LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 
 
 PRINCETON, N. J. 
 
 BR 45 .H84 1886 
 
 De Soyres, John, 1849-1905 
 
 Christian reunion 
 
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HuLSEAN Lectures, 
 
 1886. 
 
 CHRISTIAN REUNION. 
 

 >> 
 
 OGICALSt 
 
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 Christian Reunion. 
 
 (Ulic Cjulaeau Cectures for 1886. 
 
 REV. JOHN DE SOYRES, M.A. 
 
 Of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge; 
 
 Formerly Professor of History at Queen's College, London 
 
 Select Preacher at Cambridge (1885) ; 
 
 Rector of St. John's Church, St. John, N. B. 
 
 ST. JOHN, N. B. 
 
 J. & A. McMillan, 98 Prince William Street. 
 
 1888. 
 
Entered according to Act of Parliament of Canada, in the year il 
 By rev. JOHN deSOYRES, 
 In the Office of the Minister of Agriculture, at Ottawa. 
 
ELECTORS OF THE HULSEAN FOUNDATION 
 
 IN THE University of Cambkidge, 
 
 Brooke Foss Westcott, D.D. 
 
 Regius Professor of Divinity, Cation of lVest»iinster ; 
 
 F E N T o N John A n t h o n \- H o r t , D.D. 
 
 Hiilsean Professor of Diz)inity ; 
 
 Joseph Raw son Lumby, D.D. 
 
 Norrisian Professor of Divinity : 
 
 Charles Taylor, D.D. 
 
 Master of St. fohtt's College ; 
 Anu to the Memory of 
 
 Charles Anthony Swainson, D.D. 
 
 Formerly Lady Ma?garet Professor of Divinity, and Master of Christ' s College : 
 
 William H e p \v o r t h Thompson, D.D. 
 
 Formerly Master of Trinity College ; 
 
 The.se Lectures, 
 
 delivered by their appointment, are gratefully 
 
 and respectfully dedicated. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The subject of Christian Reunion, and the history of the 
 various efforts to promote it from the time of the Reformation, 
 have seldom been dealt with by English church historians. The 
 late Rev. H. B. Wilson, in his Hampton Lectures, was almost the 
 only writer to treat the topic scientifically, but his purpose pre- 
 vented him from more than .individual references in his notes to 
 the leaders of earlier movements. Hie work of Karl Hering, 
 published as far back as the year 1836, remains still the standard 
 history, and the present w'riter had planned to translate it, 
 adding the results of recent publications of the Leibnitz corres- 
 pondence, and dealing also with the relations in past time of the 
 Church of England and the foreign Reformed Churches. 
 
 An occasion for dealing separately with the last of these 
 topics presented itself when the writer was appointed Select 
 Preacher at Cambridge, almost on the exact bi-centenary of the 
 Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, in October 1885. The dis- 
 course then delivered, pointing out the old relations of cordial 
 sympathy and communion between the Anglican and Huguenot 
 Churches, is included in the present volume. The appeal was 
 received with assent by the members of the theological faculty 
 at Cambridge, and words of sympathy and approval came from 
 Drs. Hatch and Fairbairn at Oxford, Professor A. S. Farrar at 
 Durham, the venerable Bishop of Worcester, and many others. 
 Still more acceptable, as a testimony to the practical possibility 
 of the step advocated, was a communication from Dr. Eugene 
 Bersier. In this letter, the distinguished leader of the Reformed 
 Church in Paris declared not only his cordial assent to the plea, 
 but expressed his willingness to co-operate personally in any 
 effort to bring together the two Churches.* Having been ap- 
 
 * See Appendix. 
 
vi Preface. 
 
 pointed Hulsean lecturer shortly afterwards, the writer found the 
 opportunity of discussing the history and rationale of Christian 
 Reunion from a wider standpoint, by investigating the progress 
 and results of the various endeavours made during the sixteenth 
 and seventeenth centuries by Bucer, Melancthon, Durie, Calixtus, 
 Grotius, and Leibnitz. It was hoped that an outline, restricted 
 by the narrow limits of four lectures, and by the hindrances of 
 other duties, might be supplemented by later additions, including 
 an examination of the Durie MSS. at Cambridge, kindly offered 
 by Professor Mayor, and of the unpublished Leibnitziana in the 
 Archives of Hanover. 
 
 But circumstances prevented the fulfilment of this plan, and 
 the meagre and imperfect sketch would never have been pub- 
 lished but for the belief that it may induce some more capable 
 hand to achieve a work so important. For the Reunion of Chris- 
 tendom is no mere literary or academical topic, but a practical 
 question of the hour, calling for labourers, if not yet ripe for settle- 
 ment. On every side there is a consciousness that the hour is 
 near when all who profess and call themselves Christians must 
 remember their title and their cause, and that they are descend- 
 ants, however far removed, of those who were " of one heart and 
 of one soul." Not many years ago, in a humble Church, situated 
 in a distant land, an event took place more significant to the 
 student of history than many a Council. In the English Church 
 at Cronstadt, as a testimony indeed to the personal esteem in 
 which its minister was held by those of different creed, but in 
 itself none the less remarkable, there were gathered together, 
 at a service after restoration, the representatives of all the 
 Churches in the City. By the side of the Holy Table knelt the 
 Russian pope and the Roman priest, the Lutheran and the Re- 
 formed ministers, forgetting for an hour the wars of centuries, 
 and remembering only the "one Lord, one faith, one baptism. "f 
 
 f The details were verified by the writer on the spot, when occupying the same 
 chaplaincy in 1880, in succession to the Rev. J. McSwiney, in whose time (1874) it 
 occurred. 
 
Preface, vii 
 
 Surely it is impossible to disreg^ard such a sign of the times, 
 but rather should we feel that the obscure and remote phenom- 
 enon might soon be repeated on the widest scale, were present 
 hindrances removed. And those hindrances are to be found as 
 much in the efforts of those who advocate forms of Reunion, as 
 in the hostility of narrower minds. If those who long for union 
 with the East would remember how much nearer is the prospect 
 and the opportunity of reuniting with our Church the descendants 
 of those who were alienated by the narrowness and intolerance 
 of the post-reformational centuries ; if the advocates of Protestant 
 reunion would recognize that the features and claims of nation- 
 ality, as well as the landmarks of history, must influence the 
 religious development of the Latin and Sclavonic races, then 
 much might be achieved. Above all, the sober words of the 
 Church of England should be the motto of all efforts : 
 
 " In these our doings we condemn no other nations, nor pre- 
 scribe anything but to our own people only : for we think it 
 convenient that every country should use such ceremonies as 
 they shall think best to the setting forth of God's honour and 
 glory, and to the reducing of the people to a most perfect and 
 godly living."! 
 
 % Preface to Common Prayer. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 Lecture I. — Introduction, pp. 1-14 
 
 Funeral of Martin Bucer at St. Mary's, Cambridge. — His life-work for 
 reunion at Marburg, Cassel, Cologne, Strasburg, and in England. — State of 
 disunion in Germany at comnaencement of the seventeenth century; the gains 
 of the Roman Church. — The systems of Bucer and Melancthon : the former 
 simply diplomatic, the latter based on deeper sympathy and intelligence of con- 
 ditions. His influence and his spiritual descendants. — The career of Cyril 
 I,ucaris, a practical example of Bucer's method, in its attempt and its failure. — 
 Conclusion. 
 
 Notes on Lecture I, p. 15 
 
 Lecture II. — Protestant Reunion, pp. 21-2,^ 
 
 The histories of Christian Reunion bj' Tabaraud and K. Hering : their 
 scope and results. — Plan of the present lectures : {a) Protestant Reunion before 
 1660; {b) Western Reunion. — Development of processes : recognition of the in- 
 sufficiency of Bucer's diplomatic method recognized. — Two causes affecting the 
 later development : (i) T.aymen begin to take part in theological controversy ; 
 (2) the ''academic travels" bring the representatives of opposite schools into 
 contact. — The Ireniciiiii of David Paraeus. — Career of John Durie and Calix- 
 • tus. — Misrepresentations of Grotius by Hallam. Grotius not inconsistent in 
 his respect for antiquity, nor irritated by Huguenot neglect. He aimed at prac- 
 tical results, and his sole error the belief that in his time a complete reunion of 
 the West was still possible. — Conclusion. 
 
 Notes on Lecture II, p. 37 
 
 Lecture III. — The Reunion of Western Christendom. 
 
 pp. 41-54 
 
 Causes of failure of efforts to promote Protestant Reunion. — Results of the 
 caesaro-papism in the German States before and after the treaties of Westphalia. 
 Efforts for reunion commenced by Church of Rome: irenical works published 
 after 1660. The work of Bishop Spinola mainly inspired by Austria and the 
 moderate school ; inheritors of Cassander's policy. The Austrian and Galilean 
 attitude. — Leibnitz: The first acquaintance with the reunion effort; visit to 
 Rome ; he turns to the Galilean Church. — Bossuet : The correspondence, 
 1691-1702. — Failure of the effort. Real value of the work of Leibnitz. 
 
 Notes on Lecture III, p. 55 
 
 (ix) 
 
X Table of Conte?its. 
 
 Lecture IV. — The Religion of Nationality , .. pp. 59-68 
 
 Causes of failure ; apparent and conjectural. — Examination of the princi- 
 ples of Leibnitz ; his philosophical conception of history and religious progress. 
 — He perceives the impossibility of imion with Rome, finally of anjj^ union with 
 Churches of the Roman obedience. — His conception of the State as embodied 
 in a Good Prince. His theorj' of nationality hampered by survival of idea of 
 iniiversal visible church. — Growth of the idea of Nationality in political and 
 spiritual conceptions. — All great movements have been national, not ecclesi- 
 astical. — Conclusion. 
 
 Notes on Lecture IV, p. 69 
 
 The Huguenots and the Church of England, 
 
 • PP- iz-^1 
 
 Decay of belief that Martyrdom was the criterion of a true faith, upheld by 
 Pascal and Paley. Two causes : (a) study of early martyrology; (<5) knowledge 
 that all beliefs have had martyrs : Yet survival of some elements in present 
 day. — The bi-centenary of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes ; generous 
 welcome of the exiles in England ; received as the confessors of a common 
 faith. Full recognition of the eminence of Huguenot scholars and divines : 
 Saumaise, Scaliger, Blondel, Rivet, Casaubon, Dumoulin, Bochart, Daille, 
 Durell, Brevint, Basire, Amyraut. — The loss of all intercourse at present day. 
 Causes suggested : {a) Dualism in Anglican Church ; {b) greater prominence 
 after Civil War to belief in episcopal succession as a note of Church ; (c) 
 decay of alliance against Church of Rome; {d) isolation of Huguenots during 
 eighteenth century. — Recognition of foreign Protestants by Church of F^ngland 
 in seventeenth century : by Overall, Cosin, Bramhall, Sanderson, Sancroft, . 
 Atterbury. — Decay of the Galilean Church. The appeal of the Reformed 
 Church of France to the Church of England and the University of Cambridge. 
 
 Notes on Sermon,, p. 89 
 
 Appendix, /. 96 
 
 Letter of Dr. Eugene Bersier upon the reunion of the Reformed Church of 
 France with the Anglican Church, 
 
LECTURE I. 
 
 Christian Reunion. 
 
LECTURE I 
 
 MaKapLOL OL dp-qvoTTOioi on. vioi Ocov KX-qQ-qa-ovrai. 
 
 {Matth. V. 9.) 
 
 ^HERE have been few incidents in the history of the 
 building in which we are assembled more memor- 
 able than when, in the year 1551, the whole uni- 
 versity was gathered together at the funeral of the Regius 
 professor of theology. Not even when, but recently, Cam- 
 brido-e rendered the last honours to one who for two 
 generations had taken representative share in every activity 
 and distinction of university life ;' not even when, just fifty 
 years ago, as some here still remember, a vast procession 
 followed to its last resting-place the remains of Charles 
 Simeon,' — not even these seem to have surpassed the in- 
 tensity of feeling displayed at the burial of a stranger, 
 of one whose face, two years before he died, was unknown 
 to all of those three thousand who followed the procession 
 to his grave. 
 
 And yet there seems to have been no rhetorical exag- 
 geration when the Public Orator, according to the custom 
 of the time, declared the virtues of the departed ; nor when 
 Matthew Parker, fit representative alike of the genius of 
 the university and of the Church of England, held up that 
 life in his sermon as the very example of the Christian char- 
 acter, and added to his bidding prayer the petition that all 
 of themselves might be admitted to that beatific vision " in 
 the which doth now rejoice that excellent and revereiid 
 
2 Htilseaii Lechwes. 
 
 father, Martin Bucer, whom God hath called to his 
 restT'^ And all knew well the cause of this unexampled 
 honour, in life and in death. While others had been foremost 
 in the critical work of the Reformation, or in proclaiming 
 its doctrines, Bucer's work had been, from first to last, the 
 effort for Christian Reunion. If Luther had been pre- 
 eminently the Reformer, and Melancthon the " Preceptor" 
 of Germany, Bucer had been its peace-maker. 
 
 Throughout the great moments of the struggle (though 
 not among the authors of its supreme irenic effort, the 
 Augiistand), Bucer had been ever active, moving from 
 camp to camp ; at Marburg, striving in vain to reconcile 
 Luther and Zwingli ;* at Schweinfurt and Cassel building up, 
 with infinite pains, the structure of negociation and com- 
 promise which led to the short-lived Concordia of Witten- 
 berg." Then, turning to the wider interests of the whole 
 Church, side by side with Melancthon, and meeting a 
 congenial spirit in the legate Contarini, he had seemed 
 for a moment to have reached the goal of his life, and to 
 have found a way of peace for Western Christendom.*' And 
 last of all, before his call to England, he had laboured to 
 effect that broad and comprehensive reform in the territories 
 of the Archbishop of Cologne, which has so many links 
 with the historic development of the Church of England.^ 
 But as, in time of theological strife, the peace-maker's work 
 is in every sense the forlorn hope, each effort had alien- 
 ated some unsatisfied partisan. The Swiss, whose cause 
 he had so largely helped, regarded him askance ; and in 
 his own city of Strasburg, where for a generation he had 
 labored, he experienced the prophet's fate. Even from 
 Luther himself had come at times hard words of reproach. 
 
CJnnstian Reunion. 3 
 
 But with Luther there was always safe appeal to Philip 
 sober, and more than one fervid acknowledgment came 
 from the great reformer as to a work and a character so 
 different from his own.^ 
 
 And yet, if we except his honourable share in the great 
 work of restoring, upon the old foundations, the structure 
 of the Church of England, there is not one of his irenical 
 efforts which did not seem to end in completest failure. 
 We are familiar, from the researches of Henke and Tholuck, 
 with the state of religious disunion in Germany at the 
 beginning of the 17th century.'' Not only was the chasm 
 between Rome and the Evangelical Churches fixed and 
 irretrievable, but those churches themselves waged against 
 one another an even more bitter internecine war. A hun- 
 dred years only had passed since Luther had proclaimed 
 the universal priesthood of believers ; and now Luther's 
 spirit — or at least the spirit of his earlier and greater 
 days — seemed lost and forgotten amongst those disciples 
 who struggled and squabbled over the shreds of his pro- 
 phetic mantle. And so Jacob Boehme, not the least philo- 
 sophic mind of that age, could see the very Tower of Babel 
 realized, not in Rome only, but in Protestant Germany/" 
 We have read how Lutherans asked indignandy what was 
 left to preach about, when an edict forbade polemical ser- 
 mons against the Reformed ; how the saintly Arndt was 
 the victim of intolerance ;" how, sadder still, Paul Gerhardt, 
 the singer of immortal strains, was himself infected with 
 the epidemic, and rather suffered deprivation than accept 
 an injunction to refrain from words of censure against his 
 fellow protestants.^' And if the Reformed Churches showed 
 a comparative moderation, which was often, perhaps, the 
 
4 Hulsean Lectures. 
 
 virtue of necessity, we know that at Dordrecht the bitterest, 
 the most contemptuous treatment, was meted out to Epis- 
 copius and the Remonstrants, whose only crime it was to 
 have refused subscription to dogmas which, as they believed, 
 had neither certain warrant of Scripture nor had obtained 
 the complete assent of the undivided Church. 
 
 What wonder then that, in the face of a strife so suicidal, 
 the Church of Rome had not only regained much that she 
 had lost, but seemed more capable of aggressive action than 
 at any previous period in her history. It is customary to 
 speak of a " Catholic Reaction ;" but this phrase, though 
 consecrated by long and authoritative usage, seems but 
 imperfectly to connote the phenomena which history re- 
 cords. Not only in the Protestant countries, but throughout 
 Western Europe, there had been reformation ; and indeed 
 the Reformation of the sixteenth century would not have 
 been, as it was, an event of universal importance for the 
 whole Church, had it not beneficially affected, in some 
 measure, even those quarters where it was most vehemently 
 opposed. It is no exaggeration to declare that, from the 
 end of the sixteenth century, the progress which the Refor- 
 mation had exacted from its foes was so great that, in 
 proportion to the former condition, it represented a greater 
 relative advance than in the Protestant lands themselves.^* 
 The council of Trent, with all its vicissitudes, had yet learned 
 something in its experience of eighteen years. In place of 
 the contradictory chaos of traditional opinions, a system 
 had been defined, which cautiously steered a middle course 
 between the extremes of Pelagianism and Augustinianism, 
 which silently removed some patent errors, and as silently 
 passed over other but more dangerous topics, which recog- 
 
Chdstian Rewiion. 5 
 
 nized as belonging to the pale of the Church all who did 
 not explicitly renounce her obedience, and which recom- 
 mended itself by seeming clearness and adaptability to 
 different minds and varied conditions. 
 
 For the Papal Court, since the separation, had ceased 
 to give glaring offence to public opinion by immorality and 
 nepotism. And this immunity from the old attacks encour- 
 aged to offensive measures, for which new allies were gained 
 and new methods of warfare employed. Whatever obloquy 
 has justly attached itself to the Society of Jesus on account 
 of the practical adoption and exaggeration of casuistical 
 methods — which, indeed, had been stated as theorems by 
 the schoolmen, or from the scurrilous attacks of a Scioppius 
 and his kindred upon the Scaligers and Casaubons, history 
 recognizes the immense impetus given, not only to the 
 Roman system, but even, in some measure, to the cause 
 of progress and civilisation. If the first protest against 
 the belief in witchcraft can no longer be vindicated (as 
 Leibnitz believed) for the Jesuit von Spec ; or the claim to 
 have perfected secondary education, and justified the proud 
 inscription on their seminaries, ''Deo et Musis',' yet the 
 missionary labors of a Xavier and a Ricci make as great 
 an epoch in the history of Chrisdanity as when Robert 
 Nelson and his friends created the great Anglican mis- 
 sionary society a century later. And if the fatal necessity 
 of being advocates and apologists, rather than searchers for 
 the truth, placed a Petau, a Sirmond, a Suarez, and an 
 Arias Montanus on a lower literary level than their great 
 Protestant rivals; yet within the Roman obedience there 
 were not wanting those whose memory lives in that calendar 
 which claims its saints from every church and nation, — a 
 
6 Hulsean Lectures. 
 
 Cassander, true brother to Melancthon and Bucer, combin- 
 ing the highest form of humanistic culture with the fullest 
 sympathy for the spiritual and political needs of his age; a 
 Carlo Borromeo, the ideal of the Christian bishop ; and^ 
 greatest of all, if indeed he may be claimed for that com- 
 munion, the obscure Neapolitan monk, whose book of the 
 '' B 6716 fit of Christ's D6ath'' was given once more to the 
 world by a Cambridge scholar after the Inquisition had 
 seemingly blotted it out for ever.'^ 
 
 If, then, the Roman Church, at the beginning of the 
 seventeenth century, was strong in numbers, in reforms at 
 least partially effected, in the enthusiastic devotion of new 
 adherents, — while, on the other hand, the Protestant 
 churches on the continent were divided by bitter con- 
 troversies, repelled all free enquiry, and almost justified 
 the sneer of Joseph Scaliger that Lutheranism was the 
 " grave of science," — what hope was there for Christian 
 reunion ? 
 
 Bucer's work had found no successor ; and had there 
 been one, there was no longer a Cassander or a Contarini 
 to meet him in a kindred spirit. It was in the spiritual 
 heritage of another Reformer, greater than Bucer, and pre- 
 served in its purity and energy because it was limited by 
 no abstract system, that now was found the hope of Protest- 
 antism and of Reunion. Such a view of Melancthon's 
 influence may be contested by those who remember that 
 a so-called " Melancthonism " or " Philippism " is described 
 as a definite theological system in some of those analytic 
 histories of dogma which record each momentary phase of 
 party warlare. Or it may be urged, with more plausibility^ 
 that Melancthon's own writings were the exclusive text 
 
Christian Reimion. 7 
 
 books of the universities of Helmstiidt and Altdorf, and 
 of great part of Protestant Germany/' But those writings, 
 which were the reflection of the author's mind and char- 
 acter, represent in themselves the Reformation from its 
 irenical rather than its positive and didactic side. Just as 
 the great practical work of Melancthon's life, the '' Confessio 
 Augustana " was, in every sense, a declaration for peace 
 which he did not scruple to alter, confessedly and publicly, 
 when it seemed that by the publication of the Variata in 
 1540 a better hope of union might result ;^^' so his infinite 
 humility could make confession of error to his enemy 
 Flacius, or submit to blame and correction from those who 
 were unutterably his inferiors. The distinctive note of 
 character, as compared with Bucer, seems to be this : with 
 Bucer, all but the most cardinal dogmatic statements were 
 things indifferent, — everything was to him a matter for 
 accommodation, in the view of the one thing needful. 
 Reunion ; so that he sometimes scrupled not, in all sin- 
 cerity of mind, to attain his object by processes needing 
 that sort of casuistic " direction of the intention " which 
 gained an unenvied notoriety for a very different school 
 of theology. Now, Melancthon's theological sympathy 
 could think itself into the mental attitudes even of his 
 opponents ; to his philosophic mind the distinction of fun- 
 damentals and non-fundamentals was constantly present; 
 his accurate knowledge of antiquity recognised the value 
 of links with catholic institutions, deplored the inevitable 
 breach with them, and experienced the same repulsion as 
 Luther, though it was not expressed with equal vehemence, 
 to the crude iconoclasm of Carlstadt and his successors. 
 Above all, his life knew no finality. He never looked upon 
 
8 Hulseaii Lectures. 
 
 his past words and actions as having created unalterable 
 precedents. Who can recollect without emotion the narra- 
 tive told by Andreii, belonging to those last sad years, 
 harassed by the controversies around him, and his life 
 embittered by the memory of its one mistake — how, when 
 asked once more to subscribe his name to one of those 
 *' Testimonia " which the school of Bucer considered to be 
 the equivalent of agreement, yet Melancthon refused. He 
 admitted that formerly he had given assent to the opinion 
 of others not his own ; but now this could no longer be. 
 ^'' Many things have I writteit which 7iow I app7'ove not. 
 Thinkest ihon that in thirty years I have lear7ied noth- 
 ing?'''^' He had learned that more was needed to secure 
 Reunion than so many ambiguous phrases and so many 
 signatures on a parchment ; and to those who were now 
 his spiritual heirs he had bequeathed those attributes which 
 alone could give hope for it in the future. To them he 
 handed down that which had been noble in the Humanistic 
 movement, that passionate love of truth, but also a depth 
 of personal religion, too often lost in the mere antagonism 
 to superstition, seen only from its ludicrous side ; above all, 
 that charity which in his own life had borne, believed, 
 hoped, and endured all things. To them he bequeathed 
 his repulsion to the loud phrases of professional theologians, 
 his shrinking from the noise of assemblies, save when 
 supreme duty called him there ; and, not least of all, that 
 feature which completed and crowned his character — that 
 evTpaireXia, as far removed from the chilling persiflage of 
 Erasmus and Mutianus as from the baser ribaldry of inferior 
 partisans. 
 
Christian Reunion. 9 
 
 And although, at the beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
 tury, a Leonard Hutter could tear down the portrait of 
 Melancthon and trample it under foot at Wittenberg itself, 
 there were not wanting, as years passed on, successors fit 
 to share alike the mantle and the spirit. At Leyden, Francis 
 Junius'' and Uytenbogaert ; at Heidelberg, David Paraeus ; 
 Ward and Davenant'-' at Cambridge ; Rainoldes and- Abbot 
 at Oxford ; Cameron,'" who passed from Scotland to France, 
 and was to found the liberal school of Saumur, as Durie to 
 Germany on the business of his life-long pilgrimage; above 
 all, the great succession through Caselius to Calixtus at 
 Helmstiidt,— all these were the heirs of Melancthon's spirit, 
 and the work to which they gave heart and soul and 
 strength was Christian Reunion. 
 
 But the first practical effort of the seventeenth century, 
 and one that was to prove once and for all time the insuffi- 
 ciency of Bucer's system, was attempted, not at Wittenberg 
 nor Geneva nor Leyden, but in the metropolis of the East- 
 ern Church. It has been the custom to regard the career 
 of Cyril Lucaris as a mere isolated tragedy, as an incident 
 solely personal ; the career of an eclectic who attempted an 
 impossible scheme of reconciliation, and whose scheme 
 perished with himself.'' Whatever be true in this tradi- 
 tional view, it ignores at least one fact, patent to all who 
 examine the diplomatic history of the time (especially the 
 relations of England and France to the Porte) — namely, 
 that almost every power in Europe was more or less actively 
 interested in the struggle between Cyril and his Turkish and 
 Jesuit adversaries. In fact, the great contest of the Thirty 
 Years' war was represented in its theological phase on the 
 historic scene of Constantinople. More than five hundred 
 
lo Hulsean Lechires. 
 
 years had passed since the long existing separation be- 
 tween East and West had been formally consummated, 
 when the Roman legates placed the Bull of excommuni- 
 tion upon the high altar of St. Sophia. Since that time, the 
 Eastern Church had experienced the great changes conse- 
 quent upon the Turkish rule, and the loss of even the last 
 relics of the old Greek civilisation. But, theologically, it 
 stood unmoved \ recognising no new light nor means of 
 spiritual nourishment since, eight centuries before, John of 
 Damascus had opened and had closed the ' Fountain of 
 knowledge.'" The century of the Reformation had witnessed 
 two eager efforts to enlist the Eastern Church on either side 
 of the great struggle. For seven years the Lutherans had 
 maintained correspondence with Jeremias II, endeavouring 
 to effect reunion on the basis of the Aiigitstana. At the 
 same time Possevino, one of the adroitest of Jesuit mis- 
 sionaries, after futile endeavours to restore the Roman 
 influence in Sweden, passed into Russia, and there suc- 
 ceeded in obtaining a form of union which owed its reason 
 of existence to the political necessities of Poland. The 
 hopes of the Vatican were now, once more, directed to 
 Constantinople, and, under the protection of the French 
 Embassy, a Jesuit mission was established at Galata in the 
 early years of the seventeenth century. 
 
 It is well known how Cyril Lucaris, a native of Crete, 
 and therefore a Venetian subject, after studying at Padua 
 and Venice, under Margunius, Piccolomini, and Cremoninus, 
 came to Geneva."'^ The obscure chronology of his earlier 
 life makes it diflicult to identify with certainty the period 
 of his sojourn ; but whether in the last years of the sixteenth 
 century, or (as the two most recent writers incline to believe) 
 
Christian Reunion. 1 1 
 
 in 1602, he came there under influences which decided his 
 future. 
 
 It has been well said that during the sixteenth century, 
 if not in many other ages, the history of universities is the 
 history of civilisation ; and the youngest of all, the Academy 
 of Geneva, might seem at that time to have feared no com- 
 parison with even the most ancient and illustrious. It was 
 there that a thousand hearers had listened to the lectures of 
 its first professor of theology ; it was there that, within the 
 space of a generation, within the narrow limits of the old 
 city, had taught Hotoman, the two Godefroids, Sarrasin, 
 Serranus, Joseph Scaliger, and Isaac Casaubon. 
 
 When Cyril came to Geneva, many of the great teachers 
 had passed away ; but Beza, fit representative alike of 
 Humanism and the Reformation, still lived, in advanced 
 age and honourable poverty, the object of devoted attach- 
 ment. He had taught in Calvin's chair, as late as 1598: 
 he preached for the last time in 1600. And if Cyril's 
 sojourn belongs to the latter of possible dates, he may 
 have been an eye-witness of the memorable Escalade of 
 1602, and the heroic defence of the city of Christian scholars 
 against the treacherous onslaught of Savoy. 
 
 What wonder that the brief experience of this sojourn 
 influenced the young Greek for life. What contrast must 
 he have drawn between the degradation of the Eastern 
 Church and the strength and spirituality of the Reforma- 
 tion, as seen at Geneva, when he w^as called to the throne 
 of Athanasius. He had been witness of Roman tactics in 
 the Russian union. He had visited the Lutheran univer- 
 sities, and a sojourn in England laid the foundation of his 
 life-long intercourse with Archbishop Abbot. 
 
1 2 Hzdsean Lectures. 
 
 With these Western friends Cyril continued in constant 
 correspondence. Surely there is no more unique feature 
 in church history — one might say even in the history of 
 humanity — than the picture of character shown to us in the 
 correspondence of Cyril. We see one already in full man- 
 hood, who had enjoyed the very highest culture that the 
 great Italian schools could give ; who had already, in the 
 matter of the Polish Reunion, passed his apprenticeship in 
 public affairs ; who, as Patriarch of Alexandria, still bore 
 the title of "Judge of the inhabited world" — asking his 
 correspondents for advice and correction, putting before 
 them his difficulties, laying bare the honest process of 
 enquiry in his mind, as well as his deep longing for Re- 
 union ; and yet without an atom of the self-conscious pride 
 aping humility. Well might Archbishop Abbot, no mean 
 judge of men, write of him : 
 
 "/ doe perceive that there breatheth in him a soute, as, 
 on the one side, full of piety and devotion; so, on the other 
 side, full of pi'udence and discretions'-^ 
 
 But when, in 1621, he became Patriarch of Constanti- 
 nople, the crisis of his life approached. In spite of the 
 frequent exiles that w^ere almost a necessary incident of a 
 Patriarch's life, in spite of Jesuit intrigues and the rivalries 
 of his suffragans, he carried on his negociations with Eng- 
 land and the other Reformed Churches, and it seemed as 
 if at last the great hope of his life was to be accomplished. 
 From every quarter in Europe came voices of encourage- 
 ment ; Gustavus of Sweden and the English James I. 
 promised him their diplomatic support ; the venerable 
 Company of Geneva agreed to a basis of reunion which 
 would have left the question of ritual open, and admitted 
 
Christian Reiaiion. 13 
 
 the appeal to patristic authority on difficult points of Scrip- 
 ture. The theologians of the Netherlands sent one of their 
 own number to Constantinople as a mark of their hearty 
 co-operation. 
 
 But when the other Patriarchs were consulted, and the 
 great scheme opened to them, then the supreme difficulty 
 appeared. Gerasimus of Alexandria declined to move. The 
 others were silent or evasive. Then Cyril determined on 
 the step which only his own honesty of purpose can com- 
 pletely justify. He published the famous '''Confession of 
 the Oriental ClncrcJiy It was, indeed, no mere transcript 
 of Western symbols of the Reformed type : its basis was 
 a sincere attempt, in Bucer's manner, to fuse the two prin- 
 ciples of the appeal to Scripture and Justification by Faith 
 into the dogmatic ground-work of the Eastern Church. 
 But it had the supreme defect of expressing only one 
 man's belief Received with enthusiasm by the Reformed 
 Churches, the virulence of his Roman foes knew no bounds. 
 Again and again he was deposed. Only the constant 
 friendship of Sir Thomas Roe, the English ambassador, 
 one of those scholarly diplomatists of the age, who was not 
 less able to grapple with the Eastern Question at a time 
 when the Turk was a terror to be deprecated in the Litany, 
 because he was eager to secure rare manuscripts, and able 
 to decipher them, — only to his aid, and that of his Dutch 
 colleague Haga, did Cyril on many an occasion owe his 
 life. At last, after a fifth exile, the toils closed round him ; 
 the absent Sultan was persuaded by a false charge, and the 
 sentence of death was hastily executed. Happiest perhaps 
 for Cyril that he did not live to witness his own condemna- 
 tion, signed by one whom he had treated as his own son, 
 
14 Hulsean Lee litres. 
 
 Metrophanes of Alexandria. But it needed not the formal 
 censure of the Synods of Constantinople and Jassy; it 
 needed not the published creed of Petrus Mogila, to purge 
 from the Greek Church opinions never entertained by its 
 members. And yet Cyril's life had not been lived in vain. 
 
 As to the Eastern Church, indeed, the harvest of the 
 seed he sowed has only in our own time been" in part 
 revealed, when ii Bryennios and kindred spirits are again 
 sending forth "ecclesiastical truth" to the world; or, as in 
 Russia, where, after long oppression, the evangelical com- 
 munities are spreading far and wide, once more the Star 
 is seen in the East. 
 
 But the fruit of his labour in other lands was seen far 
 sooner. Those disciples of Melancthon who had so eagerly 
 and sympathetically watched his labors, had learned much 
 from them, and from their failure. For them, henceforth, 
 there would be no more of those artificial treaties, which 
 here assumed an agreement, and there disguised a differ- 
 ence. Their day had passed with those who really believed 
 in them. But the men of the seventeenth century felt that 
 the working of the law of separation must precede the pro- 
 cess of reunion ; and they understood that Christ himself 
 came to bring division at first, out of which true unity 
 should be evolved. For their ideal was not the storied 
 Babel on earth, seeking to reach the skies, and ending in 
 disaster, but that eternal city " which hath foundations, 
 whose builder a7id maker is GODT 
 
NOTES ON LECTURE I 
 
 ^The Rev. W. H. Thompson, Master of Trinity, formerly Pro- 
 fessor of Greek, and one of the electors of the Hulsean Founda- 
 tion. 
 
 2 The Rev. C. Simeon f 1S36. 
 
 =5 The Latin speech was delivered by the Public Orator, W. 
 Haddon ; the sermon preached by Parker. (Strype's Parker, i., 
 56; Mullinger, History of Cambridge University, 11., 11 7-1 25; 
 Hubertus, ''Ein' ware histori vom leben, sterbeti, begrebiiiss. . . 
 D. M. B:') The funeral sermon, " How we ought to take the 
 Death of the Godly," was also printed in London by Jugge (n. d.), 
 but no copy appears to be extant. 
 
 *Cf. Zwingli, Op. iv., 173, et seq. Luther Epist. 121 7 (DeWette, 
 IV., 26), and Baum, Capito u. Bucer, p. 316. 
 
 ^Cf. Corp. Ref., iii., 75-Si, including Bucer's declaration. 
 
 "See Luther's Werke (Walch), xvii., 389-1005; and Corp. Re/., 
 IV., 119-676. The final rock of failure was the fixed resolve of 
 Luther: '' De adiaphoris rebus agi nihil potest, nisi priiis vere 
 conveniat de doctri?ia et de rebus necessariis.'' (Luth. Epist. ap. 
 De Wette, v. 260.) 
 
 "Cf. Drouven, D. Reformation, in. d. K7>tn. Prov., 1876. 
 
 ^Luther spoke contemptuously of Bucer as a "■Klappermaul^'' 
 but well appreciated his value in his better hours. On the other 
 side, the most bitter attacks were not wanting. The Jesuit Posse- 
 vino declared that Bucer died a Jew {De atheismo Hoereticorum, 
 VIII., 23), but this was a common charge at that time, ^gidius 
 Hunnius wrote a treatise entitled "Calvimis juddiza?is.'' Bossuet 
 included a fierce denunciation of Bucer in his Histoire des Varia- 
 tions (lib. IV., \ 25), sneering at his repeated marriages, which he 
 erroneously describes as three in number, spoke of " equivoques 
 affectees^ and declared that Calvin himself had accused Bucer of 
 falsehood. But this is incorrect: what Calvin objected to was 
 
1 6 Notes on Lechu^e I. 
 
 Bucer's obscurity of statement: "7>^ Biiccri obscm-itatemvituperas 
 el Dieritoy 
 
 Luther at Marburg, meeting Bucer, " shook his hand, and said, 
 smiling and pointing his finger at him : 'Du bist ein Schalk und 
 ein Nebler! " (Baum, p. 459; Erichson, p. 16.) 
 
 "Especially the three works of Tholuck's later life, Das acade- 
 viische Leben im XVIP'^^ Jahrhundert{W?i\\^, iS^/[), Lebenszeugeti 
 dcr lidherischen Kir die (Berlin, 1859), and Das kirchliche Lebeit 
 im XVIlten Jahrhimdert (BerKn, 1861-2). 
 
 '"''Also verstehet uns recht was Babel und der Thurm zu 
 Babel audeutet : Die stadt Babel ist der Hams Mensche der diese 
 Stadt auff Erden bawet; der Thurm ist sein eigen erwehleter 
 Gott und Gottesdienst. AUe Vernunft-Gelahrte aus der Schule 
 dieser Welt sind die Baumeister dieses Thurmes. Alle diejenize 
 welche sich zu Lehrern aufwerffen und von Menschen darzu 
 beruffen worden ohne Gottes Geist, die sind alle Werckmeister, 
 u. s. w." {Mysteriiim magnum, oder Erkldrung liber das erste Buck 
 Mosis, 1640. Cap. xxxvT., \ 8.) 
 
 '' Cf. Wildenhahn, J. Arndt. (Leipz. 1847-58.) The many sus- 
 picions as to Arndt's orthodoxy were silenced at last by Polycarp 
 Lyser's decision: "The book (meaning the ^Vier Bllcher vom 
 wahren Christenthum ') is good, if the reader is good." See also 
 Tholuck's Lebenszetigen, p. 261. 
 
 ^2 See the essay by W. Schircks, in Stud. u. Krit. 1855, heft. 3. 
 
 ^^Cf. Henke, Lebeji von G. Calixtus, 11., 220, et seq. 
 
 ^•*The famous work, ^^Del bejieficio di Giesu Crista crocifisso^^ 
 falsely attributed to Paleario, is now known to have been the work 
 of a Benedictine monk, named Benedetto of Mantua. See Ben- 
 rath in the Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte (1877). It was redis- 
 covered at Cambridge in 1854, and edited by the late Professor 
 Babington, as also by Tischendorf. 
 
 ^"•See Tholuck's Academisches Leben, and Hase's Kirchenges- 
 chichte^ loth edition, p. 423. t 
 
 ^^The original edition of the "■ Confessio Augustana^^ (1531) 
 had been accepted as a declaration of peace by many outside the 
 strict Lutheran lines. Calvin himself, while minister at Strasburg, 
 
Notes on Lecture I. 17 
 
 signed it, and again as delegate to the Conference of Regensburg 
 in*'i54i. It was signed by Farel and Beza at the Conference of 
 Worms in 1537, by Friederich III., elector of the Pfalz, in 1561, 
 and by many other Reformed princes. The second edition, the 
 so-called ''Variatar was published in 1540; and so far from there 
 being any concealment or disguise about the alterations, the words 
 " mit vle'is emendirV stand upon the title-page. See Schaff, Hist. 
 Creeds of Christendom, p. 236, et seq. 
 
 i^The story will be found in a letter of Andrea to Marbach. 
 See Fecht's collection of Marbach 's letters, p. 580. 
 
 i« Francis Junius, or Du Jon (the elder), whose autobiography 
 is included in Miiller's Bekenntnisse merkitmrdiger Manner, 11., 
 179, et seq. Du Jon was fiercely attacked by Scaliger. His Ireni- 
 cum aimed, not at reunion, but at a mutual toleration. 
 
 i^Davenant (1572-1641). A protege of Whittaker, in 1614-15 
 disputed publicly with Scultetus at Cambridge ; made Lady Mar- 
 garet Professor and Pres. of Queen's Coll. One of the English 
 delegates at Dort, where his influence did much to soften the 
 extremes of Gomarus and his party. Often in trouble with the 
 Council on account of his tolerant policy. In 1631 made to kneel 
 before Privy Council, in presence of Laud, Harsnet, and Neile, 
 but dismissed with an injunction not to oifend. In 1638, published 
 his treatise, ''De Pace inter Evangelicos procuranda Sententice 
 Ouatiwr;' which included the opinions of Morton, Hall, and some 
 French divines. In 1641 he published his ''Adhortatio ad pacem 
 ecclesicz:' Of Davenant it was said by Ussher that " he under- 
 stood the Predestinarian controversy better than any man since 
 St. Austin." 
 
 ■^*^ Cameron. Came from Scodand to Bordeaux in 1600, became 
 a minister, then teacher, at Bergerac. Appointed later to a chair 
 at Sedan, but finally called to Saumur in Gomar's place. He 
 taught there till 1620. After many wanderings, died in 1625. 
 
 21 As Pichler's biography {Cyr.Uicaris.oder der Protestantismus 
 in der Oriental. Kirclie. Mun., 1862) cannot be accepted as a 
 definitive account of Cyril Lucaris, the student must be referred to 
 the sources, Aymon's Monninens aiUhentiqiies de la religion des 
 Grecs, Cyril's own Letires a^iecdotes, edited separately in 17 18, also 
 included in Aymon ; Smith's Miscellanea, Lond., 1709, and his 
 
 B 
 
1 8 Notes on Lechcre I. 
 
 Collectanea de C. L. ; and Kimmers Monumenta fidei ecclesitr 
 Orientalis, Jena, 1800. Two articles by Mohnike and Twesten, 
 resp. in the Stud. 11. Krit., 1832, and the Deutsche Zeitschrift f. Chr. 
 Wiss.^ 1850, are worth consulting. 
 
 Pichler makes no reference to an able study on Cyril published 
 at Athens in 1859 by Rhenieres. The essay by A. Mettetal lays no 
 claim to original research. 
 
 "IlTyyr) yvojcrea)?. Ed. Lequien, Par. 1712. 
 
 ^'^The family of Lucaris were old Greek nobility, connected 
 with the Paleologi, originally from Epidaurus in Illyria ; had 
 accepted voluntary exile to escape Turkish tyranny. Crete had 
 been purchased by Venice from the Counts of Montferrat. Many 
 of the young Greeks studied at the Italian universities. Padua 
 had three special colleges for them — the Collegium Cyprium, 
 founded by Garphranius for four Candiotes ; the Collegium Col- 
 lu7iiui)i, for eight Greeks ; and the Collegium Vetietum^ for twenty- 
 four students, of whom sixteen were to be of Crete. In the first 
 of these Cyril was educated. He was assisted from the first by 
 his kinsman Meletius, afterwards Patriarch of Alexandria. Ac- 
 cording to his first biographer, Leger, Cyril remained at Padua 
 till his twenty-third year. In 1596 he was attending the Synod of 
 Brzesc. 
 
 ^* Letter to Sir Thomas Roe, of Nov. 20, 1622. (Roe's Co7'res- 
 pondence, p. 102.) 
 
LECTURE II. 
 
 Protestant Reunion. 
 
LECTURE II. 
 
 MaKaptot oi elprjvoTTOLOL, on viol Ocov KXrjOyaovraL. 
 
 {Matth. V. 9.) 
 
 E who endeavours to describe the various efforts 
 to promote Christian Reunion in the seventeenth 
 century, feels how great were the difficulties expe- 
 rienced by those predecessors by whose labours he has 
 profited. For the work is not to describe the history of 
 one movement, but of many ; proceeding sometimes in 
 parallel, sometimes in intersecting courses ; now the politi- 
 cal and now the religious element predominating : indeed, 
 more than once, in the same country, at the same period, 
 two distinct currents of irenical purpose are manifest ; as 
 in France, in 1631, when the partial union between Luther- 
 ans and Reformed was accomplished at the Synod of 
 Charenton, while Richelieu was aiming at a wider scheme, 
 which should have brought the whole nation into one 
 ecclesiastical organization. 
 
 And so when, at the beginning of the century, a member 
 of the Oratorian order in France attempted the first history 
 of Reunion, inspired by the somewhat sanguine hope that, 
 under the auspices of the First Napoleon, Western Christ- 
 endom might be finally united, he abandoned all effort at 
 philosophical treatment, or even classification of any sort, 
 and narrated, as detached incidents, each irenical effort, 
 with its measure of success or failure.^ And even when, a 
 generation later, the German scholar Karl Hering, per- 
 
2 2 Hulsean Lectures. 
 
 formed the same task, on a larger scale, with greater 
 knowledge and a more catholic spirit, the reader yet seeks 
 in vain an answer to the natural questions which the history 
 suggests, as to the connection between the different efforts, 
 the respective share of political interest, and growth of 
 religious feeling ; above all, as to the principles on which 
 the leaders of each movement based their proposals for 
 peace, and the reason why some of the greatest minds of 
 the century, a Grotius and a Leibnitz, after strenuously 
 taking part in one or other of the movements, occupied at 
 the close of their lives an ambiguous position of neutrality.^ 
 
 Not onl}^ the prescribed limits of time, but other reasons 
 no less peremptory, have caused me to restrict, as far as 
 possible, the scope of my own investigation. In treating 
 of the seventeenth century alone, almost every condition 
 and aspect of the question comes to view ; and in omitting, 
 so far as the narrower question of Protestant Reunion is 
 concerned, all reference to the various schemes of compre- 
 hension that were proposed or attempted in the Church of 
 England, I avoid the necessarily imperfect discussion of a 
 topic which demands separate treatment, not merely on 
 account of the difference of conditions, but from its surpas- 
 sing historic interest, and its incalculable importance as a 
 practical question in these present times 
 
 And while almost every conceivable method of arrange- 
 ment, whether geographical or chronological, from the 
 causes stated, incurs danger of repetition or omission, I 
 propose to adopt the simplest plan of all, that of taking, 
 in block, the two great groups of irenical effort — first of 
 Protestant Reunion, belonging to the period before 1660, 
 with its central figures, John Durie, Calixtus, and Hugo 
 
Protestant Reunion. 23 
 
 Grotius ; and then the larger movement towards the Re- 
 union of the whole West, which, though schemed by Riche- 
 lieu and James I and Grotius, never approaches tangible 
 shape till taken up by Durie's counterpart, the CathoHc 
 bishop Spinola, whose ceaseless journeyings and negoci- 
 ations prepare the stage for the entry of Leibnitz and 
 
 Bossuet. 
 
 We have seen, in the earlier Reformation period, one 
 irenical system, that of Bucer — that which may be called 
 the "Diplomatic method"— was generally adopted. Ex- 
 cellent in intention, it suffered fatally from lack of uniformity 
 of principle, or even of any recognised principle underlying 
 it; and at last Melancthon abandoned his reluctant approval. 
 He did not live to inaugurate practically a better method, 
 and his bequest to posterity consisted, as we have seen, not 
 so much in doctrines stereotyped in symbols as in a spirit 
 continued in worthy successors, maintaining the lofty ideal 
 of learning, and the spirit of charity and toleration, which 
 shadowed forth (if it did not absolutely state) that recogni- 
 tion of theological ethics as the ultimate expression, of which 
 a true successor of Melancthon in this century has left so 
 imperishable a monument.'^ 
 
 But two remarkable influences were found in combina- 
 tion, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, which 
 strengthened the desire for reunion, and tended to counter- 
 balance the hard scholastic tone of Lutheran and Reformed 
 
 orthodoxy. 
 
 It is at this time that learned laymen are found to take 
 earnest part in theological discussion ; often with reluctance, 
 as when the great scholar, Hermann Conring, writes to a 
 friend that he would fain have held aloof from religious 
 
24 Hulsean Lectures. 
 
 controversy, but that his conscience would not suffer him 
 to keep silence/ Throughout the century, in a Selden, a 
 Pascal, Thomasius, Leibnitz, Locke, and many others, the 
 influence is ever beneficial, not merely in the introduction 
 of a freer and more philosophical, but indeed of a gentler 
 and more Christian tone of discussion ; and if, by excep- 
 tion, a Selden may have permitted his sense of superiority 
 and even the vials of scorn to overflow, not only in private 
 table-talk, but in public controversy, we must remember 
 that he had to deal with adversaries who found anathema 
 easier than argument against his History of Tithes, and he 
 may have deemed those wielders of the *' gilt-edged testa- 
 ments " as deficient in the spiritual unction which they 
 claimed, as in the human learning which they despised.^ 
 
 And, secondly, it has been pointed out by one whose 
 researches on this period form the stepping-stone for every 
 later investigation, that the custom of " academic travels " 
 had the greatest influence in widening the views and extend- 
 ing the sympathies of students. Indeed, the '' peregrinatio 
 academic a " was not a feature peculiar to this century ; for 
 all will recollect that description of a journey through the 
 universities of Europe in the ""^ Leite7's of obscure men^^ 
 which a tradition one willingly accepts attributes to the 
 lighter vein of no less a writer than Melancthon himself. 
 But the seventeenth century made it a recognised part of 
 an academical, and especially of a theological curriculum.'' 
 The journeys extended far and lasted long. France, 
 Italy, and England are constantly mentioned ; but the 
 Netherlands, then in the very summit of intellectual and 
 national glory, was their especial goal. There Lutheran 
 visitors reluctantly admitted the virtues and talents of Re- 
 
Protestant Reimion. 25 
 
 formed teachers. There Myslenta, extremes! zealot from 
 Wittenberg-, experiences and confesses the spell of the 
 personal fascination of Episcopius, just as the Calvinist 
 Heidegger visits at Strasburg the redoubtable Lutheran 
 controversialist Dannhauer, and is received with a cor- 
 diality he never forgets. We hear of one student who, after 
 passing seven years at Wittenberg, studies at Utrecht, at 
 Paris, and at Oxford. Another comes to the same univer- 
 sity for two years to learn Hebrew from one who first 
 illustrated a name now doubly memorable in the annals 
 of theology.' 
 
 It was upon a scene thus prepared and preparing that 
 the first voice spoke forth, exhorting the two great sections 
 of Protestantism to seek peace. 
 
 The '^ Ircniciivi " of David Paraeus recommends a gen- 
 eral congress of the Protestant powers, including England 
 and the Scandinavian countries; that its work should be a 
 separation of doctrines into essentials and non-essentials, 
 indicating clearly his own view that a temperate discussion 
 would prove the real points of controversy to be both few 
 and unimportant. It is an appeal to the kings and people, 
 " theologi enivi surdi stent'' But the time was not yet 
 ripe. To the joy of anxious Jesuits, the Lutherans scorn- 
 fully rejected a proposal which one of their spokesmen 
 described as a diabolical invention.^ 
 
 And now a person comes forth, compared with whom 
 even Bucer's memory pales in respect of single-hearted 
 devotion to the cause of Reunion. 
 
 The career of John Durie, extending over more than 
 half a century, would need volumes to describe, and its 
 main outline is doubtless familiar to us all. We remember 
 
2 6 Hulsean Lectures. 
 
 how the young Scotchman, after leaving Oxford, was 
 brought into contact with that good genius of the time, 
 Sir Thomas Roe, who, recalled from Constantinople, after 
 having been the preserver of Cyril's life, now became the 
 friend and adviser of Durie. At first, all seemed to promise 
 success. Armed with strong recommendation from Arch- 
 bishop Abbot, as well as from Davenant and Hall ; publicly 
 favored by Gustavus Adolphus and Oxenstierna ; received 
 with warmest welcome by the congenial minds at Helmstadt, 
 Durie accepted without misgiving the cold and even hostile 
 attitude of the Jena and Leipzig divines. To us, at the 
 present time, it seems wonderful that a theologian who held 
 himself so distinctly aloof from all current controversy 
 should have been able to gain even a hearing from his 
 contemporaries. For Durie's own theological position, sel- 
 dom brought into evidence till the close of his life, was 
 much that of a mediaeval mystic, retiring from the ingenui- 
 ties of the schoolmen to the contemplation of divine things. 
 We find that, at the last, in his retirement at Cassel, he 
 found his own consolation in that Pietistic movement by 
 which Labadie from one side, Molinos and Spener on 
 others, transfused once more a needed life-blood into cur- 
 rent theology. It is even alleged against him as a heresy, 
 by a later writer of Mosheim's school, that he held that the 
 " Word of God, different on men's lips, is the same in their 
 hearts," a doctrine which, however we may judge it, we 
 know to have been familiar to such minds as Eckart and 
 Tauler. 
 
 His basis of reunion was, therefore, far different from 
 the almost utilitarian position of Bucer ; and if it varies in 
 expression in the course of his long career, it is by a natural 
 
Protestant Reitnion. 27 
 
 development, a wider conception of the differing conditions 
 of each community, and an experience sadly purchased of 
 the many failures of his life-long quest. 
 
 But so far from deserving the charge brought against him 
 by one writer, of a random adoption of contradictory prin- 
 ciples, we find an almost pedantic inculcation of elaborate 
 practical methods, developed from a very clear statement 
 of principles. Seeing that all controversies and schisms 
 have arisen from the three differences, of opinion, method 
 and temper of discussion, and form of worship, he pre- 
 scribes for the cure of each. In the first place, almost in 
 the words used later by Jeremy Taylor and Stillingfleet, 
 he would reduce the sum of fundamental doctrine to its 
 minimum in the Apostles' creed. For the second, he would 
 revive the forgotten discipline of practical theology, em- 
 powering the Superintendents to check mere scholastic 
 controversies, and to encourage the study of the higher 
 casuistry, as in England Sanderson and Taylor understood 
 it. Less practical or possible are his recommendations for 
 the abolition of all sectarian names, and less admirable his 
 proposal for a Censorship upon theological writings. 
 
 And it seemed at the time that he first made these 
 proposals that success would attend his hopes. In the years 
 1630 and 1 63 1, as if in celebration of the great centenary of 
 Augsburg, the Protestant cause, with its new champion from 
 the North, was in height of prosperity; and the hearts of 
 even the bitterest controversialists more open to thoughts 
 of union. In the same year, 1631, two important events, 
 on the Reformed side, at the Synod of Charenton, and of 
 Lutherans, the Colloquy of Leipzig, marked a real advance 
 towards mutual comprehension. At the former, under the 
 
28 Hulsean Leciiires. 
 
 auspices of Amyraut, Blondel, and Mestrezat, it was decided 
 that Lutherans should be admitted to Communion, "since" 
 — as it was declared — "the churches of the Aug^sburof 
 Confession agree in fundamental articles with the Re- 
 formed churches, and their service is without idolatry and 
 superstition." At Leipzig, the Reformed churches declared 
 their admiration of, and assent to, the Augsburg Confession 
 (meaning, naturally, its later redaction), and gave assent 
 also to a number of articles proposed with a specific pur- 
 pose of furthering reunion/* 
 
 If the practical work achieved was slight and of scant 
 duration, that which was important in the Leipzig Colloquy 
 was the fact of nearer personal contact and mutual under- 
 standing. And a proof, not without value, of the advance 
 made was aftbrded by the indignant protests from the 
 Roman camp against these dangerous signs of alliance ; 
 more than one Jesuit denouncing this new heresy as leading 
 surely to indifference in religion, and from thence as surely 
 to atheism. 
 
 On Abbot's death, Durie found that all his hopes of 
 support from England depended on a personage of different 
 character. But whatever judgment may be passed on 
 Laud's policy within the English Church, it is impossible 
 to deny that, in his dealings with the Protestant cause on 
 the Continent, it was as broad and statesmanlike as that of 
 Abbot himself The sole condition imposed was the recep- 
 tion of Anglican Orders ; and to this Durie assented, as 
 Leigh ton twenty years later, and was supplied with cre- 
 dentials more full and authoritative even than before. 
 But from henceforth Durie was to experience a series of 
 disappointments and failures. In Sweden, whither he next 
 
Protestant Reunion. 29 
 
 bent his steps, filled with highest hopes of success through 
 Oxenstierna's influence, and fi-om the many links of analogy 
 between the Swedish and Anglican reformations, he was 
 received with jealousy and suspicion. His very right to 
 speak in the name of the Reformed Churches was openly 
 doubted ; and when at last admitted to a public hearing, he 
 was silenced by the raising of side-issues, and soon after was 
 directed to leave the country. In Denmark he experi- 
 enced a similar failure ; for the demand of the Lutheran 
 clergy that the Reformed, as a preliminary step, should 
 ''renounce all their distinctive opinions," could hardly have 
 inspired hope even in Durie's sanguine disposition. Then 
 for many years he abandoned his wanderings, but while 
 resident in England was ceaselessly active in propaganda. 
 Without a suspicion from either side of interested motive, 
 he accepted each phase of religious change ; he subscribed 
 the Covenant, and then the Engagement; but would not 
 join the Westminster Assembly without the King's consent, 
 ao-ainst whose trial he vehemently protested. Preaching 
 before Parliament in 1645, he besought them not to " make 
 the gates of their Jerusalem too narrow." Sent by Crom- 
 well forth once more on the work of his life, he remembered 
 the Swedish difficulties, and sought to procure a prelimi- 
 nary union of all sections of the Reformed ranks. Here he 
 was pardy successful ; but in Germany the frequent enquiry 
 why he did not first unite Christians in his native land, 
 before coming to other countries, was perhaps more difficult 
 to answer than the other arguments employed against him. 
 And for twenty years after the Restoration he continued in 
 the same activity, never bating heart or hope till the very 
 last, when a great pang of disillusion seems to have over- 
 
30 Httlsean Lectures. 
 
 come him, and is breathed in his last utterance: " The fruit 
 of my labour is but this, that I see more misery among 
 Christians than among heathen ; I see the cause of this 
 misery, and the need of remedy ; and I have but the wit- 
 ness of my own conscience that I strove to apply it."^" 
 
 If such seeming failure was the lot of the wandering 
 prophet, little better was the fate of the great scholar Calix- 
 tus, who, at the end of his life, when all his hopes seemed 
 near consummation at the Synod of Thorn, found himself 
 excluded by Lutheran bigotry from the very assembly which 
 had met to accomplish the objects he had consistently 
 advocated.^^ And yet the real influence of Calixtus, and of 
 the University of Helmstadt in that age, can hardly be 
 overrated. If it does not present the unique picture of 
 Geneva in the former century, with siege and pestilence on 
 either hand, and those teachers with their meagre pittances 
 and myriad hearers ; yet, in its absolute unity of spirit and 
 teaching (for at last the colleagues of Calixtus had been all 
 his pupils), the spectacle is almost as remarkable. As Durie 
 represents the endeavour after reunion from the side of 
 practical theology, Helmstadt urged the historical side with 
 an authority and learning which could not be denied. By 
 the admission of objective tests, more extensive than those 
 which Durie at any time demanded or would concede ; by 
 accepting the consent of the first five centuries, Calixtus 
 placed himself once more in possible relations, not only 
 with the Anglican hierarchy, but the moderate section of 
 the Galilean and Austrian clergy. Indeed, Calixtus' many 
 anti-Roman writings are directed rather against the new 
 school, the Jesuits, and the renegades like Nihusius, bitter 
 against the faith which had been abandoned. 
 
Protestant Reiniion. 31 
 
 But it was reserved for one, greater far than Durie or 
 Calixtus, and who all his life had been eager in the same 
 cause, to close this chapter in the history of Christian 
 Reunion, And there is the more reason to dwell upon the 
 share of Hugo Grotius in this work, since a misrepresenta- 
 tion of it — "gross as a mountain, open, palpable" — has 
 long been regarded as a faithful record, coming as it does 
 from the hand of a great English historian, whose conspicu- 
 ous, 'and, indeed, in almost every case merited distinction, 
 is his impartiality. Unlike Calixtus, whose life has been 
 fitly recorded by one of his own spiritual descendants, 
 Grotius, whose country but recently has given him the 
 tardy tribute of a prophet's tomb, yet lacks the rarer monu- 
 Tnent of fitting biography. Before Grotius had been long 
 dead, we know that Richard Baxter, in one of his least 
 happy moments, charged him with having virtually seceded 
 to Rome, and the Anglican theologian, Bramhall, vindi- 
 cated the great memory wronged, in a memorable treatise. 
 But it seems hardly credible that the authority of Hallam's 
 name should have been given, and for so long without 
 question, to a statement which is not even free from material 
 inaccuracies, which is based upon a most imperfect grasp of 
 facts, and throughout adopts the method of a hostile advo- 
 cate. That statement is made at great length, with strong 
 profession of accuracy, and with all its apparatus of quota- 
 tion from the epistles. Its conclusion is to represent 
 Grotius as " stooping to nonsensical evasions," "runaway 
 with vanity," a " searcher for subtle interpretations, by 
 which he might profess to believe the words of the Church, 
 though conscious that his sense was not that of the im- 
 posers;" his change of standpoint is attributed to "ill-usage 
 
32 Hulseari Lectu^^es. 
 
 received from the Huguenots," and the " caresses of the 
 GaUicans. " '' And as, upon the mind of the general reader, 
 the pointed EngHsh phrase leaves surer dint than the most 
 faithful Latin quotations, what wonder that many may have 
 eagerly added Grotius to that category of the ''greatest, 
 wisest, meanest of mankind^'' the imagined extension of 
 which gives so much consolation to mediocrity. And so, 
 for more than a generation, that verdict has stood unchal- 
 lenged and unanswered — 
 
 ''As Loiido?i's column, pobiting to the skies, 
 Like a tall bully, lifts its head and lies." 
 
 That the statement contains much that is true in sub- 
 stance can be readily admitted. That Hallam doubtless 
 beHeved he was fairly judging Grotius may be as certain 
 as our knowledge that the impartiality he invariably meted 
 to a character he disliked, he here fails to grant to one 
 which he admired but could not comprehend. Nor is it 
 any discredit to that universal reading which is already 
 impossible, and soon will be inconceivable, that Hallam had 
 failed to master that literature of Dutch and French Pro- 
 testant theology belonging to the first half of the seventeenth 
 century, which alone would furnish labour for a life-time. 
 But we may wonder that he should have failed to remember 
 that noble Apologia for his own life and opinions which 
 Grotius gives in the introduction to his Votum pro Pace 
 ecclesiastic a, and written in 1642, three years before his 
 death : 
 
 '''Instructed from my childhood, in the Holy Scriptzires, 
 but by teachers who thought not alike concerning thifigs 
 Divine, 1 2inderstood that Christ had willed that all named 
 after him, and trusting in his salvation, should be one, as 
 
Pi^oiestant Reunion. 33 
 
 he is one with the Father. . . . And the beauty of the 
 primitive Church did greatly please me, at that time ivhen 
 she was without question Catholic, since all Christians, save 
 a few separated a7id clearly distinguished parts, remained 
 in one comnmnion, from the Rhine to Africa and Egypt, 
 from the Brita^inic ocean to the Euphrates!^ 
 
 But as my limits forbid the preferable task of giving 
 Grotius' vindication in his own words, suffer me, in con- 
 cluding this section of my subject, to state the moments 
 which are traceable in his admitted change of attitude, and 
 which the verdict of Hallam seems to have in some places 
 imperfectly judged, and in others completely misappre- 
 hended. 
 
 To charge it as a piece of reaction against Calixtus and 
 Grotius that they had strong respect for antiquity, is surely 
 a proof of more than careless statement. Melancthon at 
 Augsburg, or Jewell in his Apology, as we know, were 
 strenuous champions on a field which is now deserted by 
 their old opponents. Even so strenuous a champion of the 
 Reformed Church as Du Moulin writes thus to Bishop 
 Andrewes : 
 
 "/ am not so brazen-faced as to give sentence against 
 those lights of the ancient Church. . . . The venerable 
 antiquity of those primitive ages shall akuays weigh more 
 with me than any man^s newfangled institution.^'' ^'- 
 
 But while, from the first, the recognition of, and appeal 
 to, antiquity was integral part of the Reformation platform, 
 it may indeed be admitted that, gradually, as new points of 
 controversy arose, two schools of opinion within the Refor- 
 mation were evolved, the one giving less and the other more 
 relative weight to the verdict of antiquity ; while the attempt 
 c 
 
34 Hulsean Lectures. 
 
 to urge the individual authority of certain Fathers as a bar 
 without appeal, seemed at last, to a great body of Protestants, 
 to be a threatening evil, for which Daille applied a some- 
 what extreme but not unneeded antidote. 
 
 Nor, secondly, can any personal pique at the narrow 
 feeling of the French Protestants be regarded as an efficient 
 cause of Grotius' change. As a Remonstrant, he had been, 
 indeed, at first repelled from their communion, an act of 
 intolerance not to be defended. But those who study the 
 annals of French Protestantism will understand why, instead 
 of the syncretism which their own interest seemed to suggest, 
 a hardness and rigor appears in their controversial literature. 
 It was the result, not only of long years of persecution, but 
 of the fatal political birthright of the Edict, making them a 
 separated community, cut off from the sympathies of fellow 
 citizens by the very privileges which were one by one 
 destroyed.^'' 
 
 But the third moment to be regarded is in the attitude 
 of Grotius to the movement for reunion as a work of his 
 life. He who was a statesman, who had made history with 
 Gustavus and Richelieu, was not content, like Durie, with 
 declarations and colloquies ; nor, like Calixtus, would deign 
 to bandy pamphlets with opponents like Calov and Hiilse- 
 mann. He saw the failure of their work, which he had 
 ardently helped, and aimed at some scheme where action 
 was possible, and success within measurable sight. As he 
 had seen Protestant union a failure wherever tried, so he 
 now turned to the wider scheme which had for its goal the 
 reunion of Western Christendom.^* 
 
 But, lastly, there is one point, indeed, where those who 
 desire to play the schoolmaster to Grotius may prove him 
 
Protestant Reunion. 35 
 
 wrong. He believed, and believed without reason, that it 
 was possible to take up in 1640 the plan which Cassander 
 had offered in vain in 1560. But the stream which then 
 was narrow, and might have been bridged over by a few 
 practical reforms, and a few prompt concessions, was now 
 a wide gulf. Yet still there was possibility, if a concurrence 
 of political interest and of developed sympathy could be 
 found ; and, in any case, there are some who, if they had 
 lived at that time, would not have grieved to err with Gro- 
 tius and Leibnitz, if, indeed, they erred at all. 
 
 And here, with a final record of failure, this section of 
 my subject ends. And the failure seemed irremediable. 
 Who could unite with those whose reply, like Luther's to 
 Zwingli's outstretched hand and offered friendship at Mar- 
 burg, was: ^^ Ye have another spirit!'' Who could not 
 feel that some inherent drawback must attach to schemes 
 which no efforts, no faith, could bring to success? And 
 there was the consciousness reawakening, thought on by 
 Calixtus, pressing on Grotius, carried by Leibnitz into 
 practice, that schemes which at best only reunited a fraction 
 could not have elements of finality in them. How could 
 eternal foundations be laid for temporary expedients ? 
 
 And in our memories the onward vista of later attempts 
 confirms the prognostic of Grotius. We know the failure 
 of Tillotson's splendid effort, supported by his sovereign 
 and by that galaxy of names illustrious in theology. We 
 know how two genuine eft'brts to unite the Prussian and 
 Anglican Churches failed ; we know the history of that 
 union of the two Protestant sections in this century, the 
 failure of which broke Frederich William's heart, and 
 dashed the life-long hope of Bunsen ; we know how the 
 
36 Hulsean Lechtres. 
 
 Evangelical Alliance, with all its splendid promise, has been 
 sterile of practical result. And the reason was in the con- 
 viction that, however it might be justifiable to erect barriers 
 against persecution, such methods lost with their object 
 their reason of existence ; it was in the conviction that the 
 work of Christianity is not to perpetuate divisions, but to 
 end them ; that as the heathen could conceive nothing 
 human alien to himself, so the Christian scheme knows no 
 barriers of eternal separation between those who profess to 
 call themselves after the name of Christ. 
 
NOTES ON LECTURE II 
 
 ^The work of Tabaraud {Histoire critique des projets ci'imioji) 
 was written early in the century, but suppressed. It was pub- 
 lished in 1824. 
 
 ^Geschichie der kirchlichen Unionsversiiche^ Leipz., 1836, re- 
 mains still the standard work upon its subject, and is so acknow- 
 ledged by authorities like K. Hase and Niedner. Its account of 
 the labours of Melancthon and Dune is still the best; but recent 
 publication of the Leibnitz Correspondence has thrown much 
 new light on the later phases of the work of Union. 
 
 ^That which may be called the "definitive word" upon the 
 character of Melancthon was uttered by Richard Rothe, in his 
 speech delivered in the Aula of the University of Heidelberg, on 
 the three hundredth anniversary of Melancthon's death. (Apr. 
 19, i860.) He described M.'s career as "the great turning-point 
 in the history of Christianity, from the exclusively religious-eccle- 
 siastical, to the religious-ethical aim." He believed that not one 
 of M.'s contemporaries, not even Zwingli, was able to appreciate 
 him. 
 
 ^Scaliger said that he had sometimes thought of writing upon 
 the corruptions of the text of Scripture. Cf. Scaligeratia 11., s. v. 
 Josephe: "II ya plus de 50 additions on mutations au N. T. et 
 aux Evangiles; c'est chose estrange, je n'ose la dire; si c'estoit 
 un auteur profane ; j'eu parlerois autrement." He gave his reasons 
 for holding back in some verses addressed to De Thou : 
 
 "O Musas et nos parili amplexus aviore^' etc. 
 
 (see Bernays, p. 204), and in plain words addressed to Martinus 
 Lydius in Franeker. (Seal, epp., p. 576.) 
 
 ^"Divers members of both Houses were members of the 
 Assembly of Divines, and had the same liberty with the Divines 
 to sit and debate. ... In which debates Mr. Selden spake 
 admirably, and confuted divers of them in their own learning. 
 And sometimes, when they had cited a text of Scripture to prove 
 their assertion, he would tell them : 'Perhaps in your little pocket 
 Bibles^ with gilt leaves^ the tra)islation may be thus, but the Greek 
 
^S Notes on Lectiire II. 
 
 or the Hebre'iO signifies thus and thus ; ' and so he would totally 
 silence them," ( Whitelock's Memorials, ed. 1732, p. 71.) 
 
 ^Tholuck has given an exhaustive account of the ^^ peregrinafio 
 academica''^ in his ^'Acadeinisches Lcben,^'' cited supra. 
 
 'John Lightfoot (1602-1675), author of the Horae Hebraicae. 
 
 '*Cf. Hering, Unionsversuche, i., 2S3. 
 
 •'Cf. Hering, Unionsversuche, i., 326-358. 
 
 ^•^For the life of Durie, which still demands an adequate bio- 
 graphy, there are abundant MS. materials at Cassel, Cambridge, 
 and doubtless other places. The account given by Hering, in the 
 second volume of his work, is still the best, and is closely followed 
 by Moller in Herzog-Plitt's Eucyclop'ddie. 
 
 ^'Hering, loc. cit. ; Henke, Leben von G. Calixt^ 11., 1S6. 
 
 ^^Hallam, History of Literature. 11., 208, note. 
 
 ^•^Du Moulin (Molinei ad episc. Wint., epist. iii.). 
 
 ^^As far back as the year 1614, on the occasion of the National 
 Synod of Tonneins, Grotius had fully recognised the naj-rowerand 
 less attractive side of Huguenot orthodoxy. With grave humour 
 he pointed out that one difficulty in the way of any approxima- 
 tion between the Reformed Church of France and that of England 
 was in the fact that the extreme Huguenots, like the Scottish 
 Puritans, regarded episcopacy as "an invention of the devil and 
 the mark of the beast." (Hering, i., 322.) He perceived, also, 
 the deficiencies of Du INIoulin himself for the task pressed upon 
 him by James I. 
 
 ^^ Grotius admitted that he had gained his first ideas of Re- 
 union from Fr. Junius ( Votum pro pace eccles.^ contra Rivetuin), 
 and had strengthened them by the perusal of Cassander's writings. 
 A mind temperate and philosophic as his, nourished upon severe 
 and universal study, was unconsciously impelled by the shallow 
 polemics of his contemporaries to take a more favorable view of 
 the objects of the invectives. He pointed out the weakness of 
 the arguments which identified the Papacy with Antichrist, as 
 also the pleas of the victorious party at Dort. His sympathies 
 to the last were with the efforts of Durie, to whom he wrote in 
 warmest terms in 1641, shortly before his death. 
 
LECTURE III 
 
 Christian Reunion. 
 
LECTURE III. 
 
 MaKaptot ol elpyjvoTroiOi, on viol Oeov KX-qBrjcrovrai. 
 
 {Matth. V. 9.) 
 
 N the necessarily abbreviated account of the efforts to 
 promote reunion among the Protestant churches, the 
 endeavour has been made to show that their failure 
 was due, not merely to the intolerance of Lutherans and 
 Reformed on either side, but to an essential and insuper- 
 :able difference of opinion on the question of the Church. 
 Calixtus, in his later stages, and Grotius more constandy 
 and systematically, had upheld a theory, far indeed removed 
 from the Roman conception, but which was as unacceptable 
 on other grounds to his Protestant contemporaries. 
 
 And when we consider that theory, to which, in the 
 present century, Thomas Arnold gave such epigrammatic 
 'expression in one of his best-remembered letters ;^ when we 
 consider that Grotius denied Episcopacy to be a vital note 
 of the church, while recognising its historical position, and 
 its utility as an element of practical organization ; when we 
 remember his view of the function of the State, and that no 
 man ever held more strongly the belief that, everywhere, 
 ^'over all causes ecclesiastical as well as civil," the secular 
 power should be supreme, we may well wonder at the 
 ■superficial criticism which inferred an approximation to 
 Rome on the part of one who was Rome's most dangerous, 
 because most temperate and most intelligent, adversary. 
 
 And, on the other hand, while the Augsburg Confession, 
 unlike the Reformed symbols, whether Anglican or Galli- 
 
42 Hulsean Lee hires. 
 
 can, held to the statement, ''quod 7ina sancta ecclesia per- 
 petiLo mansura sit J' it is difficult to understand why, on this 
 side, Grotius did not find support in the more conservative 
 Lutheranism which carried so many ecclesiastical theories 
 into strenuous practice. 
 
 And yet it was without bitterness that the great scholar 
 relinquished his hopeless task, nor even without a certain 
 satisfaction, " for even the endeavour after that which is 
 noble," he writes, "yields the fruit of joyful recollection.'* 
 And, in another place : " If we obtain no more than that we 
 diminish hatred, and make Christians kinder and nearer to 
 one another, is not this even worth the labour and the oblo- 
 quy with which we must purchase it ? " Those words were to 
 be, for half a century, the epitaph upon Protestant Reunion. 
 But another influence had its weight alike in the earlier 
 efforts as in the subsequent relaxation and abandonment.. 
 It is customary to speak of England as the country, par 
 excellence, where ecclesiastical changes were due to political, 
 forces. And yet, not even in the days of pliant Tudor par- 
 liaments, do we find such absolute expression of what has 
 been called " caesaro-papism," as when, in the space of fifty 
 years, one German state changed five times from the Re- 
 formed to the Lutheran side ; and when the bright excep- 
 tions in the rulers of Hesse and Electoral Saxony, whose 
 own aspirations seemed to reflect those of their people,, 
 only threw into more vivid relief the arbitrary subjection of 
 religion to polidcal expediency. For many of the countless 
 religious colloquies of the sixteenth century were but politi- 
 cal measures, and the interest in them ceased, on the part 
 of princes, when the treaties of Westphalia settled the 
 Germanic system. The princes cared not for efforts after 
 
Christian Reunion. 43 
 
 religious federation, the success of which might lessen their 
 own absolute authority. And, therefore, the virtual erection 
 of numerous Protestant state-churches, although a sure 
 barrier against Roman aggression, was a hindrance, not 
 only to any progress towards national unity, but to that 
 conception of Christianity in its aspect of a universal church 
 which their own creeds acknowledged. 
 
 And now, from another side, the cause of union was to 
 be advocated. That aggressive progress which was the 
 feature of the Roman Church during the first half of the 
 seventeenth century ended with the treaties of Westphaha ; 
 but numerous converts from all classes of society, from 
 many of the reigning houses, and even some additions to 
 the more enviable conquests from the ranks of scholars of 
 European reputation, which had begun with Justus Lipsius, 
 and added Lucas Holsten and Nihusius, were not wanting. 
 And the interest which the apprehensions of Rome began 
 to direct towards reunion is proved by the many treatises 
 which from this time were published, such as the Mediiata 
 Concordia, by the Jesuit Masen, in 1664, the Aurora pads, 
 by the Bishop of Mainz, in the following year, the Tuba 
 pacts of Prsetorius, and many others.'^ 
 
 It is significant of the modern spirit which from the 
 middle of the century pervades Europe that it was a com- 
 mercial enterprise, an association to promote trade with 
 India, that enlisted the sanction of the Roman power on 
 behalf of Christian reunion. Rojas Spinola, Bishop of Tina, 
 is in more than one respect the counterpart of Durie. We 
 find in him the same overpowering possession by one idea, 
 the same unquesdoned sincerity, the same self-sacrificing 
 exerdons. Whether the authoriuy he claimed from the 
 
44 Hitlseaii Lectures. 
 
 Emperor and from the Pope would have proved as com- 
 plete in ratification as in promise, has been doubted, and 
 must always remain a question. But a remarkable docu- 
 ment, preserved in a transcript from the hand of Leibnitz, 
 proves beyond doubt that, on the side of the Emperor at 
 least, the measures proposed were in full accordance with 
 the policy of Vienna, and w^ere watched and encouraged 
 with keenest interest. And it was abundantly clear that, as 
 the previous efforts for Protestant reunion had laid bare 
 some irreconcilable differences in the Protestant ranks, so 
 now, on the side of those accepting the Roman obedience, 
 differences as marked, and as much based on the existence 
 of divergent principles, became manifest. Cassander, speak- 
 ing of the state of theological parties in France in the 
 middle of the sixteenth century, had remarked that, besides 
 the blind followers of Rome and the Huguenots, there was 
 a third party, " ordo moderatoriun et pacificatoriim''' who 
 recognise, he says, " the need of many reforms in the 
 Church, but yet disapprove of the importunity of the new 
 preachers. These seek such means by which the Church, 
 with least possible revolution, should be brought into har- 
 mony with Holy Scripture and antiquity ; and that both 
 sides, or at least those of both sides, 'qui saniores sunt^ 
 should be restored to Christian unity." "^ 
 
 Especially in France and with the house of Hapsburg 
 the memory of the old antagonism with Rome had not been 
 obliterated, and in both territories the results of successful 
 resistance survived, not only in a measure of practical inde- 
 pendence, but in a recognised theory. If this is less mani- 
 fest in the case of Austria, owing to the fact that the efforts 
 of bishops were often neutralized by the superior influence 
 
Christian Retmion. 45 
 
 of the Imperial confessors, generally Jesuits, and always 
 attached to Rome, it cannot be forgotten how three suc- 
 cessive Emperors, in the era of the Reformation, had held 
 the scales ; how Charles V, although personally averse to 
 Luther's movement, had rivalled the deed of Genseric, while 
 his two immediate successors had each shown the strongest 
 leaning to measures of reform and reunion. 
 
 And the Gallican Church, from the time of Charles the 
 Great, had preserved an ideal not unworthy of an origin 
 which claimed an inheritance from Irenaeus and Hilary. 
 Not as claiming an exceptional position in the universal 
 church, but as affirming in her own case a general and 
 certain rule of ecclesiastical common law, she maintained 
 her own principles, customs, and liberties. Indeed, this 
 ideal, to which few could refuse admiration, had not always 
 been clearly grasped. Sometimes on the side of the crown, 
 sometimes from the bishops, there had been lack of energy, 
 or of consistent action. But there was always a recupera- 
 tive force in the very possession of a great tradition, and 
 again and again, as under Hincmar and Yvo of Chartres, 
 Saint Louis, and Philip IV, the encroachments of the Papacy 
 had encountered strenuous and successful resistance.* 
 
 But the opportunity of an alliance between these kindred 
 ecclesiastical traditions in Austria and France was checked 
 by the long- continued political opposition between the two 
 courts. And the phases of the political conflict are strangely 
 intermingled with those of the irenical effort of Spinola we 
 have now to examine; each of the two countries, in turn, 
 making effort to secure an agreement with Protestant 
 powers like Brunswick and Hanover, which political rea- 
 sons alone made advantaeeous. 
 
46 Hidsean Lee hires. 
 
 For a time Spinola's exertions bore but scanty fruit.' 
 But in 1 67 1 he gained an earnest adherent in Cardinal 
 Albrizzi, the Nuncio at Vienna, and six years later the 
 scheme came under the official cognizance of Innocent XL 
 The question of practical concessions, such as the cup and 
 the marriage of clergy, were favorably considered ; and 
 either on this, or on the occasion of a later visit, the Pope 
 gave sanction to the declaration, by virtue of which the 
 salvation of those outside the pale of the Roman obedience, 
 a Grotius, a Leibnitz, or an L Newton, might be deemed 
 possible, through a charitable supposition of their invincible 
 ignorance. 
 
 But it was in the school of Helmstiidt, where Calixtus 
 had left adequate successors in his son, in Conring, and 
 above all, in Molanus, Abbot of Loccum, that Spinola was 
 to find most friendly reception and readiest agreement. 
 And it must be admitted that the plan explained to them 
 was one that might well have excited interest and a hope of 
 ultimate success. It was not asked of the Protestants that 
 they should abandon a single article of faith, of constitution, 
 or of ceremonial. Nor should the rights of princes or of 
 pastors suffer diminution. The great Anathema of the Bull, 
 In ccsna Domini, with which the Council of Trent had 
 incorporated all Protestant Churches, annually proclaimed, 
 was no longer to be published. The decisions of Trent 
 itself were to be considered as suspended. A new general 
 council, at which the Protestant churches should be sum- 
 moned, not as culprits, but as legitimate members, should 
 decide the future practice and doctrine of a reunited Church. 
 The primacy of the Pope was to be indeed acknowledged, 
 but without necessary admission of divine right, or of any 
 
Christian Reunion. 47 
 
 historical theory of its orig-in, but solely as a matter of 
 practical utility. 
 
 Such concessions, so sweeping and unexpected, while 
 they provoked suspicion in many minds, had an irresistible 
 attraction for those among what may be called the Grotian 
 section of Protestants. Spinola's principle of "suspension," 
 that is to say, of preliminary union, with suspension of all 
 controverted points, commended itself above all to those 
 who desired Reunion from its political and social side, and 
 it attracted no more ardent adherent at Hanover than the 
 famous Electress, distinguished even among the many 
 women who in that age took conspicuous part in literature 
 and politics, the mother of English kings ; and it was her 
 friend and confidant, Leibnitz, into whose hands the direc- 
 tion of further negociations was entrusted. 
 
 To Leibnitz the question was one long ago studied with 
 interest. When, after his early academical disappointments, 
 he had accepted at Mainz the service of the Archbishop, 
 and enjoyed the intimacy of Boineburg, he had lived in the 
 very atmosphere of that liberal Catholicism of the Cassan- 
 drian type which was separated by so narrow a division 
 from Melancthonian Protestantism. And his wide studies 
 in comparative politics, and, above all, that note in his 
 character of which he boasts, " that my preference is to seek 
 that which is admirable in every system, and not that which 
 merits blame," combined to prepare in him not only a 
 favorable prepossession for the cause of Reunion, but also 
 a thorough acquaintance with its possible conditions. 
 
 The same rumours which had been circulated concern- 
 ing Grotius accompanied Leibnitz in his visit to Rome in 
 .1689. Yet the offer of the Vatican librarianship, with pros- 
 
48 Hidsean Lectiwes. 
 
 pect of the Cardinal's hat, did not for a moment tempt him 
 to the indispensable condition ; and he returned to the 
 North, if not with the after influences of Luther's visit, yet 
 with clear conception of the absolute and irremovable differ- 
 ences which separated himself from the Roman system. 
 And when he again took up the reunion question, the 
 proposals of Spinola had slender value in his eyes. It is 
 in a Catholic federation independent of Rome that he now 
 saw prospect of success. Austria, ever untrustworthy, was- 
 swayed by changing political motives. It was to the Galil- 
 ean Church, then in the crisis of controversy with Rome, 
 that he turned his hopes. And he believed that he might 
 find a fit and willing colleague in that prelate who, but a 
 few years before, had proclaimed the GalHcan liberties, and. 
 who enjoyed the support of a monarch whose power as yet 
 had known no check. 
 
 Bossuet's name was already famous in the history^ 
 of attempted ecclesiastical reunion by his "'Exposition of 
 the Catholic Faiths' a treatise in vv^hich, with unequalled^ 
 brevity and lucidity, he had placed the central doctrines of 
 his Church in their most favorable light and most moderate- 
 expression. And it is significant that the only objection^ 
 made to that treatise, on the part of those to whom it was 
 addressed, was a doubt as to the authority with which he 
 offered so minimized a statement. And there seemed,.. 
 indeed, to be some foundation for the doubt, since eight 
 years elapsed before a Papal Brief expressed a formal 
 approbation of the treatise. It will be remembered that^. 
 in this masterpiece of controversial skill, the opposition.. 
 of the Lutherans and Reformed, as well as their partial-, 
 approximation in France in the year 1631, are made use of- 
 
Christian Reituioii. 49 
 
 in the most effective, because most courteous and moderate 
 manner; and how, in conclusion, the right claimed by his 
 opponents of enforcing- synodical decisions upon recalcitrant 
 individuals is contrasted with the claim of appeal to vScrip- 
 ture and the spiritual enlightenment of the individual Chris- 
 tian. And when, seven years later, Bossuet and Claude, 
 the representative leader of the Huguenots, met in an 
 almost public discussion, it is equally significant of the 
 changed situation that, instead of debating, as their fathers 
 at Augsburg and Trent, the profounder points of doctrine 
 at issue, " Of providence, foreknowledge, will, and fate : 
 Fixed fate, free will, foreknowledge absolute," the only 
 question mooted is that of the authority of the Church. 
 
 It was well known to Leibnitz that the tension between 
 France and the Papal See had increased year by year. In 
 1682, before the four central articles of the Galilean Church 
 were affirmed at the Assembly of the French clergy, he 
 remembered the famous sermon on the " Unity of the 
 Church," when each incident of past resistance to Rome, 
 each acknowledgment of independence, was emphasized 
 with a distinctness which lost nothing from the accompany- 
 ing protestation of attachment and allegiance to the Pope. 
 Surely there seemed no unreasonable hope that the expon- 
 ent of such opinions would welcome an alliance from a 
 quarter where there was so much sympathy and so little 
 seeming difference. 
 
 For a time the intercourse between them was carried on 
 by means of intermediaries, but at the close of the year 1691 
 we find Leibnitz and Bossuet in direct correspondence. 
 
 The former, although he had seen reason to think lightly 
 of Spinola's mission, had completely accepted his method, 
 
 D 
 
50 Hiilsean Leciitres. 
 
 that of s2ispcnsion. In a remarkable state paper, which his 
 latest editor is inclined to date as early as 1684, he had 
 passed in review all the various expedients which had been 
 tried with such scant measure of success ; the failure of 
 public colloquies, of attempted distinctions between funda- 
 mental and non-fundamental doctrines, of attempted his- 
 torical standards which defined by an arbitrary date a 
 supposed limit of primitive purity/' 
 
 Leibnitz, with obvious reference to the decision of Pope 
 Innocent, points out that every Christian is admittedly within 
 the pale of the universal Church, and can neither be styled 
 heretic nor schismatic, who professes a desire to believe 
 and obey what is taught by Scripture and made clear by 
 authorized interpretation. And errors of fact will not debar 
 him from this right and privilege, as if he should have 
 failed to acknowledge some council as oecumenical. This 
 point is naturally emphasized by a quotation from Bellarmine 
 as to the last Lateran Council, who candidly admitted that 
 " etiatn inter catholicos^'' a doubt as to its oecumenical char- 
 acter remained. 
 
 And so, by disregarding the Council of Trent, and 
 awaiting final decision from a free Council to be convoked, 
 he saw real prospect of union, if each party met in the 
 same spirit. He believed that the Protestant seniors and 
 superintendents would willingly accept episcopal consecra- 
 tion, with the title of Bishops of the Teutonic 7'ite, having 
 equal rank with their colleagues of the Latin and Greek 
 rites. And, with a retrospective reference to the Regens- 
 burg Conference, when reunion seemed so near at hand, 
 he concludes by declaring that, now once more, the hour 
 has come. 
 
Christian Rejinioii. 51 
 
 The severest critic of Bossuet's ecclesiastical policy will 
 admit that the correspondence that now began with Leibnitz 
 is marked on his side with an absolute candour. From the 
 first he rejected the method of suspension as inadmissible, 
 while he hopes much from that of exposition. On matters 
 of practice there might be concessions, but on cardinal 
 points the Roman Church would not give way. With the 
 Council of Trent she stood or fell. 
 
 In some degree this negative attitude, so disappointing 
 to Leibnitz, may justly be attributed to causes outside the 
 mere theological question. In Spinola's mission, which 
 Bossuet regarded as an Austrian political expedient, he 
 took no interest, and the acute phase of the relations be- 
 tween the Court of Louis XIV and Rome made it needful 
 to observe a guarded attitude. He knew how powerful 
 were the influences already at work at Versailles in weak- 
 ening the Galilean cause and aiming at a retractation of its 
 declaration, and he feared, not without reason, that by com- 
 mitting himself to a scheme like that of Leibnitz, he might 
 forfeit the confidence of the Galilean clergy, and be dis- 
 avowed by the Court. 
 
 But, even with these needful admissions, it is obvious 
 that, to Bossuet's clear intelligence, the practical difficulties 
 of the system of "suspension" were not hidden. He felt, 
 also, that the Council of Trent was the real barrier between 
 them ; that a plan of union possible before it, now found in 
 it an insuperable hindrance. And it is upon this point alone 
 that the remaining portion of the first correspondence turns. 
 Leibnitz adduces argument upon argument to prove that 
 the Council had never been accepted universally. It had 
 not been formally accepted in France; Henry IV, at his 
 
52 Hulsean Lectures. 
 
 abjuration, had especially excepted it; it had not been ac- 
 cepted by the Prince Primate of the German Empire, the 
 Archbishop of Mainz. He reminds Bossuet of its one-sided 
 constitution. Out of 28 1 bishops, more than the half had 
 been Italian, and only two Germans had been present.' 
 
 And he shows further, that, even assuming an oecumeni- 
 cal character, that had never absolutely precluded a practical 
 suspension in the interest of the whole Church. At the 
 Council of Basel an express decree of Constance had been 
 suspended in order to admit the Bohemian Calixtines. 
 Should not a similar concession be possible when the whole 
 Protestant world was in question ? '^ 
 
 Broken off for some years, the correspondence was re- 
 sumed in 1698 by a further appeal from Leibnitz to the 
 Bishop of Meaux. The issue is now still further narrowed 
 to a discussion of one decision of the Council of Trent in 
 reference to the Apocrypha. After urging those irresistible 
 arguments drawn from the history of the Canon, Leibnitz 
 declares that, on this point, at least, the method of exposi- 
 tion is impossible.'' 
 
 Even with adversaries so courteous, the tone of dis- 
 cussion had gradually become warmer. Bossuet did not 
 always restrain a tone of superiority, so natural to one who 
 had as yet never met an intellectual equal. And Leibnitz 
 did not spare occasional irony at a method of controversy 
 which assumed authority and certainty instead of proving 
 them ; and at last, rising to a pitch of earnest feeling of 
 which his character was rarely susceptible, he adjured the 
 Bishop to beware, lest in striving to uphold the authority 
 of the Catholic Church he should inflict upon it irreparable 
 hurt. He pointed to the state of France ; he appealed to 
 
Christian Reunion. 53 
 
 him to use the great talents entrusted to him in the cause of 
 charity and peace. " I know not whether that would not be 
 the interest even of Rome, but certainly that of the Truth!" 
 And thus the effort ended. The victory on all points 
 will be adjuged, and rightly, to Leibnitz ; but there are few 
 who will have refused some chivalrous sympathy to his 
 adversary, now in advanced age, and broken health, who 
 at the same time was occupied with the Quietistic contro- 
 versy, and with a proposed censure upon Jesuit casuistry ; 
 who was attacking Rome herself in his denunciation of the 
 loose Pelagianisms of Cardinal Sfondrati,'° and yet found 
 energy to break a lance, not ingloriously, with the master- 
 mind of Europe. 
 
 And the victor himself abandoned the cause he had so 
 long befriended, when the passing of the Act of Settlement 
 in England made the Protestantism of Hanover a matter 
 of highest political necessity. 
 
 Once more he occupied himself with a project of Protest- 
 ant reunion, and for a time it was hoped that by the efforts 
 of the Archbishop of York, much interested in the scheme, 
 a form of episcopal government on the English model 
 might have been introduced into Prussia." 
 
 But the work he had abandoned had taught to him, 
 and to the world, another of the great experimental les- 
 sons which are ever purchased with the failure of so many 
 high hopes and strenuous efforts. He found no consola- 
 tion in the speedy humiliation of that Galilean Church 
 which had refused his overtures, and which was forced, by 
 polidcal necessities, to humble itself at the feet of Rome. 
 
 He could not read the future, nor understand that while 
 the Protestant Churches were to experience the successive 
 
54 Hulseau Lectures. 
 
 solvents of Pietism and Rationalism, Rome was to continue 
 unchanged, rejecting each generous movement from within, 
 as she had rejected the overtures from without Sailer and 
 Wessenberg were to learn, by bitter experience, the lesson 
 of Pole and Contarini, — that for primitive doctrine and 
 primitive life there was in the Roman Church only jealousy 
 and suspicion. But, little as they knew It, Grotlus and 
 Leibnitz had not laboured in vain. Not their schemes 
 of ecclesiastical ' union, but their political labours had ad- 
 vanced the idea of Nationality ; they recognized some of 
 its claims and attributes ; they realized the personality of 
 the State. And that true instinct within them, that " 77z<? 
 Fatherland must greater be,'' greater than dynastic or 
 geographical limits, though It erred in supposing that the 
 outward organization must share the universality of the 
 ideal, yet It brought together, if not in order, each ele- 
 ment of the problem, on the one side the individualism 
 of Nationality, on the other the universal brotherhood of 
 Christianity, and the prediction of Leibnitz, " We labour 
 for posterity, but one day the work will end itself" {res 
 ipsa se aliqiiando conficiet), will find In Its fulfilment the 
 noblest monument of his labours and of his faith. ^'^ 
 
NOTES PN LECTURE III 
 
 ^ Stanley's Life of Arnold. Letter to Mr. Justice Coleridge, 
 II., p. 265: "I am for High Church and no priest." 
 
 ^ Biedermann, Geschichte des XVIIP^*^ Jahrhiuidert, i,, 324. 
 
 ^ " Et tertio loco est ordo moderatorum et pacificatorum, qui 
 et corrigenda nonnulla in Ecclesia agnoscunt, neque tamen im- 
 portunitateni novellorum (ut vocant) concionatorum approbant ; 
 hi quterunt consilia quibus Ecclesia ad normam divinje Scripturae 
 et ecclesise priscae, quam minima fieri potest mutatione, et retentis 
 quod fieri potest antiquitatis reliquiis, constituatur, ut utraque 
 pars, vel cert^ qui in utrdqne parte sajiiores stent, ad Christianam 
 concordiam et unionem reducantur." (Cassander, ap. Gieseler, 
 lY., 576, note.) 
 
 * Niedner, Kirchengeschiclite (i866j, p. 740. 
 
 •^ Spinola's first relations in the Protestant camp were with 
 Molanus, Abbot of Loccum, a pupil of Calixtus, and the inheri- 
 tor of the Syncretistic principles of his master. Molanus left a 
 memorandum of the results of the correspondence in his '■' Regular 
 circa Christianoruin onniimn ecclesiastic am reunioneni^'' included 
 in Bossuet's Works, ed. Versailles, xxv., 205. He believed that 
 both sides might be reconciled by mutual declarations of unity in 
 fundamentals. Another personage who played a part in the cor- 
 respondence was the sister of the Electress Sophia, Abbess of 
 Maubuisson, a friend of Bossuet's. Through her influence, the 
 latter was at length persuaded to take part in the efforts. See 
 Planck's Geschichte der Prot. Thcologie, p. 314. 
 
 *^The memon- is entitled ''Des Methodes de Reunion^'' Cf. Klopp, 
 I., 19-36. 
 
 ' Leibnitz to Bossuet, May S, 1699. 
 
 •^ His authority being the Miscellanea Boheniica of the Jesuit 
 Balbinus, and Goldast, dc regno Bohem. 
 
 ^*' La conciliation par voye d'exposition cesse ici." (L. to B., 
 April 30, 1700. Cf. Foucher de Careil, 11., 301.) 
 
 (55) 
 
56 Azotes on Lecture III. 
 
 '•^ Celestino Sfondrati (1644-1 696'), while professor at Salzburg, 
 had attacked the Gallican declaration in his Tractatus Regaliae 
 (S. Gall., 16S2) and other treatises. Raised in 1695 to the Cardin- 
 alate, he published, in the following year, his ^'' Nodus praedestina- 
 tionis dissoliitus,'' \\\^ unsound theology of which gave Bossuet his 
 opportunity. In 1697, and again in 1700, a formal denunciation 
 was laid before the Pope, combined with a censure of Jesuit 
 casuistry. 
 
 ^^ Th^ efforts at union planned by Jablonski and Archbishop 
 Sharpe have been often narrated. (See Newcome's Life of 
 Shaj-pe, Lond., I'Si^, and documents in the Museum Haganum, 
 III., i-i74-) 
 
 ^- The stages of Leibnitz's efforts for union may be thus defined : 
 
 {a) Intercourse at Mainz with Boineburg and J. Ph. von 
 Schonborn. 
 
 (b) The "Academie-\'orschlag " of 1669-72. (Cf. Briefe von 
 L., ed. Klopp, I., 19.) 
 
 {c) Meeting with Spinola at Hanover (1679). 
 
 {d] Relations with Huet and Bossuet. The central topic not 
 discussed until 1679. Then with Molanus, Barkhausen, and Ulr. 
 Cali.vtus ; the m.anifesto of Molanus [ATethodus nuionis) was pub- 
 lished in 1683. In the following year Spinola obtained, at Rome, 
 from Innocent XI, with full approval of Noyelles, general of the 
 Jesuits, the decision upon " invincible ignorance." In 1685 Leib- 
 .nitz wrote his memorandum ''Des Methodes de Rmniony Four 
 years later he made his memorable journey to Rome. (Cf. 
 Guhrauer's Lebeii^ 11., 90.) Then followed the correspondence 
 with Pellisson and Madame Brinon, in which Bossuet was clearly 
 a constant adviser. 
 
 {e) 1691-95 : First correspondence between Leibnitz and Bos- 
 suet. 
 
 {f) 1698-9-1702 : Second correspondence between Leibnitz 
 and Bossuet, the latter seemingly reluctant, and only writing 
 once between January 11, 1698-9. and January 9, 1699-1700. The 
 last letter (Leibnitz to Bossuet) dated P^ebruary, 1 701-2. [Cf edd. 
 of the Letters by Foucher de Careil and O. Klopp, passim, many 
 included in Bossuet's Oeuvres and Guhrauer's biography. Also 
 the essay by E. Pfleiderer : G. IV. Leibnitz als. Patriot, u. s. w. 
 (Leipz., 1870).] 
 
LECTURE IV 
 
 Christian Reunion. 
 
LECTURE IV. 
 
 'Ett' aXr}OcLa<; KaTaXafx/Sdvoixat on ovk tan Trpo(noTToXrjTrrr]<i 6 
 0eos- aXA' iv iravn eOvet 6 (f)ol3ovixevo<; avTov kul epya^d/xevo? 
 SiKaLoavvTjv, Scktos avno icrn. {Acts, x., 34, 35 ) 
 
 'Iva Travres eV daL. (Jo/tK,x\in.,2i.) 
 
 -^.jN the record of futile efforts to promote the reunion 
 ^ of Christendom, certain external causes of those 
 failures, now distinct, now in combination, have 
 been apparent. At one time we have seen the offered 
 treaty repulsed as a betrayal of orthodox purity, or vn-- 
 tually rejected by ^ demands which implied recantation 
 rather than compromise. At another time, the very pro- 
 cess of negociation has revealed the existence of incurable 
 division, and not infrequendy in the very section from 
 which the proposals had emanated. Again, and most 
 frequenUy, political interests, which had suggested and 
 supported these efforts for a time, abandoned them. But 
 it is obvious that these external causes do not account 
 sufficiently for the invariable failure of efforts so numer- 
 ous, of which the previous record has noticed only the 
 most typical instances in one period alone. It seems that 
 some inherent defect in the very theories of union must 
 have existed ; and it is therefore needful, in this last sec- 
 tion of my task, to endeavour to trace, or at least to sug- 
 gest, whether, and to what extent, the ideals of Leibnitz 
 and others were based upon an accurate representation 
 of facts; and how far certain principles, such as that of 
 
 (59) 
 
6o Hiilsean Lechtres. 
 
 Nationality, may have, in these latter days, so far modi- 
 fied the conditions of the problem as to suggest hope ot 
 its ultimate solution. 
 
 And in the writings of Leibnitz, the personage of all 
 others fitted by character and study for the work which 
 he made his own, who to the rare gift of impartial sym- 
 pathy with all forms of thought and energy, added a 
 statesmanlike instinct, which did not desert him even 
 when it enforced the modification of his own theories, 
 are found ample proof of this inference. Living in a 
 time of transition, in the new political world founded 
 upon the Westphalian treaties, we cannot wonder that 
 a certain inconsistency is to be traced in his views of 
 Church and State. We may exclude some early and 
 pseudonymous treatises in which he gives utterance to 
 opinions far more seemingly favorable to Roman claims 
 in Poland, and in the question of embassies, than those 
 he afterwards embraced. Some of these, as the Georg- 
 ius Ucolovius" and the '' Caesarinus F\irstene7'^' mav be 
 regarded as an advocate's speech or memoir, in which 
 the writer identifies himself with the interests of a par- 
 ticular claimant or cause. While there is no doubt that 
 Leibnitz's development progressed from views not far 
 removed from the mediaeval conception of Pope and Em- 
 peror to the most advanced territorialism, it would be 
 as much an error to identify his name with the latest as 
 with his earliest formula. For to his insight all institu- 
 tions and wordly relations were in a state of constant flux 
 and change, to which science could dictate no unalterable 
 laws, but must observe and record. On the three great 
 objects — Christianity, Nationality, Humanity — his gaze 
 
CJiristian Rejtnioii. 6i 
 
 was fixed ; and his aim was that each should find in the 
 State its fitting place and right, but none at the cost of the 
 others. And, therefore, he understood how the mediaeval 
 system had once had its necessity and its value in Europe, 
 as it might have again in some dawning civilisation in 
 another part of the world. And, similarly, while no one 
 ever exposed more unsparingly the evils of Jesuitism, 
 moral and political, Leibnitz is one of the very few 
 Protestants in the seventeenth century who does justice 
 to their marvellous civilizing work in South America, and 
 he strenuously defends their policy against Rome itself in 
 the matter of the Chinese rites. 
 
 But with these frank admissions, it is with the greater 
 weight that he declared the modern Roman system to be 
 the absolute bar, the enemy, in fact, when civilized states, 
 with their majority fully attained, were in question. The 
 inherent danger, and its gradual progress, he describes in 
 one of his greatest works, that history of the Empire 
 which was interrupted by his death. But the practical 
 conclusion, as we have seen, had been the result of per- 
 sonal experience. Like Grotius, one who reverenced an- 
 tiquity because he understood it, he saw the impassable 
 gulf between that primitive Church whose apologists saw 
 something of the Holy Spirit even in the heathen philoso- 
 phies, and that modern system which could only imagine 
 a Bacon or an Isaac Newton saved — by their invincible 
 ignorance. And, unlike Grotius, he realised at last not 
 only the absolute impossibility of any union with Rome 
 herself, but even with any power which was in alliance 
 with her. The corruption and the fall of Gallicanism 
 were the irrefragable proofs of his prediction. And that 
 
62 Hill scan Lechtres. 
 
 which he also saw, if not with absokite clearness, was the 
 ideal state, in which Christianity is realised in its highest, 
 that is to say, its religious-ethical expression, where there 
 is need neither for balance nor for restriction of the secular 
 and ecclesiastical elements, because both are harmoniously 
 welded in the same living organism. 
 
 And he saw, and it was natural in his age, the expres- 
 sion of this religious nationalism in a Good Prince, a Con- 
 stantine, a Karl the Great, or, as in the Reformation time, 
 that great ruler of a little State, whose constancy became 
 his enduring title, and who, after being the leader and 
 moderator of his people, was himself the Confessor of 
 their faith. Yet, at the time when Bossuet was degrad- 
 ing his office and his genius by unworthy flatteries and 
 concessions to his sovereign, as in England bishops as 
 well as poets found inspiration in the virtues of Charles 
 II, Leibnitz reminds his prince that he is not the pos- 
 sessor, nor even the usufructuary, of his land, but only its 
 steward ; that his care is for souls as well as bodies ; and 
 that the waging of an unjust or needless war is the greatest 
 crime that can be committed. It is this ideal Christian 
 State, thus ruled, that rises above the obligations and 
 precedents of ecclesiastical law. Having its guiding prin- 
 ciple in itself, it needs not the help of councils and synods, 
 neither of papal bulls nor of symbolical books. The abso- 
 lute imperative for it is the welfare of the citizens, spiritual 
 as well as temporal. 
 
 It is when we pass from this highest realization of the 
 State in the writings of Leibnitz to his proposals for Chris- 
 tian Reunion, that the difficulty of reconciliation begins : a 
 difficulty of which he himself, in more^than one place, seems 
 
Christian Reitnioii. 63 
 
 conscious. Hanging round him is still the survival of the 
 idea of a visible universal Church, united not merely in the 
 acknowledgment of one Master, and in the spirit of love, 
 but objectively in creed and rite and outward organization. 
 On the one side, he never fully accepts the Protestant dis- 
 tinction between the Invisible Church and the congregation 
 of the faithful, while he rejects the consequences of the 
 ■opposite theory asserted by the Church of Rome. And 
 yet, had he succeeded in his effort, and formulated an 
 alliance with the Gallican Church by some adroit treaty 
 which might have satisfied, or least dissatisfied, each con- 
 tracting party, we know by the historic sequel that he 
 would but have prepared for himself a more bitter disap- 
 pointment. And we know that, but a few years later, an 
 English Archbishop, filled with the same lofty hope, and 
 the same earnest zeal, discovered, even sooner than Leib- 
 nitz, the hopelessness of the effort, and withdrew from it 
 with the consolation that he had at least followed after 
 the things which make for peace.^ 
 
 But, in thankfully admitting the great contribution of 
 his thoughts and deeds, we may yet acknowledge that cer- 
 tain principles were imperfectly recognized in his age. In 
 that age, and especially in Germany, the idea of Nation- 
 ality had not emancipated itself from diplomatic fetters. 
 The State was personified in the " Good Prince," and cir- 
 cumscribed, if it had not been created, by treaties. 
 
 Nor yet had the word of Scripture, "... in every 
 nation he that feareth God and worketh righteousness is 
 acceptable^' found adequate interpretation. Not even, a 
 generation after the death of Leibnitz, did that great com- 
 mentator, so full in his brevity, lay bare the full meaning 
 
64 Hulsean Lectures. 
 
 of the text, when he declared : " Non indifferentismus 
 religioiuim, sed indifferejitia natiofiuni, hie asseritur ! " '^ 
 For while indeed, as against Jewish particularism, Chris- 
 tianity proclaimed the " indifferentia " of Nationality, the 
 ^' differentia'' ' also was recognized in the concessions to 
 Gentile - Christendom, and indeed throughout St. Paul's 
 teaching. But not till the end of the last century did 
 men begin to re - discover that because the words meant 
 something less than theological, it meant far more than 
 mere geographical equality. It proclaimed the fact that,, 
 as chemistry recognizes certain elemental substances which 
 can be combined, but cannot be reduced to simple forms, 
 so Nationality must be admitted as a fact — an element 
 in the evolution which follows the eternal purpose of Goi>. 
 
 But now this is admitted. Everyone acknowledges the 
 differences and the rights of nationality in matters political 
 and social. We are no longer obnoxious to the satire of 
 the philosopher who described his countrymen as puzzled 
 how a man could be a Persian ! '' For a statesman who 
 shall speak of "natural enemies," as Fox, just a century 
 ago, declared England and France to be, would meet 
 scornful contradiction from the least educated auditory. 
 We have passed on further indeed, and the war of mutual 
 depreciation and caricature bids fair to be at no distant 
 date as obsolete as the theory of natural enmity. 
 
 In one word, we have learned, in matters political, to 
 understand equality of rank and right amid diversity of 
 form and type. And surely this is progress also, if less 
 rapid and marked, towards an equal recognition of national 
 differences of form and character in matters of reliQ:ion, 
 •To almost every creed and symbol one article is com- 
 
Chnstian Reujiiou. 65 
 
 mon, the article of belief in the Communion of Saints. 
 However torn by division and prejudice, and governed 
 by shibboleth, we yet believe that men like ourselves, 
 who on earth were different the one from the other, not 
 only in race and language, but often in the forms of 
 religious observance and utterance, are one body, fulfill- 
 ing in their blessedness the divine supplication " that they 
 all may be one : as thou, Father, art in me, and I in thee ; 
 that they also may be one in itsT 
 
 There together the Fathers of the great ages of ecclesi- 
 astical conflict are at peace, seeing the truths for which they 
 contended no longer as through a glass — darkly. There 
 Benedict and Francis and Theresa rest from their lives of 
 purest self-abnegation and example. There Luther and 
 Erasmus have forgotten their strife, and remember only 
 that cause of Truth which was the joint goal of their 
 separated paths. There Jewell, who hurled immortal defi- 
 ance against Rome, meets Fenelon, who proclaimed the 
 tidings of his own censure. There Ken, the singer of im- 
 mortal strains, and the faithful adherent of lost causes, is 
 joined to Tillotson, whbse charity, rising above rubrics, 
 strove, with failure more glorious than many victories, to 
 bring together the divided ranks of Christianity in England. 
 
 And yet this belief hinders not the conclusion that the 
 only possible reunion will be a federation. The greatest 
 historian of this century spoke here the perfect expression 
 of the idea almost grasped by Leibnitz : " It can be no 
 longer thought possible to confer universal authority upon 
 any one confession. Each state and each nation, from its 
 own religious basis, must develop its forces : on this 
 depends the future of the world." ^ True, in one sense, 
 
 E 
 
66 Hulsean Lectures . 
 
 indeed the highest sense, Christianity may be called extra- 
 national, but never anti - national. For, as in old time 
 Hooker and Field so irresistibly showed forth, the Church 
 of a nation stands on a foundation which no narrower area 
 can claim.^ We know that it has been the national and 
 not an ecclesiastical voice by which all great movements 
 have been proclaimed. It was the national voice and not 
 the ecclesiastical voice that declared from Cromwell's lips 
 that the Savoy persecution should no longer be, or through 
 Pitt and Wilberforce that slavery should no longer claim 
 the protection of the English law. It was the national 
 and not the ecclesiastical voice when Abraham Lincoln, at 
 Gettysburg, called his fellow-citizens to the consciousness 
 of high responsibilities for past and future. It was the 
 national and not an ecclesiastical voice which proclaimed 
 that a German emperor would never again make the 
 journey to Canossa.*^ 
 
 Who does not remember that for centuries a great 
 cathedral on the Rhine remained a fragment, and how 
 one of the keenest of German thinkers saw in that imper- 
 fection the very symbol of the diminished influence of the 
 ecclesiastical idea.' And then, when the completion of that 
 mighty fabric was claimed as a national privilege, came the 
 offerings from far and wide, from other lands and other 
 creeds ; and now in its strength and completeness it is the 
 fit temple of a united people. 
 
 And surely from such sources, growing in strength, the 
 spirit of mutual understanding will at length develop itself 
 Men will understand that there are necessary differences in 
 practice between the Anglican and Galilean, a Germanic or 
 a Russian Church ; but they will be members also of a great 
 
Christian Reimion. . 67 
 
 Free Masonry which will cover all the world, by which 
 none will be a stranger who professes and calls himself a 
 Christian. Nor will this be a mere union of sentiment, for 
 in and by means of that brotherhood, far sooner than by 
 positive propaganda, there will be intelligent and apprecia- 
 tive study and comparison of institutions ; and, unhampered 
 by party influences, the claims of those which are best will 
 not lack recognition and assimilation. 
 
 And may not we feel that to the Church which alone 
 at the present day is alike Catholic and Protestant, and 
 National, which accepted Reformation and yet never broke 
 with history, there is a mighty work reserved. 
 
 Once, in those days when the Parhament of England 
 was the object of admiration and envy to all the world, in 
 far distant villages in Germany and France men read with 
 enthusiasm the words of a Burke or a Canning, and longed 
 that their country also might have such institutions, and the 
 men worthy of them. And so, may not a glory greater 
 than any earthly victory be reserved for the Church of 
 England. By her means and her example France may 
 regain that great lost opportunity when her king, still 
 favourable to the Reformation, would fain have called 
 Melancthon to his side. Germany may unite the simple 
 devotion of her country people to the learning of her 
 universities. In Italy the great prophecy of Petrarch, 
 which roused even the cool heart of Macchiavel, may find 
 spiritual, and not merely political fulfilment ; and the seed 
 sown by Ochino and Paleario will bear its fruit. And East 
 and West will forget the long division, and remember their 
 common origin ; Polycarp and Anicetus may yet meet again 
 at Rome to agree in difference and rejoice over agreement. 
 
68 Hulseau Lectures. 
 
 And yet such a prospect, which if distant is not im- 
 possible, that fulfilment of the dreams of philosophers and 
 the prayers of saints, would be only for time, and for this 
 world's necessities. Beyond, when we shall know even as we 
 are known, it is another Reunion that we then shall realise ; 
 we shall learn to worship the God who is a Spirit, neither 
 on the mountain nor in the city, or even in the separated 
 temple, but there, ^^ where there is neither Greek nor Jew ^ 
 circuvicision nor itJieircnmcision, Barbarian, Scythian, 
 bond nor free, but Christ is atl, and in allT 
 
NOTES ON LECTURE IV. 
 
 ^ The correspondence of Archbishop Wake and Dupin, Cf. 
 Mosheim, ed. Stubbs, Appendix. 
 
 ^ Bengel in Act. x. 34. 
 
 ^ Montesquieu, Letires Persanes. 
 
 ^ Leopold V. Ranke, quoted by Pichler. Leibnitz, etc., p. 427. 
 
 ^Hooker, Eccles. Pol., v., ^ 60, and Cf. iii., | i. Field, ed. 
 Brewer, p. 32, seq. 
 
 ^"Nach Canossa gehen wir nicht!'''' [Speech of Prince v. 
 Bismarck in the Culturkampf.] 
 
 "^ D. F. Strauss, Gesprach it. d. K'Olner Dom. 
 
 (69) 
 
The Huguenots 
 
 The Church of England. 
 
THE HUGUENOTS AND THE CHURCH 
 OF ENGLAND/^= 
 
 OvTOL elcTLv ol €p-^6ixtvoL Ik tt]^ OXiij/coj^ TY]^ fxeydXr}<;. 
 
 {Apoc, \ii. 14.) 
 
 MONG the ruling theological ideas which seem to 
 have lost somewhat of their authority is that 
 which, for so many centuries, ranked Martyr- 
 dom as the distinguishing note, if not the absolute cri- 
 terion, of a true faith. Long after Christendom had 
 exchanged suffering for power, in the seventeenth cen- 
 tury, when toleration was already an admitted principle, 
 even in the eighteenth, when it had become a common- 
 place, two such opposite minds as Pascal and Paley could 
 make the fact of martyrdom the basis of their apologetic 
 systems. There was something of subjective feeling, some- 
 thing of sad personal experience, perhaps, which made the 
 disciple of Port Royal enunciate a principle so congenial 
 10 his own strenuously suffering minority ; while, on the 
 other hand, that prudent divine whom Cambridge was 
 pleased to constitute her official casuist in - morals and 
 religious evidence, could hardly have been attracted to 
 this doctrine from any ground but that of its adaptability 
 to the necessities of his ingenious argument. 
 
 Perhaps the gradual diminution in its authority may be 
 attributed to two causes. The history of the ages of perse- 
 cution, written and studied now with more critical method, 
 
 ^ A Sermon preached before the University of Cambridge on the 4th October, 1885. 
 
 173) 
 
74 The Huguenots and 
 
 has made known to an increasing number the fact that the 
 annals of martyrs and confessors form one of the most diffi- 
 cult, if one of the brightest, features in that history. That 
 in the later and serious persecutions the number of those 
 who evaded suffering by flight or submission vastly ex- 
 ceeded those who endured to the end ; that the honours 
 of confessorship were often very cheaply purchased, and 
 sometimes very scandalously abused ; that writers like 
 Tertullian ^ and , Cyprian ■ were forced to dwell on these 
 evils, that Eusebius in more than one place very clearly 
 lifts the decent 'veil of obscurity;'' that the Church, not 
 without justification, abandoned her old position, and al- 
 most encouraged that flight which before had been branded 
 as the basest apostasy ; and, finally, the consciousness or 
 the illogical and unscriptural theories of vicarious benefit 
 which popular superstition created and cieveloped ; all 
 these considerations might well have tended to depreciate 
 the value of Martyrdom, or to lead to the conclusion that 
 its bright exemplars owe something of their vivid relief la- 
 the peculiar darkness of their background/ And history 
 teaches us that every religious body, every phase of 
 opinion, has had its martyrs, the Arians as well as the 
 Athanasians, Papist and Protestant, the Moors in Spain^. 
 the Anabaptists in Germany, the Quakers in New Eng- 
 land, the Jews everywhere ; and it has concluded that 
 readiness to suffer may be an effective sign of personal 
 conviction, but cannot prove more. Yet still, in the 
 mind of the great mass of the people the simple argu- 
 ment has never wholly lost its force, a-nd the belief still 
 remains that the surest token of a doctrine's truth is that it 
 can induce men to die in its belief And even of ourselves^. 
 
The Church of England. 75 
 
 when we try to conceive the ideal of the primitive Church, 
 it is not the dialectical triumphs of the Fathers, or the 
 thundering anathemas of Councils, but rather the recol- 
 lection of the young African niatron in the arena, guid- 
 ine herself the stroke that was to liberate her from her 
 sufferings." And for our own Church, it is not the his- 
 toric glories of Lambeth, or even a Buder, planning his 
 great apology amid the comforts of preferment and Court 
 favour, but the mind recurs rather to the magic page of 
 Foxe, and we seem to see Rowland Taylor pardng from 
 his wife and child, or Latimer, on that sad October morn- 
 ing, bidding Ridley play the man.*^ 
 
 Thoughts such as these present themselves naturally 
 to the mind of one who is linked by ties of blood and 
 sympathy to the Protestants of France, and is called to 
 the pulpit of his University at this pardcular time. It is 
 two hundred years, almost to the very day, that all 
 Europe rang with the tidings of the Revocation of the 
 Edict of Nantes,' two hundred years ago from this very 
 pulpit may have been uttered one of the many protests 
 which, in spite of Court disapproval, found expression 
 throughout the length and breadth of England.- Nor 
 was it mere pulpit rhetoric or empty sympathy that wel- 
 comed the exiles that crowded the shores of this kingdom. 
 A bounty more than English even in its munificence, a 
 hospitality more than royal, which foresaw not that the 
 industry of the visitors would one day repay the gift.^ 
 And that which made the kindly reception sdll more 
 sweet was the knowledge that the refugees were pitied 
 not more on account of their suffering than from its cause. 
 They were received not only in the name of common 
 
76 TJie HiLguenots and 
 
 humanity, but as martyrs of a common faith. It was 
 not merely that vague antiquarian sympathy of these 
 latter days, which suggests graceful essays in periodicals 
 and eloquent speeches at memorial banquets. It was the 
 belief held by the vast majority of English Churchmen 
 that the Huguenots belonged to the same Universal 
 Church, and had striven and suffered for the faith of 
 Reformed Christianity. And more than this : the names 
 of Huguenot divines stood in the foremost rank of an 
 age when a monumental scholarship served as the hand- 
 maid of theology, still the queen of sciences. Calvin's 
 name, indeed, had ceased to exercise, save with the min- 
 ority, its once preeminent sway. But they might claim the 
 vast erudition of Saumaise,^'' which would descend to us 
 with a far brighter lustre had it not been his evil fate to 
 encounter one w^ho neither feared nor spared. Their's also 
 was a name still more illustrious ; for, although holding 
 himself scornfully aloof from the contests of professional 
 theologians, yet as a Frenchman by birth, and a Protestant 
 by mature conviction, it was on the side of the Huguenots 
 that were ranged alike the beliefs and the sympathies of 
 Joseph Scaliger.^^ Blondel ^' and Rivet ^ ' were renowned 
 among the episcopal cHvines for their historical learning 
 and skill in controversv ; Casaubon'^ and Dumoulin^'' had 
 been honoured guests in England in time past ; the re- 
 searches of Samuel Bochart^*' in sacred, archaeology have 
 still the esteem of scholars; the polemic of Daille^' and 
 his great work upon the Use of the Fathers had been 
 regarded as making an epoch in the history of theology ; 
 Peter Baro, the Cambridge Regius Professor, had led the 
 reaction against the dominant Augustinianism of his uni- 
 
The CImrch of England. 77 
 
 versity; Durell''' and Brevint^'' in more recent times had 
 been adopted among her own dignitaries ; Isaac Basire, 
 Huguenot by origin, AngHcan by adoption, is the unique 
 missionary figure of his age. Indeed, at the time of the 
 Restoration, when much depended upon the question of 
 the King's reUgious views, it was from the Huguenot min- 
 isters of Charenton that Charles II sought and obtained 
 a declaration that satisfied those to whom he owed his 
 throne/' And if a still higher tide to respect be sought, 
 may not those who have visited the old library near the 
 ruined cathedral of Dunblane, and have noticed Moise 
 Amyraut's treatise on Predestination scored and re-scored 
 with approving comments from the hand of the noblest 
 of the sons of the Church of England, may not they 
 fancy that it was from a Huguenot source that deeper 
 and wider thoughts as to the awful mysteries of destiny 
 and grace dawned upon the mind of Robert Leighton.'^ 
 And now all has changed. The leaders of the Re- 
 formed Church of France are hardly known even by 
 name to the Anglican student, and communion between 
 the two bodies has long ceased. Surely a phenomenon 
 so remarkable and so regrettable deserves more than a 
 passing comment. P^or all the reasons that would justify 
 on either side a formal separation are conspicuously ab- 
 sent. It might be justified by a departure from a com- 
 mon foith : but the old Confessio Gallicana of 1559, so 
 nearly allied to our own xxxix Articles, holds still the 
 same honoured place in Huguenot estimation ; it was 
 solemnly re-affirmed at the last general Synod ; and it 
 is received with as much readiness and completeness of 
 assent as could be claimed, individually and collectively, 
 
78 The Huguenots and 
 
 on behalf of their own symbol, for the members of the 
 Anglican Church." 
 
 Nor is the Huguenot body fallen into that stagnant 
 repose which, as in the community of Dutch Jansenists, 
 and some ancient Oriental churches, causes a virtual, 
 though not a justifiable, isolation. That same vitality, of 
 which future historians of the Church of England will 
 justly boast, is to be found there also. While, on the 
 one side, the evangelical school of Monod presents fidelity 
 to the older standpoints of confessional strictness and bib- 
 lical literalism, on the other side there is the same expan- 
 sion, the same willingness to accept the results of scientific 
 thought and investigation ; and if there be somewhat more 
 of explicitness in the demarcation of opinion, it may well 
 be accounted for by the conditions of a body which 
 possesses neither the advantages nor the disadvantages of 
 exclusive state support and wealthy endowments.''' 
 
 But the causes of the alienation may be traced, if they 
 cannot be justified ; and he would have studied the consti- 
 tution of both churches but empirically and superficially 
 who did not fully recognize that the danger was always 
 imminent. 
 
 I. That remarkable dualism in the constitution of the 
 Anglican Church, its union of Catholic and Protestant 
 elements, which suggested Chatham's shallow epigram, 
 but which has abundantly contributed to her duration 
 and present activity through the necessary sequences of 
 alternate movement and reaction, would alone difference 
 her from churches which, at the time of the Reformation, 
 experienced a more logical, but far less practical develop- 
 ment. 
 
The Church of England. 79 
 
 2. Nor can it be forgotten that although the idea of 
 ^episcopal succession as a note of the church had never 
 been abandoned at the EngHsh Reformation, yet it held 
 .a far less prominent and exclusive position until the cir- 
 .cumstances, first of the Puritan movement, and later of 
 ihe Civil War, brought it to the front as a crucial dis- 
 tinction. And even, as will be seen later, when the 
 leaction against Puritanism had obtained the mastery in 
 ihe Church of England, those who honesdy study the 
 -writings of the Laudian school of divines, both in their 
 .controversies with Rome and with the Puritans, cannot 
 l)Ut recognize that, although the dilemma was neither ad- 
 -mitted nor admissible, yet their language was as absolute 
 and decided against episcopacy without reformation as it 
 swas against reformation without episcopacy. 
 
 3. And another cause, closely connected with the pre- 
 '^eding, was the gradual weakening of the old tie of com- 
 l>ativ€ union, the alliance defensive and offensive against 
 ihe Church of Rome. The great period of anti- Roman 
 •polemic in England was at its height when the Huguenot 
 .Refugees demanded English hospitality. Tillotson and 
 .Stillingfleet and Barrow, and so many others, had but 
 .recently spoken, or were still to put forth those utter- 
 .ances which ended argument, though they could not end 
 ^controversy. That the alliance should fail at last is in- 
 lelligible, since any merely negative union must be in its 
 .:natwre transitory, but regrettable to those who recognize 
 -.that its failure is less due to any real tendency towards 
 peace and union than to torpid indifference, or even the 
 :abandonment, consciously or unconsciously, of vital prin- 
 tciples. 
 
8o The HiLgiLenots and 
 
 4. Nor can the disastrous results of the long separatiorp. 
 of the eighteenth century be forgotten. We know well 
 that the circumstances of the Huguenots who remained in 
 France, and the horrors of their persecution, were but 
 partly known in England Also that the great ecclesiasti- 
 cal generation of the Tillotsons and Wakes was followed 
 by those who mirrored instead of resisting an age of poli- 
 tical corruption. And since the Huguenots in France were 
 accounted rebels if they exercised their service, the English- 
 Church may be pardoned on political grounds for not at- 
 tempting overt interference. But when we compare the- 
 annals of the two Churches during the time, — on the one 
 side the comfortable hierarchy, intriguing for preferment 
 and translation, engaged in deistical controversies, and ful- 
 minating charges against enthusiasm ; and, on the other, the 
 pastors of the desert venturing with their lives in their 
 hands to preach the Word, and to administer the sacra- 
 ments to their scattered flocks, their children bastards by 
 law, their property confiscated, each public service at once 
 an act of heresy and treason, not even the primitive church, 
 can display a life like that of Paul Rabaut,"^ nor endurance- 
 comparable to that of the desert pastors. The persecutions- 
 of the early Christians were few and intermittent. This- 
 lasted for more than a hundred years. And yet no word. 
 of protest, no cry of sympathy, came from die Potters and 
 Herrings and Huttons and Seekers who ruled the Church: 
 of England. The acute Paley could trace no evidential- 
 martyrdom among those thousands who, too ostentatiously,, 
 perhaps, could "keep a conscience.""' It was the voice of 
 the sceptic Voltaire alone that aroused Europe and avenged- 
 the judicial murder of Calas."'' If, then, there was separa- 
 
The Chitrch of England. 8i 
 
 tion, if there was a breach of communion, whose was the 
 fault ? Whose the loss ? 
 
 But it is not to recall sad memories of past controver- 
 sies, but rather the fact that for so long a time relations of 
 brotherly affection, and afterwards of courteous recognition, 
 at least, united the Churches. All will admit the gross 
 historic fallacy of dating the Church of England from the 
 Reformation only, and ignoring the precious links of union 
 with Augustin and Columba, Anselm and Grosseteste. But 
 is it not an equally disastrous error to efface the whole of 
 Post-Reformation history . from Edward VI to Charles I ; 
 virtually to excommunicate all the Archbishops from Parker 
 to Abbot ; to stamp implicitly as heretical the doctrines 
 which in this University were taught alike by Whitgift 
 and Cartwright, by Chaderton and Whitaker, Playfere and 
 Davenant,"' which Hooker accepted, which Donne and An- 
 drews preached, which George Herbert illustrated in his 
 saintly life ? And even when we pass on to the period of 
 the Laudian movement, we find the same full and frank 
 admission of the Protestant name, and the catholicity of all 
 Protestant Churches. 
 
 For if these Churches, as we are sometimes assured 
 now, are mere alien communities beyond the limits of the 
 Catholic Church, this was unknown to Overall, who said : 
 " Though we are not to lessen the jus divinuin of Episco- 
 pacy, where it is established and may be had, yet we must 
 take heed that we do not, for want of Episcopacy, where it 
 cannot be had, cry down and destroy all the Reformed 
 Churches abroad, and say that they have neither ministers 
 nor sacraments." 
 
 F 
 
82 The HiLp^iienots and 
 
 s 
 
 It was not known to CosiN, who declared in his test- 
 ament : " Wheresover in the world Churches bearino- the 
 name of Christ invocate and worship, with one mouth and 
 heart, God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy 
 Ghost, if from actual communion with them I am now de- 
 barred . . . nevertheless always in my heart and soul and 
 affection I hold communion and unite with them — that 
 which I wish especially to be understood of the Protestant 
 and well-reformed Churches."'-^ 
 
 It was not known to Bramhall, when he declared 
 that "the Episcopal divines in England unchurch not the 
 Protestant Churches. We do readily grant them the true 
 nature and essence of a church, if not the integrity and 
 perfection.""' 
 
 It w'as not known to Sanderson, who never lost an 
 occasion of expressing reverence for the great teachers of 
 France and Germany. It was not known to Laud himself, 
 who declared that " his continued labours were to recon- 
 cile the divided Protestants in Germany, that they might 
 go with united force against the Romanists."^" 
 
 It w^as not known to the non -juror Sancroft, who 
 joined with Tillotson in his efforts to restore communion 
 with foreign Protestants, and asked Dissenters to join 
 with him " in prayer for a blessed union of all Reformed 
 Churches at home and abroad." ^^ 
 
 It was not known even to the last of those champions 
 of lost causes in church and state, who for more than a 
 century was to shed lustre upon the title of High Church- 
 man : for Francis Atterbury at the supreme moment of 
 life, with the turned axe and Tower Hill seemingly full in 
 
The ChurcJi of England. 8 
 
 J 
 
 prospect, declared before his judges that throughout his life 
 he had ever been faithful to the Protestant cause. 
 
 But this is known, and is confidently proclaimed to us 
 by those modern teachers who arrogate to themselves the 
 right to appoint the limits and the landmarks of the Univer- 
 sal Church, w^ho excommunicate and unchurch the bodies 
 to which the great scholars of time past extended affection 
 and communion ; and who lavish on the theology of all 
 foreign churches, and of the greatest centuries of the Re- 
 formed Church of England, a contempt which seldom owes 
 its birth to familiarity. We know that it is not to the wise 
 and prudent always that mysteries are revealed ; but it is 
 hard to understand that the true doctrine of the Church of 
 England, and of its relation to other churches, should have 
 been entirely hid from the great divines of these past ages, 
 and should have been reserved as a special revelation for 
 the anonymous journalists of our own more fortunate times. 
 True it is that none should regret the decay of the 
 merely negative, merely combative Protestantism, with its 
 often savage polemic and its platform rhetoric; but some 
 of us may well regret the gradual loss of the old Protestant 
 spirit, the rugged simplicity of the Elizabethan writers, the 
 sobriety and breadth of the Jacobean and Caroline divines, 
 and to have gained in exchange that which, at its very best, 
 represents the same error it rightly detects in the negative 
 Protestantism of the past — the error of confounding an 
 element of religious life, a principle, and a force, with the 
 whole substance of religion itself 
 
 But it is not from sentimental and antiquarian motives 
 alone that the Huguenot Churches can plead for sympathy ; 
 not merely by quoting the blazons of illustrious ancestry. 
 
84 ^/^^ Hugttenots and 
 
 They can plead at once the intense urgency of the situation 
 in France, the total lack of other agency, and their own 
 active qualifications for the work. There are some, per- 
 haps, who recollect the old glories of Galilean independence, 
 and looking on theology rather from an aesthetic than a 
 religious point of view, feel that, side by side with Francois 
 de Sales and Bossuet, Bourdalone and Fenelon and Mass- 
 illon, the figures of the Huguenots seem pale and meagre. 
 But those glorias of Galhcanism are past and gone. No 
 longer is there a Bossuet to uphold the standard of national 
 liberty in defiance of the Vatican. No longer a Launoi, 
 carrying his ruthless historical criticisms to the very calen- 
 dar of saints. No longer a Richard Simon, the creator of 
 modern biblical science. No longer a Petau or a Huet, a 
 Mabillon or a Montfaucon, leading the van of contemporary 
 learning. No longer a Lacordaire or a Ravignan, a Mont- 
 alembert or a Dupanloup, on whom the last declining rays 
 of Gallicanism cast something of the old radiance."" 
 
 And what had this dominant Church done for France ? 
 Two hundred years ago it expelled the Protestants ; it 
 reserved for itself the full, the sole privilege of instruction, 
 and the awful responsibility of failure. Surely it must 
 answer for the present national degradation. For now in 
 France every high aspiration has perished, and every great 
 man has passed away : the poet who had so long survived 
 his own generation, as well as the orator who seemed able 
 to rule the democracy he had called into existence. And 
 with them seem to have departed those qualities which even 
 the most scornful critic conceded to the French nation, 
 the chivalrous admiration for suffering nationality, even 
 the old military discipline and enthusiasm. Immorality, 
 
The Church of England. 85 
 
 not to be paralleled in the days of Roman decadence, 
 has penetrated to the inmost recesses of family life ; cor- 
 ruption in every department of the State ; nowhere a 
 glimpse of light, merely the wonder when the next cata- 
 clysm is to come. 
 
 And in this terrible crisis, surely the prayers of the 
 English Church should be with that small minority which 
 is striving to stem the torrent. Ah ! the Protestants of 
 France know the magnitude of the task, and their need of 
 allies. They have no mind to waste the priceless moments 
 in denunciation of the past. If there be one note in their 
 history which commends them to our sympathy, it is that, 
 in the very midst of persecution, mindful of their Great 
 Exemplar, they never upbraided their persecutors, as when 
 Saurin the exile, preaching to a congregation of exiles at 
 the Hague, prayed for the King who had driven them forth, 
 that he who had been the instrument of God's wrath might 
 become one day the minister of his grace and bounty .'^'^ 
 
 Should not the great Church of England remember the 
 old brotherhood, the utterances of her noblest sons, and 
 stretch forth the hand of fellowship. More than three cen- 
 turies ago it was granted to the foreign Protestants to wor- 
 ship in the crypt of Canterbury Cathedral, and to this very 
 day the small remnant there assemble, nestling under the 
 very shadow and protection of the Church of England, 
 not acknowledo^inor all her formularies and ordinances, not 
 bound by the dead letter of subscription, but by the living 
 bond of gratitude and afifection.'^^ It may be that the wor- 
 shipper in that Cathedral hears at times, amid the pealing 
 chords of the anthem, the lowly echoes of the old Protest- 
 ant psalmody. Surely this will not be discord : for he may 
 
86 The HiLgiLcnots and 
 
 trace something of a mysterious harmony which is a diviner 
 music than mere unison. 
 
 And will not Cambridge look with sympathy upon the 
 descendants of those w^ho were once honored within these 
 walls? It was to a Huguenot, in acknowledgment of the 
 gift of that famous manuscript which lies exposed to the 
 first gaze of the visitor to yonder library (surely not only as 
 a sign of that New Testament study which here has found 
 its greatest representatives, but as a proof of international 
 amity); it was to Beza that Cambridge wrote: ''Nam hoc 
 scito, post icnicae ScriptiLvae sacraiissimam cognitioyieniy 
 iiullos ttnqiiam ex onini inemoria temporwn Scriptores 
 extitisse quos vieino7''abili viro Johanni Calvino tibiqiie 
 praeferaimcsr ^'' 
 
 Shall we dismiss this as idle compliment, as conven- 
 tional hyperbole, belonging to an age which lavished its 
 doctissime and its dignissime as we our "faithfulness" and 
 "obedient service?" No, surely Cambridge spoke forth 
 then a word which was as true as courageous. In every 
 age there is utterance which stands " next to the Holy- 
 Scriptures," indeed with long interval, but still the efflux 
 of that Spirit which, is poured out on every nation and 
 given to every man. Calvin and Beza, in their age, and 
 for their age, were indeed " next to the Holy Scriptures," 
 but they only formed one link in the eternal chain, and 
 after them were to come those who should be preferred 
 before them. 
 
 For not to one church only, or to one people, was the 
 great promise of my text. Those who had come " out of 
 the great tribulation, and who had w-ashed their robes 
 and made them white in the blood of the Lamb, w^ere 
 
The Church of England. 87 
 
 A GREAT MULTITUDE, which no man could number, of 
 all nations, and kindreds, and peoples, and tongues." 
 To that glorious company every church will contribute 
 its part ; nor will it be only those who have gained the 
 actual crown of martyrdom, for there will be found the 
 ruler who has executed justice, the law-abiding citizen, the 
 scholar who sought knowledge and spoke truth, the minis- 
 ter whose royal priesthood has been the consecration of his 
 citizenship; but surely in the foremost rank will be those 
 who have passed through the discipline of suffering, whether 
 (as in time past) the torture and the stake, or the bloodless 
 rack of obloquy and slander and exclusion. " Therefore^ 
 we are told, " are they before the throne of God, and serve 
 him day and night in his temple; and he that sitteth on the 
 throne shall dwell among them. They shall hunger no 
 more, neither thirst any more. . . . For the Lamb, which 
 is in the midst of the throne, shall feed them, and shall 
 lead them into living fountains of waters : And God shall 
 wipe aivay all tears from their eyes.'' 
 
NOTES. 
 
 ^ Tertullian. Although Tertullian's complaints are directed 
 rather against unworthy evasions (esp. de fiiga in pcrsec. and dc 
 €oro7ia, both referring to the persecution under Sept. Severus), 
 and the attempts to gain the authorities by bribery [dc fiiga 
 ir-13), he more than once denounced the pretensions of those 
 •who, on the strength of a brief imprisonment, attempted to pose 
 as martyrs. {Adv. Prax. i.) He also alludes to the case of those 
 who sustained their failing courage by intoxication at the last. 
 i^de jejiin. 12.) 
 
 2 Cyprian. Notwithstanding" the difficuhies of his position, 
 owing to his own flight, Cyprian protested against the extraordi-. 
 nary pretensions of the Confessors at Carthage, after the Decian 
 persecution. (Opp. ed. Paris, 1643, epist. 14, 15, 21, and Rettberg, 
 Cyprianus, p. 66, seq.) 
 
 ^ EusEBius. As to the disorganization under the Decian and 
 Valerian persecutions see H. E. vi. 41 and viii. i ; much fuller dis- 
 closures, however, being found in the liber de pcruitcntia of Petrus 
 Alexandrinus, with regard to the persecution of Diocletian. Cf. 
 Routh. ReL sacr. iv. 22, scq. 
 
 * The whole subject of the Lapsi and the kindred question 
 of the claims of the confessors is best illustrated in the treatise 
 <of Petrus Alexandrinus, quoted above. Besides the well-known 
 classes of libellaiici and traditores, he speaks of those who sent 
 their heathen, and sometimes even their Christian slaves, to per- 
 •sonate them in the act of sacrifice. In Carthage and Alexandria 
 the episcopal authority was practically overthrown by the indis- 
 criminate use of litterae pads by the confessors, while in Rome 
 .and Antioch the milder rule finally obtained acceptance. Cf. 
 Hausrath, Kleine Schriften, p. 45, 6. 
 
 ^ Perpetua. " Perpetua autem, ut aliquid doloris gustaret, 
 inter costas puncta exululavit; et errantem dexteram tirunculi 
 ^ladiatoris ipsa in jugulum suum posuit. Fortasse tanta femina 
 •aliter non potuisset occidi, quia ab immundo spiritu timebatur, nisi 
 ipsa voluisset." 
 
 (89) 
 
90 Notes. 
 
 \_Passio SS. Pci'pctuac et FeHcilatis, ed. Hurler, in .S^". Mart. 
 Acta Select a ^ p. 142.] 
 
 " FoxE, Acts and Monuuicuts (1S3S), vi. 694, and vii. 550. 
 
 ' The date of the Revocation, which has been contested in re- 
 cent times, seems satisfactorily fixed by the entry in Dangeau's- 
 Journal : '^Liindi, 22 Octobre, a Fontainebleau : Ce jour la on 
 enregistra dans tout le royaume la cassation de I'edit de Nantes, 
 et Ton commenca ji raser tons les temples qui restoient. . . . Le 
 soir it y eut coniedie italienne." Journal de Dangeaii, Paris, 1854,- 
 
 I, 237. 
 
 '^ English feeling in 16S5. As far back as 1681, before the 
 Draooiiades, while what may be called legal persecution only was 
 practised, public opinion had forced a Proclamation from Charles 
 
 II, which offered to the immigrants already flocking to England, 
 letters of denization without any charge, and many other civic 
 privileges. It promised a general Bill of Naturalisation. This 
 document had a great effect in France, and for a time suspended 
 the persecution. (R. L. Poole, Hug. 0/ Dispersion, p. 76.) In the 
 autumn of 1685 a royal brief for a national collection was issued, 
 concerning which see the following note. The popular indigna- 
 tion was manifested in pamphlets, of which a great number are 
 preserved at the British Museum, such as The Great Pressures: 
 and Grievances of the Protesta7its of France, by E. E. [Edmond 
 Everard], 1681, fol. James IPs dislike to the Huguenots was 
 clearly manifested in the order for the burning of Claude's Plain- 
 tes des Protestants, the order appearing in the Gazette of May 8, 
 1686. Cf. Benoist, iv. 491 ; et seq., Kennet, Hist, of Engl. iii. 403, 
 and Cooper, Lists of Foreign Protestants and Aliens, p. xviii- 
 (Camd. Soc. 1862.) 
 
 ■^ For the history of the Royal Bounty see Siipplenienlary Note' 
 5 of Mr. R. L. Poole's Huguenots of the Dispersion, a work to 
 which French students will admit their great indebtedness. The 
 researches on the subject had already been undertaken by Agnevv, 
 Protestant Exiles, i. 36-58, but in a manner not very accessible to- 
 the general reader. The two national collections of 1681-2 and 
 1685, together with parliamentary and other grants, realised 
 nearly ;^20o,ooo. The subsequent history of the fund, "not very 
 creditable," as Mr. Poole justly says, "to the national financiers," 
 may be read in his appendix. But the unfortunate epilogue in no 
 way concerns the spontaneous munificence of the national gift. 
 
Notes. 9 1 
 
 '" Sau:maise (158S-165S) had known Casaubon in Paris, but 
 became a Protestant while studying at Heidelberg under Denis 
 Godefroy. He married the daughter of Desbordes, a zealous 
 Huguenot. The only personal annoyance he suffered on account 
 of his religious views was when Marillac, the Garde des Sceaux, 
 refused assent to the resignation by the father of his office in 
 favour of his son. 
 
 '^ ScALiGER. According to Scaligeraua II (s. v. Scaliger), he 
 was converted to Protestantism at the age of 22. '" II avait 22 aus 
 quand il fut catechise par M. de Chandien et par M. Viret. Ce fut 
 le frere de M. de Ruzenval, qui est maintenant Papiste, qui me 
 mena au presche durant les premiers troubles." Bernays {J.J. 
 Scaliger, Berl. 1855), explains the seemingly contradictory state- 
 ments m the Scaligeraua : " Wie alle Menschen, die sich einen 
 gleichmiissigen Fortschritt ihrer wissenschaftlichen und religiosen 
 Entwicklung zii erhalten verstehen, legte auch Scaliger in reiferen 
 Jahren manche Starrguiubigkeit seiner Jugend ab." 
 
 Sc. was not at all edified by many of the Protestants, particu- 
 larly as to the extreme sections, who discredited all non-Biblical 
 learning. Arminius, indeed, was " z'/r ma.vimus^' (Seal. II, s. v. 
 Arminius), but of Gomarus : "11 pense estre le plus scavant theo- 
 logien de tons. II s'entend n la chronologie comme moy a faire 
 de la fausse monnoye." 
 
 ^'■^ David Blondel {1591-1655.) As early as 1619 his Jlodesle 
 declaralion de la verite des egl. rcforniees appeared. His fame as 
 an anti-Roman writer was established by his Pseudo-Isidorus et 
 Turriatius vapulaiites (1628), a work greatly admired by English 
 divines, and which, as far as scholars were concerned, finished the 
 Isidorian controversy. His even greater work, De la Priniaute de 
 r Eglise (1641), was viewed with favour even by the French court. 
 Cf Niceron, viii. 48, seq. 
 
 '■■^ Andre Rivet (1572-1651), like Blondel, spent the greater 
 part of his life in Holland. Although distinguished in the polemic 
 against Rome, his main claim to distinction is in his exegetical 
 w^orks, his Isagoge ad scripturayn sacrain V. et N. T. (1616) long 
 remaining a standard work. 
 
 ^* Casaubon. The admirable monograph of the late Rector of 
 Lincoln College has raised a monument to one Huguenot worthy 
 only to be paralleled by Professor A. Schweitzer's siudy on Amy- 
 
92 N'oics. 
 
 rant, TJicoI. Jahrhvcher, 1852. and some of the articles in the new 
 edition of Haag^'s France Protestante. 
 
 '^Pierre Dumoulix (1568-1658). the most indefatigable com- 
 batant of a polemical age, whose life has yet to be written. C. 
 Schmidt's article in the new edition of Herzog's R. E. enumerates 
 his works, and the leading incidents of his life. He was created 
 D. D. by Cambridge on the occasion of his first visit to England, 
 in 1615. when invited by James I, at the suggestion of Duplessis 
 Mornay, to discuss a union of Protestant Churches. 
 
 '•'Samuel Bochart ( 1599-1667), nephew of Pierre Dumoulin, 
 educated under Saumur iutluence, visited Oxford with Cameron. 
 His famous works, Geographia Sacra (1646) and Hierozoicoii 
 (1663), were esteemed by Catholics as well as Protestants; the 
 latter was dedicated to Charles J I. In 1650 he engaged in a 
 friendly controversy with Morley, the result of which was pub- 
 lished in his Epistola qua resp. ad. in qicaestioncs. 
 
 ^'Jean Daille (1594-1670), for list of works, see new edition 
 of Haag, Fr. Pr. His treatise De P Employ des saints peres was 
 comparatively an early work (1632). No less than 724 of his 
 Charenton sermons were published. 
 
 ^"■JoHN Durell (1626-1683), Dean of Windsor. His " Tiew 
 of {he government of the Reformed Churches (1662), contains a 
 very sufficient proof of the friendly attitude of Charenton to the 
 Church of England. 
 
 ''-' Daniel Hrevint (1616-1695), Dean of Lincoln. Acted with 
 Durell in 1659 i^'^ procuring from Daille and the other Charenton 
 ministers the declaration concerning the Protestant orthodoxy of 
 Charles II. See next note. 
 
 '■^•'The many rumours in circulation as to the conversion of 
 Charles II to the Roman Catholic faith, and the fact that his 
 hopes of Restoration in 1659 depended on the sanction and efforts 
 of the Presbyterian party, induced him to apply to the Consistoire 
 of Charenton for a declaration of his Protestant orthodoxy. This 
 was readily granted, and letters to that effect were written b}- 
 Daille, Drelincourt. Delangle, and Caches. See Rennet's Register 
 and Chronicle, 1728, pp. 91-4, containing the letter of Caches to 
 Baxter, and of Daille and Drelincourt to the Huguenot ministers 
 
Notes. 93 
 
 in London, Stouppe and Leroy. Caches vouched for the fact of 
 Charles's attendance at the Protestant service at Rouen and 
 Rochelle. When, in 1661, the Savoy congregation adopted a 
 translation of the Anglican liturgy, the question as to the legiti- 
 macy of the step was submitted to the Charenton Consistoirey 
 which unanimously decided " that they ought not to make any 
 scruple to submit to the order of that Church." (Kennet, p. 460, 
 and see Durell's Reformed Churches^ 1662.) An interesting letter 
 of Amyraut's, given by Dubourdieu in his Appeal to the English 
 Natiofi, p. 105, gives the view of that great theologian on the 
 same subject: " Veterein illani vestram liturgiam legi atteiitissmie : 
 est aiitem ilia sane talis, ineo judicio^ ntin multis zelum vere chris- 
 tianum incendere et fidem efficacissime fovere apta nata est. In 
 aliis, onini veneno caret ; universe, illibata religione, et no7i modo 
 sine conscientiae nllo znilnere, sed eliani cum admodiim Diemorabili 
 pietatis frnctu, celcbrari et usurpari possit.'" The passage is quoted 
 in Mr. Poole's work already cited, suppl. Note iv. 
 
 -' The Leightonian library at Dunblane was opened in 16S8, the 
 catalogue first printed 1793. For particulars of foundation see 
 Irving's Lives of Scottish Writers, 1839, 11, 146. Leighton's notes 
 can be easily recognised by comparing his autograph. Among 
 the books may be mentioned, as showing Leighton's wide read- 
 ing, Arndt's Paradies Gdrtlein (1666), Balzac, Lettres (1634-6), the 
 Bible in Irish, Swedish, Italian, Spanish, Brantome's Memoires, Lord 
 Brooke, Cowley, Saint Cyran's Lettres Spirituelles, a great num- 
 ber of Daille's works, Donne, Du Bartas, a forgotten book called 
 '^ Vevesqiie de Cour oppose a Vevesque apostolique (1675) of sug- 
 gestive title, P^alkland, Selden, only two of Fuller's works, John 
 Hales, Hobbes, G. Herbert's Temple a)id Remains, nothing of 
 Shakespeare or Milton, but .Montaigne's Essais (1636), Henry 
 ^lore, T. More's Utopia, Pascal's Penstes, but not the L. Pr., 
 Quevedo's Villegas disciirsos, all Sir Thomas Browne's works, 
 and every work of Jeremy Taylor, even to the Measures and 
 Offices of Eri end ship. 
 
 -''The Confessio Gallicana of 1559 belongs to the same 
 group as the Anglican xlii Articles of 1551, the Confessio Scoti- 
 cana (1560), Hungarica (1557-8), Belgica (1562), and the Conf. 
 Sigismundi or Marchica (1614), and all derive much of their 
 foundation from the Consensus Tigurijius (1549). The c. G. con- 
 sists of 40 articles drawn up in May, 1559, under the influence of 
 
94 Notes. 
 
 Chandieu, and accepted by the national synod of the same year, 
 confirmed by Henri IV in 1571. Cf. Augusti, Corp. Hbr. symbol., 
 1846, p. T26, ei seq. 
 
 -■^ As it would be impossible in the limits of a note to furnish 
 any account of the present state of P'rench Protestantism, the 
 reader must be referred to Decoppet, Paris Protestant (1876), and 
 Th. de Pratt, Ainiuaire Protesta?it. There is a somewhat meagre 
 but impartial sketch by C. Pfender in the new edition of Herzog's 
 R. E. 
 
 ^* Paul Rabaut (1718-1794), his life now fully known since the 
 recent publication by M. Picherat-Dardier of his correspondence. 
 He served the great cause from boyhood, first as a guide to the 
 itinerant ministers, then as a reader, proposant (he only studied 
 half a year at Lausanne). His career as preacher began 1742. 
 The bitterest persecution took place 1742-5, but there was no 
 real amnesty till the edict of toleration of 1787. Then Rabaut 
 enjoyed a few years of rest, though the Revolution at last 
 molested him. 
 
 ^•^As to Paley's remark, "'that he eould not afford to keep a 
 conscienee^' see JNleadley's Memoir of W. Paley, 2nd ed., Edinb., 
 iSio, p. 89, and also the Life by Chalmers, prefixed to the edition 
 of Paley's Works, published in 1819, p. xvii. 
 
 '^^' Among the causes for the cessation of intercourse should be 
 mentioned the eccentricities of the Camisard " prophets " in 
 London, which provoked Francis Lee's History of Montanism, 
 and his own reversion to High Church principles. 
 
 ^' For the theology of Cambridge in the Elizabethan age, the 
 reader must be referred to Strype, supplemented by Mr. Mullin- 
 ger's excellent history. An article on Peter Baro will be found in 
 the last published volume of Mr. Stephen's Biogr. Dictionary. It 
 is remarkable that a Huguenot should have led the Arminian re- 
 action. The very high esteem in which the foreign reformers were 
 held at Cambridge was evidenced in 1595, when William Barret, 
 fellow of Caius, for contemptuous language about Calvin, was 
 censured and forced to sign a retractation. [Cf. Strype's Whit- 
 gift, IV. caps. 14-16, and Append. 22-25, 'i^^d Cooper's Annals of 
 Cambridge, 11, 529-536-] 
 
Notes. 95 
 
 -^ The passage quoted from Overall was the favourite dictum 
 -of his pupil Cosin, who referred always to him as his "lord and 
 ^naster Overall." It will be found in Cosin's works (Angl. Cath. 
 Lib. IV. 449), where also is included (ib. pp. 400-409) Cosin's own 
 -view of the Huguenot ministry and sacraments, in his letter to 
 M. Cordel of Blois. The testament is given in the Life by Basire, 
 and also in Works, Vol. i. 
 
 •29 Vindication of Grotins, in Ang. Cath. Libr. Bramhall's 
 Works, III, 518. Sanderson, Episcopacy not prejudiciat, 11, 15. 
 
 ^° Hist, of Troubles, pp. 100, 134, 355, 419 (ed. 1695). 
 
 ^^ Abbey and Overton, Hist, of England in iSth Century, i, 370. 
 
 *^ The last step of decadence was reached even before the 
 "Vatican Council, when the notorious journalist Louis Veuillot was 
 practically upheld by the Curia against the censure of Mgr. Du- 
 panloup. The last moments of Montalembert, and his treatment 
 ±)y the Vatican authorities, are also memorable. 
 
 ^^ Sennojis de Saurin, Paris, 1835, 11, 107, et seq., translated into 
 English, 1775-6, at Cambridge, in six vols. 
 
 ^* See Hist, of the French Refugee Church of Canterbury (1881) 
 
 by M. le Pasteur Martin. A modification of the English liturgy 
 
 was adopted by Pasteur Mieville in 1790, but the sitting posture at 
 
 Ihe reception of the Holy Communion is preserved. Laud's 
 
 ^attempt in 1634 to suppress the service was ineffectual. 
 
 •^ Scrivener, Cod. Bez. p. vi., and Heppe, Th. Beza's Leben u. 
 Musgew'dhlte Schriften, p. 364. The Codex was presented to Cam- 
 iDridge in 15S1. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 {Si'c Pre/ace.) 
 
 Paris, 
 216 Boulevard Pereire, 
 
 Le 23 Fevrier^ 1SS6. 
 
 Je partage tout a tait vos vues, et je me felicite de les sentir 
 defendre avec. . . . Je me suis souvent entretenu de ce sujet 
 avec le doyen Stanley et le venerable archeveque Tait qui tons- 
 deux portaient un vif interet a I'Eglise Reformee de France. J'ai 
 toujours regrette que nos eglises n'eussent de relations officielles- 
 qu'avec les presbyteriens anglais on ecossais, et que cette simple 
 question d'organisation ecclesiastique fut consideree comme le- 
 signe de I'union, lorsque nous avons tant de motifs d'attachement 
 pour TEglise anglicane. Vous savez sans doute que je suis Tun 
 de ceux qui sentent le plus douleureusement les lacunes du pres- 
 byterianisme, et que j'ai fait un grand effort (efitbrt qui a reussi a 
 Paris) pour introduire un service liturgique analogue a celui de- 
 votre Eglise dans ses traits essentiels. 
 
 L'une de mes ambitions serait de renouer les liens qui ont uni. 
 autrefois les eglises reformees de France avec I'Eglise anglicane ;. 
 je ne voudrais pas me borner a une union theorique. 11 y aurait 
 quelque chose de pratique a creer. L'Angleterre ne connait 
 souvent nos Eglises que par les collectes que nos soci<§t^s font 
 chez elle pour soutenir nos oeuvres. Cela est deplorablement in- 
 suffisant. 11 y aurait lien de nous rencontrer sur un terrain plus- 
 6leve, sur celui de la pensee chretienne, et d'unir nos efforts pour 
 soutenir la grande cause de la vraie catholicity chretienne. J'ap- 
 pelle sur ce point votre plus serieuse attention 
 
 Eugene Bersier- 
 
BY THE SAME AUTHOR : 
 
 MONTANISM AND THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 
 
 A Study in the Ecclesiastical History of the 
 Second Century. 
 
 Cambridge : Deighton, Bell & Co. 
 
 "A fresh edition to the excellent series of essays which have 
 been produced at Cambridge of late years in competition for 
 prizes. ... It is interesting, not only in itself, but also as a speci- 
 men of the very different spirit in which historical enquiries are 
 now pursued from that which was usual in the last century. 
 There was a time when Rationalists and Romanists alike re- 
 garded Montanus and his followers as a set of crazy imposters: 
 now, every one wdio makes any pretence at being a Church his- 
 torian must account for the rise of Montanism out of the earlier 
 Church, and describe its influence in the later. Mr. de Soyres, 
 like Arnold and some others, sees in Montanism not so much a 
 deliberate heresy as a reaction against the innovating tendency 
 which made itself felt in the Church in the second century. To 
 use his own words (p. no), it was an 'exaggerated statement of 
 fundamental and original principles which, in a period of tran- 
 sition, would excite as much antagonism as the most violent 
 novelty.' He is not unconscious of the glaring inconsistencies 
 and exaggerations into which the Montanists fell, but he looks 
 at them sympathetically, and without sympathy is no true his- 
 tory. . . . Even if here and there we are not quite of the same 
 opinion as Mr. de Soyres, we must admit that he has produced 
 a work which no future student of Church history of the second 
 century can afford to neglect." — Professor Cheetham in Contem- 
 porary Review, Feb. 1879. 
 
 " The task has been performed with careful research, united 
 with a broad outlook and the preservation of a catholic spirit, 
 which make the volume, comparatively small as it is, one of real 
 value." — Theological Review, Oct. 1879. 
 
 "Das Ergebniss, zu welchem der Verfasser dieser tlichtigen 
 Arbeit betreffs des Montanismus gekommen ist, wird am kiirz- 
 esten an dem Schluss-satze seiner zusammenfassenden Beurthe- 
 ilung desselben (S. 116) erkannt: 'So, one by o?ie, the fundamental 
 principles of Montanism, its li^iks with the Apostolical Church, 
 were regarded as heresies^ Dieses Ergebniss ist nicht neu : es 
 ist von G. Arnold. Wernsdorf, Ritschl u. A. angebahnt, resp. 
 festgestellt. Der Verf. hat das seinige dazu gethan, um es noch 
 einmal und piinktlich zu begriinden." — Adolf Harnack in the 
 Theol. Lit. Zeitung, Dec. 1878. 
 
 " This little work is a storehouse of varied, well selected and 
 digested learning on the subject." — Examiner, Oct. 18, 1878. 
 
nv THE SAME : 
 
 PASCAL'S PROVINCIAL LETTERS. 
 
 Edited with Notes and Introductory Dissertations. 
 
 Cambeidge : Deighton, Bell & Co. 
 
 "A book which aims, and may justly claim to be a scholar's 
 edition." — Niark Pattison in Academy. 
 
 "Der gelehrte Herausgeber der Provinzial-briefe Pascal's hat 
 sich eine zweifache Aufgabe gestellt : er will die Leser derselben 
 mit dem genauen Text und die Theologie Studierenden mit dem 
 fiir das Studium des beriihmten Streits zwischen Pascal und 
 seinen Gegnern nothigen Material versehen. Der erste Theil 
 dieser Aufgabe kann als wohl gelost gelten. . . . Die historischen 
 und kritischen Anmerkungen zu den einzelnen Briefen verdienen 
 voile Anerkennung. Desgleichen die Geschichte des Textes." 
 — Literar. Centralblait. 
 
 " Mr. de Soyres deserves the thanks of English scholars for 
 giving us the first critical edition of the French text of the Pro- 
 vincial Letters. He has prefixed an Introduction of much interest 
 and value : the notes appended to the Letters are useful and un- 
 pretending." — Saturday Review. 
 
 "Au excellent edition of Pascal's celebrated letters, illustrated 
 by ample and scholarly notes." — Guardian. 
 
 "An edition ... so accurate as regards the text, so careful in 
 all its details, and so completely equipped with the necessary 
 explanations for the English reader." — Daily News. 
 
 "Diese neue Ausgabe der beriihmten Briefe ist mit grosser 
 Akribie und Umsicht veranstaltet. Eine griindliche geschich- 
 tiche und literar -historische Einleitung erofihet dieselbe." — A. 
 Harnack in Theol. Lilt. Zeitung. 
 

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