A Short View o^^ -Hie Conauct of +iie EmqIisVi Clergy BX 5157 ,S53 1737 ^0 A short view of the conduct j of the English clergy SHORT VIEW OF THE CONDUCT O F T H E Englijh Clergy. (Price I J, 6 ^.) SHORT VIEW O F T M E CONDUCT O F T H E ENGLISH CLERGTy So far as relates to • CIVIL AFFAIRS, FROM THE CoNQjJEST to the Revolution. But traSl of time y and long profpertty {That nurfe of vice ^ this of infolency) hulled thejhepperds in fuch fecurity ^ Thaty not content with loyal obeyfancCy Some 'gan to gape at greedy governahce^ And match themfelves with mighty potentates^ Lovers of lord/hips ^ and troublers ofjlates. Spencer. L O 2^ D O Ni printed for T.Cooper, at the Globe , in Pater-Nopr Rytff*. M.DCC.XXXVU, 3 : V "i J ( I) A lliort View of the Condu6]: of the Clergy. 1 H E behaviour of the clergy hav- ing feem*d to be very extraordi- nary on fome late occaiions, I was led by my refleflions on that head to make fome further enquiry, than I had hitherto done, v^hat the condudl of that fet of men had been from the more early times of our government down to the prefent, and what had been the opinions of the wifeft of our anceftors about it. I thought it v/as far from improper at this time to know not only what reftridions to the power and wealth of the church, the legifla- ture had formerly deemed requifite, but alfo whether the clergy had not by their behaviour made thofe reftridlions abfolutely neceflary. From thence v/e m.ay better know what to think of their clamours of late, upon any at-- tempt to put the leaft limits to their property, cr reftridions to their pow^^r, in fuch cafes, B %vhere (2 ) where it might be made ufe of to opprefs any of their fellow-fubjefts. For tho' the reafonablenefs of laws to pre- vent the abufe of power, or an exorbitant in- creafe of property in any fet of men, where there is only a probabihty of either, is itfelf fufficient to recommend the enading them, even tho' we had not already been fenfible of fuch abufes -, yet the neceffity of fuch laws is ftill further enforced, when founded on ^x^ amples and experience, and confirmed by the opinions of our wife predeceffors. It is for this reafon,' I trouble the pub- lick with the fol^lowing fheets, that by laying before them in as fliort and compendious a manner, as I am able, an hiftorical account of the condud of the clergy of this nation, as far as it any way afFedled civil aifairs lince the time of William I, they may form a judg- ment from., m.atters of fadt, how far neceffary all precautions in the laity agiinft the defigns of the clergy are, aqcording as they fee this condudl of theirs has promoted the publick good or otherwife. , Whoever looks into cur antient hiftories, will find the clergy have been always guided by a diftindl intereft of their own, moll fre- quently contrary to that of the nation : inllead of aflerting the liberty of the people, they lifcive (3 ) have been rnoft Inftrumental in all attempts to deftroy it ; inftead of propagating generous notions of freedom, they have con flan tly en- deavoured to inftil into the minds of men the moft flavifli maxims, and taught lefTons of the moft blind and abjedl fubmiffion. Their oppolition to pov^er, whenever they have made any, has generally been fadious and felfiih, not grounded on motive's of re- gard for the good of the common-wealth, but occaiion'd by fome attempt upon their temporal intereft or privileges, which was often no other than a juft intention of retrenching their encroachments upon the crown, and people. Accordingly we may obfetve, that the moft dangerous defigns again ft' the publick have been form'd by fuch of our princes, v/ho be- gun with fecuring the clergy to their intereft by great condefceniions to them ; for u^e fel- dom find the clergy to have faiFd returning the compliment by a concurrence in pro- moting the moft arbitrary attempts by their dodlrine and actions. The ufe, the clergy have made, of what power they have acquired under fuch princes, has always been moft infupportable to the laity, efpecially to fuch as have oppofed it. B 2 I (4) I will not detain the reader any longer from forming his own judgment on this fub- je(fl:, but haften to my relation of fads, by which only I defire he may be determined, as he fhall find them agreeable to truth, to which I have endeavour'd to have the ftrideil regard. The battle of Haflings gain'd by the duke of Normandy would have been very far from determining the fate of this country, had the Englifh fufBciently united in its defence. He was in pofleflion of but one caftle in the king- dom, that of Dover. The earls Morcar and Edvv^in, who had diftinguifh'd themfelves al- ready in the defence of their country, had fhut themfelves up in London with the re- mains of the army defeated at Hafcings. William could not without evident dan^^er march into the heart of the kingdom, and leave that city behind him in poiTeflion of his enemies ; nor could he lay fiege to a place, that would coft him much time, and employ the greateft part of his army, which was no large one, without leaving all the remote countries in England at liberty to take pro- per meafures for their fecurity, and to raife feveral armies, which might have been greatly fuperiour to his own. Whilfl (5) Whilft he was in this perplex'd fituation, the Englifh had no reafon to defpair ; and in- deed the two earls juft mention'd ufed all their efforts to animate the Londoners. To unite them the more it was proposed to declare young Edgar king. In this generous defign it was reafonable to think, the clergy would have unanimoufly concurr'd. One would exped: to find that body of men ma- king ufe of all their influence over the people to infpire them with a fenfe of the duty, they ow'd their country, and the obligations they were under to venture their lives in defending it from an army of rapacious adventurers : that they would have employ 'd their inter- ceffion with heaven (which they would wil- lingly have thought to be fo efficacious) to avert the impending flavery, and by it have promoted a confident zeal in their countrymen to exert themfelves with intrepidity in fo glorious a caufe. Put how little w^as the publick good any motive of their condudt ! they could not think of continuing a war, which exposed the lands of the church to rapine and defolation, when, by a timely facrifice of the liberty of their fellow-fubjeds, they had it in their power to make their own terms : they could not help being partial in favour of one, who had under- taken (6) taken his enterprize with the countenance of the Pope : and they thought the church might make an acquifition of wealth and power under a prince, that had the characfter of be- ing reHgious, and who could not but think himfelf under the greateft obligations to them, fhould the people by their means be prevaii'd on to receive him for their king. With thefe views they opposed the deiigns of the people, who had now come to a reib- lution of placing young * Edgar on the throne; but by the bifliops declaring for William, the citizens were by their example at laft prevailed on to open their gates, and receive him. Thus by the interefted cabals of the clergy were the Englifii diffuaded from uniting in defence of their country -, and the defirable flate of liberty, founded on and fecur'd by pru- dent and wholefome laws, which they had enjoy'd under the race of Saxon kings, v/a& chang'd for the oppreffive government of a Norman invader. Nor was it long before the clergy themfelves found, how ill-grounded their fclfifli policy had been, notwilhftanding the monafteries had a fliare in the diflribution of king Hai-old's treafure; but what oppofition any of them made to the invaiion of their own rights, when * Cateri prcceres Edgai'um eltgcrcnt^ ft epifcopos ajfertore: hoberent. McJmsb.fol. 57. (7) when they had given up thofe of their country, ferv'd only as a pretext for a more rigorous treatment. During the life of W. Rufus the clergy felt fo great a fliare in the general oppreffion of that reign, and were always fo difregarded b]j him, that they had very little opportunity of furnifiiing any circumflances by their con- dud worth relating here. It m.ay not how- ever be amifs to obferve, that the promoter and inftrument of all his oppreffion and vio- lence, v/as Ranulph Flambert bifhop of Dur- ham *. Henry I. had not been long on the throne, before the encroaching fpirit of the church difcover'd itfelf in the perfon of Anfelm, arch- bifhop of Canterbury. That haughty prelate refolv'd to wrefl from the king his right of inveftiture of bifl-iops and abbots ; a prero- gative his predeceffors had enjoy'd without di- fturbance, and with great reafon^ for other- wife the clergy might have m.ade it one of their pretences for denying, they ow'd the foundation of their authority to the civil pov^er. In purfuance of this defign, upon the king's^ fhewing fome refolution at firft to maintain his right, Anfelm, attended by feveral prelates v^ho had refign'd their bifhopricks, infolently carried his complaints to Rome, and defu'd * M, Fans. . the' (8) . the Pope by his fole authority to re-inftate them in their fees. We may infer from * M. Paris, the good arch-bifhop judg'd it no fimony in fo righteous a caufe, to make ufe of the rhetorick of gold with his hoHnefs, who faird not to grant his requeft. In this fnanner did the ambition of that prelate not only invade the juft rights of the king, but introduced a precedent, thro* the want of refo- lution in Henry, tending to render both him and his fucceffors flaves to the papal authority, which never faiFd by its interpofition in all affairs of this kind to improve them to its own advantage. Upon the death of Henry we are furnifh'd with a moft lively inftance of the regard, the clergy paid to the moft folemn oaths taken in the moft publick manner. Before the depar- ture of the late king to Normandy he call'd an ^ affcmbly of the great men, in which the bifliops were the fir ft, that fwore to acknow- ledge his daughter the emprefs Matilda for their fovereign, in cafe Henry died without iffue male. The right of birth undoubtedly pleaded in her behalf, and her defcent by her m.other's fide from the race of Saxon kings, '* Tunc fedes clementijjima^qua nuUi deejfe confuevit(dum- modo albi aliquld vel rubci ititercedat) prajcriptos pcntifices ^ ahbates ad prijiinas dignitaUs mifiUQordit^r nVQidvlt^ Mt Pari s y p. ^9- t Maimsb, foL 99. (9) kings, was a circumftance, which could not but greatly recommend her to the Englifh. However, Henry's death, which fell out in a fhort time after, was no fooner known, than the clergy declar'd in favour of Stephen, and by their example not only countenanced part of the nobility in the violation of the oath fo lately taken to Matilda, but by their fuperiour power in the kingdom deterred others from oppofing their defigns. The arch-bifhop of Canterbury, the bifhops of Winchefter, and Salilbury were three of the richeft fubjecls in England : the lafl: ow'd his rife, from nothing as it were, to the late king, whofe will he was ungratefully now going to fubvert. I will juft mention what Rapin fays on this occafiofl, who entirely attributes Stephen's advancement to the clergy. " It was (fays he) a great ad- ^' vantage to Stephen to have for him three " prelates, whofe intereft fecur'd him thefuf- *^ frages of the clergy. This body was then " fo powerful, that the lay-lords, who were " not in the plot, did not think themfelves " able to oppofethe defign, which they faw " was entirely formed, of placing Stephen on " the throne 5 fince all the bifhops declar'd in ^' his favour, not one attempted to fpeak for " Matilda, fo great an influence had the ex- ^' ample and authority of the clergy over the C " minds ( 10 ) *^ minds of the nobles and people/* How falle the aflertions were, on which the bifliops grounded the e^afion of their oaths, appears from the opinion of Malmfbury. That hifto- rian mentioning the reafon, which the bifliop of Sahibury alledg'd in his hearing, concludes with faying, that he * does not mention it there as giving any credit to thofe words of a man, who could fo well accommodate himfelf to all times, as fortune Ihifted the fcene, but in order to difcharge his duty as an hiftcrian. Let us now fee how they behav'd to that Ste- phen, whom they had placed on the throne. They were not long before they n:iew'd the ufe,they intended to make, of the advancement of a king, who was indebted folely to them- felves for it. They luppofed, he would not think it his intereft to difturb them in the defign, they had form'd, of embracing the pre- fent opportunity to render themfelves formida- ble, and become independent of him and his fuccefibrs for the future. In order to accom- pliili this proje(5l, they not only fortify 'd fuch caftles, as they had already in their hands, but erected feveral new ones. They outvied all the nobility in the magnificence of their houles and retinue, and aifeded to appear fo nume- roufiy attended on all occafions, that they look'd * Mcdmsh. fol. 99. look'ci much more like military chiefs at the head of fo many little armies, than th" ''":^': and peaceable paflors of Chrift's flock. It cannot be vvonder'd at, th:.t a behaviour of this kind alarm'd the king, and almoft ne- ceflitated him to take thofe Heps towards de- priving fome of them of their caftlcs, \ hich afterwards invclv'd him in fo much trouble. It was not only his own privDte fentiments, which determined him in that point, but the advice of moft of the nobles concui'r'd v/ith his own opinion, that fome flop fhould be put to the formidable power of the bifhops *, which increas'd fo faft. But however de- iirable this might be, it was now not to be eftedled : the clergy had fo great an influence over the lower people, that the nation was in a flame at the king's feizing the bifliops cafl:les. Religion itfelf was look'd upon as invaded, which, as Rapin fays, was now thought to confift in upholding the church in whatever privileges and immunities, flie herfelf was pleas'd to afliime. The bifhops openly talk'd of oppofing the king by arms, and became fo ftrong, that great numbers of the lay-lords thought it fafefl: to go over to their fide. Stephen had indeed fome time before given the people in general too much caufe to alter C 2 the * Makisb. fol I02« •( 12 ) the good opinion, they had once entertained of him ; and we find feveral barons had then taken up arms againft him in defence of their hberty : but that affair had at this time been made up, and, as I before obferv'd, it was now the fentiments of moft of the lay-lords, that the power of the bifhops required a ftop .to be put to it ; tho' when the attempt had embroird the king in thefe troubles^ but few of thofe lords had recovered their efteem for him fo far, as to affert his caufe with the zeal, they would otherwife have done, and draw upon themfelves the fury of a body of men at that time more formidable than their own. But that the ground of this quarrel was no national caufe, appears further from hence. Had the point in difpute concerned the publick liberty, the king muft have anfwer*d . for his condud: only before the great council of the kingdom ; whereas in this cafe he was cited before a fynod at Winchefter '^, convened by the bifliop of that place as legale : which not •only fbews the difpute to be particular with the bifhops, but was itfelf a greater infult offered the community, than ever Stephen had been guilty of. ^ During this difpute, Matilda thought it a favourable jundiure to land in England, and - ■' claim (13) claim her right to the crown.^ She no fooncr arrived, than the clergy were forward to de- clare for her: but the bifliop of Winchefler, who had hitherto chiefly excited and promoted the troubles of the king his brother, begun now to fee his error in railing the florm fo high, and that his own ruin would be infepa- rable from that of his brother. With this conlideration he at firll did him fome fervjce; but no fooner had the chance of war declared itfelf in favour of Matilda by Stephen's be» ing taken prifoner, than he again threw up his brother's caufe, and won by a promife, that he fhould difpofe of all ecclefiaftical prefer- ments, undertook to procure Matilda the {vf- frages of the clergy to ele(5t her queen. In order to this he convened a fynod by bis lega- tine authority, the day before the opening of which he conferred in private firft with the biihops, then with the abbots, and laftly with the arch-deacons. When the time appointed for their meeting was come, after he had made a fpeech, in which he publickly afferted * the principal right of chufing a prince belonged to the clergy, the fynod declared Matilda queen. It was thus with an unheard-of, and unprece- dented infolence the clergy alone pretended to give the nation a fovereign without" confulting the ^ * Mahnsh, fol, io6, ( H) the barons, nay contrary to the fentiments of many of them, who had at this time fent their deputies with thofe of the city of Lon* don to demand Stephen's liberty. But this mellage had no other eifedt than to draw an excommunication upon the king and his ad- herents. However monftrous this conduct appears to be, the meafure of their infolent and treache- rous proceedings was not yet compleated : for in a very fliort time afterwards the bifhop of Winchefter having been difoblig'd by Matilda, he once more deferted her caufe ; and afiem- bling another fynod at Weftminfter * he found his brethren nothing loath in undoing, \vhat they had fo lately done at Winchefter. Ste- phen, who was now at liberty, having been exchang d for the duke of Glocefter, was again acknowledged by them as king, and Matilda in her turn excommunicated with her adhe- rents. This change foon rendered her affairs fo defperate, that fhe was obliged to quit this kingdom, and leave Stephen in poffeffion of a crown, which he firft obtained, afterwards loft, and again recovered by the intrigues and power of the ecclefiafticks. The power, the church aflumed to itfelf in the next reign, and the entire independence gn * Mahmb. foh io8. ( 15) on the ftate, that it laid claim to, evidently appears in the conteft between Henry II. and Becket. The laity were reduced to a kind of flavery by the clergy : whatever outrages they fufFer'd from them, they durft not repel for fear of excommunication (the effedls of which were at that time fo terrible, ) ncr could they expedl any redrefs from the laws, fince the ecclefiaflicks claim'd a privilege of being tried only in their own courts ; there every thing was carry 'd on with the moft open par- tiality j the ecclefiaflicks were only liable to flight corredions, and for the moft heinous crimes punilh'd no further than with degra- dation, a fhort fuipenfion, or iliort confine- ment. It was proved •*, there had been above a hundred murders committed by church-men fince the king's acceffion to the throne, of whom not one had been punifli'd fo much as by degradation. For attempting to redrefs fuch an unpa- ralleled enormity the king and the whole body of peers in parliament were treated by this haughty prelate with that infolence, and open contempt of their authority, as fills every reader of this part of our hiftory with the utmoft indignation. Of * Rapin vol I. p, 226. Ttnd, iranjl. ( i6) Of fuch confequence is it at all times to prevent every fiep, which may infenfibly tend to procure fuch wealth and power in the clergy, or any other fet of men, as may create an independency in them ; fince we fee a prince of fo much fpirit, as Henry IL is allowed to be, for endeavouring to retrench that part of ecclefiaftical ufurpation, which proteded cri- minals from juftice, forc'd to atone for this fo unchriftian and wicked attempt, by the mofl abjeft condefceniion and fubmifhon ; tho' his defign had the good wiflies and concur- rence of all the nobility in the kingdom, who at this time groan'd under the ecciefialtical yoke. Richard Ts was a reign, in which w^ find very little faid of ecclefiaftical affairs or per- fons. That prince was but a few months in England after he came to the crown. The accounts of that time chiefly concern that ro-. mantick expedition of his to the Hcly-land fo expenfive to his country, and fatal to him- felf in being made prifoner by the em- peror. The tyrannical government of king John made the oppofition, he met with from his barons, an indifpenfable duty, they ow'd them- felves, their country, and pofterity. The tem- per of this monarch was fuch a mixture of folly, ( 17 ) folly, pride, and meannefs, that it was impof- fible, but he {hould embroil himfelf with all fets of men, however different and oppofite their interefts might be. Therefore tho' the clergy feem to have a great fliare in the events of this reign, we fhould however carefully diftlnguifli the motives of their condudl, as well as confe- quences of it, from that of the barons. The firfl troubles of importance in this reign were merely ecclefiaftical. The Pope's nominating cardinal Langton to the fee of Canterbury plung'd the kingdom into very great difficul- ties and mifery: The king's refufal to admit him as arch-bifhop brought an interdid: on the kingdom ; and the clergy were fo far from being difpleafed at this ufurpation in the Pope, that thofe few of them, v/ho would willingly have leffen'd the general confufion occafion'd by the interdict, by continuing to perform the duties of their office, fuch as reading prayer, burying the dead, and the like, met wdth continual infults from the zealots *. This drew upon the ecclefiafticks the king's utmoft feverity, who feized on their lands, impri- foned their perfons, and committed all manner of outrages on them. The intcrdid was foon after foUow'd by an excommunication of the king, * Rapi}i vol. I. />. 269. D ( i8 ) king, and the people were abfolv'd by the Pope from their oath of allegiance. The nation in general had been fo much opprcfs'd, that the barons took this occafioii to throw offall obedience to king John. Had he been a prince in the efteem of his fubjeds, no doubt they would have greatly refented this infult to their fovereign. But the con- lequence was, the king to fupport himfclf a- gainft the lords, found himfelf obliged to fubmit to the holy fee, whofe reconciliation was to be purchafed on no other terms than a relignation of his crown after the mofl igno- minious manner to the Pope, in the perfon of his legate ; which he was to receive back, and hold ever after as his vaffal, and as ilich to pay a yearly tribute. The general defedion of the barons, which follow'd, tho' they made a political ufe of thefe troubles, yet was a thing quite diftind from them, and founded wholly on principles of liberty. And as the grounds were different, fo were the confequences : the firft render'd the kingdom tributary to the fee of Rome, the latter procur'd the figning of Mn2:na Charta, that bafis of the liberty of ^, • , no ami England ever hnce. ' It will perhaps be fuid that after the recon- ciliation of John to the Pope, from which time he condemn'd the barons oppofition, and 3 ■ ^^^'^ ( 19) feYit ajcgate to reconcile the king to the clergy, yet they ftlll refufed to comply with the terms proposed, and feveral of them ad- her'd firmly to the caufe of the barons. But we may with great reafon conclude the confideration of their own particular intereft was what influenc'd them chiefly on that oc- cafion 3 for the reparations fettled by the * Pope for the damages, the clergy had fuftain'd from the king during the interdict f*, fell infinitely fhort of their real lolTes : for which reafon they were entirely diffatisfy'd at the legate's determination. Nor can we well imagine that arch-bifliop Langton, who, for his own private advance^, ment, could fuffer himfelf to be m.ade the caufe of fo much mifery to the kingdom, and of the moft ignominious proftitution of the honour of theEnglifli crown and nation, eouid afterwards acl in defence of its liberty, from the generous and diiinterefted motives of pub- lick fpirit. Nothing could be worfe concerted than the defign, Henry III. form'd, of freeing himklf f-om the reftraint, he thought the lords haj laid on his father by Magna Charta. Inilead of giining the clergy to his intereil, and there- by making them fubfervient to his defigns, lie ' 'D 2 not * AL Paris., '" ' t Rabin vol. I. />. 274. ( 20 ) not only made them partake of the general oppreffion of his reign, but fufter'd them to be devoured by the infatiable extortion of the Pope's legates. The king vainly thought all he had to do, was to keep fair with the holy fee 5 the Pope knew how to make the proper ufe of this tempter in the king ; and fince John's refignatlon feem'd to confider England as a tributary country, which he might phin- der at difcretion. He had now no occafion for the affiftance of the clergy, who, whillT: they found their account in it, promoted all his defigns, and exalted his ufurped power. But as- the cafe now flood, they found a blind complaifance for the orders of the Pope, and his demands of m.oney, would only ferve to ruin them-. They had nothing to hope from the king, who kept no meafures with them : they beheld with grief all vacant benefices bellow'd on foreigners, infomuch that at one time no lefs than three hundred ecclefiaflicks were fent over. Whofoever looks intoM. Paris will find him every were full of inftances of the Pope's extortion and oppreflion towards the Englifli clergy, in which the king went hand in hand with him. The clergy were not fo blind to their own intereil, as not to be fenfible it was now their bufinefs to join with tlie people, in condemning Henry's prccced- mcrs : ( 21 ) ings : accordingly we find thro' this i^eign they always fliew'd great backwardnefs in comply- ing with the exadions of the King and Pope, and fometimes they had the refolution to give them a down-right refufal, and openly to de- clare they would no longer fubmit to fuch op- preffions. But that their regard for the intereft of the laity was no greater than at other times, plain- ly appears from the open attempts they them- felves made towards fubverting the laws, which my lord Coke mentions in his preface to the articuli cleri"*. '' In the 42^ year of Henry III. '' Boniface arch-bifhop of Canterbury made '' divers and many canons and conftitutions '' provincial, diredily againft the laws of the '' realm, and tending to ufurp and encroach ** upon many matters which apparently be- '' long'd to the commiOn law; but notwith- *' ftanding the greatnefs of Boniface, and that *' divers of the judges of the realm were of the " clergy, and all the great officers of the realm, *' as chancellor, treafurer, privy feal, &c, were '' prelates, yet the judges proceeded according '' to the laws of the realm, and ftill kept, tho» '' with great difficulty, the ecclefiaftical courts '' within their juft and proper limits.'* We may reafonably conclude, had this king taken the * Second vol. of hijl. ( 22 ) the method, fome of his more politick fuccef- fors have done, of attaching the clergy to his intereft by fliewing a zeal for their pretended riehts, and a readinefs in contributing to the advancement of their riches and pov^er, and • had himfelf only plundered and harafs'd his other fubjedls -, he would have met with their full concurrence in his defigns : and all pre- cautions in the laky for the fecurity of their liberty, would have been cenfur'd as unwar- rantable, and rebellious. For wliat could not be expedled from a fet of men, whofe power and wealth were becom.e fo dangerous to li- berty, and their endeavours to encreafe them fo ftrenuous, that, as the great manjuft quoted fays, it was with great difficulty the laws of the land were refcued from their all-engroffing ambition ? In this and the following reign, we may obferve, how difficult it was by the wikft provifions and reflridlions of the law to pre- . vent the clergy fi'om evading fuch ftatutes as fet any bounds to their wealth or power. At the time of figning Magna Charta by Henry the barons were fo fenfible of the dangerous conlequence of the immenfe riches, the church was every day acquiring, that they inferted a claufe to prevent the farther difpofition of lands to religious houfes. But the clergy found fo fo' many^ways to creep out of that ftatute, and their poffeflions continued flill to increafe fo fair, that in the 7^^ of Edward I. the flatute oT mortmain was enaded to the general joy of the people. The v/ords intended to provide againft their devices are fo ftrong, that I will infert them here : " * Qaod nullus religiofus '' aut alius quicunque terras aut tenement^ 'IV' ^^ aliqua emere vel vendere fub colore dona- " tionis aut termini, (and to prevent all other inventions and evafions, thefe general words were added) " aut ratione alterius tituli terras " aut tenementa ab aliquo recipere aut alio " quovis modo, arte vel ingenio, fibi appro- " priare pr2;fumat, fub forisfaftura eorundo- '' rum/' A man would have thought, fays my lord Coke, that this fliculd have prevented all new devices -, but they foon found out an evafion for this ftatute alfo. In the progrefs of this reign we fee the grounds of their oppofition in the former fully made out by the willingnefs, the clergy fhev/'d, in making ufe of the Pope's authority, v/hen- .'ever it chimed with their own interefl : they ^ pow made a bull of Boniface VIIL f a pre- tence to exempt them from the payment of any taxes to fecular princes, without the con- fcnt * See hrd Coke's magna charta^ chap. 36. t M, mjL 405. JP'alfing. p. 68. ( 24) fent of the holy fee^ and by fo doing, openly put themfelves upon a foot of independence on the reft of the kingdom; and even aflunVd a fuperiority, by declaring they were not obliged to join with them in contributing to the pub- lick expences. In the clofe of this reign the bifliops give us a further more convincing proof of what I have before' faid, that hitherto whenever they {hew*d a difapprobation of any innova- tions or oppreffians, it was merely becaufe they had no fliare in the profits. Edward, aiotwithftanding the encomiums of fome hi- ftoriansj had no lefs fondnefs for arbitrary power than his predeceflbrs, tho* his fuperiour underftanding made him fenfible, how necef- fary it was to conceal it ; of which he was convinced by the refolute behaviour of fome of the barons. However, towards the decline of his Ufe he begun to act with lefs referve in that refped: ; and having procured from Rome a difpenfation of his oath in regard to the two charters, he by virtue of a grant from thence levy'd the tenth of all ecclefiafti- cal revenues for two years -, in confideration of which, the Pope rcferv'd to himfelf the firft fruits of all the benefices. Here one would imagine, that the cliief men of the clergy were concerned in the greateft degree to _ ( 25 ) . to prevent any innovation of this kind, which fo particularly affecfled their ovv^n body ; but in this care was taken, that the bifliops fl^jould have a fellow-feeling, and therefore they quietly fubmitted to it : for ^" M. of Wefl- minfter tells us, the Pope was induced to this thro* the covetoufnefs of the biihops, who fabmitted to this innovation on condition, that they might enjoy one year's profits of all vacant benefices in their gift. At the fame time the parliament -f- fhew'd a more difin- terefted regard for the clergy, than their own heads had done, by prohibiting the colle(5lo:s to gather the tax, tho' the power of the king made their prohibitions ufelefs. Never was the parliament more fenfible of the ecclefiaftical yoke, or more ready to com.e to refolutions of putting a ftop to the papal oppreffions, than under Edward II. But the weaknefs of that king, and the circumftances, he was in, made all their endeavours ineffec- tual. The clergy were fo fatisfy'd of his weaknefs, and fo intoxicated with their own pride and pov/er, that they committed the moft unparulierd infult and violence to puh> lick juflice, the laws of the realm, and therein to the whole nation. AdamOrleton ||, biiliop of Hereford, having been indidcd of high- E treafon, * Mgt. IVelim, 457. t ^apiri. \ JFalJing^p. 1 19. ( 26 ) treafon, for being concerned with Mortimer earl of March in his open rebellion ; the arch- bifliops of Canterbury, York, and Dublin, with feveral of their fuffragans, came to the bar, and by force took him away, threatning to excommunicate all that fliould oppofe them, and proceed againft him: and this they did under pretext of the canons * of the church, though the benefit of clergy, however they had found means of late to extend it, was never allow'd to reach to high-treafon againft the king. And all this was done in defence of a man the moft abandoned by every vir- tue, and of whofe character nothing can con- vey a more perfecS idea, than his own order afterwards to the keepers of the unhappy Edward: *' Edwardum occidere nolite timere " bonum eft." Under Edward III. (moft eminently the beft and greateft of our princes, who unde- niably deferves thofe encomiums given him by hiftorians, which flattery or want of dif- cernment made them too aDt to beftow on others) more vigorous miCthods were taken by tlie king and parliament to deliver the na- tion from the fo long complain'd-of papal op- preffions. With that intent the ftatutes of provifors and praemunire were enafted : the firft * Sec brd Cckcs 2d Injl. p, 634, and 635, ( 27 ) firft to prevent the court of Rome from dlf- pofing of ecclefiaftical benefices contrary to the right of the king, or any other perfon 3 the fecond to prevent the fubjeds of England car- rying caufes to any foreign or other court, the cognizance of v^^hich belong'd to the kino-'s courts. However, notwithftanding thcfe pre- cautions, we find the grievances flill continued, and the Pope exadled as a tax from ecclefiaf- tical dignities, '' five "^ times as much as the tax '' of all the profits that appertain'd to the king '' by the year of this whole realm." Accord- ingly v^e find hardly any meeting of parlia- ment in this reign, in which thefe grie- vances are not complain'd of, notwithfiianding the ftatutes made, and fo frequently confirmed for preventing them. Now when we confider the unanimous and conftant opinion of both king and parliament on this head, and the vigorous refolutions, they fo often came to ; can we reafonablv ac- count, why the meafures taken by them fhould prove ineftedual any other way than from the timidity or connivance of the clero-y themfelves? both of which I think appear pretty plain. The parliament expreffly men- tion the firft, in faying '' f the whole clergy '' were fo obedient to the Pope's colledor, that E 2 '^ they * Cotton's Pari. Roll 50 Ed, 3. f Farl Roll 50 Ed. 3. ( 28 ) '' they did not dare difpleafe him." And that they did more than barely connive at appeals from the king's courts, contrary to the ftatute of praemunire, appears, in that they themfelves prefum'd to take cognizance of appeals from thofe courts in their own ecclefiaftical courts. " And to reverfe judgment given in the king's *' courts to the prejudice and diflierifon of the '' king and commonalty :" as the parliament of the 2 1^' of Ed. III. recite in their com- plaint. That the parliaments in this reign were no lefs apprehenfive of the power and encroach- ments of the clergy at home, than of the fee of Rome, appears from feveral parliamentary petitions "^ and refolutions on that head. At one time we find them praying the king, that remedy might be had again ft the oppref- fion of ordinaries, and their officers. At an- other time they make their requeft to the king, that *'no -f* ordinance might be made at " the petition of the clergy without confent *' of parliament, and that no m^an might " be bound by any their conftitutions made *' for their advantage." The clergy had for fome time paft intruded thefnfelves into all the great places of truft, pov/er, and profit in the ftate, the civil courts, and * Pari Roll. 25 Ed. 3. t P^rL Rcll. 51 Ed. 3. ( 29 ) and king's houfliold *. The lords and com- mons therefore reprefented to the king, that the realm had long been governed by church- men, ta the great prejudice of the crown 3 and therefore requir'd, that for the future the great officers of the king's courts might be only- laymen. Thejuftnefs of thefe complaints, and of the precautions of the parliament, is fully confirmed by the conduft of the clergy in the following reign. Richard II. had not been long on the throne, before they took the advantage of the youth and weaknefs of that prince to pro- cure his confent to an ordinance for the im- prifoning of fuch, as they fliould think fit to declare hereticks : and this entirely without confent of parliament, a moft notorious out- rage, if ever there was any, upon the efta- bhfh'd conftitution- of this kingdom. But what meafures would they not take to deftroy a growing fed, fuch as the Wicliffites, who propagated principles of fo damnable a nature, as tended to deflroy the temporal grandeur and power of the church? a dodlrine that in all ages will never fail being cenfur'd by moft of them, as highly heretical. But the houfe of commons were fo fenfible of this heinous encroacliment upon the rights of tlie people, * TFalfwg, p, 186. imparl. Roll. (30) people, that the ordinance was repeal'd by the king next parhainent -, and the declaration of the commons on this occafion had fo much becoming refolution and fpirit in it, that it maynotbeamifs to fet down their own words, *' that * it was never their meaning to be juf- " tified, and bind themfelves and fucceffors ^^ to the prelates, no more than their an- '' ceftors bad done before them." A refolu- tion ever worthy to be remembered and fcl- low'd by all fucceeding parliaments. I took notice in the lafl: reign, that the continued oppreflions of the Pope, notv/ith- ftanding the repeated refolutions of the king and parliament againft them, muft have been owing to the connivance of the clergy : the following inftance under Richard is a further and full confirmation of their backwardnefs to retrench any of the pretended prerogatives of the fee of Rome. '' The -f- arch-bifliops *' of Canterbury and York for themfelves, " and the whole clergy of their provinces, *' make their folemn proteilation in open *^ parliament, that they in no wife meant *' or would affent to any ftatute or law made " in reftraint of the Pope's authority, but ^' utterly withftood the fame.'* The * Pari. Roll 6 Rich. 2. f ^^''/. Roll- 13 Rich, 2. ( 31 ) The fowfing proftitution of the clergy, (an expreffion aptly made ufe of) and their fupe- riour talents in doing with a better grace the very f-ime profligate and flavifh jobs, in which the laity have at any time equally concurr'd, is worth obferving from a paiTage in an hi- ftorian that treats of that reign. When Richard II. had at laft by corruption, or put- ting out fuch returning officers whofe com- plaifance for his defigns he fufpeded, got a parliament chiefly pack'd up of fuch perfons, as he knew would be at his devotion, (the firft, if I miftake not, that was openly pro- cured in that manner ,) after the feffion was open'd by a time-ferving fpeech of the bifhop of Exeter, it was proposed by the king's mi- nifl:ers, that the ads of grace pafs'd nine years before in favour of certain lords, who had op- pofed the king in his attempts upon the pub- lick ■* liberty, fhould be repeal'd. The pre- lates without any hefitation not only gave their alient, but, by the expreffion of the hi- ftorian, feem'd to have ufed arguments to ffiew thofe ads to be revokable : upon which, fays he, the temporal lords feeing the clergy approved of it, gave alfo their aflent, more induc'd to it thro' fear of the king, than any convidion of their minds. Now tho* their con- * If^al/wg. p. 354- (32 ) concurrence is abfolutely inexcufable ; yet the reader, I believe, will agree with me in ob- lerving a manifeft difference in their beha- viour. For the clergy, no reafon is affign'd by the hiilorian, but their forwardnefs in the affair feems abandoned hke that of men hack- ney 'd in proftitution ; the other have the ex- ample of the clergy, and the fear of the king mentioned as determining them. And that I may not be thought to have exagge- rated this matter, I will give the reader Wal- fmgham's own words. " Hi importunis clamoribus petierunt ut " chartae perdonationum in primis revocaren- '^ tur &; annullarentur, fuper quibus requiliti " praelati de facile indicarunt tales chartas «^ fore revocabiles, non attendentes quod hu- *^ jus gratia3 revocatio perfonss regis maxime *' repugnabat -, cum miferecordia fit folii re- " galis confirmatio, 6: qui tollit miferecor- *' diam, tollit folii regalisfirmamentum. Con- " fequenter domini temporales videntes affen- " fum cleri, cenfuerunt &; ipfi hujus chartas *' annuUandas, magis timore regis didi, quam " mentium ratione.'* Glorious pre-eminence of the clergy, even in a parliament compos'd of m.en culi'd out from amongft the whole people for fervility and corruption ! Henry <33 ) Henry IV. a haughty delignliig prince, who tho' he ow'd his crown purely to a par- iiamentary right, yet ever affcded to build his 'claim on other foundations, not only weak, 'but abfolutely falfe, was fenfible, that he had againft him a powerful fad:ion in the king- dom, and that his condud: was fuch, as could not fail adding to the number of his ene- nlies. His policy in taking all methods, and being moft vigilant to fecure the polTeflion of his crown, was the ^oft diftinguiniing qualifica- tion of his genius : and he had too much difcernment not to fee, how necelTary it was for carrying on his ends to have the clergy firmly in his intereft. That body was now fcecome more than ever wealthy, powerful, and infolent. Accordingly, Henry made it a maxim j to do nothing, v/hich might difobilge them, but to take every opportunity of tefti- fving a regard for their intereft. He knew by that means, however ill he ufed his other fubjeds, he fliiould ftill preferve the reputation of a pious prince, zealous for the caufe and honour of God, whicK could not but greatly contribute to baffle any oppofition to his mea fares. The clergy had all along fo con- niv'd at the pretenfions of the court of Rome, that the endeavours of former parliaments to F pui ( 34 ) put a ftop to that abufe prov'd ineffecluaL The people groan d for a reformation ; there- fore, tho' the king was obliged at firft in com- pliance with his parliament to revive the fta- tutes of praemunire, yet never was the breach of them more wink'd at, than in this reign. To give the ecclefiafticks a more publick in- llance of his zeal, Henry at their petition procured the bloody act to pafs in parliament for the burning, fuch as they fliould declare hereticks. Immediately the poor Lollards, who had incurred their unrelenting difpleafure for broaching docSrines repugnant to their temporal grandeur, are without mercy deli- vered to the flames ; and the churches found with the encomiums of a king, who had given fuch unqueflionable proof of his piety and zeal. But a parliament, that met fome time after, had not the fame eomplaifance for the clergy. This was that which by way of reproach they have call'd the illiterate parliitment, reprefen- ting them as a fet of men chofen according to the king's private letters, m.erely on account of their ignorance -, an error moft people fmce, and amongft the reft a very eminent man in our law *, has been led into. But thefe let- ters were in reality writs of fummons, in which * Prjns pref. to pari, rolU •( 35 ) which there were direftions, in purfuance of a ftatiite made in Edward the IIId*s time, ex- cluding all fheriffs and pradiiing lawyers from being eledied : the reafon of which was, that fuch procured themfelves to be elected merely to ferve views of their own, and did not faithfully difcharge their duty to their country. Inftead therefore of looking upon this parliament in the light, in which "it has heen reprefented, we arc to coniider it as composed of honeft, diiinterefted country gentlemen, who, having no private views to ferve, came up fraught with the len- timents of thofe they reprefented, v/ho im- patiently wifh'd to fee themfelves freed from the ecclefiaftical yoke. Accordingly, when the king, laying his ne- ceffities before them, demanded an aid, they ■Temonftrated the hardOiip of burthening his fubjedls with further taxes, when at the fame time the clergy contributed nothing to the neceffities of the flate, tho* poflefs'd of the third part of all the lands in the kingdom ; wallowing, to the neglecfl of their duty, in luxury and idlenefs : that therefore it was their defire that his wants ffiould be fupply'd OMt of the ecclefiaftical revenues, as not only jufr, and agreeable to the fentiments of the people, but in the main of real fervice to the church itfelf. F 2 We ( 36 ) We may eafily imagine, what treatment a propofition of tiiis kind met with from the clergy. The ^ arch-bifliop of Canterbury, who was prefent, could not forbear treating the commons in the moft arrogant and in- folent manner : he even told them in a m.ena- cing way, no attempt of that fort fliould be ofier'd the church without impunity 3 and that it fliould be at their peril if they feized any of it€ revenues -, that for his part he would fooner lofe his life than fee it deprived of them. The king in purfuance of the maxim, he had laid dov/n, to keep \yell with the clergy, took this opportunity to affure th'e arch-bifhop of his refolutlon to maintain the church in its fidl pofleiTions, and of his dcfire rather to increafe than diminifli, its fplendour. The comm.ons, not intimidated by the threats of iny dignify 'd church-man, went on and prc- parVi a bill for fupplying the king's neceffities out of the revenues of the church ; but when the bill cam.e to the lords, they refus'd their concurrence, thro' the cabals of the biOiops, who had gain'd a confiderable party in that houfe, for having oppofed the con:imons not long before in a laudable .defigr, they had, of fupplying the king's wante, by a revocation - of ^ m^lflng. /.. 371. ( 37) of feveral lands alienated from the crown by grants in the late reign, and fquander'd upon favourites, to the great impoverifhing of the crown, and burthening the people"; which revocation would greatly have affed:ed feveral peers, who at that time were in poiTeffion of fiich knds. Here we fee the bifliops oppofers in general of every ilep taken for the eafe of the fubjed:, and treating the reprefentative body of the whole people in parliament with infolence, ill language, and threats for the attempt. Tho' the com.mons were dilappointed this time in their defign, yet the grievance was too generally felt, and a redrefs too much de- fir'd by the people for them to fit down dif- may'd at this repulfe. In a parliament aflem- bled fome time after they renew'd their for- mer inftances in regard to the clergy's revenues, the confequences alfo of the ftatute againft the Lollards obtain'd by influence and cabal were now knov/n to be fo terrible, that they like- wife defir'd a repeal of it ; at leaft, an am.end- ment. As to their firft inftances, they fet forth, that the king might eafily feize out of the re- venues of the ecclenafticks, what would be fuf- ficient to provide in a moft ample manner for fifteen earls, fifteen hundred knights, fix thoufand two hundred elquires, and a hun- dred ( 38 ) dred hofpitals. But they had the mortification to have their rcmonftrances iTieet with no bet- ter fuccefs with the king, who was fibw more than ever confirmed in his refolution of being v/ell with the church. Therefore he not only Tefiis'd his affent, but did it in a moft arbitrary manner, forbidding them for the future to. prefum.e to meddle with fuch affairs * ; and as for the flatutes againft the Lollards, he was fo far from allowing any mitigation, that he faid, he could wifli they were made more ri- gorous. To pleafe the eccleliafticks ftill fur»- ther with an open affront upon the commcnsv he affeded at that time to lign a warrant for the burning of a poor Lollard, w^ho fuffer'd death with great refolution. If the parliament (as Rapin fays), that firft moved the leffening the clergy's revenues was ftiled unlearned, it may well be fuppofed this- met with no better treatm.ent. The names, of loilard and heretick were plentifully be- ffow'd : they v^^ere fet forth as a fet of me!:i who were for the deftrndion of religion itfelf. They were however fo fenfible of their ill ufage, that upon the king's demanding a power to levy a fubfidy during life, tho' the parlia- ment ihould not fit, they boldly refused it him. Tlie co^xmons would alfo have deny*d him a n.'fio'j t fi^ppJy Al ib io* ^^^'''M' P' 379' raiiini '* (39) fupply for his prefent occafions, fince he had not thought proper to receive it by the me- thods, they propos'd, had not the king forc'd them to a compliance by the fame arbitrary manner, he had lucceeded in once before ; that waSj by keeping them litting, till the inconve- nience of not being difmifs'd obHg'd them to ronfentto his demands: a mofl remarkable abufe of prerogative, and tending to deftroy all free- dom in their refolutions ! But notwithfland- ing this, he had done enough in this meetino- to be look'd upon as the champion of religion^ and darling of its priefts. We find him cry'd up by them as a prince endued with fnild- nefs, piety, and every virtue ; tho' whoever will carefully look into that reign, will find his condudl perfedly tyrannical, and mofl un- grateful in a prince, who had no other title to his crown than the good-will of the peo- ple, and free gift of parliament, whofe rights he ever try'd to fubverc. To conclude there- fore with Mr. P.apin's obfervation on this reign : " When I coniider (fays he) the ex- *' ceffive commendations bellow'd on tha^ '' prince, I cannot help fufpedting, that the *f glory of being the firft burner of here- **■ ticks, and of proteding the clergy againft ". the attempts of the houfe of commons, *' were the main fprings of all their enco- 'i *' miums. ( 40 ) " miums. It is well known, the ecclefiailicks " are as zealous in praifing their benefacftors, " as in blackening their oppofers." No fooner was Henry IV. dead, than the clergy determined to fecure tliemlelves for the jfature againft . ail attempts to leffen their re- venues, by taking advantage of the com- plaifance, that is ufually met with from young princes in the beginning of their reigns. They did not doubt, but fjch attempts had been greatly promoted by the dotlrine of the Lol- lards. TheicfcTe as thofe principles were coun= fenanc'd by feveral men of the greatefl: rank, ar.d higheft eftecm of any in the kingdom, they refolv'd to lay the ax to the root of the tree, and by boldly attacking the patrons of the fed, deter all others from prefaming to ad- vance any prcpofitionSj which they flvjuld dif- approve of, that, might render them liable to be fufpected of Wickliffite principles. In pur- fuance of this refolution the arch-bifliop of Canterbury waited on the king, and repre- fented to him the great growth of herefy, which could not fail drawing down the wrath of heaven on the kingdom ^ and the glory it would be to a young monarch to begni his reign with engaging in the caufe of God, by defending the church from hereticks, for which heaven would certainly crown all his under- takings (41 ) takings with fuccefs. Thus faid Neftorius once to the younger Theodofius ; " Give me, *' O emperor, the earth weeded from here- "*' ticks, and I in my turn will give you hea- " yen ; deflroy with me the heretick, and I *' will deflroy the Perfian with you." The arch-bi(hop then informed him, that Sir John Oldcaflle baron of Cobham, a domeftickof his own, was the moft open abetter of the doclrine of the Lollards * ; and therefore he delir'dj he might be allowed to proceed again ft him with the utmoft feverity and rigour. The king anfwer'd him in fuch a manner> as fhew'd, he was far from approving of force for reclaiming people from errors in religion 3 but however told him, that if he could not by- talking to Sir John Oldcaftle reftore him to the right way, he would then give leave for a procefs againft him. This lord was a man the moft efteem'd of any in the kingdom, and particularly dear to the king, as Walfmgham the monk owns, for his confummate probity. Notwithftanding, the king finding him unmoveable as to his opinions, no longer opposed the clergy's requeft, and he was accordingly condemned to be burnt, tho' G ( 42 ) tho' for fome time he avoided fufFeriwg the fentence by an efcape out of prifon. The king in his difcourfe with the arch- bifliop had difcover'd too much moderation in his opinions for the clergy to be able to have their full defire upon their enemies, ef- pecially as he did not feem very follicitous to have Oldcaftle retaken. It v^as their intereft (fays Rapin) that the king fhould have other fentiments more agreeable to the barbarous zeal, v^ith which ecclefiafticks are generally animated. In order thereto they reprefented the Lollards as men, that not only fought the deftrudion of the eftabliflVd church and reli- gion, but even of the king^s perfon and ftate itfelf. To confirm him in fuch a belief, they fathered upon them a more abfurd and fcnk-^ lefs plot, than ever was invented by the mofl: profligate delatores employ'd by the cruelleft of the Roman emperors for fuch purpofes. The poor Lollards, fipce a * proclamation, the king had made to fupprefs their aifemblies, had continued their meetings with great fe- crecy in woods, and other unfrequented places in the country for the worfhip of God in their own manner, LTpon thefe occafions fome of them chofe St. Giles's fields near Lon- don, where they thought to be concealed by buflies, * Rapin vol, i. /?■. 507. (43 ) bufhes, and fhrubs, that grew there : but be- ing difcover'd by the clergy, the king was immediately told, that Oldcaftle at the head of twenty thoufand Lollards were in the fields, with a defign to kill the king and his brothers, and all the lords fpiritual and temporal, who were not their friends. Alarm'd at this in- formation, Henry, who was at Eltham, im- mediately march'd to London to attack this powerful body of confpirators. He arrived about midnight, and finding about fourfcore perfons, fe I upon them, and kill'd about twenty, and took moft of the reft prifoners. The poor wretches, knowing how liable they were to the infults of their perfecutors, had unfortunately brought arms with them, which probably ferv'd as a pretence to convince the king of the defign -, and that their accufation might have the greater weight, means were found by threats or promifes to prevail with fome to confefs the fad, tho* the abfurdity was unfurmountable to every confidering man. For inftead of twenty thoufand to execute fo great a defign, there were only a few mean people with none of great rank ; and as for Oldcaftle himfelf, he was not prefent. But it feems the clergy gain'd a great point by it in rendering the Lollards odious to the king, and obtaining a vaft price to be fet on Old- G z caftle*s (44) caftle's head, who was foon after taken, and fell a facrifice to their n-ialice and cruelty. The whole behaviour of Henry towards this great man gives us no advantageous idea of the inte- grity oi that prince, fince he a<5ted intirely in op- pofition to his own declar'd fentiments, and fa- crific'd a man, he had the greateft efteem for -, to w^iich he could have no other motive than to gain the clergy to his intereft, and to prevent from them any interruption in the ambitious pro- jedis, he was probably at that time medita- ting. As to the pretended confpiracy, he had too much fenfe really to credit it, the abfur- dity of which, if not at iirfl-, yet he certainly foon after muft have been convinc'd of, tho* he had never the ingenuity to own it, or acfl accordingly. Sir Robert Cotton, in his abridge ment of the parliament-rolls, fpeaking of the parliament that met at this time, in which the Lollards were fo perfecuted, makes this remark. *' The clergy, at this their own *' parliament, ceafe not to rage and roar af- " ter chriftian blood, tanquam leones ru- " gientess and whofoever did the fault, they " put John Porter in the Stocks, and cried " crucify Chrift, and deliver us Barrabas ; for ** now all horrible mifchiefs whatfoever were "' imputed to the poor Lollards/' Bifhop (45) Bifliop * Burnet in his hiftory of the refor- mation tells us, the difingenuous and inhuman way, the clergy had, of dealing with the Lol- lards : " which was in their proceedings againft ^' them always to mix fome capital errors, *' which all chriftians rejected, with thofe, for *' which they accused them ; and fome parti- *^ culars being proved, they gave it out, that *' they were guilty of them all, to reprefent " them the more odious," of which he gives us fome exexamples. It was not the Lollards alone that in this reign were convinced of the neceffity of lefTen- ing the revenues of the church : for a parlia- ment, that agreed to the fevereft ftatutes againft thofe miferable people, iliew'd the greateft ear- neftnefs for reducing the clergy within proper bounds. It was an artifice of the clergy at that time to confound every body, that opposed their temporal grandeur, under the general name of Lollards, and to render them and their defigns odious reprefented them as ad:ing from hereti- cal principles ; in the fame manner as in a latter reign every man, that difcover'd any zeal for liberty againft the arbitrary defigns of the. court and church, was branded with the name of puritan. Arid in this I have the concur- rence * ////?. ofth^ refor, vol, i. />. 29. X (46) rence of the learned author laft mention'd, who tells us, that " when * the clergy had *' their authority fortify'd with fuch fevere " laws, they became more cruel and infolent *' than ever. And if any man'deny'd them *^ any part of that refped:, or of thofe advan- " tages, to which they pretended, he was pre- " fently brought under the fufpicion of herefy, " and vex'd with imprifonments, and articles ^^ were brought againft him.'* But the parliament, I juft now fpoke of, were fo apprehenfjve of this artifice, that they agreed to every propofal of the clergy for the extirpation of what was then call'd herefy ; fo that all the pulpits in the kingdom found- ed their praifes. Therefore, when the com- mons prefented an addrefs for feizing their re- venues, they were thunder-frruck. There was no havino; recourfe to their ufual method of reprefenting as Lollards, whomfoever they dif- liked ; fo that they had no way of diverting the inipending danger, but by animating the -. young king to a war with France, and in or- der to carry it on, to compound for the refig- nation of the alien priories. Tho' of all the numerous and bloody wars, the clergy have en- -' gaged the world in, they may be faid to have ^ ^ the bell excufe for this 3 yet I cannot think the - arclw^'- '" ■ * Hiji, of the re for, I'oh i. P. 27. (47 ) arch-bifliop's fpeech on the occafion quite a- greeable with the peace-making chara(fler of a chriftian divine, hovvfoever it might have appear'd from the mouth of an enterprizing ftatefman. From this time to that of Henry VIII. the kingdom was fo much engaged in other * mat- ters, that we have few or no accounts of the proceedings of eccleliafticks worth taking up the reader's time. It is probable they would have made great advantages from the weak- nefs of Henry VI. had not fo many troubles at court, the war with France, and the misfor- tunes of this reign prevented any attention to church-affairs. The fame reafons for the mofl: part fubfifled in the follow'ing reigns, which were alfo taken up with domeftick troubles. As for Henry VII. his whole thoughts were fo employ'd in maintaining a quiet poffeffion of the crown, of v/hich he was beyond mealiire jealous, and on hoarding up money, that he avoided all occaiions of fuch difputes, which might have given diflurbance to either. During the firft eighteen years of his reign, king Henry VIII. was a moft faithful fon of the fee of Rome, as the learned author of the hiftory of the reformation tells us, except in one matter only, which feem'd to lefftn the greatnefs ( 48 ) greatnefs of the clergy. As this one affair was of very great importance, and will ferve fully to fet forth the temper of the clergy at this time, and alfo furnifhes us with a moft fla- grant inftance of the power they had afTum'd, and their moft pernicious and infolent abufe of that power ; I will give the reader as fhort an account of it, as pofHble, from bifhop Bur- net, efpecially, as during the courfe of this af- fair a fcene of cruelties came to light to- wards a perfon, who had offended the eccle- fiafticks, which were nothing inferiour to thofe of the moft inhuman tyrants. In the fourth * year of this reign it was enafted in parliament, that all murderers and robbers ftiould be deny'd the benefit of clergy. Tho' the reafonablenefs of this law, one wculd have thought, was fufficient to make it pafs, yet to take off all objedions there was added, that all fuch as were within the holy orders of biftnop, prieft, or deacon, ftiould be excep- ted; and it was alfo to continue in force only till the next parliament. Tho* this gave the greateft fatisfadion to the people, the clergy were fo offended, that the moft inferiour per- fons, who were any way related to the church, fhould be proceeded againft by the laity, that the aft by their oppofition was fuffer'd to determine * Hiji, ofthrrefor, vol. i. /». 13. , . , • ( 49 ) determine next parliament. But fee theefFeds of an ill-judged compliance with whatfoever that body of men fliall at any time be pleas'd to call their privileges : they were not fatisfy'd, that it was fuiFer'd to expire, but with great audacioufnefs refolv'd to fix a publick cenfure on this ad: of the legiflature. Accordingly the abbot of Winchelcomb openly preach'd againft it at St. PauFs crofs. As this could not fail making a noife, the temporal lords and houfe of commons con- inrr'd in petitioning the king to fupprefs the growing infolence of the clergy. Upon this a hearing was appointed before the king with all the judges and his temporal council. It will be too tedious to infert here the particu- lars of the difpute, which are to be km in the hiflory of the reformation : but in fhort Dr. Standifh, who was ecclefiaftical council fcf the king, maintained his arguments againft the immunities of the church with fo much reafon, and fo clearly confuted the affertions of the abbot, that all the laity prefent were fo confirmed in their former opinions, that the bifhops were moved to order the abbot to make a recantation of his f^rmon in the place, where he had preached it : but they all flatly refus'd to do it, and openly juftify'd the affertions of the abbot in every point. As this was fol- H low'd ( JO ) _ low'd by very great heats in parliament, an affair, that fell out juft after, made the matter to be profecuted ftill more warmly the Mi- chaelmas term following. One Richard Hunne, a merchant-taylor in London, was liied in the ecclefiaftical court by a Middlcfex clerk for refufnig a mortuary, which the clerk pretended was due to him on account of a child of Hunne's, that had died five weeks old. As this fpiritual court fat by the legate's authority, therefore was a foreign court, Hunne was advis'd to fue the clerk in a praemunire. The clergy were touch'd to the quick at this, and ufed all their arts to faften herefy on Hunne ; and having found Wickliffe's bible in his cuftody, he was taken up, and put in the Lollards tower at St. Paul's, and had feveral articles of herefy obje^fled to him by the bilhop of London. On his ex- amination he deny'd them in the manner charg'd upon him -, but own'd he had faid fome things, which might feem to tend that way, for wdiich he was forry, and afk'd God's paidon, and fubmitted to the bifliop's correc- tion. For this, fays our author, he fhould have been enjoin'd penance, and fet at liberty. Ljut as he ftill continued his fuit in the king's court, he was ufed in a barbarous manner 3 for loon after he was found hang'd in the cham- ber (50 ber, where he was prifoner. This was given out to be done by himfelf ; but when the coroner held his inqueft on the body, fo many circumftances appear'd, that made it undeni- ably evident, he was murdei'd^ upon which the dead body was acquitted, and the mur- der charged upon the officers of the prifon ;• and by other proofs, they found the bifhop's funiner and bell-ringer guilty of it ; and by the depofition of the fumner himfelf it ap- pear'd, that Dr. Horfey, the bifliop of Lon- don's chancellor, and he, and the bell-ringer did murder him, and then hang him up. At the fame time the bifliop begun a new procefs againft Hunne for herefy^ of which being found guilty, he was tleliver'd over to the fecular power to be burnt, which was ac- cordingly done in Sitiithfield. When judg- ment w^as given, the bifliops of Durham and Lincoln, with many dod:ors both of divinity and canon-law fat with the bifliop of Lon- don y fo that this (fays our Author) was look'd on as an ad: of the whole clergy, and done by common confent. The intent oi this was to ftifle all enquiry ^bout the murder 3 for it was fuppos'd tiiat v/hcn once the deceas'd had been declared a heretick, no man would be fo bold as to appear for him. But it fell out quite other wife. The city of London was en- H z raged ( 50 raged to the greateft degree at the cruelty of the clergy, and made it a common caufe. That a poor fellow for fuing a clerk according to law, fhould be long imprifon^d, and at laft murder'd, and the reproach of it caft upon himfelf to defame him, and ruin his • family ; and then to burn the dead body that had been fo ufed; was thought fuch a com- plication of cruelties, as few Barbarians had ever been guilty of. So that notwirhilanding the very great pains taken to flop the proceedings, and the endea- vours of the cardinal to forbid their going on, the thing was fo foul and evident, that they ■were ineffedual : and the tryal went on, and the chancellor and fumner were indidled as principals in the murder. Hunne's children were alfo reftor'd in parliament. The convocation, Vvhich was now fetting, finding all this ftir made, refolv'd to call Dr. Standiih to an account ; whofe arguments in the affair before meiuion'd they thougl.t greatly to have contributed in raifing this flame. When he was firft fummon'd, fome article? were objeifled to him by word of mouth concerning tlie judging of clerks in civil courts ; but the next day a bill was deli- ver'd to him in writing, to which a day was appointed for his anfwer. a^^^^-* Standifli (53) Standifh finding they were determined to ppprefs him, begg'd the king's proted:ion for what he had done only in difcharge of his duty, as his counfel : but the clergy pretended to the king, that it was for fomewhat he had faid in his ledurcs, which he had read at St. Paul's, and therefore begg'd him to maintain the rights of the church. On the other hand the temporal lords and houfe of commons ad- fdrefs'd the king to maintain the temporal ju-r rifdidlion, and proted Standifh from the malice of his enemies. Upon this the king appointed the matter to be argued at Black-fryars, where he ordered his council fpiritual and temporal, all the judges, and fome of both houfes to be prefent, I fhall not relate the arguments on both fides; here but afttr the debate all the judges gave their opinion, that all thofe of the convocation^ who did award the citation a- gainft Standifli, were guilty of a pr^munire. The court then broke up. But at another meeting foon after, the king having exprefs'd his opinion in favour of Standifh, and that he was refolv'd to maintain the rights of the crown and temporal jurifdiftion -, the arch- bifhop of Canterbury begg'd the matter might be fo long refj-'ited, till they could get an an- fwer from the court of Rome, and they would then conform themfelves to the laws of the j; land ( 54 ) land in -whatever was confiftcnt with the law of God, To this the king made no anfwer then, but upon his command Standifli was foon after difmifs'd out of the court of convo- cation. And the king, not willing to break oft' with the clergy about Hunne's affair, came to this expedient, that Dr, Horfey, who had ab- fconded in the arch-bifhop's houfe, tho' it was pretended he was prifoner there, fince war- rants had been, out to apprehend him, fhould render himfelf prifoner in the king's bench ; where, upon his pleading not guilty, the attor- ney-general iliould acknowledge it, and with- draw the indidment , the king thinking he had maintaia'd his prerogative, by bringing him to the bar. Thus ended this great affair, which tho' far from giving the people in general fatisfac- tion, as they thought juftice had not been done againft the criminals -, yet it made the pretenfions of church-men appear very weak, and gave all men fuch a deteftation of their condudt, as difpos'd the publick to be well pleas'd with the alterations, that follow'd in this reign, and every attempt towards redu- cing their power. It cannot be fuppos'd, that ^ clergy with thi$ difpofition would countenance any reformation, which at all lefleu'd their riches or pow?r 5 accordingly (55) accordingly this, which followed in the pre- fent reign, was entirely againft the will of the greateft part of them. It has been juflly ob- ierv'd, there was never any reformation, but the clergy was againft. Indeed what was done in this reign was more properly a few fteps towards a reformation, than the thino- it- felf : and tho* outwardly moft of them paid a fubmiffion to the king's will in the altera- tions then made, yet at the fame time we find them ufing all their artifices to prevent their being carry'd on to fuch a length, as fliould render the breach with Rome irrepara- ble. With thofe views, when they had brought themfelves to own the fupremacy, yet they ftill endeavour'd to cherifli in the king a re- gard for the moil: abfurd dodrines of the Ro- man church. And left the few fteps, the king had taken towards a reformation, might encourage the followers of Luther to be more open in promulging their opinions, the grea- teft arts were ufed to make the king difcou- rage them ; and therefore we find perfecution never raged with greater violence and injuftice, than under this reforming monarch. For the fame reafon, and in order to make the clergy lefs fenfible of the abfurdity of fe» veral dodrines of the church, and of the im- piicit^ and fervile obedience claim'd by it •f^^ihV-: , thev ^ 56 ) they endeavoured to fupprefs the tranflation of the bible in this reign -, for it was their maxim, to ufe the laity, as Herodotus tells, us the Scy- thians did their flaves, which was to deprive them of their eyes, that they might churn their mafter's milk with more attention. Therefore w^hatever merit therfe was in ac- complifhing the reformation, the clergy have no pretence to any part of it ; and the few of them, that really and with fincerity laboured to bring it about, of whom bilhop Cranmer was at the head, were a very inconfiderable number in refped; to that whole body. And fince I have mention'd that great man, upon whofe character fuch encomiums have been made, I muft here own my opinion, that if we confider with attention his whole con- duft, we fhall find fome parts of it, w^hich cannot fail very much to leffen thofe ideas, we are at firft apt to conceive of him. It is far from my intention to derogate from the merit of a man fo m.uch celebrated, by making no allowances for the frailties of hu- man nature, from which it would be unrea- fonable to exped, that he or any man what- ever fhould be exempt by the fanftity of his profeflion : and as fuch, I am very willing to confider his recantation in the latter part of his life; and whatever other flips he might ^^lO \ •Wvv'vl •;: • have (57) have been guilty of, which may be allow'd to be confequences of human frailty, are readily to be excused, provided they are mere frailties : but we cannot confider in that light feme of his adions. The prdteftation, he made at his confecratidn *, when he took his oath td the Pope^ was a deliberate aft ; and hov/ever agreeable it might have been to the riiaximsof eanonifts -f* and cafuifts at that time, was very unfuitable to the integrity of his charadier. The taking of oaths with referv'd meanings; and particular explications, can have no o- ther tendency than to deftroy all faith amongfl men. And it was formerly obfervable, that the clergy in general too much countenanced the taking of oaths with mental refervations ; tho' in jaftice to the prefent clergy, furely it muft be own'd, they never allow of any pri- vate explications in what they fubfcribe a5 neceffary to qualify them for their holy func- tion, or on any other oceafion. HI9 * Hiji. of the refor. vol. I. p. 129. t In how different a light voere oaths confider d by the an- eient heathens^ when at Athens one of their greatejl tragedians brought upon Imnfelf the highcjl indignation of his audience^ by putting into the mouth of a zvorthy chara6ier^ a fentiment agreeable to the behaviour of this great and pious divine* My tongue has fivorn^ but not my mind. Euripid, Hippol /. 6i2i I ( 58 ) His compliance, as well as that of the whole convocation, with the king^s will, in annulling the marriage with Anne of Cleves, is ex- tremely iinjuftifiable, and not to be excufed by the fear of incurring the king's difpleafure ; which, if allowed, will equally juftify the worfl aftions committed at the commands of the moft unjufl tyrants. The author of the hiftory of the reformation fays, " this * was " the greateft piece of compliance that ever ," the king had from his clergy : for as they " all knew there was nothing of weight in " that pre-contraft, fo they laid down a moft " pernicious precedent for invalidating all pub- " lick treaties and agreements 5 iince if one " of the parties being unwilling to it, fo that " his confent was not inward, he was not *^ bound by it, there was no fafety among men more." And again, " for that argument, that was *' taken from the want of confummation, " they had forgotten what was pleaded on the " king's behalf ten years before, that confent " without confummation made a marriage " compleat. But as the king was re- " folv'd on any terms to get rid of the queen, " fo the clergy were alfo refolv'd not to in- " cur his difpleafure > in which they rather " fought * VcLi, p.2Su (59) " fought for reafons to give fome colour to '^ their fentence, than pafs'd their judgment *' upon the ftrength of them." But what alone is fufhcicnt to deftroy the great veneration for Cranmer, is the treatment fome Anabaptifts met with in the fucceeding reign. As that young prince Edward VI. was entirely under the direction of proteftant bifhops, we might expect to fee religion put on a much more amiable face, when its chief reformers were now no longer obftrufted by that great reftraint and fubmiffion, to which they were fubjeded, by the imperious will of the late king. We might expert to fee the clergy recommending the proteftant religioa by the reafonablenefs of its dodrines, by gentlenefs, moderation, and difintereftednefs in its teachers, and by the reverfe of a behavi- our fo much complain'd of in the popifh church. But alas ! we iliall foon find ourfelves miftakeu in thofe pleafing hopes. The fword of per- fecution had only changed hands, and an im- plicit compliance with the prefent clergy, was likely to be as much claim'd, as ever it had been by the church of Rome. The young king, in whofe difpofition good-nature was aS prevalent as his good fenfe, was fhock'd at this unexpedted behaviour in the proteftari? clergy s and' being prefs'd to fign a warra:.t I 2 'for ( 6o ) for the burning a poor frantick Anabaptifl: wo- man, could not at firft be prevail'd with to do it, '' but * thought it a cruelty too like that '^ they had condemn-d in papifts, to burn any ^^ for their confciences." And when at lafl by the fophiftical arguments of good bifliop Cranmer, he was rather filenc'd in his ob- jedlions, than iatisfy'd in his compliance, *'he ^' fet his hand to the warrant with tears in *^ his eyes, faying to Cranmer, that if he ^^ did wrong, fince it was in fubmiflion to his '^^ authority, he fl:iould anfwer for it before ^' God;' It is plain from hence, that perfecution for opinions in religion was never difliked by our clergy, and we might probably have fcen it at as great a height in this, as in the fucceeding reign, had it not been extremely impolitick to furnifli the vaft number of enemies, the re- formation then had in the kingdom, with the power of retorting the fame objedion againft the proteftant religion, that had been fo fuc- cefsfully urged againft popery. Indeed it is pretty extraordinary, their policy fliould fuifer the clergy to give thofe open proofs of their difpofition which they then did : but it is at the fame time a very powerful argument of that difpofition, fince neither policy, whicK gene^ * Hi/i. of the refor, vol 2. /. I.I2, • (6i ) generally much governs ecclefiafticks, nor the confideration of what they themfelves had fo lately felt, could prevail on them entirely to fupprefs it, even in thofe early days of their power. And tho' the legiflature has wifely thought fit to pare their talons fince; yet in fome later reigns, when any of our princes have thro' weaknefs or ill defigns countenanc'd their ufurp'd power, we find it employed with no lefs feverity than formerly againft all, that feem'd to difapprove of it ; and tho' they could not extend it againft the lives of fuch, yet they have done it to the greateft degree againft the liberty of their perfons, their cha- racters, and fortunes. . The fucceeding reign of Queen Mary, in which the church of Rome was again upper- moft, is an inftance of the miferies of a ftate governed by a woman, over whofe pafflons bigotry, and a falfe zeal for religion had the whole afcendant. She delivered herfelf up to her confefTor, '^ and * was as much addifted ^* to the humours and interefts of the clergy, *' as they could wifti." The intereft of the ftate was entirely negleded. Calais, which had been for ages maintained, and was the laft monument of our former viftories in prince, acquired at the expence of fb much ->-^3 .. „ .Wood (62) blood and treafure, was now loft : and as this properly may be confider'd as a reign of priefts, we never find one more mean and contemptible. The reformation, which was re-eftablifh'd under Q^ Elizabeth, met with the fame op- pofition from the majority of the clergy, that it had formerly. It would be foreign to the deiign of thefe few iiiCets, to enter into an ac- count of the particular fteps taken in that af- fair ; but it was obfervable, the clergy for the moft part made it a maxim to give what op- pofition they could to the reformation : but as foon as any fieps towards it were fettled by parliamentary authority, they chofe to recon- cile them to their confciences notwithftand- in^ * the difapprobation, they had exprefs'd, ra^ ther than quit their preferments. But tho' the reformed religion may from this reign be faid to be perfedly fettled in the kingdom, we fl-iall be very much dcceiv'd, if we exped: to find any great amendment in its clergy. We fhall foon perceive much of the old leaven ftill remaining. The fame purfuit of wealth, power, and independency was ftill refolv'd upon : but as all changes in government pro- duce the fame in politicks, fo their fchemes for the accomplifhment of their defigns were to * Hiji. of the refir. ( 63 ) to be a little alter'd -, and this like fubtle po-* liticians they did not fail to do. It now became more neceflary than for^ merly for the clergy to pay their court to tem- poral princes. In order thereto, we fliall find them devifing new doftrines pernicious to th^ happinefs and liberty of mankind, and from being the janizaries of the papacy, as they are aptly ftil'd by a great author, become thofe of arbitrary power, as we fhall fully fee them in the following reign. And the event has prov'd the prophecy, in a letter imputed to the famous Machiavel, but too true, where fpeaking of the miferies brought upon mankind, and the corruption of religion by the ecclefiafticks, which cairdfora thorough reformation, wefindthefe words : '' * I would not be underftood to diffuade " any from honouring true apoftolical teach- " crs, when they fhall be eftablifh'd amongft " us, and from allowing them (even of right, " and not of alms or courtefy) fuch emolu- " ments, as may enable them chearfully toper, ** form the duties of their charge, to provide " for their children, and even to ufe hofpi- '' tality, as they are commanded by St. Paul. " But this I will prophefy, that if princes " fhall perform this bufinefs (meaning a re- [^ formation) by halves, and leave any root '' of * Mach, Englijh tran, p. $4-^* (64) " of this clergy or priefl-craft, as it now is " amongft us 3 or if that famous reformer fled " fome years fince out of Picardy to Geneva, ** who is of fo great renown for learning and " parts, fhall not in his model wholly extir- " pate this fort of men : tlien, I fay, I muft " foretell, that as well the magiflrate, as this " workman will find themfelves deceiv'd in " their expedlation, and that the leaft fibra of " this plant will over-run again the whole " vineyard of the Lord, and turn to a difl?ulive '' papacy in every diocefe, perhaps in every " parifh.'' Whoever impartially confiders the reign of James I. cannot but difcover, that the arbi- trary notions w^hich that weak and felf-fuffi- cient prince had got into his head, were greatly promoted by the difcourfes and excef- five flattery of the clergy : and it was from thofe principles, all the miferies, this kingdom foon afterwards felt, have entirely proceeded. The dodtrine of unlimited paflive obedience to princes is a plant purely of proteftant growth ; I mean, of proteftant priefl-craft : or at leaft if it had ever a being before in the brain of any enthufiaftical or interefted prieft, the clergy of the reform'd church of England may claim the fole honour of hav- ing cheriflVd, and brought it to perfedlion. How (65) How much foever the clergy had hitherto contributed towards the oppreflions of the people, yet we never find they had tlie impudence to maintain, it was a part of re- ligion and their duty to fubmit to them, till thefe times, I am fpeaking of. The fir'ft ufe, they made, of this difpofition in K, James, was to render the puritans more obnoxious to him ; towards v/hom already he was far from being well inciin'd, tho' he had formerly declar'd quite the contrary in Scot- land. Their different opinions in regard to the hierarchy rendered them extremely odious to the bifliops, and they dreaded the growth of their opinions more than thofe of popery itfelf, as appears by their conduct through- out this reign. The bifliops therefore repre- feiited the puritans as men, whofe principles were deftru(ftive to monarchy no lefs, than to the government of the church by bifhops ; a charge, that could not fail conrirming a prince of his fentiments in his averfion towards them. In a conference ^' appointed at this time for . form's fake between the bifhops and puritan miniflers the arch-bifhop of Canterbury (a moderate man reckoned, as times went) did not fcruple to make ufe of an exprcfllon of flattery .. ■ . K to ^' Rapin vol, 2, />. 162, ( 66 ) to the king fo high-ilrain'd, as to be almoft blalphemous ; for, upon the king's replying himfelf to the ohjedions of the minifters, he cry'd out, he very beUev'd it was by the fpirit of God, the king fpoke what he then did. But it was not by words alone, that the biHiops flatter'd the king, and fliew'd their approbation of his arbitrary principles. Arch- bilhop Bancroft, like a true high-flying church- man, was refolved to lead the way in an at- tempt to make the laws depend on the fole will of the king. He * therefore in the name of all the clergy exhibited to the king in council articles containing twenty five pre- tended grievances, which he defired might be reform'd in granting prohibitions from the civil courts. The arch-bifhop could not but know, that in fuch cafes the judges aded ac- cording to the fix'd laws of the land ; and that if there vras any hardfliip in their pro- ceedings, they could not be reform'd but by ;aithority of parliament. But the arch-bifliop's drift in this condudl was to point out a me- thod to others of applying immediately to the kin^, without regarding the parliament, in things, that were undeniably within their- ju- 1 ifdii^tion 3 which opportunity, he imagined, ki-ng James would readily have embrae'd, by which * Sa- Coke's arUaiU ckri, 2d hjl. (67) which alfo the clergy. w(3iild have gainM a point, they could not have expefled from the juftice and w^ifdom of the whole legillature. It is not improbable but the king might have been gain'd to their caufe, had it not been for the unanimous and ftrenuous oppofition of the judges, who reprefented the illegality of the arch-bifliop's requeft, and the dange- rous confequences, that might happen from it. Soon afterwards two books were publickly licenfed -, the one wrote by Dr. Cowel, pro- feffor of civil law at Cambridge, and^ vicar- general to arch-bifliop Bancroft -, the other by one Dr. Blackwood, a clergyman, in which were paffages in favour of the moft extrava- gant maxims of arbitrary * power. The firft laid down thefe three principles. Ill:, That the king was not bound by laws, or his coronation -oath. 2dly, That the king- w^as not obliged to call a pai-iiamxcnt to make laws, but might do it alone by his abfolute power. jdly, That it was a. great favour to admit the coanfent of the fubjedls in giving fubfidies. ^ a! Thefe principles were fo grofs, that even the king found himfelf obliged to forbid the reading thofe books, by proclamation, in order K 2 to * Rapin vol, 2. />. 176^ _ ( 68 ) to prevent the juflice of parliament upon the authors. The fucceffor of the arch-bifliop juft men- tioned indeed prov'd a man of more modera- tion in his principles, than isufually met with in church- men : but as fuch a temper made him unfit for promoting the defigns of his brethren, we find him always hated and branded by them. He could not approve of the rigour ufed to diffenting proteftants at the fame time, that the Roman catholicks were openly tolerated by the king, and wink'd at by the clergy contrary to the declared laws of the realm : his ^ letter to the king on this oc- cafion, and the freedom, he ufes, in condemn- ing the dlfpenfing by proclamation with the eftabliilVd laws, will ever redound to his ho- nour; notwithftanding the perfecutlon and ill ufage, he met with from his brethren, v/ho ftrove to reprefent him as a puritan ; a name at this time indifcriminately made ufe of, not only towards the prefbyterians, but likewife towards all fach, who did not approve of the notions countenanc'd by the king, and propa- gated by the clergy, nay even towards thofe, who exprefs'd any dillike of the libertinifm, or fafliionable vices of the age. . As the fruit of the feeds fown in this reign came to their full maturity in the following * Rujhw. uoL I. p. 85. one. ( 69 y one, I will dweU no longer on this than juft to obferve, that if the reader pleafes to fee a fpecimen of true prieftljr panegyrick carry*d on to the moft ridiculous and. fulfome extra- vagance, he may meet with it in an extradl of the fermon preached at king James's fune- ral, printed in ^ Rufh worth. Under Charles I. the fpirit of our church- men difplay'd itfelf without referve in its moft lively colours, and ftript of all difguife what- foever. By their means England was on the brink of being enflaved by the king, and clergy at the fame time. The views, the church had, manifeftly appeared as early as the coronation of the king. The form of that ceremony was compiled chiefly by bifliop Laud, who officiated as dean of Weftminfter in the room of bifhop Williams lately fallen into difplea- fure, and therefore fulpended from that office. I v^ill not trouble the reader with feveral fu- perftitious innovations introduced into the ce- remony, v/hich could . not but give offence; but will fet down one paffage, which fuffi- ciently fliews the fchemes, the church had form'd. After the coronation was performed, and the king conducted by the nobility to the throne, this remarkable, and unprecedented paffage was read to him. ' • * Vol. I. p.i6Q. " Stand (70) " Stand * and hold faft from henceforth the ", place, to which you have been heir by the '^ fucceffion of your fore-fathers, being now *' dehver'd to you by authofity of almighty «' God, and by the hands of us, and all the " bifhops and fervantsof God: and as. you *' fee the clergy to come nearer the altar than '' others, fo remember tliat (in all places con- " venient) you give them greater honour, " that the mediator between God- and man " may eftablifh you in the kingly throne to " be a mediator betwixt the clergy and laity, " and that you m^y reign for ever with Jefus *' Chrift, the king of kings, and lord of '' lords;' As the drift of this fpeech is obivous to e- very one, who reads it, I ihall only obferve what a profpe(!^ there was. of the clergy's ex- tending their power to the height of their wiflies, whenever they fliould have a prelate at their head (which foon after happen'd) that afferted their fuperiority on fo pu^)lick, ^nd folemn an occafion. Since Laud afterwards made fo.confiderablei- a figure in this reign, efpecially in the direc- tion of all ecclefiaftical affairs, it may not be improper to mention the account given of him, and his firft appearance in the world in, 'the^ * Rujhw. vol. I. p. 200. (70 the late reign by arch-bifliop Abbot his prede- ceiTor. " This man (fays * he) is the only inward " counfelior with Buckingham, fitting with " him fometimes whole hours, and feeding •^^ iiis humour with malice and fpight. '' His life in Oxford was to pick quarrels " in the ledtures of the publick readers, and " to advertife them to the then bifliop of '^ Durham, that he might fill the ears ofK. '^ James with difcontent againfi: the honeft "> men, that took pains in their places, and '- fettled the truth, (which he calFd puri- ^^ tanifm) in their auditors. " He made it his work to fee what books ^^-were in the prefs, and to look over epifl:les '' dedicatory, and prefaces to the reader, to ^' fee what faults might be found in them. i' "• It was an obfervation, what a fweet man^ " this was like to be, that the firfl: obfervable "^ ad, that he did, was the marrying the earl '" of D. to the lady R. when it was notorious '' to the world, fl:e had another hulband, the *' fame a nobleman, who had divers children " then living by her/' We fhall foon fee the clergy did not fail profecuting their defigns with vigour, of which they had made fo early a difcovery. The unlver- * Rujhv, vol, I. p. 440, (72) univerfity of Cambridge in the beginning of this reip-n, in order to make their court to his ma- jefty, took a publick occafion to offer a noto- rious affront to the reprefentative body of the whole people, the commons in parliament, by chufmg the duke of Buckingham, at that time under an impeachment, for their chancellor. Accordingly we find the commons entertained the higheft fenfe of this indignity ofFer'd them, as appears in their anfwer to a meffage of the king's * on this occafion : tho' his majefty's efpoufing the part of the univerfity prevented their proceeding in a manner, they were other- wife incUn'd to do. This parliament was no fooner difiblv'd, which happend in a ftiort time, and the king determined to furnifh himfelf with money by loan, and other illegal and oppreffive methods, but the pulpits founded with the dodlrine of paffive obedience, and compliance with the kine's commands without any examination of their lawfulnefs. Parliaments were now faid to be only ufurpations upon the unlimi- ted power of facred majefl:y, which alone was fufficient to impofe lav^^s or taxes on the fu^eft by its own authority. Amongft the feveral difcourfes on that head, thofc of Dr. Sibthorp and Dr. Man waring were particularly remarkable; * Rufiiv, vol, I. p, 373, ( 73 ) remarkable. The one preached at the lent- affizes at Northampton, a fermon entitled apoflolical obedience ; m which he fet forth, " that ■* the prince who is head, and makes " his court and council, it is his duty to di- " reft and make laws, Ecclef. viii. 3. he doth *' whatfoever pleafes him. Where the word " of a king is, there is power, and who may ** fay unto him, what doeft thou ? > " If princes command any thing, which " fubjecSs may not perform, becaufe it is a- *' gainft the laws of God, or of nature, or im- *' poffible ; yet fubjeds are bound to undergo *' the punifliment without refiftance, railing, " or reviling, and fo yield a paffive obedience, *' where they cannot exhibit an adtive one. '' I know no other cafe, but one of thofe '* three, wherein a fubjed: may excufe himfelf *' with paffive obedience, but in all other he ^' is bound to aftive obedience. Dr. Manwaring promoted the fame bufinefs in tv/o fermons preach'd before the king at Whitehall, where he delivered for dodlrine to this purpofe, " that the king is not bound to ** obferve the laws of the realm concerning ** the fubjefts rights and liberties, but that his ** royal will and command in impofing logins " and taxes without common confent in par- L [^ liaa:icnt * i^. voL I. p, 423, (74) ^^ liament doth oblige the fubjedl's confclence ^^ on pain of eternal damnation. '' That thofe, who refus'd to pay this loan, '' offended again ft the h\v of God, and the ^' king's fupreme authority, and became guilty " of impiety, difloyalty, and rebellion. And '' that the authority of parliament is not ne- «' ceflluy for the railing of aids and fublidics, '' and that the How proceedings of fuch great " affemblies were not fitted for the ftipply of ^' the date's urgent neccffities, but would ra- *' ther produce fundry impediments to t]:e '' iufi: defigns of princes." For refufing to licenfe the firfl: of thtfe fermons tliat arch-bifhop Abbot was fufpend- ed. The fcrmon was afterwards licens'd by the bifliop of London. As for the preachers themfelves, they were foon rewarded with con- fiderable benefices, and Manwaring was even promoted to a biOioprick, tho* he had been fentenc'd by the houfe of lords to pay a large fine, to miake a publick fubmiffion, and de- clared incapable of holding any dignity. It was not difcourfcfs of this kind only, that were publickly preach'd, and afterwards en- courag'd and licens-d by the bifhops -, but we find by a petition of the bookfellers and printers to the "* parliament in the fourth year of this reign, that books wrote * Rufiiv. vol.1, p. 655. againft (75) againft the fundamentals of the reformed reli^ gion, and in flivour cf popery were licensed by Laud, at this time advanced to the fee of London -, while books wrote in defence of the eftabliflf d religion were leflrain'd, and of thefe feveral inftanccs were produced. Every one, who is at all vers'd in the hiiiory of thefe times, cannot but have obferv'd, that in order to carry church-power as high as poffible, the bifliops then affected to make the rehgion of this country approach as near popery, as they could, w^ithout actually declaring for it^ or allowing the Pope's lupremacy. As bifhop Laud was the chief promoter of the indepen^ dent power, they were 'ftriving for, and had himfelf the diredion of all ecclefiaflical af-- fiirs, it would not have been for his interefi to have eftablifh'd any other fupremacv, ef-^ pecially after he became arch-bifhop of Can- terbury; for he then was in a manner himfelf Pope, and even affedled to be call'd his holi- nefs, and moft holy father, as he was ftil'di by the university of Oxford * in many of their letters and addrelles. Befides the licenfing of the books, which 1 have taken notice of, the many fuperfti- tious innovations intrpduc'd at that time into divine fervice are notable proofs of the af- L 2 fedtatiort •"* Heylin*s life of Lau^, p. 297. (76) fetation of popery, the clergy then difcover'd ; of which the confecration of St. Catherine's church is a very remarkable inftance. The reader may fee the full account of it in Rufli- worth or Rapin: The leaft oppofition to any of thefe things was an unpardonable crime 5 which we fee by the procefs form'd againft Henry Sh^riield, recorder of Sarum, for only removing by confent of the veftry fome pieces of glafs from the church-window, in which there was a ridiculous reprefentation of God painted in the form of an old man, with a pair of compafles : for which high offence the poor ■'' man was fin'd, committed to the fleet, and remov'd from his recorderfliip, and bound to his good behaviour. The bifliops were become fo intoxicated with their darling fcheme of church-power, which they did not doubt to accomplifli, that they fet up for inquifitors in their feveral diocefes, by obliging the church-wardens to turn informers concerning the lives and ad:ions of, their parifhioners, to which the bifliop of Winchefter obliged them by oath -f- in his pri- mary vifitation, and thereby committed an outrage on the laws of the land, and jurifdic- tion of parliament, which alone has power to prefcribe oaths to the fubjedls. Nor * Rt{J})w.voL I. />. 153, ^t Ibid, vol 2. />. i86r i77 ) Nor can thefe attempts of the clergy in this reign be faid to be only the adlions of particular men, and therefore not chargeable upon the whole 5 the contrary to this appears in that, after the parliament of 1640 was dif- folv'dj the convocation, in which the whole clergy were reprefented, continued to fit not- withftanding, contrary to the ufual method . and by their own authority took upon them to make canons, and enjoin an oath, which all graduates and clergymen in the univerfities fhould be obliged to take ; they alfo granted the king a fubfidy, a moft publick and avow'd encroachment on the juriididlion of parlia- ment. Thefe proceedings were fo notorious, that my lord Clarendon cannot help condemning them, tho' he does it with his ufual tenderne^ for the caufe, in which he wrote. " * The *' convocation (fays he) the regular and legal *^ affembly of the clergy, cuftomarily begin- *^ ning and ending with parliaments, was af- *' ter the determination of the laft, by a new " writ continued, and fat for the fpace of " above a month under the proper title of a *' fynod: made canons, which it was thought '^ it might do, and gave fubfidies out of par- y liament, and enjoin'd oaths, which certainly '' it " * FoL I. p. 1 16. ( 78 ) '* it might not do. In a word, did many " things, which in the beft of times might *' have been queflion'd, and were fure to be *' condemn'd in the worft." But as impudent as this condadl feems to be, it was not at all furprizing, fince the bifliops had fome time before not fcrupled publickly to declare their independency en the ftate in defiance of the laws of the land, and the principles, thereby eftablifh'd at the reformation, and in violation of their oath of fupremacy. And this was done, asWhitlock informs us, in the high- commifi'oii court, at the time that Baftwick appeared there, and was fo feverely puniflVd for writing a book in anfwer to one Short, a papift, who had maintained the Pope's fupre- macy. The author juft mentioned relates it thus: "*In the cen fure of Baftwick all the *' bifhops then prefent deny'd openly, that " they had their jurifdidion, as bifhops, from ** the king, for which they might have been *' cenfured themfelves in king Henry II. and *' king Edward Ill's times. " But they affirm'd that they had their ju- <' rifdidlon from God alone ; which denial of " the fupremacy of the king under God, king *' Henry VIII. would have taken very ill, and " it may be, would have correded them by '' his * IFJ^itl. Mem, p. 22. (79) «' his kingly arguments, and regia manu. But *' thefe bifhops publickly difavow'd their de- "/ pendance on the king. And the arch-bifhop '' maintain d the book of Chowney (who had ** wrote a book at this time in defence of the '' church of Rome,) and that the Romifli '' church was a true church, and err'd not in *' fundamentals." The court of high-commiflion was now become an unfupportabie grievance to the fubjed, not only by a tyrannical exercife of power in ecclefiaftical affairs, bat by affuming to itfelf an vmiverfal jurifdidion, by tramp- lino- on the laws and the rights of all the civil courts; fo that the fubjeft deprived of his refuge, had no flielter to fly to from injuftice and oppreffion: and for this I chuie to quote lord Clarendon s own words, as I am certain, he cannot be thought to have milreprefented the matter in disfavour of the clergy. '' * Of '' late (fpeaking of the high-commiffion court) <^ it cannot be denied, that by the great *^ power of fpme bifhops at court, it had '' much over-flow*d the banks, which fhould " have contained it -, not only in meddling with '' things that in truth were not within its con- <« nufance, but extending their fentences and ^' judgments in matters tryable before them ^' beyond ^ Vol J. /». 221, (8o) *' beyond that degree, that was juftifiable ; and " grew to have fo great a contempt of the " common law, and profeffors of it (which ** was a fatal unkilfalnefs in the bifliops, who '' could never have fufFer'd whilft the com- " mon law had been preferv'd) that prohibi- " tions from the fapreme court, which have, " and muft have the fuper-intendancy over " all inferiour courts, were not only negleft- " ed, but the judges reprehended for granting " them (which without perjury they could " not deny) and the lawyers difco'untenanc'd " for moving them (vvhich they were ob- *' liged in duty to do) fo that thereby the '^ clergy made almoft a whole profeffion, if *' not their enemies, yet very undevoted to " them." ** Then it was grown from an ecclefiaftical * " court for the reformation of manners, to- a " court of revenue, and impofed great fines '' upon thofe, who were culpable before them, ** fometimes above the degree of the offence, "had the jurifdifton of fining been unquef- " tionable, which it was not. Which courfe of " fining was much more frequent, and the " fines heavier, after the king had granted all " that revenue (whatfoever it fhould prove to " be) to be employM for the reparation of St. " Paul's church j which tho' it were a glo- ** rious ( -^I ) '^ rioas Work, and worthy the piety of thofe, '' that advanced it; and the greatnefs of his " mind, who principally intended it, made the " grievance the heavier." In another place the fame noble hiftorian fpeaking of the animofities between the law- yers and churchmen, attributes the hatred on the part of the latter to their opinion, that their not enjoying fo many of the great pofts in the civil government as formerly, was owing to the oppofition of the lawyers. A true inftance of the ambition of priefts, which rather than not gratify, they were ready to deftroy the laws themfelves. " It * cannot '' be deny'd (fays lord Clarendon) that the " peevifh fpirits of fome clergymen have ta- " ken great pains to alienate that profeffion '' (meaning the lawyers) from them : and " others as unfkilfully {finding that in former '' times, when the religion of the ftate was a ** vital part of its policy.many churchmen wxre " employed eminently in the civil government ** of the kingdom) imputed their wanting " thofe ornaments, their predcceffors wore, to ^* the power and prevalency of the lawyers, <« 6f whom fome principal men in all times, *' they could not but obferve to have been '" their avow'd enemies : and fo believ'd the M flraitning * FoL J, p, 241. ( S2 ) ^' ftraitnmg and confining the profeflion of " the common law muft naturally extend and ^' enlarp-e the jurifdidlion o& the church. " Thence arofe their bold and unwarrantable *' oppofmg,and protefling againft prohibitions *' and other proceedings at law^ on the behalf "- of the ecclefiaftical courts; and the procu- " ring fome orders and. privileges from the *' king on behalf of the civil law, as the arch- *' biiliop of Canterbury prevail'd with the king *' to diredl, that half the mafters of chancery ^' fhould be always civil lawyers, and to de- ^^ clare, that no others of what conditioa «' v/hatfoever fliould ferve him as mafters of «' requeft." It is well known, that arch-biiliop Laud, the principal promoter of all the dodrines ad- vanced in this reign, and of the grievances, which flow'd from them, is even at this day the darling of the clergy, and looked upon as the champion of their rights, and a martyr for the caufe of religion. The greateft en- comiums have been beftow'd on his memory. And my lord Clarendon in his hiflory fets him forth, as a man of the higheft probity, learn-> ing, and knk, and feeras willing to attribute no other fault to him than a little haftinefs in his. temper for accompliihing his defigns, oc- caliou'd by the fervency of his zeal for pro-- motine (83 ) moting the caufe of religion, and glory of his prince. But in forming a juft idea of his character we need be determin'd by nothing but the fhare, he had, in the tranfadions of thofe times ; and I will venture to afErm, that iiiy lord Clarendon himfclf does in fome par- ticular paflages fay enough of Laud to prove, he was far from deferving that amiable and good charader, he feems fludious to make his reader entertain of him. Whoever reads an hiftorian in the proper manner, that is, with a view of fearching out truth, mufi: form his judgment of things from the matters of fad let down, and not be fo led away by what the author fays concerning them, and his re- fiedions upon them, as blindly to adopt His fentiments and opinions. And lam confident, that to any reader, who will attend without prejudice to the words of that noble hiflorian juft mentioned, Laud muft appear of a weak and over-bearing temper, apt to be tranfpor- ted with the higheft and moft indecent paf- fion at mere trifles, unforgiving towards thofe, v/ho had formerly offended him, conflantly introducing innovations in order to eftablifh an independent power in the church, and not fcrupulous of uiing any m.ethods to increafc the king's revenues under pretence of pro- liioting the fervice of his fovereign. The iirft:, M z ^nd ( 84) and lafc particulars of this charge are fo very obvious, that I cannot help fetting down both paflages relating to them at length. *' * The " iliarpnefs of his language and exprefiions " was fo natural to him, that he could not *^ debate any thing without commotion, when *^ the argument w^as not of moment, nor bear *^ contradiction in debate even in council, *' wliere all men are equally free, with that ** patience and temper, that was neceifary -, of " which they, w^ho wiHi'd him not well, would *^ take advantage, and would therefore con- ** tr^didl him, that he might be tranfported *' with fome indecent padion : which upon a «* fhort recclledion he was always forry for, ** and moft readily and heartily would make " acknowledgment." As to the laft particular, his conduft^ when in the management of the treafury upon the death of lord Portland is related thus : " Be- ** ing "^f- obliged to it now by his truft, he en- *' ter*d upon it with his natural earneftnefs ^^ and warmth, making it his principal care *' to advance and improve the king's revenue '' by all the w^ays, which were offer'd, and fo *^ hearken'd to all informations and propoli-' '' tions of that kind ; and having not had '^ experience of that kind of people^ who " deai (§5) " deal in that traffick, (a confident, fenfeleJi *' and, for the moft part, a naughty people\ *' he was fometimes milled by them to think " better of fome projedts, than they deferv'd: *' but then he was fo entirely devoted, to what " would be beneficial to the king, that all *' propofitions and defigns, which were for " the profit (only or principally) of particular *' perfons, how great foever, were oppofed, *' and ftifled in their birth by his power and *' authority ; which created him enemies e- " nough in the court, and many of ability *' to do mifchief, who knew well how to " recompenfe difcourtcfies, which they al- " ways caird injuries. " The revenue of too many of the court " confided principally in inclofures, and im- " provements of that nature, which he flill ** oppofed paflionately, except they were «^ founded upon law ; and then if it would " bring profit to the king, how old and obfolete " foever the law was, he thought he might "' juftly advife the profecution : and fo he did " a little too much countenance the commif- "^ fion concerning depopulation, which brought *^ much charge and trouble upon the people, ^'^ and was likev^ife caft upon his account." c We have a remarkable inftancein this reign, how excellent cafuifts the clergy are, and what (86) vvhat a notable knack they have of dlflinguifli- ing in cafes of confcience fuitably to the fliape and conveniency of the times. When king- Charles, being prefs'd to pafs the bill for attaint- ing the earl of Strafford, difcover'd great un- willingnefs to give his confent to what, he faid, his confcience told him was fo unjuft -, he was defir'd by his council to confer with his bilhops on that point. Accordingly '' ^ the " arch-bifliop of York, who was at hand to ^^ his argument of confcience, told him there " was a publick, and a private confcience:. *' that his publick confcience, as a king, might " not only difpenfe with, but oblige him to " do that, which was againft his private con- " fcience, as a man.'* " Were I to give a full account, and all the particular inftances of the mifchievous con- duct and behaviour of the clergy in thefe times, it would be taking upon me to write a hiftory of the reign, which is very foreign from my defign : for in (hort, all the trou- bles in this reign are in the greateft meafurc to be fet down to their account. All the innovations in church and ftate, all the at- tempts to ereft an independency in the firft, and a tyranny in the latter, were counte- nanced by their dodlrine, and promoted by their actions. And in this I am confirm'd by "the * CkrmL htfl. ofreb. vol I. p. 202, (87) the teftimony of a great man, whofe autho-.' rity in this point cannot be queftionM, fince his zeal for the eftablifh'd church, and his attachment to his prince were fo great, that he loft his life in their defence. This is the lord Falkland, with part of whofe fpeech in the houfe of commons upon the bill for the exclufion of the bilhops from the houfe of lords, I fliall conclude my account of this reign. " Mr. * Speaker, he is a great ftranger in *' Ifrael, who knows not, that this kingdom *' hath long laboured under many and great ^' opprefiions both in religion and liberty; ^' and his acquaintance here is not great, or his ^' ingenuity lefs, who does not know and ac- *^ knowledge, that a great, if not a principal *' caufe of boththefe hath been fome bifhops, ^' and their adherents. " Mr. Speaker, a little fearch will ferve to " find them to have been the deftrudion of " unity under the pretence of uniformity, tQ '•' have brought in fuperftition and fcandal " under the titles of reverence and decency, " to have defiled our church by adorning our *■* churches, to have flacken'd the ftridnefs of '" that union, which was formerly betwixt us ^^and *■ Rujhw, vol. 4. p. 184, (88 ) ^' and thofe of our religion beyond the j£a, an *' adion as impolitick as ungodly. " As Sir Thomas More fays of the cafuifts, " their bufinefs was not to keep men from «' finning, but to inform them, quam prope ad ^' peccatum fine peccato liceat accedere : fo it «' feem'd their work v/as to try, how much of " a papift might be brought in without po- "^ pery, and to deftroy as much as they could " of the gofpel, without bringing themfelves ** in danger of being deftroy'd by law. *^ Mr. Speaker, to go yet further, fome of *^ them have fo induftrioufly labour'd to de- '^ duc€ themfelves from Rome, that they have " given great fufpicion, that in gratitude they '< defire to return thither, or at leaft to meet « it half way. Some have evidently labour'd " to bring in an Englifli, tho' not a Roman " popery ; I mean not the outfide of it only, " and drefs of it, but equally abfolute, a Hind *' obedience of the people upon the clergy^ ** and of the clergy upon themfelves; and have " oppofed papacy beyond the fea, that tliey " mi^ht fettle one beyond the water: nay " com.mon fame is more than ordinarily falfe, " if none of them have found a way to recon- <* cile the opinions of Rome to the prefer- '^ ments of England, and to be abfolutely, di- " recSly, and cordially papifts^that is all, 1 500 1. i " per *' pfer annum, can do, to keep them from ccJn- '' feffing it." I would not be undeiftood from any thing I have faid of the proteftant clergy to infi- nuatej that their condu6t had any neeeflary conne. 763. €> C 98 ) the heavieft cenfures and damnations againft, both in their particular fermons and difcourfes, and in their more folemn and publick decrees ! This is their fo much boafted ftand for the liberty of the people ! This, their ever-me- morable condudl ! When foon afterwards the nation was un^ der a neceffity of calling in the prince oF Orange for the prefervation of their rights, tho* the clergy thought proper to fwim with^ the flream, yet we fee how ^awkwardly moft of thofe fliifting motley politicians came into, what they were confcious was entirely contra- dicftory to thofe maxims they had fo avowedly inculcated : nor had king William been long on the thronQj before a difappointment in thofe preferments, many of them expeded, or a relapfe into thofe dodlrines, over which they could no longer bear to wear the maik, made them return, like the dog to the vomit ; giving great reafon to fufped, that too many amongil them would gladly have feen the na- tion again expofed to its former perils by a reftoration, with the aggravation of having taken the oaths of allegiance to king Wil- liam, and abjuration of James. With this remarkable period in our hiftory I flnll clofe the prefent account, as the be- haviour (99) haviour of the clergy fince that time is Co known, and frefli in the memory of every one, that it will be needlefs for me to fay any thing of it here. And as I have had no other inducement in laying this before the publick, than a lincerc zeal for the liberty of all my fellow-fubjedls againft every oppreflion of what kind foever; fo if in this attempt any miftake has been committed (tho' I am not confcious of any at prefent) I fhall always be ready ingenuoufly to acknowledge it. FINIS. BW5030 .S55 A Short view of the conduct of the imii"llll INI ilif°'°^'"' Seminary-Speer Library 1 1012 00035 7907