, he unites three pieces which belong to each other but which have not sprung from the same point of view {Comp. p. 265). Budde * marks an advance by showing how complete each of the two docu- ments in I S. 1-14 is in itself. He seems to exaggerate however in declaring that neither can be shown to be dependent on the other. In the second half of I S. he finds the continuation of the same two histories but with consider- able supplementary insertions, and. he follows the two documents down to 2 S. 7. As already remarked, he believed them to be identical with the Pen- tateuchal sources E and J, having come to this conclusion independently of Schrader.t 2 S. 8 he supposes to be a compendious conclusion to the history of David designed to replace 9-20, which an editor sensitive to David's repu- tation left out of the history, but which one with more historic sense afterwards reinserted. This scholar's textual and higher criticism is embodied in his edition of the text. % The student will readily convince himself that the analy- sis in this book is not always correct, that the colouring is sometimes certainly wrong, and further, that his rearrangement of the chapters in 2 S. creates a book which in fact never had any earlier existence. But the work is never- theless indispensable, and a distinct advance on anything which had been done before. Kuenen {HCO'^.) comes to substantially the same conclusion with Well- hausen. A careful statement of the phenomena is given by Driver, LOT^. pp. 172-185. While agreeing with Budde that one of the two sources shows affinity with E, he points out the considerable differences between the other and J. Cornill {Einieitung'^) seems to add little to the results of his prede- cessors. § 7. The Text and Versions. All existing copies of the Hebrew Bible represent a single recension of the text. Extravagant views of the integrity and perfection of this text prevailed among Jewish scholars, and passed over into the Church. These views were formulated into a dogma in at least one instance ; and, with few exceptions, Protestant scholars were dominated by them down to the present century. The integrity of the Massoretic text was mildly ques- * Die Backer Richter 2tnd Samticl, 1890. t Budde's book was preceded by a study entitled " Saul's Konigswahl und Verwerfung," ZA TIV. 1888. Cornill treated the same subject under the title " Ein Elohistischer Bericht uber die Entstehung des Israel. Konigtums," ZKWKL. 1885, and in the Kdnigsberger Studien, 1887, and ZATW. 1890. His discussion seems to have been of material help to Budde. t Part 8 of Haupfs SBOT. Baltimore, 1894. XXX INTRODUCTION tioned by Cappel, and roughly attacked by Morin ; but these are only the exceptions that prove the rule. The true state of the case with reference to the Books of Samuel has been recognized for about half a century. The text of these books in the current Hebrew recension is more corrupt than the text of any other part of the Old Testament, unless it be the Book of Ezekiel. From what has been said of Hebrew MSS. and editions, it will be seen that variations of these among themselves give little help in the work of emendation. In some few instances, however, the MSS. show a better reading than is found in the printed copies. The greater part of this commentary was prepared on the basis of Baer's edition (Lipsiae, 1892), with frequent reference to the editions of Jablonski, 1699, and Michaelis, 1720. In the final revision I have carefully gone over the edition of Gmsburg (London, 1894). I have also noted the various readings of De Rossi in his Vai'iae Leciiones Veteris Testamenti, Parma, 1785. Gins- burg gives a large number of corrections in his margin, taken apparently from the versions. I have in no case depended upon these, though in a few instances they have called my attention to a reading whose possibility had not occurred to me. In the absence of light from the MSS., we must seek the help of the ancient versions. And among these the Greek easily takes the first place, owing to its age and to the fact that it had a Hebrew original very different from the one known to us. If we had (© in its earliest form, it would be equivalent to a Hebrew codex of the first Christian century, or even of earlier date. Unfortunately the copies of @ now in our possession have suffered manifold cor- ruption. Logically, we should wait until their faults have been removed, and the uncorrupt original has been restored, before proceeding to the correction of the Hebrew text. For this we cannot wait, as such an edition is not likely to be published for many years to come. Until it appears, we may pro- visionally make use of the material at hand. Various editions of (J9 are known to us, and with due care they may help us to valu- able improvements in our text. The copies most accessible to us are based with a greater or less degree of accuracy on the cele- brated Codex Vaticanus (®). Excessive claims have sometimes been made for this MS., as though it transmitted the original Septuagint, or were free from Hexaplar influence. These claims THE TEXT AND VERSIONS xxxi cannot be substantiated. Codex ^ represents one recension of the text of (3, and one recension only. But from the number of MSS. which are generally found agreeing with it, we may con- clude that it represents that type with considerable fidelity. A second group is represented by the Codex Alexandrinus ('^). That this also represents a recension — that is, a form of the text modified by the work of an editor — must be evident to every reader. For, on comparison of ^ with ®, the former is seen to have been systematically corrected by a Hebrew copy resembling the one now current. Typical of a third group is the edition of Lagarde (^). This also has been frequently corrected by a Hebrew copy or by one of the other Greek translations.* But with almost equal frequency, this copy has retained the earlier reading along with the correction. The great divergence of these several types of text shows the complexity of the problem which confronts the editor of the Septuagint. For the corrector of the Hebrew it is not quite so serious. It allows hmi to argue that where these three copies agree they represent a very early type of text. Where they agree in a reading different from that preserved in J^, this reading deserves to be considered on its merits, as if it were the read- ing of a very ancient Hebrew copy. Internal probability should decide between them. We may go farther than this. Where our Greek copies differ among themselves, we may assume that the variation has arisen in one of two ways, — either there has been corruption of one or more by the ordinary accidents of Greek transmission, or else one or two have been corrected by a Hebrew copy. The skilful critic will be able to distinguish the cases. And in any case he may consider the reading most remote from the present Hebrew as a possible variant of the autotype. To ascertain the weight of probability in each particular case is undoubtedly a delicate busi- ness. But it is along these lines that criticism must proceed. Preceding commentators have worked along these lines, and have * In the Books of Samuel it shows no special affinity with the fragments of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion that have come down to us. Its agreement with the current text of & is remarked by Dr. and others. Cf. Stockmayer in ZATW. XU. p. 218 t XXXll INTRODUCTION made many undoubted improvements in the text. Their argu- ments and results have been attentively considered in the present work. Hexaplar diacritical marks have been preserved for us in only a few instances in the Books of Samuel. The same is true of the readings of the ancient Greek versions attributed to Aquila, Sym- machus, and Theodotion. For these I have depended on Field, Hexaploruvi Origenis quae Super sunt, London, 1875. The most complete apparatus for O is the well-known edition begun by Holmes and continued by Parsons {HP.'), Oxford, 1 798-1827. The Books of Samuel (Kings) are contained in the second volume of this work. I have con- sulted it on all difficult passages. Repeated attempts to group the MSS. as presented in this work have given no results in which I have confidence, and I have fallen back upon the rule formulated above. My citation of ^, there- fore, must be taken to mean only that (g^BL agree in a particular reading. The text of ^ is reproduced in Swete's Old Testament in Greek, I. Cambridge, 1887, with some corrections by Nestle in the appendix to Vol. II. The varia- tions of -^ are given in the margin of the same edition. The edition of Lagarde (which the editor supposed to represent the recension of Lucian) is entitled, Librorum Veteris Testavienti Canonicorum Pars Prior, and was published in Gottingen, 1 883. The translation of the Bible into Latin made by Jerome (3L) has little independent value for the correction of the text. The standard edition of the Roman Catholic Church does indeed fre- quently depart from the meaning of the current Hebrew. But careful examination shows that this is due to contamination from the preceding Latin version, or versions, made from Greek proto- types. When Jerome's own work is cleared from these admixt- ures it is found to represent a copy closely resembling J^. In preparing this commentary I have examined 31 by means of the apparatus given in Vercellone's Variae Lectiones (Rome, 1864), and have cited as % only what is confirmed by such examination. The readings of the Old-Latin (I) sometimes throw light on the Greek text from which they are derived. I have therefore exam- ined the fragments contained in Sabatier's Biblioi'um Sacrorum Latinae Versiones Afiiiquae (1743), and also those given by Ver- cellone from the margin of a codex of Leon — Codex Gothicus Leg:o?iensis. The Syriac version known as the Peshitta has apparently under- RELIGIOUS IDEAS OF THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL xxxiil gone a revision under ecclesiastical authority. Its testimony to a Hebrew original is therefore open to suspicion — for the im- portance of the Greek Old Testament in the Church influenced the revisers, if not the translators, of S. Where this version dif- fers materially from J^ we cannot be sure that the variation is not due to Greek influence. The difficulty of using this translation in criticism of the Hebrew is enhanced by the state of its own text. The only printed edition within reach is that of Lee, which was a reprint of the Syriac part of Walton's Polyglott, which in its turn was taken from the Paris Polyglott, resting finally upon a single MS. — of late date and slender authority. The edition published at Oroomiah in connexion with a rendering in Modern Syriac dif- fers very slightly from that of Lee, and it is not yet certain that it can be called an independent witness. Where I have adduced a reading of ^ I mean the edition of Lee. In a few instances this testimony seems to have some value.* The other translation which throws light upon the text is the Jewish Aramaic version known as the Targum (^T). It conforms in general to the type of Hebrew current among us. But not in- frequendy it shows an apprehension of the text different from that embodied in the Massoretic punctuation, and occasionally it tacitly corrects even the consonants of the traditional copies. I have collated the edition of Lagarde, which reproduces the old and good Codex Reiichlinianus, and which was published in 1872. § 8. Religious Ideas of the Books of Samuel. In turning our attention to the religious ideas expressed or implied in the Books of Samuel, we are first impressed by the variety of view in different parts of the work. In some places we have a glimpse of the most primitive stage of Israel's religion. An instance of this is the treatment of the Teraphim (i S. 19). We cannot doubt that this was an image in human form and that * The need of a critical edition of S is great. But there is no evidence that such an edition will influence our view of the Hebrew text to any considerable extent. On the editions and MSS. the reader may consult an article by Rahlfs in 7.A TIV. IX. pp. 161-210, and the volume by Barnes, An Apparatus Criticus to Chronicles, Cambridge, 1897. xxxiv INTRODUCTION it was an object of worship. It is mentioned as being in the house of David, with no explanation of its coming there and with no betrayal of surprise. We are warranted in inferring that it was a part of the ordinary furniture of the Israelite house. The author of the story had no idea that the use of such an image was contrary to the command of Yahweh, or that it was inconsistent with com- plete loyalty to him. The worst enemy of Saul never accused him of being anything but a true worshipper of Yahweh, and David is, if possible, even more free from suspicion. To understand the position of the author we must remember that the prophet Hosea also mentions the Teraphim, without special remark, as coexisting \vith the worship of Yahweh, Hos. 3*. The narrative we are considering reminds us of another passage. Gen. 3ii3 3"-35 (^E), where Rachel steals the Teraphim of her father. Here also the presence of the Teraphim in the family of Israel gives the author no offence. Yet we can hardly avoid seeing that he views them with something of contempt. They are carried off by a woman, and when they must be concealed they are ignominiously thrust under her camel saddle and sat upon. This author has a touch of sarcasm in his tone, from which the narrator in Samuel is free. The story of David and Michal therefore represents an earlier stage of thought than that of E. It is rather striking that the only other reference to the Tera- phim in Samuel is at the opposite pole of religious thought. In this (i S. 15--) the Teraphim are classed with idolatry and witch- craft as an abomination to Yahweh. We shall probably not be wrong in seeing a survival of pre- prophetic religion in the account of the witch of Endor (i S. 28). The narrative, however, does not stand in the same relation to its material as in the case just considered. The author condemns necromancy (at least as we now read) and makes Saul in his better days to have cut off its devotees from the land. But through the story we are able to see the spiritistic ideas which once prevailed in Israel. The spirits of the dead are classed with the gods. They possess superhuman knowledge. They can be induced by magical means to reveal the secrets of the future. This was once religion. From the time of Isaiah it was distinctly proscribed. RELIGIOUS IDEAS OF THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL XXXV That Yahweh is the God of Israel is the faith of all parts of the Old Testament. In the older parts of our book however this is taken in the literal sense — his jurisdiction does not extend be- yond the land of his people. David says in evident good faith (i S. 26'^): They have driven me forth from union with the heritage of Israel, saying: Go, serve other gods ! According to this, the exile is no longer under the protection of his own god, but is obliged to seek help from the gods of the land where he sojourns. There is here no trace of the later conviction that Yahweh is the only God, and that the gods of the nations are naught. But, as in the case already considered, the diversity of view in different parts of the Book is so marked as to constitute contra- diction. In the Deuteronomic sections there can be no doubt that the author has the exclusive view, according to which the gods of the nations are no gods. This is in fact distinctly asserted in one passage (i S. 12-'), which however may be a late expan- sion of the text. The way is prepared for this universalism by the account of Dagon before the Ark. Here the god of the Philistines is not regarded as a nonentity, but his inferior power when brought into conflict with Yahweh is made evident. No stress can be laid upon the use of the name Baal in proper names, as it proves only the appellative application of the title {Lo7'd) to Yahweh, Nor, in the present state of the narrative, can we argue conclusively that the ephod used in consulting the oracle was an image of Yahweh. It is in the representation of the character of Yahweh, that we see the primitiveness of Israel's religion at this time. Yahweh is a God inscrutable in his actions — a God of moods we might almost call him. He instigates Saul against David for no reason of which the latter is conscious. Yet by inhaling the fragrance of a sacrifice, it is probable that he may be placated and thus his good humour be restored. At a later time he instigates David to commit a sin, apparently in order that he may punish him, just as he hardened the hearts of Eli's sons in order that he might destroy them. Yahweh may be pleased by extraordinary efforts or by extraor- dinary self-denial. For this reason, Saul adjures the people to abstain from food the whole day, confident that he will be granted XXXVl INTRODUCTION a victory. Unfortunately the sequel was not, in this case, a happy one, because the injunction was violated. But this does not make the adjuration less meritorious in itself considered. Nevertheless Yahweh is a righteous God. He watches over oaths and vows, and punishes their violation. This is curiously illustrated in the case just alluded to. Saul's adjuration is unwit- tingly violated by Jonathan. Yahweh is wroth and refuses to answer when approached in the use of the oracle. He unerringly points out the offender and would apparently insist upon his death. It is something extraordinary that the people interfere and ransom Jonathan. Another instance of Yahweh's vindicative justice is given in the matter of the Gibeonites. Israel has sworn to spare them. But Saul in his zeal for Israel breaks the covenant. Blood therefore rests upon himself and upon all his house. Yahweh becomes the avenger, and the blood is purged by the death of seven descendants of Saul "before Yahweh." Thus (as in the case of EU's house also) the iniquities of the fathers are visited upon the children. Yahweh is a God who reveals himself to his people. Even the individual (it would appear) may seek an omen from casual things, as did Jonathan from the words of the PhiHstines. But more dis- tinctly the divine will is revealed in certain appointed ways. One of these is the Urim and Thummim which we may identify with the sacred lot. The oracle given by the Ephod probably ex- pressed itself in the same way. Most distinctly, Yahweh speaks to (and through) his prophets, sometimes apparently by dreams, sometimes in waking visions. He sends the Spirit also, which produces extraordinary effects in those who are seized by it. They experience exaltation of feeling so that they join in religious dances, rave, fall down in a cataleptic state. In other cases, the Spirit drives to deeds of heroic courage, or prepares the Anointed of Yahweh for his work as a ruler ; and again it produces morbid jealousy, melancholy, and deeds of frenzy. The extermination of the enemies of Israel is a religious duty, for they are the enemies of Yahweh also. The method of dealing with them is set forth in the account of Saul and Amalek. The objects of attack are solemnly dedicated to Yahweh, so that to leave any alive is to commit sacrilege. We can hardly be wrong COMMENTARIES XXXVll in supposing that their extermiiption was pleasing to him, as the "devotion" of Israel was pleasing to Chemosh. The author of this section of our history is possessed by the idea of the author of Deuteronomy — to leave the enemies of Yahweh alive is sinful. It is some relief to think that his history is here the reflection of his idea. The pragmatism which shows itself in the Book of Judges is carried over into the first section of i Samuel. This is a philoso- phy of history, according to which when Israel was faithful to Yahweh it was prospered and kept in safety. When it forgot him it was dehvered over to the power of its enemies. Thus the Phil- istine oppression comes because the people have forsaken Yahweh and served Baal and Astarte. When they repent and seek their God, he delivers them by the hand of Samuel. As an expression of belief in the justice of God in dealing with the nations, this view deserves all respect. The mechanical way in which it is carried out, however, gives a one-sided view of the course of Israel's history. § 9. Commentaries. Among the Fathers, Theodoret possesses considerable acumen, and his Qiiestiones in Libras Regum (Migne, Tom. 80) will always be of value. The commentary of Procopius of Gaza is now proved to have been mainly taken from Theodoret.* The Qiies- tiones Hebi-aicae in Libros Regum printed in Jerome's works are known to be spurious. They are occasionally interesting however for their embodiment of Jewish tradition. The merits of the Rabbinical commentators Rashi (Isaaki), Kimchi (Kamchi) and Levi ben Gerson are perhaps less conspicu- ous in their treatment of the Books of Samuel than elsewhere, because of their dependence on the traditional text. Besides these, which are contained in Buxtorf 's Rabbinical Bible, I have consulted Abarbanel in the edition of 1686, and the portions of Tanchum's Arabic commentary pubhshed by Haarbrucker (1844). Among the Roman Catholic expositors I know only Cornelius a Lapide, in the edition of Venice, 1 700, and those who are cited by Poole in his Synopsis, or by Schmid in his commentary. * Cf. Eisenbofer, Procopius von Gaza, Freib. 1897. xxxviii INTRODUCTION Among the Protestant scholars of the seventeenth century a high place must be accorded to Sebastian Schmid of Strasburg. His commentary on the Books of Samuel (two volumes, quarto, 1687, 1689) is a monument of soUd and judicious learning. The author shares the prejudice of his time in favour of the received text, and the theological questions which he discusses at length have to us lost a large part of their interest. But, so far as the text on which he comments is uncorrupt, the author's judg- ment is sound, and much that is of value in recent conservative commentaries is derived from him. Among Reformed theo- logians Clericus (Le Clerc) is much esteemed. His commentary on Samuel appeared in 1 708. The often suggestive Annotationes of Grotius are embodied in the Biblia Illiistrata of his Lutheran opponent Calov. Of this I have used the second edition (17 19). The questions of textual criticism which have come to the front in recent years were first fairly discussed by Thenius. He under- took systematically to correct the text by comparison of the ancient versions. His commentary forms part of the Kurzgefasstes Exe- getisches Handbuch.^ Thenius sometimes goes too far in his preference for the reading of #, but this should not make us undervalue his really pioneer work. The next step was taken by Wellhausen in his Text der Bilcher Samuelis ( 1 8 7 1 ) . The author's well-known brilliancy and balance are manifest in this early work, and all succeeding commentators are indebted to it. The only criticism to be made upon it is that it is not always sufficiently appreciative of the work accomplished by Thenius. Keil alone, of recent expositors, holds on to a conception of the Hebrew text inherited from the seventeenth century, and his commentary (second edition, 1875) refuses to recognize the most evident gains of recent scholarship. The exposition of Erdmann in Lange's Bibelwerk is accessible in an EngHsh translation (1877). The author can hardly be said to be in advance of Keil, but his Ameri- can editor (Professor Toy) has enriched the work with notes which show a scholarship abreast of the times. The great work of Reuss, La Bible, Traduction Nouvelle (Paris, 1874), contains in its first * The first edition was published in 1842; the second in 1864; a third, edited by Lohr, has just appeared (1898). COMMENTARIES xxxix volume a lucid translation of the historical books, with brief but luminous notes. The translation and notes of Klostermann are always original and ingenious. His treatment of the text is free from bias and often suggestive. The majority of his conjectural emendations, however, have not commanded general assent. His work is a part of the Kurtzgefasster Kommentar of Strack and Zockler, and was published in 1887. Budde's Richter und Samuel (1890) has already been alluded to. It contains valuable notes on the text. The edition of the text in SBOT. by the same author also deserves mention here as well as among the introduc- tory works. In English the only help to the understanding of this part of the Bible which deserves mention is Driver's Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel (1890). The book has a valuable introduction on Hebrew palaeography, and discusses with great fulness questions of textual criticism. As the author confesses his frequent dependence on Wellhausen, so I do not hesitate to avow that I have frequently adopted an explanation from him. In addition to the books mentioned, I have had constantly by me Kittel's translation in Kautzsch's Heilige Schrift des Alten Testaments. I have examined also a number of programmes, dissertations, and pamphlets, some of which will be referred to in the notes. A list of abbreviations will be found at the end of the volume. A COMMENTARY ON THE BOOKS OF ] SAMUEL. ] A COMMENTARY ON THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL. I SAMUEL I.-XV. THE LIFE OF SAMUEL DOWN TO THE REJECTION OF SAUL. As the final redactor of the Books regarded it, this section makes one division of his work. The legitimate rule of Samuel was succeeded by the legitimate rule of David ; Saul played but a subordinate part. That this was not the mind of one of his sources is evident from what has been said in the Introduction (see above p. xviii). I. 1-IV. 1^. Samuel's birth and call. — Hannah, the child- less wife of Elkanah, grieves over her privation and prays for a son. Her prayer is answered, and in accordance with the vow made in her prayer she dedicates her son to the service of Yahweh. He is therefore brought to the sanctuary at Shiloh when yet a boy. Here his behaviour is in marked contrast to that of the hereditary priests, the sons of Eli. While yet a lad (as it would seem) he becomes a prophet by the divine call, and the first revelation which he receives is a denunciation of punishment on Eli for his indulgence of his sons. This revelation is followed by others, which establish Samuel's reputation as a prophet throughout Israel. The piece begins hke the stories appended to the history of the Judges, Jd. 17^ 19^ (cf. 13-). The place to which it introduces us is Shiloh, where we find the Ark of God under the guardianship of Eli and his family, and where there is a temple for it. The time is not far from that commemorated by the story of Samson, as the Philistines are the prominent enemies of Israel. Probably 3 4 I SAMUEL the author of the Book of Judges had in mind the story of EU or of Samuel, or even of Saul, when he credited Samson with only the beginning of deliverance (Jd. 13'^). Shiloh appears as the sanctuary of Israel in the Book of Joshua in at least one passage ascribed to JE (18^^*^) as well as in others of later date, also in Jd. 18^^ in an insertion which is classed with E. The prominence given to this sanctuary in our present account makes it probable that the various documents are in some way connected. Our account, however, is not a unit. It has received at least one insertion from an extraneous source in the Song of Hannah. Again, the warning of Eli by an anonymous man of God (2"'''"'^) unpleasantly duplicates the message revealed to Samuel in the next chapter. One of the two is superfluous. Against the opinion of most critics which sees in 2^'^*^ a barefaced insertion, I have given reasons above (Introduction, p. xix f.) for supposing that it was already a part of the account of Eli's sons which the author used in writing the life of Samuel. That the earlier part of i Sam. properly belongs in the period of the Judges has often been pointed out. That there was ever a separate book of Judges which included I Sam. 1-12 cannot be certainly asserted. Graf* claims that Jd. 17 18 19-21 and i Sam. i-y^a are from the same source. But no one seems to have followed him in this, and the character of the documents is quite dissimilar. If the assertion had been limited to Jd. 17 18 and i Sam. 3-6, more could be said in its favour. Graf also points out that the speech of Samuel in i Sam. 12 marks the close of the period of the Judges, as Joshua's farewell address marks the close of the period of conquest. To this Kuenen f adds the obvious argument that both Eli and Samuel are called Judges, I Sam. 4I8 7i5-i7_ 'phe latter passage, however, uses the term Judge in a different sense from that which it has in the Book of Judges. That at some time Eli was counted among the Judges of Israel is possible. But it seems impossible to fit both him and Samuel into the scheme of the author of the present Book of Judges. At the same time it must be admitted that the point of view of the author of 1 Sam. y-'^' was very similar to his. X 1-18. Hannah's prayer. — The story introduces us at once to the principal characters: There was a man of the Ramathites, a * Gesch. BD. p. 98. I have not seen the dissertation De Templo Silonensi to which he refers, t HCOK I. p. 337. + Cf. Bu., A'^". p. 201, Ki. GH. II. pp. 29-32. I. 1-3 5 Zuphite of the hill country of Ephraim whose 7iame was Elka7iah'\ cf. similar openings, Jd. 13-, i S. 9\ There has possibly been conflation in the description. That he was a Ramathite would be enough to indicate that he was of the hill country of Ephraim, without the addition of those words. Ramah is a common Old Testament name, designating at least eight different places. Four localities have been identified with the Ramah of Elkanah and Samuel. These are Beit Rima thirteen miles northeast of Lydda, Ram Allah nine miles north of Jerusalem, Er-Ram four miles nearer that city, and Neby Samwil about four miles northwest of it. The first of these seems too near the Philistine territory, the last two are in Benjamin. The Biblical data are not sufficient to decide the question with certainty, but my own mind inclines to Ram Allah as having the probability on its side. Zuph occurs again as the name of the district in which Saul finds the home of Samuel, 9^. The genealogy given seems to leave no doubt that Elkanah was an Ephraimite by blood. — 2. As in some other cases where a man had two wives, sorrow was caused by the fact that one was blessed with children, while the other had no child — so we should read here with #. She would not have grieved, had she had even one. The case of Rachel before the birth of Joseph will occur to every one. The name Hannah corresponds to the English name Grace, and Peninnah means Coral ox Pearl. — 3. Elkanah used to go up year by year to worship and to sacii- fce to Yalniieh Sebaoth in Shiloli] the institution of the pilgrimage is apparently as old as the existence of shrines. That Elkanah went once a year seems to point to a time when the three yearly festivals were not yet regarded as obligatory. The divine name Yahweh Sebaoth occurs in Samuel eleven times, and all seem to belong to the later strata of the book. The meaning of the name has been much discussed. To our conception Yahweh is appropri- ately called God of the hosts of heaven, understanding by the hosts either the stars or the angels. But to the earlier thought of Israel, the angels were unknown. God of the armies of Israel vs, favoured by the fact that msn^ does designate these armies in many pas- sages (Ex. 7"* 12^^ Num. i^, al.). It should be noted, however, that Amos, the earliest writer to whom we can trace the appellation, seems to have been especially impressed by the fact that Yahweh 6 I SAMUEL uses the armies of the heathen for the accompHshment of his ends, Am. 3^^^- 4^^ 5^^ He is therefore God of the nations, not of Israel alone. Shiloh is the modern Seiliui, and its situation is described in Jd. 21^^ as no?'th of Bethel, east of the road which goes iip from Bethel to Shechem. There was a yearly festival there in the time of the judges, Jd. 21^^^-. In order to an understanding of what follows, the narrator adds : And Eli afid his two soiis,Hophni and Fhinehas, were there priests to YahweJi\ the text is that of (§. 1. D^PD-in-p] The pointing makes the name of the place Ramathawi. This name (that is, the dual form, later Arimathaea) does not appear else- where in the Old Testament, but even in this same account (v.i^) is given as a singular. We., TBS., p. 35, therefore supposes an attempt made in this instance to substitute a more modern form for the older, which, however, did not extend beyond this single case. It seems simpler with Kl. to point D\'^Dnn, for which we may cite inn-in i Chr. 27^'^. — □•'ijVi DTionn] is grammatically impossible. For the second word we have "Z^Kpa. ^^, which indicates suffi- ciently that the D has come from the following word. 'ST seerns to feel the difficulty in the received text, for it renders NOj iT-aSpD. The restoration of We. is now generally adopted, as above. — 3ni>] (g renders Ssrin-^^ t)ut I Chr. 619 seems to go back to p?. — innsx] seems to have been originally equivalent to Ephraimite, Jd. 12^ i K. ii^s. In this place, however, (g has ev Nao-ei/S E0pdt/i, so that the original may have been ones f\\^ p as suggested by We. — 2. ^r\^if^^ a number of MSS. have nnNn. — an'?"' ps] ovk ^v waidtou (S seems more forcible. — 3. nS^i] the perfect with Waw Consecutive is used of customary action. Dr., Tenses^, § 120; Dav., Syntax, § 54; Konig, Syntax, 367/2. — n"';ja Ninn cisn] (gB has simply 6 &vdpwiros; the shorter text has the presumption in its favour. — nrjiD-" D"'D"id] Ex. 13I0 Jd. ii^o 2ii9, cf. Kon., Syntax, 1^^ a. ms^x mni — besides the Bible Dictionaries the student may consult ZATW. VI. p. 17; PRE?, article Zebaoth; Smend, Alttest. Religions- geschichte, p. 185 ff. On the pronunciation of the name of Israel's God, ZA TW. III. p. 280 f., IV. p. 21 ff. — >Sr^J2 ^J'^'] 'HXei koL oi 5vo viol airov (3. It is necessary that Eli should be mentioned because he appears in the imme- diate sequel. There is every reason to adopt the reading of © therefore. Even if Eli had been mentioned in some preceding part of this history now lost, it would be quite as appropriate to mention him here as to mention his sons alone. The change to ^ may possibly have been made to shield Eli from the blame afterwards pronounced upon his sons. We. and Dr. decide against (3, while Bu. supposes that the original was simply ^id •>'?;; d^'I. The name Phinehas is said to mean negro in Egyptian (Lauth, ZDMG. XXV. P- 139). 4-8. The point of interest is the behaviour of Hannah. The author, therefore, means to say that on one occasion Hannah I. 3-8 7 wept and could not eat. But the connexion is broken by a long sentence, which gives an account of Peninnah's habitual scornful treatment of her rival. The result is awkward, and we must con- cede the possibility that the text has been interpolated. As it stands, we must make a long parenthesis : // came to pass on one occasion that Elkanali sacrificed {now he used to give portio7is to Peninnah and her children, but to Hannah one portion though he loved her, and her rival ivould vex her . . .) and she ivept and woitld not eat. The words are plain enough in themselves, with the exception of a'£K, which will be discussed in the critical note. — 6. The received text asserts that her rival vexed her, taunting her with her barrenness. The expression is somewhat confused, however, and it is noticeable that i& in its primitive form only asserts that she (Hannah) was greatly troubled. There is reason to suspect the text. — 7. The received text must mean: So he would do year hy year'] making Elkanah the subject. In this case we must (by a change of the points only) read : as often as he came up to the house of Yahweh. The next clause is either an in- terpolation or corrupt. Conjecturally we may read : But Han- nah covered her face and wept and 7vould not eat. — 8. Elkanah endeavours to comfort her : Why wilt thou zveep and wilt not eat, and why does thy heart reproach thee .?] The rhetorical question is followed by another : Am I not better to thee ilian ten sons .?] The answer would have been in the affirmative, but it was for his sake that she wished children, so the attempt at consolation rather opened the springs of grief afresh. 4. The author begins njp'^vS n^TM crn ^n>i as though he were going to relate what happened on one particular occasion. He then drops into the frequen- tative tense |nji as though what followed was a common experience, and this is kept up until the end of v.", where we find nD3ni which would naturally connect with n3TM. The result is an obscure sentence, and (g unfortunately gives little help. — arn inn] i S. 14I 2 K. 481118 Job i". There seems no reason to separate the phrase from others like N-rin ri>'3 in"-', cf. also ^'inn ^nM I S. 2o2i, Ges.25 126(7. — X^'^'^l ^"^^ ^^ tempted to change to p^s which is apparently favoured by (g. But this would involve change of the following verbs. — mmj^i n"'j2~^3^i] (§^ has simply koX tois viois avrijs, which is original. The expansion of such phrases by a scribe is too common to call for remark. — 5. qidn] is impossible; ttAtjv 6ti <3^ points to ^"DflX, cf. Num. 13-^ Dt. 15* Jd. 4^ Am. 9^ where it evidently means nevertheless. It is awkward, how- 8 I SAMUEL ever, to say : Nevertheless he loved Hannah and Yahiveh had shut her womb. We expect the author either to say only one portion (ni:}'?) in contrast to Peninnah, or else to say that he distinguished her in some way as : he gave her a portion before them. The latter alone would be accounted for by the following "'D. There is reason to suppose, therefore, that the corruption is incurable in the present state of our knowledge : Kara Trpoawirov @^; tristis IL seem to be attempts to render the text of f^. — i-'n^ E gives a good sense, but cannot be got out of the present text, and it is difficult to suppose that this translator had another reading before him. Bu. supposes that the original may have been d-'SN -\t:. But the point of the narrative is that Hannah wept because of the contrast between herself and her co-wife, not because of any- thing in her husband's mien. — 6, The verse is removed by Bu. to the margin of his text as a later insertion, but without sufficient reason. As it stands we must render and her rival provoked her. — nis] the co-wife, as is shown with abundant learning by Lagarde, Mittheilimgen, I. 125 ff. In this place, however, (gB renders Kara, ttju dXi^tv avrrjs, evidently reading nnni'D. This would join very well to the preceding clause of (g^. ' For the Lord had not given her a son like her rival' But, on the other hand, it does not join well with what fol- lows. A further difficulty is made by nD;;in, an abnormal form, Ges.2« § 22 s. The verb in the Hiphil is always to thunder, in the Qal to roar (Ps. 96^1). The word is probably corrupt here, as neither of these meanings is appropriate. After -iny^ we expect mention of the cause of Hannah's grief — nnoin -\n>J would give a good sense, (g^^ seems to have read ni -io;73. — 7. n:r;"i] must have Elkanah in mind as the actor, which indeed he was. There seems to be no reason for changing to .Tj^n (Dr.). The r^Th^^ which follows must be r\rh'} of course, though it seems to favour an^;;; n"'^^] should be no. The words n32ni njD;Dn p make a difficulty by their abrupt change of subject. It is not unlikely therefore that njn is represented in the last three letters of the first verb. Kl.'s proposal to redid rMr\ ^27^^, and Hannah covered her face in sign of grief, is attractive. (^ seems to have read D:;Dm, koL riOvixei. With "'id 7\Th'; cf. DONX nn i S. i8^\ 8. After r\ir> i& introduces km. eiirev avT(^ T5oi> iytl), Kvpie • Kal eJirev avrrj. This is entirely appropriate, but if original it is diffi- cult to see how it was lost. For hd'? (§ has : ri earl croi on, which has no claim to be more original, but probably goes back to a variant Hebrew text. — ';-\'> 133^] TviTTCL ae 7) Kapdia aov, which indicates n^aS -\y. This is more appro- priate, for '3S >ni is used of the heart that hardens itself against its neighbour, Dt. i^'^'^. Hannah no doubt reproached herself with her shortcoming, though it was not voluntary. Her husband exhorts her not to blame herself, which is precisely what she was doing — her heart smote her is the natural expression in the case. 9-11. The VOW. — Hannah presents herself before Yahvveh : She rose after they had eaten, and stood before Yahwe]i\ the read- ing is that of (!B. The condition of things is described in the fob L 9-1 1 ^ lowing clause : EH the priest was sitting at the time 07i his chair at the door posts of the temple of Yahweh'\ the structure seems to have been a soHd building, otherwise it could not be called a temple ; the same word is afterwards applied to the temple of Sol- omon, I K. 6^ — 10. She was greatly distressed^^ lit. bitter of soul, cf. 2 K. 4"", where it is said of the woman who has lost her only son that her soul is bitter. — 11. The prayer culminates in a vow : Yahweh Sebaoth ! If thou wilt indeed look upon the affliction of thy maidsei'vant and wilt give thy maidservant a man child, then I will give him to Yahiveh all the days of his life~\ she means that he should become a temple servant, a nethin, Num. 8^^. A vow is a promise to give something to Yahweh, or to perform something for him, in case he grants a prayer. An example is Jacob's vow, Gen. 28'-°"-" (E) : ^ Yahweh God ivill be with me and protect me on this journey . . . then this stone shall be to 7ne a house of God, and all that thou shall give me I will tithe for thee. The devotion of human beings in this way is illustrated by Jephthah, and is pre- supposed in the elaborate provisions of the law for redemption, Lev. 27. Our author does not seem to be troubled by the ques- tion whether Hannah had a right to make a vow of this kind with- out the consent of her husband. The point which most interests us is that the author cannot have thought of Samuel (or Elkanah) as a Levite, for in that case the vow would have been unmeaning. But that he also loses sight of the ancient regulation that every* male that opens the womb is already the property of Yahweh, seems evident. The statement in the text : a razor shall not come upon his head reads like a later addition. But it is readily accounted for by the view of a scribe that Samuel was to be a Nazirite — a lifelong Nazirite like Samson. (^ carries the like- ness to Samson further by adding : and wine and fermented liquor he shall not drink'] cf. Jd. 13'''. And wilt remember me] reads like a reminiscence of Gen. 30", where God remembers Rachel in giving her a son. 9. rh^i hSdn nns njn opm] the last word is unnecessary, and difficulty is found in accepting nSoN, because she had not eaten. The latter is somewhat relieved by reading dSdn with O. The objection that she finds the family still at their meal in v.i^ is hardly cogent in view of the state of the text there. Still it is not impossible that there has been scribal expansion. We. points lO I SAMUEL nSa'3, which is possible, only I should take a letter from the preceding word n7a'3n Sdn nnx = after the eating of the boiled flesh, 2^^. The conjecture of Kl. HD^'Sa rt'- ijdS (Th., We., al.). — itt"" . . . "i^>*i] a circumstantial clause, nnrn is else- where used in the plural, and should, perhaps, be so pointed here, with &. — 10. nD2r\ n33i] the emphatic adverbial infinitive. The imperfect tense indi- cates continued action : she kept 7ueepiiig bitterly. — 11. "incN'riN nDw'n'N*?) is superfluous and is also lacking in (g^^; we may disregard it. — 0>'i'jN pir] does not occur again. That she means a inale child is evident. 12-18. Eli's rebuke, followed by a blessing. — As Hannah prolonged her prayer, EH, who saw the movement of her lips, but heard no sound, took her for a drunken woinan'\ that excess in wine was not an infrequent concomitant of religious feasts seems indicated by the readiness with which the suspicion is entertained here. For the construction cf. Job 13-'* : why dost thoit reckon 7ne thine enemy ? — 14. The rebuke : How long wilt thoit show thyself dntnken~\ seems to emphasize the disgracefulness of the spectacle. Fitt aivay thy wine and go from the presence of YaJriVeh'] the second half is found in (© only, but seems to be original. In # Eh's servant is made to utter the rebuke, an evident attempt to shield the priest from the charge of harshness. — 15. Hannah repels the charge : No, my Lord ; an afflicted woman am I, and I have not drunk wine or intoxicating drink'\ the two are often men- tioned together. But I poured out my soul befo7'e Yahweh, cf. Ps. 62^ {pour out the hea7^t), 42^. — 16. Do not take thy sei'vant to be a vile woman'\ \\i. a daughter of belial. The corresponding phrase sons of belial is frequent and evidently means idle men, Jd. 19-^, I Sam. 7}'^. The derivation of the word belial^ however, is obscure, and recent discussions are inconclusive. The Greek translators render men of belial, or sons of belial, by adjectives like vile, un- godly, senseless, contrary. A satisfactory Hebrew etymology has not been found. The older commentators propose without yoke, for which they cite Jer. 2-^. Other conjectures, that rises no more (after falling), that profits not, are equally precarious. The word is possibly a foreign word, but the Babylonian derivation does not as yet seem unequivocally established. For on account of the greatness of 7ny grief have I conti7iued until now. The soft answer turns away wrath. — 17. ICli not only dismisses her in peace, but I. I2-I8 II adds a prayer that her petition may be granted. — 18. Her prayer is that she may stand well with hun'] Ut. Jind favour ift his eyes, a frequent Old Testament phrase. The historian adds : So the woman went her 7vay, and her face was no more sad~\ for the text see the critical note. 12. n\-ii] is possible, as one of the rare cases of the perfect with weak 1 (so Dr., Notes, and Tenses^, § 133). But it is more likely that it is the mistake of a scribe who thought the verb continued the preceding sen- tence. Restore \-i^i (Bu.). — ^^Qr\rh nna"^n] the main verb expresses the idea which we express adverbially: she prayed much. Similar cases are mi-'^'S 3"iton : he did welt ; nv^'yV inn : he did quickly. >^-;^ introduces the circumstantial clause : she continued praying while Eli was observing her mouth. — 13. N">n njni] the casus pendens : As for Hannah, she zvas speak- ing in her heart ; only her lips zvere moving., but her voice was not heard] * the whole sentence is explanatory of what Eli was observing. The name of Hannah is here omitted by i^^^. — nn'.r'iT'i] resumes the story introduced by the "'H-'i at the beginning of v.i-. — n-iD'^'] on the form of the adjective, Ges.^s § 84 b, 24. — 14. pnDPtJ'n] one of the few cases of the old feminine ending, Ges.^^ § 47 ^' — 1"''^>"2] ® substitutes /cat iropevov (/cat direXde L) e/c irpoaiOTrov Kvpiov. The clause seems to me one likely to be changed, to avoid the seem- ing identification of Yahweh with the Ark. — 15. nn~n'^:'|"'] haf'sh of spirit seems impossible. Most modern scholars have adopted Th.'s emendation to D1"' n'^'p : y] a-KXrjpa rj/xepa (3, cf. Job 30-^, where DV ntyp is one ijt misfortune. — nD-'] fruit-zvine or cider, cf. Benziger, Hebr. Arch'dologie, p. 96. — 16. "rx "'JD'? . . . jnn] would naturally mean do not give . . . into the power of, which cannot be correct. What Hannah desires is that she may not be reckoned to be a vile woman. In this sense we find \7\i followed by :>, and we should probably emend to njr, throwing out ijd'^. Kl.'s "is^ does not occur with this verb, and Dr.'s S is also without parallel. Cf. Gen. 42^"*, D"iVj-^n5D unx pM : and took us for spies. — S;;'''?dJ is an obscure word, cf. BDB. s.v., Moore on Judges 192^, Baudissin in PRE? 11. p. 548 f., Cheyne, in the Expositor, 1895, and in the Expository Times, June, 1897, with Baudissin's reply, ibid., Nov. 1897, ^"^^ Jensen's remarks, ibid., Apr. 1898. — ^d:;di in^'i'] (g seems to have found but one of the two words, probably '•n''!:' which was not definite enough for a Hebrew scribe, so that an explanatory word was added. — inim] decid- edly less forcible than e/cr^ra/ca (g, probably ">nD-iNn. — 17. inS'^' for "in'?vS'.:*, cf. Ges.26 § 23 c. — 18. Sovsni] is lacking in seven Hebrew MSS., and although this is rather a slender basis on which to erect a theory, I suspect the word to be an insertion. The sense is perfectly good without it, as is seen in the translation given above. It is a question whether the author would have said she %ve7it her way if he meant simply that she returned to the chamber imme- * ©L adds here : But the Lord heard her. The example is instructive as show- ing how a text grows. 12 I SAMUEL diately adjoining the temple. The text of (§ ; and came into the chamber and ate with her husband and drank will be a further expansion. If original, we cannot account for its abbreviation. — nS-pn-NS n^jfji] /cat to irpoacoirov avrrjs ov a-vveireaev (&. The only parallel cited for |^ (Job g'^"^) is of doubtful integrity. It seems better therefore to correct nh'VD to n^fjj, which is quite in accord with Hebrew usage. 19-28. The prayer answered, and the vow performed. — The division between this and the preceding is artificial. The narrative continues without a break. After paying their respects at the temple the next morning the family returned to their home in Ramah. A;i(/ Elkanah knew Hannah his wifc\ cf. Gen. 4^ And Yahiveh remembered her'] as he remembered Rachel Gen. 30-^. — 20. And it came to pass at the end of a year that she bare a son] about the time of the yearly festival. And called his name Samuel: For from Yahw eh I have asked him] the last words evi- dently give her reason for the choice of this name. The etymology does not bear out the intention. — 21. At the usual time Elkanah went up to Shiloh to offer the yearly sacrifice] as we have heard nothing of his vow, which is added in the received text, the words are probably the insertion of a scribe. — 22.. Hannah excuses her- self from the present journey in the words : When the boy is weaned then I will bring him] for two years she would keep him at home, for this was the usual time, and is still the case in the East, cf. Koran, i^. Some commentators have thought it impossible that the boy could be actually delivered to the priest at so early an age, and have tried to interpret the verb laeaned in a figurative sense. But this seems uncalled for. Then tue shall see the face of Yahweh, and he shall divell there forever] where the last clause means of course all his life. — 23. Elkanah consents, adding: Only Yalnveh establish thy wo?'d] a wish that their lives may be spared to do as she purposes. — 24. At the time set, she brought him up with a three year old bullock] an unusually valuable sacri- fice. The received text has three bullocks by an error of transcrip- tion. And an ephah of flour and a skin of wine] the abundance of provision was in order to invite many to " eat and drink and rejoice before Yahweh " with them. The ephah of flour is Gideon's offering also, Jd. 6^''. "The quantity according to the smallest computation was over a bushel" (Moore), — 25. After sacrificing I. 19-28 13 the bullock they brought the lad to Eli'] that the whole family was present is quite in accord with the fitness of things. — 26. She recalls herself to his remembrance : By thy life, Sir, J am the woman that stood near thee here to pray to Yahweh ! — 27. The answer to her prayer ; Co7icerning this boy I pi-ay ed and Yahweh granted ivhat I asked] lit. my request which I asked of him. — 28. The return she proposes to make : Now /, on my part, have given him to Yahweh. All the days that he shall live he is given to Yahivch] is Hannah's devotion of her son only a revival of the ancient law which claimed all the first born for Yahweh? At the end of the verse J^ adds and he bowed to Yahweh. If this refers to Samuel, it seems appropriate enough. It is, however, lacking in (©^, which inserts a clause not found in Ji^ at the end of the Song which follows. The probable explanation is that the Song was inserted in the two texts at dift^'erent points. The original text seems to have said, after Hannah's presentation of the lad, so she left him there and went to Ramah. The Song was inserted in Ji^ between the two halves of this sentence ; in ^ it comes before the first half. 20. D-'Qin mDpnS] similarly njti-n P3|-)nS Ex. 34— 2 Chr. 2423.* — njn -\r\7\'\ nSn] @ puts KoX (TVpeXa^ep at the end of v.i^. The word has been interpo- lated in both recensions. Before o, (5 and K insert and she said ; a case of explicative expansion. — vn'^N'^' mniD o] as Kimchi sees, the theory of the author is that '^NiDt:' is a contraction of Sns SiNti'. But such contraction is unheard of elsewhere. There is an exegetical tradition in favour of ^s;*ir:t:' as the original form of the word, but, as shown by Dr. (^Notes, in Ibc), this also is without analogy. The most natural derivation, making it mean. Name of God, is attributed to St. Gregory by Schm. — 21. mrnxi] Jewish tradition sees in this a vow made for the birth of a son. But the only vow of which the narrative gives us any knowledge is Hannah's vow. There is reason to sup- pose the words an addition to the original text therefore. The tendency to such expansion is seen in (§ here, which reads, /cat ras eux«5 avTov koX trdaa^ Tas dcKdras ttjs yijs avTov. — 22. Sdj"> t;^ a parallel case is Jd. 1 6'^, so that there is no need to insert ovk dva^-rja-ofxai (gk — nx-iji] ajiparently intended by the punctuators as a Niphal. It is better to read it as the Qal imperfect on account of ••JD'nx which follows — perhaps the well-known cohortative with weak i : / zuill bring him up that we i?iay see the face of Yahiueh. — 23. n2TnN] must be understood of some promise. The only one of which * According to these passages we sliould expect the singular nopn here, and the 1 is, in fact, omitted in many MSS. 14 I SAMUEL we have record is Eli's wish that Hannah should have a son- — which might be construed as a word of Yahweh. But this is already fulfilled in the birth of Samuel. It seems better therefore to read "|-i3t with (5 rb i^eXdbv e/c rov ardfiaTds (rov. — 24. ."TirSt:' onsi] iu fidaxv TpLeri^opTi @ = t'StJ'D ~\di; cf. Gen. 15^. The reading of i3 is to be restored. At the end of the verse "^'prt, -\yj is unintelligible; Kai to TronddpLov fieT^ avrdbv (g is superfluous, though iQ^ helps it by reading /cat ela-ijXdov for iriN^ni. In the present state of our knowledge we must be content to omit the words; f/ie hoy was yotmg is an impossible rendering, and besides, the sentence is superfluous. Dr. conjectures that the words 7\-d'; i^^jni belong at the end of v.^^, and he is followed by Bu. — 25. I see no reason for departing from the received text. The consent of Eli was necessary to make the act valid, and it was entirely appropriate that both parents should present the lad at the sanctuary, though the mother takes the leading part. If we are to change at all, we must read "hy Sn npn dn Nam nn:; i;;jni. — 26. "^jin o] a phrase claiming the favourable notice of the one addressed, Jd. 6^^. — 28. For the dj correlativum (Th. after Clericus) cf. Gen. 20^, N\"i"aJ she for her part. S^Ncn is to encourage a person to ask by granting his request, then to give without a previous request. — .T^n ntTN] seems impossible : in "\a'N seems indicated by (§9r5> and is found in one codex. — 7\^7\-^'^ DiJ' innit'ii] some MSS. have iinnc'M. The whole clause is lack- ing in 1^^'^ which give a substitute at the beginning of 2}^. It is represented in (^L in both places. II. 1-10. The song of Hannah. — The author or the final redactor here puts into the mouth of Hannah a song of praise. Careful examination shows that it has no particular reference to her circumstances. The assertion that the barren has borne seven while the prolific mother grows faint is made only as an example of God's sovereign dealings with his creatures. Possibly this couplet may have drawn the editor's attention, and made him think the psalm appropriate for this place. But this sentence, with the rest of the composition, is too general to give us light on the situation of the author. The expressions used are those common to the songs gathered in the Psalter. Like many of them, it voices the faith of the pious in Yahweh as ruler over the destinies of men. The structure of the poem is very simple. Four stanzas may be marked off: (i) The believer's doxology ; (2) Warning to the arrogant ; (3) Yahweh's government ; (4) Confidence for the future. The metre regularly shows three accents to a line, except in one or two instances, where the text is probably at fault. 11. 1-5 15 A translation is given by Professor Briggs in his Messianic Prophecy (N,Y., 1 886), p. 124 f., and with critical notes in the Presbyterian Review^ 1885, p. 1 1 2 f. 1-2. The opening stanza is one of praise, expressive of the singer's state of mind in view of Yahvveh's glory. Glad is my heart in Yahweh, My horn is exalted in my God, My mouth is enlarged over my enemies, For I rejoice in thy salvation. There is none holy like Yahweh, For there is none righteous like our God, And there is no rock besides thee. 1. "iDNDi njn 77onni] (!l^ has simply koX etTrei/, which is enough. — j'S;'] ia-Tepedodr] (g may go back to fDN; but as this verb with nh might convey the meaning of obstinacy (cf. Dt. 2^'^), it seems better to adhere to ^. The elevation of the horn and the widening of the mouth are familiar figures in Hebrew poetry, Ps. 92^1 Is. 57*. The second nino should doubtless be •"hSn^ with i3 and 28 MSS. — 2. The second member is inSa pN •>3. Evi- dently something has been lost; and as (3 has Skatos, we cannot do better than to insert it. But having followed & in this, it seems better to go with it also in the interchange of "in'?3 and uniVnj. The parallelism is thus improved. For "iii*, cf. Ps. 18^2^ 3-5. Warning to the opposers. Do not speak haughtily, Or let arrogance come from your mouth, For a God of knowledge is Yahweh, And a God who weighs men's deeds. The bow of tTie mighty is broken. And the weak are girded with might. Those who had plenty do lack, But the famished inherit the land. For the barren has borne seven. And the mother of many languishes. 3. The first member is unmanageably long. It seems probable, therefore, that n^in lonn are duplicates, and that the same is true of the double nnaj. It answers every purpose to read nn^j nann Sx. For pnj;, cf. Ps. 31^^. — nY;-\ Sn] Job 2^'^. The plural is probably emphatic, and might be rendered a//-/cno7ving (Briggs). — ni'?S;; udhj nVi] et les crimes ne passent pas impunis (Reuss) is hardly justified. At least the niVSy should be described, in order- that we may understand that crimes are meant. The Qre, reading i'^i (also 1 6 I SAMUEL in the text in some copies), makes a possible sense: And by him actions are weighed. But (^, reading Kal debs eroLixd^iav eTrtTTySeu/xara avrov, makes us suspect the original to have been niS^;; iph Vni (SS). — 4. D-rin] Th. and Dr. cite Is. 21I' in favour of the reading. But it seems simpler to correct to nrn : ■fjadei'Tjae (3. — 5. nD".:»j] hi^^e themselves out would be appropriate, but the verb is nowhere found in this stem, and ry^ir^, suggested by (§, is preferable. — iSin] needs something to complete the sense. Briggs takes 1;^ from the beginning of the next verse, and translates keep holiday forever. But in order to mean keep holiday, the verb needs something to complete the sense — cease from labour. Reifmann, cited by Dr., proposes ~\1'} iVin, which is adopted by Bu. : irapiJKav yrju (3 does not seem to help us, but habitaverunt \ points to 7rap(pKr]crav, which is also confirmed by the Armenian (according to HP). I have, therefore, ventured to restore y-^a itt'i", cf. Ps. 25I3. — n>*] could undoubtedly be spared. 5» omits, but (3 represents it by 071. — n'^^r.s] Ges;-'§55v/. 6-8. Yahweh's government. Yahweh kills and gives life. Brings down to Sheol and brings up. Yahweh makes poor and makes rich, Brings low and also sets on high. He raises the poor from the dust. From the dung-hill he raises the needy. To make him sit with nobles of the people, And gives him in possession a glorious throne. [For to Yahweh belong the pillars of the earth, And he has set the world upon them]. 6. The second half is synonymous with the first — Sheol the abode of the dead. — 7. ']^<'] is represented by Kai alone in (g : et %.^B. ^t and jrJN are parallel, Ps. 72'^. — no^'xc] Many codd. have r^cirxDi, which is also the reading of (gIL. The nD'.i'N is the mound of rubbish which accumulates near an Oriental town. Beggars often spend the night upon it in default of a lodging. — D"'2">-ij] dwaffTdv XaQu (3^ : SwaaTuiv \aov (g^ evidently reading D>'~onj, which seems more vigorous. The couplet in brackets is not found in (3, and is therefore probably not original. In place of it we find : 5t5oi)s evxV" TV evxo/x^vv, Kal eiXdyrja-ev Htt] dLKuiov, which seems an endeavour to adapt the psalm more nearly to Hannah's circumstances. 9, 10. The confidence of the believer. The feet of his friends he will guard, But the wicked shall perish in darkness, (For n(jt by strength is a man mighty). II. 6-12 17 Yahweh will shatter his enemies, Upon them he will thunder in the heavens. Yahweh will judge the ends of the earth; He will give strength to his king, And will exalt the horn of his ancnnted. 9. (S omits the first two memjjers of the verse. These seem, however, more in accord with the context than the third. — 10. irnil read nn'' with J -T (3. — ^"•■\:.J is confirmed by (S, but is of course to be taken collectively: lona Qre. — iS;*] v'?>' Qre. Bu. proposes Ir^;*, which would not be out of place. In this verse (§ inserts six lines from Jer. g-'^^-. For nin> in line 3 (3 has simply avros. — ih-'^'d] as a title of the king (and we can hardly under- stand it otherwise here) this word is another indication of comparatively late date. 11. The verse is the conclusion of the account of Samuel's dedication and originally read : Afn/ sJie left him there before Yahweh and went to Ramah ; but the boy co7itiniied ministering to YaliiveJi in the presence of Eli the priest. 11. /cat KariXiirev avrbu €K€l ivujTriov Kvpiov (§ is represented in |^ by the last three words of i^^. It is scarcely possible to doubt that (§ has the original, and that its proper place is here. — nncnn njpSx ^Sm] can scarcely be original, as Hannah has been the prominent character in what precedes. We should read n-<.T2-\n iSni or nriD-in ^^h''\ The words ino-S;; are lacking in ©^ and superfluous. — ni'.r»D] is often used of priestly service. 12-17. The corruption of the existing priesthood. — The author describes the conduct of Eli's sons in a manner to point the contrast afforded by Samuel, and also to prepare for the catas- trophe that is to overtake their house. The crime of which they are accused is arrogance in demanding a share of the sacrifice and in not contenting themselves with the portions assigned by custom or by law. The paragraph separates itself so neatly from what precedes and follows, that we naturally suppose it to belong to an older document which the author of the life of Samuel wove into his narrative. 12. The sons of EH were wicked men'\ the phrase used, sons of be Hal, is parallel to daughter of belial nstd in i^^. We must be careful not to assume that beUal was at this time a proper name. Whatever its origin, it denotes extreme depravity. They knew not 1 8 I SAMUEL Yahweh~\ in any such sense as would lead them to do his will, 7tor the priesfs due from the people^ this clause from the next verse seems to belong here. — 13, 14. Whenever a man sacrificed, the priesfs servant would cofne, at the boiling of the flesh, tvith his three-pronged fork in his hand, and ivould strike it into the pot or the pan or the kettle'\ the method could scarcely be more offensive. All that the fork brought up the priest ivould take for himself ~\ by the hand of his servant, that is. This violence was not exercised in isolated cases only, but was practically universal — to all Israel that came to sacrifice to Yahweh in Shiloh. — 15. Worse is to follow : Moreover, before they burned the fat, the priesfs servant used to come and say to the offerer : Give roastingflesh for the priest — he will not take boiled flesh froit} thee, but raw'] this amounted to sacrilege, as nothing ought to intervene between the presentation of the offering and the burning of the part belonging to Yahweh. The expostulation of the worshipper to this effect only led to fresh insult : Should the offerer say : They are going to burn the fat at once, then take whatever you please, he would reply : No / You shall give it at once or I will take it by force. — 17. The greatness of the sin consisted in this, that these priests despised the offerings of Yalnveh. 13. nx □"'jnon •d3D'2'::i] (5 had nxD p^n od'^'OI; this is confirmed by 9 MSS. and seems preferable. The nearest parallel is Dt. 18^ — nxo q^j.-idh '^Zi'vz. It is extremely difficult to decide whether this clause belongs with the preced- ing verse or whether it should begin a new sentence : the custom of the priest . . . was that his servant wotdd covie. The decisive consideration is the use of the phrase in Dt, i8=^ where it certainly means the due of the priests from the people. On this account it belongs with the preceding, though we expect an TN to precede 'JD^'rr. For D"'ji:'n r*^'^' We. and Dr. read cj"' rw'^v. — 14. nom doubtless should be the pointing, with (5. Instead of four vessels (5 has but three. — 12] should be corrected to i"? with (^^%. — nV::o or] the tautology is relieved by <^^ Bvaai Kvpii^ iv ^r)\d)/j., and this should be restored. It is not certain that ziz* should be retained with this reading (Kl., Bu.). — 15. aj] evidently introduces the climax. — npi] XdjSw OS- The reading of |^ seems more likely to be original. — 16. "i^nm] as pointed by fH would describe a single case. It seems better to point nrsM and to understand it as stating a hypothesis. — r'^N is not represented in (§. — ^^ A7.] nS Qre and in 19 codd., besides (5S>. — "'^n,"''^] is justified by analogy, cf. Dr. Tenses,^ § 1367; but it is smoother to change to "'"np'^i (Kl-)- — 1"^- ^■'^"' ''J2~pn, which is inserted in different places in different recensions of (5, is possibly not original, as it is II. 12-21 19 superfluous and may have crept in from the next verse. — D"''^'jNn] lacking in (3, seems to be an insertion intended to lighten the categorical assertion that the priests treated the offerings with contumely. 18-21. The narrative returns to Samuel who continued seiuing Va/m'e/i'] Ht. t/ie face of Yahweh, which means Yahweh himself. Samuel is described as a lad girded with a linen ephod~\ where the ephod is evidently a priestly garment, 22^^ 2 S. 6^^ Bau- dissin* points out that linen garments were worn by the Egyptian priests. Direct influence cannot be proved. — 19. And his mother used to make him a little robe^ no English word exactly corre- sponds to the Hebrew. The garment was worn over the tunic. There seems no reason to find fault with the statement on the ground that as the boy grew it would no longer be a little robe. The narrator has the earlier years especially in mind. Doubtless the cloth was spun and woven by his mother, as well as the robe cut and sewed by her. — 20. The blessing of Eli : Yahiveh repay thee with seed from this woman for the gift which she gave to Yahweh~\ the received text is obscure, but the reference must be to i-^, where Hannah expressly says she has given him to Yahweh. 21. And Yahweh visited Hannali] as he did Sarah, Gen. 2i\ so that she gave birth to three sons and two daughters'^ in addition to Samuel. But the lad Sa?nuel grew up in the presence of Yahiueh. 19. P|i Si>'Ci] the S''>'a was the outer garment worn by well-to-do people. It was usually sleeveless, as we may judge from the emphasis laid upon those with sleeves. For x^P Kl. proposes pno, cotton, which, however, occurs nowhere in Biblical Hebrew. — 20. ^'^<\ would perhaps answer our pur- pose. But diroTiaaL (g^ indicates D^Ji'i as does avTairobdoaei (g^, — ^^^ HIT''?] cannot be right, though the attempt is made to translate it, 7uhich one asked of Yahtueh. But there is no reason for the indefinite verb here : Eli would certainly have said nSxir or dSnc and would also have used jd. On the basis of i^s we naturally restore nS"iNt;»n (Bu.). (g has ex/OT/tras which is evidently nSNa>n, cf. Ex. I235, But it seems unfair to give the merit to Elka- nah. — iDpnV loSni] better to make the suffix plural as in some codd.; (g however makes the verb singular. — 21. ipa"''^] seems without motive : ipsM (§S should be restored. — ->nrii] is lacking in (5^^ cf, r-'\ which shows how easily such insertions are made. After '^^^\^ insert Ti;* (5^. * Geschichte des Alttcstavtentlicken Priesterthums, Leipzig, 1889, p. 70, referring to Herodotus, II. 37. Compare, also, Nowack, Hebr. Archiiologie, II. p. n6. 20 I SAMUEL 22-25. Eli's ineffectual rebuke. — The paragraph joins di- rectly to v.^', and, as already indicated, was probably part of a source which treated the sin and punishment of EU's sons without reference to Samuel. — 22. Although Eli was a very old man, jir/ he used to hear ivhat his sons 7vere doing\ the reference is to the sins already laid to their charge. ] The impurity predicated of them in the second half of the verse was not in the mind of the original author. — 23. The rebuke : Why will you do the like of these things which I hear from the mouth of all the people ?'^^ this, which is an abbreviated text, seems to convey all that he meant to say. — 24. Ah, my sons I Not good is the report which I hear . . . the people of Yahzveli] the text is suspicious, and perhaps originally contained a prohibition. — 25. The motive is the difficulty of finding a mediator when Yahweh is the offended party : If a man sin against a man, God will mediate~\ cases of this kind could be brought before God as umpire, and the oracle would decide between the parties. But if against Yahiveh 07ie sin, who shall act as mediator? No higher power exists to whom the case can be submitted. The conclusion is, that the offended party will take his revenge. The expostulation was fruitless, for Yahweh was 7?iinded to slay them\ and on that account incited them to sin, as he afterwards incited David to take the census, 2 S. 24^ 26. Samuel is again brought in, in contrast. He kept growing larger and better in the estimation of Yahweh, and in the estima- tion of men. 22. Sd] is lacking in ^^^'. The second half of the vefse brings as an additional accusation against the priests that they used to lie with the women who ministered at the gate of the Tent of Meeting'] the sentence is suspicious; first, because it is lacking in (g^. In the second place the original narrator has stated his accusation above and this should have been made a part of that accusation. Finally, the whole narrative, except in this verse, is ignorant of women who ministered SiXid of the Tent of Meeting as established at Shiloh, The language is borrowed from the Priestly document of the Pentateuch, Ex. 38"^. For these reasons the half verse is to be regarded as a late inter- polation (We., Kl., Dr., Bu.). — 23. D"i;;i Don^i-px] is lacking in ^^ and difficult to construe: for I hear of your evil dealings (RV.) cannot be the meaning. It seems better to leave the words out. — ns*::] kK crTbixaros (5 is more vivid. — n'?N nyn] is impossible. The n^N has come in by false duplica- tion of the following "^n. © has Kvpiov which perhaps represents D\"i'?.>;; but II. 22-26 21 notice the phrase nin-' o-? at the end of the next verse. — 24. '^'C'C ''d:h -\i:'n D''i3>o] seems unintelHgible : %vhich I hear the people circulating 1JL would require ayn to be expressed before the participle : Vou make the people trans- gress would require the addition of dpn, and the same is true of Kimchi's pro- posal: Yoii make the people forsake {the sanctuary'^. If a word of this kind can be used here at all, it is better to correct to omnyn or am^Nn, ye lead astray. But ^s at the l^eginning of the verse suggests a negative command, in which case there has been radical corruption. — 25. ■i'^'?Di] as the direct object is without analogy we may read iS ^^di; We., Bu., al., point iVSiJi. — 26. "'iJi] is lacking in ©b. 27-36. The Threat of Punishment upon Eli. — An unnamed prophet comes to Eli and rehearses the benefits he and his house have received from Yahweh. The ingratitude with which he has treated his benefactor is pointed out, and the removal of his house from the priesthood is foretold, with the consequent impoverish- ment of his descendants. The piece reminds us of similar sections elsewhere, Jd. 6"^- i K. 13^*^-, where a prophet is sent with a rebuke, and of others, Jd. 2^"^ lo^^'^", where Yahweh himself (or his Angel) delivers the rebuke. All such sections are of comparatively late date, and the present one is no exception. The only question which is raised concern- ing it is whether it is an insertion made after the narrative of Samuel's life was completed. In answering this we need to note that the account of the priests' wickedness, ending at i-^, might be continued perfectly well by the account of the capture of the Ark beginning at 4^ The oldest historian would then have left us to draw the moral ourselves. It seems on the whole probable that this was the case. But an editor, not content with this form of the story, inserted our section on purpose to point out the lesson. This may very well have been done before the story of Samuel was inserted in the narrative, as the author of that story had abundant reason to tell us of his hero's call even if 2-'"''^^ were already in his text, while the interpolator would have no motive to insert 2-""'''^ if 3 was already a part of the history. We. {Covip., p. 239 f.) treats this section as an interpolation into the narra- tive similar to the Song of Hannah, though of earlier date, " yet scarcely older than Deuteronomy and the reform of Josiah." Bu., RS. p. 200, thinks the section in place but " Deuteronomistically recast," with which Cornill agrees Einleitijig^, p. 99; and Driver takes substantially the same view, LOT.^, 22 .1 SAMUEL p. 1 74. I can see no evidence of the recasting, and if the piece is not much later than Josiah, there is no reason why it may not have existed before the incorporation of the story of Samuel into this context. 27. A 7Jian of God^ the phrase is frequently used of a prophet, especially in the Books of Kings ; it is twice used of an angel, Jd. 13^'^ in a passage ascribed to J. by Prof. Moore, once applied to Moses in Deuteronomy (33^ E), and once also in Joshua (14^, a passage Deuteronomistically coloured). Thus saith Yahweh'] is a standing phrase in the prophetic books. I ce7'tainly i-evealed myself to thy father's house, while they were in Egypt, servants to the house of Pharaoh'\ the father's house was probably the clan of Levi. Parallel to this election by Yahweh as a reason for obe- dience, is the frequent argumentation from his choice of Israel as his people. — 28. And I chose him from all the tribes of Israel as my pi'iest, to offer on my altar, to burn sacrifices and to bear an ephod~\ whether we should translate to bear an ephod, or to wear an ephod depends upon the meaning of the word ephod, concerning which this passage leaves us wholly in the dark. And I gave thy father's house all the offerings of the sons of Israel for food'^ the last two words are omitted by J^, but found in (@. They seem necessary to the sense, for the point of the rebuke is that Eli's sons were dissatisfied with the provision made for them. It seems clear that the writer has in mind either the tribe of Levi or the house of Aaron which was chosen to the priesthood in Egypt, and that therefore he lived before the descent of Zadok (who displaced the descendants of Eli) was traced either to Levi or to Aaron.* — 29. Why then dost thou look with an evil eye on my sacrifices and on my offerings and dost honour thy sons above me, in fattening them with tlie first-fruits of all the offerings of Israel my people? The Hebrew text is obscure and this restoration is only pro- visional. It seems to express the mind of the writer — that Eli allowed his sons to seize as their own the portion that belonged of right to God. — 30. A change of purpose is declared: I had thought that thy house and thy clan should continue in my presence forever'\ lit. should walk to and fro before 7ne. The figure is that * Cf. Baudissin, Geschichte des AUtestainenillchen Priestcrthums^ Leipzig, 1889, p. 197 f. 11. 27-36 23 of a courtier who lives in his sovereign's favour, basks in the hght of his countenance. But now, saith Yahweh, far be it from me \ for tJiem that honoi/r me I will honour, and they that despise 7ne shall he lightly esteemed. — 31. The prediction to which this leads up : / will cut off thy seed^ a man has hope in the survival of his posterity, long after he himself is gone. So that there shall not be an old man in thy family'] premature death is a sign of the divine displeasure. — 32. And thou shall look, being in straits and with envious eyes, upon all ivith which I favoitr Israel] as a punish- ment for the present greedy behaviour. The text must be con- fessed to be very uncertain. — 33. Aiid the man of thine whom I do not cut off from my altar shall be spared in oj'der to consume his eyes and to starve his soul, and all the increase of thy house shall die by the sword of men] one is tempted to see a reference to the slaughter of the priests by Saul. — 34. An earnest of the calamity should be the death of Eli's sons : on the same day both shall die. — 35. In contrast with Eli there shall be a faithful priest : All that is in 7?iy heart and in my desire he will do, and I will build him an enduring house] that is, a continuous posterity, cf. 2 S. 7^^ Yahweh makes knoivn to thee that Yahweh zuill build thee a house. This priest, in person or in his descendants, shall walk before mine Anointed for all time] lit. all the days. The Anointed is of course the king of Israel, and the writer seems to look back upon a long line of kings. There can be no doubt therefore that the faithful priest is Zadok, who was made priest by Solomon in place of Abiathar (EU's great-grandson). This is expressly stated to be the fulfilment of the prophecy, i K. 2^'. The family of Zadok maintained themselves in the sanctuary of Jerusalem until the final destruction of the temple. — 36. Eli's family shall be so reduced as to seek the menial offices of the sanctuary for the pittance that might thus be earned. And the one that is left of thy house shall come to do him obeisance for a bit of moriey or a loaf of bread] the contrast is between the regularly installed priesthood which lives of the altar, and the hangers-on of the sanctuary who are willing to earn an occasional penny or an occasional meal by menial services. The ambition of the latter is to be put into one of the priests' places in order to eat a morsel of the bread of Yahweh] the state of things is that which we find after the reform of Josiah, 24 SAMUEL when the priests of the Bamoth were obhged to content them- selves with what subordinate places there were in the service of the Jerusalem sanctuary. 27. n-'jjn] the interrogative n is out of place, for it would call for a negative answer. It has come on to this word by duplication of the next pre- ceding letter. — n;'-iD noS] might in connection with Dnrna mean belonging to the house of Pharaoh. But i& is probably right in inserting SouXwv; read, therefore, '3 n^aS an^;'. — 28. "in3i] as an intinitive absolute representing a finite verb, the word might pass. But it is simpler to restore in^xi with (§31. The scribe probably thought he was going to begin the verse with '^r\-\r\i nnni corresponding to \-i>Sjj n'?jj above; ni'?;;'? seems to stand for niS;'nS or to be corrupted from it. — nx^'S] probably TiN'^'Si with (531. At the end of the verse ets jSpwcriJ/ (§ should be restored. — 29. ncV] prefix i with (§. — yy;2T\'] the verb occurs only Dt. 32^^ where it means to kick. But whether it would take 3 in the meaning to kick at is not certain, (g evidently read toon which makes good sense. — p;7D \n'»ii- -i'.rx] is unintelligible in this context: dj/atSei d'D had become mutilated. — aDNn^n"^] may be conjecturally altered to dps Nn^nS, for it is Eli's indulgence to his sons that is rebuked : ivevXo-^etffdai (g would be "Tlis^'?. For "'d;;'? we should perhaps read "'J>>'S (Bu.) although it is equally good simply to leave off the S as a duplicate of the preceding letter. — 30. tiion -iicx] only the second word is indicated by (5. The contrast may be between Yahweh's former declaration and his present one. But it seems more forcible to tiiake -i?:x denote the thought of his mind, as frequently. — nin^-QSj] is frequent in the prophets. — 31. qy'iT] TO (TTrepiia cov @. The latter alone seems to' be justified by the concluding words of the verse (contra Dr., Kl.). in?-ns should be made to conform to the word just discussed. —32. The verse, down to '}T\>22, is omitted by (5^, whence some have supposed it not original. But the omis- sion can be accounted for by homeoteleuton, and the verse is represented in most MSS. of (g and also in I. But to make sense of it is another matter. — p;n nx nunni] is nonsense; Kl. is probably right in seeing a reference to the ]1J7D which we have changed to ]^y;^ above (very possibly the form may have been |y;n). In that case, the simplest correction will be to read rv^i instead of p;*::. For a-'-J^i I have ventured, in so desperate a passage, to put 3vj>x. — 33. "fj-'V] read vr;? (g. — ^n.s'?!] is pointed as a Iliphil with the n dropped. The reference to Dt. 28''^ is so evident, however, that the correc- tion to 3\s-\nS seems obvious. — trsj] read Xi'Qi (3- — D"'i:':s cannot mean cztm ad virile fu aetatem vcnerit %. Read with (g nv^'jN 3-in3. — 34. ^Jfjn-Ss Dnj£3i] is superfluous and perhaps a gloss. — 35. psj no] cf. 25-8, — 36. ^3] is lacking in (S" and superfluous. — cn^—\DDi] also lacking in (g^. — an^j ©^ adds ToO Kvpiov, confirmed by I, and doubtless original. II. 16-III. 25 III. 1-21. The revelation to Samuel. — Samuel while sleep- ing in the sanctuary hears a voice calling him. Supposing that it is Eli, he waits upon him thrice. Eli at last perceives the nature of the call and instructs the lad how to reply. The sequel is a revelation of Yahweh's determination to destroy the house of Eli. On hearing the message the aged priest resigns himself to the di- vine will. The significance of the revelation is that it opens Sam- uel's career as a prophet, and his reputation soon becomes known throughout Israel. The chapter seems to be a unit. Doubts have been expressed as to the originahty of ^^'^^ ; but these seem not to be well founded. The necessity of the account in a Hfe of Samuel is evi- dent. The fact that this section duplicates the warning of the anonymous man of God in the preceding chapter does not make it the less necessary that Samuel should be accredited as a prophet. And no more appropriate credential could be found than a prediction of the destruction of the house of Eli. The tone and style agree well with ch. i. 1—10. Samuel hears a voice calling him in the night, and the voice proves to be the voice of Yahweh. The account opens with a restatement of Samuel's position in the temple service, and then tells us that the word of Yahweh ivas rare in those days, there was no . . . vision'] the qualifying word may mean public or widespread, but there is reason to suppose that the original reading is lost. — 2, 3. After the opening clause, the thread of the narrative is interrupted to describe the condition of things at the time when the event took place, and is resumed in v.**. So the sentence is : // came to pass in that day, when Eli . . . that Yahweh called Samuel. The circumstantial clause is compli- cated ; three of its items tell of the condition of things at the mo- ment, the other gives us information of the state of Eli's physical vision. It is difficult to see how this clause bears on the present history. But taking the text as it stands we may render by insert- ing a parenthesis : When Eli was lying in his place {no7v his eves had begun to grow dim, he could not see) and the lamp of God had not yet gone out, Samuel also 7aas lying in the Temple of Yahweh where the Ark of God luas. X^ut the originality of the words in pa- 26 I SAMUEL renthesis is difficult to maintain. The other items are important for the picture they present of the sanctuary. It is evident that Eli and Samuel slept in adjoining rooms, if not in the same room. Samuel, at least, lay in the apartment in which the Ark stood. The dif- ference between this arrangement and that provided in the tradi- tional Tabernacle is evident. That a lamp should burn all night before Yahweh is in accordance with the fitness of things. The early Israelites in providing Yahweh a dwelling were careful to furnish it with articles of use and luxury according to their ideas. Of any typical or symbolical meaning such as later attached itself to this furniture we find no trace in our narrative. We may as- sume, however, that the lamp burned all night in the sanctuary, as was later expressly provided, Ex. 2f\ cf 2 Chr. 13^^ and therefore that the time of Samuel's call was in the early morning. The sanctuary is here called a temple as in i'-'. The sleeping of an attendant near the Ark, as a servant sleeps near the monarch so as to serve him, seems to show preexilic custom, but how it shows this account to be pre-Deuteronomic * I do not see. The belief that sleepers in the sanctuary receive revelations in dreams was common in antiquity and seeuis not yet to have died out, as there are traces of it among the Moslems to the present time. The Ark of God is here mentioned for the first time. It is evi- dently the same which was afterwards transferred to his citadel by David, and which was the sacred object in the Temple of Solomon. Bat we have no description of it by an early writer. See below, on 4'. — 4. The text must be restored at this point, where we ex- pect the most detailed account, so as to read : Yahiveh stood and called: Sauiuel ! Samuel ! The repetition of the name is one of the marks of E among the Pentateuchal documents, Gen. 22^^ 46- Ex. 3'*. — 5. Answering what he supposed was the call of Eli, Samuel is bidden to return to his place. — 6. Yahweh calls again : Samuel! Samuel! with the same result as before. — 7. There- mark that Samuel did not yet knotu Yahweh, and the word of Yah- weh had not yet been revealed to him, is added to explain how it was that he did not recognize the voice of the speaker. — 8. At the third experience EH perceived that Yaluveh was calling the * As affirmed by Kittel, GH. II. p. 33. III. 3-IO 27 lad. — 9. Hence his instruction: Go and lie down ; and if one call thee thou shalt say : Speak ! for thy servant is listening. As the subject is left indefinite in the clause and if one call thee, it is probable that the name of Yahweh was not mentioned in what follows. Eh will let the lad discover who the speaker is. — 10. When the call comes again, Samuel replies as he has been directed. This single passage is not enough to give us an Old Testament doctrine of revelation. But it conveys with great clearness its author's conception. He does not describe a dream, because he makes Samuel rise and run to Eli after each call. He conceived of the prophet as hearing a voice physically audible. This voice enunciated in articulate words the message which the prophet was to receive. The experience is therefore not parallel to that of Jacob, who saw and heard God in a dream. 1. '|^"(DJ] seems to give no good meaning. }'nb, which We. substitutes, is too violent in meaning for this place, though it is possible that the j has come from the preceding word. — 2. rryi] should be read with the Qre. — nmo iSnn] We, seems to be wrong in insisting that the second word cannot be an infini- tive, on the ground that a *? would be required. Cf. nn Snx Dt. 2r^-^^, SnN "jVtj Jos. 3'^. It is better, therefore, to point nini. — nS] should perhaps be N^1. ((^). — 3. D-^"J is usually construed with the imperfect tense as here, Dr., Tenses^, 27/3. — 4. NipM] In v.^*^ we read that Yahweh stood and called as before. It seems necessary, therefore, that the opening account should contain this particular, and so we find in <^^' koX Ko-Tkart] Kai e/cdXecre Kvpios. 'The omission of 3i*\"i>i may be accounted for by its anthropomorphism. That it was not omitted below only shows, what we know from other passages, that a correction of this kind is rarely carried far. — Sni?:'^'"Sn] should be hii^'C\i' Snic"^ as below, and here also in (§. — 5. ij:n] the regular answer when one's name is called. — 6. DpM] is lacking in i3^^. By its omission we lose nothing, and the second call is made uniform with the first. — 7. DTj] idovXeve irplv ri (^"^ seems to be a case where a Greek editor tried to make sense out of a text he did not understand.* — >ti] should be pointed as an imperfect after d^d (Bottcher, followed by Th.). — 9. 1"''^n] iQ^' adds 6 koKCjv, which is a correct interpretation of the writer's meaning. — nin> -\dt] (g^ has simply \6.\€L, which is what Samuel actually says in v.io. It seems to me more likely that the name is a later insertion than a later omission. — 10. ayD3"DyD3] cf. Jd. 1 620. From what has already been said it is evident that the narrative cannot be made to illustrate the incubation common among * The reading, however, is found in I serviebat antequam, Cod. Goth. Leg. apud' Vercellone. 28 I SAMUEL Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans. But there is probably a similar idea at the basis; namely, that the sanctuary is a favourable place to receive revelations. Cf. Seyffert, Dictionary of Classical Antiquity, p. 435, Friedlander, Darstel- liingen aiis d. Sittengesch. Roms''\ III. p. 571 ff. 11-14. The message. — The contents are of such a nature that Samuel could no longer be in doubt as to the personality of the speaker : Behold I am about to do a thing in Is7-ael such that the eai'S of evoy one that hears it shall ring'] cf. 2 K. 21^" Jer. 19^, both describing the effect of news of calamity. The verb is used ouce of the trembling of the hps from fear (Hab. 3^''). — 12. In that day I will fulfil ttpon Eli all that I have spoken against his house from beginning to end~\ lit. beginning and ending ; the ad- verbial infinitives express the completeness of the punishment. — 13. And thou shall tell him] a slight change from the received text — that I will punish his house forever for the guilt of his sons, in that his sons were blaspheming God, and he did not rebuke theni] the text has been purposely obscured to shield the reader from pronouncing the words blaspheming God, but the original has fortunately been preserved in (^. — 14. Therefore have I sworn to the house of Eli that the guilt of the house of Eli shall not be ex- piated] the technical term can best be translated thus, though Hebrew and Greek ideas of expiation must not be confused. By sacrifice or by offei'ing forever] the expression seems to be made very general in order to emphasize the impossibihty of placating the offended deity by any of the methods known to the ritual. In ordinary cases of his anger he might be appeased by smelling an offering, 26^^. It has been supposed by some that the revelation to Samuel was originally of a different tenor, predicting the doom of Shiloh and appointing Samuel as Eli's successor. But the reasons ad- vanced to sustain this thesis are not convincing, and the tone of the verses seems quite homogeneous with the rest of this docu- ment. The fact that there is an allusion in v.^- to the preceding message to Eli has already been pointed out, as has the bearing of this fact upon the comparative age of the whole chapter. 11. n:;';'] on the use of the participle in divine announcements, cf. Dr., Tenses'^, § 135, 3. — 12. ^^vS-] in the first occurrence at least we should read S;\ The interchange of the two prepositions is so common as scarcely to call III. II-I8 29 for remark, — 13. i'^ vnjm] cannot mean for I have told him (RV.), Imt must be ami I loill make kno-toii to him. This seems unnecessary, and the conjecture of Kl. (adopted by Bu.) that we should read iS nnjni is taken as the basis of the translation above; for the object of this revelation is to warn Eli of the impending doom of his house. — p>':3') the construct, govern- ing the clause which follows, is doubtless possible, Ges.-*' § 130^. It seems awkward here, however, and the word is left out by Bu. on conjecture. As it seems better to have some authority, I prefer to emend according to <&^^ which reads vi2 ]v;2 but omits ;n"i~i»'X. — anS □"■'^SpcJ cannot mean r/iade tliemselves vile, AV., or bring a curse upon the?nselves, RV. All the analogies are in favour of a^"l'?N □'^'r^po which was read by (!5. The passage is one of those altered by the scribes {iiqijnne sopherivi), cf. Geiger, Urschrift und Ueberset- zungen, p. 271. — r\T\i\ is used in the sense of restrain only here, so that there may be an error of the text. — 14. jOtt'jJ is regularly followed by dn giving the oath a negative force, or by nS~3N where the force is affirmative. — niJDii] this stem is found here only, but there can be no doubt of the meaning. The Piel is the technical term for removing by a ritual act anything which is offensive in the sight of God and would therefore make his worshippers unacceptable to him, cf. Dr., Deiiteronomy, p. 425, BDB., s.v. 15-18. The message delivered. — Samuel lay until the morn- ing, when he rose and opened the doors of the house of Yahweh'] a part of his regular work as servant of the sanctuary. That he was afraid to make the vision known is easily understood. — 16, 17. Eli's adjuration, so may God do to thee and more too, if thou conceal from me a word of all that he spoke to thee'] induces a response. The formula so may God do to thee is an imprecation originally connected with the ceremony of slaying an animal at the taking of an oath. The parties pray that the fate of the victim may be theirs. The fact that the formula is used only in Samuel and Kings is an argument against attributing these books to the Pentateuchal authors E and J, who had abundant opportunity to use the expression in their histories. The omission of the subject of the verb shows Eli's dread of the divine sentence. At Samuel's report, the old man resigns himself: It is Yahweh, let him do ivhat is good in his sight] compare David's expression in 2 S. 15-^ 15. After ip:3n, add ip33 DD-'M which has fallen out of |t^ on account of the resemblance of ip^n and -ip3D; it is preserved by (5. The doors here men- tioned are another evidence that the House of Yahweh was not a tent. — 16. '^Ni-^'^'-pN] some MSS. have .t'-^s*. — 18. Mr^r<] (g^ adds prifxa (=->3^),. which seems necessary to the sense. — 1J^> 3] the Qre substitutes vj-';'3 as 30 I SAMUEL usual. With the phrase the good in his eyes, compare the right in his eyes, the evil in his eyes. Strictly parallel with the present passage are Gen. i6® 19^ (both J) and Jd. 192-1 (late). But we find ii'LOm '\Z'^r\ once in Dt. (6^8^ and 3Vjn-^Dj in Jd. ioi5 (E). Exactly like the text are i S. i23 1486.40 2 S. 1928, representing both the main streams of narrative from which our history is made up. III. 19-IV. 1^. The sequel is, that Samuel becomes widely known as a prophet. The verses are, however, not necessary to the connexion, and may be an editorial insertion. 19. As Samuel grew up he continued to enjoy the favour of Yahweh. Yahweh was with him and let none of his words fall to the ground~\ that is, he confirmed them, so that they were not useless. — 20. And all Israel knew, f'oni Dan to Beersheba~\ cf. Jd. 20^ 2 S. 3^*^ 17^^; that Samuel was authenticated as a prophet of YaJmieli] the evident idea of the author is that the people came to the sanctuary to consult the prophet. — 21, IV. 1^. The verse as it stands is tautological. By the change of a single word, we get an excellent continuation of the preceding : And Israel again appeared in Shiloh because Yahweh revealed himself to Samuel, and the word of Samuel came to all Israel^ the sanctuary had been deserted because of the wickedness of Eli's sons, and because God did not reveal himself to them. All this was changed by the establishment of Samuel as prophet. At the end of this paragraph # adds : (^and Samuel was established as a prophet from one end of the land to the other) but Eli was exceeding old and his sons kept on doing worse and worse before Yahweh~\ what is here in parenthesis is duplication of -^^, but the rest is possibly original. 19. For S^dh] B may have read ^d:, cf. Jos. 2i« 2 K. iqIO. — 21. Bu. proposes to interchange this verse and the following, partly on the ground of O, and partly because that order seems more natural. The difficulty, however, is caused by ns-^n^ nini F\o>^ which, as it now stands, only says that Yahweh appeared again in Shiloh, and thus duplicates the second half of the verse. By the single change of mni to ha^'^i the difficulty is avoided, and the verses fall into a natural order. — nNnn^ is an unusual form for an infinitive construct, but occurs Jd. 1321, cf. Ges.26 75 e, Stade, Gram. 622 k — mn^ n3";3 nSri] is lacking in (5 and probably later expansion. — IV. la. The division into chap- ters has cut off this clause from the paragraph to which it belongs. The addi- tion adopted above is found in the MSS. of ©» apparently without exception. III. I9-IV. 2 31 IV. 1^-VII. 1. War with the Philistines ; defeat of Israel and capture of the ark ; the experiences of the Philistines with the ark and its return to the land of Israel. The three chapters form a closely connected whole. They show no trace of acquaintance with Samuel, but form a natural continuation of the history of Eli and his sons. They are now generally supposed to belong to an older stratum of the narrative than that which has preceded. In spite of their unity of scope, there are indications that they are from a composite history like that of JE. IV. 1^^-22. The great disaster. — The author tells us of the first repulse in few words. The original opening of the account, however, is mutilated in '^ by the same cause which made the last words of 3-' illegible. Restoring the reading from (3, we get : And it came to pass in those days that the Philistines gathered for war against Israel~\ the Philistines appear as the oppressors of Israel in the time of Samson. We know very well that they occu- pied the great maritime plain from Joppa southwards to the border of Egypt. They appear as a confederacy of five cities, each with a chief magistrate (in some places called a king) bearing the title of Seren. That they were immigrants was known to Amos (9"), who derives them from Caphtor. Cf. Dt. 2r' Jer. 47^ At the opening of this campaign the Israelites camped at Ebenezer. According to f" the place did not receive the name until later. But the historical accuracy of that account is open to question. The Philistine camp was at Aphek, probably the same with the Aphek in Sharon of Jos. 12^^ ((§). Sharon was the natural con- tinuation of the Shephela. The place cannot now be certainly identified. — 2. When battle was joined, Israel was smitten before the Philistines^ and their loss is put at four thousand men in the ranks in the field. This calls attention to the fact that the Israel- ites did not flee, but suffered heavy loss while holding their ground. IV. 1. Having given the first clause to the preceding paragraph, we find this one beginning with Xi'v, which gives no explanation of the reason why Israel went out. This is supplied by (5 which begins Koi i-yev-qdirj iv raU ijfxepaL^ eKeipats Kai avvaOpoi^ovTai a\\6(pv\oi eis it6\€jxov iirl 'icrparjX. This is 32 I SAMUEL now generally adopted as the original beginning of the section. It seems to be found in all MSS. of (3. — r^'T^c'^Si nx-ip'-'] should probably be onsipS (g. On the Philistines, Ebers, Aegyptcn tind die Bilcher Alosis ( 1 868), pp. 130- 237; Max-Miiller, Asien nnd Europa (1893), pp. 387-390. — nr^^n pxn] can- not be right. The first word must be 12s (We.). — pdn] We. {Conip., p. 254) identifies this with the Aphek of 29I i K. 20-'^ 2 K. 13I''. Cf. Buhl, Geog., p. 212. — 2. rvSnpS iD-\>""'i] cf. 2 S. lo'*- 10. — 'J'ani] gives no suitable sense here : Kal €K\ivev (5 points to "jni (adopted by We. al.). It should be noticed, how- ever, that njj is nowhere used of a battle, so that the emendation is doubt- ful; u'pni would give a good meaning and would easily be corrupted into Z'Z^rA, cf. 2 S. 2I". — '?N-i-'^J prefix u'vx with (5 (Bu.). 3-11. The bringing of the Ark to the camp does not deliver the Israelites; on the contrary the Ark itself falls into the hands of the enemy. — As usual the Sheikhs determine what is to be done. They recognize that Yahweh has smitten theni\ the de- feat of course could not be because their God was less powerful than the deities of the enemy. Let us bring to us from Shi/oh the Ark of our God that he may go out in the midst of us and save ics from our enemies. The Ark was taken into battle on other occa- sions, as in the Ammonite war, 2 S. ii^\ Tlie cry which was raised when. the Ark set out at the head of the people was (Num. lo'^) : Rise^ Yahiueh, and let thine enemies be scattered^ and let thy haters flee before thee — a war-cry on the face of it. That the Ark went before the people at the invasion of the country and the siege of Jericho (Jos. 3, 4) is significant in the same connexion. The present account identifies Yahweh and the Ark very closely, but it does not describe the sacred object. From the name we infer that it was a chest, for the same word is used of the sarcoph- agus of Joseph, Gen. 50'-*', and of the box set by the side of the altar to receive the money contributions of the worshippers, 2 K. 1 2^". The author of Deuteronomy (10^) describes it so far as to say that it was of acacia wood, and made to contain the two tables of the Covenant. Hence his name for it is Ark of Yahweh^s Cov- enafit, and this usage prevails in Deuteronomistic passages in other books. The priestly writer of Ex. 25 gives us the exact dimensions, and covers it with gold after his manner. He also makes it contain the tables of the Law which he calls the Testi- mony. So that his name for it is Ark of the Testimony. He also gives an elaborate description of its lid or cover, to him the most IV. 3-II 33 important part of the sacred object, something of which we do not hear in earher writers. Jeremiah alludes to it once under the name given it by the Deuteronomist, but in terms which show that he attached no great importance to it, Jer. 3""'. The com- moner name in the historical books is Ark of Yahweh or Ark of God. In some cases this designation has been obscured by inter- polation, a scribe having inserted the word Covenant to conform to his own usage, as is illustrated in the passage before us. 3. nini nnD P"\nJ tt]v kl^ojtov toO deov ijfxCjw <3^; both readings are com- bined in i5^\ The original is evidently ^yn^^ ])-Mt, for which a scribe sulDSti- tuted the Deuteronomic phrase. We must judge in the same way of the insertion of D'''\2 in v.* (twice) and in v,^. So far the revision was car- ried and then given up. In all these cases the testimony of (3^ is against the insertion. The problem of the nomenclature of the Ark is, however, some- what complicated. No less than twenty-two various designations are found for it. Of these, 'n'^~\2 jnN with its expansions, are Deuteronomistic, and nn>'n pis belongs to P. The original name must have been simply nin"" jnN, for which might be substituted dmVn jnx or a\-i'^Nn jns. The only one of these used in the Hexateuch is nin> nix, which occurs in Jos. 3, 4, 6, and 7, always in the narrative of JE, and (curiously) in both elements, J and E. The occurrence of □\-iSNn pivX in the present chapter would, therefore, militate against its assignment to either of the Hexateuchal sources. It remains to notice, however, that the interchange of the two names in the chapters before us cannot well be explained except on the ground of two different hands having been concerned in the composition of the narrative. The facts are as follows : 1. nini rm3 ;nN in vv.3-5 is the result of interpolation, as already noted, and so is a\-iSNn nn3 |nx, which occurs in v.'*'^. 2. ha-^y^ inSs p-iN which is used in 5'- *^- ^^- ^^ 6^, in the mouth of the Philis- tines is the natural expression for them to use. 3. n)ni pns is used 4*^ ; it then gives place to □•'nVxri jns, but is resumed 5''^- ■•, interrupted by 5I'', but again resumed in 6^, being used throughout the rest of the chapter and in 7I, which belongs with it. 4. D^rhn jnx is used only once (4^1) ; but Dv-iSwSn p-\N characterizes 4^^- 5^, in which it occurs eight times. It recurs again twice in 5^*^. The verse ^^^ can well be spared and is probably an insertion. The section 4II-22 forms a distinct section of the narrative, being concerned with the recep- tion of the news by Eli and the effect upon him and his house. Nothing stands in the way of our assigning it to a different hand from the one that wrote the rest of the account. The two verses 5^- - are, in part, a necessary introduction to what follows. But they are over full, and probably have suf- fered redactional accommodation to their present place. Notice that nom should be Xi"''"', which was read by (S- D 34 I SAMUEL 4. The proposition is adopted and the Ark is brought from Shiloh ; and also the two sons of Eli with the Ark of Gocl~\ they would naturally accompany it, but the author calls attention to their presence because their fate is involved. If this were part of the document which makes Samuel so prominent, his name would certainly have been mentioned here either to explain his escape or to account for his absence. — 5. When the Ark reached the camp all Israel shouted a great shout and the earth resounded~\ cf. Jos. 6^- -° (E). — 6. The Phihstines inquire the cause of this noise of shouting in the camp of the Hebrews'] so the Israelites are named ordinarily by foreigners. They ascertain that the Ark of Yahweh has come to the camp. — 7. The fear of the Philistines is motived by the thouglit : These are their gods ; they have come to them to the camp'] the text is that of ^^. Woe to us, for it has not been thus heretofore] indicates that the palladium had not usually been taken to war in this period. — 8. The question of desperation : Who shall deliver us from the hand of these mighty gods ? is fol- lowed by the historical reason : These are the gods which smote the Egyptians with every sort of plague and with pestilence] the received text has with every sort of plague in the wildo'ness. This might be condoned in the mouth of the Philistines, but it would hardly occur to an IsraeHtic writer to impute the inaccuracy to them. — 9. Take courage] Jd. 20" ; and be 7nen] lit. and become men if you never were men before. In case of defeat they could expect only to become slaves of the Hebrews ; as they have been slaves to you. 10. The result was the courage of despair on the part of the Philistines, so that in the batde which ensued Isi-ael was defeated, and fled each to his tents] 2 S. 18^^ 19^ The slaughter in Israel is given as thirty thousand footmen] cf. Jd. 20- i S. i5"* 2 S. lo^ — 11. The climax : The Ark of God was taken and the two sons of Eli died] so the sentence pronounced by Samuel was executed. 4. The Ark is here called in |^ aonDD D'r-' n)X2X nin^-nn3 p-\x of which (g^ omits nna and niN2X. The presumption is in favour of the shorter form, and it is proba1)le that DO-\Dn 3-'^ also is a later insertion, for no reason can 1)6 given why the author should so describe Yahweh here, cf. 2 S. 6^. — S'^i'i] is inappro- priate. The word D'i* is not represented in ©• — 2:11 proposed by Kl. would not be out of place. But on the testimony of (§ it seems better to read simply the 1. The names Ilophni and Phiuehas read like an afterthought. — 5. n-'-^D] IV. 4-15 35 is to be omitted, with (3. — ^^yj on the fc)fm Ges.'^'^ § 72 /^, who makes it Qal. — 6. n;nnn Sip] cf. np;-:;n "^ip v.^-*. — nn] on the pointing, Ges.-*^ § 37 f. — 7. The speech of the PhiUstines varies somewhat in the different recensions of (3, and all differ from p^. The latter has simply d\-iSn xa. But it must be evi- dent that DHin'^x is the appropriate word. As this is rendered by (5 we naturally adopt it, and with it the context as translated above. The reading of (5^" ovtos 6 debs avrdv seems to be a correction of the phrase in (3^. — vS2] should be read 1N'3 with (S^. — ij*^ "'In] (§ adds i^eXov tjixcLs, Kvpte, arjfxepou, which is of course impossible in the mouth of the Philistines. If original, it is part of a speech attributed to the Israelites, which it is now impossible to reconstruct. — '^riPN O-S'"-"^'^ cf. Ex. 5^f- 1 S. 1421 19'. — 8. onnxn] arepeCou (3^ seems to render D''->osn, which is more appropriate, so Cappellus, Notae Criticae, p. 433, — "i3-3131 as conjectured by We. and adopted by Dr., Bu., al. — 9. The two imperatives are continued by two perfects with waw consecutive. Dr., Tenses^, § 112. — onrnSji] (§ seems to render DincnSji. — 10. ichSm] as (§^^ omits the Philistines, it is altogether probable that both parties are thought of as subjects — they fought. — 11. The names Hophni and Phinehas read again as if an afterthought. 12-21. The effect of the tidings. — There ran a Be7ijamite from the ranks'\ Rabbinical tradition makes him to have been Saul, who had rescued the tables of the Law from the hands of Goliath. With his clothes rent and earth on his head~\ the usual signs of grief, 2 S. I- 15^^'. — 13. The verse is difficult to understand. The received text ( Qre) makes Eli sit by the side of the road, watching] the road would naturally be the one leading to the scene of batde. Yet the fugitive apparently comes first to the town and afterwards to Eh. A change of pointing would make Eli's station to be beside the Mizpah road, but this does not relieve the difficulty. We are forced therefore to read with ^ by the side of the gate watching the 7'oad'\ where the gate is evidently the gate of the sanctuary, at which he was accustomed to sit, i''. Though he was blind, his mind was intent upon the road along which news must come — for his heart zuas trembling for the Ark of God. The bearer of tidings comes first to the town, which shrieks at the news. — 14. Eli hears the outcry before the messenger reaches him, but the latter does not delay — he hastened and came and told Eli. — 15. The verse, which speaks of his age and blindness, inter- 36 I SAMUEL rupts the narrative and is apparently a redactional insertion. If original, it belongs after the first clause of v.^^. — 16. I am he that is come from the ranks~\ the speaker takes for granted that some one was expected. — 17. To Eli's question the answer is given in four particulars : Israel fled before the PJiilistines ; there was a great slaugliter of the people ; thy two sons are dead ; and the A7'k of God has been captured'] the four form an ascending scale to Eli, reaching the climax in the capture of the Ark. — 18. When the messenger mentioned the Ark] the special object of Eh's solici- tude, the old man fell fro ?n his seat backiuard by the side of the gate, and his neck was broken, and he died] the author adds in ex- planation that the man was old and heavy. The additional re- mark : he had judged Israel forty years is evidently designed to bring Eli into the same class with the Judges whose story is given in the Book of Judges. 12. |^?:^j3"::'\s] is possible, but more natural is "'J"'?2"'J3 'J'^x, which is favoured by (g. — 13. ii] n% Qre and some MSS., is undoubtedly correct. It seems unnecessary to change to lo or y^, however, as is done by some commentators. — nsi'D Tn] would naturally be interpreted the J/zz/^/^ r^«^. But the punctuators give us ns^*^, which is confirmed by (g. This version, however, reads Trapd r^v TrvXrjv (XKOTrevwv ttjv d56v = -\'\~\n ns^'D i>'C'n T', which is restored by Th. — 14. pon is the confused noise made by a crowd of people. — 15. The verse is expanded in (§ by the repetition (substantially) of the greater part of vM. This indicates that its original place was different from the one in which we now find it; and, as a rule, such dislocations are proof of later insertion. For ninety-eight years (!l has ninety. — r\np pj"';?i] for which the Orientals give i?:p Qre, seems harsh in spite of the parallels adduced by Dr. Notes. The confusion of n and i is so easy that it seems better to restore the plural here. Cf. i K. 14*. Twelve codd. read T\r.\> U'^yi here. — 16. If the preceding verse be omitted, we may also omit iS;7"'?N r">xn with (§^^. For the first nDn;'::n (g seems to have read T\'ir\r:}r\. — 17. -laonn] the original mean- ing was one that made another change colour, therefore a bringer of important tidings, whether good or bad. In actual Hebrew usage it generally means a bringer of good tidings. For ijaS read "'JDD with 16 MSS. and probably (^. The successive stages of the disaster are emphasized by D-Vf. The names of the two sons are omitted by (S^^'. — 18. n^orno] some MSS. have n^Din^, The two prepositions are not infrequently confused. — n*' n>'3] can hardly be right. Probalily an original "lO was corrupted into "i>'D, and then the n> was inserted in the endeavour to make sense : kx^y-^vo% (!5'^^, ^x^i^-^va (5^ else- where represent no or n^'Ss, Ps. 141^ I S. 19^. — i.-'piDC] here only. It means the neck as dividing (P'^d) the head and trunk. IV. I5-V. I 37 19. The effects in the family of Eli are set forth. His daugh- ter-in-laWy the wife of Fkinehas, was 7vith child~\ the phrase used here does not occur elsewhere : it seems to mean pregnant and near the time of childbirth. The news of tlie capture of the Ark and the death of her father-in-law brought on the pangs of labour. — 20. At the moment of her giving birth, the women standing about her said to her : fear not, for thou hast given birth to a sojf\ a message which should give her comfort in her sorrow. Biit she neither ansivered nor heeded^ lit. set her heart, Ex. 7-"' Prov. 27'^. — 21, 22. The account is over-full, probably by conflation, ^- being almost an exact duplicate of a part of -'. Leaving out the latter we get : And they called the boy Ichabod, saying: the glory from Israel is taken captive — because of the capture of the Ark of God and because of her father-i7i-lata and her husband~\ the sub- ject is the women standing about her, for she was already uncon- scious. 19. rhh mn] the nearest parallel is Is. 26I": mSS anpn nnn ^r}^:. On the form rh''-', Konig, Gram. I. p. 402, Ges.26 § 69 m. The form here may be a simple scribal error, no parallel to the contraction having been pointed out except nnx for mnx. After npSn-Sx we should expect pdi), which should there- fore probably be restored for nci. Still an infinitive may have been intended, 6 MSS. read pd Sni. With nns cf. Is. 21^. S;' "janj is found in the sense of being poured suddenly upon. Is. 60^. — 20. nma r>Di] in itself gives good sense, but the reading of (^ /cai ev t($ Kaipc^ ai/rijs air 06 v-qaKei : nna nn>*Di which seems to fit the case better. — 21. Nnpni] the subject evidently cannot be the mother, for she was already unconscious; so that we must suppose the subject is indefinite — one called. The verb is feminine because the writer has in mind the women standing about. — ins \s] Inglorious is the evident intention of the writer — aho^ia. (Josephus). The only instance that can be cited for "ix as an equivalent of l^x is Job 22^^, where the text is doubtful. (S seems to point to MX as the first member. — '^x] should probably be ':';'. — 22. The verse is omitted (on grounds already stated) by We., and is put into the margin by Bu. V. 1-12. The devastation wrought by the Ark. — First, the god of the Philistines is smitten : then they themselves suffer. The trophy is brought from Eben-ha-ezer to Ashdod'] one of the five chief cities of the Philistines. It lay near the coast about midway between Joppa and Gaza. A village on the site still bears the name Esdud. The tautology in this verse and the next 38 I SAMUEL indicates that this was originally the conclusion of the preceding section. After the account of the family of Eli the author adds : But as for the Philistines, etc. He then begins his specific ac- count of the fortunes of the Ark. — 2. As we should expect in the case of so remarkable a trophy, they brought it to the temple of Dagon and set it up by the side of Dagon'] the national god of the Philistines if we may argue from his prominence here. The temple here alluded to existed until the time of the Maccabees, i Mace. lo^^^ III The nature and attributes of Dagon are wholly unknown. He is a god of the Philistines in whose honour a great feast is held, Jd. 1 6-^. According to Schrader, COT. I. p. 170, the name is found in Assyrian. If the name be Semitic, it may be related either to m fish or to p"t co7'n. The adoration of a fish-god in Syria is well attested, and on the other hand the god of corn would be at home in the fine grain-growing land of the Shephela. For Beth- Dagon (two places of the name are mentioned in the Old Testament) Jerome gives us domus tritici, while for Dagon he allows piscis tristitiae {OS. pp. 25, 32). Isaaki and Kimchi suppose that the figure of Dagon was half man and half fish. The combination with Atargatis (Derketo) is uncertain, see Moore's note on Jd. 16^'^, Baudissin in PRE^. H. p. 171, Movers, Phonizier, I. p. 590. For the god of the harvest Sanchuniathon is cited by Movers. Cf. Wellhausen, Skizzen, HI. p. 170, n. 2. 3. The next day, the Ashdodites 7'ose, and came to the house of Dagon and looked~\ the latter clause is lacking in ^, but is prob- ably original. They found Dagon pi'ostrate on his face on the ground'] cf, Jd. 3-'', Gen. 1 7^- ^^ ; the narrator evidently means that Dagon was doing obeisance to Yahweh. Without learning the lesson of Yahweh's superiority, the Ashdodites raised their god and returfied him to his place. — 4. The next lesson was a severer one. The following morning they not only find him prostrate, but the head of Dagon and his hands were cut off upoti the threshold, only his tru?ik was left of him~\ the received text has 07ily Dagoii was left, which is manifestly impossible. — 5. The narrator traces a peculiar custom of the worshippers at this temple to this event — t]ierefo?-e the priests of Dagon and all who enter the house of V. 1-6 39 Dagon do not tread on the threshold of Dagon in Ashdod until this day, but step over it~\ the last words are not in 5i| but seem to be original. The threshold, having been the resting place of the hands and head of Dagon, is consecrated, so that it must not be touched. We find every one who leaps over the threshold (or upon the threshold) alluded to, Zeph. i'\ but we cannot be sure that there is any connexion between the passages, or that the custom is the same in the two cases. Various threshold cere- monies are cited by Schm. p. 132. 1. On the location of Ashdod, Robinson, BR'-. II. p. 33; GASmith, Geog.^ p. 192. — 2. iJ''i""ii] elsewhere of setting tipj'ight as Gen, 30^8 Jd. 8'-'^. It seems to imply that worship was to be offered to the captive God as well as to Dagon. — 3. nnn?:?:] is lacking in (gi^, which, however, reads koX eiaijXOov eis oIkop ^aydjv, Kal eJ8ou lacking in |^. Probably (5 is right in both respects, the mnoD can be spared here though it is needed in v>. — Sdj] the participle describes the state of the idol, — vja*^] would mean before it, which is super- fluous. VJ£3~S>' should be restored, following (§ (We). — inp^i] Koi ijyeipap (S points to la^p-i^, which alone is in place. — n''"uJ'''i] Kat KariaTrjaav (g indicates O'^i""'!, which, however, would scarcely be followed by icipn'^. At the end of the verse i^'^^ \ add a sentence taken from v.'', but which here interrupts the sequence. — 4. i^d-'m] (g seems to have read i:;"iD'^'n o \-i"'% adopted by Bu. But the wording in © may be due simply to free transla- tion,— 1"'Jd'?] should doubtless be rj3~'^;' as above, — |in pi] Tr\r}v ij pdx(-s ^ayibv (§ : Dagon solus truncus %. The emendation iii for pjT is due to Lagarde, Prophetae Chald. p, li. '^ has .11(311 and S p-'"'"' n?;-Ji; and Ew., GVI^. II, p. 586 (English Trans. II. p, 415), had already proposed to insert f\M. or nMJ before |iJi. We. suggests m, which does not seem natural without some explanation, — 5, At the end of the verse (§ adds: '6ti. vwep^ai- povT€S vnep^aivova-LP. We. admits that this is correct description, but re- fuses to admit the words to the text, because we cannot account for their omission. To which the obvious reply is, that the archetype of ^ was evi- dently illegible in many places and so very possibly here. To the references concerning Dagon given above may be added Scholz, Gotzendienst und Zaiiberivesen bet den alten Ilebraern, Regensburg, 1877, pp. 238-244. His endeavour to identify Dagon with various fish-gods should, however, be viewed with reserve. 6-12. A plague breaks out in the city and follows the Ark wherever it is carried. — 6. And the hand of Yahtveh 7uas heavy on the Ashdodites'] a phrase elsewhere used of oppression by a ruling caste or people, Jd. i^'\ Afid he wasted theni\ in Hos. 2^"' the same verb is used for destroying the vines and fig trees ; and 40 SAMUEL smote them with tumours'] we can hardly go astray in seeing a description of the bubonic plague. The same word is used Dt. 28^'' in connexion with the boil of Egypt, cf. Driver, Dt., p. 310. At the end of the verse "^ adds epexegetically Ashdod and her borders, probably a late insertion. — 7. Let not the Ai'k of the God of Israel remain laith us, for his hand is severe upon us] cf. the hand of a severe master, Is. 19^. — 8. A council of the Tyj-ants of the Philistines is held. These officers bear a special title. Whether they were kings (as Jeremiah calls them, 25^'^) or more like the Suffetes of the Carthaginians cannot now be determined. It does not appear that Achish, king of Gath, was also a Seren. The conclusion : To Gath let the Ai'k of Israel go around] Gath, one of the chief cities of the Philistines, cannot now be identified. — 9. But when the Ark was brought to Gath the hand of Yahweh ivas heavy upo7t them, and he sjnote the jnen of the city both small and great, and tumours broke out tipon them] the rendering of the last clause is conjectural only, as the verb used occurs only here. But it is evident that the plague is the same as the one described above. — 10. The Ark is next sent to Ekron, but the people cry out at its coming ; They have brought the Ark of the God of Israel to me to slay me and 7?iy people] the pronouns represent the speech of each individual man. For Ekron (^ has Ashkelon in this verse. Ekron was nearest of the Philistine cities to the land of Israel. — 11. Another council of the chiefs is called, and the people pray : Send away the Ark of the God of Israel that it may return to its place] only thus can they hope to escape extermination. The author adds in explanation: For there was a deadly panic] the word is used of the tumult of a routed army, Dt. 7-% Is. 22^, J^ adds : the hand of God was exceeding heavy there, but # asserts that the panic was violent when the Ark of God came there. Pos- sibly both forms are later expansions of the text. — 12. The tumult was caused not merely by fear of death, but by actual suffering : The j?ien who did not die were smitten ivith tumours, and the cry of the city went tip to heave?]'] cf. Ex. 2-^. 6. c^^fl>'3] The word D^^ay occurs only in this passage and in Dt. aS"'^", though the singular occurs as a proper name hay. The root seems to mean io swell, and so the word would appropriately be used of any tumour or boil. In later Ilel^rew it seems to have been applied only to ha.Mnorrhoids, and to V. 6-12 41 have become a vulgar word. No other reason can be given for the Massoretic substitution of onn'J in the Qre, than that the latter was a more decent name for the same aflliction. The copies of (f5 show much variation Kal i^i^eaev avroTs CIS Ttts vavs^ : Kal i^i^paaav els ras uavs avrCov^. The ships seem out of place here, so that we are unable to accept this reading. ©^ has, along with the rendering just quoted : koI iirdra^ev avroi/s ei's ras ^5pas aiiTdv, which shows the earliest meaning given to DiVd", cf. 1L ei percussit in secretiori parte iiatiwn. Josephus has the same idea when he says: "they died of dysentery, a sore disease and one that brought the most painful death; before their soul could be released by an easy death they brought up their bowels eaten away and destroyed by the disease." The same interpretation of □•'^cy may have been in the mind of the author of Ps. 78^^; cf. also ©^ in its rendering of Dt. aS'-'^ eis TT]v edpau. Whether vaus in the passage before us ((S) is equivalent to ^dpa, as supposed by Schleusner, must be decided by a Greek scholar. — n-'^ornNi ini:'N~nN] is evidently superfluous, and, as it is not rendered by ®, we may safely omit it; (§ in its turn has an addition; Kal fiicrop rijs xwpas avTTJs dvecpurjaav fives' Kal eyivero cnjvxv'\t\'^, but the construction of |t) is not without analogies. — ind n^nj ryr:\r\-z i^^ mrT"— t» vnpi] is confused, and Kl. (followed by Bu.) proposes to omit mn-' -t\ It seems to me more prob- able that the words in:: nSiij ncinr: are secondary. The panic is here prema- ture. — nn'.:'M] the verb is found only here. The corresponding Arabic word means to have a cracked eyelid. — 10. It has already been pointed out that the verse is possibly an intruder. — \\^\''>'\ on the site, cf. Robinson, BR^. II. 228; GAS. Geog. p. 193; Buhl, Geog. p. 187. — 12D-1] tI dweaTp^- \paT€ (3 is more animated, and perhaps original. — 11. 3U"'i] (3 points ^'•:"'.\ ForniD'nmnn (^ has only n::in:2 and is perhaps right, for a death-dealing 42 I SAMUEL panic would hardly be accurate — niD might arise from duplication of the two letters just preceding. — m^D] is abruptly introduced; we should expect 130711 or ni:3D T. (^ omits ii and connects nioj with nDinc. For the rest of the verse, also, (§ has a different reading : ws eiaijXdev ki^iotos deov 'lap. €K€i. This may have arisen by the corruption of n^ ino m:iD into p-\N N3d, or the reverse may have taken place. But the sense is complete at nv^ without either of the additions. — 12. This verse joins very well on to the preceding in the shorter form that has been suggested. For v-i?:;-nS iti'X d-iwUNHi : /cat oi ^Qpres Kal ovk airodavbvTts (©. — cc^'n] no'^Dtr'n 17 codd. (DeR.). VI. 1-VII. 1. The return of the Ark. — The Philistines after taking council as to the proper method, send the Ark back to its own country with a votive offering. The returning palladium is received at Beth Shemesh, but there also works disaster. It is therefore transferred to Kirjath Jearim, where it finds a resting place. The section is evidently connected with what precedes. But it is possible that we have not the complete narrative. We look for the conclusion of the account concerning Ekron (or Gath, if Ekron is not original), but instead are simply told how long the Ark was in the field of the Philistines. The actors who consult the necro- mancers here are not the Tyrants who had been called to help the Ekronites, but the people as a whole. While therefore we con- cede the coherence of the narrative in its general features, we must admit that these differences point to its composite nature. With them coincides the change from the hand of God 5^^, to the Ark of Yahweh, 6\ 1. The Ark of Yahweh was in the field of the Philistines'] David dwelt in the field of the Philistines while in possession of Ziklag 2 f- ^\ so that we cannot here claim the field as the open country in distinction from the cities, cf. Jd. 5"^. At the end of the verse (3 adds : and their land swaj'ined with mice, which is adopted by Bu. as a part of the text. Reasons against this have been given above. — 2. The Philistines seek advice from the priests and the diviners] who, as conversant with divine things, would know how to placate the offended deity. The diviners are elsewhere coupled with the soothsayers or the prophets. Is. 3^ Jer. 27^ 29^. Balaam is called a diviner Jos. 13--. Micah speaks of the priests as giving an oracle, and the prophets as divining (3'0- I" Arabic also the VI. 1-5 43 kahili (the same word is in Hebrew the priest) is a diviner. Tell us tvith what we shall send it to its place'] the demand shows that they expect to offer a present of some kind. — 3. The reply em- phasizes the need of the trespass offering: If ye are sending the Ark azvay\ the participle treats the future action as already begun in the intention of the actors, cf. Jer. 31'*, Is. 65^^ You must not send it away empty'] the phrase is elsewhere used of sending one away with empty hands, Job 22'^ Gen. 31'*- Dt. i5^'l What is meant is at once explained : for you shall surely repay him a repa- ration'] the verb is used of giving back or taking back what has been wrongfully taken away, Gen. 14^*^ 20'' 2 S. 9'. The transi- tion is easy to the requiting of a wrong either by punishment, Jd. 9'', or by reparation, Ex. 21^^^ The endeavour of the Philistines is to recompense Yahweh for the wrong done him. The remainder of the verse as it stands in J^ says : then you shall be healed and it shall be known to you why his hand does not tujii froin you] which must be interpreted as meaning that the hand of Yahweh would be heavy upon them so long as they refused this acknowledgment. But the text may not be sound. To the question as to the nature of the required present the answer is : the number of the Tyrants of the Philistines^ five golden tumours, for one plague was upon you and your Tyrants] the bearing of this upon the question of the mice which are here introduced (as golden mice) by |^ has already been noted. It should be remarked that Budde, who is large- hearted enough to admit the mice in v.\ finds it impossible to retain them here. In fact, they and the tumours cannot both have been original in this place. They are, besides, lacking in (g. The ingenious hypothesis of Hitzig should be noticed : that the mice were symbols of the pestilence, so that the votive offerings were five golden mice simply, and the misunderstanding of this led to the confusion in the text. Wellhausen came to the same conclusion independently of Hitzig. There seems to be no Hebrew analogy to strengthen this supposition, and it seems pretty certain that if the earliest author of this account had known of the a'ssumed symbolism he would have indicated it in some way. 5. And you shall [thus] give glory to the God of Israel] recog- nizing his power as God, Jer. 13'^. Perchance he will lighten his hand] which had been heavy upon them. The first half of the verse, which duplicates the preceding verse, is best omitted. — 44 I SAMUEL 6. The priests exhort the Philistines not to be obstinate in their opposition to Yahweh, putting their exhortation in the form of rhetorical questions : W/iy will you harden your hearts^ after the manner of the Egyptians, who furnish a frightful example : Ht. make your hearts heavy. The same verb is used Ex. 8^^''*^ 9'^^ (J). Was it not after he made sport of them that they let them go ?'] the subject of the first verb is Yahweh, cf. Ex. 10- (J). — 7. Instruc- tions as to the proper way of sending the Ark back to its people. A new cart should be made, for one that had been used would have been already profaned. The animals to draw the cart were to be tiuo milch coivs upon which the yoke had not cotne'] they were to be unbroken, for the same reason that the cart must be new. Th. calls attention to the fact that the red heifer must be one that had never been yoked, Num. 19-, and cites from Ovid: nullum passa jugum. In order to test the will of Yahweh the cows were to be yoked to the cart, but you shall leave their calves behind them in the house'] so that the natural inclination of the mothers would keep them from going away. — 8. They are to place the Ark on the cart : and the golden objects which you shall have 7'epaid him as a reparation] the construction shows that the matter, being determined upon, is certain to be done — you shall place in a box at its side] the word translated box occurs only in this account. — 9. The behaviour of the cattle would show whether Yahweh wished to return to his own land : If it goes on the way to its own border^ to Beth Shemesh, then he has done us this great harm] the identification of Yahweh and the Ark is com- plete and we might equally well translate : If he goes on his way to his own border, etc. But if not, then we shall know that it was not his hand that smote us — // was an accident that came to us] the way is left open in case the behaviour of the Ark should not be what they expect. Beth Shemesh was probably the nearest Israelite town to Ekron. It was counted to Judah, 2 K. 14^^ Jos. 15^", and lay on one of the natural roads from the Shephela to the hill country. ^ 1. After □"'linn koX e^^^eaeu i] yrj avruu fxvas ©. — 2. On the kind of divina- tion practised by the CDp we have light in Ezek. 21^6. Cf. also Stade, G FI. I. p. 505; Wellhausen, Skizzen, III. p. 126 f.; Driver on Dt. iS^''. — iJ>'iin] with two syllables written defective to prevent the accumulation of vowel letters. — VI. 6-9 45 np5] on the pointing Ges-'\ § 102,^. — 3. d^hS^tj] we should add Q.nx with 7 MSS. (5% (L^r.). — DZ's] the meaning of the word seems sufficiently evident from the examples given above. We may add Gen. 26!'^, where Abimelech says that Isaac had nearly brought upon him a fine. In the legal system the trespass-offering is an endeavour to compensate Yahweh for infringement of his rights, cf. BDB. s. v. zyu. — iNiD-in] as the priests were not yet certain that Yahweh was the sender of the plague (cf. vs.'-*) the assurance seems premature that they should be healed. One is tempted to read iNin or un^r. For co*? ;'iiji, (5 renders /cat e^tXacr^^o-erai \Jix7:v and then reads the rest as a question : zu/iy should not his hand turn front, you? This is favoured by the tense of the verb. But the probability does not seem sufficient to establish the reading of (g rather than |^. — 4. an? iS3>'] nnr nn^;' nii'cni which is added by |1}, is lacking in (15 and therefore suspicious. — 2'?3'?] some MvSS. ddVd"^ : (SS represent simply DJ"?. — 5. The half verse (down to I'tNn) duplicates the preceding verse and is therefore superfluous. The sense is perfectly good without it, and part of it is lacking in (!5. We. regards it as a gloss. — *?N-(^>i mVn^] ry Kfptcp (f5 may be original, having been changed so as not to have the most sacred name in the mouth of the uncircumcised. — 6. ^'r;;."!.-!] the verb in this stem seems to mean he amused himself with another, or at the expense of aiiother. Saul fears that the Philistines will amuse themselves by torturing him, 31^, cf. Jer. 38^'^. The anthropomorphism need cause no surprise in view of such a passage as Ps. 2^. — 7. V.^;; inp] does not seem to occur elsewhere without designation of the mate- rial. — n'^j^'] as the vehicle had two wheels, the word is properly rendered cart. The word is used Gen. 45^^, where it designates the ' wagon' used for the trans- port of persons, and Num. 7^, whPre it designates the vehicle on which the vari- ous parts of the Tabernacle (though not the most sacred) are to be carried. It recurs in the account of the transfer of the Ark to Jerusalem in the time of David. According to Erman (^Life in Ancie^it Egypt, p. 491) the word was adopted in Egyptian as the name of the baggage wagon (or cart) drawn by oxen, in distinction from the chariot drawn by horses. — m'?;?] is the participle of 'riy to give suck, cf. Is. 40^1. — idn] the verb is used of harnessing to the chariot. Gen. 46"^^ 2 K. 9-1. — p is used of the young of animals. Job 39* and elsewhere. — nno] the house of the family is also the home of the cattle. — 8. '^n] is so evidently a mistake for '?x that we wonder at any one's making it. The inter- change is frequent in precisely those books which have a badly transmitted text, so that it is to be attributed to careless scribes rather than to the authors. It is in fact difficult to believe that the two words could be confused, so long as Hebrew was a living language. Cf. BDB. s. v., note 2. — ^'?3] is a word of very wide meaning; implements, instruments, vessels, ornaments are all included under it. — or2'.:'n] the perfect indicates that in intention' they have already given the recompense. — tj-inj] pointed with the article, which, however, may mean no more than the box which was necessary for the purpose. On the other hand, the punctuators may have supposed the tj"(N a necessary part of every cart. The word is generally taken to mean box or chest, though some suppose a bag intended. Bochart makes it a Philistine word, I/ierozoicon, 11. 36, The versions 46 I SAMUEL evidently have no more light than we, (^^ iv O^fxari ^epex^dv, where the last word is probably an attempt to transfer the Hebrew word, ip de/xaxL being the translation, de/ma represents no-\;'r, in Lev. 24^ and elsewhere, and something might be said in favour of setting the votive offerings in a rozv by the side of the Ark. But the evidence is not sufficient to assure us of a variant reading here. S NDuna evidently has the root tj-\ in mind and makes the sense put thetn in reverence by its side, for which some might argue. But if the author wished to give a warning of this kind he would connect it with the handling of the Ark, not with the votive offerings alone. It should be noted that the word tjjin occurs in vs.ii- 1^ both of which are late insertions into the narrative. — nsr] the Torah roll was also to be put by the side of the Ark, Dt. 31-'^. — 9. iSnj "T»i] in the direction of his oiun territory, cf. Ex. 13I' Num. 21^3 i S. 13^^. On the site of Beth Shemesh, the modern Ain Shenis, cf. GAS. Geog. p. 219, Lagarde, OS. p. 237; Rob. BK-^. II. p. 233 ff. 10. The advice adopted ; the cart is made and the kine are yoked. — 11. And they placed the Ark of Yahweh on the cart\ the rest of the verse seems to be a late insertion. The variations in the text of ^ show that different attempts were made to con- form its text to J^. The interest of the original narrator is in the behaviour of the cattle, and he passes over the subordinate mat- ters.— 12. And the kine took a straight course on the Beth She- mesh road ; in the highway they went, lowing as they we?it, and did not turn to the right hand or the le/t~\ the apparent redun- dancy is due to the author's desire to make the miracle plain. The lowing of the kine shows their natural desire to return to their calves. The Tyrants followed as far as the Beth Shemesh line. — 13. At this time the people of Beth Shemesh were engaged in harvestiiig the wheat in the valley up which the Ark came. At such times the whole village goes forth to the field. They lifted up their eyes and saw^ a form of detailed description common in Hebrew. And came rejoicing to meet it^ should be read with (3. — 14. The Ark came to the field of Joshua the Beth- shemshite and stood still~\ this is an important item, as the stop- ping indicated the will of Yahweh as to his abiding place. For the next clause we should probably read : a7id they set there a great stone'] as an altar, and they split the wood of the cart and offered the kine as a buiiit- offering to Yahweh] an appropriate welcome. Araunah also offers the implements of the oxen for wood, and the oxen themselves as sacrifices, 2 S. 24". — 15. The VI. io-i8 47 verse is superfluous, ^" joins directly to '^ The Ark has already been lifted from the cart — this we know because the cart has been burnt. The burnt offering has been offered. The only reason for the verse is found in the mention of the Levites. A late editor or scribe could not reconcile the free handling of the Ark by the men of Beth Shemesh with the legal prescription, and therefore inserted the Levites. These are utterly foreign to our whole nar- rative up to this point. Yet they alone (on the later theory) were empowered to touch the sacred things, not only the Ark but the chest and its contents. Hence the insertion. It is possible also that the author did not like the great stotie, and so made it in this verse only the pedestal for the Ark. — 16. The five Tyrants having seen their object attained returned to Ekron the same day. — 17. The verse (with ^^"^^ is another late insertion, a recapit- ulation after the method of the Priestcode and the Chronicler. It is free with its gold, according to the precedent set by these writers, for it is doubtful whether the original author contem- plated golden mice for all the cities, towns, and hamlets of the Philistines. — 18. The first half should be omitted with the pre- ceding verse. The rest seems to affirm : Witness is the great stone by which they set the Ark of Yahweh ; to the present day it is in the field of Joshua the Beth-shemshite~\ other memorial stones, Gen. 31^- Jos. 24-''. 11. SvS] for h-; as so often. — Dnnn'j . . . Tjnsn nxi] the half verse is not objectionable on the ground of Hebrew style as is shown by Dr., Notes. But comparison of the copies of @ shows so many variations, in the words and in their arrangement, that we must suppose the original (§ to have been supple- mented in various ways to bring it into harmony with |§. onnn'J in the text is also an indication of interpolation, for the original narrative has □''Vcy as the name of the plague; though some MSS. here conform to the usage elsewhere, reading aniSs;; in the A7. We. strikes out all but TJnxn dni; Bu. remands the whole to the margin. — 12. The construction is not free from difficulty. — njTi»"ii] older form of the third person feminine plural, Ges^^. §47/^'; Bottcher sees in it a dual, Lehrhnch, § 931 ^. The form is Qal with assimilation of the \ This stem, however, means to be straight or to be right, whereas to go in a straight path is expressed in Hebrew by a Piel or Hiphil, Prov. 9^^ 15^^. It does not seem violent therefore to change here to nj-\*t;'j;'i, though analogous verbs are followed by the direct object or by the infinitive with ^, cf. Ex. S"'^* 2 S. 15I*. Possibly Tn2 is an error for pm which we expect. — nnx n'^Dca] the one highway implies that various others were within reach. A nSoD is a 48 I SAMUEL road made by throwing up the earth. — y;3) ^Sn] the adverbial clause describ- ing continuous action, Gen. 8"^ 12^ Jos. 6^ 2 S. 3I6. — 13. tj'cir r\''2 is here put for the inhabitants and followed by the plural, cf. Hos. 5^, ps no i;;nn. — IN-1M Dn^jv"*"^'^" is-'"'i] the phrase occurs in the Hexateuch several times, always in JE, but in both J and E, e.g., Gen. 1310- 1* (j) 31] (assigned to J) 2 S. iS^i Jer. 3^ 132^ Is. 49I8 60* Z( passages are all in the imperative, in which the detailed expression is easily accounted for. — niN"i^] et's atrdvTTicnv avTrjs (3 points to iPNipS which should be restored, cf. Jd. 19'^ (We.). — 14. Dtt'l DC' iDym] /cat eaTrjaav eKei irap' avrfj (gB evidently renders nn;? Dtt* iT>Dy">\ It is not impossible that the original had both verbs : zV stayed and they placed there by it = ^'^'<^::p^ ^^^Dyn^ M2'; Dw', and that one verb dropped from one recension and the other from the other — or is OZ') uc an original D'2^ iD'^ti'ii which became illegible? — n^nj px] it is conjectured by Bu. that the stone was set up as a maf^ebah. But the immediate context favours an altar. The proximity of the Ark and the necessity of offering sacrifices in its honour ai'gue for an altar. Doubtless a i)ia^i;eba would be set up as soon as the dwelling of Yahweh should be arranged. A case strictly parallel does not occur. Jacob's stone was a nia^^eba according to E (Gen. 28^^-2), Init it was destined to mark a per- manent sanctuary, and the same is true of the via^(;eba in Gilead, Gen. 31*^ (E). A memorial stone was raised by Joshua, 24-^^-, and the same was done by Samuel at Ebenezer according to a late passage, I S. 7I-. Saul's altar, 14^^, is more like the account in our text than any other mention of a stone. Various heaps of stones are mentioned as memorials, but present no close resemblance, at least in the recension of the Old Testament which is in our hands. — 15. The glossatory character of the verse is pointed out by We. — ^n] 16 MSS. have S;; which alone is in place. — 17. niTj] is evidence of interpolation, as already shown. — 18. ^3S' t.m] makes no sense. The ineadow (if it were allowable to translate so) in which the Ark rested could not be one of the villages of the Philistines. For '?aN read pN, with (g, and point the other word n?i as was first suggested by We. The emendation is accepted by so valiant a defender of the traditional text as Keil. The insertion of the article before px seems to be unnecessary. 19. The verse affirms that Yahweb smote some of the people. The received text se-ems to give as a reason that they looked upon the Ark. There is, however, no other indication that this author thought it sinful to look upon the Ark. Had he thought so, he would have shown what precautions were taken by the Israelites before the battle to prevent this profonation, and would for this cause have aggravated the plague sent upon the Philistines. (S has a whole clause which has fallen out of Ji,^ and which relieves the difficulty : The sons of JeconiaJi did not rejoice with the ?nen VI. I9-VII. I 49 of Beth Shemesh lulien they looked upon the Ark of Yahweh'] by adopting this we avoid the awkward repetition of the word trans- lated and he smote, which in 5^ comes at the beginning of the verse, as well as at the beginning of the next clause : And he smote among the?n seventy men'\ the anger of Yahweh was not always easy to account for. Such an occasion for it as the indifference of the sons of Jeconiah is not stranger than some others of which we have a record. To the seventy men, the present text adds ungrammatically y^/r thousand men — doubtless a gloss. The various attempts to explain the words scarcely deserve attention. The oldest is that of the Targum, which renders seventy men of the elders and fifty thousand of the con- gregation. Kimchi represents the traditional interpretation to be seventy men, of the worth of fifty tJiousand. Kimchi's own theory is that asyndetically the expression means simply fifty thou- sand and seventy men. — 20. The people ask two questions, the first indicative of their fear — who is able to stand before Yahweh this holy God? The holiness of Yahweh is his apartness from the world. This makes it impossible to approach him except after special ceremonial preparation, and his displeasure is fatal to those who approach him without that preparation (consecration). The question of the Beth-Shemshites shows their despair of meet- ing Yahweh's requirements. They regard his presence as a con- stant source of danger to them. The second question is a prac- tical one : To whom shall he go up from us /] the verb indicates that some place in the hill country was to be chosen. — 21. The place chosen is Kirjath Jeai'im. The name evidently means City of Thickets. It is mentioned in Jos. 15^, where it is identified with Baalah ; in Jos. 15^° it is called Kirjath Baal, cf. iS^'*. Euse- bius * places it ten (or nine) miles from Jerusalem on the road to Lydda. It is not yet certainly identified with any existing site. Probably the name Kirjath Baal indicates that the town was already a sanctuary. On this account the men of Beth Shemesh chose it as the place of the Ark, and the people of Kirjath Jearim found it natural that they should have such an offer made them. — VII. 1. They therefore came and brought up the Ark, and * OS. 234, 95 and 271, 40. 50 I SAMUEL brought it to the house of Abinadab'\ of whom we know nothing further. The house was situated on the hill on which the town was built. To provide an appropriate attendant, they consecrated Eleazar his son to keep the Ark'\ nothing is said of his belonging to the priestly family or tribe. 19. Im] anticipates unpleasantly the next clause : /cat ovk rja/xeviaav oi viol 'lexoviov '3] should be cor- rected to DHi with (§. — yn f]^H a"'i':2n] the words are a late insertion, appar- ently unknown to Josephus, and recognized as a gloss by Keil. Whether they were a marginal note, intended to remind the reader of the later plague (2 S. 24) where seventy thousand fell, cannot be determined. — iSjsnii] Gen. 373-1 Ex. 33-1 (E). nSnj njD non occurs Jos. iqI'^ Jd. ii^^ (^also ascribed to E) . — 20. On the idea of holiness, cf WRSmith, Religion of the Semites, p. 135, Smend, Alttesiamentlicke Religionsgeschichte, p. 333, Duhm's Commen- tary on Isaiah, i*. — 21. On the site of Kirjath Jearim, Moore on Jd. i8i"-^, GAS. Geog. p. 226. The essay of Poels, Le Sanctuaire de Kirjath-Jearim (Louvain, 1894), is a harmonistic attempt to identify Kirjath Jearim, Gibeon, Gibeah, and Mizpah, and so to show that the law of a single sanctuary was in force in the time of Samuel. VII. 2-17. Samuel delivers the people. — During the time of the sojourn of the Ark at Kirjath Jearim, Samuel turns the atten- tion of the people to the need of repentance. At his exhortation they put away the strange gods. A great assembly is called at Mizpah, where the people openly confess their sins. The Philis- tines take occasion to invade the country, but at Samuel's prayer Yahweh interferes and throws them into confusion ; so they become an easy prey to Israel. The victory, which is commem- orated by a memorial stone, is so complete that the Philistines do not invade the country again all the days of Samuel. Samuel is established as supreme magistrate cf the people. The contradiction between the statements here made and what we know of the actual history is complete. The conquests of Saul and David are here attributed to Samuel, who occupies the position of the theocratic ruler — comparable only to Moses. The author's theory of history is like that of the Deuteronomistic editor of the Book of Judges — if possible more mechanical than his. The people are enslaved because they have worshipped VII. 1-3 51 • strange gods. No sooner do they return to Yahweh than he returns to them and dehvers them. The deUverance is accom- phshed by a miraculous intervention. No human warrior (Hke the Judges) is needed. For this reason we may assume that the section is even later than the pragmatic framework of the Book of Judges. That it is later than the preceding chapters of the life of Samuel seems evident. The call of Samuel, at any rate, is designed to establish him as a prophet rather than as judge and ruler. That this chapter was composed with a view to what pre- cedes seems, however, plain enough ; and equally plain that it was originally designed to ignore Saul altogether. In Jer. 1 5I we find Yahweh saying : " Though Moses and Samuel should stand before me, my soul would not be towards this people." Co. (^Eitil^. p. 99) argues that Jeremiah has our present account in mind and the reasoning is adopted by Bu. {RS. p. 178) and Dr. {LOT^. p. 178). The coordination of Moses and Samuel is undoubtedly striking. But Jeremiah's conception of them seems to be that they were prophets like himself — for it is his own intercession which is rejected and the rejection justified by the mention of his predecessors. The passage does not prove more than the existence of a tradi- tion of Samuel's prophetic activity. The present narrative seems to represent a more advanced stage of theocratic theory. 2. The intention of the verse is evidently to say that from the time of the Ark's return the people received a new impulse. Unfortunately the main verb is obscure and probably corrupt. We should probably read : From the day the Ark dwelt at Kirjath Jeariin all the house of Israel turiied after Yahwe/i] the inserted clause : the days were many and became twenty years is probably secondary. — 3. If ivith all your heart~\ the clause is put first for emphasis. The passages in which it occurs are comparatively late, Dt. 11^-' 13'^ Jos. 22^ I Sam. 12-^ Jer. 29^^ Joel 2^-. You are [now] returjiing to Yahweli] the expression betrays the same conception which is contained in the phrase sti-ange gods which follows, cf. Dt. 31^*^ Jer. 5^^ Jos. 24-*^. The Ashtaroth seem an afterthought here, as in some other passages. The word is the plural of the name which in the Old Testament is vocalized (probably wrongly) as Ashtoreth. The well-known goddess of the Canaanites (properly Astarte) is elsewhere associated with Baal. An Astarte of the Philistines is mentioned i Sam. 31''^. And prepare your heart 52 I SAMUEL # towards Yahweh your Go(i~\ a late formula, 2 Chr. 12^'' 20"^ 30^^ Ezr. 7^*^. And serve hint'] that is loorship Jiwi, in this sense the word is Deuteronomic. That he may deliver yoi/~\ the form of the verb indicates that this is the purpose of the preceding imper- atives.— 4. The preaching is effectual: The Sons of Israel put away the Baals'] the word is used as equivalent to the foreign gods above. — 5. Samuel announces a general assembly at Miz- paJf\ doubtless the same place afterwards occupied by Gedaliah as the capital of the country, Jer. 40. It is identified, since Rob- inson, with Neby Saniiuil, a prominent hill five miles north of Jeru- salem. The place is a sanctuary (or the sanctuary) also in Jd. 2o\ — 6. The assembly engages in pubhc expression of sorrow for sin : They drew water and poured it before Yalrweli] a rite not elsewhere mentioned. It must be symbolical of contrition. Fasting, which is the second observance mentioned, is elsewhere expressive of sorrow. We have sinned in relation to Yahweh'] Dt. i"^^ Jd. 10^". That Samuel y//^'D] cf. the similar construction 2 K. 13^1 \i"D is generally used of unrighteous gain, Ex. 18^1 Jer. 613. — 4_ s^j jg lacking in (@s, which reads &vdpes for ^:p^. — 6. i3-in jn^] Gen. 21I11- (E) i S. iS^ 2 S. ii2^- 27._s^onM] cf. Jer. 32IS 42*. — 7. For -\'£'H ^Db we should perhaps read nirxD with (g. — o] assigns a reason why Samuel should not hesitate — it was not a personal concern. — 8. Vui'>?] (g adds >':', which is adopted by most recent commentators. — ij3?>'ii] specifies the acts intended by ic;'. 10-18. The king's method. — Samuel repeated all the words of Yahweh to the people who 7uere asking of him a king'] as though he had one in his possession. — 11. This is the way of the king who shall rule over you : Your sons he will take and place in his chariots and among his horsemen, and they shall run before his chariots] the runners before the chariot continue in the East down to the present day, and their office is an honourable one. — 12. And he shall make them captains of thousands and captains of hundreds] reading with #. The author counts on very small mihtary ambition in Israel, a view which would argue for a late date. The people would also be forced to plough and reap for the king, and to make his arms and his chariot furniture. — 13. The women would not be exempt from conscription, but would be compelled to serve as perfumers] perhaps we should read as embroiderers with . Captains of fifties in p? is replaced by cap- tains of hundreds in (5, while ^ has both, and adds and captains of tens. @ seems original. — 13. nin|-nS] preparers of unguents, of which the Orientals are notoriously fond. ^ seems to translate niDp"iS, which would be equally ap- propriate.— ninrj'?] the cook is ^so the butcher. — 14. vn^yS] Graetz con- jectures {Gesch. der Juden, I. p. 164) that we should read vj3^, as the servants are spoken of in the next verse. There is, however, no external evidence for the reading. — 16. DD"'iinai] koX to. j3ou/c6Xta vixuiv ^, pointing to DDnp^^ which is undoubtedly original. The correction was made by Cappellus {Critica Sacra, p. 247). — inDNSDS ntryi] the only parallels are Lev. y*^"^ Ez. 15^, We should expect ipdxSt:^ mcyS, cf. i K. 5^° 9^3. The unusual construction led a scribe to substitute n"^';"', which was read by (g. — 17. jNi' is small cattle in dis- tinction from neat cattle (ip^). — 18. O adds at the end of the verse : Because you chose a king for yourselves. This is at least correct interpretation. 19-22. The expostulation was fruitless : The people refused to listen to the voice of Samuel and said : No ! But a king shall be over us'\ this obstinacy is parallel to their treatment of Moses. — 20. The reason here assigned for their desire is the example of foreign nations. Our king shall fudge us'\ possibly in the sense of vindicating them, or of delivering them from their enemies. But as the account begins with the miscarriage of civil justice, the author may have this still in mind. The administration of justice was always a prominent function of the king. Fighting his peo- ple's battles was also his work. This author seems to forget that Samuel had secured them peace. — 21, 22^. W' hen the report of the people's continued demand is brought to Yahweh, he con- sents to gratify them : Hearken to their voice and make a king rule over them. — 22^. The half verse is a later insertion. The original account joined 10^' directly to 8^-*, The compiler was VIII. is-ix. 2 59 obliged to dismiss the people to their homes, in order to insert the following incident taken from another source. 19. On the Dagesh in x"^ cf. Ges.-'^, § 20g, and Baer's dissertation De pri- maruni vocabulorum literaritni dagessatione prefixed to Liber Proverbiorum^ ed. Baer et Delitzsch (i88o). Some MSS. have t? in the text, while (g seems to have read n^ i'^. — 20. irJa-'i] on the force of the verb cf. Moore's note on Jd. ■^'^. — ipp::n'^c] is given by Ginsburg. Many editions and MSS. have ijnTDn'^::. For the phrase go out before tis ci. Jd. 4"^'*. — 22. rjS;;m] is the perfect vv^ith waw consecutive continuing the 'imperative. The second half of this verse, in which Samuel dismisses the people to their homes, is inserted to allow the inclusion of the following account in the narrative. The document we have just read originally made Samuel at once call an assembly at Mizpah, where a king is chosen by lot. This is recognized by most recent scholars. IX. 1-X. 16. The adventure of Saul. — Saul, the son of Kish, is sent by his father to seek the asses which have strayed. He does not find them, but comes into contact with Samuel, who anoints him (secretly) as king over Israel. After what has been said in the Introduction, it is needless to point out that we have here the beginning of a separate docu- ment,— a Hfe of Saul, — which differs in all respects from the one we have just been considering. It is the earhest and most reliable of the sources which relate the origin of the monarchy in Israel. 1-4. Introduction of Saul, and occasion of the journey. — There was a man of Gibeah of Benjamifi^ so we should probably read. The place should be mentioned at the outset. Kish is described as a man of some position in the community : a ^nighty man of valour is more than the Hebrew intends to say. — 2. He had a son named Saul in the prwie of life and goodly~\ the words do not imply that he was in his adolescence ; and the same may be said of his position in the household, it does not imply im- maturity. So long as his father lived he would be under his authority, and there is no necessary contradiction between the language used here and the later account, according to which Saul had a son already grown. The name of Saul is probably abbreviated from a longer form meaning AsJzed-ofGod. The clause at the end of this verse is probably a late insertion. — • 6o 1 SAMUEL 3. The asses belonging to Kish have strayed, and Saul is sent with one of the servants to seek them. — 4. Correcting the num- ber of the verbs by the versions, we get : They passed iJwoiigh Mi. Ephraim and crossed into the land of Shalisha and did not find theniy and they crossed into the land of Shaalim and they were not there, and they crossed into the land of Betijamin and did not find them'\ the districts of Shalisha and Shaalim are not identified. 1. ^■'^''"pr:] the fact that he was a Benjamite is related again at the end of the verse, and We.'s conjecture that we should read i^cj^ n>':3J)0 is plau- sible.— "|J''D"| tt'''N~p] is not without analogy, at least td^ v>^ is found 2 S. 2oi Est. 2^. But it is unusual to terminate a genealogy by saying son of a Benjamite. It is probable that p is the error of a scribe who expected to continue the genealogy. — S-in niDjJ the phrase seems to mean no more than a man zvell to do; cf. BDB., s.v. V^n. — 2, '1J1 iddij'c] the clause recurs in io'3, where it is entirely appropriate (at Saul's first appearance in public). Here it seems to have come in from there by a late hand (Bu.). — 3. nUHNn] the she-asses seem to have been especially prized, Job i^. — u»"'pS] cf. Dav., Syntax, § 28, R. 5. — nj] after the imperative softens the command. — nnN-fiN] is unusual, perhaps a scribal error; but a precisely similar instance is found Num. 16^^. "inN is pointed in both cases as a construct and might be regarded as made definite by this relation, Konig, Syntax, § 288 f.; cf. also Dav., Syntax, 72, R. 4. — Dn;7j is used of servants not infrequently. At the end of this verse <^^^ add : and Said arose and took one of the servants of his father and luent to seek the asses of Kish his father — one of the rather numer- ous instances of agreement of (5^ with %. — 4. The verbs which are partly singular and partly plural in p? should be all plural as in (g. For Shalisha and Shaalim the versions give a confusing variety of equivalents, but none which help us to a better text. A Baal Shalisha is mentioned in the region of Sama- ria 2 K. 4*2. Shaalim has been conjectured to be an error for Shaalabim mentioned in connection with Beth Shemesh, Jd. i^s i K. 4^. It seems easier to combine with the S>n'^ in^' of I3^^' 5. The verse indicates that they had planned further search when Saul suddenly proposes to abandon the effort : They had come into the land of ZupJi] a part of Benjamin — luhen Saul said . . . : Let Its j-etitrn, lest my father cease thinking of the asses and be anxious about us'\ the verb means to have fears, Jer. 1 7® 38^^ 42^*^' Is. 57". — 6. The servant has a different idea: There is a man of God in this city ; and the man is honoured, all that he says surely comes true'\ the title man of God is frequent in the account of Elijah and Elisha. The commendation of the seer is IX. 3-IO 6l to induce Saul to apply to him for an indication : Perchance he may tell us the way on which we came oiit~\ tlie journey is not yet complete, and we may yet be rightly directed. What they want is guidance in order to complete the mission on which they have started. — 7. Saul objects that to approach a great man a present is necessary, and this is not at hand : And suppose we go, what shall 7ve hring the man ? The question is raised which confronts them if they agree to carry out the plan of the servant. The dread is gone from our sacks'] this would suffice if there were any, cf. lo'*. The rest of the verse is obscure. — 8. The servant relieves the difficulty. He has a quarter of a shekel of money'] a small coin containing about sixty grains of silver, but proportion- ately much more valuable then than now. And ihou shall give it to the man of God] a slight change of the text is necessary, as Saul must be the giver. — 9. The verse tells us that the prophet of to-day was formerly called a seer. It interrupts the connexion here, however, and seems to be a marginal note which has crept into the text. — 10. The objection being met, Saul consents: And they went to city wJiere the man of God was] the city is intended by the editor to be Ramah. The original account, how- ever, may have named another place. 5, f|ii'] cf. i^. % connects it fancifully with nai* and translates : the land in which was the prophet. — 6. Nj-njn] cf. Gen. 12II I K. 221^; the phrase invites favourable consideration of the proposition which follows. — For the imperfects of repeated experience cf. Dav., Syntax, § 44 a, Dr., Tenses^, § 33 a. — 7. njm] the case at first sight seems to be one where we should expect jn if. But cf. BDB. sich voce. — nnv^»n] occurs only here; the versions are at a loss, and the word is possibly corrupt. Cappellus (^Notae Criticae, p. 435) supposes (§ to have read nnvST."^. We expect and 2ue have nothing else to bring. But this cannot be got out of the text. — uns nn] also is abrupt and awkward (some Hebrew editions have nni). I therefore suspect corrup- tion too deep-seated to be healed. — 8. innji] (S seems to have read ppji, but it is better to correct to innji (Kl.), which will more readily account for the corruption, — 9, In v.'' Samuel has been called Q^nSx tr^N, on which see the note to 2^^. The verse now before us calls him a Seer (nxi), a word used twice by Isaiah (28'' jOi*^), elsewhere only in this passage and in Chronicles (i Chr. 922 2628 2929, dependent on the account before us, and 2 Chr. i6''-^'^ where it is applied to Hanani). The rarity of the word led a scribe to insert this verse as an explanation, which, however, has fallen into the wrong place; it belongs after v.ii. The conception of the prophet (noj) which it betrays 62 I SAMUEL is that of a clairvoyant to whom one may come for the discovery of lost arti- cles. On the bearing of the gloss on questions of criticism cf. Briggs, Higher Criticism of the Hexateiuh'^, p. 150, — D^js"?] occurs Dt. 2^0. — N-ipi] the tense indicates what was customary in the past. 11. As they ivere going up the ascent of the eity'] cf. 2 S. 15^'^, they met maidens coming out to dj'aw water] the usual duty of the young women of the village, as we see from the case of Rebecca Gen. 24^^^- One well or spring supplied the whole village. — 12. To the inquiry of Saul whether the Seer is here, they answer : He is / Behold he is before you. Just now he came, to the city. The rest of the verse explains the situation more distinctly : For the people have a sacrifice today on the Bamah~\ at this period of Israel's history each town had its sanctuary on a hill in the vicin- ity. Hence the name high-place. This one had a building for the accommodation of the worshippers. — 13. As soon as you come to the city you shall find him, before he goes up to the Bamah to eat] the sacrifice is a feast — "the essential rite was eating the flesh of the victim at a feast in which the god of the clan shared by receiving the blood and fat pieces " (BDB). The importance of Samuel is such that the people will not eat until he comes, for he is to bless the sacrifice] it should be noted, however, that blessing the sacrifice is not a priestly function, and there is no ritual neces- sity for Samuel's presence. — 14. The two strangers follow the advice ; but as they come into the city gate Samuel comes out towards them on his way to the Bamah. — 15. The verse is a digression, showing how Samuel had been prepared for the inter- view : Yahweh had told Samuel] lit., had uncovej-ed his ear, cf. 2oi2f. 228I'' 2 S. 7-'. — 16. About this time to-morrow] Ex. 9^^ (J) I K. 19- 20*^. Thou shall anoiiit him prince over my people Israel] the word translated prince (TJ:) is not used in Hexateuch or Judges, but is found several times in Samuel and Kings, i S. 10^ 13^"^ 25^ 2 S. 5- 6-^ 7^ I K. 1^^, etc. It is also found in Chronicles, which is probably influenced by the earlier books, and in some other late passages. The passages in Samuel seem to belong to the same stream of narrative, except 2 S. 7^. And he shall save my people from the hand of the Philistines] the sentence is a direct contradiction of 7"*^-. For I have seen the affliction of my people] the text of (^. The evident view of the author is that IX. II-2I 63 the king is a gift of God, and not that there is sin in asking such a gift : For tlieir cry is come to ine\ Ex. 3''. We may note that anointing is a rite of consecration for things, as Jacob's mat;- ^ebah, Gen. 31^^ (E), the Tabernacle, Ex. 40'' (P), as well as per- sons, I K. 19^*^ (prophets). There is no reason to suppose the significance any different in the case of kings. — 17. When Sam- uel saw Saul Yahweh answered hiui'] that is, the question raised in his mind : Behold the man of whom I said to thee : He shall rule over my people. — 18, 19. Saul questions Samuel: Where is the house of the Seer? Samuel replies to the intent of the question rather than its form : / am the Seer : go before me to the BamaJf^ he politely gives Saul precedence. In the morning I will dismiss thee~\ the guest goes away with the permission of his host. All that is in thine heart~\ implies that Saul had more questions to ask than those about the asses ; moreover, this one is answered at once, without waiting for the morrow. — 20. Saul's mind is set at rest concerning the asses that strayed noiu three days ago'] and more important matters are hinted at : To whom belong the de- sirable things of Israel? Is it not to thee and to thy father's house? The meaning cannot be called certain. But it does not seem out of place that Saul's ambition should be raised to the office within his reach. — 21. Saul's answer shows becoming modesty: Ami not a Benfamite, of the least of the tribes of Israel, and is not my clan the least of all the clans of the tribe of Benjamin ? The asser- tion (put in the form of a question) must not be taken too lite- rally. Saul's father, as we have already seen, was a man of stand- ing in the community. 11. xi'h^ nnn] the circumstantial clause, Dav., Syntax § 141. In some cases the clause is followed by njm, which is read by (§^ here. — nrj] hi this place as Ex. 24i*(E). — 12. nn:D "i^js^] why they should hasten is not clear. As pointed out by Lagarde {Anm. zur Griechischen Uebersetz d. Pro- verbien, p. iii) (g read □D-'Js'^, which he supposed to imply that nnn was made up of the final letter of od^jd'^ and the first two of ns-in. This last word, how- ever, is not represented in (5, and it seems better to read Nin aD-ijaS (Bu.). — Dvn ^3] better z^-\>r\^, with © (We.) cf. Gen. 25^1 i Sam. 2^^. — 13. p-nnx] some MSS. and edd. prefix i. — •::i\>T\-:^'] the form we have restored above. On the repetition of the accusative cf. Dr., Tenses'^, § 197. 6. Of the examples cited, 2 K. 927 seems the only exact parallel. — 14. Ni;> . . . d^n^] the partici- ples indicate the How of events — they wqx& Just coining into the city gate 64 I SAMUEL when Samuel met them. "T*;?:! -[ina was conjecturally emended to i>'ti'n ^m^ by Th., and the emendation is adopted by most moderns, being confirmed by v.^^. Tiie received text makes no difficulty, as the village was probably small and compact and the two men would soon reach the centre of it. But as it is necessary to read alike in the two verses it seems better to restore n>»S'n here than -(^;'n in v.i*^ (Kl.). — 15. n^j] with pluperfect force. Dr., Tenses^, § 76, Obs.; Dav., Syntax, § 39 c. — 16. •'n>*~nN \n^N-i] (g^T read "'CV "'J>"nN \-t'N-i, which is evidently original, cf. Ex. 3" (E) 2 K. 14-6. On the meaning of the verb nrs cf. an article by Meinel, ZA TIV. XVIII. p. i ff. — 17. v-^^^jn t>:'n] con- cerning zukom I said ; a similar expression in v,-3 Gen. 3^" Jd. 7*. — "i":>7"'] the verb nowhere else has the meaning to rule. It means to shut tip (the heav- ens) Dt. 11^", to restrain (an animal) 2 K, ^^,to check (one's words) Job 4-. But such a meaning seems inappropriate here, and we must suspect the text. Kl. proposes 'sz'^ on the ground of a.p^iL (15-'^^ : Kardp^eL (3^, cf. Jd. g-^ Is. 32^ — 18. '^Ni:;'j'~riN] the verb is generally found with Vn, — unless Num. 4}^ be an exception, — and this preposition should probably be restored here. — nr^nl seems to imply that the object sought is in the immediate vicinity, cf. I K. 13^-. — 19. (3 has I a;n he instead of / a/u the Seer. — st^dsm] the pre- ceding verb is in the singular, addressed to Saul alone, so that we should restore nSjNi here. — 20. D''n;\"t] We. and Bu. omit the article. But as the prophet has in mind the particular three days which have just elapsed, the article seems in place. Cf. Lev. 25^1 : it shall produce a crop sufficient for the three years — □"'jrn i:'^!:''? — where we must understand the three years you have in mind, for they have not been described. — 20. Vd] is omitted both times by (5. — m:cn] the two possible translations are represented in the desire of Israel (AV.) and [all] that is desirable in Israel (RV.). The latter is favoured by (& and adopted by Kl., Dr., Ki., and by the analogy of Hag, 2", where, however, we should read a plural (and so possibly here). — 21. ''rjp?:] occasional instances occur of an ancient construct ending in "> (Jd. 2oi-^ cited by We.) ; such a form may be represented in the second ^'dyy (instead of t33"'). "The construction with p is sometimes virtually a superlative." Dav., Syntax, § 34, R. 4. 22-25. Saul is Samuers guest. — The ?-oom into which they are brought is apparently a hall built for the express use of wor- sliippers at the Bamah, in their sacrificial feasts. Saul and his servant are given the place of honour at the head of the guests. The simplicity of manners is indicated by the equal treatment of Saul and his servant. There were present about thirty men, probably the heads of families or the freemen of the village. — 23. Saul's coming had been anticipated, as we see by Samuel's command to the cook : Bring the poiiiou which I gave to thee, concerning which I said to thee : Set it by thee'] in Arabia also it IX. 22-25 65 was customary to set aside a choice portion for an honoured guest.* — 24. In obedience to the command the cook lifted the leg and the nnnp'] the choice part of the sacrifice, and the one still regarded as the portion of honour by the fellahin. The rest of the verse is obscure and apparently corrupt. It says : Behold what is left'] but it is almost certain that the guests had not begun the meal until Samuel appeared. And the clause : For it was kept for thee to the time appointed, saying, the people I have called']^ is nonsense. With due reserve I propose below an emendation which gives the sense: Behold, the meal is served! Eat I For to the appointed time we have waited for thee to eat with the guests^ if this, or something like it, were the original reading, we see that Samuel had directed the villagers to wait for his coming, which was of course politeness to his guest. — 25. After the feast, they came from the Bamah to the city, and they sp7-ead a bed for Saul on the roof, and he lay down~\ the text of the last clause J^ is here also uninteUigible (in this context), and must be corrected by (!l. For sleeping on the roof, we have abundant examples in modern Oriental life, though no other Old Testament example has come under my observation. The verse-division should include the first word of the following verse with this. 22. nnDtyS] the r\y<:^^ is a chamber in a palace, Jer. 36i"2, qj. j^ the temple, Jer. 35^''*; one was also in use at Shiloh according to i Sam. i^^ (g — D"'Nnpn] those invited, the guests. — □•'i:''^::'^] oxxel e^do/x-i^KovTa ©. The larger number is the less likely to be original. — 23. nnj'^] cf. S^^. — n:::n'] i*. — ^miON "itt'N] as in v.i". — 24. mS^'n] the intention is to read the preposition "•S^; with the article and pronominal suffix. No other instance of such a con- struction has been pointed out (Dr., Notes') ; and if the construction were allow- able, it would not be appropriate here, for \i\VT\ is, of course, the leg 7vith the flesh upon it. The slight change into n'^Sxri seems first to have been proposed by Geiger, Urschrift, p. 380, and has everything to commend it. The reading is apparently suspected by the Talmud, for the Gemara asks (Aboda Zara, 25^) : What was it that was upon the leg? to which Rabbi Johanan answers, it was the leg and the rump. Other passages from Talmud and Midrash are cited by Dr. The parallel in the custom of the fellahin of to-day is noticed by Nestle, Majginalien und Materalien, p. 13. If 7\'h^T\ was the original reading, as accepted by We., Bu., Dr., Brown (Lexicon), we can see a reason for the mutilation of the word, for the n">SN was to be burned * Wellh., Skizzen, III. p. 114. 66 I SAMUEL upon the altar. The editors supposed it impossible for Samuel to be ignorant of this " Mosaic " ordinance. Kl. proposes n-^h^n, which seems to have no superiority to the reading just considered. The difficulty of the rest of the verse is admitted. The people do not ordinarily eat until Samuel comes, much less would they proceed without him when he had made preparations for a guest; iN^jn therefore cannot be right. — >nN-i|"> D;;n n^oxS] seems absolutely unintelligible in the context. For TNip . . . n^noS '•d (& gives 5tl els /xapTvpiov ridecTal aoL irapa Toiis dWovs ' dtroKLv'^e ((§'- has Trapar^deiKd croi irapa tov 'KaoO). This is better than |^, but, as pointed out by Dr., fip, which we should assume as the original of diroKvi^e (so Ew. and We.), is not used in biblical Hebrew in the sense of taking food; and after Saul has been exhorted to eat, it is superfluous to add /a// ^o. The conjectures of the commentators scarcely call for attention, except that of Bu., who restores at the end -]h ncB' D"iN"\pn Dy Sdn'^. More radical treatment seems to be necessary. What we expect is a polite invitation to Saul as the guest of honour to begin the meal, because the guests were waiting his lead. First, then, it seems necessary to read -MiZ'n for nNtt'jn, -\n'^ being flesh prepared for the table, Ex. 21I0 Ps. yS'^o. Samuel says : Behold the meat is set before thee, as we should say, the meal is served. For I'p'niDtt' I would substitute l^ inns, we have zuaited for thee, in which case n;;iD would be the time to which Samuel and the other guests had agreed to wait for the expected stranger. — [>r\ □;; '?dxS I adopt from Bu. in place of the useless TiNip a3;n nnxS. — 25. iddc-'I :jjn-S>' Sixty-o;; idtii] is evidently out of joint, for they certainly did not rise in the morning until after Samuel called Satd, which follows; koX 8i€(rTp'D] some copies have T\'h'}i (Ginsb.). — njjn] Qi-e is doubtless correct. — an^j'^] lacking in (5, is superfluous. Probably the origi- nal text was without explicit subject (Bu. omits Snicci nih following We.). Vin is whatever is outside the house. — 27. "^^yi] gives the purpose of the X. 3-8 6g command, — "^3pi] is superfluous and is lacking in ©S. — av3] it seems un- necessary to tell him to stand ^/lis very mimtie, whereas in contrast ioi\\G pass- ing on of the servant it would be natural to tell him to stand here. We should probably emend to dSn with Kl. — X. 1. For kissing the king, Gen. 41*'^ and Ps. 2^2 might be cited, but the text in both is suspicious. — -iniJ'D-''3 nVh] the construction is apparently smooth. But as in the next verse Samuel goes on to give the signs which are to come to pass, it is evident that something is missing. @ inserts after nSh the sentence given above, and this is adopted as original by Th., We., Kl., Dr., Bu., Ki., and Ginsb. (margin). It has dropped out by homeoteleuton. — inVnj] cf. 26^^ 2 S. 14^*' 21^ Jer. 16^^. — 2. We have assumed that Samuel's home was at Ramah, though this document no- where so affirms. If the assumption be correct, Ramah can hardly be identi- fied with Er-Ravi, which is only three miles away from Gibeah. GASmith suggests Beit Rijjia on the western edge of Mt. Ephraim, while Ew. (GV/^. III. p. 31, E. Tr. III. p. 21) puts it at Ram Allah, about ten miles north of Jerusalem. The tradition which puts Rachel's tomb near Bethlehem seems to go back to Gen. 35I9 (E) 48'' (J), but must be later than Jeremiah, as shown alDove. The present text of Genesis seems to be interpolated in these two passages. — n:iSi'3] is intended to contain the name of a place — in Zelzach. But the definition is already precise enough. The name of the place from which the men were coming would be appropriate, in which case from Zelah, the burial place of Kish in a later passage 2 S. 21I*, might be conjectured. (J5 has a confused variety of readings^ one of them possibly going back to D^n'^i', leaping, which is adopted by Eiv. in grosser Eile ; an- other ((5^) seems to reproduce U'^'^rs'^ meridie IL. — JNIi] should probably be pointed as the participle (Bu.). — 3. noSm] the verb is used of the quick motion of the whirlwind, Hab. i^^, once apparently of transgressing \h& com- mandment, Is. 24^. It does not seem especially appropriate here, therefore, and the text may not be sound. — -n^n pSx] the conjecture which identi- fies this with the Palm of Deborah is due to Ew. {GVI. III. p. 31, E. Tr. III. p. 21). — ninDD] for reasons given above, the conjecture of Kl. oi^d is plau- sible and adopted by Bu., but "iSj seems more likely, cf. 9'^. — 4. DnS'T'*:'] hvQ dirapxas apTwv iQ evidently had ni3:3, probably a corruption of an original niiDD. — 5. Sn] found in the current editions is lacking in almost all MSS. (De Rossi) and omitted by Ginsb. — Oi*j] we should read ^-^'ii with @1L. The word means (i) a7i officer or prefect ; (2) a garrison of soldiers ; (3) a pillar. As Jonathan smote the one in question it seems most likely to have been a single officer stationed by the Philistines as representative of their authority. — vTii] the form is unexpected; Dr. compares 2 S. 5^* where also a divine message is given. But there the message is a command and natu- rally employs the jussive, which is inappropriate here. It seems necessary, therefore, to correct to r\^7\\. The verb ;;jd means he came suddenly upon something. — V^n] a string, but, as we use band, not necessarily a company in single file. — 'ui an^jfj*?!] the whole is a circumstantial clause. The names of the musical instruments here mentioned are translated, as nearly as may 70 I SAMUEL be, in the foregoing. An elaborate discussion is found in Weiss., Die Musi- kalischc Instriunente in d. Heiligen Schr. des Alten Testamentes, Graz. 1895. — 7. Bu. inserts S3 before t^vS on the ground of (g. But this does not seem necessary. — 8. That the verse does not belong to the original narrative should be evident. It flatly contradicts the preceding command to Saul, to act according to his own judgment and the leadings of Providence. It evi- dently prepares for the paragraph 138-15 vvhich also is an interruption to the flow of the narrative. The interpolation is recognized as such by We. (^Covip. 245, 248), Stade {GVI. I. p. 2ii), Co., Bu. I h^ve given reasons in the introduction for thinking the insertion not so late as is generally supposed. — Seven days shalt thou wait . . . tkeji I will tell thee~\ on the construction cf. Moore, Judges, p. 350. 9-16. The return of Saul. — The author condenses his account, dweUing only on the third of the three expected signs. Possibly the narrative was once fuller. He now says that as Saul turned to go from Samuel God gave him another understanding^ the words do not seem inappropriate here, though they do not ex- actly correspond to the place of Saul's ' conversion ' in the pre- diction, v.*'. It is psychologically quite comprehensible that the impulse should anticipate the predicted order of events. — 10. He came thence to Gibeah'\ seems to be the correct reading. The rest of the verse is sufficiently clear from v.^. — And he played the propliet in the midst of thejfi'] the verb is apparently denominative. — 11. The result in the minds of the people is: that every 07ie ivho knew him in times past and saw him raving with the proph- ets said each to his fellow : What now has come upon the son of Kish? The Hebrew sentence is awkward, and perhaps should be emended, but the general sense is clear. The question is repeated in another form : Is Saul also among the prophets'] the implication is that his former life had been of a very different kind from theirs. — 12. The first clause is perfectly plain in meaning in itself considered, but entirely unintelligible in this context : And a man from there answered and said : And 7vho is their father? As generally interpreted, the question is intended to say : the son of Kish is as much to be expected among them as any one else ; prophetic inspiration does not depend upoii parentage. But this is so patent a fact that it seems needless to call attention to it. The question luhat has happened to the son of Kish? does not mean that Saul's parentage was such that he could not be X. 9-i6 71 expected to prophesy, but that his known individual character was such that his prophesying was a surprise. On this theory the question who is thei}- fatJier is indeed pia quidem vox sed quae ipsi questioni non satisfecit (Schm.). Such an answer could hardly be composed by our author. The original reading seems to be lost. Because of this incident a proverb circulated in the form : Is Saul also among the prophets ? The Rabbinical expos- itors see in the question of v.^^ an expression of surprise that the son of so lowly a man as Kish should be found in such distin- guished company. The reverse is more likely, for Kish has been described as a well-to-do man, and it is evident from some pas- sages in the historical books that the prophets did not stand high in the estimation of the people. — 13. After a time Saul ceased prophesying and went dowji to the house~\ on the reading see the note below. — 14. Saul's uncle asks about the journey. — 15, 16. His further question as to Samuel's word only brought out the reply : Why I he told us that the asses were found. 9. n\ii] should be \im. The scribe was misled by the preceding series of verbs (Dr.), — injono] Jer. 48'^^ is the nearest parallel. — isnii] Zeph. 3^, cited by Dr., protects the verb here (contra Kl.). — n^] our word heat-t hardly expresses the idea, which is that his mind was illuminated, cf, BDB, s.v. — 10. D-^' ivS^-'i] KoX epxerat cKetdev (^. As the servant has been lost sight of for some time (5 seems to be correct. But if we adopt Dtrc it seems clear that something has dropped out. — 11. ijjhvSd \"T'i] the nearest parallel seems to be 2 S. 2^^ where we have n^.tSd inii followed by n^^pn in the apodosis. But the point is here not that all who knew him saw him, but that all who knew him and saw him asked the question. It seems better and more vigorous therefore to make ^dnm begin the apodosis and omit ayn with ?L, For the construction cf. Nu. 21^, where however the other tense is used. — n?-nc] on the form of the question BDB. s.v. nr, — 12. or?:] seems to have been read DHD by @. — dhon] TraTTjp avrov (3& I seems to give no help. K interprets : and who is their master ? — which seems as irrelevant as the ordinary transla- tion.— 13. nc^n] As Saul met the prophets coming from the Bamah he would probably not go on thither but to his home. We. therefore conjectures ■r,7y^i-r\. There he would meet his uncle who appears in the next verse. — 14. The uncle on the father's side would have almost a father's claim. — 16. l"ijn njn] the adverbial infinitive strengthens the verb : he told us, sure ! The second half of the verse is relegated to the margin by Bu. perhaps cor- rectly. It really adds nothing to the sense. — 'Ctt' -i?:n t^'n] is lacking in (g^. On the meaning of noj. — The word is obscure and we can do little more than note the bounds of our ignorance. The word does not seem to be 72 SAMUFX Hebrew in its origin, as the verb exists only in the denominative forms. It is however a good Semitic form, like n-'Sp a harvester, i-'piD an overseer. As these examples show, nouns of this form usually describe a person who devotes himself steadily to the particular action indicated by the root. The only clue to the root meaning of N3J is in Arabic where it means : (i) //^ tittered a low voice or sound, (2) he was elevated, (3) he went froin a land to another land. Hoffmann (^ZATW. IH. p. 87) explains (2) to be he rose into vietu, he comes from another region, where we cannot see him, into our own. He therefore supposes the noj to be one ivho rises [is roused] froj?i his sluggishness tinder the injluetice of a divine inspiration. This seems rather forced, however, and as the organs of supernatural communication notoriously chirp, or mutter, or give forth a murmuring sound, it seems most likely that the nahi was originally the mutterer. Later we find Saul x:d^"i?2 under the influence of an evil spirit, where the utterance of inarticulate sounds would probably be one of the phenomena. The prophet is elsewhere called insane — jjj'^'C — where also the utterance of incoherent sounds is probably one of the symptoms, 2 K. 9^^ Jer. 29^6. The account of the nebiim in the text reminds us strongly of the priests of the Syrian goddess described by Lucian. The ' prophets ' of Baal, also, rave about the altar, i K. i8"^^. 17-27. The public choice and anointing of Saul. — Samuel calls the people to Mizpah and by the sacred lot selects a king. The lot falls upon Saul who is found after some search and anointed. He is received by some with enthusiasm while others are indifferent. The account continues 8"'' directly. Having expostulated with the representatives of the people at Ramah, Samuel is finally directed to yield to their desires. He therefore (in this para- graph) calls an assembly of the whole people to the sanctuary at Mizpah. If the whole intervening story is left out, the narrative is without a break. The style is homogeneous ; Mizpah is the place of assembly here and in 7 ; the author here, as in 8, ex- presses the idea that the monarchy is a rejection of Yahweh. Our paragraph seems to be homogeneous down to -■'^. After this, we may suspect that the dismission of the people to their homes is intended to prepare the way for 11 — the original continuation of -^^ being 12I. I find no reason for suspecting i^-Wa^ ^f.\\^^ Cornill, or '^^^, with Rudde. The evidences for a comparatively late date are the same here as in other parts of the same docu- ment. In accordance with his general theory Bu. derives the paragraph from E. 17. A general assembly of the people is called at Mizpah as in 7. The reason for the choice of Mizpah may be the same that X. 17-24 73 influenced the author of Jd. 20. — 18. Yahweh again reproaches the people with ingratitude : / brought you up from Egypt and delive7'ed you from the hand of Egypt, and from the hand of all the kingdoms that were oppressing you^^ the construction is unusual, and it is possible that the passage has been interpolated. — 19. Their sin is rejection of Yahweh : ivho has been your saviou?-'] the same word is used of the judge, Jd. 3^^. The author has the idea which is illustrated in the occurrence described in 7'"^^. And ye said: No! but a king shall thou place over tis'\ the reference is evidently to 8^^. In order to the fulfilment of their desire he commands them to station themselves before Yahweh (who would choose among them) : by your tribes and by your thousands'] the thousand is a subdivision of a tribe Jd. 6^^. — 20, 21. The choice is made by the sacred lot, each tribe coming by its representatives before the oracle and receiving the answer yes or no, until the proper one is found. The account is parallel to Jos. 7^^^'^ where however there are four stages instead of three. In the first stage the tribe of Be^famin is taken. This tribe was brought by its clans and the clan of the Matrite was take?i'] the name occurs nowhere else, and some have supposed an error. One of the sons of Benjamin in Gen. 46^^ is Beker, which may be the original here.* We should now insert with # : and he brought near the clan of Matri man by man'] the clause has fallen out of J^ but is necessary to the sense. Kish would represent the household now chosen. Among his sons the name of Saul finally came out, but the man himself was not to be found. — 22. To the question : Did the man come hither ?] the oracle replied : He is hidden in the baggage] out of modesty of course. Slight changes in the text of this and the following verse will be noted below. — 23. One ran and fetched him thence and as he stood among the people he was taller than all the people from his shoulder upward] a head taller, as we should say. A Lapide quotes from the Aeneid: cunctis altior ibat (of Anchises), and: toto vertice supra est (of Turnus), and similar language from Pliny concerning Trajan. Before the invention of firearms, personal strength was essential in a leader, as indeed it is still among the Arabs. t — 24. At the * Ew., G rys. III. p. 33 (E. Tr. III. p, 23). t Doughty, II. p. 27 sq. 74 I SAMUEL presentation to the people, they shout : May the king live / the usual greeting to a ruler, 2 S. 16^*' i K. i^^-^^ 2 K. 11^-. The Emir of Hayil in Central Arabia is saluted with : O, long of days ! and his subjects in speaking of him say : God give him long life ! * Whether this account originally added that Samuel anointed Saul is not certain, but this is rendered probable by the language of 15^ — 25^. Samuel 7'ecited before the people the custom of the kingdom and wrote it in a book and deposited it before Yahweh~\ it seems impossible to understand this of anything else than the custom of the king already recited in 8'"^"^^. This was threatened as the penalty of the people's choice. As they have persisted in their choice, the threat will be carried out. The document is laid up before Yahweh as a testimony, so that when they complain of tyranny they can be pointed to the fact that they have brought it upon themselves. 25'^-27. The original document seems to have joined 12^ (Sam- uel's farewell) directly to ^^ The rest of this chapter is inserted to give room for 1 1 in which Saul appears still as a private citizen. In the theory of the editor he did not assume kingly power at once, because the people did not recognize him, or at least a considerable part did not recognize him, as king. When Samuel dismissed the people there went with Saul only the brave me?i whose heart God had touched^ the phrase does not occur else- where (Jer. 4^^ is different) but the meaning is sufficiently evident. But the base 7neji] lit. sons of be Hal, Jd. 19^^, said ; How shall this fellow save us ?~\ with a touch of contempt in the form of the question. In consistency they brought him no p9'esent~\ cf. 9". There is no thought as yet of fixed taxes. The two words at the end of this verse in J,] belong to the next section. 17. ?Ti^'] the Hiphil only here, but p'^'$'\7\ is found in the meaning /ic called out the warriors, 2 S. 20^ Jd. 410- 1". — 18. mn'' icn-hd] the usual beginning of a prophetic speech as 22^. — \'Ti'?>n] of the deliverance from Egypt, usual in E but not confined to him. — D''SnSn niD'?D)3n] the disagreement in gender may be accounted for by supposing the participle to be construed ad sensm/i. But I suspect the original had only mo'^;:cn which a scribe found too sweeping and tried to correct l)y insertion. The verb \r\^ is used Jd. 21"^ 4^ al., usually Doughty, II. pp. 55, 226. X. 24-xr. ;5 in Deuteronomistic passages. — 19. orDxr:] of the people's rejection of Yah- weh 8'' Num. ii^^ cf. 14'^^ (lateL — iS] in the received text is replaced by vsS by the Qre and in a number of MSS., as well as in (SSSTIL. — nin> ■•jd'? i:ii\"in] Jos. 24I. — 20. 3-ipM] exactly as in Jos. 7I". — 21. ir'nDC'a'?A7..- rnnistt'DS Q7-e. As the next verse begins with 1 the original may have been simply mns'^'o'? ((g). After ni3an, ^^.B adds : Kal Trpocrdyovcnv ttju cpvXrju Marrapet els dvSpas, (5^ has an equivalent, but does not agree verbally. Probably a clause of this sig- nificance has dropped out of |^ — so all recent scholars suppose. — 22. i'?Ni:"'iJ Kal iir-qpibTTja-eu Sa/xoi;^X (^^ ^. Probably the original was simply '?Niyi. For the next clause cvx D'rn "w; a^n, (gs has: el epxerai 6 dvrjp evravda. This alone corresponds to the answer which follows, and we restore (with Th., al.) tr'vsn cVn n:3.-i. The baggage of an army is □••Sdh, 172^ 2^^'^^. — 23. li'^M] read the singular with (S; the unexpressed personal subject with the singular is appropriate here. — 24. Dn-'Nin] with daghesh dirimens Ges.-*^ § 22 s. — n] © reads 1'^, but 'i -in:3 is found i68-9-io 2 S. 6^1 Dt, iS^ 21^ — ayn Sdu] ev TrdcrLv vp.lv (g. The case is difficult to decide; djSdo is perhaps more likely to have been changed (under the influence of the c;*n-SD which precedes and follows) than the reverse. — un^] /cat e^j/wa-ai/ (15^; the Hebrew seems to be original. Before y;'\^y Bu. inserts by conjecture f'^c'? inn;:'::^, while Co. would apparently insert the same words at the end of the verse. It is possible, however, that this author supposed Saul not to have been anointed, and that the allusion in 15I is an interpolation. The command to Samuel in 8-- says nothing of anointing. — 26. ^"•nn] the army is out of place here; read '7\"in >:2 with © (Th., al.). — d:]S:j dvi^x ;7jj~-i;:\s] no similar phrase has been pointed out. — 27. Df] is used in contempt, 21I6 25^1 2 S. 13!^ cf. BDB. s.v. — cnnoD >n^i] the words are a corruption of two which originally opened the following paragraph. Chapter XI. The Ammonite invasion, the part taken by Saul, and the effect on his fortunes. — Nahash the Ammonite besieges Jabesh Gilead, and the people offer to submit to him. But he will put scorn upon them and upon all Israel, by putting out every man's right eye. His contempt for Israel is seen in the confi- dence with which he allows the Jabeshites to seek help from their kinsmen. The messengers come to Gibeah, where the people are moved to pity, but also to despair. Saul alone is aroused by the message, and by the Spirit of God, to heroic measures. At his peremptory summons the people march to the relief of the beleaguered city. The Ammonites are taken completely by sur- prise, and the deliverance is equally complete. In recognition of Saul's kingly qualities, the people make him king at Gilgal with religious rejoicing. 76 I SAMUEL The piece is a part of the narrative which we left at lo^^. The tone is entirely different from that of lo^""-'. The author is in ignorance of the pubHc appointment of Saul as king. The mes- sengers from Jabesh come to Gibeah, not to seek Saul, but to appeal to the people. No one thinks it necessary to send for Saul to the field. He comes home at the regular time, and then has to inquire before he is told what is the matter. More com- plete disregard of what is related as having taken place at Mizpah could not be imagined. On the other hand, the entire consonance of this chapter and 9^-10^*^ is evident, and the author seems to have foreshadowed this event when he says : do as the occasion serves^ for God is with thee (10'). The resemblance between this passage and some of the early narratives of the Book of Judges is plain. The integrity of the piece has suffered in vv. ^^"", as will be shown. 1-3. The invasion and the terms offered. — // came to pass in about a month'] the reading is that of &. — Nahash the Ammonite] he is called later, king of the Bne Amnion, The name means Serpent, cf. 2 S. i f' and Nahshon, Ex. 6^^ This Nahash lived until some time after David was settled in Jerusalem, 2 S. 10^. The Ammonites were kindred of Israel (Gen. 19^^-^), but always troublesome neighbours, cf. Moore on Jd. 1 1^ In the theory of the Israelitic writers they occupied the desert east of Gilead, Dt. 2^^^-''\ but they are represented as claiming the territory as far as the Jordan. Probably they were not scrupulous about an ancestral title, but like the Bedawin of the present day asserted themselves wherever they had the power. — And besieged Jabesh Gilead] lit. encatnped upon. But where the Bedawin encamp upon a territory they destroy it ; and while unable to undertake a formal siege, they quickly reduce a walled town to submission by depriving it of supplies, 2 K. 25^ Jabesh is mentioned Jd. 21 i S. 31" 2 S. 2*'^ 21^- and in Chronicles. It is placed by Eusebius six miles from Bella on the road to Gerasa, and is now generally identified with Ed-Dcir on the Wady Yabis, which appears to preserve the ancient name. The men of Jabesh are vv'illing to become tributaries. — Make terms with us that we may se7i}e thee] the Bedawin frequently reduce the towns of the oases to the con- XI. 1-3 77 dition here in mind, receiving a percentage of all crops. The case of Khaibar when it surrendered to Mohammed is in point. The covenant here asked is evidently imposed by the stronger party, cf. Jos. 9 ; but it naturally binds him to cease from further molestation when it has once been ratified. — 2. The reply of Nahash : On this stipulation I will make terms with you : the boring out of every man's right eye'] lit. by boring out for you every right eye. Josephus supposes the intention to be to make them unfit for war. But the Bedawy's motive is probably no deeper than the pleasure of insulting an enemy : Thereby I will put igno- miny on all Israel] the disgrace of Jabesh would be a gibe in the mouth of all Israel's enemies, cf. 1 7^". — 3. A respite of seven days is asked : That we may send messengers through all the terri- tory of Israelj and if there be none to save us we will come out to thee. At the end of the verse (!l^ adds that they sent out the messengers, but such complementary insertions are not infrequent. 1. Kat eyev-qdr] ws fxeTa /XT^va (^'^^; kuI iy^uero /xera fxrjua rifxepCou (Q^^ evidently represents a variant of :ynn::D tiii which is found in "^ at the end of the preceding verse and there supposed to mean : and he was like one holding his peace, that is, in reference to the scoffs of the crovv^d. But it is difficult to see why the author should make a comparison when it would be more natural to say directly and he held his peace. The reading of ,@ is restored in the form 'lynnnD in^i by Th. and adopted by most later scholars. The form t:'nnDD is possible, as we see from Gen. 38^* trVi'DD, but as the p is superfluous I think trnn idd more probable. On the identification of Jabesh Gilead, Eu- sebius in OS. 268; Moore, Judges, p. 446, who cites the recent authorities. — nna ij'?~mD] the usual formula, Jos. 9^^ 24^^ 2 S. 5^ 2 K. 1 1*. The term seems to have. originated in the cutting apart of a victim, cf. WRSmith, J\el. Se/n. pp. 297, 461 ; Doughty, II. p. 41 ; Valeton in ZA TIV. 12, p. 227 ff. ; and Kraetschmar, Die Bundesvorsielling im AT. (1896). — 2. nx?3] apparently the 3 of price. After u:h 13 MSS. and (5^^, add r'''\i. But the omission makes no difficulty. — DiS TipJ^] ev tc? i^opv^ai. v/j-Qv (5^^. That they should do the mutilating themselves would be a refinement of cruelty. But the Bed- awy might not so regard it. — ipj is used of the ravens picking out the eye, Prov. 30!'^; the Piel in the same sense Jd. i6'^i. — ninna'i] (Q^^ seems to omit the suffix. — Vd] omitted by (g^. — 3. ""jpT] AvSpes ©; the latter is favoured by Bu. on the ground of v.^. But the conformity is more likely to be the result of correction by a scribe than the dissimilation. — "ijS T^n] cf. 2 K. 4-''. The protasis with |"'N~cni is followed by perfect with waw consecutive as in Ex. 22^ Num. 27^. The fact that px has a participle under its government does not make the sentence different from those cited. — yifiDJ with the accusative, as in 14^9 Jd. 638. 'J^ I SAMUEL 4-7a. The reception of the message by Saul. — The mes- sengers came to GibeaJi of Said'\ the town seems to have gone by this name later, Is. lo-^. There were several other towns which bore the name Gibeah. (^ has, to Gibeah to Saul, which is contra- dicted by what follows. — The people wept alouif^ Jd. 2^ 21- i S. 30'* 2 S. 1-^. — 5. Saul was just coining after the oxen from the field^ as already noticed, the messengers made no inquiry for Saul, no care was taken to send for him, no special attention was paid to him when he came in sight, but he was left to find out the cause of the commotion by questioning the people. All this shows that it was not on account of Saul that the messengers came to Gibeah. — 6. And the Spirit of YaJnueJi] so is probably to be read with ^ and some MSS. of J^, favoured also by ST. — And his wrath became very hot'\ in Jd. 14^''^ also the Spirit of Yahweh is the efficient cause of wrath. — 7^. And he took a yoke of oxen and cut them in pieces'] the verb is used of cutting up a sacrificial victim, I K. i8-^-^^ and elsewhere; in one instance it describes the cutting up of a human body Jd. 19-^ 20''. In this latter case also the pieces are sent throughout all Israel. The threat con- veyed is : Whoever comes not forth after Saul, so shall his oxen be treated] Ewald's theory that the oxen were slain as a sacrifice is without support in the text. The clause, and after Samuel, is probably a later insertion. 5. N2] is apparently the participle. — "^p^] is the ploughing cattle, so that Saul had been tilling his field. Classic parallels for the king cultivating his own fields are given in Poole, Synopsis. — 6. nSi'Pi] the same verb in lo^. — D\"iSn] some MSS. have mn^ which is favoured also by ®, i^'DiiO A7., v;:'^'3 Qre ; the latter is more vigorous. — h^\c'V nnxi] is a redactional insertion (Co.). 7^5-11. The deliverance. — A terror from Yahiveh fell upon the people and they gathered as one man'] the terror was a terror of Yahweh in that he sent it. Its object was Saul ; the people were afraid to disobey. For they gatho-ed (H, they 7vent out is given by f^. — 8. Bczek, the place of muster, is identified with Khirbet Ibzik, " thirteen miles nortlieast from Shechem on the road down to Bethshan" (G. A. Smith, Geog. p. 336). The location is well suited to be the starting-point in this expedition, being nearly opposite Jabesh Gilead. The enormous numbers — the Bne XI. 4-II 79 Israel 300,000 and the men of JiidaJi 30,000 — are to be judged like similar data elsewhere, cf. Jd. 20'-. — 9. And he said~\ Saul is the subject (({i) : To-morrow deliverance will come to yon when the sun grows hot~\ Saul had detained the messengers until he could give a definite answer. The people of Jabesh naturally rejoiced at receiving the assurance. — 10. To keep the besiegers in false security, the men of Jabesh promise to come out to them on the next day : And you shall do to us whatever you please~\ lit. accord- ing to all that is good in your eyes, cf. 3^^ j^sc. 40 ^ g^ jq12 j^^ j^24_ — 11. The morrow began at sunset of the day on which the message was sent, so the army doubtless marched all night as Josephus says. Saul divided his troops into three columns as did Gideon, Jd. 7^*"', and Abimelech Jd. q*'. The advantage of attacking on different sides at the same time is obvious. — And they came info the midst of the camp\ the attack was not discovered until the Israelites were already in the midst of the scattered camp. The 7norni?ig watch is mentioned also Ex. 14-^ ; the night was divided into three watches, notice the middle watch, Jd. y^'-*. — And they smote Am7non until the heat of the day and there was . . .] the word is probably corrupt. What we expect is a statement that there was a great slaughter or a great panic. They scattered and the?'e were not left two together. Note. — The reason for rejecting the numbers in v.^ is that in the time of Deborah the total fighting strength was 40,000 men, Jd. 5^, and under great stress Barak was able to bring only ten thousand into the field. There is no reason to suppose that Israel had greatly increased since that time; the Philistine oppression indicates the reverse. The later account of Saul's cam- paigns makes the impression that he at no time commanded a large force. On the other hand, the ease with which numbers increase in size on paper is seen from (§ here which doubles the 300,000 of |1^, while Josephus raises it to 700,000. 7b. iX'iM] does not give a bad sense, but as © renders ip>i."M, this is restored by We., al.; the phrase -inx u'^nd is used with verbs meaning to gather, Jd. 20^ Ezra 3I Neh. 8^; nowhere with n-,-\ — 8. A Bezek is mentioned in Jd. i* where it would be supposed to be in Judah. © seems to have read in Raniah, which however was early corrupted to Bamah or Bala (I). Th'e identification of our Bezek with Khirbet Ihzik is as old as the fourteenth century, cf. Moore on Jd. i^. — 9. ncN-'i] koX elwev ©-^^ is apparently correct. — nn^] DHD Qre dxes the point of time more exactly. — 10. c'2'> ""tr'jN iidnm] © adds to Nahash the Ammonite and something of the kind seems necessary. 8o I SAMUEL But I suspect the original reading to have been only i:'njS ncN^i and that the second word was corrupted to ">w'jN. For nvjn-Soj, (3^^ gives simply t6 dyadoy, and the shorter reading is to be preferred. — 11. c^i'si] of the divisions of the army, Jd. y^^ 934.43 i g, i-^i7_ q^ the double accusative, Dav., Syntax, § 76. For Animon © gives sons of Aniinon which accords with almost uniform usage. — DnSw'jn] can be construed (cf. icP- 2 S. 2^3), but it is extremely awkward. Some relief is given by changing \n"ii to o.T'% but the corruption is probably deeper. 12-15. The installation of Saul. — The people demand Saul as king, and, going down to Gilgal, they celebrate a feast of coro- nation — except that we hear nothing of a crown. The paragraph has been worked over to fit the present com- posite narrative. Samuel probably had no place in the original document — the related section, 9^-10^^, makes him only the seer of a single town. There is no reason why he should accompany Saul to the war or why he should officiate at his public recogni- tion. But in vv.^-"^"^ we find Samuel acting as leader and recog- nized authority. There is reason to suppose, therefore, that these verses in their present shape are the redactional bonds between the two streams of narrative. Verse ^^, on the other hand, may be a fragment of the original narrative, but something must have stood between it and v.^\ 12-15. The evidences of adaptation to the present situation found in vv.^2-14 are emphasized by We. {Covip. p. 243) and Stade {GVI. I. p. 212). The three verses are regarded as an interpolation by Co. (^Einl^. p. 100), and Bu. (^RS. p. 173). Driver specifies only v.^* as redactional (^LOT^. p. 176). 12. Who is he who says : Saul shall not reign over us .?] the negative is omitted in the current Hebrew, but found in (^.S^T as well as some MSS. — 13. And Saul said^ the traces of a reading and Samuel said are of no value. Saul's magnanimity is the point of the reply. — Not a man shall be put to death'\ the verb in this form is generally used of inflicting death as a penalty. — 14. Samuel proposes to go to Gilgal and renew the kingdom there^ there is no reason to suppose that the Gilgal here men- tioned is any but the well-known sanctuary in the Jordan valley, not far from Jericho (Jos. 4^^-^ Jd. 2^). The word i-enew the king- dom is a palpable allusion to the preceding account, and therefore redactional. On the other hand, Gilgal seems to belong to the XI. I2-XIL 8 1 main stratum, for otherwise the people would have been invited again to Mizpah. — 15. They made Saul king] the verb is the same used in 8". — There he/ore Yahzueh in Gi/gal~\ the repeated mention of Gilgal seems superfluous, but is perhaps intended to bring out the importance of the occasion. — They sacrificed there sacrifices, peace ofi^eri figs'] the phrase sacrifices of peace offerings is more common. The rendering peace offerings is conventional, as the original meaning of the word is unknown. It designates the offerings in which the greater part of the flesh forms a sacrifi- cial meal. The rejoicing before Yahzveh is a prominent element in early worship. 12. 1^:31 SiNc] may possibly be a question without the interrogative particle, but of the examples cited as parallel some, at least, do not belong here. Either the n or the negative has dropped out; and as the latter has external authority (J&&W) it seems best to restore it. Kl.'s conjecture : Rather let Sheol rule over us ! may be cited as a curiosity. — 13. SiN'^'] 'Lafxov-qK (g^ jg a mere cleri- cal error. — 14. Gilgal in this passage might be supposed to be the Gilgal in Mt. Ephraim, 2 K. 2^. But elsewhere in the Books of Samuel the Gilgal in the Jordan valley is intended. So in lo^ where rnn"' is appropriate only to the lower site, cf. 13I-. The name (usually written or pointed with the article) means the circle and designated a circle of sacred stones, a cromlech, cf. Dr. on Dt. ii'^\ Moore on Jd, 2^. For the location we have Jos. ^'^■-^\ Eusebius OS. p. 243, Baedeker Pal-, p. 167. — t:nn]i] the Piel seems to occur in late passages. Kl. tries to make it mean let us inaugurate the kingdom, so avoiding reference to the earlier anointing. But this is not supported by any other passage. — 15. ■I3'?a^l] (§ reads: koX e'xptcrej' Sa/iour?X e/cei [rii/ SaoyX] els ^aaiXea. The shorter text seems original, — a^nV'^:'] maybe the offerings which show the undisturbed relations which exist between God and the wor- shipper, Stade, G VI. I. p. 496. (3 inserts ical before the word here. XII. Samuel's farewell address. — Samuel addresses the peo- ple, protesting his integrity during a long career. The people bear him witness. He then reviews Yahweh's dealings with Israel from the time of Moses, and enumerates their backslidings, the punishments which had followed, and the deliverances which came when they cried to Yahweh. In spite of this experience they had not trusted Yahweh in the recent danger from Nahash, but had demanded a king. If they and their king should fear Yahweh, it might yet be well. But if they should be rebellious, king and people would be destroyed. In evidence of the truth 82 I SAMUEL of his words he offers a miracle, and Yahvveh sends it in the shape of a thunderstorm, though the season is wheat harvest. The people are terrified, and confess that the demand for a king is another in their list of sins. Samuel encourages them that Yahweh will not reject them, but repeats his warning against defection. The contrast in thought and style between this section and the preceding is obvious, and equally obvious is its resemblance to 7, 8, and lo^^"-"*. Outside the Books of Samuel the nearest paral- lel is Jos. 24 — Joshua's farewell address. The present chapter seems to be less original than that, and is possibly framed after it as a model. The thought and language remind us of the frame- work of the Book of Judges, and there is no violence in the sup- position that this address once closed the account of the period of the Judges, as Joshua's farewell address closed the account of the conquest of Canaan. In this case the author who set forth his scheme of history in Jd. 2^^-^^, and repeated it in Jd. 10^^®, closed his book (or this section of the history of Israel) with this chapter as a retrospect. On the relation between this section and the framework of the Book of Judges, see Moore, Judges, p. xxiii. Graf's theory that this was the closing section of the pre-Deuteronomic Judges seems disproved by the style and vocabulary, as does Bu.'s (^RS. p. 182) that it belongs to E^ which he puts before 650 B.C. The question is important enough to warrant a somewhat detailed examination of the usage of the section. We should first notice that Bu. strikes out a number of clauses as Deuteronomistic expansions. But there seems to be no evidence for such a working over of the chapter as this would imply. Leaving these in the text we note the following afilinities: 1. \-;??:!y dd'^V^] frequent in D. — 2. dd^jo*? i^nnn] Gen. 48i^(E). — 3. n^a'c] frequent in Sam. and Psalms. — >np::7] Lev. 19^^ Y)t. 24^* 28-9, frequent in Ezek. and the second Isaiah. — \~is-i] in connexion with pii';; in Dt. 28^2 Am. 4I and in many confessedly late authors. — idd np"?] Num. t,^^^^- (P) Am. 51^. — 2^':';'x ••j^;] Lev. 20*. — 4. hdind] Gen. 39^3 40!^ (j) Num. 22^8 (E) Dt. 131^. — 5. nin> i;j] occurs nowhere else, but nearly parallel are those passages in which a sacred object is made witness to a declaration, as Jos. 22^" (P) Gen. 31** (JE). — 6. nty;;] of appointing men to a work, i K. 12^1 2 K. 21^ Is. 28^° Eccl. 2^. — Moses and Aaron'] usually associated in P and Chr., nowhere in the historical or prophetical books except here — Moses, Aaron, and Miriam stands by itself (Mic. 6*). — nS;?n] of the deliverance from Egypt in E, D, Hos. 12^* Jer. 16I* 23'^ al. and in redactional passages. — 7. i3X^nn] Ex. 14I3 (J) I S. ioi9. — niDsB'Ni] in this sense Jer. 2^5 Ezek. 2o35f- Joel 4^ and other late passages. — nint nipis] Jd. 5" and, with a different shade of mean- XII. 1-3 S3 ing, Mic. 6^. — 8. onxD 2pp N3] Gen. 46^ Ex. i^ (both P). — nini-Vx ipyin] a standing phrase of the Deuteronomistic redactor of Jd.; cf. i S. y^-^ 8^^. — DU^tt'M] Lev. 23'i3Ezek. 36"- 33. _ 9. '^^2 nj^M] Jd. 2^* 3842 lo^. — 10. ijN^an ^22r; ""d] Jd. lo^'^. ^r; is used of forsaking the true God, Jd. lo^*^- ^^ Dt. 28^^ 31!^ Jer. 16^1 and often in Kings. — QiSynn] Jd. 2^^, cf. 2^3 where the Ashtaroth are brought in as here. — 11. DDonx n^o] 2 K. i;^^, — 30DO ddovs] Dt. 12!'^ 2519 Jos. 23ijd. 214 83i. — n-J3 Oii'm] Dt. 12^. — 12. djdSd nm^] Is. 3322 4315. — 14. mn^-nx in-(\-i-dx] Dt. 6- ^3 lo^o Jos. 241^, — nin-' ifl-nN i-iDn] Num. 20^4 27I* (P) Dt. i26.43 923 I K. 1321- 26. — 15. UD2 r^^r^>-^> nn>m] Ex. 98 (J) Dt. 2^^ Jd. 2i5 I S. 713. — 16. □3>ry'? n-^';;] Dt. i30 434 2 9I Ex. 720(E). — 17. r^^'^p p^i] Ex. 923 (E). — SiNC''? □n"'!:'^ "la's] the infinitive with S, specifying more nearly what is meant by a preceding noun, is found Gen. iS^^ (R) Dt. 9^^ Jd. 9^*^ (E) 2 S. 13I6 I K. i6i9 Neh. 137. — 19. -i;-3 ^^srn] Gen. 20"^ (E) Dt. 920, frequent in Jer. — 20. nnsD niDn-Sx] 2 K. 18^ 2 Chr. 3433. — 21. inn] notoriously a late word, applied to false gods in Is. 4129. — i'?i;71''"nS] Is. 44^0 jer. 2^ al. — 22. mni vici'''] Jd. 6^3 Is. 2^ Jer. 12'^ Ps. 94I*. — ^^c^ ■(i^;;^] cf. Jos. 7^ Is. 48^ Ezek. 2o9- 14. 22. _ mn^ S^Nin] 2 S. 72^ and the parallel i Chr. 172? Job 69.— To make you a people for himself 1^ does not occur elsewhere in this exact wording, but the idea is frequent in Dt. — 23. T\ia inmm] Ps. 25^ 27I1 32^. — 24. The first half of the verse is nearly the same as Jos. 2414a. — IVitk all your heart] Jer. 29I3 Joel 2^2, frequent in Dt. with the addition and with all your soul. — a^cj; Snjn] Ps. 1262-3. — 25. y;-\r\ ;;nn] i Chr, 2ii'^. — ison] Gen. igi'^-i^ i s. 261° 27I Num. i626. It must be evident that the passage shows dependence on Dt. and acquaint- ance with Jer., Ezek., and possibly later writers. The identification with E2 does not therefore seem well grounded, and Graf's theory also falls to the ground. That the author is acquamted with 1 1 is seen from his allusion to Nahash. 1-5. Samuel resigns his office. — He opens his speech by stat- ing the situation : / have hearkened to your voice . . . a/id have appointed a kifig over you: Now, behold! the king is walking before you'] the king is thought of as a shepherd walking before his flock. A paraphrase is Num. 27^^^- (P). The kingless people are sheep without a shepherd. The Homeric parallel is well known. — But as for me I afii old and gray and my sons are a?nong you] already mature men who show that their father is advancing in years. Any other reason cannot be imagined for the mention of the sons here. — And I have walked befo7-e you from youth until this day] as Saul is now to do — the people walk at the heels of the leader, 25-'. — 3. A challenge as to his own fidelity : I/ere am I ! Testify against me] the phrase is generally used of a witness who testifies to a crime. The ques- 84 I SAMUEL tions which follow are, perhaps purposely, cast m rhythmical form with assonance at the end : Eth shor mi lakdhti Wa-hamor jui lakdhti We-eth mi \ishdkti Eth mi ra(;(;dthi U-miyyad mi lakdhti kdpher. The tendency of the prophets to cast their oracles in poetic form is illustrated elsewhere. The questions all refer to judicial hon- esty, which has always been rare in the East. Frequent enact- ments and exhortations in the Old Testament testify to the venality of the judges in Israel. Samuel asks : Whose ox have I taken ?. Or whose ass have I taken ? He then puts the more general questions : Whom have I opp7-essed? Whom have I maltreated ? The verbs are elsewhere joined to describe the oppression of the weak by the powerful. Or from whose hand have I taken a gift^ that I might blind my eyes with it? The different reading of (§ will be discussed below. The verb meaning blind xs^ found Lev. 20^ 2 K. 4^ Is. i^^ Ezek. 2 2-*^. That a gift blinds the clear-sighted is declared Ex. 23^, cf. Dt. 16^^. Testify against me, and I will restore it to you I Such seems the best reading. And I will answer you, which has been proposed, does not seem appropriate, and would require an additional word. — 4. The people acquit Samuel, in the words which he 'himself has used. — 5. He solemnly concludes his attestation by making Yahweh and the king witness : Yahweh is witness and his anointed is wittiess~\ the king as the anointed of Yahijueh meets us in several instances in the later history. Doubt- less the anointing has consecrated the king so that he is appropri- ately introduced in this connexion. — That ye have not found in my hand anything'\ that would be a cause of accusation. — And they said : He is witness~\ confirmatory of what Samuel has just said. The assertion is made of Yahweh only, who is the principal person. 1. ''S omcN"ia'N SdS] is superfluous, but this author is diffuse throughout. — 2. -iSnncj is lacking in 5». — ''J^'i] is somewhat emphatic — Said is now your leader, but I for my part have been your leader a long time. — 3. o u;'] Ex. 20^3 Num. 353') Dt. 19^^. Before each clause of the second couplet ® inserts the conjunction or (= 1). — n ^y^ D"'S;"xi] seems to be perfectly good XII. 3-9 85 Hebrew. (^^^ reads koI viT6SriiJ.a ; aTroKpldTjTe kut ifiov. As pointed out by Cappellus {C?-iiica Sacra, p. 265), this must represent O yy; D''S;*ji. This is adopted as original by Th., We., Dr., Ki., and has influenced Sirach (4619), as pointed out by Schleusner, Thesatirus, s.v. i/TrJSrj/xa (the reading is found in the newly discovered Hebrew fragments). A shoestring is proverbial for a thing of little worth. Gen. 142^, as it is in Arabic (Goldziher in Joui\ Assyr. VII. p. 296). But the coordination o^S;ji -i2D for a bribe even a pair of shoes seems strange. We should expect at least a>S;u dj, or o^Si^j fiNi (Kl.). For this reason it seems best to retain |^. It has been supposed that the pair of shoes in Am. 2^ is a symbol of transfer of real estate, in which case □"''?>'J1 i«33 might mean gifts of money or deeds of real estate ; and this may be the origin of the Syriac text of Sirach quoted by Dr., gift or present. After 13 •'JV we may, however, restore ''3 ir; (Bu.), the phrases being so much alike that one was easily lost; I is conflate. — 5. At the end of the verse i?:nm Kt. would be possible, but to the solemn adjuration we should expect the whole people to reply. The margin of the Massoretic edition, therefore, emends to n?:NM, which is found in the text of some editions, and is represented in ©.SIL®. 6-12. The historical retrospect. — Samuel recites the benefits received from Yahweh and the people's ingratitude in return. The beginning of the paragraph is obscure from corruption of the text. We find in J^ only Yahiveh who appointed Moses and Aaron, which is then left without predicate. Fairly satisfactory is the reading of (H : Witness is Yahweh^ though it may not be the original. — Who appointed Moses'] is the accepted transla- tion, though who wj'ought with Moses is possible, and is perhaps favoured by the following verse. — 7. And now take yottr staiid thai I may plead with you concerning all the just deeds of Yahiveh] this, the text of J^, seems to give a good sense. The expanded text of #, that I may plead ivith you and make known to you (generally adopted), seems to be secondary. The reading of 5^ is supported by Ezek. i f^. — 8. The historical sketch proper now begins, taking the sojourn in Egypt as the starting-point : Whe?i Jacob came to Egypt the Egyptians oppressed them'] the second clause has dropped out of J^, but is preserved in (§. — A?id your father's cried to Ya/nveh and Yahiveh sent Moses and Aa?'o?i to bj'ing out your fathers, and made them dwell in this place] this is to be preferred to and they made them dzvell J^, *' which is just what Moses and Aaron did not make them do" (Dr.). — 9. The deliverance was followed by ingratitude : They forgot Yahweh their. God, and he sold them into the hand of Sis era] the phrase is often S6 I SAMUEL used of God's delivering over his people into the power of their enemies. It is evidently connected with the prophetic view of Israel as Yahweh's spouse whom for her adulteries he sold into slavery. The list of oppressors here, Sisera, the Philistines, the king of Moab, does not pretend to follow the order of the Book of Judges. — 10. The repentance and confession, followed by a prayer for forgiveness, make use of the language of Jd. io^°. On the Baals and the Astartes, cf. above, f. — 11. Yahvveh had sent as deliverers Jerubbaal and Barak and Jephthah and Sa?nuel~\ Barak is adopted from (@ instead of the Bedan of J^, a name not otherwise known except in the genealogical list i Chr. y^''. As the present passage is wholly dependent on the Book of Judges, it is unlikely that it has preserved for us the name of a deliverer otherwise unknown. Rabbinical ingenuity has identified Bedan wiihjairj Jd. lo^, and Samson. The introduction of Samuel into the list occasions no surprise, for the author makes him no whit below the greatest of the judges ; and the very point of the argu- ment is that they had just rebelled against him. There is, there- fore, no reason for changing the text at this point. — And delivered you from the hand of your enemies roitnd about and you dwelt in security\ almost exactly as in Dt. 1 2^^ The point of view is pal- pably the same as that of 7". — 12. The author is so dominated by his idea that he represents the attack of Nahash as the occa- sion of the demand for a king : You saw that Nahash king of A?n?non came against you~\ Bu. thinks the words a later insertion, but they seem necessary to the sense. — And you said to me : No I but a king shall rule over us, when Yahweh your God is your king'] the point of view distinctly affirmed. 6. mn^] so isolated cannot be right : x4y(»}v /ndprus Kvpios (3 represents nin'« -i;; n:2NS which is now generally adopted. & has Yahiveh alone is God and ©^ adds b deos to icvpios. It is possible therefore that the original was D\nVNn Nin mn'> which is more appropriate to this fresh start in the speech. — PN ny';^ the verl) is unusual in the sense of appointing to a work, but the combination occurs just below of working with one. The rendering of ST: who did g}' eat things by the hand of Moses is probably only a paraphrase. — 7. mp-ii-SD hn] (5 prefixes koX airayyeXco v/uliv on the ground of which most recent editors insert qd'^ m^jNi. But the case seems to be one in which the more difficult reading should be retained. The />his is lacking in I (Cod. Goth. Leg. apud Vercellone). — 8. cnifD] (5 adds kuI eTaneiuaxrep avrovs AtyvTTTOs = xii. 9-17 ^7 Dnxo uyp^ which is probably original (Dr., al.), as the omission can be ac- counted for by homeoteleuton. On the other hand Jacob and his sons (5, instead of the simple Jacob, seems to be a scribe's expansion. — iN>i'vi] as the emphasis is laid upon Yahweh's activity all through, i^r^yayeu (S^^ ni^y be right. More attractive however is the simple change of pointing to inisvi (We.) which makes the verb subordinate to the preceding. — cu-'w'Pi] here the singular is decidedly to be preferred (We.), supported by (@S. — 9. For Hazor (^ \\.'3S Jabin king of Hazor, adopted by We., Bu. The latter is in accordance with Jd. 4'', but the other is not so entirely without analogy as We. supposes; cf. i K. 2^-. — 10. icnm KL: read ncxM Qre and versions. — nnna7,-i] to?s aAo-efriv (5 as in 73-4. — H. S;;3-\^] as Jd. S''^'-'; Deborah is read here by .S which inserts Gideon later. — pi] has given the exegetes much trouble. ^ renders it \\vr^v on the theory that it represents p p, as is given by some of the Rabbinical expositors and set forth by Pseudo-Hieronymus in his Qtiestiones {Hier. Op. Ed. Vallarsi, III. 814). Barak (5S which is read by most recent scholars (including Keil) is the most suita])le name. Ew. {GVI'^. II. p. 514, Engl. Tr. II. p. 364) revived an old conjecture mentioned by Clericus and Michaelis that Abdon is the original name (cf. Jd. 12^^). — '^NiCw'] Samson (S^'^S which is adopted by Kl., owes its place to the theory that Samuel would not put his own name here. But the writer found in Samuel the climax of the address, and there is no reason for changing the text or supposing ^xidc'Tini to be a later insertion (Bu. and apparently Dr.). — n:33] the accusative of condition, Dav. Syntax, § ']ob. — 12. odj^o DD"'n'?N ninii] the clause is lacking in i&. The view which it expresses is found also in Jd. 82-^ (cf. Moore's note) and i S. 8^ 13-18. The threat of punishment upon people and king in case they turn aside from Yahweh, and its attestation by a miracle. — 13. A7id now'] frequently marks a turn in the discourse or draws a conclusion from what precedes, Jos. 24^^-^^ Jd. 9^^ Be- hold the king zvhich you have choseii] the received text adds ivhich you asked, lacking in (H^. Even without it the verse is overfull. And behold ! Yahiveh has set over you a king\ the desire has been fulfilled. — 14. The promise in case of obedience: If you fear Yahweh . . . then you shall live~\ on the reading see the critical note. — 15. The alternative threat uses the same expressions : hearkeji to the voice, rebel against the mouth. The penalty threat- ened is : then the hand of Yahweh ivill be against you ajid your king to destroy you'] the text of f^ has and against your fathers which is absurd. — 16. In confirmation of the prophet's word the people are to see the great thing which Yahweh is about to do~\ namely, send a thunder-storm in summer. — 17. Is it not 88 I SAMUEL wheat harvest to-day ?'\ the wheat is ripe after the barley, the first of which is cut at Passover. In this season rain rarely falls in Palestine.* / will call upon Yahweh and he will send thunder and rain'] lit. voices and rain. The thunder is the voice of Yahweh, Ps. 18^"' 29''. The result will be their conviction of the great sin they had committed in asking a king. — 18. The event was as Samuel had predicted. At his prayer the voices and the rain came : and all the people feared Yahweh and Samuel. 13. cnSxc --i'J'n] omitted in (g^ but represented in (l^-^^-' with a ") prefixed, as is the case in many MSS. of pf. The words are an insertion made to counteract the impression that the people themselves had elected the king. The shorter text is noted by Capp. Notae Criticae, p. 436, and is adopted l)y most recent critics. — njni] the 1 is omitted by 9 MSS. (DeR.) and S, but the latter is free in its treatment of the conjunctions. — 14. The text of p? is usu- ally taken as *' a protasis ending with an aposiopesis" (Dr. Notes) : If ye fear Yahweh . . . and folloiv . . . after Yahzveh your God — the conclusion is left to the thought of the hearer. But the protasis is unconscionably long, and there is no such reason for the abrupt breaking off as we readily discover in Ex. 32^2 (Moses' impassioned intercession). To begin the apodosis with cnini is grammatically the correct thing to do, but it makes an identical proposition : if you fear Yahweh . . . then you will folloiv Yahweh. (^'^ feels the difficulty, for it adds at the end of the sentence koX e'leAelrat hixas, which, however, has no other authority. We. gives DPini as the reading of certain Hebr. MSS. and in one recension of ST we find pin."i>, though DeR. denies the manuscript au- thority and finds that of the version slight. As a conjecture the reading rec- ommends itself, even without any external authority. I have therefore adopted it, omitting the clause aD\i'?N nini -\^^•, which was probably added after the corruption to an\-ii had taken place (so Kl.). That the people may live vs, frequently given as the end of obedience, Dt. 4I Am. 5^'^. — 15. QDin^Nji] is evidently unsatisfactory : koX iirl rhu ISacnXea vjxwv (5^ is what we require. But (§^ is probably right in adding i^oXod^evtrai v/ulus = cdi^^nh?, for this alone could give rise to the corrupt reading. The text of <3^ is adopted by Kl., Bu. Tanchum and Kimchi make :i:i'.ni] the imperative expressing the conse- quence of the preceding verb, cf Gen. 20", Konig, Syntax, 364?. — '?iNi:''?] where we should say in ashing. This construction is not uncommon in Hebrew, cf Konig, Syntax, 402 .r. The clause which ye have done in the eyes of Yahiveh is lacking in S. — 18. ix-] is differently placed in |i? and ©, and * ferome, in his commentary on Amos ^, is cited by Clericus, but he says only that "he has never seen rain in the latter part of June or in July. XII. 17-25 89 therefore suspicious. We have had occasion to notice that such words arc of easy insertion. 19-25. The people's confession and Samuel's concluding ex- hortation. — The people, in fear of death because of this crowning sin, beseech Samuel's intercession : Pray for thy servants to Yah- weh thy God^ that Samuel stands in a special relation to Yahweh is evident from the language. — 20. He encourages them : Ye, indeed, have done this evil, only do not turn aside from folloiviiig Yahweh'] 2 Chr. 25^^ 34'^^. — 21. And do not turn aside after the nothings'] the word must be taken collectively on account of the verbs which follow : Which do not profit and do not deliver, for they are nothing] the language is that of Second Isaiah. — 22. They have reason to be hopeful : For Yalnveh will not cast aivay his people for the sake of his great name] for the verb cf. Jd. 6''^ : and noiv Yahweh has cast us off. That Yahweh will save his peo- ple for his name's sake is a comparatively late conception, Jos. 7^ (P). That his reputation will suffer if he rejects them is evident : For Yahweh has luidertakefi to make you a people for himself] on the main verb cf. Mooxt, Judges, p. 47. — 23. The prophet will do his part : For my part — far be it from me that I should sin against Yalnveh, that I should cease to pray for you] to neglect his media- torial opportunity would be to sin against both parties. — 24. The condition is that they should serve Yahweh with steadfastness : For yoic see what a gi-eat thing he has wrought in your pj-esence] not for you, as in EV. The reference is to the miracle just wit- nessed.— 25. In case of persistence in evil they and their king shall be destroyed ; the verb is used of being killed in battle i S. 26^° 27^ and probably looks forward to Saul's death at Gilboa. 19. nyn] Ka\ KaKias i^fxwv 6^S we expect rather pnth n;nn. — 20. ^^d] is lacking in i^^. — 21. >2] is entirely meaningless (We., Dr.) and is not rep- resented in the versions. A scribe may have written nnN:2 under the influ- ence of the preceding verse and afterwards tried to make it fit here by chang- ing the first letter to "^d. — 22. ^"'Nin] juravit IL indicates n'-s—, but no change is necessary. — 23. ''DJN ai] the casus pendens. Dr. Tenses^, § 196, Dav. Syn- tax, % 106. — t^ '"^ nS-^Sn] is a common construction: it is too profane a thing for me to do, cf. Jos. 2416.-1^3 cdpx >,n>-,ini] cf. Ps. Q.f-^- 32^ Trov. 4I1. — t-ni] should probably be pointed with the article (Kl., Bu.). — 24. iN-\>] on the form Stade, Gram, in, 2.-24. With all your heart; (g prefixes and. ■—-INI >d] oTi ei'Sere (S = Dr\si ^?, is certainly smoother. 90 I SAMUEL XIII. and XIV. The revolt against the Philistines and the first successful attack. — Jonathan, Saul's son, opens the war for independence by slaying the resident of the Philistines. The enemy immediately invade the country and take up a strong posi- tion whence they ravage the land. Saul's force melts away until he has only six hundred men left and does not feel able to attack. At this juncture, Jonathan with his adjutant makes a foolhardy assault upon a detached post of the Philistines. His success throws their main camp into confusion. The commotion is visible to Saul who, without waiting for the answer of the oracle (which he has begun to consult), musters his men and leads them against the foe. He is reenforced by deserting Hebrews from the Philis- tine camp, and the day is spent in pursuing and plundering. The success is less pronounced than it might have been, because Saul lays a taboo on the eating of food. Thereby the people become too faint for successful pursuit, and, when the day ends, fall upon the captured cattle in such haste as to eat with the blood. Saul therefore commands a large stone to be used as an altar, and the animals are slain at it without further ritual offence. The sequel is unexpected to Saul, for, on consulting the oracle with reference to a night attack, he receives no reply. He under- stands that Yahweh is angry because of the violation of the taboo. The guilty party is sought by the sacred lot and discovered to be Jonathan. He confesses that he ate a little honey in ignorance of his father's objurgation, and avows his willingness to die. But the people intervene and redeem him. There is by this time no thought of further warfare, and the campaign terminates without decisive advantage to either side. This is the main narrative. It is interrupted (besides minor interpolations) by two digressions; one (13''"''') gives us at Gilgal an interview between Samuel and Saul in which the latter is in- formed of his rejection; the second (13^^"") describes the dis- armed condition of Israel. At the end of the section (14'*"""'') we find a general summary of Saul's activity which may have been added by a later hand. Aside from these, the story is clear and connected, and we have no difficulty in identifying it as a part of the life of Saul which began in 9^-1 o^^ XIII. 1-3 91 There is substantial unanimity in the analysis,* and in the connexion of the main stream of the narrative with the earlier account of Saul's election. The reason for regarding the sections separated above as of later date than the rest of the story, lie on the surface, but will be pointed out in detail in the course of the exposition. The student may be referred to We., Co7np. pp. 246-248, Prol^. pp. 266-272; Stade, GVl. I. p. 215 ff.; Kuenen, HCCP-. pp. 371, 381 ; Budde, KS. pp. 191 f., 204-208, and his text in SBOT.; Cornill, Einl^. p. 97 f., ZATVV. X. p. 96 f.; Kittel, GH. II. p. 28 (the results in his translation in Kautzsch, IISA7\); Driver, LOT^. p. 175; W. R. Smith, OTJC^. p. 134. 1. The verse as it stands in "^ is meaningless and evidently a late insertion. — 2. There seems no difficulty in connecting this verse directly with ii^^ As soon as Saul was made king he re- cruited an army of three thousand men : and two thousand were with Said in Michniash and in Mount Bethel~\ we naturally sup- pose each place garrisoned with a thousand. Michmash still bears its ancient name, and is a village on the north side of a narrow val- ley south of which hes Geba. The location is given by Eusebius and Jerome as nine miles from Jerusalem near Ramah. The sides of the wady on which it is located are still very steep. Bethel, now Beitin, the well-known sanctuary, was, like Michmash, a strong- hold. Both were occupied by armies in the Maccabean wars. The two places are mentioned together, Ezr. 2-'*"- Neh. 7''^ 11^'. — And the rest lucre with Jonathan his son in Geba of Benjamin'\ the confusion of Gibeah and Geba is so obvious in this chapter that I have corrected to the one form throughout. Geba was the village just across the pass from Michmash, and the two together must be held in order to command the pass. For the location cf. Is. 10^ which, however, makes evident that in Isaiah's time Geba and Gibeah of Saul \NtTQ two different places, for after Michmash it mentions in order Geba, Ramah, and Gibeah of Saul. That Geba is intended in our narrative is evident from its mention in the immediate sequel. After the choice of his soldiers, Saul dis- missed the rest of the people to their homes. — 3. Jonathan smote the Resident of the Philistines'] the verb seems to imply that it was a person, not a trophy or pillar, that was smitten. The rest of the verse : And the Philistines heard; and Saul blew the tncmpet in all the land, saying: Let the Hebrews hear!] puts the * I should state that I have differed from the consensus in regard to the extent of the insertion which ends at v.^^a. 92 I SAMUEL name Hebrews in Saul's mouth, which cannot be correct. The clause and the Philistines hea^'d presents a further difficulty be- cause Saul's blowing of the trumpet should follow immediately on Jonathan's deed. For the last two words of the verse (§ renders the slaves have revolted in which the verb at least seems to be original. But in this form, or in the form the Hebi'ews have revolted, the clause must represent the report that came to the Philistines. We are tolerably safe in restoring therefore : and the Philistines heard [the report] saying: The Hebrews have revolted^ the intermediate clause will then be suspicious, as a probably late insertion. It is in fact superfluous, and the original narrative probably described a prompt movement of the Philistines upon Michmash, making Saul retreat to Geba, where we find him with six hundred men in v.^^. This original datum has been expanded into the exaggerated statement of v.'^. 1. The verse as given in f^ can mean only one thing: Satilwas a year old when he began to reign and he reigned tivo years over Israel^ this is palpably absurd. The earliest endeavour to give the words a sense seems to be re- corded in ^ : Saul was innocent as a child a year old when he began to reign. This is followed by Theod., and the earlier Rabbinical tradition, including the spurious Jerome in the Questiones. Isaaki thinks it possible to render in the first year of SatiVs reign . , . he chose. RLbG. supposes that a year had passed since his first anointing. Tanchum however knows of interpreters bold enough to assume that a number has dropped out of the text. This has very slight Greek authority on its side, as two MSS. of HP read Saul was thirty years old. The whole verse is lacking in the most important MSS. of @ (^ is defective here) and is therefore suspicious. The suspicion is not relieved by noticing that the sentence is cast in the form of the chronological data found in later parts of the history. It seems tolerably evident that a scribe, wishing to make his chronology complete, inserted the verse without the numbers^ hoping to be able to supply these at a later date, which however he was unable to do. This applies both to the years of Saul's life and to the years of his reign, for ^^iv inan cannot be correct, and not improbably vtj'i is cor- rupt duplication of the following word (We.). Extended discussion of the verse in the older expositors, Cornelius ^ Lapide, Schm., Pfeiffer {Dubia Vex- ata) have now only an antiquarian interest. The whole verse should be stricken out. — 2. diqSn] should be followed by ii'"'X as indicated by (5^. On Michmash, cf. Baedeker, Palestine'^, p. 119, Furrer in Schenkel's Bibel Le.xi- kon, IV. p. 216. Mount Bethel occurs only here according to |Q. On the now generally accepted identification of Bethel with Beitin cf. yioo'c^, Judges, p. 42. The importance of the two places here mentioned is noted by XIII. 3 93 GASmith, Geog? pp. 250, 290. As Jonathan has not been mentioned before, the addition his son made by % has much in its favour. — pD"'j3 n;;3J3] in re- gard to the place here intended, we may note that Jonathan's deed in the next verse is performed at Geba. Moreover, the possession of Geba is important to him who would control the road leading up from the Jordan valley. In yy^ Saul and Jonathan are occupying Geba, which nevertheless is called Gibeah of Benjamin in 14^*^. It seems evident that Geba is intended through- out this narrative. In the time of Isaiah however as already noted, Gibeah of Sauly^2S distinguished from Geba. — r'?nxS tr^N] the phrase dates back to the time when the people were nomads or at least tent-dwelling /^//a//m. — 3. 1^] the verb is used nearly always of smiting living beings, once of strik- ing the rock, Ex. 1 7^. But Jonathan would do more than strike a pillar, tro- phy, or triumphal monument; he would overthrow it, for which some other verb would be used; Am. 9I, which is cited as an example of this verb used for the overthrow of columns, is obscure and probably corrupt. This reasoning leads to the conclusion that a-'Sj is an officer or a garrison. — D^ntt'Sa x;nz»y Dn^jjn . . .] is one of the cruces criticorum. The somewhat violent treat- ment advocated above proceeds on the theory that for the words Dn3>'n i>*d'J'"' : Ttderiiicaaiu ol Sov\ot (3 we should restore 0'''\2';n v;z'd (Bu.). If so the words (with or without -idn"?) should follow immediately on D^n^'So (Bu.). But in that case the intermediate clause is suspicious. The full reason for its omis- sion will be seen only after considering the next verse. 4-1 5a. That this paragraph (at least the main part of it) is from a different source is universally conceded. It is characterized by having Gilgal as its scene instead of Geba. But Saul's move- ment from Geba to Gilgal would be, from the military point of view, an insane step. The highlands were Israel's stronghold. To recover them when once abandoned would be practically im- possible. In v.^*^ we find Saul and Jonathan still in Geba with their small force. The journey to Gilgal and back is made only to accommodate the compiler. The change of scene is accom- panied by a remarkable change of tone in the narrative. In the opening verses Saul and Jonathan act as real rulers of the people. In the following chapter they continue to act in the same way, with no apparent consciousness that their kingdom has been rejected. In the intervening paragraph Samuel appears as the theocratic authority, and Saul is rebuked for having acted inde- pendently. Even when he has waited seven days in accordance with Samuel's injunction, and when the cause of Israel is in jeop- ardy because of the delay, he is chided for taking a single step without Samuel's presence and consent. 94 I SAMUEL The paragraph has usually been supposed a duplicate of ch. 15 and dependent upon that. It seems to me more probable that this is the earlier and therefore the original, the first reason being that it is more closely knit with the older narrative. Besides the phenomena of v.'**^-, it is distinctly prepared for in 10^. Only by supposing this to be the earlier narrative can we account for Gilgal as the scene of 15. For the author of that chapter assuredly would have made Samuel depose Saul at Mizpah, the sanctuary where he chose him, had he not found another locality specified by history. It hardly seems likely, moreover, that an author who knew the impressive and implacable narrative of 15 would feel any obhgation to compose the one before us. On the other hand, as we have seen, the narrative of which 15 is a part was composed to replace this one, and the author had every reason to duplicate this section as he dupHcated other scenes of the older story. It would be desirable to him also (as he is much more distinctly a preacher than the earlier author) to make clear the reason of Saul's rejection, which is, to say the least, only obscurely set before us in the present narrative. If it be taken as proved that we have here a separate document, the question arises : Exactly where does it begin ? Its lower limit is evidently ^^''. But the upper limit is not so plain. It is generally assumed to be '^ as we find in Budde's text. To this there seem grave objections. In the first place the gathering of the people is already said to be at Gilgal in v.^. This, to be sure, may be corrected to Geba, or omitted. But Gilgal, as a place of mustering the whole people, seems too natural so to be set aside. Again we have the enormous numbers of the Philistines in v.^, which clearly do not comport with the main narrative — in which Saul operates with only six hundred men, and puts the enemy to flight. In fact the author, having gathered all Israel, is obliged to make them disperse to the caves and dens and carry with them a large part of Saul's standing army. That this could be sup- posed possible before a single skirmish had taken place does not seem credible in the author who exalts the valour of Jonathan. To this we may add that the Gi'/^m/ of v."* is confirmed by the opening words of '^ which do not say that Saul came down to Gilgal, but that he was s^i7/ there. For these reasons I suppose XIII. 4-6 95 that the original narrative told : that Jonathan smote the resident of the Philistines and that the Phihstines heard of the Hebrew revolt (•') ; that the Philistines came up in force ('") ; and then that Saul mustered the force at his command and found it to be six hundred men (^•'"'). The promptness with which the Philis- tines acted was such that there was no time to call out the militia. 4-7. The situation of the people. — Probably the clause we have cast out of v.'^ may be prefixed here : Saul bleio the tnnnpet ifi all the la fid {^) ajid all Israel heard saying: Saul has smitten the Resident of the Philistines'] it is probably not hypercritical to see in the change from Jonathan to Saul an evidence of change of author. — And also Israel has made itself of ill odour with the Philistines'] cf. Gen. 34^° Ex. 5^1 2 S. lo'^ 16-'. That Gilgal is the place of muster to this author has already been noticed, and cor- rection or excision of the word is unnecessary. — 5. The force of the Philistines is given as thirty thousand chariots for which (§^ & have three thousand. This is favoured by Bochart and others, but is still absurdly large. Egypt only mustered six hundred chariots, Ex. 14^, and other notices show that this was the scale for large armies. But our author is prodigal of numbers. Syrian experience later showed that chariots could not be used in the hill country of Palestine. — And people] that is foot soldiers, like the sand zvhich is on the shore of the sea for multitude] cf. Jd. 7^ 2 S. 1 7^\ The Arab's hyperbole is similar : ' like the sand of the desert.' — They came up and camped ifi Michmash, east of Beth Aven] Michmash lies about southeast from Bethel, which by a stretch of the imagination might be described as it is described in the text. Beth Aven seems to be a scribe's distortion of Bethel. In any case, the author who had just spoken of Michmash and Bethel together (v.^) would hardly have felt it necessary to be so explicit here. — 6. A?id the men of Israel saw that they were in a strait for they were hard pressed] the diffusiveness shows the writer's difificulty in accounting for the unaccountable dispersion of the people. — And the people hid themselves in caves and in holes and in rocks and in tombs and in pits] the list is an amplifi- cation of what we find in 14", where however the sarcastic remark of the Philistines does not imply that this elaborate statement has 96 I SAMUEL preceded. — 7. And much people\ the reading is conjectural — crossed the Jordan to the land of Gad and Gikad~\ well-known districts in the possession of Israel. — But Saul was yet in Gilgal . . .] the latter part of the verse cannot now be restored with any certainty. 4. i^'n'^'] is lacking in ^ which joins SxTZ'''"S3i to the preceding verse. — iT'NJj] to give intense provocation, 2 S. lO^ l62i. — l|"»>'"iM] Koi aue^Tjaaw (3^ is apparently inner Greek corruption of avel36ri(rav which is found in several MSS. (HP). — SjS.in] supported by the versions, is exscinded by Bu., changed into nn;;3j)n by Co. {^ZKIV. 1885, p. 123). — 5. Bochart's reduction of the chariots to three thousand, in which he includes the baggage wagons (^Hiero- zoicon, Pars. I, Lib. IL Cap. IX.), though only a halfway measure, is adopted by We., Dr., al. — ps' no] (§ has Beth Horon, ^ has Bethel, Nearly all the passages in which the name occurs have a suspicious text. Certainly the author who just wrote '?N~n"'J would have no motive to use a different form here; {o\: Beth Aven is another name for Bethel. — 6. ixn] Bu. corrects to n.s-i on the ground of (@i, which, however, can hardly be taken so literally in a case like this. — d;m H'JJ ""d] omit D^jn with We., al; (g^ has ort arei/ws avrM] koX ol dia^aluoures ZU^riaav (g. I am not certain that the suggested reading 7 0''1?i?i is not correct. But as the participle in such cases usually follows the verb, I have followed Bu. in adopting Kl.'s conjecture, ^-\2'; 31 d;;i. We. proposed r\\-\2-;i2 nj;M which was syntactically improved by Dr. into nn3>'D n3>'"'i. The final clause of the verse cannot be correct. Nor does We.'s emendation of inns' to mnso on the basis of i^^^ meet the diffi- culty. The flight of the people has already been described; what we now want to know is who remained. Kl. conjectures mnx p|iin nyn which is favoured by %. I should prefer inns "n>n a;7n but do not feel certain that either is correct. 8-1 5a, Saul's rejection. — He waited in Gilgal seven days for the appointed time which Samuel had set~\ the reference is to 10^ where, as we have already seen, Samuel directs him to go down to Gilgal and wait seven days for his coming. When Samuel did not appear the people scattered away from him'] as we should expect, especially in a levy of undisciplined troops without com- missary. — 9. Saul orders the offering to be brought and himself offered the burnt offering] war was initiated with religious cere- xiir. 7-15 97 monies, as is indicated by the phrase consecrate war Jer. 6\ al, — 10. As Saul finished the CQYQvaowy Samuel ca?ne ajid Saul went out to greet hini\ with the customary : Blessed be thou ! is inti- mated by the word used, cf. 2 K. 4-^ — 11. To Samuel's question : What hast thou done ? he replies : / saiv that the people were scattering away from 7ne, and thou didst not come at the appointed term and the Philistines were gathering at Michmasli] everything seemed to call for prompt action ; " non solum se excusat sed omnes, quotquot potest, accusat." * — 12. And I said^ he means he said to himself: Noia will the Philistines come down to me to Gilgal and the face of Yahwch I have not appeased~\ by a gift, Ps. 45^^; the phrase is also used of approaching Yahweh with entreaty, Ex. 32^^ I K. 13''. — And I constrained myself^ elsewhere in the sense of restraining one's emotions. Gen. 43'^^ 45^ Is. 42^^ The intimation is that he would have waited still longer, but the circum- stances forced his hand. — 13. The reply of Samuel: Thou hast acted foolishly ! If thou hadst kept the commandment of Yahweh thy God which he commanded thee, then would Yalnveh have estab- lished thy kingdom over Israel forever'\ for changes in the pointing of iltt see the critical note. — 14. But now'] adversatively as in 2^ cf. 24^\ thy kingdom shall not stand. That the language and behaviour of Samuel are less stern and damnatory here than in 15 will be generally conceded ; the fact makes for the priority of this account. — Yalnveh has sought out a man according to his heart] the divine purpose is already a fixed fact. — And Yalnveh has set him as Leader over his people] still the consecutive tense, in view of the divine purpose. — 15^. The verse as it stands in J^ tells us of Samuel's going up to Geba. But as we hear nothing more of him there, this is evidently a mistake. A clause has fallen out by homeoteleuton which is preserved in (!l and which should be restored as follows : And Samuel arose and went up from Gilgal and went his way, and the rest of the people went after Saul to meet the men of 7var aiid came from Gilgal to Geba of Benjamin] the eye of the scribe fell upon the second Gilgal instead of the first. What was Saul's sin in this matter is nowhere expressly set down, * Mendoza, cited in Poole's Synopsis. 98 1 SAMUEL and it is difficult to discover anything in the text at which Samuel could justly take offence. The original command was to wait seven days, and this Saul did. In the circumstances he might well plead that he had been too scrupulous. It would not be im- pertinent to ask why Samuel had waited so long before appearing. No reason is given for his delay, and in the mind of the narrator there seems to have been no reason except that Samuel wished to put Saul to the test. It cannot be said that Saul usurped priestly prerogatives in offering with his own hand. The narrator would certainly have let us know this had it been his conception. What- ever may have been the priestly rights at this time, we may well suppose that the author thought of Saul as no more intruding upon them than did David and Solomon when they sacrificed. The language of Samuel's rebuke speaks of disobedience to a command of Yahweh, which however can only be the command of lo^ which Saul literally obeyed. The only conclusion to which we can come is that the author glorifies the sovereign will of Yahweh who rejects and chooses according to his own good pleasure. Samuel is the embodiment of this sovereign will. The straits of the commentators are evident. Keil interprets Samuel's language not as a rejection of Saul, but as an announcement of the brevity of his reign. But this is contrary to the sense. Ewald says : " The ruler who prematurely and out of mere impatience lays his hand on that from which he should have refrained, trifles away his real power and his best success." * But the condemnation of Saul as acting * prematurely ' and * out of mere impatience ' is not war- ranted by anything in the text. Clericus also is obliged to read something into the text : " Forte citius aequo Sacra facturus, contemptim de Samuele aut cogitavit aut etiam loquutus est." Thenius also frames hypotheses for which there is no warrant in the narrative. 8. Sn-iM] is intended to be Piel, a not uncommon form, Stade, Gram. p. 278. It seems unnecessary to change to Snri Qre. n>'iD is an appointed time or place, cf. in n>'iD'? 2.0^^. — Ssic;:' n'^'x] is impossible; we must either strike out I'i'X with S or insert a word; niDN is inserted by Th., We., Bu. on the ground of ©ST; C'^' is preferred by Kl, Dr., and might easily have been lost before Ssicr. 6 Hebr. MSS. insert nns; 5 insert D'.:' (DeR.), cf. Ex. 9^ * Ew., GK/3. III. p. 46, E. Tr. III. p. 32. XIII. 15-17 99 — VOm] cf. 2 S. 20^2^ — 9. nS;'ni] out of the several animals that were offered, the 'ola was the one specially set apart for Yahwch. — 10. r\iry\ , , . ir>:)D] marks the appearance of Samuel just as the burnt offering was completed. — II. o] is probably to be taken as ^d recitaiivum (Dr.), but it may also an- swer Samuel's unspoken question as to why Saul had acted as he had. — i-jj] is probably to be pointed so (Bu.), cf. v.^, from which we see that the verb is y)D. — 12. \'T'^n nV nini ■•jdi] the sentence is generally used of conciliating God. — 13. nS] is the pointing of the received text, but we should quite cer- tainly read n';", that is ni'^, proposed by Hitzig (as stated by We. who, how- ever, gives no reference, apparently depending upon Th., who gives Zeller, Theol. Jahrb. 1843, H' 278 ff.). The particle h in a hypothesis contrary to reality, is followed in the apodosis by nn;; i;, as here, in Num. 22''^^ i S. 14^'' Job a^. Dr. inclines to retain the pointing of fH, cf. also Dav., Syntax, § 131, R. 2. — nrij;] has lost its temporal force and become logical (Dav.). P'or : the commandment of Yahweh thy God which he commanded thee, we find in (5 my commandment 7vhich Yahweh cojjimanded thee. — 14. Ji'pa] on the use of this tense, Dr., Tenses'^, §§ 13, 14, Dav., Syntax, § 41. — ")'?] the dative of advan- tage, Dav., Syntax, § loi, R. i b. — ij3'?d] the only exact parallel seems to be Jer. 3!^, but cf. 2 S. 7^1. — •^>^h "inViM] 253^ 2 S. 6^1, the verb is used of ap- pointing the Judges 2 S. 7II, cf. Num. 2f^. — 15. The plus of (g is already noted by Mendoza (in Poole's Synopsis). — SjSjn-p] according to (51 (from which the words passed into the current recension of 3L) we should add : '?j'?jn p 1N3M nnnScn ay nxiii'? h\^v nnx nS;? ayn nnM i3-nS 1S11. The cor- rection is adopted by all recent scholars (except Keil). Probably '?;*-'i of |i] is not original (not represented in (g) and was inserted after the loss of this sentence. In addition to the commentaries on this passage, the reader may be referred to Graetz, Gesch. d. Juden, I. p. 175, and Ew., GVI^. p. 45, E. Tr. III. p. 32. 15b. The half verse tells us that Saul numbered the people that were with him., about six hundred men. As we find the same number given in 14'"^, it is possible that it is an insertion here. We are even tempted to suppose the whole sentence an effort of the redactor to fit together the two discordant sections of his narrative. 16-18. The Philistine raid. — The first verse describes the condition of things which followed Jonathan's first stroke. The Philistines were in virtual possession of the country. The Hebrews only maintained themselves in one post : 5^?/// and Jonathan his son, and the people that ivcre %vith them, were abiding in Geba of Benjamin'\ the addition made by (^ seems uncalled for. — 17. The Philistine policy is to reduce the people to submission by devas- lOO I SAMUEL tating the country far and wide. The plunderers were in three divisions : Oiie division turned to the Ophrah road~\ apparently the Ophrah mentioned among the towns of Benjamin, Jos. i8^^. It was identified by Robinson * with Taiyibeh, five miles northeast of Bethel. The location would suit the present narrative. The land of Shual seems to be nowhere else mentioned. — 18. The second band turned west from Michmash towards Beth Horon, a well-known town west of Michmash. As the Philistine force came from the west, there seems no reason why they should send foragers out in that direction. But perhaps the author thinks of them as having come up by a more northerly road. The third band went eastward : towards the hill which overhangs the valley of Zeboim'\ the description points to one of the heights which overlook the Ghor. The author thinks of a Philistine force settled at Michmash which employed itself in punishing the country, not looking for serious opposition. The valley of Zeboi?n is of course one of the wadys of which the region is full. A place, Zeboim in Benjamin, is mentioned after the exile, Neh. ii^^ Verse ^^ is continued directly by v.-^ ; what is between is a later insertion. 16. After pD-ij^, (^^ adds koI eKKaiov, which is adopted by Graetz (^Gesch. I. p. 175) and Kl. But it is hardly likely that the little band of soldiers would so give way to grief before they had tried conclusions with the enemy. — 17. n^T^'Dn] the verb is used of laying a land waste, as the Bedawin do by pasturing cattle on the growing crops, Jd. 6*, or, more seriously, by cutting down the fruit trees, a custom forbidden in Dt. 20^^- as it is by Arabic common sense. — □"i::'n-\ rw'^z''\ accusative of condition. Dr., Azotes, Dav., Syntax, § 70, R. I. — nns] where we should expect -inxn. A similar instance is found in i'^, cf. Konig, Syntax, § 334^. — njoi] the tense shows repeated action. The land of Shual is combined by Th., Erdm., with the land of Shaalim 9*. Rob- inson's identification of Ophrah is accepted by GASmith, Geog. p. 291, Note i, but rejected by Dillmann {Nttfu. Lev. Jos. p. 551 f.) on the ground that it is too far north for a Benjamite town. But it is not unlikely that the author in Jos. (P) made it a Benjamite town because he found it in this Benjamite history; cf. also Buhl, Geog: p. 177. — 18. Sojn] Ta/Jee © points to n>'ajn, and, as We. remarks, it is only a ///'// that can be said to overhang a valley. — D^;osn •'j] Hyena Gorge is still the name ( Wady abu Duba') of a valley north of IVady Kelt according to Ges., IVB^^., but Buhl (Geog. p. 98) makes it one of the side valleys of the latter, or even the ll^ady Kelt itself. — n-i3nDn] is omitted by © and looks like an explanatory insertion. * DR"^. I. p. 447. XIII. 17-22 lOI 19-22. The lack of arms in Israel. — The paragraph intends to represent Israel as having been disarmed by the Phihstines, but its wording is obscure owing to corruption of the text. The disarmament is nowhere indicated in the rest of the narrative, and as the four verses can be cut out without injuring the con- nexion, we are safe in assuming that they are an interpolation. Schmid, who feels the inconsistency of this with the rest of the narrative, supposes the disarmament confined to Gibeah and its vicinity. 19. There was no smith in all the land of Israel ; for the Phil- istines said : Lest the Hebrews make sivord or spear'] the motive is expressed in the words of the actors, as in Gen. 32-^ 42^* 2 S. 16^ i8^^ — 20. The result was that all Israel was compelled to go to the land of the Philistines : that every man might sha7-pen his ploughshare and his coulter a?id his axe and his pickaxe] work necessary to the peasant. Most recent scholars give the oxgoad as the fourth instrument. But however formidable the spike in the end of the oriental oxgoad may be, it can scarcely be sup- posed that it must be taken to the smith to be sharpened. The author of the verse meant to name those tools which need to be set and tempered by the smith. — 21. The verse is admitted to be hopelessly corrupt by Th., We., Dr., Bu., Ki. What we expect is either a further account of the oppressive regulations, or else a consequence such as is drawn in v.". The former is in the mind of the Greek translators when they say (as it would seem) that the price of the smith's work on each tool was three shekels. The latter is the conjecture of Jerome who speaks of the bluntness which affected all the tools of the farmer on account of the diffi- culty of getting them sharpened. A third conjecture is found in ^ and has passed over into the English version in the form : yet they had a file for the mattocks. But this is as impossible to get out of the text as either of the others. — 22. The results of the Philistine policy : So it came to pass in the day of the battle of Michmash, that none of the people with Saul and Jonathan had either sword or spear — but Saul and Jonathan had them] the original narrative seems to know nothing of this when it gives Saul a standing army of three thousand men. 102 I SAMUEL 23. The verse takes up the account of the PhiHstine position. In v.^'^- the plunderers are described. Here we are told that the garrisofi, or the permanent guard left in the camp, pushed for- ward to the edge of the pass of Michmash. 19-22. The secondary nature of the paragraph is recognized by We., Comp. p. 248, Bu., RS. p. 205 (he includes v.^S), Co., Ehii^. p. 97, and Ki. in Kautzsch, HSA T. — 19. tnn] is used of a worker in wood, stone, or metal; Te/cTwv (jLBripov (§ may point to '?nj '^"yn (cf. Is. 44^^), or it may be simply an attempt to render the word as the context requires. — -iXiN] is changed to n:DX by the Qre unnecessarily. — 20. DTia'^^sn] the conjecture of Dr. Weir (given by Dr.) that we should read D\-ia'SD ns-\x is confirmed by (S®. — *J':d'?S] ^0 beat out, as the blacksmith does in ref^rging worn tools. Of the four implements here mentioned, the first and third seem to be tolerably certain, though tradi- tion, as represented by the versions, is not uniform, nmno is most natu- rally i\iQ plo7ighshare, though xenAexs ploughshare, and ^ the pin of the yoke. — DTip is quite certainly the axe, Jd. 9*^. The fourth tool differs (in the received text) from the first by the pointing only. This identity is suspicious, and we probably have the mistake of a scribe to deal with. But what we should restore is doubtful. We. and others propose ij::m, influenced by the occur- rence of this word in v.^i and the rendering dp^iravov (5, which word occurs also in v.^i (g, though pm is nowhere else so rendered. But in the confusion o( the text of v.21, it is difficult to allow much weight to the argument; for until we know what that verse means, we cannot be sure that it gives the same list of tools with this. The versions give the further choice of the mattock (Sym.), the spade 5, the adze '^, rpioSovs (Aq.), sarczilum %, and the axe (Ar.). To such variety it may be impertinent to add the conjecture of Ew. {GVI^. III. p. 47, E. Tr. III. p. 33), who reads n^-wy, though his translation, the threshing sledge, w\\\ hardly do. According to Hoffmann (ZATIF. II. p. 66), I'nn is the stonemason's pick, from which we may conjecture that the pickaxe would be called by the same name. This is an indispensable tool to the peasant in a rocky country like Palestine, and could scarcely be kept in shape without the services of a blacksmith. I have therefore ventured to insert it in my translation of the verse. — 21. The difficulties of the verse seem to be insurmountable. — wd nnixfjn nn-ini] is ungrammatical, and unintel- ligible even if we try to correct the grammar. — ]YZ>hp tyStt'Vi] is without analogy XIII. 23-XlV. I 103 in Biblical Hebrew (on both phrases, cf. Dr., lYoies). — 3"'sn'?i] coordinated as it is (or seems to be) with names of tools, makes no sense. For the open- ing clause we find Koi ^v 6 rpuyrjrhs €toijllos rod depl(eiu © = pDj nixpn VTM "ij-p"?, which is not very remote from |t]. But this promising beginning is left incomplete. If we were told that zu/ien the harvest was ready to reap the Phil- istines came up and plundered it, or that the war broke out, we could fit the statement into this context. But what © actually adds is : rh. Se aKivy\ ^v Tpe7s aUXoL iU rhv d^oura, which is supposed to mean that the tariff fixed for the tools was three shekels apiece, though it takes violent treatment to get this meaning from the words. The fmal clause in (@i more(Jver, which affirms that the same arrangement held for the axe and the sickle, is superfluous. Th., reading d-'DH T'SDI, translates and the sharpening of the edges (for the plough- shares and the spades) was three shekels apiece. But the meaning proposed for n-'iSn and for a"'i3."i is without authority, and the meaning apiece for x^yS is also unparalleled. Retusae itaqtie erant acies vomerwn % is an attempt to make sense out of the text of |^, but is contrary to grammar, and pro- vides no suitable preface to the final clause usc/ue ad stivinlum corrigendum. Another attempt is made by ?[, which apparently supposes n-i-'ssn to mean a file, for it translates : and they had a file to sharpen the didness of the iron tools. 'an] on the daghesh cf. Stade, Gram. § 317. The form is construct, governing the clause which follows, Ges.26 § 130 <:; Dav., Syntax, §25. tt'r. But this seems unnecessary. — -iii'^'c] the noun occurs nowhere else, but the verb is not infrequent in the meaning to shut up, to keep back. — D^'D^ IN 313] is logically connected with niiTC — 7. The received text is awkward, and it is a question whether it can be translated, n^jj certainly does not belong in a sentence where it must be made to mean go on. (g seems to have had another text : Trotet -nav '0 lav r] KapSla aov iKKKiur) would represent '\z'n hj na'y 1^ r\-2i 123^, and this preserves the natural meaning of n-^:, cf. Jd. g^. This text, suggested by Ew., has been accepted by most recent scholars. — 13:3^3] (B adds KapUa fiov, which also is generally accepted since Ew. — 8. Dnay] the participle is used of action in the immediate future and is carried on by U^*?;:!. — 9. For i::i, l>e still, cf. Jer. 47^, and, of the sun's standing still, Jos. io^2f._ Yox ijy>jn (g has a7ra77eiAa)jUej;, perhaps reading ijn"ij)n. — ijinnn] in our tracks is a colloquial equivalent, cf. Ex. \(P^ Jd. "f-^. — 10. ncN"*] +7rpbs T]ims (5 with which agrees. But no great stress can be laid upon the evidence for so easy an insertion. — IJ^*?;'] irpbs -hfias is the rendering of @, as in v.^"^ where |^ has ijiSn, which should probably be read here. — uio] a number of codd. have ijno, but cf. Gen. 4321 Dt. 32^7. — nn] the i is lack- ing in ®BIL and may have come from erroneous duplication of the preceding letter. — an^;?] in the mouth of the Philistines as elsewhere; here without the article : some Hebreivs, not the Hebrezvs as in (g. According to We., Hitzig conjectured nn^D;', mice. — 12. n^xcn] is doubtless to be corrected to Jxon, the form elsewhere used in this narrative. 13-16. The attack. — When Jonathan and his armour-bearer accept the challenge, the garrison is thrown into confusion, and the confusion soon becomes a panic. — 13. The two Hebrews chmb up on their hands and on their feet. We must suppose that while cHmbing the chff they were hidden from the view of the post at the top ; otherwise there would have been no surprise. — And they turned before Jonathan and he sfnote them~\ this is the reading of (^ and on the whole the better, though the case is particularly difficult to decide. J^ reads : and they fell before Jonathan. In any case, Jonathan felled them to the ground, and his armour-bea7'er kept despatching thetn after hinf^ notice the force of the participle. — 14. The first slaughter'] distinguished from the general carnage which came with the panic. The latter part of the verse is obscure. What we expect is either a com- parison with some similar event : ' like Gideon's slaughter of Midian ' for example, or else a definite location of the deed : * in the field which lies before Michmash,' or something like that. (3 finds an account of the weapons used ; S gives a comparison XIV. I3-I6 I09 of the activity of the heroes with that of the day labourer. A satisfactory text does not seem yet to have been constructed. — 15. The terror aroused by Jonathan's onset spread to the whole force of the Philistines and became a panic. The force was divided (as noted above) into the garrison and the raiders. The account seems to assume that these latter were returning to the camp when they met the flying garrison ; or else the attack was in the early morning when the raiders had not yet set out. — So there came a teri'or in the ca?np and in the field . . . and even the plunderers trembled~\ the intervening clause is difficult to place. — Afid the earth quaked~\ is evidently to be taken literally ; Yah- weh intervened directly to increase the fear, which thus became a divinely sent panic'\ lit., a terror of God. — 16. The commotion was so great that Saul's sentinels in Geba saw : And behold a tumult was surging hither and thither'] the remarkable thing was a mob moving purposelessly to and fro in its mad impulse. 13. ]r^iv >izh "iSf3"ii] seems a little too abrupt. We expect the attack or the terror to be asserted. (§ enables us to restore ddii |njv '•jsV udm. Ew. seems to have been the first to adopt part of this, though he makes it mean they looked him in the face, being paralyzed by fear. As Jonathan was " swifter than an eagle," there seems no difficulty in supposing that the Philistines started to flee, but were quickly overtaken. — 14. The verse is perfectly plain down to !:'>N. After that it is now generally considered to be hopelessly corrupt. Tradition is represented by itt juedia parte jugeri quam paj" botwi in die arare consuevit IL, and this has passed into the modern versions. But the objections to it are of the most serious kind. "isnaD has a combination of prepositions very rare, occurring in only two expressions, both defining a point of time (Dr., Notes)', nj;;a in the meaning yarrow occurs in one late passage, Ps. 129^ Kt., where the text is not above suspicion. It is difficult, moreover, to see how Jonathan could slay twenty men in half a furrow, which indeed is nonsense. If it said as in a furrotu, we should think of the slain as lying along in a row. In late Hebrew njj'D is said to mean the amount of ground which a plough- man takes in hand at one time, Ges., HIVB^'^., referring to Wetstein in Delitzsch, Psalmen^, which I have not seen, also Levy, NHWB. The Arabic usage is readily traced; ma'na is simply the intention, as is njyD in Hebrew, and so applied to the task which a man sets himself or intends to do. But to suppose that the word now applied by the fellahin to their task of ploughing had the same application in Biblical Hebrew is too violent. Nor are the diffi- culties yet over, nns is undoubtedly a yoke of oxen, and then possibly as much land as a yoke of oxen can plough in a day — an acre, roughly speak- ing. Is. 510, which is usually urged for this meaning, is not free from difficulty. no I SAMUEL But assuming it provisionally, we cannot yet make an intelligible sentence : as in Jialf a furrow (?) an acre of field is redundant and ungrammatical. The versions testify to the corruption, but unfortunately without helping to correct it. (!B^ has ev 0o\iai Kal eV ireTpo^oKois Kai eV Kox^a^i tov TreStoy, with which I agrees {Cod. Goth. Leg.); iB^^ omits from this koI eV ireTpo^okois, which Th. (followed by We.) had already conjectured to be a gloss. The reason- ing of We. is plausible, though the testimony of I shows that the insertion must have been early. (§ seems to have had at least nirn . . . aos'n^, and between came nvi:i or ""j^Ni; it should be noted that -\ri is nowhere used oi stones as a weapon, but it is more likely than ps to be the original of -i;:i'. If we restore 7\-[Z>r\ n"i2 we should translate among the rocks of the fie Id ^ which would not be out of place. On the basis of ^ we might restore D-'-in:) m::M ics •'jnjji like heivers of stone, or like drivers of oxen in the field. The repeated blows of a man hewing stone would not be an inappropriate comparison, and possibly the Syrian ploughmen urge on their oxen with violent blows; but the language seems rather obscure. Ew. tries to translate 1^, making it mean that the slaughter was 'like a yoke (?) of land being ploughed ' (6" F/3. III. p. 48, E. Tr. III. p. 34). But the figure does not seem to tit. The reader who is interested in defending tradition may, as usual, con- sult Keil. — 15. The text is not easy to interpret, though so smooth in appear- ance : There came a terror on the camp in the field and upon all the people'] but why should a distinction be made between the camp in the field and all the people? The people here meant are the people of the Philistine camp, and the sentence is redundant. Or if we divide so as to read, on the camp, both on the field and on all the people, why should the camp be summed up under these two heads? (g seems to have read htjoi njnD2 both in the catnp and in the field, as if to distinguish between the fortified (?) camp and the open coun- try. So much is adopted by Kl., Bu., and may pass in default of something better. For the next clause, ® connects as follows : and all the people, both garrison and raiders trembled, and this again may pass; but we must certainly strike out hdh-dj which now becomes intolerable. (§^ reads koX ahroi ovk i]de\ov iroiuv, with which we can do nothing; and I suspect the verse has been freely interpolated. Perhaps the original was only njnD3 m-in >nni ncn-oj nin n"'n::'oni mcoi. With }nNn TJ^rn compare Am. 8^ Joel 2^0. the verb is used of the mountains, 2 S. 22^ Is. 525. Th. and Keil try tp under- stand the words here of the commotion produced by the panic, but this is rationalistic weakening of the author's meaning. — d^hSn mnnS] cf. the divinely sent fear, dihSn nr^n, which came upon the Canaanites, Gen. 35^. — 16. □"'fji-n] the sentinels regularly stationed on the walls of a city, 2 S. it,^^ i8'-'*. — n>'3j] (7(?/;rt! should be read, as heretofore. — ]^'C7\^\'] (g renders njnrn. But as pen is the less common word, it is to be preferred ; and it seems to give an excellent sense here, cf. Jd. ^ and v.^^ in this chapter. The first n, however, is a duplicate, and we should read pen njni. What they saw was a tumult surging. — D'?.-n -iS>i] is impossiljle, and to be corrected according to ® D7ni D7n, For Jicj We. suggests the meaning surge, commended by Dr. XIV. 17-20 III 17-23. The discomfiture of the Philistines. — On discovering the state of the enemy's camp, Saul intjuires who is missing from his own force. He then takes the first steps towards ascertaining the will of Yahweh. But before the reply of the oracle is given, the state of the enemy so obviously invites attack, that the king marches forth without waiting further. At the scene of battle he finds the Phihstines fighting each other. The Hebrew slaves from their camp join with him, and he is reenforced by the Israelites who have been in hiding. The result is a decided victory. 17. Saul says to the soldiers : Searc/i] the verb is used of inspecting the troops, 13^", and also of inquiring for one absent, 20" : And see who is gone from us^ the result is to show the absence of Jonathan, and his attendant. — 18. The text of ({|, which is to be adopted unconditionally, reads : And Saul said to Ahijah : Bring hither the Epliod, for he carried the Ephod that day before Is?'ael'\ similar language is used in other cases where the Ephod is consulted, 23^ 30^ We. supposes that the remark concerning Ahijah cannot be by the author of v.^. But the expla- nation of the general situation there need not prevent the reminder here, where there is particular occasion for it. The text of ^ inserts the Ark of God here. Historically we could hardly object that the presence of the Ark at Kirjath Jearim would decide against this text, because our author may not have known of its detentio^i at Kirjath Jearim. But the Ephod is elsewhere the means of giv- ing the oracle, and if original here may have been displaced by a scrupulous scribe who was aware of its dangerous resemblance to an image. — 19. The answer of the oracle is not yet given, when Saul sees the necessity of immediate action. The state of the Philistine camp gives plain enough indication of the will of God : White Saul was yet speaking, the tumult kept on increasing'] on the text see the critical note. The act of consulting the oracle fell into two parts ; the king (or other inquirer) asked a question ; the priest gave the answer of Yahweh. In the case before us Saul interrupted his own question, saying to the priest : Draw back thy ha7id f] that is, the hand which was stretched out to take the lot. The verb is the same used of d7-aiving up the feet into the bed. Gen. 49''^. — 20. Saul and his men march to the scene : Then 112 I SAMUEL Saul and all the people with hi?n raised the war cry'] such is the natural interpretation of the words. When they came to the camp of the PhiHstines : the sword of each was turned upon his fellow, an exceeding great confusion] as in the camp of Midian where also friend was taken for foe, Jd. f-. — 21. The appearance of Saul with an orderly band of soldiers gave disaffected allies of the Philistines a rallying point : The Hebrews who were on the side of the Fhilisti7ies heretofore, who had come with them into the camp, they also turned to be with Saul] Schm. compares the case of David who followed Achish to Gilboa. — 22. The noise and the news spread rapidly, and all the meti of Israel who were in hiding in the hill country of Ephraini] although occupied by the tribe of Benjamin, the district bore the name of Ephraim. — They also pursued them in the battle] joining with the forces of Saul. — 23. The author sums up the day's work, before proceeding to a more detailed account of one episode : So Yahiveh delivered Israel that day and the battle we7it beyond Beth Horon] a well-known town on the western edge of the highlands. The name is cor- rected on the basis of (§^. Beth Aven, the reading of J^, seems unsuitable. 17. Tn] denies the presence of the subject, Gen. 372^ Ex. 2I2. — 18. niy«jn O'ln^xn jnx] the difficulty in retaining the words is prima facie a historical one. The Ark had been settled at Kirjath Jearim, and if brought to Saul we should have been told of the transfer. Graetz speaks of a tradition to the effect that there were two arks (^Gesch. d. Jtiden, I. p. 160) and supposes that one was made to supply the loss of the other. But the tradition probably arose from a desire to save the historicity of this passage. Even if we suppose this author not to know of the detention of the Ark at Kirjath Jearim, it remains true that we nowhere else hear of it in connexion with Saul, and the presump- tion is therefore against it here. The second difficulty is that, so far as we know, the Ark was not used in consulting the oracle. All the indications, therefore, point to the correctness of (§ Trpoadyays rh icpovS. The Rabbinical commentators are aware that the Urim and Thummim are intended (Isaaki and Kimchi in /oc). For the rest of the verse we must also adopt the reading of (3, because '^ is evidently the worse and at its close unintelligible. Nin >d Sn-^s'"' •"JoS Ninn cr^ mDxn n-'i is an exact translation of (§ and gives a perfectly good sense. It is adopted in substance by all recent expositors. Dr., fol- lowed by Bu., prefers N'^fj n\-i instead of the simple N'^j and "ij2 ^jaS for ^jcS. His reason in the latter case is that ^Niri ••jij'? is bald and against the usage of Hebrew prose. On this it is sufficient to remark that SNict ">J3 ""JoS is found in the books Joshua, Judges, and Samuel four times, and that all four (Jos. 4^''^ XIV. 20-23 113 832 iqV2 J(\^ 828^ come from a redactional hand; whereas h>i-\Z"> ijdS occurs in six places besides this (Jos. lo^o ii6 20^5 i S. y^^ 2 S. lo'"'- ''J) representing three different documents. This verse is one of those in which Keil concedes the superiority of (5. — 19. i3i ^;'] the verb should be pointed as an infinitive, cf. Jd. 3'-*' Ex. 33'^^; the more usual construction is laia -^; tpi. For the tense in •]S^% cf. Dr., Tenses^, § 127^?; but the emendation to i^n (Kl.) is attractive. — 311 1i'?n] "double absolute object, the second being an adjective " (Moore, on Jd. 424), cf. 2 S. 5!'^ i825, Dav., Syntax, § 86, R. 4. — 20. p;t>i] here pointed as a Niphal; but this is used of the people who are summoned to war, not of the leader who summons them. For the latter we find the Hiphil, Jd. 4^*'- ^3 2 S. 20-*- ^. If we point pVTM however, we must change "^31 to Sdtn. But the people had already been mustered, in order to discover who was miss- ing, and it was not necessary to call them together. With all due reserve, therefore, I have pointed pjjTM and suppose the shout of those who go into battle to be intended — though the verb is nowhere else used in that sense. (§^ has a.vi:Si6-(](ji for which ^^' have au€$7]. — n::inc] is used of the panic pro- duced in the Philistine cities by the plague, 5^. — 21. The verse division is disregarded by i] is abnormally pointed, cf. Stade, Gram. § 529(7, Ges.26 § 53 n.; the same form is found in 31^ (i Chr. lo^). There seems to be no doubt that a Hiphil is intended, Jd. i822 20*5 2 S, i^ (lacking ^ as here). — 23. |in-.-io] was corrected by Th. to ]~\r\ no, and the conjecture is confirmed by (^^ I. 24-35. Saul's taboo and Jonathan's violation of it. — Saul lays a curse upon the eating of food before sundown. The people are mindful of the execration and go fasting, though thereby they grow faint. The only exception is Jonathan who, because of his absence from the main body of troops, is not informed of the adjuration, and eats of some honey which he finds. On being informed, he condemns his father's act as having weakened the people. At sunset the famished people rush upon the spoil and eat without due care to separate the blood from the flesh. Saul, informed of this, orders a great stone to be taken for an altar and at this the animals are slain. il4 I SAMUEL The paragraph is obscure in places owing to the state of the text — possibly because later editors could not reconcile themselves to the religious views which lie at the basis of the narrative. It seems plain that Saul's purpose was to impose what is known in other religions as a taboo. As the confusion of the enemy showed, Yahweh was already working. Saul desired a continuance of his favour. The extraordinary privation laid upon the people was to secure this. Fasting is in itself one means of placating the divinity. And Yahweh as the God of Battles had a special claim upon the booty. It was in fact sacred, and it would be unsafe for individual Israelites to appropriate it until the first fruits had been set apart for Yahweh. If the people had set out (as is likely) without sup- plying themselves with provisions from their own stores, there would be all the more need of special precautions. So far from Saul's vow being rash, ill-advised, or arbitrary, therefore, we see that it was the logical expression of his careful- ness for divine things. From the practical point of view, Jonathan was no doubt right. The success of the day would have been greater without this extraordinary precaution. But this was a mere worldly consideration — Saul was moved by care for rehgion which would not take account of lower advantages or arguments. That he was entirely justified by the light of the times is probable ; for the author has no hesitation in narrating Yahweh's confirma- tion of the curse by his offended silence after its violation. The supposition that Saul was moved by fear lest the troops should be detained by the booty is inadequate to account for the form of the objurgation. It is not taking booty that is the object of the curse, but eating food of any kind. 24. The introductory clause must be taken from (g, which describes the situation as it was during the day, and therefore before the conclusion just reached. — So Israel was with Saul about te7i thousand men and the fighting was scattered over all the hill country of Ephraim'] on the reading, see the critical note. — And Saul vowed a vow in that day, and Saul laid an oath on the people'\ the restoration is partly conjectural. If it be correct, the author does not condemn Saul ; he only gives the facts as else- where. Other cases of the vow, Jd. ii"'^*' Gen. 28-^^1 A vow XIV. 24-29 115 of abstinence is attributed to David, Ps. i32^*"-. Saul's vow is imposed upon the people in the form of a curse, saying : Cursed is the man ivho shall eat food until evening and [imtil~\ I avenge myself on my enemies'^ the older commentators (followed by Keil) saw in the form of the oath — my enemies — an overweening desire for personal revenge ; but this is foreign to the author's idea. The Philistines were Saul's enemies because they were enemies of Israel. Another example of a curse assumed by the people as a whole is found in Jd. 21^^. The result of this one was that no7ie of the people tasted food, though they were tempted. — 25, 26. The text has suffered and cannot be certainly restored. Recent authori- ties agree in making it mean : And there was honey \_or hofieycomd'] on the face of the ground, and the people came to the honey cojnb whence the bees had gone, but_ no one put his hand to his mouth, for the people feared the oath of Yahiveh~\ the sense is obviously that the people were steadfast in the midst of special temptation. But the sentence is awkwardly constructed, and we may well doubt whether the ingenuity of the critics has yet recovered the original text. Why the bees should have deserted the comb, we are left to conjecture. That the Philistines had made spoil of honey and had thrown it away is possible, but the author would have told us if he had known this to be the fact. — 27. Jonathan, having been absent from the army, had not heard when his father adjured the people'\ he therefore ate of the honey, dipping the end of his club in it. The refreshment experienced is described in the words, and his eyes wo'e lightened^ the eyes of the weary man do not see clearly — the world grows dark before him. — 28. One of the people ansivered^ that is, spoke as the occasion suggested, telling Jonathan of the oath. The last two words in the verse as they stand in J^ — a7id the people were 7ueary — disturb the sense, whether they be attributed to the author of the narrative or to Jonathan. We should emend so as to read : and the people testified, that is, accepted the oath ; or else in another way, joining to the beginning of the next verse, making it read : So he left off, and said. A third possibility is to strike the words out as a gloss. — 29. Jonathan gives his opinion of his father's action and its effects on the people : My father has brought disaster on the land~\ relatively, he means. For the verb used here cf. Moore, Judges, Il6 I SAMUEL p. 301. Jonathan's opinion is based on his own experience : See how I am refreshed, Just because J tasted a bit of honey I The refreshment is again presented as a clearing of the eyes from their dulness. — 30, 31. The two verses belong together and their sense is : If only the people had eaten today of the spoil of their enemies the slaughter of the Philistines would have been great and the people would have smitten the Philistines from Michmash to Aijalon~\ this cannot, to be sure, be got out of the present text. An alternative would be to make Jonathan's speech end (though abruptly) with v.^*^, and to throw out the greater part of v.^^ That the pursuit actually extended to Aijalon, as apparently asserted in f^, we have no reason to believe, for such a success would have been all that the most sanguine could expect. Aijalon (the modern Yalo^ lay below Beth Horon well down towards the PhiHstine plain. The last three words of the verse are plain enough of themselves, but not easy to fit in the present context. — 32. The famished people rushed upon the booty~\ as a bird of prey rushes upon the quarry. The booty in such raids consists largely of cattle, and these the people slew to the earth wherever they happened to find them. The consequence was that they ate with the blood~\ the blood was the part of Yahweh, and for man to eat it was sacrilegious. This idea runs through the history of Israel and is embodied in the various prohibitions of the Law, Dt. 12^^ Lev. 19^*^. — 33. Word is brought to Saul that the people are sin- ning against Yahweh in eating with the bloody the definition of the sin leaves nothing to be desired, and Saul at once takes active measures against the sacrilege : Roll hither a great stone'] the only way in which this would correct the evil would be by making the stone an altar on which the blood could be poured. As we know from Arabic heathenism, the original Semitic sacrifice was the application of the blood (without fire) to the altar or sacred stone.* — 34. Those present are ordered to disperse among the people and command them : Let each man bring to Yahweh his ox or his sheep and slay it here] on the original reading, see below. The method was successful : All the people brought each what he had in his hand, to Yahweh and slew it there] another * Cf. WRSmith, Kinship, pp. 223, 311. XIV. 29-35 117 slight change in the reading is adopted here. We also may speak of having an animal or a herd /;/ hand. — 35. So Saul built an altar to Yahiveli] cf. f\ The only reason for the statement in this connexion is that the altar was the stone just mentioned. With it he made a beginning of his altar-building to Yahweh, cf. Gen. lo'l The author has it in mind to tell of other altars built by Saul, but his narrative is now lost. 24. Ninn era cmj '?n-i-2'"i-::'>ni] is an unexpected opening to the new para- graph. 'J'jj, \f, is used to describe the straits in which the people found themselves under the Philistine invasion. But we are here in the midst of the deliverance, and although the deliverance was less complete than it might have been, the people could hardly now be described as oppressed by a task- master, or driven aivay, or crozuding each other, which are the only meanings to be got out of the verb. Saul's vow, though it increased the weariness, could hardly be said to oppress the people, and if the author had meant to connect this assertion with the vow he would have constructed his sentence differently, (g has an entirely different reading : koX 'lapa^A ^v /uLera 2aoyA, wael 5€Ka x^^'^o.^^s dv^pcou, Ka\ t\v 6 iroAefios SiearTrap/JL^vos els 6Kr\u rrju ir6\iv iu T(S opfi 'Ecppdip. i3^ with which ^B agree nearly. This gives an admirable opening for the new paragraph, and one that would not readily occur to re- dactor or scribe. It had probably become illegible in the archetype of p^ and a scribe substituted a phrase suggested by 13'^, returning to the oppression of the people as the new point of departure. With We., it is proper to suppose that every city has come in by duplication — '\>'; Sd3 from nn Vd^. The scat- tered fighting would be in the open country rather than in the towns. The impossibility of p^ was discovered by Ew. (from Th. ?) who besides adopting @ emends |^ by conjecture. The reading of (g is also adopted by Th. with the silent correction of -\>yi to ~\-;\ The retranslation of <'i~"^Ji] is impossible, whether we understand -\-;> of 2, forest or of a honeycomb, for the simple reason that ^nxn is never used for the people of the land;* — ^iNn-Soi] may be a corruption of oyn-^Di though it is difficult to see how a scribe could make this mistake here. If so, the words will be a duplicate of the D>n'?J in the preceding verse; (§ KoiX iraaa rj yrj -npiara seems to duplicate the whole preceding clause except the negative, and this is repre- sented in I. The only thing which is in place is a statement that all the land produced honey or that all the land flowed ivith honey. But none of the efforts to put this into the text are satisfactory. We., Bu., Dr., Ki. leave out the whole clause, making the verse consist only of r\-\'i^7\ '•jd'Sj; ry^r^ -\y'^\ and there zvas honeycomb on the face of the field. This is perhaps the best that can be done. — 26. Z'1•^ •q'^n njni] must be intended to mean and there was a flow of honey ; but "^^n in the only other passage in which it occurs means a way- farer, 2 S. 12*. The change of pointing to ■]'^n (Th.) is now generally adopted, and as its consequence the further emendation of ttOT to nan, its bees, evidently the original of AaAuv (&. That the honey was deserted of its bees made it especially tempting to the hungry people. It is not yet ex- plained, to be sure, why the bees should have deserted their post. ^'''Z'^D is to be read ^••ir'D with (3K, cf. v.^" (Kl.). — r\';2Z'n] perhaps to be corrected to nin"> npa'ir with (3. — 27. ri'^;'"'] the no77ien unitatis of "y}^ is r\-rp. njNnm A?. .• nnsm Qre; the latter is evidently to be preferred, cf. ns v.^^. — 28. D;?n rip^] can mean only : the people were exhausted, a statement that interrupts the sense, whether supposed to be spoken to Jonathan, or an explanation by the author. If anything is in place here it is something completing the informa- tion given, like D;*n ^^'p^, the people testified \.o the oath when Saul laid it upon them, perhaps by saying amen. Or we might read Z'^i "V)^^, and he called the people to witness, that is, Saul did (cf. I K. 2*^), when he laid the objurgation upon them. Something like this seems to have been the idea of Josephus (^«/, VI. VI. 3), when he says that Jonathan did not hear the curse nor the approbation the multitude gave it. (5 reads >n"i% an easy corruption of i^""!. The two words are thrown out, as a marginal gloss which has crept into the text, by We., al. Another reading suggested by Josephus is 0>'LO ti"^""* he left off eating, which would be entirely in place at the beginning of the next sen- tence. (S also connects its koX ^yvw [^ loo vaQa.v'\ with the following. — 29. -\y;'] Gen. 343^ Jos. G^s 725 jj. ii35 _,f<^-] ^gad ns-^ with © (We.). — 30. ^r n^] emphatic introduction to what follows, making a climax : ' I have been re- * Dr. points to one instance, 2 S. 1523: all the land was weeping aloud. But there also it is doubtful whether the text is sound. XIV. 24-34 119 freshed by eating a little honey; hoTv much viore if the people had eaten would they have been refreshed.' He changes the construction, however, and instead of saying 'they would have been refreshed' states the consequence of the refreshment ' there would have been great slaughter.' — nny >3j intro- duces the apodosis after ni':'. But in this case we must omit the n*? which follows, and in this we have the authority of (!5. The change to N^n makes an awkward sentence. Or possibly n"? represents the affirmative particle of which we have traces elsewhere. — hjd] read HDDn (^, notice the n which precedes. — 31. The first half of the verse is difficult as it stands, because it seems to speak of a success such as even Jonathan would approve. But the narrator would hardly contradict himself so directly. The only way of fitting the words into the context is to throw out vxrin dvo (or correct it to Drn) and make the sentence a part of Jonathan's speech: and they would have smitten the Philis- tijies [to-day] from Michmash to Aijalon. The only alternative seems to be to throw out the whole clause (We., Camp. p. 248). (g relieves us of the diffi- culty so far as to omit Aijalon and to read trD3C3 for !:'DD0?:. But the narrator hardly supposes the whole day's fighting to be confined to Michmash. Bu. adopts this, and also adopts from Kl. ts^^'^t^ n;? for nj't'ns. But in this case it would be better to take over the whole of Kl.'s conjecture 'rh^^r\ i;? ti'Ci'n cnc. The insecurity of our footing must be obvious. On the site of Aijalon, Robin- son, BR'^, III. p. 145, GASmith, Geog. pp. 210, 250 f., Buhl, Geog. p. 198 who refers to Guerin, Judee, I. 290. Cf. also Moore, Judges, p. 53 f. — D;7n p|J7"«i] pointed as if from fi"";*, cf. Jd. 4-^, the more usual form is ^t, and we should probably point t]V>\ The clause resumes the narrative. — 32. cvm Kt. : np^ Qre is doubtless to be preferred, cf. 15^^. Kl. defends the Kt. deriving it from tt'i;? a rare verb of uncertain meaning; koX iKXldrj (B^ points to :3M which favours the Qre, which is also directly rendered by (g^^ The verb is perhaps denomina- tive from iD^-; a bird of prey. ^S:;' Kt. : hhz^n Qre, again to be preferred. — ~ iton'j'ii ns-\x] cf. ns-\N hddx 2 S. 2^'^. — oin-S;'] is probably the original phrase, Lev. 1926 Ex. 12^ and Din-Ss v.^* is to be corrected accordingly. mn-fiN proposed by Th. is not superior though we can hardly call it un-Hebraic, cf. Lev. 17I''. — 33. n^JM] the undefined subject is nn^jcn. — ansan] on the pointing Ges.^c § 74 i. D^ton is given by Ginsburg as the Qre. — SdnS] for this gerundial con- struction cf. Day., Syntax, §93, other examples are I2i"- 1^ 19^ 2o20. — Dmj3j you deal treacherously does not seem to be the verb called for. (§ finds the name of a place Gittaim, of which we have no other trace in this region. Perhaps on^JoS would be in place. Kl.'s reconstruction is too ingenious. — am] must be cor- rected to oVn with (g (Th.), — 34. This command is evidently directed to those immediately about the king and strengthens the case for an^jo'r in the preced- ing verse. For iSn : ^vravQa.^; Kl. conjectures nvT« Sn for which much may be said and I have adopted it. — nro] can hardly be upon this stone ; more proba- bly in this place. — onSaxi] seems wanting in 6 and is in fact superfluous. — no nity r-iN] we should expect the sheep to be added as above; read ik'N i:*>n no with (5 (Th., al.). — nS^Sn] lacking in 6", inserted by (5^ at the end of the verse. Kl. followed by Bu. corrects to r\'^7\h, which is, in fact, what we I20 I SAMUEL need. Some reader zealous for the Law changed it as in |^, while another left it out as in (g. — 35. The appropriateness of this addition to the narrative is apparent only if we identify the altar here spoken of with the great stone already mentioned. Had the author meant to make it something additional he would have said Saul built there an altar (as is actually rendered by S). The building of altars is a mark of piety in the patriarchs, Gen. 8'^° 12" 13I8 26"^^ (all J) and 35'^ (E). We have no reason to interpret otherwise in the case of Saul. The supposition that the altar was built as a monument — non cultus causa, honoris ergo — is excusable in Schm., but hardly so in Keil. — ins] must be circumstantial: with it he began the building of altars, ^r^^i"? n3TD] the plural of the noun is not required, cf. Gen. lo^ : he was the first to become a tyrant, and probably Gen. 9-^: Noah was the first husbandman. 36-46. The penalty of the broken taboo. — Saul proposes to renew the attack on the Philistines, but at the priest's suggestion first seeks counsel of Yahweh. The oracle is silent ; whereupon Saul conchides that the vow laid upon the people has been broken, and he takes measures to discover the guilty party. The sacred lot is cast first between Saul with his house on one side, and the people on the other ; then between Saul and his son. Jonathan is discovered to be the guilty person, and is condemned to death by Saul. But the people, recognizing that the victory of the day is owing to Jonathan, revolt against the decision and ransom him. This closes the incident. The section is the necessary conckision of what precedes. There the vow has been registered and its violation recorded. Jonathan confesses his guilt in the terms already used in describ- ing his unwitting trespass. In fact, the culmination of the story is found in Saul's Brutus-hke sentence of his own son, and in Jonathan's noble willingness to die. The older commentators were much exercised by the question whether Jonathan was really bound by an adjuration of which he was ignorant. In the sense of the Biblical writer, he was so bound. Nor can we seriously question that, to the Biblical writer, the reason for Yahweh's refusal to answer Saul was his anger at Jonathan's transgression — though the commentators have ingeniously avoided this conclusion, and have tried to shift the guilt from Jonathan to Saul. 36-46. Doubts have been expressed as to the section being a part of the original narrative, and it is true that v.'^'^ reads like the conclusion of a chapter in the history. But the account of the vow of Saul and of Jonathan's trans- XIV. 36-41 121 gression is not complete without the present sequel. If necessary to choose, it would be better to strike out v.^^^ than to dispense with ^>-^C'. We., who holds this to be foreign to the genuine context {Cojup. p. 248), is well answered by Bu. {^RS. p. 206). 36. Saul makes a proposition : Let us go down after the Philis- tines by night and smite theni\ reading with Bu. ; the received text, let us plunder among them, is weak. The people agree, but the priest advises consultation of the oracle : let us draw near hither to God^ Ex. 16^ Zeph. f. The initiative of the priest may be accounted for by his knowledge of the transgression. The emen- dation of the text to make Saul the subject is arbitrary, though Josephus gives the initiative to the king. — 37. Saul ashs of God in the customary form ^ here a double question, but one that admits only the answer yes or no, cf. 30^ From the form of the question it is probable that the oracle answered by the sacred lot. — But he did not ansiuer him that day'] how the priest discovered Yahweh's refusal to answer, we are not told. — 38. Saul, with his usual promptness, takes immediate steps to discover the occasion of the divine wrath. He issues the order : Come hither, all the cornerstones of the people!] the chief men are called by this name Jd. 20- Is. 19^^ — And hiow and see whej-ein is this sin to- day] or more probably in whom is this sin. Abstractly considered, the fault might be in a thing as well as in a person, but as Saul's measures look towards the discovery of a person, it is natural that he should express himself accordingly. — 39. Saul solemnly pro- tests that the offender shall not be spared : By the life of Yahweh who delivers Israel] that is, who is habitually Israel's deliverer ; though it be I or Jonathan my son, he shall be put to death] the conjectural reading represented here will be defended in the criti- cal note. The silence of the people shows that they appreciate the gravity of the situation. — 40. Arrangements are made for casting the lot by the division of all present into two parties. On one side are the people at large, on the other Saul and Jonathan, they being the only members of the royal family who are present. The arrangement, proposed by Saul, is consented to by the people. — 41. The sacred lot is cast in accordance with Saul's prayer pre- served for us in'(^ : And Saul said: Yahweh, God of Israel, why hast thou not answered thy servant this day ? If the guilt be in 122 I SAMUEL 77ie or in Jonathan my son, Yahweh, God of Israel, give Urim ; but if thus thou say : It is in my people Israel; give Thiimmijn. The arguments for adopting this text are : (i) the improbabihty of its being invented by a late author; (2) the difficulty of making sense of the received text ; (3) the loss by homeoteleuton is very probable ; (4) the word D'Jan alone would not suggest the inser- tion; (5) only by supposing something of this kind to have been originally in the text, can we account for the statement that Saul and Jonathan wei'e taken. If, as these considerations make ex- tremely probable, this is a part of the original text of Samuel, it is one of the most important contributions of (^ to the restoration of that text, and to our knowledge of Hebrew antiquity. The Urim and Thummim were known by name to the post-exilic writers, but the method of their use had been forgotten. The only early references are i S. 28^ where Urim is mentioned as one method of revelation, and Dt. 33^ where Urim and Thummim are attributed to the tribe of Levi. The present text describes them more exactly than any of these. Urim and Thummim were two objects used in the lot — perhaps stones of different colours — one of which gave the affirmative, the other gave the negative answer to a question put in the form already indicated. In this case : Saul and Jonathan wei-e taken and the people escaped. — 42. The text seems to have suffered here also : And Saul said : Cast between me and Jonathan my son; and Jonathan was take?i'\ the abruptness of the statement is contrary to analogy. (^ again comes to our help and may plead the presumption that the same cause which mutilated the preceding verse affected this also. It reads : And Saul said: Cast between me and Jonatha^i J Whom Yahweh shall take shall die. And the people said to Saul: It shall not be so I But Saul prevailed over the people, and they cast the lot between him a?id Jonathafi his son, and Jonathan was taken'\ the added feature of the protest of the people is too original to be a Greek expansion of the text. — 43. Jonathan confesses in response to his father's question : / did indeed taste a bit of honey with the end of the staff which I cai-ried. Here I am I I am ready to die'\ the last words are not a complaint at his fate, but express a heroic willingness to meet it. So Josephus correctly understands it : " Jonathan was not dismayed at this threat of death, but submit- XIV. 41-46 123 ting nobly and magnanimously, he said : I do not ask you to spare me, Father ; death is all the sweeter to me, coming in connexion with your piety and after a brilliant victory." * Jonathan's spirit is comparable to that displayed by Jephthah's daughter, Jd. 1 1"'*'\ — 44. Saul pronounces the sentence, confirming it by an oath : So do God to mc and so again — t/ion slialt die, Jonathan /] the impreca- tion as in 3^'. — 45. The people interfere and deliver Jonathan: Shall Jonathan die who has wrought this great deliverance for Israel? Jonathan's bold attack upon the enemy was the beginning of the victory, and without it the victory would not have been ob- tained. By the life of Yahweh, the?'e shall not fall a hair of his head'] i K. i^^, cf. 2 S. 14^^ — For he has wrought with God~\ the sense is, apparently, that if God was so well pleased with Jonathan as to give him the victory, he cannot now require his death. As this is a noji sequitur, possibly the text has been obscured. — The people ransomed Jotiathan'] by substituting one of themselves — so Ew. and We. suppose. Driver points out that ransom by an animal substitute was allowed by comparatively early laws, Ex. 13^^' ^^ 34^, so that we cannot be absolutely certain. — 46. Of further pursuit there could be no thought. Hence Saul went up from pursuing the Philistines, and the Philistines went to their own country~\ the narrative reaches a pause with this verse, but the same document is continued in v.^^. 36. nT3j] on the form, Ges.^s § 67 dd; Stade, Gram. § 137 a, 584 <:. This verb, however, is not the one we expect here, as Saul evidently means more than plundering, for he does not want to leave one remaining. As (5 renders the same word we are thrown upon conjecture; and of the various conjectures the simplest is nnji (Bu.), cf. ii^i Jos. iii*. — iNirj] pointed as a jussive (a rare instance), Dr., Tenses^, § 50, Obs.; Ges.26 § 48^, note 2, 109^; cf. 2 S. 17I2. The space after ni:7, remarked in the Massoretic note, is probably a trace of a different verse division. — "iJi \r\2r\ -\dn''i] Bu. proposes to restore ii3Nn PN D^n njipn jhdS "icn^i (making Saul the subject), constructed after the analogy of the restored v.^^. But (g agrees with |!?, and the sense is good. If any change is needed, the clause might be stricken out, with %. Against its originality may be urged i-\\> (instead of rjj, used elsewhere in this narra- tive).— 37. >r\yp\ ^^ adds Kvpios. — 38. vcu] the form occurs three times; recession of the accent on account of the following monosyllable (? cf. Ges.^s 66 T22 with &, Th., We., Bu., Kl., Dr., Ki. — 39. mn>->n] the dis- tinction made by the punctuators between "'n and ""n in such expressions is arti- ficial, and intended to disguise the fact that men swore by the Hfe of Yahweh, cf. 20^, 2 S. 15^^, where the two forms are found side by side. — "'J'^'"'] is con- fessedly a difficult form. It occurs Dt. 29^*, where the analogy of "i:j\s in the second half of the verse suggests that we should point ua'"', also i S. 23^3 Est. 3®. In the present passage Th. proposes to read nja'i, on the ground that the antecedent is pn^op, and this seems confirmed by airoKpidrf ®, which would represent njy>. But the analogy of the following verses suggests that the original was in o C"', a combination that might give rise to f^ if one or two letters became illegible. This is the conjecture of Kl., and 3 is quite in place as the de//i essentiae. — 40. 13>*S] ets ^ovK^iav (g is an obvious error, but shows a Hebrew original. — 41. Sn] is an erroneous insertion, nini being part of the vocative. — didh r\iT\'\ all attempts to make sense of the words as they stand are vain : Give a perfect {lot) would be impertinent ; sJiotu the right does vio- lence to the words. The text of (^, apparently best preserved by ^^, retrans- lated into Hebrew gives: in 1:3 dn Dvn -i"\3;;-nN n-ij;; xS ncS '^nis'i i.-iVn ni,T> D-'DP n^n pvn nyi -icsn hd dni amx n^n Snt^^ ••hSn •r\\r\'^ \vpr\ --jn ]njvj. The only difficulty with this is, that the eye of a scribe would not be so likely to mistake the second nnn for the first, as if the same word preceded both. The reading of ^ in the second half of the verse is confused, but it supplies ^ntc''« before the second 7\iry, so that the probable reading was '?NT.i'"' "id;'3, instead of the simple d>'3 given above. After Ewald, who directs in general to ' complete the text from the LXX ' {GVI? III. p. 51, E.Tr. III. p. 36), this reading is accepted by Th., We., Dr., Bu., Ki. We. conjectures ^^sv^ ^D^ja ijty DNi as the opening of the second half of the sentence, and is followed by Dr., Bu., Ki. Absolute conformity of the two parts of the prayer is, however, not necessary, and ■^"Nn .13 dn seems more vivid, and therefore more likely to be original. Keil, followed by Erdm., argues against the whole insertion, and so does Kl. — 42. The plus of (5 in this verse is contained, with slight variations, in ^bl^ and is testified by the asterisk of Origen. one of the few cases in which the Hexaplar signs have come down to us in the Books of Samuel. The retro- version of Bu. needs no correction unless (with ^ and Hex.) we read nrn -12^3 instead of nrn nonn. (For k. KaraKpaTiqae 2. tov Xaov either D;;no . . . prnM, cf. 17^0^ or 3^3 pm>i, Dt. 222^.) Insert therefore after ^::i the words itt'N nN joi uo ^h^D'>^ oya SiNa> prn^ nin imj n\i"' nV Sinit-Sn Q';rt -idnm ^\^^2> nin> i^S-" 1J3 |nji\ The resemblance between "'J3 |njii and 1J3 ]Div accounts for the omission. The emendation, made by Th., is rejected by We., on the ground that to interrupt the decision of Yahweh is irreligious and the uncertainty intolerable. But the people may well have seen that the result could be only the loss either of Jonathan or of Saul, and have been willing rather to bear the wrath of Yahweh than to face this certain loss. The emendation is ac- cepted by Kl., Bu.; not noticed by Dr. and Ki. — 43. TiDytJ DjJta] the adver- bial infinitive throws emphasis upon the root idea of the verb * I tasted a little honey.' As it is here a confession of transgression, in which there was no XIV. 47-51 125 question of less or more, we should probably understand it to be an out-and- out affirmation, and not intended to contrast tasting with eating, as though in mitigation. — ''jjn] (5'- and IL read ""Jjm. — 44. TWfy^ hd] must have after it "''^, as indicated by (SILS. The omission was probably made from superstitious dread on the part of the scribe who would not write an imprecation upon himself (We., who cites 25-^, where an imprecation upon David has been obscured for the same reason). So the Arab writer changes a denunciation of the person present (m his narrative) to a denunciation of ' the remote.' The formula is found in 3I". At the end of the verse |njr |t? : avfxepou 6^^; a-iifx^pov IcavaQav (Q^. The unusual place of the vocative is an argument against p^, and it might also be pleaded that the determination of Saul to placate the deity at once is something that should be brought out. But the pathos of the sentence is greater as read in ||^, and the change to z:,V7\ more likely than the reverse. The case is a difficult one to decide, but on the whole 1^ has the advantage (so We., Bu., Kl.). — 45. n;;ii'\-i] would be sufficient without qualification, as is felt by 5, which reads simply : who hath wrought deliverance for Israel. — nS-''?n] is lacking in 6^. The insertion is easily accounted for by the context (Kl., Bu.), and superfluous. — cn] is used in oaths with the negative sense. — n-\>*L;'n] the use of p is explained by Dr., Notes, p. 91. It would not be extravagant hyperbole (to the Oriental mind) to take it as partitive : ' There shall not fall [even a fraction] of a hair.' — T\'v; Dv-i'^N ny ^2\ should mean in this context : for on the side of God he wrought. The construction is, however, awkward, and (g had a different text : on eAeoi/ Qf:ov inoirjaeu (5^ ; g^j ^ ^ahs tov deov inoiriaev (g^^. One of these is prob- ably corrupted from the other, and possibly both go back to the pronunciation d;; for □;;. For God will be gracious this day is nearly what we require : "-j Dvn □"»n^N onj\ Kl. proposes c^i^n cnj o — for the mercy of God hath made this day. But it is difficult to justify this by the facts, for this day is not the day of the battle but the day following. — nci] means they ransomed : koX irpoa-nv^aro ® would point to S^flM. There can scarcely be a doubt that |^ is original. 47-51. Summary of Saul's activity. — The paragraph is a summary such as we find in 2 S. 20'-^--*'. The latter paragraph seems to have been originally the conclusion of one history of David. It should be noted that our section does not make any chronological attempt, such as we find in the framework of the Books of Kings. For this reason we should probably date it early, as compared with other redactional insertions. The author's idea of Saul's conquests also points to a time before the figure of David had received the prominence which it has in the greater part of the historical books. Not improbably this section was the conclu- sion of the hfe of Saul, from which came chapters 9. 10. 11. 13. 14 126 I SAMUEL in their original form. In this case it may have stood after i6-^, from which place it was removed by the editor who wished to conckide the account of Saul's successes before going on to relate his rejection. 47-51. As to the character of the section, the critics are agreed; as to its age there is some difference of opinion. The similar closing formula for the life of Samuel (yi3-i5^ reminds us of those we find in the Book of Judges. In regard to David we have like data given 2 S. 3--^ and 5^^^^, both which give the names of David's family, as well as 2 S. 20-3--6 which originally closed an account of David's life. For Solomon also we can point out a much more extended panegyric, but one which is in substance equivalent to our section, in I K, 4^-5^*. There seems to be no inherent improbability in the supposition that such a panegyric was composed by the author who has just given the account of Saul's piety (cf. Kuenen, HCO'^. p. 381). The theory of We. ( Comp. 247) is that the panegyric marks (in the mind of the editor) the close of Saul's rightful reign, and this is adopted by Co., Einl^. p. 100. This is probably the reason for the insertion of the section in his place. But we can hardly suppose that an editor who knew no more of Saul's successes than is contained in what has preceded, and who moreover regarded him as rejected of Yahweh, could write such a panegyric. The resemblance to the ' prag- matic ' sections of the Book of Judges affirmed by Bu. {RS. p. 206 f.) seems less marked than he would make it. Bonk {De Davide, p. 53, and ZATW. XI. p. 143) finds here a fragment from a source which has not appeared up to this point — a history of the family of Saul. Ki. ( GH. II. p. 29) declares for an independent but late source, cf. also Dr., LOT^. p. 173. Properly there are two paragraphs, — one giving a summary of Saul's wars, the other containing the names of his family. — 47. So Said took the kingdom over Israel and fought on all sides against all his enemies^ the enemies of Israel seem to be in the author's mind. The enumeration of them gives the same names which we find in the account of David's wars, 2 S. 8 and elsewhere : Moab and the Bne Amman, and Edom afid Beth Rehod~\ as ^ author- izes us to read. — The king of Soba'\ seems also natural, as in (©, rather than the kings of Soba ^. Beth Rehob and Soba were both Aramaean states in the Lebanon region. Rather curiously the Philistines come last in the list. — And wherever he turned he was victo7'ious~\ on the emendation, see the critical note. — 48. Especial mention of the expedition against Amalek : And he gathered an army and s?note Amalek'] the translation rather forces the text. In case it is not accepted, we must join the opening XIV. 47-52 127 clause with the preceding, making it read : And wherever he turned he was victorious and did valiantly. The next sentence will then be : And he smote Amalek and delivej'ed Israel froin the hand of his plunderer'] it is evident that the author has present stress rather than a historic occasion in mind as furnishing a motive for Saul. This shows the difference between his point of view and that of chapter 15. — 49. The family of Saul is brought before us : first, his sons : Jonathan and Jshbaal~\ so we are authorized to correct, the name in |^ having been mutilated for religious reasons. The first name means Yahiveh gave ; the second, Ma7i of the Lord, Baal having been used quite innocently for Yahweh in this period. The third also contains a name of Yahweh {Melek), though the second element is obscure. All three testify to the piety of Saul. Of the daughters' names Merab is obscure, J//V/?^/ possibly the same which appears elsewhere as Michael. — 50. His wife was Ahinoani daughter of Ahiniaaz\ the names occur elsewhere. The general of the army was Abner, who plays a more prominent part after the death of Saul than before. He was son of Ner, uncle of Saul. As the word translated iiJicle is of some- what wide meaning, the author proceeds to define more exactly. — 51. Kish the father of Saul and Ner the father of Abner ivere sons of Abiel] so we read on conjecture. 52. The verse joins closely to v."**^, and prepares the way for 16^'*, where David is received into Saul's staff. — The war was severe against the Philistines all the days of Saul] the author guards against the impression that the late indecisive campaign was the only one. — And whenever Saul saw any powerful man or any vigorous 7nan, he would attach him to himself] as in the case of David which follows. 47. nsS Sin::^] the order of the words indicates the opening of a new sec- tion. After Edom (g^^ adds : koX els rhu ^aidpodo^i, evidently intending the jBetk Kehob mentioned in connexion with Sobah, 2 S. lo*^. The name has been corrupted in ©^ to Baidewp. The text is emended to conform to (gi^ by Kl., and the emendation is adopted by Bu. — •'oS?::]] the singular number was found by (g and is doubtless original. — y^i^i.] seems to give no proper sense in this connexion, though We. compares Syr. D>n. Hebrew usage allows only the meanings to convict of guilt, or to act wickedly. (§ iaw^ero} points to y^'v which was first suggested by Cappellus {Critica Sacra, p. 261), and is 128 I SAMUEL now generally adopted. — 48. Sti Z'py'] and he ivr ought mighty deeds as in Num. 24^^ Dt. 8^^. Both S* and ^ understand the expression to mean he gathered aji army and this is a more appropriate introduction to the mention of Amalek. '?''n y^P occurs I K. 20^, and it is possible that 'n vp^ may be interpreted in this sense, cf. Ezek. 28*, thou, didst acquire fjiight. — ■\r\ov'\ cf. 23I Jd. 2^* with Moore's note. — 49. "iK'i] occurs also Gen. 461'^ and is evi- dently a corruption of vi:"i (rt:*N) = nin-" ir'ns. This is the equivalent of Ish- baal which has been altered in the other direction into Ishbosheth. The actual name was Ish baal — the man of the Lord. The identity of the name in the text with Ishbosheth was affirmed by Ewald {GVI^. III. p. 148, E. Tr. III. p. 108), who also reconstructed r::"i from (^. The exact state of the case was demonstrated by We., who is followed by Dr. (with some reserve), Bu., Ki. (gL adds KoX 'Eis disobedience to God, and is punished by deposition. This iden- tity of view is accompanied by resemblance of language. God is Yahweh Sabaoth (15^, cf. i^-^^). There is distinct reference to the people's coming up out of Egypt (15^ 8^ 10^^) ; Samuel cries to Yaliiveh (15" f 12*^) ; Saul, Hke the people, is reproached with having rejected the wo?'d of Yahweh (15-''^ 8"). Other similarities will show themselves in the detailed examination of the passage. We must suppose the story to belong with the chapters already named. Taking them as forming a single history, we see that this is really the climax. The document gives a life of Samuel, in which Saul has a prominent part to be sure, but a part which serves to set off the glory of Samuel. The author reckons Samuel as one of the divinely appointed judges. Saul's election was a mistake from the beginning. The real succession passed to David. The rebellious demand for a king was acceded to only under a protest on the part of Yahweh and his prophet. An unhappy 130 I SAMUEL issue was looked for from the start. Nor was it long delayed. The very first time that Saul was put to the test he failed. We might, indeed, suppose that the author originally gave more of Saul's exploits than have been preserved to us. But, as he has already ascribed the Philistine victory to Samuel, he probably had little else to give. In fact, his interest in Saul was not such as to make him give more. As we have already seen, he was probably dependent on the other (and earlier) document. His account of Saul's rejection is a free reconstruction and expansion of 13^"^% designed to take the place of that narrative, and to make it teach a theocratic lesson. XV. The critical questions are treated in the works already frequently cited. I confess my inabiUty to see why this chapter should be made ' inter- mediate between the two streams of narrative already considered ' (We., Comp. p. 248, Dr., LOT^. p. 178, Ki., GH. II. p. 25). The character and position of Samuel as here portrayed agree closely with his picture as drawn in the life of Samuel, chapters 7. 8. 12, unless it is easier to unmake a king than to make him, which will hardly be asserted. So far from " occupying a position midway between prophets like Elijah or Elisha and those like Amos or Hosea" (Ki.), Samuel as here represented is more autocratic than any of these. No one of them, even in the stories which are told of them, ever stood out so distinctly and frankly the superior of a king of Israel, as is the case with Samuel in the section before us. The section agrees fully in this respect with 7. 8. and 12. The majority of critics draw a sharp line between this and the following chapter (i6^"i3)_ "phe reason is not apparent. On the contrary, the logical sequence of this chapter is found in that paragraph. Saul is rejected in order that David may be anointed. It may be said that Samuel's fear of Saul in the second section is inconsistent with the autocratic position which he here occu- pies. But it should be remembered that the motive of the author in making Samuel dissimulate is to account for the secresy of the transaction. He knew that no hint of an anointing of David appears in any other document. To account for this fact, he must make Samuel keep his errand secret. The obvious device was to make his concealment motived by fear of Saul. 1-3. The command and its motive. — Samuel comes to Saul with the Word of Yahvveh. The hostility of Amalek shown in the Wilderness is yet unpunished. Saul is therefore to devote them to utter destruction. The historicity of the incident is open to grave doubts. Saul's kingdom was over Benjamin, and there he had all he could do to keep back the Philistine attack. Judah XV. 1-3 131 was separated from him by the Jebusite fortress, and its loyalty could never have been very warm. 'J'he claim on Amalek was outlawed by some centuries. So far from this people being exter- minated by Saul, they were engaged in active feud with David very soon after the supposed attack by Saul. Finally, no trace of this attack has survived in any passage of the Old Testament except the one before us. — 1. The command seems to follow immediately on the farewell address of Samuel in 12. It begins with the statement : Me did Yahweh send to anoint thee'] the pro- noun is put first for emphasis. The statement is made in order to call attention to Samuel's right to command. — Noia hear the sound of the words of Yahweli] the circumlocution is chosen to avoid anthropomorphism, and shows a comparatively late date. — 2. Thus saith Yahweh Sebaoth] a standing formula with the prophets. This divine name has already been met in the account of Samuel's life, i^' " 4^*, cf. also 1 7'*^. — I have resolved to punish] this seems to be the only way in which we can understand the words ; the translation I remember seems not justified by usage. Amalek was a clan of Bedawin inhabiting the Wilderness of the Wander- ing. They inhabited also the Negeb, Nu. 13-^ — What Amalek did to Israel, in that he opposed him in the way when he came up out of Egypt] the construction is difficult, but the historical reference is evident. In Ex. 17^"^'' we find that Amalek made war with Israel in Rephidim. Again, they opposed Israel's en- trance to Canaan from the south, Num. 14''^ In Deuteronomy also (25^^"^^) we find Amalek stigmatized as having met Israel /// the way and having cut off their weary and faint stragglers. The phrase in the way would indicate that the present account depends upon Deuteronomy. Further instances of hostility between Ama- lek and Israel are found in Jd. 7^- and in David's life, i S. 30. The comparatively late text 2 S. 8^- speaks of their spoil having been consecrated by David, so that the present account can hardly have been known to the author of that verse. Had the vow recorded in Ex. 17" been in this writer's mind he would have made some reference to it. — 3. Go and smite Amalek and devote him and all which belongs to him] such solemn devotion to Yahweh (and therefore to destruction) is well known from Dt. f 20^^, where it is commanded as the duty of Israel in dealing with 132 I SAMUEL the Canaanites, and from Jos. 6-\ where it is described as actually- carried out. By this act of consecration, a city or nation with all its property became Yahweh's. Indestructible objects of value (gold and silver) came into the treasury of the sanctuary, Jos. 6^^. Everything else must be destroyed, including the human beings, as is made clear by this verse : And do not spare him, but slay man and woman, child and babe, ox and sheep, camel and ass^ so at Jericho the ban covered man and woman, youth and aged, ox and ass, Jos. 6-^ ; cf. Dt. 20^^, where Israel is forbidden to leave alive anything that breathes. That Mesha devoted the Israelites to Chemosh in the same way is expressly said by himself (^Inscrip- tion, 1. 17). 1. The verse fits well on to the end of ch. 12, and Bu.'s supposition that it has been expanded is unnecessary. The solemn reminder would be especially appropriate if the commission were the first with which the new made king was charged. — v'^n] is emphatic by position. — n^^'] is inexact, for in none of the documents was Samuel sent to anoint Saul. But we can probably not insist on verbal accuracy in our author. — "[Sd^] Jd. 9^^ 2 S. 2*. — id;?''?;;] is lacking in (^s, whereas '?N"\;:'"'~^;? is not represented in (g^, — i-,^^ SipS] Dt. 4I2 ^25^ — 2. impfl] this tense is quite justified in the meaning I have deter- mined to do thus, Dr., Notes, referring to Jd. 15^, and Tenses^, § 13. The attempt to make the verb here mean / remember AV. or I have [mentally] marked RV. Erdm., Keil, is based (as alleged) upon Ex. 3^^ jgr. 232 Ps. 8°. But examina- tion shows that none of the passages sustain the assumed meaning. The oldest tradition for this passage is voiced in the rendering vvv iKdiKriaw, or fvv iKSiicu (5 and is undoubtedly correct. With sound feeling Schm. ren- ders : visitare constitui. — P^cy] is connected with Edom in the genealogy, Gen. 36^2. 16_ Balaam predicted their destruction, Num. 24^^ — iV d-lI'— i'.:'n] is supposed to mean hoiv he laid wait for him AV., or hozv he set himself against him RV. But the supposed parallels i K. 20^- Ezek, 23-^ both have *?;? and both have an object supplied by (g. 2 K. lo^t seems similar to our text, but there iS is dative of advantage and the verb has an object expressed; T\>z\ which is urged as an analogon, also requires *?", Ps. 3'^. It is probable that airrivTrjaeu <3 points to a different reading, though what it is, is difficult to make out. Dt. 25^** has 11-1:3 "iip "la's', but this is not sufficiently explicit for our passage. For the verb here Kl. suggests pZ'. If conjectures be in order, I would change to iS is nrs, the crime being aggravated (as Dt. more ex- plicitly states) by the fact that it was committed when he (Israel) 7aas in trouble. But I have not ventured to introduce this into my translation, as the reasons for choosing it are not decisive. — cnsDD inS>3] Gen. 13I (J) Ex. 173 (E) Num. 21^ (J) 32II (^p^_ xiie imperative iS is followed by the per- fect consecutive as is customary. — anDinni] the plural is unexpected and we XV. 4-8 133 should probably restore ^HDinn) as read ])y (B, making the next word pn) in- stead of ns (We.). The verb seems to occur nowhere in Samuel except in this chapter. It is used by all the Pentateuchal sources. — Venn] Dt. 13^ Ex. 26. — nii'N n;; t^'nsn] cf. 22^^ Jos. 6^\ For ^y (Ginsb.) many editions have -lyi. 4-9. Saul's disobedience. — This consists in making important exceptions to the completeness of the destruction. — He first ca//ed out the people and mustered them in Tchxm'\ a town in the south of Judah, Jos. 15-^ The number given, two hundred thou- sand footmen, is to be judged like similar data elsewhere. The ten thousand, the men of Judah, seem to be an afterthought. — 5. And he came to the city of Amalck'\ the absence of a name for the city shows the author's vagueness of geographical knowledge. Cities there can hardly have been in that desert region, though a fortified village might by courtesy be so denominated. The read- ing cities (^ is plainly incorrect. Only one engagement is thought of. — And lay in wait in the wadi~\ a favourite move in Hebrew strategy, Jos. 8^ Jd. 20-^. — 6. The Kenites whom Saul warned were old allies of Israel, represented in one document as the tribe of Moses' father in law, Jd. 4^^ After sharing the desert wanderings of Israel and entering Palestine, they preferred the nomad life in the Negeb, where they dwelt with Amalek according to the origi- nal text of Jd. i^'^. The author does not seem to have questioned whether the warning to the Kenites would not frustrate the pur- pose of Saul in regard to Amalek. The reason of Saul's consider- ate treatment of the Kenite is given in his message to them in the circumstantial clause : cum tu tamen misericordiam feceiis cum 07finibus fillis Israelis (Schm.). The Kenites withdrew as warned. — 7. And Saul smote Amalek f'om — ] the name of the place is now lost ; Havilah, which is given by our documents, is impossi- ble. — As far as Shur which is before Egypt~\ " Shur is originally the wall which ran from Pelusium through Migdol to Hero" (We.) .* — 8. And he took Agag the king of Amalek alive~\ cf. Jos. 8^. — But all the people he slew 7vith the sword^ lit. consecrated according to the mouth of the sword, cf. Moore on Jd. i^. — * The description of this wall, or line of fortifications, is given by Wiedemann, Herodot's Zwcitcs Buck (Leipzig, 1890), p. 88, with references to Diodorus Siculus and the Egyptian sources. 134 I SAMUEL 9. Sa7/l and the people spared Jgag and the best of the small and large cattle, the fatlings and the lambs'] a slight emendation of the received text is necessary. The wealth of Amalek must have been mainly in cattle. The motive of Saul in sparing Agag (pride, hope of ransom, an ill-timed emotion of pity, respect of persons) was much discussed by the older commentators (cf. Schm., Quaes tio VI. ad Cap. XV.). An Agag is mentioned Num. 24^ where he is made the symbol of great exaltation, but it is not yet clearly made out whether there is a reference to this passage. On the vile and refuse which were destroyed, see the critical note. 4. >'?:*J'm] the Piel is used only here and 23^, where also Saul calls out the people to war. In both places it is possible that we should point a Hiphil, I K. 152- Jer. 50-^ 51-", — a"'N^'J3] the name of a place is no doubt intended — quasi agnos % is, of course, impossible. But ev Ta\yd\ois & is not appro- priate. Most recent critics find in the text only an orthographic variation of D*?:) a town mentioned Jos. 15-*. For two hundred thousand we find four hundred thousand ©. The ten thousand of Judah are omitted by ^^, but increased to thirty thousand by (gB_ — 5^ -,,^-] TrcAecoi/ (g. — 2-im] is intended for a^^NM (ez/TjSpevo-ei/ ©) as is seen by Kimchi and Schm. Kautzsch (Ges."-^^ § 68 0 takes it to be Hiphil, but 3nN occurs nowhere else in this stem. — 6. "iTi no xh'\ (5 omits n-«, perhaps correctly. On the daghesh in n*^ cf. Ges.2o 20^. — ^">Vcy] as we expect the author to be consistent, it seems best to restore P^CJ? here, the form which we find at the end of the verse. — icdn] should probably be pointed (Lag., Proph. Chald. p. li), cf. Gen. iS-^-'* I S. 12^5. This is much more forcible than the received pointing. — Sd] is super- fluous and therefore suspicious — lacking in (S^^. — ''JT] should certainly be pp or ^J'^pn, probably, the latter, because that form is elsewhere used in this passage; We., Bu., Ki., choose pp. — 7. hSmp] elsewhere the name of some point or district in Arabia. It occurs once in a phrase similar to the one in the text — from Ilavilah to Shur, Gen. 25^^. It there bounds the territory of the Ishmaelites, of which Havilah should be the eastern boundary. It would consequently be far from the scene of vSaul's exploit. Still there is a ])()ssibility that our author, whose geography is not very distinct, borrowed the whole phrase from. Genesis. We. conjectures Telavi to be the original read- ing. But this does not commend itself, because Saul had advanced beyond Telam when the attack was made. Glaser (as cited by BDB. sub voce') pro- poses to read rh^y\ which is mentioned i S. 23!^ 26^- 3. But this hill in the Desert of Judah was hardly a part of the Amalekite territory. Non liquet, — sw nsn] cf. 278 (where dSdd seems to have stood in connexion with it).- — *JD"S>'] in front of is frequently used of the east side, and would be appropri- ately so understood here. — 8. Dj:n] may mean the soldiery (Ki.), but as there is no record of any human being being spared except Agag, it is better to XV. 9-12 135 make it general. — ^nn-ioS onnn] Jos. 6-'i cf. Dt. 13I''. — 9. 2-j^c] only in the Book of the Covenant, Ex. 22*, and V, (Jen. 47"- ". — s^j-^'-m] is supposed to be the lambs of the second birth. The word is, however, a mistake for D-^i'Ovn (Th., We., Dr., Bu., Ki.), and the adoption of this carries with it the erasure of Sy which follows, anom a-'jc-^-n defines the /w/ 0/ the cattle. Kl. proposes xvomen and children for which there is no support, anr, as delica- cies, Dt. 32^*. D^D-^D © is adopted by Ew. jjn here and jjn in Nu. 24" are the same name. From the reference in Numbers we conclude that an Agag had been an object of terror or of admiration to the Israelites — it should ])e noted, however, that (g^BL has Gog there. — i3vS'] Ex. lo^^ (E), Dt. 2^'^ \o^^ I S. 31*. — Dnji HTDCj] is impossible. The first word is a monstrnm (Dr.) caused by the stupidity of a scribe. The second is apparently for pdncj, for we require a feminine form. Part of this original was wrongly spaced and formed part of the word which |^ now reads as nns', the n being duplication from the following word. The true text is therefore pdncji ht^j h^n^:: ^731 with omission of r\T\>i<., The word h^nSd is used for property in general, Ex. 22}- 10 (^E), and for cattle Gen. 33I*. We may compare r\^^;Q used for flocks Is. 40^°. Trumbull came to the conclusion (independently of We.) that Shiir is the frontier fortification of Egypt, and the same is the view of Brugsch, as cited by Buhl and Socin (Ges. WB^^. sub voce). 10-23. The prophet's rebuke. — Samuel, divinely informed of Saul's transgression, goes to seek him, and meets him at Gilgal. Saul at first declares that he has carried out the commandment of Yahweh. When convicted by circumstantial evidence, he throws the blame on the people. The prophet cuts his protestations short, and when Saul attempts further argument, pronounces the final word of rejection. — 10. The word of Yahweh came to Samuel^ the context imphes that it was in a vision of the night. — 11. / repent that I made Saul king\ Gen. 6'^-^ (J). The dogmatic attempt to explain the anthropomorphism may be read in Schm., Quaes tio VII. Yahweh does not explain the nature of his emo- tion, but goes on to give its occasion: For he has turned from following me a7id has not carried out 77iy co?jima7id'\ lit. my word ; the Hebrew has 7ny ivords, but the reference is to one particular revelation. — And Sa?nuel was angry'] there seems to be no reason for changing the text. The violent emotion of the Ori- ental at the frustration of his hopes must not be judged by our standard of propriety. — And cried to Yahweh all night] in pro- test and expostulation. Schm. compares Moses' grief for Israel. — 12. The entreaty fails to change the purpose of Yahweh, and 136 I SAMUEL Samuel starts in the early morning to deliver his message. He is told : Sau/ came to Carmel~\ the Carmel in Judah, well known from the history of David. It lay nearly south of Hebron, and would be in Saul's path. — And behold he has set up a trophy'] the noun means a monument in 2 S. 18^*^. The words and turned and passed by are difficult to understand in this connexion. Probably there is some confusion in the text. — And went down to Gi/gal~\ must conclude the information concerning Saul's movements. The object of going to Gilgal was evidently to offer thank offer- ings, as indeed (S asserts. — 13. Blessed be thou of Ya/nveJi] the form of the salutation shows that it was originally a prayer, Saul's sweeping claim — / have fulfilled the word of Yahweh — is in fiat contradiction to Yahweh's revelation to Samuel, v.". The author's purpose is to paint Saul as one hopelessly hardened in sin. The older commentators note his hypocrisy, turn in excusando, turn in confitendo et poenitendo (Schm.). — 14. Samuel at once con- victs him by present phenomena : Then what is this bleating of sheep in my ears, and this loiuing of cattle which I hear? The inconsistency was palpable. — 15. Saul's confession of the fact is so frank as to be impudent, and equally ofTensive is his intimation that the religious purpose in view was sufficient justification : From Amalek I brought them : for the people spared the best of the sheep and the oxen to sacrifice to Yahiveh thy God] the designa- tion may possibly intimate that Samuel was to profit by the sacri- fice. Still, as he does not appear to be a priest, much emphasis can hardly be laid upon this ; and it is more natural to suppose that the author betrays here his theory that Yahweh was the God of Samuel, but hardly the God of Saul. — 16. Samuel cuts the speech short : Stop ! and let me tell thee what Yahweh said to me this' night] in our mode of speaking it would be last night. — 17, 18. Receiving permission to proceed, Samuel begins his re- buke : Art thou not, though little in thine own eyes, chief of the tribes of Israel? I'he question seems to be a rebuke of Saul's self-confessed subservience to the people. The next clause be- longs with v.'^, which should read : A?id Yahweh anointed thee king over Israel and sent thee a journey. The close collocation favours the view already advanced that in this document the com- mand was given immediately after the coronation. — Go and XV. 12-23 137 extenninate the siiuiers, Anialek, and fis:;ht against them until they are completely destroyed^ 2 S. 22''' i K. 22". Amalek is called sinners because of the ancestral offence against Israel. — 19. The situation has thus been described : the rebuke follows in the form of a question : And why didst thou not obey the voice of Ya/naeh, and didst swoop upon the booty, and didst iJiat which is evil in the eyes of Yahweh .?] Jd. 2^^ 3". 21. Saul's further protest only con- victs himself. He now calls what was spared the firstfruits of that which was devoted, which is of course an absurdity. — 22, 23. The reply of Samuel is rhythmical in form : Does Yahweh delight in offerings and sacrifices As in obedience to the voice of Yahiueh ? Behold, obedience is better than sacrifice, And to hearken than the fat of rams. For rebellion is the sin of soothsaying. Obstinacy is the iniquity of Teraphini. Because thou hast rejected the word of Yahweh, He has rejected thee from riding over Israel. The passage is a summary of later Jewish theology, cf. Ps. 50^ 51^^ The author's remoteness from the times of Saul is evident from the horror with which he views the Teraphim. His verse seems to have been trimeter in construction, though transmission has obscured the original reading in some cases. 11. ^nD^Dn] 8-^2 12I. — nnxD nc] Num. 1443 3215 (P) Jos. 22i<5-i8 (P)._ U''pr\ nS n^-t] Dt. 2726 Jer. 34^^. — -im>i] is emended to Ti-'i by Bu., Ki., fol- lowing a suggestion of Dr.; (§ has koX 7)^^^770-6 which Dr. supposes to point to "iDM. But it should be noted that in two other passages, 2 S. 6^ and its parallel* I Chr. 13^^, nn"'l is rendered in the same way. In these passages David is said to have been angry at Yahweh's breaking out upon Uzzah, in which we find a close analogy to the present experience of Samuel. — P>r''"i] of crying to God in distress, Ex. 2^3 (P) Jd. f 6^ (D) i S. 7^ 128. — 12. rh-:^-y^r<\ 2^2. 5. 7. 40^ mentioned as one of the cities of Judah, Jos. 15^5^ xhe place would lie near Saul's road from the Negeb to Gilgal. The ruins still bear the name Kurmul (GASmith, Hist. Geog. p. 306 note). — D^SD njni] is wrong, because it implies that Saul is still engaged at the work. Read D-'Sn nj.-ii with (5 (which had even 3Sm), We., Dr., Bu. — n^] of the pillar of Absalom 2 S. iS'^, and of a memorial of some kind Ex. 17^''' (if the text is sound), cf. Is. 56^. — ^D-'i] is in place only if, with (g, we make Samuel the subject — then he turned * The parallel passage weighs as much for the usage of ® as if it were inde- pendent of the other. 138 I SAMUEL about— for Saul certainly did not need to turn. But what the context requires is a continuation of the information about Saul, for Samuel wants to know where he now is. 3Dii has come in by mistake and should be omitted. The text of ® has suffered here from the confusion of the names Saul and Samuel, as is evident from (§** which reads : and it was told Saul that Samuel came to Carmel (corrected in ^^'). For -13>*m DDM : koX a7reaTpe\pe rh ap/xa [avrov'] (&. At the end of the verse (3 reads : and he came down to Gilgal to Saul, and behold he offered a burnt offering to the Lord, the firstfruits of the spoil which he brought from Atnalek. But, as remarked by We., this can hardly be origi- nal, as Samuel would take some notice of the sacrifice. — 13. 'h nnN tn^] 23-^ 2 S. 2^ Ruth 2'^. — 14. nin] defines the Sip of course. — 15. DN'':3n] }]veyKa (3 is more forcible and I have adopted it. — nCN] is impossible to reproduce except by a causal particle, cf. Davidson, Syntax, p. 198. Of the examples cited there, only Gen. 30I8 i K. 3I9 2 K. 17* seem to hold, and it should be remembered that even in such cases "icx does not define the cause as •'D would. — ijcinn] should be corrected to '•nDnnn according to (3. — 16. inn] desine garrire multum, Schm. In Dt. 9I* it expresses God's desire not to hear entreaty or intercession from Moses. — n?;N">i Kt.'\ is doubtless to be corrected to inN>i with the Qre. — 17. The translation of the text as it stands is attempted above. As the sentence is somewhat involved (for Hebrew) there is room for suspicion as to the correctness of transmission, (5^" seems to have expanded, influenced by Saul's own confession of his huml)le station in 9^1, reading : Art thou not [too] small in thine own eyes to be ruler, coming from the tribe of Benjamin, the least of the tribes of Israel? Yet Yahiveh anointed thee king over all Israel ; where the contrast is between Saul's own tribe and all Israel. This, however, is artificial and far-fetched for an occasion like this. (S^ seems to find a sarcastic question in the words : Art thou not small in his eyes, O Ruler of the t7-ibes of Israel? Yet Yahiveh anointed thee, etc. In the uncertainty, and as f^ might have given rise to the other readings, it seems safest to adhere to the received text. — 18. nin>] is superfluous if the sentence really begins with "[n'LyDM. — nnDinm] confirms the text adopted in v.^ — Dvs'jnn] % adds 6is kixL — DHN DniSD— 1;;] can hardly be correct. (S seems to have had ens ^piSd n>' which would do. But it seems simpler to omit the last word as an erroneous repetition (We., Dr., al.). — 19. u;'?!] see on 14'^-. — 'U1 ;7-\n c^m] a standing Deuteronomistic phrase. — 20. T.t'N] as equivalent to o recitativum, cf. Dr., Notes, and Ges.^^ 157^; but ]DN is conjectured by Bu. — 21. n'':;'Nn] elsewhere of the firstfruits of vegetaljle products, Ex. 23^9 3426 Num. 152^ Dt. iS^. — 22. vsnn] i S. i825; the word is found in late writers. — ;'?:u'd] where the comparison would be fully expressed by y::r3D. Such an ellipsis needs no justification. 2''i:'pnS"i = 0. The 1 is lacking in |^. Grammatically speaking there is an ellipsis of 3VJ in the last clause. — nin^ Sip3] S and (S^^ render I'^ipa, not being con- strained by the metre. — 23. The verse is obscure, and the versions do not give much help. The writer intends to say, evidently, that Saul's sin is as bad as the S(j-^a would be a derivative of inD if we may judge by Dt. 21^8 je^^ ^'23_ Perhaps we might assume n-no, cf. n-\D Dt. 13^. Or, on the ground of Jos. 2222, i-^d would be in place. In fact several words suggest themselves, but none that would easily be corrupted to nxon, Sym. rh air^idfTiv, cf. Field. Kl. suggests j,n yon; but this destroys the rhythm. — "l"??:?:] at the end of the verse is abrupt, and as © adds eVl 'IcrpaTjA, we should probably restore '?NTi'> S>'. Ew. suggests "h, which would agree better with the metre {^GVI^. III. p. 55, E. Tr. III. p. 39). 24-31. Saul confesses his sin, and asks forgiveness. In his earnestness he lays hold of the prophet's tunic, which rends, so that Samuel uses the incident to point his sentence of rejection. Nevertheless, at Saul's further entreaty, he consents to join out- wardly in worship. There is some doubt whether the paragraph is by the author of the foregoing. It expressly contradicts the assertion of Yahweh's repentance, compare v.^^ and v.". Its representation of Samuel's outward loyalty to Saul, even after his rejection, seems inconsistent with the picture drawn in the earlier part of the chapter. By its omission we miss nothing of importance from the narrative, and the dramatic effect is heightened because the slaying of Agag follows directly on Samuel's oracle. 24-31. That the paragraph is an interpolation seems first to have been suggested by Stade (6'F/2. I. p. 221). The suggestion is adopted by Bu. both in RS. and in his edition of the text. The arguments are that the section is wholly superfluous and can be left out without disturbing the consistency of the narrative, and that it contradicts the assertion of v.^i that Vahweh repented of having made Saul king — contrast the categorical statement that he is not a man that he should repent (v.29). 24. Saul's confession : / have sinned, foi- I have transgressed the command of Yahweh and thy ivord'\ is not to be taken as 140 I SAMUEL hypocritical. The author means to teach that the most sincere repentance is of no avail when God has made his final decision. Christian commentators (Schm., for example), with New Testa- ment ideas of confession and forgiveness, are obliged to suppose that the repentance here was feigned or insincere. Saul's excuse that \\^ feared the people is the same already intimated, though it has not been expHcitly stated. — 25. Noiv forgive i?iy si7i'] cf. Gen. 50^', where Joseph's brothers ask his forgiveness for the injury done to him, and Ex. 10^", where Moses is asked by Pharaoh to forgive his sin against Yahweh. The latter is evidently the model for the present writer. Samuel stands quite on the level of Moses. It is, perhaps, because the text seems to favour the Roman Catholic practice of confession that Schmidt paraphrases : aufer, nempe apud Deum deprecando. In Saul's further petition — and turn with me that I may worship Yahweh — it is implied that Samuel's presence is necessary to the validity of the service. — 26, 27. The request is refused, and the sentence of rejection repeated. As Samuel turns to go away, Saul seizes the skirt of his robe to detain him, but it 7'ends. The ;;//// was the outer of the two garments ordinarily worn by the well-to-do. — 28. The apparent accident is made the occasion of a renewed sentence : Yahiveh has rent thy kingdom from thee and given it to thy neigh- bour who is better than thou~\ cf. 28^'. The scene reminds us of Ahijah and Jeroboam, i K. ii-^-^\ — 29. Moreover the Victor of Israel will not lie ?ior repent, for he is not inan that he should repent'^ cf. Num. 23^^. The contradiction to v.^^ is doubtless re- moved by the remark of Clericus that in one case the language is anthropopathic, in the other ' theoprepic' But the Hebrew author was hardly so theologically schooled ; and it remains improbable that the same writer should express himself anthropopathically in v.'\ and find it necessary to correct the anthropopathism a few verses later. — 30,31. Saul entreats for consideration before the elders of the people and before Israel~\ and the request is granted. The author is willing to leave him the semblance of the kingly office for the time being. 24. .-iin^->D] for the command of Yahweh Num. 3I6, al. The full expres- sion ni,-i^ ^D-pN 13; Num. 1441, 22i« (K)._-^>-i3n] the singular, which is repre- sented in 0, is more appropriate. It was a single message which Saul had XV. 24-35 141 disobeyed. On ijn for a command of Clod cf. liDB. s.v. II. 2. — 25. nin.nfNi] should probably be pointed with the cohortative ending,'. — 26. nSo nvnn] would perhaps favour the pointing "^Sdo in v.''^^. — 27. iV^d'^ijo] 2^ ''. — ynpii] Koi Stepprj|ej/ avT6 (5. But the scene is more impressive if human agency is kept in the ])ackground. — 28. h'n-\'z?'> moScc] for which tV fiaaikeiau aov airh laparjX <3. The last two words are later addition to the text of (g (We.), which therefore had "lOD'^Da in their text, and this is so much more forcible, and at the same time so much more likely to be expanded into |§, that we must think it to be original; cf. also i K. 1 1^^. — 29. SsiS'"' nsj sjij was read by (§ and Israel shall be rent in tivo, apparently = '?N->tt''' nxp"' dji, and this is accepted by Graetz {Gesch. d. Juden^ I. p. 187). But a prophecy of the division of the kingdom is wholly out of place here. We are ol)liged therefore to retain the text of |§. mj in one passage apparently means victory (SS. referring to I Chr. 29II), and in this place Jerome gives trinviphator. This tradition is the best within our reach. We. decides for the Faithful One ; Dr. for the Glory ; Ki. leaves a blank in his translation; Kl. emends freely and gets : though zve ttvo were to protest to him, yet God is upright. 32-34. The fate of Agag. — The original continuation of the narrative, after the prophetic oracle v.-'', is found here, if what has been advanced concerning vv.-'^^^ is correct. — 32. Samuel orders Agag to be brought. — And Agag came to hitti tremb/uig, and Agag said : Surely death is bitter] the rendering is only provi- sional, as the meaning of one important word is uncertain, and the text has apparently suffered. — 33. The justice of Agag's fate is asserted by Samuel : As thy s7vord has bei'eaved wotnen, so shall thy mother be bereaved above women] it is scarcely necessary to explain the hyperbole by saying (as some have done) that Agag's mother was bereaved of her son and her monarch at one stroke. The 7nost bereaved of women may be applied to any one sorely bereaved. Ajid Samuel hewed Agag in pieces before Yahweh in Gilgal] in fulfilment of the ban. The act is strictly in line with the law. Lev. zf^^'-. It is the evident view of the author that Yah- weh was pleased with the completion of the herem at his sanctuary. It is somewhat remarkable that nothing further is said of the fat- lings and lambs which the people had brought. — 34, 35. Samuel goes to his home in Ramah, and Saul to his in Gibeah. — And Samuel saw Saul no more until the day of his death] the contra- diction to 19^^ is obvious and shows the difference of the sources. — For Samuel grieved over Saul] the reason for not seeing him is that the grief would be thereby stirred afresh. The last clause 142 I SAMUEL of the verse, if it belongs here, must mean : though Yahweh repented^ and conveys a sHght censure of Samuel. Probably, however, it is a late insertion intended to round out this story. 32. rjn;'r] must be an accusative expressing the manner in which Agag came. This might be conrtdent or defiant or crmging or cowardly. It is im- possible to determine which is intended by the Hebrew word. The root occurs in one passage (Neh. 9-^) as Hithpael, meaning they lived luxuriously. So we might suppose here that Agag came daintily, as one who had fared delicately; k&p6s (Sym.), pinguissimus 3L, and ctTrb Tpv(p€pias (Aq.) point to this meaning, the latter indicating njn;;a; so NpjijD ^. Aside from the intrinsic improbability of a Bedawy chief being a luxurious liver, we must object to this that it is a matter of minor importance. As the last clause of the verse shows, the mental state of the captive is the important matter, (g therefore has a claim on our attention when it gives rpefxcov which might come from p? by a change of pointing, first suggested by Lagarde (Prop/i. Chald. p. li) n>j1j7D , from i>"c, to totter ; he came totteringly would convey the idea of great fear, and, as I am inclined to think, would be in accordance with the mind of this writer, to whom Samuel was the imposing and even terrible embodiment of the divine will. Others by metathesis make the word equivalent to mj>'o, in fetters (late Hebrew) — so Kimchi, followed by Gratz {Gesck. d. Juden, I. p. 187). This is favoured by the curious e^'AuaOcod (3^, which might well represent nnj;'r:. If this meaning be adopted, it will be better to suppose the original mj;*::. The meaning cheerfully (Ew.) can scarcely be got from the word, nor can the reason he gives — "the ancients held it to be a bad omen when the sacrificial victim held back from the altar" — be verified in Hebrew antifjuity. The whole clause is lacking in 5i. Schm. combines two of the meanings already considered : viru7n delicatum et, quod concurrere solet, timi- dum mortis. Kl. substitutes nnx for jjx and makes the clause mean held in chains. — nir:n— id ■^D pN] the versions, except 31, seem to have omitted ID, whose resemblance to -\a is such that duplication is easy. For px © seems to have had p.i. For the rest of the clause -niKpls 6 ddmros (3 and similarly S and K. We. objects that this makes of that which is peculiar ifi the narrative something quite trivial. But if it was the author's design to impress the lesson of the herem and its awful character, he would quite as appropriately make Agag lament his fate, as to make him self-confident or defiant. The savage courage of Zcbah and Zalmunna in meeting death, and the arrogant temper of Adonibezek (Jd. 8^8 i") would not adorn the tale, where such a lesson is to be drawn. — 33. -[DnJ (S^ adds vlov 'Aarjp, which is confirmed by I flius doloris (Cod. Leg.). As an IXN is found in the time of Esau (Gen. 36'-^'- ^), and as Amalek is brought into the same genealogy (Gen. 36'2- i«), it does not seem impossible for Agag to be addressed as 'Son of Aser,' and the reading maybe original. — 'iDtt'^i] occurs in this place only. The meaning is agreed upon by the versions and the commentaries. Possibly we should read yoz""), cf. Jd. I4«, which, however, signifies to tear in pieces with XV. 35-XVI. 143 the hands. The change is advocated by (liaetz {Gesch. d. Jiulen, I, 1S8;, and suggested, with a query, by Dr. — 34. That Samuel's home is at Ramah is in accord with i^. — 35. That Samuel mourned for Satil is taken up in the next chapter, and the statement here prepares the way for that. But the final clause '1J1 anj r\^■r\>^ does not fit well in this connexion. It is evidently a circumstantial clause, and in 16^ is entirely in place. Here it must mean though Yahweh had rejected him, which may be justified by analogy, but would imply blame of Samuel. The connexion is better if it be stricken out. Budde begins the next section with it, but this does not seem natural. I SAMUEL XVI.-2 SAMUEL L SAUL AND DAVID. In the present arrangement of the Books of Samuel this is the second great division of the history. The introduction of David marks an epoch. There is no reason to doubt, however, that the same sources continue; for the death of Saul must have been re- lated by both the authors who have given so much attention to his hfe. That various documents are combined in the history as it stands must be evident from the numerous discrepancies and duplicate accounts. Not improbably more than the two which have furnished the preceding history may be discovered here. XVI. 1-13. The anointing of David. — Samuel is sent to Bethlehem, where, among the sons of Jesse, he is divinely directed to the choice of the right one, and anoints him as king. The ten- dency of the critics has been to make the section a late insertion. But several things indicate that it is the direct continuation of the preceding narrative. There seems to be nothing in the style or language which requires us to separate them. The rejection of Saul should logically be followed by the designation of his suc- cessor. In this author's view, the people should have a theocratic ruler. Saul was no longer such ; Samuel had retired. It seems impossible that the people should be left shepherdless. To this must be added the prominence which David had (in the later view) as a ruler especially chosen of Yahweh. It can hardly be supposed that this choice would not be made known in his youth. From the point of view of chapter 15, there is everything to make this section the natural continuation of that. Nor can I see that the position of Samuel is any different. His fear is introduced only to account for the secrecy of his movements. 144 SAMUEL 1. The word of Yahweh comes to Samuel : How lo?ig dost thou grieve over Saul, when I have rejected hwi from ruling over Israel? The circumstantial clause is quite in place here. — Fill thy horn with oil^ as though the particular horn used in anointing Saul were to be used again. Possibly the author is influenced by the later conception of an anointing horn as part of the sacred fur- niture, as Solomon is anointed with the horn of oil taken from Yahweh's tent, i K. i^^ — And come, I will send thee to Jesse the Bcthlehemite'] the n^xvnt Jesse (Yishshai) belongs to this man alone in the Old Testament. Its etymology is obscure. Bethlehem, a well-known Judahite town five miles south of Jerusalem, still flour- ishes under its old name. — I have looked me out a king~\ Gen. 22® 41^ 2 K. 10^. — 2. Samuel's objection is put in the form of a question : How shall I go, since Saul tvill hear of it and kill me ? The older commentators are somewhat exercised by Samuel's timidity in the face of a direct divine command, and extenuate it on the ground of natural human infirmity (Schm.). The narrator was more concerned to account for the privacy of the transaction. Hence the subterfuge : Take in thy hand a calf and say : To sac- rifice to Yahweh am I comf\ the casuistry of the commentators attempts to justify Samuel's reticence, on the ground that he told one of the reasons for which he came. — 3. And invite Jesse to the sao'ifice — / will tell thee what thou shall do — and a7ioint whom I shall point out to thee. — 4. The command is carried out, and at Samuel's approach, the elde7's of the city came trembling to meet him'\ Samuel had the word of Yahweh, and therefore dis- posed of life and death : videtur fuisse consternatio orta ex impro- viso adventu tanti viri (Schm.). Hence their question : Does thy co7ning betoken good, O Seer? i K. 2^''. As Samuel's coming could hardly bring war, but might bring calamity, the translation peace is not appropriate. — 5. Giving a reassuring answer and stating the ostensible object of his coming, he adds : Purify yourselves and 7rjoice with 7nc at the sacrifice'] which was of course a feast, 9''. The purification required was removal of ceremonial defile- ment. Samuel himself /;r/rt;;r^/ (consecrated) Jesse a7id his so7is, and i?ivit€d thc7n to the sac7-ifice'\ the ritual observances necessary in such case were, of course, best known to a priest-prophet. What follows seems to take place at the lustration, and we hear XVI. I-I3 145 no more of the sacrifice. — 6. When they came in order before him (as appears from the later verses), he was pleased with the eldest, Eliab, and said to himself: Surely i?i the presence of Yahweh is his anointed'^ i2-\ A dialogue went on in the consciousness of the prophet. His own choice was moved by personal attrac- tions, but Yahweh looked deeper. — 7. Look not at his person or the height of his stature'] though this had been emphasized (in the other document) in the case of Saul. — /t^;-/ have rejected hint] so far as the particular question now before us is concerned. — For not as man sees doth God see'] the text is emended after (§. — For man looks at the appearance, but Yalnaeh looks at the heart] the contrast is between bodily and mental endowments. — 8, 9. A similar sentence is passed on Abinadab and Shammah. — 10. So Jesse made his seven sons pass before Samuel] namely, the seven who were in the house, only to discover that Yalnaeh had not chosen these. — 11. To Samuel's inquiry whether all had come, Jesse confesses : There is still the youngest, and he is a shepherd with the flock] i f". Samuel asks that he be sent for : for 7ue will not begin the sacrifice until he co7ne hither] the text is not altogether certain. — 12. Jesse, in accordance with the command, sent and brought him : And he was ruddy, a youth of fine eyes and goodly appearance] nearly the same description is repeated 17"*-, Samuel receives the command to anoint him. — 13. So he was anointed, and tlie Spirit of Yalitveh came upon David from that day onwards] as had been the case with Saul, 10" ^". David has not been mentioned by name until this point. This is prob- ably intentional, to heighten the effect. The narrative ends with- out further account of the proposed sacrifice, only adding after the anointing : Samuel arose and went to Ramah. 1. "inStTN iSi] generally we find "[S followed either by another imperative, or by a finite verb with i. But cf. "inpN nj hdS Num. 23-"; nx>'\s' ."13^ Num. 24^*. "-^'^ "Uaaai is found also in the form "'•^"'N (perhaps tnan of Ya/nvc/i)* — \-iiN-\] in this sense in E (passages are cited above). — 2. >::t:'i] the perfect with wazv consecutive continues the imperfect \h any of its senses, so after particles which give a contingent sense, Dr., Tensed, § 115, Davidson, Syntax, § 53 b, and the examples there cited, especially 2 S. 12I8. T^g pj^ga in the *■ But v^» seems to be one element of the name "'tt'>3N, 26<5, etc. Hommel com- pares I-shai with I-chabod, I-thamar and I-ezer {Altisrael Ucberliefcrung, p. ii6). 146 I SAMUEL middle of the verse indicates (as usual) a different mode of verse division. -,-,3 p^j;] Dt. 21^ Is. 7'-^i. The expression indicates that r^hr; might be used of the young of other animals (? the camel). — -rno] cf. 143*.— 3. n2T3] is a mistake for n^r*? which is used with Nip^i v.^ (erroneous antici- pation of the n3T2 in the latter verse). — "i^Ss -icn't^-vs] perhaps 7v/iom I shall command ihcc, cf. nin^ i^ -^cx ^d 2 S. 16".- 4. irs^n^ . . . iinn>i] the con- stnidio prcgnans as often, Jd. 14^ 15I* i S. 21^.- ^cnm] might be justified as the indefinite one said; but as the elders are a distinct and limited body, it is probable that we should read the plural, with the versions and 30 MSS. (DeR.). 3S.M] read a'?::*.-!. At the end of the verse (g adds 6 ySAeVwi/, that is hnih, which can be construed here only as a vocative. The insertion by a scribe is hardly probable, while the omission by one who thought the title not digni- fied enough for Samuel is supposable. — 5. iii'^pnn] the regular term for pre- paring oneself for approaching God, Jos. 3^. — n3T2 "tin onN:3i] koX evippduOrfTe yuer' ifxov arj/jLepou ©-^^ : (^l state mecum et jocundimini I (Cod. Leg.). As |^ is entirely commonplace and ©-^^^ is more vigorous, I have followed Th,, al., in adopting the latter. — -v^^^y] is used of Moses when he consecrated the priests, Ex. 28'*i (P), but also when he prepared the people for the special presence of God, Ex. 19" (E) ; cf. also i S. 7^ — 6. The names of the three sons here mentioned are repeated \f-^. — ncN'i] the verb is frequently used in the sense of saying to oneself, thinJdng. — in] is strongly asseverative. — 7. ins-*-] all that appears to the eye. — dinh nsn^ -i'^»n] the ellipsis is too harsh and we must suppose a fault in the text. We., Dr., Bu. emend, after (5, to o^"^'"'N nv'<-("' Q-ixn n.sn"' lU'sr. Th. had proposed the same except that he retained irs. He is now followed by Ki., with the translation : God does Jiot rcga7-d luhat man regards. This is defensible, but if part of (^ is taken, the presumption is in favour of the whole. — □''j"'"'^] is difficult, because it does not occur elsewhere in this sense — though nearly so in Lev. 13^ Num. 11'^ (?) cf. Lev. 13^*' cited by Dr. It must be contrasted with 11^^ \ as the latter must mean (Yahweh looks) at the inner man (cf. BDB. s.v^ we need an expression meaning at the outer man ; ds TrpSaccirov (^ may be only an attempt to render |^, but invites us to substitute 0'2S^, for which, however, there is no analogy. — 8. 3ijon] the same name occurs 7^. — 9. nr^i:*] is apparently the same with n;'ru', 2 S. 13^. — 10. vj3 r;*3U'] means his seven sons, not seven ^ /r/'j 5o;/j, which would be differently expressed. It is therefore inaccurate. in3 followed by 3 seems to be Deuteronomic, Dt. 7** 14^ 18*^ i S. 10-*. — 11. ir;rn] supply -(oyS as in Jos, 3I'' 4^1 (JE). — -\Nr] seems to be lacking in (5 and the sense is good without it (Bu.). — n:ni] is probably an abbrevi- ated spelling of injn\ though, as the subject immediately precedes, it is not absolutely necessary that the suffix be expressed. — |nx3 n;;-^] not pasturing the flock but acting as shepherd with the flock. — 3Dj] KaTaK\iQS}\xiv (g^^; i.vait\iduiJL(v (5^; discumbemus IL. As avaKKiais seems to represent 3D3 in Cant, i^'^ it is not certain that ^^ had a different reading: KaraKKivofxai more- over does not anywhere render yi'\ As 33D is used of going about the altar as a part of the sacrificial worship, Samuel may mean 7ve loill not begin the XVI. 14-23 147 sacrifice until he come. % seems to interpret 2V2'n. — 12. dt;' pd"'-2;'] is im- possible in spite of hnid no>-o>% 17*2^ In both passages we must restore d^; 2o22 as was seen by Graetz and, independently of him, by Krenkel, ZA TIV. II. p. 309. Kl. proposes -i;'^' ^jims, red-haired. — ^■i<-\'] for nsir, here only. — 13. n'^sni] perhaps chosen with conscious reference to 10"^. 'Khe accession of the spirit in the case of Saul was, however, spasmodic. The idea of the author seems to be that with David it was constant. — in] so written in Samuel and Kings; in Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah n^--. The meaning of the name is unknown. Cf. BDB. s.v. — n'?;?Di] of time as 30-^. 14-23. The first account of David's coming to court. — Saul is tormented by a divine visitation, apparently mental perturbation. Music being a known remedy, his courtiers recommend him to seek a skilful harper. On his approval of the plan, David is mentioned by one of the courtiers, and Saul sends for him. Com- ing to court, David speedily establishes himself in the favour of the king. The affliction of Saul is ascribed to an evil spirit from Yahweh in v.^"*, the remainder of the account has the Spirit of God, twice with the adjective evil (vv.^^- ^*^), once in the current text without qualification. The difference in the use of the divine name prob- ably shows that v." has been modified by the redaction. The rest of the paragraph is homogeneous except a slight insertion in v.^^ It is difficult to discover the exact idea of the Spirit of God in the mind of this author. There seems to be no trace of a belief in the existence of evil spirits, in our sense of the word, throughout the earlier period of Hebrew literature. And if the belief existed, the spirits could hardly be called evil spirits of God. In an instruc- tive passage of the later history, i K. 22^^-^, we find the Spirit offering to be a spirit of deceit in the mouth of the prophets. From this we conclude that the Spirit thought of as the agency of evil was the same Spirit which stirred up men to good, and it is not improbable that the adjective evil is a later insertion in the account before us. The author's conception is certainly very different from that of v.^^ in which the Spirit seems to be viewed as the constant endowment of a consecrated person. 14-23. In 14^2 tiie author remarks that 7uhenever Satil saw a valiant man he attached him to hiiuself. This cannot be the conclusion of the history of Saul, and there is every probability that it was intended to introduce the history of David. The original connexion with the passage before us, however, has 148 I SAMUEL been obscured. In the body of the paragraph, Saul's affliction is ascribed to C^n'TN nn. The original narrative must have used the same term at the first mention of the trouble. But we now find in v.^*, nini nsa nyrnn, and as the opening part of that verse expressly declares that the Spirit of Yahweh had departed froJH Saul (with evident reference to his coming upon David, v.^^) we conclude that v.^* has been composed for its present place. The critics are not agreed; Ku. {HCC^. p. 384 cf. p. 388) supposes something cut out for the insertion of 15I-1613. Bu. {RS. p. 214) and Co. {Einl^. p. 102) find 16I* the direct continuation of 14^2^ yJv. supposes that this is the beginning of a new document — a life of David. 14. As now read, the verse says that the Spirit of Yahweh de- parted from Saul and an evil spirit fro7n Yahweh troubled hi?n~] the verb means fell stiddenly upon or startled. The affliction mani- fested itself in sudden or unreasoning fits of terror. Both mental and physical disease (but especially mental) were ascribed to the agency of evil spirits until very recent times, even in the most enlightened communities, cf. Schm. I. p. 549, Nevius, Demon Possession (1896). The wording of this verse may show that the author had such an idea, though, of course, he did not think of an organized kingdom of Satan, such as meets us in later times. He is careful, in fact, to show that this agent (or agency) was entirely subject to Yahweh by defining it as he does. The Arab idea that an insane person is possessed by a jinn is nowhere dis- tinctly expressed in the Old Testament. Besides the lying spirit in the mouth of Ahab's prophets, we may cite here the evil spirit sent by God between Abimelech and his subjects in Shechem, Jd. 9'-'. Possibly the spirit of jealousy mentioned in Num. 5^^ may be brought into the same category. The term used in the rest of this account shows a different conception. — 15, 16. Saul's ser- vants propose a remedy for his affliction : An evil spirit of God is troubling thee ; let thy servants speak, and they will seek a ma7i skilful in playing the lyre'] the instrument is one of those most frequently mentioned in the Old Testament. Music is associated with benign possession (by the spirit of God) in the case of the JYophets, 10' 2 K. 3''. Here it is expected to procure relief from obsession. A similar belief was held by the Greeks and Latins.* • Ut ostendit Pythagoras apud Senecam, Schm. p. 551 citing Serarius, " qui addit plurcs autores atquc cxemplaria." XVI. 14-23 149 17. Saul assents, saying : Look out for me a man who plays well and bring him to me'\ the king puts the qualification in some- what higher terms than the courtiers. — 18. One of the attendants mentions David as the very man for the place — a musician, a man of valour, a soldier, judicious in speech, and a man of pres- ence, and Yahweh is with him'] the panegyric is the recommenda- tion of a friend at court, and must not be taken too literally. But it certainly implies that David had already had some experience in war, and had attained to man's estate. No supposition will enable us to harmonize this statement with the earlier part of this chapter, and with some parts of 17. — 19. The result is that Saul sends messengers to Jesse, saying : Send me David thy son] that he is described as being with the flock is probably an afterthought of a scribe, though it was not by any means derogatory to a grown man to take charge of the flocks, as is seen in the cases of Moses and Jacob. — 20. Obedient to the message, /m^ took ten loaves of bread and a skin of wine and a kid] the modest present of a farmer to his king, ajid sent them by the hand of David his son to Saul] it was not good form to approach the king without a pres- ent. 21, 22. David was taken into Saul's service and Saul loved him and he became one of his armour-bearers] the king surrounded himself with a body-guard of these squires. With the consent of his father, David was thus a permanent member of the court. — 23. And when the spirit of God came upon Saul, David would take the lyre and play, and Saul would breathe freely, and would be well, and the evil spirit would depart from him. 14. inn>'3i] the perfect with waw consecutive has frequentative force. — mn^ PSD T\^;-vnxy'\ the spirit is nowhere else described with so much circum- spection. In Samuel we find both mn> nn (io<5) and o^nSx nn. The MSS. vary in ii«. In one instance ^ has ny^ nm^ rs>^ where (g found D^nSs. The tendency of the scribes to substitute D>n^N for the more sacred name makes it probable that in this case (5 is secondary. Both n>n d^hSn nn and mn^ nn n;n seem to me to be ungrammatical, and I suspect that the ongmal was simply a^-^^s nn throughout this paragraph. — 16. l^JO^ y^^) "«"^^* n^"^-^" v--p3^] is hardly possible (as is shown by We., Dr., and acknowledged by Bu.) though retained by Kl., and Ki., with a slight change. (S« has e.Wrcorra. h^ ol SovKoi aov eVc^Tr^J. aov .a\ Cvrvcrdra>aav which should probably be restored. & omits after Nj v.i^ to ^n^H sr-^DS^ v.i«. Probably the translators did not have ijj^N, as the omission then becomes a clear case of homeoteleuton. — Ic;o I SAMUEL njr; I'T'I is in v.^^ JJJ >t. As there is no reason why the expression should varv in so short a space we should probably read ]jj >i"' in both cases, and this' is favoured by ©. On the -^ijd cf. Benzinger, Hebr. Archdol. p. 274. — D\i'?n] is lacking in (5^5. —no |.u] iS^^ 19^ the variant of 6 {he shall play on his lyre) is the substitution of a more obvious word. — 17. pj"? 3"''J' r] Is. 23I6 £2. 2,Z^- Ps. 33^ — ''':' Nj"iN-\] cf. ■'S \-ivs-i v.i. — 18. "i3T p3Ji] discriminating in speech. — inp c^ni] generally we find inh 7\f:\ Gen. 39^. But in English we also speak of a man of presence instead of a man of good presence. — x:.-; ni,T'i] the meaning is that he is prospered in what he undertakes, 10' Jd. i-^; cf. Gen. 39^. — 19. INX3 ic'n] is regarded as a harmonistic insertion by Bu. and Co. {Einl^. p. 102). The objection to it is that Saul has nowhere been told that David is with the flock. — 20. DnS ni;:n] is contrary to analogy. Bread is always counted in loaves, and we should doubtless (with We., Dr.) correct to en*? n-\:r>% which is found in the parallel, 17!'^. mty>' was first cor- rupted to icy which is represented in (5^^, and then as that was seen to be absurdly small men was substituted. (S^ has expanded the text as has I — asimim, et imposuit super gojnor panis (Cod. Leg.) — and this has been taken by Bu. into his text in the form onS Ntt>D vSj? Dtt'^i -iir;n. But this is one of the frequent cases in which the longer text is suspicious. — 21. vjijS ncyM] ex- presses the fact that David became one of the king's personal attendants, I K. 12^. — 23. a^■^SN nT\'\ is corrected in all the versions to n>-( nn or nn n;-\ a"«n^vS. I suppose |^ to be original, as the more difficult reading, and more likely to be emended by a scribe. — VincS nni] Job 32^1, where Elihu declares that he must relieve himself by speech. The word would therefore favour (S's understanding of Saul's malady as accompanied by fits of suffocation. But cf. nnn, Ex. 8^^ — 7\')''\t\ nn] can doubtless be justified by parallel instances, cf. Dr., Notes, p. 45 (on 6^^). But I suspect the whole last clause to be a late addition, the sense being complete without it. XVII. 1-XVIII. 5. The single combat of David with Goliath. — The familiar story need not here be rehearsed. We may pass at once to the critical problems which it presents. The first fact which claims attention is that a large family of Greek MSS., rep- resented by (@^, omit considerable sections of the narrative, to wit, 1 7^2-31. 41 Yf'^'-i^'. The critics are still divided on the question which recension is original. Wellhausen in his study of the text decided for (5, because harmonistic omissions imply a critical in- sight which we cannot suppose in the translators. This argument, though afterwards given up by We. himself, is still good. The universal rule in such cases is that the presumption is against the longer text. The argument is strengthened in this case by the phenomena observed in chapter 18, where also some sections XVII. i-XVIII. 5 151 are omitted by (©^. In that chapter it is generally agreed that the omission leaves a continuous, and therefore original, text. The probabihty that the same causes have been at work in the two contiguous chapters is very strong. In the present chapter, the shorter text is perfectly consistent with itself, and the omis- sions do not leave any appreciable hiatus. Whether the omitted sections also form a continuous narrative, as is claimed by Cornill, may, however, be doubted. Yet they have the appearance of parts of an independent document which has lost something in being fitted into another text. We have had two accounts of David in the preceding chapter. Our first thought is that the two documents are continued in the present story, and that the lines of cleavage are indicated by the differences in the text. In fact, the omitted sections show affin- ity with 1 6^'^^. In both, David is the shepherd lad, the youngest of his father's sons. The natural sequence of the anointing by Samuel, is an exploit which will bring David to the notice of the people. More difficulty is encountered in making 1 7^"^^- ^-~*"- ^-'^ continue 16^'^"^. In the account of David's coming to court, he is described as already an experienced warrior, while in our chapter he is called by Saul a youth. This objection is not perhaps decisive ; Saul might well call a younger man by this term, even though he had already reached years of discretion. Nor can we say that David's inexperience in the use of armour of proof is altogether inconsistent with what is said in 16^^. Even an experienced warrior might not be familiar with that sort of armament. And again, the use of the sling is not a sign of youth or inexperience. The weapon used by the Benjamites who could sling at a hair without missing, Jd. 20^^ and who are evidently regarded as a formidable corps, was not a plaything. But when all is said, the incongruity of this account with what precedes is marked. Saul appears as a timid and irresolute man. The whole impression made by David is different from the de- scription of him we have just had. The style of the narrator is more diffuse and less vivid than the parts of the Saul document which we have studied. For these reasons it seems impossible to make the identification proposed. Yet we need an account of an exploit on the part of David to account for Saul's outbreak of 152 SAMUEL jealousy. The author who makes him Saul's favourite armour- bearer in 1 6, and then makes Saul plot against him in i8, must crive a motive for the change of mind. He must, at least, make David very successful in battle and so arouse the king's jealousy. The fact that Goliath was slain by Elhanan 2 S. 21^'' would weigh somewhat against the present form of this narrative. The natural conclusion is that in place of this chapter there was originally (as a continuation of 16-") a brief account of David's prowess against the Phihstines. This was later replaced by the present circum- stantial story, which, however, was first circulated without the addi- tions which we find in Ji^ as compared with (§. On the critical questions the reader may consult, besides the usual authori- ties, W. R. Smith, Cy/C^. pp. 120-124, 431-433; Cornill in the Kdnigsherger Studien, I. pp. 25-34; and Bonk, De Davide Israelitariim Rege (Disserta- tion, 1891), pp. 17-27. All these authors agree that the recension of (^ has not arisen by omissions from that of f^, but that a different document has been inserted in ||?. WRS. argues for the original coherence of the narrative of (5 with 16^^-''', which I have not brought myself to assert. Yet there is nothing to prevent our supposing that there once stood here a brief account of David's exploit which did continue 16^^-^. 1-11. Fresh attack by the Philistines. — The enemy invade Judah. The situation is described, the point of importance being the presence of a champion who challenges Israel. — 1. The Philistines gathered their forces for war'] a similar opening is found 28'. — And gathered at Shocoh] identified as "a strong position isolated from the rest of the ridge " west of Bethlehem, still bearing the name Shuweikeh. An invasion of Judah in order to attack Saul is hardly probable, and an early author would make the Judahites call upon Saul for help. The invading army camped tn'ticeeji Shocoh and Azekah] mentioned in Jos. 15"'^'^ in connexion with Shocoh. From its name it seems to have been a stronghold, cf. Jer. 34'. — /;/ Ephes-Damviiin] as the situation is sufficiently described by the names of Shocoh and Azekah, this redundant statement is suspicious. On the conjecture which emends it to on the brink of the waters see the critical note. — 2. Saul with his army camped in the Valley of Elah] or of the Oak, cf. 21*^ The present name Wady es-Sant resembles the ancient one in that Sant is also a tree. — And arrayed the battle to meet the Philis- XVII. 1-8 153 tines] 4^ 2 S. lo"- ^". — 3. And the Philistines ivere standing on the hill on this side, and Israel was standing on the hill on that side, and the valley was between thej/i] this is evidently meant to de- scribe the situation at the time of the duel, and favours the shorter text, in which David's attack follows at once upon the challenge ; whereas in the section inserted by %} the challenge was repeated morning and evening for forty days. — 4. And there came out from the ranks of the Philistines a champion'] this is the only word we can use — the Hebrew term is obscure. — JFhose name was Goliath of Gath] according to 2 S. 21- he belonged to a family of giants. His height — six cubits and a span — would be at the smallest computation about ten English feet. — 5-7. He was formidable not only by his size, but also by reason of his armour. The defensive armour is all of bronze — helmet and breastplate of scales'] like the scales of a fish, plates overlapping each other and allowing free movement ; whose weight was five thotcsand shekels of bronze] say a hundred and fifty pounds avoir- dupois.— And bronze greaves upon his feet] there seems to be no doubt of the meaning, though the word for greaves occurs no- where else. — And a bronze javelin between his shoulders] the text is somewhat doubtful. A javelin was carried between the shoulders, at least sometimes, as Bochart shows from Homer (citation in Keil and Dr.). But the bronze seems to indicate a defensive weapon, and some Rabbinical authorities conjectured a back plate. — 7. And the shaft of his spear was like a iveaver's beam] in size, 2 S. 21^^ i Chr. 11^'^; and the head of the spear luas six hundred shekels of iron. The principal object of the descrip- tion is to show how impregnable the man seemed to be. Added to the enormous weight of his panoply, was his helper and squire — and one carrying the shield went before him. — 8. The cham- pion, having stepped forward from the ranks, stood and cried out to the ranks of Israel] it was, and is, the Arab custom for the warrior to vaunt his own prowess and to satirize his enemies, as a challenge to single combat. In this case the challenge is based upon the uselessness of a general engagement when the single combat would settle the whole matter ; Why do you come out to form the line of battle? Am not I a Philistine, and you servants of Saul? He offers hiniself as a sample of his nation. Choose a 154 ^ SAMUEL man and let Jiiin come doiun to 7?ie / The Israelites standing on the slope were above him. — 9. The whole issue will be staked on the duel — If he be able to fight with me and smite me, then we 7vill become your servants^ and conversely. — 10. In conclusion the champion renews the challenge : / have taunted the ranks of Israel to-day — give 7?ie a man that we may fight together~\ the challenge becomes a taunt, when no one is brave enough to accept it. It is possible, however, that some abusive language has been left out. — 11. The only result in the ranks of Israel is fear, amounting almost to a panic. That the situation could not last forty days is evident. In the original narrative David, already a member of Saul's body-guard, steps forward at once and accepts the challenge — v.^" is the immediate continuation of this verse. 1. The verse continues the preceding narrative as well as it joins to any of the preceding sections. — cn^jno 'Q iodnm] cf. D.T'jnD nx 'a li'Dp-", 28^. The second icdnm is suspicious and may indicate that the text has been made up from two documents. — .131-*] 2wxw^ (!§. As Eusebius speaks of two villages, upper and lower, it is possible that the plural is original (We. who refers to Euseb. Onom. under ^okx<^). Two separate places with this name are mentioned in Joshua 1585.48^ Qne of them was near Hebron, the other in the Shephela. Probably the latter is intended here. Ruins still bear the name Shuweikeh {^z.^^.^ Palestine i' p. 161, GAS., Geog. pp. 202, 227). — D"'DT D«3N2] on the reading of certain MSS. of (g, Lagarde {Uebersicht, p. 76) restores c^::n -isdj, cf. Buhl, Geog. p. 193 note. The overfulness of the text favours this, or something like it, and Buhl {Geog. p. 90) is inclined to adopt it, though it seems doubtful whether there was water enough in the wady to justify the language. Pas-Dammim occurs I Chr. ii^^ ^s the scene of a battle fought by David and his men. Possibly the text here is conflate. — 2. On the IVadi es- Sant, Buhl, Geog. p. 1 8. — n'?N] terebinth or oak, cf. Moore, Judges, p. 121/ with the references there given. — 3. PNipS in;", to draiv up the line of battle, usually without nrn'ic. The language of the account reminds us of the description of Michmash (nm as 14*). — 4. nunnn] the army has already been described as standing in order of battle, and it is plain that we should read n3n;co with (@ (Th., We., Dr., Kl., Bu., Ki.). Where (g^ got its dupli- cate translation «« itaurbs tov \aov rris irapaToi^cws is not clear. — 3"'ja.-i~tt'''N] has not been satisfactorily explained. (5 has avrjp Suvaros, 2L -vir spurius. The Hebrew is generally interpreted as the man of the interspace between two armies. But the space l)etween two armies is not two spaces — except in the jjrobably rare case where a watercourse divides it. There is, thereO^re, no reason for the dual. It is doubtful whether Josephus can be cited for this interpretation, though he describes Goliath as standing between the two armies. Kiinchi in this inlcrpretation (cited by Dr. and also by Schm.) XVII. 8-1 1 155 voices Jewish conjecture. Earlier Jewish tradition is represented by % and a fragmentary Targum (cited by Dr. from Lag.) according to which the words mean one born of mixed race — the Targum adds that he was the son of Sam- son and of Orpah the Moabitess. Kl. conjectures ic'cn, heavy armed. — n-iSj] names of men have the feminine form not infrequently in Arabic. For six cubits (5 has foicr^ which hardly makes the giant large enough to carry his armour. — 5. n'J'nj] some alloy of copper. As remarked by We., |t? is con- sistent in making the defensive armour of this material, and the offensive of iron. — 6. nv^'p::'p] also of the scales of the 'great dragon' Ezek. 29*. — ntt'nj] bronze and iron (§. — nni'd] should be pointed as a plural, Kvt][xili% (3 — Th., We., al. — ti"'"'^] aairis & everywhere except in this chapter translates either pa or n:ii. Kl. conjectures -\rr, which, however, is always a bowl or pan. Possibly this clause has been interpolated from v.^^. — 7. vni] A7. is doubtless to be corrected to y;-) Qre. — -\u?:] occurs only in the phrase of the text. Cf. Moore, Proc. Am. Or. Soc. 1889, p. 179, and Judges, p. 353. — njs] seems to have been the large shield, in distinction from the smaller pc. — 8. intt''?Dn] for which (§ has aKK6(pv\os without the article. The latter seems more vivid, as though the champion in assumed modesty said : I atn one of many, make trial of me and judge of the rest by the result. — n^] is unintelligible. Restore rsTK-:: with the versions, cf. i K. 182^ (Dr. and Weir). — 9. The regular hypo- thetical sentence beginning with an imperfect and carried on by a perfect with waw consecutive, Davidson, Syjitax, § iTpa. — 10. "iPDnn] can mean only / have instdted or taunted, and must describe what the giant has already done. As the preceding verses contain only the challenge to fight, we must suppose that the unaccepted challenge was itself an insult, as indeed it was. But there may have been some abusive language in the original document which a scribe left out as blasphemous. — 11. inn^] a strong word. They ivere broken in spirit, were dismayed, cf. Dt. i^i 318 Jos. i^. 12-31. David's coming^ to camp. — The narrative goes back to the family of Jesse at Bethlehem. The three sons who are named in 16^'' are here said to have gone to the army. David, the youngest, is called from the flock by his father to carry sup- plies to his brothers. He comes to the camp just as the Philis- tine utters his customary challenge. Inquiring more particularly about the promised reward, he is taken to Saul, who consents to his fighting. The paragraph is lacking in (g® and is marked with an asterisk in some MSS. It is inserted in ^ and in ^ but the differences are such as to warrant us in saying that the two translations are made by different hands. In the case of -^ also, the translator does not appear to be the one from whom we have the rest of the Book. 156 I SAMUEL 12-16. The household of Jesse is described so far as is neces- sary to the present purpose. Jesse himself is too old to go to the war, and David is regarded as too young. Three of the sons are in the ranks. What has become of the other four is not told. — 12. A?id David 7ms son of an Ephrathite of Bethlehem Judah 7vhose name was Jesse, and who had eight sons. The man was in the days of Saul an old man, advanced in years'] such is apparently the intention of the ungrammatical or corrupt Hebrew. The ad- jective Ephrathite as applied to inhabitants of Bethlehem is found only here and in Ruth i'-. — 13, 14. The three sons, whose names are given, had gone after Saul] the tautology of the verses is in- tolerable.— David was the youngest] as already told. — 15. The verse is a plain attempt to harmonize this account with 16^*"^. As it stands it can mean only that David's custom was to go to and fro between his home and the court. The improbability is obvi- ous, and the contradiction with 16"^ is not yet removed. — 16. Another harmonistic verse, intended to give David time to reach the camp. As Bethlehem is only a few miles from Shocoh the author has been too generous : The Philistine drew near morn- ing and eventing and took his stand, forty days. The present form of this paragraph seems to be due to the redactor. It cannot have continued 16^"^'^ directly, but seems to be dependent on that. There would be no difficulty in making the author of 16'''^ speak briefly of the Philistine invasion and add : the three oldest sons of Jesse went after Saul to the war, con- tinuing by v.^^ 12. nrn] if it be grammatical, the word must qualify David : and this David, son of an Ephrathite. But even then the sentence does not give a clear construction. The word is omitted by %, and was differently read by (S'^'- — probably these point to an original Nin which would be in place. — C-'jNa N3] is unmeaning. The synonym of ]pT is ciqo so which should probably be restored here. ffii^,S seem to point to O'^juo N3 against which nothing can be said, except that it occurs nowhere else. Dr., following Hitzig, strikes out Na as erroneous duplication of the two letters which follow. Kl. conjectures ncnScn >Z'i^i Njp of which there seems to be a hint in ^. — 13. i3^n , . . "idS">i] is redundant and impossible. One of the two verbs must be stricken out, and the last one is actually omitted by (S^^^. 17 19. The mission of David. — He is commanded by his father: Take to thy brothers this epha of parched corn] parched XVII. 12-23 157 corn is ears of wheat or barley plucked just before they are ripe, and roasted or singed in the fire. It is still eaten in Palestine, and is especially fitted for provision for travellers or soldiers, cf. 2 S. 1 7"^ The epha is something over a bushel. The army had of course no regular commissariat. To this provision were added ten of the round flat loaves of the fellahin. — Aiid bring thevi in haste'] 2 Chr. 35^^ — 18. David was also to take ten cheeses to the captain of the thousand, to ask his brothers of their welfare, and to take their pledge. What this means is uncertain, and no emendation yet suggested improves upon the text. Possibly some token had been agreed upon which they should send home in place of a letter. —19. Jesse concludes his command by indi- cating the locality in which they were to be found. 17. nin cn"^] read nrn rjn^n, the n has been lost after m-; (Dr., ]^>u.).— 18. :i'^r\7\ >s->n] although not found elsewhere, plainly means cheeses. Nothing else made of milk would be appropriate. Ancient tradition, as represented in the versions, agrees with this.— an^n;] oVa av xpTJCwo"'" {yvuari) 6-^ may point to DHD-^S = their need, as was pointed out by Cappellus, Critica Sacra, p. 286, whereas et cum quibtis ordinati sunt % would favour dhd-i;. But npn would agree with neither of these. — 19. That the verse is part of Jesse's speech is seen by Schm. and most of the recent commentators. Kl. dissents. ' 20-25. David's visit to the camp. — Rising early in the morn- ing, he left the flock in the hand of the keeper] cf. v.--. After his journey of about twelve miles, he came to the entrenchment just as the army was going forth to line of battle and shouting the war- cry] lit. shouting in the battle. But the battle was not joined. The picture of the two armies going through this parade forty days in succession, only to hear the swelling words of Goliath, is ludicrous. — 22. On discovering the situation, David //// off the vessels] bags or baskets, we may suppose, into the hand of the keeper of the baggage, and ran to the ranks] the eagerness of a lad to see the battle needs no comment. The boys among Mohammed's followers at Medina wept when they were pro- nounced too young to go to war. As he had been commanded, he came and asked his brothers of their welfare] cf. v.^^ — 23. The champion appears * and speaks according /^ ///^.^ 7£^^;7/.] the words * Notice that the champion's name is given in full, as if he had not been named before. 158 I SAMUEL rqven above. — 24. Afid David and ail the men of Israel heard, and when they saw the man, they feared greatly a7id fled before him. The received text puts the effect before the cause. The language impHes that the ranks were thrown into confusion. — 25. The universal talk was to this effect : Have you seen this man ? To insult Israel he has come up. The kiftg will greatly enrich the man who shall smite him. He will give him his daughter also, and will make his father's house free in Israel^ exempt from exactions of service or of property. 20. "1^-'] is used of a keeper of sheep nowhere else. — X'^J'^i] without the object is not common, and one is tempted to correct to ^'D-ii. — nSj>'Dn] the same word (without the accusative ending) 26^- '. (§^ has (rT/>077i5Aa)(ris here, which means something round or rounded — an entrenchment around the camp? The Hebrew word is usually supposed to mean a wagon-barri- cade. But we never hear of wagons in Saul's army, and the hill country in which he marched was exceedingly unfavourable to them. — xs\-i] by omitting the article we get a good circumstantial clause, as was already seen by Tanchum. — n:;n'^::3] may have been originally ncnVoS (Th.). — 21. T>>'ni] the femi- nine with a collective subject, cf. 2N1D inm, 2 S. 8^. — 22. c^oii] here in the sense oi putting off from one. — D"'Sd] a word of wide signification — the things which he had with him. — ^■^\v'\ the guard left with the camp equipage. — N3m] is lacking in (gi'S'Il. — 23. nniD Nim] cf. Dr., Tensed, § 166. nn;7DD Kt. is evidently a scribe's error for pidi;?dd Qre. — rh^r\ cn^nj] the reference is to the words given in v.^. The present account, if once an independent document, had a similar speech of Goliath either here or as a part of its intro- ductory paragrapji. — nn vOw"-)] should, perhaps, be joined with v.^*, in which case a i should be prefixed to a."nN-i3, so (5^ understands. — 24. nsD . . . iDn] the two clauses are in the wrong order (logically), and I have therefore re- versed them, with (5k But the whole verse accords ill with v.^^^, and may be a late insertion, — 25. Vnt^'"" r^N] is to be taken collectively. It was not one man who was sent out with the offer of reward, but the reward was a matter of common fame. — a.-i^s-^^n] Ges.26 22 .y. — ^^'y^'\ is lacking in S» and super- fluous. — n^;'] is better pointed in the perfect tense. 26-31. David's desire to meet the Philistine. — He inquires more particularly of the reward to be given, and thus brings upon himself a rebuke from his brother. — 26. Two questions are reported, — the first concerns the reward : What shall be done to the man who shall smite yonder Philistine and take away reproach from Israel? The insult of the champion lies as a burden upon the i)cople until it is removed by the acceptance of the challenge. XVII. 24-31 159 David's estimate of the champion is manifested in a second ques- tion : For 7vho is this uncirannciscd Philistine that he has dared to insult the soldiers of a living God? The Philistines alone among the neighbours of Israel are stigmatized as uncircumcised, Jd. 14^ 15^^' I S. 14*'. The language of the question is taken from v.^. The people reply according to the word just reported.— 28. His brother Eliab heard the question, and was angry and questioned him : Why is it that thou hast come down ? With whom hast thou left that morsel of a flock ? The questions imply blame, which is now directly expressed : / kno7v thy self-will and the evil of thy heart, for to see the battle hast thou come] the wil- fulness of a headstrong boy. — 29. The first half of David's reply is plain enough. The second half is more difficult : Was it not but a word?] which is generally accepted, is not satisfactory. David did cherish the intention, for which he was rebuked by his brother ; and it would be an evasion for him to plead that as yet he had done nothing but ask a question. Is it not a matter of impor- tance ? seems to be what we need, and probably the Hebrew will bear that interpretation. — 30, 31. The earnestness of David is shown by his refusing to debate the matter with his brother, and turning to another quarter, where his inquiries are answered as before. His words — evidently those expressing contempt for the Philistine champion — were heard and reported to Saul, who took him to himself. Perhaps we should read atid they took him and brought him before Saul. 26. hr\\ may have a somewhat contemptuous force. — p|-(n] with the force of a subjunctive perfect; I have given a free translation. — D-^n z^-rh^'\ Dt. 5-3. — 27. nrn -i^hd] is used to avoid repetition. — 28. njnn jnxh £0>:d] the sense is evi- dent, though we cannot say in English the fragment of tJwsc sheep. — |ni1 is the unrestrained impetuousness of a headstrong boy. — 29. vSmh ij-\ n-h] u*31d elsewhere, and by a number of MSS. M ,52 I SAMUEL is so given here. — iv^"' ""^^ -'2^^"'] fo^^^^ i" 1^1 ^^ omitted by e^, and is prob- ably a late interpolation. — 39. pj'^V Snm] is impossible. iKoiriaaeu 6^ ren- ders n'?>i, cf. Gen. 19", t/iey wearied themselves to find the door, that is, they tried unstuccssfully to find it. The emendation is suggested by Schleusner, Novtts Thesaurus (1820), and independently of him by several others (Dr., Notes). With this meaning of the verb, (g is consistent in adding a7ra| Ka\ dis. How (gi' came to ^xf^^a'^^ ^^^^ ^^^ appear. — nn didm] should probably be read anDM with (3^, for David had been clothed by others, who would also take the garments off ((S^^ omits David's name, though it has the verb in the singular). 40-54. The duel. — David goes out with the weapon to which he is accustomed — the shng — taking pains to provide suitable stones. After an exchange of speeches, he hits the target so suc- cessfully that the giant falls prostrate, and is despatched. The fall of the champion is followed by the rout of the Philistine army. 40. David took his club in his hand~\ a very ancient weapon, and still effective among the Bedawin. One of David's soldiers used it successfully against an Egyptian champion, 2 S. 23-^ — And chose five smooth stones from the bed of the stream and put them in his scrip'] the word is probably a technical term for the slinger's box or bag, in which he carried his ammunition. — And [took] his s/ing] a well-known and formidable weapon, Jd. 20^*^. — 41. The verse is lacking in (3 ; and as it breaks the connexion, we may disregard it. — 42. The Philistine /oohed and saw David and despised him, because he was a youth] the rest of the descrip- tion is identical with that given in 16^-. — 43, 44. The Philis- tine's contempt and self-confidence : Am I a dog, that thou contest against me 7vith a club ?] that he adds imprecations by his gods is only wliat we expect. With the threat to give David's flesh to the birds of heaven and to the beasts of the field, cf. Dt. 28^'' Is. 18^ Jer. 15^ — 45-47. David's reply begins with an allusion to the Philistine's superiority in arms, as compared with the club to which he has made scornful allusion. Yet as contrasted with the sword and spear and javelin, David feels himself armed with the 7iame of Yahweh Sebaoth, God of the ?'anks of Israel which thou hast insulted this day] the Massoretic division of verses is wrong, and the words this day belong here. David's confidence overtops that of the Philistine : And Yahweh will deliver thee into my hand XVII. 40-S4 163 and I will cut off thy head, and will give thy carcase and the car- cases of the camp of the Philistines to the birds of heaven and to the beasts of the earth~\ the boast of the giant is thrown back at him. The result : all the earth shall know that Israel has a God] something of which the heathen are not yet convinced. The immediate lesson to those present is indicated : all this congrega- tion shall hno7i>, that not by sword and spear doth Yahweh save, for the battle is Yahiueh's~\ to dispose of according to his own sovereign will. — 48-49. There are indications that one of the accounts here made the batde somewhat prolonged, David ad- vancing and retreating according as the giant moved about in the field. In the recension of #, however, the intention is to let David finish the duel by a single blow, and this is consistently carried out in what follows. Read therefore : And the Philistine rose and came to meet David] joining immediately to what fol- lows : And David put his hand into the bag and took thence a stone and slang it] every movement is of importance to the historian in a time like this — and smote the Philistine in the forehead] ' for aS>. That David was a youth is sufficient reason for the Philistine's contempt, the rest is superfluous. — 43, 44 are duplicates. One of the two speeches is suffi- cient to introduce David's reply, and this is apparently v.'*^. In the feeling that David should reply to both, (g^ or its original inserted at the end of ^^, KoX eiweu AaviS ovx'h aW' t) x^'^P^ kvu6s. — ""Sn] takes the place of iS;*. The plural mSpDa is out of place; read nS?.'^^. — mtt'n nrni] is more commonly V-\Nn '2, which 21 MSS. (DeR.) have here, but cf. Joel i^*^. — 46. nrn Di\n] is connected with the preceding by (glL, and this involves the reading i-iJDi for TiJD\ This is obviously correct (Th.), though rejected by We., Bu. That the fate of Goliath will be decided this day is plain without the express state- ment, both texts moreover have nrn arn later in the verse. — ■r\ir\]2 -^.io] is defensible, taking ijs collectively. But with (5 we should probably read "i-ij-j njna njai, so Th., We., Bu. — insn n^-i] instead of the 7y'\z'r\ ncnj of v.**. — "i>-\''i] as pointed, must give the purpose of the victory : that all the earth may know. It would be possible, however, to point i;'-'"'', in which case the verb would simply carry on the narrative, cf. Ex. \^^-^^ (P) Is. 49^^. — ':'N"t.;'''S] (SSIL seem to have read Snt^'O. — 47. Sipn] is a late word, cf. Jd. 20-. — ncn^cn nvT'S] seems not to occur elsewhere. — 48. op-o n>ni] would seem to intimate that as often as the giant endeavoured to come to close quarters, David gave back, at the same time plying him with stones from the sling. An indication of the same view is seen in the nonyDn near the end of the verse, for this would naturally mean the ranks of Israel. The whole second half of the verse from mcM is lacking in ©J^, which also reads at the beginning koX auffTTTj. The shorter form thus j^resented is consistent with what follows, and I have adopted it.— 49. px] is expanded into nnN ps by Bu., following (3^-, l)Ut this seems unnecessary. — psn ^otoni] © adds Sia ttjs «:enc''?£3n-nN] diriao} avTLov (3^, either form may be an afterthought, as the sense is good without either. — n^j "inij— ly] as the name of a town is expected we should read nj "1X13 t; with the original of (3^^'. — inp;] is doubtless correct as compared with Askalon of (g. — anyi:'] is evidently intended to be a proper name; and a town of this name is mentioned (Jos. 15^6) in immediate connexion with Shocoh and Azekah, therefore probably to be found in the vicinity of the battlefield. In order to make sense we must emend (with Kl.) to c-t;"^* "iitr, or better Dn>'i:'D '\'^'};i, — that the wounded fell all the way from the battlefield to the two cities is information which is quite in place. The conjecture of We., adopted by Bu., which reads DnyiJ'n -[-(i (with (5), and understands by it the roadway in the gates of the two cities, falls to the ground on considering n;;i, which follows. The wounded might fall in the gateway at the cities, but not to the cities. — 53. p^nn] the verb is found with nnx also, Gen. 31^^ (E). — 64. niV'J'n"-] is so evidently out of place here that we are forced to consider the clause an insertion of a late editor, in which case we shall regard the whole verse with suspicion. The mention of David's tent, however, is per- fectly in accord with the narrative, 161*--^, which makes him a member of Saul's staff, XVII. 55-XVIII. 5. David's introduction to the court. — Saul professes complete ignorance of David and instructs Abner to make inquiries. Abner brings the young hero to the king, and Jonathan is especially drawn to him. A firm friendship is ce- mented between the two young men, and David is taken into the king's service. The most ingenious harmonists have not succeeded in reconcil- ing this paragraph with 16^^-^. As it is lacking in the original form of (g, it must be judged like vv.^-'^' above, 55. The narrative goes back a little : Ajid when Saul sau* David going forth to meet the Philistine, he said to Abner, the general of the army : JVhose son is the lad, Abner ? There is no reason to take the question in any but the literal sense. It implied Saul's entire ignorance of David, The inquiry for his father was equivalent to asking, who is he? The attempt of Keil to show that Saul's question did not imply ignorance of David is entirely 1 66 I SAMUEL futile, and is refuted moreover by Abner's confession, which was : B\ thx life, O king, J do not k?iotv'] the Bedawy still swears by the life of the person addressed. — 56-58. Abner is commanded to make inquiry, a id when David returned from smiting the Philis- tine, Abner took hi?n and brought him before Saul, zvith the Philis- tine's head in his hand~\ where he answered Saul's question. That there was a m-^re extended conversation which is not reported Geems implied by the following verse. XVIII. 1. When David had finished speaking with Saul, the soul of Jonathan was bound up with the soul of David~\ cf. Gen. 44^ (J). The manifestation of Jonathan's love is seen in the covenant, v.^ — 2. Saul takes David into his service, and did not allow him to return to his father's housed the parallel is. i6". — 3. And Jonathan made a covenant with Daviy\ in the following Jonathan alone acts, and hence the slight conjectural change here adopted is desirable. The covenant between the two is also de- scribed (23^^), where Jonathan recognizes David as the future king, and stipulates that himself shall be prime minister. A covenant of brotherhood was made by Mohammed between the Fugitives and the Helpej's. Each Meccan was made brother to a Medinan, and the bond was regarded as closer than blood brotherhood. Something of the kind is intended here. — 4. In making the cove- nant, Jonathan stripped himself of the cloak which he had on'] the garment mentioned is one worn by the w^ll-to-do ; and gave it to David, and his accoutreme7its also, including his sword and his bow and his girdle] the simple shepherd lad is thus fitted to shine at court. — 5. Saul gave David a command in the army, in which he showed good capacity — such is the order of the clauses in ^^. So far from the promotion being offensive to the older soldiers, // pleased all the people and also the servants of Saul] his court officials. There seems no reason to dissociate this verse from the rest of the paragraph, as is done by Bu. The first clause of v.*' is transitional, as is shown by its being lacking in ^^. The redactor, by this clause, returns from the digression concerning David's pro- motion to the main stream of the history. XVII. 55-XVIII. 5. The paraj^raph is lacking in (@B etc.^ xhe attempts to harnii>ni/.c the accounts arc numerous, Schniid suj)i)oses that i6^'*-23 belongs XVII. 55-XVIII. 5 167 chronologically after this. But consideration of that account shows that David was there unknown to Saul, which could not have been the case after the conflict with Goliath. — 55. nisnDi] cf. 2Yi'D) at the opening of v.^". ^■"•0"!^] on the force of nt in such a question, cf. IJDB. s.7: (4). — "|tt'£3r"'n] dj' the life of thy soul, cf. 20^. — h'^Dh] is the vocative with the article — a common construction. — 3n] after oaths, is negative. — 57. no ^T'v'^^r^ CNni] a circumstantial clause. — XVIII. 1. There seems to be some confusion in this and the following verse. That Saul took him seems to belong with v.**, and V.2 interrupts the account of Jonathan's friendship, begun in v.^. The form of the sentence, nn . . . cdji, also makes a difficulty. As it stands, it would naturally mean : When David ceased speaking {since Jonathan'' s soul was bound up in the soul of David), then Jonathan loved him. This, of course, is impossible. There is reason to suspect, therefore, that the parenthetical clause is an interpolation ; and the explicitness of the last clause is an argu- ment in the same direction. — i3nN>i] is probably a mistake for mans^v the regular form, which is substituted by the Qre. — 3. nm] is objected to by We., and omitted by Ki. (in Kautzsch). Bu., in his text, changes to nn*^, which relieves the difficulty. The received text may be due to the tendency to make David prominent, which manifests itself in (^^, where we find David the king. It should be noted, however, that S nnj did usually means to prescribe terms as a conqueror does to the conquered, Jd. 2^ Dt. "f- i S. ii^. On the meaning of the word nn^ cf. Moore on Jud. ■^^ and reffi — 4. S'<>::n-,-"s] is what would bathe second accusative in an active form of the verb, cf. Dav., Syntax, 74c. — vnDi] seems to include the weapons which follow. The girdle is much es- teemed among the Orientals. — 5. The order of the clauses adopted above from (g^ seems the only natural one. It is possible, however, that there has been corruption or interpolation of the verse. Kl. proposes to read : And David ca7ne otit, clothed 7vith all that he [Jonathan] had put upon him, and brought him back to the men of^uar, and it pleased all the people and the ser- vants of Saul. Something like this may have been the original text, showing how fully Jonathan adopted the young warrior. — S-'D-"'] is justified by Dr., Notes, but '^>yi'>\ suggested by We., certainly makes better sense. After ns^i we need to be told whither David went. The theory of Bu. {J\S. 219), that this verse (as it stands in ^) belongs with 16^'^, seems to be refuted by the fact that there is no reason for David's promotion, unless it be some feat of arms. That he successfully played the harp would be an argument in favour of keeping him in the vicinity of the king, instead of giving him a, command in the field. The verse seems therefore to belong in its present environment. XVIII. 6-30. Saul's jealousy of David. —The eulogies of the women who greet the returning army, rouse the jealousy of Saul. He therefore removes David from service near his person, and appoints him over a band of soldiers in the field. David's activity and discretion are such that his hold on the people increases, which 1 68 I SAMUEL increases also Saul's fear. INIichal, the younger daughter of Saul, falls in love with David, and Saul makes this an occasion for expos- ing David to new dangers. David's success adds to the king's dislike, which now becomes a settled hatred. This is the main stream of the narrative, which is preserved to us in the text of i3^. It is interrupted in p| by inconsistent insertions. One of these (vv.^°") tells of Saul's attempt to murder David. Another (vv.^'"^^) gives the account of an unfulfilled promise of Saul to give his older daughter to David. Leaving these out, we find a consistent and well-planned story, of whose unity there can be no doubt. It belongs with i6^*"-^. The p/us of J^ consists, in all probability, of fragments of another document, though their coherence is not so marked as in the case of the sections omitted by 0 in the pre- ceding chapter and the early part of this. As already pointed out, the consistency of the text of (3 here is an argument for the originality of the same text in 17. 6-30. On the critical questions there is considerable disagreement. We. ( TBS.) remarks on the consistency of the text of (3^. Bu., in his text, assigns 12-13 to E, the rest of the chapter (except minute fragments) to J. I agree that the main narrative is connected with i6i^23_ gut j cannot account for the text of G^, except by supposing that it represents one document and that the omissions represent another. 6-16. The original narrative seems to have consisted of ^^^'^- ^■ 12a. 13-16^ for this is all that is represented in one recension — that of (3^. The interpolated section tells of Saul's attempt to transfix David with the javelin, an outbreak which comes too early here. A similar attempt is related farther on in the narrative. 6. The first part of the verse has already been remarked upon. The paragraph originally began : And the dancing wojnen came out from all the cities of Jit da h'] this would appropriately continue the account of the death of Goliath or any similar story. — To meet Saul the king] the prominence which David has in the history leads (JB" to read : to meet David. The women of the Bedawin still dance out with singing to meet the warriors returning from a foray.* — With timbrels and with rejoicing and with cymbals'] the zeugma is awkward, and possibly the second word is corrupt. * Doughty, Travels in Arabia Dcserta, I. p. 452. XVIII. 6-15 l69 The timbrel [tambourine] was the instrument most frequently carried by the women when dancing, Kx. 15^' Jd. i r"^. — 7. The women sang antiphonally, as is still the custom in Eastern festivals : Saul slew his thousands^ And David his myriads. — 8. The incident was unpleasant to Saul'\ as we can well under- stand : To David they give the myriads and to nie the thousands. — 9. The result : Saul kept his eye on David from that day on- tcard^ in suspicion and dislike. [The interpolation vv.^°'^^ is a duplicate of iq'**"" and is here cer- tainly out of place. It tells that on the mon-ow the evil spirit of God came upon Saul and he played the prophet within the house while David was playing as was his custom. And Saul had the spear in his hand, and he raised the spear, saying to himself : I will smite it through David into the wall. But David moved aiuay from before him thrice. Saul's murderous impulse manifested itself in a similar attempt at a later stage of the history. There it is in place, because he had exhausted his indirect means of getting David out of the way.] 12, 13. Originally the verses read : And Saul feared David and removed him from being near him, and made him captain of a thousand; and he went out and came in at the head of the soldiers'] the meaning is obvious, and the connexion is good in itself, as well as with v.^ Saul's suspicion grew into fear, and he would no longer trust David in personal attendance (as armour-bearer, 16'-^) on himself. But, not wishing to insult the people's favourite, he gave him a post of honour which was also one of danger, keeping him on service in the field. The connexion is broken in the received text by the insertion of the loss of the Spirit (so we must interpret ^-^■) as a motive for Saul's fear ; such a motive is here incongruous and unnecessary. — 14. The result of the move was only to bring out David's virtues more conspicuously. — /// all his ways David showed wisdom, and Yahiveh was icith him] to pros- per him; compare the case of Joseph, Gen. 39-. — 15. On per- ceiving this, Saul's fear was heightened — he stood in dread of Jiini. I/O I SAMUEL — 16. In contrast with this was the affection of the people : But all Israel and Judah loved David, because he ivcnt out, and came in before them, 6. \'Tw''^Dn . . . 3it;'3] is coloured by Bu. as belonging to a different document from CNi3a vim. In fact, one of the two verbs is superfluous. It would be equally easy to suppose dni33 the insertion of a scribe. The text of (g^ adopted above seems entirely to meet the necessities of the case. — D"''k;'jn] al x'^P^'*Jov(jai @ — possibly combining D'»'j'jn with niSn:;n'«, which comes later. But a change from PiSSn::n is explicable, in case of a scribe who thought that word applicable to professional dancing women, and who wished to avoid making them the subject here, cf. Jd. 2i23. — -\y»V\ (or -i'>tt'S Qre) seems not represented in ^^. — nnr:::'3i] the collocation seems awkward to us. We. cites I Chr. 13* as parallel; but the parallel is not exact. The Z'hv is mentioned nowhere else. — 7. nipn-'?:n] is lacking in (^^. — 'I n^n] is generally to smite among, 6^^ Num. '^'^^. The only exceptions that I find are this verse and the citations of it in 21^2 295. — vdVnd] should be read, with the Qi'e. — 8. ihm yy^i yci iS'O Svv^'S] is, doubtless, expanded from the simpler text, which is represented in @ ^iNtr ij"'>'3 3;-c>i. ni23-i should doubtless be no^nn ®, to correspond with D-iisSxH (We., Bu.). — hdiSch -[n iS ni>i] is lacking in (g^. — 9. p>*] to be read pi;', with the Qre. The verb occurs here only. Being a denominative, the form is probably intended to be a Poel participle (so Dr.), for I.V>?- There are a few examples of such shortened forms. — 10, 11. The verses are lacking in the same MSS. of (g, which are without 17I2-31. They contain another version of 19^^-. There Saul's attempt is continued, even after David has once escaped. Here the attempt has no noticeable consequences, and everything goes on as if it had not been made. — mnDD] must refer to the day after the triumphal entry. But this was too early for Saul's jealousy to have reached such a height, and David certainly would not have entertained thoughts of becoming the king's son-in-law after such an exhibition of hatred. — NajnM] the verb in this form ordinarily means to prophesy. The man pos- sessed by the evil spirit acts in the same way as the man possessed by the good spirit — videtur spiritum hunc malum imitatum esse, ut simiam, Spiritum Sanctum, et ex Saule ineptum prophetam fecisse, Schm. p. 621. — rr'jnm] t/ie lance which was the insignium of the chieftain, as is still the case with the Aral«. — 11. S*i3"'i] is pointed as though from Sit::, which occurs in 20^^, with the meaning /(? hurl. But here the spear seems not to have been actually hurled, and we should prol:)ably point Si).M from ^:oj, he lifted up — (g^-A ^^ Th., al. — ,-i3n] is perhaps to be pointed nsvS, with E- — 12. (g^ has only the first clause of the verse, and, as in the other cases, represents the original text. The other clause — because Yahweh was with him 7vhile he had departed from Saul— is an insertion on the basis of the verse 16^*, which is itself an editorial construction. Yahweh and the spirit of Yah7veh are interchangeable, Jd. i62^. — 14. Sd*^] read ^33 with the versions (Th.), and read also VDli with the Qre. XVITI. 16-19 171 17-19. David and Merab. — Saul offers his older (laughter, Merab, to David in marriage, on the vague condition tliat he be courageous and fight the enemies of Yahvveh. '['he king was really moved in this by the hope that David would fall in battle. When this did not prove to be the event, he unscrupulously broke his word and gave his daughter to another. The section is one of those lacking in (g^ and we naturally connect it with the others. In one of these we find that Saul's daughter was to be the reward of the man who should smite the Philistine champion, 1 7-'. It is natural to suppose that the pres- ent paragraph is intended to show how Saul failed to carry out that offer. With this agrees the manner in which this section opens. Saul proposes his daughter without any evident occasion, unless it be that David has a claim on her already ; there is no question of a price to be paid. It seems evident, therefore, that this story is the sequel of if'\ On the other hand, it is quite irreconcilable with the following paragraph, which recounts David's marriage with Michal. As we shall see, the proposition there made is quite a new thing, and the form in which it is made shows entire ignorance of a previous similar proposal such as we have now before us. 17. Saul takes the initiative and offers Merab to David, with the stipulation (if such it can be called) : 0///v be a valiant man, and fight the battles of Yahwe]i\ for the last phrase, cf 25-^ and the title 'Book of the Battles of Yahweh,' Num. 21'^ In this proposition, Saul's real thought was : Let not my hand be upon him, but let the hand of the Philistines be upon hini~\ as is set forth also in the bargain struck for Michal. — 18. David's reply is mod- est : Who am I, and what is my father's clan in Israel, that I should be son-in-laiv to the king? It was the part of a gentle- man to depreciate his own worth. Similar language is used by Saul himself when the kingly dignity is offered him. — 19. The appointed time came, but she was given to Adriel the Mehola- thite~\ in the received text the same man is mentioned, 2 S. 21^ but as the husband of Michal. The historical uncertainty is obvious. Saul's action as here represented is, of course, a deadly affront. 172 I SAMUEL 17-19. Budde and Kittel make the paragraph a part of the same document which immediately precedes. It seems to me that v.-^ continues v.^^. The contrast between Saul's fear of David and the people's love of him (v.^^) is heightened by the fact that even Saul's daughter loved him (v.''^°). — 17. n'?njn], like Leah, Gen. 29^^ for which we find ni^jjn i S. 14'*^. Merab is mentioned only in this passage, and in 14^9 j^ |^. She is put in place of Michal (perhaps correctly) by 6^ in 2 S. 218. — ^>n-p^] 14^2 2 S. 2^. — icn] said to himself, as not infrequently. — 18. ON nnD;:'D ^"•n ici] the hayy or Arab kindred group " was a political and social unity, so far as there was any unity in that very loosely organized state of society." The in was therefore the sam.e as the r\v,^vr:, and (g^ h^s only one of the two words here. We. and others suppose the original to have been ••in, which was afterwards explained by the insertion of on r\n^vz, and then misunderstood by the punctuators. I prefer to read on in i?:i with (gk The mention of one's father in such a connexion is natural, especially to an oriental. — 19. nn"n>o] a time seems to have been set, Schm. 622. "rNm;* is an Aramaic equivalent of '?NnT>, Jer. 36^^, — God is my help seems to be the meaning of the word (Nestle, Am. /our. Sef?t. Lang. XIII, p. 173). In 2 S. 21^ this Adriel is called Son of Barzillai. — in'^ncn] a native of Abel Meholah, a place in the Jordan valley, cf. Jd. 7^^ with Moore's note. The same phenomenon shows itself here as in some earlier cases; two accounts are so similar that we suspect them to be variants of the same origi- nal. In this case the proposal of Merab is another form of the story of Michal. And as the former puts Saul's behaviour in a worse light than the latter, it is probably designed to take its place in the document which we have already seen to be prejudiced against Saul. 20-30. David marries Michal, Saul's daughter. — The account shows no knowledge of the preceding paragraph. Michal is called the daughter of Saul, without reference to any other. Her affection for David comes to Saul as a welcome occasion to bring David into danger. He opens negotiations indirectly. All these indi- cations point to the independence of the narrative. The step taken is the second of Saul's attempts to overthrow David, the first having been to give him service in the field, v.^'^. 20. Michal loved David, and when they told Saul, the matter 7vas right in his €yei\ 2 S. 1 7^ — 21. The reason was that he thought to make use of her as a snare, or, more properly, as a bait, to lure him on to his destruction, so that the hand of the Philistine should be upon hint] as above, v.''. The remainder of the verse is an interpolation. — 22. It would be unbecoming in XVIIT. 73 the king to make advances. He therefore commands his servants : Speak to David privately^ after giv^ig a favourable account of David's standing with the people, they were to advise : now be- come soii-in-laiv to the king\ the verb is used elsewhere of intcr- manying with families or tribes, Dt. f. — 23. David objects his lack of the qualifications : Is it an easy thing, in your estimation, to become son-in-law to the king when I am poo?- and of no reputa- tion ? cf. v.^l — 24, 25. When the reply was reported to Saul, he instructed his courtiers to meet the material objection, which was that David was too poor to pay the usual price for a king's daugh- ter : The king has no desire for a price~\ the word is regularly used of the price paid by a man for a wife. Our word dowry conveys a wrong impression. Marriage by purchase can be traced in many regions. For example, coemptio seems to have been one method of marriage among the Romans. Old Testament examples are familiar, as Jacob, who paid the price in service. A sum of money is supposed to be given in the Book of the Covenant, Ex. 2 a'*'. But the king's desire is for a hundred foreski7is of the Philistines. If the Philistines alone were uncircumcised among the inhabitants of Palestine, the kind of trophy chosen is explicable. The osten- sible object was: to be avenged on the king's enemies; the real purpose was to cause David to fall by the hand of the Philistines. — 26, 27. The proposition was acceptable to David, who rose and went, he and his men, and smote among the Philistines a hundred men'] which the received text has made two hundred ; and brought their foreskins and paid them in full to the king in order to become son-in-laiv to the king. The king had, therefore, no pretext for further delay, and gave him Michal, his daughter, to ivife. I'he original continuation of this verse seems to be 19". What follows here is an account of the mental, or moral, state of Saul, with a renewed panegyric of David. — 28. And Saul sa7,> that Yahweh was with David, and that all Israel loved him] the double favour (of Yahweh and of the people) increased Saul's dread. Vv.-'" ""^ ^ are lacking in i^^. See the critical note. —29. The climax of the chapter is here reached — 6"^ Saul feared David yet more.— 30. A panegyric of David, such as we have had to superfluity. It simply says that as often as the Philistines made their incursions David acted wisely above all the servants of Saul, and his name 174 I SAMUEL was exceeding precious. It is intended to point the contrast afforded by Saul's conduct, as related in the following verse. 20. '?3''?:] the name appears as MeA^t^A in (g and as Sn-'dSd in 5. It is possible therefore that the form is contracted (or mutilated) from SndSc. Olshausen {Gr. ^ly/ f.) supposed it to be another form of Snd^c. — 21. trpiaS] Ex. lo". The second half of the verse is an evident interpolation and is lack- ing in (3^ °-^-. It breaks the sense, for Saul would not first make the proposition to David and afterwards insinuate it by his servants. As it stands, the sentence can only be an attempt to harmonize this narrative with the account of Merab. But what the editor meant by it is difficult to discover. The important word is a\-^r2, which can only mean on tivo conditions (shalt thou be my son-in-law), Pseudo-Hier Qiiestiones. But what the two conditions are is not told, and this moreover would not harmonize the two accounts. We should expect something like the Jewish interpretation by tivo (so (§-^) i.e., by a double tie, or by one of the two (so ^) . But the former would be ironical, and the latter leaves the main word unexpressed. We are forced therefore to leave the problem un- solved. Kl. supposes □v-'j-o = in two years, but this does not help the real difficulty. (5^ has eV rots Svudfieaiv {in virtute I), which probably represents only a conjecture. — 22. '&^i'\ of what is done stealthily, 24*. — |nnnn] one is tempted to translate propose yourself as son-in-lazv, which the form would certainly bear. But this could not be carried through the passage, cf. v.^".— - ■|7CJ] probably shows the real force to be ally yourself by marriage zvith the king. — 23. n-'pj] is the exact opposite of n:33J, Is. 3^ — 25. nnco] cf. Schm. p. 623; on Arab customs WRS. Kinship, p. 78. Greek examples are cited by Driver and Nestle {Majginalien, p. 14, citing //. 9, 141 ff. 283 ff.). — >■<] some good Hebrew MSS. have dn 13 in the text — and this is the reading of the Babylonian school (Cappellus, Critica Sacra, p. 190; Baer, p. 118). — niS-\;*] We. refers to Dillmann, Lex. Ethiop. s.v. Josephus gives six hundred heads as the price, in order not to offend the taste of his Gentile readers. — 26. nSi d^:;m in'?d] is lacking in (5^, inserted in (!5^ after the first word of the next verse. It is an interpolation, intended to magnify David's zeal (We., Dr.). — 27. cv-Nc] is another change of the same sort. (5 has one hundred, which is confirmed by 2 S. 31*. nn after N^^i is lacking in (5 3L. — DInSdii] should probalily be read dnVcm, David being the subject. He alone could pay in full to become the king's son-in-lazv. The change to the plural was made to avoid the disagreeable picture of David presented by the word, one especially offensive to later ritual ideas — for which reason also it was omitted by ©^ (We.). Repeated consideration of the natural connexion of the narrative, forces me to the conclusion expressed above, that in the original story Saul's attempt to murder David in his house {iC)'^^^) was made on his wedding night. Other- wise we have an incident, whose character stamps it as original, which we can- not fit into the history. In case this be correct, we should probably join 19II to 18-' by taking two words from the end of 19I'', and reading Ninn nSS^ ">n"'i. XVIII. 20-XIX. 2 75 28. ;?im] lacking in ©b^^ is superfluous. — innanN SiNa'-n3 S^^?:)] can he translated only parenthetically : ' Saul saw that Vahweh was with David (while Michal, Saul's daughter, loved him) and he feared.' But the effect is not harmonious, and we should doubtless restore the reading of (S ^" ^i<^v So >ji lOHN (6^ combines the two texts). This gives an additional reason for Saul's fear, which is what we expect. — 29. c]Oi<^^'] the Qn- substitutes iD'^i; the difference is only one of spelling. — NnS for n-t'':', cf. Ges.''^ § 69 n. The latter part of ^8 and the whole of -'^f- are lacking in (S'^; they point out, superfluously, the contrast between Saul's attitude and that of David. The original opening of 19I may have been: And Satil 2vas hostile to David, which is now read in 18-9. Chapter XIX. Saul's attempts upon David. — The chapter is made up of four sections, which cannot be reconciled with each other. 1-7. Temporary conciliation of Saul. — Saul gives orders to slay David. Jonathan, after warning David, intercedes for him with success and brings him again before Saul. The connexion of the paragraph is not plain. It appears to be another version of the story contained in 20^"^. Its object is to account for David's continuance at court after Saul's hatred had become so pronounced. 1-7. The opening of the chapter would follow very well any of the state- ments of Saul's hatred contained in the preceding chapter. If the account is secondary, as compared with 20^-39^ we should probably refer it to the later of our two documents. Its object here is i . show why David is still found at court after Saul's hatred has become so pronounced. In this view of it, we might make v.^^- join immediately to iS-J^- — Saul feared David yet more, and gave orders to kill him. The rest of the section w^ould be an attempt to reconcile this command with the following paragraph, in which David is still the king's harper. That v.^"- is by a different hand from what follows, is made probable by the difference in the form of Jonathan's name. 1. Saul commanded Jonatlian, his sou, and all his officers to put David to dcatli] the writer seems not to have mentioned Jon- athan's friendship for David earlier. Here he introduces it : Yet Jonathan, Saul's son, delighted in David exceedingly. — 2. Jona- than warns David : My father is seeking to put thee to death ; no7v beware, in the morning'\ the conversation is supposed to take place in the evening. — Hide thyself and remain in a secret place'] this is the natural order, though not that of the received text.— 176 I SAMUEL 3. The proposition of Jonathan is : I will go out and std7id by the side of my father in the field where thou art~\ so that David would overhear, and be informed without a direct communication from Jonathan, for which there might be no opportunity. The last clause of the verse : and whatever I see I will tell thee'] does not seem to bear this out, and there may be interpolation. — 4. Jona- than's panegyric is little calculated to soothe Saul's jealousy, and represents the author's view rather than that of Jonathan. The first point is: [David] has not been at fault in 7'egard to thee, and his actions towards thee are exceedifig good] this is appropriate to the object. — 5. The next is not so certain to make a favourable impression: A?id he risked his life] 28-^ Jd. 12'^; and smote the Philistine, and Yahweh wrought a great deliverajice] by him, as (©^ rightly interprets. The deliverance was in fact a reason for Saul's favour rather than his anger. Whether he was in a frame of mind to apprehend this, is not so certain. Still at the time he had rejoiced, as Jonathan reminds him. — And why wilt thou sin ifi the 7fiatter of innocent blood in slaying David without cause ? 25^^ I K. 2^^ — 6. The plea was effectual and Saul gave his oath : By the life of Yahweh, he shall not be put to death. — 7. There- upon Jonathan called David] the evident implication is that he was not far away, as was planned in vv.- ^. — And Jonathan brought David to Saul and he was in his presence as heretofore] instead of being obhged to hide from him. 1. Ji'^jv] in the rest of the chapter we find jnji,-i\ The form here may be due to a scribe. But elsewhere we observe considerable constancy in the usage of the different documents. — vn^;'] of the officers of the king, as else- where.— 2. os] is lacking in (5^. But more probably it alone was expressed originally. \p22'] is lacking is y Dr. to l)e a singular. There seems no reason hmvever why Jonathan may not make his affirmation ^tv/(fm/ — to the effect that all David's actions are blameless. — I'^-^v::] the words seem to l)e transposed; possii)ly the second is an insertion, as it is not represented in (S"k — 5. 1033] S trans- lates 'and he put his life in thy hands.' — nin^] (^i- adds 5i' auroi), which is at least correct sense (represented also in 5i). — 'ii'm n\s-i Sntj"'"-'3^] Koi irui 'Icr/3a-/;A eJSov Kal e'xapwaj' (5 (with slight variation) = ncti'M nsi ■•z"> ^::\ 'J'he decision between the two is not easily made. On the one side, the statement that Israel rejoiced at David's success seems calculated to stir up Saul's anger. But this is true of nearly all Jonathan's speech, and the reading of (@ is ([uite in line with the rest of the speech. On the other side, the following nr;--! is more forcible if connected directly with the statement of Saul's earlier attilutie. For this reason I retain 3^. — 6. 'Pip^ ;;n^'"ii] in the sense of hearing favourably Num. 21'^ (J) Dt. 2ii^ Jd. 2oi3. — 7. ]njin> iS-njM] the subject is omitted by ^(gBL ^ 'Yhe repetition of Jonathan's name three times in the same verse is in fact surprising, and shows the desire of the author (or perhaps the desire of a scribe) to call especial attention to Jonathan's nobility of character. 8-10. Saul attempts David's life. — The incident is a duplicate of that related in 18^"'*". and the two accounts are possibly variants of one original. On the other hand, Saul seems there simply to have lifted the spear without throwing it, and it may be the idea of the author that David was saved by an unintentional turning away — led by the Spirit of God. It is possible therefore that the two accounts are intended to represent two successive attempts of the same kind, separated by the reconciliation 19^''. In both cases Saul's hatred is motived by David's success against the Philistines. — 8. And tlierc ivas mar again'] intimates that such had been the case before. As the account stands, the reference must be to the war in which Goliath was slain. — • 9. The evil spirit is here called (in Ji^) the evil spirit of Yahiueh, contrary to the usage of other passages. The emendation suggested by (S> which brings them into conformity, is now generally adopted. The circumstances of the attack are given : While he ivas sUting in his house witJi his spear in his hand, and David was playing with his hand. — 10. This time the frenzied king sought to pin David to the wall with the spear] if the account is by the same hand with the earlier parallel, 18'" '\ we may say that it was the fixed idea recurring to the madman. — But David slipped away fro7n SauVs pj-esenee, so that he smote the spear into the wall] the language is different from that used above. That David pled and 178 I SAMUEL . escaped is too strong language to use, if he simply went to his own house. 8-10. I cannot pretend to solve the riddle propounded by the interweaving of texts here. It seems to me probable however that one document gave the following order of events: (i) David's conquest of the Philistines; (2) Saul's first attempt with the spear; (3) Saul's command to Jonathan, followed by the temporary reconciliation; (4) the second attempt with the spear, followed by David's flight. 9. n>n niH"- nn] cf. the note on i6i'* (We., Dr., Bu., Ki. agree in the emen- dation here). — inon Nim] a circumstantial clause. — no] read no with four Hebrew MSS. and (g, so Th., We., al. — 10. i^pji] is lacking in (g^^L go that the meaning would be to smite David zvith the spear. The grotesque idea of pinning David to the wall is more likely original, in the account of a man possessed. — TlIsm] apparently broke aivay from what he was doing. — D^Ci Dj] cannot refer to David's escape from the immediate danger, which is sufficiently described by i'JUM. The words evidently mean that he left the court and city altogether. — Nin nSiS^] belongs with the next verse. 11-17. The siege of David's house. — Saul sets watchmen about David's house, intending to kill him in the morning. Michal warns him of his danger and assists him to flee. She then supplies his place in bed with the Teraphim. Saul sends messengers to take David, and they bring back word that he is ill in bed. There- upon he orders him to be brought as he is, and the deception is discovered. The paragraph should begin with : and it came to pass that night from the end of v.^". The first question is : what night is meant? No reference has been made to a night at all. But the most natural interpretation is that David's wedding night is in- tended. Psychologically this is also what we should expect. Saul's growing fear has led him to promise David his daughter in marriage, in the hope that the price to be paid may bring David into danger and, in fact, remove him by death. The result has been only to increase David's reputation and Saul's fear. The crisis comes when the hated parvenu actually takes his bride to his house. This will be the time to strike ; David will be unsus- picious, his friends will have dispersed after the marriage feasting. 1 )raniatically nothing could be more effective. To this should be added that the discrepancy with the preceding paragraph is as marked as could be conceived. In that section David has already XIX. IO-I7 179 ' fled and escaped.' In diis he is unsuspicious of the king until warned by his wife. 11-17. The considerations urged al)ove are perhaps sufficient to show the probabiUty of the connexion of this passage with 18-". That the account is old is conceded, but which document furnished it is not agreed upon by the critics. Co. is uncertain; Bu. puts it with E and makes it continuijus with the preceding. Ki. also makes it continuous with the preceding. 11. Attd it came to pass that mght~\ according to our construc- tion the night of taking possession of the bride ; that Sau/ sent messengers to the house of David to watch it, so as to kill him in the morning. David was so unsuspicious that he had to be warned by his wife : If thou do not deliver thy life to-night, to-morro7o thou shall be slain~\ the fact that David is utterly unprepared for the information argues for the connexion suggested above. — 12. The escape was effected in that she let David dozan through the window'] similar instances are Jos. 2^"', and the case of Paul in the New Testament, Acts 9-"'. In 21-*^" we find David coming to the priest at Nob without arms and without attendants, which can be accounted for only by this verse. — 13. In order to delay the discovery of David's flight, and so give him an opportunity to get away, Michal contrives to deceive the messengers. — S/ie took the Teraphim~\ the household god, which is evidently presented as in human form; and placed it on the bed] a plain couch, probably a rude frame covered with leather; and a cloth of goat's hair for his pillo7v\ the translation is only a conjecture. — And covered it 7vith the garment] which regularly served for that purpose. The IsraeHte probably covered his head with a garment when sleeping, as is still done by the Arabs. — 14. In the morning * Saul sent mes- sengers to take David and they thought him to be ill] the stratagem was effective, so far as the first report of the messengers was con- cerned.— 15. And Saul sent to the house of David] as we may conjecturally restore the reading : saying: bring him on the couch to me that I may slay him. — 16, 17. The ruse is discovered, and Saul expostulates with his daughter : JVhy hast thou 'deceived me thus ? Her answer is a false plea, that her life had been threatened. * Lohr calls attention to the fact that to enter the house of another in the night is contrary to oriental morals. l8o I SAMUEL 11. The verse should begin Ninn rh>h2 ^n>i reading with &, so Th., We., al. The two words Nin nS-'Va are in f^ connected with the preceding verse. Although precedents are found for Nin nS^Sj, it is better to read vsmn '2 as a n may have easily dropped out on account of the recurrence of the same letter. — m^anSi] is an example of the reverse error. The initial 1 has been duplicated from the preceding word (omitted by (g). — ^ti'srnN ioSac] cf. i K. ii2^ 13. D^snnn] cf. ZIV7\ 1881, 170 ff. K€voTdn-, Ex. 26", is the goat's hair covering of the Tabernacle. The common interpre- tation of the present passage is that Michal put a mosquito net over the head of the image; so Schm. p. 653, Ew,, G VI'^. III. 107 f., E.Tr. III. p. 77. But is a net of this kind ever made of goat's hair? It seems more probable that she put a cushion as a pillow. nv^'NiD is used of the pillow, Gen. 281^- ^s. In i S. 26 and I K. 19^ VP'J'snrj means at his head, a phrase which would not naturally be used of a net put over the head. Whatever Michal used here was therefore probably placed as a pillow ^. A living man would not need such, being accustomed to sleep on his arm. The Teraphim would lie too flat unless its head were supported by something of the kind,* But again, the image would be destitute of hair, and there is still a possibility that she took a bundle of goat's hair and made it simulate David's hair; so some of the Rabbis; cf. Schm. p. 653. All this shows the uncertainty that must attach to any transla- tion. — 14. ncsrii] but if the mere word of Michal was to be taken, there was no need of the elaborate precautions already related. We should read n::NM with (S'^^, making the messengers the subject. They came to take him, but seeing the bed thus arranged : they said to themselves, he is ill. — 15. . . . r':'::'''i nn] if the messengers had once seen David, as we have just supposed, it was superfluous to send them to see him again. Besides, as we learn from the latter part of- the verse, their object was to fetch him; niNnS is therefore cer- * From the analogy of i S. 26, we might conjecture that she put a skin of water at the head of the bed, a sick man being feverish and thirsty; so Niij 2r, and Kim- chi, apud Schm. p. 653. But there are several familiar words for watcrskin, and we can think of no reason why so rare a word should be used in this case. XIX. I8-20 l8l tainly wrong, and I propose to change it to no-, or n^a-^N. ©-^^ has only Kul dTToo-reAAet en] tou AaweiS, which also would meet the rcciuirement. — IT. -in-'CN nr:S] on the idiomatic use of no"^ to convey a threat, cf. Dr., A^oU-s. The original continuation of this account seems to be 21-, where David comes to Nob to get provisions for fuilhcr ilight. 18-24. David's miraculous protection. — David flees to Ramah, where Samuel presides over a choir of prophets. Saul sends for him repeatedly, but the Spirit of God comes upon the messengers so that they can do nothing but prophesy. At last Saul comes himself and has the same experience. Hence arises the proverb. The section is a late adaptation of lo''^^'', which explains the origin of the proverb by Saul's experience at the outset of his career. The present writer adapts the story to David's life, mak- ing its point his miraculous preservation from Saul's persecution. In its emphasis of the divine care, it reminds us of the account 1 8"*"- where we suppose the original meaning to have been that David turned from Saul's attempt because Yahweh was loifh him. Because of this resemblance, we may conjecture that this para- graph was originally the sequel to the second attempt with the spear— 1 9^"^^ 18-24. The critics agree that this piece is late, but are at a loss as to its con- nexions. The theory advanced above gives its probable antecedent, whereas its later continuation may plausibly be assumed to be David's flight to Achish, 2i"ff-. The appearance of Samuel shows the general stream of narrative to which the story must be reckoned. 18. But David fled and escaped^ resumes the narrative of David's fortunes, after the diversion made by Michal's stratagem. — And came to Samuel at Ramah-] Samuel's home. The theory of the author is that Samuel would be able to protect David. After an interview, in which he told Samuel of his experiences with Saul, he and Samuel went and dwelt in . . .] the place in- tended can no longer be made out. That it was some special building in Ramah is the most probable conjecture — perhaps the cloister (coenobium) of the prophets. Such a dwelling or settle- ment existed at Gilgal in the time of Elisha, 2 K. 6"'. In i S. 10^ it is impUed that the prophets dwelt in the vicinity of the sanctuary, and the sanctuary would be the proper place to seek the supernatural protection which is here described. — 19, 20. baul is 1 82 I SAMUEL informed of the fugitive's place of sojourn and sends messengers to take him : And they saw the compa^iy of prophets prophesying with Samuel standing over them'\ the religious exercises here de- scribed are evidently of the enthusiastic character of those in lo^'". And the spirit of God came npon the messengers of Saul, and they also prophesied^^ the contagion affected them, so that they were unable to carry out the king's command. — 21. This was repeated with a second and with a third company of satellites. — 22. At last, SauVs anger was aroused and he also went to Rania/i] the opening of the verse is supplied from i&. — In his progress, he came to the cistern of the threshing-floor wliich is on the height, and asked : Where are Samuel and David ?'\ the text is restored according to (©. — 23. On being told, he went thence, and the Spirit of God came upon hifn also and he marched along prophesying until he came to . . .'\ the place mentioned is the same already named in v.'^. — 24. The manifestations in Saul, as in the others, are of an extravagant character : He stjipped off his clothes and prophesied befo7'e Samuel and lay naked all that day and all that night. The resemblance to the ecstasy of the der- vishes is striking. The proverb to which this gives rise has already been mentioned. The surprise which it expresses is far more in place in the earlier narrative than here, where Saul's possession has become a fixed fact. 18. 'jScm n-\3 nni] as it stands may be the original conclusion of the pre- ceding narrative (Bu.). — n^j^ Kt. : nvj3 Qre^ the word is entirely unknown. (5 adds here in Ramah, as |^ does in vv.20-22f.^ gut ^^ addition there is necessary; here it is not, and the reading of (g is the result of conformity. The Kethib is presumably to be pointed n^^, but no such word occurs else- where. A word nij from a root meaning to divell or to sit quiet is found, and in 20^ this word is written nnj (by Baer only), which would be the plural of nij. (5 seems to have read ni33 (ei/ 'Avafl^H corrected into eV ^aviwd in ^). As pointed out by Dr. nij " denotes in particular a pastoral abode," 2 S. 7^. That Samuel and David should have taken refuge in the sheepfolds is impos- sible to suppose. In 2 S. 15^^ David says to Zadok : "If I find favour in the eyes of Yahweh, he will bring me back and show me his dzvelling,^'' where the word nij seems to designate the tent in which Yahweh dwelt. As the prophets in 10'' come down from the Bama (which was the sanctuary) it does not seem remote to suppose the original here was nin"> nij or nin'> nij which has been purposely obscured to conceal the fact that there was a sanctuary at Ramah (a fact which the later time could not rightly estimate). The precarious XIX. 20-XX. 12 of tlT; and that S has r:r. — 20. n->m] cannot be right and must be changed to ixn-'i with 6. — npnS] is an unknown word. (SS seem to have read ^np or nSnp (cf. Hoffmann, ZA TIV. III. 89). — O'NDj] is lacking in (gs but is necessary to the sense. — 3i-j -ic;] the two words together are impossible, and must be explained as the error of a scribe who wrote -ir:;* from memory, and afterwards inserted the correct word yn. Kl., followed by Hu., proposes ni-jD on the basis of n^^JS ^- Biit it must be remembered that Z throughout has the idea that Samuel was a rabbinical teacher, and its inter- pretation must be taken with allowance; moreover nsjr: occurs only in K/.ra, Chronicles, and the superscriptions to the Psalms (and Ilab. 3). — 22. ^m Nin-DJl] KoX iduncadr) opyrj S.aovX, ical iiropevdv ko-I avros (@ (with slight varia- tion). The touch seems' natural, and the loss of a single clause is not difficult to account for. — ^njn ^o'ly] is ungrammatical. Restc^re i-^.in nn -<>• with (gBL and for ir^o read ^D'^:i {iu rw ^^4>ei (5^ eV 2e0i (5^). The ^QZ' or bare- topped hill was the proper place for a threshing-fioor. Kl. conjectures (with slight ground) the threshing-floor on which Samuel was accustomed to sit in Judgment.— The second ncNM means one said, as frequently. — nc-i3] is here superfluous and probably to be omitted, with Bu. Saul is already in the immediate vicinity of Ramah when he makes the inquiry. — 23. cu'] error for D>i'D (dKeWeu (g^B lacking in L). — N3:nM iSi] I have no hesitation in restor- ing the regular X3:nni ^Sn which we should expect here. — 24. Nin-z:i] is omitted in both instances by (gBL in the second instance only by S. One of the two can well be spared, and, if either, the latter. The older commentators (Theod.) saw in the stripping off of the clothes a sign of the loss of the kingdom. XX. 1-XXI. 1. David's flight. — David complains to Jona- than of Saul's purpose to kill him. Jonathan reassures him, but offers to test his father's state of mind in any way David may sug- gest David proposes to absent himself from the court under the plea of a family sacrifice. If Saul condones the breach of eti- quette, they will know that all is well. If not, David's forebodings will be justified. The result is as David anticipated. Jonathan communicates the result of his test by a sign agreed upon, without personal communication with David. By grace of the redactor however they have a final interview, vv.^"-*-. It is evident that the piece does not agree with what immedi- ately precedes. The hostility of Saul is as yet known only to David. Even Jonathan is ignorant of it. This points to a time 1 84 I SAMUEL before David's journey to Ramah, before the attempt frustrated by Michal, before even Jonathan's former intercession with his father. Had the author known of an earher attempt at reconcihation, he would have made at least a passing allusion to it here. The diffi- culty into which we are brought by attempting to classify the para- graph with either of the two main sources of our narrative must be obvious. Yet it can hardly have been a stray leaflet which some scribe inserted after the double story was already completed. It has a bearing at least upon the life of David, for it prepares the way for his treatment of Jonathan's son j\Ieribbaal. In the pres- ent state of our knowledge this is as much as we can say. XX. 1-XXI. 1, On the critical questions consult the usual authorities and what is said above in the Introduction, § 5. As to the integrity of the piece itself, we may note that vv.^o-^- contradict the plain implication of what pre- cedes— that it was dangerous for David and Jonathan to communicate directly. These verses are probably a later insertion. The rest of the chapter seems sometimes overfull and may have been interpolated. Budde's ex- cision of vv.'*"^' as redactional however has not commanded any large meas- ure of assent. Bonk gives a detailed analysis, which also lacks probability. Verses ^^-^' may be from a different source from the rest of the chapter. 1-10. The first clause is the redactional suture. According to the rest of the verse David came and complained to Jonathan of the conduct of Saul. The older commentators, who accepted the historicity of the account as it stands, were much puzzled to account for David's behaviour. Why should he expose himself to further danger after having such unmistakable evidence of Saul's hostility as the preceding chapter furnishes? And how could Jonathan be so ignorant of Saul's temper after so public an exhi- bition? Attempts at conciliation (Schm., al.) are compelled to explain away the obvious force of language. David's complaint shows that Saul is not conceived of as having shown open hostil- ity: What have I done? What is my guilt, and lahat my sin before thy fa the?', that he is seeking my life? — 2. Jonathan re- assures David (or tries to reassure him) : Far he it! Thou shalt not die. My father does not even a small thing without letting me kno7v, and ivhy should my father hide this from me ? Not so ! Jonathan's complete ignorance of Saul's state of mind could not be more strongly expressed. — 3. David's reply suggests the rea- XX. 1-8 1 85 son of Jonathan's ignorance: Thy father 7vdl hwws that I am in favour with thcc\ the standing phrase, elsewhere translated have found grace in thine eyes. Saul's thought is: Let not Jonathan know this, test he t)e paine(i~\ possibly the original reason was test he make it known or something equivalent. Nevertheless, t>v the life of Yahweh and by thy life'] so the Bedawy swore " his tale was truth by the life of Ullah and by his son's life." * — There is, as it were, a step between me and death] either another step forward would plunge him into destruction, or else death was so close upon his track that in another step it would overtake its victim. — 4, 5. To Jonathan's question: What dost thou desire that I do for thee ? David replies with his proposal : To-morrow is the New Moon. But I shall not sit ivith the king to eat bread] the plain implication is that David was expected at the king's table. His absence would be noted — evidence enough that there had been no open breach. The New Moon was a festival from the earUest times. To the present day the Arab of the desert greets the new moon with devout ejaculations, and the women * chant their perpetual refrain of a single verse, and dance for an hour or two.'t We have every reason to suppose that the observance goes back to a time when the moon was an object of worship. The reason why David would not be at the table : But thou shall let me go and I luill hide myself in the field until evening] the po- Hteness of David is manifested in asking Jonathan's permission. — 6. If thy father miss me, then thou shall say : David asked leave of me] it is doubtful whether Jonathan were empowered to act in the king's stead. But David designedly chooses to feign such a breach of etiquette as the king would easily condone if he were in a good mood. The permission was asked (ostensibly), to run to Bethlehem his city, for there is a yearly sacrifice there for all the clan] like Elkanah's, q}\ — 7. If Saul should condone the slight : then it is well 7vith thy servant] as to his standing with the king. Otherwise, knoiv that evil is determined upon by him] that is, by Saul, cf. 25^'. — 8. David pleads the agreement already made between Jonathan and himself. Thou shall deal kindly with thy * Doughty, Travels in Arabia Dcscrta, I. p. 53. t Doughty, I.e., I. pp. 366, 455- 1 86 I SAMUEL seiTant because into a bond sanctioned by Yahweh thou hast brought thy servant'] an agreement with divine sanctions between the two is described i8^ and another was made later, 23^^. If there be guilt in me, do thou slay me — to thy father why shouldst thou briftg me? The strength of conviction shows itself in the form of the protest. — 9. Jonathan gives renewed assurance of his willingness to serve his friend : Far be it! If I know at all that evil is deter- ?nified by my father to come upon thee, surely I will tell thee] such must be the meaning, although the present text expresses it awk- wardly if at all (cf. the note). — 10. David asks: Who will tell me if thy father answer thee harshly?] the question implies that it would not be safe for Jonathan to meet David personally. The answer is given in v.^^^- What comes between is not a part of the earliest narrative. 1. r\^-\i . . . n-1311] is called the redactional suture above. It is possibly however the original beginning of the account of David's flight to Achish, where it would fit excellently instead of 21^1^. — jnjini ijflS ncNM Nn-ii] is rendered in (§ as though it were "iCN^i pjin*" ijdS n^"''), which is logically better. Possibly however the division between the two documents is between the two verbs, so that the original connexion was Injini ijij'? ncNM d^'^2'<^ Dj nn>. — 2. r^yyh Kt. : n::';?'>~N'? Qre. The former intends to begin if my father had done, but this is not suitable to the present context. We must therefore choose the Qre — my father will not do. — in Snj -\3"\] is lacking in ^^ and may have fallen out by scribal mistake of the second nDi for the first. As the shorter text makes good sense however, I have retained it. — ">JTX nSj""] cf. i-- ^^ and 9^^. — PNi pN] a strong expression — there is nothing of this. — 3. >3'^"') ni>'] as We. says, David has not sworn as yet, and does not swear now. (@i has only ar"'"', which is all we need; my is a scribal expansion perhaps duplicate of nn, and the duplication of its y gave rise to the reading of |^. The second n:;NM] means says to himself, as often. — Di.7^~fo] the author of this passage would seem to make Saul careful lest David should get information, rather than lest Jonathan should be grieved, and traces of an original reading with this force are found in ^^, which has ^ly] ov ^ovK-qTai, which would represent nxy |D (We.). (5^^ has, with the same idea, oircas /j.^ avayyiihriTw Aavid. It is difficult to suppose however that y;'' was the verb here unless we read ]D ^y;y, lest they take counsel together, and we are obliged to decide for |^, as slightly more probable. — dSisi] strongly adversative to Jonathan's assertion that there was no reason for David's suspicion. — "i-'3J ^■l1 mn^-in] cf. 14^^^ and IJDB. s.v. ^n. The ■•3 is "ij recitativum. — >'i:'Dd] the like of a step (Dr.); >-'D occurs here only — the verb in one passage ; (@ seems to paraphrase. — 4. iCNn-.-ic] does not seem the word we need: t'i imdu^xu © points to nisr .-I-:, which exactly fits the place. In that case we should point n-^'^Ni, XX. 8-IO 18; that I may do. — 5. ti'tn] is frequently joined with the Sabbath as a day of religious observance, 2 K. 4^3 Is. i^^ Am. 8^ It was adopted by the Levitical legislation, Num. lo^ 2811-^5; cf. Dillmann, Exodus tind Levit., p. 578 f., Benzinger, Hebr. Arch., § 69, Muss-Arnolt, JBL. 1892, pp. 73 f., 160 ff.— 3-\s-:3-> ^djn] is generally rendered / should certainly sit. lUit if David had meant that on that day he was conrtdently expected at the king's table, he would have expressed himself unambiguously to that efTect. (g inserts a negative and this reading (a.;\s n'^ yy-' ojs ) has been gener- ally adopted since We. — n^tt'^Sc-n] is not expressed in (@»i^ and is, in fact, superfluous. David did not know that he must remain in hiding until the third day. The word must therefore be dismissed. The only cjuestion is whether we should not also throw out the whole clause, which might easily be inserted by a scribe, in anticipation of what actually followed. — 6. ■'po] first, to inspect in order to see whether any is missing (13^^ H^'). then to discover that some one is missing. — 'r'N^j] with the proper Niphal force — asked for himself, Ges.-^ 51 e. — Dn'rno] for which (S read cn^-n'>3 -y-; (adopted by We., Bu.). — 7. iS n-in" nnn-ONi] koL fav cKK-npus airoKpid^ aoi (S (with slight variations). The latter seems on the whole more likely to have been substi- tuted for the former than the reverse, it being more in conformity with what actually took place, v.i*^ (We.). — 8. *?;•] should evidently be □>' with ©S^T. (We., Dr., Bu.). — ni,-ii rm^] seems to be used nowhere else of a covenant between men, such as is alluded to here, but cf. Ex. 22^0. — nr~n?:^] is ren- dered as a negative (which it is in intention) by S'lL. — 9. The difficulty is with the last clause of the verse : "[^ n-'JN nnx nSi. It is possible to make the whole verse (from dn) an oath with the imprecation suppressed — so We. But in this passage, where the feeling is so strong, it would be unnatural to leave out so important a part of the asseveration. It is also possible to make the last clause an interrogation: If I knoiv . . . shall I not tell thee? (Dr.) The difficulty would be relieved if we had instead of nS an emphatic particle like pN. Such a particle exists in the form of "^ in Arabic and it is possible that it existed also in Hebrew. There are some traces of it aside from the present passage, as Ex. 8--, which is closely parallel to this : If we sacrifice, . . . surely the Egyptians will slay us. I have mislaid the reference to the article (in JAOS, if I remember correctly) in which the identification of this n'^ with the Arabic la was made, a few years ago. At the end of the verse 6^' adds ets ras TroAets o-oy, which is also found, though differently placed, in 6-^". The addition is difficult to account for; perhaps npN was read n^s and was then supplemented by an adverbial clause inserted. Kl.'s adaption of the reading will hardly command assent. — 10. n:: in] kav I'iDj, while (S olSeu points to ;m«, a corruption of the same original. Read therefore: IViiiiess is Yahweh, cf. I2'^. — n''::'>S->:M] is superfluous here as in V.5, having been put into the text to make the promise ccjnform to the event. — njii] should be ]ni equivalent to cni; it is so read in %, while 0'' gives both: koX llov^ 4av. — in-nSi] the n"^ must be the same emphatic i)arti- cle used above in v.^, here as there in the apodosis. — ijintin \i"'^ji] is lack- ing in (5, which substitutes e3 ins] is unintelligible; @^B g^-j avoi(xw, 6^ iau (x)} avoiaw. Both point to non for OS and with non we must here read (in an oath) ex. The original CN NON was miswritten on'Sn, with which something had to be supplied. The original reading of Jonathan's .oath I take therefore to be : SNitt*"" "•.i'?n nin^ i>' n:r;;"i no iV yi \r\^ : nitrn ^S rhva. ?n n*;;! in Sn ovj jni ihd nj;3 on pn ipns o yh-; yin nx nox dx 'T'D"' n^i injii'''? dmSx. — 14. The received text is here also corrupt. — ax xSi] is a duplication, x'^i was written, and then, to make clear that x'^ was not meant, 3n was added. — nr;r~NS"i] is represented by Koi TTJLr](r€is (3^, iToirjcTrjs (3^% showing that we should read again the emphatic particle in the apodosis. — nini iD,i] cf. 2 S. 9^. The third x'7i should be read x^'i and begin the next verse. — 15. The first half of the verse, taken with the two preceding words, makes good sense. But the second half must be dis- connected, and made the beginning of a third sentence. — .'^•'iDia s'^i] will barely admit of connexion with the preceding (Dr.), but is better in every way when read nnana n*;-!. S omits li'W, perhaps rightly. — 16. pi3m] el i^apdrjcre-rai <&^, rightly pointing Pi;' and connecting with the preceding N*^*. Where (g^ gets ebpedrivai is difficult to say. — |rjvi^] rh vvofxa rod 'Iwiadai^ (3^, the latter is adopted by Dr., Bu., but does not seem to improve the sense. — in no-o;;] awb rod ou(Ov AaveiS (S^^^, on the ground of which We., Dr., restore Dye. But w^at Jonathan requests is not that his house may continue wi^/i the house of David (as its dependants) but that it may not be cut ofl' />y them, which would not be expressed by d;c. ©^ fuTd rod oUov S.aovX has some claims to be regarded therefore as original. — m ovs i^a] cannot be right, as is evident; read in it. In some other cases '2\s* is inserted to avoid an imprecation on David. There is also a trace in one MS. of (5 that the word was doubtful. — 17. in-px yo-rnS] Jonathan's love is no reason for his adjuring David. We are compelled therefore to read 'i-^x "^trn^ with (?. The main object of the interview was that Jonathan might assure David on oath that he would not betray him to Saul. — v-n i--ns3] has arisen by dupli- cation of the following words. It is lacking in 6". IQO I SAMUEL 18-23. Jonathan describes more distinctly his plan for ac- quainting David with the state of Saul's mind. — 18. The verse goes back to ^^, in which David had inquired about the means of communication. First, a sketch of the situation : To-vwrroiv is Ncio Moon and thou shalt be missed, when thy seat shall be vacant~\ the sentence is no doubt tautological and perhaps the text has suffered. — 19. What is intended by the opening of the verse is not clearly made out. David's course, however, is marked out for him : Thou shalt come to the place where thou didst hide the day of . . .'\ the day intended is no longer intelligible. — And shalt sit down by the side of yonder stone heap'] the nature of the stone heap is not defined. — 20. The general sense of the verse must be that Jonathan will choose some object by the side of David's hiding place as a mark at which to shoot. But it is im- possible to construe the present text, and the evidence of the versions does not enable us to reconstruct it in better shape. — 21. And I will send the boy'] which one takes to recover the arrows when shooting at a mark : Go find the arrow/] the man- ner in which the boy is to be directed to the arrow is the token for David. — If I say to the boy: The arroiu is this side of thee, pick it up.' — then, come f for it is well for thee, there is nothing the matter, by the life of Yahweh] the sign is plain, and one that naturally suggests itself. — 22. But if I say to the lad: The arrow is beyond thee — then go! for Yahweh sends thee away] the discov- ery of the mind of Saul will be an indication of God's will concern- ing David's course. — 23. Jonathan's final word of confirmation : And as for the word luhich we have spoken, thou and I, Yahweh is 7vitncss betiueen me and thee forever] Yahweh is a party to such solemn engagements, as we see in the case of Jacob and Laban, Gen. 31^^ 18. npc 13] is suspicious. But no better reading suggests itself. — 19. n'^r'Stri nND nnn] gives no appropriate sense, (g substitutes npsn for inp, which is adopted by We., Dr., Bu., but does not seem satisfactory. That David would be more missed on the third day than on the second is true. But there was no reason to suppose that Saul's mind would not be discovered on the day following the interview, David should not wait until the third day to come to the place where he was to hide. I suspect that nt;'S::n at any rate (and perhaps the whole clause) is an insertion of the same hand which forced the third day m\.o vvJ'-^'^; nx^i •^-\■r\ tni is what we expect. — rw^'ars ora] the XX. 18-23 IQI day of the deed is wholly unknown to us. There must be a reference to some former hiding on the part of David. lUil the (jnly account of such a hiding preserved to us is in 19^, Jonathan's former intercession for David. On gen- eral grounds, we have already decided that that account was not known to the author of this narrative. It is difficult moreover to see how the day of that intercession could be called the day of the deed. We. supposes a reference to Saul's attempt with the spear (and refers to Job 'i'^'^^. But David did ncjt hide himself that day, so far as we know. We are in fact wholly in the dark. The versions — t-^j ipyaaias ©H t^ ipyacrifxri (Q^^, qua operari licet IL, N'^im %, see in the word a designation of a working day in distinction from the festival day of the New Moon. But it is doubtful whether n^^cn would be used to mark such a distinction — rvwi-} would be more natural. — Sinh pNi] if correct can be only a proper name. But as pointed out by Th. (5 (t6 kpya.^ IkCivo (g^, T(w \[Q(f iKeh(f} 6^) read both here and in v.^^ the word 3J-»s, which would naturally mean a heap of stones, cf. the proper name Argob in Bashan, Dt. 3* i K. 4I3. We. therefore restores T^n ijisn ^-.-n, which is gen- erally adopted. — 20. n-)iN ms o^i^nn t\Z'^z> -^jni] would naturally mean : and I will shoot the three arrows by the side of it. But why three arrows? 'ITie later account speaks of only two, and it was not certain in advance that more than one would be needed. The three arrows are spoken of as if already mentioned, which is not the case. This half of the verse, moreover, in this wording does not fit the remaining words — /o send for me to a goal. If this means anything it makes a complete tautology when taken with the preced- ing. (5 reads t^v^v as a verb — and I zvill triple the arrozos, or and I will use three arrows, which does not seem to give any help. We., followed by Dr., Bu., reconstructs D^i"n2 tr'Stt'N >jni = and I on the third day [will shoot] zuith arroius, which, if we can make ^^ mean to do on the third day, somewhat re- lieves the difficulty, though the sentence is still awkward, and does not fit well with he latter part of the verse. I cannot help thinking that Kl. is on the right track in seeing in mix a corruption of nsnN. In that case Jonathan in- tended to say : ' / zvill choose something near the stone heap as a mark at which to shoot.' But the original text is not discoverable. — 21. ->;jn] the boy, whom he would naturally have with him in practising archery. — Nxr: 1^] the omission of -irs'- is unusual. Possibly the original was simply nsc^, which has been expanded under the influence of v.3^ where we have Ni- r^- — =^sn-i] should probably be the singular in both instances. — r^^2^-] must begin the apo- dosis, corresponding to ^S in the next verse. But in this case the 1 is abnor- mal and we should either read nN3i, or else with (Q^^ omit the \ The latter •alternative is favored by the parallel in the next verse, the v might readily have come from the end of the preceding word. — nnn] is sufficient of itself without the addition of an adjective {evil) made by the versions. - 22. C'vnn] the singular should be restored here also with 6- The particular arrow which should give the sign was the one in Jonathan's mind all through the speech. The mistake of |» is probably because the form -.-n (which occurs as an undoubted singular in v.^o) was taken for an abbreviated plural, the usual 92 SAMUEL singular being yn. — 23. It seems necessary to insert ni? (^/ndprus (3) after nin', or else to point the last two words of the verse dSi;;"i^; cf. v.^^ as amended above. 24-34. The discovery of the mind of Saul. — We may sup- pose that the interview just described took place in the evening. The new moon had already been seen, so that the next day (properly, the day had begun with the sunset) was the festival. — 24. David hid himself, and the festival day came, and the king sat at the [sacrificial] meal to eat. The time of day is not given. But, from the fact that Jonathan waited until the next morning (after the second day) to carry his tidings to David, we may sup- pose it was late in the day. — 25. The king's table companions were only three. The king sat on his seat, as usual, by the wall, and Jonathan was opposite, and Abner sat by the side of Saul, and David's scat 7vas vacant. The simplicity of the royal table is evident. — 26. The absence of David was not remarked upon at this time, the king supposing a ritual reason : For he said to him- self: It is an accident : he is not clean because he has not been cleansed'] the festival being a religious one, no one could eat of the meal without being ritually purified. If David had neg- lected the proper rite of preparation, he had a sufficient excuse for absence from the table. — 27. The second day matters came to a crisis. Why has not the son of Jesse come to the table, either yestej-day or to-day ? The known friendship of the two men made it probable that Jonathan would be informed. — 28. Jonathan makes the excuse agreed upon : David begged of me leave to run to Bethlehem. — 29. Specific report of what David said in his request : Let me go, I pray, for we have a clan sacrifice in the city, and that was what my brother commanded me. The appearance of the brother instead of the father has led to the supposition that David's father was dead. Possibly we should read my bretJiren (with (S), and understand it of the members of the clan in gen- eral. Jonathan would then make the impression that David was* invited by the clan to be present at the festival, undoubtedly a reason why he should seek to go, but not one that would conciliate Saul. In Jonathan's further report of David's words is another infelicity : Let mc slip away that I may see my brethren ! The words must suggest to Saul that David was trying to escape from XX. 24-34 193 him. — 30. The wrath of Saul flames out upon his son : Son of a rebellious slave girl I Universal custom abuses a man by throwing opprobrium upon his parents. The son of a slave girl was of mean lineage ; and in case the mother were rebellious, her son might be suspected of being a bastard. Saul's anger did not allow him to reflect on the injustice of his abuse. Do I not know that thou art a companion of the son of Jesse, to thine otvn shame and to the shame of thy mother's nakedness ? To revile a man by the nakedness of his mother is still common among the Orientals (Doughty, I. p. 269). That a man may disgrace the womb that bore him is evident enough. But Saul in his excitement puts the thought into coarse language. — 31. The reason for the anger is, that David is a rival for the throne : For as long as the son of Jesse lives upon the earth, thy kingdoin shall not be established'] the suc- cession would naturally fall to Jonathan as the most capable, and probably the oldest of the sons of Saul. In the correct feeling that Jonathan will know where David is, Saul orders him to send and take him, adding : for he is doomed to death] cf. 2 S. 1 2^. — 32, 33. At Jonathan's question why this should be, Saul's rage gets beyond control : Afid Saul raised the spear at him to smite him] as he had attacked David. — So Jonathan kneiu] more evi- dence could scarcely be expected, that it was determined by his father to put David to death. — 34. And Jonathan rose from the table in hot wrath and did not eat bread on the second day of the month because his father had j-eviled him] the result of the inquiry was not simply the discovery of Saul's purpose towards David, but had brought unexpected insult to himself. 24. cnSn-S;^] is probably right. The sitter at the low Oriental table is decidedly above the food. The Qre recommends Sk, but the change is un- necessary. (5 seems to have found \rhz'7\ S". — 25. "»'Pn iiMO'^^N] is rendered by Trapa t)}v toIxov (5^% and "("'pn Sn is quite sufficient. — sp"'i] why Jonathan should stand while the others sit is not clear. koX irpofcpdaafi' (5", Ka\ iTpoi3-^>] I cannot persuade myself that the sentence is complete without a verb such as is supplied by ^^ dpa/xelp, or 6^ Tvopevdrji'aL, or by E '^I^dV, though the difference may show that the translators did not have either one in the text; ^nS seems to be the simplest. After Bethlehem OS add his city. — 2^. r\xi xini] the unusual order is perhaps due to an error, (g seems to have read simply ni'M.— HNiNi] expressing the purpose of the request should be pointed nsnNi.— 30. nnnon myj] is made up of two words otherwise unheard of. Lagarde {Mittheil, I. p. 236 f.) makes the best of the present text, which niight mean one gone astray from disciplitte. It seems better however, on the basis of (g, to restore pn;j (or nn;j) instead of rw^i. Only, as a man cannot be the son of more than one woman, the plural of (g is not allowable. The natural phrase would be mVn T\-y;i. A reflection on the chastity of Jonathan's mother is evidently intended, and -nD is used of Israel's rebellion against Yahweh (and adultery with other gods), showing that it would convey such a reflection. If ni>'j is original, we might suppose nnncn to be a gloss intended to explain its meaning — son of perverseness would fit the sense. — p*? nnx ini] the verb does not go with the preposition; (g points to nnh or -i3n (adopted by Th. al.). 31, -jm^Si^i T\T''iC\ the nrx does not agree well with the meaning of the verb. It is lacking in O^^^, and has evidently come in by the error of a scribe, who in writing \-:iV^ took it for the second person, and naturally put down nnN as its subject. Saul was not afraid for Jonathan personally, but for his succession to the throne. — mD"i3] already he is marked out by death as one of its chil- dren, cf. niD C'N, I K. 22\ — 33, S-l3''i] as in the earlier case (iS^i) should probably be pointed Sb^^ ^Tr^pej/ (g'^i^. — x^n h^d] the lack of agreement is obvious. O reads as in vv.^- 9. But the particular evil is here defined in the clause nnTN n-'nn'^. It will be sufficient therefore to correct N>n n^3 to nn^D, with We. al. — 34. 'tSx 3S>'j o] is lacking in @^, and is unnecessary. The wrath was fully accounted for by Saul's insulting language, — ir^'^on] cuvere- Aeo-ei/ eV avTov (&^ has arisen under the influence of r]r\'?D, above. Here the absolute vh'; n'^p seems harsh, and |§ is to be retained. 35-39. The warning given. — As already agreed upon, Jonathan acquaints David of his danger. On the next morning : Jonathan came into the field to the rendezvous with David, and 2iS agreed, he brought a yoii?ig lad with him. — 36. Jonathan starts the boy to fmd an arrow, and then, while he is running, shoots another to fly beyond him. — 37. So when the lad came to the place of the [first] aj-row which Jonat/ian had shot, Jonathan cried after the lad aiid said: Is not the arrow beyond thee ?'\ this is in exact accordance with the agreement as worded above. — 38. Jonathan gives an XX. 35-41 195 additional message : Hasten quickly^ do not stop ! The words spoken to the boy were intended for David's ear. So Jonathan's lad gathered the arnnvs and brought them to his master. — 39. The writer reminds us that the tad did not knoio anything of the real matter in hand, but on /y Jonathan and David knew it. This was evidently the conclusion of the incident, except that he added what we now find in 21^: David rose from the place where he was concealed and departed, \\\\\\q Jonathan eame into the city. 35. ipnS] the appointment naturally included buth place and time.— 36. •a''^r\7\'] is to be corrected to the singular as above, Jonathan shot a single arrow, and while the lad was running for it, he shot ■>sm~rN, the par- ticular arrow on which so much depended, so as to pass beyond the boy. — 37. Ni'^n] the whole line from this word to -i;'j-i in the next verse has fallen out of (§^. Possibly it made just a line in some early manuscript. A part of the omission is supplied however after the word o-t^s = ic>'P. — 38. n-^no n:yinj cf Driver's note. — ■'i'nn A7.] to be read as a plural {Qrc). — n3m] should be pointed N3"'i with (!5'^^ and the margin of ^. 40-42. The verses give the account of a final interview, with renewed expressions of affection. They stultify the whole preced- ing account, however, and must be regarded as an interpolation. If it was so dangerous for Jonathan and David to be seen together before Saul's mind was fully known, it was more so after the open breach between him and his son. Jonathan's return to the city without his arms, after sending back the lad, would be an invita- tion to suspicion. The interview is moreover without a purpose. The solemn agreement had been made. The leave had been taken. Two seasoned warriors cannot be supposed to have so Httle steadiness of purpose that they must have one more embrace, even at the risk of their lives. For these reasons we must regard the paragraph as no part of the narrative just considered. Nor does it agree with any earlier part of the book. Its allusions to what took place in v\.^^^ are unmistakable. We must therefore regard it as an editorial expansion, pure and simple. 40. The first thing is to get rid of the boy, and he is therefore sent with Jonathan's weapons to the city. — 41. David then arose Jrom the side of the stone heap'] mentioned above as his hiding- place, and fell ivith his face to the ground, and prostrated himself three times] the occasion would not seem to admit of such exag- 196 I SAMUEL gerated politeness. — Atid each kissed his friend and each wept with his friend until . . .] a point of time seems to have been given, but is not now discoverable. — 42. Jonathan dismisses David with a reminder of their covenant : As to what we two have sworn, in the name of Yahweh, Yahweh will be between me and thee, and betiveen my seed and thy seed forever. The Bedawy also says : There is none between us but Allah (Doughty, I. p. 267J). XXI. 1. As already remarked, this verse is the conclusion of this narrative, and must have stood after 2o'^'\ 40. Non] is lacking in (S^", and is in fact superfluous. — 41. 3Jjn Sxnd] from the side of the South Country is of course impossible. Read 3Jixn Sxnd corresponding to the emendation in vP (so (§, and S» also has xcp mS p here). — '?"'njn mn—iy] zmtil David exceeded (EV). But why David's vic- tory in so curious a contest should be mentioned is impossible to conceive, <§ has nothing to represent "'n, so that We. proposes ^njn ny; but this nowhere means a great deal, which is the only sense we can give it here. Kl, rightly remarks that what we expect is a point of time, and proposes '^nj Dv nj.', which however does not seem sustained by usage. — 42. nnsS] is the ■erroneous insertion of a scribe who supposed the words of the oath were to follow. — XXI. 1. cp^i] the subject seems necessary, and David is correctly added by (J5. XXI.-XXVI. David an outlaw captain. XXI. 2-10. David comes to Nob, where his appearance stardes the priest. He excuses his lack of provision and of followers, and receives the sacred bread and also the sword of Goliath. The brief narrative is well told. The natural question is whether it fits on to any of the preceding sections. The surprise of the priest indicates that David was accustomed to travel with a retinue. This is appropriate for a man who had attained promi- nence as a captain, and who had become the king's son-in-law. The condition in which he presents himself — without weapons and without food — is unusual, even for the ordinary traveller. This is inconsistent, not only with David's usual course, but even v/ith the representations of the chapter just studied. For in that chapter David had ample time to furnish himself for the flight which he suspected would be necessary. The condition in which XX. 4I-XXI. 4 197 he appears before the priest is the natural sequel of only one preceding section, and that is the one where David is hastily let down through the window of his house at a time when guards were already posted, when there might be danger in the gleam or clash of weapons, and when in the sudden terror, bread would not be thought of. These reasons seem to justify the connexion immediately with 19^'. 2. The verse connects well with 19^" or 19^"", which may be the original : And David fled and escaped the night of his wed- ding, and came to Nob, to Ahimekch the pries t~\ Nob was a sanct- uary, as is evident from the continuation of this account. It was within the immediate jurisdiction of Saul, or he could not have dealt with it so summarily. A town of the name is located in Benjamin by Nehemiah (ii""'"), and the same is intended by Isaiah in his picture of the progress of an invading enemy from the north (Is. 10"-). From the latter passage, we learn that the town was in the immediate vicinity of Jerusalem. This situation would answer all the needs of our passage. David would natu- rally make his way southward from Gibeah so as to reach his own clan. He would stop for supplies at the first town in which he might have friends. Nob lay immediately on the way to IJeth- lehem, and in his flight (late at night) he would reach it by the early dawn. Ahimelech the priest came trembling::; to meet Dai'id. In 16^ the Sheikhs of Bethlehem tremble at the spiritual autocrat. Here the priest takes the same attitude in presence of the secular authority. The difference in the point of view is obvious. The priest is surprised at the way in which David comes. — Why art thou alone, and no man with thee .?] the evident implication is, that David was usually accompanied by an escort. — 3. David invents an excuse, to the effect that he is on a pressing errand from the king, and one that requires secrecy : The king com- manded me a matter to-day, and said to me : Let no man kno'w anything of the matter upon ivhich I send thee] the natural infer- ence is that he must not attract attention by travelling with a company. He intimates however that the troops had a rendezvous appointed : And the young men I have appointed to meet me at a certain phice. — 4. The haste of the departure is pleaded as a 198 I SAMUEL reason for asking provision : And now if there be within thy reach five loaves of bread, give it me, or whatever may be at hand. — 5. The priest's objection to giving what bread he has, is : There is no coni77ion bi'ead within my reach, though thej-e is sacred bread~\ the latter, being consecrated, must be handled by consecrated persons only. This did not originally mean that only the priests could eat it. Like the sacrifices, it could probably be eaten by worshippers duly prepared liturgically. As a safeguard, such per- sons usually partook of the consecrated food within or near the sanctuary. But there seems to be no reason in the nature of things why it should not be taken away, if only proper care was exercised. — If only the young men have kept themselves from 7voman'] they might eat it, is the natural conclusion of the sen- tence. As is abundantly clear from the Pentateuchal legislation, as well as from Arabic usage, the sexual act renders one unfit for any sacred ceremony until the proper purification has been under- gone. — 6. The obscurity of David's reply is probably due to our ignorance of the author's conception of holy and profane. In any case he gives assurance on the particular point of inquiry : But wome?t have been kept from us as ahvays when I go on an expedition. As war was a sacred work, abstinence from everything profane was David's habit in all his campaigns. — And the arms of the young men were consecrated^ at starting, as we suppose was the custom in Israel, from the expression consecrate war, Jer. 6'* Mic. 3'\ David makes his assurances so strong that he even says (to all appearance) that if the bread were common bread, it would become consecrated by contact with the conse- crated vessel in which he proposed to carry it. The exact words in which he originally embodied this declaration are unfortunately lost to us. — 7. The plea was effectual, and the priest gave him con- secrated [food] for there was no bread there except bread of the presence removed from before Yahweh, to place hot bread there, the day it was taken away. According to later custom this was done once a week, Lev. 2/f. — 8. The verse is evidently designed to prepare f(jr Doeg's betrayal of David later, 22^ Some have there- fore supposed it to be an interpolation. But the later passage seems to presuppose this one. Doeg the Edomite, who is described as SauTs niuleherd, was kept at the sanctuary by some religious (cere- XXI. 4-IO IQQ monial) obligation.— 9. David asks further for spear or sword since he has left his own weapons behind : Fo?- the king's husiiuss was urgent'] is his pretext. — 10. The priest tells of the sword of Goliath, whoin thou didst slay in the valley of Elah^ the Ian- gunge is used to indicate that David had a better title to the sword than had any one else. It had been deposited by David in the sanctuary, and was now 7v rapped in a mantel, behind the ephod~\ the last phrase is omitted by (5, perhaps because of dis- like of the ephod, which here cannot be a garment or a breast- plate. At David's desire, the sword is given him. 2. njj] with an unusual form of the (locative) accusative ending, Ges.^fi, 90?; Stade, 132 (p. 102). Jerome (according to Buhl, Geog. p. 198) locates Nob in the vicinity of Lydda. But there would seem to be no reason why David should go westward, and into the country of the Philistines. Perhaps Jerome was moved by the following account of David's coming to Achish. But that is from a different document. The same line of argument is followed by Schm. (p. 719 f.) to refute those who suppose David to have fled across the Jordan to n3j (cf. Jd. S^i). — i'^!?>nN] There seems to be no doubt that the second half of the name is one of the names of Yahweh cf. Moore on ]<\. 8^^. We find an r\^r^ii, 14^, who officiated as Saul's priest, and he is probably the same with our Ahimelech. i^^^ has Abimelech here. — in nNip"^J (g^B reads i.^vS-ip'^, which would ho. natural — but on that very account P| must be taken to be original, — 3. \r\'2r\ i^::''nxS] (g-^^ has jnjS simply. — -^31] (S adds (Tr^fiepoy, which is appropriate and forcible. The day began with the evening. The command being received at or after sundown, to be carried out at once * would plausibly explain David's appearance in the early morning at Xob. — nijiN?:] seems to be omitted by (g-^^. With the negative it has the force of ai all — here let no man knoiu at all of the matter, Ges.^o, 137 r. — yrwi nc'Ni] is redundant — perhaps a scribe's expansion. — '•pynv] might possibly be a Poel form (Ges.^o, 55^; Stade, 465). But the meaning is not so good as if we had Tn^S which should probably be restored; (S Siafj-e/xapTvp-nfiai points to v-n>'n, which was read as if from -^r;. P.ut the form might equally be from n>'\ If the original reading were \-n;'i it might give rise to both v-;nv and \-in>'n. Kl. proposes 'm>'ij, Ex. 29^2 Job 2'i. j::'^N ^j'i'd] 2 K. 6^. — 4. U'^-nr:] does not consist with the definite numl^er of loaves asked for. We are compelled therefore to read i:"i~aN with (5'"^, c' em/i' (e/ has dropped out of t by a taboo, or in accordance with later custom, kept by a voiv (so Schm. who compares the law of the Nazirite, Num. 6, but this does not require a sojourn in the sanctuary). — c^in -\on] viixtav ras 7}/j.i6uovs (§ is restored by Lagarde (BJV. p. 45, note) as an-iyn S-iidn, and as noN is not used of a chief, the latter (which is the more difficult reading) should probably be adopted. Graetz suggests Ci'^n i''3N (^Gesch. dcr Jtiden, I. 183), adopted by Dr., Bu., Ki. — 9. nfl-a''' ^ni] The form |\y occurs nowhere else. The punctuators wished to distinguish it from I'-N and perhaps to identify it with dn. (S has iSe et ^ariv ivravda, which We. supposes to indi- cate ns f '»n nsi, though he finds the interchange of n and J unusual. As the two letters are not unlike in the old alphabet we need not deny the possibility of one being mistaken for the other. But if the original were on we may suppose (§ to have avoided the aposiopesis l)y inserting i'Se. I had already suspected the original to l)e no j:'i ^ni, and where is there, before I saw Klos- termann's conjecture to the same effect. It is to this question that Ahimelech replies. — \^T\i\ a supposed passive participle from \r\i. Kl. conjectures jnnj, decisive, strict, Dan. 920. More probable is |MNJ (from }Mn), or 'tiMn-. — 10. The Valley of Klah is a reference to I'f- or to the original account from which that has l)ccn expanded. — njai':'] is the passive participle. — XXI. ii-i6 20I nn] is pointed in many editions nn but this is incorrect. At the end oi the verse add kuI eSwic^u avrrjv avrcS (S- 11-16. David at the court of Achish. — David escapes to the court of Achish king of (iath. 'J'hcrc he becomes an object of suspicion, and feigns madness, whereby he preserves his life, and is allowed to go. The paragraph is fitted into the narrative so that it seems to follow naturally on the preceding. On closer inspection we see that it does not. The opening verse indicates that David's flight was directly from the presence of Saul. In the presence of the Gittites, moreover, it would be an insane thing to carry the sword of Goliath. The linguistic marks of so short a piece are scarcely sufficient to identify it. It may be conjectured however that it originally followed the account of David's sojourn at Ramah 11. Achish king of Gath is the same who was David's overlord in his later career. The present account seems to be an attempt to explain away the facts of history. — 12. The servants (that is, officers) of Achish arouse his suspicions : Is not this DavU, the king of the land?'] the conception of the author who could put the question into the mouth of the Philistines at this date is naively unhistorical. Was it not to this man that they sang in dances saying : Saul has slain his thousands and David his ten thousands ? It is curious however that Goliath's fellow-citizens should not adduce the death of their hero as a part of the charge against David. — 13, 14. As David reflected on these words he feared, and disguised his understanding, and raved in their hands, and drummed on the doors, and let his spittle run down upon his beard] all signs of a maniac. Ewald cites the similar behaviour of Ulysses, and of Arabic and Persian heroes ; Schm. mentions Brutus and Solon. — 15, 16. The king has no relish for this sort of company : You see a madman, but why should you bring him to me ? Am I in lack of madmen that you should bring this to rave at me ? Shall this come into my house ? From the implied assertion that Achish already had madmen enough, some have imagined that the members of his household were thus afllicted (Schm. p. 719, who cites no authorities). 202 I SAMUEL 11-16. The opening verse : David j-ose and fled that day fro tn the presence of Saul, points to something earlier than the interview with Ahimelech. This verse, if originally following that interview, should read : And David zvent thence. That the general style of this section is similar to that of 19^^24 jg indicated by Bu., who prints the two in the same colour. I venture to think the point of view the same. In both, David is delivered without the aid of his prowess. Providence is his guide in both, and his escape, really miracu- lous in one case, is little short of that in the other. And if that account shows resemblance to i6^~^^ by the position it gives Samuel, this betrays a sim- ilar connexion by calling David king of the land. — 11. t^'ox] 'A7X0US (§. — 12. ifj'r'Na and i23-»a are written as in 18". — 14. uU'm] the form has perhaps preserved the original third radical. Else, it is a clerical error for njj'M or j'^'^i (Stade, 493 «; Ges.-^ do d, 'J^bb). The verb is used of chang- ing one's clothes, 2 K. 25-^, and in the Hithpael, of disguising one's self, I K. 142. a;':o is the taste or flavour of a thing, applied figuratively to the character of a nation (Moab), Jer. 48^^ and to the understanding of a person, I S. 25^^. The difficulty with the phrase here used (and in the form iniy^»3 1^>a"^^< Ps. 34^ dependent on this passage) is that one does not change his understanding as he does his clothes. This is felt by O which renders koX ilWoiwaev rh TrpSawwov avTov. It is impossible to prefer this to the more difficult reading of |^, but there is reason to suppose the obscurity due to early corruption of the text. The exegetical feeling of Schmidt (who adheres, of course, to the Massoretic text) leads him to see that the change of one's understanding is attributable to God alone. In fact, it is possible that God (or Yahweh) was the original subject here, so that the parallel with the deliv- erance at Ramah was once more striking than it now is. — SVnn"'i] either feigned himself mad, or raved under the influence of fear, Jer. 25^^^ jj^g next clause has a double translation in (g. — ipn] vnii Qre, is supposed to mean f//a/ce marks, as we say scribble. But (^ koX iTv/jLirdvi^ev renders 'in"'i, as was pointed out by Cappellus, Critica Sacra, p. 261. Possibly inM is only a phonetic spelling of p|nM, Ew. GVI^. III. p. 116, E.Tr. III. p. 83. — 15. rsirT^ one is tempted to restore \r\ — if you see a madman, why should you bring him to me? — >ur'tt'D it'^n] cannot be the man is mad (AV., cf. RV.), but the words must be the object of the verb. — 16. "\Dn] probably originally iDnn (Kl.). — nr'PN] used in contempt as 10-". — ^S;;] implies that the experience was burdensome to him. XXII. 1-XXVI. 25. David as an outlaw. —The various locali- ties in which he hid himself are mentioned, and the failure of Saul to seize him is shown. We have duplicate accounts of David's sparing Saul when he had him in his power. There are also other indications of compilation. But the separation of the documents is difficult, owing to the nature of the material. In any case, the XXII. 1-4 203 narrative consists of a string of adventures, each of which forms a unit of itself. XXII. 1-5. David collects a troop of followers, and brings his father and mother into a place of safety. — 1. The opening words would connect fairly welt with 21' 21'" or 21"'. From the general tone of the narrative, they agree better with 21' than with the others. After the signal given by Jonathan, therefore, David went, as was most natural, to his own clan, where he found safety m the stronghold of AduHajfi] the cave, which has become traditional, originated in the error of a scribe. Adullatn is one of the Canaanite towns whose kings are said to have been conquered by Joshua, Jos. i2^\ It is mentioned in the Shephela, between Jarmuth and Shocdh, Jos. 15^; in 2 Chr. 11" it comes in immedi- ate connexion with Shocoh, and in Neh. ii"'" it is one of the towns of Judah. These indications point to a location on the western edge of Judah and favour the identification with the pres- ent Aid-cI-Ma {'Id-el-MiJe, Buhl), twelve miles west by south from Bethlehem. The Judahite warrior probably already had friends there, and he was joined by his own clan. With David outlawed they would not be safe. — -2. In possession of a stronghold, he soon became head of a band of soldiers or bandits : There gath- ered to him all the oppressed^ those rendered desperate by the demands of their masters, and every one who had a creditor'] a brutal exactor of debts who would not hesitate to sell the debtor's family into slavery, 2 K. 4^ ; and every embittered man] according to 30''' men who were angry because of some grievance. The case of David is similar to that of Jephthah (Jd. 11 '•). The energetic man who is ouUawed easily gathers such a force. They numbered, in David's case, four hundred men ; at a later stage of the history we find six hundred, 30^ — 3, 4. The verses are an interpolation, or at least from a different source. They tell how David entrusted his father and his mother to the king of Moab. The account has been found plausible on the ground that Ruth the Moabitess was an ancestress of David. But the fact that a young woman had married into the tribe of Judah, renouncing her own gods and leaving her father's house, would constitute a precarious title for her great-grandson in claiming protection. The Mizpeh of Afoah 204 I SAMUEL here mentioned is not named again and cannot be identified. On the reading of David's request — Let my father and my mother dwell 7i'ith thee — see the critical note. — 5. The unexpected introduction of Gad the prophet shows that the verse is by a different hand from the one that wrote ^■^\ and from the one that wrote ^- '*. The purpose for which he comes is to warn David not to remain in Mizpeh, which being foreign ground is unclean, but to co??ie to the land of Judah. In consequence of this advice David came to the Wood of Hereth. The location is unknown. 1. aSiy' T\'r;r^'\ is also found 2 S. 23!^ (and i Chr. 11^°, which is dependent upon it). In both cases, the word is followed by a reference not to a n-i>'D but to a mxo (cf. v,*). On this account We.'s correction to msD here and in 2 S. '23^^ is now generally accepted, cf, 23I*. A cave might also be fortified as a stronghold, as were the caves in Galilee in the time of Herod. The tradition which identifies the cave of Adullam with the immense cavern of Khareitiin is traced to the twelfth century of our era only (Baedeker, Pales- tine^, p. 133)- On the name Adullam cf. Lagarde, BN. p. 54 (from 'adtila, to turn aside). — 2. pii'D] of the straits of the inhabitants of a besieged city, Dt. 28"^ Jer. 199. — 3, 4. Of the two theories concerning the relation of the verses to the Book of Ruth, it seems to me more likely that these are the original than the reverse (cf. Nestle, Marg. p. 14 and refif.). The Rabbinical conceit that David's father, mother, and brothers were slain by the Moabites after being entrusted to them (Schm. p. 743) has no foundation in the Biblical text. — NS"«] does not suit the following ddpn. We should probably restore i;- as is read by ^ : nianeat 3L might be adduced as having the same force, but it probably goes back to yiueadwaau (3 which We. would adopt (appar- ently reading M"!). (Th. prefers either vni or 3C'i to the reading of |tf.) Kl.'s attempt to retain Ni"-, changing DDnx to ddi^n, is opposed by the following '^};. — DDPN] Trapa aoi (5^, jixera aov (3^ have the singular, which is to be preferred. — iS"ntt7"'-nD] probal^ly in the sense what God will do on my behalf, cf. 14^ 25^'^. — ann] pointed by the Massorites as though from nnj, read by ^ as though from onj, is really intended for Dn-in, from nij (We. confirmed by Dr., who cites % and % in favour of the reading). — mixan] favours the read- ing mixD above. % however has nDXC3 here and in the following verse. — 5. Gad the prophet is so called in only one other passage, 2 S. 24^^, and there the title seems to be a late insertion. Elsewhere he is David'' s Seer, 2 S, 24II (and the parallel I Chr. 21^), 2 Chr. 2925. He belongs in the later history but not here. We should at least be told how he came to be with David, The object of his introduction is to get David by divine command from some place outside Judah back into his own country. Abiathar had not yet come down with the ephod; the oracle is therefore imported by a prophet. As Adullam was reckoned to Judah it is pro])able that for mi:iD3 here we should read XXII. 4-8 205 noscj (Bu. following Kl.). — ->•;>] a rough rt-giun covered with thickets. © reads here "cy. — n-in] possibly an Araniai/ing form of i:'->p, ?2^^ (We. fiJluw- ing a conjecture of Ewald, GF/'-K III. p. 123). (5 reads aapt'iK or (rapix- 6-23. The vengeance of Saul upon the priests. — Saul learns that Ahimelech has aided David. The priest is therefore sum- moned and questioned. He admits the act, but denies evil intent. But Saul is not satisfied and, at his command, the whole priestly clan is hewn down in cold blood. Only one — Ahime- lech's son — escapes, perhaps because he was left behind in the journey to Gibeah. He flees to David with the ephod. David receives him and promises him protection. 6-23. As the section is plainly the set[uel of 21--^", there is no objection to supposing it originally continuous with that. We must however suppose that V.6 has been fitted to the present connexion. In fact the first half of the verse is irrelevant. The fact that David and his men were knoxvn has nothing to do with vSaul's vengeance on the priests. The paragraph would be sufficiently introduced by ^i*. The object of the author is evidently to show how the priestly oracle came to be with David instead of with vSaul. 6. And Saul heard that David and his men were kncmni^ the author does not tell us how they were made known, and Saul in his speech betrays no knowledge of David's whereabouts. What moves his wrath is that none of his officers has told him of Jona- than's friendship for David, not that David has recruited a force of men. These considerations justify us in making this clause a redactional insertion. — Sanl 7c>as sitting in Gibeah under the Tajna?-isk'] perhaps a well-known tree like the Palm under which Deborah sat to administer justice, Jd. 4'. The locality is further described as on the Bamah (according to (©) or sanctuary. Here he sat in state with his spear in his hand~\ in place of a sceptre. So the Argive kings and others (Sanctius cited by Schm.). — 7, 8. Saul appeals to his courtiers : Hear, O Benjamites ! The son of Jesse also will give you fields and vineyards, and will make you captains of thousands and captains of hundreds ! an ironical exclamation. ' It appears that you expect to gain as much from David who is of Judah, as you have already received from me who am of your own clan ! ' The absurdity of such an expectation is manifest. Yet it is only on this ground that their behaviour can 206 I SAMUEL be explained : For all of you have conspired against ?ne, afid no one tells mc when my son enters into a bond with the son of Jesse, and none of you has pity upon me and tells me that my son has abetted my servant against me as an enemy, as you see to be the casc'\ a good statement of Saul's theory, only it is really an accu- sation against Jonathan rather than against David, — 9. The part of informer is taken by Doeg the Edomite who was stafiding by the officei's of Saul, though he was not one of the regular attend- ants at court. — 10. After telling that he saw David come to Nob he adds that Ahimelech asked Yahweh for hint] as to the pros- perity of his journey. The preceding narrative says nothing of this, but the truth of the charge seems to be admitted by Ahime- lech. He tells also of the provision given David, as well as of the sword of Goliath, though the latter is thought to be a later insertion. 6 Cw'JNm] should be corrected to D"'t;'jxni on account of the following nc'N (Kl., Bu.). — Sa'sn] evidently a tree of some kind. But as the word occurs only three times, the species is uncertain. That this was a sacred tree is not improbable. Kl. conjectures that the enigmatical apovpa of (g represents an intentional substitution of ."nns t/ie cursed for the original name. — nD"\2] might be on the height. But (S has eV /3a^a, which is the word for the village sanctuary or high place, cf. 9I-. — 7. "'J"'D"' •'J3] the plural of ••j'^D'' p as in Jd. 19I6. — oj] Num etiam dabit quem admodum ego feci? (Schm.) The second Dd'^dS must be an error. Read D3^ji with (g^. — 8. Saul says substantially the sanie thing twice over, unless we suppose the two counts to state progres- sive degrees of guilt : Jonathan first enters into a close agreement with David, and then stirs him up to enmity against Saul. — n'^n] no one is sick for me sounds strangely, and we shall doubtless read Sen, cf. 23^1 ; the emenda- tion, suggested by Graetz,* is now generally adopted. — Dipn] is generally used of Yahweh's raising up either helpers or enemies, cf. I K. 1 1-^. — 3iN^] is rendered by (§ both here and v.^^ as though it were i'>^, which is probably to be restored. 3"^N would imply that David was lying in wait for Saul, which even Saul's fancy could hardly find probable. — n?n dvd] implies that the actual state of things was known to the courtiers. — 9. ••mNn] o ^vpos (5^. — Sy 3i':3 is to be interpreted like the similar phrase in v.'^. Doeg, in any case, could not be said to be placed over the servants of Saul for these nna^* were the high officials. ® reads here 6 KadecrTrjKiJjs (6 KadeffToifxevos) eVt ras tj/j-iovovs. The question comes whether we should have an explanation of Doeg's office or of his presence at court. The latter seems to be more probable. The author informs us that Doeg whose office would not naturally bring him to the * According to Bu. BooAs of Samuel {SBOT.), but he gives no reference. XXII. 8-17 207 council of state was standing by the officers of Saul. This makes it probable that his office had been described before, and favours the originality of 2\^. S^) ^i-j, it may be remarked, is nearly always used of literal standing.— 10. r\\r\>i iS-^Ntt'M] by means of the sacred oracle. That the consultation of the oracle was lawful to the king alone, is a conceit of the Jewish expositors. — iS jnj -n 'X 3-in nsi] is suspicious from the repetition of the words ^ jpj. It is therefore marked as secondary l^y Bu. in his text, and Co. agrees with him. The verse is very short however without this clause, and the reference to the sword in v.^^ protects at least so much here. Not impossiljly the original had only iS jnj j-^m m-'xi. 11. Saul summoned Ahimelech and all his clan, the priests who were in Nob, and they came. — 12, 13. At Saul's address, Ahime- lech answers obediendy : Here avi /, my Lord ! Saul tlicn makes his accusation : Why have you conspired against me, thou and the son of Jesse, in that thou gavest him bread and a sword and didst ask God for him, that he might stand against vie as an ene?ny as is now the case ? If Saul knew that it was the sword of Goliath, he would pretty certainly put the statement into the accusation. — 14. Ahimelech's answer is a defence of David : And who among all thy servants is like David^ trusted, and the king's son- in-laiv, and chief over thy subjects, and honoured in thy household? The panegyric would be little calculated to quiet Saul's anger, but it shows iVhimelech's honesty of intention. — 15. Precedent more- over is on Ahimelech's side : Is this the first time I have asked God for him ? The fact is not denied, but the intention of con- spiracy— far be it from 7ne / In his consciousness of innocence, he prays that no guilt may be laid to the charge of himself or his father's house. That these were under suspicion is manifest from their being summoned before the king. — 16. To Ahimelech's protestation of ignorance and innocence Saul replies only with a sentence of death on him and his whole clan. * De innocentia tua tecum nolo disputare, volo autem ut morte moriaris ; haec mea voluntas est pro ratione ' (Schm.). — 17. Saul commands the run- ners standing about hi?n'] the body guard of the king ran before his chariot. They also acted as executioners. — l^urn about and slay the priests of Yahiveh'] we may picture the runners standing near the king, the body of priests a little further back. In giving the reason for his command, Saul accuses the priests of complicity with David, giving no credence to the protest of .Ahimelech : For 2o8 I SAMUEL their hand also was with David^ indicates that he has others in mind as well as they — perhaps Jonathan only. The soldiers refuse to carry out the command, owing to the sacred character of the accused. — 18. Doeg was less scrupulous, and at the king's command he turned and sleiv the priests'] Jd. 8^^ 15^-2 S. i^^ The victims were eighty-five men who wore the linefi ephod~\ the char- acteristic garment of the priest 2^^. — 19. The verse tells that Saul put the city of the priests to the sword in language closely similar to the ban pronounced upon Amalek, 15^. For this reason it is supposed by some to be an interpolation, and in fact it could easily be spared from the narrative. We have no further informa- tion concerning the fate of Nob ; and there is no parallel to the wiping out of an Israelite city by Israehtes, except in the very late account of the destruction of Benjamin, Jd. 20 and 21. 13. iSn] vSn Qre is doubtless correct. — Sin"'i] the infinitive absolute continuing a finite verb, cf. Dav. Syntax, 88 <2. — "-Sn] another instance of the confusion of 'pn and ^>'. The latter alone is in place with 2ip in the hos- tile sense. — 3nsV] must correspond with the word adopted inv.^; read there- fore a-'N*?. A lier-in-wait does not stand against any one; he lurks for him. — 14. fPjJDB'C Sn idi] and who turns aside to thine obedience makes no sense in this connection, no is only another spelling for I-' as is indicated by apxcov @; nyctyD is the abstract for the concrete — the subjects of the king, Is. ii^'^ 2 S. 23-^ (where however the text is doubtful). — 15. ""n^nn Drn] is somewhat difficult. It is necessary to read as a question, and the interrogative has prob- ably dropped off before r, unless we can suppose nrnn to become Dvn for euphony. But what does the priest mean by asking : Did I begin to-day to ask? The only plausible explanation seems to be that he means: I have been accustovied to consult the oracle for David on his other expeditions, with your Jznowledge and consent ; therefore you cannot charge me zvith it as a crime in this instance. — ^2-:^^ read Sddi, OS. — 17. Dj] is lacking in (g.— UTX] ^JTS Qre is doubtless correct. — 18. The name of the Edomite is here written jmt instead of JS'-t. In pronunciation the two were probably alike. ^ — nj niax x::'j] must mean wearing a linen ephod. (5 omits -i3.* — 19. The similarity of the language to 15^ is evident. Editorial insertions of this kind are not uncom- mon, so that Bu. and Co. are probably right in making the verse to be of that class. — D-^n '•dS] at the end of the verse is lacking in (g and superfluous. * In addition to what was said above (on 2I8) about linen as the material of priestly garments in Egypt, it may be noted that in Babylon nlso the priests and scribes wore linen clothing. This is pointed out by Gunkel, Archiv fur ReUglons- wissenschaft, I. p. 297. XXII. I7-XXIII >09 20, 21. One son of Ahimelech escaped, whose name was Abia- thar. His only refuge was with David, and to him he went, and told him that Saul had slain the priests of Yahweh'] the conmicn- tators suppose that Abiathar was left in charge of the Oracle, while the other priests answered Saul's summons. There is nothing of this in the text however, and it is rather surprising that the Oracle is not mentioned in connexion with Abiathar here, and first comes into view in 23". — 22. David is not surprised at the news: / k7uw that day, because Docg was there, that he ivould certainly tell Saul. He therefore accuses himself as accessory : / am i^uilty of the lives of thy clan. — 2^. He encourages Abiathar to stay'with him and not fear ; for whoever seeks thy life must also seek my life'] restoring the probable order of the words. — For thou art a deposit with me] the article deposited with one for safekeeping was sacred, and, as we know from an Arabic story, it was defended to the last by the one to whom it was entrusted. 20, 21. The evident point of this narrative is to show how the priest came to be with David instead of with Saul. But to the older view the priest was nothing without the Ephod. There is reason to suspect therefore that the original account of the slaughter of the priests inserted here the words : and brought the Ephod with him. The scruples of the later writer omitted the ref- erence to the Ephod, whereupon it was inserted in 23*^. — nr^js] on the name cf. BDB. and reff. — 22. The somewhat awkward sentence must be rendered as above. Omitting □;:' with (g-^B we might also omit the second o and get simply '^>i> -ijn j^n >d which would be smoother, — >.-3D] must be corrected to >n3n with (QSs Th. and most recent scholars (cf. Dr. jVotes). — U'fjj-'^ja] ©b omits ^r, whereas (gL inserts it before 7^^2. — 23. ■'^^•flj and yi'o: have become transposed in |^. What David should say for the encouragement of Abiathar is not : he who seeks my life is also seeking yours, but : whoever seeks your life must fr St take mine. XXIII. 1-29. Saul seeks David. — David delivers Keilah from the Philistines. Saul purposes to besiege him there. David, warned by the Oracle, leaves the city and dwells in the wilder- ness. The natives inform Saul, who makes another effort to capt- ure him. At the critical moment however Saul is called away by a Philistine invasion. Between the two attempts, Jonathan visits David and encourages him, and the two make a bond of friendship. The original thread of the narrative has been disturbed by the p 210 I SAMUEL intrusion of the scene with Jonathan, and there are some minor fragments which seem to be interpolated. 1. The verse seems to connect well with 22^. There David was in the stronghold of Adullam with four hundred men. Here he begins to use his power for the relief of his own people when oppressed by the Philistines. David is told : tlie PJiilistines ai-e fighting against Keila]i\ a town which is reckoned to Judah, Jos. 15**, though David's men had a different notion. If the identification with the present Kila be correct, the place lay only three miles south of Adullam. — And they are plundering the thresh- ing-floors'\ a favourite act of robbery in a freebooting society. The treasure of the fellahin is easiest carried off at the time of thresh- ing. Later it is apt to be hid in pits or stored in the strongholds. — 2. David asked of the Oracle: Shall I go and smite these Philistines? The author does not deem it necessary here to explain how the Oracle came to be with David, and this is an argument against the originality of v.*^, at least in the place in which it now stands. The answer to the question is an affirma- tive.— 3. David's men however object. In other cases we find them not easy to control. — Behold we are afraid here in Judah~\ the distinction between Judah and the territory of Keilah is per- plexing. Possibly Keilah was tributary to the Philistines, so that David's men thought of it as Philistine territory. On the other hand Keilah, like Carmel, may have been reckoned to Caleb or one of the other clans not yet absorbed in Judah. How much more if ive go to Keilah against the army of the Philistines ! The argument is a fortiori. — 4. Davi(i therefore repeats his inquiry of the Oracle and receives a direct command and a promise : Rise^ go down to Keilah, for 1 give the Philistines into thy hand. — 5. In accordance with the command, David and his men went to Keilah and fought against the Philistines, and drove atvay their cattle~\ which they had brought in order to carry off the plundered grain. (§^ inserts they fled before him before the last clause. In any case, he delivered the inhabitants of Keilah. 6. The verse is obviously displaced. Designed as it is, to show how David could consult Yahweh, it ought to come earlier. Or, if the author supposed the former response to have been given in XXIII. I-I2 21 I some other way than by the Ephod, then the proper place for tliis verse is later, after vA The text has suffered in transmission, but may be plausibly restored so as to give the following meaning : And when Abiathar son of Ahimdcch jled to David, he came doiun io Keilah with the Ephod in his hand'] Keilah was the place to which he came down and he brought the I-^phod, — these are data supplementary to the account of the slaughter of the i)riests. 1. nS>;"p] cf. Buhl, Geog. p. 193, who refers to the Tell-el-Amarna letters, ZDFV. XIII. 142; Gnerin, /ndee, III. 341 ff; GAS., Geo^r, p. 230. —2. i^sn] the direct question is put to the Oracle as in the cases already noted. — 3. -fjn n3n;?o"SN] is perhaps an expansion. The original form of (5 seems to have read simply /o Keilah of the Philistines (pointed out by We.). The fact that mDn;;o does not correctly describe a plundering expedition need not weigh very heavily. David's men would naturally state the case strongly. — 4. inj] the participle is used of the immediate future, as frequently. — 5. vc'jni Qre, is to be preferred, (g^ niakes the order this: he fought, they yiei/, he sleza, and droz'^ off the cattle. — 6. The commentators all remark on the im- possibility of n"'J nn-- -lijN. The simplest explanation of it seems to be that the first two words have been transposed. By inserting a 1 we get a fairly good sense: no nisxi nn-' nSi^jp. This is the actual text of ©^ and it calls attention to the fact that the place at which Abiathar found David was Keilah, and that the Ephod which is commanded a little later is the one from Nob. 7. Saul on hearing of David's place of sojourn said to himself: God has sold him into my hand, for he has entrapped himself in couiing into a city of doors and bars] the king with a superior force would shut him in his cage as Sennacherib boasted after- wards that he had done to Hezekiah. — 8. The royal summons was sent out and the whole people mustered to besiege David and his men. — 9. David on hearing of the muster of the militia kneio that it 7vas against him] and not the Philistines as was ostensibly given forth (we may suppose) that San/ ^cas carving out an evil] and he therefore prepares to consult God. — 10. David recites the occasion of his anxiety. — 11. The text of 5l| is evidently in disorder. The question at the opening of the verse receives no answer and is repeated later. Omitting it, we get : IVilt Saul come down as thy servant has heard ? Yalnveh, God of Israel, tell thy servant / To this question an affirmative answer is given. — 12. The second questicjn — Will the burghers of Keilah give me 212 I SAMUEL and 7nymen into the hand of Saul? — also receives an affirmative. — 13. David and his men left Keilah, and wandered hither afid thither'] in consequence of which Saul abandoned his expedition. The ingratitude of the men of Keilah is the subject of animad- version by Schm., but the better part of valour is discretion, and the town may not have been able to stand a siege. Whether it owed allegiance to Saul however may well be doubted. — 14. The verse reads like a summing up of the history, so far as relates to this part of David's life. It may have concluded the account of his wanderings in one of the documents : So David dwelt in the Wilderness'] the Wilderness of Judah is meant, overhanging the western shore of the Dead Sea. — And Saul sought him continu- ally, but Yahweh did not give him into his hand. The allusion to the Wilderness of Ziph is an intrusion. 7. "i3j] gives no meaning proper to this context : Dens abalienavit inen- tem ab eo (Schm., p. 773) is without parallel. ^IL and the Jewish expositors make the word mean to deliver over, but without support. (§ has TrenpaKeu, evidently reading noc, a verb often used of God's /landing over his own into the power of their enemies, Dt. 323*^ Jd. 2>^ f i S. 12^. It is safer to restore this word, for which we have direct evidence, than to conjecture something else. For iJp Bu. adduces the following ijdj, which however, as Dr. points out, argues the other way. If "id:d were a good Hebrew word it would exactly fit the place. — nn:}i D^Sn] the two gates locked by one great bar across them. Probably small towns had but one entrance. — 8. yDtTM] cf. 15'*. — msV] a few MSS. have nii'*?. But lis is the proper word for besieging a fortress. — 9. c'nna] the verb occurs in the Qal, Prov. 3-^ 6'*, in the sense of plaiining, as here. Saul was breiuing evil is an English equivalent. Still it is possible that the text is not sound. — 10. ii>'S] for the direct object. Dr. cites a few instances, but possibly n-'^n should be read. — 11. no 'po •'jn'«jD>n] is in place in v.i- where we find it repeated. A part of it is lacking in (g so that the conjecture of We. is probable — that the whole was lacking in (g, but that owing to another error of that text •'jiJO-'n was inserted later. ^ omits all but the one question : Will the Burghers of Keilah deliver me and my men into the hand of Saul? The reading of We. is adopted by Bu., who however inserts nnjji from (g. A scribe got the second question in the wrong place, and left it there without erasure. From tt' at the end of the verse (g^ omits to the last word of \?^; a clear case of homeoteleuton; the eye of the scribe fell upon the second nin> -idnm instead of the first, (g^ has inserted the miss- ing words though retaining the wrong reply to the first question. — 13. "i:'"J'D niND] where (S has about four hundred. It is difficult to decide between them. (S may have been conformed to the statement in 22^. — -\VH2 idSh^m XXIII. 12-19 213 Sidra tree that which covered it." — 14. n''"'*^-!::^ "(^3 y»>^'] is superfluous, and in fact contradicts the immediately preceding clause. Without this, the verse concludes an account of David's wandering. The clause originally stood at the opening of the next adventure, v.^^. 15-18. Jonathan's visit. The verses are a distinct insertion. — 15. David feared because Saul had come out to seek him'] the sentence can refer only to some particular expedition of Saul, and therefore does not fit the immediately preceding statement which affirms Saul's continuous persecution. No more does it belong after v.''^, which tells that David escaped. — And David ivas then in the ivihierness of Ziph] the name still survives in Tell Ziph (GAS. Gcog. p. 306; Buhl, Geog. p. 163), south from Hebron. Whether the Horesha of this passage is identical with Khoreisa, as suggested by Conder, is not certain. — 16. Jonathan came to Horesha and encouraged David in God] by assurances of the divine protection. — 17. Not only should David be protected from Saul, but he should also attain the kingdom, Jonathan con- tenting himself with the second place. — 18. The covenant made is parallel to the two already spoken of, 18' 20^ 15. The verse seems based on 26^. The author of the secondary account took a hint from the second clause of that verse, and built upon it a further instance of Jonathan's fidelity. — vS^m] is intended iY.\v.,GVn. III. p. 127, E. Tr. III. p. 92). David's y^^r is the proper introduction to Jonathan's con- solation. — 7\v^-^-2\ other cases of the preposition with the He locale are cited by Dr. In the following verse however n-^nn seems quite clearly to be a proper name (so Kl., Bu., Ki.). Wooded heights do not exist in the Wilderness of Judah and probably never did exist there. The identification with Khoreisa seems to be adopted by GASmith and Buhl. Kl. supposes it to be the same with the nnn nr, 225.-16. n^TN pin^] cf. Jer. 23^4 Ezek. 132-^ Job 4''- — 17. r\yvrh'\ cf. 2 Chr. 28" Esth. lo^. 19-29. A narrow escape. —The Ziphites offer to conduct Saul to David. Saul therefore comes with a large force and has David and his men within his grasp. But at the critical moment he is called away by an invasion of the Philistines. The story is a local legend designed to explain the origin of the name given to one of the rocks in the region. 19. The verse continues ^^» in its original form. The second half, however, is superdnous, and restoring the connexion we 214 ^ SAMUEL should read : David dwelt in strongholds in the Wilderness of Ziph, and the Ziphites came to Sanl and said : Is not David hid- ing himself in our region in strongholds ? Had they given the exact location, as now defined in the rest of the verse, it would have been unnecessary for Saul to urge them to discover David's hiding-place. — 20. And now according to thy heart's desire to cojne down, O king, come down ; and it shall be our part to deliver him into the hand of the king'] possibly David's presence was bur- densome, as it was felt to be by Nabal. — 21. Saul expresses his gratitude because they have take?i compassion on him. — 22. He exhorts them : Give attention still, and know the place where his foot rests ! The text cannot be called certain. According to J^, a reason is added : For I am told he is very cunning, — 23. The exhortation of the preceding verse is repeated in substance and Saul concludes : Then I will go with you, and if he be in the land, I will search him out among all the thousands of Judah. — 24. The Ziphites went in advance of Saul at a time when David and his men were in the Wildeiiiess of Maon~\ the place is mentioned along with Carmel and Ziph in Jos. 15^^, and still bears the name Main. As the next verse tells that David on hearing of Saul's incursion went and dwelt in the Wilderness of Maon, there is reason to suspect the integrity of the text. — In the Arabah to the south of Jeshimon] is in fact sufficiently explicit. — 25. David went down to the crag which is in the Wilderness of Maon. The idea seems to be that he fled down the mountain side without attempting a defence. — 26. Saul was in hot pursuit — David was going in hasty flight from Saul, and Saul and his men ive7'e about to fly upon David and his men, to seize hold of theni] the providen- tial interference came just at the right moment. — 27, 28. Saul is called off by the news of a Philistine invasion, and the place receives the name: Rock of Divisions. — 29. The verse forms the transition to the following. Engedi is a well-known oasis in the wilderness of Judah, on the west shore of the Dead Sea. 19. As the verse stands it gives David's location tautologically : /;/ strong- holds, in Iloresha, in the Hill of Uachila^ but the indefinite strongholds is the only word which fits the situation, and it, as well as Saul's reply, is contradicted by the more exact locations which follow. These also seem inconsistent with each other unless we suppose Horesha to be located on the Hill of Hachila, XXIII. 19-29 215 which is unnatural. We are obliged therefore to strike out as later insertion all that follows nnsca. The last clause was put in under the influence of 26' and na'nn was inserted to reconcile this with the preceding. The location of the Hill of Hachila here however is given as south of the desert, whereas in 26^ it is apparently east of it; cf. v.'* (We.), — nS''3nn] occurs only here and in 26i-3(Glaser restores it by conjecture in r5" for nS>in) ; some copies have nSon. — |c>w"'n] is used of the Desert of Judah here and 26'- 3, cf. Num. 21-'^. For a description cf. GAS., Geog. p. 313; also Robinson, /i/v'^. I. p. 500 f. — 20. nivS"'?^'^] elsewhere niN '?J3. Here we should expect ^oo. For ij^i (S seems to have read irSs connecting it with what precedes. ij^^>'i would be the regu- lar form to express what we need in this context. — 21. ar'?cn] confirms the emendation made in 22^. — 22. ir^n] supply 3^^, I Chr. 12I*. The ellipsis docs not occur elsewhere however, and perhaps we should read uon, De Rossi, with 6 MSS. Some editions prefix >. — is-\i i;;"ii] one of the two words is superfluous, and (S'^ has only X)^y. The words D'^' insi --c are inappropriate; Saul is not concerned with the particular man who shall discover David but with the discovery only. Besides, we should at least emend ""a to "'Ci. (5 has eV Tctxet f'fe?, on the ground of which Th. following a hint of Ew. reads nnn-;-! — 'where his /t') his resting-place cun- ningly, because he is very sly. Something like this seems required by the concluding part of the verse. — ■^::n >d] for one says is perfectly good Hebrew. But it is surprising that Saul should give David's character by hearsay, so that this part of the verse also seems to have suffered in transmission. 6 reads oZ erTrere (eifTraTe) connecting with what precedes: hasten -where you say (he is), adding lest he play you a trick. — 2Z. The verse is so nearly a repeti- tion of the preceding, that Kl. takes it to be an insertion from a different document. More probably it has been expanded by a scribe. ©» omits pDJ-'^x . . . Sdc, and what remains gives a satisfactory sense. — jor'r'N] prob- ably we should read ^>' (as so often). They were to return resting on a cer- tainty.—V;^'\ identified by Robinson. The village lies not far south of Carmel. In this place 6^^ has rfj ^■ni\K6u> and Houbigant * conjectures there- fore ]1>'C!:'. But as the Ziphites were active in the matter, the Wilderness of Maon is appropriate enough. — n^^va] must mean in the valley of the Dead Sea. As the Jordan valley is called the Arabah, and the same valley extends south of the Dead Sea, this makes no difficulty. On Jeshimon cf. Num. 2120 232^ and Dillmann's note.— 25. ::'P3^] read v-p3^ with (51L^ (Th.). — 32-m] is inappropriate. 6 had tj'N which is evidently original (Th.).— 26. ^in;:-] add r::'jvsi with (§. — lijnj] cf. 2 K. f- Kt. David was putting himself into a ■' Cf. Josephus, Ant. VI. 280 (Nicse. 1 1, p. 54). ^y r^ :icMu>.'o? tp»iM. 2l6 I SAMUEL panic in getting away. — on*j>*] which is used oi protecting, Ps. 5^^, seems inappropriate here, so that the conjecture of Kl. who reads D"|'J;' is acceptable. — 28. p|i^dJ on the Daghesh (Baer and Ginsb.) cf. Ges.^s 225. — npSnan ;7Sd] the expositors are divided between the interpretations Rock of Divisions and Rock of Escape. The latter would be more appropriate if \)^n could mean to escape ; but this seems not to be the case. — 29. The division of chapters and verses differs in the different editions, and Baer begins the next chapter with this verse — as do the majority of editions in circulation. Engedi still bears the name Ain Jidi, Robinson, BR"^. I. p. 504, GAS. Geog. p. 269. For the older authorities, Reland, Palaestina, p. 763. XXIV. 1-22. David's magnanimity. — Saul comes into David's power, but is spared and recognizes the generosity of his enemy. The incident is similar to the one narrated in 26. In both cases Saul is at the mercy of David, and in danger of being slain except for David's restraint of his men. In both, David's motive is rev- erence for the Anointed of Yahweh. In the second of the two accounts, David makes no allusion to having spared Saul before, and Saul is equally silent. We have reason to think, therefore, that we have two versions of the same story. It is natural to sup- pose that one belongs with each of the two documents which make up the bulk of the narrative already considered. Almost the only clue to the relation of one of these stories to the other is that in this chapter Saul is brought into David's power, whereas in 26 David takes upon himself the danger of going into the enemy's camp. The slight preponderance of probability seems to me to be on the side of the latter representation (chapter 26) as more original. 1. As remarked above, the editions vary in the division of chap- ters. The only ones which agree with Ginsburg in making the dividing line the space which indicates a Parasha, are the very cor- rect edition printed at Mantua 1742, and those printed by Plantin. I have followed this notation with the idea that Ginsburg's edition is likely to be widely current. — 2. The force of fhree thousand men which Saul took with him reminds us of the standing army which he recruited at the beginning of his career, 13^. The Wild- goafs Crags, on the face of which he sought David, are not yet identified, but the ibex {l?edn) is still found in the region. — 3. The sheep folds to which Saul came were possibly caves with a rough stone wall about the entrance, such as are still found in the XXIV. 1-7 217 Wilderness of Judah. Into one of these caves Saul went to relieve himself, cf. Jd. 3-^ where the same euphemism is used as here. This cave, however, was the one in which David and his men had taken refuge. They would naturally be unseen by Saul as he came in from the daylight. We need not insist that the whole of David's force was in the one cave. — 4-7. The narrative does not follow the natural order, and is perhaps interpolated. — 4. David's men remind him of a promise of God : Tliis is the day of which Yah- weh said: Behold I give thine enemy into thy hand, and thou shall do to him as thou pleasest. No such promise is recorded in the preceding narrative. The author probably had in mind later pro- phetic declarations. According to the present text, David, without replying to his men, secretly approached the king, and cut off the skirt of his mantle. — 5. The feeling that his action was an indig- nity gave him a twinge of conscience. — 6. The verse continues the conversation between David and his men with no reference to the skirt. — 7. So David restrained his men'] the exact verb intended is doubtful, see the critical note. 2. D"'S;?v-i] cf. Buhl, Geog. p. 97 7iote. i^^ has ttis e-ijpas tmv ihdcput', which possibly points to o^^pr\ nii'. — 3. IDnS] Ginsb. gives yon^ as the reading of the Massora. The phrase here used is found in only one other passage, but the meaning seems clear. A call of nature is the only adequate reason for the King's going alone and unattended into a cave. © also speaks euphemistically, but Aq. rendered anoKeuuffai (Theod. Questioiies), and Josephus describes Saul as iireiyofxei'os vnh twv Kara, (pvatv, with which com- pare ut piirgaret ventrein IL, and nijnix na>'c'^ ^. Only ^ (which makes Saul sleep) breaks the consensus of the ancient authorities. — v'^a-^o] indicates a cave with branching recesses. — ^O'^''] describes the position in which David's men were at Saul's entrance — they were sitting down in the recesses of the cave (Dr.). — 4-7. According to the received text the order is as fol- lows: (i) David's men point out his opportunity; (2) David rises and cuts off Saul's skirt; (3) he repents of it; (4) he then replies to his men; (5) he restrains them from bloodshed. This is obviously an unnatural order, and Co. and Bu. rearrange the clauses in the order "*"• *'• '*• ^^- ■' '•'. The narrative then reads smoothly enough. But it is difficult to see how the dislocation took place. It cannot be intentional, for there is no motive for it; the accidents of transmission do not generally work in this way. It seems simpler to sup- pose that the corruption has come in as so often by interpolation. The earlier account made no mention of David's cutting off Saul's skirt. The fact that Saul had been in David's power was sufficiently evident by their having been in the cave together. A later writer wanted more tangible evidence and so 2i8 I SAMUEL introduced the incident of the skirt. Verse ' joins directly to ^S and what is between has been inserted. Verse ^^ is inserted by the same hand and is as readily spared as ^^-^. — 4. iu'N orn] it would be grammatically correct to translate : i/iis is the day when Yahzveh says, in which case Yahweh speaks by his providential delivery of Saul into David's hand, and there is no refer- ence to a prediction made at an earlier time. But it is unnecessary to de- scribe Yahweh as speaking by such a providence, and the following words j."ij 13JN njn are in the regular prophetic form. I have therefore supposed such a reference here. The other view is defended by Dr., Notes. "t^^N Qi-e, is correct. — 5. tin~nN] should have the article or be defined by a genitive. Th. proposes to insert '7"';;cn. (g however reads ttJs ZnrKoibos avrov instead of '?M<'^'7 niTN, and the latter is suspicious from its conformity to v.*. Restore therefore iS-i^'O f\:D tn. — 6. mn-'D i"? nS-iSn] so in 26I1 i K. 21^. — 7. yD'^'"-")] the verb means to rend or tear, Jd. 14®. Even if we suppose a figure of speech, the action described by such a figure is too violent for the situation. (5 Kal €Trei(T€u may point to >?'^"1 as conjectured by Cappellus (Critica Sacra, P- 33^) '■> it might also represent iopi:'"'! which would be appropriate here. Bu. proposes >:w"ii, citing 25-*'- ** which are not strictly parallel. 8. The verse division should be made to include the last clause of the preceding : And when Saul rose from the cave and we7it on the road, David arose after him and went out. As Saul turned at his call, David did the customary obeisance by prostration. — 9. David's expostulation assumes that Saul is under the influence of evil advisers who slanderously say : David seeks thy hurt. — 10. In contrast to this is the present experience : To-day thine eyes see that Yahweh gave thee into my hand in the cave, but I refused to kill thee~\ and the refusal is motived by his relation to Saul as his lord and as the Anointed of Yahweh. — 11. David calls attention to the skirt as evidence ; / have not sinned against thee though thou art aii?iing at my life, to take it'\ repayment of evil with good. As already shown the verse must stand or fall with ^^'^'. — 12. He leaves his cause in the hands of God, reiter- ating his refusal to lay his hand upon Saul. — 13. The introduction of such a proverb as we here find is particularly infelicitous, for it intimates that the wickedness of Saul would be his destruction. There is good ground therefore for suspecting the verse to be an interpolation. — 14. The unworthiness of Saul's effort is seen in the insignificance of the object. David compares himself to a dead dog, cf 2 S. 9**, or to a flea. — 15. A prayer for vindication at the hands of Yahweh. XXIV. 8-21 2 19 8. p-nns'] should apparently be rinx as read l)y 6-^», and we should possibly omit n-jm with (S^. The reading of ©•- is eunsiderably shorter than either of the others — kuI i^ijKde Aav\S eV tov ain^Kaiov oniau) 2aoi;A Kf-yuu omitting from one oiriaca to the other. — 10. yy; in->] Saul's eyes had not seen anything in the cave, but the appearance of David made clear what his situation had been. We sljould retain the text therefore, instead of changing to -!^JV3 n>!-> with S. — ncxi] is irregular as pointed out by Th., We., Dr. The emendation to jnoni suggested by We. on the ground of koI ovk T)Qou\ieT)v commends itself. Ki, adheres to |!^ translating man sprach mir zu, but the tense is wrong. 3L reads ncxi = ami I thought to kill thee ; but it is scarcely possible that David would confess an intention of this kind. — Dnn] evidently requires ^y; to be expressed as is actually done by IL. On the ground of (5 however we may restore Dnsi (We.) ; the similarity of n and r^ in the old- Hebrew alphabet is remarked upon by Ginsburg, Introd. p. 291. — 11. -jni] is curiously connected by ©^ with the preceding: he is the Anointed of Yahweh and my father. (^^ reads simply /cal \lov rh irTepvytov. The difTuse- ness of this verse is an argument for its later insertion. What David wished to impress was sufficiently evident without so many words. — mi-] only here and Ex. 21^^. It there means to intend a thing. — 13. The proverb of the ancients here introduced seems to mean that the destruction of the wicked will come from themselves — ' his violence shall come down upon his own head.' A reader might find this appropriate to Saul and insert it in the margin, whence it came into the text. We can hardly suppose the original author, vA\o makes David show such deep respect for Saul, to put such an intimation into David's mouth. — ■'jonpn] should probably be plural — the following word begins with r:. — '\2\ should be u which form alone is appropriate to the proverb. — 14. The exaggerated humility with which David here speaks seems to me secondary, as compared with the vigorous language of 26-\ — 15. ''Jt302'"'iJ in the meaning of freeing from one's enemies, as was done by the liberators of Israel in the Book of Judges. 16. Saul, overcome with emotion, 7vept aloud in oriental f:ish- ion. — 17. Saul confesses that David is more righteous, in that he has repaid good for evil. — 18. The present example is conspicu- ous proof: To-day thou hast done great good to me in that Yah- weh shut me up into thy hand and thou didst not kill me'\ all David's acts towards Saul had been good, but this was the greatest. — 19. Such an act is almost unheard of — what man 7uill find his ejiemy and send him on a good path ? Saul therefore predicts : Yahweh will reward thee good for the good deed which thou hast done to me. — 20. Saul confesses his conviction that David is to come to the kingdom. — 21. He therefore adjures David not to cut off his seed after him ; and that thou ivilt not destroy my name 220 I SAMUEL from my dati\ the blotting out of one's name by the destruction of his children was the gravest calamity, 2 S. 14^ — 22. With David's compliance the interview ended ; Saul went to his house and David and his men went up to the stronghold. 16. in . . . icnm] is suspected by Bu. and is in fact doubtful. The same words occur in 26^'^ where they are in place and are followed by David's answer. — 18. pni Kt.'\ nnNi Qre. — mjm] the conjectural emendation of Kl. to nSnjni is accepted by Bu., Ki., and gives a much better sense : To-day thou hast done the greatest thing which thou hast done to fne in the way of good, namely (-^-'N pn) : Yahiveh delivered me into thy hand, etc. — 19. . in^iyi] is usually assumed to be a question and Dr. compares Ezek. 15^^. It seems easier however to emend with Kl., reading ti instead of •'Oi (cf. % quis eniju'), striking out '^I'-'N. Otherwise we must assume an anacoluthon : When a man finds his enemy and sends him on a good path — Yahweh zvill reivard thee. The author in this case intended to say : Yahweh will reward him, but changet. the construction. — nrn am nnn] is possible, but the following clause i:5 difficult. We should probably read nrn 3i:3n nnn with Kl. — 20, 21. These verses with the first three words of -^ are coloured by Bu. as a very late inser- tion 'cf. ^v^". p. 229). The idea of this author however that David was to come to the kingdom might readily express itself by the mouth of Saul in this way. XXV. 1. This notice of the death of Samuel has no connexion with what precedes or with what follows, but is duphcated in 28^ It may have followed immediately on 19^*^^^ in a hfe of Samuel. The history as thus reconstructed told of David's preservation by the Spirit of Prophecy which fell upon Saul, and added that soon after that experience Samuel died, so that David took refuge in the Wilderness. Samuel was buried /;/ his house, cf. i K. 2"^ (perhaps also 2 K. 21^^ originally). Though other specific state- ments to this effect are not found, it is possible that burial in one's house was not uncommon. The fact that the sepulchres of the kings of Israel were in the palace (Ezek. 43'"^) would favour this view. There is a statement to the effect that the alleged bones of Samuel were transferred to Constantinople, a.d. 406. — The ivildcrness of Paran to which David is said to have gone is the extreme southern end of the Arabah. The historical improbability of David's going so for into the wilderness is not a sufficient reason for changing the text. 1. Schmid cites Serarius and Sanctius concerning the translation of Sam- uel's Ijones to Constantinople. He himself of course rejects that which the XXIV. 2I-XXV. 3 22 1 credulous and superstitious accept. — pso -^^nc] known as the seat of Ish- mael, Gen. 21-I and one of the stations n^] is uninteUigihlc. The punctuators intend it to represent ^ns^ : /„ „iy hreihreu. IJut Nabal alone is ad.iresse.i, so that we should at least make it a singular, to my brother. Even then the sen- tence is awkward and there is reason to suspect corruption, especially as the following 1 is superfluous. The versions seem to have had no different read- ing. I suspect that nj is a corruption of iS (or n^) and that m >ns we have the >n or clan, to which I would join the 1 from the next word, makmg d.-i-icni vnSi ■h : and you shall say to him and to his clan. The whole sept would he gathered for the shearing. Houbigant suggests : hpn ^hn i':* .-id arm-Ni. " K. Sal. et R. Levi: sic fiat tihi post annum incolumi. D. Kimchi: sic fiat tibi per otnnem vitam. Et pro se citat Chaldaeum. Magis placet Tremellius, (jui vertit post Luther : Et dicite ei, si incolnmis est. I-orte sic : Et dicetis sic : Vivo (h. e. Deo vivo vitae nostrae Domino te commendo) : /// tu sit salvus." Schm. p. 827. The embarrassment of the commentators is evident. — 7. n^] read N'fi with (gQTB. The 1 at the end of the preceding word is the occasion of the error. — cuo'^Dn] on the pointing cf. Ges.'-^^ 53/. — 8. 3vj avj else- where of a festival, Esth. S^' and also in post-Biblical Hebrew. Cf. also DOi:3 nn;;)?:, Zech. 8i9__ij3-] ^j^j^ j^gg of the n, Ges.-'', 72(?. — ijj^i y^r;"-] (3 has only to? ulw aou, which seems most appropriate. — 9. imn] most naturally means and rested from their weariness. Undoubtedly a considerable journey in the desert is presupposed, so that we may retain the reading. (5 reads apM and connects with the following, (gr. giving the right order : koX ai'€Tr'ri$r]ae NojSaA. kuI airiKpidj]. From the character given to Nabal we might expect some manifestation of anger, cf. 20'^*, so that much may be said for this reading. — 10. anj;?] the article is necessary and is found in (5. — a^i-^srcn] perhaps, as Kl. suggests, zvho play the robber. — 11. ">::"'::] is scarcely possible. Water was indeed a scarce commodity in the desert. But David hardly ex- pected his men to bring it to him from Nabal. Read with (5 'r\ Abigail did in fact take wine as part of her present. 14-19. Abigail's prompt action. — She was informed by one of the shepherd lads : David sent messengers from the Wilderness to g?'eet our master and he flew at them~\ with insulting words. — 15, 16. The claim of David as to his forbearance towards Nabal and his protection of the flocks is verified. His men had been a wall to the flocks against marauders. — 17. The situation is critical, for evil is determined upon our master'] cf 20''. All de- pends upon Abigail, for it is impossible to approach Nabal : he is such a son of Belial that one cannot speak to him] the evil temper of the man makes him a terror to his household. — 18. The hint was sufficient and the prudent woman took from the abundant stores provided for the shearers a substantial present for David. 224 I SAMUEL Besides bread and wine, there were five roasted sh'eep\ Gen. iS''-^, five ffieasures of parched grain'] 17^'^, a hundred bunches of raisins and two hundred cakes of figs'] that the bunches of raisins were counted is evident from 2 S. i6\ — 19. The present was sent on before, as in the case of Jacob's meeting with Esau, to make a favourable impression. 14. TiJ."!] had told while the messengers were returning to David. — ~-i>'j Dn;jnn inx] is redundant. (5 omits n;'j. ((^^ has a double translation of onyjriD). The conjecture of Kl. adopted by Bu. is attractive (reading D''>nnr:). — ana tOyM] means he Jleiv upon them as the bird of prey swoops upon its victim. Whether this fits the context is doubtful, for the anger of Nabal could scarcely be compared to the eagerness of a rapacious bird. All endeavours to correct the text are however unsatisfactory; ical i^eicAiPiu (xtt' avTuu (5 implies dhd idm. But Nabal had used insulting words as well as itirned from them. S and "> are inter- changed, but there is reason to suppose that both are remains of forms once current, cf. Ges.^o 24 ^ 75 ^. — D''ND] according to Benzinger {Archaeol. p. 183 f.) the seah was about twelve litres. The name still survives among the Bedawin though the size of the measure has shrunk. Doughty, II. p. 113. (S seems to have read ^//i^z^ here. — nsc ] ical yojxop eV (§. We might expect raisins to be measured rather than counted, but the reading of p) is protected by 2 S. i6^ We. conjectures that the translators read inD >n> seems to understand all 7vho have reached years of discretion, while some expositors have taken the phrase in the opposite sense oi young boys, others interpreting of the lowest slaves. The question is discussed at length by Bochart, Ilierozoicon, I. II. 55.-23. n>jD-sy nn ^sn"^] the phrase has been confused by a scribe; restore .t-bn"'?;' 'i ••joS (We.). 24. ^an] is lacking in 1^^ which makes the clause begin with the preceding inri;:',-ii : and she prostrated herself on the ground at his feet. Repeated jiros- trations are in order however, and I have retained % (Kl., Bu. read with 6: yhrs ^>" 'ps inncrn). — 'jn-"':^] emphatic repetition of the pronoun, Davids.jn, Syntax, § I. — p;'n] at the first blush it seems as if Abigail means to assume Nabal's guilt. But the parallels, 2 S. 14^ Gen. 271-^ show that the blame which might fall upon the person addressed is assumed by the speaker, as the Arab still says : may I be thy ransom ! — n:]-ini] the conjunction is omit- ted by (gS'lL, and the construction is quite as good without it. S' omits the last three words of this verse and the opening words of the next, reading only : let thy maid speak in thine ears concerning this man A\ibal. As it is difficult to see why a translator should thus shorten the text, it is possible that •W& have here the earlier form of the sentence. — 25. '?y"''?3n] lacking in S. — S;;^'?an *^'"'n] 2 S. i6'^, of. 20^ — Var^'i?] lacking in (g^, is more likely to be inserted than to be omitted by a scribe. — 26. The verse does not fit in the context and is not clear in itself. It contains an oath of Abigail's, but to what does she swear? The most natural connexion would be with what precedes: Thy servant did not know . . . by the life of Yahweh ! The strong assurance that Yahweh had kept David back from bloodshed might perhaps be in place, though the same theme is treated again in v.^^ where it is more appropriate. But even then the concluding part of the verse is enigmatic. Nabal was not yet dead or stricken in any way. The wish that David's enemies should become like lYabal is entirely premature. Besides this, the use of nu'N instead of •'3 is awkward and probably points to interpolation. I suspect the origmal form of the sentence to have been : '?3J3 rn"- . . . c'::^3 Nno y;y> t^T'N twtv >n '\y\ iO"'N. This was inserted in the text by a scribe who did not find .-Vbigail's language vigorous enough, and was itself interpolated by the insertion of the current T^J'SJ •'m which required the second 7\\r\\ — 27. n3->3 in the same sense Gen. 33II Jd. i^^ i S. 30=^^ — N-'an] read nson. — 28. The expressions put into Abigail's mouth are the evident sentiments of one who knew David's later career. It is not improbable that this extended speech is expanded from a simpler form. — pxj r^j] 2^ 2 S. 7^° i K. ii^^ (all late passages). — nrn'": nin>] i8i7. — i^c^?:] of. i K. i^ Job 276.-28. cp^i] read cpi — hypothetical (cf. Dr. Notes'). — nin> pn] the bundle is thought of as containing the pre- cious things which the master of the house keeps in his immediate care — -cvith him. — >''?|->n ^3 ^1^i] we should expect the a of comparison and then \2. 228 I SAMUEL Still it is possible that the sling is thought of as the means of casting away — cast away using the holder of the sling, or sling aivay with a sling. — 30. "iii'i T'jj'?] 13I*. — 31. r\^^s'-''\ the general intent of the passage is clear, though this word occurs only here. Either -|'^ or "'Jin'? is superfluous, and one must be stricken out. — id::''-!] read ^s•^'^ with (g and five Heb. MSS.— y>::'insi] add T* with iB. That one's own hand should save him, is a standing phrase, Jd. 72. — 34. \-iN3:^'i] a mongrel form, having both the preformative of the imperfect, and the ending of the perfect, cf. Ges.23 76 /^, Nestle in ZATIV. XIV. p. 319. The latter author supposes the form intended to give the reader his choice of two forms; Dr. suggests that it has been influenced by the following \"Nnp^, which seems to me more probable. — 35. yiQ N'uJ'Ni] the phrase is used in a bad sense, to describe the perversion of justice by favourit- ism. It seems to mean to give any one pleasure by granting his request, and so to make the downcast face look tip. 36-44. The outcome. — Not long after this, Nabal is smitten by an act of God, and xAbigail becomes David's wife. — 36. Abigail comes home and finds her husband in no condition to receive an important communication — He had a banquet like a king's and Nabal's heart 7vas me?'?'}' within hi?n, and he was excessively dru?ike?i\ the effect is heightened by the contrast between his hilarity and the danger from which he had just escaped, and also by the contrast between the present revelling and the coming blow. — 37. In the morning, when he had somewhat recovered from his debauch, the news was told him. — At the shock his hea?'t died within hi?n a?id he became sto?ie~\ a stroke of paralysis is the natural explanation. — 38. Ten days later, Yahweh s?note Nabal \\\\\\ a second stroke which was flUal. — 39. David recognizes that God has intervened : Blessed is Yahweh who has pleaded the case of i?iy insult ?'eceived at the ha?id of Nabal^ a quarrel between men of the same blood should be referred to an arbitrator. One ele- ment of David's rejoicing is that Yahweh has so promptly assumed this office, the other is that he has kept back his se?'vantf?'o?n evil^ that is, from violating customary law by shedding Israelitic blood. — 40. David woos Abigail. Marriage of a widowed person soon after bereavement is still common in the East. — 41. She is will- ing to be the lowliest of his servants — a ?naid to ivash the feet of his slaves. — 43. The account of Abigail is finished, but the author adds further information concerning David's family. First, David took Ahinoa?n ofJez?'eel, not the northern city of the name. XXV. 36-xxvr. 229 but one in Judah. — 44. In the second place, Michal, liis first wife, had been given to Palti ben Laisli, of Gallim. Saul re- garded David's flight as a desertion of his wife, which brought her back under her father's power. 37. Instead of saying zvhen the wine had gone from A^ibal, <5 renders when Nabal had recovered from the wine. — 38. D^2\n] should perhaps be 0"'::% though the writer may have in mind the ten days (which actually elapsed in this case) as a known period. — 39. "^li "t-o] is connected with 3-1 by Driver. The other construction '?aj i>:: \nc-^n (preferred by Dr. Weir) seems to me more vigorous. — lU'N-i^ nini ■2'^Z'T\'\ as in the case of Al)imelech, Jd. i.f^'\ — ^>j''3N2 nanii] seems to be parallel to Cant. 8^. In the latter however it evidently means to speak to a maiden's guardian for her hand. Abigail seems to have had the disposal of her own person. — 42. PD'rnn] the first n has arisen by erroneous duplication. She and the ten maids 7vho folhnued her did not ride — she rode and they walked by her side. — 43. Ahinoam was also the name of Saul's wife, 14^^ — Sn;;it"'w] a Jezreel in Judah is men- tioned Jos. 15^^ in the same group with Maon, Carmel, and Ziph. — 44. There is no intimation that Saul was guilty of aggression in resuming the right to give his daughter to another husband. — "'^o'i'd] is Sn^^'^d in 2 S. 3^^. — z*^^^ in 2 S. z>'h, is rendered 'A^6jy in (S^^ and Iwcts in (5^^ — 3"''?j::] the only Gal- lim mentioned elsewhere, Is. lo'^'^, is evidently in Benjamin. (S^ has 'Pijjuuo and (gL YoKiid. XXVI. Saul in David's power. — Saul, at the suggestion of the Ziphites, again seeks David. When he is in the immediate neigh- bourhood, David goes into the camp at night. The whole army is overcome by deep sleep, but he refuses to allow his companion, Abishai, to slay Saul. To show what the situation lias been, he carries away the king's spear and cruse of water. Arrived safely at a distance from the camp, he calls to Abner and reproaches him with neglect of duty. Saul recognizes David's voice and at David's expostulation confesses his wrong, after which each goes his way. The section is obviously parallel to 24. And as there is here no reference to David's repeated z.cU of magnanimity, there is reason to think that both accounts go back to the same original. With this agrees the fact that the Ziphites are active in both. We have no hesitation, therefore, in assuming that one of them stood in one of the two histories of the period, the other in the other. Budde assigns this to E, the other (chap. 24) to J. Of the two, 230 I SAMUEL the present one seems to me to be nearer the event, and therefore to belong to the older of the two documents. The nearest his- torical parallel is Gideon's visit to the camp of the Midianites, Jd. 7^^^ which is assigned by competent authorities to J. XXVI. The identification of the narrative with E seems in this instance especially precarious. Budde (A'S. 228) gives only the following marks: D^^'jno which he does not allow to be a mark of E in 2 S. 151*^; hr;T2 which occurs in this sense only once— 172°; mB'Nnn ig^^ but also i K. 19^, which can hardly be attributed to E; David's standing on the top of the mountain like Jotham, Jd. 9"^, in a section whose authorship is doubtful — to say noth- ing of the fact that so commonplace a phrase can hardly weigh much in an argument; onnN qmSn, which is also common in D; ""S y-\n which occurs in J, Gen. 43*^ Ex. ^--^■\ and, finally, Saul's confession, which can scarcely be called characteristic. The combined force of these indicia cannot be very great. They would probably be outweighed by the single word nDT\n which is char- acteristic of J, Gen. 2-1 1512. Cf. also ma >J3 v.^^, found in 20^1 2 S. 12^ neither one of which is E. 1. The Ziphites bring Saul knowledge of David's whereabouts : Is not David hiding himself on the hill of Hachilah on the face of the Desert^ the eastern front of the Desert, where it breaks down towards the Dead Sea is probably intended. The same locality is mentioned 23^^ in our present text. — 2. Saul's force here con- sists of three thousand men as in 24^. — 3, 4. On discovering that an invasion was on foot, David sent out spies, and kneiv that Saul had come to'] some particular spot whose name is now lost. — 5. He was able to make out the place where Saul was lying with the people camping about him. — 6. David asks his two companions : IVho will go down with ?ne to Saul, to the camp /] Abishai his nephew volunteers. — 7. When they came into the camp, Saul was lying asleep in the . . . and his spear was struck into the earth at his head. The lance standing upright is still the sign of the Sheikh's quarters among the Arabs. Doughty, I. p. 221. WRSmith, Kinship, p. 271. — 8. Abishai wishes to avail himself of the opportunity : Let me smite him with his spear into the earth] meaning to strike the spear through him into the earth. There may be a designed reminiscence of Saul's purpose to pin David to the wall, 18^^ 19^". One blow would be all that was needed. — 9. David forbids him: For who can lay his hand on the Anointed of Yahweh and be innocent?] the reverence for the XXVI. I-I2 :?3i king is the same as in 24"; there more pronounced if anything. — 10. David's intention is to leave Saul in the hand of Ood — either YaJnveh shall s mi k hiin'\ hy a direct stroke, as in the case of Nabal, or his day shall come and he shall die'\ in accordance with a decree already fixed, or he shall go down into battle and meet his end. In any case, David refuses to take the matter into his own hand. — 11. Repeating his refusal, he directs Abishai to take the spear and the jug of water. — 12. With these trophies, David and his lieutenant went their way, and no one saw, and no one kneiu, and no one aiuoke, for all of them were asleep, for a deep sleep from YaJiwch had fallen upon them'\ like Adam's uncon- sciousness, Gen. 2-^ 1. On reviewing 23!^ and its relation to the present verse it seems to me not unlikely that the two were originally identical. That is : this account was originally in direct sequence to 2^'^, and has now been displaced l)y the fuller (double) story contained in 231^-242^^. — nSon] a number of Ileb. MSS. have n'?'>3n, and S seems to have read nSiin. — 4. ji^j'^^n] the name of a place is expected, as was already evident to Schm. who translates ad cerium {locum). (g'^B has ck KeetAo, (^^ els Se/ceActy, neither of which will do. Pos- sibly we should read m^j Sn — fo the point just in front of him. — 5. ©-^^ omits the clause ^iN'.;' . . . n-\>i by homeoteleuton. — Sj>'o] occurs also 17-', but what is meant is unknown. © has here Konx-K-i]vr\, a covered chariot. It is perhaps no objection to this that it would not fit 17^^ But the fact that Abishai wants to pin the king to the ground shows that he was not sleeping in a chariot or on a couch. iri^OD Kt. : vr:30D Qre both here and in v.". — 6. '(P^^ Da.\'\d a ns7C'ers h\s own thought. — "I'^o^nx] one of the numerous foreigners who joined David's force — rt; /i^?V//V'JD has everything in its favour. Only thus is the comparison fully expressed. — »s-\|">n] the partridge is named from its loud clear note.* — 22. ^"'^"n A7.] the Qrc demands .-^jn, makin^j * Readers of Ginsburg's text will be puzzled by the word ->cn'^ near the opening ofv.-'^. It is a purely clerical error, the copyist having duplicated the word just 234 I SAMUEL I'^'cn the genitive. But the Ktib may be retained, making "iSidh the vocative — 23. no] is doubtless to be corrected to "ino with the versions. 1 Samuel XXVII.-2 Samuel I. David as Vassal of the Phil- istines. XXVII. l.-XXVIII. 2. David enters the service of Achish, King of Gath. — Despairing of safety in the way in which he has been hving, David resorts to Achish and is received by him. Finding life in the capital not to his taste, he begs a town for himself, which he may hold as an outpost of the kingdom. He receives Ziklag, and when settled there carries on constant warfare with the Bedawin. By representing that his raids are carried on against the Judahite clans, he gives his chief the impression that he has entirely estranged himself from his people. The confi- dence of the king is thereby so strengthened that when the Philis- tines muster their forces for an invasion of Israel, Achish summons David to follow and makes him the guardian of his person. . The paragraph evidently knows nothing of David's having once attempted to join the court of Gath, 21""^*'. It is remarkable for its silence concerning the oracle and the warning given to David to remain in the land of Judah, 22'. It presupposes the marriage with Abigail, unless the mention of her in v.^ be an interpolation. It does not seem directly to continue 26, for David's experience there related was calculated to encourage rather than to discourage him. The only part of the preceding narrative which would natu- rally lead up to this is 23'^-^, where David is nearly captured by Saul and escapes only because Saul is called away by an invasion of the Philistines. 1. David said to himself: Noia I shall be destroyed so fne day by the hand of Saul ; the only good tiling is that I shotild escape to the land of the Philistines. There, of course, he would be out of his enemy's reach ; Saul would therefore despair of him and not seek him further. Schm. finds this move of David's a result of carnal lack of faith. — 2. He therefore went with his band to above in the next line, instead of giving ni-nN which belongs here. The new and ostensibly most correct edition of the text has thus added a serious blunder to the list already known to us — and this in spite of the modern advantages of proof- reading. XWII. 1-7 235 Achish ben Maoch, king of Gafh'] the accession of such a band would be welcome to a ruler whose territory was open to inroads from the Bedawin. We may readily suppose that David did not take this step without previous negotiations. — 3. At first they resided in Gath itself, each with his hoi/se'] the band was already becoming a clan. The number of people thus brought to (;ath might be inconvenient to the king. — 5. David rei)resents to Achish the desirability of his having another residence /// one of the towns of the open country\ he might readily plead the advantage of such a situation in guarding the frontier. His own interest was, no doubt, to prevent amalgamation of his men with the Philis- tines. His language conveys the impression that it was too high an honour to dwell in the immediate vicinity of the king. — 6. Zik- lag is mentioned among the towns of Judah, Jos. i5"'', and again in the list of Simeon, Jos. 19". The indications are not sufficiently definite to enable us to identify the site. The second half of the verse tells us that Zikhig has belonged to the kings of JudaJi until this day. As we have no other instance of the phrase kings of Judah in the Books of Samuel, we may regard this sentence as an interpolation. It implies that Ziklag would naturally belong to the northern kingdom (as Beersheba did), but was ke])t by the family of David, whose title dated from the donation of Achish. — 7. The time of David's sojourn i'?, four months according to (§, a year and four months according to "%). Both seem too short according to Achish's own statement, 29". The section ^^- (according to We. '"'-) is in contradiction with the preceding, in that Gath is its scene. It is therefore thought by some to be an interpolation. On the other hand, the verses '*'' may be the interpolation. Their excision leaves the narrative free from difficulty. But they are the necessary preparation for 30, so that we must suppose them a part of the document from which that chapter is taken. 1. nsDs] cf. 26^'^. — "ins"3)^] seems not to be used in this sense elsewhere, but is confirmed by (g. — o] we expect CN "?, and on the {ground of 6 we may assume that the original was 'd-^r:^ cn "'D in whicli the loss of on is easily ac- counted for. — "•:?:?:] is not represented in (Q'^^ and can well be spared. — 2. niSD";:"^i] TiTpaK6(noi ^^. — 3. roSsnon] better read the masculine form to agree with S2J (6). — 4. qDv] read 1°' with the Qre. — 6. J^'ps] the 236 I SAMUEL identification proposed by Conder (cited by Buhl, Geog. p. 185) seems to have no sufficient ground. — 7. The verse is said by Bu. (^v^. p. 231) to be mis- placed. It is possibly an interpolation like the most of such data. '.;'\ — XXVIII. 2. p'^] lacking in 1L, should perhaps be emended to pS, though David's thought may be : because of this expression of confidence. For nnx read npj? with (SIL. — "U'snS -icr] the equivalent in (§, apxi(Te referred to necromancers. It can hardly be claimed that these were so unifi)rmly women that the gender of the word represents that fact. More significant is the fact that in the majority of cases aiN is classed not with persons, but with things — objects of idolatrous or superstitious practices. Thus in the familiar passage in Isaiah (8^^) : and when they say : Seek the .ni3N and the ^^y;-\> who chirp and mutter^ the contrast is drawn between these and God, and the most natural interpretation makes them some sort of idol. Again we are told (Is. 19^) that Egypt shall seek the idols (3i'?"'Sn) and the C'JN and the ->3S and the z^y;^\ where it is certainly not violent to interpret all the words as designating objects of the same class. The author of Kings (2 K. 23-*) tells us that Josiah destroyed the ni3N and the cj;'!"" and the Teraphini and the idols and the abominations — the last three are certainly objects of devotion, and the verb used ("i/i) is more appropriate to the destruction of these than to the slaying of men. More significant is the assertion (2 K. 21^) that Manasseh made (ni';) an din and a >jy-i'' which could be said only of a talis- man or fetish. There seems to be no passage which is inconsistent with this. Dt. iS^^f- commands: There shall not be in thee . . . a diviner, a soothsayer or an enchanter or a sorcerer or one who binds spells, or one that asks 3iN or •>j>*T, or one that inquires of the dead, where the 21N Sn::' (not the 3iN itself) is parallel with the soothsayers and enchanters. Should it be objected that a fetish cannot, speak, we may reply that the Teraphim are declared to speak falsehood (Zech. 10-), a case which clearly refutes the objection. Many idols and fetishes are supposed to give revelations to their devotees. The prohi- bition to go a 7uhoringz{\.QX the rnx and the o^jyi^ (Lev. 20") is entirely in accord with my supposition, and so is the sentence pronounced upon man or woman with whom is an 31n (Lev. 2o2'). Not much stress can be laid upon Jewish tradition in this matter, but it is significant that the Talmud makes a D1N ^y'l one who asks the sknll of a dead man (the citation is given by Levy, NHIVB. s.v. 3in), and in another place the Teraphim of Laban are said to give him knowledge of the future, and to consist of a human head (that of Adam) cut off and preserved by means of spices (the citation from Elias Levita in Selden, De Diis Syris, Syntagma I. Cap. II.). In the same connexion may be mentioned the yni of Rabbinical tradition, which is defined to be an ani- mal (or bird) whose bones the soothsayer took in his mouth, and they gave responses of themselves (Levy, s.v.). Bearing in mind the widespread use 240 SAMUEL of parts of the human body in magical rites, it does not seem too bold to con- jecture that the jin was a human skull (the root possibly means to be holloiv) which was prepared by superstitious rites for magical use. The owner of such a talisman would be prepared to divine by it. The 3 in n'?;;^ of this chapter would then be the sister of the c^fl;:'D rh'^i of Nah. 3*; the figurative use of the latter phrase does not interfere with the parallel. — D"'j>n\-i] always men- tioned in connexion with 3ivS, are something of the same nature. The reader may consult Driver on Dt. iS^i with his references; Noldeke in ZDMG. XXVIII. p. 667; Stade, GVI. I. pp. 425, 504; Konig, Offenbarungsbegriff des Allen Teslamenles (1882), II. p. 150. 4. The Philistine camp was at Shinieni, at the west foot of the ridge now cdWtA Jebel Dahi. Saul mustered his forces on Gilboa, a ridge running southeast from the eastern end of the great plain. The Philistines easily commanded the plain, the Israelites rallied on the hills. — 5, 6. Saul, terrified at the sight of the enemy's force, asked of Ya/nueh, but YahweJi did not answer him, either by dreams, or by Uj'im, or by prophets'] all three are recognized methods of divine communication in the Old Testament. The Chronicler regards Saul's recourse to the necromancer as a. refusal to seek Yahweh, i Chr. lo^'*, and therefore a part of the sin for which he is slain. But this is not the mind of the present writer, to whom Saul is a man driven to desperation by the failure of every attempt to ascertain the will of Yahweh. — 7. In this strait the king inquires for a woman who possesses a talisman of sufficient power to summon the dead. The universality of the belief that the shades can be summoned by the one who possesses the means needs no comment. Endor (the fountain of Dor) still bears its ancient name and is a poor village on the slope oi Jebel Dahi. A description of the locality is given by Stanley.* — 8. Saul, for very obvious reasons, disi:^itised himself, cf i K. 22'^'*. Coming to the woman he makes his request : Divine for me by the talisman and bring up for me the one whom I shall say^] the power of the woman to do what she was asked seems not to be doubted by the narrator. — 9, 10. In view of Saul's treatment of the necroman- cers, the woman suspects that her guest is laying a snare for her life] expecting to inform against her. Saul reassures her by an oath : no guilt shall come upon thee for this thing. — 11, 12. Saul ■*• Sinai and Palestine, p. 337. XXVIII. 4-15 241 demands Samuel : And the luoman saiv Samuel ami cried out luitii a loud voiee'\ the more sober Protestant commentators sec that it is unreasonable to suppose the souls of the departed subject to such calls, and therefore suppose the Devil to assume the form of the one invoked. But this is contrary to the assertion that the woman saw Samuel, For the method of the necromancer, which the narrator probably pictured with fidelity, it may be worth while to note that she alone saw the form, while Saul heard the voice. The first effect of the apparition on the woman was to reveal the identity of her guest : Wiiy iiast tiwu deceived me, when tJiou art Saul? The connexion of Samuel and Saul in earher life is assumed to be known to her. — 13. To Saul's question she replies : / saw a god coming up out of the earth'\ the worship of the Manes probably survived in Israel to a comparatively late date, so that her words must be taken in their literal sense.— 14. On further inquiry she describes the apparition as an old man coming up and he is wrapped in a cloaJz] such as Samuel wore in his lifetime. Before the spirit, unseen by him, Saul prostrates himself in reverence. 4. Shiinem, which is mentioned also Jos. 19I8 2 K. 48 (cf. also the Shu- nammite, i K. i^), still bears the name Sulem, Buhl, Geog. p. 217, who also mentions i5"«^/<9;-. — ^oiD,">] on the form, Ges.26 46 ^. Methods of divination among the heathen Arabs are described by We., Skizzen, III. pp. 126 ff., 135 ff. — 9. ^j;?nv-i] the plural should be restored; the final letter has been lost in the following r:. — 10. Ti,-»] the Daghesh is intended to guard the pronun- ciation of the emphatic letter, Ges.2' 20//. — 13. D^'';; >n^Nn dvi^n] the plural participle would seem to indicate more than one ghostly figure. But only one is described in what follows, and we must suppose the agreement grammatical instead of logical. Similar instances of d\-i':'S with a plural adjective are found Jos. 24I9 (E) Dt. 523 I S. i7-'c.s(!^ etc. — 14. iP?] ipBiov © seems to represent f]pT (We.). To this reading we may perhaps trace the Rabbinical conceit, referred to by Schm., that Samuel appeared standing upright, while in ordi- nary cases the shades present themselves feet upwards. The Greek exposi- tors, to judge by Nestle's specimen {Marginalien, p. 15), saw in the word a declaration of Samuel's vigorous appearance. 15. The dialogue is begun by Samuel : Why hast thou disturbed me in bringing me up ? The shades are at rest and prefer to remain so. Only on very rare occasions does Sheol itself rouse them. Is. 14^ The urgency of his situation is Saul's excuse : / R 242 I SAMUEL am in great straits, and the Philistines are warring against me, and God has turned from me and does not answer me 7nore, either by prophets or by dreams'] the absence of Urim here is perhaps a sign that it was not originally in v.^. — So I have called thee, to tell me what I shall do'] consultation of the oracle is in order to right action, as we have seen in the case of both Saul and David. — 16. Samuel refuses to answer the important question : Ajid why dost thou ask me, when Yahweh has turned from thee and become thine enemy? Reason enough why Samuel should refuse to help. 17, 18. The guilt of Saul in the matter of Amalek. The account of Saul's rejection in c. 15 would not be complete without this sequel. The punishment there denounced is here reaffirmed and declared to be close at hand. — 19. The verse seems over- full. The first clause may be omitted with advantage. Correcting the remainder by ^^ we get : And to-morrow thou and thy sons with thee shall fall, and Yahweh will give the camp of Israel into the hand of the Philistines. — 20. The message was heart-breaking enough; and Saul was overcome, and fell at full length upon the earth. The fainting fit was accounted for partly by physical exhaustion — he had not eaten bread all the day and all the night] it may be supposed that morning was now approaching. — 21, 22. The woman, coming to the prostrate Saul, appreciates the amount of his mental disturbance. She pleads her obedience to his request, even at the risk of her life, as a reason why he should now listen to her : and let me set before thee a morsel of meat, and eat thou that thou mayest have strength and make thy journey'] a very sensible proposition. — 23. Saul at first refused, but his servants, as well as the woman, urged him. At length he rose from the earth and sat upon the couch] one of the four articles of furniture in the ordinary house. — 24, 25. The woman had a fatted calf in the house] and she also baked unleavened cakes for the entertainment of her guests. The similar description of Abra- ham's hospitality will occur to every one. 15. nx-«pNi] the pointing is anomalous and perhaps designed to allow the choice between xyNi and nnpxi (Nestle, Marginalien, p. 15). — 16. Ii;'] is misspelled for -y^'i, probably i)y a scribe to whom the Aramaic form was famil- iar, or who wished to disguise the unpleasant thought that Yahweh could be one's enemy; . But Saul's rival is mentioned later; heie we expect an allusion to Saul's complaint that he is in straits. — 17. 1^] may be read as a dative of advantage. But it is better to restore -^ with five MSS. of It], (!|-^2, and E. — 19. Either the first clause or the last is sui)er(luous. As Samuel would more naturally conclude what he has to say of Saul before pass- ing on to the fate of Israel, I have omitted the opening clause of "^ (We., Dr.). Stade, on the other hand, retains " and omits *=. — "»c>] shall be with /«, Ges.-*^ 68//. XXIX. 1-XXX. 31. David's homeward march, the capture of Ziklag by the Amalekites, and the recovery of the spoil. — When the Philistine troops are mustered, the attention of the chiefs is drawn to David and his band. They inquire of Achish why he is there, and receive assurances of his fidelity. But they regard his presence as a danger, so that David, in spite of his protestation of fidelity, is sent away. Returning home, he finds that the Amalekites have taken revenge for his former incursions by attacking the undefended Ziklag and capturing its inha1)i- tants, whom they have carried off as slaves. The spirit of mutiny shows itself among David's men, but he promptly finds them occupation in the pursuit of the enemy. His success is com- plete ; besides recovering what has been carried away he takes great store of booty. This he uses to secure the attachment of the Sheikhs in the neighbouring districts. The piece is a unit. Its interest in the fortune of David and in his legislative decision is plain. We may ascribe it without hesita- tion to the source which later gives us such copious details of David's life. 1. The camp of the Philistines was at Aphck, a locality uniden- tified, but which must have lain in the j^lain of I^sdraelon. The Philistines probably wished to secure their possession of the Great Plain, and their communication with tlie Jordan valley, where \ye find them later in possession of Ikth-shean, 31'". — Israel camped 544 I SAMUEL at the fountain in Jezreel^^ the pliraseology implies that Jezreel is not the town, but the valley. It is probable however that Saul occupied the town, which lies just at the foot of Gilboa. He would thus command the entrance to the valley, and would have the high ground in his rear. — 2. The Tyrants of the Philistines'] each with his army, ivere marching h\\ by hundreds and by thou- sands] referring to the troops in their different companies. There seems to have been a review by the generals, in which David marched in the rearguard with Achish. — 3. The generals ask 7vhat are these Hebreivs ?] discovering their characteristic dress or arms. Achish replies in two particulars. David was first an escaped servant of Saul, who would not want to return to his harsh master. Secondly, he was a tried dependent of Achish : who has been ivith me these two years and I have not found any fault in himfi'om the day he fell to my lot until now. The double guarantee would seem to be sufficient. — 4. The suspicious fears of the generals break out in an angry demand : Send back the man to the place where thou hast stationed him] as thy vassal ; lest he be an efieniy in the camp] who will put hindrances in the way of our success, and plot for our ruin. On a former occasion the Hebrews in Philistine service had gone over to the enemy, 1421. — With what should this felloiv make himself acceptable to his Master? Is it not with the heads of these men ?] pointing to the Philistine soldiers. This is their reply to the plea that David is a runaway slave. — 5. The fact of David's former success against the Philistines is an argument against his fidelity now. The absence of any allusion to Goliath shows that the exploit of Chap- ter 1 7 was unknown to the author of this section. 1. On the locality cf. Miller, Least of All Lands, cited by GAS., Geog. p. 401. Aphek is apparently the last station of the Philistines before advancing against Saul's position at Jezreel, v.^i. This would naturally be somewhere in the great plain of Esdraelon. This Aphek cannot therefore be Aphek in Shaj-on. — 2. ""J-^d] the native name of the Philistine rulers, 5^, of whom Achish was one. — 3. The ani' I take to have been the military commanders in distinc- tion from the D"|J->D, or civil rulers. The latter indeed marched to the war and led their troops. But there must have been some sort of general staff. — D'jtt' HT-iN D'-D-' nr] is extremely indefinite — some days or so?ne years would hardly be the reply of a man who knew the situation : rifxepas tovto Sevrtpov (Tos (5-^^; ^Sr? divrepov ^tos aiiixfpov (5^^ agree in making the time izvo years, XXIX. i-ii 245 which would be simply DT^r:^ nr (adopted by Bu.). — t'^oj] add >^n with ©S'tJTlL. — 4. The second D>ni:'SD ni:' is lacking in (5511. — n-nSca] read njnD3 with ©. The change was made under the influence of the preceding nonSni (Kl.). Nestle {Marg. p. 15) calls attention to the contrast between the Satan here and the atigel of God a little later; and also to the former experience of the Philistines with the Hebrews in their camp. 6. Achish breaks the news to David : By the life of Yahwch'] this oath is not unnatural in the mouth of a Philistine when he is speaking to an Israelite. — Thou art i/prii^ht and it is right in my eyes that thou sliouhlst go out and in in the camp\ like any of the officers, iS^'l — But thou art not approved by the Tyrants'] the voice of the majority must be decisive. — 7. Achish seems to fear David's anger, as . he asks him not to do evil in the eves of the Tyrants. — 8. David utters a suspicion that Achish himself finds fault with him : IVhat have I done . . . that I may not go and fight against the enemies of jny Lord the king? What David's real plan was is not disclosed. The author probably did not suppose he would fight against Israel. — 9. He receives renewed assurance that he is blameless as an angel of God in the sight of Achish. — 10. The command to depart at dawn the next day is repeated in detail, for we should read with (^ : No7v ?'ise ea?ly in the morning, thou and thy men who came with thee \_and go to the place where I have stationed thee, and put no evil design in thy heart, for thou art good in my sight] hut rise early in the morning and you shall have light, and go] the clause in brackets has fallen out of "%}. It is assumed by Achish that the high-s})irited warrior will feci insulted and be tempted to take revenge. — 11. David tiiercforc rose early to return to the land of the Philistines, but tlie Philistines went up to Jczreel. 6. l~Ni"] (5 prefixes Ka.\, meaning: not only thou but also thy going out. It cannot be denied that |^ would be smoother if it read n^NX 3i!3i npK >j>;'3 -\U'\ But (@ does not seem to have the better reading. — 9. v^yi"'] probably should be pj,n\ — 3">n^x "jn^Cd] in the two other instances of the comparisim, we (ind DvnSsn 'D3 which should perhaps l)e restored here, 2 S. 14^" iq^"*. The words are lacking in ©" perhaps because they were thought to be incongruous with Achish's nationality. — 10. The Hebrew, as it stands, puts two exhortations to rise early in the morning in immediate succession. The clause in (5 which stands between them relieves the awkwardness. It is adopted by Th., We., Dr., Bu , Kl., Ki. As the cause of its loss, we can only conjecture that it filled 246 I SAMUEL just a line or just two lines in the archetype. For yi'iH ''12';^ which does not seem natural in the mouth of Achish, I restore "injjji ^na with .iij.ii ivrv] can only mean in its present connexion that the rest (besides the six hundred) stayed behind at Ziklag. But it is a constant feature of the tradi- * I owe the citation to BDB. sub voce. 248 I SAMUEL tion that David had only six hundred men with him, so that there were none to stay at Ziklag. We must treat the clause as an intruder (We.). Ew. {GVI'^. III. 144, E.Tr. III. p. 105) proposes to insert a clause — four hundred passed over, and the rest stayed. But the next verse is then redundant. — 10. The order is perverse, and the two halves of the verse should be trans- posed (We.). — njs] only here and v."'^!. The context indicates the meaning, cf. nj£3 a corpse from its limpness. — 11. nXD'it'iN] it would be more logical to describe him here as faint or starving, and to leave his race to be discov- ered later (Kl.). — an^ iS"ijn>"i] it seems superfluous to tell us here that they gave him food, and then to add later that they gave him figs. However, we may account for the clause as a general statement — they brought him to Daznd and gave him food — to be followed by the details. — 12. □"'pas "'ja'i] lacking in (§^, and not improbably the insertion of a scribe. It would not do to give a starving man much food at one time. — 13. nti'Stt^ Dvn] 3 MSS. of 1^ add a"'D"> which seems necessary, cf. 9-°. — 14. 3Jj] the verb used is followed by Sn in v.^, and the preposition should be inserted here (We.). — >,TiDn] the people so named are dwellers on the shore according to Zephaniah, who also associates them with the land of the Philistines as does Ezekiel (25^6 j_ Elsewhere they are mentioned with the D">n'?D as making up David's body guard, 2 S. S^^. Cf. E. Meyer, Cesch. des Alterth. I. p. 367. (g^ has xoppi here, reminding us of a similar confusion in |^ in 2 S. 20^^: (§^ x"'^^^'- — mi.T>*? na'N"^>'i] the difference in the form of expression indicates that the phrase was inserted by a scribe who was surprised that Judah should not be mentioned. The Negeb of the Pelethite and the Negeb of Caleb would be enough territory for one raid. — 15. At the end of the verse (S^^^S agree in adding: and he szuare to him. — 16. D^JJn] the circuit of the sanctuary made at the feasts was undoubtedly a dance. That the Bedawin were here dancing before their gods, is the most natural interpretation of the scene. Arabic parallels are given by We. Skizzen, III. p. 106, with which compare Noldeke's comments in ZDMG. XLI. p. 719. — 17. ~in UT^] (& seems to have had Nan DDM "ni dh^Sn which is adopted by Bu. But in such cases the shorter clause has the presumption in its favour. — rrrjnn] it is still disputed whether the morning or evening twilight is intended. In the majority of cases T^'J is cer- tainly the early evening M'hen the breeze begins to stir, and there seems no reason to interpret otherwise here. The enemy were wholly taken by surprise and seem to have made no serious resistance. To suppose that David spent the whole day in slaughter is difficult. — nnnncS] adds to the difficulty, for interpreted in the natural sense it would extend the slaughter over two whole days. The form moreover is abnormal. The 3 can hardly be the pronominal suffix, and the adverbial ending is equajly out of place. The text is probably corrupt. 5 seems to have or to conjecture an^nnNr. The Bible Commentary suggests DninD*?; We. annnnV (adopted by Bu.) ; Kl. an^jnn Sd:j. 18, 19. David rescued all that had been carried away, nothing was wissing] 2 S. i 7'". — 20. The meaning of the obscure verse XXX. 18-25 249 must have been that, in addition to recovering his own, David captured a large amount of other property. — 21. On the return, the two hundred who were left behind came to meet them, and saluted thcni. — 22. The baser men among those who had marched in the pursuit propose to keep all the booty for their own company : Because they did not go with //.v] the present text reads with me — we ivill not give them of the booty ivhich we rescued"] the term hooty shows that no previous title was to be recognized. All they would give would be : to each man his nufc and his chil- dren that they may lead them away and depart. — 23. David vetoes the proposition : Do not do so after Yahweh has \7ur0ught] for us and preserved us. Injustice is a sin against God, and in this case the ingratitude is especially conspicuous. — 24. The language of David continues in the couplet : As the portion of the one who goes doion into battle. So is the portion of the one who remains with the baggage. Early statutes (enactments or regulations) were put in rhythmical form for better retention in memory. The original cou])let has here been increased by the added words : They shall share alike. — 25. The author adds that /;7;;;/ that time on they made it a statute and a precedent in Israel. David's decision in the matter became the precedent (•i:Bi:*^) ; it was a statute when he made it a general rule. Cf. Briggs, Higher Criticism of the HexateucJr', p. 248 f. 18. The two wives seem to be an afterthouj^ht, as in v.^. — 19. ^^r::i] seems to belong before D^J^-i;", and this is the order in 6. I\)ssil)ly however a word has fallen out; we should expect: d>J3-ivi d^::'J ir.— 20. The verse as it stands is unintelligible. Its object must be to tell us that in addition to the recovery of his own possessions David took a large amount of other booty : ante pecus siium qtiod liberaverant duxerunt greges et armenta ,/uae abstu- lerunt Amalekitis, as Kimchi is rendered by Schmid. But this is not ex- pressed by the present text. We.'s restoration, accepted by Dr., Bu., Ki., makes the people, out of gratitude, resign all the sheep and oxen to David as his share. But this is contrary to what follows, where the two hundred share in the booty with the others. I suspect the original to have been something like this: in ^^tr nt dj on^jijS pSny unj lii'N npani iN>tn ^stn'. — 21. c3'K->"i] should probably'be D3^;:'m, David being the natural subject, 01L.— ^n^'i] on the other hand 'is read as a plural by (55. The men left behind would be. the ones to ask for the welfare of those who had gone into the battle (We.) ; for 250 I SAMUEL on'^ we should probably read nV (= iS). — 22. Sd] is lacking in ^. — >Dy] the singular form is no doubt thoroughly idiomatic. But if we retain it we should apparently change both jnj and ij'?i'n to correspond. It is easier therefore to read ijr:>' with 8 MSS. of p?, and with (gSlL. — 23. nrx rx ^nx] (g undoubt- edly reads -\Z'i< nnx which is to be preferred, because it makes all that follows a reason for the dissuasion. But in that case jrj is left without an object and must be replaced by another verb, as nty;', 146. — 24. niin] of the A^/id is only a scribe's error. — 25. ^Nitr'iS] Sni'^'O found in some copies and editions seems a little better here. — nrn arn nj?] a frequent phrase, especially in late writers. It naturally implies that a considerable time had elapsed since the events narrated. 26. David uses the booty at his disposal to win the hearts of Judah. Mohammed's procedure after the battle of Honein will occur to every one. — He sent of the booty to the elders of Judah afid to his kinsmen\ reading with ^. The enumeration of towns follows. All of them seem to have been m the South Country, none north of Hebron. — 27. Bethel, as pointed out by We., the same with the Bethtiel of i Chr. 4^*^, there mentioned in connexion with Hormah and Ziklag ; cf. also Bethid, Jos. 19^^ (also with Hormah). Ramoth-Negeb one of the cities of Simeon, Jos. 19^ Jattir, Jos. is'*^ 21^"' (with Eshtemoa). — 28. ^r^'iy is the name of more than one place. The pres- ent one should be in the Negeb, and a ruin is pointed out iu this region XXX. 26-XXXI, 251 called Ar'ara (Buhl, Geog. p. 183). In Jos. 15-2 we now find ,-n;n; f„r which ©^ has 'ApouTjA. Probably -»>'-i; should be restored there (cf. Dillmann's Commentary and Bennett's text in S/W7\). r>cor of (iinsbur^' and the common editions is written m;:_r)'^» by Baer. In this verse (S» has one name more than |^, inserting 'A^u^aSet which may be a corruption of 'Apo^p (^Ve.). It does not seem to be a sufficient Imsis on which to restore ^-xryy (Ew.). (g^ seems to have read pp n>' from v.-''. For ^^'2D'l' : 2a<^et (S". v?:r2'N, cf. Buhl, Geog. p. 163. — 29. The verse is extended in &^ perhajjs l)y duplication from the preceding. It agrees with 6'^ in giving the name Carmel, which Ewald substitutes for '^31. For the Kenite, © has the Kenezite. Kenaz was a clan of Judah, Jd. i^^ but the parallel I S. 2"}^^ seems to decide for the Kenite here. — 30. Ilormah, cf Moore on Jd. i^". — 11:7—^133 in the early editions according to Baer; in many recent ones (Jablonski, etc.) ';"-^i:3. In ® it is represented by Beershcba. The absence of so prominent a jilace as Beersheba is remarkable and the name is perhaps original. \V'; however is the name of a town in Judah, Jos. 15*2 \^ , in;? occurs nowhere else in |Q. It is suggested by Buhl (Ges. HIVB'^'^.) that it is the same with ">?;* noticed above, which is twice named in connexion with ]Z'-;. I should sul)stitute Arad, Jd. 1^6. The MSS. of 6 differ widely. XXXI. The death of Saul. — Two accounts are given of the death of Saul. In the one before us he is hard pressed in battle, and, in despair, commits suicide. In the other (contained in 2 Sam. i^"^"), he begs an Amalekite camp follower to slay him, and thus meets his end. The two accounts seem independent, and it is natural to suppose that they represent the two different streams of tradition. In that case the chapter before us continues the narrative of 28. It is, in fact, the natural sequel of that chapter. For in that the shadow of the coming defeat already falls. As there predicted, vSaul sees Israel defeated and his sons slain ; and commits suicide in his sense of abandonment by Vah- weh. It confirms this to notice that 2 S. i naturally continues the history we have just followed, culminating in David's distribution of the booty to Judah. Chapter 31 is unnecessary to that narra- tive, and in fact breaks the thread. 1. The account opens abniinly : The Philistines fought against Israel, and the men of Israel fled before the Philistines, and fell down slain upon Mount GUIhui^ Israel was frecpiently defeated in the plains. In this case the battle was fought on their own ground — the high places. — 2, 3. Three sons of Saul were slain, 252 I SAMUEL and the fighting pressed hard upon Saul; the archers got him in range and he was wounded^ the text is not certain. — 4. Saul's command to his armour-bearer : Draw thy sword and run ?ne through with it'\ the case of Abimelech Jd. 9^"^ is closely parallel. There, it was to escape death at the hands of a woman. Here, it is test these uncij'cunicised come and make sport of me'] amuse themselves with the helpless but conscious warrior, Jd. 19-^ The armour-bearer refused because he was much afraid] whether the author means that he was in too great a panic to heed the com- mand, or that he had too great reverence for his lord cannot be made out with certainty. The latter seems more probable. Saul then took his oivn sword and fell upo?i it] one of the very rare instances of suicide in the Old Testament. In view of it, the older commentators discuss the question of Saul's final salvation, generally with an unfavourable verdict.* — 5. The armour-bearer would not survive his master. — 6. The tragic element is pointed out in the fact that Saul and his sons and his ai'mour-beai'er died together. — 7. The result was that the inhabitants of the cities in the Jordan valley deserted their cities, and the Philistines took possession of them. The recovery of the original text is difficult. XXXI. The question of the place of the story can be fully considered only when we come to the following chapter. For the text we now have an additional source in the Chronicler who embodies this chapter in his work (I Chr. I01-12), 1. ccn'^j] Chr. yirhi which should probably be restored. The author of Sam. changed to the participle to indicate that while David and his men were pursuing the Amalekites, the Philistines were fighting. — Vj:>jn iDn] tyx Dn C. which is more idiomatic. — 2. tp^i^i] 14^^. — nx] nnN C. It is a question whether the original author did not write Sn, The verb is generally used with 1. The names of Saul's sons show some variation in (§. — 3. Sn] read S;? C. i^Si. — D"'::'jN amen] seems impossible and C. leaves out □•'^I'jx. But ntyp3 anicn is redundant, and n'w'po cannot be connected with iniNXD^i. Dr. proposes na'p2 DniDH D''i>js meaning some of the archers, comparing Gen. 372^ i S. 25^'^. It seems simpler to strike out nB'p3 d^K'JN as a gloss designed to define nniDn. — omcna ind '^hm] D>-irn-jD Shm C. The words are generally taken to mean he feared the archers exceedingly. But we should expect ""JOD if that were the meaning. (S takes ^hm to be from S^n, koX iTpaujuaTiadr) ^^, Ka\ irpavadTia-av ^, and this gives a better sense, for the words of Saul to his armour-bearer are * Schmid, p. 988. XXXI. 3-13 2 53 the words of a man sore wounded. — amanb] ds to. viroxSt'Spta <5S wt)uld in- dicate t:'cn3 or dop?:3. — 4. The second >i'\p-\^ is lacking' in C. douhtless rightly. What Saul dLcaded was that he should ])e alive to be mocked, not that they should mutilate his body after his death. — 6. ro] seems impossible to reconcile with the following chapter. — 6. I'or v'^d nz':^ C. has vi^a s^^^ an intentional exaggeration. — rtrjN-^D dj] lacking in C.(S», is a similar exagger- ation.—?. ^::'Jn] C. t:'\N-^D. For piM -)y;2 ns'Ni ,-»?:;n -\2';2* C. has simply |-»d;;3 -\Z'it, and this may be original, though it is difficult to see how it could give rise to the present text. Probably we should read p3);n ^•i;3 (Kl.). — ^n^\y^ v^.jn] is omitted by C. who was willing to throw the blame upon Saul alone. — Dn;'n] read annj? with C. and (S. 8. The next day the Philistines ca;/ie to strip the slain am/ found Saul and his three sons fallen on Mount Gilboa'] the battle had probably lasted until evening. — 9. They sent the head of Saul through the country of the Philistines to bring good neius to their idols and the people'] perhaps the original author wrote to their gods and the people. — 10. His armour, as a trophy, came naturally into the house of Ash tore tJi] where this was we are not told. — A?id his corpse they exposed on the walls of Bethshan~\ a city in the Jordan valley at the entrance of the side valley which comes down from the Great Plain. It still bears the name Beisan. — 11. The men of Jabesh Gilead, who had special reasons for remembering Saul with gratitude (ii^""), undertook to remove the disgrace. — 12. All the men of courage ivse up and marched all night, and took the corpses of Saul and his sons from the 7i>all of Bethshan and brought them to Jabesh and burnt them there] although this was not Israelitish custom, there seems to be no sufficient reason for departing from the received text. — 13. The bones were buried under the tamarisk tree] probably one well known; and they fasted seven days] in expression of their grief. 8. niJ'Sa'] omitted by C. — 9. C. has a free reproduction of the first clause. — no] C. has pn which is doubtless correct, and which seems also to be im- plied by ©. — 10. nnPw'N] the singular form alone is in place. C. substitutes Dn\-iSN. P'or ivpn read i^'^pin (Lag. Antn. zur Griech. Uebersetz. d. Proverbien, p. iiii), of. 2 S. 21^-^. The Chronicler, thinking of the head and armour being sent to Philistia, changes the last clause to : and they stuck up his skull in the house of Dagon. On Bethshan, Moore, Jd. i-" and rcff. — 11. vn] lacking * It is impossible to suppose that the Israelites beyond the Jordan deserted their chies. The example of Jabesh Gilead is enough to show this. 254 2 SAMUEL in <3^ C. — 12. nS-iSHSD loS"-!] lacking in C. which also changes the wording of the rest of the verse to accord with its own omission of Bethshan, v.^o. — iNa*"!] read dinom (§ C. — sir cnx lijT^'ii] is lacking in C. On account of the lack of precedent, Bu. proposes to read D'v^ cn"? ncDM. The mourning how- ever should be mentioned in connexion with the fasting at the end of the next verse. And the separate mention of the bones which follows (note inpM) is inexplicable with the proposed reading. — 13. }-^2p'} . . . ^^\p^^'] C. has only n^pM. For '?J'Nn, C. has n^xn, a more general word, or perhaps less ob- noxious (if '?-'N is a sacred tree, as seems probable). The Hebrew name is reproduced in the modern Arabic name a//i/, applied to the Tamarisk, cf. Post. F/ora of Syria (1896), p. 166. 2 Sam. I. 1-27. David's reception of the news of Saul's death. — kxv Amalekite brings news to Ziklag and gives a circum- stantial account of the -death of Saul, in which he claims to have been instrumental. David and his men mourn for the death of Saul and his men, and the messenger is put to death for having laid hands on the Anointed of Yahweh. In addition to these marks of grief, David composes an Elegy which is inserted in the text, having been taken from the Book ofjasha?'. The historical part of the chapter contains a separate and inde- pendent account of the death of Saul. In I. 31 we are told ex- pressly that Saul met his death by his own hand. Here the Amalekite finds him suffering from extreme fatigue, but without a wound, v.-'. It seems impossible to reconcile the two accounts. The easiest hypothesis is that the Amalekite fabricated his story. But the whole narrative seems against this. David has no inkling that the mah is not truthful, nor does the author suggest it. The natural conclusion is that we have here a document different from the one just preceding. It strengthens our. conviction to notice that this narrative, with a very slight change in v}, continues the account of David's experience at Ziklag without a break. It is highly dramatic that after David's severe contest with Amalek, an Amalekite should bring him the news of Saul's death. For this writer, whose chief interest was in David, the story contains all he cared to tell of the last days of Saul. Budde in his text separates v.^ as a late insertion and ys.^"""-^^^^ as belonging to a different document. He succeeds thus in pro- ducing a continuation of I. 31. But where the exscinded frag- ments belong it is impossible to see. They continue nothing that i. i-io 255 precedes, and they prepare for nothing that follows. They may be a mere editorial embellishment, but such a hypothesis should not be urged if we can get along without it. 1. The ambiguity of the data shows that the verse has been remodelled to make it connect this chapter with what i)recedes. The original author evidently made David remain in Ziklag two days after his return from sniitin^^ the Amalekites. The edit(jr inserted the reference to the death of Saul. — 2. On the third dav there came a man] the Rabbinical commentators make him to have been Doeg, or his son, or the son of Agag. — lP7th his clothes rent and earth upon his head~\ like the other bearer of bad tidings, I S. 4'-. — 3, 4. On hearing that the man has escaped from the camp of Israel, David asks him : Noiv was the affair ?] cf. i S. 4"'. The reply is similar to that of the messenger at Shiloh : The people fled fro fn the battle, and many of the people fell, and Saul and Jonathan his son are dead] the climax is reached in that in which the hearer is most interested. — 5. David asks particularly con- cerning the death of Saul and Jonathan : Ho7v dost thou kno7u that Saul and Jonathan his son are dead ? — 6. As already pointed out, the reply contradicts the account already given of the death of Saul : / happened to be on Mount Gilboa, and Saul nuis leanim^ on his spear, and the chariots and horsemen dreiv near Iti/n] in 31'^ it was the archers who got him in range. — 7. And he looked behind him and saw me] Saul had been fiicing the enemy but now looked about for help. — 8. After calling the stranger, Saul says : Who art thou ? To which the stranger makes the reply : / (//// an Amalekite. The contradiction has thus become more glaring ; Saul instead of appealing to his squire, who must have been near his person, finds only one person within call. Instead of shrink- ing from the abuse of the Philistine, he is willing to give himself to be despatched by an equally despised enemy, an .Amalekite. — 9. Saul's prayer : Stand over me, I pray, and slay me, for dizzi- ness has seized ?ne'] the exhaustion of a man worn out with fight- ing. The following clause is obscure; see the critical note. — 10. So I stood over him and sle7c> him for I kneiv that he could not live after he had fallen] an apology for his deed on the part of the murderer. He also took Saul's croivn and his armlet] sev- 256 2 SAMUEL eral such are pictured on the arms of Assyrian monarchs.* For the custom of kings to go into battle in their regaha, notice the account of Jehoshaphat and Ahab in i K. 22''" where Ahab's dis- guising himself is an exception to the rule. — And drought the?)i to my lord here\ does not expressly state that the bearer regarded David as the legitimate successor, but seems to imply it. — • 11, 12. David and his men mourn for Saul and Jonathan and for the house of Is?'ael, with the customary signs of grief — rending the clothes, fasting, and weeping. — 13. To David's question con- cerning his origin, the messenger replies : / am the son of an Amalekite sojourner'^ one who had taken up his residence in Israel where he had the protection accorded to a client, but was not in full citizenship. Of proselytes as we understand the word, i.e., converts to the true religion, there is no trace in this early period. — 14. David's question shows his indignation at any one's (we may suppose a fortio?'i at a stranger's) putting out his hand to destroy the anointed of Yah2t'eh~\ the sanctity of the king made such an act sacrilege. The assassins of Ishbaal received similar treatment to that recorded here, 4^°^-, and for the reason here indi- cated.— 15, 16. David has him slain by one of his soldiers and justifies the act in the words : Thy hhwd be upon thy head because thine own mouth testified against thee^ the guilt of the man's death rests upon himself because he deserves to die. Otherwise it would rest upon David, cf. the case of Abner, 3-^ and also i K. 232. 33. .37 1. The natural construction of the verse as it stands is to make i.n yy im a circumstantial clause and therefore parenthetical : ' It came to pass after the death of Saul (David meanwhile had returned from smiting Amalek) that David abode two days in Ziklag.' But it is doubtful whether this expresses the sense of the author. What he means is that (zf/fer 7-eturning from Amalek, David abode two days in Zi/etag behove the message came. The infelicity of the text shows editorial adaptation to the present context. The original begin- ning of the verse was probably nn ar nns vin simply. In this case, there is no reason why it may not have continued 308'. — p'?::;*^] should be ip'?D>*n (so 6 MSB.) with S or pScy with (§31. — 2. For Doeg as the messenger, Schm. refers to Isaaki, and for the son of Agag to Atictor Aniiq. Bibl. qui falso Philo fnisse dicitur. Doeg is also given by Pseudo-Hieronymus, Questiones. — t;d] is read by (g dit, but % is preferable (We.). — 4. Dr">::'N] another * Nestle, Marg'uialieit, p. i6. I. I0-I6 257 case of -^Z'n in the sense of ^^ i S. i^-'>, cf. Davidson, S}'n(ax, § 146, R. 2. — mcM] is omitted by O'^^, perhaps rightly; ©» inserts: Koi antdavtv Koi laovK. — 6. innpj NTJ] evidently the two forms are intended to he from the same root, cf, 20^ — D''C'-\Dn "''I'vai] we read nowhere else of viasters of the horsemen^ and (5 omits ""V^O here, unless ot /TTTrdpxai covers both words. Everywhere else we find D'':;nD joined with 33->. Possibly some one started to write c^sn ^'^i'a (Gen. 49-^) and afterwards discovered C'^na in his text. — vipa-'n] strictly means that they had already overtaken him. — 8. -(-rNM Kt.: ->r:Ni Qrc. The latter is necessary. — 9. >'';] implies that Saul had sunk down — which ought, however, to be distinctly expressed. — v^-'n] occurs nowhere else, and the meaning is doubtful : aniras SeivSu (S possibly a corruption of aKOT65ivo5 = i/izziness* The same idea seems to be expressed by Nj^ts ^ (cf. Nestle, A/or- ginalien, p. 16 and reff.) : angustiaelL, Nn^n tlT suppose Saul overcome by terror. Modern interpreters are represented by Th. who renders cramp, and Kl. who accepts giddiness. Schmid supposes the sentence to mean my armour prevents Die, i.e., from carrying out my purpose to kill myself. This interpretation is due to the theory that Saul had attempted suicide, but the sword had been turned aside by his coat of mail, so that the blow was not fatal. — ■<::'DJ my^D'o] is unusual. It is supposed to be by hypallage for "'.T'SJ ^D~-11V~"'3 (Ges. HlVB^'^.s.v. Sa). But the only analogies cited are Job 27^ and Hos. 14^, the latter of which has a corrupt text. It is doubtful moreover whether the sense supposed — for yet my life is whole zvithin me — is appro- priate. I think more likely that Saul means to give a reason for his dizziness, in which case we might suppose vj'oj nnSD ""O : for my strength is consumed, that is, I am titter ly exhausted, cf. Ps. 84^ where, to be sure, the soul is con- sumed with desire. Graetz {Gesch. d.Juden, I. p. 224) proposes to read 'ra for "^r. — 10. iSs3] on the pointing cf. Ges.-^ 61 b\ the word must mean Saul's falling to the earth, showing that he had sunk down in his exhaustion. — nrj] of the royal crown 2 K. ii^-. — .-n;'SNi] occurs only here and Xum. 31^^ but m>'i. Is. 3^0, is another form of the same word. We. and Dr. propose to read m;'i--i here also, as the article seems required by the following ■>-•«. Nestle's objection that the king may have worn several bracelets does not remove the difficulty, for one of his bracelets would not be expressed by the construction in the text. — 11. vnj33 Qre, is sustained by the following plural suftix. — 12. '1:"' '1 '^>i nin-' ay S>'i] is tautology' and is relieved by (5 which reads for the first clause and over the people of Judah. But probably even then one clause is an interpolation. — 13. 13] cf. Bertholet, Die Stellung der Israeliten und der Juden zu den Fremden (1896), pp. I, 29. — 16. For ^ct the Qre commands ici as in I K. 1^'. The Kthib however is justified by 2 S. f'^. 17-27. David's dirge. — The author here inserts a poem on the death of Saul anil Jonathan which he ascribes to David, and * Trendelenburg, cited by Schleusner, Nov. Thesaurus, V. p. 62. 258 2 SAMUEL which he avowedly takes from a book older than his own. The composition is just what it purports to be — a lament on the death of Israel's heroes. Ho7v are the mighty fallen is the refrain at the end of the opening tristich, which recurs also within the poem, and again at the close. x\fter announcing his theme, the author deprecates the spread of news which will cause the enemy to rejoice. He then pronounces a curse upon Alount Gilboa, the scene of so cruel an event. With v." he takes up the panegyric of the departed warriors — swifter than eagles, stronger than lions. He exhorts the daughters of Israel to lament over Saul, whose generosity they had often experienced in the distribution of the booty. And in conclusion he gives vent to his own personal bereavement in the loss of Jonathan. There seems to be no reason to doubt the genuineness of the poem. One negative reason in its favour seems to be of over- whelming force : it has no rehgious allusion whatever. The strong current of tradition which early made David a religious hero, ren- ders it improbable that any one should compose for David a poem which contains no allusion to Yahweh, to his relation to Israel, or to his care for Israel's king. A similar argument is the absence of any allusion to the strained relations which had existed between Saul and David. That David should show true magnanimity in the case is not surprising. But it would hardly be human nature for an imitator not to make at least a veiled allusion to David's experience at the court of Saul and during his forced exile. With these negative indications we must put the absence of any positive marks of a late date. There seems to be absolutely nothing in the poem which is inconsistent with its alleged authorship. The text of the poem has unfortunately suffered in transmission, and in some parts it cannot be restored with certainty. For the most part it is written in verses of four accents. Its logical divi- sions are indicated in the outline already given. 17-27. A translation is given by Herder, Geist der Ebr'dischen Poesie, 3 Aufl. (Leipzig, 1825), IL p. 289 f. Justi inserts also in this edition his own translation, with a reference to his Nationalgesdnge der Hebraer as well as his Blumen althebraischer Dichtkunst, neither of which I have seen. Translations arc given also by E. Meier, Poet. Nationalliteratur d. Hebr. p. 123; Ewald, Dichter des Allen Btindes, I. p. 149 f.; Graetz, Gesch. d. I. 17-18 259 Jiiden, I. p. 224 f.; Stade, GVI. I. p. 259; GASmith, Geog. p. 404 f. 'Ihe consensus of recent scholars is in favour of the genuineness of the jxiem. 17, David sang this dirge'\ as lie sang a dirge over Abncr, 3'" ; the same phrase Ezek. 32^". — 18. The first half-verse is perfectly plain so far as the words are concerned, hut in their present i)]ace they are wholly incongruous : And he said to teach the children of Judah the bow. In the first place if the author meant that David commanded something he would have said so. Secondly, the information that he commanded to teach the use of the how (AV.) is irrelevant. The song of the lunv (RV.) is equally out of place unless it means this softg, which some indeed suppose. But it is a strange procedure for the author to tell us that David com- manded to teach the song of the bo7v without letting us know that this means the song before us. And why did he not say simply this song or this dirge, which would have been perfectly clear? We can do nothing with the text as it stands, and the efforts of the commentators only bring the difficulty more clearly into relief. The versions give only slight help. The word rendered bow is omitted by ^. But this does not heal the difficulty. The only thing certain seems to be that the half-verse represents the open- ing words of the dirge with the introductory phrase : /ind he said. By a conjecture which will be discussed in the critical note, I suppose the next following words to have been : Weep, O Judah ! The second half of the verse : Behold it is written in the Book of Jashar'] is a marginal note which has crept into the text. The Book of Jashar is mentioned Jos. lo^'^, and was possibly also cited in the original of i K. 8'^, in both cases as authority for a poetical quotation. 18. ntt'|~> 'r\'^^r\'> ij^ mSS icnm] there is no reason why the author shouKl not say ii"'i if' he meant that David commanded something. We expect also ns'pn'ns instead of the simple Pw'p. But the great difficulty is the irrelevancy of the passage in this connexion — between the announcement of the dirge and the dirge itself. The Jewish expositors do not see the ditViculty. Isaaki says simply : " David said, now that the mighty men of Israel have fallen, it is necessary that the Children of Judah learn war and draw the bow." Kimchi supposes that David encouraged his followers by reminding them that Judah was armed with the bow. Among Christian commentators, (Jrotius interprets that the song was to be sung during the martial exercises of the soldiers;, which of course has no foundation in the text. Sclun. translates ->r8 but that he had it taught? Such pains is unexampled, and the glossator can have supposed it possible only because there was already corruption of the text of which he had to make sense. Perles {Analekten zur Textkritik, p. 21) thinks r^'Z'p the result of abbreviation, '?in"^ ryp having been shortened to 'J'p and then read n".:'p. He also supposes these words an insertion. We. has a theory to account for n^'p. He thinks a glossator explained Dv^n^jn in v.^' by putting in the margin '■h-;2 nti'p, and that one half of the gloss crept into v.*' and the other half into this verse, which may have stood in the corresponding line of the second column of the page. This is more ingenious than convincing. Of all the authors I have found, Klostermann is the only one who seems to have made a start towards the right solution. He sees and says that ncNn must introduce the poem; and as soon as this is pointed out, every one must recognize the correctness of the observation. Whatever we do with the rest of the verse, this must have been the original force of "iCN'^i — it immediately preceded the text of the poem. The second half of the verse is therefore a later insertion, which indeed its wording makes very probable. The words following n;;Nii represent the opening verse of the dirge. Kl. (followed by Bu. in his text) supposes the original reading to have been nirp r^•\^7\'^ >y2 which Kl. translates : Receive, O Judah, cruel tidings. But it is doubtful whether this is good Hebrew. It is altogether probable that the word now represented by iji was origi- nally parallel to the oisyn which (as we shall see) must be restored in the next verse. But if so the natural emendation is 133. An entirely appropriate opening of the dirge would be After ■'33 had become corrupted to ^Ji the other words may have been inserted to make some sort of sense. On the other hand, according to the measure which prevails throughout the poem, we should expect six words in this couplet instead of four, and the two words which we still iind there may be corrupt representatives of the two which we desire. But, as to their original form, I have not any probable conjecture to offer. 19. The received text has : The Gazelle is slain, or : The beauty is slaifi] but either word is inappropriate. The gazelle is a fleet I. 19-21 261 but shy animal, distinguished for a grace and beauty which we think of as feminine. Saul and Jonathan are later said to be S7vifter than eagles. But the eagle hastes to the prey, while the gazelle flees from the pursuer. One comparison is as inappropri- ate as the other is apt. Nor is the abstract beauty any better, for the word here used is never used of the ^lory which is given by strength. (!l found a verb, and following its hint so far as to restore a verb here we may read : Grieve, O Israel! The next following words must then be made a clause by themselves : On thy heig/its are the s/ain. It is too long for the metre in the present text. The refrain — How are the mighty fatten ! — recurs below, as has been already pointed out. 19. Oi'n] is defended by Dr., though he finds it a little singular. In fact the word is nowhere used with reference to a man, and it would he strange if Saul's beauty were made his characteristic here, when we nowhere else hear of it. His manly strength indeed we might find it well to mention, but this would not be the term chosen. '\\i^ floioer of Israel's army might perhaps be described as here, though even this is without analogy. The gazelle is, of course, out of the question. Asahel is indeed compared to one of the gazelles, 2^^, but we are expressly told that the point of the comparison is his swiftness of foot. (S-^^ (TTriKwaov and &' aifpi^aaai both seem to render O'sn. On the ground of this, Kl. conjectures osvn which commends itself; the feminine form being chosen because Israel is the mother of the fallen heroes. "I'rta should be pointed to agree with this. — ^^n^ renderetl as a plural by 011, is collective. 20. Tell it not in Gath, make it not kno7vn in the streets of Ash- kelon'] representative Philistine cities. The paronomasia of the first clause is repeated in Mic. i^". — 21. Mountains of Gilhoa ! May no deiu descend ; and may no rain fall upon you, ye fields of death .' For the conjecture on which this translation is based see the note. The common text is unintelligible. — For there 7oas cast away the shield of heroes, the shield of Saul not anointed ivith oil] the shield instead of being polished and cared for by its owner is left to rust or rot in the field. The text however is not free from difficulty. 21. ';2^3:i nn] is suspicious because Gilboa was the name of the mountain ridge itself, not of the district. We should probably read j'a'^jn >nn, favoured by 6^'IL. Kl. proposes to restore y2^i onn fie desolate, Gilhoa! — an extremely attractive conjecture. ^J"Sn seems to recjuire a verb, yurj -Kiaoi (5^' : t*M f oto^t? 262 2 SAMUEL C5-^B; insert therefore i-i\ The Arab poet also prays that no dew or rain may fall on the place where the heroes have fallen (We., 6'/&m^;z, I. p. 139). — p^::^•^D ntt'i] is unintelligible: /leMs of offerings have no place in the context, the "I is useless, and the form ••na' suspicious. ©^ ^^^ eavdrov is probably right in reading the last three letters as the word niD. In that case, the simplest expedient is to restore the accredited niTi' and to put the article for the two letters not accounted for — mr^n r^^TZ' is not very remote from the text and gives a satisfactory sense. Bu. conjectures niD"^n r\-\z' referring to Jd. 9^1 which is however itself corrupt (cf. Moore on the passage). It would be better to read r"ir;">n with Jer. 14I* Kt.; fields of deceit fit the context fairly well, and the same meaning is got by Kl. who proposes mon nn:;'; GASmith reads memo n:;'i; Graetz makes mcnn nc, equivalent to mti' inno Jd. 5I8, The variety of suggestions (and the number might easily be increased) shows the difficulty of the reading. — n-iti'D 'hi'\ is usually understood to apply to the shield, in which case we should read nvm which is found in 23 Heb. MSS. and some early editions. We. independently conjectured this to be the true reading. Graetz proposes vc^vo "hzi : the iveapon of the anointed. % makes the words refer to Saul ^tmsi non uncttis, and this was adopted in AV. The reference to the shield was understood by (g, and by some of the Rabbinical expositors. Budde makes a new verse begin with this clause, translating : Not anointed with oil, but with the blood and fat of slain warriors, lies now the shield of Saul upon the battlefield. See the note on the next verse. 22. Saul has been introduced by the mention of his shield in the preceding verse. This leads up naturally to a panegyric of him and his heroic son. The devouring sword of Saul is paralleled with the equally insatiable bow of Jonathan : From the blood of the slain, from the fat of heroes, the bow of Jonathan turned not back, and the sivord of Saul retmiied not empty'] the figure seems entirely appropriate ; and there seems, moreover, no reason to change the order of the clauses. 22. Dn2J a'^no D^SVn one] as noticed above, Bu. (and similarly Kl.) makes these words define the contrast between Saul's shield as it now lies, and its former state — instead of being carefully oiled and polished, it is smeared with the blood and fat of the slain. But with pi:o we should certainly expect Dn3, and the change to another preposition is inexplicable. While we might allow the blood to smear the shield, it is hard to picture the fat of the slain as part of the polluting medium. On the other hand, the usual figure of the sword as a devouring monster certainly allows us to think of it as satiated with the fat as well as the blood of its victims. Retention of the usual connexion and order of the clauses therefore seems to be more satisfactory than any change yet suggested. — jv^'j] an unusual spelling. The commoner form JiDj is found in some MSS. I. 22-25 263 23. The two heroes shared a common fate: Saul and Jo7ia- than, the beloved a fid the lovely^ cf. Cant. i^*"'. — /;/ life and i?i death they 7ve?-e not divided~\ this seems to be the natural connexion and sense of the passage. — They were swifter than eagles~\ the speed of the bird of prey is noted elsewhere, Hab. i*^. The vehemence of its attack is the point of the comparison, cf. Jer. 4^"'. — They were stronger than lions'] Jd. 14^'*. 23. nvix] this seems to be the usual plural for ns, and does not mean lionesses as distinguished froni lions. 24. The women of Israel are reminded of their loss and called upon to 7veep over Saul. As the women took the lead in public festivities on joyful occasions, so it was they who lamented the fallen when there was ceremonial mourning. They had special reason when a warlike prince had fallen, for from his hand they had received the spoil of the enemy : 7uho clothed you 7vith scarlet and fine linen. The two articles of luxury belong together, Luke 16^^. For Xki^ golden jewels with which he decked them, cf. Jer. 4'^^^. 24. nD3 with '^x is not common, but cf. Ezek. 27^1. We should perhaps read '^> with 10 MSS. — 3"'jn;7 a;] with dainties is the natural meaning of the words, but the construction is harsh, and % is obliged to insert dd*? S"'D1C1. It seems better to emend with (iraetz {Gesch. d.Juden, I. p. 192) reading d^j-'-'D C>, cf. Jd. 14^'^ Is. 3'--^. ^-i" is collective as in Ex. 33*"'. 25. The lament over the fallen is followed by David's expres- sion of personal bereavement. Repeating the refrain : How are the mighty fallen in the battle, he makes special mention of Jona- than. Unfortunately, this half of the verse is hopelessly corrupt. The received text gives : Jonathan on thy heights is slain. But the pronoun must refer to Israel in order to make sense, and Israel has not been mentioned since the opening distich. No one of the various coniectures which have been brought forward seems free from difficulty. 25. If the first half of the verse stood alone we might suppose it to contain the lament which the women are to chant. For this reason Kl. emends by changing the words n:;nVr:n iina into ncn:^ ""Sd n^NM a variant of which he supposes now to stand at the end of the dirge (where ^^ reads fiTi0u/x-nTd for nDn'?D). But if this be original, it is hard to account for the corruption. 264 2 SAMUEL Ciraetz corrects jpjvt' to Ssnj''' which would give a good sense in itself consid- ered. But the opening of v.-*^ would then be very abrupt. We. points out that several Greek codd. read els ddvarov irpavixariadriis) (jB^ adds eixo'i) which would allow us to restore riS^n mc'". Kl. goes further, suggesting: 'JN .'i^-'n i.-iic^, in thy death I too am wounded, while Bu. reads in his text '^*'n -|nio3 >3'?, my heart is wounded in thy death. The last is less remote from the received text, but none can be regarded as convincing. 26. A burst of grief at the recollection of what Jonathan's friendship had been. It seems necessary to disregard the accents and arrange the words as a tristich : I am in ajigiiish for thee, my brother, Jonathan ! Thou wert delightsome to me — exceedingly zvonderfid ! Thy love for me ivas beyond the love of women. We thus conform to the metre of the rest of the composition. The love of wo?nen which the poet has in mind may be supposed to include both the love of the bride for her husband and the love of the mother for her son. — 27. The refrain is here completed by the additional clause: And the weapons of war perished I The parallelism suggests that the weapons of war are Saul and Jonathan themselves (Dr. from Evvald). 26. nr n'^sj] on the form as here pointed cf. Ges.26 ^i^oo. The text may- nut be sound, but no acceptable emendation has yet been proposed. Kl. points out that the termination would cause us to read nnsS^', tJioit wert 'Monderful, an emphatic repetition of ncp, and although this is without analogy, so far as I discover, it is probably the best we can do with the present text. Bu.'s nN'?i3j taken adverbially would require the 1x2 to follow. — 27. ncn^r:n] iiridvfiTjToi is found in (3^^ as noted above. It seems to be taken from Theodotion (cf. Field, //ex. Origenis). The following translation is designed simply to embody the results of the foregoing inquiry. I. 18. Weep, O Judah ! 19. Grieve, O Israel ! On thy heights are the slain; How are the mighty fallen ! II. 20. Tell it not in Gath; Publish it not in the streets of Ashkelon ! Lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoice; Lest the daughters of the uncircumcised be glad. I. 26-II. I 265 21. Mountains of (iilboa ! May no dew descend Nor rain upon you, fields of death ! For there was cast away the shield of heroes, The shield of Saul not anointed with oil. 22. From the blood of the slain, From the fat of heroes, The bow of Jonathan turned not back. And the sword of Saul returned not empty. 23. Saul and Jonathan, the beloved and the lovely! In life and in death they were not divided. They were swifter than eagles, They were stronger than lions, 24. Daughters of Israel, weep over Saul ! Who clothed you with scarlet and fine linen, Who put golden jewels upon your clothing. 25. How are the mighty fallen In the midst of the battle ! III. Jonathan 26. I am distressed for thee, Jonathan, my brother ! Thou wert delightsome to me — exceeding wonderful ! Thy love to me was beyond the love of women. 27. How are the mighty fallen. And the weapons of war perished ! 2 SAMUEL II.-XXIV. DAVID THE KING. This is the third part of the Books of Samuel, as now con- structed. The composite nature of the history has been indicated in the Introduction, as has the fact that the main source continues into I Kings. Chapters II.-IV. The Kingdom of Hebron. — The account seems to continue immediately the story broken off (for the in- sertion of the Dirge) at i^^. II. l-4a. David becomes king of Hebron. — After this, that is, after receiving the news of Saul's death, David asked of YahiaeJi] i S. 23- 301 In the account here given, David's first 266 2 SAMUEL question is in the usual direct form, the second asks for a specific name. But probably the name was obtained by a process of exclusion like that used in discovering a person by lot. Hebron was in fact indicated by its position, and the oracle could hardly go astray. It was the well-known chief city of Judah, or rather of Caleb, Jd. i^" -''^ Jos. 15^^. The writer counts it to Judah, Caleb having already become a clan of that tribe. David went up to it from Ziklag which lay lower down. — 2, 3. David brought up his household and his men with their families, and they dwelt in the citadel of He broil] the received text has : in the cities of Hebron, which can hardly be correct. — 4. And the men of Judah came and anointed David there as king over the house of Judah] the sovereignty would not be legitimate unless confirmed by the Sheikhs of the clans. How much choice they had in the matter is difficult to say. The master of a devoted band of seasoned soldiers was a dangerous man to reject. On the other hand, the public defence was likely to be well attended to by such a man, and David had always been well disposed towards his own people. That he continued to acknowledge the suzerainty of Achish seems almost certain, from the fact that the Philistines allowed him to extend his kingdom so far as he did. 1. The name pn3n possibly means confederacy, and the other name given to the city — Kirjath-Arba — may indicate the fact that the town was originally settled by various clans who made an alliance; cf. Moore on Jd. i^o with his references. The cohabitation of various Arab tribes in Medina is a parallel instance. GASmith {Geog. p. 318) thinks the ancient city lay on a hill to the northwest of the present site. — 3. vj'jni] the suffix is superfluous; read C''::'jsni with (5^. It is possible that the text of -• ^ was originally shorter. — pnan ''■>"3] is supposed to mean i)i the towns in the district of which Hebron was the centre. These dependent places however are called elsewhere ansn, or else the daughters of the chief city, and there is no clear parallel to n>' \\'\yr\. It seems better therefore to read pi^n n-^va and take tij; in its primary sense of fort or citadel, cf. 5''- ^. There is no reason why David's procedure at Hebron should differ from that at Jerusalem. 4^5 7. David's message to the Gileadites. — The fragment ob- viously i)resui)poses i S. 31, and seems to continue that narrative directly, for 31'"' is abrupt in its ending and requires something further. In that case, this document had an account of David's anointing. — 4. The Hebrew as it stands does not make sense. II. 1-7 26/ They told David of the men of Jahesh Gilead, wliich is probably the intention of the author, would require a different order. — 5. David blesses them because tJiey )iad done this /a'ndness to their lord. The burial of the dead is an act of piety. — 6. In addition to invoking Yahweh's blessing on them, David ])romises : / a/so will do you good because you Jiave done this thing'] the text must be emended in a single word. — 7. The times call for courage on th^ir part : For your lord Saul is dead and nie the Jiouse of Judah have anointed king over theni~\ so that I am kept at a distance from you for the present, seems to be the implication. 4b. The sentence, as it stands, is incomplete: 77iey told David, saying: The men of Jahesh Gilead who bio'ied Saul. Precisely as in English, a predi- cate should follow; but the present text leaves us in the lurch. The English version : The men of Jabesh Gilead were they that buried Saul would rec|uire the insertion of r\r:.r\ at least. (^^^ translates as if it had r\n'r\ instead of ncN; (g^ transfers n"'N, making it follow lON^, while S omits nrs. Bu. does the same on conjecture but does not profess to regard the resulting text as origi- nal. Kl. proposes to read ms"^;* for "idnS, cf. Gen. 263'-. j should think mnu'-riN equally appropriate — they told David the names of the men. ]iut the insecurity of our footing is evident. — 5. ""w-jn] O^ has Tjynufiiuovs (riye/xS- pas^) representing ^V>'D, cf. Jd. 9^^ ((g-^). For nm iDnn (5-^ (^ is lacking here) has t6 eAeos rod deov which is perhaps original; (S'^ omits nrn. — 6. riNTH n^vjn] seems difficult. If it refer to the present embassy (perhaps with a gift) we should expect the verb to be in the other tense. Kl. makes na»;\s a cohortative : let me shoza you this friendliness. But a king would hardly take this tone. It is l^est therefore to change PNrn to T^UT\ as is done by We. (Dr., Bu.). — 7. dji] naturally introduces a reason of the same kind with that which had preceded, and this can only be that the administration of Judah keeps David just now from coming to the assistance of Gilead. II. 8-IV. 12. The reign of Ishbaal. — Ishbaal, the only surviv- ing son of Saul, becomes king over North Israel, 'i'he chief sup- port of his throne is Abner, Saul's general. In the war carried on between the two Israelitish powers, David is the gainer. Ish- baal hastens his own downfall by his resentment at Abner's encroachments on the prerogative. Abner agrees to deliver the kingdom to David, but is murdered in blood revenge by Joab. Ishbaal, deprived of his chief officer, falls by the hand of assassins. But when these come to David expecting a reward, they are treated as the murderer of Saul had been treated. 268 2 SAMUEL The piece is homogeneous, except some brief interpolations which will be noticed in the course of the exposition. The most extensive is y'^. The document from which the section is taken seems to be the same from which we have the full account of David's reign in 9-20. 8-11. Abner places Ishbaal on the throne. — The opening part of the paragraph is necessary to the understanding of what follows. Not so with ^^'^ and ^\ two chronological statements such as else- where belong to the final redaction of the book. — 8. The verse follows I S. 31^^. After the death of Saul, we naturally inquire what became of his kingdom. As fitted to the present place it tells us that Abner /laif taken Ishbaal and b7'onght him over to Mahanaini~\ the name Ishbaal has been mutilated to Ishboslieth to suit the squeamishness of the scribes. Mahanaiin, an ancient sanctuary, was later David's refuge when driven out of his capital. It is mentioned in connexion with Jacob's wanderings, immediately after the treaty with Laban, Gen. 32^. This account brings it into connexion with the Jabbok, and from 2 S. 18"'^ we infer that it cannot have been far from the Jordan valley. It is not yet clearly identified in any modern site. — 9. Ishbaal's kingdom included nearly all Israel — all north of Jerusalem and all east of the Jor- dan : Gilead, the well-known transjordanic district, and the Ashe- rite, north of the Great Plain, Jd. i^^*"-, and Jezreel, and Ephrai7n, and Bejijamin, and [in fact] all Israel. The original narrative continued by adding ^"'^ : only the house of Jiidah followed David. The extent of Ishbaal's kingdom is confirmed by the fact that the battle, an account of which follows, was fought at Gibeon, and fiirther by the fact that a late writer would have reduced its pro- portions and have given more of it to David. The Philistine occupation of the country was maintained to an extent sufficient to secure their sovereignty, and it is probable that both Ishbaal and David were their tributaries.* That their vassals should weaken each other by war was, of course, according to the wish of the Philistines. — 10. The first half-verse is an endeavour to introduce a scheme of chronology, hke i S. 13^ The data are suspicious. Ishbaal could hardly have been forty years old, and * Cf. Kamphauscn, " Philister und Hebriier," in the /^A T\V. VI. pp. 43-97. II. 8-1 1 269 it seems altogether likely that he reigned more than two years. — 11. Another insertion possibly occasioned by ^""j as though the redactor in speaking of the length of Ishbaal's reign felt it neces- sary to add something concerning David. It could hardly escape notice however that the two verses are inconsistent. The reign of Ishbaal virtually coincided in length with David's reign at Hebron. The hypothesis that Abner was five years in reconquering the ter- ritory of Saul is untenable, for in any case Ishbaal must count his reign from the death of Saul, whose legitimate successor he was. On the other hand, that five years elapsed after the death of Ish- baal before the tribes acknowledged David, is contrary to all the indications of the narrative. The length of David's Hebron reign, as given here, coincides with the datum in 5% and we have no reason to doubt its correctness. 8. ni;'3-:;'^N] The man of shame would be no name to give a son, espe- cially a king's son. There can be no doubt that the original name is preserved to us in the form ^;3.:'X, i Chr. S^s 939. We find traces of the original form in some MSS. of © and I in this passage also. The reluctance of the later Jews to pronounce the name Baal led to the substitution of rco for it, even in proper names. Another method was taken with this name in i S. 14*^ As we see from Jerubbaal, the name Baal was, in the early period of Israel's history, applied without scruple to Yahweh, cf. Moore, Judges, p. 195.— D>jnr;] e/c -rris irapefi^oXris (S : per castra 3L. That a proper name is intended is certain. A number of transjordanic names have the (apparent) dual end- ing: Eglaim, Kirjathaim, and others. For the location we may note that Jacob passed Mahanaim before he reached Penuel on his way from Syria to Canaan, and that Penuel lay at the fords of the Jabbok. Josh. \i^-^ makes Mahanaim a point on the boundary line of Gad and the eastern Manasseh. But none of these indications are sufficient to identify the exact spot. Mahne or Mihne mentioned by Buhl (^Geog. p. 257) from Seetzen and Merrill {Across the Jorda7i, p. 433 ff.) seems to lie too far from the Jordan valley to meet the requirements of 2 S. 18. — 9. nv.:'Nn] of a clan of this name we have a trace in Gen. 25^. But they were evidently Bedawin and not likely to come under Ishbaal. The Israelite tribe ^^-.^'sn seems to fit the case. Th., following Ew., adopts ^-^v^'jn, which is supported by S and some MSS. of 1L. It seems doubtful however whether the Geshuriies, who had a king of their own at about this time, 3^, could have been under Ishbaal. The tribe of Asher is found in this verse by Pseudo-Hieronymus, Qtiestioues in Libros Regum. Notice the way in which ^n and Sy are used together in this verse. The original writer must have used S; throughout. — 10, 11. The authorities are pretty well united in the supposition that i""- " are redactional insertions. 270 2 SAMUEL 12-17. The battle of Gibeon. — One of the battles between the soldiers of the two Tsraehte monarchs is related in detail. The reason for the choice of this particular one is its bearing on the later history — in its sequel. It is commonly assumed that Abner was the aggressor. But as the battle took place on Ben- jamite territory, where if anywhere Ishbaal's claim was valid, it seems more probable that David's men were acting on the offen- sive. David was seeking to extend his kingdom to the north of Judah. His piety towards Saul would not necessarily cause him to spare his successor. The account of the battle proper is very brief. 12. Abner and the servants of Ishdaal'] that is, the standing army whose quarters were at the capital. — Gibeon was a well- known Canaanite city whose inhabitants had a treaty with the Israelites until the time of Saul. By the extermination of the Canaanite stock, Saul made the city Benjamite. A village on the ancient site still bears the name el- Gib. — 13. And Joab the son of ZcruiaJi'\ who here appears for the first time as David's General, and the servants of David went o?/t^ from Hebron as i3 correctly interprets. — And met them at the pool of Gibeon?^ a large reservoir which still exists. — 14. Abner's proposition for a tourna- ment is acceded to by Joab. Individual combats frequently pre- cede the general engagement in oriental warfare. — 15, 16. The tournament was held, with twelve champions for each side. Ex- actly what took place is not easy to make out, but the result was that they fell dead together. As in so, many other cases the inci- dent was commemorated by naming the place. The field was called the Field of the Enejnies. — 17. The battle which was thus introduced was exceedingly severe. But the result was in favour of David's men. The king himself does not seem to have been present. 12. nj;'3,)] Fu^aw (5-^. The place is five miles west of north from Jerusa- lem, cf. Robinson, i9A'2. I. p. 455^ — 13. 3N'r] Yahwch is father, cf. ^n>:n and 3N>ss. — iNs>] (5 adds e'/c XiBpdiy, adopted by Eu., but the insertion is more likely than the omission. — dv^osm] does not necessarily mean (as Kl. supposes) that the meeting was unexpected, cf. Ex. 4-^. — niT-] is superfluous, and in fact impossible, after the suffix in dv^'Jci. Prol^ably it is a corruption of some word defining the circumstances — Kl. suggests □•'jn, camping. — ntn 11. 12-23 2/1 n?D] as in i S. 14*. — 14. vn^'^] used nowhere else of fighting. It seems plain however that the proposition was to have a combat of picked men as a prelude to the main battle. —15. na>'>i] "of the individuals passing in order before the teller" (Dr.). — !:'ns^i] omit the 1 with (5S. — 16. A difficult verse. The interpretation must proceed from nn> i^dm which most naturally means they fell all together, i.e., the champions fell dead, not the tivo armies came into conflict as is supposed by Kl. The clause 'Ui prnM will then describe the action of the champions in the tournament : Each took hold of the head of his fellow. But who is meant by his fellozo ? We most naturally suppose it to be his next neighbour of his own party. But as this gives no suitable sense we are compelled to make inyn refer to each one's antagonist. The next clause is difficult in either case : and his sword in the side of his fellozo. A verb seems required, as ipinn could not in itself mean that he struck his sword into his fellow, defxit gladium %. I suspect the corruption to be in rxnj as is alleged by KL, though I cannot accept his emendation. After -lI'^n (g inserts rp x^'P^' probably correctly. — D^n-.-n] might be of the sharp knives as is perhaps intended by the punctuation. The conjecture that © -rihv iTTi^oiXwv goes back to D^r^n, first broached by Schleusner, and accepted by Ew. and others, does not seem well founded. 'Eiri^ovKos nowhere occurs for ns (or mi') but generally for r^-', once for ni-. There is no question o[ plotters or liers-in-zvait, but of determined enemies, which would be Dnsn. 18-23. The death of Asahel ; a single incident of the battle, important for the prominence of the actors and for its sequel. — 18. The three sons of Zeruiah, nephews of David, were foremost in the fight. Joab and Abishai have appeared in the earlier narra- tive. Asahel seems to have been the youngest. He is described as swift of foot like one of the gazelles which are in the ficld^ the gazelle lives in the open country. Swiftness was a prime qualifi- cation for the ancient warrior, cf. what is said of Saul and Jona- than, i^l — 19. Asahel's ambition was content with no less a prey than Abner himself whom he followed steadily. — 20. Abner, overtaken by his pursuer, but conscious of his own superiority, is unwiUing to fight with him. He first assures himself that it is Asahel as he supposed. — 21. He then counsels him to be content with an antagonist of lesser rank : Seize one of the young men and take his spoilt trophy enough, without aspiring to the conquest of the general. —22. Abner makes a second attempt to dissuade his pursuer : IVhv should I smite thee to the ground? And how [in that case] could I lift up my face to Joab thy brother?'] Abner fears the blood feud which must follow. — 23. The only resource 2/2 2 SAMUEL was to strike : And Abner smote him with a backward stroke in the abdomen, and the spear came out at his back, and he fell there and died in his place. The remainder of the verse seems to be an erroneous supplement, inserted as a reminiscence from the similar passage 20^- where alone such a standing still of the people is in place. 18. Ssn^;-] similar names are '^n^Z'"; and niU7. A similar n in iismfj Num. i^''. DOS the plural of ""jx; the same word is used of the mature gazelle in Arabic. — 19. i''?:''n~Sv] where we should expect Sn. But V>' is repeated in v.'-^'. — 21. 1^ .Tjj] the dative of advantage is frequent in such connexion, as in -)'? -^1D of the following verse. — msSn] that which was stripped from the slain. It was the natural law of war that the arms of the slain belonged to the slayer. Such was Mohammed's ruling in his campaigns. The arms of the hostile general would confer especial renown on their captor. — 22. i\si "JD n-j'n] a duplicate translation of (g^ goes back to njD n? T'NI — obviously the poorer text. — 23. n^jnn nnN^] is supposed to va&zxvwiih the butt of the spear. It is doubtful however whether cnns is so used, and it is further doubtful whether the butt of the spear was ever so sharp that it would go through a man, as here described. We. recognizes the difficulty, but has no solution. Kl. proposes to read n-'jnnN which might describe the blow of a man delivered backward, without turning to face his pursuer, but, of course, with the point of the (reversed) spear. This is adopted by Bu. The conclud- ing part of the verse disturbs the connexion and is regarded as an interpolation by Kl., Bu. It also contradicts the account which follows. 24-III. 1. Conclusion of the battle. — A final stand is made by the Benjamites, but when the attack is about to be made Abner appeals for clemency, so that Joab draws off his men. — 24. The pursuit lasted until sundown when the contending parties reached the Hill of Ammah, mentioned nowhere else and unidentified. The author endeavours to give the exact location, but we are unable to follow him. — 25. There the Benjamites collected behind Abner and made thejnselves a phalanx'] a close knot like the bunch of hyssop, Ex. 1 2^1 That this was on the hill already mentioned is evident, though not asserted in the present text. — 26. Abner's appeal : Shall the s7vord devour forever ? Dost thou not know that the sequel laill be bitter .?] is directed to the consciousness of common blood in the pursuers. The Bedawin still shrink from the extermination of a clan, even in bitter feuds. — How long wilt thou refrain from commanding the people to turn from the pursuit II. 23-III. I 273 of their brctJu'en ? The question is in effect a cry for quarter. — 27. Joab, though ruthless, is not altogether without conscience. He would have kept up the pursuit all night unless Abner had spoken, but now he will relent. — 28. He therefore gives the sig- nal and the fighting is stayed. — 29. Abner and his men f/iarched in the Arabah all that night and crossed the Jordan and went through the whole Bithron'] or Ravine, doubtless the proper name of one of the side valleys up which Mahanaim was situated. — — 30. At the muster of Joab's troops, there were missing 7iineteen men besides Asahel] who receives special mention on account of his prominence. — 31. The loss on Abner's side — 360 men — shows that the experienced warriors of David were opposed in the main by untried men. Saul's old soldiers (of his body-guard) had perished with their master. — 32. The next day was occupied in the march to Bethlehem, where Asahel was duly buried in the scp- t(lch7-e of his fatlicr, and Joab continued his march through the night so that day dawned npon them in Hebron. — III. 1. Con- cluding notice of this paragraph : The war was prolonged . . . but David kept growing stronger, while the house of Saul kept growing iveaker. 24. The hill is described as -["n n'^J ''J0"^>, where n^J is obscure and prob- ably corrupt : ^^ has Tat which might represent N'-J or ">;•. We. supposes n^j to have arisen by the erroneous duplication of the two preceding letters to- gether with n from fTin so that he restores '^r^ >i^ '?>' which is adopted by Bu. He also proposes to read -i:nc3 for -\ix:. Me thus locates the hill east of the road in the wilderness of Gibeon. Nothing better has been proposed, but it is remarkable that after so complete a rout, the forces had got no further than the wilderness (or pasture land) of Gibeon. The original reading was probably different. — 25. rns n^Di] as the mention of the Hill of Ammah is superfluous unless the rally took place upon it, we should probably restore here nr>N r;'^:) with Ki., Bu. — 26. njnns'^] I have ventured to read njnnsn with (gT^ — -i>i] the 1 is omitted by SIL, but not by 6 as We. asserts. Ho-m long dost thou not conimand, where we should say : How long dost thoti refrain from covimandittg? — 2'7. nS;j] the verl) is used of giving up the siege of a city, Jer. zf''^'^, cf. Num. l624-27. in this place © av€&-n seems to have read n'?]?'!; but the analogy of hypothetical sentences elsewhere favours |&. — 28. The plain intimation is that the whole force was within hearing of the commander's horn. — 29. id'^m] the same verb with an accusative of the coun- try traversed (as here) is found Dt. i^^ 2'. — 30. npoM] cf. i S. 20^8. — "^sn::';-!] is connected with the next verse by (5» (or by the editor). It does not seem T 74 2 SAMUEL natural to make Asahel prominent in this way, to the ignoring of Joab and Abishai, who must have been equally active in the combat. — 31. v^»jx3i] it is difficult to make out whether the author wishes to make two classes of the soldiers of Abner and the men of Benjamin. Probably not, in which case we should read without i as (g does. — in::] is incomprehensible, perhaps a mar- ginal gloss which has crept into the text. 6^' omits it (so ~.-i^';n] -j- iv T|) ^MfV? TauTT? (5 is adopted by We. and others, though the sense seems good without it. 12-19. The return of Michal. — Abner sends messengers to David to treat for the suljmission of all Israel. David will enter III. 8-17 277 on the negotiation only on the condition of the return of Michal his wife. She is therefore brought back, and Abner speaks to the elders of Israel with a view to making David king. 12-19. As remarked above, the section docs not alto<^cthcr agree with what follows. In v.-^ Abner promises that he will go and gather all Israel, and they will make an agreement with David. It looks therefore as if Abner's visit (v."-^'^) was the opening of negotiations, and there is no room for 12-19. The latter is another representation of Abner's action, into which the narrator inserted the account of the return of Michal. This also presents difficulties. In v.i^ David stipulates that Abner shall bring her back. In \M he sends for her to Ishbaal. In v.i*^ Abner accompanies her as far as Bahurim, but apparently not to Hebron. It is not unlikely that this account (vv.1^1*^) was originally continued in such a form as to make Abner's visit to David the conclusion of the journey with Michal. 12. Abner sent messengers to David offering A? /u/-/i all Israel to him, if David would make a definite agreement with Abner. The contents of the agreement are not told, but we may suppose that it included personal advantages to Abner, as well as immunity for past opposition. On some difficulties in the text, see the criti- cal note. — 13. David stipulates first of all that Abner should bring Michal when he comes to see him. The prohibition of the Law, which forbade a man to take back a wife who had been married to another, seems to have been unknov/n, cf. Deut. 24^"*. The scrupulosity of the Jews is shown by the Rabbinical fancy that Paltiel had not consummated his marriage with Michal. — 14. David sends messengers to Ishbaal with the demand : Give me my wife Michal, whom I bought for a hundred foreskins of the Fhilislines'] the reference to i S. i8^- -' is obvious, but the pas- sage knows nothing of David's paying double the price demanded by Saul. — 15. Ishbaal sends and takes hex from her husband, Paltiel ben Laisli] to whom she was given by Saul, i S. 25*^. — 16. Her husband followed her weeping as he went as far as Bahu- rim, a place near Jerusalem, i6\ Probably it was the last Ben- jamite village on the road they were travelling. Here at Abner's command he turned back. — 17. The account should naturally tell of the completion of Michal's return. But it breaks off and tells of Abner's activity among the elders of Israel. In the pres- ent connexion we most naturally translate : And Abner's word 278 2 SAMUEL had been with the Sheikhs of Israel'^ the implication is that he had taken measures to change the allegiance of Israel before his journey. — 18. After reminding them that they had already some leanings towards David he adds the promise of God : Now act ! For Yahweh has said to David : By the hand of David my servant 7i>ill 1 deliver my people Israel. It is idle to inquire what particular promise is referred to. — 19. The prominent mention of Benjamin is due to the fact that, as the tribe of Saul, it would be the most difficult to move. 12. -^•:n'^ ',n^ ■'^'^ "i?:nS ir^nn] is unintelligible and certainly corrupt. (Q^ has simply eh Xe^pwu Kfyuv which looks like a conjectural emendation. (Q^ has e/s QaiKaix ov f)v irapaxpri /J-a K^ywv, but what this represents is difficult to say. That David was in Telam at the time seems to be the intention, though elsewhere (g renders this name by TeXeiu. The other versions seem to have had the received text before them. All are compelled (like the modern expositors who try to make sense out of this text) to translate as though "pN could stand for ynNn which is not the case. If Abner had meant to ask w/wse is the land? insinuating in manu niea est terra ut ad te tratisferam*- he must have said \~\^r\ y-ch. Even if this were the reading, the following ncx'^ would be unaccountable. Of the proposals to emend the text, Kl.'s deserves mention. He supposes the original to have been nDN*? nsiN ""dS nn*? ">nnn Sni^'i no Sd, all the house of Israel is tmder my hand to give to whom I please when I say. The sentence would be an appropriate introduction to what follows. — 13. "'jD^"DwS "'3] is redundant, and "'jo'^ is lacking in (§, which also reads T'^-^r\^ adopted by Th., al. On the Rabbinical theory of Paltiel's self-control cf. Schm. The text gives no indication that he was not Michal's rightful husband. David asserts his claim as one who had paid the purchase price, and to this extent he had suffered wrong. — 15. t^x] the reading rwvi, on the basis of (@ is now generally adopted. The omission of the suffix may have been made intentionally by some legalistic scribe to disguise the fact that Paltiel is called her husband. — Vn"'£o'?3] the fuller form of the name which appears as "'taSij i S. 25*^. — ^h'\ >irh Qre agrees with the form found else- where.— 16. anna] elsewhere mentioned as on the road from Jerusalem to the Jordan valley, 17I8. — 17-19. The verses anticipate the account which follows. The intimation that the people had already for some time been seeking David as king and the reference to the promise of Yahweh, indicate a later hand than that to which we owe the main narrative. — >'"'w:'in] is to be changed to 'pz-Mi with 40 MSS. and the versions. — "ij3N~Dj] must mean that, besides sending messages and messengers, Abner went in person to Benja- min and to David — wholly superfluous in view of what follows. * Sanctius apud Schm., p. iii. III. 17-25 279 20, 21. As the narrative now stands, the verses form the con- clusion of Abner's negotiation with David. Abner with a suitable escort came to David at Hebron, and David made a feast to Ahner and to the men who we7'e with him'] the feast was an occasion for drinking rather than eating and is so named, like o-v/xTromoi'. Abner agrees definitely : I will gather all Israel to my Lord and they will make an agreement with thee] by their Sheikhs or heads of the clans. The monarchy is established by consent of the tribes. So in the time of Rehoboam we find the tribes negotiat- ing with the heir to the throne, before acknowledging him. — And thou shall rule over all which thou desirest. The aspiration of David could hardly be less than the rule over all Israel. The promise of Abner seems to imply no more than that he will set about influencing the tribes, with the expectation of bringing them into allegiance to David. 20. □■'•^•jN^'i] there seems no reason why we should not point with the article, which is in fact required by the following -\-.r'N. Read a^U'jN'^i with Bu. — 21. HDipN] (5 seems to have added Nj which however is not called for. — nna ^nx innjM] koX 8i7.9r](ToiJ.aL fier aiiTOv Siadrjicnv, (§^ : ical SiaOy^aofxai fMera a-ov SiaOriKvv (gk The reading of ^ seems the best, for Abner's promise looked to what afterwards occurred, f. — '?D2] can hardly be 7vit/t all the con- ditions that shall please thee (Th.), but over all the people that thou desirest. The main thing was that David should be acknowledged as king. 22-27. The murder of Abner. — Joab, David's general, was absent on an expedition when Abner made his visit. Not improb- ably David had so planned it. But the servants of David, that is, the mercenaries, and Joab came from the raid] in which they were then engaged, arid brought with them great spoil. The booty of the surrounding tribes makes the revenue of such a monarchy to a considerable extent. The renewed assurance that David had dismissed Abner and he had gone in peace is intended to bring out more distinctly Joab's vindictiveness. — 23. The information given to Joab does not indicate that Abner was planning to dis- place him. It was simply to the effect that the king had let Abner go in peace. By tribal morality, David as kinsman of Asahel was bound to take blood revenge as much as Joab himself. — 24. This is the first point of Joab's expostulation with David — that he did not smite Abner while he had him in his power. — 25. The second 28o 2 SAMUEL ascribes to Abner treacherous motives : Dost thou not know Abner the son of Ner, that he came to deceive thee'\ under pretence of friendly negotiation ; and to know thy going forth and thy co7ning in, and to know all thou art doing?~\ in order to make a later attack upon the person of the king. Joab was unable to conceive of Abner as anything but an enemy of Judah. The freedom with which Joab expostulates shows the position which he occupied both as kinsman and as officer of David. — 26. Joab, without David's knowledge, promptly sent messengers after Abner and they brought him back from the Cistern of Sirah~\ unknown to us except from this passage. — 27. Abner turned back, doubtless under the impression that the king had sent for him, and Joab turned hi?n aside to the side of the gate to speak to him guietl}'~\ the ostensible purpose is given without comment. — And he smote him there in the abdomen'] cf. 2^. So he died for the blood of Asahel the brother of Joab. The curious thing is not that Joab should take blood revenge, but that Abner should be so unsuspicious. We can account for his conduct only by supposing that he had a distinct safe conduct from David. 22. Na] as generally recognized, the true reading is 3\so (Ginsb. gives 1X3 in the margin) the o having disappeared in the :: of the next word. — 3n] is omitted by ^^ and is in fact superfluous; how much booty they brought with them does not concern us here. — 24. "ii^n] throws emphasis on the fact that Abner had been allowed to go atvay at all. (g has eV dpr]i/r) conforming to the clause in v.^^. — 25. (S and S read ni'?."! at the beginning of the verse and this word is probably to be restored (Th.). — -ij3N~.-in] tV KUKiau *ABeup7]p (3 is attractive (Kl.). — isn::] is changed by the punctuators to "[xaiD for the sake of the paronomasia. — 26. niDi] is called by Josephus BTjo-rjpS. The transla- tion of Josephus in Bohn's Library speaks of 'Ain Sarah near Hebron, of which I find no other trace. — 27. For ^in read i-i" with (5 (Th.). — -j-nnn] always elsewhere we find ^'cnn Sx which is found here also in 13 MSS. and is favoured by (5. — rns] is awkward, so that Bu. restores :3NV •'nvS with (g^. I suspect however that rr^M is an intrusion. The sense is perfectly good without it. 28-32. David declares his innocence of the crime. — 28. / and my kingdom are innocetit before Yahiveli] who avenges those slain without cause, Ps. 9^^ — 29. Let it come upon Joab and upon all his clan] the imprecation strictly interpreted would affect David himself, but the following clauses show that David is thinking of III. 25-34 281 Joab's descendants. Among these he prays that there may always be one that has an issue and 07ie that is a leper\ two dis- eases which invoh^e continual defilement ; and one that holds the spindle'] effeminate and unfit for manly occupations. — 30. An editorial note or later interpolation excusing the deed of Joah : But foal? and Abishai had lain in wait for Abner because he had killed Asahel. Strictly speaking, it contradicts v.-*^, where Joab alone is the slayer. — 31, 32. As further evidence of his innocence, David commands all the people to show the customary signs of mourning, irnding the clothes and putting on haircloth. He him- self honoured the dead by following the bier, and by weeping at the grave. 28. r^^7\> svc] one is free from an obligation, Gen. 24^ or from the guilt incurred by violation of it, Nu. 5^1, or from the one who has a claim based on the obligation or the violation, Jud. is^. In this case Yahweh has the claim, for innocent blood cries to him for vengeance. The double p — I am inno- cent towards Yahweh of the blood— does not seem to occur elsewhere. '1 he original reading of (5 was 1 nn;D instead of nin^ ay::. — >r:nr:] ©l represents >Di which it makes the beginning of v.'-^^. — 29. iSn>] the verb is used twice of the tempest, as whirling upon the head of its victims, Jer. 231^ Z^'^^ and once of the sword Hos. 1 1^. It does not seem appropriate to the blood which is the subject here; (&^ omits the verb akogether and it is possible that it read simply ry^r\> elsewhere used in similar context. — ^Ni] read '-yi with 10 MSS. and the versions. — 1^33 p^rn-] as shown by Dr., it is better to adhere to the established meaning of l^D, a spindle. In contrast with the warrior Joab, an effeminate descendant would be a curse. Still, a cripple who supports himself by a staff or crutch seems more sukable in this context, and it is possible that the text has suffered. According to Theodoret, Aquila read one blind, per- haps because a blind man feels his way with his staff - 30. The verse inter- rupts the narrative, and can be understood only as a later insertion. For iJ->i read I3ns as suggested by Ew. {GVn. III. p. 160, Eng. Tr. p. 117) on the basis of (g. — 31. D^pu'] the clothing of mourners. Schwally {ZATIV. XI. p. 174) compares the ihrim of the ^loslem, which however is not of haircloth. _nj;;n] the couch on which a man lay was also used as a bier. 33-39. The burial of Abner. — David expressed his grief in an impromptu dirge : 33. Must Abner die as dies the fool? 34. Thy hands were not bound, 1 'hy feet were not brought into fetters : As one falls before ruthless men, thou didst fall. 282 2 SAMUEL The fool brings an early death upon himself by his reckless conduct, Prov. 7"^-. Abner had not even the honour of being made a prisoner of war, or of suffering death after being overpow- ered in battle. — 35. After the burial, the people came to cause the king to eat bread while it was yet day. David showed that he was in earnest in mourning by swearing not to taste anything; until sundown, when of course a new day began. — 36, 37. All the people took notice and knew that David had no part in the matter and ivere pleased. His relationship to Joab laid him open to sus- picion. — 38. Know yoii not that a piince and a great man has fallen to-day in Israel ?'\ reason enough for mourning. — 39. As the verse now stands, it contains David's confession of his own weakness and inability to punish Joab. Such a confession so early in his career seems improbable. The original reading, which can be restored only conjecturally, seems to have said tiiat although Abner was uncle and high official of a king, the sons of Zeruiah had treated him as harshly as they would a common man. Tribal morality being on their side, David did not attempt to punish them, but contented himself with a prayer that Yahweh would 7'eqiiite the doer of evil according to his evil. 33. n-:?-.] the verbal form is infinitive. — ^^^j] the name of N'abal is ren- dered by (5. But the death of Abner could not be compared in any way with the death of Nabal. — 34. D\T.:'nj] of a pair of bronze fetters as in Jd. i62i, — '?djd] is probably to be pointed as a participle (Kl.). — 35. nn^n^] cf. 13^ The verb occurs only in the document of which this chapter is a part. — 36. '733] (g reads Vd, making it the subject of the preceding ^'J^ii and omitting 30 at the end of the verse. This is favoured also by S> and IL, and is preferred by We., \i\\o is obliged, however, to strike out dvd-Sd "ij^>*2 also. Would it not be better to strike out the whole half verse as a gloss? — 38. ^nji] f>; for Snji -x:; however, (5^ has "^nj ir. For Sni'J'O % and some MSS. of IQ have '?Ni'r>D. — 39. t-i] the word means tender in years, or deli- cately nurtured. Gen. 33I3 Dt. 28^*. Neither meaning is appropriate to David, who was certainly a mature man and who had been brought up in hardship. It is moreover difficult to connect the word with what follows : tender though anointed king is perhaps possible, but how does it apply to the situation? Following a suggestion of We., Bu. emends to ^Ssd ntrn -y^, too teiider and lowly for reigning. liut it is not likely that David would openly express this, even if it were his thought. ^^ makes the clause apply to Abner and trans- lates (7ii77€t/7js Koi Kadiardiuei^os iinh tov ^aaiXfoos, and with this agree many MSS. of ©, only reading Kadfarafxevos. The original would apparently be in. 34-iv. 4 283 lihnh i"'po) nn Nim, though he 7vere relative and officer of a king {yet these sons 0/ Zeruiah 7vere too strong for him is the continuation, reading ijox: for ^jcc). For other conjectures see Kl. IV. 1-12. The assassination of Ishbaal. — The dcatli of Abner removed the main support of the throne at Mahanaim. Two of the king's officers therefore seize an opportunity, when the king is unguarded, to murder him. They bring his head to Hebron in the hope of reward. But David treats them as he had treated the confessed assassin of SauL The piece is an evident continuation of the preceding narrative and is homogeneous except for a single (or double) interpola- tion, -^-*. 1. Whc]i the son of Saul heai'd that Abiicr had died in Ifcbron, his hands were limp'] he lost courage ; and all Israel was throivn into confusioii] showing that Abner was not only the stay of the king, but also the administrator of the kingdom. — 2. Ishbaal had two captains of guerilla bands whose names were Baana and Rechab. The fact that in ^ they are mentioned in the reverse order indicates that the present clause is part of the redactional note. They are described as sons of Rinunon the Beerothite, of the Be7ifaviites'\ Beeroth was a city of the Gibeonites, Jos. 9'^, but is reckoned to Benjamin Jos. 18-'. According to Robinson it occupied the site of the present El-Birch, nine miles north of Jerusalem. An editor or scribe now explains why a Beerothite should be called a Benjamite. But he does net t^U us why Beeroth should not be reckoned to Benjamin. The fact which he finds surprising seems natural to us. — 3. The Beerothitesy?<^^/ to Gittaim'\ also a city of Benjamin, Neh. 11"'^, and have been cli- ents there until this day\ they did not attain full citizenship. If the author means that this is the way in which they came to be Benjamites, he has expressed himself obscurely. On the other hand, if he means that though Benjamites, they preferred clientage in another clan to their blood right, we must suppose this Gittaim to be somewhere else than in Benjamin. — 4. The verse is another interpolation. The design seems to be to show how reduced was the house of Saul — the heir to the throne was a cripple. After the battle of Gilboa his nurse fled in such trepidation that the 284 2 SAMUEL child fell from her arms and became lame. The correct form of his name, preserved in Chronicles, is Meribbaal. In the text of Samuel it has been purposely mutilated to Mephibosheth. — 5. The two assassins came to the house of Ishbaal while he was taking his noon sleep — the siesta which is general in hot coun- tries. — 6. As it stands in % the verse is superfluous and perplex- ing. The very different reading of (g is now generally adopted : And the doorkeeper of the palace was cleaning wheat, and she grew drowsy and slept ; so Rechab and Baanah his brother slipped in'] the modest establishment of Ishbaal afforded only a maid servant as porter, and she was obliged to do other work while keeping the door. — 7, Ishbaal was lying upon his bed in his sleeping room'] and therefore an easy victim. The murderers cut off his head and, with this evidence, travelled the road of tJie Arab ah all night. — 8. They present the head of their murdered king to David with the remark : Yahweh has avenged thee on Saul and his seed] the apparent hypocrisy which made Yahweh a partner in their bloody crime called forth the indignation of the older expositors. But such language is second nature to an oriental. — 9, 10. David's reply is a reference to a precedent : As for the one who told me, saying: Saul is dead — though I rega^-ded him as a bringer of good tidings — / seized him and slew him in Ziklag to give him the reward of good tidings. The sense is clear: Even though the tidings of Saul's death were welcome to David, that did not hinder him from punishing the messenger, — 11. How much more when wicked 77ien have slain a righteous man in his house and upon his bed ; shall I not seek his blood at your hand and destroy you frofn the land ? Otherwise the land itself would suffer on account of unavenged blood. — 12. The murderers are put to death, their hands and their feet cut off and hung up over the pool at Hebron, where they would be seen by all the city, and the head of Ishbaal is buried in the tomb of Abner his relative, so that he is joined to his kin in his burial. 1. ':'iN-.;'-j3] is proper without the insertion of "^^'^iTN made by (^^. — "ij3n] the addition of irp, made l)y We. and Bu., is not favoured by the best MSS. of 0. — 2. ^iNi:'~i3] is here impossible and we must insert V/jir'sS with @. The identification of Heeroth and El Bireh is objected to by Buhl {Geog. p. 1 73) on the ground that Jos. 9^" indicates a place southwest of Gibeon, and IV. 4-V. 285 that Eusebius locates it (OS. p. 233) on the road to Nicopolis. But cf. Rob- inson, BA'-. I p. 452; IJaedeker, Palestine^', p. 212. — '^i*] is evidently for Sn. — 3. in->3M] the meaning seems to be that though the IJcerothites were reck- oned to Benjamin, yet they preferred to become clients at (littaim rather than to retain their blood rights. But as Benjamites could hardly become clients of Benjamites (at Gittaim), we suspect the true state of the case to have been that the Beerothites, originally Canaanites, sought protection at Gittaim and thus were reckoned to Benjamin. Bertholet {Stclluug d. Israditen, p. 47) supposes the clientage sought because of Saul's attack on the CJilieonites, in which case the murder of Ishbaal was an act of revenge. — 4. The second half of the verse is removed by Bu. and inserted after 9-^ but it is doubtful whether it belongs there. — n-^io-'sa] the name has been changed like .■^:;'3-r"'N to avoid pronouncing the word Baal. We find S;'3 in?:, i Chr. S''* ^4)^ ^^^ along with it '?;'3-nD, 9'*''. From the analogy of Jerubbaal we naturally inter- pret '?;'3 2n?:, Baal is a wai'rior. This was changed by the ingenuity of the scribes to nt:'3^sr, wha puffs at the shameful thing (We. TBS. p. 31; other conjectures are cited by Nestle, Israelitische Eigennanien, p. 120 f.). (Q^ calls him M(iii(pil36(Tde, the name which it has also for Ishbaal, whereas (S^ has M€/j.(pi0da\. This indicates that the name has undergone two transforma- tions; first it was made Afephidaal and then Mephibosheth. — 5. annsn ^du'd] C has, curiously, the sleep of kings. — 6. The opening word as pointed in fH is unintelligible; the repetition of the subject towards the close of the verse is unmotived; and the whole verse anticipates the following account. Wel- come relief is given by (§ which introduces an entirely new feature; Koi iSov 7] Ovpuphs Tov o'lKou eKadaipev iTvpov% Kal ivvara^eu Kal eicddevSei/ (/fal vTrvaaev^). This is adopted as original by Ew., Th,, We., and later commentators, though they differ somewhat in the retroversion : p'\-ii ojni w-^n p'^pD non m;'r nj-ii is given by We. and adopted by Dr., Bu., whereas Kl. rejects both texts and constructs a new one on conjecture. — liD'^cj] generally means to slip away, to escape. The only analogy for the sense required here is i S. 20^9, and even there it is doubtful whether the writer had not the usual meaning in mind. — 7. The second i^'N-\-nN is omitted by (5^^2L. — 10. o] introduces the sub- stance of the oath. — it;;^] ivns"r'N~.^N] is unusual though not entirely without parallel, Ex. 21-^ Nu. 21^, cf. Davidson, Syntax, 72 R. 4, Ges.-" W] d. — s'l'.-i] is lacking in (5, but the question is more vigorous than the direct assertion. V.-XXIV. David's rule over all Israel. v.- VIII. The establishment of the king^dom. — The tribes make David king, and he establishes his capital at Jerusalem. He is attacked by the Philistines but conquers them. His next 286 2 SAMUEL step is to bring the Ark from Baale-Jiidah. The progress is inter- rupted by an untoward incident, but after some delay the palla- dium is safely settled in a tent pitched for it. David proposes to build a house for Vahweh but is forbidden, though he receives a promise for his own house. The next chapter contains an account of several successful wars, closing with a summary which evidently marks the conclusion of a section of the narrative. In this division of the book various hands are discernible, as will appear in the course of the exposition. V. 1-5. David is anointed king over all Israel, and the length of his reign is given. The anointing is a natural sequel of the preceding narrative. But the speech of vv.^- seems later than the simple statement of v.^ — 1. All the tribes of Israel came to David~\ by their representatives, claiming kinship with him. — 2. !sIoreover, they recognize that he had been the actual leader while Saul was king; and further, Yahvveh had promised that David should shepherd the people. — 3. All the Sheikhs came to Hebroii] as they were already there in v.^, it is probable that this is a different document. — Aiid the king made an agreement luith them'] cf. 3"^ We may conjecture that there was some definite understanding of rights and duties on both sides. — And they anointed Davi^ (is king over Israel] the Chronicler adds : acco?'d- ing to the word of Yahiueh by the hand of Samuel. But this agrees with v.- rather than v.^ — 4, 5. One of the chrono- logical data frequent in the Books of Kings. This seems to be late, as it is not copied by the Chronicler who appropriates the rest of the chapter. There is, however, no improbability in the numbers, as David evidently had a long reign, and the Kfe he led would make him an old man at seventy. 1-5. All that is required l)y the narrative is v.^ which alone I suppose to be from the earlier document. The vv.^-3 are repeated substantially in i Chr. ii'"^- — 1. "^NT.:'^ i:32-^-'?D 1N3M] Chr. has Vxn'i'i '?o "in^pM because the people were in his view a homogeneous whole. — n^NM] is lacking in Chr. and 3L, whereas ncN^ is omitted by 6.-2. ir'?>'] lacking in Chr. — n^xid nn>>n] Kt. corrected in the margin to vVi-icn n"'\-i, which is of course correct; notice (x)ocr5 which follows. — 4. d^>o-in] the versions and 17 MSS. have d>;73-ini. — 5. iT'^ri D"''2''?r (5>^ thinks it necessary to make the exact sum of forty years, and \>\x\s ;^2 years and six months here. V. 1-8 28/ Budde removes vv.'*-'' from this position and inserts them in connexion with 3'--^ 5^^^*^ after 8^*. But it is clear that this does not restore a text that ever existed. These verses are a redactional insertion, but they never stood in any other connexion than their present one. In fact they are in place at the beginning of David's reign over Israel. 6-16. The capture of Jerusalem. — David captures the for- tress of Jerusalem and makes it his capital. His prosperity is evi- denced by the attention of the king of Tyre and by the increase of David's harem. The section is an apparent unit, but does not fit well in the present context, for the attack of the Philistines, v.^' evidently came before the capture of Jerusalem. The union of all Israel under a single crown was in fact sufficient reason for the Philis- tines to bestir themselves. Probably the campaign of the Phil- istines made David feel the necessity of possessing Jerusalem. While in the hands of the Canaanite, this city really cut his king- dom in two. When he took it, it became the natural capital of the country, and its strength in the Jebusite period was equally marked after David took possession of it. 6. The king and his mcn^ his regular soldiers are evidently intended, ivent to Jerusalem against the Jebusite, the iiihabitant of the /and~\ the same phrase is used elsewhere of the Canaanite (Gen. 50'^) and the Amorite (Jos. 24^^). The remainder of the verse is obscure. Apparently, the Jebusites say to David : Thou shalt not come in hither for the blind and the lame shall keep thee back'] but this cannot be got out of the present text, and no emendation that is convincing has yet been suggested. There is no reason for taking the bliftd and the lame in any but the proper sense. In derision, the walls were manned by cripples. The explanatory clause : meaning that David cannot come hither, is unnecessary and probably a later insertion. — 7. David took the stronghold of Zion'\ undoubtedly the eastern ridge of the two now covered by the city of Jerusalem. — 8. Another case of corrup- tion. As it stands, the verse seems to give the reason why the blind and the lame are shut out of the sanctuary. But this clause is perhaps an afterthought. Two theories are held as to the first half of the verse. One makes it give the city over to sack, the other makes it a command to spare the lame and the blind. 288 2 SAMUEL Neither is satisfactory. From the form of the introductory phrase, the verse should contain a reflection of David on his successful capture of the city. — 9. David dwelt in the fortress^ which he had just taken, a7id built it round about froju Millo] the fortifica- tion or retaining wall mentioned also among the works of Solomon I K. 9^^ and rebuilt by Hezekiah, 2 Chr. 32^ — 10. Concluding remark — David kept on growing great and Yahweh was with him. 6. Budde ingeniously prefixes 6^ to this verse, and thus makes David levy thirty thousand troops for the siege of Jerusalem. But there is no reason to suppose that any such number was necessary. The Jebusites confided in the strength of their citadel, and this was captured by the bravery of a few led by Joab. This would indicate that David's band of trusty veterans did the greater part of the work. The Chronicler indeed makes David and all Israel the subject, but this can hardly weigh. — aStr'ni] here as elsewhere is made a dual by the punctuators, with no apparent reason. The city is namTid in the Tell- el-Amarna tablets which show that it was a dependency of Eg>'pt before the Israelite invasion of Palestine; cf. Winckler's edition, iSo'-^-^e 1831*. The Jebusites are named as one of the nations of Canaan, but seem to have pos- sessed no more territory than the city of Jerusalem. Dm>'n in^Dn-DN o = but the blind will have removed thee, is inappropriate. The tense is wrong, the verb should be plural, and i^D-i is not used of repulsing an enemy. We.'s emendation, ■17"'D1, meets two of the objections but not the third. It has been proposed therefore to correct to nn-'Dn — the English Version tacitly does so — with the meaning except thou have rejnoved (Kl.)) which is faultless so far as the form of the verb is concerned, but would naturally be followed by the accusative sign. I suspect that the adversative cn o is not original and that the conjunction is o. The in-'Dn ox then represents a verb with the object — say ^pn i>*J0'' or IJimn''; avTearrfGav (B would favour the latter. The blind and the lame are taken by some of the Rabbinical expositors to mean the gods of the Jebusites, an interpretation suggested by Ps. 115''^" (on the theory that it was composed by David). Another conceit of the same kind sees in the blind and the lame, images of Isaac and Jacob, on which the Jebusites had written the covenant made by Abraham with Abimelech their ancestor (?), on which covenant they relied for protection (so Levi ben (jerson). Equally forcible is the theory of a modern scholar that the blind and the' lame "are the dreaded guardian spirits, the protecting deities of Jeru- salem, called thus either by the people or by the late scribes of Judea, while in fact they were the * watchers ' = Di"*"'; and the □"•PDir, ' threshold crossers or leapcrs' of the Jebusites" (Kohler in Am. Jour. Theol. I. p. 803). It is enough to notice that the words must have the same sense here and in v.*^. The Chronicler omits all after the first t\i7\, perhaps by homeoteleuton. — 7. jvs] later a poetical name for Jerusalem itself. Robinson's identification of Zion with the southwestern quarter of modern Jerusalem is now generally V. 9-i6 289 given up. — in i"'j; Nv-t] is superfluous along with v.^^. — 8. 'Da"" n^c'^^r] naturally means whoever smites a Jebusitc, and we expect as the apodosis either a permission to take his spoil, or the promise of a reward for the deed, or the threat of punishment. Neither one can be got out of ->ijs3 >'j>i, though the form of the verb is correct, "wvs, occurs in only one other passage and is not certain even there. In later Hebrew the word means a canal or pipe, and so it has been interpreted here of the eaves-trough of the citadel, or of the sewer under the city, as though David offered a reward for whoever should smite the Jebusite and get up to the pinnacle of the castle, or, on the other hand, for whoever should climb up through the seiver or reach the moat. The precarious nature of the proposed interpretation is ol^vious, and is emphasized by the fact that the sentence so construed is left incomplete, and that the lame and the blind who follow are equally without intelligible connexion. By reading ym Ewald makes the storming party cast into the moat the lame and the blind who defended the walls. The Chronicler departs from the text of this verse, perhaps because he found it unintelligible. Conjectures of Th., Kl., Bu. give no real help. (§ sees in mjs a dagger, Aquila a loatercourse, and Sym- machus a battlement. — inj::'] for which Qre ""Njir: (^'^ koI rovs fxiaovvras. — nori] (5 interprets correctly when it renders oIkov icupiov. — 9. pM] read nj^M with (3 (We.). — NiS::nJ the word occurs in the name of a fortress (?) Bcth-Millo, Jd. 9''. — nnoi] may be a7id inwards, Millo being the external limit of his building, or toxvards the house which would naturally be the sanctu- ary, as in v.^. 11. And Hiram king of Tyre'] the prominent commercial city of the Phoenicians ; sen^ messengers to David] it is altogether probable that the Phihstines were tliC common enemy of both parties. The superiority of the Phoenicians as builders is well known from the history of Solomon. — 12. David knetv] appar- ently by the evidence of the Phoenician embassy. The natural conclusion is that the embassy came soon after his occupation of Jerusalem. The chronology makes it doubtful whether Hiram came so early to the throne, but this may be the fault of the chro- nology.— 13. The increase of the harem increases the prestige of an oriental ruler. — 14. From the occurrence of the name Solo- fnon, who was born some years after the occupation of Jer., we conclude that this list gives the name of all David's sons known to the author. — 16. Eljada was originally Baaliada, as we discover from the parallel in Chronicles, and as is indicated also by (S. 11. a"cn] probably a shortened form of D-i^ns. According to Josephus {A7it. VIII. 3, i) Hiram's eleventh year was the year of Solomon's accession, which would of course be inconsistent with an embassy early in David's reign. u 290 2 SAMUEL The artisans sent by Hiram were probably his slaves. — i''p] lacking in (3^, is in fact superfluous. — 12. NC'i] is active — Yahweh /lad exalted his kingdom. TN'rj, that is, a Niphal, is read by (g and Chr. — 13. a>t:'Ji^D] omitted by Chr. The action of David shows no acquaintance with the Deuteronomic law, Dt. 17I". The Rabbinical ingenuity which interprets the law as forbidding more than eighteen wives, and which shows that David had just that number, is set forth in Schmid, p. 222. — aS:j'n>D] "ii-'a i Chr. 14^. — 14-16. The list of David's sons is repeated in i Chr. f^- and i^""^- . By duplicating toSc^Sx and inserting njj (duplicate of jdj) the number is there increased to thirteen in- stead of eleven. 3;t''?s is ^^yh'^l in both places in Chr.; BaaAei/xa^ (§^ and BoaAjAa0 (J5^ show that the same form was once found in the present passage. 17-25. Two battles with the Philistines. — In two encounters David defeats the PhiUstines. The time is before the capture of Jerusalem, so that we have here an insertion from another docu- ment. — 17. The occasion was that they had anointed David king ore?' Israel'] the Phihstines might readily suppose that David was growing too powerful. His behaviour indicates that he had not given them direct provocation. — He went down to the stronghold] the verb makes it sufficiently plain that the citadel of Zion is not intended. — 18. The Philistines came and plundered (Jd. 15^) in the Valley of Rephaim] now generally identified with the valley that extends southwestward from Jerusalem. — 19. David asks counsel of the oracle and receives a favourable answer. — 20. Yah- weh has broken down my enemies befo7'e me like the breaking of waters] through a dam. Baal Perazim is possibly referred to as Mount Perazim Is. 28-^ — 21. They left their gods] as we should probably read, and David and his men carried them away. 17. nivicn Sx tt'i] although the citadel of Jerusalem has been called a miSD v.^, it cannot be intended here. If this incident were later in time than the capture of Jerusalem, David would not have needed to go to that strong- hold, for he resided there. Usage does not allow us to say, either, that one went down to Jerusalem. The allusion must therefore be to one of his earlier resorts, perhaps Adullam. — 18. cxain] tu3v Tirduwv (3. Robinson, who makes the identification (B/^^. I. p. 219), gives no reasons except the declara- tion of Josephus. The location however answers the needs of Jos. 15^ iS^^, and would be a natural route for the Philistines, cf. Buhl, Geog. p. 91. — 19. nS;7Nn] confirms what was said about the stronghold. — 20. ps] of the breaking down of a wall, 2 Chr. 24^ Ps. 80^^. hy^ frequent in the names of places, the town being named from its patron deity, as modern names are often taken from the patron saint or his church. — 21. onox;] for which Chr. has cn^n^N. The latter, which was also read by (!5 here, is doubtless original. V. ly-VI. I 291 A late scribe hesitated to call the idols ^^oi/s. The Chronicler adds that David burned them with lire, and a similar addition is made by (S^'. liut this seems to have been an addition to accord with the views of later times. 22. A similar situation, perhaps a part of the same campaign. — 23. In answer to his inquiry he is directed not to make a direct attack. — Go about to their rear and come upon them opposite the Balsams'] the word is treated like a proper name. — 24. Specific directions giving an omen : And it sJiall be wlien tJiou hearest the sound of marcliing in the tops of the balsams, then thou sha/t act promptly, for then Yahweh will have gone fortli before thee to smite the camp of the Philistines'] it is scarcely possible to suppose that the incident is not based upon the sanctity of the trees in ques- tion.— 25. David's obedience was rewarded with a victory and he smote the Philistines from Geba~\ the place is doubtful, to Gezer] in the border of the Philistine territory. 23, 3Dn] the Hiphil is uncalled for and we may either read a Niphal, or, with Dr., strike out the n as erroneous duplication from the preceding word. — 3ns'D2] D"'ND3n Chr. : DiDia 5». Some derivative of n^i is indicated by toC icKaudfxciuos (3, SO that the Bochiin of Jd. 2^ was in the mind of both transla- tors. But the location does not seem suitable. — 24. i>'2wO] ■]>*::u'r is preferred by Qre. — mys] the article should probably be prefixed with Chr, — Vf^-""] look sharp is our colloquial equivalent, — 25. >3Jr:] a.-n}) Ta^awu (3 agrees with |i;3JC Chr. But both Geba and Gibeon are too far from the valley of Rephaim for the pursuit to begin at either one. The mention of Gibeon and Perazim together by Isaiah does not prove anything as to these two events. — I'j] on the location cf. GASmith, Geo^. p. 215 f, VI, 1-23. The bringing up of the Ark. — David attempts to bring the Ark to the citadel, but an untoward incident prevents the accomplishment of his purpose for a time. After three months a second attempt is made, this time with success. David's reli- gious zeal, or its violent expression, brings upon him a rebuke from his wife Michal, and this results in a permanent estrangement. There seems no reason to question that the story belongs to the main narrative of the life of David. The Chronicler, who borrows it, makes considerable changes in the opening section, to accord with his point of view. . 1. David gathered the warriors of Israel, thirty thousand in number. As Yahweh is a God of War such an escort is appropri- 292 2 SAMUEL ate. Numerical data however are generally open to suspicion. — 2. Tliey went to Baal JudaJi] the name indicates that it was a seat of the worship of Yahweh. The present narrative does not necessarily presuppose the account of the Ark in i S. The Ark is described as that which is called by the name of Yahweh Sabaoth who thrones tipon the Cherubim] cf. i S. 4"^. The whole clause however looks like a later insertion (We.). — 3. They made the Ark of God ride on a new cart'] a new cart so as to avoid the possibility of defilement. The method was evidently the same used by the Philistines. The house of Abinadab from which they took it is described as on the hill, cf. i S. 7^ — And Uzzah and Ahio the sons of Abinadab 7vere driving the cart] the last word of the verse, with the first six words of the next verse, is erroneous duplication. — 4. The verse is confused by the error just noted, but seems originally to have said that Uzzah walked by the side of the Ark wliile Ahio went before it. — 5. David and all the house of Israel were dancing before the Ark] in religious exaltation, with all their might ; and with songs and with harps and with lyres and with drums and with rattles and with cymbals] the instruments intended correspond approximately to those still used.* — 6. They came to the threshing-floor of Nachon~] the location is unknown. — And Uzzah st?'etched out his hand to the Ark of God and took hold of it for the oxen stumbled] or shook it (cf. # below). The stumbling of the oxen would shake the cart and threaten to make the Ark fall to the ground. — 7. And the wrath of Yahweh was kindled against Uzzah] as though he were affronted by the action, and God smote him there] there seems to be no reason for the change of the divine name, and the text may have been interpo- lated.— And he died there in the presence of God] for the reading see the note below. The question why Uzzah should be smitten was not a puzzle to the older commentators, so much as the ques- tion why everybody else was not involved in the same fate. For the whole transaction was contrary to the provisions of the Law which gives specific instructions for the transport of the Ark. The Ark was first to be covered by the priests (Num. 4^'') ; it was then * Some ancient oriental musical instruments are figured (from the Assyrian monuments) in Wcllhausen's translation of the Psalms {SBOT. N. Y., 1898), Ai)pendix, entitled " Music of the Ancient Hebrews." VI. i-io 293 to be taken up and carried by the Levites (4")- The palpable violation of these provisions would seem to be a reason why the whole procession should come to grief. But the fact is, as now generally conceded, that the method of David shows his ignorance of the Levitical regulation. Uzzah gave offence by his too great familiarity in laying hold suddenly of the sacred emblem. This is all that is implied in the text. The wrath of Yahweh was but momentary, as is evinced by his treatment of Obed-Ivlom.— 8. The temper of Yahweh was reciprocated by David who 7uas angry that Yahweh had brought destruction upon Uzzah^ literally, had broken a breach, such as gives a city into the hands of the enemy. — 9. The unaccountable conduct of Yahweh when David was preparing him a new residence and new honours, gave rise to fear as well as anger. David's question : Bow shall the Ark of Yahweh come to me .?] is the expression of his fear to have it come at all, not an inquiry as to the best way of bringing it. — 10. He was not willing to remove the Ark of Yahweh to the city of D avidly to the citadel. It was to all appearance already within the town of Jerusalem. — Z?"^ turned it aside to the house of Obed-Edom the Gittite] one of several Philistines in David's service. 1 Bu. prefixes this verse to 5^, making the gathering of all Israel to be for the purpose of taking Jerusalem. He then makes v.2 follow directly on 512 as though David's bringing up of the Ark was because he knew that Yahweh had established him as king over Israel. The present section however reads well as it stands, the people of v.2 referring evidently to the young men of Israel of v.i; noM for nosM, of. Dr. and Schm.-my] is superfluous and probably an erroneous insertion. For 30,000 6 has 70,000. -2^^;3::] would naturally define the people with David as the burghers of Judah,^r.A is so understood by (g. But in that case we have no indication of the place where they were to find the Ark. That place is called by the Chronicler ns;. so that it is easy to correct here to n.in. V;;., the > having been duplicated (We ) or to n.in> nS>0. Both i Chr. 13^ and Jos. 15 identify the place with Kiriath Tearim.-Dtr D!r] one of the two words is superfluous, lacking also m (g -3 n;DJ3 T^'X] is possibly corrupt, as it seems unnecessary to describe the location so exactly, and it is omitted by Chr.-sry] here >s/«^/^'>-- vnsil is naturally read as vns or vnx. But it seems strange that his brother should not be named as well as Uzzah. ^^ns, as another form of )n>nN, is a possible proper name so that I have retained it.-nunn ns.ynj is an obvious case of disagreement, and it seems clear that the eye of the scribe wandered from ns,;n, which he had just written, to rhxi early in the verse so that he >94 2 SAMUEL repeated n;'2J3 . . . ri'^nn before he discovered his mistake. — 0"'nVNn jnx o>'_f makes no sense, either with what precedes or without it. We are compelled to suppose that in his confusion over his error the scribe omitted something. What is needed is simply an affirmation that Uzzah walked by the side of the Ark. — 5. D^^rna ""sy '^oa] is unintelligible — cypress trees certainly have no place here, and to make the words mean 7vitk all manner of instruments viade of fir wood (EV.) is to insert the main idea into the text. Nor is it known that fir (or cypress) wood was used in the manufacture of musical instruments. With most recent editors, therefore, we should correct to the reading of Chr. — 3''i"'w'3i T>' '?33 — the first two words occur again in v.^"*. (^ has a double translation, one half of which confirms this restoration, the other half consists of the words which represent Ty~'?D3 in v.^*. D^yjyjo seem to be sistra (the word is rendered aeiaTpois by Aq. and Sym. according to Field), instruments used in the worship of Isis. — 6. ]^Di'] evidently a proper name; the endeavour of some of the commentators to make it mean indefinitely, a certain threshing- floor, is not sustained by usage, nor is Th.'s interpretation fixed or permanent in distinction from a temporary floor used only for a particular field or during one season. Whether Nachon is the correct name, or whether we should read pT-D with Chr., or Nco5a/3 with (§^, cannot be determined, d^ reads O^vh. rod 'l€$uaaiov, an evident correction, intended to make the Ark select its perma- nent abode thus early. — n'?::"'i] requires n"- tn which is read by all the versions and by Chr. (which however changes the order of what follows) but has accidentally dropped out of |^. — Vi30'-:'] is a rare word and the passages in which it occurs throw little light upon its meaning here. In 2 K. 9^^ it is used transitively of throwing a person out of a window. It would be natural to interpret here therefore t/te oxen cast it doivn. But the object would pretty certainly be expressed if this were the meaning. Another meaning of the verb is to release a debt, and we might conjecture that the oxen slipped, losing their foothold. Bochart {Hierozo. I. II. Cap. 37) cites Arabic analogy which would make the verb mean were mired. ® irepUairaaev avT-qv seems to find the object expressed — ^'or^v — and so with ^ viij-i?:. Calcitrabant % seems to be a conjecture only. — o^n^xn] after the mn^ expressed above is superflu- ous. — V:i'n->y] is lacking in (5^ and therefore suspicious. There is no Hebrew word ^'Z'' known to us : 4ttI tt; irponeTeia (3^ : super temeritate IL : pro igno- rantia I : i'?r;:'NT Vy (ZT seem to go back to a common source which interpreted the word by the Aramaic. The present tendency (We., Dr., Bu., Ki.) is to regard the phrase as the mutilated remains of the words of the Chronicler : 'Nn *?>' n-i r^v "xv^ ^';. More likely they represent an attempt to give the exact location, now unintelligible. Kl. conjectures :]S::'.-i S>' which he supposes to mean on the side beam of the cart on which Uzzah sat. But this is pre- carious. — dvi^s ins oy] for which Chr. has dm^vS ^jsS as has (gk The latter is probably original, for it would be more likely to be corrected into the other phrase. ©» combines the two readings. — 8. N-ip"-!] must be * impersonal ' as in similar instances — one called the place, etc. — 10. anN-iay] the second part of the name is prolmbly the name uf a gud, and the whole corresponds to VI. ii-i6 295 ni-13". That the man was a dittitc, and therefore a Philistine, is purposely ignored by the Chronicler, who takes pains to enroll him as a Levite and put him among the doorkeepers. Of course, as a follower of David and a resident in the land of Israel, he was a worshipper of Vahweh. 11-19. The second attempt. — 11. During the three months of the Ark's sojourn, Yaliweh blessed Ohed-Edom and all his hoiise~\ whether with riches or with children we are not told, probably with both. — 12. The blessing conferred upon Obed- Edom is the reason why David renews his effort. This is con- cealed by the Chronicler, who supposes David to have a fixed purpose during all the three months. (©^' correctly interprets when it inserts : and David said : I luill turn the blessing to ?ny house, — 13. When the bea7-ers of the Ark had marched six paces'^ and it was thereby evident that Yahweh was willing to go, he sacrificed an ox and a fatli7ig\ David is undoubtedly the subject. The change from the cart to the shoulders of men was prompted by the fact that the cart had proved unfortunate on the previous occasion. This author shows no suspicion that the former was the legal, or even the traditional, method. Practical considera- tions may also have weighed, for the ascent to the citadel was probably steep and possibly winding. There is no indication that more than one sacrifice was made during the progress. — 14. And David was dancing] the word occurs only in this passage and seems to mean luhirling, Hke the devotional dancing of the der- vishes.— And David was girded %vith a linen epJiod] such as the priests wore, i S. 2^^ We should probably think of this as a strip of cloth like the izar of the Moslem. Religious vestments are survivals of earlier costume. The scantiness of this dress, as con- trasted with the long robe appropriate to a king, is the ground of Michal's contempt. — 15. The procession continued ivith shouting afid the sound of trumpet] as we might say 7uith shouting and blare. Making a loud noise was an act of worship as late as the time of the Psalmist. — 16. The verse is designed to prepare for the scene at home, v.--''. As it breaks the thread of the narrative, and is introduced awkwardly, it is perhaps a redactional insertion. Correcting the opening word, the verse says : And the Ark of Yahweh was coming into the city of David when Michal the daughter of Saul looked through the windoiu and saw King 296 2 SAMUEL David leaping and whiriifig, and she despised him in her heart'] the dignity of a king had been no better observed by Saul when he lay down naked in the company of the prophets. But this she chose to forget. — 17. The successful conclusion: They set the Ark in its place, in the tent which David had pitched for it] and the rites of sacrifice were observed. — 18. At the conclusion of the sacrifices David blessed the people in the naine of Yalnveh] that he acted as priest seems evident. — 19. David distributed to the people bread, raisins, and (apparently) other victuals. 11. The conjectures of the Rabbis on the blessing of fruitfulness conferred upon Obed-Edom are given by Schm., p. 277. The Chronicler inserts here the account of Hiram's embassy, of David's family, and of the preparation of the Levites for the coming procession. — 12. dniVnh] + koX e?7re AawiS 'Eni(TTp€\l/(i} TTjv €v\oylav els rhu oIkov fxou i^^ which is represented also in I (Cod. Germ. 7 apud Sabatier, et Cod. Leg. Goth, apud Vercellone). It may be original, having been omitted by |§ on account of its frank egoism. — 13. For the first clause (§ has : and there zvere with him [or ivitli fhevi'] seven bands. The reading seems to have arisen by corruption of |SJ. — 14. idid?:] the word occurs only here and v.^^; Chr. omits it in his reproduction of this verse and substitutes pnra for it at its second occurrence. It was either obso- lete in his time, or he thought it undignified. — 15. r^o] is omitted by (§^^ and 3 MSS. of ||f. — 16. n\ii] is certainly the wrong tense, as the Chronicler shows by correcting it to \-i^i. Even with the correction, the verse reads awk- wardly; it is unnecessary also, for Michal's remarks are self-explanatory and the situation need not be described in advance. — ttdl] this stem occurs here only, the Qal in Gen. 492* only. — 19. •J'-'N?;'?] is sustained by some analogous passages, i Chr. 27-3 Ex. ii^ Jer. 51^2. — itj-'x] is entirely unknown. The versions only conjecture, as is shown by Dr., and no suitable emendation has yet been suggested, cf. also Lag. Mittheilungen, L p. 213 ff. 20. On David's return to his house, his wife Michal greets him with the sarcastic exclamation: How glorious was the king of Israel as he exposed himself to-day to the eyes of his servants' maids ! The comparison which follows indicates that it was inde- cent exposure which moved her wrath. — 21, 22. The retort re- minds her of the fallen fortunes of her family : Before Yahweh I was dancing; Blessed be Yahweh who chose me above thy father and above all his house I The change in the text will be defended below. The words to command me as pritice over the people of Yahweh seem intended to point the contrast between Abigail's appreciation and Michal's contempt. 'J1ie last clause of v.-' be- VI. I6-VII. 297 longs with the following verse : And I will sport before Yahweh, and will be yet more lii:;htly esteefned than this, and will be loivly in thine eyes. But of the maids of whom thou hast spoken I shall surely be held in honour'] the king trusts the sense of the common people to understand his rehgious zeal. As for Michal's opinion he does not value it. — 23. The natural understanding is that the estrangement was the reason for Michal's childlessness — not that she was stricken with barrenness by Yahweh, as some have supposed. 20. vi3y ninsN] would be the lowest maidseivants, cf. the phrase a servant of servants. — niSjj mSjHD] two forms of the infinite construct. Probalily one is an erroneous insertion; else conflation of two readings has taken place. — D^p-in] is used of wild and reckless men from whom, of course, decency can- not be expected. (5 seems to have read Z'^'^s>^^, but we have no evidence of a class of dancers in Israel who could give point to such a comparison.— 21. r\\r\> •'JdS] needs to be completed by an affirmation of some kind, which we find in © which reads : hpx^(roixa.i- (vKoyvrhs Kvpios. If this were original we see how the scribe omitted the words, his eye falling upon the second nin^ instead of the first. It seems probable therefore that we should restore the whole, reading nin^ ^n^ npnn ojn r^^n^ 'io^. The participle "^p-^:: seems the most natural form. — n>JJ >nN mi'^] cf. i S. 253\ — 22. ^-^•^J1] 6 reads v-^jji which is perhaps original. — >J^;3] read with 6 l^:^>:i, for this alone gives the appropriate sense. — 23. That Michal was stricken with barrenness by God is said by Schmid to be communis sententia. But there is in the text no indica- tion of a divine judgment. — nS^] the Orientals read -^^^ VII. 1-29. The promise. — David is exercised by the thought that Yahweh has only a tent, while the king himself dwells in a house. He lays this before Nathan with the evident i)urpose of building a temple, if the prophet should approve. The latter at first consents but afterwards is directed to veto the plan. But the message is accompanied with a promise on God's part to build David a house, that is, to establish his dynasty forever. The conclusion of the account gives David's prayer of gratitude, which becomes a prayer of intercession for Israel. The chapter bears marks of a comparatively late date. It shows what we know as the Messianic expectation, which pictured the perpetual rule of the house of David. But this expectation was not fully formulated until the time of the Exile, when the loss of their dynasty made the pious Israelites value it the more. Various »98 2 SAMUEL expressions in the text show at least Deuteronomistic influence, so that we are warranted in making the chapter a part of the Exihc redaction. VII. Cornill {Einl^. p. 104) contents himself with the seventh century as the date of the chapter, and this is also Budde's idea. The former says : " The destruction of the people and its dynasty seems to he outside the horizon." But it is a question whether the Exile was ever regarded by believing Israelites as a destruction either of people or dynasty. An unequivocal allusion to the capture of the city is indeed not found. But some expressions seem at least to hint at it. 1, 2. JJlicji David had taken possession of his house~\ apparently the new one built by the Phoenicians : Yahweh moreover had given hi?n rest round about from all his enemies^ the circumstan- tial clause indicates that this author did not dwell much upon the successive wars which filled the greater part of David's reign. The verse is continued immediately by the following, and is incomplete without it — then David said to JVathan'] the court prophet who appears several times in the history. — / d7vell in a house of cedar while the Ark of God dwells in a cu7'tain.~\ the statement of the fact which the king finds unbecoming, is enough to indicate the purpose he has formed. — 3. The prophet encour- ages David to do as he has planned. — 4. This was however not the mind of God : it came to pass the same iiight that the word of Yahweh came to Natha?i] the revelation coming in the night is l)robably to be understood as a dream. — 5. The question : Shalt thou build me a house to divell in /] is equivalent to a negative. It is so reproduced by Chr. (H^. — 6. The reason is that such a procedure would be contrary to precedent. Yahweh had never dwelt in a house : but I have sojourned in a tent and in a taber- nacle'] the Mosaic Tabernacle is not necessarily intended. — 7. No command had ever been given for the building of a house nor had one of the Judges of Israel been reproached for not building it. 1. V3^N-^3:2 3OD0 iS-n>jn] Dt. 12I'' 25^^ Jos. 23I. The Chronicler omits the second half of the verse, possibly because he wishes to locate the promise in the early part of David's reign. He also changes ^'£"^"'2 into 3a'"' nu'xa with the intention of making this the immediate sequel of the bringing up of the Ark. — 2. |nj] doubtless a shortened form of n-'j-^j or '^n]Pj, cf. also iVc'inj 2 K. 23". — 4. niri>— \a-i ^hm] i S. 15"^; the phrase is frequent in VII. i-io 299 Jeremiah and Ezekiel. — 5. nnsn] nnx vS^ Chr. The former is probably ori^'i- nal because the change from it to the other reading is more probable than the reverse. — 6. ]yyr22) Sind] SS renders only pr:23. Chr. has ^ns '?n Shn- p'i'!3Di which should evidently be completed by adding p^'o Sn. On the whole, it seems better to retain the text, as it might be expanded into the reading of Chr., while the reverse process is hardly likely, p-j'rs is used of the tent of Korah, Num. 162*, and of the dwellings of the Bedawin, Ezek. 25'*. — 7. \-i-i2n -i3-in] seems more vigorous if we point na^n — /lave I at all spoken ? It is so rendered by (g. — vj^^..] jg to be corrected to •'LJD'J' Chr., for it was the Judges who had been commanded to shepherd Israel, cf. v.^'. 8-16. The prophet is sent with a message of promise to David, prefaced by a recital of the benefits heretofore conferred upon him. The oracle shows traces of the rhythmical structure so fre- quent in prophetic composition, though it cannot be made strictly metrical without emending the text in many places. — 8, 9. First the rehearsal of Yahweh's benefits : Thus saith Yahweh Sehaoth I took thee from the pasture To be chief over my people ; And I %vas with thee zvherever thou didst go To destroy thine enemies before thee. The remainder of the verse does not fit well in the context. As it stands, it begins the promise : And I will make thee a na/ne, like the name of the great in the earth. But it seems more logical to begin the promise with the next verse. — 10. The verbs must refer to the future : And I zvill give a place to my people Israel, And 7oill plant them and they shall dwell in their place ; And they shall no more be disquieted And violent men shall no more oppress than. So far, we come out fairly well with the metre. But the two clauses now added : As in former times, from the day luhen I set judges over my people Israel, cannot be forced into a couplet. It does not seem violent to suppose them an addition to the original text. The author of the verse ignores the flict that David had already been given rest from his enemies, and we must suppose that in his time the national existence was again threatened. According to 300 2 SAMUEL the received text, the promise to David now begins. But it is difficult to make sense of the present wording : A7id I will give thee rest from all thine enefuies^ and Yahiveh will make known to thee that Yahweh will make thee a house. The objections to this are obvious. The change of person is without motive ; the repe- tition of the name Yahweh is superfluous ; it is to tell this very thing that the prophet has come. What we expect is something like this : And now thus saith Yahweh : Thou shall not build me a house, hut J will build thee a house. For this is the point of the whole message. For various attempts to improve the text, see the critical note. — 12. The metre changes and the flow of the words is better : And it shall he when thy days a7-e filled out, And thou shall lie down with thy fathers, That I will raise up thy seed after thee. Which shall coj?ie frth of thy body, And I will establish his kingdom. This explains the sense in which Yahweh is to build a house for David. The filling out of one's appointed days is parallel to Gen. 29-^ One's children come forth fj^om his bowels, an expression which is softened by Chr., but which occurs Gen. 15"*. — 13. The verse alludes to David's desire to build a temple, and promises that Solomon shall fulfil that desire. But as David's seed in the preceding verse means his whole dynasty, and as the dynasty is also the subject of what follows, this verse distinctly breaks the connexion and must be regarded as an interpolation. — 14. This continues the main thought : / will be to him a father, And he shall be to me a son ; When he goes astray I will correct him 7vith the rod of men, And 7vith stripes of the sons of Adam. The opening words are apphed to Solomon i Chr. 22^° 28^ But the idea is adopted in many Messianic passages, as Ps. 2, to express the relation existing between Yahweh and the Messiah. The rod of men is such as men use for each other — not such as the divine anger would naturally choose, for that would annihilate VII. IO-I7 30I the object of the chastisement. — 15. The verse gives renewed assurances : And !ny kindness will I not turn from him. As I turned it from him 7cho was lief ore thee. Our text inserts the name of Saul, but this is an interpolation. — 16. The promise is for all time to come : Thy house and thy /cingdom shall stand firm, Forever in my sight, Thy throne shall be established forever. Cf. I S. 2^ 25-^ I K. 2^"'. — 17. Up to this point we have heard the commission which Nathan received. The present verse simply adds that he carried it out. A study of this passage in its relation to the general subject of Messianic prophecy is given by Prof. Briggs in his Messianic Prophecy (1886), p. 126 ff. 8. |Nsn nnxD mjn-jn] (g^ has simply hi r^y fidvSpa? rwv TrpoBdruv. For -\r\HT2 some MSS. have nns?:. — Sx-^iT'i"'?;'] we should probaljly omit ^i; wiih some MSS., ^3L. — 9. inc^i] does not fit in the context, as it is in the wrong tense. It might be allowed however to read the preceding verli as the mood of purpose, pointing nnnDSi and translating: And I was with thee in order to cut off thine enemies, and then to make this continue that construction — and in order to make thee a name. But parallels are not frequent, antl it seems simpler to suppose an expansion of the original text. — 'I'nj] should be stricken out with Chr. (f5^. — 10. Sniit'^'?] read SNTi*^ with some MSS., S. — n'?i;"''j3] cf. 3^*. — 11. p'?!] read pS with @B^ For "|S Ew. proposes 1^, and to correspond makes i^aw into ions {GVI^. III. p. 179, E.Tr. III. p. 132). This is accepted by We., Dr., Bu., and is necessary if the clause belongs with what precedes. But in the evident corruption of the rest of the verse, this is not certain. — mn"' i^ I'ljini] is difficult. It can be understood only in the sense : and Yahweh will tell thee. But the prophet is sent for the purpose of telling him now and the future is out of place. Chr. reads "^ "1JNI, which (S saw to be "!^"jdS with BSi — Chr. changes the wordijig of the whole verse. — nvSDo] the conjunction is prefixed by S>% and also by (g, which however reads his throne as it does his house and his kingdom. — 17. p^n] ]i?n is preferred by Chr. 18. David's gratitude is shown by his appearing in the imme- diate presence of Yahweh. Sitting is not the usual attitude of prayer in the Old Testament, and has caused the commentators some perplexity. But that the oriental mind does not see anything inappropriate in it is proved by the Mohammedan ritual where it is one of several postures, as it is in the worship of some orders of dervishes, and in that of the Copts. The prayer begins with an implied confession of unworthiness : What am /, and what is my house, that thou hast drought me thus far ? — 19. So far as the verse is intelHgible, it says : And this was little in thine eyes, my Lord Yahweh, and thou hast [now] spoken, coficerning thy servant for distant times. The remaining clause which reads : A7id this is the instruction of man, O Lord Yahweh, gives no adequate sense in the present connexion. It cannot mean : a fid this is the man- ner of man, or : and is this the inanner of man ? Conjectural emendation has got no farther than to show that the original may have read and hast shown me the form . . . . — 20. And 7vhat shall David say more to thee, seeing that thou knowest thy servant, O Lord Yahweh ? The heart of the worshipper is known to God without much speaking. — 21. To glorify thy servant hast thou promised, and according to thy heart hast thou done, in showing thy servant all this greatness'] this translation is based on a recon- structed text. — 22. The author glides into general expressions of praise, not especially appropriate to David's situation. — Therefore thou art great] the logical conclusion from Yahweh's dealings with VII. i8-29 303 , his people. — 23. The confused sentence seems originally to have read : And who is like thy people Israel ; \_is there'] another people in the earth which a god ivent to redeetn for himself as a people, to make Jiiniself a name, and to do for them great and terrible things, in driving out a people and its gods before his people ? As remarked by Geiger,* on whom later scholars depend, the scribes found even the supposition that another god could do what Yahwch had done, offensive or unthinkable, and so endeavoured to make the whole refer to Israel; hence the confusion. — 24. A contrast between Yahvveh and the false gods who had not elected a people : But thou didst establish thy people Israel as a people for tliy self forever] the well-known covenant relation. — 25. Prayer that Yahweh would carry out the word spoken to David. — 26. That thy name 7nay be great forever] that Yahvveh acts for his name's sake is a frequent thought in the later books of the canon. — In that 7nen say: Yahiveh Sebaoth is God over Israel] seems to be the mean- ing of the next clause, which however may be scribal expansion. — 27. Because of the revelation made to him, David has found courage to pray this prayer. — 28, 29. The theme is repeated in slightly varying language, an indication of how much the heart of the author was concerned for the house of David. — Thou art God and thy 7vords are faithfulness] the abstract noun for the adjective. 18. l'V^>\ the unusual attitude has occasioned prolix discussion on the part of the commentators, as may be seen in Schm. p. 350 f. — \io •'::i] cf. i S. 18^^ I Chr. 29I4, — 19. pn-\s^] is used of distant times in the past 2 K. 19-^ here of distant times in the future. — mxn mm nxn] the sentence seems to have been unintelligible to the Chronicler, who replaces it with "(ina "'jr-'Nii n^;;:.-! aiNH, which however is equally obscure. The versions seem to have no other text unless ^ (vS'vn) reads nxm for n-MP. The mystery of the incar- nation was found here by Luther : this is the manner of the man who is God the Lord, a rendering which is defended by Calov, but rejected by the sound sense of Schm. The latter scholar however does not succeed in his own ren- dering, nor can the paraphrase of Grotius : familiariter mecum agis quomodo homines hojninilms agere solent be justified by Hebrew usage. On the basis of the reading in Chr., Ewald {GVI^. III. p. 180, E. Trans. III. p. 132) con- jectures the text to have been n^;'n'? dinh 11.^3 ijpNnni, and hast made me look upon the ranks of men onwards. But "nn in this meaning is not found else- where, and the author could hardly have expressed this sense in wording so * Urschrift und Uebersetzungcti, p. 288. 304 2 SAMUEL obscure. We. gets substantially the same meaning by restoring ;nm •'jNini c-iN.-i, and hast shown me generations of men. But it was not the generations of men that interested David so much as the generations of his descendants, and this he would have brought out distinctly. Bu. adopts We.'s conjecture, adding c"';'"' of his own motion (suggested by r\Tir:-r\ Chr.). Oettli in his com- mentary on Chr. suggests din mino ijn\s^i, und siehst mich an so gUtig als w'drest du meinesgleichen. But would this Hebrew sentence express this meaning ? I suspect that the corruption is beyond cure, but that ^jsim is a part of the original and that it was followed by -\sr, possibly with the suffix; and hast shown me thy beauty Lo7-d Yahweh would be appropriate in the con- text, and DIN may be erroneous duplication of the following ••jiN. — 21. n2j,'3 "l^^-"] "luy i3>-3 Chr. : hia rhv Sov\6u aoj (g^. The originality of i^^^y seems established, and Nestle {Alarginalien, p. i6) restores m3T 113;; '^2:h follow- ing an indication given by Chr. in the verse preceding. — nSnjn] as shown by Dr., the word does not fit in the present position, and I have adopted his trans- position (from Reifmann). — 22. n^U P"^>'] eVe/cei/ rov fxeyaXvdrjvai ae <&i^' joined with the preceding verse. The reading of ©^ jg ^j- i^^^st equally good. — dm'^n r\^7\<] Kvpif, KvpU fxov i3 points to nini •'jtn which we find elsewhere in this chapter. — 23. Snt^'o] '?n-Iw"' Chr. (g. The d comes from the end of the preceding words, ZA TW. VI. p. 212. — inN] &KXo (g evidently -inx. For lO"".-! Chr. has "I'^n confirmed by the following iS and also by O^. (g^ on the other hand has carried through an emendation reading no*?,-) and -i*^. — d;''?] d; Chr. (g and ^. — Dir^ri] du:''? Chr. (g. — i^] ^^ Chr. and (g. — D3'' nn:'>'^i] omitted by Chr. — ddS] pn^ ^ with which agrees %, whereas S» renders i'^. For n^nj.-i read niSiJ with Chr. — isinS] cnj)"? Chr. and (g. — i::;'] although the authorities agree, must be changed to iDj*. The next clause is contained in the versions, but seems to be an insertion, in the line of the other changes made. Still it is possible that the original author at the end of his long sentence resumed the direct address. — vhSni] is omitted by the Chronicler, to whom the false gods were naught. The extent of the change made in the verse is shown by the number of variants just given. The original text as we pick it out of this material was : I'^-pncS D^n'^x ■i'?n i'^'N inNa -inx mj "tni'^m i-j..^ ,^1 vn'i'si "'U icy ^jon 'Z'-\i-' mN-iiji n'l'ij dhS ni^y^'Si u'^ iS dv^:''? d^'S. — 24. -[S piom] ]npi Chr. — 25, .Tj';-!] (S^ seems to have read nn^M, joining the clause to the following verse. — 26. ©'^ omits from i::n':'. It looks as if the verse had been expanded, for the first half is optative while |1DJ n\-i"i of the last clause can hardly be so understood. Is not this a case where the Chronicler made an insertion which afterwards affected the text of Samuel ? — 27. nnN""'::] is lack- ing in (S^. — i3^"riN] is absent from Chr. The phrase ^Stn nsd seems to occur nowhere else. — 29. T^ai Snvi] with coordination of the verbs, instead of subordination of the second, the construction found in I S. 12^2 and in the parallel to the present passage, I Chr. 172". Cf. Davidson, Syntax, 83. VIII. 1-18. David's wars. — David conquers in succession the Philistines, Moab, Zobah, Damascus, and Edom. The brief VIII. 1-5 305 account of these wars is supplemented l)y a list of his officials. The chapter is apparently from a document other than the one which gives us Ch. lo, for the wars here enumerated are, in part at least, the same recounted there. The tone of the whole chap- ter is the tone of a summary — the author would give us a brief sketch of David's wars and pass on to something more important. 1. David sin flfe the Philistines and subdued theni\ Dt. c;' jd. 4-'', cf. Jd. f\ The author adds that he took something from the hand of the Philistines, but what he took cannot now be made out with certainty. — 2. And he smote Moab and measured them off 7vith a line making them lie down upon the earth~\ two-thirds (of the males we may suppose) were thus put to death. The question as to the cruelty of this proceeding seems to be raised unneces- sarily, when we consider how frequently the whole population was 'devoted' in war. The Chronicler however seems to have had some compunctions in this case, for he leaves out the notice. The tribute afterwards exacted is disguised under the name of a p?-es- ent, as so often in oriental governments. As in the time of Mesha, it probably consisted of sheep and wool, 2 K. 3^ This writer seems to have no knowledge of David's obligation to Moab, as indicated in i S. 22\ — 3. The next conquest was that of Bada- dezer son of Rehob, king of ZobaJi] a small Aramaean kingdom in the neighbourhood of Damascus, cf. i S. 14''' i K. ii'-l Accord- ing to 2 S. 10'' the provocation was given by Hadadezer's aiding the Ammonites against David. — When he went to lay his hand upon the River] the phrase to lay hand upon recurs Ezek. T,di^-. The River is, here as elsewhere, the Euphrates. Whether David or Hadadezer is the subject is not clear, but probably David. The fact that David never actually possessed so much territory does not prove that this author did not believe him to have possessed it. — 4. The original seems to have said that Da7'id captured a thousand chariots and slew tiuenty thousand footmen. As chariots were of no use in the hill country of Palestine, he hamstrung the chariot horses, leaving only a hundred] for purposes of state we may suppose. — 5. Syria of Damascus for the Syrians of Damas- cus. The country north of Palestine seems to have been cut .up into a number of petty kingdoms. Damascus, a well-known city 3o6 2 SAMUEL of great antiquity, was always an important place. The aid of the Damascenes is given to Zobah because they are threatened with a common danger. — 6. David reduced them to the position of tributaries, putting garrisons in their country. — 7. David took the goUen shields] the meaning is not altogether certain, which were on the officers of Hadadezer'] an addition to the verse in # identifies them with those carried off by " Shishak i K. 14-*^. — 8. And from Tihhath and from Berothai'] places not certainly known to us, David took much hronze~\ copper mines seem to have been worked in the region of Lebanon. # and Chr. add that this bronze was used by Solomon for the vessels of the Temple — an addition to be judged Hke that to v.^. 1. ntsn jrrTN] the bridle of the cubit is obscure. From its being taken from the hands of the Philistines we infer that it was some tangible posses- sion, probably a piece of territory, ninj^i nj nx Chr. would therefore be en- tirely in place. The reason for suspecting it, is the difficulty in supposing so easy a phrase corrupted into the reading of |^. The versions give no help : tV a.(pu>piaixfvr]u i3, possibly reading trnjcn or Sl3jn; rhu x"^"'^'' tov vSpayco- yiov Aq. points to the text we have : Tr]v i^ovcriau rod cpopou Sym. is the origi- nal (ii fremwi tributi (?Dr:n jhd) 1L: nh^n ppn ^ represents the tradition known to Aq. : n:;j pci % seems to be a proper name. The expositors have generally felt it necessary to find an equivalent for Gath and its dependent towns given us by Chr. They have done this by making n::N equivalent to DN as sometimes used in Hebrew for a city {juetropolis). The Bridle of the Metropolis would then conceivably have been the citadel which commanded the town and so commanded the district. But it is difficult to see why so figurative a phrase should be used in a prose passage. On the other hand, from the fact of the bridle or rein denoting power (as the leading string some- times in English) some have concluded that David is here represented as tak- ing the suzerainty from the hand of the Philistines, either that he assumed the supreme power over them or else that he threw off their yoke. Why this again should be so obscurely expressed, it is impossible to see. The older com- mentators are excerpted by Pole. Among the recent scholars Ewald {GVI^. p. 202, E. Trans. IIL p. 148) decides for the Philistine sovereignty over Israel, which David wrested from them. Keil supposes the metropolis to be meant, so that the phrase is equivalent to Gath, whose king he supposes to be over- lord of the Philistines,* and in this he is followed by Erdm. whose American editor however leaves the meaning undecided. Th. conjectures the border ; We. retains the text, which he supposes to mean the authority over the * Isaaki discovered that the only one of the Philistine cities which had a king was Gath. VIIT. 5-8 307 metropolis, in which he is followed by Dr., while \\\x. leaves a blank in his text. — 2. Sonj] is put in the plural by &^. — 23'-'nJ on the use of the ad- verbial infinitive cf. Davidson, Syntax, 87. — Vann N^r;i] the contents 0/ one line : (3 gives the proportion tzuo and t7vo, and IL gives it one and one. — 3. nr;mn] Chr. has -\T;7mn and (5 'ASpadCap. Some MSS. have the same form in this chapter. The name is evidently similar to -ij>'>':'n, -(t;*"'3n, and •\v;r, and the first element is the name of the god lladad. That it is Ihuiad and not Hadar %Q.^m.% evident from the names Benhadad I K. 15I", and Iladadrimmon Zech. 12!^, as well as from the Aramaic and Assyrian parallels. Cf. BDB. and reff., especially Baethgen, Bcitr'dge zur Sernit. Religionsgeschichte, p. 67 ff., also Schrader COT. p. 190 f. The god Hadad {Aiidu) is met in the Tcll-el- Amarna Tablets (Winckler, 149I* 150'^), in Arabia (We. Skizzen, III. p. 51), and apparently in Edom, Gen. 362'^. — 3nn] (5 'PaayS ('Paa(^) reminds us of Rahab, Jos. 2^ and nonn, i Chr. 23^". — njis] known as Sicbit to the Assyri- ans according to Meyer, Gesch.d. Altertums, p. 347, and Schrader, COT. I. p. 171. The Chronicler is probably mistaken in locating the battle at Hamath which is too far north. — IT" ^irn*^] is objected to by Th., Dr., as meaning necessarily to bring back the hand where it had once been. But the pas- sage in Ezekiel (38^-) seems to show that it may denote simply extending one's power, for Gog, who is there addressed, had not yet possessed the coun- tries which he was expecting to plunder. (§ iiriaTrjaai does not imply that the translators read D"'sn'? with Chr., cf. Is. i-*^ (§. — nnj3] is sufficiently explicit without the addition of r>-\Q {Qi'e, Chr. and (5). — 4. c^'J-ia r-iN::-;*2U'i ri'^s] as the chariots are alluded to immediately after, it is probable that they were mentioned here. Chr. and (g agree in Dians D">dSs n>*3'cri 3oi n*^^'* the first part of which meets the requirements of the case. The 7000 horses or horse- men are out of proportion to the chariots, so that probably the text is corrupt. It is surprising that if David took the foot soldiers prisoners we should not be told what he did with them, which is another reason for supposing that the original text is lost. ~\-)': as in Arabic : he cut the hock tctidon of an animal thus making it useless for riding. — 3D-\n] must here mean the chariot horses. — 5. N3ni] the country is thought of as feminine. — 6. DOSj] cf. I S. 13^. — 7. ""loSi;'] x'^'SaJfos (5 would apparently make them bracelets or armlets. None of the passages in which the word occurs can be said to be decisive, but the identification in (g with the D^JJO of I K. 14^6 would favour shields. In Ez. 27" the same word is rendered by (5 quivers which Symmachus has in the present text, whereas Aquila has here collars, cf. Field's note, Ilexap. Origenis, I. p. 558. — Vn] read *?>'. — oSir'n"*] + koX iXa&ev avra lovaaKiljJL kt\. nearly all MSS. of (3 and I. The addition is in line with some other notes which have found their way into the text of (5, and is probably not original. — 8. n-ja-:] Chr. Dr\yj^ : (5^ Mare^aK (of which ©^ Maa^aK is probably a corruption) seems to confirm the reading of Chr. — v-i->2::i] pD":i Chr. : koI iK twv (k\(ktuv (S perhaps reading •'-iinar^i. The name here reminds us of Beiriit. — hn::] -1- ui a^~PN noSr r\'»'; r\i Chr., contained also substantially in (5 and I. The interest of the Chronicler in all things that pertain to the Temple accounts for 308 2 SAMUEL his insertion of the sentence, and it has probably come from Chronicles into the Greek of Samuel. 9. Toil, king of Hamath'\ an important city on the Orontes, probably capital of the Hittite kingdom. — 10. Hadoram his j-fv/] seems to be the more probable form of the name. The dignity of the ambassador shows the degree of honoiu- paid by the mission. — To greet David and to congratulate hini\ for his suc- cess, for Hadadezer had been an enemy of Ton'] probably seeking to establish an independent kingdom in a country once tributary to Hamath. The ambassador brought an appropriate present of jewels and objects of art. — 11. These also the king dedicated to Yah2ueh'\ quite in accord with antique custom. — 12. From Edom'\ is probably to be read. The other countries named in the verse we have already met. 9. "'i'n] with Chr. we should probably read ipi : (g^^ ©ouou, Thou IL; but 0a€i (§-^. — 10. onr] in which the first element might be the name of Yahweh. Chr. however has cnnn and (g 'leSSowpciv which confirms Chr. to a certain extent, for (5^ has 'Movpad^ in Chr. — lyn mcnSr: -^'w] cf. incnSn >wa Is. 41^2 (Ezek, 27!'^ is different). — 11. Dj] indicates that other things had been spoken of as dedicated, which is not the case in our narrative. It is not unlikely therefore that this and the following verse are a late insertion (Bu.). — 12. din;:] anss Chr. and (gS> besides 11 MSS. of |^. As Aram is covered by the last clause of the verse, and as Edom belongs with Moab and Ammon, we should correct the text here accordingly. The fact that the conquest of Edom is narrated later, is only another evidence that these verses are an inser- tion from another document. 13. The verse is obscure, and as the Chronicler makes the first part of it refer to Abishai instead of David, we cannot be sure what he read. That the account refers to Edom seems quite cer- tain. By slight emendation we may get : And David made a name on returning, ift that he smote Edom, in the Valley of Salt'] the location is brought into connexion with Edom again in 2 K. 14^ Ps. 60^. — 14. The treatment of Edom was the same as that of Aram. The remark that Yahweh delivered David wherever he went is evidenUy intended to conclude this account of his wars. 13. in^nr; 13U'3] Ijut the reputation was not made on his return but by the smiting. (S connects a;;' in c^m with what precedes and then goes on : koX iv TnN which however seems necessary, for Abiathar acted as priest until the reign of Solomon. — l^c^ns] 1^:2>3vS Chr. is perhaps based on the difficulty just noted. — n>-ir] 'Affa (g" : -^apaioLs 6^ : N^^' 2o25 (where we find 'I>j(roCs 6^ . jo.'rrci 6^) : Nunr i Chr. i8'6. The reading Nti'V.J' accounts most naturally for all the variations. Per- haps we should make the next word noiDn. — 18. ^mDm] read with the paral- lel >mDn S;. (S in order to make sense inserts av^x^ovKos. The endeavour to retain the received text, by taking 1 in the sense of w; (Kimchi, Schm.), is unsuccessful. The Cherethites are known to us as Philistines from i S. 30^*. The Pelethites who are mentioned only in connexion with the Cherethites cannot be certainly identified. That they constituted the body-guard of the king is apparently the mind of the Targum which translates archers and stingers. Cf. Josephus, Ant. \U. ii, 8. The Rabbinical expositors show their lack of historical sense when they find here the Sanhedrim or the Urim and 3IO 2 SAMUEL Thummim (Isaaki and Kimchi cite this from our Rabbis but do not themselves approve it). More excusable is the theory of Jewish expositors that two clans of Israelites are intended (Isaaki, Kimchi, LbG.)- But i S. yS^^ Ezek. 25I6 Zeph. 2^ seem conclusive as to the Philistines. We hear also of Gittites in David's service, and the custom of enlisting foreigners for the king's body- guard has prevailed down to recent times in many countries, for obvious reasons. — a-'jnj] the traditional exegesis has difficulty in supposing David's sons to be priests in the proper sense, for by the Levitical code none could be priests except descendants of Aaron. For this reason the Chronicler changes his text, substituting t^rcn ti*? Dija'Nin. Cf. also auAapx«' ®- But there is no reason for departing from the plain meaning of our text. IX.-XX. David's court life. — We come now to a homogene- ous and continuous narrative of David's experiences from the time when he was firmly settled on the throne until near the close of his life. The author is evidently well informed and has an interest in presenting the history without bias. That he was not very remote in time from the events which he narrates is evident. The unity and integrity of the section, except some minor interpolations, is generally conceded. IX. 1-13. David's fidelity to Jonathan. — David inquires whether Jonathan has left any children. He learns of one son whom he brings to court and makes his companion, besides re- storing to him the family property. 1. The opening of the verse is lost, or misplaced. Perhaps it should be taken from 7^ : // came to pass when David was estab- lished in his house, that he said : Is there left of the house of Saul -any to whom I may sho7v kindness for the sake of Jonathan ? The question is as appropriate after the death of Ishbaal as after the revenge of the Gibeonites. — 2. Information is sought from a servant of the house of Saul, apparently a feudal dependent, whose name was Zil>a. — 3. The king puts the question even more dis- tinctly than at first : Is there not a man belonging to the house of Saul?] and he avows his object more distinctly : that / may show the kindness of God] that to which he was bound by his solemn engagement, cf. i S. 20'^ Ziba informs him of a son of Jonathan who was lame. — 4. To the king's further question Ziba says that he is /■;/ the house of Machir son of Ammiel, in Lo- Debar] a man of wealth and prominence, as we gather from i f\ The place was IX. I-I3 311 beyond the Jordan, probably not far from Mahanaim. — 5, 6. In response to the king's command Afendl?aal~\ on the name sec the note on 4', came to David and fell upon his face'] the customary act of obeisance. — 7. Meribbaal has reason to fear, but is re- assured by David, who not only gives a general promise of kind treatment, but a specific one : I will restore to thee all the land of Saul thy father'\ whether this property was in possession of David as successor in the kingdom, or whether it had been seized by some one else, we are not told. Besides this, Meribbaal was made a member of the king's household : thou shall eat at viy table con- tinually'] this special mark of favour is the more noteworthy on account of Meribbaal's physical imperfection. — 8. The recogni- tion is sufficiently humble to satisfy even an oriental : What is thy servant that thou shouldst turn thy face to a dead dog such as I am .?] the man had doubtless been made to feel that he was a useless member of the family, and was all the more grateful for kind treatment. — 9, 10. David arranges that Ziba shall cultivate the land and bring its produce to Meribbaal for his support — presence at court would rather increase than diminish his ex- penditure. The extent of the estate is indicated by the force needed to cultivate it — Ziba's fifteen sons and twenty servants. — 11. Ziba promises to obey all that the king commands. The second half of the verse cannot be correct as it stands. It seems originally to have been, in the form preserved by (!5, the author's concluding remark : So Meribbaal ate at David's table like one of the sons of the king. 12, 13. The verses seem to be an appendix, giving further information as to the line of Saul. It was represented by Merib- baal's son Micha. The glossator feels that he must again assure us that Meribbaal ate continually at the king's table though he was lame in both feet. 1. By an ingenious conjecture, Kl. prefaces this chapter with 2i^-i-*, and this is adopted by Bu., so that in his edition we read the account of the famine and the consequent vengeance of the Gibeonites on the house of Saul, and then the story of David's remembrance of his obligation towards Jonathan. At first view this seems natural, and the impression is strengthened by the fact that we have an unusual p "'■inN at the end of 21^* which is easily made 13 'nx inM and appropriately introduces 9'. liut on reflection the probability 312 2 SAMUEL of this being the original order is reduced. It seems doubtful whether David would wait until the evidently late date of 21 before making inquiry for the family of Jonathan. Budde, in order to his theory, is obliged to strike out 2i'^ which otherwise seems entirely in place. Finally, it is difficult to see how 2 !'"'■* if it were ever the prelude to this chapter came to be dislocated. For these reasons it is not safe to accept the reconstruction here in mind; and we are compelled to seek another connexion for this chapter. By striking out the insertions from another document we find 9^ following immediately on 6-3. At the first blush this seems not to be appropriate. David's quarrel with Michal would seem to stir up any but good thoughts towards the house of Saul. On the other hand we must remember that the author may have in- tended to show that the foolish words of a woman could not make David forget his obligations to Jonathan. And it would be psychologically probable that the unsympathetic behaviour of Michal should recall the contrasted char- acter of Jonathan her brother, and so put David on the thought of Jonathan's family. If this be the original order, it is probable that the opening phrase of 7, in>33 "iSdh :3jy"> ">j inii once formed the introduction to the present sec- tion. — 2. "I"i3y] it is not necessary to add the pronoun, as is done by ^^. — 3. dmSn iDn] cf. nin"" ion i S. 20I*. It is difficult to suppose the meaning to be kindness such as God shows. More probably, it is the kindness imposed by God in the obligation of the oath. At the end of this verse, Bu. inserts 4^^ which gives the cause of the lameness. It is doubtful however whether the verse ever stood here, as the brevity of Ziba's answers seems characteristic. — 4. "^ai iS] AaSaiSap (^, is called in 172" 131 N^ and (as it appears) in Jos. 1 32''^ is called ■>3i'^. — 6. nir'^-'sc] 4*. The mutilation of the name has been already commented on. — inntt'"'i] in (g^^ placed before '?3ii. — 8. "ijnSti'j i S. 20-^ cf. Jud. i^ and Moore's note. — 10. T^jiN-pS] ets tIv oIkov tov Kvpiov aov (S^ is an attractive emendation; with it goes koX (pdyovTat for iSdni. By adopting this we avoid the awkwardness of |^. That the /ami /jy of Meribbaal should eat of the produce of his land is quite in order. — 11. The sentence .^i^ DV?2•'D^:^ is entirely unintelligible as a part of Ziba's response to the king. The change of ■•jnStt' to fnensam ttiam made by some MSS. of 3L would allow us to interpret it as a part of Ziba's answer. But in his mouth it is wholly suj)erfluous. It seems best therefore to restore the reading of (g-'^B ^^\ ^.^y rpanf^-qs AauelS (toO BaaiKfccs &'), and regard the sentence as a remark of the author. Such a remark is the natural conclusion of the account, and what fol- lows must be an afterthought. — 12. X3^d] the spelling makes it difficult to suppose the name contracted from "in>D"«D. It seems to be of the same form with N3^x v.2, of. also ni>); 2020. Jastrow (/BL. XIII. p. 112) cites Jerome's suggestion that the name signifies hiimilitas, from yco. — 13. "i "Titr HDD Nini] the fact that we have a change from D-'Sjn hdj of v.^ is additional evidence that these two verses are a later addition. X.-XII. The Ammonite war and David's adultery. — On occasiun of a change in the throne of Amnion, David sends an X. 1-4 313 embassy to the new monarch. Their reception is anything but agreeable, and the insult offered in the ambassadors to their monarch is naturally followed by war. The war is made more- serious by the engagement of the Syrians on the side of Amnion. Joab successfully repulses the Syrians and lays siege to Rabbath Ammon. David remains in Jerusalem, where, under sudden temptation, he commits adultery with the wife of Uriah, one of the knights of his army. In order to conceal his crime he sends for Uriah, and after consulting him about the state of the army, sends him to his house. Uriah however refuses to indulge in luxuries not suited to a soldier, and twice spends the night in the open air. The straits into which David is brought lead him to order the indirect murder of Uriah. His commands are car- ried out by Joab, and he takes Bathsheba as his wife. The birth of her son is followed by a visit from the prophet Nathan, who rebukes David for his sin and announces the punishment. In truth the son born of adultery is taken ill, lingers awhile and dies. The author also tells us of the birth of Solomon from the same mother. The siege of Rabba is concluded by David in person. The section is suspected of expansion in the Nathan speeches, and shows some indications of compilation from two sources. X. 1-5. The insult. — '^2:S\2.'^\\,king of the Children of Amman, is the same we have met above, i S. ii^ As we do not know the length of Saul's reign, nor at what time in the reign of David his death took place, it is impossible to predicate extraordinary length of his life. — 2. David, recognizing what Nahash had done for him, sent to condole with Hanun concerning his father. Possibly Nahash, as an enemy of Saul, had given aid to David in his early struggles. — 3. The princes of Ammon, with Bedawish scorn for the peasant king, provoke the suspicions of their chief : Dost thou think that David is honouring thy father that he has sent bearers of condolence ? The interested motive is found in the office of these messengers as spies. David's treatment of Moab and Kdom gave colour at least to the suspicion of his ambitious designs. — 4. With the lack of seriousness so often seen in a youthful prince (as in the case of Rehoboam) Hanun was ready to act upon these suspicions. He took the mtssengQxs and shaved half their l>eard'\ 314 2 SAMUEL the person of an ambassador should be inviolate. Moreover the beard is held in especial honour in the East : and cut their robes in tivo to their buttocks'] the long flowing robes of the ambassa- dors were thus reduced to less than decency required. — 5. The news reached David and he judiciously advised them to remain at Jericho, the frontier city, until the growth of their beards should allow them to return without being subject to annoyance. 1. ]\'2'; "^n tS::] the Chronicler prefixes cnj which we should certainly expect at the beginning of the account. Chr. (19^) on the other hand omits pjn. It seems to me the name is required in both cases. i& however has the same text with |^. — 2. vjn-'?n] v:in S;; Chr. is more in accord with usage, cf. Jer. 16". — 3. Is David honouring thy father in thine eyes ?'\ the meaning is : Does it seem to thee that David is doing this for his alleged purpose ? On the participle, Dr. Tensed, § 135, 4. — nv-i-nx npn m:);::] as the fortified city was of great importance, it is here put in the foreground. Chr. makes a general reference to the land. — 4. Instead of half their beards, (§ puts their beards. — Dn\nini:'"n>*] the shameful nakedness of captives is described in the term ,T^'~i3V^'n Is. 20*. — 5. an^-n] the regular consecution after the impera- tive, Davidson, Syntax, § 55 «. 6-14. The opening of the war. — The Ammonites saw that they had piade themselves of bad odour with David] as we readily conceive. — They therefore hired the Syrians of Beth Rehob] a city in the Lebanon (Antilebanon) region, Num. 13-^ near Dan Jd. 1 8-"*^. Zobah is known to us from 8"^. It is possible that Hadadezer was originally mentioned in this verse as he is there. Maacah another small kingdom in the same region, Dt. 3^^ Jos. 13'^ Tob is probably the country mentioned in Jd. ii"\ but has not been identified. — 8. The Ammonites formed their order of battle before the gate — we naturally suppose the gate of Rabbah — while the Syrians drew up by themselves in the open country] Joab was thus between two fires. — 9. Discovering this, he felt that the defeat of the Syrians was the important point, and with a picked force he threw himself upon them. — 10. The bulk of the army he put under the command of Abishai, and they drew up facing the Children of Amnion. — 11, 12. Joab encourages his brother with the promise of mutual help, and exhorts him to show himself strong for the sake of our people and for the cities of our God] the latter phrase is unusual, — 13, 14. The plan was that X. 4--I4 315 Joab should make the first attack while Abishai held the Ammon- ites in check. The onset was successful ; the Syrians fled : The Ammonites Siuu that the Syrians had fled, and they fled and entered the city'] they had kept a i)lacc of retreat oi)cn. 'I'he conclusion of the verse : And Joah returned from the .-Immonites and came to Je/nsalem'] marks the close of this campaign. 6. nnn v^'NJj] cf. i S. 13^. i Chr. 19'' substitutes i>n c;* irxarn. Moore {Judges, p. 399) conjecturally identifies Beth Rehob with Paneas. The fact that Hadadezer is mentioned in v.^^ without any introduction favours Budde's theory (A'5. p. 250) that he was originally named in this verse, and further probability is given by the mention of the kiugoi Maacah. — 3rj] can hardly be Taiyyibeh in Gilead (GASmith and Buhl). The small number of troops sent from Maacah leads We. to suppose ens pjSn to be an interpolation and he thus gets Ihe king of A/aacak and Ishtob. Kl. makes a further change by striking out the conjunction, and so finds the name of the king to be Ishtob. There seems however no sufficient reason for departing from the text. The Chronicler makes the unheard-of force of 32,000 chariots and the king of Maacah and his people. He also adds that the allies cavie and camped before Medeba which is adopted without sufficient reason by Kl.; v.^ is decidedly against it. — 7. Dn3.5n noxh-Vd] we might perhaps allow the apposition : the army, the heroes. But this is an unusual construction, and here especially suspicious because all the army naturally means the militia in distinction from the veteran force of on^j. Chr. has am^jn nds Sd which is evidently intended for all ihe army of heroes, though the punctuators perversely read ntv. (gr^ also has iraa-au Trju arpctTiau tuv duvarwu with which agree SSTIL. I suspect how- ever that either N3i*n or nnjjn is a later insertion. Criitz conjectures N3xn Dn3in\ The subsequent account shows that more than the standing army was engaged. — 8. -\';':i'n nns] ')''';n hpd Chr. (3^. Such substitutions are not uncommon. — 9. ^nt.;'"'^ mna] the construct before a preposition undoubt- edly occurs, Davidson, Syntax, 28, R. I, but as the Chronicler has '^sn-j-o ->in3 it seems proper to correct our text accordingly. (S^ seems to point to -j^ •^ina Sxn"'-' whereas (5^ renders Svsni;'-' nina. — 10. ''-On] here only, in Samuel. — ']^^P^'] the plural is found in Chr. and (5^, but is not necessary. It would be proper in English also to s^y Abishai dre-M up before the Ammonites. — 12. ij"'n'?N nv] occurs nowhere else and is inappropriate here, for the cities of Yahweh were not in danger. There is ground therefore for Kl.'s conjecture (adopted by Bu.) that the Ark of our God originally stood here. The Ark went with the army on a subsequent campaign as we know. — 13, 14. The account is very brief and was probably once fuller. 15-19. A second campaign. — Our present text contains the account of an effort on the part of the Syrians to retrieve them- selves. The paragraph breaks the sequence of the narrative how- 3i6 2 SAMUEL ever, and is possibly from another source. There seems no room for it in the time at our disposition, and the bringing in of the Syrians from beyond the river shows a conception of the situation different from anything we have met above. 15, 16. The consciousness of defeat caused the Syrians to take joint measures — they gathered together, and Badadezer setit and brought out the Syrians beyond the River'] the Euphrates is meant. The face of the narrative indicates that his authority extended into Assyria, unless we suppose that he simply applied for assist- ance to the king of that country. — 77iey came to Nelafft] the place, which is mentioned again in the next verse, is unknown. — 17. David musters all Israel and takes the offensive. — 18. The result was a decisive defeat for the Syrians. It is difficult to suppose that the clause he slew seven hujidred chariots is original, though perhaps it may be justified by the analogy of 8"* where David is said to have hamstrung all the chariots. The enormous number of 40,000 horsemen is suspicious, especially in view of the fact that this author does not speak of footmen at all, while Chr. has 7000 chariots and 40,000 footmen. — 19. This verse, by speak- ing of all the kings, servants of Hadadezer, implies that Hadadezer was chief ruler, having subject monarchs. This is in contradiction to 8^ where his sovereignty is limited by the kingdom of Hamath. — They made peace with Israel] cf. Jos. lo^"*. 15-19. The later insertion of the paragraph is affirmed by Winckler ( Gesch. Israels, p. 1 39). More exactly, he believes that v.^^*^ joins directly to v.^*. — 16. The presence of Hadadezer, which has not been intimated before, is ancjther argument for the separate origin of the paragraph. The current editions of the text have Hadarezer here, as in Chr. But the Mantua edition of 1742 (with the Minchath Shai), Baer, and Ginsburg have Hadadezer as elsewhere in Samuel. — oS'in] rendered their army by Thenius is doubtless the same proper name which occurs just below — so (SSST. If Cornill is correct in restoring the same name in Ezek. 47I6, it was on the boundary line between the territories of Hamath and Damascus. On the other hand, it has been identified by Hoffmann {Ph'dn. Insekrifien, p. 39) with Aleppo (Haleb). For 131S' Chr. has ^£31^. — 17. ncx'^n] a different spelling of the name. It is omitted by Chr. — 18. i'\r\>^] the objects of this verb seem always to be things that have life — the vine Ps. 78'*' is no exception. The "jooo chariots of the Chronicler are in line with some other exaggerations of his. — Ssn'i»^"nN ir'^U'M] as in Jos. io> ^ whereas Chr. substitutes a; for ns, like I K. 22*^ The clause X. I5-XT. 5 317 and they feared to deliver the Ammonites seems superfluous after the Syrians have become subject to Israel, and was possibly the original C(jnclusion of v.^*, XI. 1-5. David's sin. — The author has enclosed the account of David's sin between portions of the history of the Ammonite war, 11^ being continued by i2-^ The time and the circumstances agree so well, that we must suppose him to follow the actual order of events. — 1. The time seems to be fixed at a year after the embassy to Hanun. The return of the season was a fitting time to refresh the king's memory of the insult. Joab and the army therefore laid ivaste the Ammonites in the well-known method of oriental warfare, where the growing crops are eaten off by the invaders. The campaign in this case was more than a raid, for the Israelites laid siege to Rabha the chief city of Ammon. The ruins (or town, it has recently received a Circassian colony, ac- cording to GASmith, Geog. p. 20) still bear the name Amman; cf. Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, p. 356 ; Baedeker, Pales tinr, p. 185 f The site is about twenty miles east of the Jordan, east by north from Jericho. The siege of a walled town was a tedious matter, so that David can hardly be blamed for remaining at Jerusalem. — 2. One afternoon David arose from his siesta and walked on the roof of the palace'] which, being on the highest point of the city, commanded a view of the courts of the sur- rounding houses. Thence he saw a wojnafi bathing. — 3. To his inquiry one said : Is not this Bathsheba, daughter of Eliam~\ ac- cording to 23''"' he was a son of the well-known Ahitophel ; the wife of Uriah the Hittite] one of the foreigners in David's service. — 4. David sends for her and gratifies his passion, /M;:'~n3, where the 3 has been softened into 1,* and the two elements of the name □;;''Sn have been transposed. — ■n^-\ivs] we naturally interpret the name as meaning Yahweh is my light. If that be the sense, we may suppose that the Hittite adopted a new name or modified his old one, on entering David's service. On such names, cf. Jastrow, JBL. XIII. p. 122. — 4. n.-iNCJDO n'w'-'iTirj N>m] cannot mean and she purified herself by ablution after coition, which would require cipririi. The participle indicates what had just been accomplished by the bath at her house — ritual cleansing after the peri- odic sickness (Isaaki, Kimchi). That such a time was favourable to concep- tion was known to the Arabs at an early day, cf. WRSmith, Kinship, p. 276. The conceit of the Rabbis that David's men divorced their wives before going on a campaign, is a device to minimize David's guilt. 6-13. The attempt at concealment. — David sent to the army for Uriah. — 7. And when Uriah came, David asked about Joab and the army and the war, as if he had sent for him m order to be informed about the campaign. — 8. At the end of the interview, David commands : Go to thy house and wash thy feet'] refresh thyself after thy journey. — And there followed him a por- tion fro7n the king] Gen. 43''^ — 9-. But Uriah lodged at the gate of the palace with his lord's servants, that is, the body-guard. — 10, 11. Uriah, on being questioned, gives the chivalrous answer: The Ark and Israel and Judah are camping iti booths, and my lord Joab and j?iy lord's servants are camping in the open fields, and I should go to my house to eat and to drink and to lie with my wife ! The statement of the supposition is enough to show its absurdity. But he adds his oath. It is altogether probable that women were taboo to soldiers in active service, 1 S. 21^. This is the only intimation that the Ark was carried in David's campaigns, but from the fact that the priests start to carry it in the train which • On the other hand it is possible that ')xz\ which we find in some other proper names, is the original form ; notice Shua, Abishiia, Elishiia, and Jehoshua. These nanjos seem to indicate that yitt' was the name of a divinity, and this would account for the change. XI. 6-21 3^9 leaves Jerusalem at Absalom's invasion, taken in connexion with this passage, we may infer that the practice was not uncommon. — 12. Another attempt must be made, so Uriah is kept another day. — 13. This time the king invited him and he ate in his presence and drank, so that he made him drunk'] in the hope that the wine would cause him to forget his resolution. IJut the sturdy soldier was not so to be overcome : In the evening:; he luent out to lie on his couch with the soldiers'] egregius sane miles et constantissimus (Schm.). 6. After asr-Sx © inserts idnS perhaps correctly, though the presumption is in favour of the shorter text. — 7. ncn'^cn □I'^ir'^i] seems a little odd. IJut it shows how Zi^'^z■' had taken a very wide meaning. — 8. lS::n pn^'::] t/ie king's present in this case was, no doubt, a dish from the royal table. — 9. ':'a] lack- ing in 6^, is superfluous. — 10. Uriah's house lay at a lower level than that of the king, hence his going down to it is spoken of. — 11. ni:D] are rude shelters, huts or booths, made of branches of trees. For an instance of devo- tion among Mohammed's followers similar to that of Uriah, 1 may be allowed to refer to my Bible and Islam, p. 19. — Itr'SJ vn Tn] is tautological, and perhaps one of the phrases is an error for r\>7\^ -r\. — 12. rnncd] is by most recent expositors connected with what follows, in agreement with ^^. But I cannot see the necessity. Only two nights are spoken of. The principal meal was in the evening, as we gather from v.^. There is no reason why David should not invite Uriah that day. — 13. NnpM] continues the narrative without pause : Uriah remained . . . and the king invited him. 14-27. The murder. — Despairing of accomplishing his object, David plans the death of Uriah. — 14, 15. He writes a letter in which he commands Joab : Set Uriah in face of the heaviest fight- ing and retreat, leaving him in the lurch, that he may be smitten and die. — \^. Joab, in posting the besiegers, set Uriah 7vhere he knew there were valiant men] according to the command given. — 17. A sortie was made and there fell some of the soldiers of David, and Uriah the Hittite died also] the device was successful at the first attempt. — 18, 19. Joab sends a verbal report. He anticipates that the general news will not be pleasing to the king. Possibly the king's prudence had before this come into conflict with Joab's rashness. — 20, 21. Joab is made to put a somewhat extended speech in the mouth of David, which reflects the opinion of the narrator rather than that of Joab or of David. There seems no reason to suppose however that tlie verse is a later inter- 320 2 SAMUEL polation. Our author may well have been acquainted with the story of Abimelech, which belongs to one of our oldest documents. The example of his death may have been proverbial among He- brew soldiers, and have given a rule concerning the attack on walled towns. These are only possibilities, but, so far as they go, they favour the originality of -^''. Did not a woman throiu a mill- stone upon him from the wall? cf. Jd. 9'^^ Joab realizes that the news of Uriah's death will appease the king and, according to |^, takes no special care to disguise the fact from the messenger. #^ has here the whole of the messenger's reply as given in ^^'^ which does in fact disguise the main point; see the critical note. — 22. The text of J^ has been shortened to avoid repetition. This is in accordance with the taste of a later time. The older writers did not hesitate to repeat themselves. Restore therefore in accord- ance with (© : And the messenger of Joab went to the king in Jeru- salem, and came and told David all that Joab commanded him, all the news of the war. And David's anger burned against Joab, and he said'\ there follow the exact words anticipated by Joab, which need not be repeated. — 23. The reply of the messenger : The men were bold against ns a7id came out to us in the field, and we drove them back to the entrance of the gate. — 24. Continuation of the account : The soldiers of David in the heat of the pursuit came within range of the archers on the wall, and there died of the king's servants abo2it eighteen men, and also thy sei'vant Ui'iah the Hittite is dead~\ thus expressed, the mention of Uriah comes quite naturally, as he was a prominent soldier. The eighteen men are given in only one recension of (!b, but seem to be original. — 25. David is relieved by this statement, and he commands the messenger to encourage Joab : Let not this matter displease thee, for the sword devours thus and thus'] so we must translate on the ground of Jd. 18^ i K. 14^. The meaning seems to be : noiv one and noiv another falls, so that this is only the common experience. At the end of the verse the received text has and strengthen him, that is, encourage Joab. The word is possibly a scribe's after- thought. — 26. The woman observed the usual period of mourn- ing for her husband.* — 27. As soon as this was over, David sent ♦ Seven days according to Schwally, ZATll'. 1892, 153. XI. 2I-XII. 32 1 a7id brought her to his house, and she became his wife. Marriage very soon after the death of a consort is common in the East, so that this haste did not violate the conventions. The case of Abi- gail is similar. The last clause of the verse : But the thing luhich David had done was evil in the eyes of Yahiueh belongs with what follows. 15. lan] here apparently used like ijr. liut the original may have been N3n (Kl.) : iladyaye (5^. — 16. li::tto] not in observitig \.hc city, but in keep- ing guard over it, which was the work of the besiegers. We hear nothing of battering-rams or mines, so that we conclude the city was to be reduced l^y starvation. — IV"!"^'"*] "^"•"•"'"nN which is found in some MSS. seems better, but 'n-H;; would be better still. — 21. niioi^] another instance of the mutilation of a name because it contained the word Baal. (S^. has 'lepoBodx which (3^ has corrupted to "Upo^odiJ.. — pncNi] Instead of the brief reply Uriah also is dead, (g^ inserts here the whole explanation of the situation as given in us. 24 . ijig ffigji were bold against us, etc. The case is similar to that in v.-*-^, where (5 inserts David's speech as Joab expected him to make it. The argu- ments for the originality of the plus here seem to be the same as there, except that the outward attestation is weaker. On the whole the probability seems to be on the side of (Q^. — 22. For inSdh : 6 &yy€\os 'lwo/8 irphs rhv 0aai\fa 6ts 'lepovaaK-q/j. (S. — 3NV] ndura to. prjixaTa tov ttoX^jxov, koL idufxwdr] AavdS ■jrphs 'IwdB kt\. (Q. The genuineness of this additional matter is recognized by Th., We., Dr., Bu., Kl., Ki. — 23. ir^;' n^j] can hardly be so strong as prevailed over us. The garrison had made a sally. That they had mustered up courage to do this is the point of the story. — a."T>S>» nv-iji] seems to mean we drove them back : avur]\d(Taiiieu (5k Possibly the original reading was dif- ferent, but if so it cannot certainly be recovered. We should expect at least D.-innN. — 24. a^Niinn in-^m] confusion of Nn"" and n-\\ cf. Ges. ■'2<^, 75 rr. — iSnn na;'::] (3^ adds io-et avSpes SeKa nal oktw. It is difficult to see why any one should insert the words if they were not original, while a scribe who was concerned with the fate of Uriah alone might leave them out. — 25. "i^tn-nx] grammatically the nominative to ';-\^ ; but the speaker has in mind the logical force of the phrase, in which -i2"in is the object of the emotion indicated in the verb, Ges. ^o, 117/, Davidson, Syntax, 72 A' 4. — inpinij comes in awk- wardly after the command to Joab, and is lacking in (5^' as well as a number of MSS. XII. 1-15^. The rebuke of Nathan. — The prophet, being sent to David by Yahweh, puts his conduct before him by recounting a feigned case of trespass. David is convicted of sin and professes repentance. He is assured of forgiveness, but at the same time the evils which are to come upon him for his sin are predicted. Y 322 2 SAMUEL It is doubtful whether the piece is of the same origin with what precedes and follows. If we leave it out, we get a very good con- nexion, joining ii"'^ directly to 12^^'': The thing was evil in the sight of Yahweh, and Yahweh smote the child which the wife of Uriah bore to David. There is nothing unreasonable in supposing that the early narrative was content with pointing out that the anger of Yahweh was evidenced by the death of the child. A later writer was not satisfied with this, but felt that there must be a specific rebuke by a direct revelation. It is possible also that the incident of Nathan has itself been worked over, as will be seen in the course of the exposition. 1. Nathan appears ostensibly with a case for the king's judg- ment, a flagrant case of oppression of the poor by the rich. — 2, 3. The rich tnan had niany sheep and cattle, but the poor man had nothing but one little ewe lamb which he had bought ; he fed it and it grew up with him and ivith his children~\ such pet lambs are frequently seen in the houses of the poor in Syria. // used to eat of his morsel and drink of his cup and lie in his bosom~\ the preciousness of the single pet made it, in fact, like a daughter. — 4. The occasion of the tragedy was the coming of a traveller.' The duty of hospitality is imperative. But the rich man spared his own, and took the lamb of the poor man and prepared it for the 7nan who had just come'\ similar cases were doubtless common enough, and a part of the king's work is to judge the cause of the oppressed. — 5. The statement of the case was enough : By the life of Yahweh the man that did this is wo7'thy of death'] it does not appear that David would actually sentence him to death, i S. 20^^ 26'^. — 6. And he shall i-estore the lamb sevenfold'] reading with (g^. 1. ir^j] (So-^n] k-ma-nKaaiova. (gBai.^ The change to ft? was made to bring David's ruling into line with the law of theft, Ex. 2i37 (Th.). — Sdh-nS na'N V;i] Schill proposes {ZATW. XI. p. 318) to change nS to i"^, making the sense: and spared his own. The received text however seems to make fairly good sense. 7. The application : Thou art the ifian'] for the sake of dis- tinctness (^ adds who has done this. But the shorter text is more vigorous. The following speech sets forth the obligation imposed by Yahweh's benefits. David was the rich man. — 8. I trare thee thy master's house and thy masters wives into thy dosoni'] we ha\'e no other indication that David possessed the harem of Saul. ]3ut, according to the law of succession, they were his by right. And if this were too little I would add as much again~\ the reference is evidently to the wives, first from the form of the pronoun, secondly because it was the abundance in wives which formed the contrast between David's wealth and Uriah's poverty. — 9, 10. IVhy hast thou despised Yah2veh~\ the giver of so much good, /;/ doi?ig that which was evil in his eyes'] Yahweh is the protector of the op- pressed. The logical ending of the question is the last clause of v.^^ : and hast taken the ivife of Uriah the Uittite to be thy ivife ? This is the crime that is set forth in the parable, llie present text has been expanded by a double reference to the murder of Uriah, and by the threat that, the sword shall not turn from David's house forever, an inappropriate prediction. — 11. Tiie prophetic discourse takes a fresh start, denouncing a punishment in kind : / will take thy wives before thine eyes and 7vill give them to thy neighbour'] the evident reference is to Absalom's conduct in taking possession of his father's concubines. — 12. The pun- ishment should be as public as the crime had been secret. — 13. David, convicted by the prophet's presentation, confesses his guilt. He is assured : Yahweh has caused thy sin to pass away] it is misleading to translate has forgiven. The sin rested upon David and would work death for him. Yahweh took it away so that he should not die, but it wrought the death of the child. — 14. Nevertheless, because thou hast scorned Yahweh in this thing. 324 2 SAMUEL the child that is born to thee shall surely die] the text has been altered to avoid reading an offensive expression. — 15^. The visit of Nathan, or rather the account of it, is concluded. 7. w^N^] o TToirjo-as rovro is added by (g. — nin"" iCN-no] Bu. supposes these words with what follows to the word ij''>^3 in v.^ to be a later expansion, so that the original connexion was : Thou art the man ! Uriah the Hitlite hast thou slain. But this spoils the parable. It was not the murder that was the point of the parable, but the rape of the neighbour's darling. It is indeed explicable that this should be lost sight of in a measure when the author inter- poses a rehearsal of Yahweh's benefits. Had he proceeded at once to the specification of the crime, he would have put the adultery in the foreground. But while this accounts for the order of the clauses in the text, it would not justify omission of the adultery from the accusation. — 8. 'y'y^^^ noTis] ra TtivTo. Tov Kvpiov (Tov (3^1 i^io PJJ i 'TNTr'] as njHD at the end of the verse palpably refers to the wives of David, there is strong reason to think that 5 has here preserved the original reading, the daughters of Israel and Judah. David had not been slow to take of these as wives and concubines. Geiger classes this among the intentional changes of the scribes, and We.'s protest seems to be based on modern rather than ancient feeling. — 9. '>"• 121 pn] probably we should read 'i"" pn with i^^ and Theodotion (Nestle). At the conclusion of the speech we expect the crime which is set forth in the parable to be most prominently mentioned. The received text gives however : Uriah thou hast slain ivith the sword, his wife thou hast taken as thy wife, and him thou hast slain luith the sivord of the Ammonites. This is confusing from its double mention of the murder, as well as its reversal of the true order. As the next verse comes back to the crime with the emphasis upon the rape, I suspect that verse to have preserved to us the original ending of this one in the words 'un npni, which would be the proper continuation of v.^ after iryD. — 11, 12. The punishment here threat- ened does not seem to be within the plan of the original author of this section. He saw the punishment of David's sin in the death of the child. This was inflicted even after David's repentance. It is surprising therefore that after the repentance this punishment (Absalom's insult) should not be alluded to. Either it also should be made a part of the exemplary chastisement, or it should be remitted. The inconsistency of the present recension is obvious, and I suspect that vv.^^- ^2 are a later insertion. The original train of thought dealt somewhat mildly with David: he had indeed taken his neighbour's wife, and by his own judgment deserved death; but his repentance secured his reprieve; the sentence was commuted to the death of the child. This was too mild for a later editor, who worked over '-^-i^ as already shown. — 14. psnj ni.T O'NTn] The verb nowhere means cause to blaspheme. The only sense appropriate here is indicated by the >jpt3 of v.i". The insertion of ^ans was XII. 14-24 325 made to prevent repetition of an apparently blasphemous phrase in the public reading (Geiger, Urschrif/, p. 267), cf. a similar instance i S. 252^. 15t>-25. The death of the child. — The well-known account needs but little comment. As already indicated, the half verse ^^^ seems to have joined originally to 1 1^^ : Yahweh was displeased with the thing which David had done, and smote the child . . a/id it became sick. — 16. David does not show any indication that the doom of the child had been pronounced by the prophet : David besought God for the boy and fasted s trie tlf\ the afflicting oneself was to move the pity of Yahweh. During all the time of the illness, he came in and lay on the earth'] we naturally suppose in sackcloth as (^^ reads, and we naturally suppose also that it was before YaJnueh, though this is rendered doubtful by v.^'. 17. His courtiers, the elders of his house, stood over him as he lay on the ground to raise him up\ the Sheikhs of the family naturally had large influence with the king. — 18. On the seventh day the crisis of the disease was reached, and the child died. — And the officers of David were afraid to tell him~\ by a very natural course of reasoning : hoiu shall we say : the child is dead, so that he ivill do some harm .?] something desperate, as we may paraphrase. — 19. The effect was not what they anticipated : David saw that his courtiers were ivhisperiiig together and perceived that the child icns dead. — 20. The fact that he came to the house of Yahweh and worshipped after changing his clothes indicates that his fasting had not been there. — 21. The officers find his conduct strange : While the child was yet alive thou didst fast and weep, but 7vhen the child died thou didst lise up and eat bread] the fullest expres- sion of grief (fasting and weeping) generally comes when death has occurred. — 22. The explanation is that by fasting and weep- ing he hoped to move Yahweh : Who knoweth whether Yalnveh will have mercy and so the child will live /] where we should say in English : luhether Yahweh may not have mercy. — 23. But the event has declared itself: Why is it that I should fast ? Am I able to bring him back ? I am journeying to him, but he ivill not 7'eturn to me] some sort of continued existence in Sheol seems to be implied. — 24. Bathsheba bears a second child who receives the name Solomon. Whether the name means the peaceful is im- 326 2 SAMUEL possible to say. From this narrative we should rather conjecture recompense, the child which replaces the one taken away. — 25. The verse should include the last two words of v.-^ : And Yahweh loved him and sent by the hand of Nathan the prophet and called his name Jedidiah'] that is : the Beloved of Yahweh. The phrase at the end of the verse is probably to be corrected to : by the wo7-d of Yahweh. 16. N3i] the tense indicates his constant custom during this period. — 3D'.:'i 't^'\ (§^ has only one of the two verbs, whereas (g^ (^with a number of Greek jNISS.) has koX e/ca^evSev eV aaKK(j^ — ptt'3 |Si. The same reading is probably that of I because Ambrose gives m cilicio jacuit (cited by Sabatier), and the Codex Legionensis has et dormivit in cilicio. This ancient attesta- tion makes the reading important, and its internal probability is evident. — 21. \-i n'?\'i "(0>3] is retained by Dr. who translates on account of the child when alive. We. had however acutely conjectured that the original reading was 'n ni;'3, nd this is confirmed by ^^ and E, as well as by the following verse. — 22. "•:jn"'] the correction of the Qre (^jjm) is unnecessary, as re- marked by Dr. — 24. Nip^] N-ipni Qre is unnecessary. — 25. ivi"' "n3>'3] can hardly be correct. We must read mn> -i^-ii with (§^ and one Hebrew edition (Cappel, Critica Sacra, p. 265). S^ll add lanN. 26-31. The account of the siege of Rabba is resumed. — 26. Joab takes the water cit}''] apparently a fortification built to protect the fountain which still flows at Amman. — 27, 28. Joab, in sending the news, prefers that his king should have the glory : Gather the rest of the people and camp against the city and take it, lest I take the city and it be called by my name'\ as Jerusalem had received the name City of David. — 29. The advice is carried out, and David captures the city. — 30. And he took the C7'own of Afilco?n'] the chief god of the Ammonites, fro?n his head, and the lueight of it ivas a talent of gold~\ the weight is sufficient to show that it could be worn only by a statue. — And upon it was a precious stone and it (the stone) came upon David's head~\ a par- allel in the crown of the Dehan Apollo is cited by Nestle {Mar- ginalien, p. 17). The name of the god is disguised by the punctuators partly from reluctance even to pronounce the name of the abomination, partly from unwillingness to admit that David's jewel had once been contaminated by contact with the idol. — 31. There has been some controversy over this verse, the question being whether David tortured his captives, or whether XII. 24-xni. I 327 he put them at hard labour. For the former might be argued that he had received special provocation, both in the insult offcretl his ambassadors and in the obstinate resistance to the siege. But the theory cannot be consistently carried through without straining the meaning of the words. The most probable interpretation is that he brought out the people and set them at tlic saws and the picks and the axes and made them work at the brick-mouIds'\ their lot, which could be compared to that of the Israelites in Hgypt, was to the Bedawy, and scarcely less so to the peasant, the most wretched that could be conceived. 26. T\-:it'r:r\ ^>j,'] is called just below D^*:n ^>;, which should be rest(jred here. Rabba itself was the royal city. Oxv the interchange of hd^^ and c^o cf. We. Cheyne conjectures dd^^d n>>' meaning the citadel, Ex. Times, 1898, p. 144. — 30. z.±z\ IS vocalized as though it meant their king. But the crown of 130 pounds' weight could never have been worn by a man, and the king would certainly not have sat in state while David approached and took the crown. It seems quite certain therefore that the idol of the Ammonites is meant, whose name is given as dd^)? i K. 1 1". (S has here MeAxoA, MeAxoV, MoAx'^M and other forms, in the various MSS., while 6^ conforms to the read- ing of the punctuators. — raxi] Chr. has px n3i which I have adopted, as it is confirmed by ^K here. The received text would assert that the whole crown was placed on David's head. — 31. Di:-i] I Chr. 20^ has ni'M which means he sawed them. But while he might saw them with saws, the other instruments here mentioned would be without an appropriate verb. The reading has crept into (gL. _ pS:;3 o.mN noym] is unintelligible. The Ktib is probably right in reading p'^D^. The p^'D is however not the brict: kiln but the wooden form in which the clay is pressed into shape. We are compelled in accordance with this to change io;'n into noyn with Chr. So Gratz {Cesch. I. p. 256), and Hoffmann, ZATIV. II. p. 53 ff. XIII. 1-XIV. 33. The violation of Tamar and the conse- quences.— The story is well known : the violation of his sister is avenged by Absalom and he is obliged to flee the country. By a device of Joab the king is induced to pronounce in favour of his recall. The history throws much light upon the social condition of the people. It is from the old and good source from which we have so much of David's history, and it has suffered comparatively little in transmission. 1-7. A stratagem is suggested by Jonadab whereby Tamar will be brought into the power of her brother. — 1. Tamar, own sister 328 2 SAMUEL to Absalom, was beautiful like her brother. — And Amnon son of David^ the author so describes him to show that he was only a half brother to Tamar. From 3- we learn that he was the oldest son. — 2. And Ajnnon was so distressed that he grew sick'\ on account of the apparent hopelessness of his passion — for she was a virgin'^ so that he thought it impossible to make any approaches. — 3. Jonadab his cousin and intimate friend was a ve7'y wise man, though in this case his wisdom was put to base uses. — 4. The inquiry : Why art thou thus weak, O Prince, morning by niorii- ing? On hearing the cause the adviser has a device ready. — 5. Amnon was to feign himself sick and when the king should visit him, to say: Let Tamar my sister come and give me to eat arid prepa7'e the food in my sight, that I may see it and eat f^om her hand'\ the sick fancy was likely to be indulged by the king. — 6. At the visit Amnon asks specifically that Tamar may make two cakes for him. — 7. The expected result came about. David commanded Tamar : Go to the house of thy brother Amnon and prepare him food'\ we suppose that each of the adult sons of the king had his own establishment ; Amnon's house and servant are mentioned in this account. 1. pj':vs] proper names not infrequently end in p; Gideon, Abdon, Eglon, and others are examples, cf. Konig, Lehrgebaude, II. p. 153. 2. nSHnn*?] is used just below in the sense oi feigning oneself sick. It is therefore strange to find it used here in another meaning, and it is possible that the text has suffered. Ew. proposes to read mSnnnS = to grow weak, and Kl. VSnrm'^ = to become insane. The latter is attractive. The reason given why Amnon despaired of any attempt is that she was a virgin; the implication being that the virgin had less freedom than the married woman or widow. — 3. It is somewhat surprising to find Jonadab called a wise man. — anjv] ©^ calls him Jonathan which is the name of another son of Shimeah, 2i'-i. — 5. Snpm] it is not necessary in this passage to read SSnrmi (Kl.); the capricious appetite of a sick man would claim the indulgence of the king quite as readily as the delirium of one who feigned himself mad. — 6. The request for two heart- shaped cakes is not intended as a play on the situation. 8. Tamar came to the house, and took dough and kneaded it and made cakes as he looked on, and baked the cakes'] all as Amnon had desired. — 9. The verse interrupts the narrative and makes insoluble difficulties. It is probably therefore an interpo- lation.— 10. At Amnon's command she brings the food to him XIII. I-2I 329 /;/ the injicr roo7n. The house probably had only a public room and a chamber. — 11. He solicits her to unchastity. — 12. She refuses : Do not force vie, my brother'\ Jd. i()-^,for it is not so done itt Israel~\ the implication is that such practices were known among the Canaanites. — 13. The clear-minded maiden sees the character of the deed, and its consequences both to herself and to him : As for me, ivhither could I carry my shame ? And thou shouldst become as one of the fools ! And yet she would not refuse an honourable life with him : Noiv speak to the kiiii:^, for he ivill not withhold me from thee'] it is impossible to suppose that this is a subterfuge, an attempt to gain time. It must have plausibility even if it were only that. We are forced to conclude that marriage with a half-sister was allowed in Israel at this time, as is indeed evident from Ezek. 22", cf. what was said above, on 3''. — 14. He overpowered her and accomplished his purpose. — 15. The deed was followed by a revulsion of feeling : the hatred with ivhich he hated her was greater than the love with which he had loved her] he therefore bids her begone. — 16. The sense has been best pre- served to us in (H^ which reads : And she said : No, my brother; for greater is the second 7vrong than the first ivhich thou didst me, in sending me away. The received text can be translated only by violence. — 17. The sentence begins with the last words of '■' : And he would not listen to her, but called his lad that screed him and said: Put this wench foiih from my presence] the language is the language of contempt and injury. — 18. The verse originally told only that the servant obeyed the order. — 19'. Ta mar put ashes on her head and rent the long-sleeved tunic ivhich she wore, and put her hand upon her head] all signs of intense grief, cf. Est. 4^ 2 K. 5* Jer. 2'^'. — 20. Absalom meets her and perceives the trouble : Has Amnon thy brother been with thee ?] possibly Amnon's reputation was not of the best. The family ties how- ever prevent summary vengeance ; there is nothing for it but silence : Now, my sister, be silent, for he is thy brother; do not lay this thing to heart! The sooner we can forget the fomily dis- grace, the better. So Tamar dwelt, a desolate woman, in the house of Absalom her brother. — 2\. Although David was angry, yet he did not vex the soul of Amnon his son [by chastisement], for he loved him, because he was his first-born] the sentence, 330 2 SAMUEL which is necessary to the sense, must be completed from (3, a part having fallen out of ^. — 22. Absalom, though filled with hatred for Amnon from that time on, did not betray his feeling in any way. 8. '^uoni] the verb generally means /o /^c*?"/, — 9. DTiJ'Dn] occurs only here. Kl. followed by Bu. proposes to read i-i-\'i:"r:n~riN xnpm, and she called the servant, cf. v.^'^. But in any case, there is a contradiction* between this and the following verse. Whoever placed the cakes before Amnon, it is clear that if they were already there he could not command them to be brought to him. That he himself (the sick man) moved into the chamber after they had once been put before him is improbable, and is not intimated in the text. The simplest supposition is that this verse has been inserted by some one who supposed that it was necessary to clear the room. — 12. ntt'>i] Gen. 34^; the tense indicates customary action. Sins of this kind are elsewhere called rhii as here. — 14. 'O prnM cf. i S. ly^^^. — n.nx] should be pointed nnx: nny 3 MSS. : Aier' auT^s (g. — 16. miN-SN] is not found elsewhere, nnix S;? occurs with the meaning becaicse of. But this requires to be completed by the following words; and while we might suppose such a sentence as: ajtd she said to him because of this great evil, we are at a loss to continue. There seems no doubt therefore that the text is corrupt and that we should restore >3 ""ns '^N with OH (We., Dr., Bu.). The presumption being thus in favour of (5^ we should probably adopt its further reading : }x^y6.Ky\ t] KaKia rj icrxo-Tri vTTfp r)]v irpuTTfu, though some propose to read nnnND nxTn r\y^n nSnji which is a little nearer p?. — 17. im'^'D n>*j"nN] as the verb which follows is plural it is not improbable that we should read rn;'j : (g has rh -rraiMpiov avrov rhv iTpoi(TTt]K6Ta Tov oXkov. nxT is contemptuous and "i^i'D intimates that her presence was burdensome to him. — 18. The first half verse is explanatory of the term D^D3 Pjno in v.^^. It interrupts the narrative here, and is probably a marginal gloss which has been inserted in the wrong place. — dS"");?:] should be o'?i>'a (We.). The whole verse is lacking in 5». ^>'J1 is incorrect, it should be V^'jM. — 19. nns] for putting on the head in grief "^q"; is more common, cf. Ez. 2']^^. D"'DDn njHD is here rendered rhv xtTcDi'a rhv KapiruTov by (3^, but these words are given as the rendering of Aq. by Theod. : t. x- t. a.aTpaya\-M (Th.). The words have been lost by homeoteleuton. 30. Rumour exaggerated the calamity, reporting that Absalom had slain all the princes, without exception. — 31. The king rent ^^2 2 SAMUEL his clothes and threw himself on the ground, and all his officers who 7vere standing by him rent their clothes'] for the slight emendation of the text see the critical note. — 32. Jonadab was in the coun- sel of Absalom, or else shrewd enough to suspect the true state of the case : Let not my Lord think they have slain all the young men, the king's sons, for Amnon alone is dead] this he was able to conclude from Absalom's mien, from the day of the violation of Tamar. — 33. The conclusion drawn by Jonadab is that Amnon alone is dead. — 34. The opening words are corrupt beyond res- toration. What we expect is a temporal phrase such as : While Jonadab was yet speaking, continued by the statement : the watch- man lifted lip his eyes. The rest of the verse has in |^ lost a sen- tence which is preserved in ^. Restoring it we read : The watchtnan lifted up his eyes and saw, and behold, much people were coming \on the Beth-Horon road, on the descent; and the watchman came and told the king, saying : I see men coming] from the Beth-Horon road on the side of the hill] the words in brackets were omitted by a scribe, owing to similarity of ending to what precedes. The watchman being on the tower, it is necessary that he should come and tell the king. — 35. Jonadab sees in this the confirmation of what he has said. — 36. The arriving party and those who had been looking for them join in loud lamenta- tion, cf. Jd. 21- — 37, 38. The text is confused. First, we have a statement of Absalom's flight, then we are told that the king mourned for his son continually, then we are told again of Absa- lom's flight. Besides this, a perpetual mourning is contradicted by v."^ which speaks of David's being comforted. The accepted solution of the difficulty is to throw out ^^"^ as a later insertion and arrange the rest in the following order : And he mourned for his son continually. But Absalom fled and went to Talmai, son of Ammihud, king of Geshur, and 7vas there three years] the emenda- tion originated with Bottcher and is adopted by We., Dr., Bu. On the other hand, Kl. supposes the continually [all the days] to refer to the three years of Absalom's banishment and therefore puts : and the king mourned for his son all that time after v.^*. It is possible that neither conjecture has restored the original. Absalom's mother was a daughter of Talmai, 3'^. — 39. The verse forms the transition to what follows. Emending by (^^' we read : \in. 31-39 333 And the spirit of the king longed to 00 out to Absalom his so??, for he was co?nfortedfor the death of his son A?n?io?i. 31 D>iJ3 >ynp D^3XJ in^r^^-"] "^^ans : lohilc all his serva?its stood with rent clothes. But as pointed out by Th. (We., Dr.) this is not to the point. ©'^ renders Dn>^j3 ns i^np v^>^ o^^i'jn vi3r^3^ which fits the rest of the verse. - 32 i^nn->j3] is superfluous and probably an insertion. — nn>n on -tT^T'-i n-*v»] is obscure: for o?i the i?iouth of Absalom it was set — his death is to be supplied if we retain the text. But Absalom had not betrayed his intention m speech, even if we can accept r^^.>'Z^ as a passive participle. It seems more likely that nrD>'^' is a noun meaning a scowl (as argued by We., Dr.), or that it is a corruption. Ginsburg reads nnv.'. Ew. proposes nr:-j-.r : -enmity. Even in this case we should expect >JD-^y instead of >D-Sy. According to onenta custom Absalom would show his anger in his face, even when trying to avoid an open quarrel. -34.. Di^^oN nn.M] confirmed by (g, is nevertheless difficult to place. The most plausible thing to do if the words are to be retained is to make them the conclusion of Jonadab's address : Amnon alone is dead and Absalom has fled (so that he will not inflict further damage). But even thus the statement is unnecessary. The words may have crept in by a simply stupid error of a scribe whose thought anticipated v.^^. But it is more probable that they are a corruption of something which can only be conjectured. A plausi- ble conjecture is that of Kl., adopted by Bu. in the shape ^^^v vns -.n^i. My own conjecture is that the author wrote ngno nv sini or something equivalent. The report of the murder cannot have long preceded the coming of the princes — D^^n] after this word, 6 has preserved for us a line, also originally ending with d^dSh which has fallen out of P?. It is restored by Th., We., Dr., Bu Kl, in substantially the same form, to wit: ns-^n n3M n->iD3 D>J^n i^na D>3s'n Dv.,jx ^n^xn noN>i iSdS ijm. The second DO^n is not represented m (?», but it was probably in the original |^ because without it the following T>--: is harsh, and its presence alone fully explains the error of the scribe. For i^-^o v->nx it is evident that © had D^jnn i->ir, ©« eV t^s <55oG t^s 'npa,.^ (icpa.M ©L) The Beth-Horon road comes down from the north. — 37, 38. On the restoration cf. Dr. who (following We.) supposes that a scribe erroneously began the paragraph with nv.-. . . . D^cox. and then discovered that he had omitted 'Ui ^3xnM. He inserted the omitted words, and then to get a proper connexion repeated 3ra in a shortened form.* ->in^::y Kt. is made ■.in>^; Qre, which is favoured by ©.-39. I^cn .n '^dpiJ cannot be construed. ^' evi- dently read t'^cn nn ^dpi. For n^3 in the sense to be consumed with desire cf Ps 843 1437. It does not seem to be necessary to change pxx^ (Bu. reads nxnS Kl. rxr^) -for the king's longing might easily be described as a long- ing to go out to Absalom, though his pride would not let him go. * It is possible that originally David was said to mourn over botii his sons- the dead and the banished. ^^4 2 SAMUEL XrV. 1-11. Joab devises a fictitious case by which to appeal to the king. He knew that tlie king's heart was toivards Absalom. 2. He sent to Tekoah, a town in Judah, and took thence a wise woman'\ probably one already known to him by reputation. He directs her to play the mourner : Put on mourning garments, and do not anoint thyse/f, and become tike a woman now many days mourning for one dead. — 3. In this plight she was to present herself as a suppliant for justice before the king. — 4. A7id the Tekoite woman came, and after the customary prostration cried : Help, O king, help! — 5. To the king's question : What ails thee? she replies : Verily I am a widow, and my husband is dead'] a pleonasm which may well be excused in the circumstances. — 6. The case is this : the family being reduced to two brothers, these two quarrelled in the field when there was no one to interfere and one smote the other and killed Jwn. — 7. The result is the probable extirpation of the family, for : The ivhole clan has risen up against thy servant and say: Deliver tip the smiter of his brother, that we may slay him for the life of his brother whom he has killed, and we will destroy the [only] heir. In the flow of her speech the woman gives the result as part of the purpose of the avengers. The procedure is quite in accordance with clan cus- tom, and yet the result will be a calamity : They ivill quench my 1-cmaining coal so as not to leave my husband name or remnant on the face of the ground. Extremum jus extrema injuria. The extinction of a family is dreaded as one of the chief misfortunes. — 8. David gives a promise to see that the woman and her son are protected. — 9. She is not satisfied with this : Upon me, my lord the king, be the guilt and tipon my father's house ; and the king and his throne shall be innocent] the insinuation is that David has simply put her off with a promise, because he does not wish to involve himself — his defence of the guilty son would make him partaker -of the guilt. — 10. David makes a more distinct decree, empowering the woman to bring her prosecutors into the royal presence : Him that speaks to thee, bring before me and he shall not touch thee again. — 11. This is enough if only it can be made sure, and the petitioner therefore asks an oath : Let the king name Yahweh thy God, not to let the woenger of blood destroy, and they shall not exterminate my son. The king swears accordingly : By XIV. I-I5 335 ihe life of Yahweh a hair of thy so)i shall not fall to the <^round^ the object of this importunity is to make sure that David's mind is fully made up, before the application is made to the case of Absalom. 1. DiS:;'3N~'?>] the interchange of '^;' and '?»s' has already been remarked. With S;? we should expect a verb; reading Ss we get a tolerable sense. — 2. n>'i|->p] the location was recovered by Robinson (^BR? I. p. 486), two hours south of Bethlehem, — 4. ncNn] of most editions is a careless scribe's mistake for X3P% which is found in 40 MSS. of |i^, as in (SBCIL. At the end of the verse (!0 adds a second n;;>ttMn, which seems original (Th.). — 5. '^jn] as in I K. i'*^. — 6. i^n] ought of course to be the singular. A scribe had in mind the phrase they strove one with another, in which case the plural wt)uld be allowable. — insnTiN] tov ah^K(phv avTov (3^- is attractive and perhaps original. — 7. mincji] for which ^ renders as though it found it'0"'m, is sup- ported by (3 and is probably correct (We., Dr. al.). — 10. iPNani] for inpNjn^, and therefore to be read vns^ni (We.). — 11. i\-iVn] dehv avrod (S^. The more difficult is to be preferred. — p-'^nn?;] the pointing is difficult to account for. Kl. conjectures Ncino, which fits the sense. 12-20. The application. — The woman first asks and receives permission to say a word. — 13. Her rebuke of the king is ex- pressed in a question : A?t(l why dost thou devise against the people of God a thing like this — and the king in speaking this 700 fd is as one guilty — i7i order that the king may not bring back his ban- ished? The people of God are in her own case ; the heir is likely to be cut off. David in his treatment of Absalom is devising against them just what the Thekoites were devising against the plaintiff in the case alleged. — 14. The first half of the verse is plain : For we die and are as water spilled upon the ground which cannot be gathered^ the point is that Amnon is dead and cannot be brought back by any harshness towards Absalom. The rest of the verse is entirely obscure. Conjecturally the conclusion is an exhortation to the king not to keep his banished son in perpetual banishment. The conjecture of Ew., accepted by most recent scholars, makes the whole second half of the verse mean : And God will not take away the life of him 70 ho devises plans not to banish from him a banished one. But it can hardly be said that this is much encouragement to David. — 15. The woman excuses herself for appearing before the king : For the people made me afraid. She still talks as though her suit were the main purpose 336 2 SAMUEL of her visit. — 16. For the king will hear, to deliver his servant from the hand of the man ivho seeks to destroy me and my son from the heritage of Yahweli] this is a part of the reflection which induced her to come before the king. — 17. The woman con- cludes her speech : The word of my lord the ki?ig will be a com- fort'] literally, a resting place. The reason is the wisdom of the king : for like the angel of God is my lord the king to hear good and evil] and to discern between them, is of course implied. — And Yahiueh thy God be with thee] is evidently her parting bless- ing.— 18. The king does not let her go until his curiosity is satis- fied on one point, and so asks her not to conceal thsit one thing. — 19. The question concerns the agency of Joab, and the answer is an admiring testimony to the king's shrewdness : By thy life, my lord the king, I cannot turn to the 7-ight or the left from all that my lord the king has spoken. His question contains an affirmation, and the affirmation is correct. — 20. In order to change the face of the affair] that is, the affair of Absalom — did thy servant Joab this thing] an excuse for Joab and his instrument. The final compliment to the wisdom of the king is intended to say that his decision is certain to be right. 13. "^3-i:;i] pointed as though a Hithpael, with assimilation of the p, Ges,^^, § 54 r. The last clause is explanatory of pnt^ (We., Dr.), which refers to the case of the woman herself as just alleged. @l (following Theodotion) had a different text, which however cannot be restored with certainty. — 14. niD""'3 pi::j] ©^' makes the point more plain by rendering oti TeOf-qKeu 6 vlos aov, meaning Amnon. — tt'-jj d^iSn xty^-xS] the clause as it stands is incompre- hensible. Taken with what follows, it might be forced to mean : and God does not take aivay life, but devises plans that his banished be not banished from him (so substantially RV.). In this case the long suffering of God, in nut taking away the sinner until he has had opportunity to repent, would be set forth as an example to David. The objections are obvious. The assertion that God does not take atvay a life before doing so and so is entirely too sweep- ing. Common observation shows that this is not his rule. Moreover, the statement that God devises devices that his banished be not banished is obscure and without Old Testament analogy. The most obvious conjecture is to read a-'.J'ni for irm and, joining it with the preceding, render And God does not take a7uay a soul and then return it, that is : death is irrevocable. We are then left without a connexion for what follows. ^^ omits n*^ : koX A7}ix\p€Tai & dfhs ypux-h", Kal \oyi(6fxevos rod (^oxrai oitt' avrov e^€(a(T(x4vov, which does not give any help. ©L which seems to have the translation of Theodotion (Field) XIV. 16-24 337 gives us : kuI ovk i\Tri((i in' auT^ ^"XVf which connects well with what pre- cedes— an{/ no one hopes for it (? the water, some MSS. have avruu). This evidently substitutes on-'^N or vSn for the D-inSs of JQ and makes U'sj the subject of the verb. In view of the difficulty we find in understanding the received text, this seems acceptable. On the same authority the last clause means: Vei the king devises a plan to keep a-ivay from him one banished ! (The excla- mation is an intimation that this ought not to be), reading "]^cn for v-^^a^, and mjS for n-i\ We. objects to the phrase banish a banished one, but it does not seem difficult. Ew. changes 3-'ni in the received text to yi?\r\, and is followed by We., Dr., Bu., Ki. — 15. itrN] omitted by two MSS. of |^, is in fact redundant. But the author is reproducing the speech of a woman of the people. — ''j-iN iVnn] is not the usual order and ""Jin is lacking in (@'^ — 16. ir'nsn] add t:'p3r:n with (5 (Th. al.). — omSnJ ©^^C seem to have read nin', which is better. — 17. innD'^] restore 7\vHr\ with (5", for this is evidently the concluding part of the woman's speech. — nnja^] a resting place, some- thing in which one may feel secure. — 3^■^'?vS^ in^dd] we find the same com- parison in 19-S, where also the point is the ability to discern the right, cf. v.^** V'yh. — 19. U'n-dn] usually taken to be for ci-qn in the meaning it is not possible. The form however is unusual — the text is suspicious in the only other case of its occurrence, Mic. (i^^. The conjecture of Perles {Analekten ziir Textkritik des Allen Testatnenles, p. 30) is therefore plausible, that we should read ^lass, for which also S n-'tOD may be cited. 21-24. Absalom is brought back but not received at court. — 21. Joab, as a high officer of the court, was standing by the king during the woman's plea. David turns to him and says : Behold I have done this thing\ the thing asked is granted, and so in pur- pose is aheady accompHshed. — 22. Joab expresses his thanks in language that shows how much the matter lies on his heart. Why Joab should have such an interest in Absalom is not apparent. — 23, 24. Joab brings Absalom back, but the king commands : Let him turn aside to his own house, and my face he shall not see'\ the return was therefore not a restoration to the favour of the king. 21. \-ivi>;?] the Qre in some editions is n-'^'j? and so 20 codd. in DeRossi. But the best editions point according to the consonantal text. — 22. n3v] the Qre perversely commands Tiay, which is found in 16 codd., but not sustained by the versions. 25-27. The author or the redactor inserts a panegyric of Absa- lom's personal beauty, and an account of his family. The latter contradicts i8^^ and the whole breaks the connexion of the narra- tive. There seems no reason however to put the paragraph at a 338 2 SAMUEL very late date, unless it be the mention of the standard weight as the royal weight ; and this seems difficult to date exactly. The fact of Absalom's personal beauty may have been a matter of early tradition. The author emphasizes a similar fact in the case of Adonijah i K. i*^. — 25. No man in Isj-ael was so praiseworthy as Absalom ; from the sole of his foot to his crown there was no blemish in him'\ David also seems to have had great personal beauty. — 26. The main sentence is : and ivhen lie shaved his head, he would weigh his hair, two hundred shekels by the king^s weight~\ the shaving of the head had some religious signification, as we see in the Nazirites. The specification of the king's weight points to a time when Assyrian or Babylonian measures had begun to be used in Palestine (We.). The main sentence is interrupted by a parenthesis telling that the shaving of the head took place once a year. — 27. The verse gives Absalom three sons and a daughter. The harmony of this with i8^^ is secured by supposing that all the sons died in infancy. But if this were so, the author would have mentioned it here. (§ adds at the end of the verse that Tamar became the wife of Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, and bore to him Abia (Abiathar, in #^). 25. ■13'' is omitted by (5^, and Sd by (g^^, while % omits bath. As the shorter text has the presumption in its favour and as ^'rnS Snico C"in gives a perfectly good sense we should probably read so, throwing out both the inserted words. — S'pnS] in the sense to be praised is good Hebrew, of. Dav. Syntax § 93. t§ however may have found S*?."!?:, which it read '7'^nr. — 26. On the construction see Dr. Notes. For 200 shekels, Th., followed by Koehler {Bibl. Gesch. des A. T. II. p. 345), conjectures twenty; ®^ has 100. — 27. nrjn] Maaxa ©^ I (Cod. Leg.). The addition at the end of the verse is found in nearly all MSS. of (5 and in I. It apparently comes from I K. 15^, where Abijah's mother is called Maacah daughter of Absalovi. 28-33. Absalom secures recognition at court. — After dwelling in Jerusalem two years without seeing the face of the king, Absa- lom sent for Joab to send hifn to the king~\ evidently to expostulate concerning the situation. Joab, however, was not willing to come even after a second summons. He probably felt that he had done enough in procuring Absalom's recall. — 30. Absalom's imperious temper shows itself in the means taken to secure Joab's attention. He said to his servants : see Joab's field next to me where he has XIV. 25-xv. I 339 barley ; go and set it on fire~\ tlic standing grain when fully ripe burns readily, as is seen in the experiment of Samson with the foxes. At the end of the verse (or at the beginning of the next) (!ll insert : And the scnhints of Joah came to him loith rent clothes and said : the servants of Absalom Jiavc set the field on fire. The sentence may be original. — 31, 32. To Joab's question, Absalom thinks it sufficient answer to say that he had sent for him. The king's son treats Joab as a servant. He will send to the king the message : Why have I co?ne from Geshur? It ivould be better for me still to be there'] the half recognition which he has received is more galling than exile. Without further explanation of his arson, he goes on : And now let me see the face of the king, and if there be guilt in me, let him kill me. — 33. The appeal matle by Joab was successful, and Absalom was received by his father, who kissed him in token of full reconciliation. 30. n\-ii-ini] for which the Qre commands niri"'sni. The form n^xm seems to occur nowhere else, so that the Ktib here is most easily accounted for by supposing it to be the blunder of a scribe, cf. Ges.^s §71. jhe insertion of (HI is accepted by Th., Kl. ; rejected by We., Bu. The transition is abrupt without it, and its omission may be accounted for by homeoteleuton, so that the probability is rather in its favour. XV. l.-XIX. 44. The usurpation of Absalom. — After due preparation, Absalom has himself anointed king at Hebron. At his approach to the capital, David retires to the Jordan valley. Absalom is for some time in possession of the capital, while David finds support in transjordanic Israel. By a decisive battle, the cause of Absalom is lost, he himself being slain. The grief of the king at the loss of his son is as great as if he had lost his king- dom. The feeling between Judah and Israel breaks out again in the return of the monarch, and the sequel is the rebellion of Sheba ben Bichri. This is one of the most vivid pieces of narrative in the Old Tes- tament, and evidently belongs to an old and well informed source. This source is apparently the same from which we have had the account of Amnon and Absalom which immediately precedes. XV. 1-6. Absalom plays the demagogue. — First he assumes the state befitting the heir apparent : JJe procured a chariot and 340 SAMUEL horses and fifty men to n/n before hi7n'\ the chariot was an unac- customed luxury. The fifty retainers would form a body-guard for the young prince. In the absence of precedent for the settle- ment of the throne, such preparations indicated that the prince was putting himself forward with a claim to the succession. We have no evidence that David had as yet made any provision in favour of Solomon. Primogeniture has never been the rule in the East, and Absalom, being of royal blood on both sides, may well have regarded himself as the best fitted for the throne. — 2. Ab- salom now made it his habit to rise early and stand at the gate'\ of the city, the place of public concourse. — And eveiy man that had a case to come before the king for Judgment Absalom ivould call to himself] and show interest in him, first by asking him about his home. — 3. Then came an insinuation that the king was careless about the administration of justice : Thy pleadings are good and right, but there is no one to hear thee on the part of the king~\ we may suppose that the man was encouraged to state his case before this was said. — 4. Suggestion that Absalom liim- self had the interest of justice at heart : Oh, that one would make vie judge in the land, and to me should come eveiy man who has a case, and I would give him justice ! The public good is repre- sented as his main interest. — 5. He would not allow the custom- ary obeisance, but would place men on the level of friendship : When a man came near to do obeisance he would put out his hand and take hold of him and kiss him. — 6. The result is not surpris- ing : He stole the understanding of the men of Israel^ he deceived them, cf. Gen. 31^". 1. vjdS Q^xn] such runners formed a part of royal state in very early limes, and have continued to the present in the East. — 2. c'^sn-^j] should probably be tt'-'N Sd: Tras kv-inp (g. The answers of the men would be different; the author puts a general answer for the different specific ones : Thy servant is from one of the tribes of Israel ; as if he had said: the man answered: I am from this or that tribe. — 4. •'jrtt'^-^c] cf. the expression |,-»->d also expressing a wish, Jer. 8'^3_ -_ jj^.^j^^j jg lacking in (gL^. — 6. nS-px 'n 3JJm] cannot mean he 7von their affection, but must be interpreted by the similar phrase, Gen. 3i20, where the only meaning allowable is Jacob deceived Laban. So Absalom stole the brain of Israel, befooled them. The heart is the seat of the intellect, cf. BDB. s.v. 33"^ and 3^, and especially Delitzsch, System der BibL Psychologie-i {i2,ei), p. 248 f. where the parallels are cited. XV. I-I2 341 7-12. The usurpation. — The site chosen is Hebron where we may suppose tlicre was more or less dissatisfaction at the removal of the capital to Jerusalem. The time seems to be four years after Absalom's restoration to favour. The pretext was a vow made to the Yahweh of Hebron.— 8. For thy senmnt vowed a vow when I dwelt in Geshur in Aram savin-: If Yalnveh bring me baek to Jerusalem, I will sen'e Yahweh in /A-/.;v7//] the near- est parallel seems to be the vow of Jacob Gen. 28-''*--- (K), and like that, this vow calls for personal appearance before God with sacrifice,' Gen. 35'"^ It is evident, as in the case of Baal, that the Yahweh'of a particular place assumed a distinct personality in the common apprehension. Although the Ark was at Jerusalem, David did not find it strange that Absalom should want to worship at Hebron. The Yahweh of Hebron would be the special (iod of Judah. — 9. David gives the desired permission. — 10. At the time of his departure Absalom sent emissaries into all the tribes of Israel, saying: When yoit hear the sound of the trumpet, then say ■ Absalom has become king in Hebron. It is evident that much more elaborate preparation was made than appears on the surface of this concise narrative. The signal was expected to go from village to village, and enough men were distributed to declare the coronation an accomplished fact.-ll. Besides his own party, Absalom took two hundred men from Jerusalem who were invited^ as guests to the festival. - These went in their m- noeenee-\ being ignorant of the plan. But as members (we may suppose) of the leading families they would be hostages in Absa- lom's hands, or if convinced, as they might easily be at Hebron, that Absalom's cause was the winning one, they would exert a powerful influence in his favour. -12. As it stands the verse does not fit the context. It says that Absalom sent Ahithophel from his eitv, but whither (which is here the most important point) we are not told. There is authority for correcting to: Absalom sent for Ahithophel, or to: Absalom sent and brcu^ght Ahithophel. But from the later narrative we conclude that Ahith- ophel was the soul of the rebellion, and we have reason to suspect therefore that the original text contained something to the effect that Ahithophel fomented the conspiracy from Giloh, while Absa- lom was carrying on the sacrificial feast at Hebron. 'I his alone 342 2 SAMUEL would account for the fact that the cojispiracy was strong and the people with Absalom kept increasing in number. 7. r\yv c>;'3->n] has given the scholars trouble. The Rabbinical expositors count from the time when the Israelites demanded a king (Isaaki, Kimchi), or from David's first anointing by Samuel (LbG.), or again from the slaying of the priests at Nob (Pseudo-Hier.), as though the rebellion vi^ere a punish- ment for David's deception. The natural reckoning would be from the coro- nation of David at Hebron (Cler.), but it is unlikely that the usurpation took place in the last year of David's life, The most obvious way out of the diffi- culty is to correct i\it forly \.o four, which is favoured by <^^, Josephus, Theod., and, if we may judge from the MSS. of IL, also by I. — 8. 3''u''>] is erroneous duplication of the verb which follows. The punctuators try to make the best of it by reading 2VJ'% which however cannot be the adverbial infinitive of 3ii;'. For the latter, which is read by (§, we must restore 3i:'n or 3)-' (Th. al.). At the end of the verse (§^ adds eV Xe&pwv, which seems necessary (adopted by Kl., Bu.), and which may have been left out because it emphasizes the dis- tinctness of the Yahweh of Hebron. — 10. D-'Sjir;] generally spies, but here a little broader in meaning. — 11. 121~'^D lyi"' nSi] a strong expression — t/iey did not know anything of the matter. — 12. 'N~.nx mStiON nStt'^i] ,it is evident that this is wrong. The only emendation suggested by the versions is to read '3N NipM or Nip"'! '2X xhz^^^ which are supported by various Greek Codices; or else to insert ihsdm with 5. Neither one seems to go far enough, for it remains inexplicable that Ahithophel should not be invited until the very last moment. The reconstruction of Kl. lacks probability. — •'jS'>jn} from n^ij like "':^''::*.-t from rh^z\ Gilo is enumerated among the towns of the hill country of Judah. It is not yet certainly identified, but a Beit Jala and 2. Jala exist in the vicinity of Bethlehem, Buhl, Geog. p. 165. 13-16. David, taken by surprise, flees the city. The first news he receives is that the heart of the men of Israel has gone after Absalom'\ there must have been widespread dissatisfaction to justify the report, or even to make it plausible to David. — 14. The citadel in which he had established himself could not protect him — evidently he feared disaffection in his household. It is perhaps not without reason that (g^ reads : lest the people come upon us. That David wished to spare the city the horrors of a siege (Kl.) is not indicated in the text. It seems rather that he was convinced that his only safety was in flight. — 15. The officials of the court consent. — 16. So the king went out and all his household with him] literally, at his feet. The only exception was ten concubines who were left in charge of the house. XV. 12-22 343 14. -sn-z' ]s] /x^ (pedar] 6 \a6s 6^'. — 15. y-^r; nj.-i] is sustained by ©, though we rather look for a verb; S adds pi^V. 17, 18. The text has suffered, but we are able to make out that ^/le kifig and all the people who followed him iveiit out and stood at Beth Merhalz] a place otherwise unknown, possibly the last house on the Jerusalem side of the Kidron wadi. The reason for the king's making a halt here is that he might inspect his party. They defile before him : all his officers and the Cherethites and the Pelethites~\ the veteran body-guard. With them was a recent re- cruit, Ittai the Gittite, who was apparently once mentioned here, as he is addressed by David in the next verse. He was, we may judge, a soldier of fortune who had just enlisted in David's service with a band of followers. There is no analogy in Hebrew antiq- uity for regarding him as a PhiHstine hostage.* — 19. David gen- erously advises Ittai to seek his fortune with the new king, rather than with himself (who could hardly offer much in the way of pro- motion) : Why wilt thou also go with us ? Returji and dwell ivith the king, for thou art a stranger and an exile from thy place~\ one seeking a home and who thought he had found it. — 20. Yesterday was thy coming, and to-day shall I make thee wander with us ? The question, which is indicated by the inflection of voice, is rhe- torical. The hardship of such a course is indicated in the circum- stantial clause which follows : 7vhen I am going hither and yonder'] literally; when I am going ivhe re I am going; David himself did not know where, cf. i S. 23^^. He therefore advises : Return and take thy brethren with thee, and Yahweh show thee kindtiess and faithfulness] David's thoughtfulness for others shows itself in this incident, at a time when he might be excused for consulting his own interest. — 21. Ittai solemnly declares: Wherever my lord the king shall be, whether for death or for life, there will thy ser- vant be I — 22. At this protestation of fidelity David commands him to march on, so he marched by with a train which embraced his men and their families. 17. s;'n] two codd. have may and this is also. the reading of (5^^. The original seems to be |Q which means the people of the household. — pnn'^n r''3] the house of Distance might possibly be the furthest house from the centre * Which is Thenius" hypothesis, retained by Lohr, Th^. p. 172. 344 2 SAMUEL of the city. But this is precarious. The reading of (g seems to have been -l^^c.-l nn, which however has been corrected in the chief MSS., cf. Field, Hex. Orig. I. p. 569. — 18. The text of (g has suffered by conflation but its fulness does not help to restore the true reading. The difficulty with |^ is that it makes all the Gittites to have followed David from Gath. Had the author meant to say that the troops were those who had followed David from Ziklag he would have said so. The sudden introduction of Ittai in the next verse seems to prove that he was once mentioned here, and the consequence is easily drawn, that these Gittites were his men. For d^ijd-Sdi therefore, Bu. with Kl., Ki., following a hint of We., proposes to read '•njn ^nx ^h'jn Sy^. The objection to this is that it makes these Gittites a force of six hundred men. But the Cherethites and Pelethites were only six hundred in number, and it is unlikely that a fresh band of the same size would be enlisted while the veterans were faithful. Ew. {GVI^. III. p. 243, E. Tr. III. p. 179) changes a^ijn into c-^^jn which does not relieve the sudden introduction of Ittai in the next verse. — 19. I'^ipi:'?] might perhaps stand: an exile as to thy place ; but the versions seem to have read iDipcc, (§5»1L and one Hebr. cod., whereas ^ inserts Stix. — 20. (S^ has a double translation of the opening part of the verse. One part of this seems to have read with the interrogative dnj Smnn. lyUN Kt., is doubtless to be corrected to the Qre. : "lyj.s*, unless we go further and read li^jN. At the end of the verse ncNi non are unattached and we should doubt- less insert with (5 icy r\'y-;> ninii which fell out after the preceding nc;; (Th.). — 21. DN •>o is not in place, nor is the dn alone, which in an oath has a nega- tive force. Nothing is left to us but to suppose that a scribe made a blunder — as was already discovered by the punctuators. — 22. ^3r\'] cf. Ex. lo^". (Q^ inserts the king here through a misapprehension of Ittai's position (as leader). 23. The condition of things at the particular moment when the Ark appeared was this : All the people were weeping with a loud voice, while the king stood in the Kidrofi wadi, and the people passed by before him on the road of the Wilderness Olive'\ the Kidron is the well known valley east of Jerusalem. The road taken was probably the one on the south slope of the Mount of Olives, the same which is still travelled to Jericho and the Jordan valley. — And behold Zadok . . . bearing the Ark of God'] the present text inserts and all the Levites with him. But as the Levites are un- known to the Books of Samuel, this is obviously a late insertion. Probably the original was Zadok and Abiathar. They now set doiun the Ark to allow the people to pass by. As the Ark went on the campaigns of David, it was a natural thought to take it at this time. — 25. The king commands the Ark to be taken back: If I find favour in the eyes of Yahweh, he will bring me back and XV. 23-3° 345 will sh07u me it and his dwcllins.-'i&. If on the other hanly) follow the course of the wad, but crossed it. In the following, also, the king seems to l>e stdl rev.ewmg h.s company. We.'s conjecture that we should read Vni. -,.>■ is therefore gener- ally adopted and has much to recommend it. We have further two assertions that the people were passing along, one of which rs superfluous, and I have the efore stricken out the Brst =<.=. =>.n-H=,. Again, for ..=-sp we should read r.= ^, with (5S and finally n:..=n-r. .-,. is an impossible expression and must have been •>=.=n nn T^t : "ari rV o5i,. t?. iK.^^. rn< - rp .p^W O " probably represents this, and it is not necessary to reconstruct literally l^n l°L 4s n-,n as is done by Dr., Bu.-24. in. =.H. H,,] is easily accouned for, as the insertion of a later scribe, whose point of view *as tha of the Chronicler. A similar insertion is n^na which betrays itself by is difterence of position in the MSS. of ©.-a-Ssn] K„,.W 6" which also adds »,..,«., wWch if original can only represent ,P<... The verb VJ'- P "^My ^J Ts. The enigmatical .no. Hpn may possibly mean and Ahattuu- offered ; aifices) as David had done on another journey of the Ark Bu we shou d expect the object to be expressed, and as the words are omilted by (5 , they are p obably due to an attempt to readmit the displaced Abiathar into the te!t - 25 .^;.] ®?- adds l.p« T.. adopted by Bu. But it is no. necessary o the sense, and insertion is more likely than omission. - -.«.ni] "^o^" ® '• ^27 nxn ] is obscure. It is taken by Ew. as an address to Zadok, as ,f he were a .«., which does not appear to be the fact. ©" „ads i.n which is sus- "c ous f on, Its recurrence at the beginning of v.-. We. supposes an insertion ' ™n which has been corrupted into the present text. It is imposs ile to decTde with certainty. For n.., I am inclined to read .. (the Part-P e - tn having eome from the following word. -28 .=..n nn.>.] . probabl, correct The Qri substitutes -dh Pon;. which is tautological. «'- ""'J^/' Xncetothe same ,K,7'l ©B, the Ark being the subject. 30 David now takes up his march, going up the ascent of Olivet with his head covered and his feet bare, both signs of grief. The people also covered their heads and went up, weep.ng as they 346 2 SAMUEL loent — 31. On hearing of the defection of Ahithophel, David prays : Turn the counsel of Ahithophel to foolishness, O Yahiveh I As remarked above, Ahithophel, the grandfather of Bathsheba, had a special reason to seek the destruction of David. — 32. As David was coming to the hill top where one worships God^ sanctu- aries on the hills are too well known to need remark. — There met him Hushai the A r kite the friend of David, with his tunic rent and earth upon his head~\ the place or family from which he got his name is unknown. — 33, 34. David sees in Hushai an instrument for counteracting the influence of Ahithophel : If thou go 7inth me, thou shall be a burden to me ; but if thou return to the city and say to Absalom : I am thy servant, O king . . . then thou canst bring to nought for me the counsel of Ahithophel^ the sen- tence is a little complicated by the length of the speech which Hushai is to make to Absalom. The apparent sense of it is : Thy servant will I be, O king ; thy father'' s servant was I forjnerly, and now I am thy servant. But as the Hebrew is awkward, it is possible that the text has suffered, (fi certainly read something quite different in part of the sentence : Thy brothers have gone away and the king thy father has gone away after \_them'\ ; now I am thy servant, O king! let me live ; I have been thy father's servant heretofore, and noia I am thy servant. — 35, 36. David instructs Hushai to keep Zadok and Abiathar informed, and to send word by their sons as has already been planned, cf. v.-^. — 37. As a result of this advice, Hushai returns to the city, reaching it about the time of Absalom's arrival. 30. v^'si iT'-'N ion] we find cu-n-i ion in Jer. 14^ where also it is a sign of grief. — 31. nni] read nnSi with 6^- and 3 MSS. of |!?. It is unnecessary however to change the verb to "ijn (Bu.). — 32. "iDnNn] 6 apxi^raipos AaveiS l3 as in 16^^. The original (5 was 6 'Apxl eraTpos AaveiS, of which we have traces in a few MSS. The friends or boon companions of the king were a special class of courtiers, as it would seem. The Arkites are mentioned Jos. i6" between Luz and Ataroth. — 34. The difficulties with the received text in the middle of the verse are these : n\-iN is in an unusual position and separated byiScn from its subject ^jn; both ^jNi have the "i of the apodosis which is certainly extreme (Dr.) ; and the clause -^^r; ^jni repeats the first. At the opening we should expect a salutation of the king. (3 has (with slight varia- tions) : Si(\r}Kv0a(Tiv ol ad^Kfoi crov, Hal 6 0aai\fvs KaT6niad4v jxov SieAriXvOcv 6 narrip aov to which it adds the reading of ||^ in a second translation, only XV. 3I-XVI. 6 347 rendering n^nx by eacr6v fxe ^Tjtrat. It is not impossible that the original had some such reference as this: //ty brother has passed aivay\ and the king tJiy father has passed away after him (Kl.). The assumption that David was as good as dead would be flattering to Absalom. The let me live seems to us "too currish" (We.), but it might not so strike an oriental. — 36. njn] 19 codd. have njm which is also read by (S^^. At the end of this verse ©^ inserts a repetition of what Ilushai was expected to say to Absalom. — 37. n;;-\] the pointing is unusual, cf. Ges.-^ 93 //. — N3^] on the tense cf. Davidson, Syntax, 45, Rem. 2, Dr., Tenses^y 27 7. XVI. 1. The account follows the fortunes of David. When he had got a little beyond the summit, Ziba the so-vant of f^cribhaal met hini] having come from the city, it would seem, by another road ; with a pair of asses saddled, and two Jiundred loaves of bread and a hundred bunches, of raisin s^^ cf. i S. 25'-. The tivo hundred fruits were probably figs, Am. 8\ — 2. To the king's question Ziba replies that this is provision for the king's household. — 3. A further question concerning his master brings out the re{)ly : He remains in Jerusalem, for he thinks : To-day ivill the house of Israel give me hack my father's kingdojn'] it is possible that Merib- baal had the idea that the popular disturbance would bring the house of Saul again to the front. But it is hardly likely that he, a cripple, should expect to be their choice for the throne. The excuse given later by Meribbaal himself accounts sufficiently for his remaining behind, and we must suppose Ziba's accusation slanderous. — 4. The king believes in the man who has done him a kindness, and without waiting to hear the other side gives him all Meribbaal's property. Ziba acknowledges the gift by obeisance and a prayer for the king's continued favour. 1. nrs] Kl. conjectures i?:>n, and in fact two asses seem insufficient for the occasion. — vp] is translated by C5^ ^oiVenjamite terri- tory. There came out a man of the clan of Saul whose name was Shimei son of Gera, cursing as he came. — 6. His hostility was 348 2 SAMUEL made known by his actions as well as his words : He stoned David and all his officers and all the people and all the soldiers at his right hand and at his left~\ this represents the king surrounded by his body-guard. — 7, 8. Shimei's words were: Get thee gone, get thee gone, vile and cruel man ! Yahweh has brought back npon thee all the blood of the house of Sai(i~\ this temper was probably not uncommon in Benjamin. We could condone it if the owner had not shown such obsequiousness at a later date. — Behold thee now in thy calamity/^ a spectacle to all men. — 9. Abishai is ready to avenge the insult: Why should this dead dog curse my lord the king? cf. 9I — 10. David denies that he has anything in common with the violent temper of the sons of Zeruiah : When. Yahweh has said to him : Curse David I then zuho shall say : JVhy hast thou done so ? The infliction was of divine ordering, and must be borne patiently. — ^^11. A second remark on the same subject: My son who came from my bowels seeks my life, how much more this Benfamite^ is excusable. — 12. Perchance Yaluveh will look upon my affliction and repay me good for his cursing this day"] Nestle {Margitialien, p. 18) compares the Qoran (68^-), where the owners of the blasted garden say : " Perhaps our Lord will give us in exchange a better than it." — 13. As David continued his jour- ney, Shimei went along on the side of the mountain parallel with him, cursing as he went, and threiv stones and dust'] more as an expression of hatred than with the expectation of inflicting bodily injury. — 14. So the king and the people came to ( ? some place the name of which is lost) and he refreshed himself there. 5. N3i] is the wrong tense, and should be corrected to n^m, so apparently D"'c] as the Benjamites are elsewhere rep- resented as ambidextrous (Jd. 20!*^) one is tempted to make this describe Shimei as throwing with his right hand and with his left. But in usage f D''D almost always means at the right hand of a person or a thing. — 8. in>n3 *ljni] Koi (S(i^€ aoi T7JI' KUKiav aov <3^ is probably only a free translation, though it may possibly imply "in>n in"\."iv — 10. S^|"» o] the Qj'e h'^p'' hd does not seem to help. It is awkward to join with what follows : 7vhen he curses and tvhen Yahweh says : curse. I suspect that Kl. is right in reading here as below, favoured also by (5, SSpM i'? in"'jn : tet him curse I When Yahiveh has said, etc. — "-Di] o Qre. — 11. The verse is supposed by Kl. to be a paraphrase of XVI. 6-19 349 the preceding. There seems no reason, however, why the king may not have made more than one remark on the same subject. — 12. '*JV3] is doubtless for "'"'jyj. Rabbinical subtlety sees here one of the Tiqqiine Sopherim, sup- posing the original reading to have been ir^a : with his eye, which was changed to avoid anthropomorphism (Geiger, Ui'schrifi, p. 325). The Qr^ reads 'j>y3 which is intended to mean upon my tears. But such a meaning for p>' is with- out parallel. "'j''i73 with the genitive of the object, the sin committed against me, is contrary to analogy. — '''■^'^'^p] is the reading of Baer and Ginsl)urg, whereas the majority of printed editions have \"iSSp in the text, with in*?*?!") Qr^, — 13. SSpM liSn] is not the usual form of such a phrase, and it is possible that "ii"^.-! is an erroneous insertion; it is lacking in 5. — ipcv*^] the second time is awkward : e'/c TrAa7twf ahrov (S^ : eV aurJj/ (5''S» may be conjectural renderings only, but show the difficulty of the word. — 14. D'£3'>] we expect the name of the place, and it is possible that □"S^v represents such a name; otherwise one has dropped out : Trapa t})v 'lopSdur^v ©^ looks like a conjecture. In 1528 David expects to lodge at the laion nn^j', and in 17^° we find him at what is intended to be the same place. Possibly this name once stood here. — !:'3JM] cf. Ex. 23I2. 15. The narrative now leaves David, in order to show how things are going at Jerusalem. Absalom had taken possession without opposition. The populace seem to have been on his side, if we may judge by the assertion that f/ie mefi of Israel made his train. — 16. And when Hushai the Arkite, the friend of David, came to Absalom and said : Long live the king, Absalom said: Is this thy friendship for thy friend? Such seems to be the construc- tion of the sentence. — 18. The questions of Absalom imply that Hushai should have gone with David, to which implication he replies : No ! For whom YaJnveh and this people and all Israel have chosen — '- to him will I belong and with him ivill I dwell~\ the combination of God's will and the will of the people overrules all else. The flattery is obvious. — 19. And in the second place : Whom should I serve ? Should it not be his son .?] that is, the son of the friend just alluded to. The speaker endeavours to show that the friendship is best manifested by turning to the son : As I have served thy father, so 7vill I serve thee'] the fine words suffice for the occasion. 15. -r> '^^N ayn-S^i] ko.\ iras avrjp 'Ifrpa^A ©«. The latter seems original. — 16. "iScn ^n>] is given only once in ©• The apodosis seems to begin with v.i". — 18. nV] the second time is corrected by the Qre to i'', which is essen- tial.— mn Dj?ni] refers to the people there present: kuI 6 \ahs avrov ©^ ip connexion with what follows is tautological. 350 2 SAMUEL 20. Absalom asks advice concerning the first step. — 21. Ahith- ophel is prompt with his reply: Go in to thy father's concubines which he left to keep the house, and all Israel will hear that thou hast made thyself abhorred of thy father ; and the hands of all who are 07i thy side will be strengthened^ the breach would thus be made incurable, and on Absalom's side would be the determination of men who know this. The act advised, however, is not a mere act of wantonness. The successful usurper took possession of his pred- ecessor's harem as a matter of right, as we have seen in the case of David himself. Absalom's act was only the public affirmation of the logic of the situation. — 22. They pitched the tent~\ the bridal tent of the Semites which has survived, in the canopy of the Jewish wedding ceremony, to our own day. Absalom thus took possession of the king's rights, before the eyes of all Israel. Had this author known of Nathan's denunciation of this punish- ment for David's adultery, he would have made some allusion to it here. — 23. That the advice thus acted upon was just what the occasion demanded is indicated by the author in his panegyric : The counsel of Ahithophel which he counselled in those days was as though one inquii'ed of the word of God. 20. r^z^ idh] addressed to the whole circle of counsellors. — 21. Sx ni^] frequently used of the consummation of marriage. — pn pcnjj] the combina- tion occurs nowhere else, and it is possible that the Hiphil was originally writ- ten : Karyax^vas rhu -narcpa crov (§. — 22, Shnh] cf. the rion of the bridegroom, Ps. 19O; also WRSmith, Kinship, p. 168 f.; Wellh., Muhammed in Medina, p. 178. — 23. The Qre bids insert t:'\s' after SN:^"', which is certainly smoother. XVII. 1-14. Ahithophel and Hushai. — In a debate as to the next step to be taken, Ahithophel counsels an immediate pur- suit of David. Hushai by an elaborate argument counteracts the impression made by Ahithophel, and secures delay. The debate was held the day of the arrival in Jerusalem, apparendy after the appropriation of the concubines was decided upon, but before it was consummated. 1. Ahithophel is himself ready to take the field against David : let mc choose twelve thousand men, and I will a?'ise and pursue David to-night. — 2. The time was favourable: And I will come upon him when lie is exhausted and weak, and I will throw him XVI. 20 X\ II. II 351 into a panic, and all the people with hi in loill flee and J will smite the king alone. The picture drawn has a good deal of i)robabnity. David was weary and discouraged ; the company with liim would easily be thrown into a panic ; and in the confusion the king might be slain with little loss of life otherwise. — 3. Reading witii d we translate : And I will bring back all the people to thee as the bride returns to her husband ; only one man thou seekest — and all the people shall be at peace'] the figure is flattering to Absalom, as well as the intimation that IJavid alone is a disturber of the peace. — 4. The advice commended itself to Absalom and the assembled Sheikhs. — 5. He desires however to get all possible light and so orders Hushai to be summoned : that 7ue may hear what is in his mouth also. — 6. The case is laid before Hushai: Thus has Ahithophel spoken ; sJiall we carry out his word? If not, do thou speak I In case of disagreement only would it be necessary to make a speech. — 7. Hushai, who knows that delay will work for David, pronounces against the scheme. — 8. The argument : first, David and his men are old soldiers, and of angry temper like the bear robbed of her cubs. The Syrian bear was formidable, as indeed it is still. ^ adds here : aiid like the 7vild boar of the plain. Secondly, David is too shrewd to spend the night where he is likely to be surprised ; he is a man of 7var and will not lodge with the people] the hope of a panic is likely to be frustrated. — 9. The danger of an attack on such a man is evident : A^ozc he has hidden himself in one of the caves or in one of the places'] an indefinite word is chosen, in order to suggest that a great variety of such places exists — and when some of the people fall at the first attack, the report will spread] literally, the hearer will hear and say — there is a slaughter among the people 7uho are unth Absalom. The plausibility of this cannot be denied. Among the suddenly levied troops of Absalom a panic was more likely to arise than among the seasoned soldiers of David. — 10. The result can easily be foreseen : Even the valiant man, ichose heart is like the /leart of a lion, shall utterly melt aiva}^ in fear, for all Israel knows that thy father is a hero, and valiant men are they loho are with him. — 11. So far the refutation of Ahithophel ; now comes the counter-proposal : But I counsel] the tense indicates that the plan has been fully matured in his mind ; let all Israel be gathered 352 2 SAMUEL to thee from Dan to Beersheba as the sand which is by the sea for multitude, with thy Majesty marching in the midst of them~\ the picture of the monarch in tlie midst of such an army was calcu- lated to impress the imagination of Absalom. The language moreover contains an insinuation that the expedition proposed by Ahithophel, and under his leadership, could not be as effective as if Absalom himself were the general. — 12. In this case the destruction of David is certain : JVe will come upon him in one of the places where he has been discovered'] by that time we shall be in no uncertainty as to his whereabouts: and we wiil light upon him as the deiv falls upon the g?-ou7id, and there will not be left of him and the men who are with him even one. — 13. An objector might say that the king will thus have time to get into a fortified place. But if so : all Israel ivill bfing ropes to that city, and we will drag it to the wadi] on which it may naturally be supposed to be situated, //;//// there is not found there even a pebble] the hyperbolical language is calculated to make an impression. — 14. The oratory of Hushai carried the day, in accordance with the divine ordering : Yahweh had commanded to bring to nought the good counsel of Ahithophel in order that YaJnueh might bring calamity upon Absalom] hence the blindness of Absalom to his real interest. 1. Nj~.-inn3N is followed by the dative of advantage here as elsewhere according to O : eyuauT&5. — -\tt';'"0"'ji:'] the ZiKa x'AtctSas of (^^ seems more natural to us, but is suspicious for that very reason. — 2. \"in-\nni] of throwing into a panic (stampede) by a sudden attack, Jd. S^^^ — 3^ .^„j^.n s^^n 3irj '0 nriN"->rN] is unintelligible, as any one may see in the attempt of the AV, adopted without remark by the Revisers, (g had a different text, which since Ew. (6T/3. III. p. 247, E. Trans. III. p. 183) has been generally adopted in the form: c'p^D nriN npN tt'^N in h-^^nS nSon diit'd. The only difficulty is that if Ahithophel compares himself to the groomsman who bririgs the bride to her husband, he should use a different verb from i\v. Schill {ZATIV. XII. p. 52) proposes 'ui z>'>i3itt':!, which also gives a fairly good sense, but does not explain the origin of O. — Sd] read Sdi with (5.-5. Nnp] read iNnp 0. — NV-i-cj] emphasizes the pronominal suffix which precedes. Davidson, Syntax, i. — 6. On the question whether we should translate as above, or (as is also possible, disregarding the accents) : shall zve do as he says or not? Speak thou, cf. Dr. Notes. For i^n'on ©r. \y^^ *^ ^^^^ Probably we should read pn-qni, the ) having fallen out after nn-^. — 8. m-n] (5« adds: Koi ws i>% rpaxf'ia iu ry irehitfi. The fierceness of wild swine is sufficient to justify XVII. 1.-19 353 this comparison (cf. Nestle, Afargin alien, p. i8), but as the comparison is nowhere else actually made in the Old Testament, the presumption is against it here. — D>'n"nN] the point seems to be that David will arrange the camp so that his own person will be guarded from surprise. — 9. nr;? ryi7\y] seems not to be hypothetical: and suppose noiv that he is hidden (Kl.), but to draw the conclusion from what has just been said: being a man of war, David has certainly hidden himself. — D^r.nijn] of. 18^''. For cnj we may restore o;'3 with (5f\ — 10. NV-11] not to be corrected to nvii with ©^^ (Kl.) for that makes a difficulty with the following verb; but the reference is not to be limited to yoii'n which precedes (Dr.). The speaker explains what he means by the next following words : And he (I mean even the valiant man) shall melt away. — Dc] in the thought of the speaker the heart is the subject. — 11. "•pxy 13] seems perfectly good, but cf. We. — T'Jfli] and thy countenance, of the personal presence of the monarch. — 3;ppa] means into the 7var. But ^np in this sense is a late word, and (51L read here 03np3 which should be restored (Th.). — 12. ijnji] evidently from nij, not to be confounded with the pronoun. Perles, Analekten, p. 32, proposes njnn (so @'^). — -^.-^1J] with recession of the accent on account of the following monosyllable. The verb is taken by some to be a jussive form instead of the cohortative, Ges.^s, § 109 d., Davidson, Syntax, § 63, Rem. I. There is no need to assume an anomaly, as the Niphal perfect makes good sense: and there will not [by that time] have been left one. — 13. iNv^r-m] the Hiphil is rare, and does not seem natural here. (5^ koX \ri/Ji\peTai may represent i«oni which seems to fit the case. — ^njn] as the towns were generally on the hills it was fair to assume that there would be a wadi in the vicinity. — iiii*] from Am. 9^ the meaning pebble seems assured. 15-22. David receives the news of his danger. — Hushai at once informs the priests of the discussions in the council. As he could not be certain which would be adopted he advises David to put the Jordan between him and the enemy : Do not lodge to-nighf in the Araboth, but cross over'] the place is the same at which David has told them he could be found, 15-^ The danger is: /est the king and all the people luith him be swalloived up. — 17. The two young men were waiting at En-Rogcl, now generally identified with the Well of Job {iox Joab ?) at the junction of the two valleys of Kidron and Ben Hinnom. If they should be seen to co?ne into the city after ha\'ing started out with David, it would awaken suspicion. — 18. A lad saw them, however, and reported. Discovering themselves to be pursued, they took refuge in the house of a man in Bahurim] so that we may suppose not all the inhabitants to have been of the same mind with Shimei. The well in his court was a good place of hiding. — 19. The woman of the 354 2 SAMUEL house took and spread a cloth over the mouth of the well and strewed fruit upon zV] as if the fruit were drying. — 20. The reply of the woman to the question of the pursuers is probably de- signed to be enigmatical. It is completely so to us. — 21, 22. The messengers come to David and bring Hushai's advice, and David arose and all the people who were with liini and crossed over the Jordan'] the Jordan, a swift-flowing stream, is troublesome either to ford or to cross by ferry. On this account immediate pursuit need not be feared when once on the other side. By morning, there was not one left behind. 16. "m-*;':;] Baer and Ginsburg have no Qre here, and it seems difficult to suppose that the fords could be called frrds of the ivilderness. I have there- fore rendered as a proper name. — >'^3"'] the so-called impersonal construc- tion, Davidson, Syntax, § 109. — 17. Sjn-j^y is mentioned in the boundary line of Benjamin and Judah, Josh. 15'^, evidently at the foot of the valley of Ben Hinnom. For a description of the present Bir Eyyiib cf. Robinson, BR"^. I. p. 332. Buhl's objection that this is a well, and not a fountain, is met by the fact that water flows in the well, sometimes even coming over the top, so that it might well receive the name Spring. — nnsm] the article indicates only the particular one who was sent on this message ; we should say a maid. The tense of the verbs seems to require the translation : the maid was to come and tell them, and they zvere to go and tell David. — 19. Pio">n] is unknown. The Targum has r'?''P"i, dates, and it seems most probable that fruit of some kind would be the thing exposed for drying; (^^ has iraXaQas which also means fruit. (S^ seems to transfer the Hebrew word, apapud. Aq. and Sym. have TTTiadvas which is taken by %. This word means hulled or crushed barley, and something of the same kind is intended by ^ N^'n. The tradition represented in ^ should have a good deal of weight in a case of this kind; cf. Nestle, Alarginalien, p. 18, who also favours fruit. — 20. Sj"'c] is a word which occurs nowhere else, and even its derivation is uncertain. The Arabic and Assyrian parallels which are alleged are not convincing. ^^ has /niKpSf, (g^ airevSovT€5 omitting a'-nn, and % gustata paididwn aqua ; festinanter seevas to come from I. We might conjecture that an original a-'Sn^j or annDD has been corrupted into d^c"''?3T, but this is no more than a possibility. — 22. -\p2T\ mN-n>'] is connected by the punctuation with what follows; (g how- ever joins to the preceding. The more vigorous sense seems conveyed by the fijrmcr construction. — inNj the punctuation is anomalous, Ges.26, § 96. 23. A verse is added to show the fate of Ahithophel. Con- vinced that a wrong start was made and that the outcome would be failure, he saddled his ass and rose afid went to his house, to his city] here added to show that his house in Jerusalem was not XVII. 19-27 355 meant. — There he gave command concerning his house~\ testa- mentary disposition of his estate, and strangled himself. Cases of suicide are not common in the Old Testament. The most prominent is that of Saul. There is no evidence that the liiblical writers found it especially abhorrent. Ahithojjhcl was not refused burial in the sepulchre of his father. 23. n^;""-'N] the change to ~'?wSi made ')y some MSS. seems unnecessary. 24-29. David's settlement at Mahanaim. — As though the temper of transjordanic Israel was more conservative than that of the tribes west of the river, David found refuge and support among the same people who had clung to Ishbaal. The paragraph begins to tell of Absalom's preparations for battle, and then breaks off to tell of the reception provided for David by the leading men of Gilead. Vv.-'"--' belong logically after -^''. 24. David came to Mahanaim, and Absalom also crossed the Jordan, he and all the men of Israel with him. Some time proba- bly was required to summon the militia, but we do not know how much. — 25. The general of Absalom's army was Amasa, who is described in J^ as son of a man tuhose name was Ithra the Israel- ite. The statement is surprising, because it is superfluous to call a man an Israelite who dwelt in the land of Israel. Only in case he were a foreigner is it natural to add his gentilic description. Furthermore, the Chronicler knew him as JctJier the Ishmaelite, I Chr. 2^^. It is highly probable that the latter is correct ; a scribe would have every reason to correct Ishmaelite to Israelite. No motive can be discovered for the reverse i)rocess. The lan- guage which is used further : who came to Abigail daughter of Nahash sister of Zerniali] is explicable only on the theory that we have to do with a ^adiqa marriage, that is, one in which the wife remains with her clan and the children become members of that clan. For Nahash, the Chronicler substitutes Jesse, and a number of Greek codices have the same name here. But the Greek reading may have arisen from the desire to harmonize this passage with Chronicles. It seems impossible to get at the truth of the case. It is quite in accordance with custom that Absalom should appoint his kinsman to high office, as David did in the case of Joab. — 27. At Mahanaim David received material help 356 2 SAMUEL from Shobi ben Nahash'] whom, as representing the old royal family, he had probably made viceroy over Amnion, atid Machir ben Ammiel of Lo-Debar'] the protector of Meribbaal, 9"*, and Barzillai the Gileadite of Rogelivi\ the name is evidently Aramaic. The place is mentioned only here and 19^-. — 28. These friends brought couches and rugs and bowls and potter}^ in order to fur- nish the houses occupied by the fugitives. Besides this, pro- visions in abundance: wheat and barley and floicr arid parched grain and beans and lentils^ these the vegetable products. — 29. The enumeration goes on with another class of edibles : honey and curds and sheep and calves. These they set before David and his people, knowing that they would be hungry and ivcary and thirsty in the desert. 25. 'xniyn nih"' lOtt'i i:'is"p] the form of the sentence is puzzling. We expect the order to be Nini idc'i 'i^"' z'^^. We. Why should a man's name be called Ithra the Israelite ? His name was Ithra and he was an Israelite, but in Israel itself Israelite would be no distinguishing mark. In case of a for- eigner it would be different : Uriah the Hittite was in a certain sense the name of David's soldier. This consideration certainly favours the restoration of Ishmaelite here in accordance with Chr. 5L makes him a Jezreelite. The latter is read also in this place by two Greek codd. (III. and 55 of Parsons), but probably no great weight can be given to this testimony. — on Sx n3~i'J'n] the sentence would be unnecessary except in case of a ^adiqa marriage, on which cf. WRSmith, Kinship, Chap. 3. — :;'nj~n j] as the Chronicler makes Abigail a daughter of Jesse, the Jewish expositors make Nahash here to be another name for Jesse. But this is very improbable. Schm. and others make him the first husband of Zeruiah's mother, (g^ and a number of codd. read 'leo-o-ai, which however may be due to harmonistic tendency. To the theory that Nahash and not Abigail was the sister of Zeruiah, which would be a pos- sible construction of the text, We. objects that Nahash is not a woman's name. But of this we cannot be certain. It is not impossible that ti'nj'n:] has come in under the influence of w'nj"p in the verse below. — 27. O^'i] koX Sf^eet Sn3] doul)tless the first element is -\2 = p, Nestle, in Am. Jour. Sem. lang. XIII. 3. — 28. The missing verb is put by (5 here and would better be restored in the form is-'^n. For jd'J'D: 8e/ca Koiras koX a./.L(pi- rdirovs (§. The btKa is n-\"^;% but by a slight change we get nt^n;; which makes excellent sense. With this change (Kl. and Nestle) the text of (g is adopted above. — "Sp] is erroneously duplicated in the text. It seems to belong with n;;,-". — 29. nio^'i] is obscure. (5^ seems to have understood calves, and so 11; and this fits the immediate context. (5^ does not translate, while ^K make the word mean cheese. Possibly there is an error in the text. xvir. 27-xviiT. 9 357 XVIII. 1-8. The battle. — David's army sets out from Maha- naim to meet the force under Absalom. David offers to go him- self, but yields to the entreaties of the soldiers that he stay in the city. He charges the captains to spare Absalom. — 1. The king in person reviews the army and appoints officers. — 2. 'I'hc three generals are Joab, Abishai, and the newly recruited Ittai. — / also •win go with yo2i\ the form of the offer indicates that the king did not feel strong enough to assume the chief place. — 3. The soldiers dissuade him ; if they should be defeated, the enemies' object would not be attained so long as David should remain alive : For tiiou art equal to ten thousand of us'\ a common esti- mate of a valued leader. — And besides // is good that thou be a help to Jis from the eitv'] by sending out the reserves in case of necessity. — 4. The troops march past the king as he stands in the gate. — 5. The charge to the generals: Gently for wi- sake with the lad Absalom ! To his father he was still but a boy. That all the soldiers heard is intended to prepare for v.'-. — 6. The battle took place in the jungle of Ephraim'\ not otherwise known to us. — 7. Absalom's party was defeated with the loss of 20,000 men. — 8. The battle became a rout; scattered over the face of the country, and the jungle devoured more than the s^uord^ the rocky thickets were fatal to those who attempted to flee. 2. n':''.:'"'i] koX irpiaaeuae (S^ points to i;'S::'M, which is more likely to be original because the less common word. — 3. prJD nri>~"»D] there seems to be no doubt that we should read nri»s for nny, with 2 codd., iQ^, S, IL and Sym, (Cappel, Critica Sacra, p. 309, Th. ah). The sentence still does not seem quite correct, and the original may have been simply □"'d'^vX niu'y i::d nrNi. (^^ has on KoX vvv acpaipedTjcriTai e| rjfiuu tj yij; which Kl. supposes to point to : for then the eaj'th would bring forth [ten thousand times] more than ive. But this seems forced. — "ini'S] -\it>S Qre. The latter is to be restored (as the Hiphil is uncalled for) unless indeed we conjecture nrjjS. — 5. '»'?~aN^] ® has a verb : (peiaaaOe /j.ov (/noi) possibly iScn. But there seems no reason for de- parting from the received text, cf. Is. 8^. — 6. anos] (Q^ reads D-'jnc, obvi- ously a correction of the editor, cf. GASmith, Geog. p. 335 «. — 7. Omit the second D-' (S, which has come in from the verse below. At the end of the verse add U'\y with (5. — 8. nissj] is to be corrected to ps^dj with Qre. 9-18. The fate of Absalom. — In the general flight Absalom happened upon the servants of David'\ that is, the body-guard. — His mule came into the thick branches of a great oak, and his head 358 2 SAMUEL caught fast i?i the oak, and he was hung between heaven and earth'] being left there as the mule kept on her way. — 10, 11. To the young man who told him, Joab said: Thou sawest hinil And why didst thou not smite him to the ground? And 7ny part would have been to give thee ten shekels of silver and a girdle] the girdle was often richly wrought, and so worn as an ornament. — 12. The soldier's reply : And if I were weighing i?i my hand a thousand pieces of silver, I would not put forth my ha?id on the king's son] for the reason of the king's charge : Take care of the young man Absalo7n. — 13. Further argument of the case: Had I W7'ought deceitfully against his life, nothing would have been hidden from the king, and thou wouldst have stood aloof. This seems to be th« best that can be made of the present text. — 14. Joab breaks off the conversation, takes three darts in his hand : and thrust them ifito the heart of Absalom yet alive in the midst of the oak. We think of the oak as a mass of thickset branches in which Absalom was struggling. — 15. The three darts must put an end to the already exhausted man, and it is a work of supererogation on the part of Joab's armour-bearers to smite him and kill him again. It is probable therefore that the verse is an interpolation. — 16. Joab calls off the pursuit, knowing that the end has been attained. — 17. They cast Absalom's body into the great pit] the article seems to indicate that it was one well known. — And they raised over hi?n a great heap of stones] Jos. f^ 8"^. — 18. Another monument had been erected by himself in the vicinity of Jerusalem. 9. NnpM] is probably correct, though we might expect another verb. — Xr^^\ KoX o.i'aKpefA.daee (g^^ : "'S.-r'Ni ^: "•'pnnNi on one. (g^ has simply Kal eyw au deduKeiv, in favour of which Th. urges that there was no obligation in the matter. But surely it is the com- mander's duty to reward valour in his soldiers. — 12. nVi] is, of course, niSi. — • P- ] We. proposes to make a passive, because the recipient does not tell the money, but the payer. The soldier however seems to mean : ?/ 1 were to feet the iveight of that money paid into my hand. — "'O] is unintelligible; read >S with the versions and 2 codd. — 13. in] may possibly do, but it is better to correct it to ex. (5 connects the whole clause with the preceding verse, making it a part of David's exhortation. Take care of the young man Absa- lom, lest any one work injustice to his life. But the present verse seems to need the words. The only real difficulty is in the word np::'. The killing of Absalom would not be deceit. — \i^qi-^'\ >tt'DJ2 Qre. The latter is read also by xvni. 9-25 35Q . — 27. ni3> n^ito n-tv^o-'i'xi] it seems more natural to read n^i X01 njvj ri-\rz'2 which is favoured by E, and cf. (5^^ otaa. — 28. N-ip>i] (Q^ xvui. 2(^xi\. s 361 renders ai.-'M, which was conjectured also l.y We. before the publication of that edition. -i!«>rT;.«] traces of a Greek rea.l.ng point to an <.r.t;mal : who hate (-^^^v^Ae hand [or/«..r] of my lord the king. -29. It seems necessary to read Ol'-r.n with 15 co.:-un] the second time is omitted l.y (S" S1L and is in fact superfluous. XIX 1-9='. David's emotion and Joab's rebuke.— The king was shocked-\ having hoped against hope to tlie last.-//<- wait up W the chamber over the -<'/<'] a common feature m city gate- ways And thus he said in his weeping: My son Absalom ! My son, my son Absalom / Oh that I had died for thee, Absalom, my son my son ! The fondness which had shown itself in early indulgence, here breaks out in uncontrolled grief. — 3. The vic- tory was turned to mourning that day, because the people heard: the kin^ grieves for his son.-i. Instead of the triumplial march. ihe people stole away to the city as people steal away who are ashamed of having fled in battle^ the approval of the king had been their incentive. There seemed now no hoi^e of this.-- 5 The king on his part tvrapped up his face and cned aloud: My son Absalom ! Absalom, my son, my son .'] oblivious of every- thing but his grief. - 6, 7. Joab rebukes David : Thou hast shamed to-day the face of all thy servants, who saved thy life and the life of thy sons and daughters, and the life of thy wives and eoncub.nes by lo^'ing thine enemies and hating them that love thee^ the hnrd- headed warrior told a wholesome truth. The throne of Davul would not have been secure so long as Absalom lived. 1 he con- duct of the king said in effect : that princes and officers an nothwg totheel m comparison to Absalom. For I kncn. tl^at .f Absc,lon, were alive, and all of us were dead this dar, then thou «v« ,A .. *lea-'^3 "(3-11. As shown by Th., the words belong here and not there. — 12. The end of the verse should be at the Athnach, the rest having come in by transpositicjn, and having been increased by erroneous addition of ipo'Vn from the line above. — 13. The opening words seem the most proper introduction to the speech, and it is possible that they belong immediately after the second i?:nS of the pre- ceding verse, all between being erroneous duplication. — 14. ncp] for ntisr, Ges.-'^, 68 /^ — 15. dm] (Q^ is proljably correct in its interpretation when it inserts Aniasa as the subject. Quite as good is the reatling of Q^ : 32'^ dm. 16-24. The return of the king. — So David returned marks the transition, closing the account of the negotiations and opening the narrative of his journey. Judah came down to Gilgal, the well-known sanctuary in the Arabah, to go to meet the king. It seems hardly consistent with this to add : to bring the king over the Jordan. The latter seems to have been the work of Ziba. — 17. The verse should include the first four words of v.'^ : Shimei went doivn to meet the king 7LntJi the men of Judah, and a thousand men of Benjamin with him'] the account is continued in ''"'. — 18. The zeal of Ziba is described in a parenthetical sentence which includes ^''''. He, with his fifteen sons and twenty servants, rushed through the Jo?'dan before the king] the meaning of the verb is uncertain. — 19. Atid they kept crossing the ford to bring the household of the king over, and to do what would please him. The Jordan, though not a large stream, is swift and treacherous. The women and children would need the help of strong and experienced guides. The latter part of the verse returns to Shimei, \\\\o fell down before the king as he crossed the Jordan] at the very ford. — 20. Shimei's prayer is : Let not my lord charge guilt to me ; and do not remember what thy servant did perversely . . . tJiat the king should pay attention to it] he attempts no justification, as indeed grounds for justification were none. — 21. He now realizes that he sinned, and confessing it pleads his present zeal : / am come to-day, first of all the house of Joseph] Benjamin is not reck- oned to Joseph in the genealogies — this must be a more ancient conception. — 22. Abishai is strenuous, as before, to put Shimei to death : because he cursed the anointed of Yahweh] the divinity that doth hedge a king made his crime blasphemy. — 23. David again disclaims fellowship with the sons of Zeruiah who would be his adversary, hindering him from doing what he would. To-day 3^4 2 SAMUEL shall a man be put to death in Israel? Evidently conciliation was to be the order of the day, for the king had the confidence that he was fully restored to his throne. The acclaim of the people had moved him to this generosity. — 24. He therefore gives Shimei the sworn assurance that he shall not die. We should be better pleased with Shimei had he taken his punishment like a man, for his reviling of the king no doubt expressed his real mind. 16. '1J1 i''3>n'?] It would be more appropriate to say when he had crossed, and perhaps something of that kind was the original text. — 17, 18. The verse division here and in the following two verses is confused (We.). Divide at P"'jjD, at iScn ••jsS, and at ij"';*^ . — n'^i'cm] on the form Ges.^s, § 97 e. — inSxi] the tense seems wrong and we should probably strike off the initial i ; notice the preceding word. The meaning of nSs is elsewhere to come violently tipon, to take violent possession of, generally used of the Spirit's coming upon a man. The only reason for its use here is that it describes the energy with which Ziba acted. — 19. r\'yi';7\ nna;*i] is taken traditionally to mean that a ferry-boat went over. But this meaning for ma;? is without confirmation. The word elsewhere means ford. The verb here must be the plural n3>'i, and the tense indicates the repeated action. The band of experienced men went back and forth, carrying the children and leading the riding animals of the women. It is unnecessary therefore to correct according to (5 to m3;'n nayii (Kl., Bu.). — 1O/S] for lo^'n*?, Ges.26, § 53 q. — The extraordinary points over the word NS"* indicate that the Scribes wish to suggest nxsi (Ginsburg). — iJ''y3] to be read with Qre vj>;'3. — 20. ni;n] cf. f^. — 2%. p^'S] in i S. 29* the Philis- tines contemplated the possibility of David's becoming a xaz\ a traitor in the camp ; in much the same light David views the sons of Zeruiah here. — Dvn] the second time, is probably to be read Dvnn, Lag. Proph. Chald. p. li. — "•nV"'''] othare ®L, is perhaps more forcible — do yotc not know that I have the right to decide as king ? 25. The next incident was the coming of Meribbaal ben Saul, as he is called by 5^. — He had not dressed his /eet^ his lameness made some special attention to them advisable. — And had not triijitned his moustache and had not washed his clothes'] neglect of the person is a sign of mourning. — 26. As Meribbaal's home was Jerusalem, he came fro?n Jerusalem to meet the king. The king naturally inquires why he had not gone with the household at the coming of Absalom. — 27. The reply is: My lord the king, iny servajit deceived me. For thy sefvant commanded him: Saddle the ass that I may ride upon her and go with the hifig] the suffi- cient explanation why he was powerless to do more is his lameness, XIX. 24-34 3^5 which he therefore mentions. — 28. But he slandered thy sen>ant to my lord the king] the case is sufficiently clear, and he leaves it to the decision of the king. — 29. For all the house of my father were deserving only of death before my lord the king, when thou didst set thy scnant among those who eat at thy table] the unde- served kindness of the king was a reason why he should now be contented with his decision: And wJiat further claim liavc I to cry to the king? The resignation is a little forced. — 30. 'I'lie king is impatient : Why loilt thou go on talking? I have decided : Thou and Ziba shall divide the land] undoubtedly the zeal of Ziba in serving the king was the reason for this decision. Possibly there was also some suspicion that Meribbaal had not been as prompt as he might have been in endeavouring to follow David. — 31. Meribbaal is content even that Ziba should have the whole : since my lord the king has come home safe and sound. 25. '^iNC'p] vibs vlov SaouA (S^ : vlhs 'Iwvadau viov 1aov\ (S^ are evident expansions. — vSjn nt:'j;"jD (Ew. GVI^. III. p. 259, E. Trans. III. p. 191). — 27. After "iijy insert iS, and for h^iohn read r\z''2r\, so (SS, for Meribbaal w^as not able to saddle her himself. And the fact that he had given command to Ziba put the crime of the latter in a stronger light. — ■"T'^y] should possibly be vSy, as -ncn is generally the male. — 28. Sj-^m] here only of going about as a slanderer. — 29. In (g^ tj^g second half of the verse is: And from whose hand shall I receive justice ? And he cried further to the king. This may be original, as the next verse intimates that he is talking too much. — 30. i3np] @L seems to read nann. 32-40. The parting with Barzillai. — It is not certain that the author follows the exact order of events. We suppose that the parting from Barzillai took place before the meeting with Merib- baal. The plan is to recount the meeting with Ziba, Shimci, and Meribbaal in connexion, and then to take up the parting scene. 32. Barzillai came down from his \\o\w(i, and liwnt 7i.). It is quite likely however that the author intended ino'^o, as the stay across the Jordan was a real exi/e. — 34. ipn] rh y^pds (tov © indicates "ipd''^' (possibly a reminiscence of the 1031:^ in V.33), adopted by Ew. and others. — 35. -icd] the question is: Is my age such that it is proper for me to go to court? — 36. "np] is twice lacking in ©^ Such words are easily inserted and also easily omitted. — 37. d^t^d] on oXiyou ©L is certainly smoother. — p-\>n-nN] is probably to be stricken out, as the verl) was taken by a scribe to mean cross over. If retained, it must be changed to pi^n Sn. — 38. dhcd] Nestle {Aj7i./our. Sem. Lang. XIII. p. 173) suggests that the name is derived from hdd, he has weak sight. — 39. -h') nnan] construc- tio pregnans. — 40. nay nSbm] It seems unnecessary that Barzillai should cross and then recross the river. ^^ is probably right therefore in reading -icy for I3y here : All the people crossed the Jordan, but the king stood still; and the king kissed Barzillai and bade him good-bye. XIX. 41-XX. 3. The strife between Judah and Israel. — The king/' // . ''^'/'■'','iam oeing ivith him, and all the people ^f J'' jg alii/ig 'R:iv'': the king, and half the people of isracL^ me uiarK. which diviucu Judah and Israel shows itself XIX. 35-XX. 3 367 every such occasion. The king's conduct in this matter rather accentuated than obHterated it. — 42. 'ilic men of Israel appar- ently realize that Judah has been favoured by an invitation from David : JF/iy have our brethren the men of Judah stolen thee and brought the king and his house over the Jordan ? The conclusion of the verse seems to mean : when all the ?nen of David are [equally] his people] the wrong was in David's giving the prefer- ence to his kinsmen. — 43. The answer of Judah : Because the king is near of kin to me. And why is it that thou art angry at this thing? Have we at all eaten of the kijtg? or has any thing been carried away by us .?] the insinuation is that Israel has inter- ested motives, suspecting that Judah is claiming offices and emolu- ments. — 44. The retort : / have ten shares of the king] out of the twelve which all Israel might claim, and I am the first horn rather thafi thou. Elsewhere, Judah is supposed to have succeeded to the birthright in default of Reuben. Why hast thou treated me with C07itempt — was not my word first to bring back my king I The fact was as they claimed. But in spite of all, the men of Judah were more strenuous in the strife. — XX. 1. The result was a new rebellion : There happened to be there a vile man whose name was Sheba ben Biclui, a Benja7nite'\ the feelings of men had become so inflamed that any bold leader might stir up a revolt. He started the cry : We have no share in David, And we have no part in the Son of Jesse ; Each to his tents, O Israel I The exhortation is to leave their allegiance, and resume the old tribal independence. — 2. The men of Israel deserted the train of David, but the fnefi of Judah clave to their ki?igfro?n the Jordan to Je7-usalem'\ the blood was the bond. 3. Further account of the rebellion is interrupted by this verse, which tells how David treated the ten concubines on whom Absa- lom had demonstrated his possession of the royal power. These he put in a house of guard'] where they would be under surveil- lance, and supported them, but did 7iot go to the77i\ as a husband. — So they 7vere shut in tmiil the day of their death] the last two words are obscure and probably corrupt. 368 2 SAMUEL 41. I'ICd] occurs here only, elsewhere dhdo. — noj;"'i] Kt : rx'-:i'p'r\ Qre. Better than either is ana;- 6^. — 42. in;; in v^»js-Sdi] the clause, in the point- ing of fR, reads like an afterthought and is superfluous in the context. But if we point ^D", we get the assertion that all David^s men are his people, which bears directly on the subject. It seems to me enough to make this slight change. Kl. proposes icy ^sniyi a'^N Sdi. But in this passage where the dis- tinction is made between Israel and Judah, this would be misleading. — 43. r^nz-i] is grammatically and syntactically difficult. Gratz {G. d. Juden, I. p. 287) proposes to read nN'j>r, or has a portion [from his table] been carried away for us ? This in connexion with the previous clause makes good sense and seems favoured by (g. The Judahites say : we have neither eaten of the king's table nor received presents from it. Dr. proposes to read NC'j (the infini- tive absolute). — 44. nn:i] read mD3 with (!l (Th.). — nSi] is difficult and proba- bly to be emended to nSi. The second question is plainly required by the sense. The second iS is difficult, and has probably arisen by erroneous duplication of S at the beginning of the next word. — XX. 1. ^y-'Sj tt'\s'] (gL inserts p, whereas (§^ has '?V"''^2 p. We find TC"' for Beiijamite only here and Esth. 2^. — 3. D-'tt'j] lacking in (§L. — sh-'Sni] the masculine for the feminine — 6 codd. have ^h^Sni, but this is probably a correction of the scribes. — nvn pudSn] is unintelligible, and as the sense is complete without it, possibly a gloss. But the meaning of the glossator is obscure; nvn occurs only here but might mean life : a widoivhood of life however would not mean a life-long ividowhood. (§ xnpo-^ ^nN''i seems im- possible to make out — the Qre of course intends the latter, cf. Ges"^\ § 68 i. — n>'^] + "in (5^ (Bu.). — 6. For Abishai, Si substitutes Joab, which We. supposes to be original. But as Joab is in disgrace it seems more natural that Abishai should be called upon. Joab apparently accompanied the expedition in a subordinate position. But his energy and habit of command made him the real leader. — ijvy] the difficulties in the word are disposed of by read- ing UCD with (5^. Bu. proposes ijj';'S ^iv. — l. ^rjN v-ihn] that the second word is a corruption of ^tt'ON is indicated by (S-^^, which however retains the suffix of v-\nN. As this does not agree with what precedes, it seems obvio.us that we should read >^'^3N nnx ((Iraetz). — 8. di^jd^] may be for 2;-i 'jd'', a 2B 370 2 SAMUEL mistake which occurs elsewhere. If this were the original reading, it meant that Amasa with his troops had reached Jerusalem just after the departure of the body guard and had pushed on after them, overtaking them at Gibeon. The rest of the verse reads, so far as we may attempt to translate it : And Joab was girded as to his garment, his clothing, and upon him [or it'] was a szuord- girdle bound on his loins in its sheath, and he zvent out, and it fell. The im- possibility of such a sentence is obvious. If the key to the situation is that the sword fell, the author should at least tell us that Joab took it up before he reached Amasa. S> has a clue perhaps when it says his sword rested on his hips like a dagger. In this case, we may suppose that Joab had arranged his sword in some unusual way in order to this emergency, but how this was, we cannot clearly make out. The same version renders Ssm : and his hand fell upon his szvord, which again might help us if we could suppose it to be origi- nal. But the testimony of S> alone is hardly sufficient to establish this. — jNn] Bu. inserts a clause atid Joab ran to meet hitn, which is without sup- port in any document. — yv:h "no] is redundant, and the second word is pos- sibly inserted to explain the first. Kl. conjectures with some plausibility no 3-in instead of nD -lun, and Xi^±> nnriD for the simple ittoS. The second nun is pointed nun by (5^. — mcs:3] afKpvKrj (gk — xx"' Nim] (gB has a double translation, Kal ri /udxaipa i^ri\66u, koi avrr] i^riXO^u. Both of these in- dicate that the sword is the subject of the verb, which should therefore be nNi-\ Kl. proposes N^sin Nini : and he took it out. But that the sword fell has as little place in the narrative as it had before all these emendations. That Joab had one sword (or dagger) concealed under his clothing in his left hand, while he ostentatiously let his usual weapon fall to the ground to disarm sus- picion (Kl., Dr.) is certainly very obscurely stated in the emended text. — 9. Tnm] for ?nvsni like inn of the Qre, v.^. — 12. ^Sjod] Tre(()vpiu(uos (S^ does not seem to indicate a different text, (g^ inserts t^Qvtikus kuI, evidently reading no as a separate word. That nD'-i is said above is against the inser- tion ; on the other hand the statement that he died would not preclude the assertion that he still moved convulsively where he lay. — id;;i rSy Njn-Sj] is quite regular. But it is possible that the i of the last word is erroneous dupli- cation of the preceding i. In this case it is better to connect v^'; with the following : every coiner stood over him, so (§^ Bu. thinks the whole clause, from nt:'vSD, to be a later insertion, while Kl. supposes it to belong earlier in the verse. — 13. ij^nd] we should probably prefix vi^i with (^^^ — ijn] most satis- factorily accounted for as Hiphil of nji, and probably with the suffix, for um (njn). 14-22. The death of Sheba. — As might be expected, the rebellion was of short duration. Sheba seems to have had com- paratively little following, and with his death peace was restored. — 14. He wejit through all the tribes of Israel to Abel Beth MaacaJL\ as the coming of the army of Joab is told in the fol- XX. 14-22 371 lowing verse, the subject is probably Sheba. The city was one of the most northerly possessed by Israel. It is identified by Robinson with the present Abii or Al>i/ cl Kainh in the upper Jordan valley. The rest of the verse is obscure. It seems in- tended to assert that Sheba's following was made up of his own clan. — 15. Here he was besieged: ihcy raiscii a nion/h/ at the city, and it stood ivitli the ivall'\ that is, even with it, to the same height. It was a favourite device in ancient sieges to raise a mound of earth to the same height with the besieged wall. This gave the besiegers command of the wall, and allowed them to throw a bridge to it. The earth was brought in baskets and poured out to make the mound. In addition, all the men of Joab were devising to throw down the wall'] by the various methods which, as experienced warriors, they knew. — 16. A wise woman asks a conference with Joab. — 17. The interview is opened. — 18, 19. They used to say formerly : Let them ask i ft Abel and in Dan whether what the faithful in Israel established has come to an end? The question implies that in these cities Israelitic custom was maintained if anywhere. The reproach upon Joab is evident if he will now wipe out such a city and mother in Israel] that is, a city looked up to with the veneration which a mother should receive. The text has suffered, but can be restored with a good degree of probability. — 20, 21. Joab disclaims the purpose as- cribed to him, but sets forth the cause of the siege. If Sheba alone were given up, the siege should cease. The woman prom- ises that his head shall be thrown out through the wall. — 22. The woman persuades the people, Sheba is put to death, and the siege terminates. 14. "\ajyi] it seems almost necessary to read tj" Nim making the refer- ence to Sheba. — n''3i] as only one city is besieged we should read r^j here as in V.15, Ew. GVI^. HI. p. 264, E. Trans. III. p. 195. On the site of Abel, cf. Robinson, BR-. III. p. 372; Baedeker, Palestine'^, p. 263. The town lies on a hill in the fertile valley west of Tell el Kadi, in which the springs of the Jordan have their rise. — D''->3n-'?3iJ we have no trace of Beerites who belong in this connexion. (@»^ seems to have read >-»d3-^di: <5^ -^--v'^^^: another group of MSS. represent an^n-Sji: omnesque elecli IL and Arm., would render omnon-Sji. The last is accepted as the original reading by Th. and others, whereas Kl. on the ground of @^ reads D^->33n-soi, that is, Sheba's own clan. — in'^pM] hr\^-^-\ Qre. The latter is favoured by the versions. 372 2 SAMUEL But the Ktib also has claims. If it means and they treated him with con- tempt, it would account for the small strength which he showed in the sequel. r|N] is lacking in (g. And as for all the Bichrites, they gathered and cajue in [to Abel] after him (Dr.) is perhaps the best that can be done, but is not entirely satisfactory. My own conjecture is that ui injm is duplication of the first clause of verse ^^ and that the original stated that all the young jnen esteemed him lightly (in^pn) and came and besieged him, that is: the people had already taken measures to defeat him before the coming of Joab. But this is probably as subjective as the other conjectures. — 15. '^na in>'ni] seems plainly to mean and it stood zoith the zvall, so that it is unnecessary with Keil to make Sn the moat. But We., Kl,, Bu., make it refer to the wise woman and prefix -\"i>'n p ."iddh h-J'N Nsm. — D'TiN-ia'c] were laying waste, which is the ordi- nary meaning, does not fit well here. Ew. proposes to make it denominative from PH'^' : were digging a pit, that is, 7vere undermining the wall. — |"ina';;nD % seems here to agree with (5 iuoovaav (^iv^voovu) which We. supposes to represent oorno (adopted by Kl., Dr., Bu.). — 16, -i>>"n"p 'jn T\-yn'] is trans- ferred by Kl. (Bu.) to the verse above, where vS->ni is prefixed to it. The text thus constructed undoubtedly makes good sense, but it is difficult to see how it could have been changed into what we have. — "^V'^] + "i-mhi ^^- — 18. -^cn"^] is superfluous, and is lacking in (B^. — 13-1] Koyos (§ is probably correct: they used to have a proverb. The contents of the proverb are ob- scure in f^ : let them ask in Abel, and so they ended must mean that people sought wisdom in Abel. But the commendation of the wisdom of the town would have no special influence with Joab. With this text moreover we have difficulty in the following verse. From the duplicate translation of (§ we easily extract one which makes a better sense. For the words extending from pi in this verse through Snib'"', v.^^ substitute 'r'snu'"' "jicn irr i'wJ'n i::}rn p^i since Ew. (III. p. 264) generally adopted. The proverb will then mean that the two neighbouring cities of Abel and Dan knew what tradition had estab- lished; they were the seats of genuine Israelitic life. Such cities Joab might well hesitate to destroy. — hpn] should probably be hpni (gL_ — p'^cnS] should be pn::''? as pointed out by Nestle (^Alarg. p. 20) on the ground of ninir'N at the end of the next verse. — 22. o;'""] (5 inserts koI i\d\'qaeu irphs iraarav Trjv ir6\ip which seems necessary to the sense. The resemblance of D;'n and "cyn may account for the omission. 23-26. The officers of the administration are here repeated, with some variations from 8^*"'"^'^ or, more probably, are original here and copied in the other document. The names of Joab, Benaiah, Jehoshaphat, Zadok, are the same in both lists. Seraiah there is represented by Sheya or Shewa here ; probably both are corrupted from a common source. Abiathar in this passage is more in accordance with what we know of the history than is Ahi?fiekch ben Abiathar of the other. New in this passage, as compared XX. 373 with the other, is Adoraitt (Adoniram), who is said to have been over the forced labour, the corvee which is inseparable from an oriental monarchy, cf. Jd. \-^ and Moore's note. As we can con- ceive of a reason for the omission of this datum, in the desire to shield David from the imputation of tyranny, we may suppose it original here. The other discrepancy is in substituting Ira the Jaiiite as priest in the place of David's sons. The author or editor in putting this list here evidently designed it to mark the close of the account of David's reign. The main narrative, which is continued in i K. i, goes on to the accession of Solomon, the coronation of Adonijah being simply a prelude to the reign of his brother. 23. ':'n] should of course be S;% as in 8^*^ i Chr. iS^^ In both those pas- sages we have simply N3sn instead of VNTbi''' 'sn Sj. The latter is ungram- matical and 'I'NTi'^ should be stricken out — it is lacking in 12 MSS. of © (Parsons). — ■•iDn] for the more common Ti-isn, possibly simply a textual error. The form •'->3n occurs in 2 K. ii^- '^. But as the author of 2 Sam. always uses "'PiDn it seems better to restore that form here with Qre and (S** (XeAe^0et), "^ (Xepe00eO- — 24. DmNi] as ^^ xtz.A'i Adoniram here, and an officer of Solomon named Adoniram was also over the forced labour, it is natu- ral to identify the men and the names. — 25. n-'CI A7, nih'i Qre, see on Si'^. (gB has 'Itjo-ovs here, (§i" Sowtra. — 26. N-o;'] two of David's mighty men bear the name, 2326- •'». One of them is possibly the same person with this one. He is called however in 23^8 i Chr. ii**^ >-\r\'^r\. (5^ reads o 'le'^ep here and 5 has -w'T' |m. There is no intrinsic difficulty in the way of reading y<7zW/,f how- ever, and the identity with the Jetherite (or Jathrite) of 23''^ is only a conjecture. XXI.-XXIV. Four chapters are here inserted which break the connexion of the narrative, for this once made i K. i' follow im- mediately after 20^^ It seems as if the compiler threw together the fragments which were left after completing the main narrative and put them here, because they belonged in the reign of David, and he did not know where else to put them. Examination shows however that they were probably inserted at different times. First an editor put in 21'"'"' and 24, two narratives of calamity which belong together. The two were then forcibly separateil by the list of exploits and heroes which occupies 2i'''--- 2-^^^ And this again was cut in two by the two Psalms 22 and 23'"". We have nowhere a better illustration of the complexity of the process by which our books reached their present form. 374 2 SAMUEL XXI. 1-14. The famine and the expiation. — The narrative seems to be old and good. But it is not in its proper place chronologically. There is reason to suppose that it was omitted by the author of 9-20, because he had enough unfavourable features without it. We may be glad that a succeeding editor found the story and transcribed it, for few sections of the Old Testament show more clearly the religious ideas of the time. We see how Yahweh as the avenger of a broken covenant requires from the children of the offender the blood that has been shed. 1. The famine was a mark of Yahweh's displeasure, and David sought the face of Yahweh'] to inquire the occasion. The reply is : the?'e is blood upon Saul and upon his house because he slew the Gibeonites'] the blood of a murdered man rests upon the murderer Dt. 19'", cf. Jd. 9^^ 2 S. i^ and the case of Lady Macbeth. — 2. The narrative is interrupted by a parenthesis. Whether such an ex- planation as the parenthesis gives was needed by the first readers of the story is doubtful. If an explanation were necessary, more- over, the author would put it after the first mention of the Gibeonites and not when David's speech has been introduced. For these reasons the verse (after the first five words) is now generally regarded as a gloss, including also the first three words of v.*^. It should be noticed however that the interpolation makes no mention of Joshua, so that probably the glossator had no knowledge of the narrative which now stands in Jos. 9. — The Children of Israel had sworn to them] such covenants were very common during the process which ended in the establishment of Israel in Canaan. — But Saul sought to smite them in his zeal for the Children of Isi'ael and Judah] as in some other places, Judah seems to be an afterthought. — 3. David's inquiry is : ivhat shall I do to you, and wherewith shall I make expiation] the verb is used of the (priestly) work of removing Yahweh's anger, gener- ally by an offering. The result would be : that ye may bless the heritage of Ya/m>eh] that is, bring a blessing on Israel. — 4. The reply of the Gibeonites consists of two parts. For one thing, they will not accept blood money — it is not a question of silver and gold between them and Saul. On the other hand, they are not so bloodthirsty as to require victims from Israel at large. David XXI. .-0 375 inquires further : JVhai do you say thai I shall do for you? 5, 6. The expiation shall be made by the family of the murderer : As for the man 7uJio cousuincd us and 7vJio ihou^^lit to destroy us that we should not remain in all the harder of Israel, let seven of his sons be given us and 7ve ivill expose them before Yahweli] that the sins of the father should be visited upon the children is a matter of course. The expiation was to be made /// Gibeon in the mount of Yalmieli] as we learn from the history of Solomon, a celebrated sanctuary existed at Gibeon. The received text has corrupted the original reading to in Gibeah of Saul, the chosen of Yahweh. — 7. A note to the effect that David screened Merib- baal his client from the vengeance that would otherwise have overtaken him. — 8. The victims actually taken were two sons of Rizpah, the concubine who was the occasion of Abner's revolt, and the five sons of Merab'\ so we should read, for it was Merab who was given to Adriel, i S. i8'^. The name of Michal's hus- band was Paltiel. — 9. The Gibeonites exposed the seven as they had determined, and the seven of them fell togethe?-] the verb is hardly appropriate if the victims were suspended above the earth. The time of the year was harvest, which comes in April or May. 1. a-'C-in do'Sni Sinit-'^n] the preposition is to be changed to S;% the accents are to be disregarded, and the n is to be made the suffix of PO; read therefore O''0-i nho "?;% so (S (We.), — 2. ''"(CNn] as in some other passages, a comprehensive name for the early inhabitants of Canaan. — irNjpj] cf. i K. iqIO. 14 — 3 i3->3i] the imperative is used to express the purpose of the preced- ing verb, cf. I S. I2i^; Dr. Tenses^, §65; Davidson, Syntax, § 65 d, Ges.* §110/. — 4. ''^J is changed unnecessarily to 1J> by the Qre. — *^)n2'"3;-] the assertion that they have no silver and no gold in possession of Saul only says that they will not put forward a claim for material damages. The blood-wit was forbidden by the later legislation, Num. 35^', but is evidently regarded as allowable in our text. — P'cn '^ ::"n ij'^'PvSm] and we have no man to slay docs not seem appropriate. ©^^ transposes two words;, c*'N n-'cn^, which is smoother. — 03^ n-^>'N c-^CN aPN-nr] as pointed out by Dr., the present text must be translated as above. (S^" seems to have read n::7Ni which would then be the apodosis: whatever yon say I will do. — 5. iJ"^^w'j] cannot be used in this form. It would be possible to point iJ^^ct:*] as is done by one of the render- ings found in (g. This would require a change in the pointing of n:;-'. It seems also that the apodosis begins with jnr of the next verse. The probability therefore favours a change of ij"i?:::*j u^ into "ij-<':;u'n'^ (We. adopt'-! i>^^- I'-m ^ 376 2 SAMUEL The construction would then be parallel to Jd. 20^. Ew. proposed >jnca'^ ap- parently retaining u^.— 6. J.^r] the Qre changes to a Hophal without appar- ent cause. — oijyp''^^] the verb is used Num. 25* of some form of execution, precisely what is difficult to determine. (§^ has here 4^r)kidawfj.ev and the other Greek versions use words meaning to impale or to hang. W. R. Smith supposes it to mean cast over a precipice. E also makes it mean to hang or crucify. But this is contradicted for this passage by ^dm below. — ':'us:y ny^jj] kxi ra&auv 2aovA (5^. Two MSS. omit the name of Saul. The narrative is favourable to Gibeon as the site of the expiation. Saul has come in by mis- take.— ry)n^ n-'nj] in v.^ we find that the men were exposed mn^ --joS ^na. It is therefore probable that nin> ^^^\2 was original here (We,, Bu.). — 8. The name of one of Rizpah's sons appears in the distorted form given to the son of Jonathan. — Sj-'d] two codd. of ||? have 3^d which is represented also in (S^ST. The latter alone agrees with the statement i S. iS^^. — 9. i'?om] is changed by Kl. into i'?nM, on the supposition that o;;^pii means they hung them. D."i>3!y is to be read, as indicated in the margin. The Qre also de- mands nrini for Dm, but this does not seem necessary. The last clause drags awkwardly and is perhaps a scribal expansion, Dij'2'NnD is lacking in (gk — r^np] is perfectly intelligible as the accusative of circumstance, without the preposition which is prefixed by the Qre. 10. The devotion of Rizpah is seen in her watching the bodies day and night : and she did not permit the birds of the heaven to rest upon them by day, nor the wild beasts by night'\ the last clause naturally impHes that the bodies were not suspended above the ground, but rested on the earth. That this continued for some time is indicated by the pains taken to say that it lasted fi-om the beginning of harvest until water was poured out upon them from heaven. But whether this means until the beginning of the regular autunm rains is impossible to say. So long an exposure of corpses is in glaring inconsistency with Dt. 2i"^-, all the more that it is here done to propitiate the Deity. — 11, 12. When David was told of the fidelity of Rizpah, he went and took the bones of Saul and of Jonathan from the citizens of Jabesh Gilead ivho had stolen them, as narrated above. — 14. These with the bones of the exposed — that the bones alone remained shows that the exposure had lasted a considerable time — he buried in Zela in the sepulchre of Kish his father] the locality is unknown. That God ivas propitiated toward the land after this is the conclusion of this narrative. The propitiation was not wrought by the burial but by the execution of the men. XXI. IO-22 377 10. p'Z'n^ the cloth which she would naturally wear as a mourner. This she spread upon the rock, to lie upon, wc must suppose. — ^^n] U)x '^;' as often. — ->'i'p] (S adds Kpiewf, which is perhaps original. — 11. At the end of the verse (J5ABal. adds: koI f^eKvd-naay, nal KarfKaliiv avTovs t^av v'lhi 'Iwo iK Tcoj/ a.troy6vwv ribv yi-yavrwu. ©^ has the same words at the end of v.'". They seem to have wandered hither from v.""'. — 12. diSp] Why the Qre should want to substitute S'N'i'n is incomprehensible. — 3\-i'.:'SDn dc] the Qre assumes that the division of words is wrong, but again without internal probability. — 14. i->3Pm] perhaps we should read onjpM: and he buried them luith the bones oj Saul. (5 inserts after Jonathan, the bones of the exposed. 15-22. The fate of four Philistine champions. —The sec- tion is part of a summary containing the exploits of David and his men. It seems to belong with 5'"-^, though that passage relates victories over the Philistine army, while this gives exploits of individual soldiers. — 15. War broke out, and David and his men lueni doivn — from Hebron apparently. There was war again, indicates that this is taken from a more extended history. — 16. The text is corrupt. It gave originally the name of a Philis- tine who was one of the Rephaites. The name is now lost, and even the description given of him is unintelligible. All we make out is that he thought to stay David. — 17. Abishai delivered his captain, and David's men took an oath that the king should not go to battle with them any more and quench the light of hiael. Compare the coal that is left of the Thekoite woman. — 18. That there was war again in Gob imphes that the preceding war had been in the same locality. The place is mentioned nowhere except in this chapter. — Sibbechai the Hitshathite'] a Bethlehemite family is named Hushah, i Chr. 4"*. — 19. In another campaign Elhanan ben fair the Bethlehe/nite slciv Goliath the Gittite~\ the harmonistic purpose of the Chronicler in making the victim the brother of Goliath is evident. — 20. Still another tall tnan with the curious physical deformity of six fingers on each hand and six toes on each foot is mentioned as belonging to the same family. — 21. His challenge to Israel brought upon him the f:tte of his brothers. — 22. The verse sums up the paragrajih — four cham- pions of one family were slain by David and his men. 15. in n>'^] is suspicious and probably corrupt; ©'* reads Koi 4irop(v0ij AaveiS. Had the Philistine attacked him when weary, a more explicit state- 378 2 SAMUEL ment would have been made. — 16. 3J3 i3'u''>i] (^Jii'M Qre) cannot be a proper name. Taking the words by themselves, we should naturally connect them with the preceding verse in the sense, and they dwelt (that is, camped ) in Nob, only for the name of the place we should read Gob as in v.^^. This is adopted by We., Dr., Bu., who agree in inserting the words after ic;; of the preceding verse — perhaps the best we can do, though the displacement is difficult to account for. It is possible that in -i'^\s ^n we have p with a mutilated proper name; (S^ reads kol Aa5oi> vlhs 'Icuas where the first name seems a corruption of -in. For n-iSo we should probably read ^t^*?^?:. The name r^Q•^^r^\ is appar- ently an eponym. — U'P] would be his lance, but it is more probable that the weight of some other piece of armour would be given, as i S. 17^^ where we find the helmet, yjip* which therefore may be restored with some probability here (Kl., Bu.). Sp^i'D seems to be an error for "^pv. The clause and he was girded with a new is of course unintelligible without the name of the piece of armour which he had on ; (^^ gives Kopvvrju, a club, which however is not girded on like a sword; (^^ and Theodotion irapa(uur]v. Lagarde conjectures r^:y-^ (the form of the clause naturally points to David as the subject, Kl.). — 17. 1"^] after -\n is probably to be omitted, with (3. — 18. For 2.) here many codd. have :3j, whereas (@i^ and S read Gath, (3^ Fa^Vfl, and the parallel, i Chr. 20^ has ifj. In this confusion it seems best to retain the reading of |^, which is more likely to have been replaced by a well-known name than the reverse. — 19. CJTN n>'^] is hardly a man's name and the a-'jnN has plainly crept in from the line below. For "'-i>"' it seems better to restore also -iv or •^'

, while Ps. 1 8 prefixes a clause icnis •>prn mn", and the same is found in (S^. The insertion seems to weaken the force of the opening, so that in this instance our text seems original. That a psalmist took the liberty of expanding his text is only what we should expect from the history of hymnology. — ^'^j is lacking in Ps. and is in fact superflu- ous. It is a question whether "'lo'^sr; ought not also to be stricken out. The metre and the sense are complete without it : YaJnveh is my rock and vty fortress ; My God is my crag in luhom I trust. 3. i-iSn] should probably be pointed -nS.v; Ps. reproduces the word in the form ^'^N, which is unmistakable. From 'Duci Ps. omits, and apparently with good cause, for the clause is quite out of keeping with the rest of the verse. 5. "'d] lacking in Ps. and (@H is therefore suspicious, ^-yivr: is clearly to be preferred to ^'r-an Ps. — 7. NnpN] in the second clause is intolerable: j'irN Ps. is far better. After >n;M-:M add n3P from the N3n vjc^ of Ps. — 8. u7jpi] Kt. and Ps., evidently has inxn for its subject. The Qre V';\'^-\ perhaps intends Yahweh as subject: He shook himself (with wrath) and the earth trembled; in this case however another verb would probably have been chosen, as i>'jn\ Nestle, Marginalien, p. 21. — c^Ci-n rnDi:2i] onn ^nDiOi Ps. The latter is to be preferred, for the foundations of heaven are nowhere else mentioned. — 380 2 SAMUEL 11. N-\n] N-^^i Ps. ; the latter is far finer, cf. Dt. 28^^. — 12. After ^rn insert n.-D Ps., and read inaD for pidd. We thus get a good parallelism: nro T^'n n-^">i vn^D rn::oD The word n-cj'n is obscure; norn Ps. is favoured by (5^ (tkotos while @^ icpeia-aro seems to have read irn. — 13. The verse as it stands consists of but one member, whereas Ps. has two. The latter is doubtless original, except that n;"3 is to be retained instead of n^;*. 14. D>-i>] Ps. (3^ and & unite in prefixing 1. — 15. The second member is too short; Ps. has Dcn-'i 31 □"'p-i3i. I conjecture ddhm non D?pi3i. There seems to be no reason for the Qre on^i. — 16. iVji] the form iSj^i Ps. agrees better with the sense in this verse. The tense changes in v.i'^ in order to a more vivid presentation of the actual deliverance. — 18. t;' osx::] is difficult to construe. Apparently o has dropped out after 0''n:2. — 19. jyi-*::] read lymS with Ps. and codd. mult. — 23. rtos"':: Q^-e is favoured by Ps. and the parallelism.- — njcc] is difficult after the plural and probably to be read "'j::q ("■jr: Ps.), and this involves the reading i^DN (Ps.) : ovk airoarricr^Tai air' i/xov (3^: ouK aiTfCTTrjv ott' aincou (§^. — 26. 113;] is certainly out of place: 13 j Ps. is confirmed by (g.. — 27. ">3nr^] is an evident error for nnijnn Ps. One -> has dropped out. — Vfjnr] ^nsnn Ps., a similar case of carelessness. — 28. The second clause gives no suitable sense. For D'^di"'?;? T^^'j!"^ read niDi □•':''>'i Ps. 29. The assertion T/io^i art my torch seems to have been too bold for the Psalmist, who changes into : Thoti lightest my torch. The probability seems in favour of our text. In the second member however read "inSxi for nin>i. — 30. The second half of the verse speaks of leaping a wall. It seems clear that the parallelism requires ~nj instead of inj, and this calls for y^a (Lag., Proph. Chald., p. xlvi) instead of fnx. — 31. The second clause is perhaps an interpolation, as it breaks the parallelism (Kl.). 32. For the second "i-\;;Sj?:, Ps. substitutes tiS't which many codd. have here. The dissimilation is more elegant. — 33. S^n ni^'c] seems to give no suitable sense, whereas S^n ''j-^iNcn Ps. is excellent. — i.i"'i] seems to be a corruption of ^n^1 Ps., and ''om Qre is to be adopted. — 34. i^jn Qre and Ps. is correct. — 35. r^nji] nnnji Ps., neither one giving a suitable sense. The passage seems to require ami makes my ar7ns like a bow of bronze. pn>i will hardly do, for the same verb follows immediately — perhaps nti'-'i would meet the conditions. — 36. inj>i] the word seems to be nowhere else applied to God, and is incongruous in this passage; koX t] uTraKO-f) aov (g^ ; ^al rj naideia (Tou (5^ if taken to mean and thy discipline [obedience to thee] brought me up would be appropriate, but both inoiD and innDin are somewhat remote in form from the word in the text. Other conjectures are unsatisfactory. — 39. dSdni] is doul)tless erroneous duplication of the preceding word (lacking in Ps.). — 40. ^j-'T.-^i] another spelling for •>j-\rNni Ps. — 41. nnn] has lost its 0 — a case of simple carelessness like some others in this chapter. —42. x^z-^'\ they looked XXII. ii-xxin. 4 381 would be possible, but r;vy^ Ps. is confirmed by (&. — 43, Di'p-^x cp-iN] one of the two words is superfluous. The reading has come about by conflation, as is shown by Dp •'-in Ps. and codd. cpiN alone fits the context. — 44. ••c;] is hardly appropriate; a; Ps. is better, but still better would be o>c;-, parallel with SMI. For >j-\n:::'n substitute ^jr>::'n Ps. (S'^ has a very different sense for this verse. — 45. Ps. inverts the order of the clauses (also (S'-), which is better. — 46. i'^^''] as pointed, gives a strained sense. -The conjecture of Kl. '»S i^3r, adopted by Bu., has everything in its favour. — nin^] is equally unfortunate, but corrected l)y Ps. ^)^n^'\ 47. -(Vi] is superfluous and omitted l)y Ps. (S's while (5" seems to have read li'j. — 50. nic'N Ps. is the better form. — 51. '^^-ij':] there seems to be no reason for the Qre. XXIII. 1-7. David's last words. — The psalm here introduced is intended to give David a Testament like that of Jacob and Moses. The contents however are obscure and the text is corrupt. Both vocabulary and thought show it to be a comparatively late production. 1. After the title we have the ostensible author's introduction of himself: Oracle of David ben /esse, Oracle of the man set on high. The Anointed of the God of Jacob And the Joy of the songs of Israel. 2, 3^. A second introductory stanza, assuring the hearer that what is spoken is divinely inspired : The Spirit of Yah-oeh spoke in me, And his word was on my tongue ; The God of Jacob said to me. The Rock of Israel spoke : 3b, 4. The oracle now follows, and is evidently intended as a panegyric upon the just ruler : One ruling over men, a righteous man, Ruling in the fear of God : Like the light of the morning shall he rise. The sun of a cloudless morn, Making the green earth brilliant after rain. 382 2 SAMUEL 5. The poet reflects on the divine revelation just vouchsafed : Verily, sure is my house wiih God, For an eternal covenant he made with ine. Set in order in all things, and he zuill keep it, For all my salvation and all my delight are in him. The text has suffered, and the last clause is quite unintelligible. The above restoration is only provisional. 6, 7. Some violence is needed to get a sense out of the present text. By conjecture we may restore the following : BtU vile men shall not flourish. They are like thorns of the desert, all of them, Which are not harvested by the hand. Nor doth a man labour for them. Though armed %vith iron and spear They shall be utterly consumed with flre. The subject of the last couplet is no longer the thorns, but the wicked men, of which they are a type. 1. The versions differ extraordinarily in their understanding of the Psalm, and their apprehension is usually a misapprehension. — cnj] is used of a divine communication nearly if not quite always. — DXji] I have omitted the 1 with I cod. of f§, also iL(5^^ and &. — Dpn] is for Dpin, which is found in a number of codd. — ^'; Dpn] the construction is difBcult, the only parallels to this use of '?;'• being Hos. 7^^ ii"^, both corrupt passages: "ov av^aTna^v 6 deos (§^ (Kvpios (&^) may point to pi*?;? ^''pn. The last clause can hardly mean the S7aeet singer of Israel. — 3. For the first Israel I have substituted y«^^(5 with IL and I. -It is possible that "''? should be supplied before S'^'iD (1), so that Yahweh would sz-y I have a ruler, thai is, I have found a ruler. — hn'T'] a number of codd. interpret correctly in writing nxio. — 4. mxDi] the 1 is omitted by (§^"5»ll; it is however quite in place as introducing the sequence. — njj?:] should be a participle, perhaps a Piel, though that form does not occur elsewhere. Otherwise read n''JC. Kl. proposes n''r:i'r:, ninn or :33jp; the last is adopted by Bu. — itas:;] (Sit seem to have read tjc3, which would better be adopted if we change the preceding word to 33jc — like rain making the green of the earth to spring. The influence of a beneficent ruler is else- where likened to shoivers that water the earth. — 5. P'nS'o] gives just the opposite of the desired meaning. I see in xS the strongly af^rmative particle n|^, which we have met occasionally elsewhere. — nnDtt'i] is pointed as a passive participle by fH : Koi ';z"''] it does not appear what &' has in mind in translating rhp avriQ^Tov /loi : adversantem 7nihi I. — I'cn] should be ""XDn apparently. — n-'DX"' nS ^s] as above remarked, XXllI. 383 is unintelligible. Kl. proposes to read n::s^-}h-^D, making the whole sentence a promise of God : a// my help and all tny good pleasure shall spring up for him (that is, for David). It seems to me better to throw out the n'';:^'' N*^, as having strayed in from another place (Nestle, Marginalien, p. 22), and to close the verse with u ^S£3n-'?3\ — 6. 6^^ begins the verse with n^cs^ N^ ^3 from the end of the preceding, and this agrees better with the rhythm. — S;7>'73i] omit 1 (S^. — ij::] does not seem appropriate; read -i^t:: with Kl., Bu. For I'll"!, Perles {Analekten, p. 53) proposes I'lr, in which case we should read ma V1DD. For in,-^-, I propose itap'?^ — the worthlessness of the thorns is seen in the fact that no one cares to gather them. — 7. The reading just given naturally carries with it the reading pi"" instead of >•;"• (confirmed by ©), and makes this clause parallel to the one preceding. — n'?0"'] is incomprehensible: ikv jUTj (gL points to isS"DN. But the negative does not fit, and I conjecture "1S-2N or perhaps better \d? dn — if they have iron as their defence. — twits'] hiaKo^y) avTovs (3^, perhaps 2sn in some form. — njtt'j] which is quite super- fluous, has come in by error from the next verse. 8-39. The catalogue of David's knights. — The author throws together a list of the men who distinguished themselves in David's wars and who in consequence were enrolled in a special band. The section agrees in tenor with 21^^" and seems to be a part of the same document. It is copied in i Chr. i i^i-ii* where the text is in a number of cases better preserved. 8. First mentioned is Ishbaal the Hachmonite chief of the Three'\ that is, of the distinguished band which ranked above all except the commander in chief. — He swung his spear over eight hundred slain at one time"] cf. v.^^. — 9. Atid after him ivas Eleazar ben Dodo the Ahohite'] an Ahoah is mentioned among the Benjamite clans, I Chr. §^ — He was with David at Pas-Dammim and the Philistines gathered there~\ the text is that of the Chronicler. Pas-Dammim is the EpJies-Dammim of i S. 17^ — 10. liegin- ning the sentence with the last clause of the preceding we read : And the men of Israel retreated, but he stood and smote the Philis- tifies until his hand 7uas weary and clave fast to the sword'] the muscles became so stiff that he could not relax them. So in our own times, an Arab champion boasted : " The Kusman perished before me until the evening, when my fingers could not be loosed from the handle of the sword."* — 11. The third is Shammah ben Agee the Hararite. His exploit was when the Philistines gathered * Doughty, Travt'h in .lral>ia Dcserta, II. p. 28. 3^4 SAMUEL at Lehi\ cf. Jd. 1 5^. — A?id there was a plot of groimd full of len- tiles'] a well-known crop, for which however the Chronicler here substitutes barley. — 12. He stationed himself in the middle of the field and defe7ided it^ literally delivered it. The account of these three was to all appearance originally concluded by ^'^ : These things did the three heroes. The connexion is now broken by the following paragraph which relates the joint deed of three of the heroes. 8. r3"*3 3-'"'] has not the appearance of a proper name: p ^^yf^ Chr. : 'leySJa^e (§^ : 'lea/SaaA ^^\ From the last reading we suspect the original to have been '?>3r"i {^';yv^^ which some scribe corrected in well-known fashion to riro-j'-' which gave rise to the reading of |^. Chr. mutilates by changing the last letter only. — "'j:::)nn] "'jirjn Chr. The latter looks more like the origi- nal; the n of the former probably represents the article : o y^avavaios (Jl^: vib^ QeKefxave'i (§^. It is possible, as supposed by Bu., that the name of the man's father has dropped out and that we may supply it from i Chr. 27- where we find ^Nn3i~p D>'3u'\ But as in i Chr. 27^- we find another man called also ^JCDn"p, this is not certain. — ••tt'S'J'n s'Nn] would naturally be ;(/ie third cap- tain, that is, next in rank to Joab and Abishai. Chr. has however □'*i:'iS-'n "'N"^, chief of the Thirty, or D"'w'"'Sw'n '-1 Qj-e, chief of the picked 77ien. We are wholly helpless in the endeavour to decide between these readings. To them (g^ adds &px'. Marcjuart conjectures 3\vdi ic;'3. In any case the folluwing word XXIII. I; 385 requires us to read D\ntt'Soni Chr. for 3\-iU'S33. The following clause, anU (he men of Israel went up, is unmeaning. Probably the author intended lo continue the preceding and overpowered the men 0/ Israel ; nai avf&6r]atv a.vT]p 'lapav^ ©" may be no more than a corruption of Ka\ avi&naav av. '\a. (S^ and so not an independent witness. On the other hand it may conceiva- bly represent ip;'i;M which points to an original ip'"^'"> (Marrjuart). — 10. Chr. omits from y^'p^ \? to r\Th v.ii. — xin] should be Nini. — 11. nnsi] vnnn) ^rA — nin] in v.33 (i Chr. ii^*) we have another Ilararite and we should prefix the article here as there. © however points to >3^Nn in this verse (Marq.). Kl. supposes this hero to be identical with nSn ]a n;'C'.:' i K. 4'8. — ."T>n"^J is evidently intended as a proper name, in which case we must see in it the Lehi well known from the history of Samson. Ew. conjectured this {GVI^. III. p. 192, E. Tr. III. p. 141), and is confirmed by ©'' tV: aiay6va. — 12. 2i\n>i] Chr. deprives Shammah of his glory by making this and the two following verbs plural. 13-17^. An exploit of three of the heroes is insertetl here, be- cause they were supposed to be the three just mentioned. The terms in which they are introduced does not however indicate this. — 13. Three of the Thirfy~\ implies that the Thirty have been mentioned, and shows the original place of the section. — They came down to the mountain top, to David to the fortress of Adul- lam when a clan of the Philistines was encamped in the Valley of Rephaifft] the well-known scene of several battles. — 15. David had a longing for the water he used to drink in his boyhood : Oh, that one would give me to dt'inkfrom the well of Bethlehem! That there is now no well in the town does not prove anything for earlier times. — 16. The three heroes broke through the camp of the Philistines to accomplish David's desire. He however would not drink the water but poured it out to \ ahweh'] as too precious for any other use. — 17. Yahweh forbid that I should do it .' This is the blood of the men loho went at the risk of their lii'es'] the value thus put upon it shows David's ap])reciation of his knights quite as well as if he had drunk their present. 13. cir^'^r] 7\-y'^i' Qrc', Chr. (S, no doubt correctly, — •-•s-i] it is difficult to suppose that the Thirty are all called chiefs in this connexion. If we change i-xp to -Win it would be most natural to read "^ixn w'x-«, and suppose the inter- vening words the insertion of a scribe who connected ::'N"> wrongly with what precedes. Chr. has only isn S>' U'Ni. — -\^sp"Sn] they certainly diil not come unto the harvest ; ivn Chr. @^ is doubtless correct, and to be consistent we must make nii?; for r-^;":, confirmed by the next verse. — 14. Possibly a gloss, 2C 386 2 SAMUEL as it is entirely unnecessary to the sense. This does not invalidate the argu- ment just based on mvi:;3 for it still shows that the glossator found mi*:: in v.1'5. — 15. '>:p'Z"' ""c] the question expresses a wish, as often. 1X3 is naturally a well of living water — only such would account for David's desire. Perhaps because no well was known in later times, the margin substitutes "13 here, and is followed by Chr., cf. Robinson, BJ^-, I. pp. 470, 473. — 17. nvT*] tiSn?: Chr. points to mnir: which is found in many codd., and which is the more usual construction. — a-in] is difficult, because the question does not contain a verb. The Chronicler supplies the verb, but makes an awkward sentence which can hardly be original. Probably Din is corrupted from an nr or m Nin (Bu.). The last clause of this verse appears to belong after v.'-, as already noted. 18, 19. The received text confuses the Three and the Thirty so as to contradict itself. It seems plain that the narrative knows only the two bands ; were there a Second Three it must be desig- nated. Bearing this in mind and correcting the text accordingly, we may read of Abishai : He was captain of the Thirty — he swung his spear over three hundred slain, so he got a name like that of the Three. He was more honourable than the Thi7'ty and became their captain, but to the Three he did not attain. 18. ^zhv7\'\ nrSw'.i Qre. Neither of these can be right and it is necessary to read a-'tt'Sii'n with two MSS. (We.). — nti'Stra Da'~i^i] there is no way in which Abishai could have a name among the Three without being enrolled among them, which is expressly denied in the next verse. Chr. and some MSS. read n"?! for iSi, on the ground of which Marquart proposes 'Vi □"''i» nVt which is the same thing stated at the end of v.^^. I have conjectured Dtt' )Si nr^rj which does not seem inappropriate, and departs very slightly from the text. — 19. The first niyStt'n must be corrected as in the other case to DitJ'Sa'n. For -"^n, We. substitutes "ijn, but Nin is simpler and answers the purpose. 20-23. Benaiah is next described as a man of valour, a doer of great deeds. His home was the Judahite town Kabzeel. — He smote the two sons of Ariel in Moab'] unless indeed towns or sanctuaries are intended. — And he used to go down and s?fiite the lions in the pit on snowy days~\ when he could track them easily. — 21. Moreover, he smote a tall Egyptian who had in his hand a spear; he went against him ivith only a club and snatched the spear from the Egyptian's hand, and killed him with his own spear'] the better weapon did not avail. — 22. The result was a reputation like that of the Three. -^IZ. He too received an important com- mand, for David set him over his servants'] by which the body- guard seems intended, i S. 22". xxiir. 18-39 387 20. "'n-^'\s-p] S-'H Qre is doubtless correct (so Chr.). Hut what concerns us is not the character of Benaiah's father or gramlfathcr, l)ul his own. It is probable therefore that we should read simply '^•'n u'"'N (Kw.) : avi^p av76s 0" indicates Nin t:'\x which however seems unnatural. Kab/x-cl is named among the towns of Judah in Jos. 15-1. — '^vsivsj is unintelligible, and as "-nin ^jj is witnessed by (5, that emendation seems obvious; 7\zr\ indicates that men and not sanctuaries are intended. — njm in^] the consecution is awkward and we should perhaps read -^y_, in which case we should have the account not of a single exploit, but of the man's custom. — 21. t-'s] read iJ'ns Qrc and Chr. — nxir] should be m:o with Chr. — 22. n'.;'Vi:'jJ Bu. has already conjectured rw'^'£>:i which seems plausible, and which confirms a similar conjecture of mine above. According to this the Heroes included the Three, the Thirty, and two who were unclassed but who ranked above the Thirty and below the Three. — 23. ^n] read ^'; with Chr. — ir>::u':;] (5^-' tV (pv\aKr]v avrov may possibly have read 24-39. Catalogue of the Thirty. — That the names are more than thirty in number need cause no surprise, as we may suppose the corps to have been kept full after losses in war. — 25. T/ie Harodite\ probably from Harod in the Great Plain, Jd. 7^ — 26. The Paltite\ very uncertain. — The Tekoite'\ already known to us by the Tekoite woman. — 27. The Anathothite'\ from the town which was afterwards the home of Jeremiah, situated a short hour northeast of Jerusalem. The Hiishathite has already ap- peared, 21^®. — 28. Netophathites are mentioned elsewhere; the town in connexion with Bethlehem after the Exile, Ezr. 2" Neh. 7-^ — 30. Pirathonite.zi.]^. i2^l The Wadies of Gaash may be connected with Mount Gaash, Jd. 2^. — 31. For Abi- Albon we should perhaps read Ahibaal (We.) ; his town may be identified with Beth-Arabah, Jos. 15^ — 32. The Shaalbouiie, pos- sibly from Shaalbin, Jos. 19'- (Shaalbim i K. 4"). — 34. Eliphalet was from Beth-Maacah, 20^^ — 39. The total of 37 does not agree with the names given. The Chronicler (i Chr. ii"~*') adds a number of others. 24. cnS n-'a] read cnS pod Chr. ©i^ and some codd. — 25. -^kts np^'^n] is omitted by Chr. and (g. — 26. ^jSon] •'jf on Chr. : b KfKwdd 6^ : 6 ^aKyovl (gI^ In the conflict of testimony it is difficult to put much confidence in any one of the forms. — 27. ^J^*:] would naturally be read ^ntJ and is so read by (Q^. But Chr. in two places has a proper name o3D which is also represented in (gL. — 28. ^nnsn] cf. v.^ — 20. ^^^n] iSn i Chr. ii^o, and 21 codd. here,- besides ST (Cod. Reuchl.) : n^n i Chr. 271^ — 80. ^nn] mn Chr. is confirmed 388 2 SAMUEL by several codd. of (g, Field, Hexapl. I. p. 586. — 31. >n2i;7n paS;7-ON] Sn^^s vo'ivn Chr. : 'AyStJ/A v'Cbs toO 'Apa^wdirov (gcodd., Qn the basis of these Kl., followed by Bu., has restored ^P2^';r\ n>D '?;o-on. — >Dnn3n] >Dnn3n Chr. is probably gentilic of Dnn3. — 32. |njini jC'i >J3J gives no good sense. jt:'^->j3 is probably corruption of a proper name, in which case it is most natural to suppose IPJIH"' corruption of a gentilic: Baaal 6 roovvi @codd._ q)j^ connects I-'jin> with the following by a j3, as do the Greek Codd. used by Field. — 33. >'\'\nn and nisn are different spellings of the same word. — 34. inaycn p] probably to be corrected to inD^'Dn-no (K.I.). — 35. n^Jn A7. is confirmed by Chr. o-is'.-i should perhaps be -"DnNn (Dr.). — 38. nn^n possibly from YatHr (Kl.). — 39. The only way in which we can make a total of 37 is to count I.;"! "'J3 as two. The number was computed after the corruption took place. XXIV. The census and its results. — Incited by Yahweh, David orders a census and insists upon it against the remon- strances of Joab. No sooner is the work done than he sees its sinfulness and repents. He is given his choice of three calamities and chooses the pestilence. After ravaging the country, the de- stroying angel reaches Jerusalem but is bidden to stay his hand. David receives the command to build an altar on the place where the angel had stood when the plague was stayed. He therefore purchases the site and offers sacrifices upon it. There seems no reason to doubt that the section is from the same source with chapter 21^"^^, and once followed that paragraph without a break. The possibiUty of secondary insertions how- ever need not be denied. 1-9. The census. — 1. Yahweh was again angry with Israel must be a reference to the account of the famine. There seems to be no other instance of Yahweh's wrath against Israel in our present history of David. — And instigated David against the7?i~\ to do them harm, i S. 26^^. The language leaves no doubt of the author's theory that God incites men to do that for which he afterwards punishes them. Go, number Israel and Jiidah. Why this should be a sin we are not told, but it was doubtless regarded as such by popular opinion — as we see from Joab's protest. — 2. The command is given to Joab and the captains of the army who were 7vith him'\ this was especially appropriate, as the num- ber of fighting men was the point in mind. Go about in all the tribes of Israel . . . and muster the people and let me know the XXIV. 1-9 389 nwnber of the people. — Z. Joab's protest : May Yahweh thy God add to the people a hundred times as many as they are, while the eyes of my lord the king are looking on /] that is, during David's lifetime. Bnt 7c>hy should my lord the king take pleasure in this thing? The protest is evidently as strong as the servant of an absolute monarch can make it. It is explicable only on the theory that this was a new and unheard-of ste]x — 4. The com- mand is too positive to be evaded and the work is undertaken. — 5. The beginning was made in the country beyond the Jordan — from Aroer and from the city which is in the in ids t of the lVadi~\ so we must emend the text. The same places are mentioned in Dt. 2^ as forming the southern boundary of the territory taken by Israel from Sihon. The ruins of Aroer still bear the name ' Ardir. The first objects of the survey were the Gaddites unto Jaazer'] the town marked the boundary of the first district on the north, cf. Num. 21-'* (^. Both Aroer and Jaazer are mentioned in the list of towns belonging to Gad, Num. 32^^"^. — 6. It is impossible to make sense of the received text. Three points are clear how- ever : They came to Gilead'] which lay next in order as they went northward ; they reached Dan'\ the most northerly point of Israel's actual possessions, and there they turned to7vards Sidon, as we should expect. The intervening clause seems to have said that they came to the land of the Hittites to Hermon. — 7. The Fortress of Tyre to which they next came would naturally be a post on the bound- ary of the Phoenician territory. — And all the cities of the Ilivvites and the Canaanites'] as they worked their way southward these marked the boundary of their operations. The Hivvites were the original inhabitants of Shechem and Gibeon. — The end of their journey was the Negeb of Judah, at Beer-sheba'\ well known from the history of Abraham, and as the southernmost town in Judah. — 8. The time occupied was nine months and tivent}- days. — 9. As in so many other cases, the numbers are not to be relied upon. For the 800,000 of Israel the Chronicler has 1,100,000, and for the 500,000 of Judah he gives 470,000. 1. Bu. removes the first clause to the margin and begins the section ro^i n)n>. This is in accordance with his theory that 2i^-'< originally followed this chapter. If we deny this supposed original order the reason for modifying the verse falls to the ground. — tdm] as is well known, the Chronicler could 390 SAMUEL not conceive of Yahweh's inciting David to sin, and he therefore begins the account ( I Chr. 2ii) ron hs-\y< ^'; ]'D'y ~idj?m. This conception of Satan was entirely unknown to the older writer. Ewald's proposal to correct Sam. by Chr. is motived by a theological prejudgment. — ana] seems to make no difficulty, though objected to by Bu. — 2. 'r'^nn-n-.;'] (gL seems to have read "^^nn ^-^Z' "'ni which IS favoured by v.* and by the paraphrase, D>."i "'"^tt' '?ni, i Chr. 21-5. — toir] probably to be corrected to the plural with (g^. Por the tense in >nynM cf. Dr., Tenses^, § 112. — 3. nori] it seems best to omit the 1 with (3^ and Chr., but cf. Davidson, Syntax, § 136, 7^, l, d. — an^] the like of what they now are. — 4. ""JD*^] read "'jsro with C^^. — 5. '3 uhm] is suspicious, as the surveying party did not have to stay long in one place : koX ijp^avro anh 'ApoTjp (B^ has doubtless the correct reading -i;'n;;D i'?nM (conjectured by We. apparently without knowledge of this recension of (3) . This requires the emendation of ]"2^ to pi. On the site of Aroer, Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, p. 372; G. A. Smith, Geog. p. 559. The town is mentioned by Mesha, line 26. — ijn] the article is suspicious; probably njn should be restored with (^^^ in which case the t of the next word may be stricken out. The location of Jaazer is given by Jerome (Eusebius) as ten (or eight) miles from Philadelphia and fifteen from Heshbon, OS. pp. 86, 131. Conjectural identification with the site now called Sar is given in Buhl, Geog. p. 263 f. — 6. "'i:nn aTnn] cannot be the name of a place. The reading of (g^ ^.^s evidently r\-2;'\p aTinn, to the land of the Hittites to Kadesh. As the Hittites occupied the region of Lebanon they make no difficulty, but Kadesh on the Orontes is too far away, and Kedesh of Naphtali has nothing to do with the Hittites. The conjecture of Ew. ( G VI^. in. p. 220, E. Tr. III. p. 162) is therefore attractive, that for icnn we should read pin (better njDin). The clause aoDi x;> also makes difficulty. It seems to conceal 123D atin or its equivalent. We., Bu. read 122D pDi. — 9. The separate enumeration of Israel and Judah can hardly be evidence of late date. We have already had occasion to notice indications of their separate feeling. The numbers given are increased for Israel by some Greek MSS. to 900,000 while those of Judah are diminished to 400,000. 10-16. The punishment. — As the account now stands, David's repentance comes before his denunciation, which hardly seems natural ; v}^ is probably an insertion. — 11, 12. Gad, David's seer, had received a revelation during the night, commanding him to say from Yahweh : Three things 1 lay before thee : Choose ofie of them that I may do to thee] what the three are is not stated here but in the following verse. — 13. The choice offered is : three years of famine in thy hind, three months fleeing before thine enemies while they pursue thee, or three days' pestilence'\ it has been supposed that as the three years of famine were actually inflicted in the matter of the Gibeonites, so the three months' flight repre- XXIV. lo-r 391 sents David's experience in tlie rebellion of Absalom. But of this there is no evidence. — 14. David's choice is motived by the thought that Yahweh is more merciful than man. — 15. The more graphic text of (3 gives us : So David chose the pestilence. And when the days were the days of wheat harvest, the plague began among the people and slew of the people seventy thousand mcn'\ the days of wheat harvest explain how Araunah came to be at his threshing-floor. The fact that the plague had only begun when Yahweh stayed the angel's hand justifies David's confidence in his mercies. — 16. The angel comes to Jerusalem, when Yahweh repents, and commands : Enough, now stay thy hand ! The exact locality which he had reached was tlie threshing-floor of Araunah. The reason why Yahweh repented is his affection for Jerusalem. 10. In favour of treating the verse as an intruder is the use of -'CD instead of nja v.i. After p insert o with ^^' (KL). — 11. np33 nn Dp""! is apparently a part of the interpolation. — NOjn] is omitted by Chr. and is superfluous. — 12. "IiSn] on this use of the infinitive Davidson, Syntax, § 88 ^ — ""Ju] read ni2j with Chr. — 13. For ^iz\ Chr. has C'iSa' which makes the offer more symmetrical. — y^'i\ should evidently be "|-\S to agree with what follows; the word is to be taken collectively. We. prefers ^dt^ J"'ni to ifjii nv-ii. — 15. The reconstruction of the verse by We. adopted by Dr. and Bu. is the one reproduced above. The reading of "^ and Yahweh sent a pestilence upon Israel fr 0771 the 77io7'7ii7ig until an appoi7ited time is obscure, but seems to imply that the threatened three days were fulfilled. (5 has a double reading, a sec- ond translation of |^ being inserted in the original rendering. Cutting out this insertion we have left : koX e^eXe^aro kavTcp Aav(i8 rhv Bavaror, koX Tj/mfpai depifffMOv TTvpMu, Kal ijp^aro ■}] dpavais iv rqi? \a(*>. This evidently represents a good Hebrew text. — nr^] is perhaps to be pointed nD""!. It seems violent however to introduce 7\':i'::7\ ixVr:n (Bu.). — >0*J' nN3"i];i po] is lacking in Chr. and probal)ly an interpolation. — 16. ixScn n"" nStt'M] the order of the words is unusual. But it seems impossible to get along without ")N^?:n unless we insert it in the preceding verse. Bu. inserts v.^^ after n.-^n'.:'"', which gives a plausible text. — nnivxn] the article with the proper name is impossible and must be stricken out. The original form of the name cannot be recovered : njniN A7., njns ^/v; n>jis A't., njns Q7-e \}^; elsewhere in this chapter ^r\l^-\ii. or n^jnN, in Chr. uniformly |j-^n. © has 'Opvd. both here and in Chr. 17-25. The commemorative altar. — The first verse is either an interpolation or displaced, as '^ joins immediately to ^^ As it stands, it asks that Yahweh will spare the peo])le but punish David and his house. Neither in wiiat folK)ws nor in v."'' is anv notice 392 2 SAMUEL taken by Yahweh of this prayer. — 18. The place where Yahweh reveals himself becomes a sanctuary and properly receives an altar. — 20. Araunah looked down from the elevation on which the threshing-floor was placed, and seeing the king and his servants crossing over to him, he went to meet them and showed the cus- tomary reverence. — 21. In accounting for his mission, David speaks of building an altar, that the phigue may be stayed from the people~\ he is apparently not certain that it has actually been checked. — 22. Araunah's reply considers the first object of the altar, the sacrifice, and offers the material which he has at hand : Let my lord the king take and offer luhat he pleases ; see the oxen for the burnt offering and the threshing sledges and the implements for wood^ the yokes and goads are the implements of the oxen. We are reminded of i S. 6'^ where the cart which brought the Ark furnishes the wood for the extemporized altar and the kine are the burnt offering. Threshing sledges were heavy boards with stones set in the under side, and they were dragged over the grain, as is still the custom in the East. — 23. The whole has thy ser- vant, my lord the king, given to the king'] the usual response of the oriental to the expression of desire for something in his pos- session. On the text, see the note. The conclusion of the verse is a prayer for the success of the sacrifice : Yahweh thy God accept thee / — 24. After refusing to offer that which cost him nought, David buys the field and the cattle for fifty shekels of silver] the Chronicler expands these to six hundred shekels of gold. — 25. The altar was built and the sacrifices offered, and Yahiveh tvas entreated for the land and the plague was stayed from Israel. 17. Against the originality of the verse is the fact that Gad's message makes no allusion to it. If stricken out, the connexion is perfect. — 20. v*^;*] naturally to be corrected to vVn (Bu.). Immediately after it we should per- haps insert D''On an njnNi from Chr., though the Chronicler has treated the verse very freely. — 23. "iScn njnvsj has given rise to much speculation, as though Araunah had been king of the Jebusites before the conquest of the city. It is evident however that if this had been the case (its intrinsic improbability need not be dwelt upon) the author would have taken pains to inform us. In njns here we have a corruption of "'Jin as was recognized first by liijttcher (We.). The subject to |,nj then must be tid;'' which has fallen out. — 25. (5 adds at the end of the verse that Solomon added to the altar XXIV. iS-25 393 latet- because it was small. This assumes what was also the mind of the Chronicler, that the site now fixed became the site of Solomon's Temple. But of this we cannot be certain. The site of Solomon's Temjile was fixed by the location of the palace, of which it was the sanctuary. It is not likely that this was anywhere except in the citadel where both David and Solomon resided. The division of books here is quite artificial, as the history of David is continued in i Kings with the account of Abishag and the revolt of Adonijah. That the division is not very early is probably indicated by &' which begins its Third Book of Kings with I K. 3 of the received text, and numbers the two chapters which intervene 25 and 26 of our book. APPENDIX I. THE CRITICISM OF THE OLD TESTAMEX r Ti:Xl" The foregoing commentary was in the hands of the printer before I received the third edition of Thenius' Commentary edited by Professor Lohr. Careful examination of this volume shows, to my surprise, a serious divergence from Thenius' own work in respect to the treatment of the text. As the position taken by Professor Lohr indicates how far we are from uniting upon even the most elementary questions of Old Testament science, an examination of his argument will be in place here. Thenius opened the way to a rational treatment of the text in his exposition of the Books of Samuel. His results have been widely accepted, and all recent inquiry has been based more or less distinctly upon his work. Yet now the editor who claims to con- tinue his work attempts to discredit a considerable part of it and announces a principle which would be repudiated by the original author.* Such a phenomenon deserves study. The position of the author (by which I mean Professor Lohr) is stated as follows : " The aim of Old Testament textual criticism is (if indeed we wish to retain common ground and a sure footing) f a philologically correct edition of the Massoretic Text." The first remark suggested by this language is that common ground is not at present attainable. The prejudgment which made the Massoretic Text unassailable to scholars of the seventeenth century has not yet died out. Those who are affected by it can have no * This was written before I saw Bertholefs review of Lcihr (in Thl.Z. XXIII. 529 ff.), which agrees with my criticism of this part of the book. t Wenn anders wir cineti gcmcinsatncn und sicheren lioden unter den Fiissen behalten wollen ; Thenius.s p. xc. 395 396 APPENDIX common ground with those who believe that the received text of the Old Testament has suffered from the accidents of transmission, and who seek to improve it by every resource known to textual criticism. What we know as the Massoretic Text is the text common to all Jewish copies of the Old Testament. It is well known that this has been transmitted with great care for some centuries — though we must not suppose that the rules for the Scribes, intended to secure perfect copies for the public service, were applied to those intended for private use. The praise which we cheerfully accord to this extraordinary diligence should not blind us to the fact that no scrupulosity could cure errors already in the text. And that the original to which this diligence was applied was not the auto- graph, but an extremely defective copy — this must be evident to any unprejudiced observer. Where and when this archetype of our Hebrew copies was settled upon we do not know. But it seems probable that after the revolt of Bar Cochba, the Jewish scholars united upon some one manuscript as a standard, and guarded its propagation. It is not impossible that they were reduced to a single manuscript, for the marks sedulously preserved to us (extraordinary points, sus- pended letters, unusual orthography) are marks which we should expect to find in a single imperfect manuscript.* Had the text been edited even rudimentarily, these would have disappeared. But even if we suppose (as tradition seems to affirm) that the authorities had three or more MSS. at their disposition, we shall not thereby increase our confidence in the received text. Textual criticism is a science of recent growth. We have no reason to suppose that the scribes of a.d. 200 either had adequate material for a really critical edition of the Old Testament, or that they were able to make intelligent use of such material as they had. Three manuscripts or a dozen, if of the same family or type, could not correct each other's errors except in minor particulars. In this condition of things it seems misleading to call the Masso- retic Hebrew Bible a 7-ecensio7i. By recension we mean an edition * This seems to have been first declared by Lagarde in the preface to his Anmerktingen zur griechischen Uebersetzung der Proverbien (1863), reprinted in Mittlieilu7igen, I. p. 19 ff. Ari'F.XDIX 397 revised and corrected by a single hand with a definite purpose and according to some fixed principle. To choose a single manuscript, because it happens to be accessible, and to make it the parent of numerous copies is not to make a recension. And the reverse is true — to reconstruct a codex which happens to be the parent of a large family of derived manuscripts is not to recover a distinct recension of the text. The eccentricities of the recovered coi)y are not the result of editorial purpose, but are the accumulated errors, misunderstandings, attempts at correction, of all the scribes who have had a hand in the whole preceding line of transmission. The philologically correct edition of the Massoretic Text which is desiderated by Professor Lohr is no more than the recovery of the single defective codex upon which the judgment of the Scribes (or perhaps their necessity) settled in the time of Hadrian. It forms no natural stopping place in the history — or at least it forms no stopping place at which the exegete can say * this is the goal of my labours.' The example of Professor Lohr is instructive, because it shows the difficulty of fixing any point short of the earliest attainable text as the end of critical effort. What this scholar actually adopts in his commentary is not a philologically correct edition of %}. He is forced to have recourse to (S for frequent emendation. The only result of his self-Umitation is that he makes a half-hearted use of this version, accepting it where he is obliged to, rejecting it where he thinks it goes too far. It has already been pointed out (Introduction, § 7) that serious difficulties meet us in attempting to make systematic use of the versions for correction of the text. Confining ourselves to i3 for the present, we must see that these difficulties are no reason for despair. If we could attain the original form of this version, it would be practically equivalent to a Hebrew MS. of the second century before Christ. Greater age is not always a guarantee of greater correctness, but as the corruption of the Hebrew text probably went on actively during just the period which elapsed between the translation of (f5 and the choice of %}, the i)resump- tion is that in this case the older copy would be more valuable. Even if it were not, the experience of the critics shows that the poorest copy will sometimes enable us to correct a better one. " 398 APPENDIX As (3 lies before us, we have not this original. We have instead, widely different copies, some of which represent clearly- marked recensions. What makes these variant copies valuable is that they represent additional MSS. of the Hebrew. For one object of the editors in making their different recensions was to bring their Greek nearer to the Hebrew in their hands. In the various Greek copies we have therefore testimony to Hebrew MSS. of different dates, but probably all of them as old as the archetype of our ^, some of them older. Now we cannot doubt that there was an autograph of the Books of Samuel, from which all these copies both of i3 and J^ are ulti- mately derived. Their differences show corruption of this auto- graph. The textual critic cannot be called over-ambitious, if he sets as his goal the restoration of the earhest reading attainable, that is, the reading of the autograph. Professor Noldeke says (as cited in the book under discussion) : " To introduce single more or less certain corrections into a connected text of a later recen- sion gives in any case a bizarre result — a text which has never existed in this form even approximately, and which makes my philological taste shudder." It is unfortunate that the great name of Professor Noldeke should give weight to such an argument. Philological taste, indeed, hardly constitutes an argument, tastes being proverbially not subject to discussion. So far as argument is discernible behind the sentence just quoted it seems to be to this effect : Because J^ has been current for so many centuries, we should refuse to cor- rect it until we can restore the autograph in its integrity. This would reduce the labour of the textual critic to the task of restor- ing the most accurate form of the Massoretic text. But this is not the real meaning of Professor Noldeke or of Professor Lohr. Neither one supposes that we are to comment on J^ as the seven- teenth century scholars did, without trying to correct its most obvi- ous errors. For in the Books of Samuel, with which we are now concerned, it is evident that the Massoretic text swarms with errors. Whether we call it a recension or not, its present constitution is due to the accumulated mistakes of centuries. It is dotted all over with impossible collocations of words, glosses, lacunae, false readings. The bizarre effect at which the philological taste must APPENDIX 399 shudder is already there. It remains true that to remove part of the errors while leaving others, is to reproduce a text which never existed. But this is incident to all textual criticism. The mate- rial in hand is never sufficient to enable us to retrace the exact steps of transmission and remove the errors in the order in which they came into the text. Restoration of a lost autograph is always approximate, the degree of approximation being determined by the amount of evidence at hand. To stop at a certain amount of correction when the material is not exhausted, is to be unfaithful to our opportunity. The reaction in favour of %} represented by Professor i-6hr seems therefore unjustifiable. This comes out clearly in his own statement. For he formulates his principles of textual criticism in a series of theses, and it will not be out of place to reproduce them here. " I. Where Jif and (3 show an equally good, i.e. grammatically unobjectionable, text, there is no reason for changing the reading of %■' The argument is fallacious. It is well known that a grammati- cally unobjectionable text often arises by deliberate alteration on the part of a scribe. In fact, the most dangerous corruptions of ancient documents have come in where a scribe attempted to substitute a smoother reading for one which was to him obscure or ungrammatical. The well-known dictum that the more diffi- cult reading is to be preferred derives its force from this fact. No doubt the dictum has sometimes been abused ; but, rightly under- stood, it is the foundation of sound criticism. The grammatical correctness of J^ is no argument for its originality, and our rule should read : JV/iere (3 and %^ show variiDit readings, both being grammatically intelligible, they have prima facie equal claims to attention, and the decision betiveen them must be made on the ground of internal probability. In the nature of the case the frequent verdict must be non liquet. " 2. Where ^ shows a younger reading, that is, one based on correction, this may be remarked according to (5 ; but we must not change the text of ^|." If the author wishes to publish an edition of the Massoretic text, there is no objection to his doing so, and we cannot hold him 400 APPENDIX to more than his avowed object. If he sets out to remove only the grammatically unintelligible readings, he has a right so to limit himself. But if he is endeavouring to understand the Books of Samuel (and that is the object of a commentary), there is no reason why he should retain a reading which he believes to have come into the text by the " correction " of a scribe. " 3. Where (!^ shows a plus as compared with J^, this must be accepted only where the connexion compels us. But even here we must remark : " {a) The inserted sentence of # may have been interpolated, and so we cannot be certain that we do not accept with it matter which did not belong to the text. " {b) Often the plus of #, even though (according to our ideas of style) it fits smoothly in the context, lies under the suspicion of being an addition of the translators ; and if it is that, it cannot come into consideration." To this it should be remarked that the longer text is always open to suspicion. Observation shows that an ancient document is more likely to be interpolated than to be abbreviated. But this rule should not be turned against (§ alone ; it should be made general : The plus of either text is suspicious unless we discover probable cause of accidental o?nission. The most probable cause of omission is, of course, homeoteleuton, and this is as likely to affect 5^ as to affect (H. Several cases where it has undoubtedly affected Jif are noticed in this commentary. It cannot be shown that the translators of ^ made insertions in their text. All the evidence goes to show that they tried to render the text before them. The danger of taking over interpolated matter from (©, with a genuine reading, can scarcely be called considerable. Tha text of (!l has itself suffered from the ordinary accidents of transmission, is all we need to say. "4. (5 comes into consideration only where J^ has really been corrupted, and even then only : " {a) In case i& had not itself the corrupt reading before it. " {b) In case (B does not show a correct, but wholly divergent, text. " {c) In case J^ cannot be emended from its own resources." The rule thus formulated proves useless in practice. The task APPENDIX 401 of the critic is precisely to discover when his text has really been corrupted i^enisicUt). The most dangerously corrupt passages are those which seem to read with perfect smoothness. The great value of (^ is that it calls our attention to just such passages. The limitation of our use of (© to the cases * where (@ had not itself the corrupt reading before it' is also useless in practice. The critic must always bear in mind the possibility that (5 tried to render the text which we find in our copies. This is so much a matter of course that it is needless to state it. Textual criticism is always more or less subjective ; in many cases that arise, oj^inions will differ. Some will suppose the rendering of Cf5 to be based on a divergent text, where others see in it an attempt to translate our 5^. We are compelled to make allowance for this difference, with the hope that there will be a growing consensus of judgment as time goes on. When (!5 has a ' correct but wholly divergent text,' its testimony is of the highest value. It may have preserved for us a reading which became illegible in one of the ancestors of "^^ and which was then filled in on conjecture by a scribe. Or it may show where a text, really original, has been purposely obscured so as not to offend later religious susceptibilities. Or again, it may show a gap which has been differently filled in, in the different copies. In none of these cases is it right to refuse the help of (g. What is meant by emending f^ from its own resources {aus sick heraus) is not clear. The phrase might describe emendation from Hebrew MSS., and it is evident that these must not be neglected. Our trouble is that they are entirely inade([uate — they do not suggest a remedy for the most desperate passages in the Books of Samuel. Even where they seem to give us help they may be sim- ply proffering ingenious conjectures of the scribes. In any case they cannot claim the antiquity which certainly belongs to the text of (^. But emending |^ aus sick heraus may possibly mean construct- ing a text by analogy, on the basis of parallel passages, or ac- cording to known Hebrew usage. But this is simply conjectural emendation. We cannot do without conjecture, but it should be our last resort, and it should not be put in the same class with 2 D 402 APPENDIX emendation on the basis of evidence, even the evidence of a version. Our conclusion is that the exegete cannot consistently set his aim short of the earhest attainable text. 11. LUCIAN AND THEODOTION As has been pointed out (Introduction, p. xxxi), a distinct recension of the Greek Old Testament is preserved for us in the edition of Lagarde. This recension has been identified by Lagarde himself with that of Lucian, of which we are informed by Jerome. What is actually established about it is that it represents the text current in Constantinople in the fourth century. The existence of two such divergent texts as are embodied in this (^) and in the Codex Vaticanus (^) presents some problems which are yet far from solution, but to which the attention of the reader may be directed. To begin with, we are unable to say when and where the Greek translation of the historical books of the Old Testament was made. The traditional account of the origin of the Septuagint is con- cerned with the Pentateuch alone, and, even if it were trustworthy, it could throw no light upon the translation of the historical books. It is natural to suppose that various attempts were made for these, and that our copies represent the mingling of these various trans- lations. We have internal evidence that two distinct versions of the Book of Judges were current,* and that they have been con- founded in our editions of #. The conditions which invited to independent attempts at translation are the same for the Books of Samuel as for the Book of Judges. Even if there were one version which served as a substratum for all the copies, the scribes of that day, so far as they had some knowledge of Hebrew, would feel at liberty to alter or expand their archetype, so that there would soon appear to be " as many versions as there were copies," as was afterwards the case with the Latin Bible. The state of things when Christian scholarship began to interest itself in the Biblical text is made known to us by the labours of * Moore, Judges, pp. xliv-xlvi. APPENDIX 403 Origen. These labours are visibly illustrated by a recently recov- ered fragment of the Hexapla,* as well as set forth in the descrip- tions of the Fathers. They interest us here because they make known to us a number of different translations of the Old Testa- ment into Greek. Besides what he supposed to be the original Septuagint, Origen had in his hands Aquila, Symmachus, and Theo- dotion. Besides these four, he was acquainted with portions of a fifth, sixth, and seventh. But it is not necessary to suppose that all the Greek translations then in existence were known even to this indefatigable scholar. The contrary is the case, for one of the two translations of the Book of Judges seems to have escaped his notice. It is necessary for us therefore to exercise caution in treating the Greek material in our possession. We should not confuse our- selves by assuming that all our MSS. or recensions are influenced by one or another of the versions known to Origen, It seems especially undesirable to postulate various forms of these versions, as though we could distinguish a first, second, and third edition of Symmachus, as many of Theodotion, and so of the others. That this caveat is not uncalled for is illustrated by Mez in his essay on the Bible of Josephus.t In this book the author gives a very instructive comparison of Josephus with the historical data of Judges and Samuel. The statements of the Antiquities are set side by side with those of our "^ and with those of the different recensions of ({|. His conclusion is that Josephus follows the text of Lucian. The necessary inference is that the text of Lucian is older than Lucian — for Josephus wrote two centuries before the time of Lucian. " There were two Greek Bibles before the time of Origen, the text of ^ and its congeners, probably native to Egypt, and a Syro-Italian Bible, best preserved in the so-called Lucian text " — this is the conclusion of Mez, and it is one which we may provisionally accept. Doubt begins to assert itself at the next step in the argumenta- tion. Our author goes on to point out that Origen knew a Greek Old Testament, which he called by the name of Theodotion. On » Klostermann, " Die Mailander Fragment der Hexapla." 7.A T\V. XVI. p. 334 ff. t Die Bibel des Josephus untersucht fiir Buck V- VII der Archioh^ie. Basel, 1895. 404 APPENDIX the basis of certain resemblances between our Lucian and the fragments of Theodotion, he concludes that the two were allied in some way. He formulates his conclusion in the words : " The primitive Lucian has become a primitive Theodotion ; " by which he means that ^ is only a copy of Origen's Theodotion, and that an earher copy of the same version was the Bible of Josephus. The proposition is sufficiently important to warrant examination. In order not to confound things that differ, we should avoid assuming that there were other Lucians than the Lucian known to us, or other Theodotions than the Theodotion whose fragments have been preserved to us. Our two known quantities are the recension of ^ in the edition of Lagarde (or the MSS. on which that edition is based), and the fragments of Theodotion collected by Field in his edition of the Hexapla. Our task is to compare these known and tangible entities, and not to confuse ourselves with their unknown predecessors. Predecessors they doubtless had, but these are as yet out of our reach. Bringing the text of ^ and ^ into the comparison,* the relevant facts are as follows : 1. Of 144 instances adduced by Mez, there are twenty-five in which Josephus agrees with the text common to the three Greek witnesses ^^^, There are eighty-eight in which he agrees with neither one of the three. Out of the remainder we discover seven- teen in which he may be fairly counted for ^, in seven he agrees with ^^, in four with ^^, in two with ^^, while in only one can he be said to go with ^ as against the other two witnesses. The result is a negative one. The large number of instances in which Josephus agrees with neither one of our three forms of text shows that his Bible cannot be identified with either one of these. But as between these, his Bible appreciably resembled ^, whereas it seems to have had no connexion with the type of text preserved in ^. Although negative, this result is an important one. It indicates that the Josephus text should be counted as a separate recension of (^. 2. Comparison of the two Greek texts shows that ^ is notice- ably fuller than ^. In the first six chapters of Samuel, about one * The inquiry is confined to the Books of Samuel. APPENDIX 405 tenth of the words in ^' are not in " — over 4400 in one, to about 4000 in the other. The disproportion in other parts of the Book is not so marked. But it seems safe to say that they (hffer by seven or eight per cent, the////-f being almost uniformly on the side of ''. 3. Examination into the nature of this additional matter shows that a part of it is due to a desire to make good (jreek. Thus, the most frequent insertion is that of the definite article, which is needed by the Greek idiom but is not expressed in Hebrew (and is consequently omitted by ^). For KvpLU) ^ we find t aaf^awO, whereas we find in ^ tuI KvpLio (rajSaiod Oet^ TravTOKpaTopt. It is evident that (Ta/3a(l)d Mud TravTO- Kparopt represent the same Hebrew word, and therefore that ^' has been interpolated. But it does not follow that its original was the text of ^. In fact it seems pretty certain that its earliest form was Tw Kvpt'o) dc<2 iravTOKpaTopL, which is a complete translation of }L} or rather of a variant Hebrew text, and that aafiaiLd was injected into this by a scribe familiar with the Hebrew phrase. In some 4o6 APPENDIX cases the argument is not so clear, and it is undoubtedly true that ^ has sometimes been expanded by insertion of a new translation alongside of the old. But it seems impossible in any large pro- portion of the variations to prove that ^ was the original on which ^ is fashioned. 5. One point of considerable importance seems demonstrable : the Theodotion of Origen is not identical with our ^. This is established by more than one line of argument : a. According to Field {Hexapla Origenis, I. p. xxxixf.), one mark of Theodotion is leaving Hebrew words untranslated, trans- ferring them in Greek letters. This editor gives a list of such words, six of which occur in the Books of Samuel. Out of these six only one is found in ^, namely, e^ amOo)0 for nnUD, i S. i^^'^. b. Origen's diacritical marks give us a criterion. It may not be superfluous to remind the reader that in the Hexapla the text of (© (what Origen regarded as the original Septuagint) was emended to conform to the type of Hebrew then current. Where it was deficient, words and phrases were inserted. These inserted words and phrases had prefixed to them an asterisk (made in the Greek form a), and, what especially interests us here, they were gener- ally taken from Theodotion. Although the greater part of these marks are no longer preserved to us (for the Books of Samuel), yet we have occasionally in Greek MSS. some words sub asterisco, and it is fair to assume that these asterisks for the most part go back to Origen. Their testimony is exhibited by Field, and in I Samuel we find 29 asterisks. In fourteen cases the asterisked words are found in ^ ; in six cases the same matter is found in ^, but in different words. In the remaining nine the insertions are not made in ^' at all. The conclusion seems not remote. Our ^ cannot be a faithful representative of Theodotion. The cases in which the additional matter is inserted in other words seem inex- plicable if ^' was in any sense dependent on Theodotion. c. The early Fathers sometimes directly cite Theodotion, and the MSS. also sometimes designate his reading by the initial letter of his name. This testimony also is conveniently reproduced for us by Field. In the first fifteen chapters of Samuel I find 49 words or phrases assigned to Theodotion. /;/ only three cases is the reading found in our ^\ Two of these are the insertion of the ArPEXDIX 407 single word iKaOrjro, i S. r' 4^'^- The word is lacking in ", but it must be evident that the insertion is one that could be made by different editors in entire independence of each other's labours. In the third case (i S. z'^^^) where we find a sentence ascribed to Theodotion which we now find in ^\ there is room to doubt the accuracy of the ascrii)tion, for Theodoret, who is one of our best authorities on the various Greek renderings, says nothing of Theo- dotion in this connexion. In general, we must view the testimony of these scholiasts with some reserve. It is always conceivable that by some blunder a reading of Theodotion has been wrongly labelled. But all the weight of this testimony, which is the best we have, is against the identification of Theodotion and ^^ ; for it must be evident that three cases out of forty-nine cannot establish influence of one recension on the other. Out of this same list we find three cases where Aquila and Theodotion agree, two where Symmachus and Theodotion agree, and two where Aquila, Sym- machus, and Theodotion agree. Yet the independence of these three Greek translators is universally acknowledged. For the Books of Samuel, therefore, we must conclude : (^7) that the recension of Lucian cannot be treated as a descendant or near relative of Theodotion ; and {/>) that the type of text used by Josephus must be classed by itself, though showing features of resemblance to our ^, rather than to the recension represented by the Codex Vaticanus. III. THE LITERARY PROCESS Professor Lohr in his Introduction to the Commentary already mentioned (I1ienius\ 1898), gives a useful conspectus of the recent literary criticism of the Books of Samuel. He puts in four parallel columns the analyses of Buddc, Cornill, Kittel, and Wellhausen. The practical unanimity of these four authorities is thus brought forcibly to view. In the additions or corrections which he offers, I am glad to say that he frequently agrees with opinions which I had reached independently — as, for example, in denying the coherence of i S. 7, and 12 with E, and in asserting the Deuteronomic character of these chapters. It is a matter for congratulation that the agreement in the criti- 408 APPENDIX cal analysis is so marked. The separation of the different sources may be taken as virtually settled. The further question of how they came to be united still needs discussion, though here also some points are practically agreed upon. I can best indicate the points of agreement and the points of divergence by a sketch of what I suppose to be the actual process. What really took place in the literary history of Israel ? 1. There was an author who undertook to write a history of the rise of the monarchy in Israel with an account of the reign of David. Whether he included the life of Solomon also does not concern us here. He wrote soon after the death of Solomon, and his work (which I call SI.) included the following sections of our Hebrew Bible : (a) A brief hfe of Saul beginning with his genealogy (i S. 9^), recounting his search for the asses and the meeting with Samuel (9. 10^"^^), the battle with Nahash which brought him to the throne (11), and his campaign against the Phihstines (13. 14). (d) An account of David at the court of Saul, where the interest already turns more distinctly to David. It included his coming to court (i S. 16^"*"^^), an adventure with the Philistines now lost to us, Saul's jealousy ( 1 8^^^^- 2o-29a igiw^)^ David's flight (21"^) and his hfe as an outlaw captain (22. 23^"^^ 25-27. 29. 30), ending with the death of Saul (31). (c) David's reign, embracing 2 S. 2-4. 7. 9-20, the history being originally concluded by the account of Solomon's corona- tion and the death of David (i K. i. 2). For the most part Professor Lohr agrees with this statement, and he seems to represent the consensus of recent opinion. A difference however emerges into view at the next step of the reconstruction. My own theory is as follows : 2. A writer with a theocratic bias was dissatisfied with the com- paratively worldly view of David presented in the history just defined, and also with its lack of serious condemnation of Saul — for he argued that the rejection of Saul must be accounted for by something in his character. This author therefore rewrote the history, making use, for the most part, of the data given by SI., though he seems to have had some other source at his command. His design was to show how Samuel was the ruler of Israel by APPENDIX 409 divine right until the choice of David. His work, which I call Sm., included : (a) For the life of Samuel ; an account of his early life and the fall of Eli's house (i S. 1-6), the deliverance from the Philistines (7), the demand for a king and its answer by the sacred lot (8. 10^^-^), the farewell address (12), and the rejection of Saul (15). (l>) For the early life of David; his anointing (16'-''), liis exploit with Goliath (17 in some form), the consequent intro- duction to court (18^"^), the jealousy of Saul and the insult in the matter of Merab (i8^'*"^^), various attempts upon David, his flight to Samuel, to Achish, and to Moab (iS'^'^-iq'". 19''^-^ 21"-'". 2 2''^), his generosity to Saul (23'^-24-*^), concluding with Samuel's last appearance (28) and the death of Saul (2S. i). (c) For the reign of David he was content with mentioning the coronation by all Israel, some account of the capture of Jerusalem and the removal of the Ark, and the detailed Messianic i)romise (2 S. 7), with a summary of David's wars. Probably he gave also some additional matter now lost to us, the Redactor having found that it too obviously duplicates what has been preserved from the other document. 3. The union of these two accounts into one history would give us substantially our present Books of Samuel, and the process is so much like what actually took ])lace in the Pentateuch, that we may claim analogy as an argument in its favour. The alternate theory sees in the sections which I have classed together, fragments of different origin inserted into the framework of SI. at different times. Lohr's statement is : "Interpolations are: (a) i S. 15 and 28 — Saul's rejection, dating from the prophetic period ; (3) 2 S. 7 — the prophecy of the eternal continuance of David's house, later than the preceding but preexilic ; (c) i S. 10^ 13'"'^ — a parallel to 15, older than the reception of the younger source into 7-12, and dating from the Exile. "Additions are: (a) i S. 1-3 — an account of the youth of Samuel, probably taken from some outside history, here intended as an introduction to 7-12; (/') i S. 4-6 — an ancient narrative of the experiences of the Ark, adopted with the intention of 4IO APPENDIX showing the straits of the Philistines ; (c) r S. 23^^-24^^ 2 S. i^^- I S. 16^"^" 19^*"-^ 21^^'^*' — these are late, even very late, sections; (^) I S. 17-20 — these chapters are seriously reelaborated or intermixed with material from other sources." The theory thus stated seems to be a revival, or survival, of the now discredited suppleitient-hypothesis . The process which it sup- poses is unlike anything with which we are acquainted elsewhere in the Old Testament. As we now know, the complicated process by which the Pentateuch (Hexateuch) received its present form was not of this kind. The repeated redactions to which this work was subject were the putting together of documents already com- plete in themselves. They were not the injecting of diverse sec- tions by successive interpolations, into one history. The Books of Chronicles cannot be adduced in favour of Professor Lohr's the- ory, for they are to all appearance the work of a single author, making copious use of the previously existing history. For these reasons, the hypothesis already advanced in the Intro- duction to this commentary seems to stand. INDEX PAGE PAGE Abel Beth Maacah, 371 Ammah, 272 Abel Meholah, 172 Ammonite invasion, 75 Abiathar, 209, 211, 246 Ammonite war, 312 Abigail, 221 Amnon's crime, 326 Abishai, 230,314. 3^6 Amnon's death. 331 Abner, 127 Analysis of i S. 1-15, xvi Abner and David, 279 Analysis of i S. 16 ff., xxii Abner's arrogance, 275 Analysis of 2 S. 2-24, xxvi Abner's death, 279 Anthropopathism, 140 Abner's dirge. 281 Aphek, 31. 244 Absalom's beauty, 337 f- Arabah, 273 Absalom's death. 358 Araunah, 391 Absalom's return. 339 Ark, The, 31 f-. 344 Absalom's revenge, 33^ Ark brought up, 291 Absalom's usurpation, 339 Armour bearer. 104 Abusive language. 193 Aroer, 390 Achish, 201, 234 f. Asahel, 271 Adjuration, 29 Ashdod, 37 Adoniram, 373 Astarte, 51 Adoram, 373 Adriel, 172 Baal, XXXV, 52 Adullam, 203 Baal Hazor, 33^ Adultery, David's, 317 Baal Judah, 292 Agag, 134, 141 Baal Perazim, 290 Ahijah, 104 Bahurim, 277. 347 Ahimaaz, 359 Balsams, The, 291 Ahimelech, 197 Bamah, 62 Ahinoam, 228 Ban, The, 131 Ahithophel, 34 h 350 f" 354 f- Barzillai, 356, 366 Aijalon, 116 Bathsheba, 317 Altar, 117 Battle of Gibeon, 270 Amalek, 131, 246 Beeroth, 283 Amasa, 355 Belial, 10 f. Amasa murdered. 368 Bcnaiah, 386 Ambassadors insulted, 313 f. Besor, 247 4 II 412 INDEX PAGE PAGE Bethel, 91 David's flight. 183, 342 Beth Horon, 100 David's grief for Absalom, 361 Bethlehem, 144 David's house besieged. 178 Beth Rehob, 314 David's last words. 381 Bethshan, 253 David's magnanimity. 216 Beth Shemesh, 46 David's officers, 372 Bezek, 78 David's Psalm of Triumph, 378 Blood, 116 David's severity, 305 Blood-guiltiness, 374 Death of Saul, 251 Blood-iTioney, 374 f. De Wette, xxvii Blood-revenge, 334 Dirge over Saul, 257 f. Booty, Division of. 249 Disarmament, lOI Bozez, 104 Diviners, 42 Bread in the sanctuary, 198 Documents, xviii Bribery, 84 Doeg, 206 Budde, xxix Driver, xxxix Burnt-offering, 53 Duplicate narratives. XV CaRiMEL, 136, 221 Edom, 308 Census, The, 388 Egyptian oppression. 85 Cherethite, 247 f.. 309, 343 Eichhorn, xxvii Chimham, 366 Ekron, 40 Clericus, xxxviii Elah, Valley of, 152 Codex Alexandrinus, xxxi Eli, 6 Codex Vaticanus, XXX Eli's sons, 17 Commentaries, xxxvii Endor, 240 Composition of the book, XV Engedi, 216 Covenant, 77, 166 En Rogel, 353 f- Ephes Dammim, 152 Dagon, 38 Ephod, 19, 104, III, 246, 295 Damascus, 305 f- Ephrathite, 156 Dances of the women, 168 Evil Spirit, 147, 169 Dancing in worship. 295 Ewald, xxviii David, 155 , David a musician, 149 Famine, 374 David and Goliath, 150 David anointed by Samuel, 143 Gad, 204 David anointed over Israel, 286 Gallim, 229 David marries Michal, 172 Gath, 40 David's adultery. 317 Geba, 9h 93 David's dynasty. 300 Geshur, 274 David's family. 274 Gezer, 291 David's feigned madness, 201 Gibeah, 68 David's fidelity. 310 Gibeon, 270 INDEX 413 Gibeonites, Gilboa, Gilgal, Gizrites, Goliath, Government, Oppressive, Gramberg, Greek apparatus, Greek version, Greek version, Use of, Grotius, Hachila, Hadadezer, Hamath, Hannah, Hannah's Psalm, Hanun, Hebrew text, Hebrew words: 31N, WOUt Tjnx, nx, ^n, Vnn, ns'-inc. PAGE 374 240 80,96 236 153 57 xxviii xxxii XXX 399 xxxviii 214 f., 230 305' 307 308 4 14 313 XXX 239 269 7 191,196 45 45 102 103 65 354 134 187 172 102 102 • 137 176 164 124 180 330 187 65 102 '^D>D, 354 SjJ7D, 158, 231 pj-tyn, 142 |51S0, 106 n-'pa ppii'c, 226 f. ncNH jnc, 306 nirnpn;:, 318 N^aj, 71 PMJ, 182 n-3:;j. 135 rn-i::n rv;:. 194 nxj. 141 3>s:, 69 pD, 41 D^^=;, 40 -\m:, 289 nnv, 8 nici-in "-n::', 262 nor. 142 Hebron, 266 Helani, 316 Hexapla, xxxii Hiram, 289 Holiness, 49 Horesha, 213 Hushai, 346,349.351 ICHABOD, 37 Incubation, 27 Infinitive, Periphrastic, 58 Instigation l)y Vahwch, 232 Ishbaal, 127, 267 Ishbaal assassinateil, 283 Ishbosheth, 267 f. Israel deprived of arms, lOI Ittai the Gittite, 343 Ithra the Ishmaelitc, 356 Jaa/.kr, 390 Jabcsh Gilead, 76, 253, 267 Jerachmeel, 236 Jerusalem, 287 Jeshimon. 214 Jesse, 144 414 INDEX PAGE PAGE Jezreel, 228, 244 Meholah, 172 joab, 270 Mephibosheth, see Meribbaal. Joab rebukes David, 361 Merab, 171 Joab's device, 334 Meribbaal, 284, 311, 364 Jonathan and David, 166 Messianic expectation. 297 Jonathan conciliates Saul, 176 Mez, 403 Jonathan mourned, 263 Mice, 41 Jonathan warns David, 175 Michal, 172, 174 , 276f.,295f. Jonathan's attack. 90, 104 Michmash, 91 f. Jonathan's friendship, 184 Milcom, 325 Jonathan's heroism, 122 MiUo, 288 Jonathan's son, 310 Mizpah, 52 Josephus, 403 Moab, 305 Judah and Israel, 366 f. Monarchy sinful. 56 Judges, 86 Music, 148 Judges and Samuel, 4 Nabal, 221 f., 225 Keil, xxxviii Nahash, 76 Keilah, 210 Nathan, 298 Kenites, ^33 Nathan's rebuke. 321 f. Kidron, 344 Necromancy, xxxiv, 238 f. King demanded. 55 Negeb, 236 Kirjath Jearim, 49 New Moon, 185, 187 Kittel, xxxix Nob, 197 Klostermann, xxxix Noldeke, 398 Kucnen, xxix Oak of Tabor, 67 Lagarde, xxxi Obed Edom, 293 Lame and blind, The, 288 Old Latin version, xxxii Latin version, xxxii Omen, 107 Levites, 47 Ophrah, 100 Literary process. The, 407 Lo-Debar, 310, 312 Palti, 229 Lohr, 395 Paran, 220 Lot, The sacred. 73, 121 Parched corn, 156 Lucian, 402 Peace offerings, 81 Pelethites, 309 Maacah, 314 Periphrastic Infinitive, 58 Mahanaim, 269, 355 Peshitta, xxxii Man of God, 22 Philistine war. 31 Maon, 214, 221 Philistines, 31 f- Marriage by purchase, ^73 Phinehas, 6, 105 Massacre of the priests, 207 f. Plague, 39 Massorctic text. xxix, 396 Prayer of David, 302 INDEX 415 PAGE PACE Presents, 61 Saul tlic deliverer, 62 Price paid for a wife, 173 Saul's death, 254 Priesthood at Nob, 197 Saul's disobedience, ^3 Prophets, 68, 71, 181 Saul's family, 126 Saul's jealousy. 167 Rabbaii, 317 Saul's journey. 58 Kabbah taken, 325 Saul's piety. 121 Rabbinical commentaries, xxxvii Saul's rejection, 128 Rachel's tomb, 67 Saul's sin, 97 f. Ramah, 5,69 Saul's table. 192 Religious ideas. xxxiii Saul's wars. 125 Rephaim, Valley of. 290 Schmid, xxxviii Resident, 91 Schrader, xxviii Reuss, xxxviii Seer, 61,63 Revelation, xxxvi, 26 f. Seneh, 104 Ritual purity, 200 Shades in Sheol, 241 Rizpah's devotion, 376 Shcl^a, 367 Runners, The king's. 207 Sheep shearing, 221 Shiloh, 3 Sacred bread. 198 Shimei, 347 f- 3(>3 Sacrificial feast. 62 Shocoh, 152 Sacrilege, 18 Shunem, 240 r. Samuel, The name, 12 f. Shur, 133 Samuel a prophet. 30 Simon, Richard, xxvii Samuel as deliverer, 50 Sling, 162 Samuel as ruler. 54 Sojourner, 256 Samuel as seer. 62 Spinoza, xxvii Samuel at Ramah, 181 Spirit, Evil, 147 Samuel deposes Saul, 128 Spirit incites to heroism. 78 Samuel, the Books of, Contents, xii Spirit of God, 1S2 Division, xiii Spirit of Yahweh, 68, 145, 177 Originally one, xi Stone, memorial. 47 f- Plan, xiii Suicide, 355 Title, xi Syriac version. xxxii Samuel's birth, 3 Samuel's call. 25 Taboo, 113. 120 Samuel's death. 220, 238 Tamar, 326 Samuel's farewell. 81 Tamarisk, 205 Saul, 58 Targum, xxxiii Saul among the prophets. 70 Tekoah, 334 f. Saul anointed, 66 Tekoite wt)man, 334 Saul at Gibeah, 78 Telam, ^33 Saul chosen by lot, 72 Temple at Shiloh, 9 Saul rejected. 97 Temple proposed, 297 4i6 INE )EX PAGE PAGE Tent (in marriage), 350 Wellhausen, xxviii, xxxviii Tent of Meeting, 20 Wrath of Yahweh, 120 Teraphim, xxxiii, 179 Textual criticism, 398 Yahweh, God of Israel, XXXV Thenius, xxxviii Yahweh and Dagon, 38 Theodoret, xxxvii Yahweh Sebaoth, 5 Theodotion, 402 Yeshana, 53 f. Thirty heroes. The, 383 Threshold, 39 Zadok, 344 Thunder storm, 53 Zadok predicted. 22 f. Tob, 314 Zeboim, 100 Tournament, 270 Zeruiah, 231 Trespass offering, 43.45 Ziba, 3ii»347 Tyrants of the PhiHstines, 40 Ziklag, 235 Uriah, Urim and Thummim, Uzzah smitten. 317 «• 122 292 Ziklag invaded, Zion, Ziph, Zobah, 246 288 f. 213 305* 307 Versions, Ancient, XXX Zuph, 5,60 Vow of Hannah, 9 ABBREVIATIONS Aq., The Greek translation of Aquila, fragments of which are collected in Field, Hexapla Origenis. AV., The Authorized English Version of the Bible, 1611. l>aedeker, Palestine and Syria, Hand- book for Travellers. Second edition. Leip- zig, 1894. IJaer, Liber Samuelis. Textum Masoreticum accuratis- sime expressit S. Baer. Lipsiae, 1892. 111)15., A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Tes- tament edited by Fran- cis Brown, D.D., with the cooperation of S. R. Driver, D.D., and C. A. Briggs, D.D., 1891 and following. Not yet com- plete (189S). Benzinger, Hebraische Archiiologie von Dr. J. Benzinger. Freiburg, 1894. Bertholet, Die Stellung der Israeliten und der Juden zu den Fremden von Lie. Al- fred Bertholet. Frei- burg, 1896. BN., Bildung der Nomina. See Lagarde. INDEX 417 Bonk, Ue Davide Israelitaruni Rege. Dissertatio histo- rica inauguralis, auctor Hugo Bonk. Regimonti, 1891. Bottcher, Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch der Hebraischen Sprache von Friedrich Bottcher. Leipzig, 1866, 1 868. BR^., Biblical Researches. See Robinson. Bu., Karl Budde. Bu. ^"5., Die Biicher Richter und Samuel, ihre Quellen und ihre Aufbau, von D. Karl Budde. Giessen, 1890. Bu. Text, The Books of Samuel ; Critical Edition of the Hebrew Text printed in Colors. Baltimore, 1894. See SBOT. Buhl, Frants Buhl. Buhl, Geog., Geographic des Alten Pa- lastina von D. F. Buhl. Freiburg, 1896. C, The passages of Chronicles parallel to I and 2 Sam- uel. Co., Carl Heinrich Cornill. Co. Einl^., Einleitung in das Alte Tes- tament von C. H. Cor- nill. Vierte Auflage, Freiburg, 1897. COT., The Cuneiform Inscrip- tions and the Old Tes- tament, by Y.. Scrader. Translated by White- house. London, 1885. Dav., A. B. Davidson. Dav. Syntax, Hebrew Syntax, by Rev. A. B. Davidson, D.D., LL.D. Edinburgh, 1894. DeK., Variae Lectiones Vcteris Teslamenti ... J. B. De Rossi. Vol. II. I'arnia, 1785. Doughty, Travels in Arabia Descrta, by C. M. Doughty. Cam- bridge, 1888. Dr. S. R. Driver. Dr. Deut., A Crilical and Excgctical Commentary on Deuter- onomy, by the Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D. (The International Critical Commentary.) New York, 1895. Dr. LOV'., Introduction to the Liter- ature of the Old Testa- ment, by S. R. Driver, D.D. New York, 1897. Dr. Notes, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel, by S. R. Driver, D.D. Oxford, 1890. Dr. Tensed, A Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew, by S. R. Driver, D.D. Third edition. Oxford, 1892. Erdm., C. F. D. Erdmann. Com- mentary on the Books of Samuel in the series edited by J. P. Lange; Am. Edition edited by Philip Schaff, D.D. New York, 1S77. EV., The English Version of the Old Testament. Ew. G VP., Geschichte des Volkes Israel von Heinrich Ewald. Dritte Ausgabc. Gottingen, 1 866. Eng- lish Translation under the title: History of Israel. London, 1 87 1. 4i8 INDEX Field, Hex. Orig., Oiigenis Hexaplo- rum quae Supersunt . . . Fridericus Field, AA.M. Oxonii, 1875. GAS., George Adam Smith. Geiger, Abraham Geiger, Urschrift und Uebersetzungen der Bibel. Breslau, 1857. Ges.-^, Gesenius' Hebraische Grammatik vollig um- gearbeitet von E. Kautzsch. Sech und zwanzigste Auflage. Leipzig, 1896. An Eng- lish translation of this edition is announced (1898). Gesch. ^^.,Geschichtliche Biicher. See Graf. Ginsb. Christian D. Ginsburg, Massoretico-Critical edi- tion of the Hebrew Bible (with Hebrew Title). Two volumes. London, 1894. Ginsb. Introd., Introduction to the Massoretico-Critical edi- tion of the Hebrew Bible, by Christian D. Ginsburg. London, 1897. Graf. Gesch. BB., Die Geschichtlichen Biicher des Alten Testa- ments, von K. H. Graf. Leipzig, 1866. G V/., Geschichte des Volkes Israel. I/CO'^., Historisch-Critisch Onder- / zoek naar het Ontstaan en de Verzameling van de Boeken des Ouden Verbonds, door A. Kue- nen. Zweede Uitgave, I. Leiden, 1885 ff. HI'., Vetus Testamentum Grae- cum. Editionem a Ro- berto Holmes inchoatam continuavit Jacobus Par- sons. Tomus II. Ox- onii, 1 8 10. HSAT., Die Heilige Schrift des Alten in Verbindung mit Baethgen u. a. iibersetzt und herausgegeben von E. Kautzsch. Freiburg, 1894. II WB^^., Gesenius' Hebraisches und Aramaisches Handwor- terbuch, iiber das Alte Testament. Zwolfte x\uf- lage bearbeitet von Dr. Frants Buhl. Leipzig, 1895. JBL., Journal of Biblical Litera- ture, published by the Society of Biblical Lit- erature and Exegesis. Kautzsch, Emil Kautzsch, editor of Gesenius' Grammatik and of HSA T. Ki., Rudolph Kittel. Ki. GH., Geschichte der Hebraer von R. Kittel. Gotha, 1888, 1892. Ki. in Kautzsch, The translation of the Books of Samuel in Kautzsch's HSA T. KI., August Klostermann, Die Bucher Samuelis und der Konige ausgelegt. Nord- lingen, 1887. Konig, Gram., Eduard K5nig, Lehrge- baude der Hebraischen Sprache. Leipzig, 188 iff. Konig, Syntax, Historisch-Compara- tive Syntax der Hebra- ischen Sprache. Leip- zig, 1897. Forms the third volume of the work just preceding. Ku., Abraham Kuenen. INDEX 419 Lagarde, BN., Uebersichl uber die im Aramaischen Arabischen unci Ilebraischeniibliche Bildungder Nomina, von Paul de Lagarde. Got- tingen, 1889. Lange, J. P. Lange, Commentary on the Holy Scriptures. Levy, NHIVB., Neuhebraisches und Chaldaisches Worter- buch von Dr. Jacob Levy. Leipzig, 1876 ff. Moore, George Foot Moore. Moore, Judges, A Critical and Exe- getical Commentary on Judges (International Critical Commentary), by George Foot Moore. New York, 1895. Nestle, Eberhard Nestle. Nestle, ilArr^., Marginalien und Mate- rialien von Elierhard Nestle. Tubingen, 1893. Nowack, Lehrbuch der Ilebraischen Archaologie von Dr. Wil- helm Nowack. Frei- burg, 1894. OS., Onomastica Sacra Paulus de Lagarde cdidit. Got- tingae, 1870. Poole, Matthew Poole (Polus), compiler of the Synop- sis Criticoruni. PREP'., Realencyclopiidie fiir Pro- testantische Theologie und Kirche. Zweite Auflage. Leipzig, 1877- 1888. The third ctiitinn is now appearing. RLbG., Rabbi Levi ben Gerson. Reuss, Edouard Reuss, La Bible; Traduction Nouvelle avec Introiluctions et Commentaircs. Paris, 1874. Robinson, Ivlward Robinson. Hiblital Researches in Palestine. Second editiDn, 1 856. RV., The Revised Version uf the Old Testament, pub- lished in 1S85. SBO'l'., Sacretl Books of the Old Testament. Critical edi- tion of the Hebrew Text, printed in colors . . . under the editorial direction of Professor Paul Haupt. Baltimore and Leipzig, 1893 ff. Schleusner,J. F. Schleusner. Novus Thesaurus Philologico- Criticus, sive Lexicon in LXX et Reliquos Inter- pretes Graecos Veteris Testamenti. Lipsiae, 1820 ff. Schm., Sebastian Schmid. In Li- bros Samuelis Commen- tarius. Argentorati, 1687, '89. The name is usually given in the form Schmid, and I have conformed to this usage. Now I discover that he signs both his prefaces Sebastiantis Schmidt. Schrader, Eberhard Schradcr, author of Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament ; Zweite .Vullage, Giessen, 1883. The English translation is registered asC0 7\ SA'., Theologische Sludien und K r i t i k e n, well-known theological review. Smend, Rudolph Smend. Lehr- buch der Alttestament- lichen Rcligions-ge- schichtc. Freiburg, 1S93. 420 INDEX GASmith, Geog^., Historical Geogra- phy of the Holy Land. Third edition. New York, 1895. WRSmith, William Robertson Smith. WRSmith, Kinship, Kinship and Mar- riage in Early Arabia. WRSmith, OTJC^., The Old Testa- ment in the Jewish Church. Second edi- tion. Edinburgh, 1892. WRSmith, Kel. Sevi., The Religion of the Semites. Funda- mental Institutions, Edinburgh, 1889. SS., Siegfried und Stade. He- braisches Worterbuch zum Alten Testamente. Leipzig, 1893. Stade, Gram., Bernhard Stade. Lehr- buch der Hebraischen Grammatik. Leipzig, 1879. Stade, G VI., Geschichte des Volkes Is- rael. I. Berlin, 1887. Sym., The Greek translation of Symmachus, fragments of which are collected by Field in his Hexap. Origejiis. TBS., Die Text der Biicher Sam- uelis untersucht von J. Wellhausen. Gottingen, 1871. • Th., OttoThenius. Die Biicher Samuels Erklart. Zweite Auflage. Leipzig, 1864. ThT.Z., Theologische Literaturzei- tung herausgegeben von D. Ad. Harnack und D. E. Schiirer. Leipzig. Theod., Theodoret. Toy, Crawford H. Toy, Ameri- can editor of Erdmann's Comm.entary on Samuel. Vercellone, Variae Lectiones Vulgatae Latinae Bibliorum Edi- tionis, quas Carolus Ver- cellone digessit. Romae, 1864. We., Julius Wellhausen. We. Comp., Die Composition des Hex- ateuchs und der Histori- schen Biicher des Alten Testaments, von J. Well- hausen. Berlin, 1899. We. /'r^A, Prolegomena zur Ge- schichte Israels von J. Wellhausen. Dritte Ausgabe. Berlin, 1886. We. Skizzen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten von J. Wellhausen. Ber- lin, 1 884-1 896. We. TBS., Wellhausen, Der Text der Biicher Samuelis. WRS., William Robertson Smith. ZATW., Zeitschrift fiir die Alttesta- mentliche Wissenschaft, herausgegeben von D. Bernhard Stade. Gies- sen, 1881-1898. ZDMG., Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Ge- sellschaft. ZKW., Zeitschrift fiir Kirchliche Wissenschaft und Kirch- liches Leben. ZWT., Zeitschrift fur W^issen- schaftliche Theologie. INDEX 42 SIGNATURES FOR THE HEBREW TEXT AND VERSIONS OK THE OLD TESTAMENT |§ The received consonantal text of the Hebrew Bible. jIH The Hebrew text with vowels and accents — Massoretic. ^ The Greek version in its various recensions — see Introduction, §7. I The Old Latin, derived from some form of (S. IL The Latin version made l)y Je- rome. 5 The Syriac version, ordmarily called the Pcshitta. 5r The Targum. %)xt Iwtjcvuatioual Cviticul (tommcutuviT. A decided advance on all other comtnentariesy — The Outlook. DEUTERONOMY. By the Rev. S. R. DRIVER, D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. Crown 8vo. Net, $3.00. "No one could be better qualified than Professor Driver tu write a critical and exegetical commentary on Deuteronomy. His previous works are author- ities in all the departments involved; the grammar and lexicon of the Hebrew language, the lower and higher criticism, as well as exegesis and Biblical the- ology; ... the interpretation in this commentary is careful and sober in the main. A wealth of historical, geographical, and philological information illus- trates and elucidates both the narrative and the discourses. Valuable, though concise, excursuses are often given." — The Congregationalist. " It is a pleasure to see at last a really critical Old Testament commentary in English upon a portion of the Pentateuch, and especially one of such merit. This I find superior to any other Commentary in any language upon Deuter- onomy." — Professor E. L. Curtis, of Yale University. " This volume of Professor Driver's is marked by his well-known care and accuracy, and it will be a great boon to every one who wishes to acquire a thorough knowledge, either of the Hebrew language, or of the contents of the Book of Deuteronomy, and their significance for the development of Old Tes- tament thought. The author finds scope for displaying his well-known wide and accurate knowledge, and delicate appreciation of the genius of the Hebrew language, and his readers are supplied with many carefully con- structed lists of words and expressions. He is at his best in the tietailed examination of the text." — London Athenicum. " It must be said that this work is bound to take rank among the best com- mentaries in any language on the important book with which it deals. On every page there is abundant evidence of a scholarly knowledge of the litera- ture, and of the most painstaking care to make the book useful to thorough students." — The Lutheran Churchman. "The deep and difficult questions raised by Deuteronomy are, in every in- stance, considered with care, insight, and critical acumen. The student who wishes for solid information, or a knowledge of method and temper of the new criticism, will find advantage in consulting the pages ot Dr. Driver." — Zion's Herald. ^hc Intcvnatl0nal (Cvitxcnl Cgammentava> " IVe believe this series to be of epoch-making importance^ — The N. Y. Evangelist. JUDGES. By Dr. GEORGE FOOT MOORE, Professor of Hebrew in Andover Theological Seminary. Crown 8vo. Net, $3.00. '* The typographical execution of this handsome volume is worthy of the scholarly character of the contents, and higher praise could not be given it." — Professor C. H. Toy, of Harvard University. •' This work represents the latest results of ' Scientific Biblical Scholarship,' and as such has the greatest value for the purely critical student, especially on the side of textual and literary criticism." — The CJmrch Standard. " Professor Moore has more than sustained his scholarly reputation in this work, which gives us for the first time in English a commentary on Judges not excelled, if indeed equalled, in any language of the world." — Professor L. W. Batten, of P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia, " Although a critical commentary, this work has its practical uses, and by its divisions, headlines, etc., it is admirably adapted to the wants of all thoughtful students of the Scriptures. Indeed, with the other books of the series, it is sure to find its way into the hands of pastors and scholarly lay- men."— Portland Zion''s Herald. *' Like its predecessors, this volume will be warmly welcomed — whilst to those whose means of securing up-to-date information on the subject of which it treats are limited, it is simply invaluable." — Edinburgh Scotsman. «• The work is done in an atmosphere of scholarly interest and indifference to dogmatism and controversy, which is at least refreshing. ... It is a noble introduction to the moral forces, ideas, and influences that controlled the period of the Judges, and a model of what a historical commentary, with a practical end in view should be." — The Independent. " The work is marked by a clear and forcible style, by scholarly research, by critical acumen, by extensive reading, and by evident familiarity with the Hebrew. Many of the comments and suggestions are valuable, while the index at the close is serviceable and satisfactory." — Philadelphia Presbyterian. "This volume sustains the reputation of the series for accurate and wide scholarship given in clear and strong English, ... the scholarly reader will find delight in the perusal of this admirable commentary." — Zion's Herald. ^Ixc lutcviuttional gvUicitl (TommcntuvtT. " IVe deem it as needful for the studious pastor to possess himself of these volumes as to obtain the best dictionary and enc\clopcdiay — The CONGREGATIONALIST. ST. MARK. By the Rev. E. P. GOULD, D.D., Professor of New Testament Exegesis, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia. Crown 8vo. Net, $2.50. " In point of scholarship, of accuracy, of originality, this last addition to the series is worthy of its predecessors, while for terseness and keenness of exegesis, we should put it first of them all." — The Congregationalist. "The whole make-up is that of a thoroughly helpful, instructive critical study of the Word, surpassing anything of the kind ever attempted in the English language, and to students and clergymen knowing the proper use of a commentary it will prove an invaluable aid." — The Lutheran Quarterly. " Professor Gould has done his work well and thoroughly. . . . The com- mentary is an admirable example of the critical method at its best. . . . The Word study . . . shows not only familiarity with all the literature of the sub- ject, but patient, faithful, and independent investigation. ... It will rank among the best, as it is the latest commentary on this basal Gospel." — The Christian Intelligencer. " It will give the student the vigorously expressed thought of a very thought- ful scholar." — The Church Standard. " Dr. Gould's' commentary on Mark is a large success, . . . and a credit to American scholarship. ... He has undoubtedly given us a commentary on Mark which surpasses all others, a thing we have reason to expect will l)e true in the case of every volume of the series to which it belongs." — The Biblical World. "The volume is characterized by extensive learning, patient attention to details and a fair degree of caution." — Bibliotheca Sacra. "The exegetical portion of the book is simple in arrangement, admir.ible in form and condensed in statement. . . . Dr. Gould does not slavishly follow any authority, but expresses his own opinions in language both concise ami clear." — The Chicago Standard. " In clear, forcible and elegant language the author furnishes the results of the best investigations on the second Gospel, both early and late. He treats these various sul)jccts with the hand of a master." — Boston Zion's Herald. "The author gives abun\vn. D.D.. Profcs- Old Testament. sor of Hebrew. Union Theologi- cal Seminary, New York. Theology of the Old Testa- By A. B. D \\ n.^-.s, D.D.. LL.D.. ment. Professor of Hebrew, New Col- lege. Edinburgh. tU 3nternattonaf ^^eofogicaf fetgrarg. An Introduction to the Litera- ture of the New Testament. Canon and Text of the New Testament. The Life of Christ. A History of Christianity in the ApostoHc Age. Contemporary History of the New Testament. Theology of the New Testa- ment. The Ancient Catholic Church. The Latin Church. History of Christian Doctrine. Christian Institutions. Philosophy of Religion. Comparative Religion. Apologetics. Christian Ethics. The Christian Pastor an^ the Working Church. The Christian Preacher. Rabbinical Literature. By S. D. F. Salmond, D.D., Prin- cipal of the Free Church College, Aberdeen. By Caspar Rene Gregory, D.D., LL. D., Professor of New Testa- ment Exegesis in the University of Leipzig. By William Sanday, D.D., LL.D., Lady Margaret Professor of Di- vinity, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. By Arthur C. McGiffert, D.D., Professor of Church History, Union Theological Seminary, New York. {Now ready.) By Frank C. Porter, Ph.D., Pro- fessor of Biblical Theology, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. By George B. Stevens, D.D., Pro- fessor of Systematic Theology, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. {N'ow ready.) By Robert Rainy, D.D., LL.D., Principal of the New College, Edinburgh. By Archibald Robertson, D.D., Principal of King's College, Lon- don. By G. P. Fisher, D.D., LL.D., Pro- fessor of Ecclesiastical History, Yale University, New Haven, Qonw\Revisedande7ilargededitioii. ) By A. V. G. Allen, D.D., Profes- sor of Ecclesiastical History, P. E. Divinity School, Cambridge, Mass. {Nozv ready ^ By Robert Flint, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Divinity in the Uni- versity of Edinburgh, By A. M. Fairrairn, D.D., Princi- pal of Mansfield College, Oxford. By A. B. Bruce, Y^.'Q., Professor of New Testament Exegesis, Free Church College, Glasgow. [^Re- vised and enlarged edition.) By Newman Smyth, D.D., Pastor of the First Congregational Church, New Haven, Conn. {Revised and enlarged edition.) By Washington Gladden,, D.D., Pastor of CongregationalChurch, Columbus, Ohio. {A^o^v ready.) By John Watson, D.D., Pastor Presbyterian Church, Liverpool. By S. Schechter. M.A., Reader in Talmudic in the University of Cambridge, England. tk 3nfernaftonaf 2:^cofogtcaf £t6rarj. AN INTRODUCTION TO The Literature of the Old Testament By Prof. 5. R. DRIVER, D.D. Canon of Christ Church, Oxford New Edition Revised Crown 8vo, 558 pages, $2.50 net "It is the most scholarly and critical work in the English lan- guage on the literature of the Old Testament, and fully up to the present state of research in Germany." — Prof. Philii' Schaff, D.D, " Canon Driver has arranged his material excellently, is succinct without being hurried or unclear, and treats the various critical prob- lems involved with admirable fairness and good judgment." —Prof. C. H. Toy. "His judgment is singularly fair, calm, unbiassed, and inde- pendent. It is also thoroughly reverential, . . . The service, which his book will render in the present confusion of mind on this great subject, can scarcely be overestimated," — The London Times. "As a whole, there is probably no book in the English language equal to this ' Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament' for the student who desires to understand what the modern criticism thinks about the Bible." — Dr, Lyman Ahbott, in the Outlook. "The book is one worthy of its subject, thorough in its treat- ment, reverent in its tone, sympathetic in its estimate, frank in its recognition of difhculties, conservative (in the best sense of the word) in its statement of results." — Prof. Henry P. Smith, /« the Magazine of Christian Literature. " In working out his method our author takes up each book in order and goes through it with marvelous and microscopic care. Every verse, every clause, word by word, is sifted and weighed, and its place in the literary organism decided upon." — 'The Presbyterian Quarterly. " It contains just that presentation of the results of Old Testa- ment criticism for which English readers in this department have been waiting. . . . The whole book is excellent; it will be found helpful, characterized as it is all through by that scholarly poise of mind, which, when it does not know, is not ashamed to present de- grees of probability." — New World. "... Canon Driver's book is characterized throughout by thorough Christian scholarship, faithful research, caution in the expression of mere opinions, candor in the statement of facts and of the necessary inferences from them, and the devout recognition of the divine inworking in the religious life of the Hebrews, and of the tokens of divine insi)iration in the literature which records and em- bodies it," — Dr. A. P, Peahody, in the Camhidge 'Tril'une. A HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE APOSTOLIC AGE BY ARTHUR CUSHMAN McGIFFERT, Ph.D., D.D. IVashbiirn Professor of Church History in the U?iion Theological Seminary, New York. Crown 8vo, 681 Pages, $2.50 Net. " The author's work is ably done. . . . This volume is worthy of its place in the series." — The Congregationalist. " Invaluable as a resume of the latest critical work upon the great forma- tive period of the Christian Church." — The Christian World (London). *' There can be no doubt that this is a remarkable work, both on account of the thoroughness of its criticism and the boldness of its views." — The Scotsman. "The ability and learning of Professor McGifTert's work on the Apos- tolic Age, and, whatever dissent there may be from its critical opinion, its manifest sincerity, candid scholars will not fail to appreciate." — Dr. George P. Fisher, of Yale University. " Pre-eminently a clergyman's book; but there are many reasons why it should be in the library of every thoughtful Christian person. The style is vivid and at times picturesque. The results rather than the processes of learning are exhibited. It is full of local color, of striking narrative, and- of keen, often brilliant, character analysis. It is an admirable book for the Sunday-school teacher." — Boston Advertiser. " For a work of such wide learning and critical accuracy, and which deals with so many difficult and abstruse problems of Christian history, this is re- markably readable." — 77ie Independent. "It is certain that Professor McGifTert's work has set the mark for future effort in the obscure fields of research into Christian origin." — New York Tribune. " Dr. McGiflfert has produced an able, scholarly, suggestive, and con- structive work. He is in thorough and easy possession of his sources and materials, so that his positive construction is seldom interrupted by citations, the demolition of opposing views, or the irrelevant discussion of subordinate questions." — The Methodist Review. "The clearness, self-consistency, and force of the whole impression of Apostolic Christianity with which we leave this book, goes far to guarantee its permanent value and success." — The Expositor. History of Christian Doctrine, liV GEORGE P. FISHER, D.D., Titus Street Professor of Ecclesiastical History in Yale University. Crown 8vo, 583 pages, $2.50 net. "He gives ample proof of rare scholarship. Many of the old doc trines are restated with a freshness, lucidity and elegance of style which make it a very readable book." — '/'he jVeio York Ohserver. "Intrinsically this volume is worthy of a foremost place m our modern literature . . . We have no work on the subject in English equal to it, for variety and range, clearness of statement, judicious guidance, and catholicity of tone." — London Nonconformist and Inde- pendent, " It is only just to say that Dr. Fisher has produced the best His- tory of Doctrine that we have in English." — The New York Evangelist. "It is to me quite a marvel how a book of this kind (Fisher's •History of Christian Doctrine') can be written so accurately to scale. It could only be done by one who had a very complete com- mand of all the periods." — Prof. William Sanday, Oxford. " It presents so many new and fresh points and is so thoroughly treated, and brings into view contemporaneous thought, especially the American, that it is a pleasure to read it, and will be an equal pleasure to go back to it again and again." — Bishop John F. Hurst. " Throughout there is manifest wide reading, careful prepara- tion, spirit and good judgment," — Philadelphia Presbytcriatt. " The language and style are alike delightfully fresh and easy . . . A book which will be found both stimulating and instructive to the student. of theology." — The Churchman. " Professor Fisher has trained the public to expect the excellen- cies of scholarship, candor, judicial equipoise and admirable lucidity and elegance of style in whatever comes from his pen. But in the present work he has surpassed himself." — Prok. J. H. Thaver, of Harvard Divinity School. " It meets the severest standard; there is fullness of knowledge, thorough research, keenly analytic thouglit, and rarest enrichment for a positive, profound and learned critic. There is interpretative and revealing sympathy. It is of the class of works that mark epochs in their several departments." — The Outlook, " As a first study of the History of Doctrine, Professor Fisher's volume has the merit of being full, accurate and interesting." — Prof. Marcus Dous. " . . . He gathers up, reorganizes and presents the results of investigation in a style rarely full of literary charm." — The Interior. tf>c 'inUxnd.iionat C^eofogicaf Eifirdrg. CHRISTIAN INSTITUTIONS. By ALEXANDER V. G. ALLEN, D.D. Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the Episcopal Theological School in Cambridge. Crown 8vo, 577 pages, $2.50 net. " Professor Allen's Christian Institutions may be regarded as the most important permanent contribution which the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States has yet made to general theological thought. In a few particulars it will not command the universal, or even the general assent of discriminating readers ; but it will receive, as it deserves, the respect and appreciation of those who rightly estimate the varied, learned, and independ- ent spirit of the author." — T/ie Amer/'can Journal of Theology. " As to his method there can be no two opinions, nor as to the broad, critical, and appreciative character of his study. It is an immensely sug- gestive, stimulating, and encouraging piece of work. It shows that modern scholarship is not all at sea as to results, and it presents a worthy view of a great and noble subject, the greatest and noblest of all subjects." — The In- dependent. "This will at once take its place among the most valuable volumes in the ' International Theological Library,' constituting in itself a very complete epitome both of general church history and of the history of doctrines. A single quotation well illustrates the brilliant style and the pro- found thought of the book." — The Bibliotheca Sao-a. "The wealth of learning, the historical spirit, the philosophic grasp, the loyalty to the continuity of life, which everywhere characterize this thorough study of the organization, creeds, and cultus constituting Christian Institu- tion. . . . However the reader may differ with the conclusions of the author, few will question his painstaking scholarship, judicial temperament, and catholicity of Christian spirit." — The Advance. "It is an honor to American scholarship, and will be read by all who wish to be abreast of the age." — The Lutheran Church Revieiu. " With all its defects and limitations, this is a most illuminating and sug- gestive book on a subject of abiding interest." — The Christian Intelli- gencer.'''' " It is a treasury of expert knowledge, arranged in an orderly and lucid manner, and more than ordinarily readable. . . . It is controlled by the candid and critical spirit of the careful historian who, of course, has his convictions and preferences, but who makes no claims in their behalf which the facts do not seem to warrant." — The Congregationalist. " He writes in a charming style, and has collected a vast amount of im- portant material pertaining to his subject which can be found in no other work in so compact a form." — The Nezo York Observer. €^c 3^ternafionaf 2^6cofogicaf £i6rarj. Apologetics; Or, Christianity Defensively Stated. By ALEXANDER BALMAIN BRUCE, D.D., Professor of Apologetics and New Testament ExeKesis, Free Church Collei^e Glasgow; Author of " The Training of the Twelve." "The Humilia- lion of Christ," " The Kingdom of Ood," etc. Crown 8vo, 528 pages, $2.50 net Professor Bruce's work is not an abstract treatise on apologetics, but an apologetic presentation of the Christian faith, with n-ference to whatever in our intellectual environment makes faith difticult at the present time. It addresses itself to men whose sympathies are with Christianity, and discusses the topics of pressing concern — the burning questions of the hour. It is offered as an aid to faith rather than a buttress of received belief and an armory of weapons for the orthodox believer. " The book throughout exhibits the methods and the results of conscientious, independent, expert and devout Biblical scholarship, and it is of permanent value." — 7'//Trr Review. " We have not for a long time taken a book in hand that is more stimulating to faith. . . , Without commenting further, we rei>eat that this volume is the ablest, most scholarly, most advanced, and sharpest defence of Christianity that has ever been written. No theological library should be without it." — Zion s Herald. Christian Ethics, By NEWMAN SMYTH, D.D., New Haven. Crown 8vo, 508 pages, $2.50 net. "As this book is the latest, so it is the fullest and most attractive treatment of the subject that we are familiar with. Patient and ex- haustive in its method of inquiry, and stimulating and suggestive in the topic it handles, we are confident that it will be a help to the task of the moral understanding and interpretation of human life." — The Living Church. ' ' This book of Dr. Newman Smyth is of extraordinary interest and value. It is an honor to American scholarship and American Chris- tian thinking. It is a work which has been wrought out with re- markable grasp of conception, and power of just analysis, fullness of information, richness of thought, and affluence of apt and luminous illustration. Its style is singularly clear, simple, facile, and strong. Too much gratification can hardly be expressed at the way the author lifts the whole subject of ethics up out of the slough of mere natural- ism into its own place, where it is seen to be illumined by the Chris- tian revelation and vision." — The Advance. " The subjects treated cover the whole field of moral and spiritual re- lations, theoretical and practical, natural and revealed, individual and social, civil and ecclesiastical. To enthrone the personal Christ as the true content of the ethical ideal, to show how this ideal is realized in Christian conscious- ness and how applied in the varied departments of practical life— these are the main objects of the book and no objects could be loftier." — The Congrcgationalist. " The author has written with competent knowledge, with great spiritual insight, and in a tone of devoutness and reverence worthy of his theme." — TJie London Independent. "It is methodical, comprehensive, and readable; few subdivisions, direct or indirect, are omitted in the treatment of the broad theme, and though it aims to be an exhaustive treatise, and not a popular handbook, it may be perused at random with a good deal of suggestiveness and profit." — The Sunday School Tiuies. "It reflects great credit on the author, presenting an exemplary temper and manner thrcjughout, being a model of clearness in thought and term, and containing passages of exquisite finish." — Ilartfoj-d Seminary Record. " We commend this book to all reading, intelligent men, and especially to ministers, who will find in it many fresh suggestions." —Professor A. B. Bruce. tk 3nternattottftf C^eofogtcaf feiBrarj. THE CHRISTIAN PASTOR AND THE WORKING CHURCH By WASHINGTON GLADDEN, D.D., LL.D. Author of "Applied Christianity." "Who Wrote the Bible?" "Ruling Ideas of the Present Age," etc. Crown 8vo, 485 pages, $2.5o net. " Dr. Gladden may be regarded as an expert and an authority on practi- cal theology. , . . Upon the whole we judge that it will be of great service to the ministry of all the Protestant churches." — YVw Iiitcrior. " Packed with wisdom and instruction and a profound piety. It is pithy, pertinent, and judicious from cover to cover. . . . An ex- ceedingly comprehensive, sagacious, and suggestive study and application of its theme." — The Congrcgationalist. " We have here, for the pastor, the most modern practical treatise yet published — sagacious, balanced, devout, inspiring." — The Dial. " His long experience, his eminent success, his rare literary ability, and his diligence as a student combine to make of this a model book for its pur- pose. . . . We know not where the subjects are more wisely discussed than here." — The Bibliotheca Sacra. "This book should be the vade viecii7n of every working pastor. It abounds in wise counsels and suggestions, the result of large experience and observation. No sphere of church life or church work is left untreated." — The (Canadian) Methodist A/agaziiie and Jxevie-w. " A happier combination of author and subject, it will be acknowledged, can hardly be found. ... It is comprehensive, practical, deeply spiritual, and fertile in wise and suggestive thought upon ways and means of bringing the Gospel to bear on the lives of men." — The Christian Ad- vocate. " Dr. Gladden writes with pith and point, but with wise moderation, a genial tone and grest good sense. . . . The book is written in an excel- lent, business-like and vital English style, which carries the author's point and purpose and has an attractive vitality of its own." — The Independent. "A comprehensive, inspiring, and helpful guide to a busy pastor. One finds in it a multitude of practical suggestions for the development of the spiritual and working life of the Church, and the answer to many problems that are a constant perplexity to the faithful minister." The Christian Intelligencer. / ^Sz DATE DUE sasps f -I DEMCO 38-297