tibvary of Che theological Seminar y PRINCETON • NEW JERSEY PURCHASED BY THE MRS. ROBERT LENOX KENNEDY CHURCH HISTORY FUND BR 756 .C58 v. 2:2 The church historians of England THE CHUKCH HISTORIANS OE ENGLAND. CLAY, FRINFKR. n R K VII STRF.F.T IIII.L, I.ONDOW. .. eOA" THE CHURCH HISTORIANS OT ENGLAND. REFORMATION PERIOD. THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS OF JOHN EOXE. CAREFULLY REVISED, WITH NOTES AND APPENDICES. VOL. II.— PART II. FLEET STREET and HANOVER STREET. MDCCCLIV. GRUDGE BETWEEN' THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH SOLDIERS. 449 But let us proceed further iu this holy progress. The French Henry king with his army seeing himself distressed, and no good there to '■ — be done against the Soldan of Egypt, after he had sufficiently fortified J\;P- the city of Damietta with an able garrison left with the duke of "' ' . Burgundy, he removed his tents from thence to go eastward. In his army also followed William Longspath (of whom mention was made before), accompanied with a picked number of English warriors, Grud„e retained unto him : but such was the disdain of the Frenchmen between against this William Longspath and the Englishmen, that they French could not abide them, but flouted them in opprobrious manner, with English " English tails," insomuch that the good king himself had much ado soldiers, to keep peace between them. The original cause of this grudge between them began thus : Rooty there was, not far from Alexandria in Egypt, a strong fort or castle, fhe'lng-5 replenished with great ladies, and rich treasure of the Saracens ; this di[SehrsS0," hold it chanced the said William Longspath, with his company of about English soldiers, to get, more by good luck and politic dexterity, aria, than by open force of arms ; whereby he and his retinue were greatly enriched. When the Frenchmen had knowledge hereof, they, being not made privy thereto, began to conceive a heart-burning against the English soldiers, and could not speak well of them after that. It happened, not long after, that the said William had intelligence of a ventu- company of rich merchants among the Saracens, going to a certain Jf wu-' fair about the parts of Alexandria ; having their camels, asses, and ^am mules, richly laden with silks, precious jewels, spices, gold and silver, spatu with cart-loads of other wares, besides victuals and furniture, whereof the soldiers then stood in great need. He, having secret knowledge hereof, gathered all the power of Englishmen unto him that he could, and so, by night, falling upon the merchants, some he slew with their guides and conductors, some he took, some he put to flight. The Enriched carts with the drivers and the oxen, and the camels, asses, and mules, cen^'a" with the whole carriage and victuals, he took, and brought with him, s°ods- losing in all the skirmish but one soldier, and eight of his servitors ; some of whom, notwithstanding, he brought home wounded to be cured. This being known in the camp, forth came the Frenchmen, who wronged all this while loitered in their pavilions, and meeting their carriage by French. the way, took all the aforesaid prey wholly unto themselves, rating the said William and the Englishmen, for so adventuring and issuing out of the camp without leave or knowledge of their general, contrary to the discipline of war. William said again, he had done nothing but what he would answer to, whose purpose was to have the spoil divided to the behoof of the whole army. When this would not serve, he being sore grieved in his mind, so cowardly to be spoiled of that for which he had so adventurously travailed, went to the king to complain. But when no reason or complaint would serve, by reason Depart. of the proud earl of Artois, the king's brother, who, upon despite and ej£Tl° disdain, stood against him, he, bidding the king farewell, said he Despite would serve him no longer. And so William de Longspath with of'the"1 the rest of his company, breaking from the French host, went to brother Acre. Upon whose departure, the earl of Artois said, " Now is the against army of Frenchmen well rid of these tailed people." Which words, us!i. "S" VOL. II. G G 4"0 DAMIETTA TAKEN' BY THE CHRISTIAN'S. iimnj spoken in ureal despite, were evil taken of many good men that _ heard him.1 A.D. Before the arrival of the French army in the land of Egypt, the 12,)0- Soldan of Babylon, having beforehand intelligence of their coming, committed the custody of Damietta to a certain prince of his whom lie specially trusted, committing also to his brother the keeping of Cairo and Babylon. It followed now after the taking of Damietta, that the Soldan of Babylon accused the prince who had the custody t hereof, before his nobles, of treason, as giving the city unto the Christians; who, notwithstanding, in judgment did sufficiently clear himself, declaring how he was certified that the king would land at Alexandria, and therefore bent all his power to prevent the king's arrival there ; but, by .stress of weather, he missing his purpose, Damietta and the king landing about Damietta, by reason thereof the city was IheChris- taken unprovided, he, notwithstanding, with his company resisting tians. as well as they might, till they could no longer, and so departed, cursing (said he) Mahomet and his law. At these words, the Soldan, Thckeep- being offended, commanded him to be had away as a traitor and bune'"" blasphemer, and to be hanged, albeit he had sufficiently purged fS?"g" himself by the judgment of the court. His brother, who was the to death, keeper of Cairo and Babylon, being therewith not a little grieved, and bearing a good mind to the christian religion, devised, in himself, how to give the said city of Cairo with Babylon to the French king ; and so, in most secret wise, he sent to the king, showing his full purpose and what had happened: and, furthermore, instructing the The tri- king in all things how and what he should do ; and, moreover, requiring the sacrament of baptism, meaning indeed good faith, and sending also away all the christian captives which he had with ened. Jnm in prison. I he king, being glad hereof, sent in all haste for Ll';in captives delivered up, and BO both countries should dantothe freely pass one to another with their wares and traffic, such as they Pmneb. (.j,oso to adventure. Furthermore, it was firmly affirmed and spoken, (1) El M.tttl. Paris IbL •-'.;:!. 234. VICTORY OF THE CHRISTIANS OVER THE SARACENS. 451 that the Soldan, with most of his nobles, was minded no less than to ftenry leave the filthy law of Mahomet, and receive the faith of Christ, so that j// they might quietly enjoy their lands and possessions. The same day A. D. great quietness would have entered, no doubt, into all Christendom, 12'J()- with the end of much bloodshed and misery, had it not been for the The, pope's legate, who (having commandment from the pope, that if any ?°r e such offers should come, he should not take them) stoutly " et frontose th^mis^ contradicens? (as the words be of the story) in nowise would receive chief- the conditions offered.1 Thus, while the Christians unprofitably lingered the time in debating this matter, the Soldan, mean while, got intelligence of the compact between the tribune of Cairo and the French king; whereupon he sent in all haste to their city to apprehend the tribune till the truth were fully tried, which seemed to him more apparent, for that the christian prisoners were already delivered. Hereupon Thechns- the Soldan being in some better hope and less fear, refused that fiSuig6' which before he had offered to the Christians ; albeit, they with great fj^couid instance afterward sued to the Soldan, and could not obtain it. Then not 'have the Soldan, being wholly bent to try the matter by the sword, sent when to the east parts for an infinite multitude of soldiers, giving out by ^0e*,d_ proclamation, that whosoever could bring in any christian man's head, cruel pro- should have ten talents, besides his standing wages. And whosoever onlheSa- brought his right hand should have five. He that brought his foot rac=nst i ?i i -i p i • against should have two talents, tor his reward. theChrk- After these things thus prepared on both sides to the necessity of ThTeari war, the king cometh to the great river Nile, having gotten together of. Artois, many boats, thinking by them to pass over, as upon a sure bridge, third part On the other side the Soldan pitched himself to withstand his coming christian over. In the mean time happened a certain feast amongst the a™^h Saracens, in which the Soldan was absent, leaving his tents by the over the water-side. This being foreseen by a certain Saracen, lately converted to Christ, serving with earl Robert, the king's brother, and showing them withal a certain shallow ford in the river Nile, where they might more easily pass over ; the said earl Robert, and the master of the Temple, with a great power, amounting to the third part of the army, passed over the river, after whom also followed William Long- spath, with his band of English soldiers. These, being together joined on the other side the water, encountered the same day victory of with the Saracens remaining in the tents, and put them to the t|!,enshris worse. After this victory, the French earl, surprised with pride against and triumph, as though he had conquered the whole earth, would Cens.ara' needs advance, dividing himself from the main host, thinking to win the spurs alone ; to whom certain sage men of the Temple giving Good contrary counsel, advised him not so to do, but rather to return and ™vuennseblll take their whole company with them, and so should they be more not foi- sure against all deceits and dangers, which there might be laid privily for them. The manner of that people (they said) they better knew, and had more experience thereof than he ; alleging, moreover, their wearied bodies, their tired horses, their famished soldiers, and the insufficiency also of their number, which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies, especially at this present brunt; in (I) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 233. GG 2 452 THE EARL OF AETOIS WILL NOT BE ADVISED. Henry which the adversaries did well sec the whole state of their dominion — now to consist either in winning all, or losing all ; with other such A.D. like words of persuasion. Winn the proud carl did hear this, being 12.10 inflamed with no less arrogancy than ignorance, with opprobrious taunts lie reviled them, called them cowardly dastards, and betrayers of the whole country; objecting unto them the common report of ga^him many, who said, that the land of the holy cross might be won to Christendom, were it not for the rebellious Templars, with the Hospitallers and their fellows. To these contumelious rebukes the master of the Temple answered again for himself and his fellows, bidding him display his ensign when he would, and where he durst, for they were as ready to follow him, as he to go before them. Then began William de Longspath, the worthy knight, to speak : desiring the earl to give car to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those countries and people than he had, commending also their counsel to be discreet and wholesome, and so turning to the master of the Temple began with gentle words to mitigate him likewise. The knight had not half ended his talk, when the earl, taking the words out of his mouth, began to fume and swear, crying out on these cowardly Englishmen with tails. " What a pure army," said he, " should we have here, if these tails, and tailed people were purged from it ?" With other like words of great villany and much disdain. worthy Whereunto the English knight answering again, "Weil, carl Robert," "' said he, " wheresoever you dare set your foot, my step shall go as knV'iit to *:" as vours' anc^ as I believe, we go this day where you shall not Mm. dare to come near the tail of my horse :"" as in the event proved true.1 Anum- In the mean time the French king, intending to set forward his jm'i'h army, thought best to send away such as were feeble and lacked armour unto Damietta, by boats. The Soldan, hearing thereof, Dami- prepared a great number of boats to be carried, by wain and cart, d^ned to the water-side; who, meeting them by the way, drowned and or siain destroyed by wildfire every one, so that of all that company of our way. Christians, of whom some were burned, some slain, some drowned, Appendix, not one escaped alive, save only one Englishman, named Alexander Giflard; who, although he was sore wounded in the ehace in five places in his body, yet escaped to the French camp, bringing word unto the king what was done. And this was upon the water. Mansor Now upon the land : seeing earl Robert would needs set forward, v, (ruing to get all the glory unto himself before the coming of the fciench. host, they invaded first a little village or castle which was not far off!, called Mansor. The country boors and pagans in the villages by, seeing the Christians come, ran out with such a main cry and shout, that it came to the Sohlaifs hearing, who was nearer than our men did think. In the mean while the Christians, invading and entering into the munition uncircumspectry, were pelted and pashed3 with stones by tliem that stood above; whereby a great number of our men were lost, and the army sore maimed, ami almost in despair. Then, immediately upon the same. Cometh the Soldan with all his main power ; who, seeing the Christians"' army to lie divided, and the II) Ex Mattb. I'aris lot. 2"G. (2) " Cashed," btruck.— Ed. LCI IS IX., THE FRENCH KING, TAKEN PRISONER. 453 one brother separated from the other, had that which he long wished Hfpp for, and thus enclosing them round about so that none should escape, 1_ had with them a cruel fight. Then the earl began to repent him of A.D. his heady rashness, but it was too late ; who, then seeing William — _£!L the English knight doughtily fighting in the chief brunt of the ^,*°- enemies, cried unto him most cowardly to fly, " seeing God," said army en- he, " doth fight against us." To whom the knight, answering again, thesoidin " God forbid," saith he, " that my father's son should run away from i°0tnBaby" the face of a Saracen." The earl then, turning his horse, fled away, Eari Ro- thinking to escape by its swiftness, and so taking the river of Thafnis, arSy'fly- oppressed with harness, there sunk and wyas drowned. Thus the j"^,";1- • earl being gone, the Frenchmen began to despair and scatter. Then ed. William de Longspath, bearing all the force of the enemies, stood ™/0™ge against them as long as he could, wounding and slaying many a and death Saracen, until at length his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, nam he could no longer stand ; who yet notwithstanding, as he was down, ^™t|" mangled their feet and legs, and did the Saracens much sorrow, till at the last after many blows and wounds, being stoned of the Sara- cens, he yielded his life. After the death of him, the Saracens setting upon the residue of the army, whom they had compassed on every side, devoured and destroyed them all, insomuch, that scarce one man escaped alive, saving two Templars, one Hospitaller, and one poor rascal soldier, who brought tidings hereof to the king. These things being known, in the French camp, to the king and his sorrows soldiers; first of their drowning who were sent to Damietta, then of JS^*^ the ruin and slaughter of the army, with the king's brother, near the camp for town of Mansor, there was no little sorrow and heaviness on every their side, with great fear and doubt in themselves what it was best to do. brethren- At last, when they saw no remedy, but they must stand manful] v to revenge the blood of their brethren, the king, with his host, passed aJZux over the flood of the Nile, and coming to the place where the battle" had been, there they beheld their fellows and brethren, pitifully lying Heads with their heads and hands cut off. For the Saracens, for the reward a"ujea,Kis before promised by the Soldan or Sultan, unto them that could bring christians the head or hand of any Christian, had so mangled the Christians, cu leaving their bodies to the wild beasts. Thus, as they were sorrowing and lamenting the rueful case of their christian fellows, suddenly appeareth the coming of the Soldan, with a multitude of innumerable thousands, against whom the Frenchmen eftsoons prepare themselves to encounter, and so the battle being struck up, the armies began to join. But, alack for pity ! what could the Frenchmen here do, their number at first so maimed, their hearts wounded already with fear and sorrow, their bodies consumed with penury and famine, their horses for feebleness not able to serve them ? In conclusion, the Pitiful Frenchmen were overthrown, slain, and despatched ; and, seeing o'nhe"" there was no flying, happy was he that first could yield himself. In Fiench- this miserable conflict, the king, with his two brethren, and a few that The kin!; clave unto him, were taken captives, to the confusion of all christian J^„h hls realms, and presented to the Soldan. All the residue were put to the ^*ten sword, or else stood at the mercy of the Saracens, whether to be slain by the or to remain in woeful captivity. And this was the end of that S"' sorrowful battle, wherein almost all the nobility of France were slain, 454 DAMIETTA RESIGNED. H**ry and in which there was hardly one man of all that multitude who escaped free, they being either slain or taken prisoners. Furthermore, A.D. they that were slain or left half alive, had every one his head and 1-J°- hand cut off upon the SoldWs proclamation above mentioned. The Soldan or Sultan, after the taking of the French king, fraudu- lently suborning an army of Saracens to the number of the French army, with the arms and ensigns of them that were slain, made towards Damietta, where the duke of Burgundy, with the French queen, and Otho, the pope's legate, and other bishops and their gar- qs were remaining ; supposing, under the show of Frenchmen, to be let in : but the captains, mistrusting their hasty coming, and mis- doubting their visages, not like those of the Frenchmen, shut the gates against them, and so returned they, frustrated in their intent. The purpose of the Soldan was, if he might have gotten Damietta, to send the French king up higher into the east countries to the Caliph,1 the chief pope of Damascus, to increase the titles of Mahomet, and to be a spectacle or gazing-stock to all those quarters of the world. The manner of Caliph was, never to let any christian prisoner come out, whosoever came once in his hand. But forasmuch as the Soldan missed his purpose, he thought, by advice of council, to use the king's life for his own advantage in recovering the city of Damietta, as in the end it came to pass. For although the king at fust was greatly unwilling, and had rather die than surrender Damietta again to the Saracens, yet the conclusion fell out, that the king was put to his ransom, and the city of Damietta was also resigned ; which city, being twice won and twice lost by the Christians, the Soldan or Sultan after- wards caused it utterly to be razed down to the ground. The ransom - of the king, upon condition that the Soldan should see him safely con- ducted to Acre (which I take to be Cesarea), came to a hundred thou- sand marks. The number of Frenchmen and others who miscarried in that Mar, by water and by land, came to eighty thousand persons.2 And thus have ye the brief narration of this lamentable peregrina- tion of Louis, the French king ; in which, when the Frenchmen were mice or twice well offered by the Soldan, to have all the kingdom of Jerusalem, and much more, in free possession ; they, not contented with that which was reasonable and sufficient, for greediness to have all, lost all ; having at length no more than their naked bodies could cover, lying dead upon the ground, and all through the original cause of the pope, and Otho, his legate. By their sinister means and pestilent pride, not only the lives of so many Christians were then lost, but also to the said pope is to be imputed ail the loss of other cities and christian regions bordering in the same quarters: forasmuch ■ the occasion hereof, the hearts of the Saracens, on the one side, v, i re so encouraged, and the courage of the Christians, on the other, so much discomfited, that in a short space after, both the dominion of Antioch and that of Acre, with all other possessions belonging to the Christians, were lost, to the great diminishing of Christ's church. During the time of this good king lying at Acre, or Cesarea, Almighty God Bent Buch discord betwixt the Soldan of Halaphia and F^Uch18 t,lr s'1(,'"'n of Babylon, for letting the king so escape, that the said king. Soldan or Sultan of Babylon, to win the king unto his side, entered (1) Sec Rote 1. \>. 294.— Ed. (2) Hacc Matth. Paris, fid. 23", 23S. Damietta resigned - French Bet Appendix. THE POPE'S TYRANNY AGAINST FREDERIC II. 455 ie with him (whom both his brethren, and all his nobles almost, Remy at home had forsaken), and remitted his ransom, and also restored unto him such prisoners as were in the said battle found to be alive.1 A- D. Thus the Lord worketh, where man commonly forsaketh.2 I25Q- Another cause, moreover, why the ruin of "this French army may worthily be imputed to the pope, is this : for that when Louis, the French king, perceiving what a necessary friend and helper Frederic, How Fre- the emperor, might be to him in these his affairs against the Saracens, ^™r"'re was an earnest suitor for him to the pope to have him released, neither jjjjsfe* he, nor the king of England, by any means could obtain it. And, served in although the emperor himself offered to pope Innocent, with all fga?nstad humble submission, to make satisfaction in the council of Lyons, pro- );hnsSabr^ mising, also, to expugn all the dominions of the Saracens, and never the pope to return into Europe again, and there to recover whatsoever the buffer "ut Christians had lost, so that the pope would only grant his son Henry him" to be emperor after him; yet the proud pope would not be mollified, but would needs proceed against him with both swords ; that is, first, with the spiritual sword, to accurse him, and then with the temporal sword, to depose him from his imperial throne. Through the occasion Tyranny whereof, not only the French king's power went to wreck, but also such fsh^mts-1" a fire of mischief was kindled against all Christendom, as yet to this ^ef0of day cannot be quenched ; for, after this overthrow of the French king against and his army, the Christians of Antioch and of other christian regions peror"1 thereabouts, being utterly discouraged, gave over their holds and cities ; whereupon the Saracens, and after them the Turks, got such a hand over Christendom, as, to this day, we all have good cause to rue and lament. Besides this, where divers Christians were crossed to go over and help the French king, the pope for money dispensed with them to tarry still at home. But as I said, the greatest cause was, that the emperor, who could have done most, was deposed by the pope's tyranny, whereby all those churches in Asia were left desolate : as touching the which em- peror Frederic, because we have divers and sundry times made mention of him before, and for that his story is strange, his acts wondrous, and his conflicts tragical, which he sustained against four or five popes, one after another, I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same, for the reader to consider what is to be judged of this cathedral see of Rome, which hath wrought such abominable mischief in the world, as in the sequel of the story following, faith- fully translated out of Latin into English, is to be seen. * Forsomuch as the story of Frederic is incident in the same time of this king Henry III., and containeth matter much worthy of memory, considering the utility thereof, after the tractation of our English stories I could not but also insert the whole narration of this tragical history of the said Frederic, which I have caused faithfully and amply to be collected and translated out of the Latin book of Nicholas Cisnerus, containing as followeth."*3 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERIC II., EMPEROR. Frederic II. came out of the ancient house of the Beblins or A. D. Ghibellines ; which Ghibellines came of the most famous stock of H°4 the French kings and emperors. He had Frederic Barbarossa to his *° (1) This was the seventh and last principal crusade.— En. (2) Matth. Paris, fol. 261 {'■>) This passage between asterisks is from the ediiiou of lift). See Appendix. — Ed. 4">(J EARLY HISTORY OF FREDERIC II. Hutorpof grandfather, whose son, Henry VI., was emperor after him ; who of r'jjnc Constantia, the daughter (or, as some write, the niece) of Roger I., r-"'i"'r"r- kind of Sicily, begat this Frederic II. A.D. This Constantia was fifty years of age1 before she was conceived II *H- with him ; whom the emperor Henry VI., to avoid all doubt and surmise that of her conception and childing might bethought, and to the peril of the empire ensue, caused his regal tent to be pitched abroad in a place where every man might resort; and, when the time of his queen's travail approached, Constantia, in presence of divers ladies, matrons, and other gentlewomen of the empire, a great number, . was brought to bed and delivered of this Frederic, the seventh day a i> i km. Defore (]ie kalends of January, a.d. 1194, who by inheritance was king of Naples, Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily. Henry, his father, shortly after he was born obtained of the princes- electors by their oath to him given, that they would choose his son Frederic for their emperor after his decease ; and so they did, and immediately called him Ceesar,2 being yet but in his cradle. sept.28th, This Henry when he died, which was shortly after the birth of l.d.1i97. prC(]Cj.jc> committed the protection of him to Constantia, his wife, to Philip, his brother, chief governor of Etruria, and to the bishop of Rome, a.d. 1197. Constantia, not long after the death of Henry, her husband, being sickly and growing into age, and thereby not so well able to govern the troubled and unquiet state of the empire, resigned ; and willed by her testament the safety both of her son Frederic, and also of his dominions, to the protection and government of Innocent III., think- ing thereby safely to have provided. This pope Innocent, as soon as he had the protection of the young emperor and his seigniories, became, instead of a patron and protector 1 to him and his dominions, both an enemy and a conspirator. The Frederic examples are many : one is, he persuaded Sibylla, the widow of hUniino- Tancred, whom Henry put from the kingdom of Sicily, to endeavour nly- to recover the same again, and that she should thereunto ask aid of Philip, the French king. Whereupon, with king Philip's counsel, co-operation and aid, one Walter (who was sprung from the carls of Brenno, an ancient and illustrious house in the Terra di Bari, and who had married Alteria, king Tancred's eldest daughter) in hope of obtaining the kingdom invaded Campania and Apulia. At which time, also, the same worthy protector, Innocent III., sent his legates with letters of excommunication against all those that would not admit and take the said Walter for their king. Another example is, that whereas the princes-electors and other nobles (as before is said) had promised by their oath to Henry, that they would make Frederic, his son, emperor after his decease, the pope, Beeing them to put their endeavour thereunto to bring it to . absolved them all from the oath which they had taken and given for the election of Frederic, the emperor, as one not content be should obtain the same. And further, he raised slanders and defamations ust Philip, whom the electors had chosen to govern the empire during the minority of Frederic his nephew. He wrote an epistle, which is yet extant, to Barthold duke of Zaringhen, inviting him to be emperor; and when the latter gave place to Philip, he went about to procure that < >tho, the son of Henry Leo, should be made emperor, endix. Romans,' that is, heir-apparent— En THE POPE S CONSPIRACIES AGAINST FREDERIC. 457 and that the princes-electors and lords of Germany should crown him History of forthwith (after the manner) at Aix-la-Chapelle,1 and he deprived all such FTe//ric bishops as he knew to favour Philip as emperor, in the defence of bis Emver°r- nephew's right ; but Philip, whose cause was better, his skill in martial A.D. affairs greater, and who in power and strength was mightier, after divers 1212. and great conflicts, to the marvellous disturbance and vastation of the ~ *°°7 whole empire, by God's help put the other to the worse. All these calamities and mischiefs Conrad de Lichtenau,2 at that time living, in his Annals most pitifully complaineth of, and accuseth the bishop of Rome and his adherents to be the chief authors and devisers of this great and lamentable mischief, as such that, for to make themselves rich by the spoil thereof, sought by all means and desired the same. Not long after, a peace was concluded between Philip and Otho, and Philip reconciled again to the pope ; which Philip, within a Philip while after, was murdered in his chamber and slain by Otho de Sune^d, Wittlespach. After this event Otho was raised by the nobles of A-D;^208- Germany to the imperial seat, and consecrated at Rome for emperor -ftpm^ by this Innocent III., his friend and patron; and so continued till a great variance and discord chanced to arise between the said Otho variance and the pope ; whereupon Innocent sought by all means, how against othTand Otho, likewise, he might work mischief, and bring him to his end. thepop«-. The occasion of this sudden change and alteration my author maketh no mention of, but that Otho (now being of great power) not only invaded and ravaged Flaminia, Picenum, Umbria, and Etruria, but also occupied most part of Campania and Apulia, which properly appertained to the inheritance of Frederic, a.d. 1211. Thus you see, first, how by the counsel and consent of Pope Innocent and by his instigation, besides his secret conspiracies, this good Frederic and his dominions were hurt and damaged ; then, again, through his default what damage the said Frederic sustained by Otho, who was made so strong as he was by the pope and his means, notwithstanding the great trust he was put in, for the protec- tion both of Frederic and his dominions. At this time Frederic was come unto the eighteenth year of his age;3 Frederics who in his youth, by the provision of Constantia, his mother, was so l^ams well instructed in letters and with virtuous principles so imbued, Jy^- that at these years there appeared and did shine in him excellent gifts both of wisdom and knowledge. He was excellently well seen in Latin and Greek learning, which was just then beginning to emerge from the barbarism under which it had been long buried. He also acquired the German, the Italian, and the Saracen languages. He had also cultivated those virtues which nature had implanted in him by the precepts of piety, wisdom, justice, and fortitude, and by habitual practice. Insomuch that he might well be compared with the worthiest and most redoubted emperors and kings that have ever lived. ,; Being now called to the empire by a deputation from the German princes, he immediately quitted Sicily and set out for Germany. On his way thither he stopped at Rome, where, according to Fazellus,4 he was honourably entertained by Innocent ; who, nevertheless, would suspend make him no promises, for that he mistrusted the name of Frederic, j^! * from recollection of the grandfather. lake/'8 (1) See infra, pp. 458, 6C3.— Ed. (2) See supra, vol. i. p. 136. note (3;.— Ed. (3) See Appendix. (4) Fazellus flourished in the sixteenth century : he wrote " De rebus siculis, ' folio, Panormi, !5J8; translated into Italian by M. Remigio, 4to. Venez, 1574.— Ed. 458 FBEDEEIC GRANTS THE CANON OF PROSCRIPTION. Bistoryof Frederic then, quitting Rune, set forward for Germany. On Frederic j^^g Trent, he learnt that the more easy and direct road was Emptror. preoccupied bv the enemy : lie therefore with much painful travel A. I), crossed the Rhsctian Alps, and pushed along the tract of the 1220. Rhine, the cities all the way submitting to him. Otho, who had ~~ hastened out of Italy into Germany, intending to meet him at the Rhine and stop his passage, was thus disappointed of his object, and Frederic was crowned, first at Mentz, and afterwards (as the manner is) at Aix-la-Chapelle.1 Having subsequently held several diets, and Death of Otho dving, he settled the empire and succeeded in appeasing almost May i9th, the whole of Germany. And then, accompanied by all his nobles A.D.12W. an(j princes, he returned to Rome, and of Honorius III. was with great solemnity consecrated and called Augustus, Nov. 22d, a.d. c^nsecra- L220. Which Honorius succeeded2 Innocent III. in the papal see, i-rc-deric an(J was a grcat lielp to Frederic (although he loved him not) in this the em- behalf, to revenge himself upon Otho. After his consecration, Frederic gave many great and liberal gifts, as well to the bishop of Rome himself, as also to the court of Koine besides. Also he gave and assured by his charter to the church of Rome the principality of Fondi ; for by the insatiable covctous- ness of the Romish bishops this wicked use and custom grew, that unless the emperors, elect and crowned, would give them such-like great and large gifts, they could not obtain of them their consecration or confirmation, which for that intent they devised. Furthermore, Frederic, the emperor, willing to show himself more bountiful and liberal to the church, neither yet to restrain any privi- lege that might benefit the same, gave and admitted those constitutions which the pope himself would desire, and which are yet extant in the Fn-.ieric civil law ; by which his doings he delivered to their hands a sword (as through ^ were) to cut his own throat : for the bishops of Rome, now having rau'v'a evcn wna* ^ey listed, and all in their own hands, might by the pain s%vnreror- the same imperial precepts. This Leo, when he was reproved of A. D. treason and other evils, pleaded his cause before Louis II., emperor 1 223. of Rome, and son of Lothaire above recited.1 Hut after this, as time grew on, the bishops of Rome nothing relinquishing their ambitious desires, Otho, the first emperor of that name, deprived and put from the see of Rome that most filthy and wicked bishop, John XII., both for divers and sundry wicked and heinous acts by him committed, as also for his great treasons and conspiracies against his royal person, and did substitute in his place Leo VIII. ; who, calling a synod at Lateran, in the same temple and place where the other before was kept, did promulgate a new consti- tution with consent of the senate and people of Rome concerning the Theeiec- emperor's jurisdiction, which is contained in the twenty-third canon ^"'inra- 0I" tne sixty-third Distinction, whereby the old right and power of the tim.i t.) emperor in the election of the bishop of Rome and other ecclesiastical emperor's prelates was again, with even a more weighty sanction, confirmed and tion!dlc ratified. By Otho III. again this right was re-asserted ; by whom Appendix. J°nn XVIII. (whom Crescentius the Roman, usurping the sovereign power, had made pontiff with the consent of the people of Rome and the ecclesiastical order), having his nose cut off and his eyes put out, was hurled from the Capitol.2 But when, notwithstanding, the bishops of Rome would not alter their old accustomed disposition, but with all their industry endeavoured to abrogate that jurisdiction of the emperor over the bishop of Rome (as people loath to be under subjection), Henry III. (Leo IX. being then bishop of Rome) did once again ratify the same, and caused that bishop, who extolled him- self at the council of Mentz (a.d. 1049) before all his fellow-bishops, to stoop and give place to the archbishop of Mentz. So after the death of the aforesaid emperor Henry III., Nicholas II., although in his decree (which in the first canon of the twenty- third Distinction is recited) he gave the cardinals the primacy, in respect of other ecclesiastics and of the people of Rome, in the elec- tion of the Roman pontiff; yet he willed that his proper prerogative therein should be reserved to Henry IV., to whom the empire had devolved, but who was then a mere child. Theeiec- But after this, when Hildebrand, who was called Gregory VII., thertoin was elected pope (a.d. 1073), this prerogative of the emperors in the ren'be^" c^ection, which the time before (in the creation of Alexander II.) had [uibvHu0 k('on ne»'ectC(I anfl broken, the bishop of Rome now not only did seek debrmnd. to diminish the authority thereof, but also to evacuate and quite undo the same ; for he not only aspired to that dignity without the consent and appointment of the emperor, but also made restraint that no emperor, king, duke, marquis, earl, or any other civil magistrate, should assign and appoint to any man any ecclesiastical function and charge ; and that no one should be so hardy as to take such prefer- ment at any of their hands: as in Cause sixteen, Question seven, i"vn,u'.u" (':"""1s twelve and thirteen, may he seen. Yet notwithstanding, after that this horrible monster Hildebrand was election, proscribed and thrust out of the papal scat, and ( 'lenient III. put in (!) [Causa] 2 Quest 7 can. II (2) Sec Appendix. ELECTION OF TOPE, FIRST WRESTED FROM THE EMPEROR. 463 his stead, Henry again challenged his imperial prerogative of election. History of But when the bishops who succeeded this Hildebrand, led on by rii.rtc his example, began to derogate from the imperial prerogative of EmPcror- election, and Henry, on the other side, by all the means possible A.D. sought to defend and maintain the same ; by the subtle fraud and 1226. mischievous policy of the bishops, who set the son against the father and found means to steal from him the hearts of his nobles and subjects and to set them all against him, and especially the princes of Germany, he was deposed and disappointed of his purpose. And although Henry V., coming to Rome, brought Pascal IT. (a.d. 1111) to that point, that he both in a public discourse, and in writing sealed and by oath confirmed, restored again to the emperors the prerogative of election and of giving ecclesiastical dignities ; yet notwithstanding, after that Henry, the emperor, was gone from Rome, Pascal, the pope, greatly repenting and sorrowing that he had done (in allowing and confirming through fear the privileges of the emperors touching the giving and disposing of ecclesiastical functions), excommunicated the emperor, and in a synodal council at Lateran ordained and decreed, that he should be had and accounted accursed a wicked enemy, who would take any ecclesiastical function or prefer- !,nat tene- ment at the hands of a civil magistrate ; whereupon were made these fice at the decrees, Cause sixteen, Question seven, chapters sixteen, seventeen, layman. a eighteen, and nineteen. Therefore, when these decrees touching the designation of bishops in spite and contempt of the emperor were practised and put in use, and when that now (especially by the means and' procurement of the bishops) intestine and civil wars began to rise in the empire, the imperial jurisdiction in this matter was not only weakened and much debilitated, but also in a manner utterly broken and lost. For when Henry V., the emperor, was sharply of Lothaire and his vassals, the bishops, beset and laid unto by the provocation of the pope, and was mightily by the bishops that took his part on the other side requested and entreated (in hope of public peace and tranquillity), that he would condescend and somewhat yield to the pope's demands ; he at length (the more was the pity), that he might be reconciled and have peace with Pope Calixtus II., in the city of Worms resigned that his Henry v. prerogative or jurisdiction of giving ecclesiastical preferments to the h^prerlL pope and his prelates (a.d. 1122), which had been now more than gativeof three hundred years (from the time of Charlemagne) in the hands of e the emperors of Rome, and until this time with great fortitude and princely courage conserved and kept; which resignation turned to no small detriment both of the church of Christ and the christian commonwealth. Then first, and never before, the bishop of Rome obtained and The eiec- quietly enjoyed that prerogative of election and bestowing of bene- ^tothe fices, which he so long before with such great policies, now secretly, bishops of now openly and with force, had sought for. For the canons by s£' which Gratian would prove, that before this time the city of Rome Append' enjoyed the prerogative of electing the pope without the emperor's consent (as canons twenty-nine and thirty of the said sixty-third Distinction, and the ' Palea ' added to the latter, and canon thirty- Gr.atiai> three), are plainly forged, and were introduced by Gratian himself, to of canons. 464 GRATIAN FORGES THE CANONS. ffutoryo/ flatter the papacy; as both Carolus Molinseus sufficiently in divers places liath noted, and by the observation of dates may by any one ordi- narily conversant with the French and German histories soon be spied and discerned. For, First, five bishops, one after another, succeeded that Gregory IV. upon whom the said twenty-ninth canon is entitled or fathered, before you come to Adrian II. mentioned in the canon, 'l"",u,x- who certainly was made pope, the people having by force taken the election into their own hands ; whereas Gregory (especially to be noted) would not take on him the papacy before that the empe- ror had consented to his election. Secondly, Molinseus opposeth the authority of Raphael Volateran to the thirtieth canon, which is to be suspected lor this reason, that when Eugenius was pope, the successor of that Pascal I. with whom Louis the Pious is stated in the canon to have made a compact, the same Louis with his son Lo- thaire (in the capacity of king of the Romans) made laws at Rome, both for all the subjects of the empire, and also for the Romans themselves ; to say nothing of Lothaire's renewal of the decree of the Lateran synod, lately mentioned.1 Then again, how could Leo IV. write to Lothaire and Louis, the emperors, that ' Palea' (or counterfeit or forged decree)2 beginning with ' Constitutio,1 &c, when in the same mention is made of Henry the Fowler and of Otho I., who did not come to the empire till more than threescore years after them and How Leo IV. Thirdly, with what face dare this fond fellow Gratian make ami™'*85 0tno I- t0 be tne author of the thirty-third canon, when Otho deprived pudent John XII. of the papacy, and not only subtracted nothing from the i8,inforg- imperial jurisdiction over the city of Rome, or over the bishop of Rome, decrees. or over any other bishops subject to the Roman empire, but added somewhat more thereunto, as was said before. And yet notwith- standing, so shameless and senseless was this Gratian, that he durst in the compiling of his " Decrctum" obtrude and lay before the reader such manifest fraud and evident legerdemain, feigned and made of his own brains (being so necessary, as he thought, for the dominion and primacy of the Roman bishops), in the stead of good and true laws ; not considering that the same must be detected by posterity, and that to his own great discredit. Where3 also by the way is to be noted, that as this graceless Gratian, to please these holy fathers, and to erect their kingdom, would give so impudent an attempt to the blinding and deceiving of all posterities, inserting for grounded truths and holy decrees such loud lies and detestable doctrine, what may be thought of the rabble of the rest of writers in those days? what attempts might hope of gam cause them to work, by whom and such-like is to be feared the falsifying of divers other good works now extant, in those perilous times written ? Thus, when the bishops had once wrested this authority out of the emperor's hands, they then so fortified and armed themselves and their dominion, that although afterwards Frederic I. and his grandson this jiirn.t.r. ur<»"d emperor Frederic II., as also Louis of Bavaria, and Henry of Luxemburg (as men most studious and careful for the dignities of the empire, unfeigned lovers and maintainers of the utility of the commonweal, and most desirous of the preservation and prosperity of (l) Bupra, p. 161.— E . H anon the term ' Palea,' prefixed to certain chapters of the Canon t-a« is) This sentence Is not in Cisuer.— Ed. OVERTHROW OF THE CHRISTIANS IN EGYPT. 465 the church) did all their endeavours, with singular wisdom and energy, Uistoryvf as much as in them lay, to recover again this lost authority of the 'refj"c imperial jurisdiction from the bishops of Rome,1 most cruelly and EmPeror- wickedly abusing their power to the destruction of the empire, the A.D.' undoing of the commonwealth, and the utter subversion of the church 1226. of God ; yet could they not bring the same to pass in those dark and Not with- shadowed times of perverse doctrine and errors of the people, and crusade- most miserable servitude of civil magistrates. tomu^uT The same and like privilege also in the election of their bishops the people and prelates and disposing of ecclesiastical offices as the emperor of Snce.°" Rome had, every prince and king in their several dominions had Every the like. For by the decree of the council of Toledo, which in prlrfceln the twenty-fifth canon of the sixty-third Distinction is mentioned, J^se" the authority of creating and choosing bishops and prelates in kins- Spain was in the king of Spain. In like manner by the histories also tm of Clovis, Charlemagne, Louis IX., Philip Augustus, Philip the Seprwo- Fair, Charles V., Charles VI., and Charles VII., kings of France, «fHJB of " election. it is apparent and well known, that all these kings had the chief &* charge and government of the French church, and not the bishops of Rome. And by our English histories also, as you have heard, it is mani- fest, that the authority of choosing ecclesiastical ministers and bishops was always in the kings of England, till the reign of king Henry I., who by the labour and procurement of Anselm, archbishop of Can- terbury, was deprived of the same by Pascal II. Also, how the princes of Germany and electors of the emperor, till the time of Henry V., had all (every prince severally in his own province) the same jurisdiction and prerogative, to give and dispose ecclesiastical functions at their pleasure ; and how after that, it appertained to the people and prelates together ; and how at length, in the reign of Frederic, the prelates got unto themselves alone this immunity — John Aventine, in the seventh book of his " Annales Boiorum," doth describe. Also it is probable, that the kings of Sicily had the same faculty in giving and disposing of their ecclesiastical promotions and charge of churches;2 and because Frederic defended himself against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, therefore (as Fazellus saith) he was excommunicated by Honorius. That Platina and Blondus allege other causes wherefore he was excommunicate of Honorius, I am not ignorant : howbeit, he who will compare their writings with those of others who were contemporary with Honorius and him shall easily find, that they more sought the favour of the Roman bishops than truth. But now again to the history of Frederic. Nicolas Cisner affirmeth, that whilst Frederic the emperor was Death of in Sicily, his wife Constantia died at Catania. In the mean time ua"wife~ the Christians, who with a great navy had sailed into Egypt and °.fFrede~ taken the city formerly called Pelusium or Heliopolis, now com- monly called Damietta, and were in good hope to drive the Sultan Great out of Egypt, had a great and marvellous overthrow by the "f"'^01* conveying of the water of the Nile (which then overflowed into chris- their camp), and were fain to accord an unprofitable truce with Egypt. (1) What Rome catcheth, that she keepeth. (2) Andreas delsthmia ad prim, const. Neap. mi. 12. VOL. II. H H 4G6 RECONCILIATION BETWEEN FREDERIC AND THE l'Oi'K. Frederic and t lie made friends. Butoryof the Sultan for certain years, and to-deliver the city again ; and so Fre//nc departing out of Egypt, they were fain to come to Acre and Tyre, Bow""'- to the no small detriment and shame of the christian commonweal. A.I). Whereupon John, surnamed de Brienne, king of Jerusalem, arrived 1227. in Italy, and prayed aid against his enemies of the emperor, in whom — he had great hope to find a remedy for the evils and calamities before declared; and from thence he went to Rome to the pope, declaring unto him the great discomfit and overthrow past, as also the present peril and calamity that they were in, desiring also his aid therein. By means of this king John (as Cisner saith) the emperor and the pope were again made friends together: that king also gave the em- peror in marriage [ole, his daughter by the daughter of Conrad, king of Jerusalem and marquis of Montferrat, with whom he had for dowry the kingdom of Jerusalem, she being right heir thereunto by her mother (whence those who afterwards obtained the kingdom of Naples and Sicily used the title of king of Jerusalem) : after which lie promised that as soon as possible he would make an expedition for the recovery of Jerusalem, and be there himself in person ; which tiling to do for that upon divers occasions he deferred (whereof some think one thing, some another), pope Honorius, unto whom he was lately reconciled, purposed to make against him some great and serious attempt, had he not been by death prevented ; upon whom were made these verses : — " O pater Honori, multorum nate dolori, Est tibi dedecori vivere, vade mori." After whom succeeded Gregory IX. a.d. 1227, as great an enemy to Frederic as was Honorius ; which Gregory came of the race whom the emperor, as before ye heard, condemned of treason which they Hono- wrought against him. This Gregory was scarcely settled in his papacy, when that he threatened Frederic, and that greatly, with excommuni- cation, unless he would prepare himself to go into Asia, according to It is promise (as ye heard before) to king John of Jerusalem ; and what Frederic the cause was wliv the pope so hastened the journey of Frederic into [o'^'into Asia, you shall hear hereafter. In effect, he could not well bring that Am:i ■" , to pass which in his mischievous mind he had devised, unless the em- bidding peror were further from him. Notwithstanding, rredene, it should seem, smelling a rat, or mistrusting somewhat (as well he might), alleged divers causes and lets, as lately and truly he did to Honorius. Fazellus saith, that the special cause of the emperor's stay was, for stayofthc the oath of truth and peace during certain years, which was made between the Saracens and Christians (as you heard), which time was Into Aiia. not yet expired. The same Fazellus also writeth thus of king John of Jerusalem, that when his daughter was brought to Rome, the emperor and the pope were reconciled together. And being called up to Rome to cele- brate the marriage, pope Gregory, as the manner of those proud prelates i-. offered Ins right foot unto the emperor to kiss. Rut the emperor, not stooping so low, scarcely with his lip touched the upper part of his knee, and would not kiss his loot ; which thing the pope took in very evil part, ami was therewith marvellously offended. But for that no opportunity at. that time served to revenge his conceived grudge and old malice, he dissembled the same as he might lor that time, Gregory IX. as greal an enemy u PREPARATIONS FOR WAR AGAINST THE TURKS. 467 thinking to recompense at the full, as time would serve and fall out History 0; there-for. Frf/ric After this, the emperor hearing how the Christians were oppressed £"^eror- by the Sultan in Syria, and that by his instigation Arsacidas1 had sent _\. I), persons into Europe to assassinate the Christian kings, and that the 1227. French king had received letters warning him of the plot, he made the more haste, and was the more desirous to set forward his jour- ney into Asia. Wherefore he gave in commandment to Henry, his son, whom not long before he had caused to be created Caesar, that, dis- assembling the nobility of the empire at Ravenna and Cremona, voyage of he should persuade them to take the cross likewise : who all en- and'stay gaged to be ready to put to their helping hands, in furthering this thereof- his journey and enterprise. This writeth Fazellus ; howbeit, some App^Zux. others affirm that these things were done in the time of Honorius. But howsoever the matter is, this thing is manifest; that Frederic, to satisfy the pope's desire, who never would lin,2 but by all means sought to provoke him forward, gave him at length his promise, that by a certain time he would prepare an army, and fight himself against those who kept from him the city of Jerusalem (which thing he also con- fesseth himself in his epistles, and also how he desired and obtained of the peers and nobility of the empire their aid thereunto) ; and he also appointed a convenient time when they should be at Brundusium.3 In the mean season, he with all his endeavour made speedy pre- paration for the Avar. He rigged and manned a puissant navy ; he made a levy of soldiers through the whole kingdom, and made war- like provision and furniture for every thing that to such a voyage and expedition appertained. Neither was the matter slacked, but at the time appointed great bands both of German soldiers and others had, under the command of Louis, landgrave of Thuringia, and Sigi- bert, bishop of Augsburg, assembled and mustered at Brundusium ;3 where they for a long time lying and waiting for the emperor's coming, who was let by infirmity and sickness, great pestilence and sundry diseases molested them, by reason of the great heat and intemperance Great of that country, and many a soldier there lost his life, among whom also f^e™ died the landgrave of Thuringia, one of the generals. The emperor, emperor's when he had somewhat recovered his health, with all his navy launched arma« out, and set forward from Brundusium. And when he came to the Apvend' straits between Peloponnesus and the island of Crete, and there for lack of convenient wind was stayed, suddenly the emperor (his diseases growing upon him again) fell sick ; and sending forward all or the most part of his bands and ships into Palestine, promising them most assuredly to follow them so soon as he might recover, he himself with a few ships returned and came to Brundusium, and from thence went into Apulia. When tidings hereof came to the pope's ear, he sent out his thun- The port dering curses and new excommunications against the emperor.4 The en^^' causes whereof I find thus noted and mentioned in his own letters; that ca;etn ">« is, for that, he had robbed and taken at Brundusium the deceased for ^ay- landgrave of Thuringia1 s horses, his money, and very valuable baggage, ^of^L (1) Prince of a curious fanatical tribe near Damascus, sometimes called the Old Man of the Mountain. See Appendix. — Ed. (2) " Lin," to give over. — Ed. (3) Fiedsric in his letters says Hydruntum, i.e. Otranto: the same remark applies to the other instances in this and the next page, where Brundusium is mentioned. — En. (4) St ->t. 29th, a.d. 1227. I/Art de Verifier des Dates.— Ed. H 11 2 FREDERIC BEPELS THE CHARGES BROUGHT AGAINST m.\;. and had tin a sailed for Asia, not for the intent to make war against the Turk, but to conceal and convey away his prey that lie had taken at Brundusium ; and that, neglecting his oath and promise which he had A. I), made, and feigning himself to be sick, he came home again ; and that by his default also Damietta was lost, and the host of the Christians sore afflicted. Fazellus, besides these causes spoken of before, doth write that the pope alleged these also; that he seduced a certain damsel who was in the queen's nursery, and then whipped ami put to d.eatli in prison his wife lole, for declaring this mischievous act to her father king John. But all the writers, and also Blondus himself, declare, that this lole died after the publication of the proscript and excommunication ;' wherefore the pope could not allege as the cause thereof the death of lole : the settled belief is, that she, of her sou Theem- Conrad, died in childbed. Then Frederic, to refel and avoid the pureeth aforesaid slanders, sendeth the bishop of Brundusium and other ambas- sadors to Borne ; whom the pope would not suffer to come to his pr< ence, neither yet to the council of the cardinals, to make his pur- against gation. Wherefore the emperor, to purge himself of the crimes winch i!'s'i',u r* the pope did so falsely accuse him of, both to all christian kin^s, and ?oauated esPecially to the princes of Germany and all the nobles of the empire, i writeth his letter (which is to be seen), that those things are both false and also of the pope's own head feigned and invented ; and shov.cth, how that his ambassadors witli his purgation could not be suffered to come to the pope's presence; also doth largely in treat, how unthankful and ungrateful the bishops of Borne were towards him for the great benefits which both he and also his predecessors had bestowed upon them and the Roman church ; which letter, for that it is over-tedious here to place, considering the discourse of the history is somewhat long, the sum of the purgation is this : — lie protesteth and declared) universally, that he had always great care for the christian commonwealth, and that he had determined even from his youth to fight against the Turks and Saracens ; that he made a vow and promise on his coronation at Aix-la-Chapelle, that he would take the war upon him ; and that afterwards he had renewed his promise at Borne, when he was consecrated of Honorius : since which he had married the daughter of the king of Jerusalem, who was heir to the same; so that it was become a matter of personal interest to him, that that kingdom should be defended from the in- juries of enemies: accordingly, he had prepared a huge navy, and gathered a strong army, neither had he neglected any thing that be- longed to the furniture of war : but when the time was come, ami his band was gathered together, his sickness would not suffer him to be there ; and afterwards, when he had recovered from the same and had come to Brundusium, and from thence without injuring any one had forthwith put to sea, he i'ell into the same sickness again, by the which he was let of his purpose, which thing (sailh he) he is able to prove by sufficient testimony : that the pope, moreover, laid the losing of Damietta, and other things which prospered not well, to Ids charge unjustly ; whereas he had made great provision for that journey, both of soldiers and of other necessary things. But he that will understand these things more plainly, among other epistles of (1) A.D. 1228. I/Art de Ver. dt-s D.— Ed. FREDERIC S LETTER TO THE KING OF EXGI.AXD. 469 Petrus de Vineis, written in the name of Frederic, let him read m&u*yoj those especially which begin thus: " In admirationem," " Ut jus- Frtf/Tic titiam, et innocentiam," and " Levate oculos.11 And truly, even as EmPeror- Frederic the emperor declareth in his letters concerning this matter, A. D. all the old writers of Germany do accord and agree in the same. 1228. Matthew Paris1 also briefly collecteth the effect of another letter Air^'du which he wrote to the king of England, complaining unto him of the excommunication of the pope against him, whose words are these : — And amongst other catholic princes (saith he) he also wrote his letters unto ^ letter the king of England, emlmlled with gold ; declaring in the same, that the oftheem- church of Rome was so inflamed with the fire of avarice and manifest concu- [^rc£-t0 piscence, that she was not contented with the goods of the church, but also 0f Eng-S shamed not to disherit emperors, kings, and princes, and bring them under 'at- tribute and subjection to herself; and that the king of England himself had experience thereof, whose father (that is to say, king John) she so long held excommunicate, till she had brought both him and his dominions under obli- gation to pay her tribute ; also, that all men had example of the same by the Many earl of Toulouse and divers other princes, whose persons and lands she so long kingdoms held under interdict, till she brought them also into like servitude. " I pass peJInce by " (saith he) " the simonies and sundry sorts of exactions (the like whereof was of the never yet heard of) which daily are used toward ecclesiastical persons, to notice P°Pe'? their gross usury, so cloaked indeed hitherto to the simple sort, that therewithal they infect the whole world; also the fair speeches, sweeter than honey and smoother than oil, of these insatiable horse-leeches, saying, that the court of Rome is the church, our mother and nurse, whereas it is indeed the most pulling court in the whole world, the root and origin of all mischief, using and The exercising the doings not of a mother but of a wicked step-dame, making suf- cUurch of ficient proof thereof by her manifest fruits to all the world apparent. Let the mother'or noble barons of England consider these things, whom, fortified by his bulls, Pope mischief. Innocent encouraged to rise and rebel against king John, as an obstinate enemy to the church. But, after that the aforesaid king had monstrously humbled King himself, and, like an effeminate person, had enslaved both himself and his J"ll"'.s kingdom to the church of Rome ; then the aforesaid pope, setting aside all sion to5" shame of the world and fear of the Lord, trampled on those very barons when they tne P°pe were exposed to death and miserable confiscation, whom he had before main- tyf'the' tained and stirred up, in order that, after the Roman manner, he might, alas ! draw emperor, the fatness unto his own greedy, gaping jaws ; by whose greedy avarice it came to pass, that England, the prince of provinces, was brought under miserable subjec- tion and tribute. Behold the manners of our Roman bishops; behold the snares wherewith these prelates do seek to entangle us, one and all, to wring our money from us, to make slaves of freemen, to disquiet such as would live in peace, being clothed with sheep's clothing when inwardly they be but ravening wolves, sending their legates hither and thither with power to excommunicate, suspend, and punish whom they list, not that they may sow seed, that is the Who be word of God, to fructify, but that they may extort and gather money, and reap tlie .ra~ that which they never did sow. Thus cometh it to pass, that they spoil the wolves in holy churches of God, which should be a refuge for the poor, and the mansion- sheep's houses of saints ; which our devout and simple parents for that purpose founded °'ot ,ng" that they might be for the refection of poor men and pilgrims, and for the sus- tentation of such as were well disposed and religious. But these degenerate varlets, whose own letters alone prove them to be mad, do strive and gape to be both kings and emperors. " Doubtless the primitive church was builded and laid in poverty and sim- Christ's plicity of life, and then as a fruitful mother begat she those her holy children, fh",*,cl1. . whom the catalogue ot saints now maketn mention ot ; and verily no other humility, foundation can be laid of any church, than that which is laid by Jesus Christ. But this church, as it swimmeth and walloweth in all superfluity of riches, and doth build and raise the frame in all superfluous wealth and glory, so is it to be feared lest the walls thereof in time fall to decay, and when the walls he (1) The extract from M. Paiis is not in Cisner. — Ed. Appendix. 470 PEACE BETWEEN THE CHRISTIANS AND SARACENS. llhicrijol down, utter ruin and subversion follow after. He who is the Searcher of all Frederic |1Carts knoweth how furiously these men rage against ourselves, saying, that Emperor. I did not choose to cross the seas as I had promised at the term prefixed; whereas many unavoidable and arduous matters, pertaining to the pope himself, A. I', as well as to the church of God, and also to the empire, besides the ann< l'2'2'J. of mine infirmity and sickness, did detain me at home, but especially the ~ insolencv of the rebellious Sicilians. For we did not think it sound policy as pope's to our empire, nor expedient for the christian state, that we should take our church is journey into Asia, leaving behind us at home an intestine and civil war; no iiiiiulnr more than for a surgeon to lay a healing plaister to a wound in which the ergo, the weapon is still sticking.'' In conclusion, lie addeth an admonition to all the pope's princes of the world to beware of like peril and danger to themselves from is not such avarice and iniquity, because that, as the proverb is, " It behoveth him to look about, that seeth his neighbour's house on fire."1 church. But now, that Frederic the emperor might in very deed stop the slanders of the cruel pope, who did persist and go forward still in his excommunication against him ; and that lie might declare to the whole journey' world, how that the last year he foreslowed2 not his journey by his emperor own voluntary will, but by necessity ; when he had devised and pre- io jem- pared all things meet for the war, and had again gathered a large s« army and refitted his fleet, he departed from Brundusium, com- mitting the government of his kingdom to the son of Reginald, duke of Spoleto, and to Anselm, baron of Justingen, and came by sea to Cyprus, with his host. From Cyprus the emperor with his whole navy sailed to Joppa, which city he fortified : but, for that the passages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies, and by sea might he not pass nor travel by reason of the tempestuousness of the weather, thereby it came to pass, that within short space they lacked victuals, and were sorely pc-mrop- afflicted with famine. Then fell they to prayer, and made their fSe?y ]lull'We supplication to God ; with whose tears his wrath being •"'•i >>> appeased, the long-continued foul and tempestuous weather ceased, mi'ra' u- whereby (the seas now being calm) they had both victual in great relieved, plenty and all other necessary things for their nerd brought unto A,.pJn,t,x. them ; whereby immediately it came to pass, that both the emperor and his army, as also the inhabitants of Joppa, were greatly refreshed and animated, and on the other side their enemies, being disap- pointed of their purpose, were greatly discouraged; insomuch that the sultan of Egypt, who with a great power, accompanied by Scarapho, his brother, prince of Gaza, and the prince of Damascus, their nephew, with many other dukes ami nobles, had encamped themselves within one day's journey of Joppa, thinking to besiege the same, were contented, upon the coming of the emperor's heralds to them, to treat of a peace; whereupon ambassadors were sent unto them with the emperor's demands, right profitable to the christian commonweal. The Saracens, immediately consulting upon the ten years, game, granted thereunto; so that a peace Por ten years was con- cluded, and confirmed by solemn oath on the behalf of both princes," according to their several usages and manner : the form and conditions of which peace, briefly collected, arc these: — 1. That Frederic, the emperor, should be anointed king of Jerusalem, accord- ing to the manner of the kings of Jerusalem before him. p 69. [" Tunc tua r< s agitur, paries cv.m proximus ardet"— Ed.] I —Ed. (3) February ISth, a.d. 1229, L'Art do Ver. lies D.- Ld THE EMPEROR CROWNED KING OF JERUSALEM. 471 IL That Jerusalem itself, and all the lands and possessions which were situate History of betwixt it and Ptolemais, and consequently the greatest part of Palestine, and Ff^eric the cities of Tyre and Sidon in Syria, and all other territories which Baldwin IV. Emperor. at any time had held, should be delivered unto him, only a few castles reserved. A. D. III. That lie might fortify what cities and towns, fortresses and castles, he 1229. thought good, in all Syria and Palestine. IV. That all the prisoners should be set at liberty without paying any ransom. And, on the other hand, that the Saracens might have leave, unarmed, to come into the church of the Lord's sepulchre outside the city, and for pur- poses of devotion even into the Temple itself; and that they should hold and keep still Clirath,1 and the King's Mount. Frederic now, for that he thought the conclusion of this peace to be so necessary and also profitable for all Christians, and had also gotten as much thereby as if the wars had continued, sent his ambassadors Letters with letters into the West, to all christian kings, princes, and poten- °{c v£$£ tates, as also to the bishop of Rome, declaring unto them the circum- p«"ces , „ , . r \ ° i lii am' p°iie stance and success or his journey and wars, as partly ye nave heard ; of his requiring them that they also would praise and give God thanks for succe" his good success and profitable peace concluded : and desireth the pope, that forasmuch as he had now accomplished his promise, neither was there now any cause wherefore he should be with him displeased, that he might be reconciled and obtain his favour. In the mean season, the emperor with all his army marcheth to Jerusalem, where upon Easter-day2 a.d. 1229 he was, with great The em- triumph and comfort, of all his nobles and also of the magistrates of c're0r°.ned that kingdom (only the patriarch of Jerusalem, the clergy, the king k™gof of Cyprus's ambassador, and Oliver,3 the grand-master of the Temple, iem. with his knights, excepted) solemnly and with great applause crowned king. After this, he re-edifieth the city and walls thereof, which by the Saracens were beaten down and battered. After that, he furnisheth it with munition, he buildeth up the churches and temples that were ruinous, and fortifieth Nazareth and Joppa with strong garrisons, victual, and all other things necessary. Now see and behold, I pray you, whilst that Frederic was thus occupied in the kingdom of Jerusalem, what practices the pope had in Italy ; not, I warrant you, any whit at all careful in the affairs of the christian commonwealth, but studying and labouring what mis- chief and spite he might work against the emperor, whom of a set purpose ye may be sure (partly for hate, and partly to enrich him- self), he had so occupied in Asia and Jerusalem, so far out of Italy. First, he caused the soldiers which the emperor sent for out of Ger- The first many to the maintenance of the holy wars to be stayed as they prance of passed through Italy, hindering them of their journey, and taking P°!,e Gre- from them and spoiling them of all such provision as they had. And ° not only this, but he sent secretly also his letters into Asia to those that were of his own faction, that is, to the patriarch of Jerusalem, and to the knights Templars and Hospitallers, enticing and inciting Anse',',,IJC (1) " Chrath presidium, quod Arabiam spectat." Fazellus. — Ed. (t) So says Fazellus. Easter-day, l^L'9, fell on April 15th. But Aventine and others with more probability say, that he arrived at Jerusalem 16 cal. Aprilis, i.e. Saturday March 17, and wore the insignia of royalty the next day. — Ed. (3) According to the list given in L'Art de Ver. des Dates, we should read " Peter" instead of " Oliver," for which, however, Cisner had Fazellus's authority. — Ed. \i,l SECEET TREASONS OF THE POPE AGAINST FREDERIC. History,,/ them to rebel against the emperor, which thing Blondus himself, that popisn parasite or historiographer, dissembleth not. Further- EmPeror- more, he dissuaded the princes of the Saracens that they should A. D. make no league nor take any truce with Frederic, neither deliver 1229. up unto him tire crown and kingdom of Jerusalem. Which letter.-, ~~ as they were manifest testimonies of his treachery and treason towards him whom God had instituted and made his liege lord and sovereign, and the mightiest potentate upon earth; so was it His will that he should come to the knowledge thereof, and that those letters should fall into his hands. And Frederic, in his epistle to the christian princes just mentioned, dcclareth that he considered his discovery of the letters quite providential, and that he kept them for the more credible testimony thereof. The em- Neither were the pope's letters written to that leavened and factious wiih- sect in vain ; for the patriarch of Jerusalem, and his allies the knights thesecret Templars,1 did mightily contend against Frederic. They raised a whLTtiie tumult in Ptolemais against him ; they accused him and his ambas- popehad sadors openly of treason; and did malapertly and boldly withstand agaiust* the right worthy and good order he made amongst them. But as rusaiemT ^°d would, by the help of the Pisans and the Genoese, and of the knights of the Teutonic order, both their false accusations were refclled, and also their seditious purpose and tumult repressed. And Ap^Hda. for the same cause when all other men testified unbounded respect and gladness at the inauguration of Frederic, these were making complaints as of an iniquitous compromise, and detracting from his praise. These- The pope, when through perfidy he had laid these snares for . Frederic, and had betrayed the christian emperor to the public enemy, pop? could not, so soon as he had committed so great a crime, rest satisfied Frederic, with one piece of wickedness, but must contrive another against him. For, by reason of those slanders (which a little before I mentioned) of the death and slaughter of his wife Iole, he incited John de Brienne, his father-in-law, to make war against him, who caused the subjects of his empire to withdraw from him their allegiance, as also the inhabi- tants of Picenum, and those of Lombardy. And thus, joining themselves together, they craved further aid of the French king, whereby they made a great power. That done, they divided their The, host into two armies, invading with the one the empire, and with the other the proper territories and ditions belonging to the inheritance of Frederic; John de Bricnnc and Pandulph Savellanus hading the one into Campania and the kingdom of Naples; the other with John Columna, cardinal and legate, and Thomas, before convicted of , Gregory sendeth into Picenum. Of this treason of the pope against Frederic during his wars in Asia doth also Matthew Paris make mention, " who," saith he, ••1 to have deposed him. and to have placed any oilier, he eared not whom (so that he were the child of peace and obedience), in his Btead."3 And for the more certainty thereof, the said Matthew Paris3 repeateth the letter which a certain earl sent unto him in Syria 111 '■■ -.—Ed. 13) [bid. fui. 71. [The following translation is revised Irom the original. and lead' LETTER OF THE EARL OF ACERRA TO FREDERIC. 473 concerning the same, which letter hereunder ensucth word for Hisioryoj Frederic II. Emperor. Frederic word. n. To his most excellent lord. Frederic, by the grace of God emperor of the Romans, and ever Augustus, and most puissant king of Sicily, Thomas, earl of ™" • Acerra, his faithful and devoted subject in all things, health and victory over ^' his enemies. After your departure, most excellent prince, Gregory, the bishop of Rome and the public enemy of your magnificence, gathering together a great host by John de Brienne, late king of Jerusalem, and other stout captains, whom he hath made generals of the same his host, in hostile manner invading your dominions and the possessions of your subjects, aimeth against the law of Christianity to subdue you with the material sword, whom he cannot master with the spiritual sword, as he saith. For the aforesaid John de Brienne, gather- ing out of France and other countries adjoining a considerable army, in hope (if he can but master you) of getting the empire himself, is supplied with the money to pay his troops from the papal treasury. And furthermore, the same John and others, the captains of the apostolic see, invading your land, burn and destroy all as they go, and carry off for booty as well cattle as other things ; and such as they take prisoners, they constrain, by afflicting them with grievous tortures, to ransom themselves for great sums of money ; neither spare they man, woman, nor child, except such as may have taken sanctuary in the churches and churchyards; they take your towns and castles, having no regard to the fact that you be engaged in the service cf Jesus Christ ; and if any make mention of your majesty unto him, the aforesaid John saith, there is none other emperor but himself. Your friends and subjects, most excellentprince, and especially the clergy of the empire, do much marvel hereupon with what conscience or upon what consideration the bishop of Rome can do such things, making such bloody wars upon chris- tian men; especially seeing that Christ commanded Peter, when he struck with the material sword, to put up the same into the scabbard, saying, " All that strike with the sword, shall perish with the sword :" equally do they marvel, by what right he almost daily excommunicateth pirates, incendiaries, and torturers of christians, and separateth them from the unity of the church, when he is the patron and maintainer of such himself. Wherefore, most mighty emperor, I beseech you to provide for your own safety, for that the said John de Brienne, your enemy, hath placed in ail the seaport;: this side the sea armed scouts in great number ; that if (not knowing thereof) your grace should happen to arrive in any of them, he might apprehend and take you prisoner ; which thing to chance, God forfend. Whilst the host of this hostile enemy the pope was thus encamped what in the dominions of Frederic, he received the letters which Frederic [£eaning by his ambassadors sent into Europe, as you heard, whereby he had t0 understood the good success he had in Asia; who not only took no delicto6" delectation at all therein, but was also in a vehement perturbation afainst therewith. Whereby manifestly it may appear, what was the cause the Turk. and meaning of the pope, that he was so solicitous and urgent to have Frederic, the emperor, make a voyage into Asia. Doubtless even the same that Pelias had, when by his instigation he procured Jason, with all the chosen youth and flower of Greece, to sail into Colchis to fetch away the golden fleece ; viz., that by the opportunity of his absence he might use, or rather abuse, his power and tyranny ; and that Frederic might either be long afflicted and molested in the Asiatic war, or that he might perish and lose his life therein, was that he sought, and all that he desired. And when he saw that fortune neither favoured his fetches, nor The pope served his longing lust, he was as a man bereft of his wits, specially chafeth at these tidings of the prosperous success of the emperor. He threw feth 11 ' his letters on the ground, and with all opprobrious words rebuked P«oPus°s~ and reviled the ambassadors for the emperor their master's sake; SfCth6ess which thing also Blondus himself denieth not, though he writeth empe^oi 474 BLONDUS REPROVED. Hutorg of altogether in favour of tie pope. And to tlie intent that lie might 'n. cover this liis rage and unbridled fury with some cloak and colour Emptor. 0f reasonable dolour, lie feigned himself therefore so much to A.D. mislike the peace, as though the emperor therein had only respected 1 229. his own private commodity, not regarding the utility of the Christians; for that the Saracens had license, although without armour and weapon, to have repair unto the sepulchre of Christ, and had left for them somewhat near the same a hostery or lodging place; for which cause, saith Blondus, the pope reviled the emperor to his ambas- sadors as a perfidious traitor. Xow go to, friend Blondus; by what ,'■ strong arguments prove you and your lord pope, either that the peace inthe8tly which the emperor had concluded was against the christian common- la'our wealth, or that the emperor was a traitor? But who is it that seeth J%Lt not tllcsc things, either by reading of old and ancient writers, or else partly by me who have gathered and collected the same out of divers monuments and histories, — I mean, the conspiracies and treasons of your good lord the pope, so notable and HI thy, as also his manifest baseness and infamy ? What? there be divers that write how the pope commanded these ambassadors of Frederic to be made secretly out of the way, and also how he commanded divers soldiers, return- ing out of Asia, to be slain ; to the intent that none should hear the report of those good news which were in Asia, nor any go thither to tell the fetches he had in hand at home. But T will make report of no more than of those things which all the writers, with most consent, agree upon. This is most certain, that the pope caused a rumour to be spread of the capture and death of the emperor, with the design of craftily obtaining the submission of those cities in the kingdom of Naples, which vet kept their allegiance unto Frederic, of whom they should now hope no longer for refuge. And of that doth the emperor, in his epistle entitled ' LevaU oculos,' greatly against him complain. The third Great are these injuries of the pope against Frederic, and most popeGre- wicked were these treasons. But herewith could not his cruel and *ory- tyrannical mind be contented, nor yet his lust satisfied, but it so far exceeded, as scarcely is credible that it could : for he presumed not only to set variance between Henry (whom Frederic his father had snteth caused to be made king of Germany) and him, but also by his allure- ments he caused him to become an enemy to him. To whom when his father had assigned Louis, duke of Bavaria, to be his overseer and counsellor (neither knew he amongst all the princes of Germany a man more faithful to him in his office and duty, or else more virtuous, or else more grave and apt to be in authority), Henry, fearing lest, if he should come to know of these secret counsels which '' he with the conspirators had in hand against his father, he would either utter the same to his father, or else would go about to dis- mentpnt- suadc him from what he was purposed to do, dismissed him from the I'im ins"1 court and from the senate. And this was the fetch of all their policy, com.'bL-i- l';al together and at one instant, but in divers and sundry places far lors. one from another, sharp ami cruel war might be made against the A,,sZi.r. emperor ; so that his power being distracted by having several contests on his hands at once, he might be the more easily overwhelmed. Win n the emp< ror now understood what stir the pope kept in all his dominions in his absence, having set every thing in order in his THE PROSPERITY OF FREDERIC. 475 kingdom of Jerusalem, and feeling that not a moment must be lost ffutoryoj in defeating the pope's purpose and confirming in their friendship //. those who in his absence had been steady to their allegiance, he left in E>"Pcror- Asia Reynaldus l in charge of certain garrisons, and, ordering the rest A.D. of the army to follow, he himself came with all speed in two galleys to 1230. Calabria. He tarried twenty days at Berletta, waiting for his army The em- from bevond sea : during which time he assembled his friends and tumettT mustered what forces he could. Here he was joined by the duke of ^ctr^Jy Spoleto ; and at length moving thence, he came with all his host Asia. into Apulia, and removed John de Brienne, his father-in-law, from j,,'!,. the siege of Calatia, and within short time by God's help recovered again all his holds and dominions there. And from thence going into Campania he winneth Benevento, and as many other towns and God pros- holds as the pope had there, even almost to Rome, and so, after Frederic that, Umbria and Picenum. But even now, although the emperor ^^ls had obtained the means of an immediate entrance upon the pope's dominions, whereby he might have taken revenge of all the injuries done to him (being moved thereunto upon good occasion and upon the pope's worthy desert) ; yet notwithstanding, because he pre- ferred nothing before the tranquillity of Christendom, for the love of which he restrained his wrath so vehemently urged and kindled, he sendeth unto him ambassadors to entreat a peace, de- claring unto him, that if he had no other conceived grudge towards him than that which he pretended, he promiseth that he would make to him a voluntary account of all things that ever he had done in his life, and that he would submit himself unto the church ; and also that for this cause he willingly offered unto him both duty and observance. Furthermore, with a view to the entreating of this peace and investi- gating the causes of the controversies between himself and the pope, he sent to Rome the noblest and chiefest about him, as Barthold, the patriarch of Aquileia, and his brother Otho,2 prince of Dalmatia and Istria, Everhard, archbishop of Saltzburg, Sifrid, bishop of Ratisbon, Sibot, bishop of Augsburg, Leopold, duke of Austria and Styria, and Bernard, duke of Carinthia. But yet so great was the insolency and pride of that stubborn pope, that by no gentleness or beneficence he of those princes could be brought that year to the profitable concord of the church ana Christian commonweal. O worthy head ! that challengeth all au- The pope thority to himself in the church of Christ, and in respect of his own peace*"1 wilful revenge setteth nothing by the health and utility of all Chris- ^'V^'or tendom ! When, therefore, nothing could be done in the matter for that time, the most part of these noblemen departed from Rome. At length, in the following year, peace was made between them by the interposition and management of Leopold of Austria, Herman, Api*ce'dix master of the Teutonic order, and the archbishop of Messina. The pope then absolving the emperor Frederic of his excommunication,3 took of him there-for one hundred and twenty thousand ounces of gold, restoring to him again the titles both of his empire, and also of Tfhthjfica his kingdoms. Now, considering the uncourteous dealing of the emperor's pope with Frederic the emperor herein, who can sufficiently muse tion. (1) " Raynaldum Bavarum, magistrum equitum." Fazellus : others call him "Richard Fe- lingher."— Ed. (2) Called also " duke of Merania." See L'Art de V. des D. v. Meranie.— Ed. 13) August 28th, a.d. 1230. L'Art de Ver. des D.— Ed. 476 the pope's favoub hard to be won. I and marvel at the unshamefastness of Blondus, who hath the face Frederic to wrjtej tnat t]|(, j,,,^ notwithstanding, had dealt more gently and Emi>er°r- courteously with Frederic than was meet, or beseemed him to do ? A.D. Who is it that doth not sec his manifest flattery, coloured neither 1230. with reason, nor secret dissimulation? But much more truly and _ better writeth Cuspinian concerning this matter, who saith, that the pope doth oecupv vcrv profitable merchandise, who for so much money selleth that he received freely, paying nothing there-for, if he had received it of Christ indeed, as lie saith he had. Ami vet, although this peace which the emperor concluded with the pope was so unprofitable for himself, yet he performed those things that were agreed upon faithfully and diligently. But the pope, who thought it but a trifle to break his promise, would not stand to the conditions of the peace he made. For by the way, to pass over other things, neither had he restored, as lie promised, his rights in the kingdom of Sicily, neither yet the city Castellana, which he before the peace concluded between them did occupy and enjoy. And that doth both Frederic in his epistles testify, and also Fazellus in the 1 .sZi,T eighth book of Ids ' de rebus Siculis.1 Yet that notwithstanding, Frederic, for the quietness and utility of the commonwealth, purposed with himself to bear and suffer all these injuries, and further studied ■what be- in all he might, as well by liberal gifts as otherwise, to have the pope the em-Ce to be to him a trusty friend. As, when the Romans and other of the Ssethto ecclesiastical number made war against the pope lor certain posses- havethe sioiis which he kept of theirs, he, coming to him at Reati, offered his Mend- own son as a hostage for his fidelity to the church of Koine, and as vMchhe onc tnat tendered the unity of the church, and thinking to help the ■nail pope in these matters, at his earnest request sent his ambassadors unto them, willing them to lay down their armour which against the pope they bare. And when that would not serve, at the pope's further request and desire he levied an army against them at his own charge, and drave them from the siege of Viterbo ; with other such- like assured tokens of amity and friendship which he showed him : who, notwithstanding, as soon as the emperor was departed with a small companv which he took with him into Sicily, leaving with him the greater and most part of his army for the maintenance of his wars, concluded a peace with the Romans unknown to the emperor, whom ed'good8" he had procured to travail and labour therein with great expenses ; th-pope affirming, that without his will and commandment the emperor had expelled them, and driven them out of the territories of Viterbo. And hereof doth Frederic also himself make mention in his second and third epistles, where he complaineth of the injuries of the pope towards him. 'Therefore greater commendation had I tlondus deserved, if he had acknowledged these treacheries of the pope, instead of ass( rting as he does — both contrary to the tenor of his own narrative (forgetting himself, as unto liars it often chanceth), and contrary to the truth of Frederic's history — that the Romans were incited to these tumults by his enticing and setting on. As though men of common understanding could no! contrary, both by the offering of his son as a hostage, by his great preparation for the war, and by the event especially of the thing itself. But too, too impu- d( nt. will Blondu THE EMPERORS SON REBELS AGAINST HIM. 477 Whilst that these tilings were passing in Italy and Sicily, great mstoryof rebellions were moved in Germany against the emperor, Henry the Fre^nc Csesar, his own son, and Frederic duke of Austria, being the chief Emi>eror- authors thereof. For Henry, as ye heard, had been alienated from his a. D. father and perverted by the lord pope and those of his faction, and was 1235. secretly aiming at the empire. And for that cause, as before is said, The em- he put from him Louis, whom he knew to be unto the emperor, his sonrebeis father, so loving and assured a friend ; who as willingly (perceiving ??aj.ns* and smelling what mischief he went about) forsook his court, and went ' &* to Bavaria ; who had not been there much above a year, when, as he walked abroad at Kelheim, he was wounded with a mortal blow, and wicked presently died, his servants being not far from him ; of whose death g^^* divers diversely write. Notwithstanding, the sequel doth show them caesar.tbr to write truliest, who affirm the assassin to be suborned by Henry faithful the Csesar, who coming unto him in the habit of a messenger, delivered service unto him certain letters, which he feigned to be sent from the empe- ror ; and whilst Louis was reading the same, he stabbed him with a dagger, and gave him his mortal wound, and with speed fled upon the same. After whose death succeeded in that dukedom his son Otho, who, when solemnly according to the manner of the Bavarians he should have been created, was also let by the same Henry the Csesar, who forbade the assembly of the magistrates and citizens of the same. His They notwithstanding, neglecting his unjust restraint, created him ; °££{^* wherefore he first besieged Ratisbon, and with another company the er»Pe- sacked, burnt, and wasted Bavaria ; with many more such great father! outrages and rebellions. When intelligence was brought of these things to the emperor, he sent his ambassadors, and commanded that both the Caesar, his son, and the other princes of Germany who had assembled their armies should break up and disperse the same ; and because he saw and perceived now manifestly that his son made such open rebellion against him, and fearing greater insurrections to ensue in Germany, he thought good to prevent the same with all expedition ; wherefore he deter- mined to go in all haste into Germany with his army, from whence he had been absent now fourteen years, and hereunto he maketh the pope The em- privy. The pope promised the emperor hereupon, that he would write ^™treen his letters in his behalf to all the princes of Germany ; but persuaded years out him to the uttermost of his power, that he should in no case go into man"" Germany himself. For why ? his conscience accused him that he The pore had written to the nobles of Germany, even from the beginning of fhatws his papacy (for the hate and grudge he had against the emperor), 'J6*8,"?, that they should not suffer him neither any of his heirs to enjoy the spied by empire ; and, further, had stirred them all up to rebel against him, and ror.empe" had moved Henry, the emperor's son, by his bribes and fair promises, to conspire against his father ; and to conclude, he was the author and procurer of the conspiracy which the Lombards made then against him ; and fearing lest these things should come now to the emperor's ear, he was greatly troubled and careful. But the emperor not thinking thecasar, it good at so needful a time to be absent, he (all doubt set apart) edoftSa- with his second son Conrad went speedily into Germany. Assembling ^^ there a council in the city of Mentz,1 Henry the Csesar, his son, after his prison. (1) August, 1235. L'Art de Verif. des D.— Ed. Av^dix, 478 ["HE POPES MALICE AGAINST THE EMPEROR. Hu/oryo/ conspiracy was manifestly detected, which he had in practice with the Freiene Lombarcl8 (whereof the pope was chief author), was by judgment and Emperor, sentence of seventy princes condemned of high treason, and being ~A.D. commanded by his father to be bound, was as prisoner brought to 1235. Apulia, where, eight years after (,\.r>. 1242) he died in prison ; in ~~ whose stead he ordained Conrad, Ins second son, Caesar, by consent of Frederic all the peers and princes. Furthermore, he proscribed Frederic of pmri:mn'a Austria, for refusing obedience to his commands, and caused him to " be proclaimed for an enemy to the public weal. And further, when he enemy to r . •. . , ' . . ' . .- hiscoun- saw that punishment would neither cause him to remember himself, disin-11'1" nor to acknowledge his offences, the emperor, with a great army, accom- hers£d' panied by divers of the noblemen of Germany, took from him all Austria Appendix. an(| gtyria, and brought them under his own obedience and fidelity. The em- The same year the emperor married his third wife, named Isabella, marrieth *ne daughter of King John of England. Then, when he had setGer- Kin^, many in a stay and quietness, he left there Conrad the Caesar, his son, r and with his host returneth again into Italy, there to punish such as. with l'and"" Henry, his eldest son, had conspired against him ; whose treasons were all detected at the condemnation of Henry Caesar, his son, chiefly set on by the pope. When the pope had understanding that the emperor with warlike furniture marched toward Italy, although he feigned him- self reconciled and to be a friend to Frederic, yet was he, notwith- standing, to him a most secret and infestive enemy ; and, understand- The pope ing that he brought with him such a power both of horsemen and foot- L'lMi'tMo men to do execution of such as he understood to have been conspirators play bis against him in the late tumult and rebellion, those who were faulty herein and guilty, and all other who took their parts, he admonished to join themselves together, and that they should furnish strongly their cities with garrisons, that they should send for aid to their friends, and that, with all the force they were able, they should prepare them for the war. The rest of the cities also in Italy, whether they were the emperor's or his own, he endeavoureth to make them all his, and proper to himself. Furthermore, unto the emperor the pope sendeth his legates : to whom he gave secret commandment that they should prohibit his coming with an army within the borders of Italy, under pretence of preserving the peace which he had some time since proclaimed to be observed throughout Christendom in order to help the holy war ; and also to say, not by way of entreaty, but commandinglv, that what cause of controversy he had with the Lombards, the same he should commit to him, and stand to his arbitrament. Whereunto the empe- ror replying maketh his legate this answer: — " The very day,"'1 saith he, " the peace was made between the pope and me, he called me for a chief defence both of the church and himself against the Romans who made war with him ; and at his request, with mine own proper charge I maintained that his war, and gave his enemies the overthrow." He thence argued that the pope would not now do well, through the pretence cf peace, to be a hin- drance to him from that which both by law and right he might and ttl to do; viz. from putting himself in a condition with force to train and expel those who gathered themselves together as rebels, and to subdue and punish as they deserved those who had renounced their allegiance to him and his government, and had hindered soldiers FUEDEUIC MARCHETH INTO ITALY, 479 and others whom he had sent for on the public service from getting to autoryof him, and had in many ways wickedly plotted his destruction. And Frf/"c touching that which the pope demanded of him, that he should commit ■Ewperor- and defer so great a cause, whereon the well-being and safety of the a. D. empire depended, to his arbitrement, by him to be determined, with- 1239. out any limitation of time or any condition annexed, or any saving ip^dbt clause in favour of his imperial dignity or the rights of the empire, he could not (he said) but marvel, seeing that neither it appertained to his calling and faculty, nor to the benefit and commodity of the empire. To this effect writeth Frederic himself in his last epistle. And in the same his letter he showeth, that when the emperor at a secret certain time had been with the pope, at his going away he requested, c°n0s/"hae that when he came again, he would come into Italy only with his p°p? household-band and family; for that if he should come as before the em- he did accustom with his army, he should terrify them overmuch ; peror" " amongst whom," saith he, " you may assure yourself to be in great safety, and find all things in rest and quiet ;" when quite contrary, as the emperor for a certainty found, he had there all things ready and prepared for his destruction ; so that when he pretended unto him greatest friendship, he was busiest in conspiring his death. The certain time when the pope had this exercise in hand against the emperor I cannot search out, neither may it be in his epistles easily found out, as they generally bear no date. The emperor then, as he had determined, prosecuted his purpose The and marched into Italy, where he brought under his subjection those j^^eth cities that against him rebelled, as Mantua, Verona, Treviso, Padua, intoitaiy, and others. And then he afterwards set upon the great host of the standing Milanese, the Breschians, the Piacenzans, and other confederators, foreDpt°.pts unto whom the pope's legate, Gregory Longomontanus, had joined Ains- himself; of whom he partly took prisoners, partly slew, ten thousand AP£n History of This edict he sendeth by the hands of divers his creatures into Ger- '//mc many. And now, for that the pope had a great and special trust in one Em'ieror- Albert Beham,1 dean of the cathedral at Passau (a man of good family, A. D. but as crafty an apostle as the best), as one whom he saw ready to lean 1239- to his lust, to him the pope delivered, besides the aforesaid edict, also Ap**"dlx_ two mandates in separate letters, in which he commanded all bishops, prelates, and other of the clergy, that they should solemnly recite the said edict in their churches instead of their sermon, showing how he had excommunicate Frederic out of the fellowship of christian men, and had put him from the procuration or government of the empire, and that he had released all his subjects from their allegi- ance and fidelitv towards him ; and furthermore charge th them and „, • • ' • • ii • l Threaten- all other christian men, under pain or cursing and damnation, that eth to neither they should succour the emperor, nor yet so much as wish those that him well. Thus he, being the pope's special and trusty servitor, ^xst^eU and made to his hand, caused a most horrible confusion and chaos emperor. of public quietness, as shall hereafter appear. Amongst all other noblemen of Germany at that time was Otho, the palatine of the Rhine and duke of Bavaria, both towards the emperor most serviceable, and also a prince of great honour, riches, and estimation. This prince, both with fair promises and also rewards, Diver(! Albert seduced from him ; for that he was made by him to believe, £re\Mmea3 °f that Louis, his father, of whom we spake before,2 was by the emperor by the murdered and slain. And the same Otho again caused three other means. princes to revolt from the emperor to the pope, who were his neigh- [™es^. bours and intimate friends, viz. Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, Bela, peror. king of Hungary, and Henry, duke of Poland and Silesia. To App^,irm whom came also Frederic, ex-duke of Austria, who, because he was proscribed or outlawed by the emperor and had his dukedom taken away from him, as you heard,3 was easily won to the pope. These resolved to translate the empire unto the son of the king of Denmark, and requested of the pope to send his legates to an assembly which they would convene for that purpose. The emperor was at Padua when news was brought to him of what the pope had done at Rome. He therefore commanded Peter de Yineis, his secretary, on Easter-day to make an oration to the people of his great and liberal munificence to the bishops and church of Rome, and, again, of the injuries done by them towards him in recompense thereof; of his innocency also in that whereof he had been accused, and of the unseemliness of such treatment; of the right use of the ecclesiastical censure ; and of the errors and abuses of the church of Rome. By which oration of his he so removed what from many men's hearts the cloud of blind superstition, and the oration* of conceived opinion of holiness of the church of Rome and bishops ofpr^rc°£ the same, and also of their usurped power and subtle persuasion, did for that they both plainly saw and perceived the vices and filthiness of perorT the church of Rome and of the bishops of that see, as also their fraudulent deceits and flagitious doings, most vehemently lamenting (1) " AVbertus Behamus (ipse Boiemum nominat)." Cisner.— Ed. (2) See supra, p. 477.— Ed. (3> See supra, p. 478.— Ex>. VOL. II. I I THE POPE IS ANTICHRIST. AND Hpr%*$ and complaining of the same. Alberic maketh mention of certain Emperor, A. D. 1239. verses which were sent and written between the bishop of Rome and the emperor, which verses in the latter end of this present history of Frederic you shall find. The emperor, moreover, both by his letters and ambassadors, giveth intelligence unto all christian kings, to the princes of his own empire, to the college of cardinals, and to the people of Rome, as well of the feigned crimes wherewith he was charged, as also of the cruelty of the bishop of Rome against him. The copy of which letter or epistle here followeth. Theem- letter to all pre- lates, to bridle ti e pope and restrain him of his will. Man be- ing made of two parts hath two seieral regi- ments, God's word, and the ma- terial sword. Apology oft la- emperor to the pope's edict, be- ginning " Asceti- ditde mari,"&c Anti- long ago descried to the the em ' peror. Confes- sion of the em- p. ror's faith, win reof by t lie The Emperor to the Prelates of the World.1 In the beginning and creation of the world, the wise and ineffable providence of God (who asketli counsel of none) placed in the firmament of heaven two lights, a greater and a less, the greater to govern the day, and the less to govern the night, which two are so allotted to their proper offices and duties in the zodiac, that although oftentimes the one move obliquely to the other, yet the one does not run against the other; nay the superior doth communicate his light to the inferior. Even so, the same eternal foreknowledge hath appointed upon the earth two regiments, that is to say priesthood and kingly power ; the one for knowledge and wisdom, the other for defence ; that man, who in his two component parts had too long run riot, might have two reins to govern and bridle him withal, and so peace thereby and love might dwell upon the face of the earth, all excesses being restrained. But, alas ! the bishop of Rome of our time, sitting in the chair of perverse doctrine, that pharisee anointed with the oil of iniquity above his fellows, is endeavouring to set aside the fact that he is but an inferior imitation of the celestial order, and fancies perhaps that he is to correspond in all particulars with those heavenly bodies on high which arc impelled by their nature not by will. Accordingly, he purpose th to bring under an eclipse the brightness of our majesty, whilst that (substituting fable for truth) he sends his papal letters, stuffed with lies, into sundry parts of the world ; out of his own ill temper, and upon no reasonable cause, discrediting the purity of our religious character. For this — pope in name only — hath declared us to be " the beast rising out of the sea full of names of blasphemy and spotted like a leopard."- But we say, that be is himself that beast of whom we thus read : " And there went forth another horse that was red out of the sea, and he that sat on him took peace away out of the earth, that the dwellers upon the earth should destroy one another."3 For since the time of his promotion, he, acting as a father not of mercies but of discord, and as a promoter of desolation instead of consolation, hath excited all the world to commit offence. And, to take his own allusions in their right sense and interpretation, he is that " great dragon that deceived the whole world ;" he is that Antichrist, of whom he hath called us the forerunner; he is another Balaam, hired for money to curse us ; the chief among those princes of darkness, who have abused prophecies : he is that angel leaping out of the sea, having the vials lilled with bitterness, that In may hurt both the sea and the land. For this counterfeit vicar of Christ hath inserted among his other fables that we do not rightly believe in the Christian faith, and that we have said that the world is deceived by three impostors. But God forbid that such a thing should have escaped our lips; seeing that we openly confess the only Son of God, coeternal and coeqtial with the Father and the Holy Ghost, our Lord Jesus Christ, begotten from the beginning and before the worlds, and of time sent down upon the earth for the succour of mankind ; not '';• '1 I gated, bul by his own, power, who was born of the glorious Virgin Mary, and after that Buffered and died as touching the flesh ; and that, by virtue of his godhead, the other nature which he assumed in the womb of his mother rose from death the third day. But we have learned that the body from tin- original in " Petri da Vineis Frederici II. Epistolce," lib. i. BP I I "■ (2) Kev. xiii. I, 2.— Ed. (3) lb. chap. vi. 4.— Ed. AN OFFERER OF DISSENTIOUS SACRIFICE. 483 of Mahomet hangeth in the air heset by devils, and that his soul is in Hisioryof hell-torments ; whose works were contrary to the law of the Most High. Frederic We hold also, being taught by the page of truth, that Moses was the familiar Emperor. friend of God, and that he talked with God in Mount Sinai ; unto whom the Lord appeared at the burning bush (Exod. iii. 4), by whom also he wrought A.D. signs and wonders ia Egypt, and delivered the law to the Hebrew nation; and 1239. that afterwards he showed him in glory with the elect. In regard of these Th and other things our enemy and envier of our state, bringing a scandal on a under true son of Mother Church, hath written against us venemous and lying P^tence slander, and hath sent the same to the whole world. But if he had rightly fol- holiness, lowed the Apostle's mind,1 and had not preferred passion, which beareth such deceiveth sway with him, before reason, he would not have written such things, at the ™k^„a suggestion of men who call light darkness and evil good, and who suspect honey ignorant to be gall ; and all for the opinion they have conceived of a place in the men- prophecies of scripture,2 which indeed is both weak and infirm for their purpose, since by opinion truth may be converted into falsehood and vice versa. But surely men ought not to be splitting opinions, which may be true or false and cannot be made matters of faith, at the very door (as it were) of the pope's conscience. Seeing all these things, we are compelled not a little to marvel, and it doth also much disquiet our minds, when we perceive that you, who are the founda- tions of the church, the pillars of righteousness, the assessors of Peter, the senators of the great city, and the hinges of the world, have not qualified the motion of so fierce a judge ; as do the planets cf heaven in their kind, which to mitigate the passing swift course of a great orb draw a contrary way by their opposite movings. In very deed, imperial felicity hath always from the beginning been spurned at by papal envy. As Simonides, being demanded why he had no enemies and enviers of his estate, answered and said, " because Tlie an. I have had no good success in any thing that ever I took in hand ;" so, for swer of that we have had prosperous success in all our enterprises by the blessing of fJ™0"". God (especially in the overthrow unto death of our rebellious enemies the piied. Lombards, to whom in their good quarrel he had promised life), this is the cause wherefore this apostolical bishop mourneth, and now goeth about with the aid of your counsels to impugn this our felicity. But perhaps he vaunteth himself in his power of binding and loosing. Wherever virtue, however, is wanting to power, there presently doth abuse take place : this we see exemplified in him who was so mighty a king and so eminent a prophet, and yet had to crave the restitution of God's Holy Spirit, when he had polluted the dignity of his office. But as things which ought not to be loosed are not to be loosed, so things that ought not to be bound are not to be bound : which thing is manifestly proved from that passage of holy scripture, " they slay the souls that should not die, and save The ern. the souls alive that should not live."3 Therefore God is able to humble and bring peror pro- down those that are unworthy of power, as much as him pleaseth and when him Pj?"ieth pleaseth, for God can do all things. Doubtless, if this bishop of Rome were a p0pe"s true pontiff indeed, he would keep himself " harmless, undefiled, and separate fal1- from sinners :" he would not then be an offerer of dissentious sacrifice, but a peacable offerer of love and charity ; and he would cense, not with the incense of grief and hatred, but with the sweet-smelling incense of concord and unity ; neither yet would he alter " suum pontificium in maleficium," that is, make of a sanctified office an execrable abuse. If he were a true pontiff, he would not wrest the preaching of the word to produce contention. Nor will we be accused of being an enemy to mother church in so saying, which mother church is holy in herself, whom with all reverence we worship and with honour we embrace, so beautified and adorned with God's holy sacraments. Some individuals notwithstanding, who are slaves of corruption though they have gone out from the midst of her, we utterly reject. And forsomuch as the Utterly injuries wherewith our majesty is continually molested are not transitory, and reJecteth that we cannot quietly abide them, nor ought we in very deed to relax our anaP°Pe authority, therefore we are enforced to take revenge upon them. You, there- church fore, that are men of better counsels, and have the excellent gift of wisdom and of Rome* understanding, restrain you that roaring enemy of ours from these his pro- CD 2 Peter i. 20, 21, is probably referred to. — Ed. (2) Rev. xiii. 1, 2.— Ed. (3) Ezek. xiii. 19— Ed. 4-S !• BISHOPS OF GERMANY FRIENDLY TO THE EMPEROR. Hittoryef ceedings, whose beginnings are so wicked and detestable; wisely forecasting Frederic fmm prece^ng case8 the consequences which must follow in the present Emperor, instance. Otherwise you that are under our subjection, as well in the empire as in cur other dominions, shall feel and perceive what revenge by sword -A-D. Augustus shall take, both of his chief enemy and persecutor, and also of the 1 23fJ- princes that are his fautors and adherents. Caiietha This done, lie commands, by proclamation, a solemn parliament or men-'or council of all the princes, and other nobility of the empire, to '"""'"" assemble at iEgra ; whither came Conrad the Caesar, the archbishop thfpope's of Mentz, the Saxon dukes, the lords of Brandenburgh, Misnia, and malice. Thuringia, and the representatives of all the nobles of Brabant, to aid the emperor. But Wenceslaus and Otho refusing to attend, and offering through their ambassadors to mediate between the contend- ing parties (in which offer the Austrians likewise joined), the council became divided in opinion, and separated without doing anything for the emperor. Then Frederic of Austria (whom the emperor had deprived, as ye heard) by the aid of the Bavarians and Bohemians recovered again the dukedoms of Austria and Styria, putting to flight and discomfiting the emperor's bands and garrisons which he had there. But though the pope's agents (especially that honest man, Albert Beham, the Bohemian) had allured to the pope Otho the duke of Bavaria, as ye heard, and divers other noblemen of Germany ; yet Bishops notwithstanding, certain prelates in Bavaria, as Everhard, archbishop ma?. 'are °f Saltzburg, and Sifrid, bishop of Ratisbon, being at that time obedient the emperor's chancellor, Rudiger, bishop of Passau, Conrad, bishop prince!1 of Frisinghen, and the heads of the religious houses, forsook not the Apl"d.x emperor. All which the aforesaid Albert not only did excom- municate, but also by process sought to bring them up to Rome before the pope, giving commandment to their collegioners and cloisterers, that they should deprive them of their offices, and choose such others in their stead as would obey the pope. All which things the pope (understanding by Albert of their fidelity to the em- peror) corroborated and confirmed, commanding their inferiors to choose other bishops and prelates in their stead. But the bishops anil prelates with one consent contemning the pope's mandates and writs, and also the curses and thrcatenings of Albert, accused, reproved, and greatly blamed his temerity, and the tyranny which he practised against the churches of Germany, and especially against the good emperor ; that he durst be so bold as to meddle in churches committed to the emperor's government without his consent, against the old and ancient customs; that he had excommuni- cated the emperor without just cause; and that he had condemned the emperor's faithful subjects as enemies to the church, for standing with their liege and sovereign prince (which allegiance they might ., not violate without horrible" iniquity), and had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations; and they Hishops solemnly appealed to the emperor for redress. They also accused ,. and condemned Albert himself for a most impudent impostor and munlcate wieked varlet, and thev devoted him to the devil, as a most pestiferous tne pope g . ..-,.. < j ^ate. botch and son: ot the christian commonweal, and as a ruinous WARS BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND THE VOPE. 485 enemy, as well of the church, as of his own natural country ; and History of further declared their opinion, that he and all the rest of the ir. pope's pursuivants ought to be driven out of Germany, as being EmPeror- most wicked devisers of all kinds of mischief. A. D. This done, they make relation hereof to the emperor by their I'239- letters ; and further, they advertise all the princes of Germany (especially those who were of the pope's faction or rebellion, and were the favourers of Albert), that they should take heed, and beware in any case of his subtle deceits and pernicious deceivable allurements, and that they should not assist the pope, for all his words, against the emperor. And doubtless (chiefly by the counsel and persuasion Thearch- of the archbishop of Saltzburg, primate of Bavaria) Frederic of sau'zXirg Austria was again reconciled to the emperor ; from whose friendship jj^etto and alliance he would never after that be detached by any promises, uisprince. threatenings, bribes, or pains, no, nor for the execrable curses of the pope's own holy mouth. But Albert prosecuteth still his purposed ApPs<£d,x. mischief, alluring and inciting by all means possible friends to the pope, and enemies to the emperor, and that not amongst the lowest but the highest classes of his subjects, the nobility and gentry. Unto some he gave the tithes to fight against the emperor, to other The> some he gave the glebe-lands of benefices, and to other some he gave £°epaenss the spoil of such colleges and monasteries as took not part with the used t0 i ill in i • maintain pope ; and to some other also he gave the colleges and monasteries the war themselves. And Aventine1 actually names the individuals to whom bfTiord the ecclesiastical tithes were given that they might espouse the pope's ™£ter cause, and the colleges and monasteries pillaged and sequestrated, and the glebe-lands seized, and the doers therein. Hereby was there a window opened to do what they listed, every man according to his ravening and detestable lust, and all things lay open unto their greedy and insatiable desires. Who listeth to hear more hereof, let him read Aventine, who largely treateth of the same in his book before noted, and there shall he see what vastation grew thereby to the whole state of Germany, but specially in Bavaria. While these things were thus working in Germany, Frederic, leaving in Lombardy Actiolinus with a great part of his host, and passing with the rest by the Apennines, came to Etruria and set the same in a stay, after that he had allayed certain insurrections there ; and from thence to Pisa, where he was with great amity and honour received and welcomed. This city was always steady and faithful to the emperors of Germany. The pope, understanding of the empe- ror's coming into Etruria, and knowing what a large part of his troops Bestegeth he had left in Lombardy, with a great army besieged the city of Ferrara- Ferrara, that always loved the emperor full well ; which city when the pope's legate had assaulted sharply the space of five months, and could not win the same, he devised with himself to send for Saling- werra out of the town by way of a parley, pledging his faith and truth to him for his safe return ; who by the persuasion of Hugo Ram- ApJOZdi* bartus, that said he might do the same without peril (it being but by way of parley), came to the legate ; who, intercepting his return, o/dpeap£ts took him prisoner, contrary to good faith and justice. And thus ieariu.ii> gat he Ferrara, and delivered the keeping thereof to Azo, marquis of example. (!) Lib. 7. Atinalium Boiorura. 486 ORIGIN OF THE GHIBELLINES AND GUELPHS. Hittoryoj Este. A lid that the pope's legate thus falsified his truth, and circum- r u. vented the captain and old man Salingwerra, the same is confessed of E"'i'ernr- tl,c historians friendly to the pope, yea, commended of them as a A. D. stroke of warlike policy. I Jut to return again. About the same l'-Ht>- time also the Venetian navy, at Monte Gargano, chased twelve galleys of the emperor's, which were appointed to the keeping of that coast, and spoiled, burned, and wasted all the region ; and, further, perorT took one of the emperor's great ships, being driven by tempes- Sfcenby tuous weather into the haven of Siponto, fraught with men and the pope, munition. Frederic again, getting on his side the cities of Lucca, Vol terra, Sienna, and Arezzo, and most of the cities of Etruria, to help his own Aril'ndiz. - dominions came from Pisa to Viterbo, which took part with him. Blon- dus and Platina and some others say, that the names and factions of TheGM- Ghibellines and Guelphs sprang from Frederic at this time ; for that and having sent his spies through all the towns and cities of Italy, to ascer- jueiphs. ^ajn w|1jc]] t00k part with and favoured the pope, and which the empe- ror, he called the one by the name of Ghibellines, and the other by the name of Guelphs. But, for that they bring no sufficient proof thereof but only slender conjecture, 1 rather cleave to the opinion of Nau- clerus, Herman Contract, Antoninus of Florence, Castiglioni, and others, who say, that these names had their first beginning in Italy, when Conrad, uncle of Frederic I., was emperor ; and that those who were devoted to the pope were called Guelphs from Guelph, young- est brother of Henry the Proud, while the emperor's partisans were called Ghibellines from Vaiblingcn, the native place of Conrad or his son. But to our purpose. lie pope The pope, when he understood that Frederic was come to Viterbo, .,',.. was much alarmed, for that he feared he would come still nearer to | ; ^"- Rome, the good will of which city the pope much mistrusted. He iiaiy. therefore ordered litanies, and caused the heads of Peter and Paul (if we are to believe them genuine) to be carried round in procession ; and having in a sharp and abusive oration attacked the emperor, he promised everlasting life, and gave the badge of the cross, to as many as would take up arms against the emperor, as a most wicked enemy of God and his church. Now when the emperor, drawing near to Koine gates, beheld those, whom the pope by Ids goodly spectacle of St. Peter and St. Paul and by his promises had stirred up against him, coming to meet him with the badge of the cross; disdaining to be accounted for an enemy of the church, when he had been M,rZi,x. thereunto so beneficial, giving a fierce charge upon them he soon The em dispersed them; and as many as he took prisoners he put to t.'rmreih excruciating torture by burning or cutting the mark of the cross croslni in l'R''r flesh. From thence marching into Campania and his own kingdoms, he levied a great mass of money, and mustered new bands, and augmented his army; and in tlu>c bands he '• retained the Saracens also. And to the intent he might find the I In- S.ir.i- , , i-i 1 1 1 eenain &aracens the more trusty to him, lie appointed them a city named l;1;,"^ Lnceria to dwell in. 'For which thing although the papistical the pop*, writers do greatly blame and opprobriously write of Freddie, yet notwithstanding, Nicholas Machiavelli doth write, that tor this cause he retained them, — lest, through the pope's execrable curses, FREDERIC WRITES TO THE PRINCES OF GERMANY. 487 he should be quite destitute of soldiers, as was Frederic Barbarossa, History of his grandfather, a little before, when of pope Alexander III. he was Fre/IeTlc excommunicated, as ye have heard.1 Emperor. After this, when the emperor had severely punished the pope's A. D. ecclesiastical consorts, such as conspired with the pope against him, 1240. and had wasted and destroyed Benevento, Monte Cassino, and Sora A s^idix (because they took part with the pope against him), and had founded the new city of Aquila, he marched forth with a great host both of horsemen and footmen to Picenum, that he might vanquish his ene- mies in Italy, and besieged Ascoli, a fortified city belonging to the adverse faction. He there, having understanding of what the pope's emissaries had done with the princes-electors, and other princes of Germany, especially with Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, and Otho the Palatine, writeth his letters unto them. In these he first showed, Theefiect how those contumelies and spiteful words, which the pope blustered sift 'by" out against him, applied rather to himself ; and how the bishops of the emPe- Rome had taken to them of late such heart of grace and were become princes of so lofty, that they not only sought to bring emperors, kings, and Germany- princes under their obedience, but also to be honoured as gods ; and impudently affirmed that they cannot err, neither yet be subject to or bound by any obligation however sacred ; and that it was lawful for them to do all things what they list ; neither that any account was to be sought or demanded of their doings, or else to be made of them to any : and further, that they imperiously commanded (and that under pain of damnation), that men believe every thing they say, how great a lie soever it be ; insomuch that, by reason of this inor- Noenemy dinate ambition of theirs, all things were going backward, and the hurtful to whole state of the Christian commonweal was subverted, neither could J£e . there any enemy be found more hurtful or perilous to the church of G'»i than God than they. He wrote unto them, furthermore, that he (to whom The^nT- the greatest charge and dignity in the whole commonweal was ap- ^™erth (0 pointed and committed), seeing and perceiving their good hearts, remove wills, and practices towards him in his great peril, would with all the andpX' power and ability that God had given him do his endeavour, that he „0aj°other who in the likeness of the shepherd of the flock, and the servant of carefl11 Christ, and chief prelate in the church, showed himself so very a wolf, persecutor, and tyrant, might be removed from that place, and that a true and faithful shepherd of God's flock might be appointed in the church. Wherefore he exhorted them, that if they desired the safety and preservation both of the empire and of Christendom in general, they should be unto him no hinderers, but furtherers of his purpose and proceedings ; lest, otherwise, they also should happen to fall under the same yoke of servitude to the bishop of Rome. And further, he gave them to know, that if the pope should attain to that Ap^Odix. he sought for (that is, to be an emperor and king over kings), yet would that be no stay of his insatiable desire, but he would be as greedy and ravenous as now he is ; therefore, if they were wise, they would withstand him betimes, lest hereafter, when they would, it would be too late, neither should they be able to withstand his tyranny. — The effect of this epistle I took out of Aventine, who also writeth, that the emperor's legates, when they delivered it, enlarged on the same subject in a speech. t ^dix (I) Supra, p. 195.— Ed. 1 nS OHIO AM) THE POPE AGAINST FBEDERIC. Wenceslaus, somewhat relenting at this letter, promiseth to accom- plish the emperors biddings and precepts, and forthwith gatheretli Emperor. ap ;issc.lnl>]v of princes and nobles at JEgra ; where, by common A.I), consent, they think to renovate with the emperor a new league and 1240. covenant. And furthermore, they decree Otho of Bavaria, the author wences- of this defection (who was absent, and would not be at this their I'niri'i. at assembly), to be an enemy to the commonweal. Otho then, seeing iheemp* himself not able to stand against the Csesarand the other princes with whom he was associated, desiring aid of the pope by his letters, came ! with all speed to Wenceslaus, his kinsman, and entreated him not against to desert the party, but could not prevail ; he obtaineth, notwith- the empe- , 1 1 ■ i 1 1 1 1 r« standing, thus much at their hands, that the league and covenant which they were in hand to make with the emperor should for a time he deferred, and that another assembly should be called, whereat he also would be, and join himself with them. In the mean season, the pope sent his rescript unto Wenceslaus and to Otho, tending to this effect ; that in no case they should either forsake him or else , the church, to take the emperor's part. And so much prevailed he by the means of Bohuslaus and Budislaus (who were the chief of the senate regal, and whom by his fair promises and bribes he had previously gained to his interest), that a day was appointed for a new assembly to be held at Lebus,1 for the express purpose of electing a new emperor, in contempt and defiance of Frederic, the true empe- ror, and his son and heir Conrad. And whilst that this was thus in hand, Conrad the Caesar casteth Landshuta, the wife of Otho (then absent), in the teeth, for the great benefits and possessions which her husband had and possessed by his ancestors ; and thrcateneth that unless her husband took a better way with himself, and showed his obedience to the emperor, his lather, he should not enjoy one foot of By what that land which now he had by his ancestors. The preferments and ('.'ih'o at dignities which Otho had by the ancestors of Conrad the Caesar came .thus: Frederic Barbarossa, at a parliament holden at Wurtzburg1 a.d. 1180, condemned Henry Leo of high treason, and deprived him I.-,, .rami of his dominions of Bavaria and Saxony, and gave Bavaria to Otho torsfnces" of Wittlespach, because he had done him so faithful service in his Italian wars. After that, Louis, the son of that Otho, obtained of this emperor Frederic II., in recompense of his assured and trusty fidelity, the palatinate of the Rhine in reversion ; also Agnes, the • laughter of Henry, the living earl-palatine, to be given to Otho his son in marriage. But this Henry was the son of Henry Leo, the traitor; unto whom Henry VI. (the father of Frederic II.). having given him in marriage his niece Clemcntia, the daughter of his brother Conrad, Palatine of the Ilhine, gave him also the pala- tinate itself on precarious tenure.3 And as touching the government of Bavaria, that had also formerly been held by the ancestors of Otho of Wittlespach. But to our purpose again. Tnearch- At the same time, the archbishop of Cologne revolted to the ' pope; who not longafter, in a skirmish with the earl of Brabant, was ■ vanquished and taken prisoner. But Frederic of Austria, after he was received into favour again with the emperor keeping most eon- (1) " Libj na," a town nf Brandenburg, in the Middle Mark, two miles from Frankfi it on ths Oder, and a bishop's see: Hoffman. Voir infra, p. v.>2, and vol.in. pp 138, loo— Ed. U Sc Appendix, Ducango, in v 1 HE MAKETH MONEY OF LEATHER. 481) stantly his promise and fidelity renewed, during this time made sharp mstoryof war upon the Bohemians and Hungarians, who took part with the 1/. pope, and greatly annoyed them. As these tilings thus passed in EmPeror- Germany, the emperor, when he had gotten Ascoli and led his host A. D. into Flaminia, having taken Ravenna, from thence came to Faenza, 1241. which city never loved the emperor (the circuit of whose walls is five miles in compass), and pitched his camp round about it. And although the siege was much hindered by the severity of the weather (it being in the very depth of winter), still notwithstanding, through jr,fcZi,.r. the great fortitude and incredible exertions of the soldiers, to whom he represented that it would be no little disgrace for them to retire from the enterprise unsuccessful, he surmounted all difficulties. And therefore, when now the winter (so extremely cold and hard) was well near ended, and the spring-time now hard at hand, and when by long battery he had made the walls in divers places assaultable, the citizens (being greatly discouraged, and in despair of maintaining the defence thereof) sent ambassadors to the emperor, craving pardon for their offence, and that he would grant them their lives, and so yielded themselves to his mercy. The emperor, having against them good and sufficient cause of The em- revenge, yet for that his noble heart thought it to be the best ^fle- revenge that might be, to pardon the offence of vanquished men, nnyand considered it better to grant them their requests, and to save the city and citizens with innumerable people, than by arms to make the same his soldiers' prey, to the destruction both of the city and great number of people therein. So doth this good emperor in one of his epistles, " Adaucta nobis," confess himself. Which epistle, to declare the lenity and merciful heart of so worthy a prince (if with great and marvellous provocations and wrongs he had not been incited), I would in the midst of the history here have placed, but that I have kept you long herein, and yet not finished the same. In this siege the emperor, having spent and consumed almust all his treasure, both gold and silver, caused other money to be made of The em- leather, which on the one side had his image, and on the other side J?0e™erd t() the spread eagle (the arms of the empire), and made a proclamation, make . that the same should pass from man to man for all necessaries instead leather. of other money; and therewithal promised, that whosoever brought the same money unto his exchequer when the wars were ended, he would give them gold for the same, according to the value of every coin limited ; which thing afterwards truly and faithfully he performed, as all the historiographers do accord. When the pope had thus, as before is said, stopped his ears and The pope would not hear the emperor's ambassadors who came to entreat for fornfo-h peace, but rejected and despised his most courteous and equitable ^1 i'/rl'- demands, and yet found that he, with his confederates, could not vented, prevail against him in open warfare, although he had left no means AJ%dix, untried ; he, by his legates, inviteth to a council to be held at Rome all such prelates out of Italy, France, and England, as he thought to favour him and his proceedings ; that hereby, as his last shift and only refuge, he by their helps might deprive Frederic of his empire, as an utter enemy to God and to the church. All which things Frederic having understanding of, and knowing that these persons were about to assemble under the pope's influence for his ruin, he de- Kite-. 4[)0 I KKDEUir PREVAILS AGAINST THE POPE. j/hioryof tcrmined to hinder their passage to Rome, as well by sea as by land, Frederic .^ ^ ^^ &vet ]ie might. Accordingly, having preoccupied all Emperor. jjie passao-e.s by land, he commanded his son Henry,1 king of Sar- A. D. dinia (whom the Italians call Encio), to take some galleys with him 1241. and ships mentioned supra, p. 480.— Ed. (.1) He wrote " Compendio dell* Istoria del regno di ITenez. 1641: translated into Latin by Stupanus, Ito. Basil. I. . THE TARTARS INVADE CHRISTENDOM. 491 that were slain, three hundred and fifty captains, who were brought msioryaf prisoners into Pavia with all their ensigns. redenc News hereof was brought to the emperor not long after, who EmPeror then was on his march from Faenza to the city of Bologna, A. D. thinking to destroy the same. But upon the hearing of this 1241. happy success, he altereth his purpose, and, thinking by a decisive blow to end the contest, leadeth his army towards Rome; and in the way he admitted to terms the city of Pesaro. But Fano, because the townsmen shut their gates and would not suffer the emperor to come in, he took by force and destroyed. For the The em- emperor, seeing that neither by petition made to the pope, nor yet tSiketh by his lawful excusation, he could do any good with him, thought t°make J , . . r ^ , G the pope that by his sudden coming thither, and with fear of the peril immi- afraid, nent, he might be brought to reasonable terms, and caused to leave off his accustomed pertinacity. And although the emperor was too strong for him, yet, for that he regarded nothing more than the public tranquillity of the empire, and that he might then take the Tartarian wars in hand if he could by any means conclude a peace, he refused not so to treat with him, as though he had been both in force and fortune much the pope's inferior. Whilst that this ruffle was betwixt the emperor and the pope, The Ochodarius, son and successor of Ghengis the first emperor of ?^£t-h the Tartars, sent a large and well-appointed army to invade the Christen- neighbouring countries, and bring them into subjection to him. Who, a great almost without opposition, subdued the Russians, Podolians, Molda- ty power! vians, Wallachians, Poles, and Prussians, laid waste the fields, and . See,. plundered, burnt, ruined, and destroyed cities, towns, villages, and buildings of every description ; killing man, woman, and child, and sparing none of any sex or age. (a.d. 1235.) At whose sudden in- vasion the people were in such fear and perplexity, that not a single band, garrison town, or even walled city, dared to resist ; but all hastened to leave all they had, and disperse themselves into woods, and flee to marshes and mountains, or wheresoever else any succour did offer itself to them. They had now come as far as Breslau, when Henry, duke of Poland and Silesia, went forth with an army to meet unmer- them ; who, for the inequality of the number of his forces, had soon an slaughter overthrow, and almost all his army being destroyed, he himself was °c\^l taken and slain with an axe. From thence they came to Moravia, and tiaas. from thence to the kingdom of Bohemia, which countries, while the king kept himself in strong defenced forts and durst not come abroad, they invaded, and destroyed all Hungary ; putting to flight and van- quishing Colman, the brother of Bela IV. king of Hungary, also making great spoil in both the Pannonias, both the Moesias, Bulgaria, and Servia. Wrhen Bela, king of Hungary, had gotten to Pola (which The king is a city of Istria) unto Otho, the duke of Dalmatia and Istria,1 he gL^cTav- sent ambassadors to Frederic, the emperor ; promising that if he would ^eem °f send him aid, so that the Tartars might be expelled, Hungary should ror, ever after be under the jurisdiction of the emperor ; which thing if he should refuse to do, that then Hungary would be in great danger of being subjected to the Tartars, to the no little peril of the whole empire : and said further, that the cause wherefore he with more instance required the same, was, that so many christian men and (1) See p. 475, note (2).— Ed. 492 the pope's subtle practices. /ri#toryo/ countries made such pitiful lamentation in this their great calamity ' n.xc and misery, and that there was none able to help them ; " which," EmPeror- saith he, tv is as great shame as possible to the whole christian com- A.U. monweal;" and also said, that if the malice of this barbarous people 1241. were not suppressed, then he thought they would make invasion upon the empire itself and the provinces of the same. The emperor, although he thought it very requisite that with all convenient speed this mischief should be remedied and prevented, vet notwithstanding, his great enemy the pope, with his confederates, „„ was the only let and hindrance thereof. When, therefore, he per- ceived that he himself could do no good, and only laboured in vain in seeking peace with the pope, he gave commandment to Wen- ceslaus and Otho of Bavaria to entreat and persuade with him, that, considering the imminent peril like to ensue by reason of such civil dissension to the whole state of Christendom, he would take up and conclude a peace, and mitigate somewhat his fierce and wrathful mood. When, however, he saw further, that neither by that means of entreaty, nor any other, the pope would desist from his stubborn malicious and froward purpose, he writeth back to the king of Hun- gary that he was right sorry, and greatly lamented their miserable state, and that he much desired to relieve the need and necessity that Tlie, he and all the rest stood in. But, as the cause why he could not ta'uit that redress the same nor stand him then in any stead, he blamed greatly tarUnot the bishop of Rome ; who refusing all entreaty of peace, he (the resisted, emperor) could not without great peril to himself depart out of Italy, lest that, when he should come to the aid of him, bv the pope's mischievous imaginations he should be in peril of losing all at home. Notwithstanding, he sent orders to Conrad the Caesar, to the king of Bohemia, and to other princes more of Germany, to go and meet the enemy : and a great number of those who had taken the cross in Germany were offering their services against the Tartars, when they received orders from Albert, the pope's factor, to stav at home, until iiadra- they should be called out by him against the emperor. To conclude, against such was the loving zeal and affection of the pope and his adherents rorthafl5" m tms time of calamity towards the christian state and common- against wealth, that he had rather bend his force and revenue his malice the lar- .... , ~ , „ , upon the christian and good emperor, than either himself withstand the Tartar, or suffer and permit by conclusion of any profitable peace that this most bloody and cruel enemy should be let and restrained from such havoc, spoil, and slaughter of the christian men : and yet, forsooth, these men will seem to have the greatest regard of all other to the preservation of Christendom, and think to have the supremacy given therein ! What thing else is this, than manifest mockery and deceiving of the people? One good effect, however, came of this spud and havoc of Poland, Bohemia, and Hungary, viz. that the con- spirators did not meet at Lebus (as had been determined1) about the deposing of the emperor ami the creation of another. tar. But now. notwithstanding the provident foresight and wise policy ol the emperor (as you heard before) in restraining the passages both „';',',', ■'"' b) sea and land, who gave most strict charge and had special regard popejs thereunto, that none should pass without privy search and examination, practices. us one having sufficient trial, as well iii his own person as by the eror- And yet, although he understood that the sudden departing of the A. D. pope out of Italy made plain demonstration of no conclusion or 1215- moaning of a peace ; and although it was plain that a council so App/njir. c&Hed by the pope, in which he was to be both plaintiff and judge, and which was to be packed with his own creatures, could only be meant for the emperor's destruction — notwithstanding these and other such evident demonstrations of the pope's hateful heart towards him, yet the most modest emperor, relying on the innocency and up- rightness of his cause, and as one most desirous of peace and christian concord, sent the patriarch of Antioch, who lately was come out of Svria, the archbishop of Palermo, and Thaddeus of Suessa, the president of his court, a most skilful and prudent civilian, to the council at Lyons ; who signified unto them that the emperor would be there for the defence of his own cause ; but as the day was very short, he required a time more convenient for him thither to repair. The em- The emperor, also, being onward on his way, and come as far as Turin, cometh to ser»t before other ambassadors, as the master of the Teutonic order make his an(j peter {]e Vineis, to give them understanding of his coming, and ance be- to entreat that they would prorogue the day of hearing, till he might pope. e conveniently travel thither. But for any thing that could be either ApPs"dix said or done, or upon how just cause soever required, the pope would not give so much as three days1 space, in the which time the ambas- sadors assured them of the emperor's presence ; as though there had been no common proviso for every man, in that case, by the law to have used upon any reasonable let ! When the day by them ap- pointed was come, the pope with his confederates (whose support he had secured by money and promises) — against God's law, against christian doctrine, against the prescript of the law both of nature and of reason, against the rule of equity, against the order of law appointed, against the constitutions of emperors and also the decrees of the em- pire, without any observation of the law, or granting dilatory days, without probation of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded unto or heard what might be answered therein — the pope, taking upon him to be both adversary and judge, condemned the emperor being absent, and in his full heat of fury and malice denounced him accursed, and moreover deprived him of his imperial dignity, charging him with the heinous crimes of perjury and sacrilege, writing also letters and libels of defamation to all kings, princes, and poten- tates. What more wicked sentence was ever pronounced ? What more crueller fact, considering the person, might be committed ? Or what thing more brutish and beastly could have been imagined or devised ? And yet hereat were these bishops nothing ashamed ; but, meaning to leave their doings in writing, as an impudent testimony to their posterity, established the same for a law to continue. a'!ce7aii- ^ut niark wnat vengeance God took upon this wicked judge. The ■ then the historians of the time record, that when Frederic, the emperor, and pope' Conrad his son, the Caesar, were both dead, the pope gaping for the inheritance of Naples and Sicily, and thinking by force to subdue the same, came to Naples with a great host of men ; where was heard in the pope's court manifestly pronounced this voice, " Veni miser HIS LETTER TO THE FRENCH KING IN CONSEQUENCE. 199 ad judicium Dei." " Thou wretch, come to receive thy judgment/* Hhtorynf And the next day after, the pope was found dead in his bed, all '//.ne black and blue, as though he had been beaten with bats ; as here- EmPeror- after, in our history of bishop Grosthead, is declared.1 A. D. When the emperor had understanding of this cruel and tyrannical 1245. sentence of the pope passed and pronounced against him, considering see his furious purpose and mind therein, he thought good by his letters to let all christian princes and potentates understand, as well what injuries and manifold displeasures he had sustained by all the four popes in their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this pope in pronouncing the sentence of judgment and condemnation against him, passing the bounds both of justice, equity, and reason ; which letter, as he wrote the same, hereunder followeth to be seen. The Letter of the Emperor to the French King and other Princes, in consequence of the Sentence given against him in the Council of Lyons by the Pope and Cardinals.2 Although we suppose not the contrary, but that information of the real merits of our cause hath reached your serene highness by common rumour and the testimony of many true witnesses ; yet for that , " Segnius irritant animos demissa per aures, Quam quae sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus" — that is, " more credit is commonly given to what the eye seeth, than to what the ear receiveth," — we thought good to lay before you the simple and naked truth, to wit, the processes which sundry popes have carried on against us. For the full and attentive perusal whereof, I beseech your gentleness, out of the much time and the many days devoted to your own affairs, to indulge us with some fit and convenient time. And if you will condescend to attend to our royal counsel, consider, I pray you, carefully the following points : — Whether our predecessors have been destitute or not of zeal for righteousness : whether we may not lawfully right ourselves in regard to so many and great injuries as have been wrought against us : whether Christ's vicar hath performed Christ's will ; and whether Peter's successors have imitated Peter's example. Consider, also, what right that process, which hath been carried on against us, hath to be deemed a valid process, and by what term it is to be called ; and whether that may be said to be a sentence, which is delivered by an incompe- tent judge. For although we acknowledge without reserve, that the Lord hath given plenary power in spiritual things to the bishop of the holy Roman church, so that, however great a sinner he may be (which God forbid), yet what- soever he bindeth upon earth is bound in heaven, and whatsoever he looseth is loosed ; still, we nowhere read of power being given him, either by divine or human law, to translate empire at his pleasure, or that he may give judgment to punish kings and princes temporally, by depriving them of their kingdoms. For although our consecration belongeth unto him by ancient right and custom, yet our deposition and deprival doth no more belong to him than to any other prelates of other realms, who do customably consecrate and anoint their respective sovereigns. Or be it so (barring any prejudice to ourselves), that he hath such power ; is it that by the mere plenitude of that power, without observing any order of law, he may inflict a sentence on any persons whom he may assert to be subject to his jurisdiction? For he hath proceeded of late against us (as we have said), but not by the order of accusation, forsomuch as neither any sufficient accuser did appear, neither went there any bill of indict- ment previously ; neither did he proceed by way of denunciation, forsomuch as there wanted a lawful denouncer ; neither yet by the way of inquisition, for that there went before no formal impeachment by a clerk of arraigns, and for that no copy of articles of inquiry was furnished us, whereas some such are wont to be publicly adduced by the judge in such case, as preliminary to an inqui- (.1) See infra, pp. 532, 533. — Ed. (.2! Pet. de Vineis Epist. Fred. II., lib. i. ep. 3, whence the above translation is revised.— El>, K K 2 500 GERMANY A PliKY TO CIVIL DISSENSIONS. HUtoryof sition. He asserteth, indeed, that all the things which he layeth against us were Frederic notorious ; but that we flatly deny, neither have they been proved to be noto- Emperor. ri°us by the legal number of witnesses. In this way any judge, by merely affirming what he listeth to be notorious, setting aside all order of law, may of A. D. himself condemn whom he listeth. 'Tis true, there arose against us in the council 1246. certain false witnesses, though not many, of whom the bishop of Cannula was one ; who, on account of his brother and nephew having been by us lawfully condemned for treason to be banged, may reasonably be supposed to have a grudge against us, and therefore may well be rejected as a witness in the cause. to such-like effect prosecuting the rest of his epistle, which for brevity's sake I omit. A,,^dix. After this, Frederic had retired for a little repose to Grosseto, a town on the coast near Sienna ; where he discovered a conspiracy against his life, which he defeated by putting to death the chief persons engaged in it : they confessed at their death that they had been set on by the pope. The pope then contrived to form a considerable party against him in Germany: Henry, landgrave of Thuringia, he persuaded that his brother had been treacherously slain by Frederic at Brundusium,1 and he consented to be named Csesar : but he died William, the next year. The pope then induced the rebels to take up William, Holland, carl °f Holland, who was accordingly named Caesar in opposition to made ' Conrad. the k<>- This policy the pope used, to vex and disturb both the country of the'pope. Germany and the whole empire ; and not so only, but also utterly to destroy and subvert the same, by the ruinous decay whereof, the pope and his prelates thought to make up their mouths. And thus, whilst Germany that Germany was now newly again divided, some taking part with in'iui^y" Frederic the emperor, and his son Conrad the Csesar, and other nobles throu h ant* Prmces °f tne empire ; some, with those who should, by the pope's 1 1,0 pope's procurement, be the electors of the new emperor; other some, with mind!0"8 neither of both, as men not minding nor tending the public utility, but to serve their own purposes, armed themselves ; and thus was the public peace and quiet broken and disturbed, and altogether in tumult and hurly-burly. For whilst the one part laboured by all force to retain the dominion by public and common consent first to him com- mitted, the other part in like sort endeavoured themselves, with all their force and power, to use and occupy the same, according to the decree of the bishop of Rome, and to take it from Frederic. And thus great conflicts grew on all parts, spoiieduy By these civil wars, Germany suffered no little calamity ; in every sension P^ce was manslaughter and murder, the country spoiled, the towns jJl'"'';11,,. and villages set on fire and burnt, the churches and temples practice wherein the husbandmen had put their goods and substance, violated theempe- ail(l robbed : houses were pulled down, the goods divided, and every ror- man's cattle driven away. To conclude, in this turmoil and con- tention of deposing one and choosing another emperor, this quarrel of princes, this license of a state of warfare of hurting and sinning with impunity, the impudent boldness of clivers private soldiers, and especially of the horsemen (then counted the better sort of soldiers), was so great, and their unbridled and unsatiable desire in robbing, spoiling, and taking of booties, catching and snatching all that came to hand, was such, that nothing could be sure and in (1) See supra, p. 467, note (3).— Ed. OTHO EXCOMMUNICATED FOR SIDING WITH THE EMPEROR. 501 safety that any good man enjoyed. Wherefore, a little before the History of death of William, king of the Romans (a.d. 1256), threescore cities Frf^ic and towns joined themselves in a league with Louis, palatine of the EmPeror- Rhine and duke of Bavaria (Otho's son), and other princes, of whose a. D. names Aven tine in the seventh book of his " Annales Boiorum" 1249. maketh mention, for the expelling of these rebels, and repressing of Robbe~ their so great injurious rapine and slaughter of men ; of which army jjjjj^618 the said Louis being captain, he chased and drave the whole rout of outof them to the uttermost parts of Germany, and pulled down and over- ermany• threw their castles and fortresses, and every other place where they had intrenched themselves. Meantime Otho, duke of Bavaria, most constantly keepeth his Fidelity promise and faith made before to the emperor Frederic and Conrad, °he°thoto his son ; whereupon Philip, archbishop of Saltzburg, Albert, bishop r°r- of Ratisbon, Conrad, bishop of Frisingen, and their confederates, calling a council at Meldorf by the pope's commandment sentA.D.1249. for Otho unto them, unto whom they opened the pope's pleasure A f^dix and commandment. To all which Otho answered : " I cannot His an- marvel at some of you enough, that whereas heretofore you per- thTie-0 suaded me to leave and forsake the part I took with the bishop sates, of Rome, whom you yourselves affirmed to be Antichrist, and that I should take part with the emperor and his son, now you yourselves will not keep your fidelity and promise made unto those good princes:" ■*nd he said that he perceived in them a great inconstancy and levity *.n their thoughts, words, and deeds, who now call that wicked, unjust, and violent wrong, that but lately they thought equal, just, and right. He said further, that they were overcome with pleasures, corrupted with superfluity, won with bribes, gaping for honour and estimation ; and that they neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor their duty and office, but studied how to make dissension and com- motions, and longed after war and bloody battle. He said further, that for his part he would obey God and his prince, to whom he had sworn fidelity ; and that he nought regarded the pretended curses of the pontiffs. He said he believed in Christ, and would trust in his mercy ; and that he believed how those whom they cursed and gave to the devil, were in greatest favour with God. Howbeit, and notwithstanding those prelates seemed to take in good part this Excom- expostulation of Otho, and to bear no malice or grudge for what he "d"^" had said, but to be desirous of peace and unity ; yet, not long after, £r^"{[ Otho was cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as was pope to the best take the. iiie ik. -a. emperor's But the aforesaid Albert, bishop of Ratisbon, not only played part^ rex amongst the citizens, but also bethought him of a mischievous Awendix- device against Conrad the Csesar, the emperor's son. When by fraud and subtilty he had apprehended many of the rich burgesses and citizens of Ratisbon who bare the emperor good will, and had sent them prisoners to Stadt-am-Hof,1 Conrad, joining with other noble- men of the empire, after he had spoiled and wasted much of his lands and those of his companions, drave him so near, that upon certain conditions he released the aforesaid citizens. Soon after, Conrad, going with an army to Ratisbon, and having been according 1 1) " Staffum" (Cisner), most likely Stadt-am-Hof, a town separated from Ratisbon only by u bridge over the Danube, where probably there was a prison. Busching's Geography. — Eo. 502 MARTIAL AFFAIRS OF FREDERIC THE EMPEROR. Bhiotyof to ancient custom received as a guestat the monastery of St. Emeran, Fredene \\\K,r^ w ; th certain of his confederates, by the help of Ulric, the abbot, •E"^',,or- came in the dead time of the night into the chamber, ■where he A. I), knew that the Caesar with a lew servants were lodged, and lulling upon 1216. them, some they took and other some they slew ; and finding no other c^iVhT person in the chamber, they thought that the Caesar had been slain : amongst the rest. But he, hearing the noise, had left his bed and a Tndix hidden himself under a bench, and so escaped their hands. The next day he outlawed or proscribed the bishop and his mates, and also the abbot, fur treason, and seized upon all the goods of the house. But, at the suit of the guiltless monks, he released all to them again, taking by way of fine one hundred pounds. Ulric lost his office, and or punishment, was forced to take upon him the habit of punish- a monk- One Conrad of Hochenfels, who was the murderer of n»«it, these men, although he escaped the punishment of man's hand, yet ti.eor.ier the vengeance of God for the fact he escaped not. For as he rode in t.niionk- j.jjg jjay ^me aj3roa(jj ]ie was sucldcnly stricken with a thunderbolt aAx. anoryof and sellers might resort ; and embellished the place with handsome "u"c dwelling-houses and ak temple ; and altogether it had more the Emi"ror- appearance of a wooden city than a camp. All which things when A.D. he had finished, which was not long in doing, for a happy omen 1247. and in confidence of a prosperous issue he named it Victoria, and fondly hoped that the same would take the place of the city of Parma, which when taken, he purposed to level with the ground. And at first, both there and elsewhere, all things pros- pered well with Frederic, and had good success; for he sharply attacked and hard pressed those who defended the city of Parma ; and further, Robert de Castiglioni, who was the emperor's lieutenant in Picenum, near unto Osimo discomfited the pope's The army, and slew of them more than four thousand, and took many armVdis- such as were of the confederate cities prisoners. Also, when the l°mt^ed fictions of the Ghibellines and Guelphs in Florence were at contro- emperor's versy, and the emperor's son Frederic, prefect of Etruria, came to n'ant! the relief of the Ghibellines (who had sent to him for aid), the Guelphs therewith dismayed fled from thence to Bologna, whose goods and substance came all to the emperor's coffers, and Florence also itself to the emperor's obedience. But this good success and prosperous fortune lasted not long, for as once on a time Frederic, to recreate himself (who seldom had his health), rode about the fields with certain of his horsemen to hawk and hunt, the greater part of his soldiers, thinking of nothing less than of any enterprize Negii- to be attempted of the poor starvelings within the town Parma, fheToi^ wandered and ranged unarmed out of their city Victoria about dien of- the fields. The soldiers in Parma, having this occasion offered, occasion with all force and speed possible entered the emperor's camp or enemy. town Victoria, at a part which was less strongly fortified than the rest, and where one of the gates chanced to be left open. The sudden strangeness of the matter much abashed the soldiers, and they rang out their larum-bell. Against the first assault, however, the mar- Appee'dtx_ quis of Malaspina made a brave stand ; whom when the emperor, returning in all haste, found to be hard beset, he had thought to have rescued him ; but when that was perceived of the enemy, they bent all their force together on that side, insomuch that the emperor was forced to take to the trench, lest he should have been of the enemy Discomfi environed. And from thence he retired into the city or camp, where emperor18 he had thought to have gathered further aid ; but the enemv, not giving at vie- him sufficient time there-for, with all force entered the city Victoria. The emperor, seeing them in the very heart of his city, fled and came to St. Domino: the enemy, when they had killed and slain a great number of the emperor's soldiers, and had burnt and destroyed the said city of Victoria, returned to Parma. The emperor then sus- pecting this thing to be wrought by treason, whereby the enemy had understanding as well of the emperor's absence as also of the negli- gence of his soldiers, imprisoned certain of the chiefest about him, imprison- amongst whom also was Petrus de Vineis. Yet, whilst he was at St. ofhh^vers Domino, endeavouring to rally the remains of his broken army, Encio captains, getteth a great victory of the Mantuans, who coming to the rescue of Parma lost fifty of their ships, and all that they had in them. After 504 DEATH OF THE EMPEUOR. Hiiiori/of this also, Richard, in another conflict in Picenum, discomfited the ^ pope's soldiers and slew their captain Hugolinus, besides two thou- £mPeror- sand others slain and taken prisoners. A.D. When now Frederic had gathered again and new mustered his 1250. bands at St. Domino, he marched forth to Cremona; and, notwith- _ standing that there he understood of the good success and victory that Encio had at Reggio, yet for that he perceived the defection and backsliding of all or most part of Lombardy from him, he determined to take his journey into Apulia, purposing, when he had there levied a strong and sufficient power, to make his speedy return again into Lombardy. Therefore, in his journey caprese through Etruria into Apulia, he joined with his son Frederic theeem-y Avno Avas besieging Caprese, and took the same, and led with him <.eror. divers of the chiefest captains prisoners ; and after that, subduing St. Miniato de Tedesco unto the obedience of the empire, he came into Apulia. When news was brought him thither, that Encio his son (in going to aid the Modenates against the Bolognese) was taken prisoner two miles off from Modena, and that in his absence the pope's captains with their bands and garrisons were running about Lombardy, iEmilia, Flaminia, and Etruria, to stir and procure the cities to revolt from the obedience of the emperor, and not without success, partly by subtle policies, and partly by force and sinister means, bringing them to his purpose ; he determined with himself, with all the force and power he might by any means procure and make, to begin afresh, and prosecute this war to the uttermost. Neither was The em- it to be doubted (as Pandolpho Colenuccio writcth) but that he would peror pur- ]iave Wrou.- Elegimine Prlncipum" v.-.is translated into Englis re, one of oi" oets. Bee Tanner's Biulioth. and Wharton's Hist, of English Poetry. See p. 714, infra. — I.u. THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR. 509 Fama refert, scriptura docet, peccata loquuntur, Historyof Quod tibi vitabrevis, pcena perennis evit. Frederic Quod divina raanus potuit, sensit Julianus ; Emperor. Tu succedis ei, te tenet ira Dei. Fre. fremit in mundo, de. deprimit alta profundo, A. D. Rt. mala rimatur, cus. cuspide cuncta minatur. 1250. Fredericus Innvcentio. Fata monent, stellaeque docent, aviumque volatus, Lapsurum te mox ad stygis antra nigise. Cymba Petri non est, sed Christi, quae natat undis : Fluctuat, atnunquam mergitur ilia ratis. Fama refert, tua scripta docent, peccata nefanda Interitum ostendunt, exitiumque tuum. Strangulat Adrianum musca ; annon ira Tonantis Cogitat et de te sumere supplicium ? Carcere suspendit sese Benedictus, et alter, In stupro captus, saucius ense perit : Sylvestrum extinguit Satanas sceleratior ipse : Ergo tuis factis prsemia digna feres. Innocuum te voce notas, cum sis nociturus Orbi terrarum christianoque gregi. Fredericus Innocentio de integro. Esses si membrum, non te caput orbis et urbis Jactares, cum sis orbis et urbis onus. Nunc membrum non es, sed putre cadaver et ulcus, Ense reddendum, ridiculumque caput. A Daniele /3§eAvy/ia, nefasque caputque malorum, Diceris, a Paulo Alius exitii. Nos solum Christum nostrum caput esse : malorum Totius orbis te caput esse facis. Et caput est unum, quod Paulus dicit ubique ; Tu, vecors balatro, die mihi quale caput? Corporis ergo caput monstrosi, monstra parisque, Monstra paris monachos, scorta nefanda fovea. Est tua religio stuprum, ira, superbia, caedes, Error, delicia?, fulinina, turpe lucrum. Ex his ergo liquet Christum te spernere : Christo Hostem esse invisum, dedecorique Deo. Rex tandem veniet ccelo delapsus ab alto, Tunc non defendent te sacra, missa, cruces ; Non in sublimi surgentes vertice cristse, Non diploma potens, non tua sacra cohors ; Nee diadema triplex, nee sedes sanguine parta, Nullus honos solii, purpura nulla, tui. Triginta argenteis Christum vendebat Iudas, Tu Christi vendis corpora plura tui. Corpora tu vendis Christi parvo are, polumque, Coelestes genios, sidera, jura, Deos. As ye have heard of the iniquity and raging pride of the popish Certain church against their lawful emperor, so now shall ye hear (Christ j^uabu! willing) how God beginneth to resist and withstand the corruption of that whorish church, by stirring up certain faithful teachers in sundry countries ; as in the country of Suabia about the time of this emperor (a.d. 1240), or near upon the same, where were many preachers mentioned in the Paraleipomena of Urspergensis, and also in Crantzius,1 who preached freely against the pope. These preachers (as Crantzius saith) ringing the bells, and calling the barons together at Halle in Suabia, there preached that the pope was a heretic, and that his bishops and prelates were Simoniacs and heretics ; and that d) [" Saxonis,"] lib. viu. cap. 16 et ['• Metropolis," lib. viii. cap.] 18, [cited b)' Ulyricus "Cat. Test." col. 1651, from the Par. Ursperg. ; whence a few corrections are made in the text.— Ed.] »10 RESISTERS OK THE POPE's USURPED POWER. Henry the inferior priests and prelates had no authority to bind and loose, Item, that no pope, bishop, or priest, could AD. restrain men from their duty of serving and worshipping God, 1-50, and therefore such cities or countries as were under the pope's curse might, notwithstanding, lawfully resort to the receiving of sacraments as well as before : Item, that friars, Dominic and Franciscan, did pervert the church with their preaching. And that, as the indul- gence of the pope and his popelings was of no regard, so that rcmis- Resist- sion which they themselves did preach unto men, they preached it ancer,i,0 not from the pope, but as from the Lord. And thus much I thought gainst the , I I ' . . . o pope no here to recite, whereby it may appear now the resisting of the popes "nchriifa usurped power and corrupt doctrine is no new thing in these days in church- the church of Christ. Amoid And not long after these aforesaid rose up Arnold de Villa Nova, xowu'm- a Spaniard, and a man famously learned and a great divine (a.d. ofhe"^- l^O) ; whom the pope with his spiritualty condemned among s« . heretics for holding and writing against the corrupt errors of the popish church. His teaching was that Satan had seduced all the world from the truth of Christ Jesus: Item, that the faith which then christian men were commonly taught, was such a faith as the devils had ; meaning belike (as we now affirm) that the papists do teach only the historical faith, which is the faith ' Historia?, non fiducise :' Item, that christian people (meaning belike, for the most part) are led by the pope into hell : Item, that all cloisterers are beyond mercy and damned : Item, that all men do falsify the doc- trine of Christ : Item, that the divines do evil in mixing philosophy with divinity : Item, that masses are not to be celebrated : Item, that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead. Certain erroneous opinions there arc, likewise, which the slanderous sects of monks and friars do attribute unto him ; but rather (as they are wont to do) by enviously taking, than of any just cause given.1 Johannes And2 as this Arnold was condemned, so also at the same time thegloM- Johannes Semeca, the gloss-writer on Gratian's " De^etum," and writer of pr0vost of Halbcrstat, was excommunicated and deprived of his pro- the pope 8 r , ..' t I 111 decrees, vostslnp for resisting pope Clement IV. exacting the tenths through- nnm'cat- out Germany ; and therefore he appealed from the pope to a general ed- council, and had many great men on his side, when behold, both the pope and he died. Guiiei- Consequently in this order and number followeth the worthy and Amore S* vahant champion of Christ, and adversary of Antichrist, Gulielmus de S;mcto Amore, a doctor of Paris, canon of the church of Beauvais. This Gulielmus in his time had no small ado in writing against the friars and their hypocrisy, but especially against the begging friars, both condemning their whole order, and also accusing them, as those that did disturb and trouble all the churches of Christ by their preaching in churches against the will of the ordinary pastors, by their bearing of confessions, and executing the charges of curates and pastors. All the testimonies of Scripture that describe Antichrist and his ministers. he applicth to the pope's spiritualty. The same Gulielmus is thought to be the author of the book,3 which is attributed to the school of (1) Vide libmm [Illyrioi] '• de tesiilms vtritatis." [Ed. 1608, col. 1647, whence some corrections are made In thi (21 From hence to the middle of the next pr.po is from I'lyricus, col. 1648..— Ed. (3) Thi 1 , !,. 1. pp. :,|i 520, are from tbe " De periculia eccleskc," chap, xiv., and will be found in Browne'i Appendix to the " Fasciculus." See Appendix.— Ed. HOW TO KNOW A FALSE PROPHET. 511 Paris, and entitled, ' De periculis Ecclesise ; ' wherein he proveth by Henry nine and thirty arguments, that the begging friars be false apostles. Moreover, he doth well expound this saying of Christ, " If thou A. D. wilt be perfect, go and sell away all thou hast, and come follow me," declaring there, poverty to be enjoined us of Christ, ' non actualem, The placc sed habitualem \ not in such sort as standeth in outward action, °oStheelex. when no need requireth, but in inward affection of heart when need pounded, shall require. As though the meaning and precept of our Lord were seUaUand not, that Ave should cast away actually all that we have ; but that, [°™me°J~ when the confession of the name of God and the glory of Christ shall so require, then we be ready to leave and relinquish what things soever for the sake of him, &c. As when he requireth of us, after the like phrase, the hatred of father and mother, and of our own lives, he biddeth us not to dishonour father or mother, much less to hate them ; but that then, when case shall require, we set all things Appendix. behind the love of Christ. Many other worthy works he compiled, wherein albeit he uttered nothing but what was truth, yet, notwith- standing, he was by Antichrist and his rabble condemned for a heretic, exile.d, and his books burnt ; whose heretical arguments, as they called them, that thou mayest better judge thereof, hereunder I thought good to place. Against false prophets, with signs to know them by, these his words do follow : — For because these seducers (saith he) name themselves to he apostles, and say that they are sent of God to preach, to absolve and dispense with the souls of men, by means of their ministry, read the saying of the apostle : [2 Cor. xi. 11.] " For such apostles are subtle and crafty workmen, disguising themselves to belike the apostles of Christ." Therefore, we mean to show some certain infallible and probable tokens, by the which false apostles may be discerned from the true preachers and apostles of Christ. The first sign or mark is, that such as be true preachers do not enter into First sign simple women's houses laden with sin, and take them as it were captive, as and token many of the false preachers do ; as in the second epistle of St. Paul to Timothy, f°is\n(pro- the third chapter, is manifest, saying, " Of those sorts are they, which enter phet by. into women's houses," &c. Therefore those preachers who come into women's houses, to the intent they may take them captive, be not true preachers, but false apostles. The second sign and token is, that those that be true preachers do not second deceive simple men with painted and flattering words, whereby they prefer sign, their own trash and tradition, as all false prophets do, as in the last chapter prre"ecners to the Romans appeareth, saying, "By their pleasant and sugared talk, do not de- and by their blessing and crossing, they deceive and beguile the hearts of "ivesim- innocent men and women." l Glossa : — " With gay glorious words they extol with"6" and set forth their traditions, whereby they deceive simple men." Very greatly painted do they deceive the souls of simple men, who cause them to enter into their ^^U sect, which they term religion. And they who before led a naughty life, by words. reason of their ignorance or simplicity, after their entrance, become subtle and false deceiving hypocrites, entering together with the rest into poor men's houses ; yea, and oftentimes they become worse than the others. Whereupon, [St. Matthew xxii. 15,] " Woe be unto you Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites, which go about," &c. Therefore they who do this, are no true messengers, but false apostles. The third sign is, that the true apostles, if they be reproved, suffer the same The tnird patiently, saying, " The tokens of my apostleship are accomplished among you, sign is, in all patience and sufferance ;" [2 Cor. xii. 12,] meaning that patience which th?1 they pertaineth to the manners of the preachers. Therefore they, who suffer not jn good correction or punishment, be no true apostles, but rather show themselves to be PMt wnen no Christians at all; " No man can say that Jesus is the Lord, but by the Holy reproved (1) " By good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple." Rom. xvi. 18. — Ed. A.D. 12.50 "12 A TRUE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN' Ui-nry Ghost." [1 Cor. xii. 3.] Glossa: — " It is meet that Christians should be hum- lu- bled, to the intent that they may sutler themselves to be reproved, and not to be holden up with yea and nay." And also such men do show themselves to be carnal, and not spiritual at all, although they feign themselves to be spiritual. " Therefore am I become an enemy unto you." [Gal. iv. 16.] Notwithstand- ing the Glossa saith: — " No carnal man will be reproved, although he err.'' Wherefore, those preachers who suffer not correction, seem not to be true apostles, but false prophets. The The fourth sign is, that true apostles commend not themselves [2 Cor. x. 12]. that they " * or we ^are not jom ourselves, nor yet compare ourselves unto others commend which commend and boast of many of their acts, when God alloweth none of ""ive*16"1" tnem at a^-" Also true preachers, although they be indeed praiseworthy for their good deserts, in the consciences of men are they praiseworthy, and not to the outward show alone; " We commend ourselves,'' saith the apostle, " to the consciences of all men." [2 Cor. iv. 2.] Then they do not commend them- selves in comparison of others. Wherefore the Glossa saith, upon the same place, " Those that deserve no commendation, but in comparison of others, do challenge to themselves other men's deserts and praise." Wherefore it is said, " Even as our well-beloved brother Paul, according to the wisdom that God hath given unto him, hath written unto you." [2 Peter iii. 1,5.] Glossary: " The chiefest of the apostles hath here forgotten his papal authority, and also his keys that were delivered unto him ; for he is astonied as it were at the great wisdom given unto his brother Paul." For indeed it is the manner of the elect children of God, to be more in love with the virtues of other men, than with their own. Wherefore it is written, "Let those that are superiors esteem of themselves in all humility." [Phil. ii. 2.] They therefore that do the con- trary, saying, ' That their state or doings be better than other men's,' although they be preachers, yet are they no true apostles indeed, but false prophets. The fifth, The fifth sign is, that true apostles need no letters of commendation ; nor vet ixfletten (les're to nave themselves praised by men, as saith the apostle, " We need not commen- the letters of commendation of any man," [2 Cor. iii. 1,] that is to say, of false datory. prophets. The The sixth sign is, that true apostles do not preach unless they be sent, as " How they1' s^a^ tne}' Preach, unless they be sent?" [Rom. x. 15.] Glossa: — " There be no preach true apostles, but those that be sent : for they have no need of signs who are not ex- true witness-bearers, but those that be not sent and do preach are false prophets." bePsent.ey The seventh sign is, forasmuch as false prophets have their authority in their The own names ; wherefore it is written, " For we dare not boast of ourselves, or seventh, make comparison." [2 Cor. x. 12.] Glossa : — " That is to say, with those that those De ^'^se prophets, not taking their authority from God, but usurping the same, false desirous to bear rule, claiming in their own name their authority." And, prophets therefore, although peradventure by presumption, they say that they are sent that were of God, as all heretics will say ; yet, notwithstanding, unless they shall prove never their sending cither by spiritual prophecy, as John the Baptist did, saying, " I 1 am the voice of a crier in the desert;" as out of the prophet Isaiah, in John's gospel is alleged [chap. i. 23], or else by miracles, as Moses did, who turned his rod into a serpent, and again, from a serpent to a rod [Kxod. vii. 10, 12], they ought to be excommunicated, till such time as they cease from preaching. Yet notwithstanding, a miracle ought not to be a sufficient testimony of their sending, forasmuch as they be done oftentimes, and that of evil and wicked men, (1 Qusest. 1.) we may perceive towards the end. But miracles ought to be suspected, forasmuch as our Saviour saith, " Then shall false prophets arise," &C. [Matth. xxiv. 11.] Therefore they who do challenge authority in their own name, forasmuch as they have not their authority from God, are not true apostles, but false preachers. The The eighth sign is, that false prophets, pretending great wisdom and holiness * they *° De m M1],1'rs''|i<"U have named their owti traditions to be religion, which are pretend ' rather to he counted sacrilege or church robbery, and do usurp unto themselves, •f":?1 for due deserts of other men, by boasting and bragging among strange and un- to super- known people. Wherefore the apostle speaking <>\' false prophets [Col. ii. 8], saitb, " According to the precepts of men, which having a face of wisdom con- sist in superstition, interlaced with humility." Glossa: — "That is to sav, mingled with feigned religion, that it might be called religion, when in very stition. A.D. 1250. FALSE APOSTLES AND TRUE. 513 deed it is nothing else but sacrilege, because it is contrary to all authority;" Henry that is, contrary to God himself, that any man should desire to have govern- IH- - ment of a multitude without public commandment, as [Deut. xxiii. 24], " Thou hast entered into thy neighbour's vineyard." Glossa: — " That is to say, into the church of another bishop." May a man warn and admonish others, or else correct that congregation which is not lawful for him to govern, nor yet to take so great a charge upon him? No. And that it is not lawful to enter into another bishop's diocese, it is apparent, because it is not lawful for the archbishop so to do. To this effect appertaineth that which is read [6 Quasst. 3.] And also it is written [9 Qua?st. 2] throughout. Therefore those preachers, who, against God and his divine Scriptures, do call their own tra- ditions religion, are not apostles, but false prophets. The ninth sign is, by the authority which they have : for although they be That no preachers of the gospel or ministers of the sacraments, yet they will live by Jhgenne;. the gospel, and not by the labour of their own hands, contrary to the text, ther [2 Thess. iii. 8.] " Neither have we eaten any man's bread for nought, or of preach free cost." Glossa: — " Then those false prophets ought much more to live ""st^yet by their labour, who have not that authority which we ought to have ; that is they live to say, to live by the gospel." And St. Augustine speaketh of this more up"n expressly, in his book De opere Monachorum, in these words : " Those our men's la- brethren do claim to themselves (very rashly as me thinketh) that they have bour. any such authority, to live by the gospel. If they be preachers of the gospel, I grant that indeed they have such authority ; if they be ministers of the altar, if they be disposers of the sacraments, they cannot well but take to themselves this authority, as also manifestly to challenge the same ; if, at least, they have not wherewithal to sustain this present life, without labour of their hands." As though he would have said, if they be not such manner of men, then have they no authority to live by the gospel. Therefore those preachers who have not authority to live by the gospel, or minister the sacraments, because they have no congregation whereby to take charge of souls, and yet, for all that, will needs live upon the gospel ; they be no true apostles, but false prophets. The tenth sign is, that false teachers rejoice more to be commended them- That they selves, than that the word of God should have the commendation and praise, take that But they that are true preachers and apostles are far otherwise minded, " Not to ther»- seeking the praise of men," &c. [1 Thess. ii. 4.] And herein he toucheth which' those false#prophets, who desire rather to be commended themselves, than that pertain- the word of God which they preach should have the commendation : but he is ^orrt°0fha an apostle, who not seeking the glory of this present world, but for the glory God. to come, doth abase himself, to the intent that the preaching and word of God might be commended and exalted. They, therefore, who desire to have praise and to be commended of others, rather than that the word of God should have the praise, be not true apostles, but false prophets. The eleventh sign is, that true apostles preach only for God's cause, and for They the health of souls, and for no temporal gain, as St. Paul saith, [2 Cor. ii. 5,] preach " We preach not ourselves," &c. Glossa: — " Our preaching tendeth not to forrtg;ii,J' our glory and gain, but only to the glory of Christ." But the preaching of f,"r God'a Clirist, by those that are false prophets, tendeth to the contrary. Whereupon cause. it is said, [Phil. i. 18,] " Whether it be upon occasion given, or else for the Verity's sake, let Christ be preached," &c. Glossa : — " False prophets do preach the gospel upon some occasion, as either by seeking some commodity at the hands of men, or else because of getting goods, honour, or praise among men." Notwithstanding, however, that they be ready and willing, as it should seem, to bear and sustain injuries, yet they seek not so much the health of him to whom they preach, as in very deed they do their own commodity and gain. Whereupon St. Paul saith, [2 Cor. xii. 14,] " Because I seek not the things that be yours." Glossa: — "That is to say, not your treasure, as gold and silver, but only you yourselves." For, otherwise, it could by no means be gathered that they should understand him to speak or mean of their substance, because he more esteemeth them than their money, to the intent that thev might understand his great good will towards them. Therefore these evil and naughty preachers who preach for worldly gain or honour, or else for the praise and commendation of men, be no true apostles, but false prophets. But it may be asked, how shall men understand when these good fellows preach for their VOL. II. L L 511 A TRUE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN own vain-glory's sake? It may be answered thus, when they preach before 11 '■ they be called [2 Cor. x. 17], " Whosoever boasteth, let him boast and rejoice . j^ in the Lord." Glossa:— " Which thing he cannot by any means do that hath j9'.„" not his authority from God." For if any such prophet preach, he seeketh his own glory, and that may easily be perceived. Because he is not called of God, he hath no such authority of him; that is to say, of his church or congre- gation, as [Heb. v. 4], " No man taketh to himself any dignity, but he that is called of God, as Aaron was." Glossa: — " He is called of God, that is, lawfully chosen of the congregation." They The twelfth sign or token of a false prophet is, because such prophets do counter- counterfeit themselves to have greater care and love to men's souls, than they l^ye ° have that be their very governors and pastors, although they have no charge at where all of them ; against whom the apostle speaketh [1 Thess. ii. 7], "We are they hate, become meek and loving towards you, even as the nurse which giveth her child suck." Glossa: — " A woman nurseth other men's children for wages, and not for love alone; but she giveth her own suck of very love without respect of money." Therefore those preachers who feign themselves to have a greater love and affection to the souls of men, than they that have the charge over them, Seem not to be true apostles. The apostles study neither for eloquence, nor for the curious placing of their words, but false prophets do both, as [1 Cor. xiv. 23], " If the simple and ineloquent man," &c. Glossa : — " The apostles were not eloquent, but false prophets are full of curious eloquence." Also upon the same subject another gloss: "The Corinthians were led away from the gospel by over nice eloquence." [2 Cor. vi. 4.] " Let us show ourselves before all men as the ministers of God." Glossa: — " The ministers of God do not flatter as false prophets do." And for this occasion those that be true apostles have not their abiding in princes' courts and noble- men's houses, knowing this saying of Christ [Matt. xi. 8], " Behold, those that are clothed with silks dwell in kings' courts." Glossa: — " And there- fore true apostles are not conversant in princes' courts, and noblemen's houses." Hard and strait life with the preaching of the gospel loveth not to come near princes' palaces, and noblemen's houses. Oftentimes it Cometh to pass that courtiers are found great flatterers; therefore those preachers that have their abode in princes' courts, or that in any other place are used to flatter, are not true apostles, but false prophets. Theycir- The thirteenth sign is, that true apostles or messengers do not circumvent eminent or subtlely go about to deceive men, that they should give unto them their havetlieir S00^8) cither in their lifetime, or else at the time of their death, as [2 Cor. vii. 2], poods, " We have falsely deceived no man." Glossa: — " By the subtle and deceitful and care getting awav of your substance, as false prophets do, who get away from you ["„'!' those things that be yours under pretence of great friendship.'' Also else" [ Matt, xxiii. 14], " Woe be unto you, Scribes and Pharisees, you hypocrites, which spoil widows' houses by your long prayers;" who mean nothing else by your superstition, but that you maj Bpoil and rob the people. [Luke xx. 47], " Which devour widows' houses by dissembling of your long prayer." Glossa: — " Who make over-long prayers, to the intent they may seem more devout, and that they may get both money and great commendation of all such as be sick and troubled with the burden of their sins ; whose prayers be turned into sin, which neither are profitable for themselves nor any other, but rather shall have for making those prayers greater damnation, forasmuch as by the same they deceive others." For by this, that they receive and take both gold and silver, it appeareth that they preach not for souls' health sake, but only for filthy lucre and gain sake. [Matt. x. !)], " Be ye possessors neither of gold nor silver." Glossa: — " If they then have these things, they cannot seem or be thought to preach for the health of the soul, but for lucre's sake." And so Baith Jerome upon the prophet Malachi, " Because some prophets took money, their prophecy became divination;" that is to say, their prophecy appeared not to be prophecy, but divination, or enchantment : that is, that such prophecy pro- ceeded not from God, but from the devil. And this appeareth in [ 1 Quest 1 . j having this beginning, " Nunquam Divinatio," &c, Therefore those preachers who circumvent and beguile men, to the intent that, they should give them their goods, either in their lifetime, or after their death, are not true apostles, but false prophets. FALSE APOSTLES AND TRUE. 515 The fourteenth sign is, that false prophets, when any verity is preached, with Henry which for the most part they are not acquainted, or that toucheth them, then 11L hegin they to chase and hark against the same. Whereupon the apostle A n [Phil. iii. 2], saith, " Behold the dogs," &c. Glossa: — " Understand you that 19"cn" they are not dogs hy nature, hut by their usage and conditions, barking against ~*° ' the truth, which they were never acquainted with." And so he compareth Theycan- them right well to dogs, because dogs follow rather custom than reason ; so "° \^fe false apostles do keep the custom of the law, and do bite and bark against the the truth truth, as though they were without the gift of reason. Also [2 Tim. iv. 3], preached. "They get them instructors according to their own desires." Glossa: — " Which may teach them what things they themselves are willing to hear, because the truth seemeth nothing pleasant unto them." Therefore those preachers who bark against the late revealed truth, which toucheth them very near, and therefore cause the same to be hidden and kept under, are not true apostles, but false prophets. The fifteenth sign is, that the true apostles do not force any to receive or False hear them who be unwilling, but send them away rather, lest they should seem prophets to seek after some earthly and transitory thing. [Matt. x. 14], " Whosoever thoseto will not receive you, get you out of that city, and shake the dust from off your hear who feet," &c. Glossa: — " That you may thereby show that the desire of earthly ar'et will not for them, or else, if they know them, have not eyes behind and before, tr°;eapro. are no true apostles ; therefore when they call themselves apostles, they are phets do. false prophets. The eighteenth sign is, that true apostles do not desire the riches and goods That they of them to whom they preach, whereby they are discerned from wolves, that is money,'0' to say, from false prophets. [Acts xx. 8.] " I have desired no man's gold nor and are silver." Glossa : — " By this are wolves discerned, for they desire such things." jj?* to ,ie And again in the same place ; " For those things which I have need of, and f,om those which were with me, these hands have ministered." Glossa: — " This wolves, example also of labouring is a spectacle for bishops whereby they are discerned from wolves." For such as ask. or beg of those to whom they preach, or set any other to ask or beg in their names, do seem to commit simony, like Gehazi, of whom it is read [2 Kings v. 20], that he craved certain apparel of Naaman, the Syrian, to whom his master Elisha had restored the benefit of health, not- withstanding he had gotten those garments unwitting to his master. Whereupon Gregory Nazianzen saith, [1 Quaest. I] " Qui isti debetur." But some man perhaps will say, cannot the preacher ask money, or money's worth, of those to whom he preacheth ? Or at the least, mav not he beg ? To this may be L L2 516 A TRUE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN Henry answered ; if the preacher by authority preach and feed his flock as a true ,n- pastor with the food of God's word, he may take money or money's worth ; » j) but then it is not begging or craving, but it is by authority, as [2 Tim. ii. 6], " It is meet that the husbandman that tilleth the ground, should first and after others, receive the commodity of his increase." Glossa: — "He putteth the ] 250. lithe virtuous preacher out of doubt, not preaching for the intent to make merchan- du'his" mse °f the gospel, and giveth him to understand, that it is lawful for him to duty in take of them whom he feedeth as his Hock what things soever he hath need of, ln-'he" an<* ^otn lt not m begging or craving, but by good authority." It is manifest may take that it cannot in any place of the holy Scripture be found, that the preacher lawfully ought to beg. But begging is forbidden of all the apostles of Christ, and is _ abhorred by Solomon and by St. Augustine, and reproved by divers other holy tilings. men. Therefore it is manifest that the true apostles do not desire the temporal goods of them to whom they preach, neither do they beg nor crave the same. They, therefore, that require any thing of them to whom they preach, or else set any other man to ask for them, or in their names, do not seem to be true apostles, but false preachers. True The nineteenth sign is, that true apostles are patient in tribulation, neither apostles do they render evil for good. [Matt. x. 16.] " Behold, I send you as sheep render among wolves." Glossa : — " They, that occupy the place of preaching, ought evil for not to procure any evil toward their brethren, as the example of Christ good, as teacheth " [1 Pet. ii. 23], " Who, when he was reviled, reviled not again, but did submit himself to him that judgeth justly." They therefore that suffer not injury, but rather do wrong themselves, are not true apostles, but false apostles. True The twentieth sign is, that true apostles at their first coming are evil enter- apostles tained, as the Lord saith [Matt. xxiv. 9], " Ye shall be hated of all men for my so well name's sake." But at length such get the victory, according to that saying. [1 John v. 4,] " Every thing that is of God overcometh the world." They, fais'e pnf- therefore, that in the beginning rejoice and are well entertained, but in the end phets be. are rejected, seem not to be true apostles, but false. True The twenty-first sign is, that true preachers go not to preach unto those who preachers nave preachers appointed unto them, because they have not to rejoice of a build not r ,rr > . j upon any company belonging to another mans charge; as [Kom. xv. 20J, "I have other preached the gospel where Christ was not before preached, lest I should build founda- uPon another man's foundation." And again St. Paul saith [2 Cor. x. 15], tion. " We are not boasters, nor busy in other men's matters." Glossa : — " Where another man had laid the foundation." Likewise in the same chapter [16], " Not having pleasure to boast of other men's labours," that is to say, of those which he committed to the government of another man. Likewise Augustine saith ; " Honour ought to seek thee, and not thou honour." Also Chrysostom ; Authority " Authority is in love with such a man as refuseth her, and yet abhorreth her , not." They therefore that procure and have a desire to preach unto the refuse people committed to another man's charge, which is an office of honour, espe- her, and cially in councils, synods, and great assemblies, also in kings' and princes' nernot courts, and prelates' palaces, are not true apostles, but false teachers. True pro- The twenty-second sign is, that true apostles, when they know themselves to do much good in the church and congregation of God, yet, notwithstanding, 1 are not puffed up with pride TLzek. iii. 91 : " O son of man, I have made tliv anu \ain- „ x i x y -i * t . , taee as an adamant stone. Ihe adamant stone, when it diaweth iron unto ' it, is not thereby either lifted up or altered. Likewise a title preacher, when kV '" s he diaweth unto him, by his preaching, sinners whose hearts are as hard as iron, is never the more lifted up or higher minded therefore. But as in Luke I chap. xvii. 10], " When ye have done all that ye can, and as well as ye can, yet say that you are unprofitable servants ; " and in Psalm xcv. '• Not unto us, Lord, not unto us, hut to thy name be given the glory." They therefore that do arrogantly boast themselves of their fruit, and of the benefit they have done in the church of God, saying, " We have given light to the universal church, which was blind before our time, and we have put out the flame of sin in the church of God" (when perhaps they have more furthered hypocrisy raise pro- lhan either truth or verity), they are not true prophets, but false, of whom it is spoken in the Psalms, " The mouth of them that speak proud things," &c. The twenty-third sign is, that true apostles do not seek the favour of the n.rs. world, nor yet how to please men, as [(,al. I. 10J, " 11 1 should please men, FALSE APOSTLES AND TRUE. 517 that is to say, "if I had a desire to please men, I should not he the servant of God." Henry Whereupon the apostle says to the Colossians [chap. iii. 22], " Not as men- HI- pleasers." Glossa: — " Seeking to please, because we have not the pleasing A ^ Spirit." Therefore those preachers that seek the favour of the world, and do jo5q labour to this intent that they might please men, are not true apostles, but false. The twenty-fourth sign is, that true apostles, when they have meat and drink, Tme pro, they are contented, neither do they desire over-dainty fare, according to the phetseat saying in Luke [chap. x. 8], " Eating and drinking those tilings that are ^^ set before you." Glossa: — " The gospel condemneth not altogether costly them, and and delicate fare, yet it so alloweth the same, that if we have meat and drink, give God we ought not to grudge, but to be therewith content." Therefore those n^*' preachers, who, although they neither be sent, nor have authority to preach, false pro- are yet offended when they have not fine and delicate fare, are not true Phets- apostles, but false preachers. The twenty-fifth sign is, that true apostles do love more the law of God than False pro their own estimation amongst their neighbours ; according to that in the phets love Proverbs [chap. vii. 2, 3], " Keep my law as the apple of thine eye, and j£°™ own bind the same upon thy fingers, and write the same in the table of thy heart." estima- Whereupon also the Psalmist [Psalm cxix. 72], " The law of thy mouth is f°£^n dearer unto me than thousands of gold and silver." Glossa: — " Charity doth word of more love the law of God, than the desire of gold and silver a thousand fold." ^°d He, therefore, that seeth the gospel of Christ trodden under foot, which is the f^d be eternal glad tidings, to be taken away by that cursed one, and doth neglect and taught, contemn the same, or else, peradventure, consenteth unto the same to the outward appearance of the world ; and yet, because he will keep his temporal dignity and estimation, refuseth not to stir up strife and contention about the same, and so to be evil spoken of, seemeth not to be an apostle of Christ, but rather a false prophet, if he be a preacher. The twenty-sixth sign is, that true apostles seek not after such fine lodgings They are and wealthy habitations, where they may have all things at their command- "g,'^11' ments ; but rather such honest resting places where they may have necessary with ne- things for themselves, with their good wills of whom they have them. And ^a/sy they take nothing of such whom they see to be so ready and liberal in giving, but look nor think that they do him more pleasure in receiving the gift, than the others do after su- in giving them the same; according to that in Matthew [chap.x. 11], where Perliu0U3- it is said, " Into what city or town soever ye shall enter, inquire out those that be of good report in the same, and abide you with them so long as you tarry in the same city or town." Glossa : — ■ " Your host, with whom ye lodge, ought to be chosen by the good report of neighbours, lest your preaching be evil spoken of, by reason of his infamy ; neither ought such men to run from house to house." But whom shall we call " worthy of good report?" Glossa : — " Him who knoweth better to do other men good, than to receive a good turn of another;" and this is he which giveth willingly, for Christ's cause, and not in respect of any commodity. Also true apostles receive nothing of such men as lie weltering in their sins, but rather of those that are washed and cleansed from their sins; whereupon that saying [2 Cor.viii.5], " They have given them- selves first to the Lord." Glossa: — " Because they now, amending their old errors and vicious manners, have vowed themselves unto the Lord, and after- wards gave of that which they had to their brethren ; for otherwise they ought not to have taken any thing of them, because gifts do blind the eyes ; but those that give, where there is no cause of reproof in their doings, have no just cause to give." Therefore those preachers that seek how to come by dainty fare, and do receive bribes and rewards of naughty men that have this world at will, to the intent that those preachers may cover and hide their faults, and who get of others what they can by subtlety, or who give indeed to remove the shameless importunity of the craver, or else for avoiding of present shame, rather than for any love they have to God, are not true apostles, but false prophets ; accord- ing to that in the Corinthians [2 Cor. ix. 7], " The Lord doth love a willing giver." Glossa: — " He that giveth for present shame, or else that he may be free from the importunacy of him that asketh, doth lose his substance and merit : wherefore he that hath respect to these things, doth not seek the fruit and profit of the giver, but the gift itself, as saith the apostle [Phil. iv. 17], " Seek not the gift, but the fruit or benefit of the giver." 518 A TRUE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN Henry The twenty-seventh sign is, that true apostles do not endeavour themselves II1- to seek and enjoy the fruit of other men's lahours that they may he fed there- a i) by, because that the belly is such men's god, according to those words [2Thess. 1050" iii- 2], " We have heard of some amongst you which walk inordinately, not — — '— labouring at all, hut living delicately, or idly." Glossa: — " On other men's Those he labours;" and deserve they to be fed? The discipline of the Lord cannot away Dhet8Pr°" w'1^ {'lat doing ; for the belly is their god, which provide to have more than vims','- necessary dishes of meat. Therefore those preachers who so do, are not true apostles, but false. True^ro. The twenty-eighth sign is, that true apostles do not rejoice only on account of the miracles or other excellent works which the Lord doth by them, but they la'mir0* ratnt>r rejoice for the salvation which they look for from the Lord, than that by cles, as doing those miracles they desire any honour; according to that which is written taise pro- jn Luke [chap. x. 20], saying, " Rejoice ye not for that the spirits be subject pne do. unto V()Ui |njt because y(;ur names are registered in heaven." They therefore that boast of their own miracles, orof any that belong unto them, for this cause, that they are saved by the doing of them, as many do say, seem not to be true apostles, but false. True pro- The twenty-ninth sign is, that the true apostles do never seek their own ■ glory in this life, but the glory of Christ. " He that speaketh of himself doth ''Jv'lntheir seek his own glory; but he that seeketh the glory of him which sent him," that idorv. is, of whom he is sent, " is a true apostle." [John vii. IS.] Therefore those who seek the things that pertain to the glory of this world, of the which one is *o be assistant to those that bear rule and authority, or according to the saying of Boetius, ' De consolatione:' " Those that do desire to be extolled," either they reign and hear rule themselves, or else do desire to be near about them that have such dominion. Another is, they desire to have the fame and victory of that for which they have nothing at all deserved before God ; whereupon is written that saying of the apostle [Gal. v. 26], " Let not us become desirous of vain-glory." Glossa:-— " To be desirous of vain-glory, is to have victory without any merit or desert;" and those, I say, that do such things, seem not to True pro- Ue true apostles, bul phets do The thirtieth sign is, that true apostles care not for the solemnities of men, neither for their salutations, nor feastings, nor any other benefit of tin irs. They solemn ' therefore who love and seek the company and fellowship of men, their feastings, naluta- and other their commodities, do not seem to be true apostles, bin . men °f '^ne one and thirtieth sign is, that true apostles do not commonly resort to False pro- other men's tables, lest they should, for a meal's meat, become flatterers phets re- [o Thess. iii. 9], " That we should give an example to follow us." Glossa: — " lie that cometh oftentimes to another man's table, being given to idleness, cannot choose but flatter him that feedeth him." But Christ's religion calletb fmflflatte llu'ii to liberty and to no such bondage; they therefore that resort oftentimes, tor a ' and that of their own minds, to other men's tables, living idly, are not true |Jj«rt's apostles, but false. The two and thirtieth sign is, that true apostles do not hate their enemies, and such as hate them ; which doctrine the Lord taught [Matt. v. ! 1J, saying, e " Love your enemies, do well to them which hate you;" but false prophets do hurt and defame their neighbours, as saith Jeremiah [chap. xii. 10, 11], "The prophets of Jerusalem have defiled the whole earth." Glossa: — " They are not contented to hurt their neighbours only, but also whom they before this time have hated, they defame and speak evil of in every place they come to." Therefore those preachers who hate them whom they think are their enemies, and Ui.it defame them, are not true apostles, but false preachers. True pro- The thirty-third sign is, that false prophets, when they are examined and proved whether thej lie true apostles or liars, take thai very grievously, and Jutemen! Pei*ecute all tln.se that can prove them to be so, and also do stir up and pro- voke others to persecute the same men: who also join themselves together by secular power, even as certain false prophets did in the primitive church against the bishop of Ephesus, to whom the Lord said [Rev. ii. 2, .'!], " I know,'' that i> to say, I do allow, "thy works and thy labour;" that is, thy tribulation, " because thou canst not away with those that be evil nun." Glossa: — " But that thou hast a (i. -ire to amend them, or else to expel them — "and hast examined those which say that they are apostles, and arc but liars, and also has! Mil- True pro- their ene FALSE APOSTLES AND TRUE. 519 fered this patiently." Glossa: — "The evils which these false prophets, joined Henry together hy secular power, do bring in, are not the doings of true apostles, hut In- false prophets." ^ D. The thirty-fourth sign is, that true apostles go not to preach to those who 1250 are converted already hy other men, hut rather do convert those who are not vet converted, lest that they should huild upon another man's foundation ; as True Pro" St. Paul [Rom. xv. 20] saith; " I have laboured so, that from Jerusalem to preach to Illyricum,I have replenished the gospel in every place." Glossa: — "That is, those who I have preached the same abundantly, in whom the great virtue of the Holy co,"^,.^1 Ghost appeareth, because so many nations (that is, the Gentiles), have received ed. the gospel by my preaching." " But I have preached the gospel there where Christ was not preached before, lest I should build upon another man's founda- tion." Glossa : — " I should not preach to those that were converted by another man." Also [2 Cor. x. 15], " We are not such as boast and glory in other men's labours." Glossa : — " Where another man laid the foundation, for that should be to boast inordinately." Also in the same place, " not thinking to boast where another man hath government, but in those things which are put in experience." Glossa: — " Of other preachers;" because the apostle did preach to those to whom the gospel was never preached, that he might get praise by his own proper labour. Therefore, those preachers who go not to that people who have need to be converted, but to those who are converted already, who have apostles of their own, that is to say, bishops and priests, and yet do boast over another man's flock, are not true apostles, but false prophets. The thirty-fifth sign is, because true apostles, when they are sent, go to their True pro- own diocese, and not to another man's diocese, even as Paid being sent, went phets to the Gentiles when he purposed to preach [Acts xiii. 2], " Separate Paul and preaChin Barnabas for the business which I have chosen them unto." Glossa : — " Ac- their own cording to the appointment and decree of James, Cephas, and John, went he diopese. forth to be a teacher unto the Gentfles." But those preachers that stand upon ;n 0ther their feet, that is to say, those preachers which have but small worldly sub- men's. stance, for which cause they are more ready to go which way soever it shall please the Lord to send them, I say the Lord hath sent them to preach, not to those that be sufficiently learned, but to those that are infidels; as we read in Ezekiel [chap. ii. 2, 3], " After that, the Spirit of the Lord set Ezekiel upon his feet," In qiiam spem situs unus tangitur, " and he said unto him, O son of man, behold I send thee to the nations which have start back from their profession, which have gone from me;" that is, to the Jewish heretics, and to those nations that sometimes have been Christians, as the Egyptians, the Baby- lonians, and all those that observe the law of Mahomet. Therefore, if such go to those that are already instructed, having both apostles, bishops, and priests of their own ; they go not into their own diocese, but into another man's diocese, and are not true apostles, but false preachers. And it is greatly to be feared, lest the church be in hazard and danger by such, unless they be thrust out of the same betimes ; even as Jonas, when he was sent to Nineveh, by the Lord, which is interpreted, large or wide, and leadeth to the hill, that is, to the infidels we spake of before. They go not to those infidels according to the commandment of the Lord, but they turn another way, and take their journey into Tarshish, which is interpreted, seeking after joy and pleasure ; that is, they go unto those who receive them with joy and gladness, and do well provide for them, that is to say, to godly and devout Christians ; and, therefore, it is to be feared lest the ship in which they be (that is, the church) be in great peril, unless they be thrown forth. And therefore the apostle spake of such false prophets not without good cause [2 Tim. ii. 16], " And shun thou those." Glos- sa : — " That is, such men as those he." The thirty-sixth sign is, because true apostles do not boast, neither do they False attribute unto themselves any thing, but that God hath wrought the same by ProPhe|s them. Paul [Rom. xv. IS], saith, " I dare not say any thing but that which tothem- Christ hath wrought and accomplished by me." Glossa : — " That is, I speak selves only those things which by me (that is, by my ministry) Christ hath wrought." ^icn They therefore that boast of many things, and do attribute much unto them- they selves which they never did, are not true apostles, but false prophets. never did. The thirty-seventh sign is, that true apostles do not apply themselves, or Thev lean to logical or philosophical reasons. Therefore those preachers who do cleave to 520 RESISTANCE AGAINST THE POPE Henry endeavour themselves to such kind of reasons, are not true apostles, Lut false in. prophets A j). The thirty-eighth sign is, that true apostles do not love carnally, or after the L25Q flesh, but hate what thing soever doth resist them in the service of God. "He ■ — ■ — that doth not hate his father and mother, his son and sister, and also himself, De cannot be my disciple." Luke xiv. 20. Glossa : — " That is, he that doth 'J hey love QOt hate whatsoever doth resist or let him in the service of God, is not worthy carnally, to be a disciple, neither can he abide in that office." Therefore forasmuch as tually. truc Poachers are the true disciples of the Lord, it must needs follow that the preachers who do promote their nephews and kinsfolk (how unworthy soever they be) to ecclesiastical promotions and livings, contrary to the will of God, or do any other thing that letteth or hindereth them in the service of God, are not true apostles, but false prophets. They The thirty-ninth sign is, that true apostles do not hunt for the friendship of l""lt this world, for he that is the friend of this world is the enemy of God; there- friendship f°re those preachers, who purchase the friendship of this world, are not true apostles, but false prophets ; and forasmuch as the Scripture is infallible, saying world. [Matt, xxiv. 35], " Heaven and earth shall perish, but my words shall endure forever;" and the Holy Ghost, which spake by the apostles, cannot lie; (for pro- phecy, for the most part, is not spoken by the will of man, but holy men of God spake by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, as it is read in Peter) [2 Pet. i. 21], it remainetb, that ail men who are bound to defend the church, may rise up in the defence of the same, according to that in the Proverbs [chap. xxiv. 11], " Deliver those that are led to death, and cease thou not to rescue those who are drawn to destruction." Neither may he allege vain accusations, because it is said in the same place, " If he say he is not able or strong enough, he that ■\Vhatso- beholdeth the thoughts of men's hearts, shall know it,"&c. Whatsoever perish- ever doth eth in the church of God for want of preachers, all that shall be demanded of nens i in (jiem a(. t^e jay Qf jUfjgment . as Jacob confesseth to Laban, whose sheep he church ot fed [Gen. xxxi. 39], " I did restore all thy loss, and that which was stolen I wantof nia(*e answer for." " I will demand his blood at thy hands." Ezek. iii. 21. preachers This is said to the pastor or prelate. But if the other tilings, which we have shall be spoken of before, could not move the prelates and cardinals, this at least should require . moV(, t]R1]n . Decause that then the spiritual power which doth consist, for the most part, in the exercise of preaching, in hearing confessions, and in enjoining of penance, shall be taken away from them by little and little (for by piece- meal doth the wolf devour the poor and needy man) [3 Qusest 1], when the authority ecclesiastical, therefore, shall be quite taken from them and dis- posed to others, such as either by their order, or apostolical grant do challenge to have the same; then doubtless shall neither the jurisdiction of civil causes and pleadings, nor any authority that such prelates have yet remaining, neither yet the possessions of the temporal goods of the church any longer remain amongst them. Shall such have the temporal goods of the church who minister not the spiritual treasure thereof? [1 Cor. ix. 13], " Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eat of the sacrifice.' and they that serve at the altar are partakers of the altar?" For as the body without the soul cannot stand ; so corporal things without spiritual things cannot continue [1 Quaest. 1] if any shall take away the same. Adetesta- Thus have von IkuI the thirty-nine arguments, for which the said in,- book Gulielmus was condemned, and his books burned. In las days there ; was a most detestable and blasphemous book set forth by the friars (mentioned also in Matthew Paris), which they called k Evangeliurn a I<-r- n Mil. eeternum,' or ' Evangelium Spiritus Sancti j1 that is, 'The everlasting gospel,1 or 'The gospel of the Holy Ghost.11 In which book many abominable errors of the friars were contained, so that the gospi 1 of Jesus ( lirist was utterly defaced, which, this book said, was not to lie compared with this everlasting gospel, no more than the shell is to be compared with the kernel, or than darkness U> light. Moreover, that the gospel of Christ shall be preached no longer than to a.d. 1260, and thai .1 Btion respecting thia book.— En. NO NEW THING. 52] then this 'everlasting gospel' should rule the church. Item, that Hemy whatsoever was in the whole Bible, was in the said ' gospel' contained. At length this friar's 'gosper was accused to the pope, and so six A.D. persons chosen of the whole university to peruse and judge of the 1250-_ book, viz. Christianus, canon of Beauvais, Odo of Douay, Nicolas de The'eter- Bar-sur-Aube, Johannes de Sicca-Villa,1 an Englishman, Johannes spiritual Belin, a Frenchman, together with this Gulielmus, who mightily fheWarf impugned this pestiferous and devilish book. These six, after the ^?^n" perusing of the book, were sent up to Rome ; the friars likewise sent muehado, their messengers withal. Where they were refuted, and the errors of po^6 the book condemned ; but so, that the pope, with the cardinals, com- Av^diXt manded the said book to be burned, not publicly but in secret wise (tendering the estimation of the religious orders, as of his own most chief champions), and the following year the same pope ordered the books of the aforesaid Gulielmus to be burnt withal.2 Besides other his books, two sermons we have of his yet remain- ing, one upon the parable in St. Luke of the Pharisee and the Pub- lican, being the gospel for the day; the other preached on May-day: 'Appse"dix where in the first, he resembleth the Pharisees to our monks, and that he proveth by all the properties of the Pharisees described in the gospel : the Publican he resembleth to the laity, such as, for because they are the sooner reduced to acknowledge their sins, the more hope have they of mercy : the other, because they stand confident in their own righteousness, are therefore further from their justification. In the latter sermon he setteth forth and declare th, what perils and dangers are like to fall upon the church by these religious orders of monks and friars, for that they were ministers of Antichrist and perverters of the people.3 Among the other besides of that age who withstood the bishops of Laurence, Rome and his antichristian errors was one Laurence, an Englishman, fi"h^,nH^ a divine of Paris; another was Petrus Johannes, a minorite. Ofco»demn- whom the aforesaid Laurence was about a.d. 1260, who in his teach- pope!1 " ing, preaching, and writing, did stoutly defend the part of the afore- said Gulielmus, and the rest of his side, against the friars. Against the which friars he wrote two books, one in the defence of Gulielmus afore-mentioned, the other upon this argument and title, ' To beware of false prophets,' &c. Certain other things also he wrote, wherein by divers proofs and testimonies he argued and proved, that Anti- christ was not far off to come. The other, Petrus Johannes, was about a.d. 1290, who taught and maintained many things against the The pope, pope, proving that he was Antichrist, and that the synagogue of Rome ^nr""t was great Babylon. He wrote upon Matthew, upon the Epistles, and The "yna- upon the Apocalypse. Mention of this Petrus Johannes is made in Roml,° Nicolas Eymericus, in his book of the Inquisition ; who saith, more- by!on.Ba* over, that from him Michael Cesenas (of whom, Christ willing, shall Petrus follow hereafter) derived his opinions ; and because the pope could burned'es not burn him alive, after his death he caused his bones to be taken ^ath'"8 up and burned.4 To these and with these above specified is to be added Robertus Robertus Gallus,s who being born of a right noble parentage, for* devotion's £0^ sake was made a Dominic friar, about the same year (a.d. 1290). sieth- (1) See an account of this individual in Tanner's Bibliotheca, v. Dritonus — Ed. (2) M. Paris, ad aim. 12.'<6~ (Edit. Lond. 1040, p. 939), whence the text is revised.— Ed. (3) Illyricus, "Cat. Test." (edit. 1C0S, col. 1649): these two sermons are in Browje's Appendix to the " Fasciculus." See Appendix. — Ed. (1) Illyricus, cols. 1660, 1772. See infra, p. 610, note.— Ed. (5) Jllyricus, cols. 1662, 1663.— Ed 522 visions OF ROBKRTUS GALLUS. iienry Tliis man, as appeareth by his writings, had divers and sundry visions, in. whereof a part is printed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegard. A.D. His visions all tend against the spiritualty of Rome ; where, in the l'^50- fifth chapter he plainly ealleth the pope an idol, who having ears The pope hcareth not the loud wailings of them that en down to lull, though described. . . P . , o » s« louder than a trumpet and the roaring tliumler; and having eves Appendix. . . . i * 1 l !•■«!• i * scctli not neither listeth to see the abominations of his people, and their excessive voluptuousness, except he may thence heap up treasure for himself; and having a mouth speaketh not, but saith, ' I have set good teachers over them, and it is sufficient, whether I do them good by myself or by another.1 And it followcth in the same chapter, " Woe to that idol ! woe to the mighty and proud ! who in all the earth shall be equalled to that idol? He hath exalted up his name in the earth, saying, Who shall bring me under ? Is my house com- pared with those of the mighty ones of the earth ? I am far more dainty than they in my feasts ; prancing knights are my servitors; and that honour which my fathers before me had not, that is done to me. My house is paved with silver, and ornamented with gold and jewels." Again, in the twelfth chapter, and also in the first, under the name of a serpent he painteth out the pope, whom he declareth to extol himself above measure, and to oppress the few that be godly, and to have many false prophets about him ; whose charge it is, neglecting the name of God and of Christ, to preach and extol him only, obscu- ring the name of Christ. The church of Rome and the pope he The describeth in these words : " I was praying," saith he, " on my knees, '.',' looking upward toward heaven, on the right side of the altar of St. Guiius. James in Paris, and saw in the air before me the bodv of a certain high bishop, all clothed in white silk ; who, turning his back on the east, lifted up his hand towards the west, as the priests are wont to state of stand in celebrating their mass, but his head Mas not visible. And as , I was considering advisedly, whether he had any head or no, I per- ceived a head all dry and withered, as though it had been of wood. And the Spirit of the Lord said to me, ' This significth the state of tlir church of Rome.1" school- Moreover, the same author describeth by an apt similitude shewn me!, and him in a vision the manner of the monks and school sophists and frivolous sorbonists, in this wise : " Another day, as I was in like contempla- Sescribed. **on as before, I beheld in spirit ; and behold, ] saw a man apparelled like to the other before, who went about having line bread and excellent wine on his shoulders and hanging down on both sides of him ; and the same, having in his hand an oblong and very hard flint-stone, was gnawing upon the same as a famishing person is wont to do upon a loaf of bread ; out of the which stone came out two serpents' heads; and the Spirit of the Lord instructed me, saying, 'This stone purporteth the frivolous and curious questions, wherein the famishing people do weary themselves, leaving the substantial food of their souls/ And I asked what those two heads did mean ? And he said. * The name of the one is Vain-glory, the name of the other is Mar-religion.' " Also, concerning the reformation of the church, this vision he de- clareth: " It happened, as I was (saith he) in the same city in the house of a certain nobleman of Uretagne, and was there Speaking with "'- certain. I saw a cross of silver very bright, much like to the cross of the earl of Toulouse. But the twelve apples, which did hang beside on the arms of the cross, were very vile, like to the apples which the sea is wont lurch THE STORY OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD. 523 to cast up. And I said, 'What is this, Lord Jesu?1 And the b**9 Spirit answered me, ' This cross which thou seest is the church, '— which shall be clear and bright in pureness of life, and shall be ^D. heard all over the world through the shrill voice of the preaching of .. sincere verity.' Then, being troubled with the apples, I asked what these apples so vile did signify ? And he said, ' It is the humiliation of the church.1 " This godly man did forewarn (as in a certain chronicle is declared) simony how God would punish the simony and avarice of the clergy, with HceofThe such a plague, that rivers should run with blood. It is said, that dfw t0 there is remaining a great volume of his visions which are not yet nished. abroad ; for these that be abroad, are but a brief extract out of his visions and revelations. After that we have thus long strayed in these foreign stories of Frederic, and in the tractation of other matters pertaining to other countries, it is time that we return to our own country again. THE STORY OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD, BISHOP OF LINCOLN. Following the continuation of time and course of the church, we will now join to these good fathers and writers, the history of the learned bishop of Lincoln, named Robert Grosthead, ] a man famously learned, as that time served, in the three tongues, both Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, also in all liberal sciences ; whose works and sermons even to this day are extant, which I have seen in the library of the queen's majesty at Westminster, wherein is one special sermon written and exhibited in four sundry scrolls addressed to the pope, and to other four cardinals, beginning " Dominus noster Jesus Christus.11 Nicholas Trivet, in his Chronicle, writing of this bishop, affirmed that he Avas born in Suffolk, in the diocese of Robert Norfolk : who giving him the praise of being a man of excellent head, a wisdom, of profound doctrine, and an example of all virtue, wit- n1ua„°lk" nesseth that he being master of arts, wrote first a commentary on the latter books of Aristotle ; also that he wrote tractations concerning the spheres, and the art of computations, and that he set forth divers books concerning philosophy. Afterwards, being doctor in divinity, and expertly seen in all the three tongues, he drew sundry treatises out of the Hebrew glosses, also translated His books divers works out of the Greek, as the testament of the twelve wo'rks. patriarchs, and the books of Dionysius, commenting upon the new translation with his own gloss.2 This godly and learned bishop, after divers conflicts and agonies sustained against the bishop of Rome, after the example of Frederic, of Gulielmus de Sancto amore, of Nicholaus Gallus, and others after Apr^ix, named, at length, after great labours and travails of life, finished bis course, and departed at Bugden in the month of October, pPalri 0f a.d. 1253. Of his decease thus writeth Matthew Paris,3 "Out of gJT (1) Robert Grosthead or Grossteste was born at Stradbrook in Suffolk about a.d. 1175, was made bishop in 1235, and died 125.3.— Ed. (2) Many other works and volumes were written by the said Grosthead. as ,: De oculo Morali," " De dotihus," " De cessatione legalium," " Parvus Cato," " Annotationes in Suidam," " In Boe- tium," " De potentate Pastorali," " Expositiones in Gen. et in Lucam," with a number more, besides divers epistles, sermons, and invections sent to the pope for his immeasurable exactions, where- with he overcharged and oppressed the church of England. • 3) Matth. Paris, fol. 27S. 524" THE POPE'S LETTER FOR AN ITALIAN BOY. the prison and banishment of this world (which he never loved) was taken the holy bishop of Lincoln, Robert, at his manor of Bugden, A.D. in the evening of St. Denis's day; who was an open reprover of the 1253. pope and of the king, a rebuker of the prelates, a corrector of the APPt"diZ. monks, a director of the priests, an instructor of the clerks, a fautor of scholars, a preacher to the people, a persecutor of the incontinent, a diligent searcher of the Scriptures, a mall to the Romans, and a contemner of their doings." What a mall he was to the Romans, in the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall appear. The story is this: — It so befel, among other daily and intolerable exactions wherein pope Innocent IV. was grievous and injurious manifold six years' ways to the realm of England, he had a certain cousin or nephew of°G?oIl (so popes were wont to call their sons) named Frederic, being yet !hed oV'eh }'oung an\o' Jesus Christ, and also so pernicious to mankind. For this should be a great -i- waste, corruption, and abuse of his most holy and plenary power, and an utter Power separation of him from the glorious throne of our Lord Jesus Christ, to be ministers co-assessor with the two aforesaid princes of darkness in the chair of pesti- to edisica- lence amid the pains of hell. Neither can any man who is subject and faithful tlono"iy. to the said see, and not cut off by schism from the body of Christ and from struction" the said holy see, with a sincere and unspotted conscience obey such instruc- Two prin- tions and precepts, or favour such attempts as these, from whatever quarter ciPal emanating, yea, though it were from the highest archangels, but rather ought of of'daTk- necessity with all their might to withstand and rebel against the same. Where- ness, Lu- fore, my reverend lord, upon my bounden duty of obedience and fidelity ™~ and which I owe to both the parents l of the most holy apostolic see, and for the christ. love of union with her in the body of Christ, I must regard the instructions con- tained in your aforesaid letter as more honoured in the breach than the observ- ance, and I hereby refuse and utterly resist them ; and especially because they tend (as is before touched) to such manifest wickedness, so abominable to the Lord Jesus Christ, so repugnant to the holiness of the apostolic see, and so contrary to the one only catholic faith. Neither for this cause can your dis- cretion take any harsh step toward me, because all my doing and gainsaying in this matter is no resistance nor rebellion, but a filial honour due by the divine precept both to my Father and to you.2 Briefly recapitulating, therefore, I assert that the sanctity of the apostolic see cannot do any thing but to edification, and nothing at all to destruction : for this is the fulness of power, to be able to do all things to edification. But these provisions (as they are called) be not to edification, but to most manifest destruction. The blessed apostolic see, there- fore, neither can nor ought to attempt any such thing, because flesh and blood, which cannot enter into the kingdom of God, hath revealed the same, and not the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ who is in heaven.3 Then followeth it in the story both of Matthew Paris, and of Florilegus, that when this epistle came to the knowledge of the pope, he, fuming and fretting with anger and indignation, answered with a fierce look and proud mind, saying, " What frantic old dotard is this, who so boldly and rashly judgeth of my doings ? By St. well Peter and St. Paul, were it not for our innate generosity and good ^°J"e'T nature, I would throw him into such confusion, as should make him P°Pe- a bye-word, an astonishment, an example, and a prodigy to all the world. For is not the king of England our vassal ? nay, more, our manciple1''* (to use the very words of mine author), " who only needs a nod from us, to imprison him and put him to utter disgrace ?" When the pope, in his great fury and rage, had uttered this amongst his brethren the cardinals, who were scarcely able to appease the furious violence of the pope, with mild moderation of words they said unto him, that it would not be expedient to proceed against the bishop in a rigorous manner. " For,11 said they, " to confess the truth to your holiness, it is but very truth that he affirmeth. We cannot condemn him. He is a catholic man, yea, and a most holy man ; more religious and more holy than ourselves ; a man of Giles, a a more excellent spirit and more excellent life ; so that it is believed defendeUi he has not his superior or even his equal among all the prelates. .Gro^" Both the French and English clergy are well aware of this, neither the pope. (1) He meaneth either Christ and the church, or Peter and Paul. (2) That is, both to Christ and his church. (3) M. Paris, edit. Loud. 1640, p. 870. (4) " Mancipium." M. Paris. — Ed. 528 DEATH-BED OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD. Henry would it be of any avail for us to contradict it. The statements, . moreover, of this his epistle perhaps are known by many to be true, A- D. and, were he to be harshly treated, might stir up many against us : for 1 -•'•-'• he hath the name of being a great philosopher, and is singularly seen both in Latin and Greek learning, zealous in the cause of justice, a reader of divinity in the schools, a preacher amongst the people, a lover of chastity, and a persecutor of simony.-" These AP:7nd.z. words spake Giles, a Spanish cardinal, and others besides, moved by their own conscience to speak. And this counsel they gave to the pope, that he should dissemble and wink at these things, as one not seeing or regarding them, lest otherwise perhaps some tumult might rise and spring thereupon ; especially seeing there was a manifest con- viction among all men, that at last there must needs come a defection and secession from the church of Rome.1 The godly Not long after this, the canicular days being past,2 this reverend Grost^ and godly Robert, bishop of Lincoln, lying at his manor place at m^sick- Buckden, fell grievously sick. Whereupon, he sent for a certain ness. friar of the Preaching order, named Master John of St. Giles," a man expert and cunning both in physic and divinity, partly to receive of him some comfort of his body, and partly to confer with him in a- *Zhx spiritual matters. One day, the bishop conferring with the aforesaid Master John, and reciting to him the doings and proceedings of the pope, did grievously rebuke and reprehend his fellows, the Preaching friars, not sparing either the other order of the Minorites ; that, whereas their orders were planted in wilful poverty, viz. poverty of spirit, on purpose that they might with the more freedom carp at and reprove the vices of the mighty, and not flatter or spare them, but severely censure and gravely reprehend the same ; the said friars, contrary to their profession, did not boldly cry out and inveigh against the abuses of their superiors and men of power, nor did uncover or detect their faults and wickedness; and " therefore," said the bishop, " I judge you to be no better than manifest heretics.11 " For what is heresy ?" added the bishop, demanding of Master John that he should give him the true definition thereof. Whereat when aJZux. the friar did stay and pause, not remembering any approved definition of that matter, the bishop thereupon inferreth, giving a definition Definition in Latin by a faithful interpretation of the Greek : " Hseresis est ofheresy. sententja }mmano sensu electa, scripturse sacrse contraria, palam edocta, pertinaciter defensa: hseresis enim Greece, electio est Latine." " Heresy is a sentence taken and chosen of man's own brain, contrary to holy Scripture, openly maintained, and stiffly defended.11 And this definition given, consequently he inferred (sharply reprehending the prelates, but especially those of Rome, who committed the charge of souls unto their kinsfolks, being both in age unqualified, and in learning insufficient) thus : — "To give,11 saith he, " the charge of souls unto a boy, is a sentence of a certain prelate chosen and taken of the man's own head, only for some carnal and earthly respect ; and also it is contrary to holy Scripture, which forbiddeth any such to be made shepherds, as arc not able to drive away the wolves; it is also openly maintained, because an instrument commanding the (11 M. Parlg, ],. S72. — En. (a) See supr;\, p. 373.— Ed. (») " Canicular days," the dog days. M. Paris, p. «/"4.— lii>. THE POPE ACCUSED OF ENORMITIES BY BISHOP GROSTHEAD. o2iJ same, sealed with wax, 01 imbulled with lead, is openly produced ; Henry and finally, it is stiffly defended, for if any man shall presume UI' to withstand the same, he is suspended and excommunicated, A.D. and a holy war proclaimed against him. Now that person to *253- whom the entire definition of a heretic cloth apply, he certainly is a heretic. But every faithful christian man ought to set himself against a heretic as much as he may. Wherefore, he that can resist him and doth not, he sinneth, and seemeth to be a favourer of such, according to the saying of Gregory ; ' He is not without conscience saying of of secret partnership, who forbeareth to resist open iniquity.'1 But Gregory- the friars, both the Minorites and Preachers, are specially bound Appf'du. to withstand such, seeing both of them have the gift of preaching committed to them by their office, and are more at liberty to do it by reason of their poverty ; and therefore they do not only offend in not resisting such, but also are to be counted maintainers of the same, according to the saying of the apostle to the Romans, * Not only they which commit such things, but also they that consent, are worthy of death.' Wherefore it may be concluded, that as well the pope, The pope unless he cease from this vice, as also the said friars, unless they show hereSSydof themselves more earnest and studious in repelling the same, are alike worthy of death, I mean, eternal death. Nay, the Decretum itself saith, ' That upon such a vice as this of heresy, the pope himself both may and ought to be accused.'"2 After this, because the nights were getting longer, and that the bishop felt his weakness and infirmity to grow upon him, the third night before the feast of St. Dionisius he willed certain of his clergy to be called to him, thereby to be refreshed with some conference or communication. Unto whom the bishop, mourning and lamenting for the loss of souls through the avarice of the pope's court, sighing, said on this wise, as by certain aphorisms. Certain Aphorisms or Articles of Robert Grosthead against the Bishop of Rome. 1. Christ came into the world to win souls; ergo, he that feareth not to destroy souls, may he not justly be called Antichrist? 2. The Lord created the universe in six days, but in restoring lost man lie laboured more than thirty years ; is not therefore a destroyer of souls justly to be counted the enemy of God, and Antichrist? 3. The pope is not ashamed impudently to disannul, by the obstacle " non The pope obstante," privileges granted by the holy Roman pontiffs, his predecessors ; a«used which is not done without their manifest injury and prejudice, for in so doing wicked he doth reject and destroy that which so many great and holy men had builded clause, before. And what a contemner, then, must he be of the saints ! but he that "t.N'In .?'" contemneth shall justly be contemned, according to the saying of Isaiah, see " Woe to thee who despisest, shalt not thou thyself be despised?" Who, in Apfmdix- time to come, will respect privileges of his granting ? 4. The pope, indeed, in answer to this defendeth his error by saying, " No And fot one hath power over his equal : therefore, no former pope can bind me, who ^TTJ'"At- am a pope as well as he." To which I reply, " It does not appear to me, that than'Tis6 he who is yet sailing on the perilous sea of this world and he who is arrived due; a"' nuently, ought not to despise his predecessors. — " 5. Doth not the pope, speaking of most of his predecessors, say, " Surh or Accui d such an one, our predecessor, of pious memory;" and frequently, "We, follow- ing the" u,8 m tne stePs of our holy predecessor?" and why then do later popes destroy acts of his the foundations which their predecessors had laid.' predeces- q Many apostolic men have afterward confirmed a particular privilege the pope piously granted by their predecessors: and are not, then, many bishops who alive is are already saved by the grace of God to be counted greater and better than to liis pre one who is yet militant ! 7. Again, our ancient apostolic fathers take the precedency of others who therefore avc subsequent in time, and those whom the estimation of antiquity doth extol thority to we arc> bound to esteem venerable. This principle the holy Benedict, a man infringe himself replete with the spirit of the saints and venerable for his virtue, had vik'w's"" resPect to 'n ''is rule, wherein he gives the preference to the first acceders, Men more whatever they were, before others who might afterwards become members of in'u "e k'8 S0C't't.v' now worthy soever they might be, and directeth that the former ought t'o should have precedence and veneration. Whence, therefore, cometh this i»- had in intolerable rashness of revoking and cancelling the privileges granted by many vcrl^T ancient saints ■ see 8. Moreover, though many other popes have afflicted the church, yet this ppemia. ^()^c j^jj more grievously enslaved it than others, and hath multiplied the The pope inconveniences : for example ; the Caursini are notorious usurers ; and our holy accused of fathers and doctors, whom we have ourselves seen and heard (namely, the ingusury! lparne(l Master Fulco,1 the famous preacher in France ; also Eustace, abbot of t Flay, of the Cistercian order; Master Jacobus de Viteri ; Master Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, when in exile; and Master Robert deCurcon), expelled them by their remonstrances from the parts of France : but the present pope hath brought them into England, where the pest was before unknown, and there protected them ; and if any one presume to open his mouth against them, he immediately becomes obnoxious to trouble and damage, witness Roger, late bishop of London.2 Apainst 9. Every body knowrs, that usury is counted a detestable thing in both the usury. Testaments, and is forbidden of God. Rut now the pope's usurers or exchangers, to the disgust even of the Jews, are openly allowed to exercise their usury in London to the great damage and oppression of all ecclesiastics, but especially the religious, compelling the needy to tell falsehoods and to put their signature to lying documents, which is no less than to commit idolatry by renouncing The truth, that is, God himself. For instance, I borrow one hundred marks"' for a craf,v .year for one hundred pounds ; and I am compelled to draw and sign a writing in which I acknowledge that I have borrowed and received one hundred pounds The to be repaid at the year's end : but if it shall chance me within a month after, or pope's a few days only, to acquire the principal, and I wish to repay it to the pope's worse™ usurer, he will, nevertheless, accept nothing short of his full hundred pounds; than the which outrageous usury is far worse than the Jewish; for whenever you bring Jews- the principal to a Jew, he will kindly take it, requiring only such interest with Crafty jt, as is proportioned to the time you have had his money. of the * *°- Moreover, we have known the pope instruct and command the friars Preachers and Minorites to inquire diligently after dying persons, and to go to p i uio- them and use every means to persuade them to make their wills for the benefil and relief of the Holy Land ; so that when they recover, they may wring some- Men, thing from them for a dispensation, or if they die, they may receive or force it " from their executors. i 11. He also sells men that have taken the cross to laymen/ just as formerly hkVsheep 8neeP :ll,(1 OX('11 were sold in the temple. We have actually seen, too, an instru- bythe m,,||t of bis in which it was inserted, that they who devised money for the benefit ami relief of the Holy Land, or took the cross, should receive indulgence pope Rcmis proportioned to the sum they gave, sold 12. Over and besides all this, the pope in many of his letters hath com- lor mo- "ey (l) See mention made of this Fulco, supra, p. ::ts. (2) See Appendix. (3) A mark was thirteen shillings and fuuipence. — Ed. (4) See Appendix. THE POPE ACCUSED OF UNLAWFUL DISPENSATIONS. 531 manded prelates to provide in some ecclesiastical benefice, such as the party Henry himself should choose to accept, some alien, though ahsent, and wholly dis- II[- qualified as being both illiterate and ignorant of the language of the parishion- » ,-\ ers, and therefore unable to preach, or to hear confessions, or so much as Keep io'cq' residence to refresh the poor and harbour travellers. 13. We also know that the pope actually wrote to the abbot of St. Alban's, The i.'ope to provide in some competent benefice one John de Camezana, whom he had todmrch- never seen. Shortly after, provision was made for the party in a rectory worth es in his upwards of forty marks by the year : but he, not being therewith contented, Provisl«ns " i ■ -i i i •• i f -iii. nil- and reser- complained to the pope, who writing to the aforesaid abbot commanded him to vations. provide better for the aforesaid clerk, reserving to himself, however, the Also to presentation to the first benefice. of st A?- 14. Again, not many days after, there came to the abbey two despicable ban's. fellows bringing with them letters from the pope, in the tenour whereof the The P°Pe abbot was commanded, incontinently upon the sight thereof to give " these 0f violent noble persons " ten marks in hand, without demur, for the expedition and extortion, despatch of their business ; and the men blustered and threatened him so, that he was fain to make up the matter with them as well as he could. 15. Again, of those holy and learned men, who for the better serving and Of trou- imitation of God had left the world by a course which was never to be retraced, bh"s and the pope appointeth his tolners,1 to cajole men out of their money ; which l ing learn- charge sore against their wills they undertake, only lest they should seem dis- e(1 men of obedient; and thus they become more worldly than ever they were, and their tualty""" homely chimmers and scapillers prove a complete imposture,2 while under the with his garb of poverty there lurketh the spirit of pride and elation. Again, whereas temp0"1 a legate ought never to come into England unless the king himself desire it, the s?e pope evadeth this by a quirk, and sendeth many legates, not robed indeed in AvPendiz- purple, but armed with mighty powers ; neither would it be difficult to produce an instance, nay, so frequently do these concealed emissaries come, and so numerous are they, that it would be tedious to hear their names recited. 16. Lastly (what is quite a novelty3), the pope, for some worldly respect, will The pope grant a man a bishopric without his ever being consecrated, but only an elect *ccus|d from year to year ; which is as much as to say, that he is to have the milk and fui Qj'sl wool of the sheep, not driving away the wolves, but only receiving the stated pensa- revenues of the bishopric. tlons' And when this godly bishop had thus expressed his detestation of such practices, and of many other enormities which prevailed in the court of Rome ; as, all kinds of avarice, usury, simony, and extor- tion, all kinds of filthiness, fleshly lust, gluttony, and sumptuous apparel ; insomuch that the proverb concerning the said court is truly verified — ■ . Se* . Appendix. ' Ejus avaritise totus non sufficit orbis, Ejus luxuriae meretrix non sufficit omnis ; ' 1 All the world cannot suffice, their greedy covetous mind, Nor all the drabs and naughty packs, their filthy lusting kind;' — afterwards he went about further to prosecute, how the aforesaid court, opening its jaws so wide, that the flood of Jordan might run into its mouth, aspired to usurp the goods of them that died intestate, and legacies bequeathed without due form of law ; and how, in order that they might practise this with the greater freedom, they would associate the king as sharer and partaker with them in their rapine. " Neither," saith he, " shall the church ever be delivered from this (1) " Telonarios," M. Paris, collectors — Ed. (2) " Tragulorum vilitas mentitur." "Chimmers and Scapillers." " Simarre" in French is a long gown or robe. A " scapulary" wss a friar's vest, part of which covered the shoulders. — Ed. (3) Alluding to Ethelmar, elect of Winchester, the king's half-brother. — Ed. M M 2 DKATH OK KOBKRT CliOSTHEAD. Henry Egyptian servitude, but with tlic edge of tlic bloody sword. Albeit, saith he, t- these be as vet but light matters ; yet, shortly, within tl A.D. next three years, more grievous things than these shall come to pass.1 125,,j- At the end of this his prophetic speech, which he scarcely could Death of ntter for sighing, sobbing, and weeping, his tongue faltered, and his breath began to fail, and so, the organ of his voice being stopped, he of made an end both of his speech and life.1 Grost head, Lincoln. And, forasiiuich as mention hath been made before of the insa- tiable avarice of the pope's court by his inordinate provisions and reservations, it is testified by Matthew Paris, that the aforesaid Robert Grosthead, being bishop of Lincoln, caused to be viewed and considered diligently by his clerks, what the revenues of foreigners and strangers within England, set in by the pope, came to by the year; and it was found and evidently tried, that this pope now present, Innocent IV., did impoverish the universal church through- ^earitthe out Christendom more than all his predecessors from the time the revenues pope first began, so that the revenues of foreigners and clerks, placed ii,e popes ^ j1jm jierc jn Eng]and, mounted unto the sum of threescore and ten England thousand marks and above, whereas the mere revenues of the crown came to. came not to a third of that sum.2 Of this Robert Grosthead writeth Cestrensis (lib. vii.), that partly for that it grieved him to see the intolerable exactions of the pope in this realm ; and, partly, because he refused to admit a certain young nephew of the pope to be canon of his church (as hath been before recited), he, therefore, writing unto the pope, and signifying that he could not admit any such persons into his church, who neither knew themselves, nor the tongue of the people, nor the charges committed unto them, was called up to Rome, and there excommunicated ; who, •n,e pope then appealing from the pope, shortly after departed, a.d. 1253. It w"hthe chanced, within two years after his decease, that the said pope Inno- on'st'-1 cent uenig asleep, a certain bishop, apparelled bishop-like, appeared head, Unto him, and striking him with his staff on the left side, said, Lincohi. " Surge miser, veni in judicium :" that is, " Rise, wretch ! and come to thy judgment." The next day, the pope was found amazed, as a man stricken on the side with the stroke of a staff. This Robert, though he was greatly commended for his sanctity and (as Cestrensis saith) for his miracles, yet was he not permitted in the court of Rome to be inscribed in the catalogue of saints. And thus much out of Cestrensis concerning this matter. Matthew Paris, and the author of Flores Historiarum, prosecuting this story more at large, add this unto it, and say that pope Inno- a.d.1254 cent the year following (which was a.d. 1254), being passing angry, contrary to the mind of his brethren the cardinals willed to have the bones of this bishop of Lincoln cast out of the church, and, to bring him into disgrace with the people, that he should be counted an ethnic, a rebel, and a disobedient person, throughout the whole world; and thereupon caused he a letter to that effect to lie written and transmitted to the king of England, knowing that the king would gladly serve him therein, to have the spoil of the bishop ( I) Ex Matth. Parle, [pp. ,s"4-876.— En.] (2) Id. p. s:>C, ad aim. 1252.— Ed. THE POPE STRICKEN ON ONE SIDE. 5oS and of his church. But, in the night following, the said bishop of Henry Lincoln appeared unto him arrayed in his pontificalibus,1 and ap- IIL proaching him as he lay restless on his bed spake to him with a A.D. severe countenance, stern look, and terrible voice, at the same time 1251- striking him a violent blow on the side with the point of his pastoral staff, and thus said, " Sinibald, thou most wretched pope ! hast The thou purposed to cast my bones out of the church to the shame of j^w and me and of the church of Lincoln ? Whence could such rashness S^"?19 come into thy head ? It were more meet for thee, advanced and Grost- honoured by God as thou art, to make much of the zealous servants bTsato'por of God, although departed. The Lord, however, will not suffer Lincoi"- thee henceforth to have any power over me. I wrote unto thee in the spirit of humility and love, that thou shouldst correct thy mani- fold errors ; but thou, with a proud eye and disdainful heart, hast despised my wholesome admonitions. Woe to thee that despisest, shalt not thou also be despised ?" And so, bishop Robert retiring left the pope half dead, groaning with the anguish of the wound which (as was said) he had received in his side, which was just as if he had been pierced with a lance, and sighing and crying out lamentably. The gentlemen of his bed- chamber, hearing these things, asked him in astonishment what all this meant. He replied with groans and sighs, " The terrors of the The pope night have much disturbed me, and I shall never recover, so as to be ed7n'hL myself again. Oh ! my side, how it pains me ! I have been< struck mind- with a lance by a spirit." Neither did the pope eat or drink all that day, pretending to be ill of a high fever. And yet, even so, the wrath and vengeance of God had not done with him. For after Gods re- this, the pope not regarding these wholesome admonitions given to pope in" him by God through his servant, but giving his mind wholly nocent- unto military and secular affairs, yet, with all his labours, counsels, and expenses bestowed upon them, never prospered after that day in what he went about ; for the pope at that time having war with the The Apulians, his army fighting under the command of the pope's nephew armylan- was routed, and to the number of four thousand slain, including their |jjjj|j^_ commander; whose lamentable slaughter all the country of the Romans founded, did much bewail. The pope, afterwards, directeth his journey towards Naples, although sorely pained in his side, like a man sick of a pleurisy, or rather smitten with a spear ; neither could cardinal Albus, his physician, relieve him ; " for Robert of Lincoln," saith the jp*Zp.r. story, " did not spare Sinibald of Genoa ; who, for that he would not hear the other's gentle reproofs being alive, did feel his stripes when he was dead ; so that he never after that enjoyed one good day or night." And so continued he until his death, which shortly after Death ensued, he being at Naples, a.d. 1255, or as Nicholas Trivet f P°Pe o i ' ^ Innocent recordeth, 1254. And thus have ye the whole discourse between iv. Robert Grosthead and pope Innocent.2 In this story is to be noted, gentle reader, that although in Oestrensis, Matthew Paris, and Flores Historiarum, it is expressly (1) Ex Matth. Paris, [p. SS3.] Ex Flor. Hist. (2) Theloregoing aceuunt of bishop Grosthead has been collated with the original in M. Paris, nnd considerably revised and corrected.— Eu. 534 THE JEWS CKUCIFY A CHILD AT LINCOLN. Henry testified and reported, that the pope was smitten with the staff of Robert, the aforesaid bishop of Lincoln, yet thou must wisely A.D. understand, that, howsoever God's hand dealeth here in this 12°5, world in punishing his enemies, or howsoever the images of things a note not secn but fantasicd offer themselves to the secret cogitation ingthe of man (his senses being asleep), by the operation or permission i!i'deadns of God working after some spiritual influence in our imaginations, men- certain it is, that no dead man materially can ever rise again or appear before the judgment-day to any man, with his staff or without his staff, to work any feat, after he have once departed this life. Dissen- After the death of this Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, there tw"cne" was great dissension between Boniface, the archbishop of Canterbury, li'uho" of an(* tne canons °f ^ie said church of Lincoln, about the right of canter- giving prebendships, and about the revenues of the said church, the ti"ery an bishop's see being then vacant ; which right and power the archbishop Lincoln* claimed to himself, but the canons of that church, maintaining the Excofti- contrary side, stood against him ; and, for the same, were excommu- [''"n"1™" nicated of the archbishop. Among whom, one Master Wolfe, resist- abused. jng \]IC archbishop to the face, in the name of all the other canons, made up his appeal to Rome, where much money on both sides was spent. At length, after this Grosthead, Henry Lexinton was elected to the see of Lincoln. a ciuid About this time the wicked Jews at Lincoln had cruelly crucified, i™thlTd whipped, and tormented a certain child, named Hugo, of nine years ilncofn °^ aoe' A,D" 1^5, in the month of August.1 At length the child being sought and found by the mother, being cast into a pit, two and thirty of those abominable Jews Mere put to execution. Of this a child Matthew Paris reciteth a long story. The same or like fact was also ! j'* replenish the court, to whom the king seemed more to incline his Ameni,x favour, advancing them to more preferment than his own natural English lords ; which thing to them was no little grievance. More- over, before was declared how the king, by Isabel, his mother, who was a stranger, had divers brethren, whom he nourished up with great livings and possessions, and large pensions of money ; which was another heart-sore to divers, and also an hindrance. Over and besides hath also been declared, what unreasonable collections of money from time to time, as quindecims, subsidies, tenths, amercements, fines, payments, loans, and taxes, have been levied by the king, as well on the spirituality, as on the lay sort, partly for maintaining the king's wars against Wales, Scotland, and France, and to recover Nor- mandy; partly for helping the king's debts, voyages, and other expenses ; partly for the kingdom of Apulia, which was promised the king's son by the pope ; partly for moneying and supporting the (1 )Flor. Hist. 540 APPEAL OF THE NOBLES TO THE KING. Henry pope in his wars against tlic emperor: by reason of all which sundry and importable collections, the commonwealth of the realm - A.D. utterly excoriate, to the great impoverishment of poor Englishmen ; 1~58, neither did it a little vex the people, to see the king call in so many legates from Rome every year, who did nothing else but transport the English money into the pope's coffers. Besides all this, what variance and altercation have been between the king and his subjects about the liberties of Magna Charta and De Foresta, granted by king John, and after confirmed by this king in the former council holden at Oxford, hath been before declared. Perhaps this might be also some piece of a cause, that the king, considering and bearing in mind the old injuries done of the lords and barons to his father king John before him, did bear some grudge there-for, or some privy hatred unto the nobility, to revenge his father's quarrel ; but of things uncertain I have nothing certainly to affirm. This is certain by truth of history, that the year of our Lord 1260, A.D.J260. thus writeth Nicholas Trivet : That the king's justices, called Itinerarii,1 being sent to Hereford to execute their office, were from thence repelled : the cause being alleged by those who were against the king, that they were proceeding and enterprising against the form of the provisions enacted and established a little before at Oxford. strangers It befel, moreover, in the same time above other times, as Walter the Hemingford writeth,2 that a great number of aliens coining out of oereaim France and other countries resorted to England, and had here the underthe doing of all principal matters of the realm under the king; unto whom the wardships and reliefs and other emoluments of the land did most chiefly redound. Which thing to see, did not a little trouble and vex the nobility and baronage of England, insomuch that Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, offering to stand to death for the liberties and wealth of the realm, conferred together with other lords and barons Tneap- upon the matter ; who then coming to the king after an humble sort :'.'.' of petition declared to him, how all the doings of his realm and his r.'iini""' own affairs were altogether disposed by the hands and after the wills \{h,\ ,„ of strangers, neither profitably unto him nor to the weal public, forso- A.D.1258. , & , . r , • i i 11 • Rymer.] much as his treasures being wasted and consumed he was in great debt, neither Mas able to satisfy the provision of his own house, but was driven to tally for his own catcs, to no small dishonour unto his own state. " And now, therefore,'" said they, " pleaseth your highness to be informed by our advice, and to commit your house to the guiding and government of your own faithful and natural subjects, and we will take upon us to discharge your whole debt within one year of our own proper goods and revenues, so that we within five years may clear ourselves again. Neither will we diminish your family, but rather increase it with a much greater retinue ; pro- viding so for the safety, and seeing to the custody, of your royal person, as your highness shall find and understand our diligence most trusty and faithful unto you in the end." To these words, so lovingly declared, so humbly pretended, so heartily and freely offered, the king as willingly condescended, ""i:>- assigning unto them both day and place where to confer and to deli- berate further upon the matter, which should be at Oxford, one (I) " Justices in Eyre." See Appendix.— Ed. (2) Ex Gualt. Gisburnensi. THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD. 54-1 month after Pentecost [June 11th]. At which day and place all ffpp the states and lords, with the bishops of the realm, were summoned to _ appear at the said town of Oxford, for the behalf of the king and the A-l>- realm convented together ; where, first of the king himself, then of 125S- the lords, an oath was taken, that what decrees or laws in the said A pariia- assembly should be provided to the profit of the king and of the oxford. realm, the same universally should be kept and observed to the *™^~ honour of God, the utility of his church, and the wealth of the laws realm. Besides these lords and the king were also nine bishops, there. who swearing to the same did excommunicate all such as should The king gainstand the said provisions there made, the king holding a unto rw/ burning taper in his hand, and the lords openly protesting to with all their force1 against all them that should stand against th them. There were at that present in the realm four brethren of the king's The (most part of them by the mother's side) who would in no case agree brethren hereunto, but in anger departed privily unto Winchester. The against nobles hearing thereof, in all speedy wise pursued them, fearing lest provT-" they should take the city of Winchester, and forcibly keep the same. S10ns" Wherefore the lords preventing their purpose, and seeing them stiffly to persist in their stubborn sentence, wrought no other violence against them, but, returning to Oxford again, prescribed to them these conditions : That they, departing the realm, should repair to their Al,fZi,r. own lands and possessions which they had beyond the sea ; and that forthwith they should put this injunction in execution. Notwith- standing that the king made for them great intercession, yet it took no place. And because this should seem to proceed of no special displeasure against them, they enacted, moreover, that all strangers and aliens, of what state or condition soever, should forthwith avoid the realm on pain of death. Divers other provisions the same time were ordained and established ; that if any did hold of the king in whole or in part, and should chance him to depart, his heir being under age, the wardship of him should belong to the king, as hath partly before been specified. Moreover, it was there decreed, that the wool of England should be wrought God grant only within the realm, neither should it be transported out to strangers. this la^ Item, That no man should wear any cloth, but which was wrought and made j"^ only within the realm. again. Item, That garments too sumptuous should not be brought in nor worn. And this, Item, That all excessive and prodigal expenses, wasted upon pleasure and ^Luh of superfluity, should be eschewed of all persons. therealrc. Many other laws and decrees, saith the author,2 in this assembly Divers in were ordained, wherein they continued the space of fifteen days ; and ciTimpoi- many of them were impoisoned, of whom was the abbot of Westminster, sone(t- a man in that order much commended. Also William, brother to the earl of Gloucester: also the earl himself, being impoisoned, hardly escaped with life, his hair and nails falling off his body ; whereof the author not long after was taken, and duly executed at Winchester. In the mean time, the nobles considering those dangers and jeopar- dies, were constrained to break off for that time, appointing the (1) " Velut accipitres in corvum," Hemingford — -Ed. (2) Ex Hist. Gualt. GisbumensiB. 542 THE KING ABSOLVED OF HIS OATH BY THE POPE. Henry thirteenth day of October next following to convent together at London with weapon and harness, to prosecute and finish the residue A. D. that was in the said council to be concluded. All which, at the 1-G1- time and place appointed, was fully accomplished, and the acts At^SUbc thereof in order of writing promulgated, and so committed to execution. After the promulgation whereof, many things therein displeased ofhJ8teth the king, and it began to repent him of his oath. But because he oath. could not at that present otherwise choose, he dissembled for a A.D.12C1. season. Thus, time passing on, three years after (a.d. 1261) the king, seeing himself more and more to grow in debt and not to be relieved according to promise made, but especially being egged (as may be thought) by his brethren, taking it to stomach, sent up to the The Hng pope, both for him and his son Edward to be released of their oath thepop* made before at Oxford. The benefit of which absolution being liimi'mm easuv obtained or rather bought at the pope's hand, the king, his oath, stepping back from all that was before concluded, calleth a parlia- po'pVs ment at Winchester, where he before the lords and nobles declared, absoiu- how in the late council of Oxford they had agreed among themselves abused, for the common utility of the realm and of the king, as they pre- tended, for the increasing of his treasure, and his debt to be dimi- .1 ,..,!.';'/,> nished ; and thereupon bound themselves with an oath, causing also [June himself and his son Edward to be bound unto the same. But now, by experience proving and trying the matter to be otherwise than their promise was, and that they, contrary to their covenant made, sought not so much the profit of him and of the realm, as their own, taking him not as their lord, but going about to bring him under their subjection as an underling; and for that, moreover, his treasure greatly decreasing, his debts increased, and his princely liberality was cut short and trodden under foot — they should not marvel therefore, if he henceforth would be no more ruled by their counsel, but would provide himself with some other remedy, such as he might. And moreover, as touching the oath wherewith he and his son stood bound unto them, he had sent already to Rome, and had obtained absolu- tion and dispensation of the same, both for him and his son Edward also, and for all others that would take his part. And therefore he required of them to be restored again to that state and condition he had enjoyed in times past. The To this again gave answer the state of nobility on the other side, lea being in the same place present; in the number of whom was Simon tbeMng. Montfort, earl of Leicester, Richard of Clare, earl of Gloucester, Hum- phrey de Bohun, and the carl Ferrers, with a great number of barons, as lord John Fitz-John, lord Hastings, lord Geffery Lucy, lord John Vescy, lord William Segrave,Hugh leDcspenccr, lord Robert Vipount, with divers and many more ; whose answer to the king again was this : That the provisions made at the council of Oxford, whereunto they were sworn, they would hold, defend, and maintain to their lives1 end ; forsomuch as they did sound, and also were agreed upon, both to the honour of God, to the profit of the prince, and the stable wealth of the realm. And thus both sides discording betwixt themselves would so have departed, had not certain of the bishops, coming between both, laboured to make up the matter. By whose means A UNIVERSITY ESTABLISHED AT NORTHAMPTON. 543 (saitli Walter Gisburn) and procurement the determination of the cause Henry was brought in compromise and referred to Louis, the French king-, to judge betwixt them, avIio, hearing- both the allegations (saith he), like A. D. no equal judge but a partial friend, inclined wholly and fully to the 1261- king's sentence, and condemned the nobles. But the author of Flores The Historiarum saith, that by the mediation of certain discreet men, two versybe- were chosen, one for one side, the other for the other, to whom a ^ng Vn£ third also was annexed, who hearing, as well what was brought of the then°Mes king's part, as also what was answered of the other, should define compro- between them bot4i ; and so peace was between them concluded till mxsfee the coming of Edward. All this while the pope's absolution for the Api,endix- king, although it was granted and obtained at Rome, yet was it not brought down in solemn writing, neither was prince Edward as yet returned out of France into England. *:In this year it pleased the king, after suit to him made, to license a university or academical school to be planted in the town of North- ampton ; and of a special favour which he pretended to bear (and like enough did indeed) unto the scholars that went there to seat themselves, and to prosecute the exercise of studies, he wrote his letters mandatory unto the chief officers and others of the said borough in the said students1 behalf; the tenor whereof followeth agreeing with the record : The King's Letter to the Mayor, Bailiffs, and others the Inhabitants of Northampton, in the behalf of certain Scholars minded to plant themselves there, as in a University.2 The king to his beloved and trusty the mayor, bailiffs, and other honest men, his subjects of Northampton, greeting : Whereas certain masters and other scholars do purpose to tarry in your town corporate, there to exercise scholarly discipline, as we hear : we, regarding the glory of God, and the great profit of our kingdom hereby, take in good part the coming thither of the said scholars, and liking well their abode there, do will and grant that the said scholars may safely and securely abide in the said town corporate, under our protection and defence, and there exercise and do such things, as to such scholars appertain. And therefore we command you and straitly charge you, that when the said scholars shall come unto you, to tarry in your said corporate town, you receive them courteously, and treat them as becometh the state of scholars, not doing or suffering to be done unto them any impediment, molesta- tion, or grievance. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters patent to be made. Witness the king, at Windsor, the first day of February, in the five and fortieth year of his reign. [1261.] * At length, the writing of the king's absolution being brought from The pope Rome, the king eftsoons commanded the same to be published through- [taking1 out the realm, and sendeth to the French king and other strangers ofl?is for help ; moreover, he seizeth all his castles into his own hand, s« rejecting the counsel of the lords, to whose custody they were before committed ; also removing the former officers, as the justices and the chancellor, with others placed before by the lords, he appointed new in their stead. To this aforesaid absolution procured from Rome for the king and (1) This passage in asterisks is not in the Editions published previous to the year 1596. — Ed. (2) " Rex dilectis et iidelibus suis niajori, ballivis, et ceteris probis hominibussuis de Northamp- ton, salutem. Cum quidam magistri et alii scholares proponant," &c. — Turris Lond. [The above translation is revised from the Latin original printed in Rymer. — En.] S44 the king's letter to HIS PROCTORS AT ROME. ttenp his son, Edward, returning out of France at that time, did not give ! — his consent, but held with the lords ; who then putting themselves A.IJ- in arras, with a great power repaired to London, keeping therein the suburbs and places about, while the king kept within the tower, causing the city gates to be watched and locked, and all within the said city, being above the age of twelve years, to be sworn unto him. But, at length, through the means of certain coming between, this tumultuous perturbation being somewhat appeased, at least some hope of peace appeared ; so that the matter was taken up lor that Wicked time without war or bloodshed. Notwithstanding,' some false pre- baUif" tensed dissemblers there were, who secretly disclosing all the counsels and doings of the lords unto the king, did all they could to hinder concord, and to kindle debate ; by the means of whom the purpose of the lords came not to so good effect, as otherwise it might.1 *2In this year the archbishop of Canterbury, with his suffragans (after their wonted manner), standing against the king, had made their appeal to Rome: whereupon the king was fain to answer by ordi proxy, as appeareth by this brief note, drawn out of record : — " Rex inaCes constituit Johannem Hemingford procuratorem suum in causa appella- councli at ticnis," &c. " The king hath appointed and made John Heming- London ford his proctor in a cause of appeal which is moved in the court of the kings Rome, between the king on the one part, and the archbishop of nght. Canterbury with his suffragans on the other, about certain ordinances, constitutions, and decrees lately in a council provincial at London by them published, to the prejudice of the king's right, his dignity royal, the liberties, laws, and customs of his kingdom.'"3 This matter no doubt was laboured very diligently by the said John Hemingford, who was to that end authorized by the king to make his abode at Rome, during the time that any manner of process was held and maintained against him to the impeaching of his royalty ; whereof the king had a special regard, perceiving the waywardness of his own clergy, or rather rebelliousness in daring to decree and ordain laws against him, and therefore he was the more careful to have all matters depending in the court of Rome concerning him and his to be earnestly followed, insomuch that he joined to the aforesaid Hemingford, in the charge of procuration, one Roger Lovel : unto which two, residing at Rome, the king sent his letters, charging them so to manage his affairs, as that nothing might pass to the derogation of his royal title. The copy of the said letter followcth, agreeing with the prototype or original. A Letter of the King sent to his Proctors at Rome, concerning a Case of his in the said Court depending.* Against The king to Master John of Hemingford, and Roger Lovel, his proctors. ceedlnffa l'l°acnng m the court of Rome, greeting: Forasmuch as upon you, our trusty in the and vowed servants, the defence of our right and honour doth lie ; and, as we court <>f hear, certain of our realm, pleading in the court of Rome, do move divers ,',",', ', J1,1,',,, matters to the prejudice of our right and honour, presuming and intending to prevail against us, we command you, and straitly charge you, that on our behalf you straitly forbid all and every of them, that they presume not any hurt and oi'th'c RL further to undertake such things as tend to the hurt of our majesty, and the kin" (1) Ex Flnr. Hist. (2) In no Edition before that of 1596.— En. (3) Ex Flor. Hi*t. 1 1) " Hex magiatria Johannide Hemingford ct Rogero I.ovel procuratorihussuis, in curia Etanuna ajjentibus, saluli-m. etc. Cum vubis tanquam tidelibus nostris," etc.— Tunis Loud. [May 27th.] THE REBELLION OF THE WELSHMEN. 545 derogation of our honour, but wholly forbear so to do, as they will avoid our Henry indignation, and the peril of them and theirs. This inhibition also we will by II1- you all and every of you (so often as you shall see needful) to be made known, ~~\~TT~ and thereupon by you or some of you to be certified of the contemners of the , 9"r„' same. Witness the king at Westminster, the six-and-twentieth of March, in * the six-and-fortieth year of his reign."* In this present year also (as affirmeth the forenamed author1) it Bishops was rumoured abroad that all the bishops of England went about to fb'JIft to recover again out of the hands of religious men all such churches and recover o o benefices benefices, which were to them impropriated or appropriated ; and that appro- they, for the expedition of the same, had sent up to Rome both by'reii- messengers and money, nothing misdoubting to obtain their purpose. f0°u"e3> But as little good fruit in those days used to spring out of that see, so I do not find that godly suit and labour of the bishops to take any fruitful effect. The same year died pope Alexander, after whom succeeded pope A s™dix Uiban IV. Of the which pope Urban, the next year, the king also A.D.1262. obtained (or rather revived) a new releasement from his oath made to ^aseo/6" the provisions and statutes of Oxford ; which being granted, he com- ^thkj^'s mandeth incontinently all the aforesaid laws and provisions through Rome. England to be dissolved and broken.2 This done, the king with the queen taketh his voyage into France, where he fell into great infirmity [juiy 7th, of sickness, and the most part of his family were taken with the g?^ quartan fever, of which many died ; in the number of whom was Baldwin, earl of "Devonshire. About the same time died in Kent Richard, the worthy earl of Gloucester and Hertford, after whom suc- ceeded Gilbert Clare, his son.3 The Welshmen this year (a.d. 1262), breaking into the borders The of England, did much annoyance in the lands of Roger lord Morti- mer, but mightily again by him were expelled, not without great T.he slaughter of the invaders. About which time, the king, th Welsh rebel. pro- visions of rOUp-ll Oxford again granted some discreet counsel about him, inclined to peace and concord with his nobles, granting, of his mere voluntary will, the constitutions and J^19 provisions of Oxford to take place in the realm, directing his com- mandment to every shire. Albeit, the realm yet was not altogether pacified for all that. In the latter end of this year, the king's palace at Westminster Palace at was burnt, and for the most part was all consumed with fire, which 8teTbur"t seemed to many an evil prognostication against the king. 4 with fire- In some English chronicles it is also recorded, that the same year usury five hundred Jews at London were slain for taking usury more than pun" two pence a week for twenty shillings, being before forbidden by the king to take above that rate by the week. After this followeth the year 1263, in which the barons of England, a.d. 1263. confederating themselves together for maintaining the statutes and The laws of Oxford, and partly moved with old grudge conceived against J^'up the strangers (maintained by the king and the queen, and Edward against their son, in the realm of England), joined powers in all forcible wise, strangers, and first invaded the said strangers, namely, those who were about the ^^m- king. Their goods and manors they wasted and spoiled, whether they S°^^f (1) Ex Flor. Historiarum. [i.e. Matthew of Westminster.— Ed.] (2) The pope's bull is in Rymer, dated Feb 25th. a.d. 1262, also the king's proclamation on the receipt of it, dated May 2d. — Ed. _ (3) From M. Westminster, who adds that he was buried at Tewkesbury, with this epitaph : Appendix. " Hie pudor Hippoliti, Paridis gena, sensus Ulyssis ; ./Eneas pietas, Hectoris ira jacet." (4) Ex. Flor. Hist. VOL. II. N N 546 AGREEMENT BETWEEN" THE KING AND THE BARONS. Henry were persons ecclesiastical or temporal ; among whom, besides others, L_ was Peter a Burgundian, bishop of Hereford, a rich prelate, with all A- 1), his treasure apprehended and spoiled : also his countrymen, whom he !"63, had placed to be canons of the same church. With like order of Peter, a handling, other aliens also, to whom was committed the custody dian.a of divers castles, as Gloucester, Worcester, and Bridgenorth, were rich Eng- 8p0i]e(j} imprisoned, and sent away. Briefly, whatsoever he was in bishop. aH tne ]aiu] t]iat cou](\ not uttcr the English tongue, was of every rascal disdained, and happy if he might so escape ; by reason whereoi it so came to pass, that a great number as well of other foreigners, as especially religious men, and rich priests (who here had gathered much substance), were urged to that extremity, that they were glad to flee the land ; in the catalogue of whom was one most principal, John named John Maunsel,1 a priest notoriously grown in riches and trea- a r?ci"se sures n°t to be told, having in his hand so many and rich benefices, Priest- that ne'er no bishop of this realm might compare with him in riches : who, notwithstanding he kept with the king at London, yet was compelled privily to void the realm, and was pursued by Henry, the son of Richard king of Almain. Certain other strangers there were, to the number of two hundred and more, who, having the castle at Windsor, there immured and entrenched themselves, to whom at length prince Edward also adjoined himself. The king In the mean time, wliile this stir was abroad, the king keeping then a^'reeth in the tower, and seeing the greatest part of his nobles and commons with the Londoners to be set against him, agreed to the peace of the barons, and was contented to assent again to the ordinances and pro- visions of Oxford ;2 albeit the queen, by all means possible, went about to persuade the king not to assent thereto ; who, as it seemed, was a great worker in kindling this fire of discord between the king and the barons : insomuch that, when the said queen Elenor should pass by barge from the Tower to Windsor, the Londoners standing upon the bridge, with their exclamations, cursing and throwing of stones and dirt at her, interrupted her course, causing her to return to the Tower again. Notwithstanding, the peace yet continued between the nobles and the king, the form whereof was this : First, that ded Henry, the son of Richard king of the Romans, should be delivered thTkinl- UP ky tne kfrg ar>d queen : secondly, that the castles again should Sowes? 1je committed to tne custody of Englishmen, not of strangers: thirdly, that the provisions and statutes decreed at Oxford should as well by the king, as by all others, inviolably be observed : fourthly, that the realm henceforth should be ruled and governed not by foreigners, but by personages born within the land : fifthly, that all aliens and strangers should void the land, not to return again ; except only such, whose abode should by the common assent of the king's trusty subjects be admitted and allowed. Thus the king and the nobles, joining together after this form of peace above prefixed, although not fully with heart, as after appeared, put themselves in arms, with all their power to recover the castle of Windsor out of the strangers1 hands. But Edward, in the mid-way between London and the castle meeting with his lather and the barons, entered communication upon the matter; which being finished and he thinking to return into the castle again, by the policy of the carl of Leicester, and Walter,3 bishop of Worcester, was not per- (1) See Appendix. C2) July 10th. Kymer.— En. '») Foxe, umled by Heruinpford, »;iys William : Bee Godwin " de Prareulibus &r "_ ith the nobles. great cause of this de- bate. Form of theue A.D 1263. WAR BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS. 547 mitted to re-enter : whereupon the strangers within the hold (des- Henry titute of all hope to withstand the great force approaching) rendered the castle unto the king and the barons, upon this convention : that with horse and harness they might be suffered safely to depart the land, not to return any more. This being granted, certain of the KTL barons conducted them in their journey towards the sea side, and covered out oi the there they lett them. hands of In the same year, about the beginning of October, the king and straneers- queen made over to France, with Simon Montfort and other nobles, to hear and stand to the arbitrement of Louis, the French king, con- Ap^Hdac ccrning the controversy between the states of England ; and all through the procurement of Elenor, the queen. For she, not for- getting the old contumely of the Londoners, exclaiming against her upon the bridge, wrought always what revenge she could against them. " Manet alta mente repostum Judicium Paridis."1 Concerning the arbitrement of this matter referred to the French king, part hath been said before, and more shall be said (Christ willing) hereafter. Some stories do add, moreover, that the king continuing long in France, Avord was sent to him out of England, that unless he returned again to the realm, they would elect a new king ; whereupon the king, returning out of France to Dover, would have entered the castle, but was stopped. Wherefore the king, in fierce anger and great indignation, prepared his power towards London, where Simon Montfort, the worthy earl of Leicester, through a subtle train, was almost betrayed and circumvented in Southwark, by the sudden pursuing of the king's army, had not the Londoners, with more speed, breaking bars and chains, made way to rescue him ; by the means of whom the earl at that time escaped the danger. Now to come to the sentence of the French king : Forasmuch as the sentence arbitrement of this matter was committed to him, as hath before been French specified, he, with a great assemblage both of French and English ^^*h persons about him, considering and poising the cause on both sides, of Eng-a between the king and the nobles, clearly and solemnly pronounced against on the king's side against the barons; ordaining that the king of^ons England all this while had suffered wrong, and that he should be restored again 10 his pristine state, notwithstanding the provisions XpZux. made at Oxford, which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated.2 The sentence of the French king thus awarded, as it gave to the War be- ... • twixt tl'' king of England with his retinue no little encouragement, so it king and wrought in the nobles1 hearts great indignation; who, notwithstanding r^sb^. that partial decreement of the French king, sped themselves home ginneth. out of France to defend themselves with all their strength and power. And not long after followeth also the king, by whose train Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, as is above recited, was well nigh cir- cumvented in Southwark. Then the king calling his council together The uni- at Oxford (from whence he excluded the university of students for a JteurUentsf season, who were then at Northampton, as you heard before) there j?™°^ consulted, conferring with his friends and counsellors, what way was from best to be taken. And hearing that the barons were assembled in Northd t0 amplon. (1) Virg. iEneid. i. 26. (2) Ex Flor. Historiarum, Gisburn. et aliis. NN 2 548 THE TAKING OF NORTH AMTON. Hf?P great numbers at tlie town of Northampton, lie went thither with his '— host and with his banners displayed, accompanied by Richard, king of A.I). Almain, and William de Valence, his brothers, also by Edward, his Jl_ son, John Comyn of Scotland, with many other Scots, John de Balliol, lord of Galloway, Robert de Bruce, lord of Annandale, Roger de AnSeZi„. Clifford, Philip de Marmion, John de Vaux, Roger de Leyburnc, Henry Percy, Philip Basset, Roger de Mortimer, and many others. There- fore the king commanded the barons that were within, to yield unto him presently the city and the pledges, or else he would immedi- ately destroy them. But they, counselling with the younger Simon de Montfort, who, by his father's commandment, had got the residue thither to take counsel together (for his father and the earl of Gloucester were not yet come), boldly and with one mind answered, that they would not obey the king's will, but would rather defend themselves and the city, if need were, even to the death. The noblemen of the king's part hearing this, sent word again, that at least they should come to the wall of the city to speak to the king, if, by any means, peace might be made. They, suspecting no deceit, followed their counsel, and leaving their holds, came to the wall towards the meadow, for there lay the king and his strong host hard Taking of by. But, in the mean space, whilst divers matters were reasoned ^mptm. an(l treated of between the king and the lords, the lord Philip Basset, by the who before was appointed to work that feat, with mattocks and other instruments of iron, and with men prepared for the onset, near to the monastery of St. Andrew, did undermine the wall of the city ; and by this means the wall soon fell down, and there was made a great plain, so that in one forefront there might have gone together on a row forty horsemen. Of this subtlety the alien monks that were there were thought to be the workers, because they made way and entrance for them that came in ; but when they that passed by saw this, and that the king's banners were erected ready to enter in, there was a great howling made, and the noise of the people came to the ears of the barons, and they made speed to resist them ; but it was all in vain, because they were already prevented by a great com- simon pany of their enemies. But Simon Montfort the younger, after he tort/tiie i|a■>*•'«*. was set up on high against the king. Wherewithal the king being greatly moved, sware at his entering in, that they should all be hanged; which when they heard, many of them shaved their crowns, and they that were able ran away as fast as they could, and when the king entered the city, many fled in their armour into the castle, others left their horse and harness, and ran into churches, and a few were slain, and those were of the common people; but there was not much bloodshed, because all things were done as upon the sudden. When the city was at length set in quiet, the king commanded his oath to be executed upon the clerks. But his counsellors said unto ROCHESTER BESIEGED BY '1HE BARONS. 549 him, " This be far from thee, O king ! for the sons of thy nobles, and Henry of other great men of thy kingdom were there gathered together into ' the university ; whom if thou wouldst cause to be hanged or slain, A.. D. even they that now take thy part would rise up against thee, not .^:_ suffering, to the uttermost of their powers, the blood of their sons The stu- and kinsfolks to be shed.1' And so the king was pacified, and his oxford* wrath against the clerks was staid. spared. In the same day, after little more than an hour, the king's host assaulted the castle, and the new hold-keepers were afraid, for that they had not victuals and other things necessary for their resistance ; therefore they sent immediately messengers unto the king, and yielded themselves to the king's mercy. There were taken that day these TI>e lor,ls knights and barons under written : William earl Ferrers, lord North* Peter Montfort, companion of the said Simon de Montfort the am>£°n- younger, lord Baldwin de Wake, lord Adam de Newmarch, lord -*w«*«- Roger Bertram ; lord Simon Fitz-Simon, a valiant warrior, who first erected his banner against the king ; lord Berengarius de Water- vile, lord Hugh Gubion, lord Thomas Maunsel, lord Roger Boutevi- lein, Nicholas Wake, lord Robert de Newton, lord Philip de Driby, and Grimbald de Pauncefoot. All these aforehand did the king take prisoners, and many more, of whom he committed some to the lord Nicholas of Haversham, to be kept in the same castle well defended ; some he led away with him ; and some he sent to divers castles ; and appointed Simon Montfort to be cast into Windsor Castle. And all these things, as touching the taking of Northampton, were done on the Saturday before Passion Week, being the fifth of April, a.d. 1264 : and the king went forward even to Nottingham, burning and wasting the manors of the lords and others his enemies ; and there he gathered together his nobles, and greatly increased his number. When this ill luck was told, of them that were run away, to the earl Simon, who was coming towards Northampton with a great host, he was in a great rage, and yet was not discouraged ; but imme- simon diately going to London, he caused a chariot to be made after the for0tUfe,vn. manner of litters or couches, wherein he might ride as though he were ^ h.™" sick ; for he feigned .himself to be feeble and weak, whereas he was indeed a stout and valiant warrior ; and there gathered to him other noblemen that were confederate with him, earls and barons, every one bringing with them their several arms, and preparing their engines Apps^d)r. of wood, they went to besiege Rochester ; for the earl of Warren, Rocbes- in the king's behalf, kept both the town and castle. When they had ^l^ b} gotten the first gate and the bridge, they were partly wounded and ^Qng compelled to retire ; and there that valiant knight, Roger de la Bourn, was wounded, and very ill handled. Whilst they continued siege there awhile, it was told them that the king was coming towards London with a mighty host ; and they said one to another, " If the king at his coming should take London, we shall be shut in as it were in a strait corner ; let us, therefore, return unto London, that we may keep in safety both the place and the people.1,1 Therefore, appointing certain persons to keep the siege, they returned to London. At length when the king came, they went forth with the citizens to meet Kim, not with flowers and palms in their hands, but with swords ami spears. The king shunned them, and after he had seized the castleof 550 LETTERS BETWEEN THE BARONS AND THE KING. iiemy Kingston, which was the earl of Gloucester's, he went from thence to where, after he had killed a few, he brake the siege, and A-£>- from thence the king went to Tunbridge, and the town and castle I26*- now being given up to him, he took there the countess of Gloucester, The king ami pUt ]R.r mt0 an abbcv, not to be kept in hold, but to go at liberty ■hunneth ,., n aiii/>/>i \ i London, whither she would. And he lett for the custody of the castle and city a great part of his host, to the number of above twenty picked out Ap-l''dix. bannerets, for that it was commonly said that the earl of Gloucester would come out of hand to assault them. Which being done, he con- tinued on his journey to Winchclsea, where he received to peace the seamen of the Cinque ports. And three days after, upon the Satur- day following, he came to the town of Lewes, and was received into the abbey, and his son Edward into the castle. Then the barons sent letters to the king the twelfth day of May, the tenor whereof fol- loweth. Letter of the Lords to the King. To their most excellent Lord Henry, by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, and duke of Aquitaine, his barons and others his faithful subjects, being walling to keep their oath and fidelity to God and him, send greeting and due obedience with honour and reverence. Whereas by many experiments it is manifest, that some of your grace's assistants have reported to your majesty many lies of us, working mischief, as much as in them lieth, not only against us, but against you also, and your whole realm : Be it known to your highness, that we have been always willing to defend the health and safeguard of your person, with all our power and fealty due to your grace, purposing to vex to the uttermost of our power and estate, not only our ill-willers, but also your enemies, and the enemies of your whole realm. If it be your good pleasure, give no credit to them ; we shall be always found your faithful subjects. And we, tin; earl of Leicester, and Gilbert of Clare, at the request of the others, for us and them have put to our seals. These letters being read and heard, there was a council called, and the king wrote back to them, and especially to the two earls of Lei- cester and Gloucester, in manner and form following : — The Answer of the King to the Lords. Henry, by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aqui- taine, &c, to Simon Montfort, and Gilbert de Clare, and their confederates. Forasmuch as by the war, and general disquietness by your means raised up in our whole realm, and also the burnings and other hurtful enormities, it appear- eth manifestly, that you keep not your fidelity to us ward, nor care any thing for our health and safety ; and for that ye have unorderly grieved our nobles, and others our faithful subjects sticking faithfully and constantly to us, as you have certified us; we, accounting their losses as our own, and their enemies as ours, and seeing these my aforesaid faithful subjects, for the keeping of their fidelity, do assist us manfully and faithfully against your unfaithfulness : we therefore care not for your fidelity or love, but defy you as our and their enemies. Wit- ness myself, at Lewes, the day and year aforesaid., Also Richard, king of Almain, and lord Edward, the son of king Henry, wrote to the barons in this wise : — A Letter of Richard, King of Almain, and Prince Edward, to the Barons. Richard, by the grace of God, king of the Romans, always Augustus, and Edward, eldest son of the king of England, and all the other "barons and nobles constantly and faithfully in heart and deed cleaving to the aforesaid king of THE BATTLE OF LEWES. 551 England : to Simon Montfort, and Gilbert de Clare, and to all and singular Henry others their adherents in their conspiracy. By your letters which you sent to our IU- lord, the noble king of England, we have understanding that you defy us ; although ^ j) before any such word, your defiance towards us was apparent enough by your J264 cruel persecution, in burning our possessions and spoiling our goods. We therefore give you to wit, that we all and every one of us, as your enemies, do defy you all. And further, that we will not cease, wheresoever it shall lie in our power, to the uttermost of our force and might, to subvert your persons and all that you have. As touching what you lay to our charge, that we give neither faithful nor good counsel to our lord the king, you say not the truth. And if your lord Simon Montfort or Gilbert de Clare, will affirm the same in our lord the king's court, we are ready to get safe conduct for you to come to the said court, to try and declare the truth of our innocency, and the falsehood of you both, as foresworn traitors, by some man equal with you in nobility and stock. All we are contained with the seals of the aforesaid lords, the lord Richard and the lord Edward. Dated the day aforesaid. Both which letters being read, they drew near to the king ; for they Battle of were not far distant from Lewes. And because there was wanted to betwixt the king's store, provision for their horses, it was commanded them, "^Vilif on the Tuesday, to go forth to seek for hay and provender ; who, barons. when they were gone forth, were prevented by their enemies, and most of them killed ; but the residue returning, saw their enemies coming, very early on the Wednesday morning, and making outcries, stirred up the king and his host to arm themselves. Then the barons, coming to the full plain, descended there, and girding and trimming their horses, made fit their harness to them. And there the earl Simon made the earl of Gloucester, and Robert de Vere, and many others new knights. Which being done, he divided and distincted his host into four several battels, and he appointed noblemen to guide and govern every battel ; and over the first battel were ordained captains Henry ApPs/ndix. Montfort, the eldest son of the earl Simon, and Guido, his brother, lord John de Burgh the younger, and lord Humfrey de Bohun ; over the second battel lord Gilbert of Clare, earl of Gloucester, lord John Fitz-John, and lord William of Montchensi ; and over the third, in which the Londoners were, at their request the lord Nicholas Segrave was assigned, who required also very instantly that they might have the first stroke in the battel, at the adventure, come what would ; but over the fourth battel the earl himself was cap- tain, with the lord Thomas of Pilveston. In the mean season came forth the king's host, preparing themselves to the field in three battels ; of which Edward, the king's son, led the first, with the earl of Warren, and Valence the king's brother ; and the second the king of Almain guided, with his son Henry ; but the king, with his nobles, guided the third ; and the fourth legion the king appointed not, by reason that he had left many of his bannerets behind him, to keep the castle and town of Tunbridge against the earl of Gloucester ; there also were most of the young men of the king's AprsZ,tI. army, for the king thought not that his barons had been come so nigh to hand. Their armies being on both sides set in array and order, they exhorted one another on either part to fight valiantly ; and after they had buckled together, the battle was great, and many horsemen were overthrown, even in a moment. But by and by Edward, the king's son, with his band, as a fierce young gentleman and valiant knight, fell upon his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to recoil 552 THE BATTLE OF LEWES Henry back a great way, so that the hindmost (thinking by reason of their giving bock, that the foremost were slain), ran many of them away ; A- b. and taking water to pass over, almost threescore soldiers were drowned 12(i''- and a few of them being slain, all the rest fled. Straightway the Lon- doners, who had asked the first fight, knowing not how the battle went, took to their heels, whom Edward pursued with his band, killing the hindmost of them, for the space of two or three miles ; for he hated them because they had rebelled against his father, and disgraced his mother when she was carried by barge upon the Thames, from the Tower to Windsor, as is before recorded. Whilst prince Edward was thus in chase of the Londoners, who had the vanguard of the barons' battle ; in the mean time, the main battle of the barons set upon the king's main battle, of which the king of Almain, the brother of king Henry, had the leading ; who being soon discomfited, and he with his son Henry, Robert de Bruce, and John Comyn, with divers other captains taken prisoners, the rear- Richard, ward, wherein the king himself fought, being immediately so hardly jumain, beset, and he, seeing his knights and soldiers on every side about him with ins beaten down and slain, and divers others of his soldiers to forsake prisoners" the field and shift for themselves, thought good to take again to The main the town ; and so retired into the abbey from whence he came, dtarat- shutting and Tampering up the gates, and caused the same to be fhc'kiii"1 strongly warded with soldiers. To be brief, the barons thus getting fain to the field, after long fight, and many men on cither side slain, entered theabbey. also the town of Lewes, pursuing in chase such soldiers as thither fled for succour. Prince In the mean time, prince Edward returning from the chase of the renmiing Londoners, as ye heard, who desired to give the first onset, and from the ggpyjng the chariot of the earl Simon (which he caused purposely to chase, be made for him), and the horses in the same, without either waggoner, together" or any other to govern the same, fell immediately upon the chariot, Iost- and brake it all in pieces, and slew two burgesses that were within the same. But when he came near to the place where the bloody battle had been fought, and saw the great discomfiture and overthrow, which, in his absence, with great mortality and slaughter, had happened, his heart was much dismayed, and his countenance altered. Yet not- withstanding, comforting and encouraging his knights and soldiers, of whom he had a valiant company, in battle array, he marched toward The the town, against whom came the barons again with- all their power ; flghteth and thus was begun betwixt them a fresh field and a new battle, and "J* many men were slain on either side. At length the earl dc Warren, with" the king's two brothers, forsook the field and fled ; after whom went more than seven hundred chosen soldiers, who were of their house and family, who the same day came to Pevensey, and there took shipping over the sea. Also Hugh Bigot, with (fivers others, fled, and left the valiant prince fighting in the field ; which thing he licaisnis also perceiving, took to the town; and wheD he found not the king u,?r't°ami his father, at the castle, he went from thence to the abbey where he tllketo wa8, *n tnc mean scason> tne town was 'ri complete confusion, both thetown. parties fighting, spoiling, and getting of booties, while scarcely one An**** of them could know and discern another, whether he was friend or enemy. But when, within a while, the barons had assembled some BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS. 553 company, they gave an assault upon the castle, thinking to have Henry rescued John Gilford and others, whom the king's soldiers had taken prisoners, and put therein. But the soldiers within manfully defended A. D. the same, and in throwing out balls of wild-fire, which for the defence 12G4, thereof they had, they also fired part of the town. Then the barons Tfh? castle retired and left the castle, and purposed to have set upon the abbey, besieged. where the king and prince Edward, his son, were, which also was set on fire by the assault given to the castle ; but yet it was shortly recovered and quenched. Then Edward, the king's son, perceiving the bold enterprise of the barons, prepared with the courageous knights and soldiers yet remaining and within the abbey, to issue out, and to give a new charge upon them. But the barons, perceiving that, sent unto the king messengers to entreat a truce for that day, and on the morrow to talk of and conclude a further peace between them. This battle was fought upon the fourteenth day of May. The next day, which was Thursday, there were sent on either side Peace be- two preaching friars, between the king and the barons, with certain kTng'anci" articles and demands of peace, so that with certain others, these con- the" ditions were agreed on : that on the morrow, being Friday, the prince should give himself as hostage for the king, his father, and The two others of his party, and that Henry, the king's son of Almain, should ppnces also give himself in like manner for his father ; that those things which hostages. should be concluded upon for the benefit and commodity of the s« realm, and peaceable quietness thereof might be performed, and that Apprrd"1- all such prisoners as were taken on either side, should be freely ransomed and sent home. The next day, which was Saturday, the king discharged all his soldiers, and others that were with him in the abbey, licensing them to depart whither they listed. And furthermore, by the advice of his son and the barons, he gave commandment to those whom he had appointed to the keeping of Tunbridge, that they should make no The attempt to the prejudice or hurt of the barons ; but in hope of the soldiers peace which was now on the point of being concluded, they also ["J"11" should depart every man to his house and habitation. But they, giving after no credit thereunto, went with their furniture to Bristol, where they the'i,on- kept themselves in garrison, until the escaping of Edward the king's Croydon' son, out of prison. But first, before that, when they heard at Tun- keep in bridge that the king was vanquished in battle, and that the Londoners at Bristol. in the fore- ward were put to flight by prince Edward (by a messenger that escaped from the same), and that also the same Londoners were at Croydon, they set upon them in the evening tide, and taking from them much spoil, slew also many of them. But when thus Mortimer's part began to decrease, and Simon the Ear] earl's part on the other side to increase, the earl bare himself more ^™r0"his stout, for that both the king and all that was his did depend upon his beareth good will and favour ; and he led with him the king and the king's g™tout, son to such holds and castles as he thought to be most strong, till -^rUon- almost all of them were in his hands ; and he kept the hostages the more straitly than was usual, insomuch that when it was blown of \St* abroad that the king's son Avas kept as prisoner, divers that were his kl,lg' friends counselled him, that he should desire to disport himself at the barriers, that the people might have a sight of him. But he, 554 ARCHBISHOP BONIFACE IN DISGRACE. Henry being narrowly guarded as lie knew, and fearing some tumult to arise, thought good to refuse their counsel, and so did. A-D. In this troublesome year, which was a.d. 1264, as the Londoners }'1(,i- with the nobles were thus occupied in war and dissension, the malig- nant Jews, thinking to take vantage of that time, with privy treason conspired against the whole city and state of the nobles ; who being taken with the manner, were almost all slain that dwelt in the city of London. * ' In this year also, Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, the son of Peter, earl of Savoy, and a stranger, having been certain years beyond the seas in disgrace with the king of England, upon occasion J/ndix. of some misdemeanour belike (for he was, as Matthew Parker writcth of him, " Ut moribus gestisque peregrinus, sic nomine ipso et appella- tione cseteris archiepiscopis dissimilis"), howbeit the king being of a re- lenting nature, and bearing much with clergymen's insolencies, which for a while he might perhaps gainstand, but at last bare with them as supported by the court of Rome, did consult with his nobles about the return of the said Boniface into England conditionally, as followcth. A ets passed in the King's Council, touching the Archbishop of Can- terbury's return into England, under certain conditions.2 In the year of our Lord 1264, in the month of March, it was enacted in the presence of the renowned king of England, hy the counsel of the peers and states of the said realm, that the reverend father Boniface, by the grace of God archbishop of Canterbury-, primate of all England, should return into England, and abide in the realm peaceably, upon the conditions under-written : — First, therefore, it is enacted, that the archbishop at his return, do without any difficulty release in form of law his sentences of excommunication, published against all persons whatsoever, on occasion of the late troubles in the realm of England ; but yet so, that they who should be found excommunicate be ready- to make satisfaction for their excesses, and for the same receive the canonical commandments of the archbishop, in form hereunder in the next article con- tained. Secondly, it is enacted, that in making amends for excesses done to the churches and churchmen within such places as are immediately subject unto his jurisdiction, the archbishop do arbitrate according to the counsel of all his suffragans, or the greater and sounder part ; and of weighty affairs belonging to the church and realm of England, do in time to come after his return order and dispose likewise by their counsel, and the counsel of other discreet men of the realm. Thirdly, it is enacted, that he bring with him Master Henry Mortimer,3 archdeacon of Canterbury, and Pont Sabler, his familiar clerks or household chaplains ; and that these be the only clerks, being strangers born, whom he shall keep and retain of his council and household. Fourthly, it is enacted, that any other clerks whatsoever, beneficed in the church of England, willing to return with the archbishop, may safely return and abide on their benefices, and shall expend the church goods within the realm as they are bound ; carrying or sending nothing out of the realm, unless necessary occasion, allowed of the king's council, do so require. Fifthly, it is enacted, that the archbishop or the clerks coming with him, shall bring nothing with them in letters, message, or commandment, nor shall procure any thing else, during their abode in this realm, either by themselves, or by others, whereby any damage, danger, or prejudice, may redound to the king, or to any of his realm. And for memory of the premises, the seal of the said renowned king of England is hanged unto these presents. — By the whole council. (1) Tii i In the Editions previous to 1596. — Ed. fD " anno Domini 1264, mense Martio, in praaentia Uluitrii regit Anglix, de eoncilio procerum <-t magnatum ejuadem regni actum est," &c— Tunis Lond. [The translation is revised from the Latin in Rymer.— Ed.] (8) Ilcuricu» de mortuo mari. [See Appeudix.] ORDERED TO RETURN TO ENGLAND. 555 Notwithstanding this conclusion, the archbishop did not presently iienry return, but continued in Provence and elsewhere, behaving himself . imperiously as a prelate of the right Romish stamp. In the mean A. D. time many matters incident to this place, were omitted and neglected, 1264- which personally by him should have been executed ; but by reason of his absence the same were despatched by deputation, and the same ordered likewise according to his own fancy, which he pre-, ferred before the king's authority and commandment. The copy of a letter describing the contumacy of the said Boniface doth suffi- ciently testify this to be true, the same being set down agreeable to the prototype. A Letter of the King to Boniface, Archbishop of Canterbury, charging him to return into England, there personally to discharge his archiepiscopal function.1 The king to Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, Against greeting. Although hitherto by patience we have suffered oftentimes bishops the arcu- elect, abbots, and other prelates in our realm, for the benefit of their confirma- cant°er-°f tion to be obtained, to pass over beyond sea unto you, we thought not to receive bury, abi- at your hands any such reward, as that against the right and custom of our ?in?jn a realm (to the which we mean not by this our patience, that prejudice shall any country, way be procured or bred), you should attempt this to be followed. We do marvel therefore, and are moved that you, at the request of us, have refused to commit the examination of the election of our well-beloved in Christ, Master Walter Gifford, late of Bath and Wells bishop elect, and the confirmation of the same election, unto some discreet persons of our realm ; we having detained, and as yet detaining, the same Gifford against his will, that he might not repair personally unto you: whereunto common right and the very custom of the realm ought to have led you unrequested, whilst you abide out of the realm. Lest, therefore, our too much patience might breed in you a contempt, we will you to undei'stand, that henceforward we mean to bear less with such dealing, especially in these days, wherein there is no safe passage for Englishmen unto you through the parts of France, as it is reported. Wherefore we thought good to desire your fatherhood, and also to admonish you, giving you, moreover, in charge and commandment, and upon the fealty wherein you are bound unto us, firmly enjoining, that in respect of the aforesaid election and other ceremonies, you come personally into England, to execute your office and charge, or send some other in your room; or at least procure and cause some discreet persons of our realm, whom you shall repute more meet for this matter, to serve the turn for you in this behalf: lest, if with contumacy you refuse to hear our requests and commandments the second time, which you are by duty bound to obey, we be compelled to take indignation against you, as a contemner of the rights, the liberties and the customs of our kingdom, and so to proceed against you more sharply by way of revenge : neither will we suffer, if you should do otherwise, that the revenues of your said archbishopric shall henceforth be conveyed unto you out of our reahn ; but as you refuse the burden, so will we in like sort do what we can to withdraw, hereafter, the profits and commodities from you during your abode out of our land. Finally, we, if need shall be, are ready to give you a sure and safe conduct. Witness the king at St. Paul's of London, the twenty-fifth of June, and the forty-eighth year of our reign. Now after all this ado, we read that at last Boniface returned, and becoming more holy towards his end, he went with other bishops to the king, requesting him, that being mindful of the decay of his The ad- kingdom, by ecclesiastical livings bestowed upon strangers, he would Boniface hereafter prefer learned and godly men of his own nation. To whom psadvan- the king answered that he would willingly do it. " Wherefore," said himself. (1) " Rex Bonifacio Cantuariensi archiepiscopo, totius AngliaB," &c. --Tunis Lond. 556 l'OPK CLEMENT A MARRIED MAS'. Beap lie, " I think it meet that you, who are a stranger and unlearned, : — and also my brother Ethelmer, bishop of Winchester, whom I have A.D. preferred to such dignities only for kindred's sake, should first give examples to others, and forsake your churches, and I will provide msfceth6 ot'lcr learned men to serve in them.11 This answer of the king so spoil of pierced this Boniface, that he always after lived a wearisome life in bishopric, England ; wherefore, perceiving himself to be misliked of the king wddjeth ail(^ ^IC 1)C(,1)U>' ne desired to return into his country, and thereupon, first felling and selling the woods, letting out the archbishopric, taking great fines of his tenants, and making a great mass of money of the clergy of his province, he went, with the curse of all men into Savoy ; where, in the castle of St. Helen's, after he had misgoverned the see six and twenty years, six months, and sixteen days from his conse- cration, being nine and twenty years from his first election, he died the fifteenth of the kalends of August. And so ceased the troubles between the king and the said bishop, whose contumacy, with that of others of the like brood, doth largely appear in this book. Death But to leave Boniface now dead, note ye this,* that in this year, died urban, pope Urban IV., after whom succeeded (a.d. 1265) pope Clement m'-i'it iv. I v.; which Clement, as affirmeth Nicholas Trivet, was first a married Pope man, and had a wife and children, and was the solicitor and counsellor lirst'a"1 to the French king ; then, after the death of his wife, was bishop of married Le pUy after that archbishop of Narbonne, and at last made cardi- man, with ill- f . ' a v.iie nal ; who being sent of pope Urban in legacy for reformation of dren? ' peace in England, in his absence was elected pope by the cardinals. Aquinas About this time flourished Thomas Aquinas, reader at Paris among venture, tlio Dominic friars, and Bonaventure among the Franciscan friars.1 Pari*8 a' * 2 Now, after all the aforesaid tumults and broils of the king and his barons, to the vexation of the whole land, it was thought meet A,,^Ztix. and necessary that all parties at variance should be reconciled ; where- upon, it was concluded amongst them as followeth. A Form of Peace between the King and his Barons.3 This is the form of peace allowed by the king our lord, by the lord Edward his son, by all the prelates and peers, and by the whole commonalty of the realm of England, with common consent and agreement : To wit, that a certain ordinance or decree made in a parliament holden at London about the feast of the nativity of St. John Baptist last past, tor the maintaining and keeping of the peace of the realm, shall continue all the days ut' the said king our sovereign lord, and the time of the lord Edward, after he shall be received as king, even till the end and term that shall be thought meet and convenient. The said ordinance or decree is this : For the redressing of the state of the realm of England, let there be chosen or named three discreet and trusty persons of the realm, who may have autho- rity and power from the lord the king to choose or name, in the king's behalf, nine counsellors; of which nine, three at least, by course or turns, may always be present in the court. And let the lord the king, by the counsel of the said nine, order and dispose of the keening of castles, and the managing of all the affairs in his realm. Let the lord the king also, by the advice of the aforesaid nine, appoint justices, chancellors, treasurers, and other officers, greater and lesser, in those matters that pertain to government of his court and realm. It) Kx Nirh. Trivet. (2) The next (few pages, are not in the Editions previous to 1896.— Ed. ■ Ssceat forma puis a domino cege, et domino Bdwardo tili'i mio, prslatis et proceritms omnibus, et communltate tota regni Angliee communltei at concorditei approbata," &c. Tunis I»nd, A FORM OF PEACE. 557 The choosers or namers shall swear first, that according to conscience they Hevry will choose or name such counsellors as they verily believe will be profitable 111- and trusty in respect of God's honour, the church, the lord the king, and his . r> realm. The counsellors likewise, and all the officers greater and lesser in their -, Aqa creation shall swear, that to the uttermost of their power they will faithfully — execute their offices to the honour of God and of the church, and to the profit of the lord the king, and his realm, without bribe or gift ; meat and drink, which are commonly wont to be set upon the table, excepted. And if so be that the aforesaid counsellors, or some or any of them, in the charge to them committed (whether they be he or she), have behaved themselves ill, or that upon some other occasion such officers are to be changed ; the lord the king, by the counsel of the three former choosers or namers, may remove such as he shall see meet to be removed; and in their rooms by the same men's advice may appoint and place other persons trusty and serviceable. And if so be that either the greater officers, or the lesser, do disorderly demean themselves in their offices, the lord the king, by the counsel of the aforesaid nine, may displace them, and without delay by the same advice set others in their room. And if so be that the three first or chief choosers or namers, in the choice or naming of counsellors, or perhaps the counsellors in the creating of officers, or in other affairs of the lord the king and the realm to be ordered or done, shall be at disagreement, then, whatsoever by consent of two parts shall be concluded or decreed, let the same be firmly kept and observed; so that of those two parts, one be a prelate of the church in the business- belonging to the church : and if it so happen, that two parts of the said nine in some matter disagree, then shall they for their variance stand to the ordinance of the three first choosers or namers or the greater part of them. And if so be it seem expedient to all the prelates and barons, by consent, that some or one, in place of some or one of the three first namers be put and appointed, then let the lord the king, by the counsel of all the prelates and barons, ordain some c thers, or one other. And let the lord the king do all the premises by the advice of the said nine in manner above mentioned, or let them do it in the lord the king's behalf and by his authority, by this present ordi- nance to continue and hold out till such time as this agreement, made and afterwards sealed by the parties, be perfected by consent, or some other proviso be had, which the parties by consent shall judge allowable. This ordinance was made at London, by the consent, will and commandment of the lord the king, and also of the prelates and barons, with the commonalty then and there present. In witness whereof R. Bishop of Lincoln, and H. Bishop of Ely, R. Earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford, Humphrey de Bohune, William de Montchensi, and the mayor of London, to this writing have set their seals. Acted in the parliament at London in the month of June a.d. 1264. It is also ordained, that the state of the English church shall be reformed Refomia into a state meet and convenient. tJj"n ot tlie It is also ordained, that the three choosers above named and counsellors, of Nostran. whom mention is made in the said ordinance at London, and the keepers of gers to be castles and others the king's bailiffs be homebred. And as for strangers born, k^ !?ers let them come, tarry, and depart peaceably, as well laymen willing to dwell king's' upon their possessions, as clergymen residing upon their benefices. castles. Merchants also, and all others, to further and see to their affairs, shall come freely, and tarry peaceably ; but yet conditionally, so they come without armour and a suspected multitude. And that none of them be received in any sort into any office or bailiwick in the realm, or otherwise in the king's house and service be entertained. As for the charters of general liberties and forests granted unto the homebred of late by the king, and the statutes made upon revoking of grievances, which the lord the king, the third year past, in every shire by his letters patent hath caused to be published, with the commendable customs of his realm, and a long time allowed, let them be for ever observed : and that it might be provided how they may be better and more soundly observed, it is also provided, that the lord the king, and the lord Edward, the barons and those that stand with them, let go all injury and rancour, so that they neither grieve, nor suffer to be grieved by any of theirs, any one of them by occasion of tilings done in the hurly-burly past, and also cause all their 1264. 558 ACTS FOR SETTLING THE PEACE OF THE REALM, Henry bailiffs at the undertaking of their bailiwicks, that they shall grieve none by UI- the occasion aforesaid, but shall do justice and right to everybody with equality. . J) And let there be good security provided how all these things may be firmly observed. When this agreement was despatched, to set the realm in some quietness, a little leisure was allowed to look into the losses and damages of the church, whereupon it was provided as followeth. Of the repairing of Trespasses committed against the Church. It is provided by common assent of the king, of the prelates, earls, and barons of the land, that the trespasses which are committed against the church of England, by reason of the tumults and wars that have been in this realm of England, shall be reformed and amended in this manner. There shall be chosen by the earls and great estates of the land, with the liking and assent of the prelates, three bishops authorized and having full power to establish and provide for such reasonable amends, as are to be made for the aforesaid trespass committed against holy church, so far forth as shall be fit and convenient. Those that shall be found excommunicated, shall be absolved in form of right by such as have power and authority so to do. The authority of the prelates shall be established in this manner : First, it shall be faithfully undertaken by the earls, justices, and the other laymen of the king's council, and other great barons of the realm, that all those things which the prelates that shall be chosen shall reasonably ordain and appoint by wav of reformation, they themselves shall observe and fulfil, and shall do their endeavour faithfully to cause the same to be observed by others, and thereof they shall deliver their letters patent. Moreover, unto the prelates, after they shall be chosen, full power shall be granted by the king, and the commonalty, the earls, barons, and great men of the land, to ordain those things which are needful and profitable to the full reformation of the estate of holy church, to the honour due to the fealty of our lord the king, and to the profit of the realm. And that the promise made by the king, and by the earls and barons aforesaid, and by the other great men of the land, may appear to be made in good faith, they shall thereof make their letters patent, to wit of things that have been done a year past befoie the last Easter. If any be found that will not stand to the ordinance and appointment of the prelates in the causes, and according to the form aforesaid, he shall be compelled thereunto by doom of holy chinch ; yea, it' need be, he shall be thereunto forced by the secidar power. And that it may the better be done, the justice shall have a hundred or more of choice men at arms, or Serjeants, soldiers elect, to distrain the malefactors when by the said prelates lie shall be required. Those soldiers to be sustained of the common goods of holy church, dining the time they shall be employed in that business. And this ordinance shall continue for a year or two, till such time as matters be quieted, and that the provisions of tlir prelates, and the peace of the land be well observed. Provided always, that the profits of benefices of holy church belonging to aliens, and others that have been enemies to the land, shall be collected and safely kept in the hands of the prelates, until such time as order be taken by common advice what is to be done therewithal. And for the more assurance and further testimony hereof, the king and the high estates of the land have unto this writing set their seals. B< sides all this it was considered, that non-residency being a default blameworthy, deserved reformation. To this the king having special regard, wrote his mind to the bishop of Hereford for the redress of the same ; whose letter, because it is memorable, and convenient matter is therein contained for non-residents of our time, we have here introduced according to the record. AND REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH. 559 A Letter of King Henry III., directed to the Bishop of Hereford, He>>r>J concerning his Non-residence.1 The king to the bishop of Hereford sendeth greeting. Pastors or shepherds A. D. are set over flocks, that by exercising themselves in watching over them day 1 and night, they may know their own cattle by their look, bring the hunger- Against starved sheep into the meadows of fruitfulness, and the straying ones into one non-resi- fold by the word of salvation, and the rod of correction ; and to do their endea- prelate^ vour that unity indissolubly may be kept. But some there be who, damnably see despising this doctrine, and not knowing to discern their own cattle from others, APP""iiz do take away the milk and the wool, not caring how the Lord's flock may be nourished ; they catch up the temporal goods, and who perisheth in their parish with famishment, or miscarrieth in manners they regard not ; which men deserve not to be called pastors, but rather hirelings. And that even we, in these days, removing ourselves into the borders of Wales to take order for the disposing of the garrisons of our realm, have found this default in your church of Hereford, we report it with grief; for that we have found there a church destitute of a pastor's comfort, as having neither bishop nor official, vicar nor dean, who may exercise any spiritual function and duty in the same. But the church itself (which in time past was wont to flow in delight, and had canons that tended upon days' and nights' service, and that ought to exercise the works of charity), at their forsaking the church, and leading their lives in countries far hence, has put off her stole or robe of pleasure, and fallen to the ground, bewailing the loss of her widowhood, and none among all her friends and lovers will comfort her. Verily while we beheld this, and considered it diligently, the prick of pity did move our bowels, and the sword of compassion did inwardly wound our heart very sorely, that we could no longer dissemble so great an injury done to our mother the church, nor pass the same over uncorrected. Wherefore we command and straitly charge you, that all occasions set aside, The you endeavour to remove yourselves with all possible speed unto your said bishop church, and there personally to execute the pastoral charge committed unto charged you in the same. Otherwise we will you to know for certainty that if you have to be per- not a care to do this, we will wholly take into our own hands all the temporal l°"um- goods, and whatsoever else doth belong unto the barony of the same church, bent and which goods, for spiritual exercise' sake therein, it is certain our progenitors of abiding a godly devotion have bestowed thereupon. And such goods and dues as we J^T have commanded hitherto to be gathered and safely kept and turned to the profit and commodity of the same church, the cause now ceasing we will seize upon, and suffer no longer that he shall reap temporal things, who feareth not irreverently to withdraw and keep back spiritual things, whereunto by office and duty he is bound ; or that he shall receive any profits who refuseth to undergo and bear the burdens of the same. Witness the king at Hereford, the first of June, in the forty-eighth year of our reign, [a.d. 1264.] About this time (as appeareth by course of record, and thereby An as- may well be gathered) a redress of certain sects was intended ; among iiuus} ° which one by name especially occurreth, and called the Assembly of P^ed pec- Harlots; a kind of people of a lewd disposition and uncivil. Of their called manners and life the king having been informed, addressed his letters whereby to the sheriff of Oxfordshire, a place which they haunted, and wherein ^ered they practised their evil conversation ; whose letter here followeth. A Letter of King Henry III. to the Sheriff of Oxfordshire, concern- name- ing the Banishment of an unlawful assembly called Harlots, out of that Country.2 The king to the sheriff of Oxfordshire sendeth greeting. Because we under- stand that there be certain vagrant persons who call themselves Harlots, main- (1) "Rex episcopo Hereford, salutem. Pastores gregibus praepomintur ut diei noctisquevigilias exercendo," &c. — Turris Lond. (2) "Rex vie. Oxon. salutem. Quia intelleximus quod quidam, qui se harlotos appellant, vagi ct otium foventes, in diversis partibus regni nostri, corgregationes et conventicula, necnon contractus illicitos," &c. Turris Lond. the an- cientness of that 560 THE POMP OF POPISH PRELACY. Uevry taining idleness in divers parts of onr realm, most shamelessly making their Iu- meetings, assemblies, and unlawful matches against the honesty of the church A. D. an. Alfred held a certain piece of the park of Dunetish and Tiley of the abbot of Cerne, by service of holding his stirrup when the abbot should take horseback, and to give him place in the shire at such time as he should be present.1'' The circumstances hereof being considered, together with the time when it was done, give probable cause to conjecture that the occasion of this matter came by this means: viz. That whereas the said Alfred was desirous to enlarge his park, and could not so do but by purchasing part of some other ground next adjoining, whereof the said abbot was owner, ne was therefore constrained either to lack that he liked, or to admit such conditions as pleased my lord abbot ; who, like a lord, as you sec, was content to let him have his land, reserving such service as is above said. Wherein should be noted the pomp of prelates in those days, and how near they drew in imitation to the pope, in whose foot- steps they trod. But leaving these affairs of the church and churchmen, into which we have gone somewhat largely, we will now enter into other troubles of the temporal state. You heard before of a pacification concluded between the king and his barons, a.d. 12(>4; the same having been admitted by mutual and common consent of the temporal ty and clergy. Nevertheless, as a sore not well searched and tented, but superficially and overly skinned, doth break out into a more danger- ous botch, so it came to pass among the lords and barons; betwixt O) "Qunrt prsdictua Allurcdus tenuit quanclam particulam parcrc de Dunetish et Tilei de abbatc i c Cerni , pel servicium tenendi stropem suum, quando abbas debet ascendere equum suum, el dan 91 locum In comitatu quando pra-sens futrit." PRINCE EDWARD ESCAPES FROM CUSTODY. 561 whom no such firm reconciliation was made as was likely long to last ; Henry whereupon ensued, after secret grudge and privy hatred, open arms and conflicts.* A. D. For in this year,1 the sons of Simon the earl, to wit, Henry, Simon, 1265, and Guido, being all puffed up, and with the pride of their success elevated, did things which nothing contented the earl of Gloucester ; insomuch that he challenged Henry the eldest son of the earl Simon Montfort at the barriers to be tried at Northampton. But that challenge was taken up, lest some further inconvenience might have Dissen- risen thereof. But the earl of Gloucester, being moved therewith in t™"e£e" his mind, sent unto his father the earl, that he should deliver him such earl s>- prisoners being noblemen, as he had captured with his own hands at theeaiiW the battle of Lewes ; amongst whom the king of Almain was named J^1"11065" first. But he by countermand answered him and said, that it might content and satisfy him, that he had saved and preserved to him his lands, that day the battle was fought at Lewes.2 The earl Simon, therefore, would not send him such prisoners as he demanded, but himself kept the more noble in the castle of Dover. Among them was Philip Basset, who undermined and brast down the walls of Northampton at that conflict, as is said before and specified.3 The earl of Gloucester being herewith displeased, as soon as heTheeari heard this answer, sent incontinently to the lord Roger Mortimer, cL?1;i"y men, and augmented his power as strongly as he might 1,aste from every part of England. He sent also Simon, his son, to the a power, noblemen of the north parts, that with all possible speed he might bring them with him ; who with a great company came with him, and at Kenilworth awhile they staid, and there pitched their tents. But leaving Kenilworth for a certain time, they went to Winchester, and *» spoiled the same, and then returned acain to Kenilworth. And when Appendix. r_ » m c* this was by a certain spiall declared to Edward the king's son, who was then at Worcester (which place, as well as Gloucester, he had won a little before), he prepared himself with his soldiers that very night to The first go to the place where the spy should bring him, which was into a deep ofprfnee8 vaMeJS near unto tne place where Simon and his company had pitched. Edward And when in the morning they were very early about to arm themselves escape, by and prepare their horses, they heard a great noise of their enemies oflTpy."8 coming towards them. Then, thinking that the latter had prepared themselves against their coming and so had themselves been be- trayed, they set forth in battle array, marching forwards, till they met certain large baggage-wagons of their enemies going a foraging, and to procure victuals : which they took, and with the fresh horses new horsed their own soldiers who had their horses tired with long travel, and so marching forward came very early in the morning upon their enemies, whom for the most part they found sleeping ; and laying lustily about them, they slew divers, some they took, the rest they put to flight, and fifteen of their chicfest bannerets they took, with many rich spoils. But young Simon himself had lodged that night in the castle, and so with a few escaped being made prisoners. And this was the fourth day before the nones of August, a.d. 1265. Prince Edward immediately returned to Worcester. Thedis- But when Edward heard that carl Simon was coming toward Sf'thf Kenilworth, to join with his son's battel, he marched forward and met t!auTc's him the third day after at Evesham, where he divided his host into three battels, he himself having the leading of one, the earl of mon ' Gloucester of the second, and Roger Mortimer of the third, which Evesham. t0°k them in the rear. The king's son Edward came from the north- ward, as though he were coming from Kenilworth to Evesham ; and because he would not be descried, he caused his own standards and ensigns to be taken down, and young Simon's, which he had taken before, to be advanced. The earl Simon's scurier, whose name was Nicholas,1 showed the earl that such bands and companies were march- a,,,',',.,. ing towards him, and thought the same, to be his son .Simon's power, not knowing of the overthrow which he had just had. The earl thought the same, hut advised eaution ; wherefore the said Nicholas, the better to descry them, went up the abbey steeple of Evesham, whence he might plainly discern them all and their standards. By this time (1) The king's barber, very clever at distinguishing accoutrements. Heminjribrd. — Ed. BATTLE OF EVESHAM. 563 they were mounted the hill, which they had made a push to attain, Henry in. thinking to have that vantage when they should give their charge as they had purposed ; and Edward had advanced again his own standards, and A. I). had pulled down Simon's, whereby they were the more easily descried 1-65- and known. Then the aforesaid Nicholas cried aloud to the earl £*?nced, Simon, and said, " We are all but dead men ; for it is not your son, hqst de- as you suppose, that cometh, but it is Edward the king's son that whereat cometh from one part, and the earl of Gloucester from another }^e^ part, and Roger Mortimer from the third part."" Then said the earl, abashed. " The Lord be merciful unto our souls, forsomuch as our bodies and Appf,etdiz. lives are now in their hands ;" and so saying, he commanded that every man should confess, and prepare for battle, who was willing to die for the laws and in a just quarrel ; and such as would depart, he gave leave to go their ways, that they should be no discomfiture to the rest. Then1 came unto him his eldest son Henry and comforted him, desiring him to have no despair nor yet mistrust in the good success of this battle, with other such cheerful words. " No, my son," saith he, " I despair not ; but yet, it is thy presumption and me the pride of the rest of thy brethren that hath brought me to this ™i%oi end you see ; notwithstanding yet, I trust I shall die to God, and in m.on t0 a righteous quarrel."" After words of comfort given to all his host, and the oration made as is the manner, they all armed themselves. The king also, whom the earl always kept with him, he armed in an armour of his own ; and then dividing their battels, they marched towards their enemies. But before they joined, the Welshmen ran their ways, and thinking to escape over the river Dee, were there, some drowned, and some slain. Then when the battels joined and came to handy strokes, within short space many of the earl's part fell and were slain ; and the king himself being struck at cried with King a loud voice to them, saying, " Kill me not, I am Henry your king.1"' "m0rsyt And with these the king's words, the lord Adam de Montalt knew him, .s'ai" in, and saved him. At whose voice and cry came also prince Edward his ^ length son, and delivered him to the guard and custody of certain knights. irhvdceT In the mean season the earl Simon was hard bestead and beaten down, l"^y and also slain before Edward the prince came at him. Howbeit, his son- before he fell, when as he fought for life, and Henry his son and other noblemen on his part were about him, he brake out into these words unto his enemies, saying, " What, is there no mercy and com- passion with you ? " Who again answered, " What compassion should there be showed to traitors ?" Then said he, " The Lord be merciful unto our souls, our bodies are in your hands." And as soon as these words were spoken, they slaughtered him,2 and mutilated his members, and cut off his head, which head Roger Mortimer sent unto his wife. But after the battle was ended and done, certain of them that loved A,£,'aiX. the earl, upon an old ladder gathered up such parts of his body as remained, and covering the same with an old gown, brought it to Evesham, where they, putting the same in a fair linen cloth, buried it in the church. But not long after, such as thought themselves not sufficiently revenged by his death, to wreak them of the dead corpse, took up the same and threw it into another place, saying, that he who carcase " was both accursed, and a traitor, was not worthy of christian burial, ed^nd* (1) The next six pages (taken from " Scala Mundi " and " Eulogium") have been revised and somev hat re-arranged according to the best authorities. See Hemingford, M.Westm., Wikes, and the Waverley Annals.— Ed. (2) " Martyrizaverunt," Hemingford and Knyghton.— Eu oo 2 "564 NEW ASSEMBLY OF THE BARONS. Henry And not far off from him also were slain Henry, his eldest son, the -1_ lord Hugh le Despenser, the lord Ralph Basset, the lord Thomas de A t)- Astley, the lord William Mandeville, the lord John de Beauchamp, 1 266, the lord Guy de Bardolf, Sir Roger de Rowele, knt., and many other castfonh noble men besides, with a great multitude of people, the Lord knoweth how many. This battle was fought on the fourth of August, and continued from one o'clock till it was night; in the which was not so much as one man on the carl's part of any estimation, fortitude, and many" courage, but in that battle lost his life, more than the lord John,1 lords and wno D.v tnc £rcat grace of God escaped death. Neither is this to be ''"""^ forgotten, that the same day, being Tuesday, at that very hour when at this the battle began, which was at one o'clock in the afternoon, there was Evesham. sucl> a darkness over all, such thunder and tempest, that the like before that time was never seen, being very calm and fair weather both imme- diately before and after; which seemed (saith mine author) to give a plain demonstration of that which afterwards chanced and followed. Apariia- After this great slaughter and overthrow there was a parliament summoned at Winchester by the earl of Gloucester, and others of Man burial. Karl Simon's mem summon- 5^at s his part. Here, by the way, is to be considered, that the king, although ter; king he was in the camp of the earl of Leicester, being then in custody, agah? an(l his son Edward with the earl of Gloucester, yet the king was on restored £nat sjf]e arrainst his will, and therefore in the said parliament the to his re- o ,.,..... ... ' , gaiity. king was restored to his kingly dignity, winch Mas before that time federates un(^er tnc custody of the barons. In this parliament the king dis- .,r simoa inherited all those that took part with the earl Simon, and all their fort with children.2 After this the king kept a parliament at Northampton : drendis1-1 tnere a^s0 tne P°pe's legate, Octobonus, held a convocation, and jnlie,ittd excommunicated all such bishops as had taken any part with Simon king, and against the king; of whom divers he afterward sent up to Rome, to municat- be absolved of the pope ;3 and further, the said legate caused to be e>o eV'6 proclaimed certain decrees which he himself had made, and also the kgate. new grant of pope Clement to the king and queen, of all the tenths p-ameu f°r sevcn years to come. And shortly after, the Norwich valuation by the was made; to the making whereof Walter, the bishop of Norwich, pope to .,1 ° r the king was appointed.* y0crars.ven In the meanwhile, the barons who were yet remaining had gathered Assembly themselves to^e-ther again in the isle of Axholm ;5 amongst whom of the o o 7 o barons at John d'Eyvile (being a subtle and stout man of war) began to have Axhoim. a nan,ej ancj was wen esteemed amongst them ; who, altogether, did what mischief they might. The next year (a.d.1266) died Walter Cantilupe, bishop of Wor- cester, after whom succeeded Nicholas of Ely, the king's chancellor.' The jews At this time also the barons again assembled with John d'Eyvile, Mdriain an^ so proceeded till they came to Lincoln, which they also took. at Lin- and spoiled the .lews, and slew many of them; and entering their the ba- Bynagogue, tare and rent the book of their law, and burnt the Bame, ar'-Vv"' aIU' a" other writings and obligations which they could conic by. comflted. Which thing when the king heard, he sent thither his son prince (1) Simon de Montfort and others escaped, and Guy de Montfort, Henry de Eastings, Humphrey de Bohun, jun.. Peter de Vesci, Peter de Montfort, jun., and Nicholas de Segrave, with others, were taken prisoners, besides lord John Pits-John. Tbi i . 1. as been rerifled by Dugdale's Baronage. See Appendix.— Ed. This parliament met Bept Bth: M. Paris; see also Pat. Hot 49 II. 111. m. 8 dorso, cited by Tyir.-: (.•() See Wilkin, \ Concilia, and Appendix.— Ed. i dix. (5) The barnns entered Axholm (in Lincolnshire) St Clement's day (Nov. 23d), and surren- dered Dec. 27ih. Ann. Waverl T. Wikes, M. Paris. Bee Appendix.— Ed. (.6) See Appendix. THE KEXILWORTH UECKKK. 565 Edward ; but as soon as they heard that, they fled. This was in Henry the month of April;1 and in the month of May they assembled at 1H' Chesterfield, under the said John D'Ey vile and the earl Ferrers, upon A. D. whom the kings soldiers coming suddenly in the night, took them 126G- sleeping and slew many of them. Then the said John D'Eyvile New as. quickly arming himself came forth, thinking with more defence both ^™blynf to save himself and to escape, who, in the way, struck the lord barons at Gilbert Haunsard such a blow with his demi-lance, that he felled field?" both him and his horse to the ground, and so fled with a few more ^eyhaa after him. And thus, while the poor soldiers fought and were slain, theover- the barons fled away and saved themselves. Also the earl Ferrers fled, and hid himself in a church ; but being betrayed by a woman, he was taken forth, and led away prisoner.2 The same year, the king perceiving that unless the castle of Kenil- worth were recovered, and the boldness of them restrained who kept the same, many evils and inconveniences might ensue thereupon, to the prejudice of his kingdom, for that the number increased everv day more and more, wasting and spoiling the country all about, there- fore he gathered an army and came down to Warwick ; where he awhile tarried, expecting the meeting and assembling of his mar- quisses and lords, with ensigns and other saultable munition. When Kenii- their bands were furnished and mustered, and all things ready, the "^ be_ morrow after Midsummer-day he displayed his banner, and began his sie?eM Nicholas's Tables) gives Saturday, May 15lh, 1266.— Ed. \3) On ihe eve of St. Laurence (Aug. ytii). M. Paris.— Eo. 5G6 KENILWORTH YIELDED TO THE KING. Henry amongst tliose who kept the castle, insomuch that they were without '■ — all hope of keeping the same ; wherefore soon after, the king sending virl aoam to them to yield the castle and take their pardons, they, con- — suiting together of their own estate, thus answered the king's mes- sengers : " If it please the king and his council to permit us to send .ip/TnJix. our messengers to the lord Simon Montfort, who is beyond the sea, that he may come by a certain day to the defence of this his garrison and fort, and that in the mean space we be not disturbed by the king's army that hath environed us, till the return of our messengers ; if, by the day appointed, he come not, we will yield up the same, so that wc may be pardoned of life, limb, and moveables." When the messengers were returned, and had declared to the king their answer, he, consulting with his nobles about the matter, agreed unto their petitions, and caused the truce to be proclaimed through- out all his camp, after that sufficient hostages were on either side given for the performance of the same ; whereupon they set forward their messengers, as before was said they would. But after that, many of them within the castle being very grievously vexed with the bloody- flux and other diseases, insomuch that the whole men might not abide the corruption and annoyance of those that were diseased, they delivered Kenii- up the castle before the return of the messengers again, and were yielded permitted to go whither they would to refresh themselves, as men kFng! lie- molested with great vexations and miseries. King Henry besieged re'urn'of ^e castle of Kenilworth from the seventh day before the first day of themes- July until the thirteenth of December;1 whither came Octobonus, outgofS the pope's legate, by whose entreaty the same was delivered unto the France, knig by Henry Hastings, who stoutly had defended the same and re- sisted the king, having pardon granted both for him and his, of his life, lands, goods and chattels. After the rendering up of the castle, the king committed the custody thereof to his son Edmund, and so with his host departing from the siege, he came upon Christmas- even's even to Osncy ; where with great solemnity and triumph he kept his Christmas during seven days. The same year pope Clement IV. promoted Master Walter Gifford, bishop of Bath, to be archbishop of York.2 The In this year also the church of England (the regulars as well as the granted seculars) began to pay the tenths of all her revenues to the king, to ktagby continue for three years' space ; and this was done by the authority aUost°ony aP0stoncal-3 cai. In the beginning of the next year, which was a.d. 1267, the king with his host came to Windsor, from whence after a few days ApjOZu*. he marched towards Ely ; in which island he besieged those who were disinherited, and sharply also assaulted them ; upon which John D'Eyvile and several other of the barons fled to London, where of the Londoners they were well entertained. After this, The king both the king and Edward his son came to London with a great ofLon"' power, but yet were kept out of the city by the barons and citizens liay8f°rty ,ur l'1(' sl,ar(' ,lf' h'llv ('a)'s- And Octobonus the legate (who for fear had iled into the" Tower) they narrowly laid for, that he should not escape. At length, by the entreaty of the earl of Gloucester and other earls that were his friends, both the barons and the citizens (1) •• in i. i in Ibrdi " The feast of St. Lucy," say theWaverley I U) See Appendix.— En. (3) Ibid. PEACE BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS. 567 were pardoned, and admitted to the king's favour.1 After this, Henry in. Edward, the king's son, returned to besiege again the rest which were in the isle of Ely ; who, when he came thither, for the great abund- ^- ^* ance of waters in the same could by no means enter the island, till at - length, by the counsel of the inhabitants of that province, he caused ofhE1isle with a number of workmen great trenches and ditches to be made, assaulted somewhat to convey away the water ; and so long used he their feredby counsel in making bridges with planks and hurdles, till at the last Edward, they entered the island ; who as soon as they were entered, the rest which were in the island yielded themselves ; amongst whom were the lord Wake, Simon the younger, and Peches, saving their lives and members.2 Meanwhile, four bishops and eight other noblemen had been chosen, such as were at Coventry first nominated, that they should order and dispose all matters between the king and such us had lost their inheritance, as also the form of their peace and ransom ; Peace and a proclamation was made, upon the feast of All Saints, of perfect ce°^eml' peace and concord through all the realm. tweenthe In the year of our Lord above recited, eight days after the feast of and°the St. Martin in the fifty-second year of this king Henry's reign, he king- held a parliament at Marlborough, where, by the advice of wise and of Mari- discreet men, and with all the consents of the nobles, he ordained and ^ ™u,^ enacted divers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and a.d.ug?.' bettering of the state of the realm and execution of common justice, which are called ' the statutes of Marlborough.' The next year (a.d. 1268), upon St. Gregory's day, Octobonus, convoca- the legate, called a council at London, where were five archbishops, ^° ^thold- and a great number of bishops, abbots, and other prelates ; which London council also within three days brake up again.3 legate. The same year, upon St. John the Baptist's day,4 Edward the The king's son, and divers other noblemen of England, took upon them 1deegaltet'-sn,r the cross by the legate's hands at Northampton, to the relief of the out of Holy Land and the subversion of the enemies of the cross of Christ. ngland* Which done, the legate the same year went out of England,5 not pur- posing after that to return again. This holy legate (saith mine valuation author), who might well be resembled to a lynx, that monstrous churches beast whose quick sight penetrateth every thing, enrolled to perpe- *"" tual memory the valuation of all the churches in the realm of England £[ so narrowly as by any means possible he might inquire the certainty out of thereof.6 The same was he that made all the cathedral and con- and con- ventual churches to pay pensions; so that those churches which gave churches not the vacancy of their benefices to their clerks and strangers, should payed to pay unto them a certain yearly pension, during the vacancy of the clerks. benefices which they should have. The same year died pope Clement IV., after whose death the Nov.29th, church of Rome was two years and nine months vacant ; and then AIU268- was chosen the archdeacon of Liege, whose name was Theardus or Thibaud, while he was with prince Edward in the Holy Land ; and they called him Gregory X.7 Then also did Edmund, earl of Lancaster and Leicester, and second Marriage of Ed- (1) June 15th, according to Rot. Pat. 51, H. Hi- m. 16, N 49, cited by Brady.— Ed. mundearl (2) On the feast of St. James (July 25th). T. Wikes. See Appendix.— Kd. (3) Ex Scala Mundi. [Holinshead says that this council met on St. George's day : Wikes says it. met on the Quindene of Easter, i.e. (by Nicholas's Tables) April 22d ; that being a Sunday, they "pro- bably proceeded to business the next day, April 2;5d. which is St. George's day. See Appendix.— Ed,] (4) Which Wikes rightly observes fell on a Sunday this year, 1208. — Ed. (5) July 20th. Wikes. (6) See Appendix. (7) Ibid. by Octo- bonus the ate. Pensions 568 DISPUTED ELECTION OF ARCHB JSIlOl'. Henry son of king I Iciny, take to wife the carl of Albemarle's daughter, and ' the niece of the earl of Gloucester ; at which marriage were the king A. D. and queen, and all the nobility of England. 12'1- The same year was the bodv of St. Edward, the kino: and confessor, ofLancas- by Walter Giffbrd, archbishop of York, and other bishops entombed MuiyiMtb, in a new and rich shrine of gold and silver, beset with precious stones, Dngdf69' m ^1C Prcsence of Henry, king of England. In which year also fell Uar-J great rain and inundation of waters, such as hath not Lightly been rmnfd the s°cn, which increased and continued the space of forty days, and more. '','Jr"j["iior During this king's reign, there was made a great and general cx- [ort.i.uh. pedition of sundry and divers christian princes to Jerusalem, taking upon them the Lord's character, that is, the cross, among whom (as is said) was also Edward the king's son one ; to the which expedition was granted him a subsidy throughout all the realm ; and in the month of May, a.u. 1270, he set forward on his journey.1 About the time when prince Edward was preparing his journey Death of toward Asia, Boniface of whom ye heard before, the archbishop of aroh- ' Canterbury, ended his life in the country of Savoy, going belike to canter-°f K°me, or coming thence. After whose death the monks of Canter- bury, bury, proceeding to a new election granted by the king, agreed upon i8thy] the prior of their house, named Adam Chelindon. But the king cVe™ aiK^ k's son> prince Edward, consenting and speaking in the don elect- behalf of Robert Burnell, the prince's chaplain, and afterwards stead.'"3 chancellor,2 did solicit the matter with the monks, partly entreating, partly threatening them, to choose the said Robert to be arch- bishop. Notwithstanding, the monks being stout would neither relent to their courteous request, nor yet bow to their bois- terous threats, but constantly persisting in their former election, Appeiia- appealed from the king and prince to the pope. Prince Edward being thL-'kuT now on ms j"lirney, and seeing himself thus frustrated of the monks, to the writeth back to the king, his father, devoutly praying and beseeching u^eby him in no wise to admit the election of the aforesaid monks. And ('•'m'li-r °f 80 Passino t° Dover with Henry, the son of Richard his uncle (king bury. of the Romans), with their wives, they took their passage in the dorfj^eth lllontn of August. After this the prior thus elected (as is foretold), «pto but not admitted by the king, to be archbishop, went up to Rome. In the mean time the monks, in the absence of their elect, ordained one Geffrey Pomenall to be their official ; who, seeing himself ad- vanced to that dignity, and bearing belike some old grudge against the prior of Dover, caused him to be cited up to appear in the chapter- \l ','"'',;','.',. house of Canterbury. The prior of Dover seeing this citation to be prejudicial to him and to the church of Dover, and knowing the monks of ( !anti rbury to have no such jurisdiction, the see of Canterbury being vacant, but that all things appertaining to that church ought to be reserved t\''n to'' w'lnle till the consecration of the new archbishop, therefore, for the Rome. state both of him and of his church, he appealed up also unto Rome. [Jan. sd, The next year died Walter i\c la Wvle. bishop of Sarum, the third Godwiu1' ''U-V 'H '"'° tne nones °f January ; after whom succeeded Master Ea.Rich i Robert of Wikhampton, the dean of the same church ; and because Sarum ° the sec of Canterbury was then vacant, he was confirmed by the chapter of Canterbury, which-chapter had always the jurisdiction in spiritual causes during the vacancy of that see, in as ample manner elected but not crated. as the bishop himself had being alive. After this, the bishop elect (1) This was the last att mpl -jt recovering (he Holy Land. (2) See Appcndi*- LAST CIUTSADE TO THE HOLV LAND. 569 coming thither, thinking to have had li is consecration, was, notwith- Henry standing, put back for two causes ; one was, for that there was present II1' then no more than one bishop ; the other was, for that all the other A. D. bishops had appealed that he might not be consecrated to their pre- 1271- judice, that is, by the authority of the chapter of Canterbury, saying, that they would not be under the obedience of the monks. After this, when solemn messengers were for this cause sent to the cardi- nals of Rome, for that then the see of Rome was vacant, they received answer, that, during the vacation of that see, the confirmation and consecration of the bishop elect pertained to the aforesaid chapter of Canterbury. But to return to the archbishop again. The next year after, Adam Chelindon, the aforesaid archbishop cheiin- elect, remaining all this while at Rome, at last resigned up his elec- don r,T , * o ' o i signeiu to tion to the pope^ hand (being Gregory X.), who then gave the the p°i,e- same to Robert Kilwardby. Who then coming to Dover, restored Kiiward- again the prior of that house, being before excluded upon certain bfshopof causes (as ye heard). By these contentions judge, good reader, of ^"ter" the religion of these men, and of these times. a.d.'i272. About which time came out the great concordance by an English The great friar, called John Derlington.1 ^eor And now to return to our former story. It was above declared how a general viage being proclaimed to war against the Turks, and a subsidy being collected in England on the same, prince Edward with others was appointed to take their viage, and were now onward in their journey. Who at Michaelmas following with his company came to Aiguesmortes, which is from Marseilles eight leagues west- ward, and there taking ship again, having a merry wind and prosperous, within ten days arrived at Tunis, where he was with great joy wel- comed and entertained of the christian princes, who were to this purpose assembled, as, of Philip the French king (whose father Louis died a little before), of Charles the king of Sicily, and of the Aug.25th. two kings of Navarre and Arragon. And as this lord Edward Death of came thither for his father the king of England, thither came also J^r^u-" Henry, the son of the king of Almain, for his father ; who, at his afdAYng return from the viage, was slain in a chapel at Viterbo, hearing main's mass, by the lords Simon and Guido, the sons of the lord Simon vuerto, Montfort, earl of Leicester.2 JlduJi! When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was to be done, they answered him again and said, " The prince of this city (said they) and of the province adjoining to the same, hath been accustomed to pay tribute unto the king of Sicily every year. And now for that the same hath been for the space of seven years unpaid and more, therefore we thought good to make invasion upon him. But the king, knowing the same tribute to be but justly demanded, hath now, according to our own desires, satisfied for the time past, and even paid his tribute before-hand. Then said he, " My lords ! what is this to the purpose ? Are we Expedi- not here all assembled, and have taken upon us the Lord's character, |n°nad° theTurks, prevt to fight against the infidels and enemies of Christ ? What mean you then to conclude a peace with them ? God forbid we should do h peace, so, for now the land is plain and hard, so that we may march straight to the holy city Jerusalem.1'' Then said they, " Now have we made a (1) Ex F.ulopio. [See Appendix.] (2) ConHfUiud bythekingol'Sicuy's litter in F.ymer, dated March 23d.— Eb. 570 A GREAT TEMPE0T. iienry league with tliciti ; neither is it lawful for us to break the same ; but. in let us return again to Sicily, and when the winter is past we may wel A.D. take shipping to Acre." But this counsel nothing at all liked him. '• neither did he show himself well pleased therewith ; but after he had nvv The pv.it made them a princely banquet, he went into his closet or p rageofthe , . ' 1 • 1 1 1 n French chamber irom amongst them, neither would he be partaker or any against °f that wicked money which they had taken. They, notwithstanding, turned continuing their purpose, at the next merry wind took shipping, but into a for want of more ships left two hundred of their men ashore, crying matter. 0lJt and piteously lamenting for the peril and hazard of death they Clemency were in ; wherewith prince Edward being somewhat moved with com- Edwardto passion, came back again to the land, and received and stowed them sofdMsre! H1 n'K own ships, being the last that went aboard. Within seven days [OctMth. after, they arrived in the kingdom of Sicily, over against the city lI1"",J Trapani, casting their anchors a league from thence within the sea, for that their ships were of great burthen, and thoroughly fraught ; and from the haven of the city they sent out barges and boats to receive and bring such of the nobility to land as would ; but their horses for c.reat the most part, and all their armour, they kept within board. At length, wreck of towards evening, the sea began to be rough, and increased to a great tiansmar tempest and a mighty, insomuch that their ships were beaten one Trapani. against another's sides ; and sunk there were of them at that tem- evagoit, pest, lying at anchor, more than a hundred and twenty,1 with all their ^Vli horses and munition, with innumerable souls besides; and that wicked "Non money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was eventus drowned. But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince prasda* Edward's, who had in number thirteen, nor yet had he one man lost iwe" thereby ; f°r that (as it may be presupposed) he consented not to the Edward wicked counsel of the rest. When in the morning the princes and fromtem- kings came to the sea-side, and saw all their ships sunk, and saw His in- ^heir men an(l horses in great number cast upon the land drowned, they ^rn;y had full heavy hearts, as well they might. For of all their ships and of God. mariners, who were in number fifteen hundred, besides the common soldiers, there were no more saved than the mariners of one only ship, and they in this wise : there was in that ship a good and wise matron (a countess or an earl's wife), who perceiving the tempest to grow, and fearing for herself, called to her the master of the ship, and asked whether, in attempting the shore, it were not possible to save them- selves ? Who answered, that to save the ship it was impossible ; howbeit, to save the men that were therein, by God's help, he doubted not. Then said the countess, " For the ship care no whit ; save the soit/s therein, and 1 will give thee double the value of thy ship." Who immediately hoisting the sails with all force ran the ship aground, so near the shore as possible was. Thus, with the vehenicncy of the weather and force he came withal he brast the ship, but saved all that was within the same, as the master had showed and said before. - Then the kings and princes (altering their purpose after this so great a shipwreck) returned home again every one unto their own lands; only Edward the king's son remained behind with his nun and ships, which the Lord had saved and preserved. Then prince Edward (renovating his purpose) took shipping again, and within fifteen ,1) "Centum \x," Knyghton; " xx," Hemingford. — En. Ex Seals Mundi. Ex Gualt. Gisburn. Ex Flor. Hist. [Whence several corrections arc made in the foregoing paragraph tiorities supply the rest of this reign.— Ed.] PRINCE EDWARDS SUCCESS. 571 days after Easter, arrived at Acre, and went on shore, taking with Henry him a thousand of the best and most expert soldiers, and tarried there a month, refreshing both his men and horses, so that in this A. D. space he might learn and know the secrets of the land. After this l-?1- he took with him six or seven thousand soldiers, and marched forward Arriving twenty miles from Acre, and took Nazareth ; and those that he there taketh ' found he slew, and afterwards returned again to Acre. But their Nazareth- enemies following after them, thinking to have set upon them at some strait or other advantage, they were by the prince premonished thereof, and returning again upon them, gave a charge, and slew many of them, and the rest they put to flight. After this, about Midsummer, when the prince had understanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cackhow, which was forty miles from Acre, he, inarching thither, set upon them very early in the morning, and slew of them more than a thousand ; the rest he put to flight, and took rich spoils, inarching forward till they came to a castle named Castrum Peregrinorum, situated upon the sea-coast, and tarried there that night, and the next day they returned towards Acre. In the mean season the king of Jerusalem sent unto the noblemen of Cyprus, desiring them with speed that they would come and aid the Christians ; but they would not come, saying, they would keep their own land, and go no further. Then prince Edward sent unto them, desiring that at his request they would come and join in aid with him, who immediately thereupon The came unto him with great preparation and furniture for the war, Cyprus' saying, that at his command they were bound to do no less, for that his ^J°£ predecessors were sometime governors of their land, and that they fidelity ought always to show their fidelity to the kings of England. Then kingof the Christians being herewith animated, about the feast of St. Peter ad En^nd Vmcula [Aug. 1st] made a third viage or rode, and when they *p™*'*- had slain certain, not finding any to make resistance against them, they retired from whence they came, about St. George's day [Aug. 27th]. When thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies, Guileful and they began to stand in fear of him ; they devised among them- thTsara- selves, how by some policy they might circumvent and betray him.1 t;es"dprac' Hereupon the great prince and admiral of Joppa sent to him, feigning against himself, under great deceit, to become a Christian, and that he would Edward. draw with him a great number besides, so that they might be honour- ably entertained and used of the Christians. This talk pleased the prince well, and persuaded him to finish the thing he had so well begun, by writing again ; who also by the same messenger sent and wrote back unto him divers times about the same matter, whereby no mistrust should spring. This messenger, saith mine author, was one ' ex cote ^f,".*. nutritus,'' one of the stony-hearted, who neither feared God nor dreaded death. The fifth time when this messenger came, and was of the prince's servants searched, according to the manner and cus- tom, to discover what weapon and armour he had about him, as also his purse, and when not so much as a knife could be found about him, he was had up into the prince's chamber, and after his reverence done, he pulled out certain letters, which he delivered to the prince from his lord, as he had done others before. This was about eight days after Whitsuntide, upon a Tuesday, somewhat before night : at (1) Ex Gisuurn. et Scala Mutidi. (2 PRINCE EDWARD WOUNDED BY AN ASSASSIN. Henry which time the prince was laid upon his bed, bare-headed, in his jerkin, for the great heat and intemperature of the weather. A..D. When the prinee had read the letters, it appeared by them, that 1271. „p0n the Saturday following, his lord would be there ready to accom- plish all that he had written and promised. The report of this news, by the prince to the standcrs-by, liked them well, drawing somewhat back to consult thereof amongst themselves. In the mean time the messenger, kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince, who was questioning further with him, put his hand to the belt, as though he would have pulled out some secret letters, and suddenly he pulled out an envenomed knife, thinking to have stricken it into the prince's belly as he lay; but Edward, lifting up his hand to defend the blow, was Edward stricken a great wound in the arm ; and the messenger being about wi'th'-m ' to fe*cn another stroke at him, the prince with his foot took him such enve- a blow that he felled him to the ground. With that the prince gat knife him by the hand, and with such violence wrested the knife from him, V,,'1^ that he hurt himself therewith in the forehead, and immediately messen- thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker, and slew him. The prince's servants being in the next chamber not far off, hearing the buskling, came with great haste running in. And finding the messenger lying dead on the floor, one of them took up a stool and beat out his brains ; whereat the prinee was wroth, for that he struck a dead man, and one that was killed before. The rumour hereof, as it was strange, so it soon went throughout all the court, and from thence amongst the common people ; wherefore they were very heavy and greatly discouraged. To him came also the captain of the temple, and brought him a costly and precious drink against poison, lest the venom of the knife should penetrate the lively blood, and in blamingwise said unto him, "Did I not show your grace before, of the deceit and subtlety of this people? Not- rnperij withstanding," saith he, tl let your grace take a good heart; you -hall not die of this wound, my life for yours."" Hut straightway the by reason .... ' . . s . J of his surgeons and physicians were sent for, and the prince was dressed, comforted and within a few days after the wound began to putrefy, and the 1]'j.>t'1it' flesh to look dead and black; whereupon those who were about the ciaus. prince began to mutter amongst themselves, and were very sad ami heavy. Which thing he himself perceiving, said unto them, " Why mutter you thus amongst yourselves ? What see you in me, can J. not be healed? Tell me the truth, be ye not afraid." Whereupon one said to him, " Your grace, you may be healed, we mistrust it not; but vet it will be very painful for you to sull'er." " May suf- fering,"" said hi' again, " restore health ?" " Yea," saith the other, "on pain of losing my head.11 "Then,"" said the prince, " I commit myself unto you, do with me what you think good." Then said one of his physicians, " Is there any of your nobles in whom your grace reposeth special trust?11 To whom the prince answered "yea.11 naming certain of the noblemen that stood about him. Then said i he physician unto the two whom the prinee first named, the lord Edmund and the lord John Voisie: " And do you also faithfully love your lord and prince?" Who answered both, " Yea. undoubt- edly.1' "Then,"" saith he, "take you away this gentlewoman and I idy," meaning his wife, " and let her not see her lord and husband RECOVERS, AND RETURNS TO ENGLAND. 573 until such time as I will you to let her;" whereupon they took her nenry out of the prince's presence, crying out and wringing Then said they unto her, " Be ye contented, good lady and madam, A. D. it is better that one woman should Aveep a little while, than that all the 12'ri- realm of England should weep a great season.1'' Then, on the morrow, they cut out all the dead envenomed flesh out of the prince^ arm, and threw it from them, and said unto him, " How cheereth your grace ? We promise you within these fifteen days you shall show yourself abroad (if God permit) on horseback, whole and well as ever you were." And according to the promise he made the prince, it came to pass, to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subjects. The When the great Soldan heard of it, and that the prince was yet alive, stored to" he would scarcely believe the same ; and sending unto him three of \%^{ his nobles and princes, he excused himself by them, calling his gods x wncrc^ H1 the space of three months, they overran the land with lire and sword to the coasts of Silesia, and had not the princes of Ger- many put to their helping hand in this lamentable case, they had utterly wasted the whole land of Poland, and the coasts thereabout. Richard This year also, in the month of April, Richard, king of Almain, Ataah! died at the castle of Berkhamstead, and was buried at the abbey of ('ics. Hailes, which he built from the ground. The same year also, at Variance .. .' . o v -i, between Norwich, there arose a great controversy between the monks and the monks citizens, about certain tallages and liberties. At last, after much alter- citizens ca^on an<^ wrangling words, the furious rage of the citizens so much of Nor- increased and prevailed, and so little was the fear of God before th< ir eyes, that altogether they set upon the abbey and priory, and burned both the church and bishop's palace. When this thing was heard abroad, the people were very sorry to hear of so bold and naughty an enter- Execu prise, and much discommended the same. At last, king Henry, Norwich calling for certain of his lords and barons, sent them to the city of cornhe Norwich, that they might punish and see execution done on the reandof chief malefactors ; insomuch that some of them were condemned and Henry burnt, some of them hanged, and some were drawn by the heels with Adam, horses throughout the streets of the city, and afterwards in much Canter misery they ended their wretched lives. The same year Adam, the bury re- prior of Canterbury, and bishop elect, in the presence of Pope ( ! re- be arch- gory X. refused to be archbishop, although he was elected ; wherefore tha^sce? ^ie P°Pegave the archbishopric to friar Robert Kilwardby, the provost Robert of the preaching friars, a man of good life and great learning, lie Kilward- r i/~i, , <» ii r» ■»* 1 1 t.y, arch- was consecrated at Canterbury, on the fourth day of March, bv six CantM-01" bishops of the same province. The same year also, at Michaelmas, bury- the lord Edmund, the son of Richard king of Almain, married the Death of sister of Gilbert, earl of Gloucester. Also in this year, a.d. 1272, Henry on the sixteenth day before the kalends of December, being the day IU- of St. Edmund archbishop and confessor, died king Henry, in the ap^Lx. fifty-seventh year of his reign, and was buried at Westminster, leaving behind him two sons and two daughters; to wit, Edward, the prince, and Edmund, carl of Lancaster and Leicester, Beatrice, and Margaret; which Margaret was married to the king of Scots. This king Henry, in his lifetime, began the building of the church and steeple of Westminster, but did not thoroughly finish the same before his death. king edward's miraculous preservation. 577 EDWARD THE FIRST. In the time of the death of king Henry, Edward, his eldest son, Edwardi. was absent in Gascony, as a little before you heard ; yet notwith- ~A D standing, by Robert Kilwarby, archbishop of Canterbury, and other 1272! bishops and nobles, he was ordained heir and successor to his father ; on hearing of whose death, he returned home to his country, and was crowned a. d. 1274. On that occasion he laid down his crown, saying, AJe"',,iT, he would no more put it on, before he had gathered together all the lands appertaining to the same. This Edward, who had always before been a loving and natural child to his father, whom he had delivered out of prison and captivity ; hearing afterwards of the death of his son, and of that of his fither, both together, wept and lamented much more for his father, than for his son, saying to the French king, who asked the cause thereof, that the loss of his child was but light ; for children might afterwards increase and be multiplied, but the loss of his parent was greater, which could not be recovered.2 So Almighty God, for his piety shown to his fither, rewarded him again Piety to with great success, felicity, and long reign, insomuch that he being rewarded young, as he was playing at chess with a certain soldier of his, of God- suddenly having occasion given, rose up and went his way ; who had a miracle only just voided the place, when incontinent fell down a mighty stone p)re<^r1v.m from the vault above, directly upon the place where he had sat, able ™g kias to have quashed him in pieces, if he had tarried ever so little more ; in whose preservation, as I see present the hand and mighty pro- vidence of the living God, so, in the king^ order again, I note a raise fiiult or error worthy of reprehension, in that he, after receiving such reprrsehip a lively benefit at the hand of the living Lord, and going therefore geidded- on pilgrimage to Walsingham, gave thanks not only to our Lord, but giveththe rather to a rotten block.3 benefit- Of the gentle nature of this courageous prince, sufficient proof and a dumb stock given by this one example. One day being in his disport of hawking, hath the he chanced sharply to rebuke the negligence of one of his gentlemen, for what fault I cannot tell, about his hawk : the gentleman, being on the other side of the river, hearing his menacing words, was glad, as he said, that the river was between them. With this answer the courageous blood of this prince being moved, upon present heat he leaped straight into the flood, being both of a swift stream and of a dangerous deepness, and no less hard in getting out. Notwith- standing, either forgetting his own life, or neglecting the danger pre- sent, and having a good horse, he ventureth his own death, to have the death of his man. At length, with much difficulty recovering the of"Xpdnce bank, with his sword drawn he pursueth his provoker, who having not J^- so good a horse, and seeing himself in danger of being taken, reineth be ieam up his horse, and returning back bareheaded unto the prince, sub- $*£* aild mitteth his neck under his hand to strike. The prince, whose fervent Princes- (1) Edition 1563, p. 74. Ed. 1583, p. 339. Ed. 1596, p. 310. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 386. (2) Rob. Avesbury. Also from the Chronicles of Thomas Walsingham. p. 44. (3) Ibid. VOL. II. P P 578 WALKS SUBDUED. Edwardi. stomach the water of the whole river could not quench, a little rob- A jj mission of his man did so cool, that the quarrel dropped, his anger 1272. ceased, and his sword was put up without any stroke given. And so — both returned to their game, good friends again.1 wales In the beginning of his reign, the king had much ado in Wales, subdued. wjjere ]1C ]1;uj djygjg conflicts with the Welshmen, whom he at last subdued, and cut down their woods, suppressed rebellions, and van- Tho quishing their kings Llewelyn and his brother, ordained his eldest son eldest son Edward, born in the same country, to be prince of Wales. This Llew- prince of Wales. elyn, captain of the Welshmen here mentioned, rebelling against king Edward, asked counsel by way of conjuration, what event should come upon his attempt ; to whom it was told, that he should go forward boldly, for doubtless he should ride through Cheapsidc in London, with a crown on his head. Which so came to pass ; for, being slain, his head with a crown of silver was carried through Cheap to London vain pro- Bridge. By this, men may learn not to seek or stick to these vain notetobe prophecies, which though they fall true, yet are they but the trains of sought to. the devil to deceive men. About this time there was a great earthquake, and such a rot, that it consumed a great multitude of sheep in the land, through tin- occasion, as they say, of one scabbed sheep that came out of Spain. The king returning from Wales to England, ordered certain new Punish- laws for the wealth of the realm. Among many others, this was one : ta*nt for authority was given to all mayors, bailiffs, and other officers to sec and mil- execution and punishment with the pillory on all bakers making The sta- bread under the assize ; and with the tumbrel, on millers stealing tute of corn, &c. Within two years after this, the statute of mortmain was first""'1"1 first enacted, which is as much as to say, that no man should give enacted. xm^Q ^c ^^^ any ]and9 or rents, without special license of the king. A.D.1279 About this time, being the seventh year of king Edward's reign Marai) (a-15- 1279), Jews, for money-clipping, were brought to execution, Ludgate and in the same year began the foundation of the Black-friars by bnUt Ludgate. The town of Boston was greatly wasted this year with blench ^re* ^he halfpnmv and farthing began first to be coined about the JdVith same time, which was the eighth year of this king's reign. The T"esee fourth year after this, the great conduit in Cheap began to be made. westraln- a.d. 1284. In the year following, the new work of the church of church Westminster (begun as is before premised in the third year of finished. Henry III.) was finished, which was sixty-six years in edifying. The Jews were utterly banished this realm of England at the same time, for which the commons gave to the king a fifteenth,2 &c. After that, the country of Wales was brought in a full order and quiet by the hewing down of their woods, and casting down their old holds, and building of new ; which all was brought to a perfect end, about the twenty-fourth year of this king's reign. Under3 the same king, about the beginning of his reign, the year was so hot and dry, that from the month of May till near the month of Sep- tember, there fell no rain ; insomuch that many died for heat, and the vulgar people, in their reckoning of years, did count the time from the (1) Hob. Avesbury, Nich. Trivet, and Tho.Walsingham. (2) Tho.WalslnghBBI and WaltGisburn. ' (3) The next four pages lire placed bv Poxe after the history of the dispute between Boniface VIII Mid Philip the Pair, at p, 006, and ant brought back hither, to suit the chronological order.— Ed CLERGY EXEMPTED FROM TRIBUTE, 579 said dry year long after. In the reign of this king, Walter Merton, Edmtrdi. bishop of Rochester, built Merton College, Oxford. . ^ About this time; in the days of king Edward, the church of Rome 1296*. began daily more and more to rise up, and swell so high in pride and Merton worldly dominion, that no king almost in his own country could do college any thing but as the pope pleased, who both had and ruled all, in all oxford, countries, but chiefly here in England ; as partly by his intolerable AD1274- tallage and pillage, before signified, may appear, partly by his injunc- tions and commandments sent down, also by his donations and reservations of benefices and church livings, also in deposing and The disposing such as him listed, in place and office to bear rule : inso- eie"uon much, that when the king and the church of Canterbury, in their ^is election, had chosen one Robert Burnell, bishop of Bath and Wells realm and chancellor, to be archbishop of Canterbury, pope Nicholas III. /"p/jjj" of his own singular presumptuous authority ruling the matter after ham made his pleasure, frustrated their election, and thrust in another, named huhopof John Peckham : for among all others, this hath always been one bury,er practice of the court of Rome, ever to have the archbishop of their a.d.Ws. own setting, or such one as they might be sure of on their side, to Arl°l"c[o{ weigh against the king and others, whatsoever need should happen, inthe By this John Peckham was ordained, that no spiritual minister R^me^ should have any more benefices than one, which also was decreed by Ap^dix. the constitutions of Octo and Octobonus, the pope's legates formerly in England. Also, in the parliament he resisted the king in the right of certain liberties pertaining to the crown, touching patronages and such church matters. About the beginning of this king's reign, after the decease of A.D.1279. Walter, archbishop of York, William Wicewanger succeeding in that see, and minding to go on visitation, came to Durham to visit the church and chapter there ; but the clergy and the people of the city variance shut the gates against him, and kept him out, whereupon rose no small thVaich- disturbance. The archbishop let fly his curse of excommunication YorkPand and interdiction against them. The bishop of Durham again, with theciergy his clergy, despised all his cursings, grounding themselves upon the ham.' constitution of Innocent IV. ' De censibus et exactionibus :' and so they appealed to Rome, saying, That he ought not to be received there, before he had first begun to visit his own chapter and diocese, which he had not done; for so say the words of the constitution — " We ordain and decree, that every archbishop that will visit his province, first must procure to visit his own church, city, and diocese.1'1 After the death of John Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, above Robert mentioned, succeeded Robert Winchelsey. To this Robert Winchelsey Sey?arcn- pope Boniface VIII. directed down a solemn bull from Rome, as also "^5 unto all other quarters of the universal church, in the which bull was con- bury, tained and decreed, directly against the rule of Scripture and christian Ecci'esias- obedience, that no church or ecclesiastical person should henceforth tieal Per' . ,. .' , . ..r .. IT S0I1S eX" yield to Jus king or temporal magistrate either any giving, or lending, empted or promising of tribute, or subsidy, or portion whatsoever, of the goods popedom and possessions to him belonging ; but should be clearly exempted {^f to and discharged from all such subjection of tallage or subvention to be the king, exacted of them in the behoof of the prince and his affairs. Which proceed-6 decree manifestly rebelleth against the commanded ordinance of God, fghainst (1) Sexti Decret. lib. Hi. tit. 20.— Ed PP % 580 VARIANCE BETWEEN THE KING AND HIS CI.Eiu.Y. Edwardi. and the apostolic canon of St. Peter, and all other examples of holy » j) Scripture. For as there is no word in the Scripture that excludeth 1297. spiritual men more than temporal from obedience and subjection to foit W(ird princes, so if it chance the prince in his exacting to be too rigorous in setting or cruel in oppression, that is no cause for the clergy to be exempted, freVftom but to bear the common burden of obedience, and to pray to God tribute.8'* t0 turn and move the prince's mind, and so, with prayer and patience, not with pride and disobedience, to help and amend that which is amiss. Concerning the bull of Boniface, if any there be who do not credit the same so to contain, or would for his mind see and read the same, the words thereof are given below.1 This bull being directed, as it is said, from Rome to the archbishop of Canterbury, and likewise through the whole universal church, under ,r the pope's authority, it chanced, not long after, that the king held his parliament at St. Edmundsbury, where was granted to him of all cities and boroughs an eighth, and of the commons a twelfih of their The cier- goods ; only the clergy by virtue of this bull stood stout, denying to Ithtoglve Pay anv thing to the king. This answer not well pleasing the king, tribute to jle willeth them to deliberate better with themselves upon the matter, and after long advisement so to give him answer thereof against the next parliament, which should be holden the morrow after St. Hilary [Jan. 14th], at London. The In conclusion, the parliament came ; the clergy persisted still in secluded denial of their subsidy, alleging the pope's bull for their warrant and kings1""' discharge ; whereupon the king likewise secludeth them from under potec. Ixis protection and safeguard of his laws. And as concerning the turn- » ° " (1) The Copy of the Pipe's Bull, wherein the Clergy are exempted from giring Tribute to Kings and Princes. — " lionifacius, &c. Ad sempiternam rei memoriam. C'lcricis laicos infestos oppido tradit antiquitas. Quod et praesentium experiments temporum manifeste declarant, dum suis finibus non contend nituntur in vetitum et ad illicita sua frena relaxant, nee prudenter attendunt quo- modo sit eis in clericos ecclesiasticasve personas et bona interdicta potestas. Quinimo ecclesiarum pralatis, ecclesiis, ecclesiasticisque personis regularibus et secularibus, imponuntur onera gravia, ipsosque talliant, et eis collectas imponuiit, et ab ipsis suorum proventuum vel bonorum dimi- diam, decimam, seu vicesimam, vel quamvis aliam portionem aut quotam exigunt et extorquent, eosque moliuntui nniltifarie subjicere servituti, suaeque subdere ditioni. Et (quod dolenter referimus) nonnulli ecclesiarum prselati, ecclesiasticseque personae, trepidantcs ubi trepidanduri) non est, tranaitoriam pacem quserentes, plus timentes majestatem temporalem offendere quam aeternam, talium ahusibus non tarn temerarie quam iniprovide acquiescunt, sedis apustolice authoritate non obtenta. Nos igitur talibus actibua obviare volenles, de fratrum nostrorum consilio apostolica authoritate statuimus — qudd quicunque pradali. ecclesiasticaeve personae, religioase vel seculares, quorumcunque ordinum, conditionis, seu status, collectas vel tallied, dimidiam, decimam, vicesimam, seu centesimam suorum et ecclesiarum suarum proventuum vel bonorum laicis solverint, vel promiscrint, vel se soluturos concesserint, aut quamvis aliam quan- titatem, portionem, aut quotam ipsorum proventuum, vel bonorum eestimationis, vel valoria ipsorum, Bubadjutorii nuitui.subventionis.subsidii.veldoni nomine, seu quovisaliotitulo, vel modo, vel quassito colore, absque autoritate sedis ejusdem ; necnon imperatores, reges, seu principes, duces, comites, vel barones, potestates, capitanei, officiates vel rectores, quocunque nomine cense- antur, civitatum, castrorum, seu quorunvunque locorum constitutorum ubilibet, et quivis alius cujuscunque praeeminentiae, conditionis, et status, qui talia imposuerint, exegerint, vel receperint, aut apud a-des sacras deposita ecclesiarum vel ecclesiasticarum personarum ubilibet arrestaverint, saysierint, seu occupare prasumpserint, vel arrestari, saysiri, aut occupari mandavcrint, aut occupata, saysita, seu arrestata receperint; necnon omnes qui scienter in praedictis dederint con- silium, auxilium, vel favorem, publice vel occulte ; eo ipso senti ■ntiain excommunicatinnis Incurrant. Universitates quoque quae in bis culpabiles fuerint ecclesiastico supponimus intcr- dicto: prrelatis et personis ecclesiasticis supradictis, in virtute obedient ia- et sub poena depositions, districte mandantes, ut talibus absque licentia expressa dicta? sedis nullatenus acquiescent : quonque prsetextu cujuscunque obligationis, prnmissionis, et conccssionis factarum hacienus vel faciendaram in antea, priusquam hujusmodi constitutio, prohibitio, seu praeceptum ad notitiam ipsorum pervenerit, nihil solvaut, nee suprA-dicti saculares quoquomodo recipiant. Ei si solverint vel pra>dicti receperint, in senteiitiamexcommunicaiionis incidant ipso facto. A supradictis autem excomnumicationis et interdicti sententiis nullus absolvi valeat, prasterquam in mortis articulo, absque sedis apostolice authoritate et licentia speclali, cum nostras intentionisexistat tarn bnrrendum saecularium potcstatum atmsum nullatenus sub dissimulationo transire. Non ObStantibUS quibus- cunque privilegiis sub quibuscunque tenoribus, seu formis, seu modis, aut verborum conceptions conressis imperatoribus, rciiibus, et aliis supradictis; quae contra pramissa in oullo volumus alicui vel allquibus suffragari. Nulli Igitur homlnum Uceat bane paginam nostras constitntionia, pro- hlbitionla, sen praacepti tafringere seuausu temerariocontraire. Datum Etomse ad sanctum Petrum, VI. Kal. Martii, pontilicatus nostri anno secundo." | Feb. Mth, a. d. 1896.]— Ex Chron. Rob. Gis- burriensis. [Collated with the copy in Knighton, and in the Corp. Juris. Canonici, and corrected. Dr. Hrady gives a translation of it.— Ed.] VARIANCE BETWEEN THE KING AND HIS SUBJECTS. 581 archbishop of Canterbury, above mentioned, because he was found Edwardi. more stubborn than the rest, and was the inciter to the other, he A « seized upon all his goods, and caused an inventory of the same to be 1297! enrolled in the exchequer. Notwithstanding, divers of the other l±m bishops relented soon after to the king, and contributed the fifth of bishop of their goods unto him, and were received again to favour. bury" In the life of this king's father it was declared before, how the said 1°°!^™"" king Henry III., after divers wars and commotions had with hisforstlib- barons, had granted certain liberties and freedoms written and con- tained in ' Magna Charta,' and in ' Oharta de Foresta.1 Concerning which matter, much business happened in this king's days also in the variance realm, between the king and his barons and commons. The occasion kfrjgEd- was this : A sack of wool which before paid bHt a mark to the king, ™.ard a,l(1 was now by this king raised up to forty shillings. After this, the and corn- icing having a journey to make into Flanders, sent to his barons and mons" divers other to give their attendance and service in the same, which they refused and denied to do. The king, notwithstanding, persisting in his purpose, with such a power as he had prepared toward his journey. To whom being in his way at Winchelsea the aforesaid earls, barons, and commons, sent certain petitions contained in writing, under petitions the name of the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors, earls and "ons^nd barons, with the whole commonalty of the realm. In which writing, commons first lamenting and complaining of their afflicted state and misery, king* after humble manner they desired their lord the king to redress and App<£dix. amend certain grievances among them. And first, they declared in the name of the whole community of the land, that the premunitions or writs directed to them for their attendance upon his grace into Flanders, were not sufficient ; for that there was no certain place in the said writs specified unto them, whither to come for making their provision, and preparing money and other things according to the same. And if the place had been to them signified, yet, because none of their ancestors ever served the king over into Flanders before, the commons there- fore thought themselves not bound to any service in that country. And albeit they had been so bound thereunto, yet they were not able to do it, being so heavily oppressed with so many tallages, taxes, tolls, customs, and such prices of corn, oats, tin, wool, leather, oxen, kine, flesh, fish, &c. : and besides all this, having no penny of wages given them to relieve their charges. Wherefore, they were not able to render service, seeing that poverty like a heavy burden did for the aforesaid reasons miserably oppress them, insomuch that some of them had not enough to support themselves withal, and many of them were not able to till their own ground. They alleged, moreover, that they were not now handled after the old laws and customs of the land, as their ancestors were wont. Many also found them- selves aggrieved in that they were not used according to the articles contained in ' Magna Charta;' and again that the ' Charta de Foresta' was not observed Magna nor kept, as it was wont to be. Wherefore, most humbly they beseeched the Charta. king, both for his own honour and for the wealth of his people, that of these po^g^ things they might find redress. For the custom, moreover, of wool, the whole commons bewailed to the king Custom their grief, in that for every sack of wool there was fined to the king forty for wouJ shillings, and for every sack of tosed wool1 seven marks; the which wool of England, as it doth rise to the value of half the realm, so the tollage of the same surmounteth to the fifth part of the valuation of the whole land. And because the commons wished the honour and preservation of their king (as they were bound to do), they thought it not good for his grace to sail over to Flanders, unless he had better assurance of the fidelity of the Flemings, especially at this time2 when the Scots were so busy ; who, if they began to rebel he being at home in his land, much more were they like to stir he being abroad (1) To 'tose,' the same as ' teaze,' i. c. to comb. Todd's Johnson. — Ep. VZ) For the explanation of this allusion, see infra, p. 584.— En. 582 ARTICLES ADDED TO MAGNA CHAKTA. Edwardl. out of the land. And that, not only for the Scots, but also for that the like peril was to be doubted of other foreign nations and kingdoms, which as yet A. D. werc in no rirm peace with England. — - — - To these petitions, the king said that he could as yet make no ttlf^g resolute answer, for that some of his council were gone over already thi^ti"' t0 Flanders, some were yet at London. Notwithstanding, at his tioni of return again from Flanders (which he trusted should be speedily) they luBdcom? should then hear his answer, and know more of his mind concerning mona. ^e same> Jn the mean time, this he required of them, to keep good rule at home while he was forth. What answer the king had minded to make them at his return, it is uncertain, which peradventure had turned to a bloody answer, but occasion served otherwise, and turned all to agreement ; for the Scots with their captain William Wallace, [See infra, hereafter specified, in the mean time (the king being absent) invaded p. 584.J tjie mi]m ^h gu^h violence, that prince Edward, the king's son, who i,^7,i,r. was left to rule in his father's stead, was forced to assemble a parlia- [Septso.] ment, and to call for the earl of Norfolk, high marshal of England, and the earl of Hereford and Essex, high constable, with other earls, barons, knights, and esquires, to entreat peace and concord between his father and them. Who coming up to London, with fifteen hundred well- armed soldiers, and obtaining the gates of the city with their own men, fell at length to agreement with the prince, upon composition to have the articles of ' Magna Charta,' and of ' Charta de Foresta,1 confirmed ; and that, by his means and mediation, they might be assured of the king's displeasure to be removed from them. To the which aforesaid articles of ' Magna Charta ' certain other articles were adjoined withal, which here follow. Articles First, No tallage or subsidy by the king or his heirs to be imposed or levied Magna*** hereafter within the realm of England, without the common assent of the arch- Charta. bishops, bishops, and other prelates, earls, barons, knights, burgesses, and com- mons of the realm. Item, No taker or servitor of the king, or of his heirs, henceforth, within this realm, to take grain, wool, leather, or any other goods of any man, without the will and consent of the owner. I tem, No taking to be hereafter, under the name of tribute, for any sack of wool . Item, To be granted by the king and his heirs after him, both to the clergy and laity of this realm, to have and to enjoy all their laws, liberties, and free customs, in as ample manner as they were wont at any time heretofore. Item, If any decrees or statutes have been made and set forth by the king or his predecessors contrary to these aforesaid articles, the same to stand void and of no effect for ever. Agree- Resides these articles, also in the same composition was contained, concluded that all grudge and displeasure between the king and barons for not ht'twecn'1 8°mS t° Flanders ceasing, the carls and barons might be assured to the king be received again into the king's favour. barons. These things thus agreed upon, and by mediation of the prince Themo- also confirmed and sealed with the king his father's seal, so was all and good the variance pacified, to the great comfort of the people, and no lei e of A, strength of the realm against their enemies; and most chiefly to the ward. commendation of the gentle and wise nature of the king, who, as he was gentle in promising his reconcilement with his subjects, so no less constant was he, in keeping that which he had promised. In this meanwhile there happened another broil, as great 01 greater, with Scotland, to the great disquiet of the king and the realm of England tor many years. This trouble first began by the death of Alexander, king ol Scots, who died without issue left alive behind JOHN BALIOL MADE KING OF SCOTLAND. 585 him : although Fabian in the seventh book of his Chronicles affirmeth Edward*. that he left three daughters, the eldest married to Sir John Baliol, A t} the second to Robert Bruce, the third to one Hastings. But this in 1292. Fabian is to be corrected, as which neither standeth not with itself, but is clearly convicted by the witness and history of Robert Aves- bury and also of Gisburn. For first, if king Alexander had left his eldest daughter married to Sir John Baliol, then what controversy might rise among the lords about succession, needing so diligent and anxious deciding by the king of England ? Secondly, what claim or title could the king of Norway have to the crown of Scotland, who was one of the challengers, claiming the said crown in the behalf of Margaret, the niece1 of the aforesaid king Alexander, her grandfather, if the eldest daughter of the father had been left alive ? Thirdly, what can be more plain, when Lack of by the affirmance of the aforesaid story it is testified, that king Alex- JJJJJTwhat ander had two wives, of the second whereof he had no issue? Of dist"!b- the first he had two children, Alexander, who died before his father, worketh and Margaret married to the king of Norway, who died also before ™*\m. her father, of whom came Margaret the niece1 of Alexander, and daughter to the king of Norway before mentioned ; and she also died in the journey between Norway and Scotland, the fourth year after the decease of her grandfather. Wherefore, as this matter standeth most clear, so let us now, returning from whence we digressed, prose- cute the rest that followeth. After that Alexander thus, as is said, departed without issue, and also Margaret his niece in Norway was deceased, the matter came to a great doubt among the nobles of Scotland (especially twelve by name), to whom the right of the crown should next pertain. After much variance among parties, at length the election and determination of the matter was committed to the judgment of king Edward of England. Who, after sufficient proof The king made to the Scots, and firm evidence brought out of all the ancient °l^aB' histories both of England and Scotland, testifying from time to time ProvP(i by that he was chief head and sovereign of the realm of Scotland, first, cords by necessity of the law, and by all their consents, took full possession of1 'loot** of the same ; and, that done, adjudged the right of the crown to John ]^U92 Baliol,2 who descended of the eldest daughter of David, earl of Hun- tingdon, brother to William I., king of Scotland in the days of king Ar£Z« o o ' o' > o * o free from justice, and also prejudicial to the church of Rome, for him to have or the do- hold any dominion upon the same; which he proved by these reasons:2 — England' First, that when king Henry, the father of this king, requested aid of Alex- ander, king of Scots, his son in law, in his wars against Simon Mountfort, he recognised and acknowledged by his letters patent, that he received the same of king Alexander, not of any subjection or duty, but only of special favour. Item, that when the said king Alexander attended the coronation of this king Edward, he did it as a favour, not as a duty, as Edward confessed by his letters patent. Item, that when the said king Alexander did homage to the said king Edward, he did it not as king of Scotland, but only for certain lands of Tindal and Pen- rith, lying in England. Item, that when the said king Alexander left behind him Margaret his heir, being niece to the king of England, and yet under age ; yet the wardship of the said Margaret was committed not to the king of England, as her superior lord, but to certain lords of Scotland, deputed to the same. Moreover, when any legation was directed down from Rome to the realms of England and Scotland, for collecting of tenths or other causes, the said lega- tion took no place in the realm of Scotland, and might well be resisted (as it was in king Alexander's3 days) in virtue of a special privilege granted to the Scots by the holy see, except another special commission touching the realm of Scotland were joined withal. Whereby it appeareth, that these be two several dominions, and not subject under one. Adding, furthermore, that the kingdom of Scotland first was converted by the relics of the blessed apostle St. Peter,4 through the divine operation of God, to the unity of the catholic faith. Wherefore, upon these causes and reasons, pope Boniface, in his letters to the king, required him to give over his claim, and cease his wars against the Scottish nation, and to release all such, both of the spiritualty and the laity, as he had of them prisoners. Also, to call home again his officers and deputies, which he had there placed and ordained to the grievance of that nation, to the slander of all faithful people, and no less prejudice to the church of Rome. And if he would claim any right or title to the said realm, or any part thereof, he should send up bis proctors specially to the same appointed, with all that he could for himself allege, unto the see apostolic, there to receive what reason and right would require." The king, after he had received these letters of the pope, assembled A.D.1301. a council or parliament at Lincoln, by the advice of which council and MpUet?to parliament, he addressed other letters responsal5 to the pope again; the pope- wherein first, in all reverend manner, he desireth him not to give light ear to the sinister suggestions of false reporters, and imaginers of mischief. Then he declareth out of old records and histories, that " From the first time of the Britons the realm of Scotland hath always, from Scotland time to time, been all one with England, beginning first with Brutus in the time all one of Eli and Samuel the prophet : which Brutus, coming from Troy to this isle, J^.E"g" (1) Given at length in Rymer, dated Anagni, 5 Cal. July, 5th year of the pontificate, i.e. June 27th, a.d. 1300. — Ed. (2) Corrected and amplified from Walsingham and Rymer. — Ed. (3) " When the cardinal of St. Adrian (afterward pope Adrian, my intimate friend) was legate there." Walsingham and Rymer. — Ed. (4) " St. Andrew." Rymer, — Ed. (5) Given at length in Rymer, dated Kemisey, 11th May, a.d. 1301.— Ed. 586 THE TITLE OF .SCOTLAND PHOPER TO ENGLAND, Edwardl. culled then Albion, after called by liim Britannia, had three sons; Locrinus, to whom he gave that part of the land, called then of him Lcegria, now Anglia; A- V' AlbanactUB, his second son, to whom he gave Albania, now called Scotia ; and 1301- his third son, Camber, to whom he gave Cambria, now called Wales. " And thus much concerning the first division of this isle, as in ancient histories is found recorded. In which matter, passing over the drowning of king Dumber, the acts of Donald, king of these realms, the division of them between his sons Belyn and Brennc, and the victories of king Arthur, we will resort," saith the king, " to more near times, testified and witnessed by sufficient authors, as Marianus Scotus, William Malmesbury, Roger Hoveden, Henry Huntingdon, Ralph de Diceto, and others, all of whom make special declara- tion and give manifest evidence of the execution of this our right," saith he, " and title of superiority ever continued and preserved hitherto. " And first to begin with Edward the Elder, before the conquest, son to Alured (or Alfred), king of England, about a.d. 901, it is plain and manifest, that he had under his dominion and obedience the king of Scots : and here is to be noted, that this matter was so notorious and manifest, that Marian the Scot, writing that story in those days, granteth, confesseth, and testifieth the same : and this dominion continued in that state twenty-four years. At that time, Athelstan succeeded to the crown of England, and having by battle con- quered Scotland, he made one Constantine, king of that party, to rule and govern the country of Scotland under him; adding this princely word, that it was more honour to him to make a king, than to be a king. " Twenty-two years after that, which was a.d. 947, Edred the king, our pro- genitor, Athelstan 's brother, took homage of Yric, then king of Scots. " Twenty-six years after that, whicli was a.d. 973, king Edgar, our prede- cessor, took homage of Kenneth, king of Scots. Here was a little trouble in England by the death of St. Edward, king and martyr, destroyed by the deceit of his mother-in-law, but yet the Scots did not rebel. " Forty-four years after the homage done by Kenneth to king Edgar, that is to say, a.d. 1017, Malcolm, the king of Scots, did homage to Canute our prede- cessor. After this homage done, the Scots uttered some piece of their natural disposition, whereupon (by war made by our progenitor St. Edward the Con- fessor, thirty and nine years after that homage done, that is to say, a.d. 1056), Macbeth, king of Scots, was vanquished, and the realm of Scotland given to Malcolm, son of the king of Cumberland, by our said progenitor St. Edward, unto whom the said Malcolm did homage and fealty. " Within ten years after that, William the Bastard entered this realm, whereof lie accounted no conquest perfect until he had likewise subdued the Scots; and, therefore, in the sixth year of his reign (which was a.d. 1071) Malcolm, king of Scots, rebelling, was forced to do homage to the said William as to his superior. " Sixteen years after that, which was a.d. 1087, the said Malcolm did homage and fealty to William Rufus, son to the said William the Bastard; and after that, being slain in the third year of his reign, his son Duncan was substituted in his place, who likewise was treacherously slain ; and therefore was ordained in that estate by the said William Rufus Edgar, brother to the last Duncan, and son to Malcolm aforesaid, who did his homage and fealty accordingly, a.d. 1096. "Eleven years after that, which was a.d. 1107, the said Edgar, king of the Scots, died; when his brother Alexander was substituted in his place by Henry I., our progenitor. " Twenty-nine years after that, David king of Scots did homage to Matilda, the emperatrice, as daughter and heir to Henry I., a.d. 1136. Wherefore being afterwards required by Stephen, then obtaining possession of the realm, to make his homage, he refused so to do, because he had before made it to tho said Matilda, and thereupon forbore. Notwithstanding, Henry, the eldest son <>f the said David, did homage to the said king Stephen. " In the sixteenth year of the reign of Henry II., which was a.d. 1170, W illiam, king of Scots, and David his brother, with all the nobles of Scotland, did homage to the son of Henry II., with a reservation of their duty to his father. " Four years after that, which was a.d. 1171, William, king of Scotland, i much rebellion and resistance according to their natural inclination (king Henry II. then being in Normandy), acknowledged tin. illy his error, and made his peace and composition, confirmed with his great seal, and the seals of the nobility of Scotland, doing therewith his homage and fealty. LETTER OF PARLIAMENT TO THE TOPE. 587 " Within fifteen years after that, which was a.d. 1189, the said William, king Edwardl. of Scots, came to our city of Canterbury, in the month of December, and there - did homage to our noble progenitor king Richard I. vim' " Eleven' years after that, the said William did homage to our progenitor It301- kino- John, upon a hill beside Lincoln, making his oath upon the cross of Hubert, then archbishop of Canterbury, and there present, and a marvellous multitude assembled for that purpose, a.d. 1200. " Fifty-one years after that, which was a.d. 1251, Alexander, king of Scots, married Margaret, the eldest daughter of our progenitor Henry III., at our city of York, at the feast of Christmas : at which time the said Alexander did his homage to our said progenitor, who reigned in this realm fifty-six years. And, therefore, between the homage made by the said Alexander, king of Scotland, and the homage done by the same Alexander, king of Scots, to us at our coronation at Westminster, there was twenty-three years. At that time, the said Alexander, king of Scots, repaired to the feast of our coronation, and there did he his duty as is aforesaid." ' Besides these letters of the king, the lords temporal also, in the name of the whole community and parliament, wrote another letter to the pope answering to that, whereas the pope arrogated to him to be judge for the title to the realm of Scotland, which the king of England claimed to himself ; which letter I also thought here to annex, containing as in the words of the same here followeth to be read and seen. The Lords Temporal, and the whole Barony of England, to the Pope. The holy mother church of Rome, by whose ministry the catholic faith is A letter of governed, proceedeth in her acts (as we firmly believe and hold) with that ripe- temporal ness in judgment, that she would prejudice none, but, like a fond mother, would to the have every one else's rights preserved unimpaired as well as her own. Whereas P°Pe> therefore in a general parliament convoked at Lincoln by our most serene lord Edward, by the grace of God the illustrious king of England, the same our lord caused certain apostolic letters which he had received from you, about certain matters touching the condition and state of the realm of Scotland, to be openly exhibited and read to us seriatim : having heard and diligently considered the same, we perceived that they contained things which amazed us, and such as were hitherto unheard of. For we know, most holy father, and it is notorious in the parts of England, and not unknown in some quarters besides, that ever since England first became a kingdom, as well in the times of the Britons as of the English, its kings had the supreme and direct dominion over the realm of Scot- land, and have been in possession of the said dominion without interruption in all successive periods ; nor did the said realm at any time belong, nor does it by any sort of right belong, to the aforesaid church : nay, the same realm of Scot- land of old time was in fee to the kings of England, ancestors of our aforesaid lord, as well as to himself. Furthermore, the kings and the realm of the Scots were never subject to, nor wont to be subject to, any other than the kings of England; nor have the kings of England ever answered, nor ought they to answer, for their rights in the aforesaid realm, or for any other their temporali- ties, before any judge ecclesiastical or secular, by reason of the free pre-eminence of the state of their royal dignity and custom, kept without breach at all times Wherefore, after treaty had, and diligent deliberation on the contents of your aforesaid letters, it was and is the common, agreeing, and unanimous feeling of one and all, and shall be so immoveably in time to come, by God's grace — that our aforesaid lord the king ought by no means to answer, judicially, touching any of his rights in the realm of Scotland, or any other his temporaries, before you, nor undergo your judgment by any means, nor should bring his aforesaid (1) The foregoing historical summary is in Avesbury and Walsingham : it is also given by Rymer, from the Records, who also gives a precept of the king (dated Sept. 20, a.d. 1300) to divers chapters and monasteries, and Oxford lawyers, to produce all the information they could discover touching the question, by the octaves of St. Hilary. A similar historical epitome is also given by Rymer, spending the treasures and money of the church, which, as the patrimony of — . — _1_ Christ, should have been bestowed for that use, in persecuting faithful Christians and friends of the church ; and therewith he would enrich his friends. 24. Item, he is openly reported to use simony, not only in bestowing of benefices, but in giving of orders, and making dispensations. He hath set to sale all benefices of the church, and bestoweth them commonly on him that would offer most; and he maketh the church and her prelates his servants and vassals, not for advancement of the faith, nor to thrust down infidels, but to oppress the faithful, and to enrich his kindred out of the church goods and with the patri- mony of Him that was crucified ; and presumeth to make them marquises, earls, and barons, and is not afraid to build them strong holds, rooting out and oppressing many noblemen of Rome, and others. 25. Item, it is commonly reported, that he hath, contrary to the Lord's precept, dissolved many marriages lawfully made, to the contempt, hurt, and slander of many: and he did promote his nephew to a cardinalsliip, being married, unlearned, and altogether unworthy, and notorious for his dissolute life; and compelled his wife to make a vow of chastity, and is reported after that to have had two bastards by her himself; and so goeth the common rumour of him. Pope 2G. Item, it is commonly reported, that he handled ungently his predecessor Boniface Celestine of holy memory, leading an holy life (peradventure knowing in bis ei of his " conscience that be could not forsake his popedom, and therefore that he himself predeces- could otherwise have no lawful entrance to the see), and imprisoned him, and there quickly and privily caused him to die : and of this the common rumour and report is through all the world. Moreover, he caused many great and learned men living as regulars (who discussed the point, whether Celestine could renounce the popedom or not) to be set in prison, and there to die. 27. Item, he is reported to have recalled religious persons, who were living as regulars, without a reasonable cause to the world, to the offence of many. 2S. Item, he is reported to have said, that he would within short time make all the Frenchmen either martyrs, or apostates. 29. Item, it is commonly reported, that he seeketh not the health of the souls, but the destruction of them. These things being propounded and read, the same William protested, said, declared, appealed, and added these words, reading them in writing.2 I, William de Plesian, knight, protest that I do not propound the aforesaid things for any special hate of Boniface himself (for I hate not him, but his ',' ^''. aforesaid evil deeds), nor to injure or slander him or any one else, but of zeal Plesiauo. for the faith, and for the devotion that 1 have to the holy church of God and the holy Roman see; for the same causes, and no other, I speak it, when I say, I swear by the holy gospel of God, which I touch with my hand, that I believe him to be a perfect heretic ; and that I also believe that from the premises, and other things, so much may be proved against him as shall be sufficient, accord- p ing to the statutes of the holy fathers, to prove him a heretic. I swear also, that I will pursue the aforesaid things against him to the uttermost of my power, ierc-tic.'1 m a general council to be assembled at a place that shall be safe and sure for me, to the honour of God and increase of the christian faith, saving in all things the right honour and state of the holy apostolic see. Wherefore, I earnestly and respectfully request you, my lord the king, to whom belongeth the defence of holy mother church and of the catholic faith, whereof ye shall render an account in the last judgment, and you, my lords the prelates, who be the pillars of the faith, and who ought to be judges of the aforesaid things, together with the other reverend fathers the catholic prelates of the holy church, who would attend a general council, that ye would procure and take diligent pains that a general council may be gathered in a fit and safe place and con- venient time, before which the aforesaid tilings may be propounded, examined, and proved against the said Boniface, as is premised ; and 1 likewise earnestly For th( nonst," for the pi , I," Dupuy. — En, (2) Dujiuy, Preuves, ]>. IOi i in- APPEAL OF PHILIP THE FRENCH KING. 601 request you and my lord the king, that ye would require, and effectually induce French the prelates, present or absent, in what country soever they be, to whom History. it pertaineth manfully to labour and to require others faithfully to do the same, ~T~ 7T that the aforesaid council may be gathered for the aforesaid matters in such sort ■„*.„' as may be agreed. And because, so long as the matter is pending, I suspect 1_ Boniface himself, lest he, being angry and moved for the aforesaid things, should in any way proceed, or attempt to proceed, against me and my partakers, proctors, and helpers, friends and familiars, and my goods and theirs; therefore, by these writings before you, my lord the king and my lords the prelates, and you the public notaries, I herein person refer and appeal to the said holy general council to be assembled, and to the apostolic catholic pope that is to be and to the holy apostolic see, and to him and them to whom of right I may or ought to appeal ; and I earnestly request once, twice, and thrice, that letters dimissory1 and testi- monial may be granted me from you ; putting myself, my followers, favourers, familiars, friends, proctors, and all that shall hereafter adhere to me, and my goods and theirs, under the protection and keeping of St. Peter and St. Paul, and of the said holy general council to be assembled, and of the apostolic catholic pope that is to be, and of the hoPy Roman see ; sticking nevertheless, and willing to stick, to the appeal and appeals, process and processes, made hereupon by the noble man Master William de Nogaret, knight, so far as they shall be found to have been made lawfully, and yet not forsaking this present appeal. When these things were thus read and done, the king answered and required the prelates, making request, provocation, and appel- lation, as is contained in the paper underwritten, which was read there and then in the presence and audience of him, the prelates, and others underwritten, the tenor whereof is as followeth :'- — We, Philip, by the grace of God king of France, hearing and understanding The the objections propounded by William de Plesiano, knight, and previously by king's an- our beloved and faithful William de Nogaret, knight, against Boniface, now s.wer' or having the regiment of the Roman church : although we would gladly 0f PhiHp! cover with our cloak the shame of an ordinary father; yet for our love of theFrench the catholic faith and the great devotion that we bear to the holy Roman |^'the and universal church, mother of us and of all the faithful, and the spouse pope. of Christ, following the footsteps of our ancestors who hesitated not to shed their blood for the increase and defence of the church's liberty and the faith, and coveting to provide for the purity of the faith and state of the church, as also to prevent the mischief of a general slander; being not able to connive at the premises any longer, seeing the estimate and opinion of him in these matters is vehemently and plainly increased by many and con- tinual clamours repeatedly inculcated upon us by men of credit and great authority ; fearing moreover lest in the evident decay of the faith, some others, but especially we the kings and princes of the earth, who acknowledge that we received our power from the Lord expressly for the promotion and increase of it, may justly be charged with negligence ; we agree to your requests in this behalf, and we be ready and offer ourselves gladly, as much as in us lieth, to bestow our labour and diligent pains for the calling of the said council, for the glory of God (saving in all things the honour and reverence due to the holy Roman church), in order that the truth may appear in the premises and all error be avoided ; that the state of the universal church and of Christianity, and the interests of the faith and of the holy land may be consulted, and that the slanders and jeopardies hanging over us may be obviated: and we earnestly require and beseech, in the merciful bowels of Jesus Christ, you the arch- bishops, bishops, and other prelates here present, as sons of the church and pillars of the faith, who are called of the Lord to a share of the burthen of promoting and preserving that faith, that with all diligence ye would give heed as becometh you, and effectually labour by all fit ways and means, to the calling and assembling of this council, at which we intend to be personally pre- sent. And lest the said Boniface, who hath boldly and wrongfully threatened to proceed against us, should, in his anxiety to prevent any of his works of davk- !l; '■ Aposlolos." — Ed. (2) Dupuy, Preuves, p. 107. — Ed. 602 I'KOTEST OF THE FHENCH PRELATES. i-i nek ness (if any such there be) from coming to light, by directly or indirectly History, hindering the calling and gathering of this council, actually proceed against us . I* ~ or our state, churches, prelates, barons, and other our faithful vassals and sub- 1303* Jec*s> or agamst our or their goods, or our realm, or the state of the realm, — . — ll_ abusing the spiritual sword, by excommunicating and suspending, or by any other means ; therefore, for ourselves and our well wishers, and any who may hereafter adhere to us, we refer and appeal in writing to the aforesaid genera! council, which we desire instantly to be called, and to the lawful pope that shall be, and to any others to whom we should appeal ; and yet not departing from the appeal made by William de Nogaret, to which we adhered then and also yet adhere, requiring earnestly a witness of our appeal from you, the prelates and notaries, expressly engaging to renew such reference and appeal, when and before whom it shall appear to us meet. ip^Zna. Then the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors, within written, answered the premises (as it is found in the acts), and made provo- cation and appellation, agreement and protestation, as is contained more fully in a certain paper there openly and plainly read, whose tenor followcth, with these words :x — The pro- We, the archbishops of Nicosia in Cyprus, Rheims, Sens, Narbonne, and Tours ; oTthe°n aim tae bishops of Laon, Beauvais, Chalons sur Marne, Auxerre, Meaux, Nevers, prelates. Chartres, Orleans, Amiens, Terouenne, Senlis, Angers, Avranches, Coutances, Evreux, Lisieux, Seez, Claremont, Limoges, Le Puy enVellay, and Macon ; and we, the abbots of Clugny, Premontre, Marmoutier. Citeaux. St. Denis in France, Compiegne, St. Victor, St. Genevieve at Paris, St. Martin de Laon, Figeac, and Beaulieu in Limousin ; friar Hugh, visitor of the houses of the order of Knights Templars; and we, the priorsof St. John of Jerusalem in France, and of St. Martin des Champs at Paris ; — having heard those things which were said, propounded, and objected yesterday and to-day by you the noble earls, and William aforesaid, against the lord pope Boniface VIII.; being moved with your sayings, propo- sitions, assertions, oaths, and requests, and by other lawful causes, yea compelled by a sort of necessity, considering that the matter of our faith, which is the christian faith, is touched in the premises : we that be called to a part of this care for the defence and maintenance of the faith, and the puidance of the souls of the realm, although unworthy, yet coveting to withstand the jeopardies that hang over us by reason of the premises and other causes, and thinking the calling and assembling of the said council profitable and necessary, that the innocence of the lord Boniface himself may clearly appear, as in our consciences we desire it may ; or that it may be discussed, settled, and done, by the council, touching such things as are laid against him, according to the decrees of the holy canons, — answer you our lord the king, and you our lords the earls and William, that (saving in all things the honour and reverence due to the holy church) we agree to your requests in this behalf, for the calling of the said council, and are ready to give help and diligent labour to the calling and assembling of the said council, according to the decrees of the holy fathers, and the canonical orders, not intending by any means to make parties of this matter, nor to adhere to any that make parties. Yet, lest the said Boniface, being moved or provoked by these things (as we fear he may be, from likely conjectures and threatenings thrown out by him of proceeding against us for the aforesaid things), should in any way proceed, or cause proceedings to he taken, against us, our churches, our clergy, and our Bubjects, on his own or any other authority, by excommunication, suspension, interdict, deposing, depriving, or under any other means, and under whatever The colour, to the preventing or embarrassing the said council ; and that we may bishops ol sjt j,j t])C sajj councji to judge, and may do all other things that belong to the :M',p,'.',',i oliiee of prelates; and that our state and that of all who adhere or Bhall adhere 1 < i" pope to us may remain in all respects safe; for ourselves, our churches, our clergy, ','._ our subjects, and those who adhere, or may adhere, to us in this behalf, we refer ralcoun- and appeal in writing to the aforesaid council that is to be assembled, and to l,L the true and lawful pope that is to be, and to him or them to whom of right we (1) Dupuy, Preuvi . i> 108, - Ed. ANOTHER PARLIAMENT SUMMONED BY PHILIP. 60S should appeal, and earnestly require letters of protection from you, and we French commit ourselves, our churches, our clergy, our subjects, friends, and adherents, History. and our state, rights, and goods, and theirs, to the godly protection of the afore- ~~ said council, and of the true and lawful pope that is to be ; and we pledge Y^ni' ourselves to renew this appeal, where, when, and before whom it shall seem to us meet. Done at Paris, at the Louvre, in the chamber of our said lord the king, the AP^!dix year, indiction, month, the Thursday and Friday, and year of the pontificate, aforesaid; there being present the noble earls of Anjou, Boulogne, Dammartin, and other earls above named ; Matthew de Trie, Peter lord de Chambly, Peter lord de Wirmes, and Hugh de Boville, knts. ; likewise Messieurs Stephen, arch- deacon of Bruges, Nicholas archdeacon of Rheims, William treasurer of Angers, Peter de Belle Perche, Reginald Barbou, and John de Montaigne, and som*> others both clerks and laymen, specially called and requested to be witnesses hereto. These things thus discoursed and done, the king summoneth another parliament, sending down his letters to his sheriffs and other officers, to summon the prelates and barons of the realm unto the said court of parliament, according to the tenor of the king's letters here following :l — Philip, by the grace of God king of France, &c. Whereas we would take Another counsel with the prelates, barons, and other our faithful subjects, about weighty Parlia- matters and hard, and such as belong greatly to our right, and touching our ™^' honour and state, and the liberties and laws of this our realm, churches, and moned ecclesiastical persons, and would also go forward and proceed in the aforesaid pur"8 matters according to their counsel : we command you, that ye diligently in our Paris'? *" behalf require and straitly charge all the prelates in your bailiwick, and also all and singular abbots and priors of the same your aforesaid bailiwick (to cer- tain of whom we have directed down our special letters for the same cause), that, as they favour our honour, and the good estate both of the realm, of themselves, and of the church, they repair to us in their own persons, all lets and delays set aside, and all other business left off: showing to them, moreover, that we can judge none of them to be either to us faithful subjects or friends to the realm, who shall fail herein, or withdraw themselves in the aforesaid business, counsels, and helps in time. Wherein if peradventure any shall slack, or refuse to resort and come toward us within eight days from the time of this charge given by you, or your commandment ; then we require you to seize all his temporal goods into your hand, and so seized to hold them until you receive other commandment from us. — Given at Paris, the Monday before the Nativitv of St. John Baptist, a.d. 1303. Accordingly,2 on the Monday following, being the feast of St. John the Baptist,3 a parliament of all the estates of the realm of F ranee assembled in the king's garden at Paris, at which a vast multitude of his faithful subjects were present ; when the articles, denunciations, protestations, and appeals, contained in the foregoing writings, were publicly read, and unanimously assented to ; to the like effect whereof instruments, signed and sealed, to the number of seven hundred and more, were afterwards sent to the king from all parts of France, agreeing to all things in the aforesaid parliament concluded. After these things, the day before the nativity of our Lady, an army p„pe of harnessed soldiers well appointed, sent partly by the French king ^"teged partly by the cardinals of Colonna, whom the pope before had deposed, came suddenly to the gates of Anagni, whither the pope had taken refuge, because he was born in that town. The captains of this arm v (1) See Appendix. (2; Ibid. (3) According to Nicholas's Tables— En. 604 POPE BONIFACE BESIEGED AT ANAGN1. French were one Schiarra, brother to the aforesaid cardinals, and the before- L mentioned William de Nogaret, high-steward to the French kinr tl,lie before; save only about the time of pope Innocent III., Note the a.d. 1202, at which time the Frenchmen with their captain Baldwin, oTtheRo- earl of Flanders, joining together with the Venetians, were set bites' pr* a£a'nst the Grecians to restore Alexis to his right of the empire of Constantinople, upon condition, as writeth Platina,3 to subdue the Appfndii. Greek church under the church of Rome. This Alexis being restored and shortly after slain, the empire came to the Frenchmen, a.d. 1304, with whom it remained the space of seventy years, till the coming of Michael Paleologus, who (in thedays of pope Gregory X.) restored the empire from the Frenchmen unto its pristine state again, a.d. When 1273. Durimr all this time of the French emperors the Greek church and how . <■ %_ . _ in* ^ rv long the was subject to Rome, as by the Decretals or pope Gregory IX. may church appear. Then followed after this, that the aforesaid Michael, empc- ject tSob ror °^ Constantinople, being called up to a council at Lyons by pope Home. Gregory X. about the controversy of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost (as is above specified) and obedience to the church of Rome ; because the said Michael the emperor did there submit himself and the Grecians to the subjection of Rome, as testifieth Baptist Egnat, he thereby procured to himself such grudge and hatred among the Greek monks and priests, that after his death they denied him the ApJiZts. due honour and place of burial.3 The soil of this Michael was Andronicus Paleologus above mentioned, who, as ye have heard before, because lie was constrained by the Grecians not to admit any appeal to the Bishop of Rome, was accursed by the pope's censures (1) See Appendix. (2) Platina, Vit. Innocentii. (3) Ex Baptist. Egnatio. Rom, Princ. lib 7. FIRST FRUITS DENIED TO THE POPE. GOD as a heretic. Whereby it appeareth, that the Grecians, recovering Edwartir their state again, refused all subjection at 'this time to the church of ^.D. Rome, which was a.d. 1306. After this Clement V. followed pope 1307. John XXII., with whom Louis IV., emperor, had much trouble ^ Ja.d. 1328). After whom next in course succeeded pope Benedict Greek XII., which Benedict on a time, being desired to make certain new denieth cardinals, to this answered again, that he would gladly so do, if he also tioqtothe could make a new world; " For this world," said he, " is for these ^u^10f cardinals that be made already."1 And thus much of the popes : now to return a little back to the king's story again. In the vear of our Lord 1307,2 which was the thirty-fifth of the reign The of this king, on the octaves of St. Hilary [Jan.20tli], the king kept a ^tsions parliament at Carlisle, where great complaints were brought in by the complain- nobles and ancients of the realm, concerning tne manifold and into- pariia- lerable oppressions of churches and monasteries, and exactions 0fment' money, by the pope's legate William Testa (otherwise termed ' Mala Testa') lately brought into the realm of England. The coming of which William Testa was upon this occasion, as followeth : pope Clement, (who, as ye heard before, had translated his court from Rome into France, where he had been archbishop before), because he con- temned to come and remain at his own see, the princes of Rome thought him therefore unworthy to enjoy Peter's patrimony ; and so by that means falling into bareness and poverty, he lived only on the money of such bishops as came to him to be confirmed, and with such other shifts and gifts ; so that by this means, partly of bishops and other religious men and persons, partly under the name of courtesy and benevolence, partly under the pretence of borrowing, he had within the first year nine thousand and five hundred marks of silver; The all his other charges and expenses, which he largely that year bestowed, getting in being clearly borne."3 Besides this, he sent moreover the aforesaid oneyear- legate, William Testa, into England with his bulls, in the which he poke's reserved the first fruits of the first year of all churches being vacant |see^nt0 at any time or by any man, within the realms of England, Scotland, England. Wales, and Ireland, and also the fruits of abbeys and priories within JT"^S first the said realms, &c. Whereupon, the king with his nobles, seeing !>ro^g" the inconvenience and harm thereof ensuing to the whole realm, in pope, the aforesaid parliament, holden at Carlisle, withstood the said legate, fd'^rd charging and commanding him by the assent of the earls and barons, witn- that henceforth he should abstain from all such exactions ; and, as thepope concerning his lord the pope, he would direct certain his messengers *"!£}* unto him, purposely for the same matter appointed : by the which ambassadors the king wrote unto the aforesaid pope, declaring and admonishing the pope, as right and reason was, that he should not J"?1 exact the first fruits of the churches and abbeys, by his predecessors aw^ys" and noblemen of the land founded for the honour and maintenance of ^ ^[" God's service, for alms and hospitality ; which otherwise, in so doing, should all be overthrown. And so by this means, the pope at that Fir.st time changed his purpose concerning abbeys. But after that the two yea°rs fruit of English churches was granted to the king for two years : in ¥™"hed which space he obtained the fruits of the aforesaid churches. kins- (1) Ex scripto Engethusensis. (2^ Ex Nic. Trivet. (3) Ex Hist, quee incipit ab Henrico Tertio. VOL. II. R R 610 LKTTEU OK FITZ-CASSIODOBE ON ROMISH ABUSES. Edwardi. During the which parliament before specified, as men were talking A i) many things of the pope's oppressions, which he began in the English 1307. church, in the full of the parliament suddenly fell down among them, as sent from heaven, a certain paper, with this superscription :l — An Epistle of Fitz-Cassiodore to the Church of England, concerning the Abuses of the Romish Church. As the To the noble church of England, serving in clay and brick, Peter, son of Jem did Cassiodore, a catholic soldier and devoted champion of Christ, sendeth greeting pist'Tn- am' ms wishes, that she may cast off the yoke of bondage, and receive the der the prize of liberty. lyran»yof << 'j'o what shall I compare thee, or to what shall I liken thee, O daughter of tians.gyP" Jerusalem ? to what shall I equal thee, O virgin daughter of Sion ? For thy breach is great like the seu ; thou sittest alone and without comfort, and faint with grief, all the day long ; thou art given up into the hands of one, from whom thou canst not rise without the help of one to lift thee up." (Lamenta- tions i. 13, 14; ii. 13.) For the Scribes and Pharisees who sit in the chair of Moses, I mean the Roman princes, are become thy chiefest enemies; who, while they make broad their phylacteries, at the same time (seeking to enrich themselves with the marrow of thy bones) " lay heavy burdens and grievous to be borne " on the shoulders of thee and thy ministers, and unjustly put thee under tribute, who from of old wert free. But there is no matter for wonder herein, for thy mother, " the queen of the nations," after the custom of widows marrying her inferior, hath made him thy father, that is to say, hath pre- ferred above all others the pontiff of the city of Rome ; who is far from show- ing the relationship by any thing paternal in his conduct towards thee. He ostentatiously enlargeth, indeed, his fringes and vaunteth over thee, and maketh thee to feel by experience that he is thy mother's husband : for full oft he remembereth with himself that favourite text in the prophet, which he hath so deeply digested, " Take thee a great book, and write in it with a man's pen ; 'Seize the spoils, and quickly fall upon the prey.'" (Is. viii. 1.) Was it, however, to sanction such conduct as this that the apostle wrote (Heb. v. 1, 2), " Every high priest taken from among men is appointed for men in things per- taining to God, that he may" — mark, not that he may impose yearly taxes and harass people to death, but — " that he may offer gifts and sacrifices for sins, and shew compassion toward the ignorant and them that are out of the way." Accordingly we read of Peter the fisherman (whose successor he vaunt- eth himself to be), that after the resurrection of Christ he returned with the other apostles to the trade of fishing ; and that when he could catch nothing on the left side of the ship, at the bidding of Christ he turned to the right side, and drew the net to land full of great fishes. Which teacheth, that the ministry of the church, whereby the devil is to be conquered and abundance of souls brought to Christ, to be useful for these ends must be rightly exercised ; whereas the toiling on the left side of the ship importeth mis-management, which turneth out far otherwise ; for faith must be shaken and despondency pre- vail, where that which is anxiously sought after is no where found. And who is so foolish as to believe, that he can at the same time serve both God and mammon ; or that he can please his fancy and follow the suggestions of flesh and blood, and yet offer acceptable services to Christ ? And doubtless that shepherd, who watcheth not for the edification of his flock, doth but prepare another way for that " roaring lion who goeth about Beeking whom he may devour." And now, O daughter, pry thee behold the unheard of practices of your so-called father. He removeth good shepherds from the sheepfolds, and placeth in their stead his own nephews, cousins, and parents, men quite illiterate, and as incapable as deaf and dumb persons of understanding and succouring the bleating sheep, and caring nothing how they are worried by the wolves, but, like hirelings, only minding to shear their fleeces ; reaping where other men had sown, and wielding the crook, not " ut prosint," but " ut pra?sint," i.e. not to (1 ) El vetusto chronico Albanensi [printed in Goldasti "deMonarchi.1" (torn. i. p, 111, dated 1250; Whence the above translation is made. Collier thinks Pitz-Cassiodore is an assumed name. " Fetrus Cassiodorus, Italus, quocl Papain Antichrislum esse- scripsisset, cum Petro Johanne liiler- rentl [of Bezlera] Franciscano, refossus et combuatua est circa a.d. 1:500." Hoffman. On Peter John see supra, p. 521.— Eb. LETTER OF FITZ-CASSIODORE ON ROMISH ABUSES. 611 feed, but to rule ; whose hands are always busy inside the baskets, but their backs Edward/. decline the burdens. The consequences of all this are evident — the priest- hood hath lost men's respect, God is robbed of his honour, and the poor of their ■"-. IX alms.. And thus the pious devotion of kings, princes, and Christians, who J 307. endowed the church, is frustrated of its object. Must it not appear marvellous in the eyes of all men, that whereas Christ ordered the royal tribute to be paid for himself and St. Peter, and refused to interfere in a dispute about property, and declared his kingdom not to be of this world — that, nevertheless, a man who pretendeth to be the vicar of Christ should, contrary to his will, strive to bring under his girdle the kingdoms of the world and the princes thereof, with no right thereto but his assumed style, nor any title but the stroke of his own pen ! And as for you, his daughter, what usage doth he put upon you ! Doth he not pull you about as he pleaseth? Nor doth feel content with a tithe of your revenues, unless he get also the first fruits of the benefices of thy ministers. And what for? to raise a new patrimony for himself and his kindred, therein defeating the pious intentions of the founders. Other abominable taxes he imposeth, to pay his legates whom he sendeth over into England ; not only pillaging you and yours of your food and raiment, but actually like dogs tearing your flesh off your bones. May not such an oppressor be compared to king Na- buchadonosor, who laid waste the temple of the Lord and plundered it of its gold and silver vessels? For whatever he did therein, the same doth this man. He also rifled the ministers of the house of the Lord, and left it destitute of its due support : this man doth the same. Doubtless it is better for those who are slain outright with the sword, than for those who are famished to death by inches ; for the former die instantly, but the latter pine away with protracted pain, as the earth ceaseth to yield them nourishment. Truly, O daughter, " all they that pass by " may well compassionate thee, for " what sorrow is like to thy sorrow ?" (Lam. i. 12.) For " thy visage is blacker than coals " through much sorrow and weeping, " so that thou art no more known in the streets " (Lam. iv. 8) : thy aforesaid governor " hath placed thee in darkness, and made thee drunken with wormwood and gall." (Lam. iii. 2, 5, 6, 15.) " Hear, then, the affliction of thy people, O Lord, and their groaning : behold, O Lord, and come down " (Exod. iii. 7, 8), for the heart of this man is harder than Pharaoh's. He will not let thy people go, except under the strength of thy hand. For he not only cruelly harasseth them while upon earth, but he pur- sueth them after death : for all the property of Christians (be they who they may) which cometh within the description of ' intestate,' after their decease he encroacheth to himself. And by the way, the English nobility would do well to consider, how in times past the French, directing their longing eyes toward this realm, have had schemes for bringing it under their own dominion : and it is to be feared, lest what has hitherto been lacking in themselves should be supplied by the craft} dealings of this new enemy ; for when the public treasury is exhausted and the native clergy impoverished, the kingdom must be in so much the worse condition for repelling a foreign invasion. Wherefore, that neither thou, O daughter, nor you her ministers, be led into a still more miserable bondage, it is expedient for your own sake and theirs, that thy most christian king and the great men of the realm, who have already beautified thee with the richest benefices, and who in that case would have to defend you and the said bene- fices, should resist the devices, conspiracies, arrogancy, and pride of the said man, who, with no thought of serving God, but only to enrich his relations and like an eagle to set his own nest on high, goeth about through these and other impositions to drain England of all her money, by a sort of usurpation ; and let them beware lest false simplicity in the matter bring on the ruin of the realm as well as thy own, when it would be too late to think of applying a remedy. May the Lord of all virtue take the veil from that man's heart, and bestow on him a contrite and humble spirit, and cause him to discern the ways of the true God, and by them be extricated from his own errors and compelled to abandon his aforesaid sinister doings. Moreover, may the vineyard which the right hand of God planted, be filled with cultivators of the pure faith. And to encourage you to resist these attempts at usurpation, attend to the words of God in the prophecy of Jeremiah; "Thou pastor, which hast scattered my people and hast cast them out of their habitations, behold I will visit upon thee the evil of thy doings, nor shall there be a man of thy seed to sit on the throne of 612 EXTENT OF ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION DISCUSSED. French David and to rule in Judah any more. Let thy nest he deserted and he orcr- UMory- turned like Sodom and Gomorrah." (Jer. xxii. oO ; xxiii. 1, 2, 14.) But if by . 1^ these words he will not be deterred from these his enterprises, and will not he i. ,'.„.' brought to make restitution of that which he hath taken, then let them regard — ' him as a man hardened in impenitence, and sing against him the lOfiih Psalm ; " Hold not thy peace, O God of my praise," &c. For truly as favour, grace, and benevolence, remitteth and neglecteth many offences; so again the gentle benignity of man, being too much oppressed and grieved, seeking to he delivered and freed from the same, striveth and search eth to have the truth known, and casteth off that yoke, by all means possible, that giieveth him, &C. What effect this letter wrought in them to whom it was directed, is not in story expressed. This by the sequel may be conjectured, that no reason or persuasion could prevail ; but that the pope retained here still his exactions, whatever was said or written to the contrary. imiit in France, wherein a pariia- And thus much being written hitherto of these acts and doings here in England, now to slip a little into matters happening nearly at the same time1 in France, under the reign of Philip dc Valois. se.T'how Forasmuch as about this time (a.d. 1329) was commenced a parlia- ri' 'i'ti m ment by the said king of France against the pope, touching the tirafex-S" jurisdiction, both temporal, pertaining to princes, and ecclesias- tei.deth. tical, belonging to the church ; 1 thought it not unprofitable for the Appe» belongeth to the secular judge, yet will the bishops' officials, at the temporal instance of any party, call such before them ; and if the laymen should demur meu'i to their jurisdiction, or the secular judges should require the cause to be remitted nutters. ,o t]H>1)1 as t]le right judges, the officials refuse to do this, and even by excom- munication compel the parties to proceed before them. 4. Item, If a clerk allege that he is injured in his immoveable property2 by a layman, the prelates' officials will, at the instance of the clerk, proceed against the la)rman. And if the layman allege that the cause is one of real property (it being so indeed), and that for that cause it ought to he remitted to the secular judge, this notwithstanding, the officials aforesaid prohibit them, under pain of excommunication or some great forfeit, from proceeding before the secular judge. 5. Item, The bishops' officials endeavour to obtain the cognizance of con- tracts made in the secular courts either in writing or only by word of mouth ; and by their monitions and censures endeavour to make it excommunication for any to enter into such contracts. G. Item, The prelates decree provincial ordinances or by-laws and synodal statutes, enacting therein many things to the great prejudice of the temporal jurisdiction, whereof they ought to have no cognizance at all, neither to inter- meddle therewith. 7. Item, The aforesaid officials appoint sworn notaries to draw the form of contracts made in places under the jurisdiction temporal, concerning the sale of immoveable property2 or otherwise; encroaching thereby upon the other jurisdiction, when verily they have nothing to do with any contracts and obli- gations, but with such as are made and agreed upon within the compass of their own see and jurisdiction. Exoflicio. 8. Item, The said officials, by their mere office, frequently call laymen before them to answer to certain matters which they lay to their charge, the cognizance Imprison- whereof, they say, doth appertain unto them ; and when the said persons do ment per- appear before them, and deny the crimes objected against them, the officials not to the detain them and put them in prison ; nor will they release them, although in clergy. such cases release on bail is allowed by the law, and imprisonment appertaineth only to the temporal power, and not to them. 9. Item, In the cases aforesaid, although in the inquiry and process insti- tuted by the said officials the parties be found innocent of that which is laid to their charge and be acquitted, yet these said officials will in no wise discharge them, before they have paid for the writings and process in that behalf a good sum of money ; when by law they ought in such cases to recover their costs. 10. Item, It must not be forgotten to mention the sentence of excommuni- cation, which is summarily decreed by virtue of only one citation, so often as a man faileth to make his appearance. 11. Item, Mention is to be made of a certain kind of obligations, termed ' De nisi;' whereby a man is instantly excommunicated, if he make not pay- ment at the day prefixed, although he be not able so to do. 12. Item, Whosoever by virtue of excommunication in the bishops' court is so excommunicated, and does not then pay the sum mentioned in the excom- munication, the sum is forthwith doubled; and the secular power is charged bj the bishops or their officials, that they, under pain of being excommunicated themselves, compel the excommunicated, by attaching their goods, to pay Un- said sum ; which monition if the secular power refuse to put in execution, they themselves are then excommunicated, and cannot be absolved till they disburse that money which the principal excommunicated person should have paid. (1) " Novitaa," a law term, signifying " encroachment," or " trespass."— Ed. f.2) " In rebus hereditariis suis." See Dueange. — Lu. THE LAITY AGAINST THE CLERGY. GI5 13. Item, If the bailiffs, headboroughs, or other the king's officers and judges French of the temporalty, should be disposed to execute the said monitions, but should Hist^y- find those that be excommunicated destitute of effects; the said officers are A.D. bound, at their own proper costs and charges, to resort to the bishop's court, 1329. and there to take a corporal oath, that they found no effects with the parties excommunicated. This if they fail to do, those officers are sure to be excommuni- Actions cated, and thereby forced to disburse the debt of the excommunicated persons, real and 14. Item, If two laymen be in suit together before a temporal judge about Pf1*011 • an action either real or personal, and one of them after fair contestation of law maymaap" seek to evade the issue, and do appeal to an ecclesiastical judge, such judge peal from will often presume to take cognizance of such actions real and personal, j^,p-irdt~ warning the temporal judge to cease from meddling therein in consequence of to the the appeal; and if the secular judge obey not, he is pronounced excommu- temporal nicate, and compelled to make satisfaction ; by occasion whereof, the temporal thepope's jurisdiction is much infringed and clean loseth its prerogative; because no man divinity. ever appealeth from a spiritual judge to the temporal. 15. Item, If a layman, inhabiting any of the king's towns, procureth his debtor, being also a layman, to be arrested by the secular authorities of the place, then, if he who is so arrested appealeth up those who arrested him or caused him to be arrested, the bishops' officials will take upon them to hear this matter ; and if any thing should be attempted in the way of opposition to the appeal, they demand satisfaction of the secular authorities as representing the party on whom the arrest was served. And if any of the king's servants advise them to resist this injury, they are straightways pronounced excommunicate. 16. Item, The said bishops have a number of officials under them, whom Deans of they term deans of the clergy, who frequently summon all sorts of people the cler- throughout the king's demesnes and elsewhere, only by word of mouth, to sy" come before them, and that without commission ; whereas in every diocese there ought to be one consistory, wherein alone causes should be heard and decided. And hereby it happeneth oftentimes that many are so summoned without any cause, to the end that they may pay a large sum of money to extricate themselves, which is to the no small prejudice of the king's majesty and of his subjects, and of the temporal jurisdiction. 17. Item, The said deans seal up the houses of the clergy, and others belonging even to temporal persons, which are situate in the king's towns, to the prejudice of the king's majesty's jurisdiction and that of the temporalty in general ; for in such places the bishops have no such kind of jurisdiction. 18. Item, The said prelates, or their officials, do presume to seal up the Married moveable goods of clerks who are married and merchants ; whereas, in such clerks, cases, the ordering thereof appertaineth to the secular power. 19. Item, They compel the laity to give security to clerks to answer before themselves in the spiritual courts ; yea, and chiefly the king's own servitors. 20. Item, They claim the right, even within the jurisdiction of the king and his subjects, of making inventories of the goods of laymen deceasing. 21. Item, They presume to take cognizance of causes " hypothecarise," which are real, or at least-wise mixed, that is, both real and personal. 22. Item, The said prelates go about to have cognizance of such temporal men's matters as dwell in hospitals and almshouses, whether situate in towns which are peculiars of the king or his subjects, or out of them, although the plea thereof appertaineth to the king himself and his subjects aforesaid ; forbidding any man to be so hardy as to commence any suit against any of them but before themselves, on pain of excommunication and forfeiting a great sum of money. 23. Item, To the end the ecclesiastical rule should be aggrandized, they confer the tonsure on numbers of children under age, some of them being sons of bondmen, others born bastards ; yea, and on many married folks, and dis- qualified and illiterate persons. 24. Item, They do cause their deans to attach widow-women and to take them under their surveillance, and will have the cognizance thereof; as in like manner they will have the wardship of minors, applying their goods when they die, as they do also the goods of those who die intestate, to their own use : the cogni- zance of all which matters belongeth to the king himself, because those kinds of persons with their goods are in ward to the king, and under his tuition. 25. Item, They cause temporal men of the king's demesnes, or elsewhere, ?!tns t0 in violation of all order of law, to be apprehended by their aforesaid deans, money. 616 ARTICLES OK COMPLAINT OF French objecting to them that they have offended against some article of christian J/'stnr»- faith, and forthwith imprison them; whereas their apprehension and imprison* A.D. ment appertain to the king, till such time as they be convicted of the crime 1329. alleged. 26. Item, They exercise their jurisdiction in all places, having no regard either to the king's peculiar towns nor yet to those of his subjects, but run into every hole; when, by law, they ought to have no jurisdiction without their own limits and precinct. 27. Item, When these prelates or their officials by their monitions do charge the king's officers and his justices to execute any thing, if they do not perform that which is prescribed unto them, they inflict a heavy fine ; yea, and denounce excommunication against them. And this is a new invention sprung up of late amongst them, much to the prejudice of the king and his subjects. 28. Item, When the bishops or their officials do prosecute any temporal man " ex officio" in their own court, and have no proof of the matter, they compel many of the laity to depose what they know thereof, having no respect whether they be the king's burgesses, or not, or what they be ; and yet will they not allow them any thing for their expenses : and if they appear not at their day, they are excommunicated. 29. Item, If an offender be apprehended by any of the king's justices, and indicted of theft, and he, to whom the stolen thing belonged, cometh before the king's sheriffs, and proveth it to be his, and redress should be afforded him by them; if the bishops or their officials affirm the said offender 'ex post facto ' to be a clerk, they will by their monitions and citations compel the king's sheriffs to bring in the aforesaid stolen thing to them ; and if they do it not, they are excommunicated. 30. Item, If it happen that the king's sheriff or bailiff' take an offender for some offence, and he affirmeth himself to be a clerk, although he have no kind of tonsure and wear no habit appertaining thereunto; yet the bishops or their officials will by their monitions cause the detainers of him instantly to deliver up the said offender to them as their clerk. 31. Item, If it happen that the king's sheriff, or any other secular justice, take a thief or even a murderer who beareth a clerk's tonsure, and there-for delivereth him to the clergy to be ordered, it shall not be long before he be acquitted by them, although he acknowledge the charge; yen, and notwith- standing that any laymen who may have been his accomplices in that affair should have been brought to justice for the same, and impeached him thereof; and so such offenders are thereby encouraged to commit the like again. 62. Item, If any complaineth and saith that he is spoiled, by and by the officials will grant a monition against the spoiler, by virtue whereof some one of the deans of the clergy will admonish him to resign into his hands the tilings comprised in the monition, or else swear that he hath not spoiled the plaintiff of such things as he saith he was spoiled of. But if he refuse to take such an oath before him, then the dean will straight way 8 seal the monition and excom- municate him ; and by no means shall he be absolved, before he restore and satisfy the things comprised in the monition, whereof the plaintiff had said that he was spoiled. 36. Item, If any for his offence be cast into prison by the secular power, although at the time of his taking he wore a lay habit, and had no tonsure, but all the days of his life had lived like a layman; yet, if he shall avouch himself to be a clerk, to the intent to have better speed at the clergy's hands than from the secular power, and to escape unpunished, the clergy will immediately issue a monition to the secular power to give up and surrender the offender to them, or else an interdict will be laid on the whole township where the said offender shall be so imprisoned; and, for avoiding the jeopardy which might arise out of the said interdict, the secular judges are of necessity compelled to i; .gwi deliver up the offender, to the great prejudice of the king's temporal jurisdiction, turn. to whom the cognizance thereof appertained " in casu ressorti." 34. Item, When any offender is delivered up by the temporal magistrates to the ecclesiastical, on the plea of his being a clerk, his friends will make suit to the bishop's officials for him, and compound with them, by reason whereof they dismiss parties unpunished ; and so they do worse than ever, although their crimes before were sufficiently scandalous. THK LAITY AGAINST THE CLERGY. 617 35. Item, As soon as any married clerk, being a merchant, or of whatsoever French other occupation he be, for some offence by him committed is called before the History. secular judge, the said clerk obtaineth of the officials a monition, and taketh . „ with him some priest, who doth inhibit the secular judge under pain of one or , .,'90 two hundred marks, yea and of excommunication too, not to proceed further, °" ' nor to meddle in such causes, and not to molest such parties either in body or goods : and, if the judge obey not, the celebration of religious rites is suspended in that place, although the matter concerneth merchandise. 36. Item, The said officials grant citations without number agamst the laity " in casu assecuramenti," personally to cite before them persons unknown ; but, if the persons be known, it is contained in the citation, that in no wise, and that under a great penalty, they cause their adversary to be called before a secular judge, while the present citation is pending and in force. 37. Item, When one is excommunicated in any place, the said officials grant out personal citations against those, who do participate or are conversant with the excommunicated, causing a whole country for the space of one or two leagues round about to be cited together. And further, the friends and ac- quaintance of the party so excommunicated, sometimes forty, sometimes sixty, yea and sometimes a hundred at once, are compelled to make their purgation before them, that they do not participate or keep company with their friends the excommunicates. Whereby ensueth, that many honest old men for avoiding of trouble and expense do pay some twelve pence, some two shillings ; by occasion whereof many vineyards are unlooked to, much ground is un- tilled, yea, and many good men are constrained to lay the key under the door and run away. 38. Item, The said officials do burden many persons of good name and fame with being usurers, whereby they are constrained to compound with them, to avoid the infamy that thereby might ensue. 39. Item, The aforesaid officials call by citation before them the honestly wedded, as well man as woman, charging them, that they have committed adultery ; to the perpetual scandal of virtuous husbands and wives : and all for nothing else but for extortion, to wring money from them. 40. Item, Mention must be made of the multitude of proctors, who eat and devour up all the world with their citations, and catch clients, and hold courts and assizes of their own throughout the country, and of their own authority drop their citations for money which they extort from the parties cited. 41. Item, There be many other griefs and enormities, which the chapters, abbots, priors, provosts of hospitals, and other ecclesiastical persons in the realm of France, practise against the people ; as, when they cause to be cited before them many of the king's burgesses, and others belonging to divers privileged places : for instance, citizens of St. Brieu, Nantes in Bretagne, Lyons, Macnn, with other more. But especially the provosts of hospitals use this trick more commonly than any others do, whereby the people are much endamaged, and will be every day more and more, if remedy be not had therein. 42. Item, Ecclesiastical magistrates labour to have cognizance of causes of injury, of whatsoever nature it be, whether the injury be committed by word or deed. Likewise they take upon them to hear the causes of the wives of married clerks, although both they and their husbands be merchants by occu- pation ; and if at any time such couples be taken by the secular magistrates, the official causeth an interdict to be laid on that parish, by virtue of the council of Senlis. 43. Item, They challenge to have cognizance concerning widows' goods, both moveable and immoveable ; and if it happeneth, at any time, that a merchant's widow, living in any of the king's peculiars, by way of arrest procureth any temporal man to be convented before the secular judge, and the matter proceed so far that he should actually have been condemned by the sentence of the secular judge, and then it come to the ear of the ecclesiastical judge that the widow did summon her debtor before the other tribunal, the said temporal judge will be called to account, and by their monitions and censures they will compel him to make amends : and this oftentimes happeneth. 44. Item, Many of the tenants and inhabiters of the bishops' lands call one another to the court of the officials by a particular kind of appeal termed ' Volagia,' whereof the officials presume to take cognizance, to the prejudice of the temporal jurisdiction of our sovereign lord the king. 618 ARTICLES OF COMPLAINT OF French 45. Item, If any man be apprehended by a secular justice in a riot wherein History, blood was shed, he is to be ordered by him, if he be lay ; but if he be a clerk, he is a »a to be surrendered to the ecclesiastical judge. Whether he be a temporal man ioon or a clerk, however, who is so taken, if he appealeth to the officials' court, they " will be so bold as to take cognizance thereof, requiring withal amends of the ^he secular court, which undertook the aforesaid apprehension. If this be suffered, preji? offenders shall never be punished, for by and by they will appeal, and imme- dicial to diately after the appeal fly and void away. justic "" 46' ltem» When they cause many " ex officio " to be cited, before them, they Exomrio. W1U not allow them to have proctors; to whom, when they come at the day Usury assigned, they object the crime of usury; and except they answer as the pro- craftily moters themselves wish, they are trodden under foot (although they be mere objected laymen), and shall not be dismissed before they fine just as the officials them- deigy selves list, although they be no usurers ; but if any be usurers, the said officials against take of them fees and bribes, and then they are permitted to practise their usury laymen. ag before, so that the others may have their old fees and bribes. The pre- 47. Hem, They procure their officers to apprehend clerks in whatsoever soil lates they be found, in spite of their appealing to the justice of the place : and if by church a an>' tney De hindered of their will herein, they by sentence of excommunication den of do forthwith cause them to desist therefrom. thieves. 45 item, As often as any temporal magistrates apprehend any person, who afterwards, on being demanded by the ecclesiastical authorities as a clerk, is given up to them without demur, yet, for all that, the officials cause those magistrates to be denounced as excommunicate by the canon law. 49. Item, The prelates grant the tonsure as well to men of thirty years and upward, as also to married men, when they come to them in fear of imprison- ment and punishment due unto them for some criminal offence before com- mitted ; and this is oftentimes put in practice. 50. Item, If it happen that any of the king's servants or any others are excommunicate, who would fain be absolved, being glad to pay reasonably for the same, the clergy will not accept satisfaction but such as shall please them ; wherefore many of them remain still excommunicate. . 51. Item, When two persons have been at strife together respecting im- moveable1 property, and the matter in dispute is put into the hands of the king by some servant cr officer of the king, for the taking up of the matter, then do the prelates admonish the one part not to trouble the other who is in possession ; otherwise, if he do, they excommunicate him. 52. Item, The aforesaid prelates, deans, chaplains, and the rest of the clergy, put the king's officers to so much trouble and expense in defending the king's jurisdiction, invaded as in the aforesaid instances, that many of them spend and consume, in the maintenance of the king's right and title, all that they have. 53. Item, If any secular justice for a true and just cause, at the request of the party, putteth in his helping hand concerning immoveable1 property of clerks, the ecclesiastical judges and their ministers send out monitions in writing against the said justice, yea, under pain of excommunication and forfeiture, to take away his hand and leave off; enjoining him further to suffer the other party quietly to enjoy the said things. Otherwise they denounce him excom- municate, and he shall not be absolved before he have well paid for it, even as pleaseth ' master official ;' to the prejudice of the authority of our sovereign lord the king. Note the 54. Item, The ecclesiastical authorities, as soon as they hear that any rich or J| ,i|" fat ' Cob ' is dead,2 or think that he cannot live long, send out, forthwith, letters t„ Ket under their seal to the clergyman, commanding him in no wise to presume to money. bury him, although he made his testament and received the rites of the church. And when, afterwards, the friends and kinsfolks of the dead resort unto them to know the cause of their inhibition, they assert that he was an usurer, and that he kept not the commandments of the church : and so long keep they the corpse of the dead unburied, till his friends redeem it with good store of money ; by which means they have acquired large sums of money. (1) " Hereditaria." See Ducange.— Ed. (2) " Qu6d aliquia dives decessit," is the Latin : " cob" was sometimes used for a rich, covi toils person. "And of them all cobbing country chuffes, which make their bellies and their bagyes theyr gods, are called rich cobbes." Nash's Lenten Stuff, cited in Nares's Glossary. — Ed. THE LAITY AGAINST THE CLERGY. 619 55. Item, If there be any violent shedding of blood in any church-yard French whereby an interdict taketh place, the clergy causeth a fine of ten pounds to Hislory- be levied on all the parishioners, as their consideration for the purgation of A. D. their church-yard, although some of the parishioners be exempt from their 1329. jurisdiction ; yea, and although he who shed the blood has already paid the whole ■ sum which they levied, and more too. 56. Item, Certain chaplains affirm themselves to have certain apostolic privileges, by virtue whereof they appoint what judges they will, yea, and oftentimes of their own college, and so they be judges in their own cause ; which is plainly against the law. By this oftentimes it happeneth, that after great process and expenses incurred in some great cause (more often about realty than otherwise), on receiving a hint from their own proctors and advo- cates that they shall have the foil therein, they revoke forthwith those afore- named judges ; and so the king's subjects are damnified, and can have no justice or redress at their hands. 57. Item, If any layman call a clerk before a secular judge in case of inheritance^ the ecclesiastical judges procure a stop to be made therein, claim- ing to themselves the cognizance thereof: and the layman is constrained to make satisfaction for taking such a course. 58. Item, The clergy challenge the cognizance of such causes as married clerks, being merchants and artificers, do commence ; when by law they apper- tain to the temporalty, especially about the matters of merchandise. 59. Item, They oftentimes lay interdict on the king's towns and castles, and cause the divine service to cease ; contrary to the privileges granted by many of the high bishops of Rome to our sovereign lord the king. 60. Item, To and for the maintenance and keeping of their temporalties, they appoint their own clerks to be their bailiffs and officers ; who, if they do offend, are not condignly punished according to law and justice. 61. Item, The ecclesiastical judges have proctors belonging to them, who, when any man is excommunicated (be it right, or be it wrong), cause by their monitions that no man shall work or do any thing for him that is excommu- nicated ; whereby the lands and vineyards oftentimes remain untilled, to the no small prejudice of the king and his people. 62. Item, The aforesaid promoters cause citations to be made out, whereby they summon in one citation twenty, thirty, forty persons or more to appear, for communicating with such interdicted persons ; taking of some ten, of others twenty shillings, according as they are able : whereby the common people are much oppressed. 63. Item, The ecclesiastical judges cause all the advocates of their courts to be sworn, that none shall retain them as counsel against them without their license : whereby oftentimes, the poor man quite loseth his right, and the king's own pensioners cannot freely act as counsel, without special license of the judges. 64. Item, They will make inventories of their goods who die intestate ; and will have the possession of their goods, as well moveable as immoveable, to distribute with their own hands to the heirs, or to whom they list. 65. Item, The execution also of wills in general they take into their own hands, taking inventories of dead men's goods, and keeping or disposing of them to the heirs after their pleasure. And they have officials properly deputed for the execution thereof. 66. Item, They sometimes u ill not give credit to wills made before witnesses, unless they be first by their own officials approved. After the lord Peter had thus spoken, the prelates required to The arch- have time to answer thereunto: whereupon, the Friday1 next ensuing s1e^sopot was appointed for the same. On that day, being December the loth, elect,' the lord Peter Roger, archbishop of Sens elect, in the name of the torforthe whole clergy answered for them all before the king, holding his par- Prel^s- liament that day at Vincennes ; and thus he there propounded : — 4**»**. (1) Dec. 7th, the day on which the parliament assembled, fell on a Thursday in 1329 (by Nicholas's Tables) ; the lord Peter de Cugnieres stated his case and produced the foregoing articles against the clergy the next day, and a week was then given to the prelates to reply. See supra, p. 613, note. — Ed. (2) " In causa hereditaria :" see p. 614, note (2), p. 618, note (1). — Ed. 620 ANSWER OF THE PRELATES French Answer of the Prelates to the Lord Peters Oration before Philip, "'"'"' the French Kino;. A. D. At t]ie jast meeting, the lord Peter de Cugnieres, propounding against the l'*-9- Church of France, took for his theme that which is written in the twenty-second ltecapitu- chapter of Matthew, " Render unto Caesar that which is Caesar's, and unto God latioa of that w]nc]) is God's ;" in which words, he said, two points were to be noted: Peter's first> the reverence and subjection which the prelates ought to shew to the king oration, their sovereign ; secondly, the separation of the temporal jurisdiction from the spiritual. The first whereof he went about to prove out of the second chapter of the first epistle of Peter, where it is written, " Submit yourselves unto every human creature for the Lord's sake, whether it be unto the king, as unto the superior, or unto governors, as unto them that are sent of him for the punish- ment of evil doers and for the praise of them that do well." The second point he went about to prove by the words of our Saviour Christ in Luke (chap, xxii.), where the apostle saith, " Lord, behold, here are two swords," and he said unto them, " It is enough ;" understanding by the two swords the two jurisdictions : and likewise out of Matthew (chap, xvii.), where Christ would pay tribute for himself and Peter, giving hereby an example, how that ecclesiastical persons were bound to pay and yield to the temporal power the temporalties ; which also is proved in the canon law, Causa xi.Qusest. 1. cap. 'Si tributum'etcap. ' Magnum.' And further, he argued the same points from the civil law, (Corpus Authentic. Collatio i., Tit. vi. Novella vi. in principio, ' Quomodo oporteat Episcopos et clericos ad ordinem reduci) ;' where it is said, two great gifts are bestowed, priesthood and empire, priesthood to rule over matters divine, empire to bear domination over human matters. Whence he concluded, that seeing these jurisdictions are distinguished of God (the one being given and limited to the church, and the other to the temporalty), the church in no wise ought to intermeddle with the temporal jurisdiction, seeing it is written in Proverbs (chap, xxiii.), "You ought not to pass the ancient limits and bounds, which the forefathers have set." And he laid much stress on the word "ancient;" because customs (he said) brought in to the contrary be of no force, but rather are counted abuses and corruptions. Neither (said he) can prescription take place, for that "jusfisci" is imprescriptible: neither can the king renounce such his royal right: proving the same by many chapters contained in the 10th Distinction. Wherefore seeing the king, at the time he was crowned, swore not only not to alienate or infringe the rights of his realm, but even to restore such rights as had been alienated and usurped either by the church or by any other, the king was bound by his oath to revoke the said abuses. Also, he did exhibit many particular articles in writing, wherein, as he said, the church did usurp upon the jurisdiction temporal. l! upiy to To answer these premises with reconciling of the places, I take for my theme the above that which is written 1 Pet. ii. ; under previous protestation, that whatsoever the'arch^ * s*ia^ say' '* 's not to ground or make any final judgment or determination Mshop of herein ; but only to inform the conscience of our sovereign lord the king and s'""' his assessors here assembled. I proceed therefore to consider what the apostle saith (1 Pet. ii.), " Fear God and honour the king." In which words St. Peter teacheth us two things: First, that filial fear and obedience are due unto God for the mightiness and puissance of his majesty, saying, " Fear God;" Secondly, that special honour and reverence is due to the king for the excellency of his dignity, saying " Honour the king." But note you by the way, how the apostle placeth his words : first he saith, that fear is due unto God, because principally and in chief we ought to fear God. For if the king or any other should com- mand things contrary to God, we ought to have no regard thereof, but to con- temn the king and obey God. For it is written in the Acts of the Apostles (chap, v.), "We ought rather to obey God than men;" and also in the second book of Maccabees (chap, vii.) it is said, " I will not obey the commandments of the king, but the law." The reason of this St. Augustine giveth thus, in his gloss upon Romans (xiii. 2), cited also in the Causa xi. Qusest, .'3. cap. !>7. "Qui resistit:" — " But put the case, thou art commanded to do that which thou canst not or mayest not do : doubtless, that thou must neglect the lesser power and fear the higher in such a case, is a lesson which thou art taught by the degrees of worldly things. As for example, be it so that a pro- CUrator commandeth thee any thing, and the same be against the proconsul, TO IORD FETEIt\s ORATION, 621 thou oughtest not to follow it. Yea, and further, put the case that the proconsul French commandeth one thing, the emperor another, and God willeth the third, thou History- must not care for them, but obey God, for God is the greater power. For they a n may threaten thee with prison, but God threateneth thee with hell fire : they \ .>0q" may kill thy body, but God may send thee, body and soul, to hell fire." And — *■ therefore worthily it is put first, " Fear God." And here the place in the last of Ecclesiastes is to be adjoined, where it is written, "Fear God and keep his commandments." And methinks, a man's fear of God is to be estimated Fear of chiefly from three things: that is to say, first, from his bountiful bestowing of ft°ndetll God's gifts and benefits; secondly, from his honouring and providing for God's in three ministers ; and lastly, from his full rendering unto every man his own. points. First, I say, from the bountiful bestowing of God's gifts and benefits. And for this cause the emperor Justinian writeth :l "Although hardly anything is to be accounted good, which is unmeasured, yet for a prince to bestow unmea- sured favours upon the church, is good." Nay, the emperor is bound to bestow so much the more, as God hath given him more, and to be himself, as it were, one great gift, and to give readily, especially to the holy churches, wherein the best measure is an unmeasured abundance of the Lord's property." And to this end Gregory saith to Albert, a French noble [cap. 1, Extra " de donationi- bus"], that a nobleman ought in a manner to prescribe this law to himself, to think himself bound to give even what he giveth voluntarily ; and unless he still increase in giving, to think that he hath given nothing. 2 Wherefore Abel, as (1) A brief Recapitulation of the Archbishop of Sens's Answer, with certain Notes in Reply to his Popish Reaso?is, addressed to the Reader. The answer of the archbishop of Sens, in the name of the other prelates, to the oration and arti- cles before objected by the lord Peter, consisteth of two parts. First, it declareth the fear due to God. Secondly, the honour due to the king. The first of these is, the fear of God, which, he saith, consisteth in three things. 1. In giving to God. 2. In honouring his ministers. 3. In restoring that which hath been taken away, &c. The second, which is the honouring of the king, he saith. consisteth in a double sort ; that is, in words only, wherein is flattery. Also in deed ; which again he divideth into four members. 1. When a man counselleth a king to that for which his dominion is loved. 2. When the king is counselled to that whereby his honour and excellency is not diminished. 3. When the king is counselled to that whereby his fame and renown is maintained. 4. When a king is counselled to that, whereby his conscience is not wounded, &e. And this is the order of his whole tractation. Now remaineth with like brevity, to recite the reasons and argu- ments in order, whereby he proveth the premises, with the subdivision of every member and part thereof. Wherein the studious reader may note both the subtle proceedings of these popish prelates, and also the feeble and impotent ground whereupon they build; whose building, as by this discourse and many others may appear, wholly and finally tendeth to this: To maintain their liberties, pomp, and estimation, above all other secular princes and persons. First, as concerning fear to be given to God, which he divideth into three parts, in giving, in honouring, and restoring ; for the first, he proveth that princes ought to give largely and without measure to the church, by these arguments. By the testimony of Justinian : although nothing is good which is too much, yet, I answer, that in the time of Justinian, goods then given to the church, were the goods of the poor; wherein ware used faithful distribution, voluntary giving, and necessary charity. But now, in our popish churches, revenues and lands given are not distributed to the poor; and yet are men compelled against their will to give still. And again, so little necessity is now to give to such, that almost all the wealth of realms is in their hands and houses ; insomuch that they, flowing in such wealth, are now waxen so proud, that kings can scarcely bear any rule for them, as was proved before, that the pope's revenues here in Kngland, amounted to more than three times double the stint of the king's crown. Wherefore by the counsel of Justinian, it was so then, and then might stand, " quod religio peperit divitias :" but now, as the time is altered, so that counsel holdeth not, " postquam nunc iilia devoravit matrem;" that is, " after that the daughter hath devoured the mother." Finally, concerning men's giving to the church in these our popish days, four faults I Four in- note : commo- First, that they give superfluously more than is sufficient to necessity of life. dities in Secondly, that they give to such as abuse it wickedly. giving Thirdly, that in giving to them that need not, noblemen in mean time defraud their poor neigh- to the hours, who need indeed, and yet do not complain. church. Fourthly, because of this title of giving, men have used, and yet do use, to put great hope of salvation therein, contrary to the testament of God in Christ's death, whereof examples are before. (2) " Abel offered of the best to the Lord, and was blessed of God ;" ergo, every great man that Three would be blessed -of God, must offer of the best he hath unto the church. Answer: This argument, things to as it is far fetched, so it is soon answered, wherein three notes are to be observed. be noted First, that he who offereth unto the church of God, doth not therein offer unto God immediately j„ offer- as Abel did. ing to Secondly, neither is this to be granted, that he who offereth to all churchmen, offereth by and God and by to the church of God ; for many times the churchmen are one, and the church of God is to the another. Lawrence, the martyr, showing forth the church of God, brought out the poor of the church, parish, and not the priests of the church. The third note is ; that if noble persons should offer unto God (by the example of Abel) that which is the best and fattest of the flock.; then should they offer unto the Lord of their flocks only, and not of their lands. Yea, and to note the very truth, they are taught thereby to offer to God, neither cattle nor lands, but that which is the very best, that is, their own bodies for a lively sacrifice to God. He that offereth up to God a proud heart, and kiileth it with the axe of humility, giveth unto him the best and fattest bullock he hath in all his flock. With like reason also I answer the place in Num. xviii. and of Chronicles [cap. ult ] C22 ANSWER OF THE PRELATES French appeareth in Genesis iv., who offered of the hest to the Lord, was blessed of History. God. And therefore divers kings, the more the}' offered to God, the more they . j-j were botli spiritually and temporally blessed of him ; as we read of Joshua, 1090 David, Solomon, and others in the book of the Kings. And therefore it is " written in Numbers xviii. : " And ye shall separate unto the Lord's treasury things that be best." As likewise David saith, in the first book of Paralipo- mena,1 the last chapter : "I have willingly offered all these things, and now have I seen with joy thy people which here are present offer with a free will unto thee." And no marvel, for David saith in that place: " All things come what of thee, and of thine own have we given thee." And it seemeth to me, that benefit because the kings of France, and the barons of the same, have given to God byeMnc an<* ms cnurcn more than those of any other realm, therefore they have been happy above all others, and the more they did give to God, the more they church, received at his hands : examples whereof we have in Clovis, Charlemagne, St. Louis, and others. For the more one giveth to God, the more one receiveth of him, agreeably to his own promise [Luke vi.], " Give and it shall be given unto you." Wherefore, a gift that a prince bestoweth upon the church is ren- dered to him again with large increase, and that botli in time of war, and in In time of time of peace. I say in war time, because victory proceedeth of no other, but war. oniy 0f God ; as it is written in the first book of Maccabees, (chap, iii.) : " The victory of battle standeth not in the multitude of the host, but strength cometh from heaven." And likewise in Exodus xvii. it is declared, " that when Moses held up his hands, Israel had the victory : but when he let down his hands, Amalek had the victory." To this end also serveth the last chapter of the second book of Maccabees, where Judas, being at the point to have the victory over the enemy, saw Onias, who had been high priest and a very virtuous man, and Jeremy the prophet, holding up their hands towards heaven, and praying for In time of the people and the whole city. I said also in time of peace, because the life of peace. the king and of his sons, and prosperity, peace, and obedience, are maintained in the realm by the prayers of the church. Wherefore, as long as Solomon was intent on the building the house of God, so long he had peace ; who thus in Proverbs xvi. teacheth us, " When a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh his very enemies to be at peace with him ;" and also in 1 Esdras, chap, vi., it is read, how the priests were commanded to offer oblations to the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the king and his children. And well therefore may it be called a gift both favourable and irrevocable, whereby victory is given, lite granted, and peace and security preserved. To serve God therefore, and libe- rally to give towards the worship of him, is the chiefest sign and token of Divine fear and love. " O ye that fear the Lord, believe him, and your reward shall not fail." [Ecclua. ii.] Secondly,1' Concerning the fear of God, I would have you understand, that that to offer up, or to separate unto the Lord's treasury, is not now to Rive to priests and chaplains of the church, who, pcradventure, have more than they do well occupy; but to give liberally to the communion of saints who are needy, and are the true treasury of the church indeed, as Lawrence the true treasurer said. (.'!) 1 Chronicles, xxxix. 17.— Ed. (4) " By God's commandment we are bound in duty to honour our temporal fathers." Ergo, by the same duty we are bound much rather to honour our spiritual fathers, that is, priests and prelates. Answer : 'A father in common speech is diversely taken, as by age, by nature, by otlice. And to all these we of duty are bound to yield honour, reverence, obedience, submission ; albeit not all after one sort, nor in like degree. For as we are bound to honour our fathers ami cm ' men and elders have also their honour and name of fathers; so magistrates and spiritual teachers, in their Two kind, have their honour and reverence. And St. Paul saith, [1 Tim. v.] '■ that such are worthy of things to double honour," " qui bene prasunt, et qui laborant in sermone." But, in this, two things are to lu- lu- noted noted: Wherein this honour consisteth, and bow far it extendeth. These spiritual fathers of the in giving church think they be not honoured enough unless kings and emperors give and surrender unto honour, them all the temporal rule and government, to do what they list, and none to control them: and wherein unless noblemen and subjects endow them with temporal lands and possessions as much as they consist would have. And this they call honour, which they define only by giving temporally: where cth ho- indeed il rather consisteth in giving spiritually, as to liave a reverent opinion of their mini- nour to yield a prompt obedience to tiu-ir doctrine, to reverence them as the ministers of I given to not to despise, defame, or molest their persons -. whereof St. l'aul, all 0 priests. speaketh, writing to Timothy, " Let no man despise thy youth," &c. And to Titus, •' Let no man despise thee," K ( And this is to honour our spiritual fathers. How far Secondly, To consider how far this honour extendeth: as no man doth deny, but thai these honour i thv their double honour who rule well, so, if they administer not their office well, given to they ar,., inili,.r ti'„. oveisi-hi of the kmg bearing the temporal sword, worthy of double punish- priests im-nt. And yet to consider this double honour in them that rule well, how Car it doth extend : if extend- jt be compared to the honour due to our parents, a ease of necessity will soon decide it. I'or Ik- it eth that our parents on «he one side, and pastor on the other, stand in extreme need of the son's sup- to lord peter's oration. 623 among the precepts of the Lord, the first and chiefest commandment of the French second tahle is, to " honour thy father :" which precept is very well expounded History. in the Hebrews [chap, xii.], where it is not only meant of the fathers of our . ^ bodies, but also of the Father of spirits. For as spiritual things do far exceed , „"2„' temporal matters ; so much more a great deal the spiritual son is bound to li- re verence the spiritual father, and to be in subjection unto him, that he may second live. And that the priests and prelates be the spiritual fathers, it is proved part of 2 Kings vi., where the king of Israel called Elizeus "father," saying- " My £l™? father, shall I smite them?" Unto this effect our Saviour [Luke x.] said to Honour- the apostles, whose successors the bishops are, " He that heareth you heareth '?8 spi- me, and he that despiseth you, despiseth me ;" also the apostle Paul [1 Thess. fathers, iv.], " He that despiseth you, despiseth not men, but God." Wherefore Jus- tinian the emperor in another place saith, " We have great care to the church of God, that therein may be true doctrine and integrity of priest's life, which having, we trust that for our great gifts we shall receive such rewards at God's hands, as shall both be durable, and remain ; yea and also what hitherto hath not happened." Blessed St. Gregory,in his Register, writing to a certain em- peror, which is also to be seen in the Decrees,5 saith, " Let not the emperor dis- Honour dain priests, but have special regard to them for His sake whose servants they |^e be ; and so let him rule over them, that due and condign reverence be given priests. unto them. For they in the divine Scriptures are sometimes termed gods, sometimes named angels [Exod. xxii.], ' Then shall both their causes come before the gods.' Also Malachi ii., ' The priest's lips shoidd be sure of know- ledge, that men may seek the law at his mouth : for he is a messenger of the Lord of hosts.' And therefore it is no marvel, if we should vouchsafe to honour them, when God himself, in his speech attributing to them honour, termeth them gods and angels." And here is to be noted, how Constantine the emperor, when certain of his subjects presented unto him libels accusatory against the bishops, received them at their hands. But calling before him those- bishops that were accused therein, in their sight he cast those libels into the fire, saying, " Depart you hence, and discuss these matters among yourselves ; for it is not convenient and meet that we judge gods, because it is written, ' God stood in the synagogue of gods, and in the midst of them he did judge gods.' " In the same chapter it is declared, how that the Pagans, who wor- shipped golden and wooden gods, attributed great honour to the priests. What marvel is it then, if the godly and great and christian emperors do honour and reverence the priests of the true God? And, doubtless, it is their duty so to do. And it is reason, which the lord Peter, the last day, said in this point ; Two that there are two powers, priesthood and dominion, the one spiritual, the other powers, temporal, which no less differ one from the other, than the sun from the moon, temporal the heaven from the earth, and gold from lead. And therefore if honour is ritual?1 due and to be given to the lesser power, by them that be underneath him : he and what that is chief of the higher power, of right good duty, is to be honoured and b^wi^6 reverenced by all under him, as expressly is declared, cap.' Solitae' Demaj. et obed.them where answer is fully made to the allegation of the lord Peter, alleged by him both- to make for his own purpose, that is to say, " Be ye subject to all creatures A s"diT for God's sake," &c. There he speaketh of the subjection which standeth upon Double ' the merit of virtue, and not upon the duty of necessity. For else, if he shoidd R.u°jec- speak of the subjection which is by duty of necessity ; then must it needs follow, meri? of' that every bishop ought to be subject to every beggarly rascal in the city of virtue, Paris. For the text is, " Be ye subject to all human creatures :" but a rascal is j}utvof°n a human creature : ergo, bishops must be subject to a rascal. Of the dignity necessity of a bishop, Gregory talketh in his pastoral. " The honour," saith he, " and Autho- the majesty of a bishop is without all comparison. If you compare it to the bishop3 royalty of a king, it is even as you woidd compare metal or lead to the beauty and a of gold ; for that is to be seen, when kings and princes stooping under the k^Lcom knees of priests and kissing their right hand, think themselves to be defended pride of by their prayer." And because the kings of France have, more than others, the pre- honoured and reverenced the prelates, they have, above all others, flourished 'as- portation, wherein he can help but the one : nature, I suppose, sooner will and ought to run, and the word of Christ will sooner drive us, to our father, than to the priest's eorban [Mark vii. ] : so that this distinction may have place here : That as the one standeth upon merit of virtue, so the other standeth upon mere duty of necessity. 15) Decret. Pars ii. Causa xi. quaest. i. cap. 41. " Sacerdotibus." ()2t ANSWER OF THE PRELATES French and prospered. It is said, Ecclus. iii., "He that honoureth his father, shall History, rejoice in his sons." And it tolloweth there, " He that honoureth his father, ^ Y) shall live a long life." This is therefore the sign of the fear of God. And as 1329! ^ *s written, Ecclus. iii., " lie that feareth God honoureth his parents." Thirdly, I say, that a man ought to fear God, in the full reverencing and Third restoring unto man what is his; for he that doth not give to another what is fearing *"s' 'm* goeth about to usurp, doubtless he feareth not (iod. Contrary, he that rind " restoreth all again, he is said to love and fear God. [Eccles. xviii.] " He that feareth God will do good things ;" and in the Psalm, " I have been afraid of thy judgments, and have done judgment and justice." For as the lawyers say, A thing which is true, "a thing may be made mine divers ways, as by succession, corn- made mutation, prescription, or any other acquisition, either by law or custom ;" and divers so °*" tne res'" And whereas the lord Peter, the last day, by distinction of ways. jurisdiction, temporal and spiritual, endeavoured to prove that he who hath spiritual jurisdiction, ought not to have temporal; otherwise there wen1 no distinction thereof, but rather a confusion of jurisdictions : I will therefore prove the contrary, that these jurisdictions are both compatible in one person, especially in an ecclesiastical man;0 and this will I prove by the law of God, by six proofs the law of nature, canon law, civil law, custom and privilege. But first I allege, that ",ai' ""' in accidental forms, some of them are distinct, that they are not clean contrary, lions tern- hut unlike, as whiteness and sweetness. Other forms there be which are so poral and distinct, that they are clean contrary one to the other, and are not compatible nrecom- m one SUuject, for one contrary expels another, and importeth the negative of patible iii the other. Wherefore those things be contrary, which one from another are one per- most of all distant and disagreeing, and which, in one susceptible, may come one after the other, but not together, as the philosopher teacheth in the Predicaments. Forms But those forms which are so distinct that they be not contrary, but unlike, are being dis- compatible in one subject, as quantity and quality, which, being distinct in iiufco'i' respect of their ' genus generalissimum,' yet may be in one person ; and for- trary.may titude and temperance, being under one kind of moral virtue, are found to be in l.e com- one man, as logic and grammar, which are also species and kinds in one genus, one sub-" Vl7- °f 'intellectus.' Therefore it is no good argument : 7 These forms be distinct, Ject. ergo, they be not compatible in one subject. And, therefore, that the jurisdic- tions temporal and spiritual are so distinct, that they are not contrary but com- patible, it is evident hereby; because things contrary be so, that the one cannot be ordained to concur with the other, but rather the one confoundeth and destroyeth the other : but, in this case, jurisdiction temporal is ordained for the spiritual; and contrary, the spiritual for the temporal. Or rather, the one dependeth on the other, as the clearness of the moon doth on the brightness of the sun. Also the one jurisdiction so helpeth and comforteth the other, that there is no contrariety in them. And therefore it is no good consequence, because they are distinct, ergo, they are not compatible in one person. This also is to be proved de facto. "For the earth is the Lord's, and the plenty of the whole universal world, 'and all that dwell therein." It is proved likewise by this reason: for if the jurisdictions be not compatible, it should follow, that no ecclesiastical person should have any jot of temporal jurisdiction, neither laud, tower, castle, lordship, nor any thing else ; which is mosl absurd : and so by this means it should follow, that no ecclesiastical person should he in subjection unto the king, which were to the great derogation of the king's majesty's crown and dignity. It must needs be, therefore, that these jurisdictions be compatible, notwithstanding the distinction of them one from another. And thus much for answer to all these reasons, by the which lord Peter proved the distinction of these jurisdictions. (6) "These jurisdictions temporal and spiritual, are compatible in one] < I grant " pro rati..,,,. subjecti :" that is, in the subject itself there is no cause to the contrary, but t ... se vocations may both be exercised by one person, as they have been by the pope, one after the other, (and so may contrary forms also) and vet the pope's person hath been able to sustain them both. Hut now, here is to be considered, not, what the nature of the subject is able to bear bj Logic, but What order is taken herein bv the will of God, whose order is this: that th, v. who With 1 > ter arc railed to the reeding of the (lock, should leave their fishing nets, and fish lor men ; and that they who labour in the warfare of the Lord should not entangle themselves with the business ot this life. Two whereby they may be more free to please him, whose soldiers tliey are. [ I it. n.j t (?) " The jurisdictions temporal and spiritual, are so distinct that the> are not Contrary, Kc. COtltTaiT. Answer: And what let is there then, but our queen now, and other kings hereafter, may have the government of both states, as well ecclesiastical as temporal .' S v both tb ■■ !.. ms b ,, atible, may concur both in one subject! why not as well in the person Oi the king within QIC t;blc. realm, as in the person of the pope without the realm f TO I.OKD I'HTEItV; ORATION. 625 These tilings premised, I proceed further to prove that a person ecclesias- French tical, who hath jurisdiction spiritual, may also have temporal jurisdiction ; and nish>rv- that the jurisdiction temporal may be in an ecclesiastical person, I will prove j^ jy by the Scriptures : and first out of the Old Testament, to the evident probation 1399 whereof, it is to be understood, that God, after the creation of the world and man, even unto Noah's time, would govern the world himself, as king, by the Proofs out ministry of angels ;8 by reason whereof he give and pronounced sentence him- xesta-°1 the people in matters temporal. And when the people desired a king, the Lord n,a'tt"rs" was highly offended with them, and said unto Samuel, " They have not refused Ergo, the thee but me, that I should not be king over them." Furthermore, as long a.s P0^" ^''j'*' kings among the people of God used the advice and counsel of priests and jurisdic bishops, it was well with them and their kingdom ; but when they forsook and tio"s- left the counsel of bishops and priests, then was their kingdom divided; and finally they were brought into captivity, in which captivity the people were altogether governed and ruled by the priests and prophets, as by Esdras and Nehemiah. And, last of all, by the means of the Maccabees, the kingdom and government Avere devolved and brought into the priests' hands, who were the kings and captains over the people, and had the government as well of spiritual matters as of temporal ; as is read in Maccabees, of Mattathias and his sons, namely, of Judas Machaby, Jonathan, Simon, and John the son of Simon, who, in all spiritual and temporal matters, were governors over the people of God. [1 Mac. ii.] Moreover, Jeremy, who was one of the priests, declareth after this manner [chap, i.] : " I have set thee over the people and kingdoms, that thou mayest root out, break, destroy, and make waste, and that thou mayest build up and plant." Besides this, in the time of judge Eliah, a priest in like manner had the judgment of temporal matters. And so much concerning the proof hereof, out of the Old Testament. Secondly, I prove my former proposition by authorities taken out of the (8) " God, after the creation of the world," &c, " even unto Noah's time," &c. Answer : If God unto Noah's time governing the world as king, gave sentence himself against Cain, as we say, how then did he that by the ministry of angels? If he did it by the angels his ministers, whether is more like then that it make for the pope, or rather for kings and prinoes, whom the Scriptme thrice in one chapter calletli the ministers of God, to execute punishment on him that doth evil. woa*, [Rom. xiii.] 'nest (9) "Noah also who offered," &c. Answer: If offering of burnt sacrifices to God do make a am| ila(i priest, then was Cain also, and Abel, Abraham, Isaac, and all the patriarchs, priests. If he had hoih both temporal and spiritual jurisdiction over those that were in his ark, I marvel why he did not jurjs(ijc- curse then the disobedient crow that returned not to him again tions in \10) " Melchisedec likewise," &c. Answer : Melchisedec properly did Dear a figure of Christ, both t],t. &rv king and priest, and of none other. VOL. II. S S 626 French Hulory. A.D. 1329. L'roulbOUl of the New Tes- tament. Christ by Ins human nature had holh powers. ANSWER OF THE PRELATES New Testament. For Christ had not only bath the powers, by divine nature, whereby be created all things out of nothing, and by consequence was God over all, but also by his humanity had both powers ; for he was the priest after the order of Melchisedec, as it is said in the Psalms, and also is alleged to the 1 1 (brews, who had both on his vesture and on thigh written, " King of kings, and Lordof lords." [Rev. six.] By this vestment or thigh was meant his humanity, which was joined to his divinity, as the garment is to him that weareth it. He said of himself [Matt, xxviii.], " Unto me is given all power, both in heaven and in earth."11 As also saith the apostle [Ileb. i.], " Whom he made and con- stituted heir of all universal things." And again [Ileb. ii.], " He hath made him not much inferior to the angels. He hath crowned him with glory and honour, and hath set him above the works of his hands: thou hast put all things in subjection under his feet, sheep and oxen, and all the whole cattle of the field." When therefore it is said, " He made all things subject unto him ; excludeth nothing, as the apostle there saith. Whereby it is apparent, that as concerning his human nature, in the which he was made leas than the angels, all things were subject to him. Also this appeareth in Philippians [chap, ii.] : " He humbled himself, wherefore God exalted him;" and it Polloweth, "That in the name of Jesus should every knee bow, both of things in heaven, and of things in earth, and of things under the earth." Behold here, that in that nature in which he did humble himself, he was exalted, " because every knee should bow down to him." This in like manner hath St. Peter, in Acts *., where he saith, "he was constituted of God, the judge of the quick and the dead." And he speaketh of the nature which God raised up the third day. as the whole Scripture proveth. And likewise St. Peter had this power given him, whom Christ constituted and made his vicar ;12 who also condemned by sentence judicially Ananias and Sapphira,13 for lying and stealing. [Acts v.] Paul also condemned a fornicator convicted.14 [1 Cor. v.] And that Christ would have the correction and judgment of such matters to appertain to his church, a text in Matthew xviii. expressly declareth, where it is said, " If thy brother trespass against thee, go and tell him his fault between him and thee: if he hear thee, thou hast won thy brother; but if he heareth not, then take with thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all things may be established: if he hear not then, tell it unto the congregation: if he hear not the congregation, take him as an heathen man and a publican. Verily I say unto you, whatsoever you bind on earth, the same shall be bound in heaven ; and whatsoever you loose on earth, the same shall be loosed in heaven." Behold, how expressly it is commanded, that whensoever in any matter one offendeth the other, he being first charitably admonished, the matter must be published and referred to the order of the church and congregation.15 But if the offender do not obey and hear the admonition, he is to be taken as a heathen and a publican, which is as much as to say, like one that is ex- communicated by the church, so that be may have no communion or participation with it. And that this was the intention of Christ, this seemeth much to prove, where, in giving the reason hereof, he imme- diately addeth, "Verily I say unto you, whatsoever," &c. (where note this term distributive, " whatsoever," equivalent to •' all things.") Wherefore, as the apostle argued in Hebrews it., that if he ordained all things to be subject unto him, he left nothing unsubjected; 16 even so I may argue: If all things that the church doth loose, be loosed, and every thing that the (11) " Unto me is given," &c. Answer: That Christ hath all power given him. no man doubteth ; hut yet the same Christ Saith, that his kingdom is not of this world; neither would he be made a kin- in this world. Sec. •' Non eripit mortatia, qui regno dat caslestia," Sec. (12) " Whom Christ, Sic. made his vicar, \< " Answer: Here in one line be two lies. For Peter had not the very same power in heaven and earth as Christ had, neither was he the vicar of (1.1) As the offence of Ananias and Sapphira was not temporal but spiritual ; io did Peter k 1 them n< t judicially, that is, as a temporal judge ; but spiritually, that is, bj the power of the Spirit, which Spirit wrought by him, not as by a judge, hut as a minister. And although f is act of Peter was extraordinary tor a singular example, yet, let any prelate with the like power of Spirit so do, and none will blame him. ... (14) And so likewise the condemnation of Paul against the Corinthian, was only spiritual and not temporal. (15) " Must tic referred to the order," &c. Christ would have these rau-cs t.. he referred t . » the hearing of the church, for spiritual admonition, hut not fur the temporal jurisdiction of the prelates. 16] All things that the true church doth truly bind arc bound, 1 grant : hut first let the pope prove his church to be the true church, and himself to be the universal head thereof, and then let him clait TO LORD PETERS ORATION. G^T church bindeth, is bound ; there is nothing that the church may not loose and French hind. Or by logic, thus I may reason : there is nothing bound by the church, ll,slur'.<- that is not bound in heaven ; which argument is good by a certain rule of logic, a ul which declareth and confirmeth the old. And if any will reply, io'oq demanding wherefore the church of France should more challenge th"is, than any - — — '— other churches in other realms, which have no such prerogative; 1 can soon i u mil answer them, [f the kings of France (whom God with singular grace, honour blessed*6 am* privifegCj lal' above all other princes, hath blessed and endued for three than special causes, to wit, for their great faith and devotion unto God, for theii others honour and reverence to the church, and for their good justice showed unto the things!* people) have granted to the church special liberties, or have permitted those 1. Paith which before were granted, peaceably to be kept and observed; why then they !."iV0(1' should have them, it is no marvel. Yea and further, their devotion unto the 2. Honour ,,,,,,,, , , , to the church hath been such, that the nearer the churches were unto them, the more church liberties they enjoyed; and yet had these princes never the lesson that account, to the °e but rather the more ; which is evident, and redoundeth to the great honour and people. nobility both of the king and his realm. Five I have oftentimes heard of others, how that four or five things do especially things nobilitate and adorn this realm. the ° First, their sincere and inviolable faith; for it was at no time read, that realm. the kings of France (since the receiving of the faith) did ever swerve from the same. (l of Secondly, the nobility of blood, which descended from Priam the king of the Trojans, and successively from Charlemagne and other royal kings. Priam! Thirdly, the unity and peace of concord, which especially, above all others, reigned and flourished in the realm of France. Fourthly, the solemnity and pomp of the prelates and clergy. Fifthly, the well-disposed readiness of the barons and subjects to obey, [f therefore the prelates of this realm should not have this law and privilege, but should be deprived thereof, then should the king and his realm lose one of his noble estates, whereby they are highly magnified, I mean the bravery. solemnity, and royalty of the prelates; for then, they should not only be neither pompous nor royal, but more beggarly and miserable than any others, the most nait of their living consisting herein. I do conclude, therefore, that it is proved both by divine law, natural law, canon law, civil law, custom, and privilege, that the right of detennining such temporal matters of the church may of right apper- tain to the church of France; and so I turn the lord Peter's theme against himself. Besides this, I will propound that which is most plain and manifest; that whatsoever things be offered up to the church, and are converted to the dominion and properly of the same, be God's, and appertain to him; forasmuch as they arc said lo be dedicated to and sanctified by him, as sufficiently through- out the Levitts may appear, as declared [I Sam. xxi.j concerning the bread offered to God, where it is said, " 1 have no common bread under my hands to eat, but holv bread." Wherefore it was not lawful for the laity to eat of the same bread, hut in time of great necessity; which is also proved, where it is read, [Dan. v.] " Because king Belthazzar, and his lords, with bis queen, drank in the golden and silver vessels, which his father Nebuchadnezzar had taken <>iit of the temple of Jerusalem ; in the same (very) hour there appeared fingers, as U bad been of a man's hand, writing right over the candlestick upon the plain wall in the king's palace. And the king saw the palm of the hand that wrote; and that which was written was Mene, Thekel, Phares ; the interpre- tation whereof is this, as there it appeareth : Mene, God hath numbered tl dom and brought it to an end: Tliekel, Thou art weighed in a balance, and art found ioo light : /'//tires, Thy kingdom is dealt in parts, and given to the Medcs and Persians." The very selfsame night was Belthazzar, the king of the Chaldees, slain, and Darius succeeded in the kingdom of the Medes; the monarchy of the Assyrians being then translated unto the Medes. 'Whereby it appeareth, that those things which are offered up to the church, belong to God, and are so dedicated to him that no layman may use them; which if they do, liny must look to receive vengeance at (bid's hand, as Belthazzar did. These things now ended, I will argue out the lord Peter's theme, which was, "(live unto the emperor, that is the emperor's; and unto God, tint is God's, tint this jurisdiction, which, as I proved before, is diversely converted to tie dominion and property of the French church, is now Cod's, and therefore to TO LORD TETER S ORATION 6"l be reserved to and for him ; wherefore, whensoever any goeth about to take French away the same, the good and godly ought to answer, what Ambrose did to the History. Gothen soldiers, sent to him by the emperor, which was to this effect : " If the " ' emperor," quoth he, " had requested that which had been mine, I would not * .,', have denied him, albeit that whatsoever I have, all is the poor's : but because . *^9. he demandeth those things which belong to God, wherein he hath no right or Ambrose interest, I had rather he should imprison me, yea and cut off my head, than in c.ase condescend to his request therein:" alluding to'the history of Naboth [1 Kings ^be^the" xxi.], in which is to be seen how Naboth, the holy man, possessor of the vine- emperor. yard, was requested by the king to give up his vineyard ; who made answer, Naboth " 1 will not give unto thee the inheritance of my fathers," at which answer denieth the king was marvellously offended. "Wherefore," quoth Ambrose, " if h'^ '%k ?"|_ Naboth would not deliver his vineyard, shall we deliver to you the church yard, of Christ ? no, God forbid, that I should deliver you Christ's heritage. Naboth did not deliver the vineyard, nor surely will I deliver Christ's church." And further he addeth a good saying, " I can neither tase nor surrender aught from the temple of God, for I received it to keep, not to surrender : besides this, it is my duty and office to consult the interest of the emperor in this aw«y the of the law and styles of the courts, than is necessary to this our Autun.of history, and because we would not burden the volume withal, they con- taining no great profit in them, we have here of purpose for brevity's sake omitted, passing to the next sitting, which was the following Friday, as ensueth. On that day [January the 5th], the prelates Another assembled at Vincennes before the king, to hear the answer ; where ^'in1 the aforesaid lord Peter de Cugnieres, being prolocutor for the king, »he Par" spake on this wise, taking for his theme, " I am peace unto you, do '*"*"' not fear,"1 &c. ; which he prosecuted, admonishing that they should not Ar be troubled by any thing that had been spoken, for that the intent and mind of their sovereign lord the king was, to keep the rights of the church and prelates, which they had by law and by good and reason- 638 bishop of autun's reply. French able custom. WTiere, between the first and the last conclusions, he went ■ about to prove, that the cognizance of civil causes ought not to apper- A. D. tain to the church ; for that such things were temporal, and ought to pertain to the temporally, as spiritual things to the spiritualty. And besides his other reasons, he alleged the 96 Distinct, cap. " Cum ad Shaving _ verum.11 He asserted, also, that for this intent first the clerks' crowns crown*! were shaven, in sign that they should be free from all worldliness, and forsake all temporal things ; alleging to that end Causa xii. Qusest. 1. cap. •' Duo sunt genera.'''' Furthermore, he declared, that the bishops had cognizance in certain cases expressed by law, wherefore, these said cases ministered a certain rule against them, alleging in proof thereof " De regulis juris,111 cap. i., and ff. "de legatis,11 1.1." Titise textori -." Also he affirmed, that the Decretal "Novit," which they supposed t<> make for them, did speak of the king of France's state, who hath no superior; but in other persons it was, he said, otherwise. These things thus being proved, he concluded by saying, that, nevertheless, their lord and king was ready to hear the information of those, who would instruct him of any customs, and those customs which were good and reasonable he would have observed. To this answer, because it did not seem to please and suffice the prelates, the bishop of Autun immediately replied for them all in manner following: First, commending the good and general answer, he spake in this wise, " The prince of the people shall be praised for the prudence of his talk" (Ecclesiasticus ix. 17), commending there- withal, as touching the former good general answer of the king, his purpose and talk propounded; but as concerning the words of the lord Peter, which engendered and brought darkness and obscurity, and might give occasion to the temporal lords to break and infringe the rights and customs of the church, his answer seemed not to the prelates full and plain. Speaking, moreover, to the said Peter, he alluded to the words of the Virgin speaking in the Scripture thus to her son, " Why hast thou thus dealt with us?11 And so he prose- cuted the same, both marvelling with himself, and yet covertly com- plaining of his answer. Afterwards, in reply to those things which the lord Peter affirmed, first, in reference to the chapter " Cum ad verum," he said that it was before answered, touching the division of the two jurisdictions, that they may be in one subject, as was before proved. Neither did that weigh which the lord Peter said, that these two jurisdictions could not be in one subject, because things that be in themselves diverse and yet be under one genus, as a man ami an ass, cannot be in one subject ; but if they were under divers kinds, as whiteness and sweetness in milk, they might be well in one subject: whereunto it was answered, that this ride was not true, because justice and temperance are two divers virtue*, and under one genus, and yet be in one subject ; besides, these differing species, a man and an ass. be not compatible in one subject. Also to that which was spoken concerning the shaving of the crown, it was answered, that the crown did betoken rule and excellency ; ami the shaving did signify, that they ought not to heap up store of temporal things, so as to apply their hearts thereunto ; but that the temporal things ought to be subject to them, and not they to the temporally, as is proved in the said chapter, "Duo sunt genera.'1 Also as concerning what was alleged k> de regula,"" he answered, that this maketh for the church, (1) Probably referring to tit. 11, at the end of Decretal. Gregor.— Kj. FINAL ANSWER TO THE PRELATES. 639 as before was proved ; yea, also, that the custom cloth make the rule Vjenen for the church ; also that laws in all kind of cases do always except the custom ; and, therefore, that his reasoning made nothing against A.D. it. And as to that which the lord Peter spake about the Decretal 132^ " Novit," that the case was only one of the king's person ; yet, for all that, the same thing is expressly said in the context of every christian man : and although in the said law it is the pope who speaketh, yet the same is applied to all bishops in their diocese in the 63rd Distinct, cap. " Yalentinianus." Wherefore the said bishop The concluded and beseeched the king, that it would please his grace to )!j*(h°p give unto them a more plain and comfortable answer, and that they fault with might not depart from his presence all pensive and sad, whereby answer? s occasion might be given to the laity to impugn the rites and liberties of the church, and that they doubted nothing herein of the good nature and conscience of their sovereign lord and king. In the end, it was answered them .in the behalf of the king, that it was not his mind and intent to impugn the customs of the church. On the Sunday following, the bishops assembled again before the Gentle king at Vincennes, where the lord archbishop of Sens repeated their the king last supplication, with the last answer made them in the behalf of the {,°sj!op. king ; whereupon the lord archbishop of Bourges gave them to under- stand, how the king willed them not to fear, as they should suffer no hindrance or damage in his time ; yea, and how he would defend them in their rights and customs, and that it should never be said, that he gave ensample to others to impugn the church ; the king himself assenting to his having so said. The said lord archbishop of Sens in the name of the whole prelates gave humble thanks to the king for this, and the said archbishop of Sens beseeched that such proclamations, as ha/1 been made to the prejudice of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, might be repealed and called in. Hereunto the king himself answered with his own mouth, that they were not published at his commandment, neither did he know of them, nor ratify them. Thirdly, the archbishop proposed, that those abuses which the teinporalty complained of should by the prelates be so ordered and reformed, that every man should be well contented therewith. Last of all, he beseeched the king's highness, that he would of his gracious goodness give them a more comfortable and fuller answer. Then Final answered the lord Peter in the name of the king; that if the prelates thepre-t0 would see reformation of those things which were to be amended, lates- whereabouts he would take respite between then and the Christmas next following, his grace would innovate nothing in the mean season : but that if in the aforesaid space they should not have corrected and reformed that which was amiss, his majesty would then apply such order and remedy, as should be acceptable both to God and his subjects. After this the prelates had leave of the king to depart, and went home.1 And thus much concerning French matters, which because they be ecclesiastical, and bear with them some utility to the diligent reader (such as list to search, note, and observe the acts of men. and the course of re- ligion), I thought therefore here to place and adjoin next after the other contention before proceeding between Philip the French king and pope Boniface. Albeit, as touching the perfect keeping of years and time, (1) For the "Brief Recapitulation," Sc, which in some Editions follows here, see the foot note (1) to p.f>21 of this volume.— Ed. G44) RASH VOW OF KING KDWAKI) R>iwardi I am not ignorant that this aforesaid parliament, thus summoned and A. d. commenced against the French prelates, falling a.d. 1829, was to be 1307. referred rather to the reign of king Edward II., of whom now remaineth (by the grace of Christ) in order of history to prosecute, declaring first the instructions and informations of his father given to Death of him at the time of his departing. In the year of our Lord P>(>7, and Edward, the last year of the king, the aforesaid king Edward, in his journey A.D.1S07. marching towards Scotland, in the north fell sick of the flux, which in- creased so fervently upon him. that he despaired of life. Wherefore calling before him his earls and barons, he caused them to be sworn that they should crown his sun Edward in such convenient time after his death as thev might, and keep the land to his use, till he were Godly les- crowned. That done, he called before him his son Edward, informing precepts and lessoning him with wholesome precepts, and lie also charged him theyoung w'tn divers points upon his blessing : first, that he should be courteous, prince- gentle, upright in judgment, fair spoken to all men, constant in deed and word, familiar with the good ; and especially to the miserable he merciful. After this, he gave him also charge not to be too hasty in taking his crown before he had revenged his father's injuries stoutlj The kinK against the Scots ; but that he should remain in those parts to take his "ones witli him his father's bones, being well boiled from the flesh, and so HelTin" being enclosed in some fit vessel, should carry them with him till he the held conquered all the Scots ; saying, " that so long as he had his father's thescots. bones with him, none should overcome him.r> Moreover, he willed and required him to love his brothers, Thomas and Edmund ; also to Father's cherish and tender his mother Margaret, the queen. Over and excluding besides, he straightly charged him upon his blessing (as he would comply av°id his curse) that he should in no case call to him again, or send bom ins for Peter Gavcston ; which Peter Gaveston the king before had banished the realm, for his naughty and wicked familiarity with his son Edward, and for his seducing of him with sinister counsel; for tp^dix. which cause he had both banished Peter Gaveston utterly out of the realm, and also had put the said Edward his son in prison, and therefore so straightly he charged his son in nowise to send for this Gaveston, or to have him in any case about him. And finally, Hash vow because he had conceived in himself a vow to return in his own Edward: person to the Holy Land (which for his manifold wars with the totabecar- Scots, he could not perform), therefore he had prepared thirty-two the'iuv thousand pounds of silver, for the sending of certain soldiers with Land. ' his heart unto the Holy Land. This thing he required of his son to see accomplished, so that the aforesaid money, under his curse and malediction, be not employed to other uses. But these injunctions and precepts the disobedient son did not at all observe or keep after the decease of his father. Forsaking and leaving off the war with the Scots, the son, with all speed, hasted him to his corona- tion. Also contrary to the mind of his nobles, and against the precept of his lather, he sent for the aforesaid Peter Gaveston, and prodigally bestowed upon him all that treasure which his father had bequeathed to the Holy Land. He was, moreover, a proud despiser of his peers and nobles; and therefore reigned unfortunately, as by the sequel of the story here following, by the grace of Christ, shall be declared. Thus king Edward, the first of that name, leaving sun. THE REIGN OF EDWARD THE SECOND. 641 behind him three sons, Thomas and Edmund by his third wife, and UJward Edward by his first wife, whom he had sufficiently thus with precepts instructed, departed this mortal life, a.d. 1307, after he had reigned A.D nearly thirty-five years ; of whom this epitaph 1307. was written " Dum viguit rex, et valuit tua magna potestas, Fraus latuit, pax magna mit, regnavit honestas." In the time and reign of this king many other things happened, which here I omit to speak of, as the long discord and strife between the prior of Canterbury, and the prior of Dover, which continued above four years, together with much wrangling and unquietness between them. Likewise another like contention growing up between John Romain, archbishop of York, and the archbishop of Canterbury: upon this occasion, that when John, archbishop of York, after his consecration returned from the pope, coming to Dover, contrary to the inhibition of Canterbury, he passed through the middle of Kent, with his cross borne up, although the story reporteth that he had the king's consent thereunto, a.d. 1286. Item, Between Thomas, bishop of Hereford, and John Pecham, arch- bishop of Canterbury, arose another wrangling matter, in the time of this king ; which bishop of Hereford, appealing from the archbishop to the pope, went up to Rome, and on his journey died. Who with less cost might have tarried at home, a.d. 1282. EDWARD THE SECOND.1 Edward II., son of Edward I., who was born (as is aforesaid) at A.D. Caernarvon in Wales, after the departure of his father entered upon 130~- the government of the land a.d. 1307, but was crowned not before [Feb.25th. the year next following, by reason of the absence of Robert Winchelsey, ^m™*' who was banished by king Edward I. ; whereupon the king, this pre- sent year, writeth to the pope for the restitution of the said arch- [Dec. bishop, for that by an ancient law of the realm the coronation of the a.d.W, king could not otherwise proceed without the archbishop of Canterbury. RymerJ Which Edward, as he was personable in body and outward shape, so in conditions and evil disposition much deformed — as, unsteadfast of word, and light to disclose secrets of great counsel ; also, refusing the company of his lords and men of honour, he much haunted among villains and vile personages ; given, moreover, to overmuch drinking, and such vices as thereupon be wont to ensue. And as of his own nature he was to the said vices disposed, so was he much worse by the counsel and familiarity of certain evil-disposed persons ; as first, of Edward Peter or Piers Gaveston beforementioned ; then, after him, of the ^fc^Jd two Spensers and other ; whose wanton counsel he following, gave counsel, himself to the appetite and pleasure of the body, nothing ordering his commonweal by sadness, discretion, and justice ; which thing caused first great variance between him and his nobles, so that shortly he became to them odible, and in the end was deprived of his kingdom. In the first year he took to wife Isabel, daughter of Philip king of France ; with whom, the year after, he was crowned at (1) Edition 1563, p. 74. Ed. 1583, p. 36G. Ed. 159C, p. 33S. Ed. 1684, vol. i p. 416. —Ed. VOL. II. T T 64-2 king kdward's inordinate affection to gaveston. Edward Westminster by the bishop of Winchester, for that Robert Winchel- u' sey, archbishop'of Canterbury, was yet in exile, not returned home. A.D. Notwithstanding, the barons and lords made first their request to the 1307- king to put Peter Gaveston from him, or else they would not consent to Pe,er his coronation ; whereupon he was enforced to promise that they should Gaveston, . , . ' r ,. , , , ,, ■ v i a wicked have their requests accomplished, at the next parliament, and so was about the crowned. In the mean season the aforesaid Peter or Piers, bear- kin%e ing himself of the king's favour bold, continued triumphing and Appendix, getting at light all other states and nobles of the realm, so that he ruled "both the king and the realm, and all things went as he would ; neither had the king any delight else or kept company with any but with him ; with him only he brake all his mind, and conferred all his counsels. This, as it seemed strange unto the lords and earls, so it inflamed their indignation so much against this Peter, that through the exciting of the nobles the bishops of the land did proceed in excom- munication against the said Gaveston, unless he departed the land. Upon the occasion whereof the king, the same first year of his reign, ApfZaix being grieved with the bishops, writeth to the pope, complaining that they had proceeded to excommunication of the said Peter unless he departed the realm within a time certain. What answer the king's letter had from the pope, I find not set down in story. Over and besides, it befel in the said first year of the king that the bishopric of York being vacant, the king gave the office of the treasure to one of his own clerks;1 whereof the pope having intelligence writeth to the king, commanding him to call back the same gift ; and withal citeth up to Rome the said clerk, there to answer the matter to a nephew of one of his cardinals, upon whom he had bestowed the said dignity : whereunto the king makcth answer, " That if such citations and the execution of the same should proceed, to the impeachment of our kingly jurisdiction, and to the prejudice of our lawful inheritance, and the honour of our crown (especially if the deciding of such matters which principally concern our estate should be prosecuted in any other place than within this our realm, by any manner of ways, &c.), certes, although we ourselves should wink thereat, or through sufferance permit matters so to pass our hands ; yet the states and nobles of our king- dom, who upon allegiance are obliged and sworn to the protection and defence of the dignity of the crown of England, will in no wise suffer our right and the laws of the land so to be violated.11 [Dec. Besides this, the aforesaid pope wrote to the king, complaining A.IU307. that by certain counsellors of king Edward his father, lying sick Kymer.] anci utterly ignorant thereof, a certain restraint was given out, charging his nuncios and legates, whom he had sent for the gathering of the first-fruits of the benefices vacant within the realm, not hereafter to intermeddle therewith, &c. Whereunto the king maketh answer, — Most holy father, it hath been given you to understand otherwise than the truth of the matter is. For most true it is, indeed, that the aforesaid inhi- bition was ratified by good act of parliament holden at Carlisle, upon certain causes concerning the execution of such collections, the said our father not only being not ignorant, but also witting, willing, and of his own mere knowledge agreeing to the same, in the presence not only of his own earls, barons, and states, and commons of the realm, but also yonr legates and liegevs being called thereunto. (1) See Appendix respecting an error in the foregoing statement.— Ed. • PETER GAVESTON's BANISHMENT INTO IRELAND. 643 Item, upon other letters brought from the pope to the king, for Edward the installing of one Peter, a Savoyard, his kinsman, into the bishop- ric of Worcester, being then vacant; and withal requiring that if A.D. the said Peter would not accept thereof, the election should be 1310. referred to the prior and convent of the same place : — the king [Jan. therewith grieved, maketh answer by his letters to the pope, and a.d.'isos. sundry his cardinals : " That forsomuch as elections of prelates to be K-vmerl placed in cathedral churches within his kingdom are not to be attempted without his license first had and obtained, Sec.;1' therefore he could not abide that any such strange and unaccustomed reservations should or could take place in his realm without manifest prejudice of his kingly estate ; requiring further that he would not cause any such novelties to be brought into his kingdom, contrary to that which his ancestors before him had been accustomed to do. Thus the time proceeded, and at length the parliament appointed came, a.d. 1310, which was the fourth of this king's reign. The arti- cles were drawn by the nobles to be exhibited to the king, which articles were the same as those contained in ' Magna Charta1 and in ' Charta de Foresta,' above specified, with such other articles as his father had charged him with before — to wit, that he should remove from him and his court all aliens and perverse counsellors, and that all the matters of the commonwealth should be debated by common counsel of the lords both temporal and spiritual ; and that he should stir no war out of England in any other foreign realm, without the common assent of the same, &c. The king perceiving their intent to be (as it was indeed) to sunder Peter Gaveston from his company, and seeing no other remedy but that he needs must yield and grant his consent, Rymer?] ' agreed that the said Gaveston should be banished into Ireland. And so the parliament breaking up, the lords returned to their own, well appeased : although of the other articles they could not speed, yet, that they had driven Peter Gaveston out of the realm at this time, it did suffice them. This Peter Gaveston was a certain gentleman's son of Gascony ; whom, being young, king Edward I. foi the good service his father had done him in his wars received to his court, and placed him with his son Edward now reigning. Who, in process of time growing up with him, incensed and provoked him to much outrage and wanton- ness ; by whose occasion first he began in his father's days to break the park of Walter, bp. of Chester,1 then lord treasurer of England, and after executor to the king ; for the which so doing the king (as is partly touched before) imprisoned his son, and condemned this Peter to perpetual banishment. Notwithstanding, the young king after the death of his father (as ye have heard) sent for this Gaveston AnlZi,x again ; and withal so persecuted this aforesaid bishop, that he clapped him in the tower and seized upon all his goods ; moreover, caused most strict inquisition to be made upon him for guiding his office, wherein if the least crime might have been found, it Avould have cost him his life. And thus much of Peter Gaveston, and of his origin. Now to the matter. The king thus separated from his old compeer, that is, from the company of Peter Gaveston now exiled into Ireland, continued in (1) See p. 343, note (4).— Ed. T T 2 644 TEMPLARS BURXED AT PARIS. Edward great mourning and pensiveness, seeking by all means possible how to call him home again, and conferring with such as were about him upon A- £>• the same ; who did insinuate to the king, that forsomuch as the earl 1,no- of Gloucester was a man well loved and favoured in all the realm, if a marriage might be wrought betwixt his sister and Peter Gaveston, it might be a means both for him to obtain more friendship and for the king to have his desire. To make short, Peter Gaveston in all haste was sent for, and the marriage through the king's procuring pro- ceeded between the earl's sister and the aforesaid Peter, albeit, sore The pride against the earl's mind. Gaveston, thus restored and dignified, was stond%e" so surprised in pride and exaltation more than ever before, that he disdained and derided all other : whose rule and power more and more increased, insomuch that he, having the guiding of all the king's jewels and treasure, conveyed out of the king's jewel-house at West- He spoil- minster a table and a pair of tressels of gold unto certain mer- kin-'s chants beyond the sea, with other jewels more, to his behoof; to the treasure. greaj impoverishing both of the king and queen and of the land ; and over all that brought the king by mean of his wanton conditions to manifold vices, as adultery and such other like. Wherefore the lords, seeing the mischief that daily increased by occasion of this un- happy man, took their counsel together at Lincoln, and there con- Gaveston eluded to void him again out of England, so that shortly after he was banished exiled again, and went into Flanders; for in France or his own the land, country he durst not appear, for fear of Philip the French king, to queen whom the queen of England, his daughter, had sent over great com- eth'toXe plaints of the said Gaveston, who had so impoverished her and the kirn"Cher wJ10^e court, that she had not wherewith to maintain her state. Upon father, of which complaint, the French king through all his dominions laid GavJston. strait watch to apprehend the said Gaveston ; but he, not unwarned thereof, secretly coasted into Flanders, from whence it was not long but he was fet again by the king, as in further process followeth ; so much was the king's heart infatuated by this wicked person. Crouched About this year, or the next before, came in first the Crouched The"' Friars > aml a'so began first the knights of the order of St. John knights of Baptist, otherwise called the knights of Rhodes, for that they by or,' of "' manly knighthood put out the Turks from the isle of Rhodes. Rhodes. jn t]je }iistory 0f king Edward, this king's father, before precedent, mention was made of pope Clement V., who succeeded after Benedict; also of putting down of the Templars, which in this year happened by Templars the means of the French king ; who, as he caused to be burned in the atupaeris; city of Paris this year fifty-four Templars, with the great master of bteolSer" ^ie same orde>\ so, by his procurement, the aforesaid pope Clement put down, called a council at Vicnne, where the whole order and sect of Tem- plars being condemned, was shortly after, by the consent of all Christian kings, deposed all in one day. After which, the French king thought to make his son king of Jerusalem, and to convert to him all the lands of the said Templars. But Clement, the pope, would thereto not agree, transferring all their lands to the order of Hospitallers, for the great sum of money given for the same.1 The cause why these impious Templars were put down was so abominable (1) Arnaud de Pontar [" Chronographifl a Christo nato usque ad" MDLXVI.' fol. Paris, 1567, 12mo. Lovnn. 1572, sub anno 1310 ]— Ed. PRIDE AND TYRANNY OF POPE CLEMENT V. Q4-5 and filthy, that for reverence of chaste ears it were better not told, if Edward it be true that some write. Another matter worthy to be noted of like n' abomination I thought here to insert, touching a certain nunnery in A. D. France called Provines, within which, at the cleansing and casting of 1:?1Q- a fish-pond, were found many bones of young children, and the bodies Bones of also of some infants as yet wholly unconsumed ; upon occasion ^nlT whereof divers of the nuns of the said nunnery, to the number of the fish- twenty-seven, were had to Paris, and there imprisoned : what became nunnery* of them afterwards I find not in mine author.1 In the same council also, it was decreed by the said Clement, that all Cistercian religious orders exempted should be subject to the common law as deem"1" others were ; but the Cistercian monks, with money and great gifts, theii;.ex- i i .1 ■ ■ -i i • o i iiii emptions. redeemed their privileges and exemptions ot the pope, and so had them granted.2 These Cistercians sped better herein, than did the Mi- The Mi- norites of the Franciscan order in their suit, of whom, when certain decehed of them had offered unto the said pope Clement forty thousand florins Element of gold, besides other silver, that the pope would dispense with them to have lands and possessions against their rule, the pope asked one thief them, Where was that money ?3 They answered, In the merchant- ano"her.h men's hands. So the space of three days being given them to bring forth these merchants ; the pope absolved the merchants of their bond made to the friars, and commanded that all that money should be employed and should revert to his use ; declaring to the friars that he would not infringe nor violate the rule of St. Francis lately canon- ized, neither ought to do it for any money. And thus the beggarly rich friars lost both their money and their indulgence.4 Concerning this pope Clement V. Sabellicus5 writeth, that he ex- clement communicated the Venetians for aiding and preferring of Azo, marquis n^°^t. d'Esto, unto the estate of Ferrara ;6 and wrote his letters throughout all etn the Europe, condemning them as enemies of the church, and giving their for mak- goods as a lawful prey unto all men ; which caused them to sustain ™v±t. great harm. But Francis Dandolo, a nobleman of Venice, being ambassador from the Venetians to the said Clement, for the obtain- ing of their absolution and the safeguard of their city and country, and for pacifying the pope's fury towards them, was fain so to humble himself before this proud tyrannical prelate, that he suffered a chain pride of iron to be tied about his neck, and to lie clown flat before ^nty~f his table, and so to catch the bones and fragments that fell from his clement. table, as it had been a clog, till the pope's fury towards them was Francis assuaged ; so that after that, in reproach, because he so humbled j^Seni himself for the behalf and helping of his country, he was of some himseif. called a dog. But the city of Venice showed themselves not unkind piety of in return to Dandolo "for his gentle good-will declared to his f0a^sola country ;3 for, as he had abased himself before, in the vile and ^,"tdyd ignominious condition of a dog, for his country's sake, so they extolled him with as much glory again when he returned home, decking and adorning him after the best array, with the chief princely ornaments of the city, to make him amends for his former reproach received.7 Concerning the constitutions of this pope Clement, and his decretals (1) Parker's Antiquitates Britannicae, anno 1310. See Appendix. — E». (2) Ex Chron. Thomas Walsingbam. (3) Ibid. (4) Ibid. (5) Sabel. Ennead. 9, lib. 7. (6) See supra, p. 485.— Ed. (7) Out of Sabellicus, and is alleged in the book named the " Image of Tyranny." Gib" WALTER, BISHOP OF COVENTRY, EXCOMMUNICATED. Edward and Clementines, and how Henry the emperor, in his days, was poisoned in receiving the sacrament, ye have heard before.1 About A.D. this time Robert Winchelsey, archbishop of Canterbury, whom this 1311- king's father had banished before, was released, and returned home from Rome. These things thus declared, lei as proceed, by the Lord's grace, to the next year (a. d. 1311), and the fifth of this king's reign. The In that year, counting the year from Michaelmas to the same least onhe"lg again, as then the usage of the realm was, Peter Gaveston, who had m'ui.r"' hindered the countries about, and could find no safe resting-place <'>'»■. . (notwithstanding that, upon forfeiture of life and goods, he was Bhaeimas. utterly banished out of the realm, yet trusting to the king's favour, and the good will of the earl of Gloucester, whose sister he hail married), secretly returning into England with a certain company of strangers, presented himself to the king's sight. On beholding him, the king for joy ran to him, and embracing him, did not only retail! him, but also for his sake undid all such acts as had been, in the par- liament before enacted.2 The queen and the whole court seeing this doating of the king, made a heavy Christmas. Alter this return of Gaveston was noised among the commons, the peers and nobles of the realm were not a little stirred, casting with themselves what way it were best to take. If he were still suffered, they saw not only themselves rejected, but also that the queen could not enjoy the love of the king, neither could there be any quietness in the realm. Again, to stir up war in the land, it were not the best ; to vex or disquiet the king also they were afraid. But forasmuch as they could not abide that all the nobility should be so thrust out and vilipended for the love of one stranger, and also that the realm should be so spoiled and impoverished by the same, this way they took: namely, that Thomas, earl of Lancaster, should be elected among them as the chieftain, and chief doer in that business; to whom all other earls, and barons, and prelates also, did concordly condescend and consent, except only Walter, bishop of Coventry, whom Robert the archbishop, The anh- on that account, afterwards did excommunicate. This Thomas of Lan- caster, by the public assent of the rest, sent to the king (then lying at York) humble petitions in the name, as well of the whole nobility (cateth as of the commons, desiring his grace to give the aforesaid Gaveston bishop of ,mto them; or else, according to the ordinance of the realm, that the Coventry, [and might be voided of him. But the tyrannous king, who set more by the love of one stranger than by his whole realm besides, neither would hearken to their counsel, nor give place to their sup- plications; hut in all hasty fury removed from York to Newcastle, where he remained almost till Midsummer. In the meantime, the barons had gathered an host of sufficient and able soldiers, corning toward Newcastle; not intending any molestation against the king, but only the execution of the laws upon the wicked Gaveston. The king, not having wherewith to insist their power, renioveth in all speedy manner to Tyncmouth, where the queen was; and, hearing there that Newcastle was taken, he taketh shipping, and saileth from thence, notwithstanding the queen there, being great with child, with weeping tears, and all instance, desireth ■ ■■:■• 608.— En. 2 Ex Chran. Tho. Walsiiurham. DUaOp i Canter bury ex comm PETER GAVESTON BEHEADED. 64-7 him to tarry with her, as safely he might ; but he, nothing relenting Edward to her, took Peter, his compeer, with him, and coasted over to ! — the castle of Scarborough; where, leaving Peter Gaveston to the A.D. safe keeping of his men, he himself journeyed toward the coast 13n- beside Warwick. The lords, hearing where Peter was, bend thither Peter all their power ; so that, at length, Gaveston seeing no remedy, but ukenStoT that he must needs come into their hands, yieldeth and submitteth y|sno" himself ; requiring only this one condition, that he might talk a few words with the king in his presence. Thus Gaveston being appre- hended, the king hearing thereof, sent unto the lords, requiring his life to be spared ; and that he might be brought to speak to him, The king and promised that on their so doing, he would satisfy their minds ea&r'" and requests in all things whatsoever. About this, advisement was him- taken : but the earl of Pembroke, hearing the king's promise, per- suaded the barons to yield to his petition ; promising himself, upon pain of losing all his lands, to take the charge upon him of bringing Gaveston to a conference with the king, and so to recommit him to them again: which when he had obtained, he taketh Peter Gaveston with him, to bring him where the king lay ; and so coming to Dedington, not far from Warwick, he leaveth him in the keeping of his soldiers, while he that night went to his wife, being not far off from thence. The same night it chanced that Guy, earl of Warwick, came Gaveston to the same place where Gaveston was left ; who, taking him out of hended the hands of his keepers, carrieth him to the castle of Warwick, by Guy °f where incontinent they would have put him to death ; but doubt- ing and fearing the king's displeasure, they staid a little. At that time one of the company (a man of sage and wise counsel, as mine author writeth) standing up among them, with his grave oration declare th the nature of the man, the wickedness of his own condition, the realm by him so greatly endamaged, the nobles despised and re- jected, the pride and ambition of the man intolerable, the ruin of things like to ensue by him, and the great charges and expenses they had been at, in so long pursuing and getting him ; and now, being gotten and in their hands, he exhorteth them to use and take the occasion now present; as hereafter, being out of their hands, they might seek, and should not find it. Briefly, in such sort, he so persuaded the hearers, that forthwith Gaveston he was brought out, and by common agreement beheaded in a place ed.head called Blakelow ; which place in other stories I find to be called Gaves- head ; but that name, as I think, was derived upon this occasion, after- ward. And thus he that before had called the earl of Warwick the black dog of Arden, was thus by the said dog worried, as ye have heard. Appe"dix. His carcase the Dominic friars of Oxford had in their monastery interred for the space of two years ; but, after that, the king caused the said His carcase to be taken up and buried within his own manor of Langley. ™$*d id After this, great disturbance began to arise between the king and the king's the lords ; who having their power lying about Dunstable, sent stout LanRiey. message unto the king at London, to have their former acts con- firmed. Gilbert, earl of Gloucester, the king's nephew (who neither did hold against the king, nor yet against the nobles), with the bishops and prelates of the realm, went between both parties with great diligence to make unity. At this time, also, came two cardinals 64S BIRTH OF KING EDWARD III. i.dw.ird from Rome, with letters sent unto them from the pope. The ! — nobles answered to the message of the cardinals, lying then at St. A.D. A 1 ban's ; that, as touching themselves, they should be at all times _L_H_ welcome to them; but as touching their Letters, forasmuch as they were men unlettered, and only brought up in war and feats of amis, The therefore they cared not to see the same. Then message was sent fern™ ;lgain, that they would at least grant but to speak with the pope's gates^noi ^e&atcs^ wno purposely came for the intent to establish quiet and allowed unity in the realm. They answered again, that they had bishops nobles of both godly and learned, by whose counsel only they would be led; England. ancj not |)V anv strangers, who knew oot the true cause of their com- motion. And, therefore, they said precisely, that tliev would have no foreigners or aliens to be doers in their business and affairs per- taining to the realm. Yet, notwithstanding, through the mediation of the archbishop and of the earl of Gloucester, the matter at length was so taken up, that the barons should restore to the king, or to his attorney of St. Albans, all the treasure, horses, and jewels of the aforesaid Gaveston taken at Newcastle ; and so their requests should be granted. And so was the matter at that time composed. Shortly after, Isabel the queen was delivered of a fair child at Nov'isth Windsor, whom Louis, the French king's son, (the queen's brother, A.D.IS12! with other Frenchmen there present) would have to be called by the name of the French king ; but the English lords were contrary, willing him to be called by the name of Edward, his father. At the birth of this Edward there was great rejoicing throughout the land, and especially the king his father so much joyed thereat, that he began daily more and more to forget the sorrow and remembrance of Gaveston's death, and was, after that, more agreeable to the will of his nobles. Thus peace and concord between them began to be in a good The king towardncss ; which more and more might have been confirmed in foreiL'ny process of time, had not Satan, the author and sower of discord, counsel, stirred up his instruments (certain Frenchmen, titivillcrs, and make- Apptntit. lUxits about the king), who ceased not, in carping and depraving the nobles, to inflame the king's hatred and grudge against them ; by the exciting of whom the old quarrels being renewed afresh, the king, in his parliament called upon the same, began to charge the aforesaid barons and nobles with sedition and rebellion, and for slaying Peter Gaveston. Neither were the nobles less stout again in defending their cause, declaring that they in so doing had deserved rather thanks and favour with the king than any displeasure, in vanquishing such a public enemy of the realm ; who not only had spoiled and wasted the king's substance, but also had raised much disturbance in the realm ; and, forasmuch as they had begun with the matter to their so great labour and expense, they would proceed further, they said, not ceasing till they saw an end thereof. To be short : great threats there were on both parts, and a foul matter had like to have followed; 'mf'tor 'mt a^r;im' through the diligent mediation of the queen, the prelates, peace, and the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, the matter was taken up and The king brought to reconcilement upon these conditions, that the lords and tiled with barons openly in Westminster Hall should humble themselves before J!;,,., the king, and ask pardon there of their doings, and that every man A GREAT FAMINE IN ENGLAND. 6'49 there should receive a letter of the king's pardon, for their indemnity Edward and assurance. And so passed over that year, within which died ^_ Robert Winchelsey, archbishop of Canterbury; in whose room Thomas A- D. Cobham was elected by the king and church of Canterbury to sue- 13I4> ceed ; but the pope frustrating the election, placed Walter Remold, bishop of Worcester. In the mean time, the Scots hearing this civil discord in the realm, A.D.1313. began to be busy, and to rebel anew through the means of Robert Whnt f,is- Bruce, who being chased out of Scotland by king Edward I., as is in a com- above premised, into Norway, was now returned again into Scotland, wealth, where he demeaned himself in such sort to the lords there, that in The scois short process he was again made king of the realm, and warred so against strongly upon those that took the king's part, that he wan from them Ensland- many castles and strong holds, and invaded the borders of England. The king, hearing this, assembleth a great power, and by water en- tereth the realm of Scotland ; against whom encountered Robert Bruce with his Scots at Estrivelin1, where was fought a strong battle, Engiish- in the end whereof the Englishmen were discomfited, and so eagerly ™^,'eovei" pursued by -the Scots, that many of the noblemen were slain, as the [Monday. earl of Gloucester, Sir Robert Clifford, Sir Edmund Maule, with a'.'d.2 ' ** other lords to the number of forty-two, and knights and barons two 1314'-' hundred and twenty-seven, besides men of name, who were taken prisoners ; of common soldiers ten thousand, or, after the Scottish story, fifty thousand slain. After that, Sir Robert Bruce reigned as king of Scotland. About that time, and in that year, died pope pope cie- Clement, who, keeping in the realm of France, never came to the see JJev"^.,,. of Rome ; after whose death the papacy stood void two years. in fl»e see The Scots, after this, exalted with pride and fierceness, invaded a.dITu the realm of England so sorely, killing and destroying man, woman, and child, that they came winning and wasting the north parts as far as to York. Besides this, such dearth of victuals and penury of all Mise- things oppressed the whole land, such murrain of sheep and oxen, dearth that men were fain to eat horse-flesh, dogs, cats, mice, and what else an.d fa" ~ mine. they could get. Moreover, such a price of corn followed withal, that the king hardly had bread for the sustentation of his own household. Moreover, some there were that did steal children and eat them, and many, for lack of victual, died. And yet all this amended not the king of his evil living. The cause and origin of this great dearth, was partly the wars and its on- dissension between them and the Scots, whereby a great part of the gm' land was wasted. But the chiefest cause was the intemperate season of the year, which, contrary to the common course, was so moist with abundance of rain, that the grain laid in the earth could have no ripening by heat of the sun, nor grow to any nourishment ; so that they who had to eat, could not be satisfied with fulness, but eftsoons were as hungry again. They that had nothing were driven to steal and rob ; the rich were constrained to avoid and diminish their households; the poor for famine died.2 And not so much the want of victuals which could not be gotten, as the unwholesomeness of the same when it was taken, so consumed the people, that the quick were not sufficient to bury the dead ; for the corruption of the meats, (J) " Estrivelin," Stirling.— Ed. (2> Ex Chron. Tho. Wals. in Vita Edwardi II. G50 III I : WHITE J) ATT I.E. Bdward by reason of the unseasonableness of the ground, was so infectious that many died of the flux, many of hot fevers, divers of the pesti- A. I), lence. And not only the bodies of men thereby Mere infected, but also the beasts, by the putrefaction of the herbs and glass, fell into as great a murrain, so far forth as that the eating of flesh was suspected and thought contagious. A quarter of corn and salt, from the month of June to September, rose from thirty shillings to forty shillings. The flesh of horses was then precious to the poor. Many were driven to steal fat dogs, and to eat them. Some were said, in secret corners, to eat their own children. Some would steal other men's children to kill them and eat them privily. The prisoners and thieves that were in bonds, for hunger fell upon such as were newly brought in unto them, and, tearing them in pieces, did eat them half alive. Briefly, this extreme penury had extinguished and consumed (as it was thought) the greatest part of the people of the land, had not the king, by the statute of the Londoners, given forth command- ment through all his land, that no com should at that time be turned to the making of drink. Such a Lord is God, thus able to do, where he is disposed to strike. And yet we miserable creatures, in our wealth and abundance, will not cease daily to provoke his terrible Majesty. But let us return again to the order of our story. After the Scots had thus plagued miserably, as ye have heard, the realm of England, they also invaded Ireland, where they kept up and continued war the scots space of four years. But in fine, the Irishmen (by aid sent to them outtf fr°m England) did quit themselves so well, that they vanquished the Ireland. Scots, and slew Edward Bruce, and many of the nobles of Scotland, with many others, and drove the residue out of the country. A.D.isig. The king, about the twelfth year of his reign, assembled a new- host, and went into Scotland, where he laid siege to Berwick. But in the mean time, the Scots, by another way, invaded the marches of Yorkshire, robbing and harassing the country, and they slew much people. Wherefore the archbishop of York, and others, the abbots, priors, clerks, with husbandmen, assembled a great company, [Sept. ;m,l gayg them battle at a place called Mitton, where the Englishmen were discomfited, and many of them slain ; but the archbishop and The the abbot of Selby, and divers others there, escaped. So many Battle of spiritual men were slain there, that it was called the White Battle; spiritual for reason whereof, the king on hearing of it, and partly because v.nk- winter did approach, was constrained to raise the siege; and so re- turned, not without great danger. Thetwo At this time the two Spensers (sir Hugh Spenser the father, and spensere. IJ,,,,.], Spenser the son) were of great power in England, and by the favour of the king practised such cruelty, and bore themselves so haughtily and proudly, that no lord of this land might gainsay them in any thing that they thought good ; whereby they were in great hatred and indignation both with the nobles and the commons, no JJU^ less than Peter Gaveston was before. ieg»J«j Soon upon this came two legates from Rome, sent by pope tnl'ir' i'i;' d«'hn XXII., under pretence to settle an agreement between Eng- jmuare. ':m<' ;n"' Scotland ; who, lor their charges and expenses, required of .u,7,".i,r. every spiritual person four-pence in every marl-. But all their labour CLERGY RESIST THE EXTORTION OF THE LEGATES. 651 nothing availed ; for the legates, as they were in the north parts Edward (about Darlington) with their whole family and train, were robbed and despoiled of their horses, treasure, apparel, and what else they AD- had, and with an evil-favoured handling came to Durham whither ° - ed by the Scots. they were going; where they staid awhile, waiting for an answer Ar^dL from the Scots. But when neither the pope's legacy, nor his curse, The would take any place with the Scots, they returned again to P°pes London, where they first excommunicated and cursed as black as contemn. soot all those arrogant and presumptuous robbers of Northumberland. Secondly, for supplying of the losses received, they exacted of the clergy, to be given and paid unto them, eight-pence in every mark. The But the clergy thereunto would not agree, seeing it was their own ~lersy °f / i • i\ i 11 n i England covetousness (as they said) that made them venture further than resist the they needed. Only they were contented to relieve them after of the'0" four-pence in a mark, as they promised before: further they would not f°££*a grant: whereof the king being advertised, and taking part with his clergy, directed his letters to the said legates in form as followeth :x — Letter of the King against Papal Extortion. APpf»Jix. The king to Master Rigaud of Asserio, canon of Orleans, greeting : we have a prohi- taken notice of the clamours and lamentable petitions of the subjects of our Wtion realm, perceiving by the same that you practise many and sundry inconve- sfmnge niencies very strange, never heretofore accustomed, nor heard of in this our taxes and realm, as well against the clergy and ecclesiastical persons, as against the laity, t"oJJ°sl" even to the utter oppression and impoverishing of many of our liege people ; which if it should be winked at, as God forbid, may, in process of time, be occasion of greater perils to ensue ; whereat we are (not without cause) moved, and not a little grieved. We forbid you, therefore, that from henceforth you practise not, nor presume in any case to attempt any thing within this our realm, either against our clergy or laity, that may in any manner of way tend to the prejudice of our royal person, or of our crown and dignity regal. Witness the king at Windsor the sixth day of February, in the 11th year of his reign. Per concilium. Likewise in the same year the said king writeth to the same effect to the archbishop of Canterbury, as followeth :2 — Letter of the King to the Archbishop of Canterbury. The king to the reverend father in God, W. by the same grace archbishop of Canterbury, primate of England, greeting : We are credibly informed by many of our subjects, that certain strange impositions, never heard of before within any of our dominions, upon lands and tenements, goods and chattels, concerning the testaments and cases of matrimony, are brought into our realm to be executed upon our subjects by you or some others; which, if it should proceed to execution, would manifestly tend to the disherison and impeach- ment of our crown and dignity regal, and the intolerable damage of the sub- jects of our realm, to the due preservation of the which you are bound by solemn oath of allegiance. We therefore command and straitly charge you, that you proceed not in any case to the execution of any such letters, either in your own person, or by any other, nor yet presume, by colour of the same, to attempt any thing that may be prejudicial or hurtful to our crown or dignity regal. And if you, or any other in your name, have done or attempted any thing by colour of the same, that ye call back and revoke the same forthwith without delay. Witness the king at Shene, the 1 7th of February, the eleventh year of his reign. Per ipsum regem. (1) Rex Magistro Rigandn de Asserio, canonico Aurelian salutem, &c. (2) Rex venerabili in Christo patri, W. eadem gra. archiepiscopo Cant., &x 652 A PROHIBITION TOUCHING PETER-PENCE. Edu-ard The like letters in effect wore directed to the archbishop of York, _ _J — and to every other bishop throughout England; by force of which A- [)- letters the greedy legates being restrained of their ravening purpose, 1318, taking what they could get, and setting a peace, such as it was, between the king and the earl of Lancaster, were fain to pack. Besides the restraint above mentioned for strange impositions, there followed, moreover, the same year, the king's prohibition for the gathering of Peter-pence, directed to the aforesaid legate the tenor whereof followeth. A Prohibition against extortion in gathering the Pope's Peter-pence.1 The king to Master Rigaud of Asserio, canon of Orleans, greeting : We are given to understand that you do demand and purpose to levy the Peter-pennv within our realm, otherwise than the said Peter-penny hath been heretofore accustomed to be levied in the time of any our progenitors, exercising herein grievous censures ecclesiastical, to the great annoyance and damnifying of the subjects of our realm ; for present remedy whereof our loving subjects ha\ e made their humble supplication unto us. And forasmuch as the said Petei- penny hath been hitherto accustomed to be gathered and levied upon lan< s and tenements within our realm after a due manner and form, we, not willing that any such unaccustomed impositions shall in any wise be made upon the lands and tenements of any of our subjects within our dominions, prohibit you, upon grievous pain, straitly charging that in no wise you presume to exact, gather, or levy the said Peter-penny in any other form or manner than hath been heretofore accustomed to be gathered and levied in the time of our proge- nitors, or since the beginning of our reign, until further order be taken in our high court of parliament by the advice of the nobles and peers of our realm, such as may well be taken without prejudice of our crown and damage of subjects. Witness the king at Westminster the first day of March. Per ipsum regem et concilium. Letters to the same effect were directed to the archbishops, deans, archdeacons, and the rest of the clergy. Touching the first original of this Peter-pence, though mention be made before in the life of king Offa and others, yet to make a brief recapitulation of the same, according to the rolls as they come to oiu- hands.2 It is found recorded in ancient chronicles touching the Peter-pence of St. Peter (a. d. 793), that Offa, king of Mercia, travelled Read he- up to Rome in the time of pope Adrian 1. to obtain the canonizing uves'of16 0l> St* Alban ; and having performed his vow, visiting the college of kingoira, English students which then flourished in Rome, he did give to the Ethel- maintenance of the scholars of England, students in Rome, one penny "uU' out of every tenement within this realm, that had land belonging to it amounting to the yearly value of thirty pence. And for this his munificence he obtained of pope Adrian, that no person within his dominion public, repenting him for not performing enjoined penance, should therefore be banished.3 (1) " Rex Maestro Rigando." (2) De denariis beati Petri sic scriptum. && (3) A.D. 857. " ArtewulfuS rex Westsaxonum. tempore Leonis papae quarti, Romam singulis annis 800 mancusas portari pnecipit, taliter riividendas ibidem: \>z. Km mancusas in honorem m i licet IVtri, speciulitcr ad emendum oleum, quo implerentur omnia hiininaria ecclesias apostolicse hi vespera Pasche et in galli canra; et km) mancusas in honorem scilicet Pauli eisdem de causia; 100 preterea mancusas prscipit exhiberi universali Papae ad auaa eleemosynaa ampUandaa. Et sciendum, quod secundum antiquorum Anglorum Interpretationein differunl mancusa et manca, i|uia mancusa idem erat apud eos quod marca argentea: mania vero erat monetaaurea quadra, et ralebal i munitei SO denarios argenteos. Of this Peter-pence is found a transcript of the original rescript apostolical, the tenor whereof la tins: " Gregoriua episcopua, servus Bervorum Dei, venerabllibua f ram bus Cantuar. it KtKir. archie). iscopis et eorum sull'raganeis, et dilectis liliis ahbatihns, prioribus, archidia- conis, eorumque oilicialibus per rcguum Anglis conititutis, ad quos litene istse peivenennt, TWENTY-TWO OF THE NOBILITY PUT TO DEATH. 653 Concerning this Peter-pence, it is touched in the laws of king- Edward Edward the Martyr, chap. 10, when, where, of whom, and under '. what pain, this Peter-pence must be gathered ; being but the king's A- ^ mere alms, as is aforesaid. And thus much touching Peter-pence. ^~ Now for other letters written by the king to the pope, the same year, for other matters, as craving the pope's help in compounding the variance betwixt the two archbishops of Canterbury and York, for bearing the cross from the one province to the other, thus it fol- loweth : that the king grievously complaineth, that such hurly-burly and uproar arose thereof, that they could not meet together in one place through the great multitude of armed men, assistants on both parts in the very bearing of the cross, to the great disturbance of the people. Now after this long digression, to turn to our English matters again, mention was made before of the variance between the king and the earl of Lancaster, and of a peace concluded between them. But this peace did not long endure, which the king by his own default did break, sending to the Scots a privy messenger (who was taken in the way), to have the aforesaid earl of Lancaster by their means made away with. In the mean time the lords and nobles of England, detesting the Pride of outrageous pride of the Spensers, whereby they wrought daily both sersSpe'" great dishonour to the king, and hinderance to the commonweal, in such wise conspired against them, that gathering their power together, they made a request to the king, that he should remove the Spensers from his person. For this there was a parliament called at London, and the barons came together with a great company ; at which parlia- ment both the Spensers were banished the land for the term of their lives, and they took shipping at Dover, and so voided the land. But not long after, the king (contrary to the ordinance made in the parliament) sent for the Spensers again, and set them in high authority ; and they ruled all things after their sensual appetites, nothing regarding justice or the commonwealth. The barons, there- fore, intending again to reform this mischief, assembled their powers ; but the king (making such hasty speed, and gathering his people so soon) was stronger than they, and pursued them so in divers places, that the barons, not fully joined together (some flying, and some departing to the king, some slain by the way), in the end were chased so eagerly, that in short space the aforesaid Thomas, earl of Lancaster, was taken, A.D.1322. and put to death with the rest of the nobility, to the number of two Jwem> i ni i • r> • e \ • 1 two of the and twenty of the greatest men, and chieiest captains or this realm ; greatest of whom only Thomas, earl of Lancaster,1 for the nobility of his "f thety blood, was beheaded, all the other lords and barons being hanged, ^eafh ' drawn, and quartered, &c. This bloody unmercifulness of the king by the toward his natural subjects, not only procured to him great dishonour salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Qualiter denarii beati Petri, qui debentur cameras nostrae, colligantur in Anglia et in quibus episcopatibus et dioces. debeantur, ne super hoc dubitari contingat, et prasentibus fecimus annotari, sicut in registro sedis apostolus continetur. De Cantuar. dioces 71. 18*. sterlingorum. De London, dioces. 16/. 10s. De Roffens. dioces. 5/. 12s. De Norwicens. dioces. 21/. 10s. De Elienum. 5/. De Lincoln, ill. De Cistrens. 8/. De Winton. 171-Gs. Sd. De Exon. 9/. 5s. De Wigorne. 10/. 5s. De Hereford. 61. De Bathon. dioces. 12/. 5s. De Sarisbur. 17/. De Coventre. 10/. 5s. De Eborac. 11/. 10s. Datum apud urhem veterem. 10 Kal. Maii Pontificatus nostri anno secundo. Summa, 30 '300] marcae et dimidi." (1) Thomas, earl of Lancaster, came of Edmund, younger son of king Henry III. [July 15th, C54 THE KING DISTRESSED IN SCOTLAND. Milliard II. within the realm, hut also turned afterwards to his much greater harm and hinderance, in his foreign wars against the Scots am., in Scot land. A.I), finally, wrought his utter confusion, and the overthrow of his scat 1323. royal, as in the sequel of his end appeared, and worthily. Hu cruel After the ruin of these noble personages, the king, as though he re/oic ng. ji&(j gotten a great conquest (who then indeed began first to be over- come and conquered himself, when he so oppressed and cut off the strength and sinews of his chivalry), began to triumph not a little with the Spensers ; and, to count himself sure as though he were in heaven, to exercise more sharp severity upon his subjects, trusting and committing all to the counsel only of the aforesaid Spensers, inso- much that both the queen and the residue of the nobles could little be regarded ; who, as they grew ever in more contempt with the king, so they increased more in hatred against the Spensers ; but strength and ability lacked to work their will. a n 1323. The next year, the king being at York, after he had made Sir Hugh Spenser an earl, and Sir Robert Iialdock (a man of evil fame) to be chancellor of England, he then arearcd a mighty host against the Scots ; but for lack of skilful guiding, expert captains, and for want The kinS specially of due provision of victuals necessary for such an army, the l.Ta^ahi great multitude, to the number reckoned of a hundred thousand (wan - dering through Scotland, from whence the Scots had conveyed all their goods and cattle into mountains and marshes), were so pinched and starved with famine, that a great part of the army there presently perished; and they that returned home, as soon as they tasted of meats, escaped not. The king neither having resistance of his enemies, and seeing such a destruction of his subjects, was forced, without any act done, to retire. But in his retiring, Sir .lames Douglas and the Scots having knowledge thereof, pursued him in such wise, that they .slew many Englishmen, and had well near taken the king himself. After this distress, the king, thus beaten and wearied with the Scots, would fain have joined in truce with the Scots ; but because tlnv stood excommunicated by the pope, he standing in fear thereof, desired license to treat with them of peace, notwithstanding the said excommunication: which license being obtained, a treaty was appointed by commissioners on both parts at Newcastle, at the feast ("ay of St. Nicholas next ensuing ; and so truce was taken for thirteen a.d. years. Whereupon this is to be noted by the way, gentle reader, not g^ unworthy of observation, that whereas in former times, and especially " "*' in those of the late king Edward I., so long as the Scots were under the pope's blessing, and we in displeasure with his holiness for dealing with them, so long we prevailed mightily against them, even to the utter subversion in a manner of their whole estate. But now so soon as the pope took our part, and the Scots were under his curse and excommunication, then gat they greater victories againsl us than at any time cither before or since; insomuch as that being before not able to defend themselves against us, they now pursued us into the bowels of our own country. The king purposing to erect a house of friars Augustine, within the town of Boston in Lincolnshire, first prayed the pope's license in that behalf Polydore Virgil, among other histories of our English nation PRINCE EDWARD MADE DUKE OF AQUITAINE, 1kc. 655 which he intermeddleth with, prosecuting also the acts and life of Mdmara this present king, and coming to write of the queen's going over ! — into France, inferreth much variety and diversity of authors and AD- story-writers concerning the cause thereof. Otherwise, he giveth 132 • himself no true certainty of that matter, neither yet toucheth he that yjj3^0"' which was the real cause ; by reason partly, that he being an Italian Italian, and a foreigner, could not understand our English tongue, and partly ^J'^. again, being but one man, neither could he alone come to the sight H^ sto of all our Latin authors. One I am sure came not to his perusing, an old ancient Latin history fairly written in parchment, but without name, belonging to the library of William Cary, citizen of London. In that story, the truth of this matter, without any ambiguity, is fully and with all circumstances expressed, as here briefly is in- serted. The king of England had been divers and sundry times cited up a.d.is24. to the court of France, to do homage to the French king, for the dukedom of Aquitaine, and other lands which the king then held of France ; which homage because the king of England refused to tender, the French king began to enter all such possessions as the king then did hold in France : whereupon great contention and conflicts there were, on both sides. At length, in this year now present, a parliament was called at London, where, after much alter- cation, at last it was determined, that certain should be sent over, to wit, the bishops of Winchester and Norwich, and the earl of Rich- mond, to make agreement betwixt the two kings ; for the better help and fortification of which agreement, it was thought good afterwards, that queen Isabel, sister to Charles, then the French king, should be sent over. Here is to be noted first, that the queen's lands and possessions and castles a little before, upon the breach between the French king and the king of England, were seized into the king's liands, and the queen put to her pension, &c. Thus the queen The being sent over with a few to attend upon her, only Sir John to her Cromwel, baron, and four knights, took their passage to France ; by g^1™' whose mediation it was there concluded, that the king of England, France. if he would not himself come to do his homage, should give to his son Edward the dukedom of Aquitaine and the earldom of Pontigny: Prince and so he to come to make his homage to the king, and to possess maderd the same. This being in France concluded, was sent over by ^u„ft°fne message to the king of England, with the king's letters patent and eari adjoined for the safe conduct of him or of his son. Upon this, tigny" deliberation was taken in the council of England; but the two Spensers fearing to take the seas with the king, or, without the king, to remain behind, for fear of the nobles, so appointed, that prince Edward, the king's son, was sent, which happened afterwards to their utter desolation, as it followed : for all things being quieted and ordered according to the agreement in France, king Edward of England, soon after Michaelmas, sendeth for his wife and his son again out of France. But she, sending home most part of her family, The refuseth herself to return ; for what cause it is not fully certain, f^he whether for indignation that her possessions and lands were seized to r"»re re- the king, as is before premised ; or whether for fear and hatred of the nun into Spensers, as is likely ; or else for love and familiarity of Sir Roger Ellgland- 656 THE QUEEK AN'D PRIXOE PROCLAIMED TRAITORS. Edward Mortimer. For here h to be noted, that the said Sir Roger Mor- timer, with divers others of the barons1 part, who had broken prison A. D. in England, were fled before into France, and now resorted unto the 325, queen. The king seeing this, giveth forth in proclamation, and limiteth a certain day to the queen and his son to return ; or else to be proclaimed traitors to the king and to the realm. Notwithstanding, the queen persisting in her purpose, denieth to return, unless the other nobles who were fled might be permitted safely also to return Proclaim- with her ; whereupon the king immediately caused them both to be umta proclaimed traitors, and all them that took their parts. England. Here then began great hatted between king and king, between the king and the queen, much preparation of war, great spoiling on the sea, much sending between the pope and them; but that would not The king serve. Then the king, by the counsel of the Spensers, sendeth pm$y*" privily to procure the death of the queen and of his son, which the death should be wrought by the execution of the earl of Richmond, the queen queen's familiar; but as the Lord would, that imagination was pre- hteBon. vented and utterly frustrated. Albeit, the queen, yet notwithstanding (whether misdoubting what corruption of money might do in the court of France ; or whether the French king, being threatened by the king of England and by the pope, durst not detain her), removed from thence, and was received with Edward her son, joyously and a.d.1325. honourably in the court or country of the earl of Heinault. There. 5?nce by means of such as were about her, a marriage was concluded betrothed between the said Edward her son, being of the age of fourteen years, earl of and Philippa, the aforesaid eaiTs daughter. When this was noised "j™- in England, divers men of honour and name came over to the queen ; daughter, and, soon after, the earl of Heinault prepared a crew of five hundred men of arms to set over the young prince with his mother into England. Of this the feme sprang shortly through the realm ; where- fore the king in all defensible ways made provision to have the havens and ports of his land surely kept, to resist the landing of his enemies. On the contrary side, the queen, with no less preparation, providcth all things to her expedition necessary ; who, when she saw her time, speeding herself to the sea-coast with prince Edward her son, lord Edmund earl of Kent the king's brother, Sir Roger Mortimer, the lord Wygmore, and other exiles of England, accompanied also by the aforesaid Heinaulders, of whom Sir John of Heinault, the carl's brother, was captain, having with her of Englishmen and strangers the number of two thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven soldiers ; she took shipping in those parts, and had the wind so favourable, that The they landed in England at a port called Orwcl, beside Harwich in turnni^r Suffolk, in the dominion of the earl marshal, in the month of I;'";1.''",' September ; to whom, after her landing, resorted earl marshal the land. earl of Leicester, with other barons, knights, and bishops also ; namely of Lincoln, Hereford, Durham, and Ely. The archbishop of Canterbury, though he came not himself, yet sent his aid and money. A.D.13M. Thus the queen, well furnished with plenty both of men and victuals, setteth forward toward London ; so that the further she came, the more her number daily increased, and the king's power contrarily l'"!!i. deereased ; insomuch that, as mine author affirmeth, not one almost in "'""• all the realm could be hired with any wages to fight on the king's behalf THE QUEEN'S LETTER TO THE LONDONERS. 6"7 against the queen, neither did the queen's army hurt any man or child, Edwnrd either in goods or any other thing, by the way. IL At the arriving of the queen, the king was in London, who first A. D. would not believe it to be true. Afterwards, seeing and perceiving 132(]- how it was, he asketh help of the Londoners, who, after mature advisement, rendered this answer to the king again : that as touching Answer the king, the queen, and their son, the I. wful heir of the kingdom, ifondon- they were ready, with all duty and service, to honour and obey. As j:^,!;01116 for strangers and traitors to the realm, they would receive none such within their city gates. Furthermore, to go out of the city to fight, that, they said, they would not, unless it were so, that according to the liberties of their city, they might return. home again before sun- Liberties set. The king hearing this answer (which liked him not well), ofLondon fortifieth the Tower of London with men and victuals, committing jn £°ing the custody thereof to John Ealtham, his younger son, and to the wife of Hugh Spenser, his niece ; and leaving Walter Stapleton, bishop of Exeter, behind him, to have the rule of the city of London, he himself, hearing daily the great recourse of the people that drew to the queen, for more safeguard to himself, fled with a small com- pany westward, towards Wales. But, before his departing from The London, he caused a proclamation to be made, wrherein all and singular Pr"da- persons were charged, upon forfeit of life and goods, every man with matlon- all his power to rise and invade the rebels and destroy them all, only the Lives of the queen, his son, and his brother, reserved. AIsq that no man, upon pain pretaxate, should help, rescue, or relieve the said rebels, with goods, victuals, or otherwise. Item, it was also pro- claimed, that whosoever would bring to the king the head and body of Sir Roger Mortimer, either dead or alive, should have out of the king's coffers a thousand pounds. In contrariwise, the queen setteth forth another proclamation, The Avherein it was forbidden to take or spoil violently the value of any ^cu-S man's goods against the will of the owner, under pain of losing his mation- finger, if it were three-pence; of his hand, if it were sixpence; of his head, if it wrere twelve-pence. Moreover, whosoever would bring to the queen the head of Hugh Spenser the younger, chopped off from his body, should receive of the queen for so doing, two thousand pounds. This done, the queen sendeth her letters to the city of London for aid and succour to subdue the oppressor of the realm, to which letters at first no answer was made. Again, she wrote the second letter, which was then tacked upon the cross in Cheap, which was then called the new cross ; the copy and tenor of which letter was this : Copy of a Letter that the Queen sent unto the Mayor and Citizens of London. Isabel, by the grace of God, queen of England, lady of Ireland, and countess of Poimtif. And we Edward, the first son of the king of England, duke of Guienne, earl of Chester, of Poiuitif, and of Mounstrell, to the mayor and all the com- monalty of London, send greeting. Forasmuch as we have before this time sent to you by our letters, and how we come into this land in good array, and good manner, for the proht of holy church, and of our right dear lord and king, and all the realm, with all our might and strength to keep and maintain the realm, as all good people ought for to do ; upon tliat, we pray you and desire you that ye would be helping to us for the health and profit of the realm ; and VOL. II. U IT 658 THE 6PENSERS, FATHER .VXD SON, EXECUTED. Edward we liavi' liad none answer of you, nor know not your will in that part: where- 1L fore we send to you again, and pray you, and charge you, that ye bear you so ^U against us, that ye have no nor make cause us to grieve, but "that ye be to \:y>-\ us helping in all the ways that you may. And wete ye well in certain, that • — -^- we, and also those that cometh with us into this re, din. nothing tor to done, but that shall be pleasing to God, and common profit to ail the realm ; not else, but for to destroy the Spensers, enemies to the realm, as ye well know Wherefore we pray and charge you, in the faith that ye owe to our lord the king, to the crown, and tons, and upon all that ye may forfeit, that it Hugh Spenser, both the father and the son, our enemies, come within your power, that ye do them hastily to be taken, and safely kept, till we have ordained for our will, as ye desire profit and honour of us, and of the realm. Understand- ing well, if it be so, that ye do our desire and prayer, we shall the more be beholden to you. And also we shall do you profit and worship if that ye send us hastily word again of your will. Given at Baldocke, the sixth day of October. Bishop of These aforesaid letters being published and perused, the bishop of beheaded Exeter,1 to whom, as ye heard, was committed the rule of the city, standard SCnt to tne nla.vor f°r the keys of the gates, using such sharp words in cheap, in the king's name, that variance began to kindle between him and the citizens ; so much so that the commons in their rage took the bishop and beheaded him and two of his household at the Stan- dard in Cheap. Then the king went to Bristol, and ordained Sir Hugh Spenser the father, to keep the castle and town there ; and the king, with Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock, the chan- cellor, and the earl of Arundel, went into Wales. The queen's forces so pursued them, that they first took the town, yielded up to Hugh Iter ; then they took Sir Hugh Spenser the father, whom, being drawn ui'r'ta r' ano< torn, they at last hanged up at Bristol, in chains of iron. As the king was thus firing, the queen caused to be proclaimed through- hanged m .. ° *■■ ~ * *■ v chains, out her army, that the king should come and appear, and so receive his kingdom again, if he would be comfortable to his liege subjects: who when he did not appear, prince Edward, his son, was proclaimed high keeper of the realm. The king In the mean time Henry earl of Lancaster, and brother to the good Wales.'" earl Thomas, who before was beheaded, also lord William Souch, and Master (Jphowel, were sent by the queen into Wales to pursue the king, and there they took him, and sent him to the castle of Kenil- worth; and took Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock the chancellor, and Sir John, earl of Arundel, and brought them all to the Hugh town of Hereford. Soon after, Hugh Spenser the son, was drawn. tSeson!' ;U1,1 hanged on a gallows fifty feet high, and afterwards beheaded executed, and quartered, whose quarters were sent into the four quarters of the realm. Sir John of Arundel was beheaded, and Sir Robert Baldock was put in Newgate at London, where, shortly after, he [j^n-tii, pined away and died among the thieves. This done, a parliament 1827.] was assembled at London, from whence message was sent t<> tin- king, that if he would resign up his crown, his son should have it after him ; if not, another should take it, to whom the lot would give it : where- upon the king, being constrained to yield up his crown to his son. was kept in prison, and after had to Barkley ; where he is said to have taken great repentance. After this message being sent, and the king half (1) This bishop <•( Exeter builded in Oxford two colleges, Exeter College, and Hart Hall; his name \v;u> (iualter Stapleton. KIXG EDWARD II. IMPRISONED AXD DEPOSED. 659 condescending thereunto (the parliament notwithstanding prosecuting Edward and going forward), there was a bill exhibited and put up, containing : — certain articles against the said king, then in prison in the castle of A. D. Barkley, touching his misbehaviour and imprudent governing of the — '' realm ; which bill openly before the lords and commons, by the ^ited speaker of the parliament house, was read. After long consultation in the thereupon amongst themselves touching those articles, and also for J^f" the better and more circumspect government of the realm from that ^'^g time forth, it was consulted and agreed upon by the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons there assembled, that the said Ed- ward was a man not meet to be their king, nor from that time forth any more to bear the crown royal, or title of a king; but that Edward The king his eldest son, who there in the same court of high parliament was ^^A present, as he was rightful heir and inheritor thereunto, so should he JJ^g"^ be crowned king thereof in his father's stead, with these conditions ^°nd thereunto annexed : that he should take wise, sage, and true coun- chose.. sellors unto him, that the realm might be better and more circum- king spectly governed, than before in the time of Edward his father it was; and that the old king, his father, should be honourably provided for and kept, so long as he lived, according as unto his estate it apper- tained, &c. These and other things thus finished and ended, the parliament breaketh up, and all things necessary, and to the corona- tion of a prince appertaining, were in speedy wise prepared, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shall be specified. In the mean time as touching the king, who was yet in prison, it is thought by some writers, that the next year following, by the means £feD,21st' of Sir Roger Mortimer, he was miserably slain, by a spit, as it is said, 1327.] being thrust up into his body, and was buried at Gloucester, after he had reigned" nineteen years. In the time and reign of this king, the college of Cambridge, called Michael Michael House, was founded and builded by Sir Henry Stanton, in cam- knight, to the use and increase of learning, a thing in a common- {^ded wealth very profitable and necessary to be had ; the want and need jj>y Henry whereof, many sundry times, is sooner felt in this realm of ours and other realms abroad, than is the discommodity thereof of most men commonly understood. About the same time also was Nicolaus de Lyra, who wrote the Appendix. ordinary Gloss of the Bible : also Gulielmus Ocham, a worthy divine, and of a right sincere judgment, as the times then would either give or suffer. In the tractation of this king's history, it was declared before what grudge did kindle in the hearts of the barons against the king, for revoking such acts and customs as had been before in the parliament established, both for Peter Gaveston, and for the two Spensers. Also, what severe punishment the king did execute upon them for the same, in such cruel and rigorous sort, that as he spared none of those whom he could there find, so he never ceased all his life after to inquire out and to be revenged of all such as had been in any part or consenting to that matter. For this his extreme and implacable tyranny, he was Tyranny , in such hatred of all the people, that, as he said, he could not find $£££ one of all the commons to take his part, when need required. Among Pr- ofilers who were for that matter troubled, was one Adam, bishop of uu2 660 THE IMSHOl' CF HEREFORD CONDEMNED IiV T}IK KING. A.D. 1327. chal- lenges the prii ilege of the church against a secular judge. The bishop bv the clergy. The king proceed- ed in i . a rains! found heresy, b Christ and the apostles had no proper posses- sions here. 1 [ereford, who being impeached of treason with others besid< s, was at length arrested in the parliament to appear and answer to that which should be to him objected. Many things were there laid against him, for taking part with them that rose against the king, with more matters, and heinous rebukes, &c. ; whereunto the bishop for a great while answ< red nothing.1 At Length the bishop, claiming the liberties and privileges of the church, answered the king in this form:2 — " The due reverence of your princely majesty ever saved, I, an humble minister and member of tie holy church of God, and a bishop consecrated (albeit unworthy), can- not, neither ought, to answer to these so high matters without authority of the archbishop of Canterbury, my direct judge next under the high bishop of Home, whose suffragan also 1 am, ami the consent likewise of the other my fellow-bishops." After these words by him pronounced, the archbishop and other bishops with him were ready to make humble intercession for him to the king, and did. Hut when the king would not be won nor turned with any supplication, the said bishop, together with the archbishop and the clergy, coming with their crossi s, took him away, challenging him for the church, without any more answer-making; charging moreover, under the censures of the church and excommunication, none to presume to lay any further hands upon him. The king, moved with this boldness and stoutness of the clergy, commandeth, notwithstanding, to proceed in judgment, and the jury of twelve men to go upon the inquiry of his cause ; who finding and pronouncing the bishop to be guilty, the king caused immediately all his goods and possessions to be confiscated unto himself: moreover, he made his plate and all his household provision to be thrown out of his house into the street ; but yet .he remained still under the protection and defi nee of the archbishop, &:c. This archbishop was Walter Reynold; after whom succeeded Simon Mepham, in the same see of Canterbury, a.d. 1328.3 After pope Clement V., by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant, as ye have heard, two years and three months, next was elected pope JohnXX I L,*a Cistercian monk, who sat in that papacy eighte< n years. He was stout and inflexible, and given so much to the heap- ing up of riches, that he proclaimed them heretics who taught that Christ and his apostles had no possessions of their own in this world. At this time was emperor Louis of Bavaria, a worthy man, who. with this pope, and others that followed him. had no less contention than had. Frederic before mentioned, in the time of king Henry 111.; inso- much that this contention and variance continued the space of four and twenty years. The cause and first origin of this tragical conflict, arose upon the constitution of Clement V., the predecessor to this pope ; by whom it was ordained, as is before mentioned, that emperors, bytheG< ,•- man princes elected, might be called kings of the Romans, but might not enjoy the title or right of the empire to be nominated empe- rors, without their confirmation given by the pope. Wherefore, this emperor, because he used the imperial dignity in Italy, before he was (!) Ei Tho. Walslng. (-) " Ego sanctse ecclesiae Dei minister humilis, membn §, licet [ndignus, ad tan ardua nequeorespondere, necdebeo, absque 0 Cant, archiepisi opi, post surnmum pnntificera mei dirrcti judicis, rnjus etiam .,11111 surrraganeus, autoriute, el aliorurn parium meo- rnni eplx opoium consensu." (3) Ex Tho. Wal . I) A. M. 1316, called fohn XXI. Bo. STRIFE BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR. 661 authorised by the pope, the said pope therefore excommunicated him. Edward And notwithstanding the emperor oftentimes did proffer himself to _ make entreaty of peace and concord ; yet the pope, inflexible, would A. D. nut bend. The writings on both parts be yet extant, wherein the 33^' said bishop doth make his vaunt, that he had full power to create and strife t>e- depose kings and emperors at his pleasure. In the same time were popfand6 divers learned men, who seeing the matter, did greatly disallow the ^J"1' doings of the bishops of Rome ; among whom was William Ocham, whose tractations were afterwards condemned by the pope, for ■writing against the temporal jurisdiction of their see ; as did another, named Marsilius Patavinus, who wrote the book entitled ' Defensor Pacis,1 which was given into the hands of the said emperor ; wherein the controversy of the pope's unlawful jurisdiction in things tem- poral is largely disputed, and the usurped authority of that see set forth to the uttermost. It is found in some writers, that a great cause of this variance first began, for that one of the emperor's secretaries, unknown to the emperor, in certain of his letters had likened the papal see to the beast rising out of the sea, in the Apo- calypse. At length, when the emperor, after much suit made to the The pope at Avignon, could not obtain his coronation, coming to Rome, ^"ed he was there received with great honour; where he, with his wife, f^"^/, of were both crowned, by the full consent of all the lords and cardinals the pope. present ; and moreover, another pope was there set up, called Ni- colas V. After these things done, the pope, not long after, departed at Avignon in France ; after whom succeeded Benedict XII.,1 a monk of the Benedict order, and reigned seven years; who, by the counsel of Philip, the French king, confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursings that John, his predecessor, had published against Louis, the emperor : moreover, he deprived him of his imperial crown, and also rs aepri- of his dukedom of Bavaria. The emperor upon this cometh to .^0as"f, Germany, and assembling the princes electors, dukes, bishops, nobles, and the learned, in a council at Frankfort, there declared before them, a council out of the ancient laws and customs of the empire, how it standeth f0trFra" only in the princes electors, and in no others to elect the kings or Th the emperors of the Romans (for in both these names there was no protest: difference), so that the same electors, in choosing the king of the Romans, did also elect and choose the emperor ; which emperor, so by them constituted, had lawful right, without any information of the apostolical see, to exercise the administration of the empire. And if he were lawfully elect, he ought to be anointed by the Roman bishop ; which if he do refuse, then might he be anointed and declared emperor and Augustus by any other catholic bishop thereunto ap- pointed, as by the old manner and custom hath been; especially seeing these injunctions are only certain solemnities added and invented by the bishops, for a token of unity between the church and empire, to govern and defend the faith together. Wherefore, in that the emperor sweareth to the bishop of Rome, in that is to be under- stood no homage or fealty made to the bishop, but only that it is a sacrament and a promise given to defend the faith ; 2 which oath or sacrament so given, giveth no majority to the pope in any temporal rule, but only bindeth the emperor to be prompt and ready to defend (1) A. D. 1335.— Ed (2) Ex Hieron. Mario.; et ex Crant.-.io fort. The emperor's protes lion. 662 THE TSOUBLES OF LOUIS THE EMPEROR. Edward the faith and church of Christ, when need shall require obedience. ! — Wherefore, whereas the pope leaneth only to the electors' authority A..D. to make the king of Romans, and taketh upon himself alone power 1,H3, to make the emperor ; that, as it is newly brought in and devised of late by pope Clement V., so is it contrary both to all ancient order, and also derogatory to the liberty and majesty of the sacred empire. Again, neither is that also less absurd and contrary to all right and reason, that the pope, in time of the imperial seat being vacant, taketh upon him to have the whole and lull doings of the empire, as lawful emperor for the time ; which prerogative and function, by ancient orders of our ancestors, should properly and only appertain to the Palatine of the Rhine; the constitution Clementine of the afore- said pope Clement to the contrary notwithstanding. Then, in the end, for his own excuse, he, in the presence of them all, rcciteth the public confession of his faith, to answer and purge himself of those objections laid to him by the pope. This did the meek emperor Louis in that council. Yet, all this notwithstanding, the said em- peror remained still excommunicate, till the time that variance happened between this pope Benedict and Philip, the French king. Wherefore, to make his party good, at least to have some friends to flee to, he began to pretend favour and absolution, rather for necessity than for any good will to the emperor. But, not long after, this pope died ; of whom this epitaph was made : — " Hie situs est Nero, laicis mors, vipera clero, Devius a vero, cupa repleta mero." Trouble After Benedict followed pope Clement VI.,1 a man most furious theempe- and cruel ;2 who renewing the excommunications of his predecessors, ror- caused his letters to be set upon church-doors, wherein he threatened and denounced most terrible thunderbolts against the said Louis, the emperor, unless within three days he should satisfy to God and the church, and renounce the imperial possession of the crown. The emperor upon this cometh to Frankfort, and there, ready to stand in all things to the ordinance of the pope, sendeth his orators to the court of Rome, to entreat the pope's favour and good will towards him : to which messengers the pope answered again, that he would never pardon the emperor, before he gave over and confessed his errors and heresies, and, resigning up his empire to his hands, would submit himself, his children, and all his goods, to the will and plea- sure of the bishop ; promising that he should not receive again any part of the same, but upon his good grace, as his will should be to restore them. ii i ..i The heresy here mentioned, which was to this emperor objected 8 by the pope, was this ; because (as is above touched upon) he used and executed the imperial dignity after his election, before he was the em- by the pope confirmed. Over and besides, the pope sendeth to the emperor, by the said orators, a certain form of a bill contained in writing with certain conditions, which he commanded to be given into the hands of the emperor. Here, if the emperor Louis had had as much mind to set upon the pope with dint of SWOrd, as he lacked (1) A.D. 1342 — Kd. (2) Ex Cliron de sex mundi itatibus, cui tit. ' Ruilimentum Novitiorura.' ACCUSED BY THE POPE A3 A HERETIC, neither occasion nor power so to do, what blood might have been Sdwam spilt ! But the good emperor, sparing the effusion of blooc re- ceiveth gently the bill ; and not only with his seal doth confirm it, A.D. but also sweareth to observe all the conditions thereof; which the 1347- pope hearing of, doth greatly marvel. But yet all this would nothing piwj help to mollify the modest heart of this Pharaoh. tfcfpo?* The princes and electors, seeing the bill of the articles and condi- tions, whereof some sounded to the malicious defacing and destruc- tion of the empire, and abhorring the wickedness thereof, desired the emperor to stand to the defence of the imperial dominion, as he had begun, promising that their assistance and aid to the uttermost thereunto should not lack. Upon that other orators were sent to pope Clement from the princes, desiring him to abstain from such manner of A,a 1346- articles conceived against the state and majesty of the empire. The The em- pope, surmising all this to spring from Louis the emperor, to the cused by utter subversion of him and all his posterity, on Maundy-Thursday foreapope blustereth out most black curses against him ; also he reneweth all heretic the former processes of his predecessor against him, as against both a heretic and a schismatic : commanding, moreover, the princes electors to proceed in choosing a new emperor. The archbishop of Faithful Mentz, seeing the innocency of the emperor, would not consent to snopboir the violating of his majesty ; wherefore he was deprived by the pope ^e-^tz- of all his dignities. The other bishops electors, as the archbishop corrupted of Cologne, who took eight thousand marks, with the duke of Saxony, money, who took two thousand marks, being corrupted with money by John, king of Bohemia, elected Charles, the son of the said John ; whom pope Clement eftsoons in his consistory did approve. Who seeth The pope, been more prudent to quench the fire, than the pope was to kindle it ? Charles then, the new emperor elect, sped him to Aix-la-Chapelle, Appendix, according to the custom, there to be crowned ; but by the citizens there and the empress (the wife of Louis keeping thereabout) he was repelled. All this happened in the time and reign of Edward III., king of England ; against whom the said Charles, with the French king, and the king of Bohemia, set on by the pope, encountered in Again war ; where the king of England had against them a noble victory, Up"ears. and slew a great number of the Frenchmen and Almains, and put Charles, the new emperor, to flight. In the mean time, among the Charles, princes and citizens of Germany what sorrow and what complaints emperoi were against pope Clement and those electors, cannot be expressed : puV° o in i a • i • i flight bv tor as they were all together at spires congregated in a general the Eng- assembly, so there was none among them all, that allowed the elec- lbhmc11- tion of Charles, or that cared for the pope's process ; promising all to adhere and continue faithful subjects to Louis, their lawful emperor. But Louis, remembering his oath made before to the pope's bill, Louis, voluntarily and willingly gave over his imperial dignity, and went to empert'r1 Furstenfeld; where, shortly after, through the procured practice of j^f118 pope Clement (as Hieronymus Marius doth write), poison was given P"e- him to drink ; after which being drunk, when he would have vomited is Poi- out and could not, he took his horse and went to hunt the bear, S011ed' thereby, through the chafing and heat of his body, to expel the 6'6-t THE EMPEROB ASM) Ills SUCCESSOR ELECT POISONED. adward venom. And there the good and gentle emperor, wickedly perse- ___!_ cuted and murdered of the pope, fell down dead,1 whom I may well A.D. account among the innocent and blessed martyrs of Christ ; for if 1,j5°- the cause being righteous doth make a martyr, what papist can justly Louis, disprove Ids cause or faitli ? If persecution joined thereunto causeth and martyrdom, what martyr could be more persecuted than he, who, martyr. ],av;nfr three popes like three ban-dogs upon him, at length was devoured by the same ? The princes hearing of his death, assembled themselves to a new election, who, refusing Charles aforesaid, elected ountcrus another for emperor, named Gunterus dc Monte Nigro, who, shortly x'i^!,'""1' alter falling sick at Frankfort, was likewise poisoned through his emperor, physician's servant, whom the aforesaid Charles had hired with money ispoi- to work that feat. Gunterus tasting of the poison, although lie did M"ud' partly cast it up again, yet so much remained within him, as made him unable afterwards to serve that place; wherefore, for concord's sake, being counselled thereto by the Germans, he gave over his empire to Charles, for else, great bloodshed was likely to ensue. This Charles thus ambitiously aspiring to the imperial seat contrary to the minds of the states and peers of the empire, as he did wickedly and unlawfully come by it, so was he by his ambitious guiding, the Ruin of first and principal mean of the utter ruin of that monarchy; for that he, to have his son set up emperor after him, convented and granted i'vii'i'st'' to ^ne Ponces electors of Germany all the public taxes and tributes of the empire. This covenant, being once made between the emperor and them, they afterwards held so fast, that they caused the emperor to swear never to revoke or call back again the same: by reason whereof, the tribute of the countries of Germany, which then belonged only to the emperor for the sustentation of his wars, ever si;, this day is dispersed diversely into the hands of the princes, and to the free cities within the said monarchy ; so that both the empire being disfurnished and left desolate, and the emperors weakened thereby, they have neither been able sufficiently since to defend themselves, nor yet to resist the Turk, or other foreign enemies. Of this a great part, as ye have heard, may be imputed unto the popes, &c.2 This pope Clement first reduced the year of jubilee to every fiftieth year, which before was kept but in the hundredth year; and so he ]i,i'.il.|'],h being absent at Avignon (which he then purchased with his money year. to the see of Kome), caused it to be celebrated at Rome, a.d. 1350. Pilgrims In that year were numbered, of peregrines going in and coming oul year. every day at Rome, to the estimation of five thousand. The bull of pope Clement, given out for this present year of jubilee, proceeded) in these words : — Abomi- What person or persons soever, for devotion sake, shall take their peregrina- nableand tion unto the holy city, the same (lav when he settetli forth out of his house, , lie may choose unto him what confessor or confessors either in the way or where else be listeth : unto the which confessors we grant, by our authority, plenarj power to absolve all cases papal, as fully as if we were in our proper person there present Item, we grant that whosoever being truly confessed iii^1'"1"" shall chance by the way to (lie, he shall be quit and absolved of all his sins. deth Moreover, we command the angels of paradise to take his soul out of his body, gela. being absolved, and to carry it into the glory of paradise, &c. i i>. 131?.— Ed. (J) Hieronymua Marius BLASPHEMY OF POPE CLEMENT THE SIXTH. 665 And in another bull he saith, — Edward We will, that no pain of hell shall touch him : granting, moreover, to all and ^ jj singular person and persons signed with the holy cross, power and authority to 13*26* deliver and release three or four souls, whom they list themselves, out of the pains of purgatory, &c. O! blas- the pope 1 This Clement, as mine author affirmeth, took upon him so pro- digally in his popedom, that he gave to his cardinals of Rome bishoprics and benefices which then were vacant in England, and began to give them new titles for the same livings he gave them in England ; wherewith the king, as good cause he had, was offended, v. nd undid all the provisions of the pope within his realm;1 com- The king 1 nanding, under pain of imprisonment and life, no man to be so thejiope hardy, as to induce and bring in any such provisions of the pope, any more within his land. And under the same punishment he charged the two cardinals to void the realm, (a.d. 1348). In the same Tenths of year all the tenths, as well of the Templars as of other spiritual men, go"^11 were given and paid to the king through the Avhole realm. AndsiveH.to thus much concerning good Louis, emperor and martyr, and pope Clement VI., his enemy ; wherein, because we have a little exceeded the course of years Avhereat we left off, let us return somewhat back again, and take such things in order as belong to the church of Eng- land and Scotland, setting forth the reign of king Edward III., and the doings of the church which in his time have happened, as the grace of Christ our Lord will assist and enable us thereto. This aforesaid king Edward II. in his time builded two houses Oriei-Coi- in Oxford for good letters, to wit, Oriel-College, and St. Mary- st Mary- Hall. Hal1 in Here I omit also by the way the furious outrage and conflict which bmided happened in the time of this king, a little before his death, a.d. 1326, Edw"a. between the townsmen and the abbey of Bury; wherein the towns- J^'J™0 men gathering themselves together in a great multitude (for what tween ,he cause or old grudge between them, the register doth not declare), abbeyof invaded and sacked the monastery. And after they had imprisoned Bury" the monks, they rifled the goods and treasure of the whole house, spoiling and carrying away their plate, money, copes, vestments, censers, crosses, chalices, basons, jewels, cups, masers, books, with other ornaments and implements of the house, to a value unesti- mable:2 in that conflict, certain also on both sides were slain. Such was the madness then of that people, that when they had gathered unto them a great concourse of servants and light persons of that country to the number of twenty thousand, to whom they promised liberty and freedom; by virtue of such writs as they had out of that house, first they got into their hands all their evidences, copies, and instruments, that they could find; then they took off the lead; that done, setting fire to the abbey-gates, they burned up nearly the whole house. After that they proceeded to the farms and granges belonging to the same abbey, whereof they wasted, spoiled, and burned to the number of two and twenty manor-places in one week ; trans- porting away the corn, horses, cattle, and other moveables belonging to the tame, the price whereof is registered to come to 922,1. 4«. lid. (1) Ex Chron. Wals. in Vit. Edw. III. ;2) Ex Latino quodani registro. 666 I III. ABBOT OF BUBY ROBBED, AND CABBXEJ) AWAY. Edward besides the valuation of other riches and treasures within the abbey, ! which cannot be estimated. A. I). The abbot was all this space at London, in the parliament, by 1,)-7- whose procurement at length such rescue was sent down, that twenty- four of the chief of the town (submitting themselves) were committed to ward; thirty carts-full of the townsmen were carried to Norwich, of whom nineteen were there hanged, and divers convicted were put to prison. The whole township was condemned in seven-score thou- sand pounds, to be paid for damages of the house. John Berton, alderman, and W. Herling, with thirty-two priests, thirteen women, and one hundred and thirtv-eight others of the said town were out- lawed; of whom divers, after grudging at the abbot for breaking promise with them at London, did confederate themselves together; and privily, in the night, coming to the manor of Chenington, where the abbot did lie, burst open the gates, and entering in, first bound Theabbot all his family. After they had robbed him of all his plate, jewels and and ""' money, they took the abbot and shaved him, and secretly conveyed awayta mm :nva.Y WJth them to London ; where they, removing him from Brabant, street to street unknown, from thence had him over the Thames into Kent : at length over the sea they ferried to Dist in Brabant, where they a sufficient time kept him in much penury, misery, and thraldom; till, at length, the matter being searched out, they were all excom- municated, first by the archbishop of Canterbury, then by the pope. '"'ai'.r''1 &£ ^st it being known where he Avas, he was delivered and rescued by his friends out of the thieves'' hands, and finally brought home with procession, and restored to his house again : and thus was that abbey with the abbot of the same, for what demerits I know not, vexed and afflicted about this time, as more largely I have seen in their Latin register. But thus much briefly; the rest I omit lure,1 passing over to the reign of the next king. EDWARD THE THIRD.2 A. \>. Concebning the acts and story of king Edward TT., his deposi- 1327. tion, and his cruel death, wrought by the false and counterfeit letter of Sir Roger Mortimer, sent in the king's name to the keepers, for the which he was afterwards charged, drawn, and quartered, 1 have written sufficiently before and more, peradventure, than the profession of this ecclesiastical history will well admit. Notwithstanding, for certain respects and causes, I thought somewhat to extend my limits herein the more ; whereby both kings, and such as climb to lie about them, may take the better example by the same; the one to have I lie love of his subjects, the other to learn to flee ambition, and not bear themselves to brag of their fortune and state, how high soever it be: considering with themselves nothing to be in this world so firm and sure, thai may promise itself any certain continuance, and that is not ii. perpetual danger of mutation, unless it be fastened by God's protection. 'P About the latter end of this Edward II reaseth the historv of Nic. Trivet, and of Flor. Hist. r2) Edition 1563. p. 74. Ed. 1583. p. 374. Ed. 1690 I i vol. i. p. 428.— Ed. KDWARD THE THIRD CROWNED. 667 After the suppression of this king, as is above expressed, Edward Edward his son was crowned king of England, being about the age of fifteen, L_ who reigned the space of fifty years, and was a prince of much and A.D. great temperance, in feats of arms very expert, and no less fortunate 132^- and lucky in all his wars, than his father was unfortunate before him. For liberality, also, and clemency, he was worthily commended ; briefly, in all princely virtues, famous and excellent. Concerning the memorable acts of this prince, done both in war and peace, as how he subdued the Scots, had great victories by the sea, conquered France, a. d. 1382, won Calais, a.d. 134*8, and translated the staple thither, took the French king prisoner, and how the French arms first by him were brought in, and conjoined with the English arms ; also how the order of the garter first by the said king was invented and ordained, a.d. 1356, also, a.d. 1357, how the king, in his parlia- ment at Nottingham decreed, that all such, in Flanders or elsewhere, as had skill in making cloth, should peaceably inhabit the land, and be welcome (for three years before that, it was enacted, that no wool should be transported over the sea ; which was, to bridle the pride of the Flemings, who then loved better the sacks of wool, than the nation of Englishmen) : all these things, with other noble acts of this worthy prince, although in other chronicles they be fully treated of, yet, according to that order which I have begun (saying some- what of each king's reign, although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history), I have here inserted the same ; making haste to other mat- ters, shortly and compendiously abridging them out of divers and sundry authors together compacted, mentioned in this wise. The coronation and solemnity of king Edward III., and all the pomp thereof, was no sooner ended, but Robert Bruce, king of Scotland, understanding the state and government of the realm to be, as it was indeed, in the queen, the young king, the earl of Kent, and Sir Roger Mortimer; and that the lords and barons, as he was informed, did scarcely well agree amongst themselves, although he grew now in age, and was troubled with the falling disease, yet thought he this a meet time for his purpose, to make invasion : hoping for as good success and like victory now, as but lately before he had at the castle of Eustrivelin.1 Whereupon, about the feast of Easter, Defiance he sent his ambassadors with heralds and letters of defiance to the ^ngot young king Edward III., the queen, and the council; declaring, that Scots- his purpose was, with fire and sword to enter and invade the realm of England, &c. The king, queen, and council, hearing this bold defiance, commanded in all speedy preparation musters to be made throughout all the realm ; appointing to every band captains conve- nient, and at the city of York, by a day assigned them, commanding every man to be, with all their necessary furniture, ready and thoroughly provided. They directed their letters also with all speed to Sir John of Heinault, requiring him, with such soldiers and men- at-arms as he might conveniently provide in Flanders, Heinault, and Brabant, to meet the king and queen, upon the Ascension-day next ensuing, at their city of York. The king and queen made speedy preparation for this expedition ; the noblemen provided themselves with all things necessary there- unto ; the English captains and soldiers, their bands thoroughly U) Stiihng.— Ed. Or.-at 6'08 INVASION OF ENGLAND BY THE SCOTS. Edward furnished, were ready at their appointed tunc and place. Sir John !_ of Heinault, lord Beaumont mustering his men as fast, was ready to A.D. take snipping, where, at Wysant, in English bottoms there lying for _iz__l_him ready, he went aboard, and with a merry wind landed at Dover, travelling from thence by small journeys daily, till he came, within three days after the least of Pentecost, to the city of York, where The king the king ami queen, with a great power of sixty thousand men, within and about the city of York, expected his coming; before whom, in courteous wise he presented himself, and mustered his troop, wherein army of he had to the number of five hundred good men-at-arms well appointed thousand and mounted. His coming and furniture were well liked both by the king and queen; and he was, by the harbinger, appointed to be kingof lodged, with his household retinue, in the abbey of white monks. To be brief, such grudge and variance arose between some of the king's soldiers and his. within the suburbs of the town being together lodged, that from the little to more, whilst the king and queen, with divers other of the nobles (strangers and others), were at dinner, the said fray so greatly increased, that the whole army, as many as were in the town then lodged, stood to their defence ; so that there were slain of the English archers, in a short space, by the strangers, to the number of three hundred men. Whereupon, after the fray was, with Turk." much difficulty both of the king and queen, ended, such heart-burning grew between the parties, that the number of six thousand conspired together against them, thinking to have burned them in their lodgings, had they not been, by the great grace of God and discreet handling, otherwise prevented and let. Whereupon the Heinaulders were fain to take and keep the field, using as diligent watch and ward as though they had been among their hostile enemies. After this, the king set forward his army towards Durham, and encamped himself near about the same ; who also sent the lord Ufford and the lord .Mowbray to Carlisle Carlisle with a sufficient company to keep that entrance ; and also c"stie,eW the lord marshal of England to keep the town of Newcastle, with a keysof6 sufficient company to defend the same, and the country adjoining. Kn-ian.i, y()V well knew the king, that by one of these two entries the Scots garrisons, must pass into England, standing both of them upon the river Tyne, twenty-four miles distant. The Scots But the Scots privily with their army passed the river betwixt the Tyne, * two towns into England, few understanding thereof, till the great ,',,. fires which the Scots had kindled and made in England, bewrayed ingthe them ; who came burning and destroying the country all about as far y' as Stanhope park. This thing being declared to the king, he com- mandeth his host with all speed to inarch towards them ; who so long The travelled, that they came in sight each of other. The king also commanded the passages of the river to be so straitly and narrowly guarded, that by no means the Scots could retire and escape back at again into Scotland, without battle given them of the king. But the Scots, understanding the great power of the king, kept always the """''■ advantage of the hills, retiring in the nights from one to another; so that, without great odds and advantage on the one side, and hazard to the other, the king could not set upon them. Thus, in the day time, the Scots, keeping the advantage of the hills, and in the niffht time retiring to the advantage of other similar THE SCOTS RETIRE WITHOUT GIVING BATTLE. 669 ones, came near against that river where they first passed over, where Edward they made a show to offer battle to the king upon the morrow. 1_ Hereupon the king being busied in putting his men and battles in A- D- readiness to fight the next morning, being almost wearied out in ' pursuing the Scots from place to place, the Scots, in the mean season, got over the river, and escaped the danger of the king. As 6th.] this thing could not be done without great treason of some near about the king ; so Sir Roger Mortimer was grievously suspected thereof, and, afterwards, it was laid to his charge. But to be short, by this TheScots, * throu°'h means the Scots escaped the river ; after whom it should have availed treason, the king very little to have made pursuit, as the wily Scots knew full e0s™%{ well. For ioy thereof, the lord William Douglas, one of the Scottish F»=1™<1 generals, with two hundred horse, gave alarm in the king's camp ; and came so near, that he cut certain of the lines of the king's tent in sunder with his sword, and retired to his company without great loss of any of his men. Then, on the morrow, the king, perceiving Provision the Scots to be gone, came to the place where over-night they lodged, Scottish'* where were found five hundred great oxen and kine ready killed ; five camp- hundred cauldrons made of beasts1 skins full of flesh, over the fire seething ; a thousand spits full of flesh ready to be roasted; and more than ten thousand shoes of raw leather (the hair still upon the same), which the Scots had left behind ; and five poor English prisoners tied to trees, and their legs broken. All which the king seeing, he left The kin- any further pursuing the Scots, and returned with his army to ,r0etj'™'"' Durham, where he dismissed his army, and came again to London ; don- sending with Sir John of Heinault two hundred men at arms for their better safeguard against the English archers (with whom at York, as you have heard, they frayed) till they had taken shipping ; and so they returned home. The king, then being at London, confirmed the liberties of the citizens, and ordained that the mayor should sit in all places as chief justice within the liberties of the same ; and that what alderman soever had been mayor before, should be a justice of peace within his own ward. Then the king, the queen, and the council, sent over to the earl of Heinault certain ambassadors, touching the solemnization of the marriage between the king and the lady Philippa, his daughter; who in such sort sped their message, that she was soon after conveyed over to England very honourably, and at Dover arrived. And from His m*r thence she came to London (some chronicles affirm to York), where, rmse' upon the day of the conversion of St. Paul, the year above specified, the marriage and coronation of the queen were with much triumph, during the space of three weeks, solemnized. After this coronation and marriage, the king summoned his parlia- Parlia- ment to be kept at Northampton ; whereat, by the means of Sir North*' Roger Mortimer and the old queen, a peace was purchased for the amn^on- Scots (who had for that purpose sent their ambassadors) to continue Awnd<* for four years. Also the king (then being within age) granted to release the Scots of all their homage and fealty unto the realm of The Rap- England, which by their charter ensealed they were bound to ; as deiivere" also their indenture, which was called the Ragman Roll,1 wherein were |°c*e ID " Ragman Roll" was the original deed which contained the acknowledgment by John Baliol and the Scotch nobility of homage to the king of England. See p. 57y.— Lu. H70 THE ftUEEN MOTHEIi IMPRISONED. Edward specified the aforesaid homage and fealty to the king and crown of — England, by the said king of Scots, nobles, and prelate.-, to be made; A.D. having all their seals annexed to the same. Also there was then - delivered unto them the black cross of Scotland, which king Edward £of* before, for a rich jewel and relic, had conquered and brought from Scotland. Scone abbey; with all such rights and titles as any of the barons else barons had enjoyed in the said realm of Scotland, with many other things fi'ieir"1' more) to the great prejudice both of the realm, and discontent of all titles in the nobles and barons for the most part, more than the old queen, Sir Roger Mortimer and the bishop of Ely, who in such sort ruled the roast, that all the rest of the nobles and barons cast with them- selves how best they might redress and remedy the great inconve- niences, that nnto the realm, by means of them, grew and happened. PariiM- Hereupon the king and queen, and Sir Roger Mortimer, caused sails- at another parliament to be called at Salisbury, where the said Sir Rogf r bury. Mortimer was made earl of March, against all the barons1 wills, to Eari prevent and disappoint the aforesaid purpose of them ; but the earl refuseth Henry of Lancaster, with others, would not be at the same: where- tocome fore it was laid unto their charges, that they went about to conspire the king's death. And further, because the king was under the government of the earl of Kent, his uncle, as well as under that of the queen his mother and the earl of March; and because they could not do in all tli they listed on account of the said earl the king's uncle, who loved the king and the realm, envy began to arise between the earl Mortimer and him; and, by Isabel the queen's practice, he found the means to persuade the king, that the earl of Kent (to enjoy the crown, as next The .ari heir unto the king) went about to poison him. To this the king put to" giving easy credit, caused his said uncle to be apprehended; and. pithless, without making answer to his accusation and accusers, to be beheaded at Winchester, the third of October, in the third year of his reign. But the just judgment of God not permitting such odious crimes in him to be unpunished or undetected, so in fine it fell out, that Isabel the old queen, the king's mother, was found and understood to be with child by the said Mortimer. Complaint hereof was made to the king, as also of the killing of king Edward, his father, and of the conspiracy of Mortimer against the earl of Kent, the king's uncle, put si* Roger to death before. Hereupon, divers other articles being laid against mer, earl him, and manifestly read in the court, he was arraigned and indicted, condemn- an<^ by verdict found guilty, having his judgment as in cases of high ed, and treason, and suffered death accordingly at London; where, upon death". London bridge, next unto Spenser's, his head obtained a place. The The queen also, the king's mother, by good advice of the council, was ',','/,', 7', restrained of her liberty, and within a certain castle not permitted prison. once t0 come abroad: unto whom the king her son once or twice a year would resort, and visit her. of prince - . , ' . Edward I Ins year Jinnee hdward was born at W OOdstOCK; who m process June'0' of time ami years grew to be a most valiant prince, and was, before 15thl he died, accounted throughout the world the flower of chivalry. Hon of" Alter this the king prepared another army into Scotland m the unolcofc year prefixed. But first he summoned king David of Scotland, who, iand^ in the last truce (four years to continue as you heard), his father then SCOTLAND INVADED AND WASTED BY KING EDWARD. G~I living, had married the lady Jane, sister to this king Edward Edward (termed Jane Makepeace), to do him homage ; but that he refused. . IU' Whereupon, not forgetting therewithal the scoffing rhymes, which A.D. daily from that time of truce the Scots had in their mouths, he did 133<"- so much, that with an army well furnished he entered Scotland by the river Tweed ; for the Scots had then the possession of the town of Berwick. The Scottish gigs and rhymes were these : — " Longbeards heartless, painted hoods witless ; Gay coats graceless, make England thriftless." To be short, the king wasted the land ; burned, destroyed, and took wasteth towns and castles with small resistance or none ; and, for the space of "£* ^ six months together, did in that land what he listed, without any battle tnereaim offered to him : for the king of Scots was but a child, and not above the age of fifteen years, and Avanted good captains that should have defended the realm ; insomuch that they were all, saving those that kept in holds for their defence, fain to take the forest of Godworth ; and there kept themselves as long as the king remained in Scotland. At length, when he had sufficiently wasted, and spoiled, and burned the same, he returned towards Berwick, about which he bent his siege, vowing not to discontinue the same, till he had gotten the town. The Scots wh/) kept the same, after a certain time and many Berwick assaults made, were contented, upon certain conditions, to have ami weiii- delivered up the town ; but that the king refused, unless, all condi- rf t0 the tions set apart, they would, with bag and baggage, depart. Hereupon n"°' they condescended to the king, that if by a certain time they were not by the king of Scots rescued, they would render up the town, and with bag and baggage depart ; and so, the time having expired, frustrate of all hope and rescue, at the day appointed they did. The The kinmerJ made his repair to the emperor, at whose hands he was well enter- King tained, and honourably received; whom the emperor appointed to be assigned his lieutenant-general, having thereby more authority both to will and nant?ge- comn*and such as for this his expedition he stcd unto, and had made nerai of convention with. Philip, hearing this, prepared his army, and rigged pire. his navy, that as soon as the king should enter into the dominion of [August.] prancej they also might enter into England, requiting like for like. First The king of England next year, after the feast of St. John into6 Baptist, according to his purpose, prepared all things ready to such an France, expedition, conducting his army, and gathering a greater strength in the empire, as before to him was promised, using the emperor's authority therein, as his lieutenant-general ; howbeit at the charge altogether of the king of England. The French king, as soon as king Edward had landed his army at Machelen1 in Flanders, hearing of the defiance which the king and other noblemen of the empire had sent unto him, sent certain ships lying ready thereunto, and waiting south- for such opportunity upon the coast of England ; who. upon a bumedb) Sunday, whilst the townsmen were at the church little looking for any ^nch such matter, entered the haven of Southampton, took the town and f spoiled the same, committed most revolting excesses, burned, killed, took captives, and carried away rich spoils and great booties to their ships; and so again departed into France, Further, as the king of England had allied himself with the noblemen of the empire, and had the friendly favour of the emperor also thereunto, so the French il j Antwerp —Ed. KINO EDWARD CHALLEUGETH THE TITLE OF FRANCE. 673 king made the like league and alliance with David, king of Scots Edward (whom the king had so hardly dealt with in Scotland, as partly before '■ — you heard, keeping the most part of Scotland under his subjection), £•*?• binding the said David, as well by writing as by oath and pledge, — that without his consent he should make no peace, nor conclude any truce with the king of England. The French king again assured him The of aid, and rescue, and help, and promised to recover his kingdom and burred dominion to his use ; and forthwith sent certain garrisons and bands gj»j^d into Scotland to keep play with the Englishmen, and there to fortify by the divers places till further opportunity served. He also fortified with j^ng!* men, money, victuals, and munition, the town of Cambray, which he suspected would be besieged, lying so near upon the empire, as indeed it came to pass ; for king Edward, departing from Machelen, set forward his host towards Heinault, and by the way assembled such power as in the empire he looked for, marching forward still till that they came to Cambray, and besieged it with forty thousand men, while another company, the Flemings, Brabanters, and Hollanders, went to St. Quintin. But in effect, neither there, nor at Cambray, nor elsewhere, any thing notorious was achieved, but the summer being well spent, and little prevailing in the siege of Cambray, being of situation strong and well defenced therewithal with men and muni- tion, he broke up the siege, and marched further into the heart of France towards Mutterel. The French king having understanding of this, prepared himself to give battle to the king of England, who, with another great army, came to Vironfosse, where days were appointed to meet in battle ; but in the end, nothing was done or attempted between the princes, and the king of England (without any battle either given or taken) returned with his army from thence to Ghent. Concerning the cause of the sudden removing of the king The pope, out of France, it seemeth most especially to arise from the pope ; 0fetheause who at the same time sent down his legates, for the order of a peace kinKs re~ " a moving to be made between the kings. At Ghent were gathered in council out of together, by the king's appointment, all the nobles as well of England, as of the empire, to consider what was best to be done ; where this plain answer was made to the king of England : That unless he would take upon him the claim and title of France, as his lawful a.d. 1.340. inheritance, and as king thereof prosecute his wars, it would not be lawful for them any further to aid the king of England, or to fight with him against the French king ; for that the pope had bound them in two millions of florins of gold, and under pain of excom- munication, that they should not fight against the lawful king of France. Whereupon, the king thought good, therefore, presently to make open challenge to the realm and crown of France ; and further, to quarter and intermingle the arms of France with the arms of ilTj England in one escutcheon ; whereupon king Edward immediately made answer to the pope again, directing unto him his letters, wherein he declareth at large his right and title to the crown of France, The king purging thereby himself and his cause unto the bishop. The copy ku,d.ntak- and tenor of his letter is too long to express, but it is to be "tVof found in the story of Thomas Walsingham, remaining in the library France. of J. Stephenson, citizen of London, whoso hath list or leisure to peruse the same. Besides this letter to the pope, he, remaining VOL. II. X X (574 edward's Lettish to the nobles and commons of fiance. A;';-; yet at Ghent, directed another to the peers and prelates of France rIT' in tenor as followeth. A.I). 13't0- The Letter of King Edward to the Nobles and Commons of France. Edward, by the grace of God, king of France and England, lord of Ireland : nnto all prelates and ecclesiastical persons, to the peers, dukes, earls, barons, and to the commons of France, greeting. The high Lord and King above, to whom although his will be in his own power, yet would he that power should be subject unto law ; commanding every thing to be given nnto him which is bis, declaring thereby that justice and judgment ought to be the preparation of the king's seat. Wherefore □ dom of France, through the providence of God, by the death of Charles, the last king of France of famous memory, brother-gernian to our lady mother, is fallen nnto us by plain and manifest Hie title law; and forasmuch as lord Philip de Y;tlois, being the son of the uncle of the i'1 'ui:|j"('' aforesaid king, and so being far from the crown by a further degree of consan- came to guinity, through force and usurpation hath intruded himself into the aforesaid king Ed- kingdom, whilst we wire yet in our minority, and so, contrary both to God and to justice, doth detain and occupy the same ; and lest we should seem to neglect our own right and the gift given us of God, or not to submit our will to God's ordinance: we have thought good to acknowledge the title of France, and by supportation of the Almighty King have taken upon us tin defence and regiment of the said kingdom ; firmly purposing with ourselves, as every good man ought to do, graciously to minister justice to every one, according to the rites and laudable custom of the aforesaid kingdom. Also to renew the good laws and customs which have been in the time of Louis our progenitor ; adding, moreover, that which shall seem expedient according to the condition and quality of the time. As to any change of coin, or any other inordinate exactions, we intend not to seek our profits by your detriments, when (the Almighty be praised for it) we abound and have enough. And as concerning the affairs of the realm, our purpose is not to proceed rashly, or by our own will, but by the discreet advice and counsel of the peers, prelates, nobles, and other our faithful subjects of the kingdom, so far forth as shall make for the honour of God, the defence and advancement of the church (which in all fulness of devotion we do reverence), and to the profit both public and private of all the subjects thereof, with full execution of justice by the grace of God to be executed upon all and singular persons, being earnestly careful for the honour, profit and tranquillity of you all. For, as the Lord knoweth nothing shall be more grateful to us, than that by our careful solicitude peace may he engendered, especially betwixt us, and universally among all christian men; so that by our concord the force and strength of all christian princes may be joined b Note the for the recovery of the Holy Land, which our Saviour and Redeemer hath P°**nesa dedicated with his own proper blood, whereunto we will endeavour oursi Ives, time, through the grace of the Holy Ghost. And forasmuch as we have offered to when the tiu, aforesaid lord Philip divers friendly and reasonable conditions of peace, Christwas whereunto he would neither condescend, nor agree to any conformation ; y< a, thought rather moveth against us unjust war, to the utter subversion of our state, ,)"ton|> , we are forced of necessity, to the uttermost of our power, for the defence both to the C of us, and recovery of our rights, to defend ourselves by force of battle; not Holj seeking any slaughter of good and humble subjects, hut desiring their safe- "l" ' guard and profit. For the which cause, all and singular such subjects of the kingdom of France, who shall submit themselves to us as the true king of France, within the feast of Easter next ensuing; professing unto us their fealty, and doing to us as to the king of France by duty appertaineth, so as our beloved subjects of Flanders have done already, or he ready to offer themselves so to do : all such we willingly admit and receive to our peace and grace, under our protection to be defended, them to maintain as is convenient from all molestation and unquietness whatsoever in person or goods, hereafter to be enforced either by us, or by our officers, upon whatsoever occasion fi' rebellion before passed. And, forasmuch as the premises cannot easily he intimated to all and singular persons, we have provided the same te he fixed upon church doors, and other A FIGHT AT SEA BETWEEN THE ENGLISH ATs'D FRENCH. 675 public places, whereby the manifest notice thereof may come to all men, to Edward the comfort of you that be to us devout, and to the true information of those nl- who through sinister surmises of our enemies are otherwise informed of us. — ■ p. Given at Ghent the eighth day of February, in the year of our reign over ,,',,,' France, the first; over England, the fourteenth. This done, for that the winter then drew on, neither was there any hope, as the time served, of farther doing good, the king thought best for a season to return again to England with his company, giving over the wars until the next spring ; and so he did, taking shipping, and arrived at Dover. When he came to London, it was declared ^Fst/j unto him, of the great spoil the Frenchmen had made at South- ampton ; who answered again, " That within one year he doubted not but the same should be well paid for and recompensed." And according to the same purpose of his he lingered no time, but calling a parliament at Westminster, with much grudge and evil-will of his 29th.\ subjects there was for the maintenance of his wars granted to him a great subsidy, which was the fifth of every man's goods, and also the customs of his wools, two years beforehand, and the ninth sheaf of every man's corn. At the spring the king again prepared his army, and rigged his navy, purposing to land in Flanders. But the arch- counsel bishop of Canterbury, then lord chancellor, having understanding of j£c*e the French power upon the sea, lying for the king, gave him adver- bishop <° tisement there, willing him to go more strongly, or else not to venture. But the king, not crediting the archbishop, and being angry with him there-for, said, " That he would go forward ;" whereupon the bishop resigned the chancellorship, and removed himself from his council. Then the king, consulting thereupon further with the lord Morley his admiral, and others, hearing also the same of them, furnished himself with stronger power, and committed him to his ship, and did so much, that a few days before Midsummer, he was upon the sea with a great fleet. Before the town ofSluys the French Battle king, to stop his passage, had got ready a great navy, well nigh to the sePa°be-lc number of twenty score sail, and had made the Christopher of^nEd- England, which before the Frenchmen took at Southampton, their war^ and admiral. Betwixt the two navies was a long and terrible fight, but, French. in the end, the victory, by God's grace, fell to the king of England, £5™.] in which fight he himself was personally ; so that of the number The of thirty thousand Frenchmen, few or none were left and escaped j^ate'i!1 alive, and two hundred sail of ships were taken, in one of which were found four hundred dead bodies. After this great slaughter of the Frenchmen, of whom many for ^Zi.x. fear of the sword leaped into the sea, when no man durst bring tidings thereof to the French king, they who were next about the king did suborn his fool, to insinuate the understanding thereof by subtlety of covert words ; which was thus. As the fool, being in the king's presence, was talking of many things, among other talk he suddenly burst out (being prompted by others) into a vehement railing against the Englishmen, calling them cowards and dastards, with many such opprobrious words tending to that effect. The king, not knowing whereunto the words of the fool did appertain, asked the fool, why he called the Englishmen such weaklings and cowards, &c. ;' Why,'" saith the fool, " because the fearful and cowardly xx 2 6~6 THE KING'S LETTEK TO THE ENGLISH BISHOPS. Edward Englishmen had not the hearts to leap into the sea so lustily ///. Englishmen had not the hearts to leap into the sea so lustily Normans and gentlemen of France had.11 By this the Frencl reneli kim A.I), began to understand the victory on his part to be lost, and tli 1340. Englishmen to be victors. words of This victory achieved, the fane- thereof spreading abroad in Eng- to'ethe° land, at first was not believed, till letters thereof came from the king, kirng.ch prince Edward his son being then at Waltham, directed to the bishops and prelates of the realm: the effect of which letters here followeth under written. The Letter of King Edward to the Bishops of England. The bountiful benignity of God's great clemency poured upon us of late, for your true certification and rejoicing, we thought good to intimate unto yon. It is not unknown (we suppose) to you, and to others our faithful subjects, who also have been partakers with us of the same, with what storms of boisterous wars of late we have been tossed and shaken, as in the great ocean. But although the rising surges of the sea be marvellous, yet more marvellous is the Lord above, who, turning the tempest into calm, in so great dangi mercifully hath respected us. For whereas we of late did ordain our j upon urgent causes into Flanders, the lord Philip de Valois our bitter enemy understanding thereof, laid against us a mighty navy of ships, intending there- by either to take us, or at least to stop our voyage ; which voyage if it had been staid, it had been the cutting off of all the great enterprises by us intended and taken in hand, and, moreover, we ourselves had been brought to a great con- fusion. But the God of mercies, seeing us so distressed in such perils and dangers, hath graciously, and beyond man's expectation, sent to us great succour and strength of fighting soldiers, and a prosperous wind after our own desires, by the means and help whereof we set out of the haven into the seas, where we" eftsoons perceived our enemies well appointed and prepared with a main multitude to set upon us, upon Midsummer day last past; against whom, notwithstanding, Christ our Lord and Saviour hath rendered to us the victory through a strong and vehement conflict, in the which conflict, a mighty number of our enemies were destroyed, and well nigh all their whole navy was taken, with some loss also on our part, but nothing like in comparison to theirs : by reason whereof we doubt not but our passage by the seas hereafter shall be more quiet and safe for our subjects, and also many other commodities shall ensue thereof, as we have good cause to hope well of the same. For which cause we, devoutly considering the heavenly grace so mercifully wrought upon us, do render most humble thanks and praise to Christ our Lord and Saviour ; beseeching him, that as he hath been, and always is, ready to prevent our necessities in time of opportunity, so he will continue his helping hand ever towards us, and so direct us here temporally, that we may reign and joy with him in heaven eternally. And, in like sort, we require your charity, that you also with us rising up to the praise of God alone, who hath begun so favourably to work with us to our goodness, in your prayers and divine service do instantly recommend us unto the Lord, travelling here in these foreign countries, and studying to recover not only our right here in France, but also to advance the whole catholic church of Christ, and to rule our people in justice ; and that also ye call upon the clergy and people, every one through his diocese to do the same, invocating the name of our Saviour, that of his mercy he will give to us his humble servant a docible heart, so to judge and rule hereupon rightly, doing that which lie hath commanded, that at length we may attain to that which he hath promised, &c. v.o'ji*. This letter was written to the bishops a.d. 1340. A I'ter this aforesaid victory on the sea, and that news thereof, with due thanks to our Saviour, had been sent into England : the king striking into Flanders, came to Ghent in Brabant, where he had left the queen, who joyfully received him, being a little before purified or churched, as we term it, of her fourth son, whose name was John, and commonly TTER TO P1IILH* i)K V ALOIS. 677 called John of Gaunt, and was earl of Richmond, and duke of Edward Lancaster. At Vilvorde the king assembled his council, whereat — the noblemen of Flanders, Brabant, and Heinault conjoined together A.D. in most firm league, the one to help and defend the other with i^!2i_ the king of England, against the French king, purposing and deter- ^™cilat mining from thence to march toward Tournay, and it to besiege, vorde. But the French king, understanding their counsel, fortified and gJJJgJS™' victualled the same before their coming thither. Furthermore the ^'^ French king at the same time, to stop the siege of king Edward, part\wu* sent with king David of Scotland a great power, to the intent to ^Ed" make invasion in England, thereby the sooner to cause the^ king to remove his siege. In the mean time king Edward wrote his letters to Philip de Valois, making unto him certain requests, as in the same his letters here following is to be seen ; who, for that he wrote not unto him as king of France, but by the name of Philip de Valois, refused to answer him touching the same, as by their letters here placed may be seen. The Letter of the King of England to Philip de Valois, the French ApPeZir. King, going to the Siege of Tournay. Philip of Valois, we have long laboured with you by embassages and all other reasonable ways, to the end you should restore unto us our rightful inheritance of France, which this long while you have with great injury and guilt usurped: and forsomuch as we well perceive that you intend to perse- vere in the same injurious usurpation, without returning any satisfactory answer to our just demand, we have entered the land of Flanders, as sove- reign lord thereof, and are now passing through the country. And we hereby signify unto you, that with the help of our Lord Jesus Christ and our own right, with the forces of the said country, and with our subjects and allies, we purpose to vindicate the right which we have to that inheritance, which you by your injurious violence detain from us ; and that we are now approaching toward you, to make a quick decision of this our rightful challenge, if you will do the like. And forasmuch as so great a power of assembled hosts as we bring with us on our part, and as we may well suppose you also bring on your part, cannot long remain assembled together without doing great damage both to the people and the country, which thing every Christian ought to eschew (and especially the princes and others who have the government of the same), we much desire, as the shortest way, and to prevent the waste of Christian life, and as the quarrel plainly lieth between you and me, that the controversy be- tween us should be decided by our own persons, body to body ; to which thing we offer ourselves for the reasons aforesaid, content if only we may see the great prowess of your person, your good sense, and your discretion. And in case you do not choose this way, then let us end the dispute by the battle of one hundred of the most able persons of your part, and as many of mine, which each of us shall bring into the field. But if you will not admit either the one way or the other, then do you assign unto us a certain day before the city of Tournay, within ten days next after the date of this our letter, wherein to combat both of us, power against power. And we would have all the world to know, that it is not of any pride or presumption on our part that we offer unto your choice the above-specified conditions, but for the causes aforesaid, and to the intent that the will of our Lord Jesus Christ being declared between us two, peace may grow more and more among Christians, the power of God's enemies may be abated, and Christianity advanced. Be pleased to write by the bearer of these our letters and signify to us which of our aforesaid offers you will accept, sending us quick and speedy answer. — Given under our great seal, at Chyn upon the Skell, in the fields near Tournay, the 27th day of July, a.d. 1340.1 678 TJIE SCOTS INVADE ENGL AX] _ The Answer of the Lord Philip de Valois unto the Letter aforesaid. A.J). 1340. Philip, by the grace of God king of France, to Edward, king of England* We have seen your letters brought to our court, and sent on your part to ono Philip de Valois ; wherein are contained certain requests, which you make to the said Philip de Valois. And because the said letters did not come to us, and the said requests were not made to us, as by the tenor of the said letters clearly appeareth, we do not return you any answer to the premises. Never- theless, forsomuch as we have learned by the said letters and by other ways that you have entered into our realm of France, doing great damage to us and to our realm and people, more through presumption than reason, and dis- regarding the duty which a liege-man oweth unto Ins lord — (for you formerly entered our liege-homage, when you acknowledged us, as reason is, for king of France, and promised obedience such as men ought to promise to their liege- lords ; as more clearly appeareth by your letters patent from you to us which we have in our possession sealed with your great seal, and of which you ought to have the counterpart from us to you) — it is our intent then, as shall seem best to ourselves, to drive you out of our realm, to the honour both of us and of our kingdom, and to the commodity of our people. And this we have a firm hope of accomplishing through Jesus Christ, from whom we derive all our power. For by your unreasonable demand, proceeding more from presumption than reason, hath been hindered the holy expedition beyond the sea, and great numbers of Christian people have perished, the worship of God hath been dimi- nished, and Holy Church less reverenced. And as touching that which you write, that you look to be assisted by the Flemings, we hope and believe surely, that the good people and commons of that country will so behave towards our cousin the earl of Flanders their immediate lord, and us their sovereign lord, as that they shall keep their honour and their loyalty unsullied. And as for what they have hitherto done otherwise than well, that hath been occasioned by the evil advice of persons, who neither have regard to the public weal, nor to the honour of their country, but only to their own private advantage. — Given in the fields near to the priory of St. Andrew les Aire, under our privy seal, in the absence of our great seal, the 30th day of July, in the year of grace 1340. TbeScots Mention was made a little before of David, king of Scots, whom England, the French king had supported and stirred up against the king and realm of England; which David, with the aid of the Scots and Frenchmen, did so much prevail, that they recovered again almost all Scotland, which before he had lost, when he was constrained to live in the forest of Gedworth many years before. Then invaded they England, and came with their army, waiting and burning (lie country before them, till they came as far as Durham ; and then returned again into Scotland, where they recovered all their holds again, saving the town of Berwick. Edinburgh they tuck by a stratagem or subtle device practised by Douglas and certain others, who, apparelling themselves in Doormen's habits, as victuallers with corn and provender and other things, demanded the porter early in the morning, what need they had thereof; who, nothing mistrusting. \.(in-.„ opined the outward gate, where they should tarry till the captain burgh.1"" rose; and perceiving the porter to have the keys of the inward gate, they threw down their sacks in the outward gate, that it might not be shut again, and slew the porter, taking from him the keys of the town. Then they blew their horn as a warning to their bands, which privily they had laid not far off; who, in haste coming, and finding the gates ready opened, entered upon a sudden, and killed as many as resisted them, ami so obtained again the city of Edinburgh. The Scots being thus busy in England, the Fi .. in the TOURNAY liESIEGED. ARTICLES OF TRUCE. 679 mean season, gathered together a puissant power, purposing to remove E&card the siege from Tournay ; and among others sent for the king of Scots, who came to him with great force, besides divers other noblemen of A.D. France ; insomuch that the French king had a great army, and 1,34°- thought himself able enough to raise the siege, and thither bent his host. But the French king, for all this his aforesaid huge power and force, durst not yet approach the king so near, as either to give him battle, or remove his siege, but kept himself with his army aloof, in a sure place for his better defence. And notwithstanding the king of England wasted, burned, spoiled, and destroyed the country for twenty miles round about Tom-nay, and took divers and sundry strong towns Tournay and holds, as Ortois, Urses, Greney, Orchies, Odint, St. Am and, and besleged- the town of Lille, where he slew above three hundred men at arms, and, about St. Omer, he slew and killed of noblemen, the lord of Duskune, of Maurisleou, of Rely, of Chastillion, of Melly, of Fenis, of Hamelar, Mountfaucon, and other barons, to the number of four- teen ; and also slew and killed above one hundred and twenty knights, being all men of great possessions and prowess, and took other small cities and towns, to the number of three hundred : yet, for all this, Philip de Valois, the French king, durst neither rescue his towns, nor relieve his own men ; but of his great army he lost (which is to be marvelled at, being in the midst of his own country), by famine and other inconveniences, and for want of water, more than twenty thousand men, without any battle by him given. Whereupon, at the entreaty of the said Philip, by his ambassadors sent to the king, and by the mediation of the lady Jane, sister to the said Philip, and mother to the earl of Heinault, whose daughter king Edward, as you heard, had married, a truce, containing the number of fourteen articles, for one year, was concluded, the king of England being very unwilling and loath thereunto. Yet, notwithstanding, partly by the instance of the aforesaid lady, but especially for that the king was greatly disap- pointed, through the negligence of his officers in England, who sent him not over such money as he needed for the continuance of his wars and payment of his soldiers1 wages, the articles being somewhat reasonable, he agreeth to the truce ; the conditions of which, as there concluded, here follow under-written. Articles of Truce. I. That during the said truce no aggression [novitas], mischief, or grievance, shall be committed by either party upon the other, in prejudice of the said truce. II. Item, that during the said truce either of the princes, and their coadju- tors, and confederates, whosoever they be, shall remain in quiet possession and seizin as at this present day of all such goods, lands, and possessions, as they hold and enjoy within the realm and dominion of France, in what manner soever they have achieved the same. III. Item, that the said princes, and their coadjutors and confederates, whosoever they be, shall pass safely from one country to another, and all merchants with their merchandise, as well by sea as by land, as accustomably they have been wont ; except such outlaws as have been banished out of the said realms, or any of them, for other causes than the war between the said princes. IV. Item, that the said two princes shall not procure, either by themselves or any other, any aggression or grievance to be committed on either of the said kings or their allies, by the bishop of Rome or any ecclesiastical persons whatsoever ; cipher for the said war, or any other cause, nor for any service rendered to either 680 THE KIXG RETURNETH FROM TOCKNAY. Edward of them by any of their said allies or coadjutors : And that if either our holv ni- father the pope, or any other, should attempt any such thing during the said . T) truce, the said kings shall hinder it to their utmost. 1310* ^' ^tcm' tnat tne truce De immediate!} proclaimed in both the hosts, and '— that they shall stand hound on either side to keep and observe the same. VI. Item, that within twenty days next and immediately ensuing, each of the princes shall cause to he proclaimed in Gascony and Aquitaine, and other their lands, these articles of truce, to the intent they may be the better observed, kept, and known. VII. Item, if by any the said princes, their people, confederates, or coadju- tors, any sieges are laid in Gascony or the duchy of Aquitaine, or any isles of the sea, as Guernsey or Jersey, or elsewhere, that the same sieges be raised as soon as they shall hear of this truce : and that fourteen persons, seven from each side, survey those places now, and put them in precisely the same condition at the end of the truce. VIII. Item, that such as arc outlaws and fugitives out of the country of Flanders, as being partisans of the king of France, shall not return during the truce ; and if they do, that justice shall be done upon them within that realm, and they shall forfeit all the goods they have in Flanders. IX. Item, that the debts due to Arras, Crespigny, or other towns of France, shall neither be demanded nor exacted during the said truce. X. Item, that all such prisoners, as have been taken during this war, shall be released out of prison, and sent home upon their faith and oath to return, unless it so happen that they were ransomed before the date of this present truce : And if any shall refuse so to do, that then the lord under whom he 19, shall constrain him to return again to prison. ( '^^ XI. Item, that all things carried off as spoil in the time of war before the said truce, whatsoever and howsoever, whether spiritual goods or other, shall remain as spoil; without any obligation on any one to make restitution during the said truce. XII. Also, that these conditions of truce immediately may take effect be- tween the English and Scots, their lords, aiders, and allies ; and the same to endure until the nativity of St. John Baptist next coming ; and that certain persons he appointed by a certain day to be at the marches of England and Scotland to confirm the said truce, under such conditions as have been accus- tomed in those parts : And if the said Scots refuse so to do, that then they have no aid out of France during the said truce. XIII. Item, that this said truce be proclaimed in England and in Scotland, within twenty-five days after the date hereof. XIV. Item, it is recorded that within this truce he included the Spaniards, t atalonians, Genevese, Provencons, the bishop and chapter, the town and castle, and all the inhabitants of Cambray, and the lord.? of Bret, Fronsac, Gascony, Lisle, Tenbon, Vervin, and Royes. In witness whereof, we John, by the grace of God king of Bohemia and earl of Luxemburgh, Adulph, bishop of Liege, Radulph, duke of Lorraine, Ayemes, earl of Savoy, and John, earl of Armagnac, on the one party ; and John, duke of Brabant, ttenaud, duke of Gueldie, William, marquis of .luliers, and Sir John of Heinault, lord Beaumont, on the other party, betwixt the high and puissant princes of France and England, have sealed this instrument of truce and respite, and delivered the same accordingly in the church of Esplechin, on Monday the twenty-fifth day of September, in the year of grace l.'MO.1 Kit.K This truce thus finished, king Edward brake up his camp, removing Murnotii n's S'CSC fr°m Tournay, and came again to Ghent ; from whence, very early in the morning-, lie, with a small company, took shipping [Novem- and by long seas came to the lower 01 London, very tew or none i,,',.;^)',,1 having understanding thereof. And being greatly displeased with divers byhti of his council and high officers, for that through their default he was Mr8' constrained against his will, not having money to maintain his wars, to condescend unto the aforesaid truce, he commanded to be appre- hended and brought unto him to the Tower the hud John Stonehore, chief justice of England, and Sir John St, Paul, with divers others. rj - Ed. THE ARCHBISHOP'S LETTER TO THE KING. 681 And the next morning he sent for the lord Robert, bishop of Chi- Edward chester, the lord Wake, the lord treasurer, and divers other such U' that were in authority and office, and commanded them all to be kept A- L\ as prisoners in the said Tower, only the said bishop excepted ; whom, -1341, for fear of the constitution of pope Clement, which commandeth that N°»>i*op no bishop should be by the king imprisoned, he set at liberty and imprison- sufFered him to go his way, and in his place he substituted Sir Roger ptp5[the Boucher, knight, as lord chancellor of England. law- The history intreating of this matter reporteth thus: that the covetous king had this time under him evil substitutes and covetous officers. offiCers who, attending more to their own gain than to the public honour and commodity of the realm, left the king destitute and naked of money. With which crime also John Stratford, archbishop then of Canterbury, John was vehemently noted and suspected ; whether of his true deserving, arch-'0"1' or by the setting on of other, hereafter shall more appear ; insomuch ^,ishop of that the king, ardently incensed against him, charged him with great bury, falsehood used against his person. The archbishop subtilely and featly excuseth himself to the king of the aforesaid objections, and cunningly handleth the matter in words by his letter directed to the king, as followeth : — Letter of the Archbishop of Canterbury to the King.1 Very sweet Sire, may it please you to consider, that the most sovereign thing for keeping kings and princes in the love of God and a prosperous condition is good and wise counsel. And therefore the wise man saith, " In the Good words of counsellors " (that is good counsellors) "there is safety." [Prov. xi.14; counsel- xxiv. 6.] And therefore it is written in the Book of Kings, that Solomon, the j£w "e" wisest king that ever was, chose the most ancient and wise persons of his realm about a to stand before him, by whose advice, tempered with his own judgment, he kiu°- always kept the land of Israel in peace and quiet ; and besides that, all the kings round about him were at his will. And after his death his son Rehoboam reigned, who, neglecting the good counsel of his father and of the ancient and wise men who had stood before his father, did after the counsel of young men who sought to please him but had little understanding ; whereby he lost the whole land of Israel except the twelfth part. In like manner, many kings of Israel and of other countries have been brought to harm through evil counsel. And, Sire, let it not displease you to be reminded of the events of your own time: for it was through evil counsel that our Sire, your father (whom God assoil), caused peers and others of his realm to be apprehended contrary to the law of his realm and the Magna Charta, and put some of them to a villa- nous death, of some he caused their goods and all they had to be seized, some he put to ransom ; and you know, Sire, what happened to him in consequence. And then, to come to your own time, Sire, you have had some counsellors through whom you nearly lost the hearts of your people, from whom God was graciously pleased to deliver you. And from that time to the present, through good advice of the prelates, peers, great men, and wise counsellors of the realm, your affairs have been managed in such manner, that you entirely possess the hearts of all your subjects, as well clergy as laity, as much or more than any king of England ever did. So that, what with your good counsel, the aid of your people, and the favour of God toward you, you have gained the victory over your enemies in Scotland and France and everywhere : so that you are this day ("glory be to God !) accounted the most noble prince in Christendom. But now, set on by the evil counsels of some persons in the realm who are not so wise as could be wished, and of others who desire more their own profit than your honour or the country's welfare, you are beginning to issue writs of appre- hension against clerks, peers, and other persons of the realm, and to institute improper processes contrary to the law of the land, to the keeping and main- tenance whereof you are bound by your coronation oath ; also contrary to the Great Charter, whereof all contraveners are excommunicated by all the (I) Newly translated from the French in Avesbury. See Appendix. — Ed. cause abused, 682 the king's letter to the dean ajcd chapter of st. Paul's. Fdtoard prelates of England, according to a sentence confirmed by papal bull, which I!I- we have by us : which things are done with the great peril of your soul and . rj the disparagement of your honour. And albeit, Sire, those who now assume to 10, i' be your guides and counsellors, more than their condition entitleth them, give — you to understand that your present doings are and will be acceptable to your people, know, Sire, for certain (and if you go on as you have begun you will find it so, and that, Sire, for a long time to come, except God interpose a remedy), know, I say, that if you pursue the course now begun you will lose the hearts of your people, as also your good and rightful enterprise, and will embroil yourself thereby in such a manner that you will be unable to accomplish vour enterprise, and will rather force your enemies to destroy you and deprive you (which God forbid) of your fair fame and your kingdom. Wherefore, Sire, as you value your honour and your kingdom, and would successfully maintain your enterprise, be pleased to take to you the noble and wise men of your realm, and to avail yourself in your affairs of them and their counsels, as hath been heretofore customary ; for without their aid and counsel you can neither maintain your enterprise, nor govern well at home. Excom- A"d forsomuch as some who are about you falsely surmise of us treason and munica- unfaithfulness (who are there-for excommunicate, and for such we hold them, bisown ana" as J'our spiritual adviser pray you also to hold them for such) ; while of private others they say openly that they have basely and falsely served you, and that by their means you have lost Tournay and much honour else which you might there have gained — be pleased, Sire, to assemble the prelates, nobles, and peers of the land, at some convenient place whither we and other people may resort securely, and let there be (if you please) an investigation and inquiry made, into whose hands have come the wools, monies, and other things granted you in aid of your war, from the commencement thereof to this present day, and by whom they have been expended, and by whose default it was that you so departed from Tournay; and, as a good lord, let those who shall be found in any point guilty towards you be well punished according to the law. And as for ourselves, we will abide in all points the judgment of our peers, saving always (as heretofore we have done) the status of holy church, of ourselves, and of our order. And for God's sake, Sire, do not believe of us or of your good people otherwise than well, before you have ascertained the truth ; for if men are to be punished without being permitted to answer for themselves, there is an end of all discrimination between the good and the bad. And, Sire, be pleased to consider well the greatness of your enterprise, and the strong friendship which for this cause you have need of, also your enemies in Scotland, and the great peril of your realm thereby. For if your prelates and nobles and all the wise men of your realm were day and night of one mind, with- out any division among them, to deal with the multiplied business attendant on such a vast concern, there would be enough for them to think about in order to maintain your enterprise, the honour of your person, and the well-being of your realm. And be pleased, Sire, not to take it amiss, that we have in so homely a manner sent you the truth: for the great affection we ever did and shall bear you, the desire of preserving your honour and realm, and a sense of our duty as primate (however unworthy) of all England and your spiritual father, incite us to speak and even command, where your own soul and your kingdom and estate are all at stake. The Holy Spirit preserve you, body and soul, and grant you grace to hear and believe good counsel, and then — victory- over your enemies. Written at Canterbury, the first day of January, by your chaplain the arch- bishop of Canterbury. Albeit the king, this yet notwithstanding, directeth his letters abroad against the said archbishop, and amongst others to the dean and chapter "I' Paul's, whereof the tenor here followeth : — The King's Letter to the Dean and Chapter til' St. Paul's.1 Edward, by the Grace of God King of England and France and Lord of Ireland, to his well-beloved in Christ, the Dean and Chapter of the Church of St. Paul in London, greeting in the Lord: It is manifest by authentic histories, but more clearly appears by what is the Latin in Rymer, Avesbuiy, am 1 pendix.— Kd. THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY'S ALLEGED DECEIT, 683 daily practised, that many men, abusing in their pride the favour of princes Edward and the honour conferred upon them, do sometimes maliciously endeavour to Ilr- deprave the laudable undertakings of kings. And that what we say may be . p. rendered more manifest to all our liege subjects, we suppose that neither you .. ' nor they have forgotten, how we, being formerly exalted to the regal throne in '_ the years of our tender youth, and desiring at our first undertaking that royal charge to be directed by wholesome counsels, did call unto us John, then bishop of Winchester but now archbishop of Canterbury, because we supposed him to excel others in loyalty and discretion, and made use both of his spiritual advice in matters concerning the health of our soul, and also of his temporal in affairs relating to the aggrandisement and conservation of our kingdom. Nay, he was by us received into such familiarity, and experienced so much of our favour towards him, that he was called our Father, and honoured of all men next unto the king. Now afterwards, when by right of succession the kingdom of France had devolved unto us and by the lord Philip de Valois was manifestly usurped, the said archbishop by his importunities persuaded us to make a league with the princes of Almain against the said Philip, and so to expose ourselves and ours to the expenses of war ; promising and affirming that he would see us abun- dantly supplied with the necessary funds out of the profit of our lands and from other sources ; adding, moreover, that we should only take care to provide men of courage and skill sufficient for the war, for that he himself would effectually procure such sums of money as should both answer our necessities and the soldiers' pay. Whereupon having passed the seas, we set our hand to great undertakings, and made an immense outlay (as it behoved us) in providing for the war, and bound ourselves in vei-y large sums of money to our confederates, in confidence of the aid promised us as aforesaid. But alas ! since we put our confidence " in the staff of a broken reed, whereon " (according to the Prophet) " if a man lean, it will go into his hand and pierce it," being defrauded of the expected subsidy, of mere necessity we were compelled under very heavy usury to contract an insupportable load of debt,and so our expedition being staid, we were obliged to desist for that time from our enterprises so valiantly begun against our enemies, and to return into England: where having laid before the said archbishop our manifold vexations and misfortunes aforesaid, and thereupon calling a parliament, the prelates, barons, and other liege subjects of our king- dom gave us (besides a tenth granted us by the clergy) a subsidy of the ninth of their corn, lambs, and wool ; which subsidy, had it been faithfully collected and obtained in due time, had not a little availed, nay would probably (in the opinion of many) have been quite sufficient for expediting the said war, for the payment of our debts, and the confusion of our enemies. The said archbishop, meanwhile, promised us zealously to do his part toward the collecting the said subsidy,and in procuring other things necessary for us. Whereupon, relying on his promises, having recruited our forces, with a navy collected for the purpose we set sail for Flanders, and upon the way had a fierce encounter at sea with our enemies, who had combined to the destruction of us and of our whole English nation ; but by the merciful kindness of Him, who ruleth both the winds and the sea, and not for our own merits, we obtained over the whole multitude of those enemies a victory and triumph. Which done, passing forward with a very great army for the recovery of our rights, we encamped near the very strong city of Tournay ; in the siege whereof after we had been for some time busily occupied, and were wearied with continual toils and charges, yet silently waiting for the promised aid, we hoped every day by means of the said archbishop to be relieved in our many and great necessities. At length being frustrated of our conceived hope, though by many messengers and divers letters we fully signified to the said archbishop, and other our counsellors joined in commission with him, our necessities and the sundry dangers we were exposed to for want of the aforesaid promised subsidy, as also the advantage and honour which we saw we might easily obtain by a seasonable supply of money, yet we could get no help from them ; because, minding their own business, and wholly neglecting ours, and studying only their own interests, they palliated their own idleness (not to say fraud or wickedness) with frivolous excuses and a false parade of words; like those mockers, who (as Isaiah saith) deridingly scoff, saying, " Precept upon precept, precept upon precept ; line upon line, line upon line ; here a little, and there a little." Whence (alas, for 684 HE DENIETH TO COME TO THE KIXC. Edirard Borrow !) it came to pass, that just when the hope of triumphing over our IiL enemies most graciously smiled upon us, we were by absolute want constrained A. I), against onr will to consent to a truce, to the shameful stoppage of our expedi- 13-11. ,|()n, and the no small joy of our adversaries. Returaing thereupon into Flanders, void of money, and loaded with debt, with nothing left in our own purses nor our friends' purses, to supply our own necessities and to pay the soldiers in our service, we were compelled to plunge into the gulf of usury, anil to submit, our shoulders to a fresh load of debt. At last our faithful friends, the companions of OUT expedition and partakers of our troubles, came round us, with whom we seriously consulted for some remedy, whereby we might get free from such a tempest of misfortunes and recover ourselves. It appeared to iY'i'1 r tnem al' tnat tne sa(l circumstance of our late stoppage, and the manifold incon- Cauter- veniences proceeding from our want of supply, happened all through the fault bur> taise or idleness (not to say wickedness) of the aforesaid archbishop, on whose discrc- ^'i'|]''fu-' tion, with that of others whom we placed in conjunction with him over the affairs of the realm, the whole disposal of our kingdom seemed to depend; and vehemently wondering, and secretly murmuring at us, for that our royal gen- tleness would so long leave unpunished the insolence of the said archbishop and the other officials, they publicly protested that, unless we would speedily apply a fit remedy to these evils, they must of necessity withdraw from our service, and go back from their alliance made with us : and this certainly would redound to the subversion of our kingdom, our own perpetual infamy, and the lasting reproach of the English nation ; which God our most merciful Father, on whom the anchor of our hope is immovably fixed, of his goodness forbid should happen in our time. I'.vil Whereupon, addressing ourselves to the due correction of our said officers, ^.'"i'^ some of them, whom for good reasons we suspected guilty of mal-adminis- bythe tration, subversion of justice, oppression of our subjects, bribery and cor- k"'g- ruption, and other serious offences, we caused (as it was lawful for us to do) to be removed from their offices : others also of inferior degree, but culpable in the premises, we caused to be detained in safe custody, lest if they enjoyed their wonted liberty, the execution of justice should by their craftiness be prevented, and the inquisition of the truth cunningly eluded. And since we believed that we should elicit that truth more certainly and fully from the said archbishop than from any one else — (because it was reasonably to be expected, that nothing which could be important for our information herein would be unknown to him, seeing we had thought fit for a long time past to commit to him the administration of our whole common-weal, and the chief conduct of affairs), — therefore by our trusty Nicholas de Cantilupe we sent him our com- mands without delay to come to us at London, as we wished to have the pleasure of a personal interview with him. But he like himself, as timid in adversity as tumid in prosperity, fearing where no fear was, did untruly allege that he would be in imminent peril of his life, which was menaced and threatened by certain about our person, should he leave the church of Canterbury: whereas (God and our pure conscience are witnesses) no such matter ever entered into our mind, nor (as I believe) into the mind of any of our servants. Yet we suppose, he glanced Anii herein at our cousin the earl of Derby; though not only to him, but to all bishop of others,1 as well of the clergy as laity, he had become deservedly odious through bury his malignant character. But we, who desire that all our subjects who wish to odious to have access to our person, especially when sent for by our letters or messengers, *j] ''"[' should lie able to come with a feeling of perfect security, to confute his malicious suggestion, sent unto him our trusty and well-beloved Ralph de Stafford, high- steward of our household, to oiler and give him safe conduct : nevertheless, over and above that, we caused our royal letters patent, signed with our royal seal, to be presented unto him, again commanding him personally to appear before us, to give information about the affairs of our realm, which he had i> nieth conducted for a long time past, as aforesaid. Yet he, setting at nought our I", nit- gentle requests and commands, answered disdainfullv, that he would by no to till" ° T . , . i . , • / "ii !■ I • i r king, means come cither to our sight or speech except, in lull parliament, winch tor good reasons it is inexpedient should he called at this time. Thus this archbishop, whom our royal bounty hath enriched with magnificent preferments and honours, and admitted to the most intimate familiarity, even (II "The fore oinp pari of this clause ia <" Brit, ami WalslDgham. Only Mi. Poxe'itcopy hath it." Barnes's Life of Edward III.— Ed. CHARGES AGAINST THE ARCHHISHOP OF CANTERBURY. GS,~) to the cordiality of friendship and the confidence of sworn companions ; upon Edward whom, as on a dear father, our whole spirit and soul did repose ; who also, while IIL we acquiesced altogether in his wishes, put on toward us a face of seeming . j, affection, cloaked with a false show of benevolence, as though he were a loving . ' " father — even this man is cruelly turned to he an oppressive and severe step-father, ' and wholly forgetful of the benefits he hath received, with tumid arrogance pur- Charged sueth his benefactor, and requiteth us just as (according to the proverb) "a mouse sen ! him- in a bag, a serpent in the lap, and fire in the bosom," requite their entertainers, and in- For, albeit ever since we were by divine grace and hereditary right raised to sratUude. tie throne it hath been (as it ever will be) hateful to us to abuse the greatness -W™*'*. of our power, and we are most desirous in the government of our subjects to blend justice with mercy and gentleness, so that we may enjoy that peace which is desired of all men — yet notwithstanding, this man goeth about to defame our A defa- innocence, and the fidelity and diligence of our counsellors and officers who jnerofthe are pursuing only justice ; publicly preaching, and by his letters patent ordering "'g' it to be declared in divers parts, " that in these latter times the laity are unjustlv oppressed by the royal power, the clergy confounded, and holy church over- burthened with exactions, levies, and talliages." And whereas he is craftilv endeavouring to gain the name (which he hath never yet earned) of a good shepherd, when in reality he is, both after the common opinion and even on his own public confession (as is said), no better than a hireling, he cloaketh his fox-craft with a feigned zeal for the liberties of the church ; and yet if she hath experienced any vexations in our time, either in her property or clergy, they are really to be ascribed to the carelessness, and the cunning inventions, and the false counsels, of the aforesaid archbishop. And in order to damage the king's popularity, to defame his ministers aforesaid, traitorously to stir up sedition among the people committed to our charge, and to withdraw from our royal person the attachment of our earls, lords, and barons of the realm, he wickedlv pretendeth that he hath by him certain sentences of excommunication lately passed against the violators generally of the church's liberty and the Magna Cliarta ; and he hath by his letters commanded certain articles, in divers eminent places of resort to be published, besides and contrary to the usual means in sut'h case provided in a provincial council Wherefore we, wishing (as we ought) to take heed to the integrity of cur fame, to obviate the malicious designs of the said archbishop, and to avoid the snares he hath laid for us and ours, have taken measures, beside those things above rehearsed, to bring into public notice some other of his many perverse doings, forbearing to enlarge on them at present. In particular, when we were in our minority, it was by his imprudent counsel and persuasion, that we made so many prodigal donations, unlawful alienations, and excessive largesses, that our treasure was wholly exhausted thereby, and our revenues enormously diminished : and we find that he, being corrupted with bribes, without good reason forgave certain persons large sums of money which were owing to us, when neither ne- cessity, nor any prospect of advantage, so required ; and also that he hath applied to the use of himself and his friends, and other ill-deserving persons, many of our rents and revenues, which ought to have been kept for our own use and necessity. Moreover, being an accepter of persons as well as of bribes, contrary to our wish and his oath of fidelity made to us, he hath admitted to public office in our dominions persons altogether unworthy, neglecting and putting back the deserving : and many other things out of a refractory mind he hath rashly presumed to take in hand, to the detriment of our state, the hart of our royal dignity, and the no small damage and grievance of our subjects ; abusing the The arch- authority and office committed to him. All which, if he shall still persist in bishop his proud obstinacy and his stout and continued rebellion, we will hereafter huoflice at convenient time and place manifestly prove ; in the mean while, enjoining and commanding you to publish the same, and cause it by others to be published, openly and distinctly in those places where you shall think it expedient ; setting forth at the same time, as it shall seem best to your godly wisdoms, our pious resolution of redressing grievances, and promoting the comforts and advantages of our subjects ; so behaving yourselves herein, that we may have just cause to commend your care and prudence. Witness myself at Westminster the twelfth day of February, in the fifteenth year of our reign over England, and our second over France. GSG A TRFCF. FOR ONE YEAR MORI-: BETWEEN THF TWO KINGS. Edward By these aforesaid objections and accusations of the king, premised and laid against the archbishop of Canterbury, what is to be thought of A.D. the doings of the said archbishop, I leave it to thy judgment, gentle 1341 • reader (as I said before), to be conjected ; forsomuch as our histories, somewhat bearing with the said archbishop, seem either to be uncer- tain of the truth of the matter, or else covertly to dissemble some part of that they knew. And especially of Polydorc Virgil I marvel, who, having so good occasion to touch the matter, doth so slightly pass it over without any word mentioning. In which matter, if probable conjecture, besides history, might here be heard, it is not unlike but that some old practice of prelates hath herein been put in use, through some crafty conspiracy between the pope and the archbishop ; and the rather to be gathered, for that as the pope was enemy unto the king in this his challenge to the crown of France, so the arch- bishop against his prince (as for the most part always they have been) was a friend, as no man need to doubt thereof, nnto the pope Which thing also more probably may be supposed, because of the coming down of the two cardinals the same time, from the pope to the king of England, about the matter of further truce. This is certain, that the archbishop, nothing abashed, replied again to the king's letters aforesaid, calling them an infamous libel, and wishing for the king's honour they had not been written or published.1 Return of And thus stood the case between the archbishop of Canterbury "s and the king, who coming thus (as is said) in secret wise into England from the siege of Tournay, his army in the mean while by ships was conveyed to Brctagne. Of whom a great number, through unsea- sonable and inconvenient meats and drinks, was there consumed ; to whom also no less danger happened, by the seas coming out of Brctagne into England, by tempest, thunder, and lightning, stirred up (as was thought) by the necromancers of the French king. a.d.1341. The year following, a.d. 1341, were sent from the pope two other taken for car(^nals to treat with king Edward for one year's truce to be con- one year eluded more with the French king, besides the former truce taken before ; and all by the pope's means. For here is to be undcr- army from Tournay and the French England to reign over so many countries, so his privy supportation king!"" lacked not by all means possible, both by his archbishops and cardinals, and also by the emperor, to maintain the state of the French king, and to establish him in his possession.2 In the said histories where these things be mentioned it is also noted, that the same vcar such plenty there was here in the realm of victual-, that a quarter of wheat was sold for two shillings, a fat ox for a noble, and (as some say) a sheep for four-pence. And thus far endureth the history of Ranulphus Cestrensis, called ' Polychromcon.1 The same year, a.d. 1341, Louis of Bavaria, the emperor, who before had showed great courtesy to king Edward as in his first viage over, insomuch that he made him his vicar or vicegerent general, and offered him also aid against the French king; now (either turned by inconstancy, or seduced by the po|>e) writeth to him contrary letters, wherein he revoketh the vicegerentship granted to him, and seeketh (1) See Appendix. (2) Ex Thorn. Waking. Ez Chron. Albuienai. [See Appendix.— Ed.] CORRESPONDENCE OF KING EDWARD AND THE EMPEROR. GS7 all means in favour of the French king, and against king Edward ; as E.iward by his letters here under written may better appear. Letter of the Emperor to the King of England. Louis, by the grace of God emperor of the Romans, always Augustus, &:c. To Edward king of England, his beloved brother, greeting and unfeigned love. Although great and urgent business of our own do oppress us, and about the same our weighty affairs we are daily encumbered, yet with the discord and variance between your kingly dignity and the renowned Philip, the king of France our cousin, for your sake, we are not a little troubled. And the rather, the great charges which may hereafter grow both to you and to your kingdom thereby considered, both of men and money, unless the same be taken up, doth more easily provoke us to give ourself to the careful study of your affairs. Wherefore we give you to understand that the aforesaid Philip, at our request, hath given unto us, by his letters, authority and power to treat and conclude a peace between you, touching the variance begun : which peace (all the state diligently considered both of yourself, your kingdom, and subjects) we take and believe to be right expedient for you; moving therewithal your charity, and earnestly desiring you, that to this also you will give your consent, whereby we may bring you both to concord and unity, and establish between you a firm peace to endure; whereunto with willing mind we would apply ourself, and bestow our painful labour in prosecuting the same. And herein if you will condescend and agree unto our counsel, as we trust you will, it may please you by your letters to give unto us the like authority as is above said, to treat of peace or for the ordering of a truce for one year or two at least to continue. Neither let it move you, that between us and the said Philip of France a truce is taken ; for, seeing that you without our consent took truce with him, we, by the advice of our princes who know the bonds, deeds, and covenants betwixt us, who also thought no less but that, saving your honour, we might do the same, have also made a league with the said Philip king of France ; and for certain causes do revoke and call back the lieutenantship which we assigned unto you by our letters. Nevertheless, giving you for certain to understand that in our said treaties and peace concluded, we have so brotherly considered you, that, if you will agree and condescend unto oiu' counsel, your cause, by our mean and help, shall be brought to good pass and effect; about which things further to confer with your brotherhood herein, we have sent a devout and religious man, friar Everard, reader of the order of the Eremites of St. Au- gustine and chaplain of our court; whom about the premises we cksire with speedy expedition to be sent unto us again. Given at Frankfort, the twenty-fifth day of June, in the twenty-sixth year of our reign, and the fourteenth of our empire. Answer of the King of England to the Emperor. To the most serene Prince Lord Louis, by the grace of God Emperor of the Romans, always Augustus, Edward, by the same grace King of France and England, and Lord of Ireland, health and prosperous success. We have reverently received your highness' letters, amongst other things containing, that the noble Philip de Valois, to the intent a peace and concord between us and him might be concluded, hath given unto you, by his letters, full power and authority thereunto at your highness' request ; and that if the same might content us to do in like sort, your highness would travail to bring the concord to pass ; and that it would not move us any whit at all, that your highness and the said Philip are in league together : forasmuch as we, without your assent and consent, you say, took truce with the said Philip, you have also done the like with him (which thing you might well do saving your honour, by the counsel of all your nobles and princes), and for certain causes you revoke again the lieutenantship which you committed unto us. Doubtless the zeal and good will you have to make this concord and agreement, we much commend ; letting you to understand that we always have been desirous, and still are, to have a reasonable peace with the said Philip ; which peace as much A.D. 1341. 688 THE KING D1SANNULLJTJ1 I11K POPES riiov I.siow;. Edward as to l,s (our honour saved) appertained, xrn have in justice and by law pro- III- scented; and in very deed, it should be to us acceptable, and as we would . . wish, if by such a mediator as your Highness is, it might he brought to pass. j ' " But, forasmuch as we understand the same our right and title to the kingdom ' — of France to be manifest and clear enough, we purpose not to commit the same by any of our letters to doubtful arbitrament : but while we well consider and revolve with ourselves, how, upon circumspect consideration (you mani- festly beholding our just and rightful doing, and the strait dealing and obstinate purpose and injury of the said Philip), your gracious highness made a special league with us, and in our behalf, against the said Philip, adopting us of your great and bountiful love towards our person to be one of your sons ; wherefore, that you should thus again alter and break the same, we cannot sufficiently marvel, seeing your invincible highness, being instituted of God to the laud and com- mendation of good men, and revenge of evil and wicked doers, hath made a league against us with the said Philip de Yalois, our notorious and injurious enemy. And as touching that which you say, that without your assignment and consent we took a truce, or days of respite, with the said Philip, which we ought not to have done; if your grace well consider the circumstance of the matter, we have done but as we might therein; for when we laid our siege to Tournay, it was requisite that we should follow their advice, whose aid and society therein we had. Besides, the sudden and imminent necessity which we there stood in, and the distance of the place betwixt your highness and us further- more was such, as that by no means we might attain the same, nor use your assent therein. Yea and further, if your grace well remember yourself, your grant unto us was such, that whensoever opportunity thereunto should serve, we might treat of any peace, and grant what time we thought meet thereunto, without your consent therein ; so that to conclude any final peace with the said Philip de Valois, without either your consent, or otherwise making your high- ness privy thereunto, it might not be lawful for us; which thing, without your said counsel, consent and advice, we never minded nor purposed to do, but have in all our doings done that which us beseemed, so far as by any means our power would stretch; hoping likewise that your brotherly benevolence for a time would have more lovingly supported us. It is thought also by some, that the revoking back again, or restraint of your aforesaid lieutenantship, was premature or done all out of time; when, according to your promise made to us herein by your letters imperial, you ought not so to have done, before the realm and kingdom of Prance, or at the least the greatest part thereof, were of us obtained and quietly in peaceable wise enjoyed. These things premised, then fore, we desire you, according to your nobility, duly to consider, and here- after to do, that which shall be thought both meet and convenient; because that (God willing) we mean to recompense and gratify both you and yours, accord- ing to the measure of your benevolence bestowed upon us. The Most High grant unto your highness so much felicity as your heart desireth. Given at London the 14th day of July, in the second year of the reign of our kingdom of Prance, and of England the fifteenth, [a.d. 1341.] ApjOZiix. The following year died pope Benedict XII., mentioned a little [May before; after whom succeeded in that room pope Clement VI. Of a i)'. whom it is reported in stories, that he was very liberal ami bountiful 1342-3 to his cardinals of Rome, enriching and heaping them with goods and possessions not of his own, but with the ecclesiastical dignities and preferments of the churches of England ;' for so recordeth the author, that he bestowed upon his cardinals the livings and promo- tions, such as were or should be vacant in churches of England, and went about to set up new tiths for his cardinals here within this The kinS realm. But the king being offended therewith, made void and frus- leth the trate all those aforesaid provisions of the pope; charging moreover ! and commanding no person whatsoever to busy himself with any such provisions, under pain of prisonment and of losing his life ; which law was made the next year following (.\.n. 1313). Whereupon the nobles [13 Ex Chron. Mbancnsi. [See Appendix.— Ed.] A LETTER OF THE KING AND NOBLES TO THE POPE. C89 and commons addressed a letter to the pope. The argument and Edward tenor of which letter out of French Ave have caused to be translated in into English, as ensueth : — A.I). 1343. The Letter of the Nobles of England and Commons of the same to J~ the Pope, against the Reservations and Provisions which he had App""',r- in England.1 To the most holy father in God lord Clement, by divine providence of the holy church of Rome and of the universal church sovereign bishop, his humble and devout sons the princes, dukes, earls, barons, knights, citizens, burgesses, and all the commonalty of the realm of England, assembled at the parliament holden at Westminster the Quindime of Easter2 [April 28th] last past, devout hissings of his most holy feet, with all reverence and humility. Most holy father ! the holy discretion, government, and equity, which manifest themselves in you, and ought to reign in so high and holy a prelate, the head of holy church, by whom holy church and the people of God ought to be, as by a sun, illumined, give us strong hope that the just petitions, to the honour of Jesus Christ and holy church and of your holiness also, by us exhibited, will be of you graciously heard, and that all errors and iniquities will be taken away and removed, and that some fruitful amendment and remedy thereof (through the grace of the Holy Spirit, which you to so high a degree have received) will be by you graciously ordained. Wherefore, most holy father ! all we upon full delibe- ration with common assent declare to your holiness, that the noble kings of Eng- land, the progenitors of his majesty that now is, and our ancestors, and ourselves, according to the grace of the Holy Spirit to them and us given, have, every one according to his devotion, established, founded, and endowed within the Misap- realm of England cathedrals, colleges, abbeys, pi-iories, and divers other houses propria- of religion ; and have settled thereon, and given to the prelates and governors e'JcJesLs- of the said places, lands, possessions, patrimonies, franchises, advowsons, and tical pro- patronages of dignities, prebends, offices, churches, and many and divers other pert.y to benefices unto them given ; whereby the service of God and the Christian faith ers. might be honoured, increased, and beautified, hospitality and alms-giving prac- tised, all the sacred edifices honestly kept and maintained, devout prayers offered in the said places for the founders, and the poor parishioners aided and comforted : and such only ought to have the cure thereof, as are able to hear con- fessions in the native tongue, and are otherwise fully informed and instructed for their office. And forsomuch as, most holy father! you cannot well have knowledge of errors and defaults, nor yet understand the condition of places, so far off, un- less you be informed ; we, having full and certain knowledge of the errors and defaults of the places and persons above mentioned within the said realm, have thought meet to signify unto your holiness, that — in consequence of divers reser- vations, provisions, and collations granted by your predecessors apostolic of Rome, and by yourself, most holy father! in your own time (and that, more largely than they were wont to be granted), unto divers persons, not merely strangers and foreigners, but some of them even our enemies, having no knowledge of the language and conditions of those of whom they ought to have the govern- ment and cure — beside other sad consequences hereof, the souls of the pa- rishioners are in peril, the service of God is destroyed, alms-giving is restrained, and hospitality perished, the churches with their appurtenances decayed, Decayof charity withdrawn, the honest persons of the realm unadvanced, the cure the and government of souls neglected, the devotion of the people restrained, many ^ g^. poor scholars unadvanced, and the treasure of the realm carried away, and all land by this against the intent of the founders. The which errors, defaults, and scandals, the P°Pe most holy father ! we neither can nor ought to suffer or endure. We, therefore, most humbly require of your holiness, that the scandals, errors, and defaults, which may thus happen, being with due discretion considered, you would be pleased totally to forbid such reservations, provisions, and collations, and ordain that from henceforth they be no more practised ; and to take such order and remedy therein, that the said benefices and edifices, with their rights and appurtenances, may be (to the honour of God) by our own countrymen ad- ministered, defended, and governed. And may it further please your holiness by your letters to signify unto us without delay, what your intention is touch- (1) P.evised from the French in Avesbury.— Ed. (2) See infra, p. 784.— Ed. VOL. II. Y Y 1344. pope's procura- tors driven out of England. 6U0 THE ROUND TABLE AT WINDSOR BUILT. Edward ing this our request; but know for certain, that we shall on no account cease II1- to apply our best efforts, to obtain a remedy for the redress of the matters . n above mentioned. In witness whereof, unto these letters patent we have set our ' seals. Given in the full parliament at Westminster, the 18th day of May, in the year of grace 1343. It followed then, that the said pope Clement again began to make new provisions for two of his cardinals of benefices and churches that should be next vacant, besides bishoprics and abbotships, to the extent of two thousand marks ; whereupon the procurators of the said cardinals The were sent down for the same. But the king and nobility of the realm, not suffering that, under pain of imprisonment caused the said procurators forthwith to depart the realm ; whereupon the pope writeth to the king, complaining thereof; but the king shortly after writeth a fruitful epistle to the pope, for the maintenance of the liberties of the English church ; whereunto, as saith the author, the pope and the cardinals were not able to answer.1 In the meantime, king Edward, to repel certain aggressions of the French king, had sailed over into Bretagne, and laid siege to Vannes, &c. ; but by the mediation of the pope a truce was concluded at Males- troit this year, February 20th, to last till the following Michaelmas and for three years afterwards.2 After these things thus passed over, the king shortly after sent over his procurators, the earl of Lancaster and Derby, Hugh le De- spencer, lord Ralph Stafford, with the bishop of Exeter, and divers other, to the pope's court, to discuss and plead about the right of his title to France before the pope : unto whom the said pope Clement The VI., not long after, sent down this message, How that Louis, duke n°ePseSage of Bavaria, the emperor, whom the pope had before deposed, had king6 submitted himself to him in all things, and therefore deserved at his hands the benefit of absolution ; and how the pope therefore had con- ferred and restored unto him, justly and graciously, the empire, which he before unjustly did hold, &c. This message when the king did The hear, being therewith moved to anger, he answered saying, that if he answer, did agree and compound also with the French king, he was ready to fight with them both, ecc.3 Within the time of this year, the castle of Windsor, where the king was born, began to be repaired ; and in the same the house called the enlarged, round-table was situate, the diameter whereof, from the one side to round-' the other, contained two hundred feet ; to the expenses of which house The cattle Windsor tat builded. weekly was allowed a hundred pound for the maintaining of the king's chivalry, till at length, by the'oceasion of the French wars, it came down to nine pound a week. By the example whereof the French king being provoked, began also the like round-table in France for the maintaining of his knighthood. At which time the said French king, moreover, gave free liberty through his realm to fell down trees for making of ships and maintaining of his navy, whereby the realm ^Hn'eof °f England was not a little damnified. wai ,, About this present time, at the setting up of the round-table, the itth!] king made prince Edward, his eldest son, the first prince of Wales. In the year following, which was ,\.o. 1844, pence, halfpence, and the" farthings, began to be coined in the Tower.4 KSciergy During the same year the clergy of England granted to the king for three (1) See Appendix. (2) See Appendix. (3) Ex. Chron. Albanensi. ISee Appendix.— Ei>.] years |4j S(.e Appendix. Tenths granted Edward's letter of defiaxce to philip de valois. 691 tenths for three years ; for the which the king in recompense again Edward granted to them his charter, containing these privileges: That no L. archbishop nor bishop should be arraigned before his justices "sive A.D. ad sectam suam, sive partis," if the said clerk do submit and claim 1345- his clergy, professing himself to be a member of holy church ; who, so By this, it doing, shall not be bound to come to his answer before the justices, that ey And if it shall be laid unto them to have married two wives, or to £""ts have married a widow, the justices shall have no power to proceed wives- against them, to inquire for the matter ; so that the cause shall be Ar,Pfndix. reserved to the spiritual court, &c. All this while yet continued the truce between the two kings, albeit it is likely to be thought that the French king gave many attempts to infringe the same. Now,1 for the more evidence of the matter concerning the falling of the French king from the league, and other his wrongs and untrue dealing, it shall better in the king's letter appear ; who, hearing word that the lord Philip de Yalois, contrary to the form of truce taken at Vannes,2 had apprehended certain of his nobles of England, and had brought them to Paris to be imprisoned and put to death ; besides other slaughters and spoil- ings made in Bretagne, Gascony, and other places more — he therefore, seeing the truce to be broken of the French king's part, and being thereto of necessity compelled, in the year of our Lord 1345, the fourteenth of the month of June, did publish and send abroad his letters of defiance, containing this effect : — The King's Letters of Defiance against the French King.3 To all and singular, to whom these presents shall come, greeting. We doubt not it is publicly known, that after the decease of Charles late king of France, of famous memory, brother to the most serene lady Isabel queen of England, our mother, the realm of France having inalienably fallen unto us as the next heir male of the said king then living, nevertheless the lord Philip de Valois, being but only son to the uncle of the aforesaid king Charles, and therefore in degree of consanguinity further off removed from the same, did, we being in our minority, by force and power, contrary to God and justice, usurp and occupy, and doth yet occupy, the same ; invading further and spoiling our lands in the duke- dom of Aquitaine, and joining himself with our rebellious enemies the Scots, seek- ing our subversion both by land and by sea, to the uttermost of his endeavour. And although we, to prevent the incalculable damages which might rise by war, offered to the said Philip divers friendly ways of peace to our own disadvantage, to the intent we might better intend our purposed war against Christ's enemies the Turks ; yet he, driving us off by crafty dissimulation, would do nothing effectual, but while pretended negotiations were kept pending added injury to injury. Whereupon we, not neglecting the grace and gift of God, but wishing to defend the right of our inheritance and to repulse the injuries of our enemy, did not refuse by force of arms (since we could do nothing by peaceable means) to enter Bretagne, preferring rather to sally out for the succour of our adherents and encounter with him in open field, than tamely await at home the dangers which threatened us. And so we being occupied in our wars, there repaired unto us the reverend fathers Peter and Anibald, cardinal-bishops of Palaestrine and Frascati, from pope Clement VI., to propose a truce and ultimately a peace be- tween us ; at whose request we consented to such conditions of truce as then were taken between us,3 sending moreover our ambassadors to the court of Rome, spe- cially to treat of a peace. And thus, while some hope of peace seemed between us to appear, news suddenly came unto us in England which not a little astonished our mind, of the death of certain nobles our adherents, whom the said Philip con- trary to the said truce had seized in Bretagne, and had commanded to be executed (1) See Appendix. (2) At Malestroit: see before, p. 690.— Ec. (3) Revised from the Latin in Avesbury. — Ed. Y Y 2 A.D. 1:345. 692 THE LIBERAL HEART OF A WORTHY CAPTAIK. Edward at Paris; besides the wasting and spoiling our lands and subjects in Bretagne, in- Gascony, and other places; with secret intrigues to withdraw our subjects and confederates from us, and innumerable wrongs and injuries, deceitfully intended against us, both by sea and land. By reason whereof the truce on his part being notoriously broken, it is most manifest that it had been lawful for us forthwith to have re-opened the war upon him. Yet notwithstanding, to avoid those incommodities that come by war, we thought first to prove, whether by any gentle means some reformation might be had touching the premises. And therefore sundry times we sent ambassadors to the pope's presence for a treaty of peace and for reformation to be had in those aforesaid excesses; and several times fixed for the tractation thereof certain terms of time, always reserving to our- selves, notwithstanding, the liberty to resume war at our pleasure, which the doings of the said Philip had clearly given us. And now, forsomuch as the aforesaid terms be already expired, and yet no reasonable offer of peace appesreth, neither hath the said Philip reformed his doings, notwithstanding his being required and admonished thereunto by the pope's letter (as the pope by his letter hath written unto us), but is always multiplying his conspiracies and The fetches, to our utter ruin ; — to say nothing of the excesses of the pope's nuncio, pope's le- wi10 being seI,t lately by the bishop of Rome into Bretagne for the keeping of fctii up1" tnc truce, and whose part had been rather to have quenched the discord, but war. instead thereof stirred up our enemy more eagerly against us; neither did the Likele- bishop of Rome (saving his reverence) provide any remedy herein, albeit he popee."ke was required of us so to do (as he ought to have done) — these things, I say, being so, we ought to be excused both before God and man, if, in the defect of other remedy to be had, we proceed to repel such wrongs and injuries, especially having so righteous a cause as is notorious to all. Deeming therefore the aforesaid truce broken (as it really is) for reasons which we know and can prove to be true, and ourselves to be released from the observance of the same, we defy the aforesaid Philip, as the violator of the truce and the unjust invader of our king- dom : protesting, that this we do, not for any offence to the bishop of Rome or to the apostolic see, but only for the reasonable prosecution of our rights, and in defence of us and ours ; intending always rather to have peace, if by any reasonable way it might be had. And thus much, for the stopping of slander- ous fame and the mouths of backbiters, we thought good to signify, first to the high bishop of Rome, and the aforesaid cardinals; that by them, as persons indifferent, the same may be intimated to the contrary part; recommending unto you all our own innocency, and the common cause of justice. Given at Westminster the fourteenth day of June, the nineteenth year of our reign in England, and of Prance the sixth, [a.d. 1345.] And thus much for the king's letters, showing how the French A.D.1345. king began first to infringe the truce taken. Whereupon Henry, carl Henry, 0f Lancaster, with six hundred men of arms, and as many archers, was sent over to Gascony, who there so valiantly is said to behave himself, that he subdued fifty-five townships unto the king; twenty- three noble men he took prisoners, encountering with the Frenchmen Gascony. at Auberochc. So courteously and liberally he dealt with his soldiers, Append, that it was a joy to them and a preferment to fight underneath him. His manner was, in winning any town, little or nothing to reserve to himself, but to sparse the whole spoil to his soldiers. One example in the author whom I follow is touched ; how the aforesaid carl at the winning of the town of Bergcrac, where he had granted to every soldier for his bootv the house, with all the implements therein, which he by victory should obtain, among his other soldiers, to one named Rch fell a certain house with the implements thereof, wherein were contained the mint and money coined for that country, to the value of a great substance; which when the soldier had found, in breaking Up a house where first the gross metal was not yet perfectly wrought, he came to the carl, declaring to him the treasure, to know what was his pleasure therein. 'To whom the earl answered, that the earl, after made duke of Lancas- ter, sent over to KING EDWARD S SECOND VIAGE INTO FRANCE. 095 house was his, and whatsoever lie found therein. Afterward the soldier, Edward finding a whole mint of pure silver ready coined, signified the same to II1' the earl, forsomuch as he thought such treasure to be too great for his A. D. portion ; to whom the said earl again answering declared, that he had 1'-^6- once given him the whole house, and that he had once given he Tlie Hbe- would not call back again, as children use to play, and therefore and con- bade him enjoy that which was granted to him ; and if the money f^l of were thrice as much, it should be his own.1 Which story, whether *'w?r.thy it were true or otherwise in those days, I have not to affirm. But certes, if in these our covetous wretched days now present any author should report the like act to be practised, I would hardly believe it to be true. As the earl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gascony, the Scots The scots were as busy here in England, wasting and spoiling without mercy ; mJanof who were thought (and not unlike) to be set on by the French king; faking and therefore he was judged both by that, and by divers other ways, to have broken the covenants of truce between him and the king of England. Wherefore, the next year ensuing (a. d. 1346) king a.d. 1346. cond vi- Ed- complaining to the pope of Philip de Valois, how he had transgressed a?eof and broken the truce between them made, which by evident proba- ward into tions he there made manifest, about the month of July made his Frailce- viage into Normandy, in such secret wise, that no man well knew whither he intended. Where first he entered the town of la Hogue, and from thence proceeded unto Caen : where, about the twenty- seventh of July, by the river Orne, which flows by Caen, he had a strong battle with the Normans and other Frenchmen, who, to stop his The passage, defended the bridge; at which battle were taken of the lords caeu?" of France, the earls of Eu and Tankerville ; and of knights with other men of arms, to the number of one hundred ; of footmen six hundred ; and the town and suburbs were beaten down to the hard walls, and all that could be borne away was transported to the ships. Concerning the passage of the king, with the order of his acts achieved in the same, from the winning of Caen unto the town of Poissy, is sufficiently described by the king's confessor, a Dominic friar, being an eye-witness, who writeth thereof as followeth :2 — A Letter of the King's Confessor touching his Acts-doing from Caen to Poissy.3 Great cause we have to bless the God of heaven, and worthily to confess him before all living, for that he hath so wrought his mercy toward us. For after the conflict had at Caen, in the which very many were slain, and the town taken and sacked even to the bare walls, the city of Baieux immediately yielded itself of its own accord, fearing lest they should suffer the like. After this our lord the king directed his march towards Rouen ; who being at the city of Lisieux, there came certain cardinals to him, greatly exhorting him to peace ; which The car. cardinals being courteously entertained of the king for the reverence of the dinals pope's see and holy church, it was answered to them again, that the king being asainei>- always desirous of peace, had sought it by all reasonable ways and means he peace. could think of; and had offered manifold ways of peace (such was his desire The to obtain it) to the no small prejudice of his own cause ; and was ready still king's an- to admit any reasonable offer of peace. With this answer the cardinals having thTcanii- gone to the French king, our king's adversary, to persuade with him in like nals. (1) Ex Chron. Albanensi. (2) See Appendix. (3) Revised from the Latin in Avesbury. — Ed. 694 king euward's pkogress through fbance. Brfiwrrd manner, returned to king Edward, offering him in tlie French king's name the 11L dukedom of Aquitaine, on the same tenure as his father before him had held it; A ij besides further hope also of obtaining more through matrimonial alliance, if 1.346* treaty °f peace might be obtained. But forsomuch as that proposal contented not the king's mind, neither did the cardinals find the French king at all tract- The able, the cardinals returned in despair to Avignon, leaving the matter as they Stench found it. And so the king, speeding forward, won all the large towns by which showeth he passed, without any resistance of the inhabitants, who ail fled away. For no careful God so agitated them, that they seemed quite to have lost heart. In the same peace.0 v'age) the king also subdued castles and munitions very strong, and that with little stress. His enemy assembled at the same time a great army at Rouen ; who, notwithstanding his being well manned, ever kept on the other side of the river Seine, breaking down all the bridges, that we should not come over to him. And although the country round about was continually spoiled and with fire consumed by the circuit of twenty miles round about, to within the space of only one mile of him ; yet the French king either would not, or else durst not (when he might easily have passed over the river), make any resistance for Tlie defence of his country and people. And so our king, journeying forward, came conrinKto t0 ^0'ssy> where likewise he found the bridge broken down, and the enemy Poissy? keeping on the other side of the river would rest in no place. After the king's coming to Poissy, a certain clerk, named Michael Northburgh, an able man and one of the king's council, who accom- panied him all through his journey, describing the king's viage and the acts of the Englishmen from the town of Poissy to his coming to Calais, in his letters writeth in this wise •? — A Letter of Michael Northburgh, the King's Councillor, describing tlie King's Viage through France. Salutations premised, we give you to understand, that our lord the king came [Aug. to the town of Poissy on the eve of the Assumption of our Lady, where was a 14th.] bridge over the water of Seine which had been broken down by the enemy : but the king tarried there till that the bridge was repaired ; and while the bridge was in repairing, there came a great number of men of arms, and of the commons of the country and burghers of Amiens well armed, to hinder the same ; but the earl of Northampton issued out against them and slew of them more than five hundred (thanks be to God) ; the rest fled away. At another time our men passed the water, and slew a great number of the commons of France and of the city of Paris and country adjoining, being part of the French king's army, and thoroughly well appointed; so that our people have now made other good bridges upon our enemies (thanks be to God) without any great loss of our people. On the morrow after the Assumption of our Lady the king passed the water of Seine, and marched toward Pontoise, which is a strong town, and surrounded with walls, and a very strong castle within the same, which our enemies kept ; and when our vanguard and second guard were passed the town, our rear-guard gave an assault thereunto, and took the same, where were slain more than three hundred men of arms on our enemies' part. The next day following, the earl of Suffolk and Sir Hugh le Despencer marched forth upon the commons of the country who were assembled and well armed, and discomfited them, and slew of them more than two hundred, and took above sixty gentlemen prisoners. After that, the king marched toward Grand Yillers, and while he was there encamped, the king's vanguard was descried by the men of arms of the king of Bohemia ; whereupon our men issued out in great haste, and joined battle with them, but were overthrown. Notwithstanding, (thanks be to God) the earl of Northampton issued out, and rescued the knights with the other soldiers, so that none of them were either taken or slain except only Thomas Talbot, and he had the enemy in chase to within two leagues of Amiens, of whom he took eight, and slew twelve of their men of arms : the rest, being well horsed, took to the town of Amiens. Alter this, the king of England inarched toward Ponthieu on St. Bartholomew's day, and came (I) Sec Appendix. The following translation is revised from tlie French in Avesbury.— Ln. HE DEFEATS THE FRENCH KING AT CRESSY. 695 unto the water of Somrae, which floweth by Abbeville to the sea, where the Edward French king had laid five hundred men of arms, and three thousand armed In- commons, to keep the passage; but (thanks be to God) the king of England . y. and his host took the said water of Somme, where never man passed before, ,' ' without the loss of any of our men, and encountered with the enemy, and slew 1 of them more than two thousand men of arms, chasing the rest to the gate of Abbeville, in which chase were taken many knights, squires, and men of arms. The same day Sir Hugh le Despencer took the town of Crotoy, where he and his soldiers slew four hundred men of arms, and kept the town, where they found great plenty of victuals. The same night encamped the king of England in the forest of Cressy upon the same water, for that the French king's host arrived from the other side of the town [Abbeville] after our passage ; however, he would not take the water upon us, but returned toward Abbeville. Upon the Friday following, the king lay still encamped in the said forest of Cressy. On the Saturday morning he moved toward Cressy, when our scurriers descried the French king, who marched toward us in four great battalions ; and having then understanding of our enemies (as God's will was), a little before the hour of vespers we drew unto the plain field, and set our battels in array ; and immedi- ately the fight began, which was very sore, and endured long, for our enemies behaved themselves right nobly. But (God be praised) our enemies were discomfited and the king, our adversary, was put to flight ; where also were slain the king of Bohemia, the duke of Lorraine, the earl of Alencon, the earl of Flanders, the earl of Blois, the earl of Harcourt with his two sons ; the earl of Aumale, the earl of Nevers and his brother, the lord of Tronard, the archbishop of Nismes, the archbishop of Sens, the high prior of the Hospital of France, the earl of Savoy, the lord of Morles, the lord de Guise, the lord de St. Venant, the lord de Rosinburgh, with six earls of Almain, and divers other earls, barons, knights, and squires, whose names are unknown. Philip de Valois himself, with the marquis, who is called king elect of the Romans, escaped from the battle. The number of the men of arms who were found dead in the field, besides the common soldiers and footmen, was one thousand five hundred and forty-two. All that night the king of England, with his host, remained under arms in the field where the battle was fought. On the morrow, before the sun rose, there marched toward us another great and strong host of the Frenchmen ; but the earl of Northampton and the earls of Suffolk and Warwick1 issued out against them, and them in like wise they discomfited ; where they took of knights and squires a great number, and slew above two thousand, pursuing the chase three leagues from the place where the battle was fought. The same night also the king encamped at Cressy, and on the morrow marched toward Boulogne, and by the way he took the town of Etaples ; and from thence he marched toward Calais, where he intendeth (as I have heard) to plant his siege, and lay his battery to the same ; and therefore our sovereign lord the king willeth and commandeth you, in all that ever you may, to send to the said siege victuals convenient ; for, since the time of our departing from Caen, we have travelled through the country with great toil and loss of our people, but yet always had of victuals plenty, thanks be to God there-for ! But now, as the case standeth, we partly need your help to be refreshed with victuals. Thus fare you well. Written before the town of Calais, the fourth day of September. After the battle and victory of Cressy, the twenty-sixth day of siege of August, a.d. 1346, the king directed his passage unto Calais, as by ""' the tenor of this letter you hear, and besieged the same;2 which siege he continued from the third of September in the year aforesaid, till the third day of August the year next following, upon the which day it was rendered up unto the said king Edward III., and subdued unto the crown of England ; as after, the Lord willing, shall more appear. In the mean time, during the siege of Calais, David the Scottish king, at the request of the French king, with a great army brast into the north parts of England ; and first besieging the town of Liddell, (1) See Appendix. (2) Ibid Calais. 696 A.D. 1347. The Scots over- throwiif.it Neville's Cross.] The Si ot- tish king taken prisoner. i.KTTKR OV THE POPE TO THE KING OF ENGLAND. within six days obtained the greatest part of tlic town; and there taking all that he could find, with Sir Walter Salby, a valiant knight, who was the keeper of the hold, he caused him uncourteously to be put to the sword ; and so from thence he proceeded further into England, till at length being met withal by William Surch, arch- bishop of York, and the lord Percy, and the lord Xevil, with other nobles of those parts (calling and gathering their men together) in the plain near to Durham, the seventeenth day of October in the year above mentioned, through the gracious hand of Christ, there they were suMued and conquered. In that conflict, the earls of Murray and Strathern, with the flower of all the chivalry, and the principal warriors of Scotland, were slain. Also the aforesaid king David, with the earls of Mentife and Fife, and other lords, and William Douglas Masklime a Fleming, and William Douglas, and many more men at arms were taken prisoners; and so the mischief which they intended to others, fell upon their own heads. Moreover, during the said siege of Calais, the aforesaid pope Clement VI., writing to the king of England, went about under the pretence of peace to stop his proceedings; whose letters here follow. The pope recom- mends peace between England .10.1 Trance. Letter of the Pope to the King of England, in the behalf of the Frenchmen. Clement the bishop, servant of God's servants, to his well-heloved son in Christ, Edward the puissant king of England, salutation and apostolical blessing. If you diligently consider, dear son! as ought a catholic prince to do, the slaughter ot such an innumerable sort, bought with the precious blood of Christ our Redeemer; the loss of their substance and souls, and the lamentable perils which the dissensions and wars stirred up between you and our well-beloved son Philip, the noble king of France, have brought upon us, and yet daily do without intermission ; and also the bewailing of so many poor people, crying out of orphans and pupils, lamentation of widows, and other miserable people who be robbed and spoiled, and almost famished ; -what exclamation they make with tears running down their cheeks, yelling and crying unto God for help; .is also the destruction of churches, monasteries, and holy places, holy vessels, and other ornaments unto God's service dedicated ; the sacrilegious robberies, sackings, and imprisonings, the spoiling of holy churches, and religious persons, with many other such innumerable, detestable, execrable mischiefs, offending the eyes of the Divine Majesty ; all which, if your princely heart would consider and well remember, with this also, that catholic faith (especially in the east parts) and the Christians there abiding, by means of the same dissensions and wars, destitute of the helps of such catholic men as are in the west parts, are BO afflicted of the infidels; seeing the other parts of Christendom so troubled witli cruel persecutions, yea, and more cruel than ever it bath been (although in these times to amplify tins our faith in the said east parts is cruel persecution showed, more than hath been of viany years past), doubtless we believe it would pity your heart. And to the end that such and so great evils should no further proceed ; nor yet that so great good as might be done by dilating of our afore- said faith, in these times, should be let and hindered, we desire you that you would apply your mind to make some agreemi nl and peace with the aforesaid king. For if, my well-beloved son! God hath given unto you prosperous success and fortune, ye ought rather to humble than to extol yourself; and lie so much the more ready to incline to his peace, and to endeavour yourself to plea e God, who loveth peace, and delighteth in peaceable men: and to eschew the aforesaid evils, which without doubt do grievously offend him. Fuither- :nore, wo marvel greatly, that unto our reverend brother Aniliald, bishop of Frascati, and our beloved son Stephen, priest-cardinal of the apostolical see, by the title of bit. John and St. Paul, being sent as legates by us and the THE ANSWER OF THE KING. 697 same see apostolic, to entreat a peace, who diligently and faithfully labouring Edward for the same, as lovers of verity, justice and equity, and therewithal regarders Hi- of your honour, coidd not be suffered, touching the entreaty of the same peace, ~~ T-™- to come unto your grace's presence. r>47* Wherefore we desire your kingly highness more earnestly, and, for the mercy !?_J_ of God, with more vehemency we require the same, that you, taking up the aforesaid horrible evils, and preventing the sweetness of piety and compassion, may escape the vengeance of God's indignation, which were to be feared, if you should pei-severe in your former evils ; as God forbid ! And as touching the entreaty for peace, for which our aforesaid cardinals were sent unto you (how- beit secretly, lest it should be any derogation to your honour), we desire you to condescend thereunto, and that with all your affection you will incline your mind to the same, so pleasant unto God, so desired of the world ; as also to you, the aforesaid king, and unto the catholic faith, profitable. And that the same peace by God's help and grace established and made perfect, you might essay your puissant strength about God's business in the aforesaid east parts (such good occasion serving, as before is said, in these our times), being such apt advancements of your honour, and happy increasing of your princely name ; for we have heard it of you reported, that you behave yourself fervently in all your attempts. Thus we doubt not but that you will write unto us again touching the premises, and the purpose of your intention touching the same. Given at Avignon, the fifteenth day of January, and the fifth year of our papacy, [a.d. 1347.] Answer of the King of England, to the aforesaid Letter of the a^mx Pope. Most holy father ! we understand by the letters of the reverend fathers in God, the bishop of Frascati, and Stephen of the title of St. John, priest, cardinals, and legates of the court of Rome, as also by the letters of your holiness sent unto us, that ye marvel greatly for that your said legates were of purpose sent unto us, and commanded to treat of a peace between our adver- sary of France and us, that we woidd not suffer them secretly to talk with us, for the safeguard of our honour, the intention of your heart being to make the aforesaid peace ; complaining and bewailing therein the death of christian men, the loss of their goods, the peril of their souls, the lamentable wailings of the poor, of orphans, of widows, and the destruction of other pitiful persons, the pillage and robberies of churches, and other mischiefs innumerable ; and especially, the diminishing of christian faith in the east parts, which, by the war between our adversary of France and us, is sore decayed, as the said letters plainly do import And that forasmuch as God hath given us triumphant fortune, so much the more we ought to abase and humble our heart, and to be the readier to make and incline to a peace. As touching these things, holy a\np. father ! we give your holiness to understand, that as well unto your aforesaid Edward legates, as other messengers sent from you unto us, we have offered unto every exful~ one of them reasonable ways of peace, and every day declare the same, and that himself not secretly, but openly. For we doubt not to let our purpose be understood ; for he that is the high Judge both of him and us, in whose disposition all things lie, hath given unto us the crown of France to our right and proper heritage ; the which right our aforesaid adversary hath, by force, of long time detained from us, we seeking to obtain the same in peaceable wise ; and yet do, if we might obtain the same in any good manner, rather for the benefit of christian men, and that the aforesaid evils might cease, which by his wrongful means only have increased and grown. Yet notwithstanding, as before this time you know, we assented to a truce, with certain articles contained in the same writing ; all this he hath infringed ; neither doth the wrong suffice him which he offereth us in our aforesaid heritage, but he endeavoureth himself, during the said truce, to invade our realm of England, and our other lands; and further- more, maintaineth the Scots, and aideth them to the utter destruction of us, our people and lands aforesaid ; wherein we were enforced, for the safeguard of our people and lands, by such lawful means as we may, to defend ourselves, and put him from his wicked purpose. And furthermore for the same, our quarrel being in the hands of God, have we come against him to conquer our inherit- ance of France ; over whom God hath given us divers victories, as we have 6!) 8 A.D. L346. The kin^ appealeth from the pope to God. Offers made to the men Of Flan- ders to forsake king Ed- ward. The dau- phin with the French dis< omfit- ed at Cas- Bel June 8th. AD. 1347. Set Apptndix. THE DAUPHIN DISCOMFITED AT CASSEL. trusted lie would, by his right wise judgment and power : which thing he hath showed upon us (all chance of fortune set apart), in respect of our rightful title therein, and without our deserts; wherefore, with all humility of heart we give him thanks always therefore, most devoutly night and day praising his holy name; for we acknowledge the same cometh not by our strength and force Wherefore, most holy father! we desire your holiness, and, so much as in us lieth, require the same, that yon that supply the place of the Son of God on earth, and have the government of the souls of all christian men, and ought to be upright and equal towards all men, without exception of persons, that ye, I say, will receive good information and true, of the objections above said, and will put to your holy helping hand, as much as in you is, that our said adver- sary of France may acknowledge his wrong which he hath done to us herein, and that it may be by your aid redressed; and that he, in this his wrong, have no maintenance and aid at your hand. For if it be so, we then appeal unto the Judge of judges, who suil'ereth wrongs to be done for a time, for the sinful default of man, but in the end rcdresseth the same, leaving no good deed unrewarded, nor evil unpunished ; most humbly requiring him to be to us a true and upright judge of all our controversies, for his mercies' sake, as in the mean time we repose our full trust and confidence in him. The Holy Spirit of God, &c. Moreover, during the siege of Calais, the French king had sent certain offers to the men of Flanders, that if they would relinquish the king of England, and adhere to him : I. He would remit all their former transgressions. II. He would unburden them of their interdict. III. He would send unto them such plenty of corn, that what was sold for twelve shillings with them, should be sold for four shillings, and that for six years. IV. lie would store them with plenty of French wool to make cloth for a small price ; and that they might sell the said cloths at their own price, both in Flanders and in France, and that the Frenchmen should use the same cloth, forasmuch as all other manner of cloth should be forbidden to be sold in France, so long as any of that (made of French wool) might be found for sale. V. He would restore to them these three cities, Lisle, Douay, and Be thune. VI. He would defend them from all their adversaries ; and in pledge of the same would send them money beforehand. VII. Such as were able and forward men among them, he would retain and promote them, &c. But these offers, seeming to proceed more of fair words to serve the present turn, than of any hearty truth, were not received. Then the lord John, prince and heir to the French king, during the afore- said siege of Calais above mentioned, coming with a mighty army of Frenchmen, set upon the men of Flanders and Englishmen in the town of Cassel ; in which conflict, enduring from morning to noon, the Frenchmen were vanquished, and the young dauphin driven back from whence he came. Of their number divers were slain and taken prisoners; where, on the other side, through the Lord's defence, not one is reported to have been grievously wounded. As this passed on, not long after, about the twenty-seventh day of July, a.d. 1347, king Edward still continuing his siege against ( '-alais, Philip the French king came down with a mighty army, purposing to remove the siege ; where, not far off from the English host, he en- camped himself. Which done, two cardinals, Anibald and Stephen, pro- cured for the same purpose, going between the two kings, gave to the king of England thus to understand ; that if he would condescend to any reasonable wav of peace, the French king was ready to offer such A PLAGUE IN ENGLAND. DEATH OF THE FRENCH KING. 699 honest proffers unto him, as to reason and to his contentation should SAenrd seem agreeable : but, in conclusion, when it came to talk, the nobles ' could not agree upon the conditions ; wherefore the French king, A. I). seeing no other remedy, caused it to be signified to king Edward, 1350. that between that present Tuesday and the next Friday, if he would come forth into the field, he should have battle given him. Thus the place being viewed by four captains of either host for the battle to be fought ; it so fell out, that the French king, on Wednesday at night, The before the battle should join, secretly by night setting his pavilions £[n"^eth on fire, returned back with his army out of the sight of the English- before the men. Upon the Friday following, those who were besieged in the town The of Calais, seeing the king to be retired, upon whose help they trusted c°aTais°f (being also in great penury and famine for lack of victuals, and other- *°n 3d wise, in much misery, vehemently distressed), surrendered the town to the king's hands ; who, like a merciful prince, only detaining certain of the chief, the rest with the whole commons he let go with bag and baggage, diminishing no part of their goods, showing therein more princely favour to them, than they did of late in queen Mary's days unto our men, in recovering the said town of Calais again. After the winning thus of Calais, as hath been premised, king Edward, remaining in the said town a certain space, was in consulta- tion concerning his voyage and proceeding further into France. But by means of the aforesaid cardinals, truce for a certain time was taken, Truce and instruments made (so provided) that certain noblemen as well England for the French king, as for the king of England, should come to the |"a"nce pope, there to debate upon the articles ; unto which king Edward, for peace1 sake, was not greatly disagreeing : which was a.d. 1347.1 The next year following, which was a.d. 1348, fell a sore plague, a.d.1348. which they call the first general pestilence in the realm of England, mentpes- This plague, as they say, first springing from the east, and so spread- ^giand! ing westward, did so mightily prevail here in this land, beginning first at Dorchester and the countries thereabout, that every day lightly twenty, some days forty, some sixtv and more, dead corses were brought and laid together in one pit. This beginning the first day of August, by the first of November it came to London ; where the vehement rage thereof was so hot, and did increase so much, that the next year Ap^diI. after, a.d. 1349, from the first day of February till about the begin- Buriai- ning of May, in a churchyard then newly made by Smithfield, above notTcaii- two hundred dead corses every day were buried, besides those which barter- in other churchyards of the city were laid also. At length, by the grace house of Christ ceasing there, it proceeded from thence to the north parts ; yard? where also about Michaelmas following it suaged. After this, in the next year ensuing (a.d. 1350) the town ofA.D.1350. Calais was by treason of the keeper of the castle almost betrayed mosfiMt and won from the Englishmen. Within the compass of which year by trea' died Philip the French king ; after whom king John his son succeeded Death of in the crown, who, the next year after, under false pretence of friend- French ship caused the constable of France, the earl of Eu, to be beheaded ; AinJ j351_ who, being taken prisoner before in war by Englishmen, and long (ij m Thomas Walsinghani. 700 K1XG EDWARDS THIRD VI AGE INTO ITIAXCE. Edward detained in prison in England, was licensed by king Edward to visit IlL his country of France. In the same year the town of Grumes was A.D. taken by Englishmen, while the keepers of the hold were negligent 1355- and asleep. Firstduke In the year after, was Henry first made duke of Lancaster, who ofLancas- ^ore was ear] 0f j_)crby and Lancaster ; also divers good ordinances Mar. 6th. were appointed in the parliament at Westminster, which after by avarice and partial favour of the head men were again undone. a.d.1352. The year next following, the marshal of France with a great army yictoryofwas put to fljg^ iJV sir Roger Bentele, knight, and captain in sir ttogei r , o «/ a ' • i_ i. ■ t i • Benteie, Bretagne, having but only six hundred soldiers with linn. In this ron, Aug. battle were taken nine knights, esquires and gentlemen one hundred H] and forty. The Frenchmen and Bretons by this victory were ex- ceedingly discouraged and their pride cut down. a.d.1354. Concord and agreement about a.d. 1354, began to come well for- ward, and instruments were drawn upon the same between the two kings; but the matter being brought up to pope Innocent VI., partly by the quarrelling of the Frenchmen, partly by the winking of the pope, who ever held with the French side, the conditions were repealed, which were these : That to the king of England, all the dukedom of Aquitaine, with other lands there, should be restored, without homage to the French king ; and that king Edward again should surrender to him all his right and title, which he had in France. Upon this rose the occasion of the great war and tumult which followed after between the two realms. A D ,.!55 It followed after this (a.d. 1355),1 that king Edward hearing of the death of Philip the French king, and that king John his son had granted the dukedom of Aquitaine to Charles his eldest son and ^ dauphin of Vienne, sent over prince Edward with the carls of ba.] Warwick, Salisbury, and Oxford, and with them a sufficient number of able soldiers into Aquitaine, where he, being willingly received of divers, the rest partly by force of sword he subdued, partly received, submitting themselves to his protection. Third Not long after this, in the same year, word being brought to king 2n|eEd-f Edward, that John the French king was ready to meet him at St. ward into Omer, there to give him battle, he gathered his power, and set over [Novem- t° Calais with his two sons, Lionel earl of Wilton, and John of ber.] Gaunt earl of Richmond, and with Henry duke of Lancaster, &c.. The who being come to St. Omer, the French king, with a mighty army king™ 01>nis Francklings, hearing of his coming, the nearer he approached fusethto to them, the further they retired back; wasting and destroying bc- battie" hind them, to the intent that the English army in pursuing them, Edward!8 should find no victuals. By reason whereof, King Edward, following him by the space of nine or ten days unto Hesdin, when neither he could find his enemy to fight, nor victuals nor forage for his army, re- turned to Calais ; where war again being offered in the name of the king, upon unstable conditions, and yet the same not performed, king Edward seeing the shrinking of his enemy, from Calais crossed the seas into England, where he recovered again the town of Berwick, which the Scots before, by subtle train, had gotten. At that time 1 C:..-ci.. Adami Merimouth canonic! D. Pauli dc gestis Edw. 3. THE FRENCH KING TAKEN PRISONER. 701 was granted unto the king in parliament, fifty shillings for every sack Edu-ard or pack of wool that should be carried over, for the space of six years L_ together ; by the which grant, the king might dispend every day by A- D- estimation above one hundred marks sterling. And forasmuch as 1356, everv vear one hundred thousand sacks of wool were thought to be Fifty sini- exported out of the realm, the sum thereof tor six years space was every estimated to amount to .£1,500,000 sterling. ZoilL The same year, when king Edward had recovered Berwick and ^'.Vi^a f subdued Scotland, prince Edward being in Gascony, made towards the French king ; who, notwithstanding all the bridges in the way were cast down, and great resistance made, yet the victorious prince making way with his sword, after much slaughter of the Frenchmen, [ge and many prisoners taken, at length joining with the French king at i»thj Poictiers, with scarcely two thousand, gave the overthrow to the French king with seven thousand men at arms and more. In that The conflict, the French king himself, and Philip his son, with Lord king" James of Bourbon, the archbishop of Sens, eleven earls, and twenty- par^,er two lords were taken; of other warriors and men at arms two thou- by prince sand. Some affirm that in this conflict were slain two dukes ; of lords and noblemen twenty-four ; of men at arms two thousand and aJ^kx. two ; of other soldiers about eight thousand. The common report is, that more Frenchmen were there taken prisoners, than was the number of those who took them. This noble victory, gotten by the grace of God, brought no little admiration to all men. It were too long, and little pertaining to the purpose of this his- tory, to comprehend in order all the doings of this king, with the circumstances of his victories, of the bringing in of the French king into England, of his abode there, of the ransom levied on him, and on David the Scottish king; of whom, the one was rated at three mil- lions of scutes, the other at a hundred thousand marks, to be paid Every in ten years : how the staple was after translated to Calais, with such \^l l& like. I refer them that would see more, to the chronicles of Thomas ^'"p"^ Walsingham, of St. Alban's, of John Froysard, and of Adam Meri- pence, mouth, who discourse all this at large. Thus having discoursed at large all such martial affairs and war- Ecciesi- like exploits, incident in the reign of this king betwixt him and the ^^1 realms of France and Scotland ; now,. to return again to our matters a.D. ecclesiastical, it followeth, in order, to recapitulate and notify the 1330 troubles and contentions growing between the same king and the to pope, and other ecclesiastical persons, in matters touching the church, 136*- taken out of the records remaining in the Tower, in order of years, as followeth. As where first, in the fourth year of his reign, the king wrote to the archbishop of Canterbury to this effect : that whereas Edward I., his grandfather, did give to a clerk of his own, being his chaplain, the dignity of treasurer of York, the archbishopric of York being then vacant and in the king's hands ; in the quiet posses- sion whereof the said clerk continued, until the pope misliking there- with would have displaced him, and promoted to the same dignity a cardinal of Rome, to the manifest prejudice of the crown of Eng- land ; the king therefore straitly chargeth the archbishop of Canterbury not to suffer any matter to pass, that may be prejudice to the 702 REMONSTRANCES AGAINST THE 1'OFe's USURPATION'S. Edward donation of his grandfather, but that his own clerk should enjoy the said dignity accordingly, upon pain of his highness'' displeasure.! The like precepts wire also directed to these bishops following, namely, to the bishop of Lincoln, the bishop of Worcester, the bishop of Sarum, Monsieur Marmion, the archdeacon of Richmond, the arch- deacon of Lincoln, the prior of Lewes, the prior of Lenton, to Master Rich of Bentworth, to Master Iherico de Concorcto, to the pope's The nuncio, to Master Guido of Calma. And withal, he wrote his letters usu^fa unto the pope, as touching the same matter, consisting in three parts : made the ^rst' m ^ie declaration and defence of Ins right and title to the dona- Bubject of tion and gift of all manner of temporalties, of offices, prebends, bene- remo™ ficcs and dignities ecclesiastical, holden of him ' in capite,1 as in the strance. right 0f lds crown of England: secondly, in expostulating with the pope for intruding himself into the ancient right of the crown of England, intermeddling with such collations, contrary to right and reason, and the example of all his predecessors who were popes before : thirdly, entreating him that he would henceforth abstain and desist from molesting the realm with such novelties and strange usurpations ; and so much the more, for that, in the public parliament lately holden at Westminster, it was generally agreed upon, by the universal assent of all the estates of the realm, that the king should stand to the defence of all such rights and jurisdictions as to his regal dignity and crown any way appertained.2 a.d.1336. After this, in the ninth year of the reign of this king, pope Bene- dict XII. sendeth down letters touching his new creation, with cer- tain other matters and requests to the king ; whereunto the king answering again, declareth how glad he is of that his preferment ; adding, moreover, that his purpose was to have sent unto him certain ambassadors for congratulation of the same ; but that, being other- wise occupied by reason of wars, he could not attend his holiness1 requests : notwithstanding, he minded to call a parliament about the feast of Ascension next, where, upon the assembly of his clergy and other estates, he would take order for the same, and so duett his ambassadors to his holiness accordingly. A.D.1337. The next year after* which was the tenth year of his reign, the king writeth another letter to the pope: that forasmuch as his clergy had granted him one year1 s tenth for the supportation of his wars, and for that the pope also had the same time to take up the payment of six years1 tenths granted him by the clergy a little before, therefore the pope would vouchsafe, at his request, to forbear the exaction of that money for one year, till his tenth for the necessities of his wars were despatched. The same year he wrote also to the pope to this effect : that whereas the prior and chapter of Norwich did nominate a clerk to Ik bishop of Norwich, and sent him to Rome for his investiture, without the king's knowledge ; therefore the pope would withdraw his consenl and not intermeddle in the matter appertaining to the king's peculiar Thepope jurisdiction and prerogative. After this, in the sixteenth year of this king, it happened that the deter- pope sent over certain legates to hear and determine matters appcr- !!a'.'ronage taining to the right of patronages of benefices ; which the king per- flceT"" ceiving to tend to the no small derogation of his right and of the (1) Sec Appendix.-En i'2l Ibid. THE POPE COMPLAINETH OF CERTAIN STATUTES. 703 liberties of his subjects, writeth unto the said legates, admonishing Edward and requiring them not to proceed therein, nor attempt any thing HL unadvisedly, otherwise than might stand with the lawful ordinances A-^>- and customs of the laws of his realm, and the freedom and liberties of 133° his subjects. j364 Moreover he writeth the same year to other legates on their being - sent over by the pope to treat of peace between the king and the French king, with request that they would first make their repair to the French king, who had so often broken with him, and prove what conformity the French king would offer, which, if he found reason- able, they should soon accord with him ; otherwise he exhorted them not to enter into the land, nor to proceed any further in that behalf. The year following, which was the seventeenth of his reign, en- a.d.1344. sueth another letter to the pope, against his provisions and reserva- tions of benefices, worthy here to be placed and specified, but that the sum thereof is before set down, to be found in page 689. The year following, another letter likewise was sent by the king to the pope, upon occasion taken of the church of Norwich, requiring him to surcease his reservations and provisions of the bishoprics within the realm, and to leave the elections thereof free to the chap- ters of such cathedral churches, according to the ancient grants and ordinances of his noble progenitors. Proceeding now to the nineteenth year of this king's reign, there He com- came to the presence of the king certain legates from Rome, com- ?ertain° plaining of certain statutes passed in his parliament, tending to the ^^ prejudice of the church of Rome, and the pope's primacy : viz. That if in.this abbots, priors, or any other ecclesiastical patrons of benefices, should not present to the said benefices within a certain time, the lapse of the same should come to the ordinary or chapter thereof; or if they did not present, then to the archbishop ; if the archbishop likewise did fail to present, then the gift to pertain not unto the lord pope, but unto the king and his heirs. Another complaint also Avas this ■ That if archbishops should be slack in giving such benefices as pro- perly pertained to their own patronage in due time, then the collation thereof likewise should appertain to the aforesaid king and his heirs. Another complaint was : That if the pope should make void any elec- tions in the church of England, for any defect found therein, and so had placed some honest and discreet persons in the same, that then the king and his heirs were not bound to render the temporaries unto the parties placed by the pope's provision. Whereupon the pope being not a little aggrieved, the king writeth unto him, certi- fying that he was misinformed, denying that there was any such statute made in that parliament. And further, as touching all other things, he would confer with his prelates and nobles, and thereof would return answer by his legates. In the twentieth year of his reign, another letter was written to a.d.!s-j7. the pope by the king, the effect whereof, in few words to express it, was this : to certify him that, in respect of his great charges sustained in his wars, he hath by the counsel of his nobles, taken into his own hands the fruits and profits of all his benefices here in England. To proceed in the order of years : in the twenty-sixth year of this a. d. 1353. clerk, a busy-headed body, and a troubler 704 TBOUBLES BETWEEN KINT<; EDWARD AND THE POPE. Edward of the realm, had procured divers bishops, and others of the king's council, to be cited up to the court of Home, there to answer such A..D. complaints as he had made against them. Whereupon command- 1330 ment was o-iven by the king to all the ports of the realm, for the 1364. restramt OT' a-U passengers out, and for searching and arresting all persons bringing in any bulls or other process from Koine, tending to nl'a'th.'Ti tne derogation of the dignity of the crown, or molestation of the trnuhur subjects; concerning which Nicholas Heath, the king also writeth to realm. the pope his letters, complaining of the said Heath, and desiring him to give no car to his lewd complaints. The same year the king writeth also to the pope's legate resident in England, requiring him t<> surcease from exacting divers sums of money of the clergy, under the name of first fruits of benefices. A.D.135S. The thirty-first year of this king's reign, the king, by his letters, Nicholas complaineth to the pope of a troublesome fellow named Nicholas cites^na- Stanway, remaining in Home, who, by his slanderous complaints, ny honest procured divers citations to be sent into the realm, to the great dis- men to I Tii i ° Home, turbance ot many and sundry honest men ; whereupon lie prayeth and advlseth the pope to stay himself, and not to send over such hasty citations upon every light occasion. To pass further, to the thirty-eighth year of the same king, thus we find in the rolls : that the king the same year took order by two of his clergy, to wit, John a Stock, and John of Norton, to take into their hands all the temporalities of all deaneries, prebends, dignities, and benefices, being then vacant in England, and to answer the profits of the same to the king's use. The same year an ordinance was made by the king and his council, and the same was proclaimed in all port-towns within the realm, as follows : — Order of That good and diligent search should he made, that no person whatsoever, council, coming from the court of Rome, &c, do hring into the realm with him any bull, instrument, letters-patent, or other process, that may be prejudicial to the king, or any of his subjects; nor that any person, passing out of this realm towards the court of Home, do carry with him any instrument or process that may redound to the prejudice of the king or his subjects; and that all persons passing to the said court of Rome, &c, with the kind's special license, do nut- withstanding promise and find surety to the lord chancellor, that they shah not in any wise attempt or pursue any matter to the prejudice of the king or his subjects, under pain to be put out of the king's protection, and to forfeit his body, goods, and chattels, according to the statute thereof made, in the twenty- seventh year, &c. And thus much concerning the letters and writings of the king, with such other domestic matters, perturbations, and troubles, passing between him and the pope, taken out of the public records of the realm; whereby I thought to give the reader to understand the hor- rible abuses, the intolerable pride, and the insatiable avarice of that ihepope bishop, more like a proud Lucifer than a pastor id' the church of t(.'n';!u. Christ, in abusing the king, and oppressing his subjects with exactions immeasurable ; and not only exercising his tyranny, in this realm, but raging also against other princes, both tar ami mar, amongst whom neither -pared he the emperor himself. In the story and actsof that emperor Louis, mentioned a little before (p. (iood condemn- thus much to commit to history, to the intent men may see that they pope, who charge this doctrine now taught in the church with the note of a^d'.23 ' novelty or newness, how ignorant and unskilful they be in the history 1327J and order of times forepast.5 In the same part of condemnation, at the same time, was also Jo- hannes de Janduno of Ghent, a.d. 1330, and contained also in the afore- said ' Extravagant , with Marsilius of Padua. Which Johannes wrote much upon Aristotle and Averroes, which is yet remaining and valued ; •and no doubt but he wrote also works of divinity, and that they were excellent, but it is not unlike that these works have been abolished.6 In the same number and catalogue cometh also William Ockam, who flourished a.d. 1326, as is before mentioned, and who wrote, Micnael likewise, in defence of Louis the emperor against the pope ; and also t^ena* in defence of Michael Cesenas, general of the Grey-friars, whom the the Grey- pope had excommunicated and cursed for a heretic. Divers treatises7 commu-X were by the said Ockam set forth, as his Questions, and the Dialogue nicated J "v > a for a (1) The next ten pages are from Illyricus, and have been collated and revised. The reader will heretic, find a list of these Witnesses in Foxe's Prefaces to his " Acts and Monuments," supra, vol. i. — Ed. (2) See Illyricus, " Cat. Test." (Ed. 1608) cols. 1707, 1794.— Ed. (3) See the " Defensor Pacis," Sec. Diet., cap. 19, Illyricus, col. 1758, and the Appendix.— Ed. (4) Cap. " licet juxta doctrinam " [printed in Martene's Thes. torn. xi. col. 704, dated Avignon, 10 Cal. Nov. 12th year of the pontificate. The ' Defensor Pacis ' is in Goldasti de Mon. torn, ii.] — E» (.")) The above account of Marsilius is from Illyricus, col. 1758. — Ed. :«) Illyricus, col. 1759.— Ed. (7) See a list of his works in Cave's Hist. Litt.— Ed. Z Z TOG EIGHT QUESTIONS DISPUTED BY OCEAM. Edward between a master and his scholar, whereof part is extant and in '_ print, part is extinct and suppressed, as Asccntius reported),1 being •\.1>. reckoned somewhat too sharp. Some again he published under no 1330 name of the author, being of his doing, as, the dialogue between the 1 "Irn s"'(Ucr aMI' t'ie clerk.8 From a passage which occurs in the prologue to — 'r his " Dialogus" it is to be conjectured, that many learned works had uX^n already appeared against the pope.8 Of this Ockam John Sleidan in J£e80,"d his historv inferreth mention to his great commendation, whose words the clerk, be these : " William Ockam, in the time of Louis IV., emperor, did Urn-, flourish about a.d. 1326", who, among other things, wrote of the Big*"8' authority of the bishop of Rome ; in which book he handleth these questions eight questions very copiously : — First, whether the pontiffs office and the emperor's may both at the same time be administered by the same man ; secondly, whether the emperor taketh his power and authority only from God, or else of the pope also ; thirdly, whether the pope and church of Rome have power by Christ to set up and place kings and emperors, and to commit to them their jurisdiction to be exercised ; fourthly, whether the emperor, being elected, hath full authority, upon the said his election, to administer his empire ; fifthly, whether other kings besides the emperor and king of the Romans, in that they are consecrated of priests, receive of them any part of their power ; sixthly, whether the said kings in any case be subject to their consecrators ; seventhly, whether if the said kings should admit any new sacrifice, or should take to themselves the diadem without any further consecration, they should thereby lose their kingly right and title ; eighthly, whether the seven princes- electors give as much right to the emperor elected, as legitimate succession giveth to other kings. — Upon these questions he disputeth and argueth with sundry arguments and reasons on both sidt.s ; at length he decideth the matter on the part of the civil magistrate, and by occasion thereof cntereth into the mention of the ' Extravagants ' of pope John XXII., declaring how little regard was had thereunto by sound men, as being heretical and utterly false." * Gregorius Trithemius maketh mention of one Gregorius Ariminensis, a man nensis" famous both for his learning and piety; who, not much differing from the age of this Ockam, about a.d. 1350 thought the same on the doc- trines of grace and free-will as wc donow,and dissented therein from the sophists and papists, counting them only Pelagians under new names.5 Andreas Of the like judgment, and in the same time, was also Andreas de and""0 Castro,6 and Johannes Buridanus upon the ethics of Aristotle ;7 who Buridfr koth maintained the grace of the gospel, as it is now in the church nus. received, above two hundred vears since.8 And what should I speak of the duke of Burgundy, Darned Eudo, l'i'uKul wlio at the same time (a.d. 1350) persuaded the French king not to d>- suffer the new found constitutions, called ' Extravagantcs Communes,1 within his realm ; whose sage counsel then given yet remaineth among the French king's records, as witnessed) Carolus Molinseus.9 Dante, an Dante, an Italian writer, a Florentine, lived in the time of Louis, the emperor, about a.d. 1300, and took his part with Marsilius of Padua. I I ; ii- Badiiu] Asccntius [Regius Professorof Divinity at Paris]in pr.Tfatione [ad Dial* gum] ejus autoris. [(;<.], iaMi dr Mini. torn. ii. pp. 392, 957.— Ed.] (2) Goldasti, torn. i. p. 13.— Ed. (3) Goldasti, torn. ii. p. 398.— Ed. (4) Wyrlcus, cols. 1759, 1760.— Ed. (6) lllyricus, col. 1809.— Ed. (6) Super lib I. Sent di-t. 4"». (7) Super, lib. 8. Ethic. (8) lllyricus, col 180! (9) lb. COl. 1665, Kudo, or Elides, was duke of Ii I.—] ROME THE MOTHER AND SCHOOL OF ERROR. 707 Certain of his writings be extant abroad, particularly his ' De Mo- Edward narchia ; ' wherein he proveth the pope not to be above the emperor, UL nor to have any right or jurisdiction in the empire, and confuteth the A. D. Donation of Constantine as a forged and a feigned thing, and as 133° what could not stand with any law nor right ; for which he was taken ]360 by many for a heretic : three sorts of men, he also saith, were enemies — to the truth respecting the imperial supremacy ; first, the pope and of°con-°n some of the Greek bishops, being jealous of the right of the keys and the atSSg'' honour of mother church; secondly, the democrats, who hated the very forged. term "most sacred majesty,1'' and yet counted themselves sons of the church, though they were the children of their father the devil ; thirdly, the decretalists, who in their doting fondness for the decrees would settle every thing thereby, to the damage of the imperial state. He complaineth somewhere, moreover, very much of the preaching of God's word being omitted ; and that instead thereof, the vain fables of monks and friars were preached and believed by the people, and that so the flock of Christ was fed not with the food of the gospel, but with wind. " The pope," saith he, " of a pastor is made a wolf, to waste the church of Christ, and with his clergy careth not for the word of God, but only for his own decrees.11 In canto the thirty-second of his The pope " Purgatory" he declareth the pope to be the whore of Babylon ; and $ Baby™ as to her ministers, i. e. the bishops, to some he applieth two horns, i°n- and to some four, to the patriarchs one ; whom he noteth to be the tower of the said Avhore Babylonical.1 Hereunto may be added the saying out of the book of Jornandus,2 imprinted with the aforesaid Dante ; that forsomuch as Antichrist cometh not before the destruction of the empire, therefore such as go AisoAnti about to have the empire extinct, are in so doing forerunners and christ- messengers of Antichrist. " Therefore let the Romans,11 saith he, An admo- " and their bishops beware, lest, their sins and wickedness so deserv- the'ito-0 ing, by the just judgment of God the priesthood be taken from mans- them. Furthermore, let also the prelates and princes of Germany take heed," &c.3 And because our adversaries, who object unto us the newness of our doctrine, shall see the cause and form of this religion now received not to have been either such a new thing now, or a thing so strange in times past, I will add to these above recited Master John Tauler, a preacher at Strasburg, in Germany, a.d. 1350;-rauier who, contrary to the pope's proceedings, taught openly against human J^"" merits, and against the invocation of saints, and preached sincerely of our free justification by grace, referring all man's trust only to the mercy of God, and was an enemy to all superstition.4 With whom also may be adjoined Francis Petrarch, a writer of Francis- the same age, who in his works and his Italian metre, speaking of ?ruasrchea. the court of Rome, calleth it Babylon, and the whore of Babylon sitting on the waters, the mother of idolatry and fornication, the Rome the spouse of error, the temple of heresy, the nest of treachery, growing "^"oci rich and powerful by the oppressing of others ; and saith further, that of error, she (meaning the pope's court) extolleth herself against her founders, that is, the emperors who first set her up, and did so enrich her ; and (1) Exlibris Dantis Italice. [Illyricvis, cols. 1763, 1764, 1767.] (2) " De translatione imperii." Goldasti de Mon. torn, ii., p. 1462. — Ed. (3) Illyricus, ibidem. — Ed. (4) Ibidem. z i 2 708 1'CEXITF.XTI ARIL'S ASIXI. Edward seemeth plainly to have thought that tlie pope was Antichrist; and L_ he often declared that no greater evil could happen to any man, than A- 1>. to be made pope. This Petrarch was about a.d. 1350.' ' ',(J And if time would serve us to seek out old histories, we should 1360. ^n<^ Plenty of faithful witnesses, of old and ancient time, to give ■ witness with us against the pope, besides the others above rehearsed : ik-'uuT as J°nannes de Rupe-Scissa, a.d. 1340; who, for rebuking the spiri- Scissa tualty for their great enormities and for neglecting their office and p^gon. duty, was cast into prison. Illyricus, a writer in our days, testifieth that he found and read in an old pamphlet, that the said Johannes Tiie asserted the church of Rome to be the whore of Babylon, and the Romethe F°Pe l0 De tne minister of Antichrist, and the cardinals to be Babyioif prophets. Being in prison, he wrote a book of prophecies, bearing the title, ' Vade mecum in tribulatione : ' in which book (which also I have seen) he prophesied affliction and tribulation to hang over the spiritualty, and plainly foreshowed, that God would purge the clergy, and have priests that would be poor and godlv, and that should faithfully feed the Lord's flock ; moreover, that the goods of the church should return again to the laymen. He had pro- phesied also (as he himself saith in the same book), that the French king and his army should have an overthrow ; which likewise had come to pass during the time of his imprisonment. Of this Johannes de Rupe writeth Froysart about his time, and also Wickliff; of whose prophecies much more may be said at more leisure, Christ willing, hereafter.2 About the same year (a.d. 1340) in the city of Wurtzburg lived one named Master Conrad Hager; who, as appeareth by some old bulls and registers of Otho, bishop of the said city, confessed to have thought and taught, for the space of twenty-four years together, the mass to The mass be no manner of sacrifice, neither that it profiteth any man either iict-"acn' quick or dead, and that it ought to be abolished ; and that the money left by the dying for masses was very robbery and sacrilege of priests, which they wickedly did intercept and take away from the poor; and he said, moreover, that if he had a stove full of gold and silver, he Conrad would not give one farthing for any mass. For this doctrine this casUnto S00^ Preacner was condemned and shut up in prison ; what afterwards prison, became of him we do not find.3 There is among other old and ancient records of antiquity belong- ing to this present time a certain monument in verses poetically compiled, but not without a certain moral, intituled, l Poenitentiarius Asini,1 ' The Ass's Confessor,1 bearing the date, ' Completus, a.d. 1343."1 In this treatise are brought forth the wolf, the fox, and the ass, coming to shrift and doing penance. First, the wolf con- fessed him to the fox, who easily doth absolve him from all his faults. The pope anc* a^so excuseth him in the same. In like manner the wolf, hearing ■I".! h>_> the fox's shrift, showeth to him the like favour in return. After this iv'rnniL- cometh the ass to confession, whose fault was this ; that he, being against '"ingry, took a straw out from the sheaf of one that went in pere- the laity, urination unto Rome. The ass, although repenting of this fact, vet. (1) Vide epistolam vi«esiinam Francisci PetrarohSB. [Illvricus, col. 1769.— E».] (2) Illyricus, col. l7S.r>. See infra, p. 711, 747.— En. ;3) Ex bullis quibusdam Othonia Epis Herbipolensis [Illyricus, col. 1775. — Ei>.] MICHAEL CESENAS AND PETKUS DE CORBARIA CONDEMNED. 709 because he thought it not so heinous as the faults of the other, the Edward more he hoped for his absolution. But what followed ? After the asses. silly ass had uttered his crime in auricular confession, immediately A. D. the discipline of the law was executed upon him with all severity ; 13a() neither was he judged worthy of any absolution, but was apprehended ,„" upon the same, slain, and devoured. Whosoever was the author of this — fabulous tale, he had a mystical understanding in the same, for by the wolf no doubt was meant the pope ; but the fox represented the prelates, courtesans,1 priests, and the rest of the spiritualty. Of the spiritualty the lord pope is soon absoyled ; as, contrary, the pope doth soon absoyle them in like manner. By the ass is meant the poor laity, upon whose back the strait censure of the law is sharply exe- cuted ; especially when the German emperors come under the pope's inquisition, to be examined by his discipline, there is no absolution The pope nor pardon to be found, but in all haste he must be deposed, as in ateempe- these stories may partly appear before. And though the matter be not j^r^d the weight of a straw, yet what saith the holy father, the wolf, if it please him to make any matter of it ? — " Immensum scelus est injuria quam peregrin o Fecisti, stramen subripiendo sibi. Non advertisti quod plura pericula passus, Plurima passurus, quod peregrinus erat. Non advertisti, quod ei per maxima terrse Et pelagi spatia sit peragranda via. Non advertisti sanctos, nee limina sancta, Sanctorum sanctam sed nee Hierusalem. Es fur, ignoto cum feceris hoc peregrino, Scis bene fur quali debet honore mori. Cum sis confessus, cum sis convictus, habesne Quo tales noxas occuluisse queas ? (Ille retransivit eadem loca, tam violentum Ex inopinato sensit adesse malum.)2 De papa taceo, cujus protectio talem Conduxit, cujus tu vilipendis opem. Totius ecclesise fuerit cum nuncius iste, Pertulit abstracto gramine damna via?." &c. And thus they, aggravating and exaggerating the fault to the uttermost, fly upon the poor ass and devour him. By the which apology, the tyrannical and fraudulent practices of these spiritual Romanists are lively described.3 Not long after these above rehearsed (about a.d. 1350) Gerard Kidder wrote also against the monks and friars a book intituled, ' Lacrym jb Ecclesise :' wherein he disputeth against the aforesaid religious orders, namely, against the begging friars ; proving that kind of life to be far from christian perfection, for that it is against charity to live upon others, when a man may live by his own labours ; and he affirm eth them to be hypocrites, and filthy livers, and such as for man's favour and for lucre' sake do mix with true divinity apocryphal fables and dreams of vanity. Also that they, under pretence of long prayer, devour widows' houses, and with their confessions, sermons, and burials, do trouble the church of Christ manifold ways. And there- fore persuadeth he the prelates to bridle and keep short the inordinate license and abuses of these monastical persons, &c* (1) " Curtesani," Expectants, "qui in curia pap;p versantur." Ducange. See p. 767, line2. — Er- (2) This couplet describes the ass's walking backwards and forwards through agitation. — Ed. (3) Illyiicus, col. 17S9. — Ed. (4) lb. col. 1785.— Ed. 710 A NUMBER OF MARTYRS BURNED. Edward I have as yet made no mention of Michael Cesenas, gener.nl of _ the Grey-friars, nor of Petrus de Corbaria, of whom writeth Anto- A.D. ninus 'in quarta parte Summon1 They were condemned in the 1330 Extravagants of pope John XXII., with Bonagratia, Ocham, and 13g0 others.1 Their opinions, as saith Antoninus, were these : thai Peter the apostle was no more the head of the church, than the < v's. ,iX other apostles ; that Christ left no vicar behind him or head in his mwde" cnurch; and that the pope hath no such authority to correct and '• punish, to institute or depose the emperor: Item, That all priests, of condemn- * , ' rp , r , . I. .. ' ed by what degree soever, arc ot crjual authority, power, and jurisdiction, the pope. kv t}ie institution of Christ ; but that by the institution of the emperor, the pope is superior, which supremacy by the same emperor also may be revoked again : Item, That neither the pope, nor yet the whole church, may punish any man ' punitione coactiva,1 that is, by extern Opinion coaction, unless they receive license of the emperor. This aforesaid cbaei" Michael, general of the Grey-friars, wrote against the tyranny, pride, th^'o'e ant^ l)rmiacy of the pope, accusing him to be Antichrist, and the church Michael °f Rome to be the whore of Babylon, drunk with the blood of saints. anrt'eon- ^c sa*^ there werc two churches ; one of the wicked, flourishing, demned. wherein reigned the pope ; the other of the godly, afflicted : Item, that the verity was almost utterly extinct : and for this cause he was deprived of his dignity, and condemned of the pope. Notwithstand- Martyrs ing, he stood constant in his opinions. This Michael was about deCasti- a. d. 1322, and left behind him many fau tors and followers of his I'',.'",1,'; doctrine, of whom a great part were slain bv the pope ; some were ciscuade condemned, as William Ockam ; some were burned, as Johannes de An-atara, >-,.,. l t-i • i a o • bumed. Castilionc, and r ranciscus de Arcatara. Besides these, was condemned in the Extravagant ' Vaselectionis'3 Johannes Johannes de Poliaco, whose assertions were these : That the pope Foiiaeo. could not give license to hear confessions to whom he would, but that every one ought to confess to the pastor of his parish : Item, that pastors and bishops had their authority immediately from Christ and his apostles and disciples, and not from the pope : Item, That the constitution of pope Benedict XI. "Inter cunctas,'*4 wherein he granteth larger privileges to the friars against the pastors, was no declaration of the law, but a subversion : and for this he was by the said friars and the pope oppressed, about a.d. 1822. After Simon Mcpham, archbishop of Canterbury before mentioned, who lived not long, succeeded John Stratford. Alter whom came John Offbrd, who lived but ten months ; in whose room succeeded Thomas Bradwardin, and remained but two months, a.d. 1349 ; and after him Simon Islip was made archbishop of Canterbury by pope Clement VI., who sat sixteen years, and built Canterbury college in Oxford. After which Simon Islip succeeded the bishop of Ely, named Simon Langham, who within I wo years was madceardinal. In whose stead pope Urban V. -■<" coi- ordained William Wittlesey, bishop of Worcester, to be archbishop oxford of Canterbury, a.d. 1368. In the same year,5 William Wickham was rounded, elected bishop of Winchester, who founded the New College in Oxford. Again, in the order of the popes, next unto pope Clement VI. before mentioned, about the same time (a.D. 1352), succeeded pope Hi See Appendix..— En. [Uyricus, col. 1793.— E». (.'() Iii Extravag. .loan. 22. [Extrav. Commuti. lib. v. tit. .;. IllyricuB, ci I (4) Extrav. Commun. lib. v. tit. 7.— En. '5) Rather a.d. 1367; see Ricl • .— Eu. ROCHTAYLADA, WITH ANOTHER FKIAR, MARTYRS. 711 Innocent VI. ; in the first year of which pope two friars Minors or Edward Franciscans were burned at Avignon, " pro opinionibus," as mine L_ author saith, " erroneis, prout D. Papse et ejus cardinalibus videbatur,11 A- u- that is, " for certain opinions (as seemed to the pope and his cardinals) 133° erroneous." l Of the which two friars I find in the history of Petrus i360 Premonstratensis (cited in John Bale's "Acta Rom. Pontificum 1r) that the one was named Johannes Rochtaylada, or rather (as I find Francis- his name cited by Illyricus in his "Catalog. Testium,'" out of thej;^edat Chronicle of Henry of Herford) Hayabalus ; who being (as that Avignon. writer recordeth) a friar Minorite, began first in the time of pope Clement VI. (a.d. 1 345) to preach and affirm openly, that he was by God commanded to preach, that the church of Rome was the The whore of Babylon, and that the pope and his cardinals were very HomeX'- Antichrists ; and that popes Benedict and John, his predecessors, Fla"d t0 were damned ; with many other such like things, tending much whore of against the pope's tyrannical majesty; and that the aforesaid Hayab- by God" alus being brought before the pope's face constantly did stand in the [,e0vnela" same, saying, that he was commanded by God in a vision so to say, and that he would still preach the same if he might. To whom it was then objected, that lie had some heretical books, and so he was committed to prison for life. In the time of his accusation, and just Rochtay- as he was charging the pope with injustice, it happened that a certain ^ lada, nother Avignon. A.D.I354. priest, coming before the pope, cast the pope's bull down before his fda feet, saying : " Lo here, take your bull unto you, for it doth me no A priesti' good at all. I have been begging and praying here now these three j"^^" years withal, and yet notwithstanding, for all this your bull, I cannot pope's get my rights restored.'', The pope hearing this, and stung at this fore the confirmation of the friar's charge, commanded the poor priest to be f°^'s scourged, and after to be laid in prison with the aforesaid friar, scourged, What became of them afterwards the aforesaid writer, Henry of prison. Herford, maketh no mention ;2 but I may probably conjecture that burnecTat this priest and this friar Rochtaylada (or rather Hayabalus) were the two, whom mine author, Thomas Walsingham, writeth to be burned at this time in Avignon, about the first beginning of this pope Innocent VI.3 Of this Rochtaylada I thought good here to infer the testimony and mention of John Froysard,4 written of him in his first volume, chap. 211, in these words : — There was, saith Froysard, in the city of Avignon, a friar minor called John de la Roche Taillade [Anglice, Cutcliffe], fullof great clergy,5 the which friar pope Innocent VI. held in prison in the castle of Baignour, for showing of many marvels about to come (as he said), principally on the prelates and chief men of the church, on account of the great luxury and ambition to which they were addicted ; and he also foretold many things as about to fall on the realm of France, and of the more powerful princes of Christendom, for the miserable op- pression that they did to the poor common people. This friar said, he would prove all his sayings by the authority of the Apocalypse, and by the ancient books of the holy prophets, the which were opened to him by the grace of the Holy Ghost : so that he showed many things hard to believe. And sure enough, many remarkable things afterwards befel as he had said. Nor yet did he say them as a prophet, but he showed them by authority of ancient Scriptures and by the grace of the Holy Ghost, who gave him understanding to expound all the ancient prophecies, and to show to all christian people the years and times when such things should fall. He made divers books founded on great sciences (1) Ex Chron. Wals. (2) Ex Chron. Henrici de Herfordia [cited by Illyricus, col. 1720.— Ed.] (.<) See Appendix. (4) Ex Johanne Froysardo, vol. i cap. ccxi. 15) " Pra-'ditus ingenio et eruditioue suinma." Illyricus.— Ed. 712 VA1UAXCK BETWEEN THE FRLABS AND PRELATES AT PARIS. French and clergy,1 whereof one was made a.d. 1 .'346, wherein were written such marvels, ,J's'"'!/- that it were hard to believe them ; howbeit we have seen many of them come to Y j) pass. And when he was interrogated concerning the war of* England against [28i" France, he said that all that had been seen was nothing to that should be seen — after ; for that the war in France should not be ended, till the realm were utterly wasted and exiled in every part. All which was afterwards seen so to befal, for the noble realm of France was afflicted and prostrated by every kind of mis- fortune, and specially in the term that the said friar had said, which was in 135G, and the three years following.2 He said that in those years the princes and gentlemen of the realm should not, for fear, show themselves against the people of low estate, assembled of all countries without head or captain; and they should do as they list in the realm of France : the which fell after, as ye have heard, how the companions assembled them together, and by reason of their robbery and pillage waxed rich, and became great captains. Conteo. About the same time3 happened in France a certain contention France between the French prelates and the friars of Paris, testified and \Vr\l7" r^orded by Godfridus dc Fontanis ; the brief effect of which story 1 is this. The prelates of France conventing together in the city of Paris, A.D.i28i'. after long deliberation among themselves, caused by the beadles to App^dix. be called together all the masters, bachelors, and students of every faculty, with the chief friars also of all the religious orders, in the hall of the bishop of Paris : who all there congregated together on the morrow, being St. Nicholas' day ; where there were present four archbishops, and twenty bishops. First stood up the archbishop of Bourges,4 who there made a sermon concerning charity, taking for s.mioii his theme the place of St. Paul (Eph. iii. 17 — 19), "Ut sciatis quae ( sit longitudo, latitudo, altitudo, et profunditas charitatis," &c. and concluded thereupon, first, that true charity compelled them to provide for the flock committed to them ; secondly, that the vigour of charity armed them to withstand errors; thirdly, he concluded, that by duty of charity they were bound to give their lives, if needs be, for the souls of the flock committed to their charge ; fourthly, that by the same charity every man ought to be content with his own, and not to intermeddle with another's office. " For there," saith he, t- all ecclesiastical order is confounded, unless men contain themselves in their own precincts. But alas! this charity."1 saith he, " now-a-davs is waxed cold, and all ecclesiastical order is utterly confounded. For many there be, who now-a-davs presume to thrust in their sickle into another man's harvest; so that now the church may be called a monster. For as in a natural body it is deemed a monster, when one member doeth the office of another; so is it in the spiritual body, which is the church, when our learned and wise brethren, to wit the friars Major and Minor, do take upon them the office specially com- mitted to us, doing unrighteously therein, seeing none ought to take upon him any oilice, except he be called thereunto of the Lord, as Aaron was. Whereas, then, we have oftentimes procured the said friars, both by the king himself in his own person, and also by other great men, to be requested to surcease from doing our office; and yet they have not; but against our wills preach and hear confessions all about our dioceses, saying, that they have the pope's privileges to bear them out therein : — for this cause we who are lure present, having also the proxies of all our absent brother-bishops of the king- >l) " Magna doctrinft bene fundatos n'l This seems to be thepropb.ee) in Browne'i Ippendii to I ic Pasi li ulua Si • Ipp* ndiz. Ed. (:i) \.\ Bcripto Godfri. de Fontanis. [lUyricus, col. 1721. Poxe post-dates thia dfapu i Appendix.— En.] (4) Simon de Beaulieu, abp. a.d. 1281— 1297. See Appendix.— Ld. i tie mars I) JlllilliC and Iraii VARIANCE BETWKEN THE FRIARS AND PRELATES AT PARIS. 713 dom of France, are come to complain to you of this so great inso- French lence of the friars : for that as we are, so you shall be : for I believe Uutvr,J- there is not a prelate among us to-day who was not taken from A. D. this university.1 We have requested, moreover, and have caused to 1281- be requested of the said friars, that they would send their said privi- leges to the see apostolic, to be more clearly interpreted by the lord pope : which in like manner they have refused to do. Wherefore, to the intent you may the betier understand and see what right their privileges really give them, we have resolved that they shall be here openly read to you." Then stood up another in the public tribune, and there read the constitu privileges, and afterwards read also the constitution of pope Innocent p°pe°fn_ III., written in the fifth book of the Decretals, and beginning, "Omnis J0""1 utriusque sexus,-'1 &c. ; which constitution was contradictory to the aforesaid privileges, as he there showed, declaring how both the said privileges were derogatory to that constitution. This done, up rose the bishop of Amiens,2 a very great jurist, who By the vileges, and that it was not lawful for the friars to intrude themselves preach in in hearing confessions and in enjoining penances, without the special wilhouT license of the bishop of the diocese and curate of the parish : unto ^ec'^e whom never a friar at that time answered a single word. And so them to the bishop proceeding to his conclusion, begged the university to church 'e deign to assist them in that case, for that they had all unanimously belonse(l- determined (said he) to resist such injury even unto blood. — This happened on a Saturday, the sixth day of December, which they dedicate to St. Nicholas. The next day (being a Sunday), one of the order of the Minorites, or Franciscans, made a sermon at the church of the Majorites or Preach- ing friars (a thing which I believe was never before seen, the one order to come and resort to theother), and finishing his subject in a few words, Thefiiar?' he began to speak of the aforesaid matter, and in reply expounded "alLt in order every article as well as he could for the better ; adding, jhe i,ie- moreover, that had they wished, they might lawfully have gone much further in the use of their privileges. And he said moreover, that what time the said privileges were in obtaining at Rome, the bishop of Amiens was there present himself, and resisted the same with all his might ; yea all the prelates of France sent and wrote up to the court against the same, and yet did not prevail. For when the friars there explained to the pope in what manner and how far they had used their privileges, the pope said " Placet,'" that is, " I am satis- fied.r> " And now," saith he, " the prelates again wish and require us to send up our privileges to the Roman court, as if to solicit them again ; which would be great folly in us, for so we should be giving place and occasion for revoking the authority which is so given us already. Furthermore, our Master is just dead, and the Master of the Dominic friars is not now present. Wherefore, we dare not determine for the whole order in such a weighty cause, without their presence. And therefore we beg you to hold us therein excused, and not to be so lightly stirred against us, for that we are not members of any university," &c. (1) See Appendix. (2) Guilleaume de Macon, bp. a.d. 1278 — 1308. See Appendix.— E». 714 the rniAiis phovejj i.iaks. y. L862. In the year following, king Edward kept his parliament at London vti •• Qreal solemnity of justing " (oi jousting), a magnificent tournament — En THE POPE EXCOMMUNICATES DEAD MEN. 717 Edward III. in the month of October ; wherein it was prohibited that either gold or silver should be worn in knives, girdles, brooches, rings, or in any other ornament belonging to the body, except the wearer might AD- dispend ten pounds a year. Item, That none should wear either -M L silks or costly furs, except such as might dispend one hundred pounds a year. Also that merchant adventurers should not export any merchandise out of the realm, or seek for wines in other countries ; whereby other nations should be constrained rather to seek to us, &c. Rut none of this did take any great effect. After this Simon Islip, as is above recorded, followed Simon Langham, then William Wittlesey ; after whom next in place suc- ceeded Simon Sudbury. Much about the same time the nuns of St. Bridget's order first Nuns of began ; about which time also was builded Queen's College in f^"*' Oxford, by queen Philippa of England, wife to king Edward III., order- about a.d. 1360. Moreover, in the time of pope Innocent VI., friar John Lyle, bishop of Ely, moved with certain injuries, as he thought, done to him by the lady Blanch Wake, made his complaint to the pope; who, This he after our order and custom before begun, to prosecute the race of Nails, the archbishops of Canterbury, in this aforesaid Fourth Book con- tained ; beginning where before we left off.2 at Lanfranc. A TABLE OF THE ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY IN THE FOURTH BOOK CONTAINED. 34. Lanfranc was archbishop of Canterbury for nineteen years. Polydore Virgil, lib. 9, numbereth this Lanfranc to be the thirty-third archbishop ; but by the account of other authors, namely, by the chronicle of the monk of Dover, he seemeth to be deceived ; as he was in the twenty-eight years of Dunstan, who indeed did sit but. nineteen or twenty at the most. This error of Polydore seemeth to (1) Ex Cliro. Walsii g. <2> Page 104. (jS TABLE OF THE ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY Edward come by leaving out either Elsius, who was the twenty-third, or by IIL leaving out Elt'ric, who was the twenty-sixth, as in some authors A.D. I find. 1:360^ Moreover, here is to be noted, that although the said Elfric were left out, yet Lanfranc cannot be the thirty-third. Note also, that in the previous table of the third book, after Siri- oius, you must put in St. Alured, whom, in the order of archbishops, I left out in the end of the third book, pane 104. This Lanfranc was an Italian, and a stout champion of the pope. After his stubborn dissension with Thomas, archbishop of York, he ■wrote against Berengarius, entitling his book 'Opus ScintillaTum,' page 114. Also the same Lanfranc budded the new church at Canterbury, and plucked down the old. By him was builded the church of St. Gregory. At length he was expelled by king William Rufus. 85. Anselm, for twenty years. Of this Anselm, and the strife between him and the king, look in page 1 44. 36. Radulph for eight years. Under Radulph the order of Cis- tercians began. 37. William Curboil, for thirteen years. By this William the new work of the church of St. Martin's, at Dover, was built. 38. Theobald, for twenty-four years. By this Theobald monks were first brought into the church of Dover. He was expelled ba- king Stephen. In his time the church of St. Gregory at Canterbury was burned. 39. Thomas Becket, for nine years. For the life and death of this Becket, see page 196.1 40. Richard, for ten years. This Richard was a monk. In his tinr Christ's Church, at Canterbury, was burned. 41. Baldwin, for seven years. Between this Baldwin and the monks was great discord. He suspended the prior from his priorship, and two and twenty monks from all service. He caused the sub-prior, with all his adherents, to be excommunicated through all Kent. 42. Hubert, for fourteen years. In the time of this Hubert tin' chapel of Lambeth was plucked down. Also the church of Dover was burned. 43. Stephen Langton, for twenty-two years. This Stephen, with the monks of Canterbury, was expelled by king John. This Stephen, intending to give orders in the chapel of Lambeth, was stopped by the monks of Canterbury, through their appeal and prohibition. Wherefore he required Eustace, bishop of London, to minister the same orders in the church of St. Paul. In his time fell great variance between the monks of Rochester and the monks of Canterbury, for the election of their bishop, which election the monks of Canterbury would not admit before the Ro- chester monks had presented the bishop's staff in the church of Canterbury; so that both the churches sent their messengers to the court of Rome. 44. Richardus Magnus, for four years. At the consecration of 1 1 1 i:.\ Crickeladenal : Magnates in Anglia Interdixerunt, ne quis Martyrem Tlmmara nominarot, ne quis ejus miracula predicant, [ntenxunantea mioaa mortii sen maximarum poenarum omnibui eonfltentibna euni haste Martyrem, el miracula ejus piadfcantftni CONTAINED IX THE FOURTH BOOK. 719 this Richard, contention arose between the bishop of Rochester and R,u,„rd the bishop of Bath, who should consecrate him. Item, between the said Richard and the monks of Canterbury fell A. D. a grievous discord, about certain liberties belonging to the arch- 136°- bishop. The said archbishop, for certain quarrels against the king, went up to Rome, who died in Tuscia. After this Richard, the election of three archbishops was disannulled at Rome ; namely, of Radulphus de Nova Villa, of John, prior of Canterbury, and of John Blund. 45. Edmund of Abingdon for seven years. This Edmund was called St. Edmund, at whose election the prior of Dover, thinking to be present, as at the marriage of his mother, was not permitted by the monks of Canterbury. For that injury he appealed and went to Rome to complain, not against the elect, but against the election ; where he obtained of the pope, for all the priors and successors of Dover, to have full interest in the election of the archbishops, besides other privileges which he obtained ; percase not without some good store of money. Afterwards the monks of Canterbury accused him to the archbishop as though he stood against the person of the elect, and so obtained of the archbishop, being angry with him, to have brought him under the chapter of Canterbury, there to be punished. Whereupon the prior, seeing himself so destitute of all help of lawyers, was constrained in the aforesaid chapter to cry ' peccavi.1 Then, being suspended from his priorship, he was at length sent home from Dover, being compelled first to set his hand to a certain composition between him and the aforesaid monks. The said Edmund, archbishop, having also some quarrel against the king, went up to Rome, and died before his coming home. 46. Boniface, for twenty-five years. In the time of this Boniface, Pope Gregory wickedly granted to king Henry III. (for the getting of the kingdom of Sicily, which belonged not to him to give, nor to the other to take) tenths of goods, temporal and spiritual, for five years. Item, All the first year's fruits of churches that should be vacant for five years. Item, Half of all the goods of beneficed men, not resident on their benefices. Item, All legacies not distinctly given. And yet the kingdom of Sicily never came into his hands, which belonged to Manfred, son of Frederic the emperor. Strife there was between this Boniface and the prior of Canterbury, Item. Between him and the bishop of Rochester. Item, Between him and the chapter of Lincoln : all which was after agreed.1 Strife in Winchester about choosing the bishop after the death ot Adomar or Ethelmar, the king's brother. Strife also in the convocation which Boniface did hold at Lambeth ; in the which council were recited the statutes of Octobonus, and other new statutes made, against which John Hemelingford, the king's chaplain, with others besides, and Prince Edward on the king's be- half, did appeal.2 Under this Boniface, Tunbridge and Hadlow first came under the custody of the archbishop of Canterbury. Master John of Exeter bought the bishopric of Winchester for (1) Chron. Doverens. fol. 20, p. 2. (2) Ibid. fol. 21. m TABLE OF TIIK ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTKUW-'RV Edward six thousand marks; which being known he was fain to pav the — same sum again to the pope, and so was sent home. A-!>- Boniface the archbishop being in the parts of Savoy (a.d. 1262), _J — L fell another altercation between the prim- and chapter of Can- terbury on the one part, and the prior and chapter of Dover on the other; which two houses were almost never in quiet, and all about certain liberties and privileges; as, for making the sub-prior, foi receiving in of monks, and for visitations of the church of Dover. A.D. 1268. Boniface, archbishop, interdicted the city of London, because in the same city the archbishop of York did hold up his cross, the archbishop of Canterbury being there present, the king holding then his parliament at Westminster. This archbishop died in the parts of Savoy. John, prior of Canterbury, was elected by the monks against the king's mind, but by the pope refused. Adam Chilinden was elect, but he resigned his election to the pO])C. 47. Robert Kilwarby, friar, for six years. In the time of this Robert Kilwarby, appeal was taken against the chapter of Canter- bury by the bishops of Winchester, Worcester, and Exeter; foi which cause the said bishops went up to Rome to prosecute tin- appeal. The matter was, because they did not their obedience to the monks of Canterbury, the see being empty. Walter Giffard, archbishop of York, going toward the general council, bore up his cross through the middle of Kent, in the time of this Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, a.d. 1272. By pope Gregory X. in the general council at Lyons, all the orders of friars were put down, four orders only excepted, that is. Dominies, Franciscans, Carmelites, and Augustincs. This Robert Kilwarby, by the commandment of pope Nicholas, was made cardinal of Rome and bishop of Porto. An mi- Here is to be noted an untruth in Polydore Virgil, who saith, that Poiydore he was made cardinal by pope Gregory, which could not be. virgu. Robert Burnel, bishop of Bath, was elected, but by the pope refused ; for whom John Peckham, a Grey-friar. Mas placed in by pope Nicholas. 48. John Peckham, for thirteen years. In the first year of this friar Peckham, W. Wikewane, archbishop of York, coming from his consecration at Rome to Dover, bore up his cross through the midst of Kent, whereat was no little ado. Robert Gememine,1 archdeacon of Canterbury, went to law at Rome for the liberties and possessions of his archdeaconship two years, and there died. In this time also another wrangling occurred between the monks of Canterbury and the monks of Dover, in the time of this John Peckham. for admitting certain novices of Dover into orders.2 This Peckham, holding a council at Lambeth, ordained divers statutes, and caused the ordinances of the council of Lyons, and of Boniface archbishop of Canterbury, and his predecessor, to be obrervod. Great grief and hatred existed between this Peckham, and Thomas (1) " Gememine," i. e. <>f Yarmouth.— Ko. . archbishop Peckham, that he should not consecrate Walter le Scha- 1 iG(>- mele, the newly elect bishop of Salisbury, in any other place, except only in the church of Canterbury, but by their leave and license first obtained. Notwithstanding, the archbishop, nothing regarding their appeal, proceeded in the consecration of the said bishop near to the town of Reading, whereupon the prior and covent ceased not to prosecute their appeal against the archbishop. Between Richard Ferrings, archdeacon of Canterbury, of the one part, and the barons of Dover of the other part, the same year fell out another like wrangling, for that the archdeacon claimed to visit the church of Dover : contrary the barons affirmed, that none had, nor should have, to do thereto, or order or dispose in spiritual matters, but only the archbishop, and the prior and covent of St. Martin.1 After the death of William Wicwane, archbishop of York, John de Roma succeeded ; and coming from his consecration at Rome to Dover, bare his cross through the middle of Kent, contrary to the inhibition of John Peckham. 49. Robert Winchelsey was archbishop for nineteen years. This Robert, who was archbishop in the latter time of king Edward I., for certain displeasure the king had conceived against him, departed the realm, and in his banishment remained two or three years ; and, about the beginning of the reign of king Edward II., he was restored again, (a.d. 1309.)2 Thus few archbishops of Canterbury we find, with whom kings have not had some quarrel or other. " The cause between the king and him,1' saith mine author, " was this; That the king accused him to pope Clement of disturbing his realm, and of taking part with rebels,1'' &c.3 This Robert also excommunicated Walter, bishop of Coventry, for holding with the king and Peter Gaveston against the ordinances of the barons ; wherefore the said bishop appealed to the pope, against whom the archbishop sent Adam Mirimouth. This In the time of this Robert, archbishop, the order of Templars was ^ri-n abolished by pope Clement V. in the council of Vienne, with this mouth sentence definitive: " Quanquam de jure non possumus, tamen ad piierof plenitudinem potcstatis dictum ordinem reprobamus.,, ondngy 50. Walter Reynald for fifteen years. After the decease ofEdwarcl- Robert Winchelsey, who departed a.d. 1813, Thomas Cobham, a learned man, was elected by full consent of the monks, who came to Avignon to have his election confirmed ; but the pope reserving the vacant seat in his own hands, put in Walter Reynald, bishop of Worcester, chancellor of England, who governed the see fifteen years. The chronicler of St. Albans recordeth also, how in the days of this archbishop (a.d. 1319), certain lepers conspiring with the Turks and Jews went about to impotionate, and infect all Christendom, by envenoming their fountains, lakes, pits, barrels, and such other places ; of the which crime divers of them being convicted, were worthily burned in France. About the same year, the said author makr.tii (1) Ex eod. Chron. fol. 46. (2) Ex Chron. Rich. 2. (3) Ex Chron. St. Albani. VOL. II. 8 A <*2 TABLE OK THE ARCHBISHOPS OK CANTERBURY, Sec. also relation, how, in the realm of England, much murrain prevailed — _ — among the beasts; insomuch that the dogs, feeding upon their flesh A.D. (infected belike by the waters and fountains), led down dead incon- 1360, tinentlv ; neither durst men, for that cause, almost taste of any be< f. (a.d. 1318, 1319.)1 This Walter, archbishop, taking part with the queen Isabel against king Edward her husband, died the same year in which he was de- posed, (a.d. b'J.J-,.;- After Walter the archbishop, as affirmeth the chronicle of St. Alban, succeeded Simon Mepham ; ofwhom 1 marvel that Polydore maketh no word nor mention; belike he sat not long: after him followed. 51. John Stratford, for twenty-nine years. In the story of Adam Merimouth, it is recorded that this John Stratford, intending tovisil the diocese of Norfolk, was not received by the bishop, the chapter and clergy then' alleging that he observed not the ordinary canon therein. To whom the archbishop said again, he had the pope's letters, and showed the same. But tin- other answered, that those letters were falsely obtained, and tended to the suppression of the clergy, and therefore they would not obey: wherefore the archbishop excommunicated the bishop, suspended the prior, and interdicted the covent. (a.d. 1343.) 52. John Offord, ten months. Master John Offord, chancellor of England, was elected ami confirmed archbishop of Canterbury, but not consecrated, and sat but ten months, dying a.d. 1349, the tim of the pestilence in England. 53. Thomas Braidwarden, archbishop for one year. ThisThon?as Braidwarden following after John Stratford, sat not long, but died The first within ten months, of the plague, as they say. This was called the pSgue first great plague in England, raging so sore in all quarters, that it England. waa t]lllU„|lt scarcely thi" tenth part of men to be left alive. 54. Simon Islip, for seventeen years. In the time of Simon Islip, who followed after Braidwarden, king Edward (.\.:i. 1362) is re- ported, after the blind superstition of those days, to offer in the Thevest- church of Westminster the vestments wherein St. Peter did celebrate wherein mass; which belike were well kept from moths, to last so long.3 The same Simon Islip, among other constitutions, ordained through all churches and chapels, under pain of excommunication, that no man should abstain from bodily labours upon certain saints' da; ""'■ is before mentioned ; which fact of his is not a little noted in our monkish histories. This Simon built Canterbury College in Oxford.' THE CONCLUSION OK THIS FOURTH BOOK. forasmuch as Satan, being chained up all this while for th< of a thousand years, beginneth about this time to be loosed and to come abroad, according to the forewarning of St. John's Revel to conclude the- Fourth Hook, wherein sufficiently hatl described the i de and pomp of Antichrist, flourishing in Ex Chro. Alban. 1 2) Ex Chro. Alban. Alban. Archbishops in th i - Ed. CONCLUSION OF THE FOURTH BOOK. •<2S A.D. 1360. his run and security, from the time of William the Conqueror hither- »»' to: now (Christ willing and assisting us thereunto) we mind in these — latter books hereafter following, in order of history to express the latter persecutions and horrible troubles of the church, raised up by Satan in his minister Antichrist ; with the resistance again of Christ's church against him. And so to prosecute, by the merciful grace of Christ, the proceeding and course of times, till we come at length to the foil and ruin of the said Antichrist ; to the intent that if any be in such error as to think that Antichrist is yet to come, he may con- sider and ponder well the tragical rages, the miserable and most sor- rowful persecutions, murders, and vexations, of these latter three hundred years now following ; and then, I doubt not but he will be put out of all doubt, and know that not only Antichrist is already come, but also know where he sitteth, and how he is now falling (the Lord Christ be thanked for ever !) to his decay and confusion. The following Table is a continuation of that given at p. 104, note (1) ; it contains the dates of the election or consecration, and death, of each archbishop, taken from Richardson's edition of " God- win De Praesulibus, &c." It will he found to agree with the list given by Sir Harris Nicholas in his " Synopsis of the Peerage," and it will serve to correct several errors inFoxe's text, derived from the chronicles which he consulted. CONSECRATED DIED 34 Stephen Lanfranc Aug. 29th, a.d. 1070 . Jan. 4th, a. d. 1089 35 Anselm Dec. 4th, a.i>. 1093 . April 21st, A.D. 1109 30 Radulph (elected April 26th) June 14th, a.d. 11 14 . Oct. 20th, a.d. 1122 37 William Corbyl (elected Feb. 2d) MarchlOth, a.d. 1123 . Nov. 30th, a i>. 1136 38 Theobald (elected in December) a.d. 1138 . April 18th, a.d. 1161 39 Thomas Becket May 27th, a.d. 1162 . Dec. 28th, ad. 1170 40 Richard (elected a.d. 1171) a.d. 1 174 . Feb. 16th, a.d. 1183 41 Baldwin May, a.d. 1185 . a.d. 1190 42 Walter Hubert (elected May 30th) . . . . a.d. 1 193 . July 13th, a.d. 1205 43 Stephen Langton June 17th, a.d. 1207 . July 9th, a.d. 1228 44 Richard Wethershed June 10th, a.d. 1229 . Aug. 3d, a.d. 1231 45 Edmund of Abingdon •. April 2d, a.d. 1234. Nov. 16th, a.d. 1242 46 Boniface of Savoy (elected a.d. 1241) . . . . Jan. 15th, a.d. 1245 . July 18th, a.d. 1270 47 Robert Kilwardby Feb. 26th, a.d. 1273 . Sep. 13th, a.d. 1277 48 John Peckham March 6th, a.d. 1278 . Dec. 8th, a.d. 1292 49 Robert Winchelsey (elected Feb. 13th, a.d. 1293) Sept. 12th, a.d. 1294 . May 11th, a.d. 1313 50 Walter Reynolds (transl. from Winton, Oct. 1st) a.d. 1313 . Nov. 16th, a.d. 1327 51 John Stratford (transl. from Winton, Dec. 1st) . a.d. 1333 . Aug. 23d, a.d. 1348 52 John Offord (nominated by a bull, Sept. 24th) . a.d. 1348 . May 20th, a.d. 1349 53 Thomas Braidwarden (nom. by ahull, June 19th) a.d. 1349 . Aug. 26th, a.d. 1349 54 Simon Islip (nominated by a bull, Oct. 7th) . . Dec. 20th, a.d. 1349 . April 26th, a.d. 136S In addition to the above, Godwin inserts after Nos. 41, 50, Reginald FitzJoceline (translated from Wells) . . a.d. 1191 . Dec. 25th, a.d. 1191 Simon Mepbam (elected Dec. 11th) a.d. 1327 . Oct. 12th, a.d. 1333 No. 52. John Offord or Ufford, having never been consecrated, is not included by Godwin in the list.— Ed. END OF BOOK THE FOURTH. 3a2 ^CTS AND MONUMENTS BOOK V. CONTAINING THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OLT OF SATAN.1 Edward Thus having discoursed in these former books of the order and . ! course of years, from the first tying up of Satan unto the year of our A. D. Lord 1300, I have a little overpassed the stint of time in the Scripture 136°- appointed for the loosing out of him again. For so it is written by St. John [Apoc. xx.], that " after a thousand years, Satan, the old dragon, shall be let loose again for a season,1'' &c. The years For the better explanation of the which mystery, let us first con- oTfooshTg s^er ^ie context of the Scripture ; afterwards let us examine, by sat.,,, ex- mstoi7 and tnc c°urse of times, the meaning of the same. Ami first, amined. to recite the words of the Apocalypse; the text of the prophecy is Apoc. xx. this: — ''And 1 saw an angel descending from heaven, having a key of the bottomless pit, and a great chain in his hand. And he took the dragon, the old serpent, which is the Devil and Satan, and bound him for a thousand years, and put him in the bottomless dungeon and shut him up, and signed him with his seal, that he should no more seduce the Gentiles, till a thousand years were expired. And alter that he must be loosed again for a little space of time. And I saw seats, and they sat upon them, and judgment was given unto them ; and the souls I saw of them which were beheaded for the testimony of Jesus.11 By these words of the Revelation, here recited, three special times are to be noted. First, The being abroad of Satan to deceive the world. Secondly, The binding up of him. Thirdly, The loosing out of him again, after a thousand years consummate, for a time. Tiiepiace Concerning the interpretation of which times, I sec the common Apoc'xr. opinion of many to be deceived by ignorance of histories, and the ed'forthe statc °^ things done in the church ; they supposing that the chaining looahv up of Satan for a thousand years, spoken of in the Revelation, was meant from the birth of Christ our Lord. Wherein I grant that spiritually the strength and dominion of Satan, in accusing and con- demning us for sin, was cast down at the passion and by the passion of Christ our Saviour, and locked up, not only for a thousand years, 1 1 1 Edition 1563, p. 71 Ed. 1570, i». 198. Ed. 1576, p. I' 1. Ed. 15S3, p. 897. Ed, I5PP, p. 36i , vol. i. i. 152 - In. out of S. it. in WHAT THE LOOSING OF SATAN DOTH MEAN IN SCRIPTURE. 725 but for ever and ever. Albeit, as touching the malicious hatred and Edward fury of that serpent against the outward bodies of Christ's poor saints ' (which is the heel of Christ), to afflict and torment the church out- A- In- wardly ; that I judge to be meant in the Revelation of St. John, not 1360, to be restrained till the ceasing of those terrible persecutions of the primitive church, at the time when it pleased God to pity the sorrow- what the ful affliction of his poor flock, being so long under persecution, the Satan8 °f space of three hundred years, and so to assuage their griefs and tor- ^e"'n in ments; which is meant by the binding up of Satan, worker of all scripture, those mischiefs : understanding thereby, that forasmuch as the devil, the prince of this world, had now, by the death of Christ the Son of God, lost all his power and interest against the soul of man, he should turn his furious rage and malice, which he had to Christ, against the people of Christ, which is meant by the heel of the seed [Gen. iii.], in tormenting their outward bodies ; which yet should not be for ever, but for a determinate time, when it should please the Lord to bridle the malice, and snaffle the power, of the old serpent, and give rest unto his church for the term of a thousand years ; which time being expired, the said serpent should be suffered loose again for a certain or a small time. [Apoc. xx.] And thus to expound this prophetical place of Scripture, I am led Three by three reasons: reasons- The first is, for that the binding up of Satan, and closing him in The first the bottomless pit by the angel, importeth as much as that he was at re:,so"- liberty, raging and doing mischief before. And, certes, those so ter- rible and so horrible persecutions of the primitive time universally through the whole world, during the space of three hundred years of the church, do declare no less. Wherein it is to be thought and supposed that Satan, all that time, was not fastened and closed up. The second reason moving me to think that the closing up of Satan The was after the ten persecutions of the primitive church, is taken out of „!,",'','!. the twelfth chapter of the Apocalypse ; where we read, that after the woman, meaning the church, had travailed forth her man-child, the old dragon, the devil, the same time being cast down from heaven, drawing the third part of the stars with him, stood before the woman with great anger, and persecuted her (that is, the church of God) with a whole flood of water (that is, with abundance of all kinds of torments), and from thence went, moreover, to fight against the residue of her seed, and stood upon the sands of the sea ; whereby it appeareth that he was not as yet locked up. The third reason I collect out of the Apocalypse, chapter xiii., The third where it is written of the beast, signifying the imperial monarchy of Apoeaia Rome, that he had power to make war forty and two months ; by which months is meant, no doubt, the time that the dragon and the persecuting emperors should have in afflicting the saints of the primi- tive church. The computation of which forty-two months (counting Forty-two every month for a Sabbath of years ; that is, for seven years, after the h,°theS order of Scripture), riseth to the sum (counting from the passion of AP°c-xiii- the Lord Christ) of three hundred years, lacking six ; at whieh time mined. Maxentius, the last persecutor in Rome, fighting against Constantine, was drowned with his soldiers, like as Pharaoh, persecuting the children of Israel, was drowned in the Red Sea. Unto the which forty-two • *6 W 1 1 E N S A T A N N\ A S T 1 1. 1 ) DP '—- months, or Sabbaths of years, if ye add the- other six rears wherein . Licinius persecuted in the East, ye shall find just three hundred I860' •Vl'"X as is BPec*fied before m tne fi18* llook (vol.'i. page ^91). 1 After the which forty and two months were expired, manifest it is wh.n that the fury of Satan, that is, his violent malice and power over the iLnwas" saints of Christ, was diminished and restrained universally throughout tied up. the whole world. Tims then, the matter standing evident that Satan, after three hundred years, counting from the passion of Christ, began to be chained up, at which time the persecution of the primitive church began to cease, now let us see how long this binding up of Satan should continue, which was promised in the Book of the Revelation to be a thousand years ; which thousand years, if ye add to the forty- Ab-mt two months of years, that is, to two hundred ami ninetv-four years, an!;1'!1'"1"' they ma'r Ami • hrist oscans, began first to be sel up by pope Honorius [II. and by pope (-rcgorius IX., which was the year of our Lord, counting from hid THE AUTHOR OF THE PLOUGHMAN* PRAYER NOT KNOWN. 727 passion, a.d. 1226; and counting from the nativity of our Lord, M^rd the year 1260. Whereof these verses, prophesying the coming A.J). was of Antichrist, in the author were written :— ^^ " Cum fuerint anni completi mille ducenti Et decies seni post partum virginis alma?, Tunc Antichristus nascetur daemone plenus." And these verses were written, as appeareth by the said author, a.d. 1285. These things thus premised for the loosing out of Satan, according to the prophecy of the Apocalypse, now let us enter (Christ willing) upon the declaration of these latter times which followed after the letting out of Satan into the world ; describing the wondrous per- turbations and cruel tyranny stirred up by him against Christ's church, and also the valiant resistance of the church of Christ against him and Antichrist, as in these our boohs here under following may appear, the argument of which consisteth in two parts : first, to Argu- treat of the raging fury of Satan now loosed, and of Antichrist, ^'L against the saints of Christ fighting and travailing for the mainte- j^rfoi- nance of truth, and the reformation of the church. Secondly, to declare the decay and ruin of the said Antichrist, through the power of the word of God ; being at length, either in a great part of the world overthrown, or, at least, universally in the whole world detected. Thus then to begin with the year of our Lord 1360, wherein I a.d.isgo have a little, as is aforesaid, transgressed the stint of the first loosing a m*^ out of Satan: Ave are come now to the time wherein the Lord, after ^i'mui long darkness, beginneth some reformation of his church, by the ^™ed diligent industry of sundry his faithful and learned servants, of whom ^web^ divers already we have fore-touched in the former book ; as Ghiliel. thepro- de Sancto Amore, Marsilius Patavinus, Ockam, Robertus Callus, »«*£*" Robertas Grosthead, Petrus de Cugneriis, Johannes Rupescissanus, pope. Conradus Hager, Johannes de Poliaco, Cesenas, with others, who withstood the "corrupt errors and intolerable enormities of the bishop of Rome, besides those who about these times were put to death by the said bishop of Rome, as Castilio and Franciscus de Arcatara in the book before recorded ; also the two Franciscans, martyrs, who Averc burned at Avignon, mentioned p. 110. Now to these (the Lord willing) we will add such other holy martyrs and confessors, who following after in the course of years with like zeal and strength of God's word, and also with like danger of their lives, gave the like resistance against the enemy of Christ's religion, and suffered at his hands the like persecutions. First, The au-^ beoinninq- with that godly man, whosoever he was, the author of the Plough-1* book (his name I have not) entitled ' The Prayer and Complaint of gg* the Ploughman ;' written, as it appeareth, about this present time, not^ This book, as it was faithfully set forth by William Tindal, so I have as truly distributed the same abroad to the reader's hands ; neither chan . r J > byauricu- another priest hath. larcon-. An other mischiefe is this, that some priest may assoilcn them both of sinne iession. an(j pajnC) an(j jn this they taken them a power that Christ graunted no man in earth, ne he ne vsed it nought on earth himselfe. Popish Ail other mischiefe is, that these priests sellen forgeuenes of mens sinnes and i'rR's'e. absolutions for mony, and this is an heresie accursed that is ycleped simonie with and all thilke priests that axeth price for graunting of spirituall grace, beth ' simony, by ]U)ly lawes depriued of their priesthood, and thilke that assenteth to this heresye. And be they ware, for Helyse the prophet toke no money of Naaman when he was made cleane of his lepre, but Giesi his seruaunt: and therefore the lepre of Naaman abode with him and with his heires euermore after. Here is much matter of sorowe, to see the people thus far ylad away from God and worshupen a false god in earth, that by might and by strength hath ydone away the great sacrifice of God out of hys temple: of which mischiefe and discomfort, Daniel maketh mention, and Christ beareth thereof witn esse in the gospell. Whoe that readeth it vnderstand it. . Thus wee haue ytold apertlie, how he that saith he sitteth in Christes stede binemeth2 Chris his worship and his sacrifice of his people and maketh the people worsbepen hym as a God on earth. Cry we to God, and knowledge we our sinnes euerichone to other as Seint lames teaehcth, and pray we bartilich to God euerichone for other, and then we shulen hopen forgeuenes of our sinnes. For God that is endlesse in mercy saith, that he ne will not a sinful! mans death, but that he be turned from [his sin and liuen. And therefore, when he came downe to saue mankind, he gaue vs a law of lone and of mercie : and bade, gif a man doe a trespassc, amend him priuflich, and gif he leue not his sinne, amend him before witnesse : and gif he ne amendeth not, men should tell to the church ; and gif bee ne amended) not than, men shuld shone his company as a publican e, or a man that is misbeleued, and this law was y figured in the lawe of lepre, who that readeth it, he may see the sooth. The pope But Lord God, he that sitteth in thy stede, hath vndoe thy lawe of mercy breaketh andof loue; Lord, thou biddest louen enemyes as our self; and thou shewest in loue, and f^e gospelli there as the Samaritane had mercy on the Iewe. And thou biddest vs also prayen for them that cuirsen vs, and that defamen vs, and puTBUen vs to death. And so Lorde thou didst, and thine apostles also. But he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar on earth, and head of thy church, he hath vndone thy lawe of loue and mercie. For gif we speaken of louing our ennemies, hee teacheth vs to light with our enemies, that Christ hath forbodden. Hee curseth and desireth uengeaunce to them that so dooth to him. Gif any man pursueth him hue curseth him, that it is a sorowe a christen man to hcaicn the CUTsinges that ■ (1) " Beth," that is, be. (2) " Binemeth,' taketh sway. OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD. 733 they maken, and blasphemies in such cursing. Of what tiling that I knowe, I Edward may beare true witnesse. HI. But gif we speake of louing of our brethren, this is vndone by him that . n saith he is Gods vicar in earth. For Christ in the gospel biddeth vs, that we -, X,.^ shoulden clepen vs no father vpon earth : but clepen God our father, to maken !_ vs loue perfitlich together. And he clepeth himself father of fathers and maketh The P°Pe many religions, and to euerich a father. But whether is loue and charity encreased a fat'her"3 by these fathers and by their religions, or els ymade lesse ? For a friar ne but he loueth not a monke, ne a secular man neither, nor yet one frier another that is Deareth not of the order, and it is agaynward. A Lord ! me thinketh that there is litle perfection in these religions. For Lord, what charitie hauen such men of religion, that knowen how they mowen against and sin, and fleen away fro their brethren tbat ben more vncunning then they ben, and suffren them to trauelen in the world withouten their councel as beastes ? Trulich Lord, me thinketh that there is but little charitie, and then is there litle perfection. Lord God, when thou were on earth, thou were among sinfull men to drawen them from sin, and thy disciples also. And Lord, I trow thou ne grauntest not one man more cunning then another all for himselfe : and I wote well that lewd men that ben laborers, ne trauell not alonlich for him self. Lord our belief is, that thou ne were not of the world, To for- ne thy teaching neither, ne thy seruants that lyueden after tlry teaching. But sake the all they forsaken the world, and so euerie christen man must. But Lord, not" to "* whether thou taughtest men forsake their brethrens companie and trauell of the Hue in world, to lyuen in ease and in rest, and out of trouble and anger of the world, e*se fr'|'m by their brethrens trauell and so forsaken the world? A Lord ! thou ne taughtest not a man to forsake a pore estate and trauel, to ben afterward a lord of his brethren, or ben a lords fellow and dwelling with lords, as doth men of these new religions. Lord thou ne taughtest not men of thy religion thus to forsake the world, to lyuen in perfection by them selfe in ease, and by other mens trauell. But Lord they sayen they ben ybound to thy seruise, and seruen thee both night and day in singing their praiers, both for them selfe and for other men, that done them good both quick and dead, and some of them gone about to teach thy people when they hauen leisure. A Lord ! gif they ben thy seruauntes : whose seruaunts ben we that cannot preyen as they done 1 And when thou were here on earth, for our neede thou taughtest thy seruants to preyen thy father priulich and shortlich : And gif there had been a better maner of praying, I trow thou wouldest haue taught it in help of thy people. And Lord thou reprouest hypocrits that preyen in long prayer and in open places, to ben yholden holy men. And thou seyst in the gospel, wo to you Pharises hypocrites. And Lord thou ne chargedest not thy seruaunts with such maner seruice : But thou seyst in the gospel, that the Pharises worshopen thee with their lippes, and their hart is farre from thee. For they chargen1 more mens traditions than thy commaundementes. And Lord, we lewed men han a beleefe, that thy goodnesse is endles : and •gif we keepen thine hestes, than ben we thy true seruaunts. And though we preyen thee but a litle and shortlich, thou wilt thinke on vs, and granten vs that vs nedeth, for so thou behited 2 vs somtime : And Lord I trow, that pray a True ser- man neuer so many quaint praiers, gif he ne keep not thine hests he ne is not thy nice of good seruaunt. But gif he kepe thine hestes, than he is thy good seruaunt, standeth and so me thinketh. Lord that prayeng of long praiers ne is not the seruice not in that thou desirest, but keeping of thine hestes : and then a lewd man may seme longprai- God as well as a man of religion. *And so Lord our hope is that thou wilt assone keeping heare a plowmans prayer and he keepe thyne hestes as thou wilt do a mans of Gods religion,* 3 though that the plowman ne may not haue so much siluer for his j^ande prayer, as men of religion. For they kunnen * not so well preysen their prayers ments. as these other chapmen : But Lord our hope is, that our praiers be neuer the worse though it be not so well sold as other mens praiers. Lord, Ezechiel the prophet saith that whan he spake to the people thy singing in words, they turned thy wordes into songs and into tales : And so Lord men churches done now : they singin merilich thy words, and that singing they clepen thy ^/d service. But Lord I trow that the best singers ne herieth thee not most : But Gods ser- (1) " Chargen," care for. (2) " Behited," promised. (3) These words have been inadvertently omitted in every Edition since that of 1570, in which this document first appeared.— Ed. (4) " Kunnen," they can. 784 the ploughman's complaint Edward he that fulfilled! thy words he heryeth l thee ful wel, though be wepe more '//• then sing. And 1 trow that weeping for breaking of thy commaundemi , t) more pleasing sendee to thee, than Is. And would God toon thai men would seme him in sorrow for their sinnes, and that they shoulden — . '— afterward semen thee in mirth. For Christ saith, yblessed hen they that maken Weeping sorrow, for they shoulden hen yconforted. And wo to them that hen merry and better S naue t'K'u" C(,m'ort m tms worlde. And Christ said that the world should Beruice ioyen, and his seruants shulden be sory, but their sorrow should be turned into then sing- joy, church. A Lord ! he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth, hath yordained an order of priestes to doe thy sendee in church to fore thy lewd people in singing matens, euensong and masse. And therefore he chargeth lewd men in pain.' of cursing, to bring to his priests tythinges and oil'eringes to linden his priestes, and he clepeth that Gods part, and due to priestes that seruen him in church. But Lord, in the old law, the tithings of the lewd people nc wer not due to priests, hut to that other childer of Leuye that serueden thee in the temple, and the priest hadden their part of sacrifices, and the first bygetti other thinges as the lawe telleth. And Lord, S. Paul thy seruaunt saith, that the order of the priesthood of Aaron ceased in Christes comming and the lawe of that priesthood. For Christ was end of sacryfices yofFeredvpon the crosse to the father of heauen, to bring man out of sinne and become himselfe a priest of Melchisedeckes order. For he was both king and priest without beginning and end, and both the priesthoode of Aaron, and also the law of that priesthood, ben ychaunged in the comming of Christ. And S. Paid seyth it is reproued, for it brought no man to perfection. For bloud of gotes ne of other hi •;. myghtdone away sinne, for to that Christ shadde his bloud. The order A Lord Iesu, wether thou ordenest an order of priests to offren in the auter "f. s thy flesh and thy bloud to bringen men out of sinne, and also out of peine t notniaiie And whether thou geue them alonelych a power to eate thy ilesh and thy bloud, to offer and wether none other man may eate thy flesh and thy bloud with outen leue of bodietS priestes? Lord, we beleuen, that thy flesh is very meate, and thy bloud very drinke, and who eteth thy flesh and drinketb thy bloud dwelleth in thee, and thou in him, and who that eateth this bread shall line without end. But Lord thyne disciples seyde, this is an hard worde, but thou answerest them and se\ d- est: when ye seeth mans soone stiuen vp there he was rather, the spirite is that maketh you Hue, the words that ych haue spoken to you ben spirit and lyfe. Lord, yblessed mote thou be, for in this word thou teachest vs that he that kepeth thy wordes and doth after them, eateth thy fleshe and drynkcth thy bloud, ana hath an euerlasting life in thee. And for we shoulden haue minde of this lining, thou gauest vs the sacrament of thy ilesh and bloud, in forme of bread and wine at thy supper, before that thou shuldest suffer thy death, and took bread in thine hand, and saydest : take ye this, and eate it, for it is my body: and thou tookest wyne, and blessedst it, and saddest: this is the blond of a newe and an euerlasting testament, that shall be shed for many nun in forgiuenesse of sinnes: as oft as ye done this, doe ye this in mynde of me. The sa- A Lord! thou ne bede not thine disciples maken this a sacrifice, to bring cmneut men out of paynes, git' a priest oflted thy bodie in the auter: but thou bede bodteof them goe and fullen- all the folke in the name of the father, and the sonne, the Lord and the holy ghost, in forgiueness of their sinnes: and teach ye them to keepe abused, those thinges that ych haue commaunded you. And Lord, thine disciples ne ordained not priests principallich to make thy bodie in sacrament, but for to principal- teach the people, and good husbandmen that wel gouern their housholdes, both wiues and children, and their meiny, they ordeind to he priests to teaehen othe: mi n the law of Christ, both in word, in deede, and they liuedcyn as true to make' christian men, euery day they eaten Christs body, and drinken his blond, to the the Lords sustenaunee of lining of their Boules, and other whiles they tooken the sacra- '""'"'■ menl of Ins bodie in forme of bread and wyne, in mind of our lord Iesu Christ. II, thai Bui all this is tinned vpse downe : for now who so wil linen as thou taughteet. ■peaketh he ahal I", n bolder] a foole. And gif he speake thy teaching, he Bha) hen holden an hen tike, and accurs< d. Lord yhaue no lenger wonder hereof, for so is holden they seiden to thee when thou were "here some time. And therefore v. ■ an here- take in paeienee their words of blasphciuio as thou didest thy selfe, or else we (1) " Heryeth," worshippetb '2) " Pullen," baptise, from the Anglo-Saxon full! an. OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD. 735 weren to blame. And truelich Lord I trowe, that if thou were nowe in the Edward worlde, and taughtest as thou dyddest some time, thou shiddest hen done to III. death. For thy teaching is damned for heresie of wise men of the world, and a r> then moten they nedes ben heretikes that teachen thy lore, and all they also \ian that trauellen to hue thereafter. And therefore Lord, gif it be thy will, help thine vnkunning and lewd ser- uaunts, that wolen by their power and their kunning, helpe to destroy sinne. Leue Lord, sith thou madest woman in helpe of man, and in a more frayle degree then man is, to be governed by mans reason : what perfection of charitie is in these priests and in men of religion, that haue forsaken spoushod that thou ordeynedst in Paradise betwixt man and woman, for perfection to for- saken traueile, and liuen in ease by other mens traueile ? For they mow not doe bodilich workes for defouling of theyr handes, wyth whom they touchen thy precious bodye in the aulter. Leue Lord, gif good men forsaken the company e of woman, and needes they What in- moten haue the gouernaile of man, then moten they ben ycoupled with shrewes, C0llue- and therefore thy spoushode that thou madest in clennes from sinne, it is now the un. ychaunged into liking of the flesh. And Lord, this is a great mischiefe vnto ma thy people. And yong priests and men of religion, for default of wiues maken testes, many women horen, and drawn through their euel ensample many other men to sin, and the ease that they liuen in, and their welfare, is a great cause of this mischiefe. And Lord me thinketh, that these ben quaint orders of religion and He com- none of thy sect, that wolen taken horen, whilke God forfends, and forsaken o/JJ| wiues that God ne forfendeth not. And forsaken trauail that God commands, idlenesof and geuen their selfe to idlenes, that is the mother of all nough tines. priestes. And Lord, Mary thy blessed mother and Ioseph, touched oftentimes thy body, and wroughten with their hands, and liuede in as much clennesse of soide, as our priests done now, and touched thy body, and thou touchedst them in their soules. And Lord our hope is, that thou goen not out of a poore mans soule that traueileth for his liuelode with his hands. For Lorde, our beliefe is, that thine house is mans sovde, that thou madest after thine owne likenesse. But Lord God, men maketh now great stonen houses full of glasen win- what is dowes, and clepeth thilke thine houses and churches. And they setten in these tlle true houses mawmets of stocks and stones, to fore 1 them they knelen priuilich and Christ. apert, and maken their prayers, and all this they sayen is thy worship, and a great herying 2 to thee. A Lord ! thou forbiddest sometime to make such maw- mets, and who that had yworshipped such, had be worthy to be dead. Lord in the gospel thou sayst, that true heriers 3 of God ne herieth him not in that hill beside Samaria, ne in Hierusalem neyther, but true heriers of God herieth him in spirite and in trueth. And Lord God what herying is it to bylden thee a church of deed stones, and robben thy quicke churches of their bodylich lyueloode ? Lord God what herying is it, to cloth mawmettes of stocks He com- and of stones in siluer and in gold, and in other good colours ? And Lord I '^"'jIJL see thine image gone in colde and in hete in clothes all to broken, without ,„ shone and hosen, an hungred and a thrust. Lord what herying is it to teende churches, tapers and torches before blinde mawmets that mowen not I seyen? And hide thee that art our light and our lanterne toward heauen, and put thee vnder a bushell that for darknesse we ne may not seene our way toward blisse ? Lord what heryinge is it to kneele tofore mawmetes that mowe not yheren, and wor- shepen them with preyers, and maken thine quick images knele before them, and asken of them absolutions and blessings, and worshepen them as gods, and putten thy quicke images in thraldom and in traueil euermore as bestes, in cold and in heate, and in feeble fare to flnden them in liken of the worlde ? Lord what herieng is it to fetch deed mens bones out of the ground there as they shoulden kindelich rotten, and shrinen them in golde and in siluer : and suffi-en the quicke bones of thine images to rot in prison for default of clothings ? And sufFren also thy quicke images to perish for default of sustenance, and rooten in the hoorehouse in abhominable lecherie ? Some become theeues and robbers, and manquellers that mighten ben yholpen with the gold and siluer that hon- geth about deed mens bones and other blind mawmets of stocks and stones. Lord here ben great abhominations that thou shewdist to Ezechiel thy (1) "Tofore," that is, before. (2) "Herying," worshipping. (3) " Heriers," worshippers. 736 the ploughman's complaint Edward prophet, that priests done in thy temple, and yet they clepen that thine heryeng. ni- But leue Lord, me fhinkcth that they louen thee title that thus defoulen thy A I) l11^ images, and worshippen blinde niawmets. 13G()' ^n^ Lord anotncr g1*8* mischief there is now in the world, an hunger that — Amos thy prophet speaketh of, that there shall comen an hunger in the earth, riayneth n°* of 1)rt' rte tm'lIst (>f (U'n»k, Dut °f hearing of God's worde. And thj of false sheepe woulden he refreshed, hut their shepheardes taken of thy shepe their pastors liuelode, as tythings, &c. and liuen themselfe thereby where them" liketh. nvWieir6 Of such shepheards thou speaketh by Ezechial thy prophet and seist : wo flocke, to the shepheards of Israel that feden themself, for the flocks of sheepe shoulden bu*^ede be yfed of their shepheards : but ye eaten the milke and elothen you with their wolle, and the fat sheep ye slow, and my flock ye ne fede not, the sicke sheep ye ne healed not, thilk that weren to broken ye ne knit not together, thilke that perished ye ne brought not againe : but ye ratled them with sternship and with power. And so the sheepe be sprad abroad in deuouring of all the beasts of the field. And Ieremie the prophet sayth : wo to the shepheards that dis- pearseth abroad and teareth the flocke of my lesew.1 A Lord, thou were a good shepheard, for thou puttest thy soule for thy sheep : but Lord thou teldest that thilk that come not in by the dore ben night theew - and day theeues, and a thefe as thou scest commeth not but for to steale, to slein, and to destroy. And Zacharie the prophet saith, that thou wouldest rerren vp a shepheard vnkunning, that ne wol not hele thy sheep that beth2 sick, ne seeke thilke that beth lost. Vpon his arme is a swerd, and vpon his right eye : his arme shal waxe dry, and his right eye shal lese his light. O Lord, help, for thy shepe beth at great mischife in the shepheards defaute. Against But Lord, there commeth hired men, and they ne feden not thy sheep in hirelings, thy plenteous lesew, but feeden thy sheepe with sweuens3 and false miracles and tales. But at thy trewth they ne comen not: For Lord, I trow thou sendest them neuer. For haue they hire of thy sheepe they ne careth but little of the feding and the keping of thy shepe. Lord of these hired men speaketh Ieremie the prophet, and thou seyst that worde by him. I ne send them not, and they ronne bliuc:* I ne speake vnto them, and they prophe- ciden. For if they hadden stondcn in my counsell, and they had made my wordes knowen to the puple, ech would haue turned them away from their yuell way and from their wicked thoughts. For Lord, thou seyst that thy words ben as fire, and as an hammer breaking stones. And Lord, thou saist : Lo I to these prophets meeting sweuens of lesing, that haue ytold her sweuens, and haue begyled my puple in their lesing and in their false miracles, when I neither sent ne bede them. And these haue profitet nothing to my puple. And as Ieremie saith, from the lest to the mest5 all they studien couetise, and from the prophet to the priest, all they done gyle. Popish A Lord ! here is much mischiefe and matere of sorow, and yet there is more. For gif a lewd ma wold teach thy people trewth of thy words as be is y hold by thy commandement of charity, he shal be forboden and put in prison gif be do it. And so Lord, thilke that haue the key of conning, haue y lockt the u trewth of thy teaching vnder many wardes, and yhid it from thy children. But Lorde, sith thy teaching is ycome from heauen aboue, our hope is, that with thy grace it shall breaken these wardes, and show him to thy puple, to kele both the hunger and the thrust of the soule. And then shall no ahep- to heard, ner no false biridman begile thy puple no more. For by thy lawe I write, as thou ihightest6 sometime, that "fro the lest to the mest, all they shullen knowen thy will, and weten7 how they shullen please thee euer more in certaine. And leue Lord, gif it be thy will helpe at this nede, for there is none helpe but in thee. Thus Lord, by nym thai maketh himselfe thy viker in earth, is thy commaundement of loue to thee and our brethren ybroken, both to him and to thy puple. But Lord God, mercy and patience that beth twevne8 of thy commaundements, beth destroyed, and thy puple hath forsake mercy. For Lord, Dauid in the Satiter saith" : Blessed beth they that done dome and right- I'Stl'S titer fulness in euerich ty me. (I) " Lesew," that is, pasture. (2) " Beth," that is, bee. (3) " Sweuens," that is.dreames, (4) " Bliuc," quickly, :,) " Mest," most. [6] " Ihightest, 7) " 'Weten," know. (8) " Tweyne," thai i:-. two OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD. 737 O Lord, thou hast itaught vs as rightfulnes of heauen, and hast yheden vs Edward forgeuen our brethren as oft as they trespassen against vs. And Lord, thine olde 1IL law of iustice was, that such harme as a man did his brother, such he should » rj sutler by the lawe, as eye for an eye, and tooth for a tooth. But Christ made -, o^n an ende of this law, that one brother should not desire wracke of an other : but '— not that he would that sinne should ben vnpunished, for thereto hath he or- dained kings and dukes and other lewd officers vnder them, whilke as Saint Paule saith, ne cai-ien not the swerd in vaine, for they beu the ministers of God, and wrakers to wrath, to them that euil done. And thus hath Christ ymade an ende of this olde iaw, that one brother may not suen another himselfe, for that i to wreken without sinne, for breaking of charitie. But this charitie Lord hath thy vicar ybroke, and says that we sinnen, but gif we suen for our right. And we see I wot that thou taughtest vs some time to giue our mantell also, euer that we shoulden suen for our coate. And so Lord beleuen we, that we ben ybounden to don by thy law, that is all charitie, and officers duty is to defenden vs from thilke theuery though we complainen not. But Lord, thv law is turned vpsedowne. A Lord ! what dome is it to slean a theefe that take a mans cattel away from He com- liim, and suff'eren a spousebreaker to Hue, and a lecherour that killeth a womans ^in^h soule 1 And yet thy law stoned the spousebreakers and leachours, and let the nishing theeues liuen and haue other punishment. lil,e A Lord ! what dome is it to slean a thefe for stealing of a horse and to let him anVio let Hue vnpunished, and .to maintaine him that robbeth thy poore people of their great liuelod, and the soule of his food 1 faultes Lord, it was neuer thy dome to sayen, that a man is an heretike and cursed If h ' for breaking of mans law, and demen him for a good man for breaking thine an heri- hestes. tikl' that Lord, what dome is it to curse a lewd man2 if he smite a priest, and not curse ^'j,^'.'! a priest that smiteth a lewde man and leeseth his charitie. what is Lord, what dome is it to curse the lewd people for tythings, and not curse |!ietPope the parson that robbeth the people of tythings, and teacheth them not Gods breaketn law, but feedeth them with painting of stone walles, and songes of Latin that Gods the people knowen not ? we Lord, what dome is to punish the poore man for his trespasse, and suffer the rich to continue in his sinne for a quantitie of money ? Lord, what dome is it to slayn an vncunning lewed man for his sinne, and suffer a priest, other a clearke that doth the same sin, scape aliue ? Lord the sinne of the priest or of the clearke is greater trespasse then it is of a lewd vncunning man, and greater ensample of wickednesse to the common people. Lord, what maner people be we, that neither keep thy domes and thy right- fulnes of the olde testament that was a lawe of drede, nor thy domes and thy rightfulnes of thy new testament that is a law of loue and of mercy : but haue A?ninst an other law, and taken out of both thy lawes that is liking to vs, and the rem- J^, canon nant of heathen mens lawes, and Lord this is a great mischiefe. O Lord thou sayest in thy lawe, deme ye not and ye should not be demea : for the same mesure that yee meten to other men, men shall meten to you againeward. And Lord thou sayst that by their worke we should know them. And by that we know that thou commaunded vs not to demen mens thoughts, nor their works, that were not against thy lawe expresly. And yet Lord he The popes that sayth he is thy vicar, will deinen our thoughts and aske vs what we thinke : 1&W? not of the Lord, of thy hestes, for they caren little for them, but of him and of qJJJJ"5 his whilke they set aboue thine, and maken vs accusen our selfe, or else they lawe, in willen accursen vs, for our accusers raowen3 we not knowne. And Lord thou ^"{'j* saydest in thine old law, that vnder two witnes at the least or three, should stand acni?« euery matter. And that the witnes shoulden euer be the first that shoulden them- helpe to kil them. seluM- And when the Scribes and the Pharises some tyme brought before thee a woman that was ytake in spousebreaking, and axeden of the a dome, thou didst write on the earth, and then thou gaue this dome : He that is without sinne, throw first at her a stone, and Lord they went forth away from thee and the woman : and thou forgaue the woman her trespasse, and bad her goe forth and sinne no more. (1) " For that," but. (2) " A lewd man," a lay man. (3) " Mowen," may. VOL. II. 3 B 738 THE PLOUGHMAN S COMPLAINT Edward III. A.D. 1360. The breaking of the popes lawemore punished, then the breaking of Gods lawe. Pilate more com- mended then the pope. The pope breaketh patience. Sweet Lorde, if the priestes tooke keepe * to thy dome, they would be agast to demen men as they done. O Lord, if one of them breake a commaundement of thy law, he will a.ske mercy of thee, and not a peine that is due for the sinne, fox peyne of death were too litle. O Lord, how daren they demen any man to the death for breaking of their lawes, other assent to such law? for breaking of thy law they will set men penaunce or pardon them, and mantaine them as often as they trespassen. But Lord, if a man once breake their lawes or speake against them, bee may done penaunce but once, and after be burnt. Trulvch Lord thou sayst, but if euerie of vs forgeue not other his trespasse, thy father will not forgeuen vs our sins. And Lord when thou hong on the crosse, thou praiedst to thy father to haue mercie on thy enemyes. And yel they Bain Lord, that they demen no man to the death, for they sain they ne mowen by their lawe demen any man to the death. A leeue Lord ! i saden their forfathers the Pharises, that it ne was not lawfull for them to kill anie man. And yet they bidden Pilate to done thee to the death against his owne conscience, for bee would gladly haue iquitte thee, but for thai they threatned him with the emperour and broughten against thee false witnes also. And he was an heathen man. O Lord, how much truer dome was there in Pilate that was an heathen iustice, then in our kings and iustices that woulden demen to the death and berne in the fire him, that the priests deliueren vnto them withouten witnes or prefe! For Pilate ne would not demen thee : for that the Phariseis sayden that gif thou ne haddest not bene a misdoer we ne would not deliuer him vnto thee: for to,2 they broughten in their false witnesses against thee. But Lord, as thou saidest sometime that it should ben lighter at domes day to Tyro and to Sydon and Gomorra, than to the cities where thou wrought wonders and myracles : so 1 dred, it shall be more light to Pilate in the dome, then to our kings and domes men that so demen without witnes and prefe. For Lord to demen thy folk for hereticks : is to holden thee an hereticke : and to brennen them, is to brennen thee, for thou saydest to Paul when he persecuted thy people: Saide, Sanle, wherefore persecutest thou me, and in the dome thou shalt say, that ye haue done to the lest of mine, ye haue done to me. Thus Lord, is thy mercy and iustice foredone by him that sayth he is thy vicar in earth : for he neither keepeth it himself, nor nill not suffer other to doe it. The third commaundement, that is patience and sufferance is also ibroken by this vicar. Lord thou biddest sufferen both wrongs and strokes withouten againstanding, and so thou diddest thy selfe to geuen vs ensample to sufferen of our brethren. Tor suffering nourisheth loue, and againstandeth debate. All thy lawe is loue, or els the thing that draweth to loue. But Lord, men teachen, that men shoulden pleten for their right and lighten also therefore, and els they seyn, men ben in peril! : and thou bid in the old law men fight for their countrey. And thy selfe haddest two swords in thy company when thou shouldest go to thy passion, that as these clerkes seyn, betokeneth a spirituall sword and a temporall sword, that thou gaue to thy vicar to rule with, thy church. Lord this is a sleight speech, but Lord we beleuen that thou art king of blisse, and that is thine heritage and mankindes countrey, and in this world we ne bene but straungers and pilgrimes. For thou Lord ne art of this world, ne thy lawe neither, ne thy true seruants that kepen thy law. And Lord, thou were king of Iuda by inheritage if thou wouldest haue ihad it, but thou for- sooke it and pletedcst not therefore, ne fought not therefore. But Lord, for thy kind heretage and mankindes countrey, that is a land of blisse, thou foughtest mightilich: In battaile thou ouercame thy enemie, and so thou wonne thine heretage. For thou that were a Lord mightiest in battail, and also Lord of vertues, are rightfullich king of blisse, as Dauid saieth in the Psalter. But Lord, thine enemie smote the despitefullich, and had power of thee and hang thee vpon the crosse as thou hadst ben a theefe, and benomyn thee all thy clothes, and sticked thee to the hart with a speare. () Lord," this was an bard assaidt of a battaile, and here thou ouercome by pacience mightilich thine enemies, for thou ne wouldest not done against the (1) " Tooke keepe," that is, tooke he''de. (2) " Tor to," that is, therefore. OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD. 739 nil of thy father. And thus Lord thou taughtest thy scruantes to fight for their Erfn-ar.i country. And Lord this fighting was in figure itaught in the olde law. But In- Lord men holden now the shadow of the old fighting and leuen the light of thy . n fighting, that thou taughtest openlich both in word and in deede. ' '^ Lord thou gave vs a sword to tighten against our enemis for our country, _____ that was thine holy teaching, and christen mens law. But Lord thy sword is put in a shethe and in priestes ward, that haue forsake the fighting that thou taughtest. For as they seyn it is against their order to ben men of armes in thy battail, for it is vnsemelich, as they seyn, that thy vicar in earth, other his priests shulden suffer of other men. And therefore gif any man smyte him, christes other any of his clerkes, he ne taketh it not in pacience, but anon he smiteth v>car with his sword of cursing, and afterward with his bodilich sword, he doth them a"d 'J19 to death. O Lord me thinketh that this is a fighting against kinde, and much win sufffe r against thy teaching. nothing. O Lord whether axsedest thou after swerdes in time of thy passion to againe stond thine enemies? nay forsooth thou Lorde. For Peter that smote for great loue of thee, had no great thanke of thee, for his smiting. And Lorde thou were mightie ynough to haue again stond thine enemies, for throgh thy looking they fellen downe to the ground, Lord yblessed mote thou be. Here thou teachest vs that we shoulden suffren : For thou were mightie ynow to haue agaynstande thine enemies, and thou haddest wepen, and thy men weren hartie to haue smitten. O sweet Lord, how may he for shame clepen him selfe thy vicar and head of the church, that may not for shame suffer? Sithe thou art a Lord, and suffer- edst of thy subjects, to giuen us ensample, and so did thy true seruantes. O Lord, whether geue thou to Peter a spirituall swerd to cursse and a tem- jj0 tem. poral swerd to sle mens bodies ? Lord I trowe not, for then Peter that loued P°rall thee so much, wold haue smit with thy swerds : but Lord, he taught vs to Veuln to blessen them that cursen vs, and suffren, and not smiten. And Lord he fed thy peter, people as thou bed him, and therefore he suffred the death as thou didst. O Lord, why clepeth any man him Peters successor that hath forsaken patience, and feedeth thy people with cursing and with smiting? Lord thou saydest in thy gospell, when thy disciples knewen well that thou were Christ, and that thou mustest goe to Ierusalem, and sufferen of the Scribes and Phari- ses, spittings, reprofes, and also the death. And Peter tooke thee aside, and saide, God forbidde that. And Lord thou saydest to Peter, goe behinde me Sathanas, thou sclaunderest me in Israel. For thou ne sauorest not thilke things 1 that ben of God, but thilke that ben of men. Lord to mens wit it is vnrea- sonable, that thou or thy vicar, gif thou madest any on earth, shoulden suffren of your suggetes. A Lord ! whether thou ordeynest an order of fighters to turn men to the Faith beliefe? Other ordeinest that knightes shoulden sweare to fight for thy wordes? commeth A Lord ! whether bede thou, that gif a man turne to the faith that he should outward geue his goods and cattel to thy vicar that hath great lordships, and more then force, him needeth ? Lord I wote well that in the beginning of the church men that weren conuerted, threwen adown their goods afore the apostles feet ; for al they weren in charitie, and none of them said this is mine, ne Peter made himselfe no lord of these goods. But Lord, now he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth, and successor to p Peter, hath ybroke thy cominaundment of charitie, for he is become a lorde. breaketh And hee hath also broken thy commaundement of mercy, and also of patience. l,!e f'1'1? Thus Lord we be fallen into great mischiefe and thraldome, for our chief- tie, of tayne hath forsaken war and armes, and hath treated to haue peace with our mercy, enemies. _ _ _ p„fie°nce. A Lord ! gif it be thy wil, draw out thy swerd out of his shethe, that thy ser- uants may fight therewith against their enemies, and put cowardise out of our harts : and comfort us in battail, or than 2 thou come with thy swerd in thy mouth, to take vengeance on thyne enemies. For gif we bene accorded with our enemies til that time come, it is dread least thou take vengeaunce both of them and of vs together. A Lorde ! there is no helpe now in this great mischiefe, but onelych in thee. Lord, thou geuest vs a commandement of truth, in bidding vs say yea yea, (1) " Thilk things," those thinges. (2) " Or than," before that. 3 b 2 740 the ploughman's complaint Edward nay nay, and sweare for nothing. Thou geue vs also a maundement of meeke- llL nes, and another of poorenes. But Lord he that clepeth himself'e thy vicar on . r^ earth, hath yhroken ljotli these commandments, for he maketh a law to compel -ikr-n men to sweare, and by his lawes he teacheth that a man to saue his life, may — forswcaiv and lye. And so Lord, through comfort of him and his lawes, the The Pope people ne dreadeth not to sweare and to lye, ne oft times to forswearen them. brt;aketh Lord here is lyttle truth. swearing. ^ Lord, thon hast ybrought vs to a liuing of soules that standes in beleeuing in th.ee, and kepyng thy hestes, and when we breaken thyne hestes, then we slen our soule : and lesse harme it were to suffer hodilieh death. Lord, king Saule brake thine hestes, and thou look his kingdome from his heires euermore after him, and gaue it to Dauid thy seruaunt, that kept thine hestes. And thou saydst by Samuel] thy prophet to Saule the king, that it is a maner of worshipping of false gods to breake thy hestes. For who that loueth thee ouer al things, and dreadeth thee also: bee nole' for nothing break thine hestes. O Lord, gif breaking of thine hestes be herying of false gods, I trow that he that maketh the people breake thine hestes, and commaundeth that his hestes hen kept of the people, maketh himself a false god on earth : as Nabuchodonosor did sometime : that was king of Babilon. But Lord, we forsaken such false gods, and beleuen that ther ne ben no mo gods then thou : and though thou suffer vs a while to bene in disease for know- ledging of thee : we thanken thee with our hart, for it is a token that thou louest vs, to giuen vs in this world some penaunce for our trespas. Lord, in the old law, thy true seruantes tooke the death, for they would not eaten swynes flesh that thou haddest forbidde them to eate. O Lord, what truth is in vs to eaten vncleen mete of the soul, that thou hast forbid ? Lord thou sayst, he that doth sinne is seruant of shine, and then he that lyeth in forswearing him selfe, is seruant of lesing : and then he is seruant to the deuil, that is a Iyer and father of lesinges. And Lorde thou sayest, no man may serue two lords at ones. O Lord then euery Iyer for the time that he lyeth, other forsweareth him selfe, and forsaketh thy seruice for drede of his bodily death, becommeth the deuils seruant. Seruant O Lord, what trueth is in him that clepeth himselfe seruant of thy seruants, uantTthe am' m ms aom£> l'ce maketh him a lord of thy seruants: Lord, thou were both popes' Lord and maister, and so thou said thy selfe, but yet in thy warkes thou were stile as a seruaunt. Lord this was a great trueth and a great meeknes: but Lord * use ' bid thou thy seruauntes that they shoulde not haue lordship ouer their brethren ? Lord thou saidst kings of the heathen men ban lordship ouer their subiects, and they that vse their power be cleped well doers. But Lord, thou saidst it should not be so amongest thy seruaunts. But he that were most should be as a seruaunt. Thou Lord, thou taughtest thy dis- ciples to be meeke. Lord in the old law thy seruaunts durst haue no lordship of theyr brethren, hut if that thou bid them. And yet they shoulde not doe to their brethren as they did to thrailesa that serued them. But they should doe to their brethren that were their seruauntes as to their owne brethren. For all tiny wnc Abrahams children. And at a certaine time they shoulde let their brethren passe from them, in all freedom, but if they would wilfullich abiden still in seruice. O Lord thou gaue vs in thy comming a law of perfect loue, and in token of lone thou elepedst thy selfe our brother. And to make vs perfect in loue, thou hid that we should elope to vs no father vpon earth, but thy father of heauen wee should clepe our father. Alas Lord, how violently our brethren and thy children hen now put in bodily thraldom, and in despite as beasts euermore in greeuous trauell to find proud men in case : But Lord, if we take this defoule and this disease in patience and in meekenes and kepe thine bests, we hope to he free. And Lord geue our brethren grace to come out of thraldom of sin, that they he fall in through the desiring and vsage of lordship vpon their brethren, Piitte^f And Lord thy priests in the old "law had no lordships among their brethren, priests ),,,( housea .llui pagtures for their beasts : but Lord, our priests now haue great lordships, and put their brethren in greater thraldom then lewd men that be lords. Thus is meekenesse forsaken. (1) " Nolo," would not. (2) " ThraUe6," that is to say, bomlmen. OF THE ABUSES OF THE WOULD. 741 Lord thou biddest in the gospel that when a man is bid to the feast he Edward should sit in the lowest place, and then he may be set hyer with worship when ni- the lord of the feast beholdeth how his guests sitteth. Lord it is drede that they ^ pj that sit now in the highest place should be bidde, in time comming, sit beneath : i "Vq' and that will be shame and vilenie for them. And it is thy saying, those that — hyeth himselfe should be lowed, and those that loweth themselues should be an heyghed. O Lord thou biddest in thy gospel to beware of the Pharisies, for it is a point of pride contrary to mekenes. And Lord thou sayst that they lone the first sittinges at supper, and also the principall chaires in churches, and greetings in cheping and to be cleped maisters of men. And Lord thou sayst be ye not cleped maisters, for one is your maister, and that is Christ, and all ye be brethren. And clepe ye to you no father vpon earth, for one is your father that is in heauen. O Lord this is a blessed lesson to teach men to be meke. But Lord he that clepeth himselfe thy vikar on earth, he clepeth himselfe Meeknes father of fathers against thy forbidding. And all those worships thou hast Prided forbad. He approueth them, and maketh them maisters to many, that teach in mines- thy people their own teaching, and leaue thy teaching that is nedefull, and ^P- . hiden it by quaint gloses from thy lewd people, and feede thy people with eaxl]x ,10t sweuens1 that they mete, and tales that doth litle profite, but much harme to the toiierabie people. But Lord, these glosers obiect that they desire not the state of mastry "J '£ e to be worshipped therby,butto profit the more to thy people when they preach thy word. For as they seggen the people will beleue more the preaching of a maister that hath taken a state of schole, then the preaching of another man that hath not taken the state of maistry. Lord whether it be any nede that maisters beren witnesse' to thy teaching that it is true and good ? O Lord whether may any maister now by his estate of maisterie, that thou hast forboden, drawe any man from his sinne, rather than an other man that is not a maister, ne wole be none, for it is forbodden him in thy gospel ? Lord thou sendest to maysters to preach thy people, and thou knowledgist in the gospel to thy father that he hath hid his wisedome from wise men and redy men, and shewed it to litle children. And Lord, maisters of the law hylden thy teaching folly, and saiden that thou wouldest destroy the people with thy teaching. Trulich Lord, so these maisters seggeth now : Master- . for they haue written many books against thy teaching that is trueth, and so ?hl| ™^ the prophecie of Hieremie is fulfilled, when he saith : Truelich the false points of in preach the maisters of the law hath wrought lesing. And now is the time come that ers- S. Paul speaketh of, where hee saith : Time shall come when men shall not susteine wholesome teaching. But they shullen gather to hepe maisters with hutching eares, and from trueth they shullen turnen away their hearing, and turnen them to tales that maisters haue maked to showne their maistrye and their wisedome. And Lord a man shall beleue more a mans workes then his words, and the dede sheweth well of these maisters that they desiren more maistrie for their owne worship than for profite of the people. For when they be maisters, they ne prechen not so oft as they did before. And gif they preachen, commonlich it is before rich men there as they mowen beare worship and also profit of their preaching. But before poore men they prechen but seldem, when they ben maisters : and so by their works we may seene that they ben false glosers. And Lord, me thinketh that who so wole keepen thine bests him needeth no gloses : but thilke that clepen them selfe christen men, and lyuen against thy teaching and thine hestes needelich they mote glose thine hestes after their False lining, other else men shulden openlich yknow their hypocrisie and their falshod. Slosers- But Lord, thou sayst that there is nothing yhid that shal not be shewed some tune. And Lord yblessed mote thou be. For somewhat thou shewest vs now of our mischiefes that we ben fallen in through the wisedomes of mays- ters, that haue by sleightes ylad vs away from thee and thy teaching, that thou that were the maister of heauen taught vs for lone, when thou were here some time to heale of our soules, withouten error or heresie. But maisters of worldes wisedome and their founder, haue ydamned it for heresie and for errour. O Lord, me thinketh it is a great pride thus to reproue thy wisedome and thy teaching. And Lord me thinketh that this Nabugodonosor king of Babi- lon that thus hath reproued thy teaching and thine bests, and commandeth on (1) " Sweuens," that i6, dreamcs. 742 THE PLOUGHMAN S COMPLAINT A.D. 1360. Pouertie counted folly. God is eenied of t lie worst. for Hi." that have ( Isweu ic. upend tin in. all wise to kcpcn his bests: maken thy people hearen him as a God on earth, and maketh them his thrales and his seruantes. But Lord, we lewd men knowen no God but thee, and we with thine helpe and thy grace forsaken Nabugodonosor and his lawes. For he in his proud estate wole haue al men vnder him, and he uele ' be vnder no man. He ondoth thy lawes that thou ordaynest to ben kept, and maketh his own lawes as him liketh : and so he maketh him king aboue al other kings of the earth, and maketh nun tu worshippen him as a god, and thy great sacrifice he hath ydone away. O Lord, here is thy commaundment of meekenes, mischiflich to broke : and thy blessed coinmaiindemcnt of poorcnes is also to broken, and yhid from thy people. Lord, Zacharie thy prophet saith, that thou that shouldest ben our king, shouldest bene a poore man, and so thou were: for thou saydest thy selfe, Foxes haue dens, and birdes of heauen nestes, and mans sonne hath not where to legge his head on. And thou saydest yblessed ben poore men in spirit, for thy kingdome of heauen is theiren. And woe to riche men, for they ban their comfort in this world. And thou bade thy disciples to ben ware of all com tdse, for thou saydest, in the abundance of a mans hauing, ne is not his lifelode. And so thou teachest that thilke that ban more then them needcth to their lining limn in couetise. Also thou 6aiest, but gif a man forsake al thinges that be oweth, he ne may not ben thy disciple. Lord, thou sayest also that thy word that is sown in rich mens harts, bringeth forth no fruit : for riches and the businesse of this world maken it withouten fruit. O Lord, here bene many blessed teachinges to teach men to bene pore, and loue porenesse. But Lord harm is, poore men and poorcnes ben yhated, and rich men ben yloved and honored. And gif a man be a poore man, men holden him a man without grace, and gif a man desireth poorenesse, men holdcn him but a foole. And if a man be a rich man, men clepen him a gra- tious man, and thilke that bene busy in getting of riches : ben yhold wise men and ready : but Lord these rich men sayen that it is both leful and needful to them to gather richesse togither. For they ne gathereth it for themselfe, but for other men that ben needy, and Lord their workes shewen the truth. For if a poore needy man would borowen of their riches, he nele2 lean him none of his good, but gif he mow be seker to haue it again by a certeine day. But Lord, thou bede that a man should lend, and not hoping yelding againe of him that bee lendetb to: and thy father of heauen wol quite him his mede. And gif a poore aske a rich man any good, the rich man will gitic him but a litle, and yet it shall be little worth. And Lord me thinketh that here is little loue and eharitie, both to God and to our brethren. For Lord, thou teachest in thy gospell, that what men doe to thy scruauntes, they done to thee. A Lord! gif a poore man axe good for thy loue, men geueth him a litle of the wurst. For these rich men ordeinen both bread and ale for Gods men of the wurst that they haue. O Lord, syth al the good that men have commeth of thee: how dare any man gene thee of the wurst, and kepe to hini- selfe the best? Howe may such men say that they gatheren riches for others need, as wel as himselfe, sith theyr works ben contrary to their words.' And that is no great truth. And he ye seker these goods that rich men ban, they ben Gods goods, ytake to your keeping, to loke how ye wolen be setten them to the worshipping of God. And Lord, thou sayest in the gospel, that who so is true in little, he is true in that thing that is more : and who that is false in a little thing, who wole taken him toward things of a greater value I And there- fore, be ye ware that ban Gods goods to keepe. Spend yee thilke trulich to the worship of God, least ye leesen the blisse of heauen, for the vntrue de- pending of Gods goods in this world. (> Lord, these rich men seggen8 that they don much for thy loue. For many poore labourers ben yfound by them, that shoulden fare febelich, ne were not they and their readinesse : forsooth me thinketh that pour labourers geueth to these iic!i men, more then they giuen them agaynward. For the poore men mote gone to his labour in cold and in heate, in wete and dry. and spend his flesh and liis blond in the rich mens works, vpon Gods ground, to find the rich man in ease, and in liking, and in good fare of nieate, and of drink, and of clothing. Heere is a great gift of the poore man, for he giuctb his owne body. But what giueili the ryche man him agaynward? Cortes feable meat, and feable drink, (l) ' Kele," that is, will not. (3) " Seggen," that is, do say. OF THE ABUSES OF THE WOULD. 748 and feable clothing. Whateuer they seggen, such be their werks, and here is Edward litle loue. And whosoeuer looketh well about, all the worlde fareth thus as we LU- seggen. And all men studieth on euery syde, how they may wex rich men. ~~\~rT And euerich man almost is a shamed to ben holden a poore man. , „" " And Lord, I trow for thou were a poore man, men token litle regarde to 1 thee, and to thy teaching. But Lord thou came to geue vs a new testament of loue, and therefore it was semelich that thou came in poorenes, to proue who wold loue thee, and kepen thyne hests. For gif thou haddest ycome in forme The po- of a rich man and of a lord, men wold rather for tby dread then for thy loue, vert>' of haue ykept thine hests. And so Lord now thou might wel ysee which louen nightly thee as they should in keeping thine hestes. For who that loueth thee in thy colisi- poorenes and in thy lownes, needes he mote loue thee in thy lordship and dered- thy highnesse. But Lord, the worlde is turned vpse downe, and men loue poore men but a litle ne poorenes neither. But men be ashamed of poorenes, and therefore Lord, I trow that thou art a poore kyng. And therefore I trow that he that a poore clepeth himself thy vicare on earth, hath forsaken poorenes, as he hath do the king, and remnaunt of thy law : and is become a rich man and a lord, and maketh his *jca?how treasure vpon the earth that thou forbiddest in the gospel. And for his right ioyne and riches he will plete, and fight, and curse. And yet Lord, he will segge fh"e. '7° that hee forsaketh all thyngs that he oweth, as thy true disciple mete done after °° thy teaching in the gospel. But Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsaken his goods and plete for them, Christ a and fight, and curse. And Lord hee taketh on him power to assoyle a man of ^!JJJf all maner things, but if it be of dette. Truely Lord, me thinketh he knoweth earth ■ litle of charitie. For who that beth in charitie, possesseth thy goodes in tne P°Pe common and not in proper at his neighbours nede. And then shall there none T, ' „ , i..ri..°Ti^i . . Ihe pope ot them segge this is myne, but it is goods that God graunteth to vs to spenden it for his to his worship. And so if anie of them borroweth a porcion of those goods, and r}sht and dispendeth them to Gods worship : God is apayed of this spending, and aloweth wi]j him for his true doing : And if God is a payed of that dispending that is the princi- plead, pal lord of those goods, how dare any of his seruants axen thereof accounts, other fight and challenge it for dette? Serten, of one thing I am incerteine, that these that charge so much dette of worldly cattell, they know litle of Christes law of charitie. For if Ich am a bayly of Gods goodes in the world, if I see my brother in nede, I am hold by charity to part with him of these goodes to his nede : and if he spendeth them well to the worship of God, I mote be well apayd as though I my selfe had spended them to the worship of God. And if the prin- cipal! Lord is well payed of my brothers doing, and the dispendyng of his goodes : how may I segge for shame that my brother is dettour to me, of the goodes that I tooke him to spende in Gods worship at his nede ? And if Propri- my brother spendeth amisse the goodes that I take him, I am discharged of my et^d°e[ deliuerance of the goodes, if I take him in charity thilk goodes at his nede. And here, is I am hold to be sorie of his euill dispending, ne I may not axen the goodes, not takcn that I tooke him to his nede in forme of dette, for at his neede they were his cha'dtie"1 as well as mine. And thus is my brother yholde to done to me gif he see me is re- in nede, and gif we bene in charitie, litle should we chargen of dette. And |1Ujiretdhto ne we shold not axen so dettes, as men that knowen not God. And than we neede of be poore in forsaking all thinges that we owen : for gif we ben in charitie, we our wollen nother fight nor curse, ne plete for our goods with our brethren. nj^r " O Lord thus thou taughtest thy seruauntes to lyuen. And so they lyueden while they hadden good shepheards, that fedden thy sheepe and robbed them not of their lifelode, as Peter thy good shepheard and thy other apostles. But Lord, he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth and successour to Peter : he robbeth thy puple of their bodylich lyfelode, for he ordeneth proud shepherds to lyuen in ese by the tenth party of poore mens traueil. And he giueth them leue to lyuen where them lyketh. And gif men no wolen wilfullich geuen them the tithinges, they wolen har. them against their will by maystery and by cursing, to maken them rich. The e Lord, how may any man segge that such shepherdes that louen more the wolle a main- then the sheepe, and feden not thy sheep in body ne in soul, ne ben such teynerof rauenours and theeues ? And who may segge that the maintaynour of such and rob- shepheards, ne is not a maintenour of theeues and robbers? How wole hee bers. 744 the ploughman's complaint Edward assoile shepherds of their robbing without restitution of their goods, that they II1- robben thy sheepe of against their will? Lord, of all shepherds, blessed mote thou be. For thou louedst more the sheepe then their wole. For thou feedest thy sheepe both in body and soule. And for loue of thy sheepe thou tooke thy death to bring thy sheepe out of wolues mouthes. And the most charge that Christ a thou goue to Peter was to feede thy sheepe. And so he did truelieh, and good shepe- licard in A. D. 1360. tooke the deathe for thee and for thy sheepe. For he came into the fold of sheepe by thee that were the dore. And so I trow a few other did as he did, deedc. though they clepen themself successours to Peter, for their works showen what Compari- they ben. For they robben and sleen and destroyen : they robben thy sheepe of Mm be- the tenth part of their traucll, and feden them self in ease. They sleen thy sheepe, popes f°r they pyenen them for hunger of their soul to the death. They destroyen sheep- the sheepe, for with might and with Bternship they rulen thy Bheepe : that for Christ drcd they ben dispearsed abrode in mountaines, and there the wilde beastes of the field destroieth them 'and1 devoureth them* for default of a good shepheard. O Lord, gif it be thy will deliuer thy sheepe out of such shepheardes ward that retcheth not of thy sheepe, they ban their wolle to make themselfe riche. For thy sheepe ben in great mischiefe, and foule accombred with their shepheardes. But for2 thy shepheardes wolden ben excused, they haue ygetten them hyred men to feed thy people, and these comen in sheepes clothing. But dredles, their workes shewen that within forth3 they ben but wolfes. For ban they their byre, they nc retcheth but a little howe sorilieh thy sheepe ben kept. For as they seggen themselfe, they ben but hyred men that ban no charge of thy sheepe. And when they shulden feden thy sheepe in the plenteous lesewe* of thy teaching, they stonden betweene them and their lesewe, so that thy sheepe ne ban but a sight of thy lesewe, but eaten they shall not thereof. But they feden them in a sorry sowre lesewe of lesinges and of tales. And so thy sheepe fallen into greeuous sicknes through this enill lesewe. And gif any sheepe breake ouer into thy lesewe to tasten the swectnesse thereof, anon these hyred men driue him out with houndes. And thus thy sheepe by these hyred men, ben ykept out of their kindlich lesewe, and ben yfed with soure and sory baren lesewe. And yet they feden but scldome, and when they ban sorilieh fed them, they taken great byre, and gone away from thy sheepe and letten them a worth. And for dread least thy sheepe wolden in their absence go to thy sweet lesew, they ban enclosed it all about so stronglich and so high, that there may no sheepe comen there within, but gif it be a Walisch leper5 of the mountaines that may with his long legges lepen ouer the wallys. For the hyrid men ben full certain, that gif thy sheepe had ones ytasted the sweetnesse of thy lesewe : they ne woulde no more bene yfed of these hyred men in their sowre lesews, and therefore these hyred men keepen them out of that lesewe. For haden the sheepe ones ytasted well of that lesew, they woulden without a leder go thider to their mete, and then mote these hyred men sechen them another labour to Hue by than keping of sheepe. And they ben fell and ware ynowe thereof, and therefore they feden thy sheepe with soure meate that naught is, and biden Wolues from thy sheepe the sweetnesse of thy lesewe. And so though these hyred men gone in sheepes clothing, in their works they ben wolues, that much harme fikms cic- , * ., , r 1.11 scribed, none to thy sheepe as wee haue ytold. O Lord, they comen as sheepe, for they seggen that they ben poore and bane forsaken the world to liuen parfetlich as thou taughtest in the gospi !. Lord this is sheeps clothing. But Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to for- saken the trauelous liuing in poorenesse in the world, to liuen in esc with riches by other mens trauell, and haue lordship on their brethren. For Lord, this is more to forsaken thee and go to the world. He com- <) Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsake the world to liuen in poore- a^ai'ns't15 nesse "' '"'."p'11? by ol'lcr mcns frauell that bene as feble as they 1). n. Ne 'the vali- Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to liuen in poorenesse of lugging, thai were ant he- strong inough to trayayle for his lifelode. Ne Lord thou ne taughtest not a tiers'.''0 man '" h,'M a bagger to begge of men more then him needetli, to build great castles and make gr< at feasts to tbilke that ban no need. (I) From the ipeond Edition of 1570, p. 500.— En. (2) " But for,-' hut because. (.3) " Within forth," inwardly. (4) " Lesewe," pasture. (S) " A Welch leaper." OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD. 745 O Lord thou ne taughtest not men this poorenesse, for it is out of charitie. Edward But thy poorenesse that thou taughtest, norisheth charitie. Lord, sith Paul ^l. saytli, that hee that forsaketh the charge of thilke that ben homelich1 with him, » ^ hath forsaken his faith, and is worse than a misbeleued manne : how then now -. or()' these men seggen that they beleuen in Christ, that han forsake their poore 1 . feeble friends, and let them line in trauell and in disese, that trauelled full sore for them, when they weren yong and vnmighty to helpen them self? And they wolen hue in ease by other mens traueil euermore begging withouten shame. Lord thou ne taughtest not this maner poorenes, for it is out of charitie. And all thy law is charitie and thing that nourisheth charitie : and these hyrdmen, these shepheards send about, to keep thy shepe and to feden them other whiles in sorrye bareyne lesewes. Lord thou ne madest none such Wilfuii shepheards, ne keepers of thy sheep that *weren2 ireners about countries and P°uertie wolden oder ones twyes a yere * feed sorylich thy shepe, and for so litle trauel taken a great hire, and sithen all the yeare afterward, doe what them liketh, and let thy shepe perish for defaut of keping. But thy shepheards abiden still with their sheepe, and feeden them in thy plenteous lesewe of thy teaching, and gone byfore thy shepe, and teachen them the way into the plenteous and sweet lesewe, and keepen thy flocke from rauening of the wild beastes of the field. O Lord deliuer thy sheepe out of the ward of these shepheards, and these The pro- hyred men, that stonden more to keepe their riches that they robben of thy P"'"5 of sheep, than they stonden in keping of thy sheepe. shep- O Lorde when thou come to Ierusalem, sometime thou droue out of the heards. temple, sellers of beastes and of other charFre, and saydest : Mine house shoulden ben cleped an house of prayers, but they maden a den of theeues of it. O Lorde, thou art the temple in whom we shoulden prayen thy father of heauen. And Salomon's temple that was ybelded at Ierusalem, was figure of this temple. But Lord, he that clepeth himself thy vicar vppon earth, and sayth that he occupieth thy place here on earth, is become a chapman in thy temple, and The pope hath his chapmen walking in diuers countreys to sellen his chafrare, and to maken is a ^P- him rich. And he saith, thou gaue him so great a power abouen all other q0(js men, that what euer he bindeth other vnbindeth in earth, thou bindest other temple vnbindest the same in heauen. And so of great power he selleth other men forgiuenesse of their sinne. And for much money hee will assoylen a man so cleane of his sinne, that he behoteth3 men the blesse of heauen withouten any pain after that they be dead, that giuen him much money. Bishoprickes and cherches, and such other chaffares he selleth also for mony, and maketh himselfe rich. And thus he beguiled the puple. O Lord Iesu, here is much vntruth, and mischiefe, and matter of sorrow. Note good Lord thou saidest sometime, that thou wouldest be with thy seruaunts vnto the reader if end of the world. And thou saydest also, there as tweyne or three byn ygadred ^re sT to gedder in thy name, that thou art in the midle of them. A Lord! then it or 3 be was no need to thee to maken a liefetenant, sith thou wolte be euermore amongst gal-h.ere*l ,» ' ° in his thy seruaunts. name, Lorde, thou axedst of thy disciples, who they trowed that thou were. And what Peter aunswered and saide, that thou art Christ God's sonne. And thou "herof a saydest to Peter, Thou art yblessed Symon Bariona, for fleshe and bloud ne lieuete- showed not this to thee, but my father that is in heauen. And I say to thee nant- that thou art Peter, and vppon this stone ych wolde bylde my churche, and the TJ1^,)!;^e gates of hell ne shullen not auailen agens it. to Peter0 And to thee ych wole geue the keyes of heauen, and what euer thou bindest \e keyes, vpon earth shal be bound in heauen, and what euer thou vnbyndest on earth, gJ!>0UI1 shall be vnbounden in heauen. This power also was graunten vnto the other disciples as well as to Peter, as the gospell openlich telleth. In this place men seggen that thou graunted to Peters successors, the selue power that thou gaue to Peter. And therefore the bishop of Rome, that sayth he is Peters successour, taketh this power to him to bynden and vnbynden in earth what him liketh. But Lorde, ych haue much wonder how he may for shame clepen himself Peters successour. For Peter knowledged that thou were Christ and God, and kept the hestes of thy lawe : but these han forsaken the hestes of thy law, and hath ymaked a lawe contrary to thyne hestes of thy lawe. And so H) " Ho" eKch," of his household©. (2) See Edition 1570.— Ed. (3) " Behoteth," promiseth. A.D. 1360. 746 the ploughman's complaint Edward hee maked himself a false Christ and a false God in earth. And I trowe thou IIl~ gaue him no power to vndoe thy Iawe. And so in taking this power vppon him, maketh him a false Christ and Antichrist. For who maj' he more agens Christ, than he that in his words maketh him- selfe Christes vicar in earth : and in his werkes vndoth tlie ordinaunce of The pope Christ, and maketh men hyleuen that it is necdfull to the heale of mannes MlseAn* so,lles» t0 hyleuen that he is Christes vicar in earth ? And what euer he tichristin byndeth in earth is ybounden in heauen, and vnder tliis colour hee vndoth earth. Christes law e, and maketh men alwaies to kepen his law and hestes. Thepopes And thus men may ysecne that he is agenst Christ, and therfore he is Ante- abbom- christ that maketh men worshupen him as a God on earth, as the proud king dew rib-'" Nahugodonosor did sometime, that was king of Babylon. And therefore wee ed. lewed menne that knowen no God but thee Iesu Christ, beleuen in thee that art our God. and our King, and our Christ, and thy lawes. And forsaken Anti- christ and Nahugodonosor that is a false God and a false Christ, and his lawes that hen contrary to thy preaching. And Lorde strength thou vs agenst our enemies. For they ben about to makcn vs forsaken thee and thy law, other else to putten vs to death. O Lorde, onelich in thee is our trust to helpe vs in this mischiefe, for thy great goodnesse that is withouten end. Lord thou ne taughtest not thy disriples to assoylcn men of their sinne, and ii them a penaunce for their sin, in fasting ne in praying, ne other almous dede : ne thy selfe, ne thy disciples, vseden no such power here on earth. For Lord, thou forgeue men their sinnes, and bede hem sin uo more. And thy dis- ciples fulleden1 men in thy name, in forgiuenesse of her sins. Nor they took no such power vpon them as our priestes dare now. And Lord, thou ne assoyledest no man both of his sinne and of his peyne, that was due for his sinne, ne thou grauntedst no man such power here on earth. Purgato- And Lord me thinketh that gif there were a purgatorie, and any earth- lie- lich man had power to deliueren sinful men from the peynes of purgatory, he should and he were in charitie, sauen euerich man that were in way of saluta- tion from thilke peynes, sith they make them greater then any bodilyche peynes of this world. Also gif the bishop of Rome had such a power, he himselfe should neuer comen in purgatory ne in hell. And sith we see well that he ne hath no power to keepen himselfe ne other men n other out of these bodilich peynes of the world, and he may goe to hell for his sinne as an other man may : I ne byleue not, that he hath so great a power to assoylen men of their sin as he taketh vpon him abouen all other men. And I trow that in this he hygheth him selfe aboue God. Selling of As touching the selling of bishopricks and personages, I trow it be a point of bishop- falsehed. For agenst Gods ordinance hee robbeth poore men of a porcion of and be- tne'r sustenance, and Belle th it, other giueth it, to find proud men in idlenes nefk-es. that don the lewd puple little proiitc, but much harme as we told before. Thus ben thy commaundements of truth, of meekenesse, and of poorncsse, vndone by him that clcpcth himselfe thy vicar here vpon earth. A Lord ! thou gaue vs a commaundement of chastite, that is, a forsaking of fleschlich lustes. For thou broughtest vs to a lining of soule that is ygouerned Manage, by the word. For Lord, thou ordeinedist women more frele than man to ben ygouerned by mans rule, and his helpe, to please thee and keep thine hestes. Ne thou ne ordainedist that a man should desire the company of a woman, and makcn her his wife, to liuen with her in his lustis, as a swine doth or a horse. And his wife ne like him not to his lustes, Lorde thou ne gaue not a man leaue to departen him from his wife, and taken him another. Bui Lord, thy manage is a common accord betweene man and woman, to lhien togither to their hues end, and in thy sendee eyther the better for others helpe, and thilke that ben thus ycome together, hem- ioyned by thee, and thilke A] ]< p(./i that God ioineth, may no man depart. But Lord, thou sayst tliat gif a man "man to coueten her, than he doth with the woman lecherye in Ids hart B V. And so Lord, gif a man desire his wife in couctise of such lustes, and not to By from whoredome, his weddins is lechery, ne thou ne ioynest them not toge- bowto" ,lu'r- T,1US w:ls Ragaels daughter ywedded to seuen husbandes that the deuill tnarrye. instrangled. But Toby tooke her to line with her in elcnnes, and bringing vp (l) " Fulleden," thai i*, baptised. OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD. 747 of her children in thy worship, and on him the deuill ne had no power. For Edward, the wedding was ymaked in God, for God, and through God. /// A Lord, the people is farre ygo from thys maner of wedding. For now men wedden their wines for fairenes, other for riches, or some such other fleshlich ^- ^- lusts. And Lord, so it preueth hy them for the most part. For a man shall 1360. not finde two wedded in a land, where the husband loues the wife, and the wife is buxum to the man, as they shoulden after thy law of marriage. But other the man loues not his wife, or the wife is not buxum to her man. And thus Lord is the rule of prefe, that neuer fayleth no preue whether it be done by thee or no. And Lord, all this mischiefe is common among thy people, for that they know not thy word, but their shepheards and hyred men fedden them with their sweuens1 and leasings. And Lord, where they shoulden gon before vs in the field, they seggen their order is so holy for thy marriage. And Lord, he that calleth himself thy vicar vpon earth, will not suffren priests to taken them wyues, for that is against his law : but Lord, he will dispensen with them to kepen horen for a certaine somme of mony. And Lord, all horedome is forfended in thy lawe. And Lord, thou neuer forfendest priests their wiues, Priests ner thy apostles neither. And well I wote in our land, priestes hadden wiues "ad vntill Ansehnus daies in the yeare of our Lord God, a leuen hundred and twentie "heTime* and nine, as Huntingdon writes. And Lord, this makes people for the most of Ansel- part beleuen, that lecherie is no synne. Therefore wee lewd men prayen thee mus- that thou wolt send vs shepheardes of thine owne that wolen feden thy flocke in thy lesewe, and gon before them selfe, and so written thy law in our harts, that from the least to the most all they mayen knowen thee. And Loi-d, geue our king and his lords, hart to defenden thy true shepheardes and thy sheepe from out of the wolues mouthes, and grace to know thee that art the true Christ, the sonne of thy heauenly father, from the Antichrist, that is the sonne of pride. And Lord, geue vs thy poore sheepe patience and strength to suffer for thy law, the cruelnes of the mischieuous wolues. And Lord, as thou hast pro- mised, shorten these dayes. Lord we axen this now, for more need was there I doubt not, gentle reader, but in reading this goodly treatise above prefixed, the matter is manifest and plain of itself without any further explication, what is to be thought and judged of this vicar of Christ, and successor of Peter, whom we call the bishop of Rome ; whose life here thou seest not only to be disordered in all points, swerving from the steps and example of Christ the prince and bishop of our souls, but also whose laws and doctrines are so repugnant and contrary to the precepts and rule of the gospel, that almost there is no convenience between them ; as in the perusing of this complaining prayer thou mayest notoriously under- stand. Wherefore, having no need to stand in any further express- ing of this matter, but leaving it to thine own consideration and discretion, I will speed myself (Christ willing) to proceed toward the time of John Wield iff and his fellows, taking in the order of years as I go. such things by the way, as both happened before the said time of Wicldiff, and also may the better prepare the mind of the reader to the entering of that story ; where, first, I think it not inconvenient to infer a prophetical parable, written about this time, or not much before, which the author morally applieth unto the bishop of Rome. To what author this prophecy or moral is to be ascribed, I have not certainly to affirm : some say, that Rupescissanus (of whom mention is made before) was the author thereof, and allege it out of Froysard; but in Froysard, as yet, I have not found it. In the mean season, Applt as I have found it in Latin expressed, because it painteth out the (1) " Sweuens," that is, dreames. 748 A PARABLE PROPHESYING THE DESTRUCTION' OF THE POPE Edward pope so rightly in his feathers and colours ; as I thought the thing lu' was not to be omitted, so I took this present place, as most fit A. D. (although pcrad venture missing the order of years a little) to in- 1360. sert t]lc same# The effect of the parable followeth lure under- written. In the time of pope Innocent VI. above specified, this Johannes dc Rupescissa, a friar, among his other prophecies marvellously fore- AwMix. spake (as allegeth Froysard, who both heard and saw him) of the taking of John the French, king, prisoner, and brought forth many other notable collections concerning the perils, mutations and chang- ings in the church to come. At the time the pope kept him at Avignon in prison (where Froysard is said to have seen him, and to have spoken with him), the said Froysard heard in the pope's court this example and parable, recited by the aforesaid friar Rupescissanus to two cardinals, to wit, the cardinal of Ostia, and the cardinal of Auxerre, which followeth in these words : — A Parable prophesying the Destruction of the Pope. AVhen, on a certain time, a bird was brought into the world all bare and with- out feathers, the other birds hearing thereof, came to visit her : and as they saw her to be a marvellously fair and beautiful bird, they counselled together how they might best do her good, since by no means without feathers she might either fly, or live commodiously. They all wished her to live for her excellent form and beauty's sake, insomuch that among them all there was not one that would not grant some part of her own feathers to deck this bird withal : yea, and the more trim they saw her to be, the more feathers still they gave unto her, so that by this means she was passing well penned and fea- The pope thered, and began to fly. The other birds that thus had adorned her with compared g00(V]y feathers, beholding her to fly abroad, were marvellously delighted there- feathexed with. In the end this bird seeing herself so gorgeously feathered, and of all the with rest to be had in honour, began to wax proud and haughty ; insomuch that she bird's na(l no regard at all unto them, by whom she was advanced : yea, she punged feathers, them with her beak, plucked them by the skin and feathers, and in all places The first hurt them. Whereupon the birds sitting in council again, called the matter in proud and q,llcst>on! demanding one of another what was best to be done touching this prosperi- unkind bird, whom they lovingly with their own feathers had decked and tyofthe adorned; affirming that they gave not their feathers, to the intent that she, pope' thereby puffed up with pride, should contemptuously despise them' all. The peacock therefore answereth first, " Truly," saith he, " for that she is bravely The de- set forth with my painted feathers, I will again take them from her." Then cay of the saitii the falcon, " And I also will have mine again." This sentence at length scribed. to°k place among them all, so that every one plucked from her those feathers which before they had given, challenging to them their own again. Now this proud bird, seeing herself thus to be dealt withal, began, forthwith, to abate her haughty stomach, and humbly to submit herself, openly confessing and acknowledging, that of herself she had nothing, but that her feathers, her honour, and other ornaments were their gift; she came into the world all naked and bare ; they clad her with comely feathers, and, therefore, of right may they receive them again. Wherefore, in most humblewi.se, she desireth pardon, promising to amend all that was past, neither would she at any time hereafter commit that whereby, through pride, she might lose her feathers again. The gentle birds, that before had given their feathers, seeing her so humble and lowly, being moved with pity, restored again the feathers which lately they had taken away, adding withal this admonition, " We will gladly," say they, " behold thy flying among us, so long as thou wilt use thine office with humbleness of mind, which is the chiefest comeliness of all the rest : but this have thou for certainty, that if at any time hereafter thou extol thyself in pride, we will straightway* deprive thee of thy feathers, and reduce thee to thy former state wherein wc found thee." " Even so, O you cardinals !" saith HISTORY OF ARMACHANUS. 719 Johannes Rupescissanus, " shall it happen unto you : for the emperors of the Edward Romans and Almains, and other christian kings, potentates, and princes of the IU- earth, have bestowed upon you goods, lands and riches, that should serve God, « .^ but you have poured it out, and consumed it upon pride, and all kind of wicked- \ 0'pn ness, riot and wantonness."1 L OTfje Eiffc and &toru of Sflcmacfjanu.S, ^ccfjbtffjon and primate of 3Jcelano In the catalogue of these learned and zealous defenders of Ap^Zuz. Christ against Antichrist above rehearsed, -whom the Lord about this time began to raise up for reformation of his church, being then far out of frame, I cannot forget or omit something to write of the reverend prelate and famous clerk, Richard, archbishop of Armagh and primate of Ireland : a man for bis life and learning so memorable, as the condition of those days then served, that the same days then, as they had but few as good, so had none almost his better. His name was Richard Fitz-Ralph, made archbishop and primate, as is said, of Ireland ; first brought up in the university of Oxford in the study of all liberal knowledge, wherein he did exceedingly profit under John Bakenthorpe, his tutor and instructor. In this time the begging friars began greatly to multiply and spread, unto whom this Bakenthorpe was ever a great enemy ; whose steps the scholar also following, began to do the like. Such was the His com- ii • n 1 ■ -n- n i i i i i • it nienda- capacity and dexterity ot this b Rz-Ralph, that he, being commended tion. to king Edward III., was promoted by him, first, to be archdeacon of Lichfield, then to be the commissary of the university of Oxford : at length, to be archbishop of Armagh in Ireland. He being arch- bishop, upon a time had cause to come up to London ; at what time here, in the said city, was contention between the friars and the clergy about preaching and hearing confessions, &c. Where- Armach upon, this Armachanus, being requested to preach, made seven or a"t^ by eight sermons ; wherein he propounded nine conclusions against the ^e J"^ friars, for which he was cited up by the friars before this pope before the Innocent VI., to appear; and so he did: who before the face ofpope' the pope valiantly defended, both in preaching and in writing,2 the same conclusions, and therein stood constantly unto the death, as the words of John Wickliff, in his Trialogue, do well testify.3 The like also Waldenus testifieth of him ;4 also Volateranus reporteth the same. Gulielmus Botonerus,5 testifying of him in like manner, saith, that Armachanus first reproved begging friars for hearing the confessions of professed nuns without license of their superiors, and also of married women without knowledge of their husbands. What Troubles dangers and troubles he sustained by his persecutors, and how sections miraculously the Lord delivered him from their hands ; insomuch, °££r™a" that they meeting him in the open streets, and in clear daylight, yet had no power to see him nor to apprehend him: in what peril of thieves Tdm^u-" and searchers he was, and vet the Lord delivered him; yea, and caused fold way* ' •> ' •> by tile .Lord. (1) See Appendix for the fuller application of the parable. — Ed. (2) For his numerous writings on tins subject, see Catalogue of MSS. Angl. et Hibern. — Ed. (3) Ab Anglorum episcopis conductus, Armachanus novem in Avinione conclusiones coram In- nocentio VI. et suorum cardinalium ccetu, contra fratrum mendicitatem, audacter publicavit, ver- boque ac scriptis ad mortem usque defendit. (4) In fasiculo zizauiorum. (51 Oa Gulielmus Botonerus, see Appendix.— Ed. 750 HISTORY OF ABMACHANUS. E.iwani his money, being taken from him, to be restored to him again by por- IU- tions in time of his necessity and famine : also from what dangers A. D. of the king's officers, who, coming with the king's letters, laid all the 1360. havens for him ; yet how the Lord Jesus delivered him, showing him by what ways to escape them : moreover what appeals were laid against him, to the number of sixteen ; and yet how the Lord gave him to triumph over all his enemies ; how the Lord also taught him and brought him out of the profound vanities of Aristotle's subtlety, to the study of the Scriptures of God : all this, with much more, he himself expresseth in a certain prayer or confession made to Christ Jesus our Lord, in which he described! almost the whole history of his own life ; which prayer I have to show in old writing hand, and hereafter (Christ willing) intend, as time serveth, to publish the same.1 Thus what were the troubles of this good man, and how he Avas cited up by the friars to the pope, you have partly heard. Now, what were his reasons and arguments wherewith he defended his cause in the pope's presence, followeth to be declared ; for the trac- tation whereof, first, I must put the reader in remembrance of the controversy mentioned before in the story of Gulielmus de Sancto A more, ]). 510; also in the story of the university of Paris contend- ing against the friars, p. 712 ; for so long did this controversy con- tinue in the church, from a. d. 1240, when the Oxford men began first to stand against the friars, to the time of this Armachanus, a. i). 1360; and after this time yet more did it increase. So it pleased the secret providence of God, for what cause he best knoweth, to suffer his church to be entangled and exercised sometimes with matters and controversies of no great importance; either to keep the vanity of men's wits thus occupied from idleness, or else to prepare their minds, by these smaller matters, to the consideration and search- ing out of other things more grave and weighty. Like as now in these our queen's days we sec what tragedies be raised up in England about forms and fashions of ministers' wearings, what troubles grow, what placing and displacing there is about the same. Even so at this time happened the like stir about the liberties and privileges of the friars, which not a little troubled and occupied almost all the churches and divines throughout Christendom. This controversy, to the intent it may better be understood, all the circumstances thereof being explained, we will first begin, from the original and foundation of the matter, to declare by order and course of years, upon what occasion this variance first rising, in continuance of time increased and multiplied by gathering more matter, and burst out at length in this tumultuous contention among learned men. Concerning therefore this present matter; first, it is to be under- stood, that (a. D. 1215), under pope Innocent III., was called a general council at Lateran, mentioned before (p. 834), in the days of kmg John. In that council, among many other things, Mas consti- tuted a certain law or canon, beginning " Omnis utriuscjne sexus," &c. the tenor of which canon in English is thus : — (1) The beginning of the prayer in Latin is this: " Til.i laiu, Uhl gloria, tibi grattarum actio, Jeau piissimc, Jesu potentissime, Jesu dulcissime ; qui dixisti. ego Bum \ i i. \ eritaa et vita. Via sino devio; Veritas sine nubilo ; el vita Bine termino. Quod tuteviam mini ostendisti; tutc veram veritatini mo ilocuisti : it tute vitam mini promisisti. Via eras milii in cxilio; Veritas eras in oonaQio , et vita erla mini in pi pope Gregory's bull. 751 Be it decreed, that every faithful Christian, both man and woman, coming Edward to the years of discretion, shall confess himself alone of all his sins to the priest IU- of his own proper parish, once in the year at least ; and that he shall endeavour, » ^ by his own self, to fulfil the penance, whensoever he receiveth the sacrament of , n'rft' the Eucharist, at least at the time of Easter, unless by the assent of his minister, — - — - upon some reasonable cause, he abstain for the time. Otherwise doing, let him Note both lack the communion of the church being alive, and christian burial when calte'th it he is dead. Wherefore be it decreed, that this wholesome constitution shall be not the published accustomably in churches, to the end that no man, of ignorance or sacra- blindness, make to himself a cloak of excuse. And if any shall confess himself the altar. to any other priest than of his own parish upon any just cause, let him first ask and obtain license of his own priest : otherwise the priest shall have no power to bind him or to loose him, &c. In the time of this Innocent, and of this Lateran council, was Dominic, the first author and founder of the preaching friars ; who laboured to the said pope Innocent for the confirmation of his order, but did not obtain' it in his life time. The next year after this Lateran council 1 died pope Innocent, a.d. 1216, after whom came Honorius III., who in the first year of his popedom confirmed the order of the friars Dominic, and gave to him and his friars authority to preach, and to hear confessions, with divers other privileges. And under this pope, who governed ten years, lived Dominic five years after the confirmation of his order, and died a.d. 1221. About that year the order of the Franciscan friars began also to breed, and to spread in the world, through preaching and hearing confessions. After this Honorius, next followed Pope Gregory IX., March, a.d. 1227, who, for the promoting of the aforesaid order of Domi- nies, gave out this bull, in tenor as followeth : — The Bull of Pope Gregory in the behalf of the Dominic Friars. Gregorius bishop, servant of God's servants, to his reverend brethren, arch- bishops, bishops, and "to his well-beloved children, abbots, priors, and to all prelates of churches, to whomsoever these presents shall come, greeting, and apostolical blessing. Because iniquity2 hath abounded, and the charity of many hath waxed cold ; behold, the Lord hath raised up the order of our well-beloved j children the preaching friars, who not seeing things of their own, but pertain-' ing to Jesus Christ, for the extirpating of heresies, as well as for the rooting out also of other pernicious pestilences, have dedicated themselves to the preaching of the word3 of God. We therefore, minding to advance their sacred pur- p^ars to pose, &c, command you to see the said persons, gently to be received among hearcon- you ; and that your flocks committed to yoiir charge do receive devoutly the fessions. seed of God's word out of their mouth, and do confess their sins unto them, all j0in pen- such as list, whom we have authorized to the same, to hear confessions, and to ance- enjoin penance, &c. Dat. Perusii. An. Pont, nostri 8. This pope Gregory died a.d. 1241, after whom came Celestine IV. inno- and sat but eighteen days : then came Innocent IV., and sat eleven ^nst" years and six months ; who, although he began first to favour the the friar*, friars, yet afterwards, being altered by certain divines of universities, prelates of churches, and curates, he debarred them of their liberties (1) Friar Dominic, in the time of pope Innocent III., obtained not the confirmation of his order; but the order was first confirmed by pope Honorius III. The order of Franciscans was confirmed fhortly after the Dominies. ' (2) Iniquity hath abounded at Rome. (3) Nay, to the preaching rather of men's traditions against the word of God. T52 THE STUDENTS OF PARIS AGAINST THE FEIAES. Edward and privileges, and gave out again precepts and excommunications, as . '— well against the friars, as all other religions persons. And, not long A.D. after the same, lie was despatched. Innocent being thus removed out of the way, Decr- a.d. 1254 Aiexan- succeeded pope Alexander IV., a great maintainer of the friars, ami undoeth ^ sat six years. He revoked and repealed the acts and writings of it pope Innocent his predecessor, given forth against the friars; where- cc-ssor. v.jtj, t]ic djyjjjgg ;U1(| stU(lents of Paris being not well contented, Four stiiicd up four principal doctors: the first and chief captain was pions Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, mentioned before (p. 510), against thefriars. Avnom wrote Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Acjuinas ; and, at last. ,he was condemned by this aforesaid pope Alexander IV. in the Apf/ndix. Extravagant, "Nonsine multa.11 The second was Simon Jornalensis; the third Godfridus de Fontibus ; the fourth Uemicus de Gandavo. 'I liese four, with other their accomplices, compiled a certain book against the begging order of friars, both Dominicans and Franciscans, entitled, ' De periculis Ecclesia?,1 containing fourteen chapters, whereof the fourteenth, which is the last, with thirty-nine articles against the friars, we have already translated and expressed, p. 511. Besides these thirty-nine articles, be other seven articles, moreover, to the said book annexed, under the name of the students of Paris against the friars, proving why the said friars ought not to be ad- mitted into their society. These seven articles, because they are but short, I thought here better to place, than to omit them. .Certain Articles given out by the Students of Paris, against the Friars, why they should not be admitted to their Society. First, We say, they are not to be admitted to the society of our school, but upon our will and license ; for our company or fellowship ought not to be coactive hut voluntary and free. Secondly, We say they are not to be admitted, forasmuch as we oft proved their community manifold ways to he hurtful and incommodious. Thirdly, Seeing they be of a diverse profession from us, for they are called regidar, and not scholastic, we, therefore, ought not to be joined and associated together in one scholastic office; forasmuch as the council of Spain doth say, "Thou shalt not plough with an ox and with an ass together;" which is to say, — Men of divers professions ought not together to be matched in one kind of calling, or standing, for their studies and conditions be disagreeing and dis- severed from ours, and cannot frame or couple together in one communion. The friars Fourthly, We affirm by the apostle that they are not to be admitted, because make dig- they work dissensions and offences; for so saith the apostle [Rom. xvi.] " We ve ns. (|(>S;1T y0U| brethren that ye observe and take heed of such as make dissen.>ions and offences about the doctrine which you have learned by the apostles, and avoid them;
•* DIVERSE OPINIONS OF LEARNED MEN AGAINST FBIARS. icinara authority of this pope, sliall be privileged, without cither bishop or curate, to preach, to bury, and to hear confessions, whosoever wi11 A..D. come to them; revoking all that was decreed by his predecessors lo(3Q' before to the contrary notwithstanding. By this pope Boniface, a certain Dominic friar was made cardinal. named Nicolas Bocasi dc Trevisa, and after the death of Boniface was also made pope, a.d. 1303, surnamed pope Benedict XL; who, seeing the constitution of Boniface, his predecessor, to gender dissension between the priests and friars, made another constitution, beginning " Inter cunctas," Sec, revoking the constitution of Boni- johannes faCe', his predecessor. Upon which constitution of pope Benedict Johannes Monachus making a gloss, revoked also his other gloss made upon the constitution of pope Boniface before. Again, after tins Benedict XI. followed pope Clement V., (a. d. 130.5,) and sat nine years; who, in his general council, holden at fru>rstlie Vienne, revoked the constitution of Benedict, his predecessor, and andre- renewed again the former decree of Boniface, by a new constitution pealetl: the con- of bis, beginning "Dudum a Bonifacio VIII. ,W1 &c., which consti- ;,n J' !,',','" tution, moreover, was confirmed afterwards by pope John XXI 1., dict- a.d. 181G. This pope also caused Johannes de Poliaco to recant. Upon this variable diversity of the popes (one dissenting and repugning from another) rose among the divines and schoolmen in universities great matter of contention, as well in the university of Paris, as the university of Oxford, about the begging friars, some holding one way. some another. But especially five principal opinions be noted of learned men, who, then disputing against the friars, were condemned for heretics, and their assertions reproved. Diverse Opinions of Learned Men in this Age against Friars. I. The first was the opinion of those who contended that the friars might not, by the license of the bishop of Rome and of the prelates, preach in parishes and hear confessions. And of this opinion was Guliclmus de Sancto Amorc, with his fellows, who, as it is said, were condemned. The se- II. The second opinion was this, that friars, although not by their own eond opi- authority, yet by the privilege of the pope and the bishop, might preach and hear confessions in parishes, but yet not without license of the parish priests. Of this opinion was Bernard, glossing upon the canon, " Omnis utriusque sexus,'1 before mentioned. The third III. The third opinion was, that friars might preach and hear cont. opinion, without license of the parish priests; but yet the said parishioners, notwith- standing, were bound by the canon, " Omnis utriusque sexus," to repeat the same sins again, if they had no other, to their own proper curate. Of this opinion were many, as Godfridus de Fontibus, Henrieus de ( randavo, Johannes Monachus Cardinalis, Johannes de Poliaco ; which Johannes de Poliaco pope John XXII. caused openly in Paris to recanl and retract. This Johannes de Poliaco,'2 doctor of divinity in Paris, being complained of by the friars lor certain article.- or asser- tions, was sent for to the pope; where, time and place being to him assigned, lie, in the audience of the pope and of friarly cardinals, and other doctors, was strictly examined of his articles. To make (l) Ex Clement cap. Dudum. (2) Ex libro fratris Engelberti. THREE ASSERTIONS OF JOHANNES DE TOLIACO. ,Ot) the story short, lie, at length submitting himself to the authority of Edward the terrible see of Rome, was caused to recant his assertions openly IIL at Paris : the assertions which he did hold were these. A. D. First, that they who were confessed to friars, although having a general license priest, by the constitution " Onmis utriusque sexus," &c. against The second was, that the said constitution "Onmis utriusque sexus " standing the friais. in its force, the pope could not make away with, hut parishioners were hound once a year to confess their sins to their priest. For the doing otherwise importeth a contradiction in itself. The third was, that the pope could not give general license to hear confes- sions, hut that the parishioner so confessed was hound to reiterate the same confession made, unto his own curate. Which he proved by these places of the canon law, 25 quest, i. " Quae ad perpetuam."1 Those things which be generally ordained for perpetual utility, ought not to be altered by any change, &c. Item, the decrees of the sacred canons, none ought to keep more than the bishop apostolical, &c. Ibid. Item, to alter or to ordain any thing against the decrees of the fathers, is not in the authority or power, no, not of the apostolical see. Ibid. IV. The fourth opinion was, that the friars, by the license of the pope and of The the bishops, might lawfully hear confessions, and the people might be of them fol?rt.h confessed and absolved. But yet notwithstanding, it was reasonable, convenient, opinion- honest, and profitable, that once in the year they should be confessed to their curates (although confessed before to the friars), because of the administration of the sacraments, especially at Easter. Of which opinion was Gulielmus de monte Lauduno. Henricus de Gandavo also held it not only to be convenient, but also that they were bound so to do. V. The fifth opinion was, that albeit the friars might at all times, and at Easter The fifth also, hear confessions as the curates did ; yet it was better and more safe, at °Pmion- the time of Easter, to confess to the curates, than to the friars. And of this opinion was this our Armachanus, of whom we presently now treat. And thus have ye, as in a brief sum, opened unto you, what was the matter of contention between the friars and the church- men ; what popes made for the friars, and what popes made against them; moreover, what learned men disputed against them in Paris, and other places ; and what were their opinions. The matter of contention about the friars stood in four points : first, preaching without license of curates; secondly, in hearing confes- sion ; thirdly, in burying; fourthly, in begging and taking of the people. The popes who maintained the friars were, Honorius III., Grego- rius IX., Alexander IV., Clement IV., Boniface VIII., Clement V. The popes who maintained curates, were Innocentius IIL, Inno- centius IV., Martinus IV., Benedictus XI. The learned men who disputed against the friars were, Gulielmus de S. Amore; Bemardus super capitulum, "Omnis utriusque sexus;'''' Godfridus de Fontibus ; Henricus de Gandavo ; Gulielmus de Lau- duno ; Johannes Monachus Cardinalis ; Johannes de Poliaco and Armachanus. All these were condemned by the popes, or else caused to recant. These considerations and circumstances hitherto premised, for the (1) " Qua ad perpetuam. Contra statuta patrum concedere [? condere] vel mutare aliquid nee liujus quidem sedis potest autontas." [Decreii pars ii. Cau^a xxv. Qusest. i. capp. 3, 7. — .Ed.] 3 c 2 756 AUMACHANUS'S NINE CONCLUSIONS AGAINST JUL FKlAKS. Edward more ope sning of this present cause of Armachanus sustained against tlic '_ idle beggarly sects of friars, in whom the reader may well perceive Anti- A.D. christ plainlyreigning and fighting against the church: itnowremaineth, 13GQ- that as 1 have before declared the travails and troubles of divers godly learned men in the church striving against the said friars, continually, from the time of Gulielmus de Amore, hitherto; so now it remaineth, that forasmuch as this our Armachanus laboured, and in the same cause sustained the like conflict, with the same Antichrist, we likewise collect and open his reasons and arguments uttered in the consistory,1 and in the audience of the pope himself, wherewith he maintaineth the true doctrine and cause of the church against the pestiferous canker creeping in by these friars after subtle "ways of hypocrisy to corrupt the sincere simplicity of Christ's holy faith and perfect testa- ment; which reasons ami arguments, with the whole process of his doings, I thought good and expedient, for the utility of the church, more amply and largely to discourse and prosecute, for that I note in the sects, institutions, and doctrine of these friars, such subtle poison to lurk, more pernicious and hurtful to the religion of Christ and souls of Christians, than all men peradventure do consider. Thus Armachanus, joining with the clergy of England, disputed and contended with the friars here of England (a.d. 1357) about a double matter; whereof the one was concerning confession and other excheats which the friars encroached in parish churches, against the curates and public pastors of churches. The other was concerning wilful beggary and poverty, which the friars then took upon them, not upon any necessity, being otherwise strong enough to work for their living, but only upon a wilful and affected profession, for which cause the friars appealed him up to the court of Rome. The occasion thereof did thus arise. It befel that Armachanus, upon certain business coming up to London, found there certain doctors disputing and contending about the begging of Christ our Saviour. Whereupon he, being greatly urged and requested ofttimes thereunto, at request, made seven or eight sermons unto the people at London, wherein he uttered nine conclusions ; whereof the first and principal conclusion was, touching the matter of the friars' privileges in hearing confessions. His con- clusions were these : Nine Conclusions of Armachanus against the Friars. First, that if a doubt or question be moved for hearing confessions, which of two places is rather to be chosen; the parish church is to be preferred before the church of the friars. Secondly, it being demanded, which is to be preferred to hear the con- fession of the parishioners, the ordinary or the friar; it is to be said, rather the ordinary. Thirdly, That our Lord Jesus Christ in his human conversation was always poor, not for that he loved poverty, or did covet to be poor. Fourthly, That our Lord Jesus Christ did never beg wilfully, professing to be poor. Fifthly, That our Lord Jesus Christ did never teach others wilfully to beg, or to profess wilful beggary. Sixthly, That Christ our Lord held the contrary, that men ought not wilfully or purposely, without mere necessity, to beg. (I) l'.x lihro cui titulus, " Dcfensorium curatorura." [Printed in Goldasti " de Monorchia," torn. ii. p. IS9I ; and Browne1! " fasciculus," l>. 466; whence a few corrections are made in the eiibuiny translation.— Ed.] ORATION OF ARMACHANUS AGAINST BEGGING FRIARS. 757 r Seventhly, That it is neither wisdom nor holiness, for any man to take upon Edward him wilful beggary, perpetually to be observed. iH. Eighthly, That it is not agreeing to the rule of the Observants, or Friars . n Minorite, to observe wilful poverty. The last conclusion was touching the bull of pope Alexander IV., which con- demned the book of the masters of Paris : that the said bull touched none of these six last conclusions. 1360. Upon these nine conclusions premised Armachanus being appealed, cited, and brought up to the presence of the pope, began to prove the same his aforesaid conclusions or assertions under protestation made That his intention was not to affirm any thing contrary to the christian faith The pro- or to the catholic doctrine, or that should be prejudicial or destructive to the l,6/^"" orders of the begging friars, such as were approved by holy church, or confirmed chain's!1 by the high bishops ; but only his intention was, to have the said orders reduced to the purity of their first institution. Concerning which matter, he desired his reasons to be heard ; which, if they shotild be found weaker than the reasons of the friars, the punishment should be his. If otherwise, that then the friars might justly be rewarded for their slanderous obtrectation, and public contume- lies, and injurious dealings, both privately and publicly, wrought and sought against him : and so taking for his theme, " Nolite judicare secundum faciem, His sed justum judicium judicate," &c. ; that is, "Judge not after the outward face, tUein?- but judge true judgment," &c. (Jolmvii.); he entereth on the probation of his conclusions. I. First, beginning with the former conclusion, " that the parish church was The filst a place more fit and convenient for the confessions or burials of the parishioners sfonpro- to be used, than any other exempt church or place of the friars." Which he poned. proved by three causes : first, for the more sureness or certainty to the con- Probation science of the parishioners confessed. Secondly, for their more utility and profit ^.el.!i';"ty of them. Thirdly, for the less incommodity ensuing by confessions taken in Commo- parish churches, than in friars' churches. dity. 1. As touching the first, for the more assuredness and certainty, thus he argued First part upon the place in Deuteronomy, "Unto that place which the Lord your God °.fthe shall assign of all your tribes, to place his name and dwell therein ; thither ch^ion"" shall you resort, to offer up your oblations, tithes," &rc. And in the same place con- God saith, " See thou offer not thy sacrifice in every place that liketh thee, but firmed-. in that place alone which the Lord hath elected in one of the tribes ; and thou shalt do in all things as I command thee." Also upon the words of Leviticus, [vi. 6,] which be these, " Whosoever sinneth of ignorance shall offer to the priest, and he shall pray for him, and he shall be forgiven," &rc. Upon these places thus he argued : That forasmuch as the sacraments of the church are to be frequented and used in no other place, but only in that, which, by God himself peculiarly, is assigned and commanded for the same ; and seeing that elect place in the law representeth the parish churches ; neither can it be proved that the friars' church is the place prescribed of God, but only permitted by bishops of Rome ; he concluded, therefore, that parish churches, for confes- sions and burials, were more sure and certain to the conscience of parishioners, than the exempt places of the friars. By another reason also he confirmed the same, for that while the parish church Confirm- commonly standeth free from the pope's interdict, so do not the churches of the ed >'>" friars, which stand not so clear, but that they are under suspicion and doubt of reason ' the pope's interdict, by the Decretal, " De sepulturis,"in Sexto cap. " Animarum periculis." In that Decretal, all such conventual churches and church-yards of friars be interdicted, as do induce any person or persons, either by oath or pro- mise made, to choose their burying places in their churches, as commonly the friars are reported to do ; for else what parishioner would forsake his own church and parish where his ancestors do lie, to be buried among the friars, if the friars did not induce them so to do ? 2. Moreover, for the second part, concerning the utility of the place, that second he confirmed doublewise ; first, for that confession made within the parish part oi church, hath a double merit of obedience, both for obeying the commandment the fjrst of God in opening his confession [thus he speaketh according to the blindness sion coii- of that time, for that auricular confession hath any commandment of God cannot '" "u d- 758 OEATION OF AHMACHANUS AGAINST BEGGING PJLIAJKS. Edward be proved] and also in obeying tbe commandment of God in observing tbe lI1- place by him appointed ; which second merit of obedience lacketh on the friars' A. D. P*"* 136o" Secondly, he proved it to be greater utility for a parishioner to confess him — in his parish church, than with the friars ; because, commonly, the number of Another christian people praying is ten times more in parish churches. Whereby it is I ion of the to De thought, that each singular person may better be helped through more ?.econars. Which he proved by eight or nine reasons." The se- I. For that the ordinary pastor is properly appointed of God unto that of'uJ'se- ministry; whereas the friar is only permitted of man thereunto. cond con- II. For that in resorting to the ordinary of the parish is a double reward of Jived merit, whereas in coming to the friars there is but one. III. Because the ordinary is more bound to his own flock, and is to be thought to be more tender and careful over them than a stranger. IV. Because, in resorting to the person of his own ordinary, there is more assurance and certainty (as is above declared) than in resorting to another. V. Because, as Innocent (cap. " Etsi Animarum") saith, the coming to the curate or ordinary pastor is more easy and light, both in the night, and in necessity. VI. Forasmuch as the parishioner must needs come to his curate at some time, and especially being in necessity, it is expedient and profitable that his former life before were known to him, rather than to the other. VII. For that (as the said Innocent affirmeth) it striketh more shame of his sin, for the parishioner to be confessed to his curate whom he seeth every day, than to a friar unknown. VIII. Because it is more profitable, especially for them that live in matri- mony, that he which heareth the confession 6*f the one, should hear also the confession of the other ; so that one hearing the confession of them both, as a spiritual physician taking two cures in one body, he may better know what spiritual counsel is to be administered to the one, after he had cured the other, &c. . a. These things thus proved, Armachanus then proceedeth to the third part, Third arguing how that greater detriments and inconveniences do ensue by conf'es- part of sions, burials, and other ecclesiastical functions exercised by the friars, than by condom- those exercised by pastors and secular curates, serving in parishes ; about which elusion matter the said Armachanus learnedly and worthily inferreth a long discourse, arsued- proving and inferring how pernicious these orders of friars are to the whole state of the church, and what mischief cometh by the privileges of certain popes, who have privileged them to intermeddle in the office and function of ecclesiastical ministers, to preach, and to take alms and tithes of the people, and impropriations from the church. All his reasons and arguments to prosecute in order as he hath left them in writing, would make a matter for a large book. Notwithstanding, because it shall not be unfruitful both for the time present, and for posterity, to know the manifold detriments and discommodities received from these friars, and to know what great benefit God hath done for us in unburdening the church of this monstrous generation ; and especially because the book of Armachanus is rarely to be found, entitled, " Defensorium Curate- rum," I have briefly therefore contracted out of the same certain of his reasons, such as seemed most pertinent and worthy of noting. And first, alleging the authority of Innocent IV., he importeth four incon- veniences rising by the friars, which be these : contempt of the people against their ordinaries ; decreasing of devotion ; taking away of shame from the people by confessing to the friars ; detaining of oblations, such as the people are wont to give at their confessions and burials, and which by right belong to the pprish churches. Item, By the said privileges of the popes, granted to the friars, many other great enormities do arise. As first, because thereby the true shepherds do not know the faces of their flock. A.D. 1360. 7G0 OEATION OF ARMACHANUS AGAINST BEGGING I-'RIARS. Edward Item, By the occasion of these privileges given to the friars, great conten- ln- tion, and sometimes Mows arise between the friars and secular curates, about titles, impropriations, and other avails. Item, By the occasion of the aforesaid privileges, divers young men, as well in universities as in their fathers' houses, are allured craftily by the friars their confessors, to enter their orders ; from whence afterwards they cannot get out though they would, to the great grief of their parents, and no less repentance world by to the young men themselves. The example whereof Annachanus, in the said the Mara. ]u-s treati>e, inferred) of a certain substantial Englishman being with him at his Example inn in Rome; who, having a son at the university of Oxford, who was enticed of the by the friars to enter into their order, could by no means afterwards release theft in him; but when his father and his mother would come unto him, they could not Oxford, be suffered to speak witli him, but under the friars' custody ; whereas the Scripture commanded) plainly, that whoso stealeth any man and selleth him (being thereof convicted), shall be put to death [Exod. xxi.] ; and, for the same cause, the father was compelled to come up to Rome to seek remedy for his son. And thus, saith Annachanus, it may appear what damage and detriments come by these friars unto the common people. Priars And no less inconvenience and danger, also, by the said friars ariscth to the clergy ; forasmuch as laymen, seeing their children thus to be stolen from them "■'■ s'v s m tne universities by the friars, do refuse therefore to send them to their studies ; rather willing to keer) them at home to their occupation, or to follow the plough, than so to be circumvented and defeated of their sons at the university, " as Thirtj by daily experience," saith he, " doth manifestly appear." " For whereas in 1 my time," saith Annachanus, " there were in the university of Oxford thirty i'n'o'xi'ori! thousand students, now are there not to be found six thousand; the occasion in the ' of which so great decay is to be ascribed to no other cause- but to this circum- time of vention only of the friars above mentioned. (harms. Over and besides this, another inconvenience as great or greater, the said Friars a Annachanus infen-ed to proceed by the friars, through the decay of doctrine (treat an(i knowledge in all manner of faculties and liberal sciences, which thus lie declared : for that these begging friars, through their privileges obtained of the learning, popes to preach, to hear confessions, and to bury, and through their charters of impropriations, did grow, therein-, to such great riches and possessions, by their begging, craving, catching and intermeddling with church matters, that no book could stir of any science, either of divinity, law, or physic, but they were j',(.(,ks both able and ready to buy it up. So that every eovent having a great library not to be fyjj gtuffed and furnished with all sorts of books, and there ^being so many ih.'-'iViar'^ covents within the realm, and in every eovent so many friars increasing daily more and more; by reason whereof it came to pass, that very few books, or Example none at all. remain for other students. This, by his own experience he thus what lack testifieth, saving; that he himself sent forth to the university four of his own priests or chaplains, who, sending him word again, that they could neither find by tin- the Bible, nor any other good profitable book of divinity meet for their study, fnars. therefore were minded to return home to their country; and one of them, he was sure, was returned by this time. Friars Furthermore, as he hath proved hitherto the friars to lie hurtful both to the guilty in laity, and to the clergy ; so proceeding farther, he proveth them to lie hurtful faulfs- a's<) lo themselves: and that in three points, as incurring the vice of disobe- I. Diso- dience against God, and against their own rule; the vice of avarice; and the vice of pride. The probation of all which points he prosecuted in a long ri,-,'-. ' discourse. First, saith he, they are disobedient to the law of God, " Thou shalt not cJianue covet thy neighbour's house, ox, nor ass, nor any thing that is his;" in that chargeth they procure the pope's letters to preach in churches, and to take burials from churches, with license annexed withal to receive the avails which rise of the 0bedj. ' same, which properly helongeth to the right of parish priests. Item, They are disobedient to this rule of the gospel : " So do to other, as ' thmi wouldest have done to thee." the rule Item, They be disobedient against their own rule, which being founded upon shirt poverty and beggary, this license obtained for them, to require necessaries of the people for their labours, is r< pugning against the same foundation. Item, They lie disobedient to the rule of the Scripture, which saith, " Let r.o ORATION OF ARMACHANUS AGAINST BEGGING FRIARS. 761 man take honour unto him, except he he called, as Aaron." Also St. Paul saith, Edward " How shall they preach, unless they be sent?" And how observe they this nl- rule of obedience, who professing to keep the perfection of the gospel, yet con- * ^ trary to the gospel procure to themselves privileges to run before they be sent ? i Vgn' Item, To their own rule they are disobedient ; for where their chapter saith, — that if any will take upon them this order, and will come to our brethren ; let our brethren first send them to the provincials, to be examined of the catholic faith and sacraments of the church, &c. ; contrary hereunto the friars have procured a privilege, that not only the provincials, but other inferiors, also, may take unto them indifferently whom they can catch ; so far, without all exami- nation, that almost at this day there is no notable house of friars, wherein is not either a whole, or half a covent of lads and boys under ten years old, being circumvented, who neither can skill of the creed nor sacraments. Again, the rule of Francis saith, that his brethren Observants must observe Disobe- not to preach in the diocese of any bishop, without the consent of the bishop ; ?,ie?t t0 i xi -j n ■ ■ -l« x x x mi. xi. x -x-l. i_ j V their own and, moreover, the said rrancis in his testament saith, that it he had as much profes- wisdom as Solomon, and found poor secular priests in the parishes where they sion- dwell, yet he would not presume to preach without their will, and also would fear, love, and honour them, and all other as his masters, and so they be. Against which rule how the friars do disobey, how little they reverence bishops or secular priests, what privileges, exemptions, and immunities they procure against them, the world may see and judge. Item, When none may be admitted to preach, or to hear confessions, unless they be entered into orders ; and, seeing by the common law of the church, none must be admitted into holy orders, except he have sufficient title of living and clothing ; the friars, therefore, having no such title, being wilful beggars, do disobey in both respects, that is, both in entering into such orders without convenient title, and in exercising the office of preaching without such lawful orders. Moreover, the aforesaid Francis in his testament commandeth thus : " I command," saith he, " firmly by virtue of obedience, to all and singular my brethren wheresoever they be, that none of them presume to obtain in the court of Rome any letter or writing, either by himself, or by any other means, neither for the church, nor for any other place, nor under any colour of preach- ing, nor yet for the persecuting of their own bodies," &c. Against which testament of Francis, the Franciscans, in procuring their privileges from the bishop of Rome, have incurred manifest disobedience as all the world may see. Neither will this objection serve them, because the pope hath dispensed with Francis' rule. For if the testament of Francis, as he saith, came from God (and so should God have three testaments), how then can the pope repeal his precept, or dispense with his rule, when by the rule of the law, " Par in parem non habet imperium?" Secondly, concerning the vice of avarice, manifestly it may be proved upon them, saith Armachanus ; for else, seeing so many charges belong to the office of a secular parish priest, as to minister the sacrament at Easter, to visit the sick with extreme unction, to baptize children, to wed, with such others, wherein Arma- standeth as great devotion ; how then happeneth it that these friars, making no |ij}!["usth labour for these, only procure to themselves privileges to preach in churches, to t)ie fr;ars hear confessions, and to receive license to bury from parish churches, but with ava- because there is lucre and gain, in these, to be looked for, in the other is none ? nce' Which also may appear by this, for, otherwise, if it were for mere devotion Another only that they procure license to bury from parish churches and to preach ,• why proof- then have they procured withal, license to take offerings, oblations, and legacies for their funerals ? And, for their preaching, why have they annexed also license to require and take, of the people, necessaries for their labour, but only that avarice is the cause thereof? Likewise, for hearing of confessions, when all good men have enough to Another know their own faults, and nothing list to hear the faults of other ; it is probably proof, to be supposed, by this their privilege of hearing all men's confessions, that they would never have been so desirous of procuring that privilege, were it not that these friars did feel some sweetness and gain to hang upon the same. Item, where the rule of friar Francis forbiddeth them to keep company with any woman, to enter into monasteries, to be godfathers and gossips to men and 762 ORATION OF ARMACHANUS AGAINST BEGGING FRTARS. Edward women ; how comcth it that they, contrary to their rule, enter into the secret in- chambers of queens and other women, and are made to know the most secret « j} counsels of their doings, but that avarice and commodity have so blinded their l'iPO c.vcs' anc^ st'rri:'d their hearts? — ' Thirdly, that the friars fall into the vice of pride and ambition, the said Arma- Armachanus proved thus: chargeth To SCH'k or to Procure any high place in the church, is a point of pride and the friars ambition.1 " Nunquam sine ambitione desideratur primatus in ecclesia." *?? The friars seek and procure a high place in the church. Ergo, the friars are proud and ambitious. The minor he proveth, to have the state of preaching and hearing confessions is, in the church, a state of honour. The friars seek, and have procured, the state of preaching and hearing con- fessions. Ergo, the friars seek and procure a high place in the church, cVc. The third III. His third conclusion was, that " the Lord Christ in his human conversation cnnclu- waa alnavs poor, not for that he loved or desired poverty for itself," eve. article. Wherein this is to be noted; that Armachanus differed not from the friars in this, that Christ was poor, and that he loved poverty; but herein stood the difference, in manner of loving, that is, whether he loved poverty for itself, or not. Wherein the aforesaid Armachanus used four probations. First, forasmuch as to be poor is nothing else but to be miserable, and seeing no man coveteth to be in misery for itself; therefore he concluded that Christ desired not poverty for itself. His second reason was derived out of Aristotle :2 Nothing, saith he, is to he loved for itself, but that which (all commodities being secluded which follow thereupon) is voluntarily sought and desired. But take from poverty all respect of commodities following the same, and it woidd be sought neither of God nor man. Ergo, he concluded, Christ loved not poverty for itself. Thirdly again, no effect of sin, said he, is to be loved for itself. But poverty is the effect of sin. Ergo, poverty was not loved of Christ for itself. Fourthly, no privation of the thing that is good, is to be loved for itself. Poverty is the privation of the thing that is good, that is, of riches, for God himself is principally rich. Ergo, poverty for itself was not loved of Christ. His IV. " The fourth conclusion was, that Christ our Lord and Saviour did never fourth jjpg wilfully." Which he proveth by sundry reasons. uon !■ F01' that Christ in so doing should break the law, which saith, "Thou against shalt not covet thy neighbour's house, his wife, his servant, his maid, his ox, the friars, j^ ass> or any ^img that is his" [Exod. xx.] ; the danger of which command- ment he that beggeth voluntarily must needs incur. 2. Item, If Christ had begged voluntarily, he should have committed sin against another commandment, which saith, " There shall be no beggar, nor needy person among you," &c. [Dent, vi.] 3. Item, Christ in so doing should have transgressed the emperor's law, under which he would himself be subject (as appeareth by giving, and bidding tribute to be given, to Caesar), forasmuch as the same emperor's law saith, " There shall no valiant beggar be suffered in the city." 4. Item, If Christ had been a wilful beggar, he had broke the law of loving his neighbour; whom lie had vexed, having no need. For whoso, without need, asketh or craveth of his neighbour, doth but vex him, in such sort as he would not be vexed himself: which Christ would never do. ."). Item, If Christ had begged wilfully, he had moved slander, thereby, to his own gospel, which he with miracles did confirm j for then they that saw his miracle in feeding five thousand in the wilderness, would have thought much with themselves how that miracle had been wrought, if he who fed others, either could not, or would not i'ved himself. (i. Item, If Christ had begged wilfully, then he had done that which himself condemneth by Paul, for so we read, [1 Tim. vi.] that Paul condemneth them, who esteem piety to be gain and lucre; which all they do, who, under the colour of piety, hunt or seek for gain, when otherwise they need not. 7. Item, [f Christ had begged wilfully, he had offended in declaring an (I) Chrysost. in opere imperfect .'. Paris. IS37.1 (2) Arist. Ethic, lib. i. ORATION OF ARMACHANUS AGAINST BEGGING FRIARS. 763 Hhtruth in so doing ; for he that knoweth, in his mind, that he needeth not in Edward deed, that thing which in word he asketh of another, declare th in himself an Iir- untruth, as who in word pretendeth to he otherwise than he is in very deed; A n which Christ without doubt never did, nor would ever do. , " ' 8. Item, If Christ had begged wilfully, that is, having no true need there- " unto, then had he appeared either to be a hypocrite, seeming to be that he was not, and to lack, when he did not ; or else to be a true beggar in very deed, not able to suffice his necessity. For he is a true beggar indeed, who, being constrained by mere necessity, is forced to ask of another that which he is not able to give to himself. But neither of these two agreeth to Christ. 9. Item, If Christ had begged wilfully, then why did Peter rebuke the mother of St. Clement, his disciple, finding her to stand among the beggars, whom he thought to be strong enough to labour with her hands for her living, if she, in so doing, had followed the example of Christ 1 x 10. Item, If Christ had begged wilfully, and if the friars do rightly define Clement's perfection of the gospel by wilful poverty, then was Clement, St. Peter's exampic- successor, to blame, who laboured so much to remove away beggary and to "he" * poverty from among all them that were converted to the faith of Christ, and is friars. specially, for the same, commended of the church. 1 1. Again, why did the said Clement, writing to James, bishop of Jerusalem,3 command so much to obey the doctrine and examples of the apostles ; who, as he showeth in that epistle, had no beggar or needy person amongst them, if christian perfection, by the friars' philosophy, standeth in wilful beggary ? 12. Item, If Christ the high priest had begged wilfully, then did the holy church err wittingly, which ordained that none without sufficient title of living and clothing, should be admitted to holy orders. And moreover, when it is said, in the canonical decrees, that the bishop or clerk that beggetJi, bringeth shame upon the whole order of the clergy. 13. Item, If Christ had wilfully begged, then the example of wilful poverty dad pertained to the perfection of christian life, which is contrary to the old law, which commandeth the priests (who lived then after the perfection of the law) to have possessions and tithes to keep them from beggary. 14. Item, If Christ did wilfully beg, then beggary were a point of christian perfection : and so the church of God should err, in admitting such patrimonies and donations given to the church, and so in taking from the prelates their perfection. 15. Again, what will these friars, who put their perfection in begging, say to Melchisedec, who, without begging or wilful poverty, was the high priest of God, and king of Salem, and prefigured the order and priesthood of Christ ? 16. And if beggary be such a perfection of the gospel, as the friars say, how cometh it, that the Holy Ghost given to the apostles, which should lead them into all truth, told them no word of this beggarly perfection, neither is there any word mentioned thereof throughout the whole Testament of God ? 17. Moreover, where the prophet saith, " I never did see the just man forsaken, nor his seed go begging their bread :" how standeth this with the justice of Christ, which was most perfectly just, if he should be forsaken, or his seed go beg their bread ? and then how agreeth this with the abomi- nable doctrines of friars Franciscan, who put their perfection in wilful begging ? 18. Finally, do we not read that Christ sent his disciples to preach with- out scrip or wallet, and bade them salute no man by the way; meaning that they should beg nothing of any man ? Did not the same Christ also labour with his hands under Joseph? St. Paul, likewise, did he not labour with his hands, rather than he would burde?i the church of the Corinthians? And where now is the doctrine of the friara, which putteth the state of perfection in wilful begging ? V. The fifth conclusion of Armachanus against the friars, was this, " that Fifthcon- Christ never taught any man wilfully to beg," which he proved thus : It is ^usion of written, [Acts i.] " Christ began to do and to teach." If Christ, therefore, chanus who did never wilfully beg himself, as hath been proved, had taught men against otherwise to do ; then his doing and teaching had not agreed together. the ffia^s• Item, If Christ, who never begged himself wilfully, had taught men tin's (I) Ex vita S. Clementis. {2) Causa xii. qusest. i. cap. 2, " BilecHssimis."— Ed. 64 ORATION OF ARMACHANUS AGAINST BEGGING FRIARS. A.D. 1360. Sixth conclu- sion against the lriar The roll of friar Francis. Edward doctrine of wilful begging, contrary to his own doing ; he had given suspicion ni- of his doctrine, and ministered slander of the same, as hath been proved before in the fourth conclusion. Moreover, in so teaching, he had taught contrary to the emperor's just law, - which expressly forbiddeth the same. VI. The sixth conclusion of Armachanus against the friars was, " that OUT Lord Jesus Christ teacheth us, that Ave should not beg wilfully," which he proveth by seven or eight reasons. 1. Where it is written, [Luke xiv.] "When thou makest a feast, call the poor, weak, lame, and blind ; and thou shalt be blessed : for they have not wherewith to reward thee again." To this also pertaineth the decree of the apostle, [2 Thess. iii.] " He that will not work, let him not eat." Furthermore, the same apostle addeth in the same place : " For you have us for example, how we were burdensome to no man, neither did we eat our bread freely, but with labour and weariness, toiling both day and night, and all because we would not burden you," &c. 2. Item, Where we read in the Scripture the slothful man reprehended, [Prov. vi.] " Why sleepest thou, O sluggard? thy poverty and beggary are coming upon thee like an armed man," &c. And again, in the same book of Proverbs, " The slothful man," saith the Scripture, " for cold would not go to the plough, therefore he shall beg in summer, and no man shall give him," &rc. Also in the said book of Proverbs, the last chapter, " The diligent labouring woman is commended, whose fingers are exercised about the rock and spindle." And all these places make against the wilful begging of sturdy friars. 3. Item, Friar Francis, their own founder, in his own testament saith, " And I have laboured with mine own hands, and will labour, and will that all my friarlings shall labour and five by their labour, whereby they may support themselves in an honest way. And they that cannot work, let them learn to work, not for any covetousness to receive for their labour, but for example of good works, and to avoid idleness. And when the price of their labour is not given them, let them resort to the Lord's table, and ask their alms from door to door," &c. Thus much in his testament. And in his rule he saith, " Such brethren to whom the Lord hath given the gift to labour, let them labour faithfully and devoutly," &c. Wherefore it is to be marvelled how those friars with their wilful begging, dare transgress the rule and obedience of friar Francis, their great grandfather's testament. 4. Item, If Christ at any time did beg, or did lack, it was more because he would use a miracle in his own person, than because he would beg wilfully ; as when he sent Peter to the sea to find a groat in the mouth of the fish; which thing yet he thought rather to do, than to beg the groat of the people, which he might soon have obtained. 5. Item, By divers other his examples he seemeth to teach the same, as where he saith, " The workman is worthy of his hire ;" also, " The workman is worthy of his meat" [Matth. x. Luke x.] ; and when he spake to Zaccheus that he would turn into his house. And so likewise in Bethany, and all other places, he ever used rather to burden his friends than to beg of others unacquainted. 6. Item, With plain precept, thus he sendeth forth his disciples, willing them not to go from house to house [Luke x.] as friars used now to go. Many other Scriptures there be which reprove begging, as where it is said, " The foot of a fool is swift to the house of his neighbour" [Ecclus. xxi.] ; and in another place, " my child," saith he, " see thou beg not in the time of thy life, for better it is to die, than to btncro. Waldeno. (4) Testified by certain Englishmen, which ore yet alive, ami hare seen i;. (5) See the Appendix. A SERMON OF NICHOLAS OREM BEFORE POPE URBAN V. 767 Rome pope Urban V., who, by the father's side, was an Englishman. Edward This Urban had been a waiter a long time in the court of Rome ; and IU' when he saw no promotion would light upon him, complaining to a A- i)- certain friend of his, he made to him his moan, saying, That he Urban though t, verily, if all the churches of the world should fall, yet none „„„ i i tt« n • t n i « i complain would fall into his mouth. His friend afterwards seeing him to be eth that pope, and enthronized in his threefold crown, cometh to him, and motion putting him in remembrance of his words to him before, saith, That ^^ faU whereas his holiness had moaned his fortune to him, that if all the ^^ churches in the world would fall, none would fall upon his head, swerto " now," saith he, " God hath otherwise so disposed, that all the being1' churches in the world are fallen upon your head.-" "J^e This pope maintained and kindled great wars in Italy, sending Giles, his cardinal and legate, and after him Arduinus, a Burgun- dian, his legate and abbot, with a great puissance and much money against sundry cities in Italy; by whose means the towns and cities which before had broken from the bishop of Rome were oppressed : also Barnabas and Galeaceus, prince ; of Milan, were vanquished.1 How the By whose example other being sore feared, submitted themselves R0mehof to the church of Rome ; and thus came up that wicked church to her £j™^ hy great possessions, which her patrons would needs father upon Con- royai p0s- stantine, the godly emperor. In the time of this pope Urban V., and in the second year of his reign, about the conclusion of the year of our Lord 1363, I find a certain sermon of one Nicholas Orem, made before the pope and his cardinals, on Christmas-even.2 In which sermon the learned man doth worthily rebuke the prelates and priests of his time, declaring their destruction not to be far off, by certain signs taken of their wicked and corrupt life. All the sayings of the prophets, spoken against the wicked priests of the Jews, he doth aptly apply against the clergy of his time, comparing the church then present to the spiritual strumpet spoken of in the prophet Ezekiel [chap, xvi.] ; and he proveth, in conclusion, the clergy of the church then to be so much worse than the old synagogue of the Jews, by how much it is worse to sell the church and sacraments, than to suffer doves to be sold in the church. With no less judgment also, and learning, he answereth to the old and false objections of the papists, who, albeit they be never so wicked, yet think themselves to be the church which the Lord cannot forsake. All these things to the intent they may the better appear in his own words, I have thought good here to translate and exhibit the sermon as it was spoken before the pope. A Copy of a Sermon made before Pope Urban V., the fourth Sun- day in Advent, a.d. 1363, by Nicholas Orem. " Juxta est salus mea, ut veniat, et justitia," &c. That is, " My saving The health is near at hand to come, and my righteousness to he revealed," &c. w°r.ld [Isa. lvi.] After the sentence of St. Paul, Rom. ii. and in divers other places, f,^1^, before the nativity of Christ the whole world was divided into two sorts of men, sorts of the Jews and Gentiles — the Jews, who waited for the opening of the door of ™en be" paradise by the blood of the Saviour to come : the Gentiles, who yet sitting in inSLma- darkness were to be called to light, and to be justified by faith, as it is written tion of in Romans, chap. v. Christ. (1) Ex Sabel. Ennead. ix. lib. 8 (2) See the Appendix. A.D. 1364. 768 A SERMON 01-' NICHOLAS OREM BEFORE TOPE URBAN V. Edward This salvation, pertaining both to the Jew and Gentile, God promised before W> time to the fathers by the prophets, to stir up the desire thereof in their hearts the more, and to increase their firm hope and faith in the same. As first, in Micah vi., the voice of the Lord crieth, " Health and salvation shall be to all men which fear my name." And Isaiah xlvi., " I will give in Sion salvation, and in Jerusalem my glory," &c, with divers other such places. And foras- much as hope which is deferred many times, doth afflict the soul, and conceiveth Weariness or long deferring ; he, therefore, prophesying of the nearness of the coming thereof, saith moreover [Isa. xiv.], " His time is near at hand to come." Also [Hah. ii.], " He will come, and will not tarry." With many such other places more. So then the holy fathers being in Limbo, looked and hoped that he should bring out them that sat bound, and which in the house of prison sat in darkness, as we read in Isaiah xli. Then the time drew on, in which came the fulness of the Gentiles, and in which the Lord would declare the riches of this mystery hidden from the world, and from generations. [Col. i.] Wherefore the Lord, in this text, doth both certify our fathers of the coming of our Saviour, and doth comfort them touching the nearness thereof, and also teacheth the justification of the Gentiles by faith, approaching now near at hand, accord- ing to the words of my text, " my salvation is near." Which words were fulfilled then, what time the Lord did manifest his salvation, and did reveal his Three righteousness in the sight of all the Gentiles. And it is divided into three heads. parts ; of which the first speaketh of the nearness of his coming, where it is said, " my salvation is near." The second concerneth the mystery of the advent of Christ and his incarnation, where he saith, " ut veniat," &c. Thirdly, is considered the severity of God, his terrible revenging judgment to be revealed, where he saith, " ut reveletur," &c, which is to be expounded of his primitive justice, whereof speaketh Amos [chap, v.], saying, " And judgment shall be revealed like a flood, and righteousness like a strong stream." Wherefore, for our contemplation of the solemnity of the most holy vigil, let us receive with joy the word of God the Father, " My Salvation is nigh," that is, Christ. To whom he saith [Isa. xlix.], " I have given thee to be a light to the Gentiles, and to be my salvation throughout the ends of the world :" and again [Isa. xlvi.], " My salvation shall not slack," &c. The first As touching the nearness thereof, it is in these days opened to us by the part of his gospel, where we read in St. Matthew, When the virgin Mary was espoused ' eme" unto Joseph, before they did come together, she was found with child by the Holy Ghost. By this it was evident to understand, that our Saviour ought shortly to proceed out of the chaste womb of the virgin, according as the prophet did foretel, saying, " Behold a virgin shall conceive and bring forth a son," &c. For as the grape, when it waxeth great and full, is near to the making of wine; and as the flower, when it shooteth abroad, hasteth to the fruit; so the salvation of the world, in the swelling and growing of the virgin's womb, began to draw nigh to mankind. For then appeared the grace and benignity of our Saviour, whom his mother was found to have in her womb by the Holy Ghost, as is declared in that which followeth by the angel, saying, " For that which is born of her is of the Holy Ghost." The Touching the second part of that which is said, " ut veniat :" this may be second applied to the contemplation of the mystery of Christ coming in the flesh ; theme. whereof speaketh Haggai the prophet [chap, ii.], " He shall come who is desired and looked for 01 all nations," &c. Albeit the same also may be applied to the second advent, spoken of in Isaiah [chap, hi.], " The Lord shall come to judgment," &c. ; in memorial whereof the fourth Sunday was dedicated in the old time, of the fathers. And of this day of judgment it is written in the prophet Zeph. [chap, ii.], " The day of the Lord is near, great and mighty, it is approaching at hand, and wondrous short," &c. And albeit not in itself, yet it may be expounded in tribulations that go before, as preambles unto the same ; as Gregory saith, " The last tribulation is prevented with many and sundry tribulations going before, although the end of all be not yet." iho third Wherefore now coming to the third part of my sermon or theme, let us see, theme1''* oft,IOS(' tribulations that go before the last coming of Christ, if there be any such tribulation approaching nigh at hand, whereof this hist part of my theme may be verified, where he said. '• It reveletur," that my righteousness shall be revealed; to wit, the righteousness primitive, that righteousness may be A SERMON OF NICHOLAS ORKM BEFORE POPE URBAN V. 76.9 brought, and the prophecy of Daniel fulfilled [Dan. ix.], concerning which Edward matter four things here come in order to be declared. I11 First, Concerning the revealing of tribulation, according to that part of my ~s~\y~ theme, " Ut reveletur," &c. 1364 Secondly, Concerning the nearness of the tribulation coming, according to 1_ that part of my theme, " Quia juxta est," &c. J.°'4r.sub" Thirdly, Of the false opinions of some upon this part of my theme, " Ut dmsionS- veniat," &c. Fourthly, What means and consultation we ought to take, " Ut juxta est salus." As for the first, it is so notorious and so common in the Scriptures that the First sub- church should suffer and abide tribulation, that I need not here to stand in divisi°n- alleging any thing touching either the causes to be weighed, or the term to be conjectured thereof. As concerning which causes I will give two rules to be noted before, for the better opening of that which is to follow : The first rule is, that by the two kingdoms of the nation of the Hebrews which were in the old time, to wit, by the kingdom of Israel, whose head was Samaria, is The king- signified in the prophets the erroneous synagogue ; and by the second kingdom of dom °f . Judah, of whose stock came Christ, whose head metropolitan was Jerusalem, nlfyfn"8" is signified the true church. And this rule is not mine, but is an authentic the false gloss of St. Jerome, and also is the rule of Origen in the last homily upon the church- Old Testament, and is approved by the church. doi^ 0"'s" The second rule is, that by the brothel-house and fornication mentioned in Judah the prophets, are signified simony, and abused dispensations, and promotions of s'gnifietu persons unworthy, for lucre's sake, or else for any other partial favour, who, by church unlawful ways, by all laws of the world, come to office and honour. " Merx dicitur namque a merendo ;" that is, because gain or price is derived of gain- ing ; for the which gain or price, that is sold, which by nature ought not to be sold. Therefore, to give any thing for respect of gain or hire, which ought to be given freely for virtue's sake, is a kind of spiritual corruption, and as a man would say, a whorish thing ; whereof the prophet [Isaiah, chap. L] complaineth, speaking of Jerusalem, and saying, " The city which once was faithful and full of judgment, how is it now become a whorish city?" And in like manner Hosea also, the prophet [chap, ix.], " Jerusalem, thou hast fornicated and gone a whoring from thy God. Thou hast loved like a harlot to get gain in every barn of corn." And in many other places of Scripture, where fornication can- not be otherwise expounded. These two rules thus premised, now let us mark the Scriptures, and, accord- ing to the same, judge of the whole state of the church, both what is past, and what is to come : First, treating of the causes of tribulation to come : Secondly, of the vicinity of time of the said tribulation to come. And first, concerning the state of the church, and of causes of tribulation, F;ve thus saith the Lord in the prophet Ezekiel [chap, xvi.], speaking to the church states of under the name of Jerusalem: " In the day of thy birth I came by thee, and ^urch saw thee trodden down in thine own blood," &c. Here he speaketh of the described, time of the martyrdom of the church. Then it followeth, " After this thou wast cleansed from thy blood, thou wast grown up, and waxen great; then 1. The washed I thee with water, I purged thy blood from thee " (speaking of ceasing martyr- of persecution), " I anointed thee with oil, I gave thee change of raiment, I t]°™ ° girded thee with white silk, I decked thee with costly apparel, I put rings upon church, thy fingers, a chain about thy neck, spangles upon thy forehead, and ear-rings 2- The- upon thine ears. Thus wast thou decked with silver and gold, and a beautiful „f ti,peen crown set upon thine head. Marvellous goodly wast thou and beautiful, even church. a very queen wast thou : for thou wast excellent in my beauty, which I put upon thee, saith the Lord God," &c. This prophecy, or rather history, speaketh of, and declareth, the prosperity of the church. And now hear the corruption and transgression of the church, for so it fol- 3. The loweth: " But thou hast put confidence in thine own beauty, and played the J!.orruP" harlot, when thou hadst gotten thee a name. Thou hast committed whoredom church with all that went by thee, and hast fulfilled their desires ; yea, thou hast taken thy garments of divers colours and decked thine altars therewith, whereupon thou mightest fulfil thy whoredom of such a fashion as never was done, nor shall be." Which whoredom can in no wise be expounded for carnal, but vor,. n 3 d 770 A SERMON OF NICHOLAS OREM BEFORE POPE URBAN V. Edward spiritual whoredom. And therefore, see how lively he hath painted out the cor- II1- ruption and falling of the church. A. I). And therefore followeth now the correction and punishment of the church. 1364. lf followeth, " Ik-hold I stretch out my hand over thee, and will diminish thy — — store of food, and deliver thee over unto the wills of the Philistines, and of such correction as nate tnee : ,lll<* tno.v sna^ Dreak down thy stews, and destroy thy brothel- ofthe houses" (that is, the place wherein thou didst exercise this wickedness) " they church. s|lall stl-ij, t]u,(. out 0f t|ly clothes : all thy- fair beautiful jewels shall they take from thee, and so let thee sit naked and bare," &c. [Ezek. xvi.j Here is plainly to be seen what shall happen to the church, and more followeth in the said chapter: " Thine elder sister is Samaria, she and her daughters upon thy left hand : but the youngest sister that dwelleth on thy right hand is Sodoma with her daughters, whose sins were these : pride, fulness of meat, abundance, and idleness, neither reached they their hand to the poor. And yet, neither Sodoma thy sister, with her daughters, hath done so evil as thou and thy daughters : neither hath Samaria (that is, the synagogue) " done half of thv sins ; yea, thou hast exceeded them in wickedness. Take therefore and bear thine own confusion," &c. Again in Ezek. [chap, xxiii.], after the prophet had described at large the wickedness, corruption, and punishment of the synagogue, turning to the church, he saith, " And when her sister saw this, "she raged and was mad with lust * more than before ; she was mad, that is, with fleshly lust,1* love of riches, and following voluptuousness. Her fornication and whoredom she committed with princes and great lords, clothed with all manner of gorgeous apparel ; so that her paps were bruised, and her breasts were marred." And then speaking of her punishment, he saith, " Then my heart forsook her, like as my heart was gone from her sister also." And more- over, repeating again the cause thereof, he addeth, " Thy wickedness and thy fornication hath wrought thee all this," &c. The like we find also in Isaiah, Jeremy, Ezekiel, and in all the othei prophets, who, prophesying all together in one meaning, and almost in one manner of words, do conclude with a full agreement and prophecy to come, that the church shall fall, and then be punished for her great excesses, and be utterly spoiled, except she repent of all her abominations. Whereof speaketh Hosea [chap, ii.], " Let her put away her whoredom out of her sight, and her adultery from her breasts, lest I strip her naked, and set her even as she came naked into the world," (that is, in her primitive poverty). So if she do it not, it shall follow of her as in the prophet Nahum [chap, hi.], " For the multi- tude of the fornication of the fair and beautiful harlot, which is a master of witchcraft, yea and selleth the people through her whoredom, and the nations through her witchcraft." And it followeth upon the same, " Behold I come upon thee, saith the Lord of hosts, and will pull thy clothes over thy head, that they nakedness shall appear among the heathen, and thy shame amongst the The re- kingdoms " &c. Wherefore by these it is to be understood that upon this afthe 10" church the primitive justice of God is to be revealed hereafter. And thus church, much of the first of the four members above touched. Second Now to the second member of my theme, " Juxta est ; " concerning the sion.1V' nearness of time. Although it is not for us to know the moments and articles Signs, of time; yet, by certain notes and signs, peradventure, it may be collected and that the gathered, that which I have here to say. For the tractation whereof, first I ti£nUof" £rouml myself "I'on the saying of the apostle Paul [2 Thes. ii.], where he the writeth, " That unless there come a defection first," &c. By the which defec- church tion, Jerome 2 gathereth and expoundeth allegorically, the desolation of the near? ' monarchy of Rome : between which desolation, and the persecution of the FiMtrign. church by Antichrist, he putteth no mean space. And now, what is the state of there1'1 *'iat commonwcalth, if it be compared to the majesty of that it hath been, judge come a yourselves. Another gloss there is that saith, how by that defection is meant, defection that from the church of Rome shall come a departing of some other churches. iMs'to'hc ' m' second note and mark is this, when the cnurch shall be worse in manners umkr- than was the synagogue; as appeareth by the ordinary gloss upon the third of s°coiid J.l'r(Mlli;m> where it is written, "The backslider Israel may seem just and bi^n. righteous in comparison of sinful Judah;" that is, the synagogue in comparison (U These words are inserted from the Second Edition. — Ed (2) I'ltima qunst. ad inquUitioncs Januarii. A SERMON OF NICHOLAS OltEM BEFORE POPE URBAN V. 771 of the church of God. Whereof writeth Origen saying, Think that to he Edward spoken of us what the Lord saith in Ezekiel [chap, xvi.], " Thou hast exceeded m thy sister in thine iniquities." Wherefore now, to compare the one with the . n other : First, ye know how Christ rehuked the Pharisees, who, as Jerome 1 „'r / witnesseth, were then the clergy of the Jews, of covetousness, for that they — • - suffered doves to be sold in the temple of God : Secondly, for that they did Thf ^.y" honour God with their lips, and not with their heart; and because they said, ana but did not : Thirdly, he rebuked them, for that they were hypocrites. To church the first then, let us see whether it be worse to sell both church and sacraments to"TiHi ' than to suffer doves to be sold in the temple, or not. Secondly, whereas the in man- Pharisees were rebuked for honouring God with their lips, and not with their n3rs- heart, there be some who neither honour God with heart, nor yet with lips, and who neither do well, nor yet say well ; neither do they preach any word at all, but be dumb dogs, not able to bark, impudent and shameless dogs, that never have enough ; such pastors as have no understanding, declining and straying all in their own way, every one given to covetousness from the highest to the lowest. And thirdly, as for hypocrisy, there be also some whose intolerable pride and malice are so manifest and notorious, kindled up like a fire, that no cloak or shadow of hypocrisy can cover it, but they are so past all shame, that it may be well verified of them, which the prophet speaks, " Thou hast gotten thee the face of a harlot; thou wouldst not blush," &c. The third sign and token of tribulation approaching near to the church, may Third well be taken of the too much unequal proportion seen this day in the church ; sign, where one is hungry and starveth, another is drunk. By reason of which so great inequality, it cannot be that the state of the church, as it is now, can long endure ; for, like as in good harmony, to make the music perfect, is required a moderate and proportionate inequality of voices, which if it do much exceed, it taketh away all the sweet melody ; so, according to the sentence of the philo sopher, by too much immoderate inequality or disparity of citizens, the com- monwealth falleth to ruin. On the contrary, where mediocrity, that is, where a mean inequality with some proportion is kept, that policy standeth firm and more sure to continue. Now, among all the politic regiments of the Gentiles, I think none more is to be found in histories, wherein is to be seen so great and exceeding odds, as in the policy of priests; of whom some be so high, that they exceed all princes of the earth ; some again be so base, that they are under all rascals, oiigar- so that such a policy or commonwealth may well be called Oligarchia. chia' is This may we plainly see and learn in the body of man, to the which Plutarch, fev^bear writing to Thracinius,i doth semblably compare the commonwealth. In the all the which body, if the sustenance received should all run to one member, so that |jj^heand that member should be too much exceedingly pampered, and all the other parts rest be too much pined, that body could not long continue ; so in the body of the wealth nothjng ecclesiastical, if some who be the heads be so enormously overgrown in riches and dignity, that the weaker members of the body be scantly able to bear them up, there is a great token of dissolution and ruin shortly. Whereupon cometh well in place the saying of the prophet Isaiah : " Every head is sick, every heart is full of sorrow ;" of the which heads it is also spoken in the prophet Amos [chap, vi.], " Woe be to the secure, proud, and wealthy in Sion, and to such as think themselves so sure upon the mount of Samaria, taking themselves as heads and rulers over others," &c. And, moreover, in the said prophet Isaiah it followeth, " From the top of the head to the sole of the foot there is no whole part in all the body," to wit, in the inferiors, because they are not able to live for poverty; in the superiors, because for their excessive riches they are let from doing good. And it followeth in the same place, " But all are wounds, and botches, and stripes." Behold here the danger coming, the wounds of discord and division, the botch or sore of rancour and envy, the swelling stripe of rebellion and mischief. The fourth sign is the pride of prelates. Some there have been who fondly Fourth have disputed of the poverty of Christ, and have inveighed against the prelates, sien- because they live not in the poverty of the saints. But this fantasy cometh of the ignorance of moral philosophy and divinity, and of the defect of natural prudence ; for that in all nations, and by common laws, priests have had, and, ought to have, wherewith to sustain themselves more honestly than the vulgar sort, and prelates more honestly than the subjects. But yet hereby is not (1) Rather Trajanus: see Fabricii Bibl. Gneca, v. 192, ed. Harles. 3 d 2 i i~ A SERMON OF NICHOLAS OREM BEFORE POPK CUBAN V. Edward permitted to them their great horses, their troops of horsemen, the superfluous llf- pomp of tlieir waiting-men and great families, which scarcely can be mam- . jx tained without pride, neither can be sustained with safe justice, and, many, not jogV without fighting and injuries inconvenient; not much unlike to that which — . — -1_ Justin the historian writeth of the Carthaginians, "The family," saith he, "of Pndc of so great emperors, was intolerable to such a free city." In semblable wise, this noted?8 greilt pride in the church of God, especially in these days, doth move not so few to due reverence, as many to indignation ; and yet more, to those things aforesaid : who think no less but to do sacrifice to God, if they may rob and spoil certain fat priests and persons, namely, such as neither have nobility or blood, and less learning to bear themselves upon, but are liars, servile and fraudulent, to whom the Lord speaketh by his prophet Amos [chap, iv.], " Hear you fat-fed kine of Samaria, ye that do poor men wrong, and oppress the needy, the day shall come upon you," &re. Fifth The fifth sign is, the tyranny of the prelates and presidents, which as it is a s:s»- violent thing, so it cannot be long lasting. For as Solomon saith [chap, xvi.], " For it was requisite that, without any excuse, destruction should come upon Ttie those which exercised tyranny." The property of a tyrant is not to seek the tyranny commodity of his subjects, but only his will and profit Such were the pastors fates*" tnat fecl not ^le Lord's hock, but fed themselves; of whom and to whom noted. speaketh the prophet Ezekiel [chap, xxxiv.], " Woe be unto those pastors of Israel that feed themselves. Should not the shepherds feed the flocks?" with many other threatenings against them in the same chapter. " Woe be unto them who rejoice at the transgressions of those whom it lieth in their power to con- demn, neither do they seek what he is able to pay;" to whom crieth Micah the prophet [chap, iii.], " Ye hate the good and love the evil ; ye pluck off men's skins, and the flesh from the bones ; ye eat the flesh of my people, and flay off their skin; ye break their bones; ye chop them in pieces, as it were into a cauldron, and as flesh into the pot," &c. And, therefore, the aforesaid Ezekiel [chap, xxxiv.] pronounceth, " Behold, I will myself come upon the shepherds and require my sheep from their hands, and make them cease from feeding my sheep, yea the shepherds shall feed themselves no more ; for I will deliver my sheep out of their mouths, so that they shall not devour them any more." Sixth The sixth sign is the promoting of the unworthy, and neglecting them that be Promo- wor*hy. This, as Aristotle saith, is a great cause many times of the dissolution ting of of commonweals. And oftentimes it so happeneth in the wars of princes, that unworthy r]K. contempt and small regarding of the valiant, and the exalting of others that |'',"s"s be less worthy, engender divers kinds and kindlings of sedition. For partly by reason of the same, partly of the other causes above recited, we have read not only in books, but have seen with our eyes, divers flourishing cities well nigh subverted; whereas good men be not made of, but are vexed with sorrow and grief by the evil: the contention at length bursteth out upon the prince, as Haymo reciteth out of Origen. This always hath been the perverse incredulity of man's hard heart, and that not only in hearing, but also in Beeing: yet will they not believe that others have perished, unless they also perish themselves. Seventh The seventh sign is, the tribulation of outward policy and commotions of the Sl«n- people, which in a great part has now happened already. And therefore, forasmuch as Seneca saith, " Men do complain commonly that evils only come so fast;" it is to be feared lest also the ecclesiastical policy be afflicted not only outwardly, but also in itself; and so that be fulfilled in us, which in Jeremy is prophesied [chap, iv.], " Murder is cried upon murder, and the whole land shall perish, and suddenly my tabernacles were destroyed, and my tents very quickly." And Ezekiel [chap, vii.l, " Wherefore I will bring cruel tyrants from among the heathen, to take their houses in possession ; I will make the pomp of the proud to cease, and their sanctuaries shall be taken. One mischief and sorrow shall follow another, and one rumour shall come after another: then shall they seek visions in vain at their prophets; the law shall be gone from their priests, and wisdom from their elders," &c. Eighth The eighth is, the refusing of correction, neither will they hear their faults Refusing to'°- them, so that it happened to the princes and rulers of the church, as it is of or- written in the prophet Zechariah, [chap, vii.] "They stopped their ears that they [n'tl'iT Wl,ul(1 llot hear, yea they made their hearts as an adamant stone, lest they should clergy. heai the law and words which the Lord of hosts sent in his Holy Spirit by the A SERMON OF NICHOLAS OREM BEFORE POPE URBAN V. 773 prophets aforetime." Also Isaiah, witnessing after the same effect [chap. xxx.J, Edward saith, " For it is an obstinate people, lying children, and unfaithful children, ni- that will not hear the law of the Lord, which say to the prophets, Meddle with . ^ nothing, and tell us nothing, that is true and right, but speak friendly words to , „V/ us," &c. All this shall be verified when the prelates begin to hate them that tell them truth, and have knowledge ; like unto such of whom Amos speaketh Truth [chap, v.], " They bear him evil will, that reproveth them openly, and whoso shent. telleth them the plain truth, they abhor him." And therefore saith the Lord, by Hosea, to the church of Jerusalem [chap, iv.], " Seeing thou hast refused understanding, I have refused thee also, that thou shalt no more be my priest. And forasmuch as thou hast forgotten the law of thy God, I will also forget thy children, and change their honour into shame. And so shall it be, like priest, like people," &c. ; and many other sayings there be in the prophets, speaking of the dejecting and casting down of the priestly honour. Besides these aforesaid signs and tokens hitherto recited, there be also divers Lack of others ; as the backsliding from righteousness, the lack of discreet and learned le?rr'e'1 priests, promoting of children into the church, with others such. But these " being already well noted and marked, you may easily judge and understand whether these times now present of ours be safe and clear from tribulation to be looked for, and whether the word of the Lord be true according to my theme, " My righteousness is near at hand to be revealed," &c. And thus much of the second part. Now to the third part or member of my subdivision, which is concerning the Third false and perilous opinions of some, upon this word of my theme, " Ut s"M'vi- veniat," &c. ; which opinions principally be four, all repugning against the truth of the canonical scripture. The first opinion is of such men, who, having too much confidence in them- selves, do think and persuade with themselves, that the prelates be the church which the Lord will always keep and never forsake, as he hath promised in the persons of the apostles, saying, in Matthew [chap, xxviii.], " And I will be The with you to the end of the world," &c. But this is to be understood of faith, cn,urcn.> whereof Christ speaketh in Luke [chap, xxi.], " I have prayed for thee, that is, and in thy faith shall not fail." Whereof we read in Ecclesiastes [chap, xl.], " Faith whom it shall stand for ever," &c. And albeit charity wax never so cold, yet faith, not- eti"S'St* withstanding, shall remain in a few, and in all distresses of the world ; of the which distresses, our Saviour doth prophesy, in many places, to come. And lest, peradventure, some should think themselves to be safe from tribulation, because they be of the church ; this opinion the Lord himself doth contradict in Jere- miah [chap. vii.J, " Trust not," saith he, " in false lying words, saying, The Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord." And a little after, " But you trust in words and lying counsels which deceive you, and do you no good." The second opinion is of them who defer time ; for this they will grant, that the church shall abide trouble, but not so shortly ; thinking thus with them- selves, that all these causes and tokens afore recited, have been before, at other times as well, in the church. For both by Gregory and Bernard, holy doctors, in time past, the prelates have been in like sort reprehended, both for their bribings, for their pomp and pride, for the promoting of children, and persons unfit unto ecclesiastical functions, and other vices more, which have reigned before this in the church of God more than now, and yet by God's grace the church hath prospered and stands. Do ye not see, that if a house have stood and continued ruinous a long season, it is never the more near the fall thereby, but rather to be trusted the better 1 Moreover, many times it cometh so to pass, in realms and kingdoms, that the posterity is punished for the sins of their predecessors. Whereof speaketh the book of Lamentations [chap, v.], " Our fathers have sinned and are now gone, and we must bear their wickedness," &c. Against this cogitation or opinion, well doth the Lord answer by the prophet Ezekiel [chap, xii.], saying, " Behold, thou Son of Man, the house of Israel saith in this manner, Tush, as for the vision that he hath seen, it will be many a day ere it come to pass ; it is far off yet, the thing that he prophesieth. Therefore say unto them, thus saith the Lord God, The words that I have spoken shall be deferred no longer, look, what I have said shall come to pass, saith the Lord," &c. We have seen in our days things to happen, which seemed before incredible. And the like hath been seen in other times also, 774 A SERMON OF NICHOLAS ORKM BElOIlt; POPE URBAN V. Edward as we read written in the book of Lamentations [chap, iv.], " The kings of the IIJ- earth, nor all the inhabitants of the world would not have beleived, that the , r. enemy and adversary should have come in at the gates of the city, for the sins 1 "ifi4* °^ 'ier Pr'csts» an(J *"r tne wickedness of her elders, that have shed innocent . — '. — LL blood within her," &c. By Jerusalem, as is said, is meant the church. The third opinion or error is very perilous and perverse, of all such as say " veniat," let come that will come; let us conform ourselves to this world, and take our time with those temporizers who say in the book of Wisdom [chap, ii.], " Come, let us enjoy our goods and pleasures that be present, and let us use the creature as in youth quickly," &c. Such as these be, are in a dangerous case, and be greatly prejudicial to good men in the church. And, if the heads and riders of the church were so vile to have any such detestable cogitation in them, there were no place in hell too deep for them. This church, founded by the apostles in Christ, consecrated with the blood of so many martyrs, enlarged and increased with the virtues and merits of so many saints, and endued so richly with the devotion of so many secular princes, and so long prospered hitherto ; if it now should come into the hands of such persons, it should fall in great danger of ruin, and they, for their negligence and wickedness, would well deserve of God to be cursed ; yea here, also, in this present world, to incur temporal tribulation and destruction, which they fear more ; by the sentence of the Lord, saying to them in the book of Proverbs [chap, i.], " All my counsels ye haye despised, and set my correction at nought ; therefore shall I also laugh in your destruction, when tribulation and anguish shall fall upon you." Fourthly, another opinion or error is, of such as being unfaithful, believe not that any such thing will come. And this error seemeth to have no remedy, but that as other things and other kingdoms have their ends and limits set unto them, which they cannot overpass; so it must needs be, that such a domination and government of the church have an end, by reason of the demerits and obstinacies of the governors provoking and requiring the same ; like as we read in the prophet Jeremy [chap, viii.], " There is no man that taketh repentance for his sin, that will so much as say, Wherefore have I done this ? But every man runneth forth still like a wild horse in battle." And the same prophet, in chapter xiii. of his prophecy, " Like as the man of Inde may change his skin, and the cat-of-mountain her spots, so may ye, that be exercised in evil, do good." Whereunto also accordeth that which is written of the same prophet [chap, xvii.], speaking of Judah, signifying the church, " The sin of Judah," saith he, " is written in the table of your hearts, and graven so upon the edges of your altars with a pen of iron, and with an adamant claw;" which is as much to say, it is indelible, or which cannot be rased out ; as also Ezekiel, speaking of the punishment [chap, xxi.], saith, " I the Lord have drawn my sword out of the sheath, and it cannot be revoked." Notwithstanding, all these signify no impossibility, but difficulty, because that wicked men are hardly converted ; for, otherwise, the Scripture importeth no such inflexibility with God, but if con- version come, he will forgive. So we read in the prophet Jonas [chap. Hi.], " Who can tell? God may turn and repent, and cease from his fierce wrath that we perish not." And to the like effect saith the same Lord in Jeremy [chap, xxvi.], " Look thou keep not one word back, if peradventure they will hearken and turn every man from his wicked way, that I also may repent of the plague which I have determined to bring upon them, because of their wicked inventions," &c. For the further proof whereof, Nineveh we see was converted, and remained undestroyed, &c. Likewise the Lord also had revealed destruction unto Constantinople by sundry signs and tokens, as Augustine in a certain sermon doth declare. And thus for the third part or member of my division. Fourth Fourthly and lastly, remaineth to declare, some wholesome concluding, now jioMlm ll\wn the causes preceding: that is, if by these causes and signs, heretofore de- clared, tribulation be prepared to fall upon the church, then let us humble our Tiiinds mildly and wisely. And if we so return with heart and in deed unto God, verily he will rescue and help after an inestimable wise, and will Burcease from BCOUrging us, as he promiseth by his prophet Jeremiah [chap, xviii.], "If that people against whom I have thus devised, convert from their wickedness, immediately I will repent of the plague that I devised to bring upon them;" speaking here after the manner of men, &c. Now therefore, forasmuch ao A SERMON OK NICHOLAS OREM BEFORE POl'E URBAN V. 77.) tribulation and affliction is so near coming toward us, yea lieth upon us already, Edward let us be tbe more diligent to call upon God for mercy. For I think, verily, ll1- these many years, there have not been so many and so despiteful haters and T 77 evil willers, stout, and of such a rebellious heart against the church of God, , .,' ' as be now-a-days ; neither be they lacking, that would work all that they can ___!_ against it, and lovers of new- fangleness; whose hearts the Lord haply will turn, that they shall not hate his people, and work deceit against his servants, I mean against priests, whom they have now in little or no reputation at all, albeit many yet there be, through God's grace, good and godly ; but yet the fury of the Lord is not turned away, but still his hand is stretched out. And unless ye be converted, he shaketh his sword ; he hath bent his bow, and pre- pared it ready. Yet the Lord standeth waiting, that he may have mercy upon you [Isaiah xxx.] And therefore, as the greatness of fear ought to incite us, so hope of salvation may allure us to pray and call upon the Lord, espe- cially now, toward this holy and sacred time and solemnity of Christ's nativity: for that holy and continual prayer without intermission is profitable, and the instant devotion and vigilant deprecation of the just man is of great force. And if terrene kings, in the day of celebration of their nativity, be wont to show themselves more liberal and bounteous, how much more ought we to hope well, that the heavenly King, of nature most benign, now at his natal and birth-day, will not deny pardon and remission to such as rightly call unto him. And now, therefore, as it is written in Joshua [chap, vii.], " Be ye sanctified against to-morrow," &c. And say unto him, as it is written in the first book of Samuel [chap, xxv.], " Now let thy servants I pray thee find favour in thy sight, for we come to thee in a good season." Moreover, ye may find what ye ask, if ye ask that which he brought, in the day of his nativity, that is, the ppace of the church, not spiritual only, but also temporal ; which the angelical noise did sound, and experience the same time did prove, testified by Livy, Pliny, and other heathen story-writers, who all marvelled thereat, saying that such an universal peace as that could not come on earth, but by the gift of God. For so God did forepromise in the prophet Isaiah [chap.lxvi.], " Behold, I will let peace into Jerusalem like a waterflood," &c. ; and in Psalm lxxi., " In his time righteousness shall flourish, yea, and abundance of peace," &c. Therefore now, O reverend fathers in the Lord ! and you, here in this present assembly ! behold, I say, the day of life and salvation ; now is the opportune time to pray unto God, that the same thing, which he brought into the world at his birth, he will now grant in these days to his church, that is, his peace. And, like as Nineveh was subverted, and overturned, not in members but in manners, so the same words of my theme, " Juxtaest justitia mea ut reveletur," may be verified in us, not of the primitive justice, but of our sanctification by grace ; so that, as to-morrow is celebrated the nativity of our Saviour, our righteousness may rise together with him, and his blessing may be upon us, which God hath promised, saying, " My saving health is near at hand to come," &c. ; whereof speaketh Isaiah the prophet [chap.li.], " My saving health shall endure forever," &c. This health grant unto us, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ! Amen. This sermon was made by Master Nicholas Orem before pope Urban V. and his cardinals, upon the even of the nativity of the Lord, being the fourth Sunday of Advent, a.d. 1363, and the second of his popedom. In the fifth year of this forenamed pope Urban, began first the The order order of the Jesuats.1 Unto this time, which was about a.d. 1367, xhedfief the offices here in England, as that of the lord chancellor, the lord °^cees of treasurer, and the privy seal, were wont to be in the hands of the clergy; trans- but, about this year, through the motion of the lords in the parliament, Ih^cier^ to the (1) The "Jesuats" or " Jesuates" are mentioned supra, pp. 57, 352. They were an order of lords tern- monks, founded by St. John Columbini, chief magistrate of Sienna, a.d. 1363. Becoming con- poraL, vinced of sin, he gave up his honours, sold his estates, and devoted himself to the service of God A.D. 1367. and the poor. He was joined by seventy disciples. They followed St. Augustine's rule, and took St. Jerome for their patron. Urban V. confirmed their institute at Viterbo, a.d. 1367. They were called " Jesuats " from always having the name of Jesus on their lips : it occurs 1500 times in a few letters which Columbini wrote. The order was suppressed by Clement IX. in 1668.— Alban Butler's Lives of the Saints. They are not to be confounded with the " Jesuits," who were founded by Ignatius Loyola a.d. 1534, confirmed by Paul III. a.d. 1510.— Ed. 776 TJIK POPE PUT FROM RESERVING OF BENEFICES. F.'hvard and partly, as witnesseth mine author, fur hatred of the clergy, all the ' said offices were removed from the clergy to the lords temporal. A. D. After the death of pope Urban, next succeeded pope Gregory XL, l;;'°- who, among his other acts, first reduced again the papacy out of PopeGre- France unto Rome, which had from thence been absent the space The pa- nmv or> seventy years ; being thereto moved (as Sabcllicus recorded)) duced* ky the answer of a certain bishop, whom as the pope saw standing by him he asked, why he was so long from his charge and church at l-r^ce home, saying that it was not the part of a good pastor to keep him t<> itome from njs floc]c s0 ]origm Whereunto the bishop answering again said, " And you yourself, being the chief bishop, who may and ought to be a spectacle to us all, why are you from the place so long where your church doth lie ?" by the occasion whereof the pope sought all means after that to remove and to rid his court out of France again to Rome, and so he did.1 Kins The king of England, holding a parliament in the third year of ,,!„" 'uin- this pope, sent his ambassadors to him, desiring him, that he from 'il'i'.c's re- thenceforth would abstain from his reservations of benefices used in serration the realm of England ; and that spiritual men, within this realm pro- Bees, moted unto bishoprics, might freely enjoy their elections within the realm, and be confirmed by their metropolitans, according to the ancient custom of the realm. Wherefore, upon these, and such other like matters, wherein the king and the realm thought themselves a^qrieved, he desired of the pope some remedy to be provided, &c. Whereunto the pope returned a certain answer again unto the king, requiring by his messengers to be certified again of the king's mind concerning the same. But what answer it was, it is not in the story expressed, save that the year following, which was a.d. 1374, there was a tractation at Bruges upon certain of the said articles between the king and the pope, which did hang two years in suspense ; ami The pope so at length it was thus agreed between them, that the pope should ill's re- no more use his reservations of benefices in England, and likewise the benefices' king should no more confer and give benefices upon the writ " Quare jn Ens- impedit,1" &c. ; but, touching the freedom of elections to be con- • «uare firmed by the metropolitan, mentioned in the year before, thereof im,,edit-' was nothing touched.2 As touching these reservations, provisions, and collations, with the elections of archbishops, bishops, beneficed men, and others, where- with the pope vexed this realm of England, as before you have heard ; the king, by the consent of the lords and commons, in the twenty- fifth year of his reign enacted, that a statute made in the thirty-fifth year of his grandfather Edward I., but not put in execution, should Thi law be revived; wherein was made an Act against the ravenous pillage of pfp'aipro- the pope through the same provisions, reservations, and collations, Sec. ; by the which provisions the state of the realm decreased more and more, the king's royalty and prerogative were greatly obscured and diminished, innumerable treasures of the realm transported, aliens and strangers placed in the best and fattest bishoprics, abbeys, and benefices within the realm, and such, as either for their offices in Rome, as cardinalships and such-like, could not be here resident, or (1) Respecting two paragraphs which Poxe introduces here respecting Militzius and Jacobus MUnenril, see infra, p. 781, note (2).— Ed. —Ed. THE PROPHECY OF BRIDGET, 777 if resident, yet better away for causes infinite, as paitly Lave been Ed touched before. Moreover, he not only revived the said statute made ///. by Edward I. his grandfather, but also enacted another, forbidding A.D. that any one, for any cause or controversy in law whatsoever, either l-370- spiritual or temporal, the same being determinable in any of the king's courts (as all matters were), whether they were personal or real cita- tions, or other, should either appeal or consent to any appellation to be made out of the realm to the pope or see of Rome ; adding there- unto very strait and sharp penalties against the offenders therein or in any part thereof, as, exemption out of the king's protection, loss of all their lands, goods, and other possessions, and their bodies to be imprisoned at the king's pleasure; and further, whosoever were law- fully convicted, or who otherwise, for want of appearance, by process directed forth were within the lapse of this statute of ' Praemunire,1 The law for so bore the name thereof, should suffer all and every such molesta- munhe, tions and injuries, as men exempted from the protection of the king; ™^J*e insomuch that whosoever had killed such men, had been in no more thereof, danger of law there-for, than for the killing of an outlaw, or one not worthy to live in a commonweal. Like unprofitable members were they then, yea, in that time of ignorance, esteemed in this common- weal of England, who would offer themselves to the wilful slavery and servile obedience of the pope ; which thing in these days, yea, and that amongst no small fools, is counted more than evangelical holi- ness. He that listeth to peruse the statute, and would see every branch and article thereof at large discussed and handled, with the penalties there-for due, let him read the statute of Provision and Prsemunire made in the twenty-fifth year of this king's days : and let him read in the statutes made in the parliaments holden the twenty-seventh and thirty-eighth years of his reign, and under the same titles of Provision and Prsemunire he shall find the pope's The primacy and jurisdiction within this realm more nearly touched, and primly much of his papal power restrained. Divers other matters wherein vnguld the pope is restrained of his usurped power, authority, and juris- bridled. diction within this realm of England, are in the said titles and statutes expressed and at large set forth, whoever listeth to peruse the same, which for brevity's sake I omit, hastening to other matters.1 About2 this time, being a d. 1370, lived holy Bridget, whom the st. church of Rome hath canonized not only for a saint, but also for a prophetess ; who, notwithstanding, in her book of Revelations, which hath been oftentimes imprinted, was a great rebuker of the pope and of the filth of his clergy, calling him a murderer of souls, a spiller and a piller3 of the flock of Christ, more abominable than Jews, more crueller than Judas, more unjust than Pilate, worse than Lucifer him- self. The see of the pope, she prophesieth, shall be thrown down into the deep like a millstone, and that his assisters4 shall burn with brim- stone. She affirmeth, that the prelates, bishops, and priests, are the cause why the doctrine of Christ is neglected, and almost extinguished ; (1) See the Statutes at Large, and the Extracts from the Parliament Rolls, infra, pp. "S3 — 789. The foregoing paragraph has been corrected in two or three particulars. — Ed. (2) Ex lib. revelationum Divse Brigitta:. [The next five pages are a translation of sevi-ral detached passages in the " Catalogus Testium," to which Foxe refers in the next page. Foxe's text has been collated with Illyricus, and in many instances corrected. — Ed. (3) " Dispersorem et lacerat'orem," Illyricus.— Ed. (4) " Asses-sores," lllyricuB. — Ku. 778 THE PROPHECY OF CATHARINE SKNKNSIS. A.D. 1370. Da pecu- inam. Home a The re- formation i>f religion prophe- sied of before. I' he pro- .hecy of Matthias Pariaien- sis, a writer against the pope. and that the clergy have turned the ten commandments of God into two words,1 to wit, " Da pecuniam," that is, " (Jive money." It were long and tedious to declare all that she against them writeth ; let the above suffice : one thing only I will add, where the said Bridget affirm eth in her Revelations, that she beheld when the Blessed Virgin said to her Son, how Rome was a fruitful and fertile field, and that he replied, " Yea, but of weeds only and cockle."2 To this Bridget I will join also Catharine of Sienna, a holy virgin, who lived much about the same time (a.d. 1370) ; of whom writeth Antoninus.3 This Catharine, having (according to the papists them- selves) the spirit of prophecy, was wont much to complain of the corrupt state of the church, namely4 of the prelates and monks, and of the court of Rome, and of the pope himself; prophesying before of the great schism which soon followed in the church of Rome, and endured to the council of Constance, the space of thirty-nine years ;5 also of the great wars and tribulation which ensued upon the same ; and, moreover, declared before and foretold of this so excellent reformation of religion in the church now present. The words of Antoninus be these : "After this virgin had, on setting out for Rome, foretold her brother of the wars and tumults that should arise in the countries about Rome after the schism which had just happened be- tween the two popes ; I, then, curious to know of things to come, and it having become manifest that she had by revelation a knowledge of futurity, demanded of her, I pray you, good mother, said I, and what shall befall after these troubles in the church of God ? And she said : ' By these tribulations and afflictions, after a secret manner unknown unto man, God shall purge his holy church, and stir up the spirit of his elect. And after these things shall follow such a reformation of the holy church of God, and such a renovation of holy pastors, that the only thought and anticipation thereof maketh my spirit to rejoice in the Lord. And, as I have oftentimes told you heretofore, the spouse, which now is all deformed and ragged, shall be adorned and decked with most rich and precious ouches and brooches. And all the faithful shall be glad and rejoice to see them- selves so beautified with such holy shepherds. Yea, and also the infidels then, allured by the sweet savour of Christ, shall return to the catholic fold, and be converted to the true shepherd and bishop of their souls. Give thanks therefore to God ; for after this storm he will give to his church a great calm.' And after she had thus spoken, she staid, and said no more."6 Besides these aforenamed, the Lord, who never ccaseth to Avork in his church, stirred up against the malignant church of Rome the spirits of divers other good and godly teachers, as Matthias Parisien- sis, a Bohemian born, who, about a.d. 1370, wrote a large book " De Antichristo,11 and provcth him already come, and hinteth the pope to be the same; which book one Illyricus, a writer in these our days, hath, and promiseth to put it in print.7 In this book he doth greatly (1) " In unicum verbum," Illyricus. The ten commandments are called in the Hebrew "ten words." — K.r. (2) Illvrictis, " Cat. Test " (Genev. lG08),col. 1799.— Ed. (3, Ex Anton, parte Materia: iii. (4) " Namely," " pnuertim." especially.— Ed. (i) See vol. iii p. is.— Ed. (f>) Illyricus, ool. 1791. Cave Bays that she was horn A.D. 1317. and (lied April a.d 1380, and that the was called •• Senensis," to distinguish her from Catharina " llononiensis," who nourished a.p. 1488.— Ed. (7) It is printed in Browne's Appendix to the " Fasciculus " of Orthuinus G "alius. — Ed. DIVERS LEARNED MEN WRITERS AGAINST THE POPE. 779 inveigh against the wickedness and filthiness of the clergy, and against Edward th.3 neglecting of their duty in governing the church. The locusts ln' mentioned in the Apocalypse, he saith, be the hypocrites reigning in AP~ the church. He saith, also, that it is through the operation of Anti- 1,j/0- christ, that the fables and inventions of men reign in the church, and The d°c- that images and feigned relics are worshipped every where : Item, protesta- that men do worship, every one, his proper saint and saviour instead Matthias. of Christ, so that every man and city almost have their diverse and peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed, moreover, that godliness and true worship of God are not tied to places, persons, or times, as though you would be heard more in this place than in another, at this time more than at another, &c. He argueth also against the cloisterers, who leaving the only and true Saviour, set up to them- selves their Francises, their Dominies, and such others, and have them for their saviours, glorying and triumphing in them, and feign- ing many forged lies about them. He was greatly and much offended with monks and friars for neglecting or rather burying the word of Christ, and for celebrating and setting up instead of him their own rules and canons ; affirming it to be much hurtful to true godliness, that the priests, monks, and nuns do account themselves only spiri- tual, and all others to be mundane and secular, challenging only to themselves the opinion of holiness, and contemning other men with all their public and social virtues as profane in comparison of their own state. He further writeth that Antichrist hath seduced all uni- versities and colleges of learned men, so that they teach no sound doctrine, neither give any light to Christians with their teaching. Finally, he forewarneth that it will come to pass, that God yet once again will raise up godly teachers, who, being fervent in the spirit and zeal of Elias, shall disclose openly to the whole world and refute the errors of Antichrist, and Antichrist himself. This Matthias, in his said book " De Antichristo," allegeth the sayings and writings of the university of Paris, also the sermons of Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, and of Militzius hereafter noted, and of others on the same subject.' About the same time, or shortly after (a.d. 1384), we read also Johannes of Johannes of Mountziger, rector of the university of Ulm, who ^°u"0!'" openly in the schools in a certain oration propounded that the body testant of Christ was not God, and therefore ought not to be worshipped as ufepope. God with that kind of worship called ' Latria,1 as the sophisters term it, meaning thereby that the sacrament ought not to be adored ; which afterwards he also defended by writing. He affirmed also, that Christ in his resurrection took to him again all his blood which in his passion he had shed ; meaning thereby to infer, that the blood of Christ, which in many places is worshipped, neither can be called the blood of Christ, neither ought to be worshipped. But by and by he was resisted and withstood by the monks and friars, who by this kind of idolatry were greatly enriched ; till at length the senate and council of the city were fain to take up the matter between them, referring the same to the university of Prague, which inclined to favour the propositions aforesaid.2 (1) Illyricus, col. 1792.— Ed. (2) Illyiicus, col. 1791.— Ed. '80 DIVERS LEARNED MKN WKITEKS AGAIXST THE POPE Edward Nilus was archbishop of Thessalonica, and lived much about this time. He wrote a work in two books " De primatu Papse,""1 and A- 13. treatise " De Purgatorio," against the Latins; that is, against such as 1,:>"0, took part and held with the church of Pome. His first work being NUiH, written in Greek, was afterward translated into Latin, and lately now bishop of into English, in this our time. In the first book of this work, he lo'i'.'ica!' iaveth all the blame and fault of the dissension and schism between the cast and the west church upon the pope. He affirmed that the pope only would command what him listed, were it never so contrary to all the old and ancient canons ; that he would hear and follow no man's advice ; that he would not permit any free councils to be assembled, &c. And that, therefore, it was not possible that the controversies between the Greek church and the Latin church should be decided and determined. In the second book of this work, he purposely maketh a very learned disputation. For first, he declareth that the bishop of Pome, no whit at all by God's commandment, but only by human law, hath any dignity, more than have other bishops; which dignity the coun- cils, the fathers, the emperors, have granted unto him : neither did they grant the same for any other consideration more, than for greater order,2 and for that the same city then had the empery of all the whole world, and not at all for that Peter ever was there, or not there. Secondarily he declareth, that the same primacy or prerogative is not such and so great, as he and his sycophants do usurp unto them- selves. Also he refuteth the chief propositions of the papists, one after another. He declareth that the pope hath no dominion more than other patriarchs have, and that he himself may err as well as other mortal men ; and that he is subject both to laws and councils, as well as other bishops. That it belonged not to him, but to the emperor, to call general councils ; and that in ecclesiastical causes he could establish and ordain no more than all other bishops might. And, lastly, that he is no further Peter's successor, than that he is a bishop, and that all other bishops in like manner be Peter's successors, &c.3 .1 icobm I cannot, among other, following here the occasion of this matter ■is and offered, leave out the memory of Jacobus of Misnia, a learned man and Mmtzius. a wrjter wh0 Jived in the time of John Huss, who also wrote " De Ad- ventu Antichristi.'"' In the same he maketh mention of a certain learned man whose name was Militzius, which Militzius, hesaith, was "a famous and worthy preacher in Prague," who lived about a. n. 1370, long before Huss, and before Wickl iff also. Jacobus citeth many things out of his writings, in which this good Militzius thus declareth of himself, how he was moved and urged by the Holy Spirit to search out by the Thecom- sacred Scriptures concerning the coming of Antichrist, and found that Uchrfst"" nowi ni his time, he was already come ; and that he was constrained by the same Holy Spirit to go up to Pome, and there publicly to preach ; and that afterwards before the inquisitor he affirmed the same, namely, that the same mighty and great Antichrist, which the Scriptures made mention of, was already come. He affirmed also, that the church through negligence of the pastors was become desolate. abounding, indeed, in temporal riches, but in spiritual riches empty $ (1) Printed in Goldastl dt> Mnnarrbin, torn. i. p. 30. Sec- Appendix.— Ed. (2) " Ordioia conaervandi cauaa," lUyricua.— Ed. (8) Ulyrioua, coL 1898, 1899.— Ed. MILITZIUS PERSECUTED BY THE POPE. 781 and that the prediction in the Gospel was fulfilled, that " iniquity Edward should abound," that is, by reason of the Mammon of iniquity. Also IlL he said, that there were in the church of Christ idols, which destroyed -A. D. Jerusalem and made the temple desolate, but were cloaked by 137Q- hypocrisy. Further, that there were many who denied Christ, for that they kept silence ; neither dared to own Christ and confess his verity before men, but wittingly imprisoned in their consciences the truth and righteousness of God. There is also a certain bull of pope Gregory XI. to the arch- Militzius bishop of Prague ; wherein he is commanded to excommunicate and ^i^n'for prosecute Militzius and his auditors. The same bull declareth, that the truth he was once a canon of Prague, but that afterwards he renounced cuted by his canonship, and began to preach, and openly declared Antichrist thep°1)e- to be already come, and for that reason was of John, archbishop of Prague, put in prison ; also that the said Militzius had a company or congregation to whom he preached, and that in the same were certain harlots, who had forsaken their evil life and did live godly and well, which harlots he used to say in his sermons were to be preferred before all the holy religious virgins. He taught also openly, that in the pope, cardinals, bishops, prelates, priests, and other religious men was no truth, neither that they taught the way of truth, but that only he, and such as held with him, taught the true way of salvation. His Postil1 in some places is yet to be seen. They allege unto him certain other inconvenient articles, which notwithstanding I think the adversaries, to damage him withal, have slanderously depraved. He had, as appeareth by the aforesaid bull, very many of every state and condition, as well rich as poor, that cleaved unto him. And thus much of good Militzius, living in the time of Gregory XI. and King Edward III., a.d. 1370.2 About a.d. 1371, lived Henricus de Iota, whom Gerson doth much commend, and also his companion Henricus de Hassia, an excellent learned and famous man. An epistle of this Henricus de Hassia, which he wrote to John, bishop of Worms, James Gruytrode, the Carthusian, hath inserted in his book " De Erroribus Christiano- rum." In the same epistle the author doth greatly accuse the spiri- tual men of every order, yea and the most holiest of all others, the pope himself, of many and great vices. He said, that the ecclesias- tical governors in the primitive church were to be compared to the sun shining in the day time ; and the political governors, to the moon shining in the night. But the spiritual men, he said, that now are, do never shine in the day time, nor yet in the night time, but rather with their darkness do obscure both the day and the night ; that is, with their filthy living, ignorance, and impiety. He citeth also out of the prophecy of Hildegard these words : " Therefore doth the devil in himself speak of you priests : Dainty banquets, and feasts wherein is all voluptuousness, do I find amongst these men ; insomuch that mine eyes, mine ears, my belly, and my veins, be even filled with the froth of them, and my breasts stand astrut with the riches of (1) See Appendix for an explanation of this word.— Ed. (2) Illyricus, cols. 1795, 1796. By some inadvertence Foxe introduces the two foregoing para- graphs about Militzius and Jacobus Misnensis twice, though with variations: see supra, p. 116, note (1). The two paragraphs in the text are made up from a comparison of the two versions with each other and with the original in Illyricus. — Ed. MARTYRS BEFORE WICKLIFF. Edward them," &c. " Lastly," saitli slie, " they every day more and more, as Lueifer did, seek to climb higher and higher; till that every day with m. A.J). }um> niore ancl more, they fall deeper and deeper. About a.d. 1390, there were burned at Bingen thirty-six citizens I m's of'" °f Mentz, for the doctrine of the Waldenses, as Hruschius affirmeth ; Mentz. which opinion was nothing contrary to that they held before, wherein they affirmed the pope to be that great Antichrist, which should come ; unless, perad venture, the pope seemed then to be more evi- dently convicted of Antichristianity, than at any other time before he was revealed to be.2 a brief For the like cause, many other beside these are to be found in ofsuehM stories, who sustained the like persecutions by the pope, if leisure todewii' wou^ serve to Peruse all that might be searched. As where Masseus3 for hold- recordeth of divers at Menerbe near Carcassone, in the province of against Narbonne, to the number of a hundred and forty, who chose rather of Rome1' to suffer whatsoever grievous punishment by fire, than to receive the before the decretals of the Romish church, contrary to the upright truth of the wickUff Scripture, a.d. 1210. What should I here speak of the twenty-four who suffered at Paris in the same year ? Also in the same author is testified that in the following year, at Lavaur, there were four hundred under the name of heretics burned, eighty beheaded, prince Aimericus hanged, and the lady of the castle stoned to death.4 Moreover, in the Chronicles of Hoveden, and of other writers, be recited a marvellous number, who in the countries of France were burned for heretics; of whom, some were called Publicans, some Catharites, some Paterines, and others by other names. What their assertions were, I find no certain report worthy of credit.5 Eckhard, In Trithemius, it is signified of one Eckhard, a Dominican friar, burned, who, not long before Wickliffs time, was condemned and suffered for heresy at Heidelburgh (a.d. 1830), who as he diffcretli not much in name, so may he be supposed to be the same, whom others do name Beghard, and is said to be burned at Erfurdt.6 Of the Albigenses, because sufficient mention is made before, of whom great number were burned about the time of king John, I pass them over. An Ere- Likewise, I let pass the Eremite of whom John Bacon maketh rela- duputing tion,7 who, disputing in Paul's Church, affirmed "That those sacraments tu- 'o ,es which were then used in the church (a.d. I860) were not instituted uu ra by Christ." Peradventurc, it was the same Ranulphus, mentioned in Kunui. the Flower of Histories, and who is said to die in prison; for the P'"JS- time of them doth not much differ. In Boetius, why the pope should so much commend a certain king, because for one man he had slain four hundred, shamefully mutilating the rest, I cannot judge, except the cause were that which the pope calleth heresy. But to let these things overpass that be uncertain, because neither is it possible to comprehend all them who have withstood the corrup- (1) Illyricus, cols 1800, 1801. The reader will find this passage from Hfldegard repeated, with some variation, infra, vol. iii. p. 193; the original Latin is there given in the noli-.— Kn. (2) lb. col. 1506. See Appendix.— En. (3) Massa;i "Chronica innltiplicis histories Utriusque Testament i, libr. 20." The facts here brought forward appeal in the beginning of lib. xvii. (4) See Appendix. (5) Ihid. (G) Ibid. (7) 2 Dist. Quiest. 1. WRITERS PARTIAL. VARIANCE ABOUT CROSS-BEARING. 783 tion of the pope's see, neither have we any such firm testimony left Edward of their doings, credibly to stay upon, we will now (Christ willing) '"' convert our story to things more certain and undoubted; grounding A.D. upon no light reports of feeble credit, nor upon any fabulous legends 1370> without authority, but upon the true and substantial copies of the public records of the realm, remaining yet to be seen under the king's most sure and faithful custody: out of the which records1 such matter appeareth against the popish church of Rome, and against its usurped authority, such open standing and crying out against the said see, and that not privily, but also in open parliament, in the days of this king Edward III., that neither will the Romish people of this our age easily think it to be true when they see it, neither yet shall they be able to deny the same, so clear standeth the force of those records. Ye heard a little before (p. 684), how John Stratford, archbishop Partial of Canterbury, being sent for, and required by the king to come unto jLuonhi him, refused so to do. What the cause was why he denied to come °ur. Ilis" at the king's sending, is neither touched of Polydore Virgil nor the of any other monkish chronicler writing of those acts and times ; England, whose part had been, faithfully to have dispensed the simple truth of things done to their posterity. But that which they dissemblingly and colourably have concealed, contrary to the true law of story, the true cause thereof we have found out by the true parliament rolls declaring the story thus : — King Edward III., in the sixth year of his reign, hearing that Edward Baliol had proclaimed himself king of Scotland, required counsel of the whole state, to wit, whether were hetter for him to assail Scotland, and to claim the demesing or demesnes of the same ; or else by making him party to take his advantage, and thereby to enjoy the service, as other his ancestors before him had done. For this cause he summoned a parliament of all estates to meet at York, about the beginning of December. Where the king was already come, waiting for the coming of such as were warned thereunto ; for the want of whose coming the parliament was adjourned till Monday, and from thence to Tuesday next ensuing. None other of all the clergy came, but only the archbishop of York, the bishops of Lincoln and Carlisle, and the abbots of York and Selby ; so that hereunto came not the archbishop of Canterbury, nor above one of his province, The arej,. and all for bearing the cross, whereby the same was a loss of the opportunity bishop of against Scotland. For, inasmuch as the matters to be debated were so weighty, £„"'"' and most of the states were absent, the assembly required the prorogation of came not the parliament until the Utas of St. Hilary then ensuing, at York, which was t0 the granted. And so a new summons was especially awarded to every person with rnenfat special charge to attend, so that the affairs of the king and the realm might not York, and be hindered because of the debate between the archbishop of Canterbury and bearing the archbishop of York, for the superior bearing of their cross. the cross. In conclusion, for all the king's summoning, the archbishop of Canterbury came not.2 And thus much out of the records, whereby thou mayest easily judge (pru- dent reader) what is to be thought of these pope-holy catholic churchmen, being of the pope's brood and setting up ; whom such frivolous causes of contention stir up both to such disquietness among themselves, and also to such disobedience against their prinGe: excuse them who can. It followeth, moreover, in the same records, concerning the abandoning of The the pope's provisions,3 how that the commons find great fault about provisions P°Pe.'s coming from Rome, whereby strangers were enabled within this realm to enjoy Sonsre- ecclesiastical dignities, and show divers inconveniencies ensuing thereby ; strained. namely, the decay of daily alms, the transporting of the treasure to nourish the (I) Ex Archivis Regis Majestatis. [The following extracts from the Parliamentary Rolls have been collated with the printed copy, and corrected in many particulars. See the Appendix. — Ed.] \-i) Ex an. 6. Regis Ed. III. tit. 1. (3) Ex an. 17. Reg. Ed. III. tit. 59. rs4 Edward III. A.D. 1370. The church of England spoiled by the pope and his foreign- ers. The act of Ed- ward I. against papal pro- visions revived. See Apt*ndix, Presen- tation within four months. No elec- tions to be taken by the pope, but only by the kin- Dispo- sition of benefices only in the king's hand. Bulls from Koine for- bidden. Deanery ol York taken from the cardinal. The king's answer to the aforesaid petitions. ACT OK EDWARD I. AGAINST PROVISIONS RF.VIVF.u. king's enemies, the discovering of the secrets of the realm, and the disabling and impoverishing of the clerks within this realm. They also show how the pope had granted to two new cardinals (one of whom, namely cardinal Pera- gortz, was a bitter enemy of the king and of the realm) benefices within this realm to the amount of 6,000 marks by the Valor Ecclesiasticus, which (owin) Ibid, tit 3.". (<>) [bid. tit. 36. (3) Kx an. Reg. Ed. 18, tit 32, 33. (7) Ibid. tit. 37. (8) Ibid. tit. 38 NOTES OUT OF THE PARLIAMENT ROLLS AGAINST THE POPE. 785 avoid the realm by Michaelmas next coming, and that their houses and livings Edward should be disposed of to young English scholars. Answer: being spiritual In- persons they could not be displaced without the king's consent ; but their . ,, temporalities were already in his hands.1 1370 Item, That the king would take into his own hands the profits of all other * strangers' livings, as cardinals and others, during their lives. Answer : the same as the last.2 That any aliens, enemies to England but advanced to livings here in Eng- £fivR£gs land, who should henceforth remain here, should be outlawed, and their goods mish°' seized to the king's use, and be bestowed on Englishmen able to teach the strangers parishioners and supply the chantries : for that the aliens aforesaid were but ^^d shoemakers, tailors, or chamberlains to cardinals, and unable to teach. Answer : lishmen. the same as before. The commons wished not to make any payment to any cardinals sojourning abroad in France to treat of war or peace : which was granted as reasonable.3 Item, It was propounded and fully agreed, that the yearly advancement of Cardinals two thousand marks, granted by the pope to two cardinals of the provinces of ^P^d Canterbury and York, should be restrained, and that any who might sue at law nvings for the same should be outlawed.4 in Eng- Likewise it was enacted and agreed, that no Englishman should take any an ' church or other benefice in farm of any alien religious, or buy any of their goods, or be of their counsel, on pain of forfeiting his goods and imprisonment for life. Enacted further, That no person, Englishman or alien, should bring to any bishop or other person of the realm, any bull or other papal letter touching any foreign matter, unless he first show the same to the chancellor or warden of the Cinque Ports ; upon loss of all he hath. Finally, the parliament having resolved to request of the king to take posses- sion of all benefices held by aliens, the archbishops and bishops of England were all commanded, before the next convocation to certify to the king in his chancery the names of such aliens and their benefices, and the values of the same.5 Notes of the Five and Twentieth Year of King Edward III. The parliament of the twenty-fifth year of the reign of king Edward III. The was begun on Wednesday, the Utas of the Purification [Feb. 9th, a. d. 1351]. pope's In that parliament, beside other matters, it was prayed, that remedy might be {™fts and had against the pope's reservations, and receiving the first fruits of all eccle- reser- siastical dignities in England ; which, with the brokage attendant thereon, were ^j0,113 a greater consumption to the realm, than all the king's wars.6 hurtful Also, that the like remedy might be had against such as in the court of Rome to the presumed to undo any judgment given in the king's court, as if they laboured Jna™an to undo the laws of the realm. the king's Whereunto it was answered, that there was sufficient remedy already pro- wars- vided by law.7 [The Statute of Provisors is then given (tit. 43), the same as is found in the Statutes at Large under 25 Ed. III.] Notes of the Eight and Thirtieth Year of King Edward III. In the parliament holden atWestminster, the thirty-eighth year of Edward 1 1 1., The re- on Monday the Utavesof St. Hilary [Jan. 20th, a. d. 1365], Simon, bishop of Ely, ?huee£°£ being lord chancellor, it was by the king's own mouth declared to all the estates for causes .... ii A- .*• :„ i.u„ 1„ tl v. fi,l__ not to be deter- how citations came daily to all sorts of persons in the realm through false suggestions made to the pope, for matters determinable in his courts within the mined at realm, and for procuring provisions to ecclesiastical dignities, to the great de- Rome, facing of the ancient laws, to the spoiling of his crown, to the daily conveying w.»at away of the treasure, to the wasting of ecclesiastical livings, to the withdraw- ™^ce 'beys ing of divine service, alms, hospitality, and other acceptable works, and to the trans- daily increase of all mischiefs : wherefore, in person, and by his own mouth, the £ °£^gt0 king required all the estates to provide hereof due remedy. An ordinance Rome. was accordingly prepared and enacted the Saturday following.8 (1) An. 20. Edw. III. tit. 30. (2) Ibid. tit. 31. (3) Ibid. tit. 32, 33, 34. (4) Ibid. tit. 35. (5) Ibid. tit. 37,42, 46. (6) 25 an. Reg. Edw. III. tit. 13. (7) Ibid. tit. 14. (8) 38 Edw. III. tit. 7, 8, 9. VOL. II. 3 E rS6 VOTES OUT OF THE PARLIAMENT ROLLS AGAINST THE POPE. BJvmr& It is to be noted finally in tin's parliament of the thirty-eighth year, that the il1- Act of Provisors brought in during this parliament, although in the printed copy . I)- [chapters 1. 2, 3.4,] it doth agree with the record in manner, yet in the said ]..-()' records, unprinted, are more biting words against the pope: a mystery not to _ 1 be known of all men ' Tl pr of pro Notes of the Fortieth Year of Kin Agreed Powcr resist the same/ that the Mere, moreover, is not to be omitted, how, in the said present parliament, the ki"" universities of Oxford and Cambridge on the one side, and the friars of the four resist the orders Mendicant in the said universities on the other side, made long complaints pope. the one against the other to the king in parliament of certain mutual outrages, disputes and mischiefs, and in the end submitted themselves to the king!s order.' Brawl he- Alter this the king, upon full digesting of the whole matter, by assent of tween the parliament took order; that as well the chancellors and masters, regent and dersof" non-regent, and all others of the said universities, as the friars of those orders friars and in the said universities, should in all graces and school exercises use each uinv"r!si otner m fi*'cndly wise, without any tumult, as they were wont to do before a ties. certain statute was lately passed in the said universities, ordaining that none of those orders should receive any scholars of the said universities into their said orders, being under the age of eighteen years : which statute the king annulled. priara That the said friars shall take no advantage of any processes which have ii to been instituted by them in the court of Rome against the said universities since hi'-iin K the passing of the said statute, nor proceed therein ; and that the king have power to redress all controversies between them from thenceforth ; and the offenders to be punished at the pleasure of the king and his council/ contro- versies. Notes of the Fiftieth Year of King Edward III. In process of the aforesaid acts and rolls it followeth more, that in the fiftieth year of the reign of king Edward III. another great parliament was ass. mbled at Westminster on the Monday after thefeast of St.George [April 28th, \.i>. 13761; The where, Sir John Knyvet being lord chancellor of England, a certain long bill causeof wag j)ut ,m agajnst the usurpations of the pope, a- being the cause of all the iii Eng- * plagues, murrains, famine, and poverty of the realm, so that thereby was Dot land. left of persons, or other commodity within the realm, the third that lately was.8 Treasure || That the taxes paid to tiie pope of Home for ecclesiastical dignities, do amount to fivefold as much as the tax of all profits which appertain to the king, III. til. 9. (' :'. tit. 7. (3) Tit.S. (11 Tit. 9— 11. I it. id, 11, l:;. NOTES OUT OF THE PARLIAMENT ROLLS AGAINST THE POPE. 78*1 by the year, out of his whole realm ; and that for some one bishopric or other Edwin, i dignity voided, the pope, by means of translations, hath two or three several In- taxes.1 III. That the brokers of that wicked city Avignon for money promote many Y^~i' caitiffs, being altogether unlearned and unworthy, to preferments of the value of a thousand marks by year, whereas a doctor of decrees or a master in divinity must be content with twenty marks ; whereby learning decayeth. IV. That aliens, enemies to this land, who never saw nor care to see their parishioners, have English livings, whereby they bring God's service into con- tempt, and convey away the treasure, and are more injurious to holy church than the Jews or Saracens.2 V. Also, it was put in the said bill to be considered, that the law of holy church would have benefices to be bestowed for pure love only, without paying or praying for them. VI. That both law and reason and good faith would, that livings given to holy church of devotion should be bestowed to the honour of God, and according to the pious intent of the donor, and not out of the realm, among our enemies. VII. That God had committed his sheep to our holy father the pope, to be pastured and not to be shorn. VIII. That lay patrons, perceiving the covetousness and simony of the The pope churchmen, do learn from their example to sell the benefices in their patronage teacheth unto those who devour them as beasts, none otherwise than God was sold to the be^lfiCes Jews who put him to death. IX. That there is no prince in Christendom so rich, that hath by the fourth inesti- part so much treasure as goeth most sinfully out of this realm in the way rnable, described, to the ruin of the realm ; all through sufferance and want of good p0pae ]ia'te)l counsel.3 here out X. Over and besides in the said bill, repeating again their tender zeal for the ]°fn^"s" honour of holy church, they declared and particularly named, all the plagues which had justly fallen upon this realm, for suffering the said church to be so defaced, with declaration that where there is great iniquity there always hath been and always will be adversity.4 XI. Whereupon with much persuasion was desired help, to remedy these dis- Reforma- orders; and the rather, for that this was the year of jubilee, the fiftieth year of tionofthe the king's reign, the year of grace and joy, and that there could be no greater England grace and joy to the realm, nor more acceptable to God and his church, than desired in his providing such remedy.5 ment* XII. The means how to begin this was to write two letters to the pope, the -ir ;ul- misaions. Certain other Notes of Parliament. Item, In the said parliament it was provided also, that such order as is taken in London against the horrible vice of usury, may be observed throughout the whole realm.11 The commons of the diocese of York complain of the outrageous taking of the archbishop and his clerks, for admission of priests to their benefices.12 To these records of the parliament above prefixed, of the fiftieth year of this king Edward, we will adjoin also other notes collected out of the parliami nt in the year next following, which was held the fifty-first year of this king's reign, and the last of his life, on Tuesday the Quindime of St. Hilary [January 27, a. d. 1377] : although in the printed book these Statutes are said to be made at the parliament holden.as above, in the fiftieth year : which is much mistaken, and ought to be referred to the one and fiftieth year, as by the records of the said year manifestly doth appear. (I) Tit. 106. (5) Tit. 110. ilii) Tit. 115. (2) Tit. 107. (0) Tit. 111. ;li) lit. 15S. (3) Tit. 108: see vol. i. p. 11. (7) Til. 112. (8] Tit. 113. I !) Tit. 171. (4) Tit. ion. (9) Tit. 1.4. NOTES OUT OF THE PARLIAMENT ROLLS AGAINST THE POPE. 789 In that parliament, the bishop of St. David's, being lord chancellor, made a Edward long oration, taking his theme out of St. Paul, " Libenter suffertis insipientes," II!- &c. : declaring in the said oration many things ; as first, shewing the joyful news « p of the old king's recovery ; then, declaring the love of God toward the king and iojq realm in chastising him with sickness ; afterwards, showing the blessing of God upon the king in seeing his children's children; then, by a similitude of the The effect head and members, exhorting the people, as the members of one body, to conform °hancei- themselves unto the goodness of the head; lastly, he turned his matter to the lor'sora- lords and the rest, declaring the cause of that assembly : that forsomuch as the tl0r'- French king had allied himself with the Spaniards and Scots, the king's enemies, who had prepared great powers, conspiring to blot out the English tongue and name, the king, therefore, wished to have therein their faithful counsel.1 This being declared by the bishop, Sir Robert Ashton, the king's chamber- This par- lain, declaring that he was to move them on the part of the king for the profit H*.1"!1".. of the realm (the which words perchance lay not in the bishop's mouth, for the pope's that it touched the pope), protesting first, that the king was ready to do all usurpa- that ought to be done for the pope ; but, because divers usurpations were done ™linst by the pope to the king's crown and realm, as by particular bills in this parlia- the king. ment should be showed, he required of them to seek redress.2 In this present parliament petition was made by the commons, that all Against provisors of benefices from Rome, and their agents, should be out of the king's J^^pes protection ; whereunto the king answered, that the pope had promised redress, sions which if he did not give, the laws in that case provided should then stand.3 f™m It was also in that parliament prayed, that every person of what sex soever, . being professed of any religion, continuing the habit till fifteen years of age and the pope's upward, may, upon proof of the same in any of the king's courts, be in law dispensa- utterly forebarred of all inheritance, albeit he have dispensation from the pope ; lon"' against which dispensation, is the chief grudge. Whereunto the king and the lords answered, saying, that they would provide.4 Item, In the said parliament the commons prayed, that the Statutes of Provi- sors at any time made be executed, and that remedy might be had against such cardinals as, within the provinces of Canterbury and York, had purchased reservations with the clause ' Anteferri,' to the value of twenty or thirty thou- By this sand gold crowns of the sun yearly : also against the pope's collector, who had j-^"/.6^ been wont to be an Englishman, but was now a mere Frenchman, residing at meant London, and keeping a large office at an expense to the clergy of three hun- tbepre- dred pounds yearly, and who conveyed yearly to the pope twenty thousand ab"v'' n' it- marks, or twenty thousand pounds ; and who, this year, gathered the first king. fruits of all benefices whatsoever : alleging the means to meet these reser- Api^diI vations and novelties to be, to command all strangers to depart the realm during the wars ; and that no Englishman become their farmer, or send to them any money without a special license, on pain to be out of the king's protection. Whereunto was answered by the king, that the statutes and ordinances for that purpose made, should be observed.5 In the rolls and records of such parliaments as were in this king's time The held, divers other things are to be noted very worthy to be marked, and not to P°^e * be suppressed in silence ; wherein the reader may learn and understand, that « pra- the state of the king's jurisdiction here within this realm was not straitened in eminire,' those days (although the pope then seemed to be in his chief ruff), as afterwards nowwe in other kings' days was seen ; as may appear in the parliament of the fifteenth corruptly year of this king Edward III., and in the twenty-fourth article of the said cal1 '.!'rT" parliament: where it is to be read, that the king's officers and temporal justices debarred did then both punish usurers, and impeach the officers of the church for extor- by the tion in the money taken for redemption of corporal penance, probate of wills, ping; solemnizing of marriage, &c., all the pretensed liberties of the popish church to ment 0f the contrary notwithstanding.6 the clergy Furthermore, in the parliament of the twenty-fifth year it appeareth, that {"J^jj the liberties of the clergy, and their exemptions in claiming the deliverance of mens men by their book under the name of clerks, stood then in little force, as hands. appeared by one Hawktine Honby, knight ; who, for imprisoning one of the C1"ks king's subjects till he made fine of twenty pounds, was on that account executed, temporal0 law. (1) Ex Archivis Reg. Edw. III. reg. 51, tit. 4—12. (2) Tit. 13. (3) Tit. 36. , U) Tit. 62 (5) Tit. 78, 79. (6) Ex Actis Parliament! in an. 15. Reg. Edw. III. tit. 24. Appendix. 'HE STORY OF JiHIX WUCKLIFK. Wickliff SI ill '..Hi the km:;' Edward notwithstanding the liberty of the clergy, who by his book would have saved f ■ himself, but could not. ^ j^ The like also appeared) by judgment given against a priest at Nottingham, ,'.,'-«' for killing his master. L And likewise by hanging certain monks of Combe.1 l'liear- Item, In the parliament of the fifteenth year, by the apprehending of John mentor Stratford, archbishop of Canterbury, and his arraignment; concerning which the arch- his arraignment all things were committed to Sir William of Kildisby, keeper bishop or 0f the privy seal.2 Canter- ' J buiy- Besides these truths and notes of the king's parliaments, wherein may appear the toward proceedings of this king and of all his com- mons against the pretensed church of Rome ; this is, moreover, to be added to the commendation of the king, how in the book of the Acts and Rolls of the king appeareth, that the said king Edward 111. sent also John Wickliff, reader then of the divinity lecture in Oxford, with certain other lords and ambassadors, over into the parts of 1 Flanders, to treat with the pope's legates concerning affairs betwixt the king and the pope, with full commission : the tenor whereof here followeth expressed :3 — The King's Letter authorizing John Wickliff and others to treat with the Pope's Legates. The king, to all and singular to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Know ye, that we, reposing assured confidence in the fidelity and wisdom of the reverend father, John, bishop of Bangor, and our well-beloved and trusty Mr. John Wickliff, professor of sacred theology, Mr. John Gutur, dean of Segovia, and Mr. Simon Multon, doctor of laws, Sir William de Burton, knight, John Bealknap, and John de Henyngton, have directed them as our special ambas- sadors, nuncios, and commissioners to the parts beyond the seas : giving to the said our ambassadors, nuncios, and commissioners, to six or five of them, of whom we will the aforesaid bishop to be one, authority and power, with com- mandment special, to treat and consult mildly and charitably with the nuncios and ambassadors of the lord pope, touching certain affairs, whereupon, of late, we sent heretofore the aforesaid bishop and Sir William, and friar Ughtred, monk of Durham, and master John de Shepeye, to the see apostolical; and to make full relation to us and our council of all things done and passed in the said assembly : that all such things as may tend to the honour of holy church and the maintenance of our crown and our realm of England may, by the assistance of God and wisdom of the see apostolical, be brought to good effect, and accomplished accordingly. In witness whereof, &c. Given at London the twenty-sixth day of July. [48 Ed. III. a.d. 1374.] By the which it is to be noted, what good-will the king then bare to the said Wickliff, and what small regard he had to the sinful see of Rome. Of the which John Wickliff, because we are now approached to his time, rcmaineth consequently for our story to entreat of, so as we have heretofore done of other like valiant soldiers of Christ's church before him. Cfje &torn of gioljn UDicftlfff. * Although4 it be manifest and evident enough, that there wer< divers and sundry before WicklifFs time, who have wrestled and laboured in the same cause ami quarrel that our countryman Wicliff hath done, whom the Holy Ghost hath from time to time raised and Edw. 111. (2) Ibid ...■\ universis ml quoi urn i fhenci the translation has been revised, See Appendi: I rom tin; Edition ol 1503, p. s.,. except a few words from ilu- Edition THE STORY OF JOHN WICKLIFF. 791 stirred up in the church of God, something to work against the bishop Edward of Rome, to weaken the pernicious superstition of the friars, and to HL vanquish and overthrow the great errors which daily did grow and A. D. prevail in the world; amongst the which number in the monuments 13^1- of histories are remembered Berengarius, in the time of the emperor Henry III., a.d. 1051 ; and John Scotus, who took away the verity of the body and blood from the sacrament ; Bruno bishop of Angers ; Oklcus the second; the Waldenses ; Marsilius of Padua; John dc Al^Zt,x. Janduno ; Ocham ; with divers other of that sect or school :x yet notwithstanding, forsomuch as they are not many in number, neither yet very famous or notable, following the course of years, we will begin the narration of this our history2 with the story and tractation of John Wickliff ; at whose time this furious fire of persecution seemed to take his first original and beginning. After all these, then, whom we have heretofore rehearsed, through God's providence stepped forth into the arena3 the valiant champion of the truth, John Wickliff,* our countryman, and other more of his time and same country; whom the Lord with the like zeal and power of spirit raised up here in England, to detect more fully and amply the poison of the pope's doctrine and false religion set up by the friars. In whose opinions and assertions albeit some blemishes perhaps may be noted, yet such blemishes they be, which rather declare him to be a man that might err, than who directly did fight against Christ our Saviour, as the pope's proceedings and the friars1 did. And what doctor or learned The Me- man hath been from the prime age of the church so perfect, so abso- "f'wk^k- lutely sure, in whom no opinion hath sometime swerved awry? and lifll,lar could not be found but ',\'-'.!' by being sought for by running gadding hither and thither. Thus the holiness of the whole year was transported and put off unto th Palestine Lent season. No country or land v - counted holy, but only horror Palestine, where Christ had walked himself with his corporal feet. Such was the blindness of that time, that nun did strive and fight there. ° for the cross at Jerusalem, as it had been for the chief and only force and strength of our faith. It is a wonder to read the monuments of the former times, to see and understand what great troubles and calamities this cross hath caused almost in every christian common- ;:!i ; for the Romish champions never ceased, by writing, admo- nishing, and counselling, yea, and by quarrelling, to move and stir up princes'1 minds to war and battle, even as though the faith and belief of the gospel were of small force, or little effect without that wooden cross. This was the cause of the expedition of the most Richard noble prince kino- Richard unto Jerusalem ; who being taken in the England, same journey, and delivered unto the emperor, could scarcely be ransomed home again for thirty thousand marks. In the same Frederic, enterprise or journey, Frederic, the emperor of Rome, a man of perorof most excellent virtue, was drowned in a certain river there, A.D. 1 190 ; and also Philip, the king of France, scarcely returned home again in safety, and not without great losses: so much did they esteem the France. y of the holy city and recovery ot tlie lioiv city and cross Upon this alone all men's eyes, minds, and devotions were so set and bent, as though either there were no other cross but that, or that the cross of Christ were in no other place but only at Jerusalem. Such was the blindness and superstition of those days, which under- stood or knew nothing but such things as were outwardly seen; whereas the profession of our religion standeth in much other higher matters and greater mysteries. What was the cause why Urban did so vex and tor- ment himself? Because Jerusalem with the holy cross was lost out of the hands of the Clmstians ; for so we do find it in the Chronicles, at what time as Jerusalem with king Guido and the cross of our Lord was taken, and under the power of the sultan, Urban took the matter so grievously, that for very sorrow he died. In his place suc- eeeded Albert, who was called Gregory VIII., by whose motion it was decreed by the cardinals, that (setting apart all riches and voluptu- ousness) "they should preach the cross of Christ, and by their poverty and humility first of all should take the cross upon them, and go be- n, , fore others into the land of Jerusalem.'''' These are the words of the history2; whereby it is evident unto the vigilant reader, unto what 1 grossness the true knowledge of the spiritual doctrine of the gospel was degenerated and grown in those days ; how great blindness and darkness were in those days, even in the first primacy and supremacy of the bishop of Rome : as though the outward succession of Peter and the apostles had been of greater force and effect to that matter. What doth it force in what place Peter did rule or not rule? It is much more to be regarded that every man should labour and study with all his endeavour to follow the life and confession of Peter; and that man seeineth unto me to be the true successor of Peter against whom the gates of hell shall not prevail, for if Peter in theGos] I 1 1; Sec Appendix. l2) Ibid. GROSSLY EXPOUNDED BY THE ROMANISTS. 795 do bear the type and figure of the christian church (as all men, in a Edwar4 manner, do affirm), what more foolish or vain thing can there be, than 7// through private usurpation, to restrain and to bind that unto one A-D- man, which, by the appointment of the Lord, is of itself free and open *-372, to so many? * But ' let it be so that Peter did establish his chair and seat at Rome, and admit that he did the like at Antioch : what doth this place of Peter make, or help, to the remission of sins, to the inter- pretation of Scriptures, or to have the authority or keys of binding and loosing? The which things, if they be the works of the Holv Ghost and of christian faith, and not of the place, surely very foolishly do we then refer them unto the see of Rome ; including, and hedg- ing them in, as it were, within certain borders and limits, as though there were no faith, or that the Holy Ghost had no operation or power, in any other place but only at Rome. What doth it make matter, where Peter served the Lord ? We ought rather to seek and know wherein Peter was acceptable unto his Lord, or wherefore ? that we likewise, with all our whole power and endeavour, may go about by the same mean and way, to do the like. Wherefore if we do think or judge that Christ had given unto Peter any singular or particular privilege, which was not also granted unto the residue of the apostles, more for any private affection or love of the man (such as many times reigneth amongst us now-a-days), we are far deceived. But if that he, for the most high, divine, and ready confession, which not he alone, but for, and in the name of them all, did pronounce and express, obtained any singular privilege; then he who doth succeed in the place and chair of Peter, doth not, by and by, show forth Peter's faith ; but whosoever doth nearest follow Peter in faith (in what chair or see soever he do sit) is wor- thily to be counted the successor of Peter, and is his successor in- deed ; in such sort and wise that he getteth thereby no kind of worldly honour.2 For the apostleship is an office, and no degree of honour ; a ministry or service, and no mastership or rule ; for as amongst the apostles themselves there was no pre-eminence of place or dignity, but that they altogether, with one mind, spirit, and accord, went about and did the work of their Master, and not their own business, so he who was the least amongst them was most set by before Christ, witness to himself.3 Whereby their succession deserved praise before God, but neither dignity nor promotion in the world. For, as Polycarp answered very well in Eusebius, unto the under- consid, " How doth the profession of them (said he ) who have forsaken all things for Christ's sake, accord or agree with these worldly riches and earthly promotions P11 But the bishops in these days* (I know not by what means of ambition, or desire of promotion) have altered and changed the eccle- siastical ministration into a worldly policy, that even as prince suc- ceeded prince, so one bishop doth succeed another in the see, as by right and title of inheritance, flowing and abounding moreover in all (1) These three paragraphs, with the few words at the close of the succeeding one, are reprir.N'l, with the aid of the Latin, from the edition of 15G3, p. 87. See also the Latin edition of 15; 9, pp. 3, 4. — Ed. (2) See Appendix. (.'!) i. e. " as he himself testifieth :" see Luke ix. IS. " Sic ut qui minor inter ipsos foret, plan's i lurapiul Chri-uuii testeii." Lat. Edition !o51), p. 4. — Ed. (-!) "Their days," Euiti.m 1503. " Horum temporum,'' Edition 1551).— Ed. 796 THE STORY OF JOHN WICKLIFF CONTINUED. Edward kind of wealth and riches here in earth ; being also guarded, after the '. — fashion and manner of the world, with routs and bands of men, clial- A.D. Jenging unto himself rule and lordship, in such manner that the whole *'6- governance and rule of all things fully did rest and remain in his power and hands. All other pastors and shepherds of other churches had no power or authority, more than was permitted and granted unto them by him. He alone did not only rule and govern over all churches, but also reigned over all kingdoms; he alone was feared of all men ; the other ministers of Christ were little or nothing regarded ; all things were in his power, and at his hands only, all things were sought for. There was no power to excommunicate, no authority to release, neither any knowledge of understanding or interpreting the Scriptures, in any other place, but only in the cloister at Rome.* The ris- Thus, in these so great and troublous times and horrible darkness wlckSff' °^ 'Snurancc? what time there seemed in a manner to be no one so in trou- little a spark of pure doctrine left or remaining, this aforesaid Wick- times. Hff, by God's providence, sprang and rose up, through whom the Lord would first waken and raise up again the world, which was overmuch drowned and whelmed in the deep streams of human traditions. Thus you have here the time of Wickliffs original : *now we will also in few words show somewhat of his troubles and conflicts.* wickiiir, This Wickliff, after he had now a long time professed divinity in ot'oxford. ^ie university of Oxford, and perceiving the true doctrine of Christ's gospel to be adulterated and defiled with so many filth v inventions of bishops, sects of monks, and dark errors : and that he, after long debating and deliberating with himself (with manv secret sighs, and bewailing in his mind the general ignorance of the whole world), could no longer suffer or abide the same, at the last determined with him- self to help and to remedy such things as he saw to be wide, and out of the way. But, forsomuch as he saw that this dangerous meddling could not be attempted or stirred without great trouble, neither that these things, which had been so long time with use and custom rooted and grafted in men's minds, could be suddenly plucked up or taken away, he thought with himself that this matter should be done by little and little, *even as he that plucked out the hairs out of the horse tail, as the proverb saith.* Wherefore he, taking his original at small occa- sions, thereby opened himself a way or mean to greater matters. And first he assailed his adversaries in logical and metaphysical questions, disputing with them of the first form and fashion of things, of the in- crease of time, and of the intelligible substance of a creature, with other such like sophisms of no great effect ; but yet, notwithstanding, it did not a little help and furnish him, who minded to dispute of m^'Lt. greater matters. So in these matters first began Keningham, a Car- melite, to dispute and argue against John Wickliff. By these originals, the way was made unto greater points, so that at length he came to touch the matters of the sacraments, and other abuses of the church ; touching which things this holy man took great pains, protesting, as they said, openly in the schools, that it was his chief and principal purpose and intent, to revoke and call back the church from her idolatry, to some better amendment ; especially in the matter of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. But this boil or sore could not be touched without the great grief and pain of the whole world : for. Hist of all, the whole glut of monks and LANCASTER AND PERCY MAINTAINED OF WICKLIFF. 797 begging friars was set in a rage and madness, who, even as hornets with Edward their sharp stings, did assail this good man on every side ; fighting, as L_ is said, for their altars, paunches, and bellies. After them the priests A. D. and bishops, and then after them the archbishop, being then Simon 1377- Sudbury, took the matter in hand ; who, for the same cause, deprived ^V^ him of his benefice, which then he had in Oxford.1 *At2 the last, of Ms be. when their power seemed also not sufficient to withstand the truth ox'tbnt" which was then breaking out, they ran wholly unto the lightnings and thunderbolts of the bishop of Rome, as it had been unto the last refuge of most force and strength. For this is their extreme succour and anchor-hold, in all such storms and troubles, when the outcries of monks and friars, and their pharisaical wickedness, cannot any more prevail.* Notwithstanding, he being somewhat friended and supported by the king, as appeareth, continued and bore out the nuke of malice of the friars and of the archbishop all this while of his first ter?and beginning, till about a.d. 1377; after which time, now to prosecute J°r(i,*^,n; likewise of his troubles and conflict, first 1 must fetch about a little great compass, as is requisite, to introduce some mention of John of Ssrf n" Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, the king's son, and lord Henry Percy, Wlckllff- who were his special maintainers. As years and time grew on, king Edward III., who had now Apj%Hnx. reigned about fifty-one years, after the decease of prince Edward his son, who departed the year before, was stricken with great age, and with such feebleness withal, that he was unwieldy, through lack of strength, to govern the affairs of the realm. Wherefore, a parliament being called the year before his death, it was there put up, by the knights and other the burgesses of the parliament, because of the misgovernment of the realm (by certain greedy persons about the king, raking all to them- selves, without seeing any justice done), that twelve sage and discreet lords and peers, such as were free from note of all avarice, should be placed as tutors about the king, to have the doing and disposing under him (six at one time, and in their absence, six at another) of matters pertaining to the public regiment. Here, by the way, I omit to speak of Alice Perris, the wicked harlot, who, as the story reporteth, had be- Alice Per- witched the king's heart, and governed all, and sat upon causes herself, kings" through the devilish help of a friar Dominic; who, by the duke of £°"£u" Lancaster, was caused to be taken, and was convicted, and would The king have suffered for the same, had not the archbishop of Canterbury and edTy a' the friars, more regarding the liberty of their church than the punish- ™™\ ment of vice, reclaimed him for their own prisoner. This Alice tneneipo* Perris, notwithstanding she was banished by this parliament from the a frlar' king, yet afterwards she came again, and left him not, till at his death she took all his rings upon his fingers and other jewels from him, and so fled away like a harlot. But this of her by the way. These twelve governors, by parliament aforesaid being appointed Twelve to have the tuition of the king, and to attend the public affairs of Issig"'"irS the realm, remained for a certain space about him ; till afterwards it |b°^' the so fell out, that they being again removed, all the regiment of the realm next under the king, was committed to the duke of Lancaster, the king's son ; for as yet Richard, the son of prince Edward, lately departed, was very young and under age. (1) See Appendix. (2) See Edition 1563, p. 88. Lat. Ed. 1559, p. 5.— Ed. 798 WICKHAM, BISHOP OF WINCHESTEE, DEPEIVED. Edwa,d This duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceived a , ! certain displeasure against the popish clergy; whether for corrupt A.I), and impure doctrine, joined with like abominable excess of life, oi 13/7- for what other canst', it is not precisely expressed ; only by story the cause thereof may l;e guessed to arise by William Wickham, bishop of Winchester.1 The matter is this: Aprac- The bishop of Winchester, as the saying went then, was reported to affirm, that the aforesaid John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, was not the son of kin.: Edward, nor of the queen ; who, being in travail at Gaunt, had no son, as he said, but a daughter, which, the same time, by lying upon of the mother in the bed, was there smothered. Whereupon the queen, fearing the king's displeasure, caused a certain man-child of a woman of Flanders, born the very same time, to 1' ■ conveyed, and brought unto her instead of her daughter afore- said; and so she brought up the child whom she bare not, who now is called duke of Lancaster. And this, said the bishop, did the queen tell him, lying in extremity on her death-bed, under seal of confession ; charging him if the said duke should ever aspire the crown, or if the kingdom by any means should fall unto him. hi' then should manifest the same, and declare it to the world, that tin said duke of Lancaster was no part of the king's blood, but a false heir of the king. This slanderous report of the wicked bishop, as it savoureth of a contumelious lie, so secmeth it to proceed of a subtle zeal towards the pope's religion, meaning falsehood : for the aforesaid duke, by favouring of Wickliff. declared himself to be a pro! enemy against the pope's profession; which thing was then not unknown, neither unmarked of the prelates and bishops then in Eng- land. But the sequel of the story thus followeth. " This slanderous villany of the bishop^ report being blazed abroad, and coming to the duke's ear; he, therewith being not a little discon- tented, as no marvel was, sought again, by what means he could, in be revenged of the bishop. In conclusion the duke, having now all the government of the realm, under the king his father, in his own hands, so pursued the bishop of Winchester, that by act of parliament ham.M- be was condemned and deprived of all his temporal goods; which goods were assigned to prince Richard, of Bourdeaux, the next in- heritor of the crown after the king ; and, furthermore, be inhibited the said bishop from approaching nearer to the court than twenty miles." Further as touching this bishop, the story thus procecdeth : " Not long after (a.D. 1377), a parliament was called by means of the duke of Lancaster, upon certain causes and respects; in which parliament great request and suit was made by the clergy, for the deliverance ol the bishop of Winchester. At length, when a subsidy was asked in the king's name of the clergy, and request also made, in the kind's behalf, for speedy expedition to be made for the dissolving of the parliament, the archbishop therefore accordingly convented the bishops ' tractation thereof. To whom the bishops with great lamentation complained for lack of their fellow and brother, the bishop oi' Win- ciuirch a chester, whose injury, said they, did derogate from the lib whole church; and therefore they refused to join themselves in (1) : tcrii Albani. of the WICKLIFF SENT FOR BY THE DUKE OF LANCASTER. 799 feraetation of any such matters, before all the members together were Edward united with the head; and, seeing the matter touched them altogether in common, as well him as them, they would not otherwise do. And A- D. they seemed, moreover, to be moved against the archbishop because 1377, he was not more stout in the cause, but suffered himself so to be cited of the duke." The archbishop, although he had sufficient cause to excuse himself, Bishop of. wherefore not to send for him, (as also he did,) because of the perils ^ which might ensue thereof, yet being forced and persuaded thereto > by the importunity of the bishops, directed down his letters to the tion. aforesaid bishop of Winchester, willing him to resort unto the convo- cation of the clergy ; who, being glad to obey the same, was received with great joy by the other bishops ; and, at length, by means of Alice Perris, the king's paramour, above mentioned, having given her a good quantity of money, the said Winchester was restored to his temporalities again. As the bishops had thus sent for Winchester, the duke in the mean John time had sent for John Wickliff, who, as is said, was then the ^tfof divinity reader in Oxford, and had commenced in sundry acts and |^ieof disputations contrary to the form and teaching of the pope's church Laiuas- in many things ; who also, for the same had been deprived of his ter benefice, as hath been before touched. The opinions which he began at Oxford, in his lectures and sermons, first to treat of, and for which he was deprived, were these : That the pope had no more power to excommunicate any man, than hath another. That if it be given by any person to the pope to excommunicate, yet to absolve the same is as much in the power of another priest, as in his. He affirmed, noreover, that neither the king, nor any temporal lord, could give any perpetuity to the church, or to any ecclesiastical person; for that when such ecclesiastical persons do sin ' habitualiter,'' continuing in the same still, the temporal powers ought and may meritoriously take away from them what before hath been bestowed upon them. And that he proved to have been practised before here in England by William Rufus ; " which thing" (said he) " if he did lawfully, why may ex ,mfie not the same also be practised now ? If he did it unlawfully, then Rufus!am cloth the church err" (said he) " and doth unlawfully in praying for him.'1 Rut of his assertions more shall follow, Christ willing, here- after. The story which ascribeth to him these assertions, being taken out (as I take it) of the monastery of St. Alban's, addeth withal, That in his teaching and preaching he was very eloquent, ;' but a dissembler" (saith he) "and a hypocrite." Why he surmiseth him to be a hypocrite the cause was this : — First, Because he resorted much to the orders of the begging friars, frequenting and extolling the perfection of their poverty : Secondly, Because he and his fellows usually accustomed in their preaching to go barefoot, and in simple russet gowns. By this, I suppose, may sufficiently appear to the indifferent the , nature and condition of Wickliff, how far it was from that am- bition and pride, which in the slanderous pen of Polydore Virgil, The sian- reporting in his nineteenth book of him, that because he was not pen°or preferred to higher honours and dignities of the church, conceiving Polydoie- there-for indignation against the clergy, he became their mortal 800 WICKLIFF FALSELY CHARGED WITH AMBITION. enemy. 1 1 < • w true was tins, He only knoweth best, that rightly shall judge both the one and the other. In the mean time, by other circumstances and parts of his life we may also partly conjecture what is to be thought of the man. But however it was in him, whether true or false, yet it had been wickiiir Polydore's part, either not so intemperately to have abused his pen, charged or at least to have showed some greater authority and ground of that bUtonby n's rt'P"rt : llir to follow nothing else but flying fame, so rashly to Poiydore. defame a man whose life he knoweth not, is not the part of a faithful story-writer. wickliff But to return from whence we digressed. Beside these his opi- i» touch* nums and assertions above recited, with others which arc hereafter to u'r ."''the ')C 0r",,."'nt forward in order, he began then something nearly to touch sacra- the matter of the sacrament, proving that in the said sacrament the ratnt' accidents of bread remained not without the subject, or substance ; and this, both by the holy Scriptures, and also by the authority of the doctors, but especially by such as were most ancient. As for the later writers, that is to say, such as have written upon that argument under the thousand years since Christ's time, he utterly refused them, saying, That after these years Satan was loosed and set at liberty ; and that since that time the life of man hath been most subject to, and in danger of, errors ; and that the simple and plain truth doth appear and consist in the Scriptures, whereunto all human traditions, whatsoever they be, must be referred, and especially such as are set Theiat- forth and published now of late years. This was the cause why he tersofflw refused the later writers of decretals, leaning only to the Scriptures to bends- am* am''cnt doctors ; most stoutly affirming out of them, that in the doubted, sacrament of the body, which is celebrated with bread, the accidents dentsnot are not present without the substance ; that is to say, that the the'sa'cra- body of Christ is not present without the bread, as the common sort merit of priests in those days did dream. As for his arguments, what they were, wc will shortly, at more opportunity, by God's grace, declare them in another place, lest that with so long a digression we seem to defer and put off the reader. But herein the truth, as the poet speaketh very truly, had gotten John WicklifT great displeasure and hatred at many men's hands ; and especially of the monks and richest sort of priests. Albeit, through the favour and supportation of the duke of Lan- caster and lord Henry Percy he persisted, hitherto, in some mean epiict against their wolfish violence and cruelty : till at last, about a.d. 1377, the bishops, still urging and inciting their archbishop Simon Sudbury, who before had deprived him, and afterward pro- hibited him also not to stir any more in those sorts of matters, had obtained, by process and order of citation, to have him brought before them ; whereunto both place and time for him to appear, after their usual form, was to him assigned. The duke, having intelligence that Wickliff, his client, should come before the bishops, fearing that he being but one, was too weak against such a multitude, calleth to him, out of the orders of friars, four bachelors of divinity, out of every order one, to join them with Wickliff also, for more surety. When the day was come, assigned to the said Wickliff to appear, which day was Thursday, the nineteenth nthout the sub- stance. WICKLIFF BROUGHT TO HIS APPEARANCE. 801 of February, John Wickliff went, accompanied with the four friars Edward aforesaid, and with them also the duke of Lancaster, and lord Henry '— Percy, lord marshal of England; the said lord Percy also going A-D- before them to make room and way where Wickliff should come. 1377' Thus Wickliff, through the providence of God, being sufficiently guarded, was coming to the place where the bishops sat ; whom, by the way, they animated and exhorted not to fear or shrink a whit at the company of the bishops there present, who were all unlearned, said they, in respect of him (for so proceed the words of my aforesaid author, whom I follow in this narration), neither that he should dread the concourse of the people, whom they would them- selves assist and defend, in such sort, as he should take no harm.' With these words, and with the assistance of the nobles, Wickliff, in heart encouraged, approached to the church of St. Paul in London, where a main press of people was gathered to hear what should be said and done. Such was there the frequency and throng of the multitude, that the lords, for all the puissance of the striving high marshal, unneth with great difficulty could get way through ; °0frdSlet<1 insomuch that the bishop of London, whose name was William Pass by Courtney, seeing the stir that the lord marshal kept in the church pie. among the people, speaking to the lord Percy, said, that if he had Theword* known before what masteries he would have kept in the church, he shop'of'"" would have stopped him out from coming there ; at which words of the London t0 bishop the duke disdaining not a little, answered the bishop and Percy! said, that he would keep such mastery there, though he said ' nay.1 At last, after much wrestling, they pierced through and came to Our Lady's Chapel, where the dukes and barons were sitting together with the archbishops and other bishops ; before whom Wickliff, according to the manner, stood, to know what should be laid unto him. To whom first spake the lord Percy, bidding him to sit down, saying, that he had many things to answer to, and therefore had need of some softer seat. But the bishop of London, cast eftsoons into a furnish chafe by those words, said, he should not sit there. Neither was it, strife be- said he, according to law or reason, that he, who was cited there to f^mar6 appear to answer before his ordinary, should sit clown during the time sM and of his answer, but that he should stand. Upon these words a fire London, began to heat and kindle between them ; insomuch that they began so to rate and revile one the other, that the whole multitude, there- with disquieted, began to be set on a hurry. Then the duke, taking the lord Percy's part, with hasty words strife be- began also to take up the bishop. To whom the bishop again, [il^ol'~ nothing inferior in reproachful checks and rebukes, did render and j£n<^!" requite not only to him as good as he brought, but also did so far bishop of excel him in this railing art of scolding, that to use the words of mine who over- author, " Erubuit dux, quod non potuit pnevalere litigio ;" that is, j^'J'16 the duke blushed and was ashamed, because he could not overpass scolding. the bishop in brawling and railing, and, therefore, he fell to plain Append*, threatening ; menacing the bishop, that he would bring down the pride, not only of him, but also of all the prelacy of England. And speaking, moreover, unto him : " Thou,*''' said he, " bearest thyself so brag upon thy parents, who shall not be able to help thee ; they shall (1) Ex Hist. Monachi D. Albani ex accommodato D. Matth. Archiepis. Cant. VOL. II. 3 F M)2 RIOTOUS CONDUCT OF THE LONDONERS. Eihrttr III. d have enough to do to help themselves ;"" for his parents were the eari and countess of Devonshire.1 To whom the bishop again answered, A.I), that to be bold to tell truth, his confidence was not in his pare ts, 577- nor m any man else, but only in God in whom he trusted. Then The (hike the duke softly whispering in the ear of him next by him, said, That ethto " he would rather pluck the bishop by the hair of his head out of the f,""' church, than he would take this at his hand. This was not spoken so secretly, but that the Londoners overheard him. Whereupon, the hair . . . 11 li out of the being set in a rage, they cried out, saving, that they would not suffer their bishop so contemptuously to I. But rather they would lose their lives, than that lie should so be drawn out by the hair. Thus that council, being broken with scolding and brawling for that day. was dissolved before nine o'clock, and the duke, with the lord Percy, went to the parliament; where, the same day before dinner, Petitions a bill was put up in the name of the king by the lord Thomas Jlariia1- '" Woodstock and lord Henry Percy, that the city of London should no [jSnstthe more ^)e governed by a mayor, but by a captain, as in times before; city of and that the marshal of England should have all the ado in taking see' the arrests within the said city, as in other cities besides, with other petitions more, tending to the like derogation of the liberties of London. This bill being read, John Philpot, then burgess for the city, standeth up, saying to those who read the bill, that that was never seen so before; and adding, moreover, that the mayor would never suffer any such things, or other arrest to be brought into the city; with more such words of like stoutness. Hasty The next day following the Londoners assembled themselves in a council, to consider among them upon the bill for changing the doner*, mayor, and about the office of the marshal; also, concerning the injuries done the day before to their bishop. In the mean time, they, being busy in long consultation of this matter, suddenly and unawares entered into the place two certain lords, whether come to spy, or for what other cause, the author leaveth it uncertain ; the one called lord Fitz- Walter, the other lord Guy Bryan. At the first coming in of them the vulgar sort Mas ready forthwith to fly upon them as spies, had not they made their protestation with an oath, declaring that their coming in was for no harm toward them. And so they were compelled by the citizens to -wear to the city their truth and fidelity : contrary to the winch oath if they should rebel, contented they would be to forfeit whatsoever goods and possessions they had within the city. This done, then began the Lord Fitz- Walter, in this wise, to per- lordFit* SUade and exhort the citizens ; first declaring how he was bound and rt^ni0 obliged to them and to their city, not only on account of the oath ilonsrs now newlv received, but of old and ancient good will from his great grandfather's time ; besides other divers duties, for the which he was chiefly bound to be one of their principal fautors ; Forsomuch as whatsoever tended to their damage and detriment redounded also no less unto his own: for which cause he could not otherwise choose, but that what he did understand to be attempted against the public profit and liberties of the city, he must need- communicate the same to them; who unlessthey with speedy circumspection do occur, and (1) This bishop of London was William Courtney, son to the earl of Devonshire. THE LONDONERS1 HASTY COUNSEL. 803 prevent perils that may and are like to ensue, it would turn in the Edw,,,d end to their no small incommodity. And as there were many other ■ ' • things which required their vigilant care and diligence, so one thing A- L\ there was, which he could in no wise but admonish them of; which l377, was this, necessary to be considered of them all : how the lord marshal Henry Percy, in his place within himself had one in ward and cus- tody, whether with the knowledge, or without the knowledge of them, he could not tell : this he could tell, that the said lord marshal was not allowed any such ward or prison in his house within the liberties of the city ; which thing, if it be not seen to in time, the example thereof being suffered, would, in fine, breed to such a prejudice unto their customs and liberties, as that they should not, hereafter, when they would, reform the injury thereof. These words of the lord Fitz- Walter were not so soon spoken, but Thecii they were as soon taken of the rash citizens ; who in all hasty fury London running to their armour and weapons, went incontinent to the house \{^u>xlr their mis- demeanour by the worthy oration of the lord chamberlain, Robert Aston, in the presence of the king, archbishops, bishops, with divers other states, the king's children, and other nobilities of the realm ; The Lon- in conclusion, how the Londoners were compelled to this at length, caused to Dy tuc common assent and public charges of the city to make a great taper of wax, which, with the duke's arms set upon it, should wajt'in be brought with solemn procession to the church of St. Paul, there to m'',',' V„ burn continually Before the image of Our Lady ; and, at last, how tn'"(duk"f ')l)^1 tne sa^ (^u^e ant^ tne Londoners were reconciled together, in the beginning of the reign of the new king, with the kiss of peace ; and how the same reconcilement was publicly announced in the church of Westminster, and what joy was in the whole city thereof: these, because they are impertinent and make too long a digression from the matter of Wicklill', 1 cut off with brevity, referring the reader to other histories, namely of St. Alban's, where they are to be found at large. As these aforesaid things for brevitv'sakc I uass over, so I cannot HAUGHTINESS OF THE BISHOP OF NORWICH. 805 omit, though I will not be long, that which happened the same time Edward and year to the bishop of Norwich, to the intent that this posterity "' now may see, to what pride the clergy of the pope's church had then -A.l). grown. At the same time that this broil was in London, the bishop 1:i7~ of Norwich, a little after Easter, coming to the town of Lynn, a story of belonging to his lordship; being not contented with the old accus- ofeNor-°p tomed honour due unto him, and used of his predecessors before in wich- the same town, required, moreover, with a new and unused kind of AppJZdiz. magnificence to be exalted : insomuch that when he saw the chief Example magistrate or mayor of that town to go in the streets with his officer "^epopj-" going before him, holding a certain wand in his hand, tipped at both clergy, ends with black horn, as the manner was, he, reputing himself to be lord of that town, as he was, and thinking to be higher than the highest, commanded the honour of that staff due to the mayor, to be yielded and borne before his lordly personage. The mayor or bailiff, The cour- with other the townsmen, courteously answered him, that they were thT ° right willing and contented, with all their hearts, to exhibit that ,,o"1"esme" reverence unto him; and would so do, if he first of the king and bishop, council could obtain that custom, and if the same might be induced, after any peaceable way, with the good wills of the commons and body of the town : otherwise, said they, as the matter was dangerous, so they durst not take in hand any such new alteration of ancient customs and liberties, lest the people, who are always inclinable and prone to evil, do fall upon them with stones, and drive them out of the town. Wherefore, kneeling on their knees before him, there humbly they besought him that he would require no such thing of them ; that he would save his own honour, and their lives, who, otherwise, if he intended that way, were in great danger. But the bishop, youthful and haughty, taking occasion, by their humbleness, to swell the more in himself, answered, that he would not be taught The stout by their counsel, but that he would have it done, though all the l\^l\"Cl commons (whom he named ribalds) said ' nay.1 Also he rebuked the \°0^shi t mayor and his brethren for mecocks and dastards, for so fearing the vulgar sort of people. The citizens perceiving the wilful stoutness of the bishop, meekly answering again, said, they minded not to resist him, but to let him do therein what he thought good : only they desired him that he would license them to depart, and hold them excused for not waiting upon him, and conducting him out of the town with that reverence which he required, for if they should be seen in his company, all the suspicion thereof would be upon them, and so should they be all in danger, as much as their lives were worth. The bishop, not re- garding their advice and counsel, commanded one of his men to take the rod borne before the mayor, and to carry the same before him : which being done, and perceived of the commons, the bishop after that manner went not far, but the rude people running to shut the Tfhjf l°wn gates, came out with their bows, some Avith clubs and staves, some riseth with other instruments, some with stones, and let drive at the bishop ^aat and his men as fast as they might, in such sort, that both the bishop t»shoP. and his horse under him, with most part of his men, were hurt and wounded. And thus the glorious pride of this jolly prelate, ruffling in his new sceptre, was received and welcomed there : that is, he 806 DEATH UK EDWARD 111. i was so pelted with bats and stems, so wounded with arrows and ! — other instruments lit for such a skirmish, that the most part of his A.I). merj) M-jt], i,js mace bearer, all running away from him, the poor wounded bishop was tlure left alone, not able to keep his old power, who went about to usurp a new power more than to him belonged. Pride will Thus, as is commonly true in all, so is it well exemplified here, that Fau.e* which is commonly said, and as it is commonly seen, that pride will have a fall, and power usurped will never stand. In like manner, wiu never if the citizens of Rome, following the example of these Lynn men, The ' as they have the like cause, and greater, to do by the usurped power powerof "' ' t'u>'1' bishop, would after the same sauce handle the pope, and un- thepope sceptre him of his mace and regality, which nothing pertain to him ; have a they, in so doing, should both recover their own liberties, with more bri ear of Edward III. (supra, p. 7S7) make tlie same cardinal prebendary both of Thame and Nassington : we should therefore, probably, supply Prisca in the hiatus at p. 809, making this Lagier the prebendary of Thame . a.d. 1371 . 13 Peter Flandrin, a Frenchman of the diocese of Viviers, in le Vivarez, deacon-cardinal of St. Eustace a.d. 1371 . 14 Audomar de Rupe is mentioned in llasted's Kent (torn. iv. 7s-2 , as archd. of Cant, next but one to William Judicis (above, No. 11): in a Patent of June 3d, 2 Rich. 1 1 , printed in Rymi r. he is called " Adomar de la Roche, archd. of Cant.," and is therein deprived for taking part with the French. 1374 1376 D. 1374 D. 1379 D. 1401 D. 1394 1874 1361 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 5, last line but one.] — Ingulph mentions a council held at London a.d. 833, to debate on the measures to be taken in consequence of the Danish invasion : the defeat at Charmouth was, no doubt, the occasion of the council. Page 6, line 1. " Notwithstanding, in the next battle" &c] — This sentence no doubt refers to the battle of Hengisdovvn, in Cornwall, and ought to have been placed at the close of the paragraph, according to the best authors (Saxon Chron., Hoveden, Rapin, Henry), and even according to Foxe himself; for the first words of the next sentence imply, that when the Danes landed in the West of England they had experienced no check since their victory at Char- mouth ; and the only occasion on which Egbert is anywhere reported to have rallied against the Danes, was at the battle of Hengisdovvn, consequent upon their descent in the West, of which Foxe presently speaks. Page 6, note (4).] — Foxe's account of the reign of Ethelwolph is con- fused, for want of due attention to the chronological arrangement of his mate- rials : for though he was misled by Fabian into the notion, that the Danes did not trouble Ethelwolph till toward the close of his reign (seep. 12, note 3); yet he here proceeds at once to introduce Ethelvvolph's Charter to the Church, which speaks of the ravages of the Danes as the moving cause which led him to propitiate the Divine favour by liberality toward the Church. An improved arrangement has, therefore, been adopted from Malmesbury, from whom Foxe appears to have derived his materials for this reign. Page 7, line 18. " Sergius I] ., who first brought in" &c] — Authors differ on this subject. Hoffman supports Foxe's statement: " Hie [Sergius II.] primus Pontificum nomen mutavit, cum antea Petrus Buccaporcius diceretur." But Moreri says that Adrian III. was the first to change his name, which had been Agapitus, on being made pope a.d. 884. He also says that it was Sergius the Fourth who was called Petrus os Porci or Bocca di Porco, before he was made pope a.d. 1009. " Sergius II. n'osant porter le nom de Pierre, par respect de celui du Prince des Apotres, prit celui de Sergius, qui detruit l'opinion du vul- gaire, qui s'iinagine que ce Pane se nommoit Groin du Pourceau, et que ce fut ce qui le porta a changer de nom. On prend le change en ceci ; car cette histoire ne peut regarder que Sergius IV., qui etoit d'une famille de ce nom." — Moreri s Dictionary. Page 7, note (1).] — Aventine seems to be the first who really disputed the cur- rent story. About one hundred and fifty good catholic writers assert or recognise it. One of the first modern antagonists is Florimond de Remond in his " Anti- Papesse," in 1607, which was replied to by Alexander Cooke in his " Pope Joane," in 1625. But the most notorious — perhaps the best — is the Protestant Blonde], first in French, rather mysteriously, in his "Familier Eclaircissement," &c. Amst. 1647 ; after his death, through the editorship of Steph. de Cour- celles (Curcelksus), in a Latin translation, " De Joanna Papissa," 1657, with a long Apology for li is friend ; neither of whom was any friend to the Anti-remon- strants of Holland. The French was answered in 1655 by the Sieur Congnard, Advocate of the parliament of Normandy ; the Latin by Sam. des Marets (Maresius) in his ''Joanna Papissa restituta," Groningse, 1658, the year after Curcellaeus's edition, whose Apology he examines point by point, reprinting the whole. After these appeared, on the same side, F. Spanheim and L'Enfant. Gieseler, in his valuable Text-Book, ii. 20, 21, was either ignorant of these writers, or has purposely suppressed them, although they all pretty powerfully attack his " decisive " proofs. The numismatic champion, Garampi, may be 812 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. told, that the obverse and reverse of a coin are not necessarily in every case synchronous; that his chronology is not the best supported ; and that there is such a place as Padua. He has known better, however, than to conceal the names of the opponents of his Thesis. — Be Nummo Argenteo Ben. III. Rom. 171IJ, pp. 8, 9. Page 8, line 15. " /!>/ this pope [Nicholas I.] priests began to be restrained," &c] — Foxe here follows tbe authority of Volaterran and others (see infra, vol. v. p. 326): but he rather inclines himself to say this of Nicholas II.; to whom also he considers the ensuing letter to be addressed, but by whom — both he and the critics are undecided. (See pp. 12, 97, and vol. v. pp. 305, 311, 31 1,326—331.) Page 10, last line. " Augustine was less than Hierome."] — There is an allusion here to a passage of St. Augustine's writings. Speaking of himself a bishop and Jerome a priest, he says : — " Quanquam enim, secundum bonorum voca- bula quae jam ecclesiae usus obtinuit episcopatus presbyterio major sit, tanien in niultis rebus Augustinus Hieronymo minor est : licet etiam a minore qnoli- bet non sit refugienda vel dedignanda correctio." Inter Epistolas Hieron. Epist. 77, in fine. — Hieron. Opera, Ed. Bened. Paris, 1700, torn iv. col. 641. Page 10, note (1).] — The consequences of the constrained celibacy enjoined by the Romish Church on her clergy are, unhappily, so notorious, that (as Bishop Hall intimates) it would be irrelevant to dispute about the number of infants' heads found in the pope's fish-pond. To suppose that 0,000 infants, or even 1,000 (for Martene, Ampl. Coll. i. 449, reads " plusquam millia," leaving out " sex "), should have been murdered and thrown into one pond within so short a period as the story implies, is out of the question ; and some critics have even thought this circumstance sufficient to prove the letter a forgery, though they allow that it came to our hands " a pontificiis." (See Mansi's edition of Fabririi Bibliotheca Med. et. Inf. Latinitatis, vol. vi. p. 285, and Theiner's Einfiihrung iter "Erzwungenen Ehelosigkeit, i. 467.) Nothing, however, is more common than errors as to numbers in ancient documents. Indeed, the number itself would not have been so incredible had the story referred to the age of Erasmus, who states in one part of his works, " Nunc videmus mundum esse plenum sacerdotibus concubinariis. Est apud Germanos episcopus quidam, qui ipse dixit in convivio, uno anno ad se delata undecim millia sacerdotum palam concubinariorum : nam tales singulis annis pcndunt aliquid episcopo." — Erasnn Opera, Lug. lint. torn. ix. p. 185. Erasmus wrote this in defending his published opinion respecting the celibacy of the clergy against the attacks of a papist. Page 12, line 23. "By this Adrian [III.] it was first decreed," &c.]— The emperor had no share in the election or confirmation of Adrian II. men- tioned in the preceding line ; for the emperor's ambassadors, who were at Koine at the time, were not invited to the election. On complaining of this they were told, that the ceremony had not been omitted out of any disrespect to the emperor, but to prevent, for the future, the ambassadors of any prince from pretending to interfere with the election of a pope. At page 401 we find that transaction referred to as the first instance of the exclusion of the emperor from a voice in the election of a pope. But no decree of exclusion was issued till the time of Adrian III., as stated in the text here and supra, p. 0. The decree (according to Martinus Polonus) was, " Ut Imperator non se intro- mitteret de electione." (See the note in this Appendix on p. 4G4, line G.) Hoffman, in his Lexicon, says briefly : — " Adrianus II. Nicholao successit, sine consensu Imperatoris, a>grc id legatis ferentibus." " Adrianus III. legem tulit, ut pontificis designati consecratio sine praesentia regis aut legatorum procederet." SeeaU> Sandini Vita Pontiff. Rom. p. 340. Page 12, note (.*>). ] — The document translated at the top of the next page, and which will be found in Hoveden, says expressly " ah exordio regni Ethel- wulpln regis usque ad adventum Normanorum et Willielmi regis, ad ducentoa annos el triginta;" which carries us back to the very beginning of Ethel- wolph's reign. Hoveden himself 8aya in his text, that the Danes came "primo anno regni vm."— Script. post Bedam. \>. 112. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 813 Page 1C, line 3. " These things thus done" &c] — Asserius and the " Annates Bertiniani " both assert, that Ethelwolph went to Koine in a.d. 855 and continued there twelve months; that he visited the French court early in July a.d. 856; and that he was married by Hincmar, abp. of Rheims, October 1st. P. Pagi adopts these dates (Crit. in Baronium), and says that the grants mentioned in the text were made — not to Leo. IV., who died July 17th a.d. 855, but to his successor — Benedict 111. The Benedictine Authors of " L'Art de Verifier des Dates " follow this account. Page 18, line 9. " Reigned both together the term of Jive years, one with the other."} — i.e. for two years and a half each from their lather's death ; after which period Ethelbert reigned sole monarch for about six years, when he was succeeded by Ethelred a.d. 866. Page 19, line 18 from the bottom. " Inguar and Ilubba . . . slain at Engle- fleld."} — Brompton states that they escaped after the battle of Englefield into Ireland, and died there. Hoveden (p. 416), cited by Foxe at p. 23, gives a different account of their death : see the note in this Appendix on that passage. Page 21, line 1.] — Foxe, misled by Fabian, reads, " Winborn or Woburn." (See page 37, line 8.) Spelman in his life of Alfred states, that the following inscription was formerly to be read on Ethelred's tomb at Wimborne, afterwards destroyed in the civil wars : — " In hoc loco quiescit corpus S. Ethelredi regis West Saxonum, martyris, qui Anno Domini dccc lxxiii, xxiii. Aprilis, per manus Danorum paganorum occubuit." (Camden's Britannia, and Spelman, p. 43.) Alfred certainly came to the throne in April, a. d. 872, according to the chronicle cited at page 32, note (1), which states that he died Oct. 28th a.d. 901 after a reign of twenty-nine years and six months. — See Mr. Sharon Turner's Anglo-Saxon History, vol. i. p. 537. Page 21, line 2. " For lack of issue of his body."} — Other authors say, that it was by virtue of his father's will, and that Ethelbald at least left children behind him who survived Alfred. — Turner, vol. i. p. 536. Page 22, line 16. " In the next year " &c] — Foxe says, " the same " year : but see L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Also, it is plain that the three Danish kings left Cambridge a.d. 876 ; for they wintered after the battle of Wilton at London a.d. 872-3 ; at Torksey in Lindsey a.d. 873-4 ; at Repton a.d. 874-5 ; at Cam- bridge a.d. 875-6; and in a.d. 876 they seized AVareham Castle. Page 22, line 27. " But they, falsely breaking their league" &c] — This statement is rather too elliptical. The treaty was broken toward the close of a.d. 876 by some of the Danes breaking out of Wareham, seizing the horses of Alfred's coast-guard, and making their way to Exeter. Of the rest, some attempted to follow by sea early next year, a.d. 877, when they were wrecked at Swanawic, or Swanage : the others escaped from Wareham to Exeter on foot. — Rapin, and Spelman, p. 49. Page 22, line 29. "At Swanawic,"} — says Huntingdon ; i.e. Swanage on the Dorsetshire coast, not Sandwich, as Foxe says. Page 23, line 31. " Their ensign, called the Raven, was taken."} — " The Danish standard called Reafan, or the Raven, was the great confidence of those pagans. It was a banner with the image of a raven magically wrought by the three sisters of Inguar and Hubba, on purpose for their expedition in revenge of their father Lodebroch's murder, made (they say) almost in an instant, being by them at once begun and finished in a noon-tide, and believed by the Danes to have carried great fatality with it ; for which it was highly esteemed of them. It is pretended that, being carried in battle (Asser. Anna!, ad an. 878, Gale ii. 167), toward good success it would always seem to clap the wings, and do as if it would fly ; but toward the approach of mishap it would hang them right down and not move. The prisal of it by the Christians was of no little consequence ; for the pagans when they came to lose it, could not but lose withal their hearts and confidence." — Spelman's Life of Alfred, p. 61 : see the note on the Italian Caroccio, mentioned by Foxe at p. 479. Page 23, line 32. " In the same conflict both Inguar and Ilubba were slain."} — For a different account, see p. 19. The Annals of Ulster say that Inguar died in Ireland a. d. 872, and that Halden or Halfden was killed in 814 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Ireland at the battle of Lochraun a. it. s7'i; and the Saxon Chronicle says that he died in Ireland. — Turner, vol. i. pp. 5,"8, 5 10. Page 21, line 11. "Coming to Winchester" &c] — The Saxon Chronicle Bays, that Guthrum was baptized at Aulre, near Etheling, but that the chrismal was pulled off him eight days after at Wedmore. In MS. Dighy, p. 190. this place is cal ed " Westm.," and soon after be says that the twelve davs' feasting which followed was at London. — ffearne's Note to Spelman's Life of Alfred, p. 66, and Turner, vol. i. p. 575, Page 24, line 21 from the bottom. " He likewise sent to India ," &c] — Mr. Sharon Turner (veil. ii. p. 158) devotes a long Appendix to an examination into the probability of Alfred's embassy to St. Thomas, and decides in its favour. Page 1' 1, line 5 from the bottom. " The fourth year after this, which teas the nineteenth near of the reign of hinrj Alfred.'"] — Foxe says " the third," but he had last mentioned the "fifteenth" year of the reign. The year was a.d. 890 according to the Saxon Chronicle. Page 25.] — This page describes, though in a confused manner, the operations of the Danes under their famous Captain Hastings during three or four years. The Saxon Chronicle says that they came from Boulogne to "Limene-muthan " in East Kent, a.d. 893. The same Chronicle places their arrival at Lea in a.d. 895 or 896.— Turner, vol. i. pp. 587—602. Page 25, line 20.] — " Chester " (the Chronicles call it Legacestria) must mean Caerleon; seep. 5, note (5) : this supposition alone can explain how the Danes should go thence "by North Wales to Northumberland." In confirmation of this it may be observed that Hoveden says, ad an. 905, " Civitas, quae Karle- gion Britannice, Legacestria Saxonice, dicitur, restaurata est ;" referring, no doubt, to the damage which the city had sustained from these Danes. (See the notes in this Appendix on pages 28 and 37, line 17 from the bottom.) Page 28, line 20 from the bottom.] — Tanner in his Bibliotheca Britanno- Hibernica, p. .'52, discusses the story about the two schools in Oxfordshire, and explodes this etymology. Page 28, note (1).] — " Chester, in South Wales,'' clearly means the "Ches- ter" so often mentioned by Foxe, viz., Caerleon. " Galfridus" mentioned in the text is (ialfvidus Monumetensis, or Geoffry of Monmouth. In the place of his history referred to (lib. ix. cap. 12) lie calls the place which Foxe deno- minates " Chester in South Wales " " Urbs Legionum." Arthur is therestated to have selected this place for his coronation on account of its beauty, and because " ' Habebat gymnasium ducentorum philosophorum, qui astronomia atque ceteris artibus eruditi cursus stellarum diligenter observabant, et prodigia eo tempore venture regi Arturo veris arguments prsedicabant.' " (See on p. 25.) Foxe might have mentioned, besides, the famous school of Dubritius (after- wards archbp. of Caerleon) on the banks of the Wye — also that of Iltutus a little later, in Glamorganshire, at Llantuyt, so called from him. Dubritius died Nov. 1, A.D. 522. — Godwin de PrcESulibus, and Ussher's Antiij. Brit. Keel. cap. 5. Page 28, note (2).] — The passage in Bede reads thus: — "Quae in Gallia bene disposita viilit iniitari volens, instituit scholam in qua pueri Uteris erudi- rentur, juvante se episcopo Felice, quern de Cantia acceperat, atque pedagogos ac magistros juxta morem Cantuariorum praebente." Felix became bishop a.d. 630. — Wharton, Anr/lia Sacra, torn. i. Malmesbury (de Vitis Pontif.) Bays, that Felix was a Burgundian, whom Sigebert had become acquainted with during his exile in France, and that his successor in the see of Dunwieh was a Kentish man. Page 29, line 2. " Then his mother."]— This must have been Alfred's step- mother, Judith, who married his eldest brother, Kthelbald, after Ethelwolf'a death, am! remained in England some time after Ethelbald's death in a.d. 860; which she married Baldwin, earl of Flanders, A.D. 862 (L'Art de Yi'-r. Dal »)■ See Mr. Sharon Turner's Anglo-Saxon History, vol. ii. pp. 500, 505—51)7. last line, .-, ml page 30.— " Grinbald, Asserius. Werefrilh, Neotvs, Johannes Scotu Grinl ry accomplished and courteous man. and APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 815 was so attentive to Alfred on his way to Rome at Rheims, that he afterwards begged Fulco, Archbishop of Rheims, to send him over to England. Asser the uncle and the nephew were monks of St. David's. The uncle wrote Alfred's Life, and was Archbishop of St. David's. The other was made Bishop of Sherborne. Werefrith was Bishop of Worcester, a.d. 873 — 892. Neotus, called for his piety St. Neot, was the companion of Alfred's youth : he was buried at St. Guerrir's church, near Ginesbury, in Cornwall. Hence his body was removed to a monastery built on the site of the Duke Alric's palace, in Huntingdonshire. Thence the bones were removed in 1213 to Croy- land Abbey. Johannes Scotus, or Erigena, was very learned in Greek, Chaldee, and Arabic; he was patronized by Charles the Bald of France: he came over to England at Alfred's invitation, and taught publicly at the monastery of Mdlmesbury, where he was murdered by his scholars with their penknives. He is sometimes confounded with another John, a monk of St. David's, and called John the Monk; and whom Alfred, in his preface to Gregory's Pastoral, calls his mass-priest. — Spelman's Life of Alfred, p. 133, &c. Page 30, line 23.]— Charles the Bald reigned over France A.D. 843 — 877. Page 31, line 9.]— The Council of Vercelli was held Sept. 1st a.d. 1050. — L 'Art de Ver. den Dates. Page 32, line 21.] — Pleimund is said at page 103 to have been archbishop only twenty-nine years, and in M. West, to have been elected a.d. 889, and died a.d. 915, which only gives twenty-six years: Godwin gives him but nine- teen or twenty years. Page 32, line 24.] — On the duration of the archbishopric of Odo, see the note in this Appendix on p. 50, line 6. Page 32, note (1).] — All the concurrents of time given in this note agree, by Sir H. Nicolas's Tables; so that the date may be looked on as certain. As Alfred died in his 53d year, he must have been born A.D. 848 or 849. Page 33, line 5. "Bishop of Porto."J — Porto was a small place at the mouth of the Tiber, opposite to Ostia, and gave the title to one of the seven cardinal bishops. Those were the bishops of Ostia, St. Rufine, Porto, St. Sabine, Praaneste (hod. Palestrine), Tusculum (hod. Frascati), and Albano. — Moreri's Diet. v. Cardinal. Page 33, line 6.] — "Cum aliquando in sinistram suspicionem venisset" — are the words of Sigebert, ad an. 900. The authority which Foxe here follows is "Sigebert Gemblacensis Ccenobitae Chronographia, ab an. 381 ad an. 1112," reprinted in Pistorius's " Germ. Rer. Script." torn. i. (edit. Ratisb. 172G, p. 804.) Page 33, line 28.] — " Praesertim cum ipse Formosus a Marino papa abso- lutus merit ii perjurio." — Sigebert (ibidem). Page 33, line 31. " Who then marching," &c] — Sigebert says (ibidem) : — " Romam venit; sed non admissus, Romam Leonianam obsedit. Lepusculo forte versus Romam fugiente, et exercitu cum clamore nimio sequente, Romani timen- tes se de muro projiciunt et hostibus per factos acervos murum ascendendi locum faciunt." From which Foxe derives the following : — " Who then inarching towards Rome, was there prevented by the Romans from entering. But in the siege (saith the author) the Romans within so played the lions, &c." The pun in "lions" is not perceived, from Foxe's not fully translating "Romam Leonianam." Page 34, note (2.)] — Foxe says "The French king, Eudo," but it must have been Charles the Simple: for Eudo, or Eudes, died Jan. 1st a.D. S98; but John IX. did not succeed to the papacy till the July following, and he held a council at Rome that year in favour of Formosus, the acts of which were ratified by the council of Ravenna that same year. So that the French king there present must have been Charles the Simple, who succeeded Eudes and was present at the council of Turin the July following. Sigebert (p. 805) con- firms this opinion. — L 'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 35, note (1.)] — " Forinosum sepulcro extractum in sede pontificatus 816 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. saccrdolalitcr indutum decollari praecepit." (Sigebert, ad an. 907.) See an allusion to tliis history by Pilkington infra, vol. viii. p. 292. Page 36, line 9. "Stephen VII. or VIII."] — For the reason of the un- certainty, see the note in the Appendix to vol. i. p. 372, line 14. Page 30, line 17. " Might be further applied than to that Marozia <>f Rome."'] — The allusion is to Catharine of Aragon, wife of Prince Arthur, and afterwards of his brother Henry VIII. See infra, vol. v. pp. 45—55. Page 30, line 22. " Ordo Cluniacensis." — The Abbey of Clugny was founded by William the Pious, Karl of Auvergne and Duke of Aquitaine, by a chart dated Sept. 11th, a.d. 910; at which time Sergius III. was pope. (L'Art de Verifier des Dates.) The first abbot was Berno, who was succeeded at his death, a.d. 927, by St. Odo, who died a.d. 944. (Moreri, v. Clugni.) See the note in this Appendix on page 57, line 25, 20. Page 37, line 8. " JVimbornr."] — So Polychronicon, Fabian, Grafton, adding "near Bath." Foxe seems to have taken the reading of " Wciburn" from a former passage of Fabian ; see the note in this Appendix on p. 21, line 1. Page 37, line 17 from the bottom.] — " Chester " here, as in other places.means Caerleon. Polvchronicon ad an. 908 says, " Hoc anno civitas Caerlegion sive Legecestria, qua? niodo Cestria dicitur, ope Etheldredi ducis Mereioium et Elfledae uxoris suae post confractiones per Danos factas restaurata est, &c." See also the notes in this Appendix on page 25, line 20, and page 28, note (1). Page 38, line 12.] — This list of places occurs in Polychronicon sub an. 912. Page 40, line 8 from the bottom. " To lie for the whetstone.'] — The same phrase, intended to point out a fabricator of lies, the whetstone being an emblem of lying, occurs in vol. iii. 359, and v. 082. See Nares' Glossary ; or Brand's Popular Antiquities, iii. 212. Page 43, line 9. " Middleton and Michelenes,"] — i.e. Melton, in Dorsetshire, and Michaelney, in Somersetshire. See infra, vol. v. p. 374, and Tanner. Page 44, note (2.)] — These directions concerning a bishop's duties are printed by Mr. Thorpe at p. 547 of his collection of Anglo-Saxon Laws, and in Saxon with an English translation at p. 420. Page 15, line 10.] — The Chronicle of Melrose Abbey states that Atbelstan died "0 Cal. Novemb. feria 4. Indictione 14," i. e. Wednesday, October 27th, a.d. 941, which concurrents of time (by Nicolas's Tables) all fit. The Saxon Chronicle gives the same date; so that it may be considered as fixed. It also agrees with Foxe's statement here, that Atbelstan reigned " sixteen years," if we suppose him to have come to the throne a.d. 925, as stated above. Page 15, line 17.] — Foxe here states that Edmund reigned "six years," and at line 24 and page 50, line 18, "six years and a half." In each case " four years and a half" has been substituted ; for the Saxon Chronicle says he died May 20th a.d. 940: the Melrose Chronicle adds the day of the week and the Indiction, which confirm that date. So that Edmund, by this account, reigned only " four years and a half:" it is proper to observe, however, that Foxe had authority for "six years and a half;" for the Saxon Chronicle, inconsistently with itself, assigns that period to his reign. Page 47, line 19 from the bottom.] — " Alfridus" means Alfrid, treasurer of Beverley Minster. " Alfredus Beverlecensis [seu Fibroleganus] in septen- trionalibus Anglia: partibus natus et Cantabrigise educatus. In patriam reversus evectus est ad canonicatum in ecclesia S. Johannis Beverlacensis, in qua postea thesaurarius constitutus. Ab hoc officio 'Thesaurarius' cognomine notus erat inter scriptores. Annales (lib. ix.) edidit Tlios. Heame. Obiit anno 1130, et Beverlaci sepultns erat (Bale, Pits); vel anno 1120, quo et Annales suos finiit. (Vossius.)" — Tanner's Bibliotheca. Alfrid is referred toby Mr. Turner on the matter in the text. " Pulcher," two lines lower, is a corruption of " Sepulchre," and " Pulcher- church " is still further corrupted into " 1 uckle-church ;" which is now a small village Beven miles N.E. of Bristol, and, according to Camden, was once a royal manor. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 817 Page 48, line 18. " Odo being a Dane born."] — Osberne in his life of Odo says that he was son of one of the Danes who came over with Inguar and Ubba. Page 50, line 6. " This Odo continued bishcp the space of eighteen years."] — Foxe gives different accounts of the duration of Odo's episcopate : he here, and at pp. 32, 103, says "twenty years;" next page he says "twenty-four." Godwin (de Prsesulibus, &c.) prefers "eighteen years," which is here adopted in the text. Page 50, line 18.]— Edmund died May 26th, a.d. 946. (Sax. Chron.) The same Chronicle states that Edred died Nov. 23d, a.d. 955, having reigned (as Foxe states) " nine years and a half." Page 50, line 26. " In his time Dunstan was promoted . ... lobe bishop of Worcester."] — This seems incorrect, and is certainly inconsistent with the statement in this and the next page, " that he was as yet but abbot of Glaston- bury " after the death of Edred, and even of Edwin. Page 51, line 21 from the bottom. " Not crowned till fourteen years after. ' ] — This statement is not quite correct : the Chronicles have been misunder- stood. Doubtless, Edgar was crowned with great pomp at Bath, Whitsunday a.d. 973 (see pp. 62, 63) ; but that was after a seven-years' penance, part of which was, according to Malmesbury, " diademate carere septennio " — according to Osberne, " ut in toto spatio {septenni) coronam sui regni non ges- taret." In explanation of the term " gesture " it may be remarked, that it was the custom of our ancient kings to wear their crowns in public at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide (Lord Lyttelton's Hen. II. vol. ii. p. 282); and that it was the prerogative of the Archbishop of Canterbury, or his deputy, to put the crown on the king's head on those occasions, as well as at the original coronation. (See the notes in this Appendix on pp. 62, 63, and 110.) Speed, on the authority of Polydore Virgil, says that Edgar was crowned originally at Kingston ; but no other author mentions this : most probably, however, it was the fact; and the very nature of the penance seems to require it. Mr. Taylor in his "Glory of Regality," p. 237, takes this view of the subject. Page 51, line 18 from the bottom.] — On the promotion of Dunstan, see the notes in this Appendix on pp. 50, 74. Page 51, line 15 fiom the bottom. "Odo, archbishop twenty-four years."] — See the note on page 50, line 6. Page 54, line 31.] — 'John Cassian was born about the middle of the fourth century — Gennadius says in Scythia; but others say (with more probability) in Provence. Having conceived an earnest desire to become acquainted with the monks of Egypt, then very famous, he visited theThebaid about a.d. 390 : after residing there several years he went to Constantinople, where he was ordained deacon about a.d. 409. He retired to Marseilles about a.d. 414, and there founded two monasteries, one that of St. Victor, in which he had 5,000 monks, the other for nuns. He died a.d. 440 or 448, at the age of ninety-seven years. (See Moreri and Biographie Universelo.) His printed works are: " De institutis Ccenobiorum, libri xii. ;" " Collationes Patrum, libri xxiv. ;" " Johan- nis Cassiani de Christi Incarnatione, libri vii. ;" " Flores Cassiani, sive illustriores sententiae ex ejus operibus collectae." Page 56, line 24. " Mazises."] — Alardus Gazaeus was a Benedictine monk in the abbey of St. Vedast at Arras, who wrote a Commentary on Cassian's works. His dedication of this Commentary is dated "Michaelis apparitione [May 8th] a.d. 1615." In his Commentary on this place in Cassianus he says : " Mazices sive fid^LKas Ptolemasus in eaiEgypti, sive Africa?, parte locat in qua, Cassianus. Eorundem ut barbarorum et immanium hominum meminit Palladius (Lausiaca 7) in Arsacio, quos tamen Mazicos vocat: Et Nestorius apud Evagrium lib. i. Hist. Ecclesiast. cap. 7 : Et Nicephorus, lib. xiv., cap. 13. In Vitas Patrum Gens Mazicorum dicitur, lib. iv. c. 15." — Cassiani Opera, Lips. 1733, p. 242. Page 57, line 25. " Basil's rule — Bend's rule."'] — St. Basil was the founder of Monkery in the East, St. Benedict in the West. St. Basil, surnamed the Great, became bishop of Cassarea a.d. 370, and died a.d. 378. He was an intimate friend of Gregory Nazianzen. — Cave's Hist. Lilt. St. Benedict was born in Italy a.d. 480, and died a.d. 543. He built u VOL. II. 3 G 818 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. monastery at Monte Cassino, Naples, which was destroyed by the Lombards, but rebuilt under the sanction of Gregory III., who died a.d. 741. Zacharv, who followed him in the popedom, sent them the MS. rule, and made tin m independent of all but papal jurisdiction. Boniface, the Anglo-Saxon, founded a Benedictine monastery at Fulda with the pope's sanction, and Pepin, king of France, made it independent of all but papal jurisdiction. Berno introduced the rule into Clugny, of which lie was the first abbot, A.d. 910. One of his pupils and his successor, Odo, introduced it into I'Uurv, which bad been plun- dered by the Normans. He died a.d. 914. St. Benedict's body was brought to Fleurv, which became the head quarters of the order in the West. S.-e Sharon Turner's Anijlo-Saxon Hist. vol. ii. p. 233. Page 57, line 26. " Clnniac.cnses, first set up by Otho."~\ — The abbot Odo, mentioned in the last note and the note on p. 36, line 22, must be intended. For Sigebert mentions the rise of Clugny first ad an. 893, under the reign of "Odo," [Eudo,] "King of France, thus: — Hoc tempore floruit in Burgun- dia Berno, ex comite abbas Gigniacensis ccenobii a se fundati ; qui etiam ex dono Avae comitissae constituit Cluniacum coenobium in cellam Gigniacen- sem." But afterwards ad an. 912, we read : — " Ordo Cluniacensis incipit. Berno abbas moriturus Odonem olim musicum constituit abbatem, ea conditione ut ecclesia Cluniacensis solveret annuatim ecclesiae Gigniacensi censum duodecim denariorum." St. Odo greatly advanced the popularity of the Order of Clugny. It is, therefore, of St.Odo that we must understand Foxe to speak. Page 57, line 29.] — The congregation of Benedictine monks of Vallombrosa, on the Apennines, was founded by John Gualbert, a Florentine, about a.d. 1030. — Soames's Moskeim, vol. ii. p. 35G. Page 57, line 34.] — The "Flagellants" originated in Italy, A d. 1260, and spread over a large part of Europe. See an account of them in Soames's Mosheim, vol. ii. p 598. Page 59, line 3 from the bottom.] — Respecting these drinking cups, see the note on p. 168. The following words of Malmesbury will confirm Fuxe, though the actual law has not been found: — "In tantum et in frivolis pacis sequax, ut quia compatriotae in tabernis convenientes jamque temulenti pro modo bibendi contenderent, ipse clavos argenteos vel aureos vasis affigi jusserit, ut dum metam suam quisque cognosceret, non plus subserviente verccundia vel ipse appeteret vel alium appetere cogeret." — Script, post Bedum, p. 56, line 26. Page 62, line 27. " Stayed and kept back from his Coronation."^ — See the notes in this Appendix on p. 51, line 21 from the bottom, and p. 63, line 17. According to the view there taken, we should here read, " from the use of his crown," rather than "from his coronation." — Foxe in the next line says, that Edgar was "crowned at the age of one-and -thirty, a.d. 974, as is by the Saxon Chronicle of Worcester church to be proved." The new edition and translation, however, of the Saxon Chronicle read "a.d. 973," and add the day, ".5 Id. Man, die Pentecostes " (». e. Whit-Sunday, May 11th), which proves (see Nicolas's Tables) that 973 is the true reading. Also in the next page Foxe calls it " the one-and-thirtieth year of his age," which is here adopted instead of" the age of one-and-thirty." Page 62, line 35. " Osbeme."~\ — " Osbernus, gente Anglus, ecclesia- Can- tuariensis praecentor et monachus, Lanfranco archiepiscopo famiharissimus, cla- ruit circa annum 1070. Praeter summam artis musicae peritiam, condendis Sanctorum Vitis incubuit. Notandum Osbernum duobus libris Dunstani vitam et miracula descripsisae. Priorem tantum cum posterioris prologo dedit Whar- tonus, eo quod liber secundus parum ad rem historicam conferre videbatur.'- — Cave. Page 63, line 6.] — The following is the Latin Penance in Osberne (see Wharton s Anylia Sacra, vol. ii. p. Ill): — " Septennem ei pcenitentiam indixit. In toto spatio coronam regni sui non gestaret. Jejunium in hebdomads' biduale transigeret. Avitos pauperibus thesauros large dispergeret Super hoc sacrandis Deo virginibus monasterium quoddam fundaret ; quatcnus qui unam pet peccatum Deo virginem abstulisset, plures ei per plura sseculi volumina aggregaret Clericos etiam male actionales de eccleaua propelleret, Mona- chorum agmina introduceret : justas Deoque acceptas legum rationea sauciret: APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 819 sanctas conscviberet Scripturas, per omnes fines imperii sui populis custodiendas mandaret." It will be observed that no nunnery is here named: " Shaftes- bury " is Foxe's addition, and erroneous, seep. 24. Rumsey, in Hants, was pro- bably the nunnery founded by Edgar on this occasion, a.d. 974. — See Tanner's Notitia Monastica. Page 63, line 17. " Set the eroivn upon the king's head, at Balh."~\ — This was done at the feast of Pentecost, May 1 1th, a.d. 973. (Osberne, &c.) — It seems probable (as before intimated) that the crowning at Bath was not properly the coronation, but the conclusion of a seven years' penance, during which time Edgar had not worn his crown. The resuming it was made a great event, for example's sake. For Malmesbury himself says, that Edgar for his crime — " Septennem poenitentiam non fastidivit; dignatus Rex affligi jejunio, simulque diademate carere septennio." (Script, post Bedam, p. 60.) In the life of Dunstan, he adds — " Ita ut proceres ad specimen et normam Regis compositi, parum vel nihil contra jus et sequum auderent." (Ibid. p. 202.) See the notes on pp. 51, 62. Page 63, line 19.] — Foxe reads here "thirteenth year of his reign," but "fourteenth" at p. 51. He also says he was " only three years crowned king:/' — more probably "ten," including the first seven years of his reign. See the last note. Page 63, note (2).] — Foxe reads here rather obscurely, "mention of Elfleda and Editha, and also of Ulfred and Dunstan." Page 65, line 13.] — Hoveden dates the death of Edgar "the 32d year of his age, the 19th of his reign over Mercia and Northumberland, the 16th of his reign over all England, Indictione 3, 8 Id. Julii, feria quinta" (Script, post Bedam, p. 426), i. e. Thursday, July 8th, a.d. 975 : these concurrents agree, by Nicolas's Tables. Page 65, line 24.] — Here should follow the address of Edgar to his clergy, which is given afterwards at page 101. Page 66, last line. — The birth and parentage of Editha are stated at page 61. Page 69, line 15.] — Osberne and Brompton both represent the council as being held at Winchester. (See page 84, line 16 from the bottom.) Osberne speaks as if it were held a considerable period before that of Calne. But Wharton {Anglia Sac. vol. ii. p. 112) shows that the council of Winchester sat about a.d. 963, and that of Calne about seven years later. Page 69, line 19. " Jornalensis here maketh rehearsal," &c] — Foxe's refer- ence to Jornalensis (or Brompton) is not quite accurate. Brompton says nothing about praying to the rood : Osberne says, that the council fell to intreating Dunstan in favour of the priests ; and that while he sat perplexed what to do, the image spoke. Foxe also says, that the inscription was put under the feet of the rood ; which was the more usual place for an inscrip- tion; but Brompton says — "In cujus rei memoriam in capite refectorii ejusdem monasterii supra caput crucifixi, &c." (Decern Scriptores, col. 870.) This quotation will suggest to the reader the meaning of " frater :" it is a corrup- tion of "fratry," which is either a corruption of refectorium, or is derived from fratres, being a room in which they could all assemble. The "fratry" is still shown at Carlisle cathedral. For further information on the point, see Davies's Rites and Customs of the Cathedral Church of Durham ; Parker's Glossary of Architecture, Oxford, p. 96 ; Fosbroke's Encyclopaedia of Antiquities, vol. i. p. 108 ; and Fosbroke's British Monachism, v. Refectorium. It is hardly neces- sary to add, that a " rood" was a large wooden image of Christ crucified, such as may frequently be seen in France by the road-side: Osberne describes it on this occasion as " Dominici corporis forma vexillo crucis fixa." There are other allusions to roods in Foxe. (See Index.) Page 71, line 7. " Pope John Z//."] — Foxe is rather inconsistent in his numbering of this pope, the reason of which is, that the old authors differ. Here, and at p. 462, Foxe calls him John XIII ; but at p. 464, and vol. iii. p. 212, he calls him John XII. As John XI. is the last pope John named by Foxe (p. 36), this pope is in the present edition always numbered John XII. 3 g 2 820 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. The numbering of several following Popes John has been altered in conscqupnee of the change made lure. Page 72, line 21. " Pope John KIT."] — This pope is not acknowledged by the Romish church, and is not inserted in the list given in " I, 'Art de Verifier dea Dates," which numbers the next three popes mentioned in this page XIV. XV. XVI. Page 72, line 7 from the bottom. "John AT/."] — The pope John pre- ceding Gregory V. is numbered XV. in the list of " L'Art de Ver. des Dates," and his popedom dated a.d. 986 — 996. Hut see the last two notes. — There were two councils held at Rheims during his papacy, according to the lists of Councils; the first, June 17th, a.d. 991, wherein archbishop Arnold, or Annilph, was deposed; and a second, July 1st, a.d. 995, wherein Arnulph was re- stored. (L'Art de Ver.) The advancement of Gilbert to the papacy is men- tioned at pp. 94, 95. Page 73, line 15 from the bottom.] — " Elfrida " is substituted for Foxe's " Alfrith," " Elfrida" being his reading in all other cases. Page 73, note (2).] — These verses are taken from Locorum communium collec- tunea a Joh.Maiilio pleraque ex lectionibus Ph. Melancthonis excerpfa, &c, torn, iii. p. 198 (8vo. Basil. 1563), and were written apparently by John Strigelius. They embrace the seven Electorates ol Germany, both ecclesiastical and civil. Page 74, line 6 from the bottom. "About the eleventh year," &c] — The marginal date, a.d. 988, proceeds on this supposition, and is that chosen by (iodwin. If Dunstan was archbishop for twenty years, as Poxe states at p. 103, then he was appointed A.D. 968; or if he died in the ninth year of Egelred, then be was appointed a.d. 966, in the seventh year of Edgar's reign. Some date his appointment a.d. 9")9, the first year of Edgar, which makes him archbishop at least twenty-seven years. (See the notes in this Appendix on pp. 50, 51.) Page 74, line 4 from the bottom. " After him Elfric, &c] — See the note on p. 104, line 9. Page 75, line 1.] — This " northern island " was Lindisfarne, or Holy Island, mentioned before at p. 5. St. Cuthbert was for twelve years abbot of a famous monastery there, the ruins of which are still visible. Page 75, line 2.] — " Chester-le-street " is a village six miles north of Durham, so called from being on the Roman highway. Foxe says " Rochester," by mistake. Page 75, line 19. " Danegilt."'] See the note on p. 104, line 9. Page 78, line 17. " Sailed into Denmark."] — For the real reason why Canute at this time went to Denmark, see the note on p. 81. Page 78, line 26.] — The ancient Chronicles, including the Saxon, (see the new Edition,) date the death of Egelred St. George the Martyr's Day, i. e. April 23d, a.d. 1016. Page 80, note (1).] — There are plenty of authorities for Foxe's statement in the text respecting the sons of Edmund Ironside; see lloveden, Brampton. Rastal's Chronicle, Fabian, Grafton, &c But William of Malmesbury simply says — " Filii ejus [Edmundi] Edwius et Edwardus missi ad regem Suevorum ut perimerentur: sed miseratione ejus eonservati Hunorum regem petierunt; ubi dum benigne aliquo tempore habiti essent, major diem obiit, minor Reginse sororem Agatham in matrimonium accepit." (Scriptores post Bedam, p. 73.) And afterwards he says: — "Rex Edwardus promts in senium, . . . misit ad Regem Hunorum, ut filium fratris Edmundi Edwardum cum omni familia sua mitteret." (Ibid. p. 93.) Subsequent writers, in their attempts to fill in the names, have made blunders. For example, the contemporary king of Sweden was named Olave (L'Art de Ver.), who is said to have been half-brother to Canute (Speed). His being named "Snanus" probably arose from the circum- stance of the n in his patronymic "Suavus" (ol Sweden) being taken for an n: whence Olave might be called " rex Snanus," or " rex Suanorum ;" and the combination of the two would give, " Suanus, king of Sweden." It is remark- able thai Foxe in the next page, line 5, calls him "Suanus, king of Denmark," where he is copying Fabian and Grafton, who cite "Guido and others." (See Vol. i p. ."17, note (3).) Ibis variation may be explained by the circumstance APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 821 related in Broniptou (p. 907), that Walgar, Canute's domestic, was charged to carry the princes into Denmark ; but that, conscious of his master's designs, instead of carrying them into Denmark lie conducted them to the king of Sweden, who, to avoid quarrelling with Canute, passed them forward to his kins- man, the king of Hungary. — Again, Salomon, king of Hungary, did indeed in a.d.1063 marry Sophia, sister of the emperor Henry IV., and thus became brother- in-law to that emperor ; but that was almost fifty years too late for the present purpose. It is no less true, however, that Stephen, the first king of Hungary, in a.d. 1008 married Gisela, sister of the emperor Henry II.: whence, Pape- broche and Lingard would have us here substitute the name of Stephen for Salomon. It is worthy of remark, however, that Fordun in his Scoti-chronicon says, that Stephen was called Salomon before his baptism, which may in some degree vindicate the introduction of that name here, and also may have led to the error of introducing Henry IV., Stephen being confounded with the other Salomon. (Scoti-chron. lib. vi. capp. 20, 22.) — Who Agatha was is not clear, for her name does not appear among the daughters or sisters of any of the empe- rors of this period, and very likely she was only a daughter of some germanus of Stephen or his queen. (See the note on p. 83.) Page 81, line 1. " The king of churls" or " ceorls."] — So called from his popularity with the common people. Page 81, line 5. — " His brother, Suanus, king of Denmark.,,~\ — See the note above on p. 80, note (1). Page 81, line 7. "Suanus, king of Denmark," &c] — Here again Foxe has Fabian and Grafton for authorities. The statement, however, seems incorrect, as we nowhere read in the ancient chronicles that Canute had a brother " Sua- nus." This looks like a patch of Danish history, relating Canute's accession to the throne of Denmark in consequence of his father Swanus's death. Danish history informs us that he had a younger brother Harold, who was left regent of Denmark when Swanus and Canute first went to England; and that on the death of Swanus he attempted to seize the throne of Denmark ; but that Canute immediately went over and settled matters in Denmark, before he ventured to encounter the English (L'Art de \ er.). The statement in the text is probably only a variation of this story. The Saxon Chronicle says, that Canute sent for Emma before the Kalends of August, a.d. 1017, and agreed to Edgar's laws a.d. 1018. Page 81, line 17.] — The Saxon Chronicle dates Canute's visit to Rome a.d. 1031, and his deatii at Shaftesbury 2 Id. Nov. a.d. 1035. Page 81, line 28. "Against the Norwegians."] — Godwin and his English troops distinguished themselves against the Vandals, a.d. 1019. (Malmesbury, Huntingdon, Rapin.) The Saxon Chronicle dates the expedition against Norway a.d. 1028, and Godwin does not appear to have been concerned in it. Page 82, note (2). " Which son he had by his wife, Hardicanute's daughter."'] It seems very improbable that Godwin should have married first the sister or daughter of Canute (see some lines higher), and then the daughter of Hardi- canute. But the reader must remember, that he has here before him the different version of Alfred's story, which commenced with the preceding paragraph and continues to "losing all his lands in England" (next page). Consequently the Hardicanute of one writer may be identical with the Canute of another. Page 83, line 22 from the bottom.] — Gunilda, or Cunegunda, was married to the emperor Henry III. a.d. 1036; she died two years after. Henry III. then married Agnes, by whom he had Henry IV., Sophia, and other children. Salomon, king of Hungary, married Sophia, and was thus brother to Henry IV. But it is plain that Agatha, who had brought Edward four children in a.d. 1057, could not have been a daughter of Henry IV. (See p. SO, note (1).) Page 83, line G from the bottom. "St. Benet's in Norfolk."] — A solitary place among the marshes, then called Cowholm and Calvescroft, was given by a petty prince, named Horn, to some religious hermits a.d. 800, and destroyed by the Danes a.d. 870. Seven companions were collected and placed here by 822 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. one Wolfric in the next century. After sixty years Canute' founded and en- dowed the place as an abbey of black monks, in honour of St. Benedict, a.d. 1020. — Tanner's Notitia Monastica. Page 83, line 5 from the bottom. " St. Edmundsbury."] — Sigebert, king of East Anglia, founded a monastery a.d. 633 at Betrichesworth, in which he spent his closing days. The corpse of king Edmund was buried here, when the town changed its name, a.d. 903. Canute expelled the secular priests, and placed Benedictine monks in their room a.d. 1020. — Tanner. Page 84, line 10 from the bottom. " The image of the crucifix before men- tioned."]— The allusion is to the occurrence mentioned in page 69; the words '• being then at Winchester," which presently follow, leave it undecided whether that occurrence happened at Winchester. Page 85, line 23.] — The Saxon Chronicle (New Edition) states under the year 1043, that Edward was that year crowned at Winchester with great pomp on Easter-day, 3 Non. April, i.e. April 3d; and Easter-day fell that year on April 3d. Eoxe's " 1042" has, therefore, been changed into " 1043.'' Page 86, line 8 from the bottom.] — " Eustace " is put in from L'Art de Verifier des Dates. Foxe only says, " a certain earl of Boulogne." Page 87, note (1). " Son Jf'i/mot, and grandson Hocus"] — Eoxe, from Polydore, reads "his two sons Biornon and Tostius;" but he clearly meant to adopt the reading in the text, because he refers to it next page, line 16, as preferable to Polydore's account. Biornon was an earl, whom Swanus, one of Godwin's sons and father of llacus, had slain three or four years before this. Page 87, note (3). " Marianus Scotus."~\ — Under the year 1052 he writes — " Ego Marianus seculuin reliqui ; " col. 427, edit. Basilese, 1559. Page 89, line 20. " Off a, king of Mercia."~\—See vol. i. pp. 316, 317. Poxe inadvertently places his name after Ine, "as of Ine, Offa, Alfred," &c. Page 89, line 21. " Mercenelega," " West-Saxenelega," " Danelega."] — Bishop Nicholson, in his letter to Dr. Wilkins, prefixed to his edition of the Saxon Laws, asserts, that this threefold divison of the English laws is ima- ginary, and proceeded from the Norman interpreters mistaking the meaning of the word " laga," which they thought was the same with the word ley, or !aw ; whereas " laga " signifies region, territory, or province, as is plain (he says) from several places in the Saxon laws, wherein Danelaga means the same as among the Danes, or in the territories of the Danes. (See pp. 53, 135, of Dr. Wilkins' s Anglo-Saxon Laws.) lie also says that the author of the Dialogue de Scaccario was the first that led the way in this error, lib. i. cap. 16. But Mr. Thorpe, in the Glossary appended to his Anglo-Saxon Laws, v. Lagu, differs from the bishop, and maintains the other sense to be correct. Page 92, note (2).] — Foxe inadvertently says " Gerardus " in the text, instead of " Giraldus." "Giraldus Cambrensis, in his boke called Itinera- rius." — Fabian. The following extract from Higden's Polychronicon, sub a. 1006, will illustrate the text: " Vult tamen Giraldus Cambrensis in suo Itine- rario, quod Haraldus multis confossus vulneribus oculoque sinistro sagitta perdito, ad partes Cestria; victus evasit, ubi sancta conversatione vitam, ut creditur, anachoriticam in cella Sancti Jacobi, juxta ccclesiam Sancti Johannis, feliciter consummayit, quod ex ejus ultima confessione palam fuit." "In the selle of St. James, faste by Saynt Johan's churche." — Fabian. Page 93, line 1.] — " Cousin-germms removed," i.e. "one remove;" for Edward and Robert (William's father) were first cousins. (See the Table, p. 4.) Page 93, line 33.] — " Conic/// in the order and name of cardinals," &c.] — The inline was in use much earlier, having been used (according to Moreri) to dis- tinguish the more dignified parochial clergy of towns from those of chapels and oratories. But Foxe is here alluding to the decree passed a.d. 1059 by pope Nicholas 11., vesting the nomination of the pope in the college of cardinals. (Gratiani Decret. Distinct. 23, cap. 1.) " Ex hoc decreto, quo electio pontificis rtomani imprimis cardinalibua permittttur, ipsura cavdinalium nomen post cele- brari magi.* atque magia cceptum." (Sigon. de regno [talis, lib iv ann 1059 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 823 Chronic. Reicherspergens. ad ami. 1059.) On this subject see Ussher, " De Christ. Eccl. Success, et Statu," cap. iv. § 22. The reader can hardly need to be reminded, that Foxe's"1030 years after Christ" is equivalent to "a.d. 1060," thirty years being the period then commonly allowed tor our Lord's life. (See page 726 of this volume, bis.) Page 94, note (2). "Petrus Premonstratensis."] — Vossius (De Script. Latinis) says that he was author of a chronicle intituled " Biblia Pauperum." He is cited again at page 711. Page 95, line 16. "Saying mass," &c] — " Dum in basilica Sanctce Cruris in Hierusalem Romae sacrihcaret, fato moriturum se statim cognovit." — Platina. Page 96, line 3. " And placed in his room Peter, the king of Hungary," &c] — This fact is related by Benno, in a letter printed at fol. 39 of the "Fasci- culus " of Orthuinus Gratius, and of which Foxe translates a portion at page 124. Benno says that Henry sent Godfrey, duke of Lorraine, against Peter, who took him prisoner at the first onset. Henry does not appear to have retained any grudge against Peter, for (according to Lambert Sehaf'naburgensis) he made three expeditions into Hungary a.d. 1042, 1043, to restore him to his throne. Sylvester II. is said to have erected Hungary into a kingdom on purpose to be a balance against the Empire, which will account for the pope's sending to the king of Hungary on this occasion. Page 96, line 16 from the bottom.] — Foxe calls Bruno, by mistake, "bishop of Cologne;" probably he was misled by the designation of another Bruno, who founded the Carthusian order, and was called " Bruno of Cologne." (See page 141, line 3 from the bottom.) Page 97, line 18. " Another bishop, a German."] — This was Gebhard, bishop of Eichstat. — L'Art de Ver. dcs Dates. Page 98, line 5. " Sienna."] — Foxe says " Sens." The Latin says " ad Senas." Sena; is Sienna in Italy; the Latin for Sens is Senones. Several slight corrections are made in the following sentence from the Universal History. Page 98, line 19. " JoJiannes, archpriest of the church of St. John ' ad purtam latinam '."] — Foxe reads " archdeacon ad Portam Latinam." The correc- tion is made from the List of the Popes given in L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 98, line 6 from the bottom. " Berengarius of Tours, archdeacon of Angers."] — A correction for Foxe's " Berengarius Andegavensis, an arch- deacon."— See Cave's Hist. Lift. Page 100, line 10. "Anselm, bishop of Lucca."] — See the List of the Popes given in L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Foxe only says " another bishop, Anselm." Page 100, line 19. "Anno, archbishop of Cologne."] — See L'Art de Verifier des Dates. Foxe reads " Otho." Page 101, line 7.1 — This passage about Edgar, and his oration to the clergy, should have been introduced at p. 65. The original Latin will be found in the Chronicle of-Ethelredus, Abbas Rievallensis. (Decern Scriptores, col. 360.) Page 102, line 20.] — Foxe's reading, " My great grandfather . . . my great great grandfather, Alfred," corresponds better with the Latin, ("proavus meus .... atavus meus Aluredus" . . . ) than witli the history. He calls Ethel wold (towards the end of the oration) "Edward," mistaking " Edelvva/dus " for " Edelwardus." Page 103, line 22. " Pleimund . . .for twenty-nine years."] — See the note in this Appendix on p. 32, line 21. Page 103, line 25. " O do for twenty years."] — See the note in this Appendix on p. 50, line 6. Page 103, line 7 from the bottom. " Dunstan,who was archbishop for twenty years."] — See the note in this Appendix on p. 74, line 6 from the bottom. Page 104, line 9.] — If the Danegilt began a d. 991 (as stated at p. 75), and by the advice of Siric, archbishop of Canlerbury (as here stated), then it is plain that Siric must have preceded Elfric : for Dunstan died, by the earliest computation, a.d. 986; this would just leave time for Siric (if he died 824 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. six years after) to give this advice before he died. Bui if Slric Followed Elfrie, and so did not come for twelve years alter Dunstan, either the Danegilt could not have begun earlier than ad. 998, or Stric could not have advised it. Page 106, line 10. "I/err, by the way, speaking of laws," &c] — The following royal ordinance granted to the church an independent and separate jurisdiction, such as it did not enjoy under the Saxon kings, but which the church was everywhere struggling to obtain. This ordinance may be said to have occa- sional that licentiousness in the clergy, which forced Henry II. to enact the Constitutions of Clarendon, and to maintain the arduous contest with arch- bishop Becket, described at pp. 190 — 252. Page 107, line 9 from the bottom. " Two hundred and thirty years."] — See before, j>. 13, line 13. Page 108, line 11 from the bottom.] — " Eodem anno concilium magnum in octavis Paschse Wintoniae celebratum est, jubente et praesente rege Willielmo, domino Alexandra papa consentiente, et per suos legatos Hermenfredura Sedunensem episcopum et presbyteros Johannem et Petrum cardinalea sedis apostolica? suam authoiitatem exhibente. In quo concilio Stigandus, Doro- berniae archiepiscopus, degradatur trihus de causis: sc.qudd episcopatum Win- toniae cum archiepiscopatu, injuste possidebat; et quod, vivente Roberto archi- episcopo, non solum archiepiscopatum sumpsit, sed etiam ejus pallio, (mod Cantoarias remansit, dum vi et injuste ab Anglia ]>ulsus est, in missarum cele bratione aliquandiu usus est; et a Benedicto quern sancta Romana ecclesia excommunicavit, eo quod pecuniis sedem apostolicam invasit, pallium accepit." (Hoveden, Scriptores post Bedam, p. 453.) VVilkina has transferred the passage into his "Concilia," torn. i. p. 322. As Easter fell on April 4th, in a.d. 1070 (by Nicolas's Tables), the Octaves fell on April 11th. Page 109, lines 1 — 7.] — This passage is very inaccurate in Foxe : some changes have been made in his text on the authority of the passage cited from Hoveden in the note preceding this. Page 109, line 19. " Thomas, a Norman, and canon of Buieux."~\ — Godwin. Foxe says " a canon of Bayonne " (" Baion," Fabian) ; and in the next line " Cadomonencie " (Fabian's corrupt rendering of " Cadomense " [ccenobium]), meaning the abbey of St. Stephen at Caen. Page 109, note (3).] — After the words in the text " was pressed to pay " Foxe adds, " a little before the council of Basil : " the reader will find the reason .why these have been omitted, in the note in this Appendix on p. 261, note (1). Piige 110, line 13. " At his second coronation, for Radulph would not suffer the first coronation to stand, because it was done by the bishop of York, without his assent."] — Foxe has the authority of archbishop Parker for this statement, who seems, however, to have misapprehended the real state of the case. The occasion referred to was the coronation of Henry's second queen, at Windsor, Jan. 30th, a.d. 1121, at which the bishop of Salisbury claimed to do the honours, Windsor being in his "parish." Radulph resisted this, and (as too old for the exertion) appointed the bishop of Winchester to perforin the ceremonial for him. As the archbishop was about to begin the service at the altar, he spied the king sitting with his crown on his head, on which he questioned him who had placed it there, as in his [the archbishop's] presence nobody else had a right to do it. The kingsaid that inadvertently he had put it on himself: the archbishop thin, taking it off, replaced it on his head. (Parker, Antiq. Brit., Hanovise, Kit).'), p. 124, and Fadmcr, pp. 136, 137.) The real explanation of this affair is, thai our kings anciently wore their crowns at the three great festivals, and on state occasions ; and that the archbishop of Canterbury claimed to put the crown on, either by himself or by deputy, on all such occasions, as well as at the original coronation. Thus Kadmer informs us (p. 105), that at the Christmas after Anaelm'a death the king held a solemn assembly, at which the archbishop of York claimed to put on the crown and perform mass; but the bishop of London claimed, and was allowed. Nothing would be more natural than that the king should wear bis crown at bis n< w /jurat's coronation, and that the arch- bishop of Canterbury should assert his prerogative, especially as the bishop of S.di bury had shown a disposition to interfere with it. But archbishop Parker APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 825 has given the affair a different turn, and says that Radulph was displeased at the king's putting on his own crown as having never heen properly crowned at all, " quod absente, ut supra diximus, Anselmo a Thoma Eboracensi archiepiscopo in consecratione diadcina ei impositum est " (Antiqu. Brit. p. 124) ; where arch- bishop Parker forgets that (at p. 117, line 46) he had said — " Rut'o autem mortuo successit frater ejus Henricus, a Mauricio Londinensi consecratus." All the his- torians say the same thing, except that M. Paris and M. Westm. join the arch- bishop of York with Maurice in the ceremonial. Maurice, no doubt, acted by Anselm's direction ; and Eadmer, who says that on Anselm's arrival the king apologised to him for not deferring his coronation, gives no hint of Anselm's expressing any dissatisfaction. Some years after, Becket, writing to the pope (Epist. D. Thom.ne, lib. v. 45), distinctly^ asserts that the rights of his see in regard to the coronation had never yet been infringed; for that Stigand, as an usurper, had no right to crown the Conqueror; and that Anselm crowned Henry I. by the bishop of Hereford as his deputy, and repeated the ceremonial on arriving in England. (See the note on p. 159, line 15.) Archbishop Parker and Foxe are therefore incorrect, in representing this affair at Windsor as Henry's " second coronation;" and in so doing have made the same mistake as Malmes- bury seems to have made respecting Edgar's crowning at Bath, Whitsunday, May 11th, a.d. 973, which (strictly speaking) was not his coronation, but his resuming the use of his crown at the great festivals ; and it would be archbishop Dunstan's prerogative, on such an occasion, to place it on his head. (See the notes on pp. 51, 62, 63.) — Foxe is mistaken in saying the " twenty-seventh " year of Henry, as it was Jan. 30th, a.d. 1121, which was 21 Hen. I.; and Radulph died October a.d. 1122, which was 23 Henry I. — See Richardson's Godwin de Prcesulibus. Page 110, line 31.] — It was on this occasion that the H umber was made the division of the two provinces. — Godwin de Prasulibus. Page 113, line 24. " Of such like contentions," &c] — The following quarrel is related by a contemporary writer, supposed to be VValtram, bishop of Natim- burg, in the " De Conservanda. Unitate Ecclesiae," lib. ii. cap. 13. (See the note on p. 155, line 8.) Page 114, line 9. ,: Notivithstanding," &c] — The reader will find extracts from the letters presently named in Eadmer's " Historia Novorum " (edit. Selden), p. 127. Page 114, line 21. "For the order of sitting," &c] — As the order of prece- dence among the English prelates here laid down has obtained ever since, the reader may feel interested to see the original canon, together with the preamble which introduces it, as given by Wilkins, Cone. torn. i. p. 363. " Et quia multis retro annis in Anglico regno usus conciliorum obsoleverat, renovata sunt nonnulla, qua? antiquis etiam canonibus noscuntur definita. " Ex concilio igitur Toletano quarto Milevitano atque Bracharensi statutum est, ut singuli secundum ordinationis suae tempora sedeant, piaster eos, qui ex antiqua consuetudine, sive suarum ecelesiarum privilegiis, digniores sedes habent : de qua re iuterrogati sunt senes et astate provecti, quid vel ipsi vidis- sent, vel a majoribus atque antiquioribus veraciter ac probabiliter accepissent [see the remarks on recordatio et recognitio in the note on p. 216] ; super quo responso petitse sunt inducise, ac concessae, usque in crastinum. Crastina autem die concorditer perhibuere, quod Eboracensis archiepiscopus ad dextram Doro- bernensis sedere debeat; Lundoniensis episcopus ad sinistram ; Wentanus juxta Eboracensem. Si vero Eboracensis desit; Lundoniensis ad dextram, Wentanus ad sinistram." — Ex vetusto registro Wigorn. eccles. collat. cum MS. Cantuar. eccles. a. vii. 6. Page 114, note (3).] — Foxe renders the word " villae " in the second canon "villages," both in this place and at page 140; but at p. 113 he renders it " townships " Page 115, line 1.] — Godwin (" De Praesulibus ") states that Lanfranc only ornamented the cathedral with new buildings, but "palatium archiepiscopa/e quod est Cantuariae fere latum construxit." Foxe repeats his statement at page 718. Page 115, line 16. " As Marcellus" &c.] — See vol. i. pp. 21—25. 826 APPENDIX TO VOL. 11. Page 115, note (1).] — Foxe, in this and the next three pages, s id before him lllyricus's " Cat. Test." cols. 1304, 1305 (Edit. Ge seems to have had before him lllyricus's "Cat. Test." cols. 1304, 1305 (Edit. Geneva?, 1608). Page 116, line 13. " And this election," &c] — This and the next two sen- tences are considerably improved from Aventine, whom Foxe is here trans- lating, though probably he was immediately citing Illyrieus. (See Aventine, " Annalium Boiorum, lib. vii." Ed. Cisner, fol. Las. 1580.. p. 446, and Franco- fin ti 1027, p. 345.) Page 117, line 12. "Dominion of the West."'] — So Aventine. Foxe says " both of the East and West church." Pa de, Kadaipeio-doo. Episcopus, vel presbyter, vel diaconus, uxorem suam ne ejiciat religionis praetextu : sin autem ejecerit, segregetur; et si per- severet, deponatur. Page 151, note (2).] — Foxe here and in the next page calls Walt ram "bishop of Nurenburg." Dodechinus calls him "Episcopus Numbergensis ; " Baro- nius " Hnrrenburgensis," to which he puts a marginal conjecture " Nuren- burgensis," which conjecture Dodechinus himself adopts elsewhere. (See the note on page 155, line 8.) Page 153, lines 5, 10 and 19. "Revested."] — " Revestio" is Malmesbury's word. The following interview between the pope and the king's messenger took place at Christmas, a.d. 1098. — Eadmer, p. 52, Malmesbury. Page 153, lines 22 and 32. " The next council" &c.]— This was held April 25th, a.d. 1099 (L'Art de Ver. des Dates), which was Monday in the third week after Easter that year. (See Nicolas's Tables.) Urban died July 29tb following. Page 155, line 8. " Waltram, bishop of the church of Naumburg."] — From the Chrcnicon Citizense of Paulus Langius it appears, that Waltram was bishop of this see for twenty-one years, having been appointed a.d. 1089. Naumburg is a city of Thuringia, in Upper Saxony, whither the episcopal see was removed from Zeitz, a.d. 1026 (Fabricii Lux. Ev. Exoriens); hence the bishop is intituled Citizensis, or Naumburgensis. Waltram has been variously intituled by different authors, Megburgensis, Nurenburgensis, Magdeburgensis, Hurren- burgensis. Foxe here (following Dodechinus's Appendix to Marianus Scotus) calls him bishop of Megburgh ; but at pp. 151, 152, bishop of Nurenburgh. See the observations of Struvius on bis true title in the first volume of his Collection of German Historians. There is a treatise extant " De Unitate Ecclesia? con- servanda " (printed in vol. ii. of " Freheri Script. Germ." with a preface), which is generally ascribed to this Waltram ; it was certainly written by some contemporary, and with the same object as this letter to Louis, viz. to recal the Germans to a sense of their duty to the emperor ; and it throws much light on the emperor's history. Foxe's translation of Waltram 's Letter to Louis has been collated with the Latin in Dodechinus and Freherus, and corrected. Page 155, line 7 from the bottom. " Rodolph, Hildebrand, Egbert."] — See pp. 133, 134. Egbert was son of a Saxon marquis, who was patruelis to Henry, the reigning emperor; the father contrived, with other nobles, to get young Henry when only six years old, Christmas a.d. 1056, under his tutorship. The son was very uncertain in his allegiance. (" De Unitate conserv." lib. ii. cap. 33.) He was defeated at a battle in Thuringia, Sunday, Christmas eve, a.d. 1088, and died soon after by being crushed in a mill, a.d. 1090. (Ibid. cap. 33 — 36.) — Freheri " Rerum Germanicarum Scriptores," torn. ii. pp. 304 — 309. Page 156. " The railing answer of Earl Louis," &c] — Louis, surnamed Debonnaire, was landgrave of Thuringia from a.d. 1168 to a.d. 1190 or 1197. (L'Art de Ver. des Dates.) Dodechinus states, that the following reply to Waltram 's letter was written at the prince's desire by Stephen Harrand, bishop of Halberstadt, in Saxony. Foxe's translation has been revised from the Latin in Dodechinus and Freherus. Page 156, note (1).] — The passage in the text cited from St. Augustine is in his" Sermo 62, in Matt, viii." (Opera, Ed. Bened. torn. v. col. 362) It is quoted more at length by the archbishop of Sens at page 620 of this Volume. Page 157, line 13 from the bottom.] — Foxe reads " Babemberge " from the original. " Babenberga " is a common variation of " Bamberga." Page 159, line 11] — Grafton calls this Welsh king " Rees." Page 159, line 15.] — " Began his reign " August 5th, on which day he was crowned by Maurice, bishop of London, assisted by Roger, archbishop of York. Becket, however, says, "by the bishop of Hereford, as Anselm's deputy: " " Post 832 APPENDIX TO VOL. ir. cujus [Ilnfi] obitum, cum SanctU9 Anselmus Canturiensia Archi-Epiacopua exularet ex. e&dem causa qua el noa, unua Buffraganeorum Canturiensis Ei- clesiae S. Giranlus Herefordensis, vice Archi-Episcopi sui tunc absentia, Regem Henricum non contradiccnte Arcbi-Episcopo Eboracenai consecravit. Revertente autem ab exilio Beato Anselmo, accessit ad cum Rex Henrietta, tradens ei Diadema, et rogana ut cum coronaret, Dec imputaret illi quod ipsum necessitate Regni praepediente non exapectaverat Fatebatui euim coram om- nibus hanc esse Canturiensia Ecclesia1 dignitatem, ut Anglorum Rcges inungat etconsecret. Et Iiac quidem satisfactione placatua sanctus Archi-Epiacopus approbavit, quod a Buffraganeo suo factum fuerat, et Regi Coronam imposuit." — Epistoke 1). ThonuB, lib. v. 45. (See tbc note on p. 110, line 13.) Page 159, line 12 from the bottom. " By the consent of Anselm."] — Given at the council of Lambeth, where Maud proved that she had not properly entered a religious life. The marriage and coronation were both performed by Anselm on Sunday, St. Martin's day (Nov. 11th), a. d. 1100. Page 159, line 2 from the bottom.] — Robert landed about the end of July a.d. 1101, at Portsmouth, and left again about Michaelmas. Henry afterwards defeated him at Tenerchebray, September 28th, a.d. 1106, and taking him prisoner confined him twenty-eight years in Cardiff Castle, till his deatli in the year a. d. 1134. Page 160, line 19. " Divers strict laws," &c] — Some of these were Anselm'.-; synodical constitutions. In fact, this seems only a summary of the chief acts of the council and convocation mentioned in the next paragraph, and which were held simultaneously at Westminster, a.d. 1102. Page 160, line 33. '' In the story of William Rufus," &c] — This paragraph and the next two are an anticipation of the subsequent history, and tend rather to perplex the reader. Anselm landed at Dover, September 23d, a.d. 110O (Eadmer, p. 55); but the council and convocation presently spoken of were not held till Michaelmas, a.d. 1102 It was at the said council that the ambassadors reported their contradictory answers from Rome, as related at p. 164; and it was at the said convocation that the canons given at pp. 167, 168 were passed. Page 160, line 16 from the bottom. " And so returned again," &c] — Anselm landed at Dover 9 Cal. Oct. (Sep. 23d,) a. d. 1100. (Eadmer, p. 55.) The council and convocation, however, next mentioned, did not meet till September 28th, a.d. 1102. Page 1 6 1 , line 1 1 . "About the end of the second year of this king, which was by computation a.d. 1102, a variance happened between Icing Henry and Anselm, tin- occasion whereof was ihis."~j — Foxe's account of the " variance " between Anselm and Henry I. is not very clearly arranged. It would have commenced better at the next paragraph — "the king required of Anselm to do unto him homage," &c. ; which took place immediately on Anselm's return from his first exile, Sep- tember 23d, a.d. 1100. The ambassadors sent to Rome for the pope's opinion on the subject (as related at the conclusion of the paragraph, p. 162) went about the end of a.d. 1100, and returned Aug. a.d. 1101. (Eadmer.) A second em- bassy to Rome then ensued (pp. 162, 163), which made its report about Michael- mas a.d. 1102 at the council of Westminster (as stated at p. 160, line 37). The contradictory nature of the answers only perplexed the matter more (as told at p. 164). The king, standing upon the answer brought by " the three bishops," then proceeded forthwith to invest, and archbishop Gerard to consecrate, the bishops of Salisbury and Hereford (as mentioned pp. 160, 161) ; upon which Anselm held his convocation, at which he deprived several dignitaries who had taken their investiture from the king (p. 160), and also passed the constitutions afterward given at pp. 167, 168. The issue was, that Anselm left England again for his second exile April 29th, a.d. 1103 (p. 164), and reached Rome the following September. (Eadmer, pp. 70, 72, Malmesbury.) The above statement will tend to clear Up Foxe's account, and to prevent the reader from being misled by it, as he otherwise might be. Foxe opens this paragraph by Baying — " About the end of the third year of this king, which was by computa- tion a. n. l id i :" but the third year of Henry 1. ranged from August 5th, A.n. 1 102, to August 1th, a.d. 1 103; and the foregoing remarks rather show that the APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 833 rupture took place at the council of Westminster, September, 1102, i.e. about the end of the second year, or the beginning of the third. Page 161, line 4 from the bottom. " In his council of Rome a little before."] ■ — This refers to the council held at Rome by Pascal's predecessor Urban, April 25th, a. d. 1099, and mentioned at page 153 (Eadmer's " Historia Novo- rum," p. 53). Eadmer gives the words of the decree passed at that council (which are presently cited by Anselm) at p. 59 of his " Historia Novorum." Page 162, line 15.] — These messengers were despatched toward the close of a. d. 1100, and returned about August the following year. — Eadmer. Page 162, line 7 from the bottom. " Two monks, Baldwin of Bee, and Alexander of Canterbury."] — Foxe merely says "two monks, Baldwin and Alexander;" the rest is added on the authority of Eadmer, p. 62 ; Baldwin is afterwards miscalled by Foxe " Abbot of Ramsey." (See the notes on p. 164, line 18, and p. 166, line 30.) Page 162, line 5 from the bottom. "Sent two bishops."] — Eadmer (p. 62) and Malmesbury both say " tres," including Gerard, archbishop of York. Foxe himself afterwards says " three." (See the note on p. 161, line 11.) It would seem, however, from the tenor of the king's letter in p. 163, that Foxe is strictly correct in not reckoning Gerard as one of the original ambassadors, though he was competent to be afterwards a third witness of what had really taken place at the Papal court. (See p. 164.) Page 162, last line. " This your ■promotion."'] — Pascal II. was elected August 13th, a. d. 1099.— VArt. de Ver. Page 164, line 1.] — The messengers returned with contradictory answers a little before Michaelmas, a. d. 1102; and what follows happened at the council in Westminster, mentioned before at p. 160. — Eadmer, p. 65. Page 164, line 6. " Which, mine author saith, the king did not shew."] — This author is Malmesbury ; Eadmer does not mention the point, though it may be inferred from his narrative. Page 164, line 11. " The testimony of the three bishops."] — Foxe here says " the two bishops," of course referring to the bishops of Lichfield and Norwich, mentioned at p. 162 ; but 12 lines lower he says " the three bishops," and in a marginal note explains that he meant to include Gerard, archbishop of York; but he ought also to have been included in this place ; " two," therefore, has been changed into " three." Page 164, line 18. " Baldwin, the Monk of Bee."] — See the note on p. 162, line 7 from the bottom. Foxe miscalls him "Abbot of Ramsey;" but the abbot of Ramsey was one Ealdwin, not Baldwin ; who, so far from being a friend of Anselm's, was one of those deprived by him at the convocation of West- minster, a. d. 1102, though restored at the council of Westminster, a. d. 1107. —Eadmer, pp. 67, 92. Page 164, line 25. " Then Anselm seeing," &c] — The circumstance which convinced him of the king's determination to persist was, his investing the two bishops, as mentioned at pp. 160, 161 (see Eadmer, "Hist. Nov." pp. 65, 66). Page 164, line 20 from the bottom. " Then was it agreed," &c] — This was about Midlent a. d. 1103, according to Eadmer (p. 69). Page 164, line 15 from the bottom.] — Anselm left England April 29th, a. d. 1103, quitted the Abbey of Bee in August, and reached Rome about Sep- tember.— Eadmer, pp. 70 — 72, and Henry's History of England. Page 165, line 29. " Overt alceth Anselm . ... at Placentia."] — It appears from Eadmer (p. 74) that this happened toward the end of November, a. d. 1103. Page 165, line 15 from the bottom.] — Anselm remained a year and four months at Lyons, and left it in May, a. d. 1105, to visit Adela. — Eadmer, p. 79, and Henry. Page 165, last paragraph.] — This letter of Anselm to Henry is given by Eadmer, p. 75. Page 166, line 24.] — This "reconcilement" took place at L'Aigle in Nor- mandy, July 22d, a. d. 1105. — Eadmer, p. 80, and Henry. VOL. II. 3 H 834 API KNDIX TO VOL. II. Page 166, line 29. " Then were ambassadors," &c] — Henry did not send these ambassadors to Rome till the Christmas following, being in no hurry, till he liad gained more ground against his brother in Normandy. — Eadmer, p. 82. Page 160, line 30. "Baldwin, above named, the Monk of Bee."] — Foxe here again miscalls him "Abbot of Ramsey ;" see the note on p. 164, line 18. Eadmer, p. 83, calls him " Baldwins Monachus." It is observable that the king, in a letter given by Eadmer, p. 82, calls him " Baldwinus de Tornaio." Page 166, line 17 from the bottom. " The late council ho/den at London."] — - i. e. the council at London mentioned at p. 160, and of which the acts are given at pp. 167. 168. Page 166, last paragraph. " Not long after, the messengers being now returned from Rome."] — The pope (as the result of this last embassy) wrote to Anselm at Bee, permitting him to communicate with those whom the king had invested. The pope's letters, dictating the terms of compromise, are dated •' x. Cal. Apr." or March 23d, a. d. 1106. (Eadmer, p. 87.) Illness prevented Anselm from going at once to England, and after that he thought proper to wait for Henry's coming over to Normandy. Henry defeated Robert at Tenerchebray, a casile of William, count of Moirtaign, Sept. 28th, a. n. 11C6. Page 166, last line. "At the abbey of Bee, he convented and agreed."] — This reconciliation took place on the Feast of the Assumption, i. e. August 15th, a.d. 1106.— Eadmer, p. 89. Page 167, line 14.] — Anselm landed at Dover, August, a.d. 1106. — Eadmer, p. 89, and Henry. Page 167, line 22. " In the seventh year of his reign," &c] — Foxe says, "about the sixth year;" but, owing to the king's absence in Normandy com- pleting his conquest, and a return of Anselm's illness, the council referred to by Foxe did not meet till August 1st, a. d. 1107, the very end of the seventh year of the reign. — Eadmer, p. 91. Page 167, line 30. "In another council."] — Foxe says "In this council," which is a mistake. The canons affecting the clergy were adopted at the council held at Westminster the following Pentecost, May 24th, a.d. 1108. (Eadmer, p. 95.) Foxe repeats the error at p. 169, line 13, where it is again corrected. The decrees of this latter council are given at p. 169. Page 167, note (1).] — Malmesbury says, " Se nihil de his [ecclesiis] accep- turum, quamdiu pastore carerent, promisit;" for which Foxe gives, "That he should require nothing of the said churches, or provinces, in the time of the seat being vacant." Page 167, note (2.)] — The following canons are those of the council of Westminster, a.d. 1102, and are given in Eadmer, pp. 67, 6S ; see the note on p. 161. Page 168, line 21. " That abbots should make no knights."] — "It was the ancient custom of abbots in those days to make knights, as you may find from the example of Abbot Brand's knighting his nephew Hereward, in the reign of King William I., the form of which I have there, also, set down; and yet this is certain, that, notwithstanding this canon, King Henry I., some years after, granted, and King John confirmed, to the abbot of Reading, the power of making knights, with some cautions for their behaviour therein." — Tyrrell's Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 128. Page 168, line 33. " That such persons as did wear long hair," Sfc] — " This the Church then thought it had cognizance of, as being contrary to the dictates of St. Paul. (1 Cor. xi. 14.) This fashion, having very much prevailed in the last king's reign, was come to that height, that the same author (Eadmer) tells us the young gentlemen of the court used to wear their hair very long, and daily combed out like women ; which archbishop Anselm not enduring, when several of those gallants came on Ash-Wednesday to hear his mass, he refused to sprinkle ashes on them, or to give them absolution, unless they would cutoff their hair; whereupon a good many of them did. But it seems this fashion APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 835 could not suddenly be rooted out, and therefore this decree was now made against it, and yet all to little purpose (as you will see anon), till the king himself reformed it by his own example." — Tyrrell's Hist, of England, vol ii p. 127. Lord Lyttelton gives another view of the subject : — " The extraordinary fervour of zeal expressed by Anselm, and other churchmen of that age, against this fashion, seems ridiculous; but we find, from the words of Ordericus Vitalis (lib. viii. p. 862, sub. an. 1089), that they combined it with the idea of an affected effeminacy, and supposed it to indicate a disposition to an unnatural vice which was very prevalent in those times. The good prelate, whose piety was so much scandalized by it, would have done well to consider how much more the celibacy to which he forced the clergy, and the number of monas- teries in this kingdom, might contribute to increase that abominable wicked- ness than any mode of dress." — Lord Lyttelton s Henry II. vol. ii. p. 33(5. Page 168, note (1).] — Our author has, in his translation, given the spirit, though not the letter, of the original canon, which ordains that " Presbyters do not go to drinking bouts, nor drink to pins." Foxe informs us at p. 59, that king Edgar, in order to check the drunkenness introduced among the English by the Danes, directed that none should drink below a certain pin, or peg, to be fixed inside the cups. This regulation ?oon gave rise to a new abuse, which will be best explained in the words of a distinguished antiquarian : " The peg-tankards, to which the old canons allude, when they say, ' Ut Pres- byteri non eant ad potationes, nee adpinnas bibant,' had in the inside a row of eight pins, one above another, from top to bottom. The tankards hold two quarts, so that there is a gill of ale, i. e. half a pint of Winchester measure, between each pin. The first person that drank was to empty the tankard to the first peg, or pin ; the second, to the next pin, &c. ; by which means the pins were so many measures to the compotators, making them all drink alike, or the same quantity ; and as the distance of the pins was such as to contain a large draught of liquor, the company would be very liable by this method to get drunk; especially when, if they drank short of the pin, or beyond it, they were obliged to drink again." (Anonymiana, 125, Gent. Mag. xxxviii. 426.) " A very fine specimen of these peg-tankards, of undoubted Anglo-Saxon work, formerly belonging to the abbey of Glastonbury, is now in the possession of Lord Arundel of Wardour. It holds two quarts, and formerly had eight pegs inside, dividing the liquor into half-pints. On the lid is the Crucifixion, with the Virgin and John, one on each side the cross. Round the cup are carved the twelve Apostles." — Fosbroke's Encyclopedia of Antiquities, vol. i. p. 258, London, 1835. See also Hone's " Year Book." Ducange in his Glossary, v. Potus, mentions a canon being passed at a council in France, wiiich forbad " sequales potus," a canon of the same import with this of Anselm's. Page 169, line 13. " At another council. . . . May 24th, a. d. 1108."]— Foxe says, "here, also, at this present council at Westminster, in the year of this king aforesaid." For the reason of the alteration, see the note on page 167, line 30. The following translation of the canons is revised from the Latin in Eadmer, p. 95. Page 171, line 11 from the bottom. " Henry and Christian.""] — Henry, surnamed Felix, was appointed archbishop of Mentz, a.d. 1142, and deposed at Pentecost, a.d. 1153. (L'Art de Ver. des Dates.) Having become obnoxious to the clergy by his attempts to reform them, he was complained of to the pope and deposed. Such is the account given of him by Conrad, in his " Chronicon Moguntiacum ;" but Otho Frisingensis considers him to have been a trouble- some man, and justly deposed. — Foxe gives no account of Christian, whose history is also recorded by Conrad, " Chron. Mogunt.," thus : — " Non stetit diu in episcopatu [he was elected a.d. 1249] ; accusatur enim ad papam quod omnino inutilis esset ecclesise, et quod evocatus ad expeditiones regis invitus veniret. Hoc autem verum erat, eo quod fierent incendia, sectiones vinearum, devastationes segetum ; dicebat etenim, nequaquam decere talia sacerdotem, sed quicquid deberet per gladium Spiritus, quod est Verbum Dei, omnimode se promptum asserebat et voluntarium servitorem. Quumque ejus predecessorum vestigia sequi moneretur, respondit, Scriptum est, Mitte gladium in vaginam. 3 11 2 836 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Ob hoc in odium regis ct multorum incidit laicorum, qui omnes accusant?* cum apud papam obdnuerunt cum ab episcopatu omui submoveri. Cessitergo A. D. 1251." Page 172, note (1).] — The foregoing account of Arnold is also taken from Conrad's '• Chron. Moguntiacum," wlience some trilling improvements are made in the text. He was slam on John Baptist's day, a. d. 1160. The two cardinals above referred to were Bernard, a presbyter, and Gregory, a deacon. Conrad's apostrophe to the cardinals runs thus in the Latin : — " O cardinales, hujus rei vos estis initium. Venite ergo, venite, haurite nunc, et ferte architriclino vestro diabolo. eiqne oft'erte cum ea quam degl litis tis pecunia etiam vosnn- tipsos." Arnold is the same individual as Arnulph, mentioned at p. 192 as " bishop of Mentz." Page 173, line 1.] — Foxe omits "at Florence;" but Sabellicus, Ennead ix. 111). 1, Bays, the council was held at Florence; and he attributes the bishop's conduct to the influence of some prodigies in nature — a very large comet, and an inundation of the sea through a very high tide — which occurred about that tunc. Page 173, line 12. " A general assembly."] — The diet of Mentz was held on Christmas-day, A.n. 1105. — L 'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 173, line 16.] — " Ingelheim," a town ten miles W.S.W. of Mentz ; the diet was held there soon after Christmas. Foxe reads, corruptly, " Hil- geshem." — L" Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 174, line 11.] — "There for sorrow died," August 7th, a. d. 1106. — L 'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 174, line 13.] — "Five years;" so says Godfridus Viterbiensis ; but the Hildesheim Chronicle says only " two." Page 174, line 24. " Where he indentelh with him," &c] — i. e. at the council of Lateran, Feb. 12th, a. d. 1111. Henry was crowned April 13th. — L'Arl de Ver. des Dates. Page 174, line 32. "Calling a Synod"'] — i.e. at Lateran, March 18th — 23d, a. d. UVl.—L'Art de Ver. des Dales. Page 176, line 17. " Preemonstratenses.'"] — This order was founded by St. Norbert, who was of a noble family in Cologne. He gave up his benefices, and commenced preacher a. d. 1118. He was noticed by Barthelemi, bishop of Laon, at the council of Rheims (a. d. 1119), whither he had gone to obtain the confirmation from Calixtus II. of those privileges which he had received from former popes. St. Bernard seconded Barthelemi's wishes to have him in his diocese, by giving him the valley of Premontre, in the forest of Couci, Picardy, a. i). 1120. The order of Premontres was confirmed by Honorius II. a. d. 1 12ii. (Moreri's Diet.) Their place is said to have been shown by the Virgin Mary ; whence they derived their name, " Premontres.'' They first settled in England A. n. 1146, at Newhouse in Lincolnshire. They followed St. Augustine's rule. Page 176, line 25.] — The council at Rheims met October 19th to the 30th, a. d. HVJ.—L'Art de Ver. Page 177, line 16 from the bottom. " The same year. a. d. 1114."] — Foxe erroneously says, " The next year following." See the Table of Arclibps. of Canterbury at page 723 of this volume. Page 17S, line 8. " A solemn assembly . ... at Salisbury."] — This was held March 20th, a. d. 1116. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page ISO, line 31.] — Gisburn, in Cleveland (so called to distinguish it from another Gisburn in the West Riding), a priory of Austin Canons, was founded by Robert de Brus, a. d. 1129 (Tanner). " Reading" Abbey was founded for Austin monks by Henry I. a. d. 1121. The charter is given by Dugdale, dated a. d. 112;"); also the instrument presenting the hand of St. James. (Dugdale.) Dugdale says that William Fitz-Nigelle founded a priory for Austin monks at Runcorn a. n. 1133 or 1KJS, which was removed by his son William, constable of Cheshire, to Norton, in Stephen's reign. Page 181, line 23. " The second year of hit induction."] — Honorius II. was enthroned December 21st, a.d. 1124 (L'Arl de Ver. des Dates) : Simeon of APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 837 Durham, therefore, more correctly dates the ensuing affair" Honorii II. primo anno." Page 181, line 18 from the bottom. " Assembled the whole clergy together."] — -This council was held at Westminster Sept. 8th or 9th, a.d. 1125. See Pagi " Crit. in Baronii Annales," an. 1125. See an account of this council in Simeon of Durham, and Wilkins's Concilia, torn. i. p. 408. Page 1S3, line 7 from the bottom. " The next night after" &c] — Baronius is very angry at the charge here made against Crema, and observes, that the historians all follow one leader, Henry of Huntingdon, who was peculiarly averse to the celibacy of the clergy ; whence Baronius concludes that Hunting- don is not a credible witness. Hoveden copies Huntingdon, except in placing the affair in the following year. Lastly, M. Westminster adds an excuse of Crema's, viz. that he was only in deacon's orders, which must be fictitious; for he was priest-cardinal of St. Chrysogon. Baronius further remarks, that Malmesbury (who, however, makes particular mention of the council) and Wigorniensis (who even speaks as if he had been present) do not mention the affair. He further remarks, that Peter Leoni's (the rival pope) party did all they could by their writings to blacken those cardinals who chose Innocent II. a.d. 1130, the chief of whom was Crema, and yet do not mention this fact. St. Bernard also and others boasted, that the cardinals who chose Innocent were the holiest of all the cardinals. Rapin, however, observes that this is all negative proof, and of no force against the positive testimony of the contemporary historian. Henry, also, quite believes it, and attributes to it the failure of the canon. Page 1S2, line 1. "Certain historians," Sec] — Foxe opens this paragraph thus — " Certain histories make mention of one Arnulphus, in the time of this Pope Honorius II. Some say he was archbishop of Lyons, as Hugo, Platina, Sabellicus, Trithimius," &c. The sentence of Illyricus, from which this is taken, runs thus : — " Narrant Hugo, Platina, et Sabellicus, Arnulphum quen- dam archiepiscopum Lugdunensem, qui magna nominis celebritate magnoque mortalium concursu divinam Legem per Gallias, Italiam, et tandem Romas praedicabat, impie a, spiritualibus oh repreheiisa eorum scelera, libidines, et errores, necatum esse ; tulisseque id Honorium Papam iniquo animo, sed tamen quaestione abstinuisse : quod ipsum subindicat, eum non nimium iniquo animo tulisse. Accidit id duodecimo post Christum seculo. Hugo quidem dicit captum et suspensum, quod sine publica authoritate fieri non potuit. Similis forme per omnia historia narratur et de quodam Illyrico monacho, qua? circiter ante 72 annos Romas accident. Verum adjiciamus sane narrationem Trithemii de hoc Amulpho, ex ejus Chronico Hirsaugiensi, quandoquidem id nondum opinor editum esse." (Cat. Test. edit. 1G08, col. 1432.) Illyricus here rather assumes that Arnulph was "archbishop of Lyons," than makes Hugo, Platina, and Sabellicus, positively assert it ; and, in point of fact, they virtually assert the contrary. Hugo (as he is cited in the Magd. Cent. col. 1710) only calls him a presbyter : Platina calls him merely " Christiana? religionis concionator insignia," and says, " Fueritne sanctus vir presbyter, an monachus, an eremita, baud satis constat:" Sabellicus (Ennead. lib. iv. fol. 94) mentions him in the same way, and calls him " Anulphus." But the fact is, that he could not pos- sibly have been archbishop of Lyons, as there never was an archbishop of Lyons of that name, according to the account of that see given in Gallia Christiana. There was one Arnold of Breschia, of whom Aventine speaks thus : — Arnoldus turn Brixia oppido Italiae ortus, sacras literas professus, discipulus Petri Abelardi, in avaritiam fastumque sacerdotum pro concione crebro peroravit, tandem captus in crucemque a sacrificulis actus, pcenas teme- rarii caspti luit." But Illyricus in the next col. (1433) very properly distin- guishes him from this Arnulph. Martinus Polonus, however, may be speaking of Arnulph when he says, — " liujus (Conradi II ) tempore quidam magister, Arnoldus nomine, prccdicavit in nrbe Roma, reprehendens luxus et supeifiuitates. Postea captus, in odium clericonun est snspensus." (Col. 196 of his Supputa- tiones, subjoined to Marianus Scotus, Bas. 1559.) Hugo Allhsiodorensis is probably the ;iuthor above referred to. (See Ussher " De Christ. Eccl. Statu et Sue." x. §§. 41, 47, 48.) " Arnulphus Lugdunensis archiepiscopus, qui a Jacobo Bergomensi et aliis memoratur, nullus fuit : vide Johannem Picardum, ad Anselmi Epist. iii. 1 17." 838 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Fabricius " de Script. Med. et Infim. Latinitatis." See Gerberon'a Edition of Anselm's Works, Paris, 1675, p. 577, col. I, for Picard's remarks. Thuanus, Hist. lib. vi. § 16, mentions one Arnold, an associate of Peter Waldo of Lyons, who became eminent as a Waldensian pastor and preacher in the diocese of AIM : he may have been known as " Pastor or Praesea Lugdu- nensis," by some, ignorantly or playfully, turned into " Archiepiscopua Lugdu- ncnsis;" and lllyricus may have identified him under that title with this Arnulph. The Magdeburg Centuriators relate the same particulars respecting Arnulph, quoting also Trithemius'a account; but they give no hint of his being archbishop of Lyons. — Cent. xiii. cols. 46, 1-101, 1710. Gerhohus Reicherspergensis, quoted with other authorities in D'Argentre's Collectio Judiciorum de novis erroribus, torn. i. p. 27 (Lutet. 1724), writing of an Arnold about this period, says : " Pro qua etiam doctrina non solum ab ecclesia Dei anathematis mucrone separatus, insuper etiam guspendio neci traditus. Quin et post mortem incendio crematus, atque in Tiberim fluvium projectus est: ne videlicet Romanus populus, quern sua doctrina llluxerat, sibi [inn martyrem dedicaret." Page 182, line 17.] — "At Rome" is added from Trithemius ; "cum ad pia;dicandum Koinam mitteretur;" also, in the next line, "shortly" is put in from the "brevi" of Trithemius. Page 182, line 28. "Having expressed,'" &c] — "Cum haec aita voce cla- masset, subjunxit" (Trithemius): and, at line 31, " impuritatibus " is the Latin : and at line 33, " Sed Deus est vindex." Page 182, line 36. " Sabellicus and Platina say they hanged him."] — Illy- ricua says : — " Scribit hie [Trithemius] submersum esse : sed Sabellicus et Platina suspension esse affirmant; quibus tanquam rerum Romanarum inagis gnaris potius credendum esse arbitror." (lllyr. col. 1433.) Sabellicus, however, only says " impie necarunt ;" and Platina "insidiis necabant." lllyricus had just before said, "lingo quidem dicit caption et suspension." Page 182, line 11 from the bottom. "Above four hundred years ago."] — lllyricus says it was written "circa duodechnum speculum;" it would seem, however, from the allusion to the king of Portugal in the next page, as if the work was written in the thirteenth century. lllyricus does not connect it with Arnulph, but mentions it at a later page. Foxe's text has been a little improved from lllyricus. Page 182, line 6 from the bottom. " Who say," &c] — "Quae dicunt, quod plus lucrantur," &c. — lllyricus. Page 182, last line.] — lllyricus refers here, and for what follows, to lib. iii. of the " Opusculum," capp. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 12. Page 183, line 12 from the bottom.] — Philip I. took to wife Bertrade, wife of the earl of Anjou, his first wife Bertha being yet alive ; for which he was excommunicated by Urban II. a. d. 1094, and again in 1095, and again by the council of Poitiers in 1100. — L'Art. de Ver.des Dates. The king of Portugal, presently alluded to, must have been Sancho II. sumamed Capel, who came to the throne a.d. 1223, and for some time reigned with applause; but, afterwards giving himself up to debauchery, his subjects complained of him, a.d. 1245, to pope Innocent IV. who excommunicated him, put his realm under interdict, and made his brother Alfonso regent. Sancho died a.d. 1248. — L'Art. de Ver. des Dates. Page 184, line 25. " Upon St. Stephens day,"]— i.e. Thursday, Dec. 2Gth, a.d. 1135. Sir II. Nicolas reasons in favour of this date. Page 184, line 36. " The Castle of Vies,"'] — an old form of " Devises." See Malmesbury, p. 181, and Hoveden, p. 484, in the " Script post Bedam," Francof. 1601. Grafton reads " Vises." Page 187, line 27.] — Gratian was monk of St. Felix, at Bologna. (Cave's Hist. Litt.) Cave states that many writers have asserted Gratian, Peter Lombard, and Peter Comestor, to have been all brothers, and born at the same time : but he adds that this assertion does not rest on any good authority. Page 1S7, line 3 from the bottom.] — Trivet calls this individual " sctitifcr " to Charlemagne, and places Ins death a. i>. 1 139, APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 839 Page 188, line 2.] — For " Furness " and " Fountains" Foxe (misled by Fabian) reads corruptly " Finerneis" and " Fomitance." Page 188.] — The following information from fanner's " Notitia Mon." will confirm the account in the text: — " Feversham Abbey was founded a.d. 1147 by king Stephen and his wife Maud for monks of Clugny, who being afterward released from their subjection to the foreign monastery, it became Benedictine. "Furness, a Cistercian abbey, founded a.d 1124, by Stephen, then earl of Morton and Boulogne: removed to Furness, in Lancashire, a.d. 1127. " Fontanense ccenobium, or Fountains Abbey, near Ripon, Yorkshire. Most of the historians mention this abbey under Stephen's reign, not however exactly as built by him. It was founded by the aid of Thurstin, archbishop of York, a.d. 1132. Henry I. made it tithe-free, and Stephen confirmed all previous charters to it. It was burnt a.d. 1140, and was not fairly rebuilt for nearly one hundred years." Page 1S8, line 5. " The Jews crucified a child in the city of Norwich."] — Bronrptonis the first person who mentions this circumstance, adding that the Jews crucified another child at Gloucester, a.d. 11G0. About thirteen or fourteen years after, Gervase says that they crucified another at Bury St. Edmund's at Easter, and that his bones wrought miracles for some years. See " Anglia Judaica," p. 11, a work by D'Blossiers Tovey, LL.D. principal of New Inn Hall, Oxford, 1738. He throws a doubt on all these accounts, observing that the crime is never said to have happened but when the king was notoriously in want of money, and wanted a pretext against the Jews. However that be, the Romish church has canonized several such alleged victims of Jewish malice. Alban Butler, in his " Lives of the Saints," gives an account of this very child, who was canonized as St. William of Norwich. Butler further states that be was apprentice to a tanner at Norwich, and only twelve years of age when he was seized by the Jews, on Good Friday, and treated in imitation of Christ. On Easter-day they took his body in a sack to Thorp Wood, now a heath, near the gates, to bury him ; but, being discovered, they left him hanging on a tree. He was honoured with miracles, and in 1144 his body was removed to the cathedral of the Holy Trinity, and in 1150 into the choir. A chapel was built on the site where he was found, called St. William in the Wood. His day in the English Calendar was March 24th. Butler adds, that pope Benedict XIV. decided that infants, though baptized, dying before the age of reason, could not be canonized, except those slain out of hatred to the name of Christ. Such were the Inno- cents, St. Simon of Trent (canonized by the archbishop of Trent, -with the approbation of Sixtus V., confirmed by Gregory XIII.), St. Richard of Pontoise, a.d. 1 182, St. Hugh of Lincoln, a. d. 1255. See Bloomfield's History of Norfolk, and Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, line 13,425. Page 189, line 17. " The first year," &c] — Fabian says, " He increased bis heritage so mightily that he won Ireland by strength, and took William, king of Scots, and joined that kingdom to his own. From the south ocean to the north islands of Orcyes he closed all the lands, as it were, under one principate, and spread so largely his empire that men read of none of his progenitors that had so many provinces and countries under their dominion and rule. For, beside the realm of England, he had in his rule Normandy, Gascoyne, and Guion, Anjou and Chinon, and he made subject unto him Auvergne and other lands; and by his wife he obtained, as her right, the mounts and hills of Spain, called Montes Pireni." Grafton, apparently copying Fabian, says : — " He increased his heritage so mightily that he won Ireland anon after his coronation, by .strength, and took the king of Scots prisoner, and joined that kingdom of Scotland to his own. From the south ocean unto the north islands of Orcades, he closed all the lands as it were under one dominion, and spread so largely his empire that we read not that any of his progenitors had so many provinces and countries under their government and rule. For, beside the realm of England and Scotland, he had in his rule Normandy, Gascoyne, and Guienne, Anjou and Poictou ; and he made subject unto him Auvergne and other lands. And by Lleanor, bis wife, he obtained, as in her right, the earldom of Toulouse." Grafton afterwards adds, "In his third year he lost Auvergne, warring against the king of France." Hoveden seems to contradict what is Stiid about the city of Toulouse, Script, post Bedain, p. 491. The Pyrenees and 840 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. the north ocean are mentioned as tlie limits of the king's dominions at page 231, in an epistle of the English hishops to Becket. Page 189, line 18. " He subdued Ireland."'] — llymer gives Adrian's grant of Ireland, " ad snbdendum ilium populum legibus et viciorum plantaria inde extirpanda,"and on condition of paying "de singulis domibus annuam unius denarii beato Petro pensionem, ct jura eccleaiarum illius terrae illibata et integra conservare." Page 189, line 7 from the bottom. " Against whom it was alleged chiefly" &c] — Foxe says, "Who in their time, according to their gift, did earnestly," &c; which seems a mis-translation of lllyricus, " [is praecipue \h\o ila/nm est. qudd docuerint," &c. He calls them " Gerhardus Sagarelli, Parmensis, et Dulcinus Navarrensis," and says that they laboured for at least forty years in Gallia Cisalpina, and Piedmont; and that they were esteemed heresiarchs by the Romanists. — " Catalogus Testium," Geneva; 1608, col. 1702. Page 190, line 12. "And now, according to nig promise" &c] — The ensuing account of the emperor Frederic I. is apparently taken from lllyricus, col. 1365, &c. For the anecdote which presently follows he cites " Ilelmoldus in Chronicis Sclavorum," cap. 81. Page 190, line 27. " After this, as they were come in," &c] — lllyricus cites for his authority here Barnes "in Vita Hadriani." See also Krantzii Sax. vi. 17. Page 190, line 34.] — Apulia was now ''a Nortmannis occupata." — IUyri as. Page 190, line 10 from the bottom. " The next dag affer,"~\ — i.e. "4 Cal. Julii, anno regni sui quarto." — Ilelmoldus in Chron. SdavoTum, c. 80. Page 190, line 5 from the bottom. " Sendeth to Emmanuel."! — lllyricus (col. 13G7), referring to Nauclerus gen. 39, says that Emmanuel ofiered to the pope 5,000/. and to expel William out of Apulia, if three m iritiine cities of Apulia were granted him. Page 191, line 2.] — " Ex tota Sicilia exercitu contracto." — Nauclerus, Page 191, line 14. "Rimini."'] — Platina says " Anagni." Page 191, line 10. "Hotv the pope had given Apulia, which of right belonged to the empire, to duke William."] — " Apuliam juris imperii, se inscio atque in\ ito, Wilhelmo concessam." ( lllyricus.) This clause is passed over by Foxe. Page 192, line 18 from the bottom.] — This " Arnulph, bishop of Mentz," is the same individual as Arnold mentioned at page 172 : see note on that passage. Page 192, line 21, and p. 371 (middle). " Not preachers, but prowlers."] — The first edition (p. 37) spells this word, in both cases, " proylers." Line 26, li //toilers for money," so reads the edition of 1563, which seems from another instance in Nares to be correct : the later editions read " movlers of money." Page 193, line 14. " And first taking his occasion," &-c] — Foxe is translating lllyricus — " Nactus occasionem captivitatis Leodiensis episcopi." Leodiensis or Leodicensis (i.e. of Liege) gave birth to Foxe's " Bishop of Laodicea." There was indeed a " Gerardus bishop of Laodicea" living about this period, who wrote a work, " De Conversatione Servorum Dei," alluded to by Foxe infra, vol. iii. p. 105, though he there post-dates him by a century. The person, however, here intended, was not bishop either of Liege or of Laodicea, but Eskyl, archbishop of Lunden, in Sweden. Others have made other corruptions of his title, as will appear from the following extract from Pagi's " Ciit. in Baron. Annates," ad annum 1157 : — " Verum loco E. Londonensis Archiepiscopus legendum, E. Lundensis Archiepiscopus, et intelligendns Eskyllus, quern ex illis verbis eruimua anno superiori peregrinationem instituisse ad Hadrianum Papam, qui ilium Legatum Buum in Dania constituerat, ut quicunque maximi Sueonum Pontificea creandi essent, PaUio a Curia dato per Lundensem insignirentnr Antistitein ; eamque Bedem pro patrio venerarentur obsequio, sicut ait Saxo Graromaticus, lib. xiv. Hinc Sirmondus, in Notis ad Epist. 23. lib. i. Petri Cellensis, de Eskyllo recte Bcribh : 'Qui cum ex Urbe in Daniam rediret, captus Bpoliatusque fuit in Germania. Quaeres — dum injuriam missis ad Fredericum Imp. Legatis acriua peroequitur lladrianus IV. Pontifex, cui Eskyllus privato etiam nomine chares erat — exacerbatis bine inde animis ansam preebuit schiamati, quod inter illos ' rupit, "i in piil lladevicus, Lib. i., de (lest. Friderici, cap. 8, et seqq- Sod apud APPENDIX TO VOL, II. 841 Radevk um Londonensis vitiose scriptum est ; fcedius etiam apud Innocentium III. Epist. 321 Lugdunensis, pro Lundensi.' Iia Siunondus. Quae conjectura eo certior, quod nullus hoc seculo E. Episcopus Londinensi Ecclesias pnefuit. Praeterquam quod Londonia Sedes est Episcopalis, non vero Archiepiscopalis." Page 193, line 16. " Divers and sharp letters," &c] — The reader will find •Pope Adrian's letters to Frederic in Baronius, an. 1157, § 2, 3. The legates appear to have been Roland, cardinal-priest of St. Mark, and Bernard, cardinal- priest of St. Clement ; and Pagi, in his notes on this part of Baronius, shows that they were sent with the said letters a. d. 1156, and that in the same year, also, the seizure of the archbishop of Lunden took place. Page 193, note (2).] — The volume referred to is " Ottonis Episc. Frisingensis Chronicon, et Radevicus Frising. Canonicus," &c, folio, Basileae, 1569. If any information is needed upon these writers, " Vossius de Hist. Latinis" will sup- ply it, pp. 427—431, edit. 1651. Page 195, last line. "The proud pope, setting his foot," &c] — " Fuerunt quidem nonnulli, inter quos etiam Card. Baronius, qui in dubium vocarunt narrationem de Imp. Frederico I. et Alexandra III. collum ejus premente pedibus, his etiam verbis usurpatis, super aspidem et Basilicum ambulabis, &c. ; quod factum indecorum, arrogans, et penitus insuetum agnoscit Baronius (torn, xii. ad an. 1177, § S6), et negat unquam accidisse, tanquam ubhorrens a tanli Christi vicarii mansuelitdine, turgens fastu f acinus. Quamtamen historian! refe- runt viginti historici, onines pontificii, quorum testimonia citantur ab Hieronymo Bardo in libra cui titulum fecit 'Victoria Navalis,' Venetiis edito, 1584. Sed ' Jo«. ille Stevanus,' qui £de osculo pedum Papas' scripsit Romas ad Gregorium XIII., non solum factum non negat, sed ex eo deducit quantum Papa possit in Reges et Principes." — Riveti Jesuita Vapulans, cap. 28, § 4. A picture of this transaction was formerly to be seen in the vestibule of St. Mark's, at Venice, and also in the ducal palace (vide Em. S. Cypriani Disser- tationes, Coburgi, 1755, p. 70); though the circumstance has, from different reasons, been rather warmly discussed, and partially questioned (see Sagittarii Intvoduct. in Hist. Eccles. torn. j. p. 630 : torn. ii. p. 600). But such assump- tions are not always considered misplaced even by Baronius himself; as in the case of Henry VI., emperor of Germany, whose crown Celestine III. thought proper to strike off his head a.d. 1191 ; under which year see Baron. Annal. § 10; Roger Hoveden, p. 689, edit. 1601 ; and the present volume of Foxe, p. 304. Page 196, line 23. " Tiuo-and-tweniy years."'] — Foxe says, " one-and- twenty." But Alexander III. was elected Sept. 7th, a. d. 1159, crowned Sept. 20th, and died Aug. 30th, a. r>. 1181. — L' Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 196, line 24.]— The Council of Tours sat May 19th, a.d. 1163; the General (eleventh) Council of Lateran, March 5th — 19th, a.d. 1179. — U Art. de Ver. des Dates. Page 197, line 6 from the bottom. " In Quadrilogo."] — The full title of this work is " Vita et Processus Thomae Cantuar. martyris super libertate ecclesiae ; sive Quadripartita Historia continens passionem Martyris Archiprass. Cantu- ariensis." It is a history of Becket, compiled by order of Pope Gregory XI. from the biographies of four contemporaries of Becket, who are mentioned by Foxe in the note. Of these, I. Herbert de Boscham in Sussex was one of Becket's chaplains, a companion of his flight, and witness of his death. 2. John, a native of Salisbury, whence he is commonly called John of Salisbury, afterwards bishop of Chartres {Carnolensis), was one of the most distinguished men of his day. He was an old and intimate friend of Becket ; so much so, that in the autumn of a. d. 1163 Henry thought it necessary to interrupt their intercourse by banishing him to Fiance, where he resided chiefly at Rheims till his return to England on the final arrangement between the king and Becket. He was in the cathedral of Canterbury at the time his friend was murdered. He is supposed to be the person who arranged the large collection of 435 letters relating to the contest between Church and State, written between 1165 and 1171, preserved in the Vatican, and printed thence by Christianus Lupus at Brussels, 16S2, under the title of " Ep. D. Thoma?." 3. Alan was a monk of St. Trinity, Canterbury, and afterwards abbot of Teivkesbury. 4. William was also a monk of St. Trinity, Canterbury. (See Tanner's Bibliotheca, and Cave's 842 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Hist. Litt.) The " Quadrilogua" is patched together from the histories of these four, each portion being headed by the name of the author from whom it is taken. It was printed in 4to., first in black letter at Paris, a. d. 1495 ; and again at Brussels, a. n. 16S2, when it was prefixed by Ch. Lupus to the " Ep. 1). Thomae" above mentioned. The former edition contains several errors which are corrected in the latter, and which now for the first time have been corrected in Foxe's text : they will be noticed in this Appendix. Foxes account of Becket is derived mainly from the "Qaadrilogus ;" most of it will also lie found verbatim in Grafton's Chronicle, the principal additions being the documents, which are all printed in the " Quadrilogus ;" from which it woidd appear, that, though Foxe availed himself of Grafton's labours in translating, yet he consulted the original for himself. Page 198, line 15 from the bottom. " And first, to omit here the progeny," &c] — A life of Becket, compiled by William Stephanides or Fitz-Stephen, a monk of Canterbury, and an intimate friend of Becket, says, " Beatus Thomas natus est in legitimo matrimonio et bonestis parentibus, patre Gileberto, qui et vice-comes aliquando fnit, matre Mathilda; civibus Lundonise mediastinis, neque fcenerantibus, neque officiose negotiantibus, sed de redditibus suis hono- rifice viventibus." — Stephanides, Edit. Sparke, Lond. 1723, p. 10. Page 198, line 10 from the bottom.] — Dr. Ciutterbuck states, in his History of Hertfordshire, vol. ii. p 48, that the rectory of Brantfield, in that county, was given by Hardvin de Scalers, a powerful Norman baron, to the Abbey of St. Alban's, which retained it till the Dissolution ; also that Thomas Becket was once rector; in confirmation of which he adds, that near the rectorial house there is a pond called " Thomas a Becket' s Pond."— Brantfield is in the liberty of St. Alban's, about three miles from Hertford. (Carlisle.) Page 198, line 3 from the bottom. " Left playing the archdeacon, and began to play the chancellor."'] — The following is the testimony on this point of Grime, the monk who interposed his own arm in order to shield Becket from the assassin's sword at Canterbury, and who wrote a life of Becket, preserved in Sion College and the Arundel MS. in the Brit. Mus. '' Jamque pedem por- rexit in semitas seculi, jam ad honores aspirare, effundereanimum in cxteriora, et vanas mundi amplitudines ambire ccepit." — Grime, fol. 4, MS. Arund. " Novus itaque crigitur super Egypto Joseph, prieficitur universis regni negotiis, post regem secundus; augentur honores, praedia, possessiones, et diviliarum splendor, ac mundi gloria mulliplicatur, seqnuntur ex more innumeri mancipi- orum greges, stipantur electorum catenas militum, nee cancellario minor quam regi comitatus adhsesit, ita ut nonnunquam corriperetur a rege quod regis hospitium vacuasset." — Grime, fol. 7. Page 199, line 12. "Richard Lucy, one of the chiefest."] — " Richardum de Luci aliosque magnates Angliae." (Quadril.) Richard de Lucy was the chief justice. "If 1 were dead," said Henry to Lucy, " wouldst thou not devote thy life and thy energies in favour of my son? Then cease not in thy endea- vours, until my chancellor is raised to the see of Canterbury." (John of Salis- bury, in Quadrilogo.) The reason of Henry's partiality may be given in few words from the " Life and Ecclesiastical History of St. Thomas of Canterbury," a work published in English under papal sanction at Cologne, 1G.'>9, p. o'. "The king having had manifold trial of him, deemed his magnanimity and fidelity to be fit for so high a dignity ; and also that he would have a care of his profit, and govern all things in the church and common weal to his good liking." The following passages may be quoted here with advantage, from an article on the Life and Times of Thomas Becket, in the Church of England Quarterly Review for April, 1811, written in confutation of the view taken of Becket's character in vol. iv. of " Froude's Remains." " The expectation that Becket would unhesitatingly obey the will and pleasure of the king in matters ecclesi- astical is distinctly asserted by Grime (' Rexautem arhitratus caiicellarium suas per omnia velle sequi voiuntates ut ante et imperiis obtemperare, ip^i archiepis- copatum dedit,' — Grime, MS. Arund. fol. 7 a.), and reiterated by Fitz-Stephen ('Statuit Rex Anglise eancellariu'.n Buum in archiepiscopatum promovere, intentu meritorum personse, et confidena quod se ad placitum el nutum, ut APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 843 cancellarius fecerat, archiepiscopus obsequeretur.' — File- Stephen.), and the Lambeth biography (' Iterum Archiepiscopo Tlieobaldo rebus human is ex- empto, deferendi locum honoris suo dilecto Ilex se nactum esse gavisus est ; in multis enim expertus magnanimitatem ejus et fldem, tantoquidem fastigio bene sufticunte credit, scilicet ad suas utilitates facile semper inclinandum.' — 'MS* Lamb fol. 2 b.). It is useless, then, to deny that such, at least, was the view taken by those who wrote during the continuance of, or immediately after the conclusion of, these troubles; that they were justified in their assertion, their agreement renders more than probable ; that Henry was justified in holding such an opinion, the already cited cases would seem to warrant us in asserting, One of the primate's biographers has recorded a warning from Becket to the king, of his inability to serve him and the Church at the same time The soli- tariness of the authority is not our only reason for rejecting this assertion ; we have been far more influenced by the improbability of one so shrewd and politic as Henry, wilfully and with his eyes open running his head into a noose like this, in a matter of such importance, and, when his mind was set on the refor- mation of the Church, deliberately forcing the primacy on one who forewarned him of his anti-reforming notions and intentions." The same writer gives the following facts as justifying the king's opinion what kind of an archbishop Becket was likely to prove : — " Towards his own order, Becket acted rather as a statesman than as an ecclesiastic. First, he hesi- tated not to impose on them a scutage for the maintenance of the war of Toulouse — an imposition which Gilbert Foliot characterized as 'that sword plunged into the bowels of mother Church' (' Divi Thoma?,' epist. i. 126; Cotton MS.) ; and his patron, Theobald, on his death-bed, vowed to God to prohibit, under pain of excommunication, the exaction of the second aid his brother the archdeacon had imposed on the Church (Joan Sails. Ep. 49, cited by Lord Lyttelton). John of Salisbury admits (epist. 159) that Becket had allowed the measure to pass, and was, therefore, justly punished in being now persecuted by the very person whom he had preferred to his original bene- factor. Secondly, when, in his presence, the supremacy of the pope was upheld by the bishop of Chichester, and Henry rebuked that prelate, and declared in the hearing of all, ' that the supremacy of the pope was upheld by man alone, but that of the king by God,' then we are told the new chancellor joined the king against the pope, reminded the bishop of his oath of allegiance, and seconded, if he bad not previously prompted, the rebuke of the king. (Wilkins' Concilia, i. p. 431 — a passage sadly mutilated, but still sufficiently preserved to show the intentions of Becket. See the full account of the matter in the Appendix to Sir F. Falgrave's ' Constitution of England.' The old chronicler there quoted fully bears out the assertion just made.) And, Lastly, if we are to believe Matthew Paris — and we see no reason to the contrary, more especially as his assertions are confirmed by Radulphus de Uiceto — the views of Becket respecting the relative power of the pope and the king con- tinued the same for some little time after his elevation to the primacy. In the great cause between the bishop of Lincoln and the abbot of St. Alban's, a bull had been obtained by the bishop, referring the cause to the decision of the papal legates. Henry, however, determined to hear it in his own court, and accordingly summoned the contending parties before him. The abbot, fearful of being brought before the legates for a second hearing, demanded of the king that proof made before him should be subject to no appeal. The king admired his prudence, and commended him for it to Becket, who sat by his side. The case was heard; the privileges having been proved, judgment was given in favour of the abbot, and signed among others by Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury. (' Unum peto [said the abbot], quod, si in audientia vestra libertatem ecclesiae mete declaravero et evicero, ne me coarctent judices dele- gati iterato litigare de evicta libertate.' Tunc Rex prudentiam ejus cum optimatibus suis admirans, ad Archiepiscopum Thomam Cantuariensem con- versus ait, cQuod dicit Abbas rationi consentaneum est: neque enim nostras majestati honorificum foret, si lis in Palatio nostro decisa in Domini papa; consistorio iterandam prastolaretur sententiam.' (See Matt. Paris, Vita; Abo. Sancti Albani, pp. 77 and 79 ; Radulphus de Diceto, sub. ann. 1162.) " Page 199, line 14. " The monks said it was not meet" &c] — Becket himself states, that he was kept out of the see for a year through the opposition of the 844 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Chapter (Epist. D. Thomae, lib. i. 12G). His predecessor, Theobald, died April 18th, a. i>. 1161. — Godwin, Great opposition was made to Becket'a election by Foliot, bishop of London, not without incurring much odium ; for he says in reference to this, in a letter of his own, quoted by Lord Lyttelton, "Quod Loquimur experto novimus, . . . verbum proscripiionis illieo audivimus, et exilio crudeliter addicti sumus." Colt. MS. Claud. b. ii. let. lil>. i. 120. Grime tells us that the matter was deferred "donee a conventu extorqueret [rex] consensum, qui liberam ab antiquo aolet habere vocem in electione pontificis" {Grime, folio (J, b.) ; and that in the meeting at London (May 26th) to confirm the appoint- ment Gilbert Foliot, though alone, still objected. The author of a MS. biography of Becket at Lambeth, professing to be written by an eye-witness, speaks ol the election having been secured rather by the " imlantia regis" than the votes of the clergy and people. " Unde totis enitens viribus, non prius destitit [rex] quam apud Anglian clerum optimum eum in archiepiscopatum subrogavit. Nonnullis tarn en id circa promotionem ejus visum est minus canonicum, quod ad earn magis operata est regis instantia quam cleri vel populi vota." {MS. Lamb. fol. 2. b.) And, lastly. William of Newborough speaks of the primacy i " Minus sincere et canonice, id est per operam manumque regiam, auscep- tuin;" and of Becket'a tendering his insignia of office into the pope's hands, on account of the informality of his election : " Secundo promotionis anno concilio Turonensi interfu.it, ubi (ut dicitur) pontificatum, . . . pungentis conscientiae stimulos non ferens, secreto in manus doniini papa? resignavit." {Gvl. Neub. 1, 16, p. 169. Ed. Paris, 1610.) It is to this cause that we must refer Becket's own words and conduct, related at page 21S of this volume. The form of the election, however, seems to have been quite correct, for Becket himself asserts this against his adversaries at page 235. Page 199, line 19. " In the four- and-fortieth year of his age," &c] — Me was born a. u. 1118, where Mercer's chapel was afterwards elected, according to Fuller's " Worthies of England," p. 203. In a. n. 1162, Easter fell on April 8th, and Trinity Sunday on June 3d. (Nicolas's Tables.) Page 199, line 20 from the bottom. " As first, when, according to the custom," &c] — The old tax, called "danegeli," of two shillings on every hide of land, was abolished (Foxe, p. 181); but perhaps the sheriff of each county received some compliment for his services from the wealthier landowners, which the king aimed at getting converted into a regular tax for the public service. The original runs thus : — " Publico? potestatis ministii pi r regionem Anglicanam de consuetudine sibi de singulis Ilidis vel Aidis (ut verbis comprovincialium utar) pecuniam eolli- gunt, tanquam laboris mercedem, quern tuitioni patriae impendunt. Quam pecuniam tamen Bex tanquam rcditum nitebatur in fiscum redigere. Obstitit Primas, dicens non oportere pro reditu computari (juod suo et aliorum arbitrio daretur." — Quadrilogus, edit. 1495, cap. 22. Page 199, line 7 from the bottom. " Were divers clerks."'] — The "Quadrilogus" says " clerici :" Grafton and Foxe say " divers others." Page 199, line 4 from the bottom. " One Bruis, canon of Bedford."] — The "Quadrilogus" (citing Alan) says, "Philippus quidam de Brois canonicus ;" Grafton and Foxe, " a canon of Bruis." titz-Stephen calls him " Philip de Brois, canon of Bedford," and Brompton, " Philip Brock, canon of Bedford." Page 200, line 7. " They passed so little of (/. e. cared so little for) the spiritual correction."] — " Adjiciens f_rex] ad nocendum fore promptiores nisi post poenani spiritualem corporali pcense subdantur ; et poenam parum curate de Ordinis amissione, qui Ordinis contemplatione a tarn enormibua manus continere non verentur." — Quadrilogus, edit. 1 l!>.">, cap. 23. Page 200, last line but one. " Was greatly rebuked of the archbishop," &c] " In recessu verb episcopus, quem supradiximus, ab Archi-Prsesule acriter est ubjurgatus, quod et se et co-episcopis inconsultia commune omnium verbum inutare prsesumpsisset." Page 200, note (1.)] — Hollinshed seems to have pondered thes( words "luculentei et probabiliter;" and thus endeavours to express then lone: APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 845 "The archbishop, and his suffragans, with the rest, of the bishops, answered very pithily, labouring to prove that it was more against the liberties of the Church than that they might with reason well allow." Page 200, note (2).] — To show how the original narrative was interrupted by the introduction of the constitutions, the context is here given from the " Quad- rilogus :" — " Archiepiscopus una cum comprovincialibus et cum praefatis eruditis suis librato consilio, cum plurimum et ipse pro cleri libertate Secundum Anti- quorum Patrum Canonicam Institutionem luculenter satis et probabiliter respon- disset, in fine Sermonis cum omni devotione llegiam obsecrabat Clementiam ne sub novo Rege Christo et sub nova Christi lege in nova et peculiari Domini sorte contra Sanctorum Patrum Instituta Novam per Regnum suum induceret conditionem." " Verum Rex nihil motus ad hoc, sed eo ampliuscommotus quod cerneret Archi-Praesulem et Episcopos adversus ipsum (utreputabat) unanimes sic et constantes, sciscitabatur mox, an consuetudines suas Regias forent obser- vaturi : Replicans illas tempore Avi sui ab Archi-episcopis et Episcopis Privatis et Privilegiatis observatas, non oportere suo tempore tristi judicio damnari. Ad quod Arcbi-Prsesul, prashabito cum Fratribus suis consilio, respondit illas se et Fratres suos observaturos, salvo Online suo. Et id ipsum etiam ex online responderunt Pontifices singuli, singulatim et a Rege interrogate Unus autem, Hilarius scilicet Cicestrensis Episcopus, audiens ob hanc omnium vocem Regem niagis exacerbatum, Archi-Praesule et Co-Episcopis inconsuhis mutavit Verbum, dicens se Regias Constitutiones observaturum bond fide." — Quadrilogus, edit. 1495, cap. 24. edit. 16S2, cap. 19. It is worthy of observation, that Foxe was led on from a small beginning to interrupt the text here in the manner intimated. For in Grafton the inter- ruption is only this : — " And those constitutions are in number xxviii. or xxix. whereof certeine followe. " Concerning the nomination and presentation into benefices, if any contro- versy arise between the laity and clergy, or between one spiritual man with another, the matter to be brought into the king's temporal court, and there to be decised. " Churches, such as be de feodo regis, to be given at no time without the assent and permission of the king. " All spiritual and ecclesiastical persons, being accused of any crime, what- soever it be, cited by the king's justice, to come and appear in the king's court, there to answer, whether the matter appertain to the spiritual court or to the temporal ; so that, if the said person or persons be found guilty and convicted of any crime, the church not to defend him nor succour him. " No archbishop, nor bishop, nor person being of any ecclesiastical dignity, to attempt to go over the sea out of the realm without the king's knowledge and permission ; and in so doing, yet notwithstanding to be bound, tarrying in any place, to procure no damage either to the king or to the realm. " Such goods or catells as be forfeited to the king, neither any sanctuary of church or churchyard to detain them, contrary to the king's justice, for that they belong to the king, whether they be found in the church or churchyard. "No orders to be given to husbandmen's children, without the assent and testimonial of them, which be the lords of the country where they were born and brought up. " Beside these constitutions, there were many other, which I passe over, for that the afore rehersed articles are the chiefe. And now let us returne to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas Becket aforesayd. The king, as is aforesayd, conventing his nobles and clerks together, required to have the punishment of the aforesayd misdoers of the clergie ; but Thomas Becket would not consent thereto." In the edition of Foxe, 1563, p. 48, the interruption was somewhat enlarged : — " The copy of those lawes and constitutions are conteined in the number of eight or ix and twentie, wherof I thought here to resite certayne, not unwor- thie to be knowne. " The copie and effect of certaine Lawes and Constitutions set forth and proclaimed in the dayes of King Henry the Third (sic). [Then follow the above Articles from Grafton, almost totidem verbis.^ 846 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. " Besides these constitutions were divers other also, at the same time set forthe, to the number of xxix. in all. But these were the chief, namly and expressely condemned by the bishop of Rome, amongst all the rest. " Certayne otlier Constitutions, besides the xxix, which the forsaid King Henri/ the third (sic), a little after, sent from Normandy to England, after Beckel was fled over. " I. If any person shall be found to bring from the pope, or from the arch- bishop of Canterbury, any writing containing any indict or curse against the realm of England, the same man to be apprehended without delay for a traitor, and execution to be done upon the same. " II. That no monk, nor any clerk, shall be permitted to pass over into England without a passport from the king, or his justices; whoso doth contrary, that man to be tacbed and imprisoned. " III. No man to be so bold once to appeal to the pope, or to the archbishop of Canterbury, out of England. " IV. That no decree or commandment, proceeding from the authority of the pope or the bishop of Canterbury, to be received in England, under pain of taking and imprisoning. " V. In general, to forbid any man to carry over any commandment or precept, either of clerk or layman, to the pope or to the archbishop of Can- terbury. " VI. If any bishop, clerk, abbot, or layman, shall do contrary to this inhi- bition, the same incontinent to be thrust out of the land, with all their kindred, and to leave all their goods behind them. " VII. All the possessions, goods, and cattell, of sucb as favour the pope or the archbishop of Canterbury, to be seized and confiscate for the king. " VIII. All such of the clergy as be out of the realm, having their rents and profits out of the land, to be summoned and warned through every shire within three months to repair home, either else their rents and goods to return to the king. " IX. That St. Peter's-pence should be no more paid to the apostolical see, but to be reserved diligently in the king's coffers, and there to be at his com- mandment. (Atque haec ex Quadrilogo.) " By these and such other laws and decreements it may appear, that the abolishing of the pope is no new thing in the realm of England. This only difference there is, that the pope being driven out then, could not be kept nut so long as now. The cause is, that the time was not yet come that Antichrist should so fully be revealed ; neither was his wickedness then so fully ripe in those days, as it hath been now in our time. Now, these premised, let us return where we left, to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas Becket. " The Communication and Controversy between the King and Thomas Becket, with his Clergy. " The king, as is aforesaid, conventing his nobles and clerks together, required to have the punishment of certain misdoers of the clergy ; but Thomas Becket not assenting thereunto, the king came to this point, to know whether he would consent, with his clergy, that the customs then set forth in the realm (meaning by the first part of those decrees above specified) should be observed." For the articles from Grafton, others were substituted in the subsequent editions, see p. 217, note. It will be perceived, that the first English edition of Foxe does not contain the absurd title which crept into the succeeding editions — '• Other lawes and constitutions made at Clarendoun in Normandy, and sent to England," &c. Page 201, line 2. "And in the dead of the night, unknown to the bishops, removed from London."'] — Foxe omits this altogether. The " Quadrilogus " of 1495 (cap. 21) says : — " Et nee sulutans nee salutatus a pontificibus, immo nesci- entibus ipsis, clam et ante lucanum Londonia recessit. Et quidem hoc grandis irse et indignationia argumentum extitit. Videres tunc murmur in populo et motiones in clero. Episcopi turbati et treinuli regem abeuntem sunt persecuti, meluentes se non prius inventuros,quam audirent se omnia bona suaperdituros." It proceeds (cap. 25) : — " Accidit post modicum tempus," &C, APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 847 Page 201, line 17. "Bishop of Chichester."] — Grafton and Foxe say, " bishop of Chester :" the " Quadrilogus " reads " Cicestrensis." Page 201, line 9 from the bottom.] — These "two noble peers " were, accord- ing to Hoveden, Reginald, Earl of Cornwall, and Robert, Earl of Leicester. Page 201, note (1).] — The original, whence the text is derived, runs thus in the " Quadrilogus " of 1682 : — "Accidit post modicum Episcopum Lexoviensem reconciliandi gratia Regem ex transmarinis adiisse, nam ab amicitia ejus exei- derat; qui (forsan ut recuperaret gratiam quam perdiderat) consilium dedit (utinam non in ltesione nominis sui) ut ad se partem cleri converteret, ne pra- valerent adversus eum, dum simul quasi conserta acie starent et communicato suffragio sibi subvenirent." The " Quadrilogus " of 1495 (cap. 25) reads in this passage " Londoniensem." Grafton strangely misunderstands the whole (in connexion with the previous context, as cited in the last note but two) to mean, that " the king, removing from London unknown to the bishops, sailed over to Normandy, whither the bishop of London, called Gilbert, not long after resorted to crave the king's favour, and gave him counsel withal to join some of the bishops on his side, lest, if all were against him, peradventure he might sooner be overthrown." The errors of this sentence are corrected in Foxe's text. The corrections made receive confirmation from Hoveden, who says (Script, post Bedam, p. 492) — " Deinde post multum tempus Ernulfus, Lexoviensis Episcopus, venit in Angliam, et solicite laboravit die ac nocte, ut pax fieret inter regem et Archi- episcopum, sed ad plenum fieri non potuit. Deinde per consilium Lexoviensis Episcopi rex separavit Rogerum Archiepiscopum Eboracensem, &c. &c. et alios quosdam ecclesia? proelatos a consortio et consilio Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi, ut per illos prafatum Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum in suos conatus facilius alliceret." Page 201, note (2). "In (he king's promise."'} — "In regis promissione." ("Quadrilogus.") One would rather have expected "in regis postulatione" or some such word. The king's " request " is mentioned a few lines above. Page 201, note (2).] — Foxe (or rather Grafton) reads in the text, " After this came to him two rulers of the temple, called Templars; one, Richard de Hast ; the other, Costans de Hoverio, with their company." The " Quadrilogus" says : — " Igitur cum tertio per Richardum, magni nominis virum, qui templo Hierosolymitano tunc prseerat, sibi cavere moneretur et cleri misereri, non tulit eorum supplicationes, non geniculationes. Nam, tanquam in ipsius verticem vibratos gladios viderent, plangere videbantur, et tanquam funus prcesens futu- rum facinus lugebant." The second Templar is not named here ; yet it is plain, from the plural number being used in the rest of the sentence, that more than one came to Becket. Grafton seems to have supplied an " et " after " Richardum," and so made out two "qui praeera[n]t templo," " two rulers of the temple." Hoveden says there were two Templars, and names them correctly " Richardus de Hastings et Tostes de Sancto Homero." (Scriptores post Bedam, pp. 492, 493.) Gervase calls the latter " Hosteus de Bolonia." (Script. Decern, col. 1386.) Mr. Addison, in his " History of the Knights Templars," London, 1842, p. 105, shows that Henry II. was a very great patron of the Templars; also that Richard de Hastings was a great man in his day, and master of the Temple at the king's accession. (Addison, pp. 99, 109, 110.) The clause " with their company " has been dropped in the text, there being no authority for it : for the cause which led to its introduction, see the next note. Page 202, line 1. " At length came these last messengers again from the king."] — " Tandem ultimi nuticii regis venerunt lacrymis et verbis eis expressis seorsum iteratb significantes quid futurum erat si non acquiesceret." The two Templars came again (iterato), and in private (seorsum) expostulated with Becket. Hoveden, Brompton, and Gervase give them the credit of overcoming the archbishop's reluctance. Grafton, also, seems so to have understood the sen- tence ; but he renders " ultimi nuntii " by " the last message," instead of " these last messengers." The word " seorsum" no doubt suggested to him the idea, that they came the first time " with their company " (see the last note) : it rather means that they now conferred with Becket apart from "his company," viz. the 848 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. lords and bishops. (See Lord Lyttelton.) It is singular, however, that these words "Tandem nltimi . . . acquiesceret " are omitted in the second edition o>' the " Quad rilogus," which, after the words cited in the last note, goes on, " Unde potins super clerum quam super se mot us miseratione annuit de consilio illorum Regia? voluntati parere." This omission proves that the editors of that edition thought, either that the Templars did not come a second time, or that at leasl they were the " nil ■mi nuncii." Page 20,3, line 6 from the hottom. " The bishop of Evreitx."~\ — The " Quadri- logus" of 1495 says, " Interea elaboratum est ah episcopo Eboracensi," Src. ; but the later edition snys, " F.hroicensi." This is confirmed by Grime's MS. history, and Gervase (Script. Decern, col. 13^8). " Ebroicensis" is easily corrupted into '• Eboricensis," and this into " Eboracensis." Page 201, line 18.] — " Legacy" an old word for " legation" or " legateship," used by Foxe, p. 651, line 6, and vol. v. p. 91. It is curious, that while " le- gatio " is here translated as if it were "legatum." Foxe has at p. 598, § 10, translated " legatum " as if it were «' legatio " by the term " embassade " — which (as a mis-translation) has been altered into "legacy" in this edition. Page 204, line 23. " That the king should he legale himself."'] — Hoveden adds, " on condition of not molesting Becket." This explains the king's indignation. Page 204, note (3).] — The translation in the text has been revised from the Latin. Page 205, line 30. J — " Anacletus and Euaristus." See Lahbe's Cone. torn. i. cols. 518, 537, 538, for the passages of their writings referred to. Page 205, line 9 from the bottom. " Cited up to appear by a certain day at Northampton."] — William Fitz-Stephen lays particular claim to accuracy in his account of the council of Northampton. He thus speaks of himself in the Preface to his Life of Becket : — " Ejusdem domini mei concivis, clericus, et convictor : et ad partem solicitudinis ejus oris ipsius invitatus alloquio, fui in cancellaria ejus dictator; in capelbi, eo celebrante, subdiaconus ; sedente eo ad cognitionein causarum, epistolarum et instrumentorum qua; offerebantur lector, et aliquarum (eo quandoque jubente) patronus; concilio Northamptonicr habito, ubi maximum fuit rerum momentum, cum ipso interfui; passionem ejus Can- tuariae inspexi; caetera plurima quae hie scribuntur oculis vidi, auribus audivi, quaedam a, consciis didici relatoribus." Fitz-Stephen's account of the council of Northampton differs in some respects from that in the " Quadrilogus." Dr. Brady gives the principal features of both in his History of England, vol. i. Foxe's account has been compared with both, and several inaccuracies corrected. The "certain day" for which Becket was cited to Northampton was, according to Fitz-Stephen, " Octava S". Michaclis, feria tenia," i.e. Tuesday, October Gth, a. d. 1164. He adds, that the king spent so much time on his way thither in hawking, that he did not arrive till too late to transact any business that day : the " prima actio " of the council, therefore, did not take place till the Wednesday, or "feria quarta" as the Quadrilogus calls it. Page 205, line 7 from the bottom. " Hoveden writeih" &c] — As a change has been made here in Foxe's text, Hovedcn's words are given : — " Ubi [apud Northampton] tedium magnum fecit [Rex] Thomas Cantuariensi archiepiscopo. Imprimis enim fecit Ilex equos suos hospitari in hospitiis illius: sed archiepi- scopus mandavit regi quod ipse ad curiam non veniret, donee hospitia sua vacuarentur ah equis et hominibus suis. In crastino colloquii venit Thomas archiepiscopusad curiam regis," &c. The "Quadrilogus" opens the account of the council thus: — " Faota igitur concione trahitur ad causam archiepiscopus, qudd ad quandam regis citationem se in propria persona non exhibuerit Qui licet se »ufficientem responsalem pro se misisse probaverit, tamen omnium proce- riiui et etiam pontificum judicio mox omnia ejus bona mobilia Bunt confiscata, nisi forte regia Clementia vellet temperare judicium." Outof these two state- ments of Hoveden and the "Quadrilogus" Grafton makes up the following: — So when the day was come, all the peers and nobles with the prelates of the realm upon the king's proclamation being in the castle of Northampton, great fault was found with the archbishop, for that he, being personally cited to APPENDIX TO VOL. IT. 849 appear, came not himself, but sent another for him. The cause why he came not Hoveden assigneth to be this : for that the king bad placed his horse and horsemen in the archbishop's lodging (which was a house there of canons), wherewith he being offended sent word again that he would not appear, unless his lodging were voided of the king's horsemen. Whereupon," &c. It will be at once perceived, that Grafton in this statement quite misrepresents the meaning both of Hoveden and the " Quadrilogus," and that the amended text places the matter in its true light. — The occupation of Becket's lodgings by the king's horses was a circumstance not at all unlikely to occur, in conse- quence of the king's arrival late on the Tuesday from his field sports, as mentioned from Fitz-Stephen in the last note. Grafton renders Hoveden 's " mandavit " " sent word," though it is followed by the word *' colloquii." Fitz-Stephen, however, confirms this rendering of " mandavit," for he says that Becket did not see the king on Tuesday ; but next morning {Wednesday) waited on him and complained of William de Curci's having occupied one of his lodgings, and requested he might be ejected, which the king complied with : he then ottered to enter into the affair of John the Marshal, but the king put it off till John's return from London. This probably was the " colloquium " to which Hoveden refers. Fitz-Stephen adds, that the next day (Thursday) Becket was condemned for his non-appearance at the king's court on Holy Cross day (Sept. 14), concerning John the Marshal's business : — " Quia scilicet a Rege citatus pro causa cujusdam Joannis (mareschalli) neque venisset, neque idonee se excusasset." (Fitz-Steph.) Tiiis John, the king's marshal, claimed a manor which was in Becket's possession. When called on in the spiritual court to swear to his case, he swore, not on the Gospels, but on a troparium. Becket refused to accept such an oath, and the man accused him to the king of refusing him justice. Being summoned to the king's court to explain the affair on Holy Cross day, Becket sent four knights to answer for him. This, then, constituted the first charge against Becket : " Quod ad quandam Regis cita- tionem se in propria persona non exhibuerit." The merits of the case itself were to be afterwards tried. The accusation here against Becket was simply that he did not appear in person in the king's court (agreeably to the Statutes of Clarendon), to explain his conduct in the affair. A fine of five hundred marks was accepted in lieu of his forfeited moveables. The " Quadrilogus " differs here from Fitz-Stephen in placing this transaction to the Wednesday, and then bringing up the affair of John the Marshal on Thursday as an entirely distinct charge. — Mr. Carte and Lord Lyttelton state, that the troparium above men- tioned was not a song-book (as some have rendered it), but a book of church music, with a portion of a Gospel inserted at the beginning, and that it was the constant practice to be sworn on such books. Page 205, line 4 from the bottom. " A house of Canons. ,"] — The Cluniac convent of St. Andrew. See the note on page 214, line 3. Page 206, line 16. " And this teas the first day's action."'] — The " Quadri- logus" says : — " Et hasc sententia sic lata in archipraesulem feria quarta prima fuit concilii actio." Page 206, line 17. " The next day the king" &c] — The "Quadrilogus " calls this the second day of the council, and " feria quinta " or Thursday. Page 206, note (1).] — The "Quadrilogus" of 1495 (cap. 32) says: — " In palatio vero et qui ad concilium venerant universi jam audientes lice obstupu- erunt. Et jam passim submurmurabant solam captionem archipraesulis superesse. Alii verb etiam graviora suspicabantur. Et hoc quidem jam passim. ' Super his ' (inquit vero archiepiscopus) ' prudentiores voluinus consulere, et de consulto respondere.' Durn igitur pontifices qui aderant quid super his respondendum agendumve esset requirerent, Henricns tunc," &c. Fitz-Stephen says (.p. 38) : — " Jubetur super his omnibus regi rationem exponere. Respondit archiepiscopus se non ad hoc venisse paratum vel cita- tum. Super hoc si convenire deberet, loco et tempore domino suo regi quod juris esset faceret. Exegit rex ab eo super hoc cautionem fidejussoriam. Dixit. ille, se oportere super hoc habere consilium suffraganeorum et clericorum suorum. Rex sustinuit. Ille discessit; et ex ilia die amplius ad hospitium ejus non venerunt eum videre barones, aut alii milites, intellecto regis animo. Quarta die, ad hospitium domini archiepiscopi venerunt omnes ecclesiastica: VOL. II. 3 I 850 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. personno ills. Cum episcopis scmotim, cum abbatibus srmotim, super liujus- modi tractatum habuir, consilium captavit," &c. On the authority of the foregoing passages, the following words have been added to Foxe's text (I. 40 — 12) : — " Becket, astonished at this demand, begged lpave to consult with 'lis brother bishops apart, before he made bis answer, which was granted." The ensuing words — " And bo ended tbat day's action. On the morrow" — are added to Foxe's text on the authority of Fitz-Stephen, who makes this last claim to be " propounded " on the Friday, and the consequent deliberation to occupy the Saturday. This last addition is also necessary to explain Foxe's own narrative ; for his expression " the morrow after," at the opening of the pre- vious paragraph, must mean Friday: and yet the next day named, and which Foxe describes as immediately following the deliberation, is Sunday (p. 209). It was necessary, therefore, to introduce a more distinct notice of the inter- mediate Saturday, in order to make out the week. It is singular that the '• Quadrilogus " of 1495 makes the claim only " triginta marcarum :" but the •' Quadrilogus " of 1682 says " ducenta triginta marcarum millia." Page 20G, note (2).] — The words in the text — " The archbishop was sitting apart in a certain conclave with his fellow-bishops about him, consulting together, the doors fast locked to them, as the king had willed and commanded " — would stand, according to Foxe, near the beginning of the previous paragraph, after the words — " The morrow after which was the third day of the council :" they are brought down here conformably to Fitz-Stephen 's statement, which (as already intimated) makes this last claim on Becket to have been " pro- pounded " in open council on the Friday, and discussed in conclave on the Saturday ; and in fact, Foxe's subsequent narrative shows the same thing ; for at page 208, 1. 17, 18, 45, he distinctly says that Becket and his suffragans were shut into the conclave by the king for the express purpose of this delibe- ration, which (as already proved) took place on the Saturday. The expression "sitting apart" is a variation from Foxe, who says, "sitting below;" the "Quadrilogus" of 1495 (which be followed) says " deorsum," but the edition of 1682 says, " seorsum," apart ; and Fitz-Stephen says the deliberation took place ad hospitium domini arckii piscopi. Page 208, line 24. " Who hath thus," cjc] — This passage will be found in Fitz-Stephen (p. 30), whence the text is amended. The Latin of the part so amended is as follows: — " Et quis vos fascinavit, O insensati pontifices ? Quid prudent] vocabulo dispensationis manifestam iniquitatem vestram contegitis? Quid vocatis dispensationem totius ecclesia? Christi dispendium ? Rebus voca- bula serviant; non cum rebus pervertantur vocabula. Quod auteni dicitis, malitias temporis multa fore indulgenda, assentior certe : sed non ob id peccata accumulanda esse peccatis." Becket seems in the foregoing remarks to have had an eye to Decretal. Greg. IX. lib. v. tit. 40, De Verborum Significatione, cap. 6. Page 209, line 24. " Sunday, nothing teas done."] — " In crastino vero, dominica viz. die, propter diem quievit concilium." ("Quadrilogus.") Fitz- Stephen, however, makes a very different representation : — " Quinta dies, qua? et dominica crat, tota consiliis dedita est. Vix rehciendi bora respirare licebat. Archiepiscopus ab hospitio non discessit " (p. 39). Page 210, line 18 from the bottom.] — " Amoto ab humeris palliocum infnla. caeteris indutus vestibus sacris, cappa clericali superjecta." (" Quadrilogus.") Cappa was a cloak. Page 211, line 24.] — These chaplains of the archbishop are named in the " Quadrilogus :" " Erant enim ibi Magister Robertas Magnus [Grandis, edit. 1682] cognoraine et Osbertus de Arundel [Axundelli, edit. 1682]. Cum autem <|iii ostiarii dicebantur cum virgis et baculis de ccenaculo regis in quo rex erat cum magno impetu descendissent et vultu minaci et digitis extensia versus archipraesulera, quotquot in domo erant crucis signaculo se signantibus," i\c — Quadrilogus. e211, line 33. " William Fitz-Stephen."]— ThU is Becket's biographer Fitz-Stephen, miscalled lure "John" by Grafton, who was probably misled by the mention of one " John Plancia " in the context. — Quadrilogus, edit. 1 195, lib. i. cap. li'i. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 851 Page 211, line 9 from the bottom.] — The " Quadrilogus " says: ''Dictum est etiam quod Joselinus Sarisburiensis ct Wilhelmus Norvicensis episcopi, qui adhuc restiterant, traherentur statim ad supplicium in membris mutilandi : qui et ipsi pro salute sua Cantuariensem rogabant. Intuens igitur Archiepiscopus in Exoniensem, ait," &c. Page 212, line 23. " In all haste to tlie pope in France."'] — " Ad Romanam sedem." (" Quadrilogus.") Foxe, from Grafton, says " up to Rome." But the papal court was then at Sens. In like manner, at line 8 of the next page, " before tbe pope" is substituted for "up to Rome." Page 213, line 10 from the bottom.] — " Et sic catholicre ecclesias et aposto- lica? sedis auctoritate hinc recedo." — Quadrilogus. Page 214, line 3.] — " Ad ecclesiam Beati Andreas, religiosorum monachorum conventuale monasterium." — Quadrilogus. Page 214, line 9.] — Fitz-Stephen says, that Becket was lurking in the king- dom from the Quinzaine of St. Michael (October 13th) to the commemoratio defunctorum fidelium (November 2d) ; on which day Gervase says, " 4 Non. Nov. [November 2d] apud Graveninges in Boloniensi territorio applicuit.'' Gervase also says that he assumed the name of " Frater Christianus." Page 214, line 15.] — Wingham was one of the manors belonging to the see of Canterbury : but both editions of the "Quadrilogus" read here "Mungeaham," which was another manor of the see of Canterbury. (See Hasted's Kent, v. Great Mungeaham.) Page 216, note (1).] — Becket himself states generally what the ordinances were to which he mainly objected, at page 230. Page 216, note (1), line 4. "A remembrance and recognition:" "recor- datio et recognitio."] — These are somewhat technical terms, "recordatio" im- plying an examination of witnesses as to what the usage and precedent have been in any case, and " recognitio " the allowance, ratification, and recording thereof. The following passage in the Appeal of the bishops against the excom- munications of Vezelai refers to this transaction at Clarendon, and seems to express the force of the two words in question : — " It was now necessary, with a view to restoring a good understanding, that an inquiry should be instituted into the ancient usages of the kingdom, and the question thus finally brought to an issue. And, accordingly, evidence was sought among the oldest of our bishops and nobility, and their combined testimony was publicly recorded." — Ep. D. Th. i. 128, Froude, vol. iv. p. 177. See Ducange, and Thorpe's Glossary to his Anglo-Saxon Laws, v. Recordatio. Another illustration of this peculiar meaning of " recordatio et recognitio " will be found at page 114, Canon I. of the Council of London. (See the note in this Appendix on that Canon.) Page 217, note, article IX.] — Frank- Almoigne was a tenure peculiar to eccle- siastics, and exempted from all secular services. — Lord Lytteltons Henry II. vol. ii. p. 249. Page 218, line 13. " I entered into the fold of Christ," he. ] — For explanation of this passage, see the note on p. 199, line 14. Page 219, line 12.] — For "Sens" . . . "four years" . . . "six years." — Foxe (copying Grafton) reads " Senon " (from the latin " Senones"), . . " five years," ..." seven years." But Foxe himself, at p. 244, rightly considers his banishment to have lasted " six years :" and as Becket left Pontigny about Martinmas (Nov. 13th) a.d. 1166, it is plain that his sojourn there lasted, as Foxe says, two years ; which leaves but four years for his residence at Sens : Gervase expressly says he was there four years. Page 220, line 19.] — For "four years" Foxe reads "five." See the last note. Becket resided in the abbey of St. Columban while at Sens. Page 220, line 21. " In the mean time" &c] — The matter from hence to p. 241, consisting chiefly of translations of letters, is Foxe's addition to Grafton, who onlv briefly alludes to them. They were all written before Packet's removal to Sens. 3i2 H')2 APPENDIX To VOL. II. Page 221, note (1).]— This epistle is found in " Epist. D. Thomae," lib. i. 64. In the Cave manuscript in the Bodleian, this letter occurs with the words prefixed " sine salutatione." For an allusion to this absence of a salutation, see p. 231, line 2°. For a translation of this letter, see Fronde's Remains, vol. iv. p. Hi. Page 227, line 13. " The prior of Montdieu, and Bernardus de Corilo."~\ — Hoveden reads (Script, post Bedam, p. 507), " Prior de Monte Dei et Ber- nardus de Corilo." Foxe from some obscure or corrupt copy read--, " Petrus de ponte Dei, and Bernardus de Corilio." The prior of Montdieu was named Simon ; he was afterwards again sent by the pope as an envoy to Henry about 1168, with Engelberr, prior of Val de St. Pierre, and Bernard, a monk of Grammont, to warn the king against Becket's then threatened excommuni- cation. (Epist. 1). Thomae, iv. 1, 29. Fronde's Remains, vol. iv. pp. ."5(30. 370, This Bernard de Corilo is the same individual as that Bernard of Grammont (see Epist. D. Thomae, iv. 8, 10; Froude, pp. 376, 387). Page 22S, line 30.] — The excommunication of which the king was warned by the pope (p. 228) under date of May 27th, was pronounced by Becket at Vezelai on the Sunday after Ascension, June 5th, a.d. 1100: for this date, see a letter by John of Salisbury to the bishop of Exeter, " Epist. I). Thomae," i. 140, translated by Froude, p. 149. Page 22S, line 5 from the bottom. " Furl Hugh."j — Hugh, earl of Chester, mentioned at p. 270. Page 229, line 7. " Letard, clerk of Northfleet."~\ — Foxe reads •' Norfolk ; " but the " Quadrilogus " has " Northfleit," and Hoveden (Script, post Bedam, p. 513) " Norflicta, " and Hasted's Kent (i. 110) says tltat Letard died incumbent of Northfleet, a. d. 1199. (Reg. Koff. p. 500.) For " Monkton," Foxe reaih- " Mohchote," wherein he follows the "Quadrilogus;" but Hoveden (ut supra) reads " Novo Cotona," an evident corruption (as well as the " Monchoto " of the "Quadrilogus") of " Monocotona," or Monkton (called in Doomsday " Monocstune"). Monkton was one of the churches in the arch- bishop's gift. Page 229, line 19. " Richard of Ilchester "^ — Foxe reads " Rice of Wilces- ter." The letter reads " Wlcester," which is meant for Yvelcester, or " Ivecestre " (as Hoveden reads it, Script, post Bed. p. 506), or Ilchester. Foxe in the next page mis-calls him " Richard of Worcester." Richard of Ilchester was at this time archdeacon of Poictiers, and a great partisan of the king's; he was afterwards made bishop of Winchester, lie is mentioned in Letters in Froude, pp. 135, 153, 154, 159, 161. — See Godwin de Prcpsulibus, Cave, and Tanner. Page 230, line 34.] — "John of Oxford," son of Henry, a burgess of Oxford, was chaplain to Henry II., and much employed by him in his political affairs. At his command he presided at the council of Clarendon : he was sent with others to appear at Sens before the pope against Becket (p. 214) : he was chief envoy to the diet of Wurtzburg in 1165: he was sent with other envoys to Rome in 1166 to threaten pope Alexander, that, unless he would abandon Becket, Henry would do all in his power to overthrow his autho- rity. See Henry's letter to Reginald, archbishop of Cologne, stating this (Ep. D. Thomae, i. 69, translated by Froude, p. 127). The other envoys were, the archbishop of York, the bishop of London, the archdeacon of Poictiers, and Richard de Lucy. — The allusion to the "oath " may be explained by a passage in one of John of Salisbury's letters (Ep. 1). Th. i. 73. Joan. Sarisb. 182): "It appears that John of Oxford has, in the name of our king, entered into compact with this German tyrant, and sworn that he shall be supported with English anus and counsel against all mortals, saving only the king of France." (Froude, p. 126.) It was no doubt in allusion to tins oath, that Becket in a letter (Ep. D. I bonne, i. 155, translated by Froude, ]). 236) calls him " Jurator," " the Juror." Respecting the other two charges d here against him, see the last note, and the note on page 236, note (1). He wa- made bishop of Norwich a.d. 1175, and itinerating justice a. d. 1179> and died \. i>. 1200. (See Fuller's Worthies, and Tanner's Bibliotheca.) APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 853 Page 230, line 22 from the bottom. " That infamous schismatic of Cologne."] — Reginald, archbishop of Cologne, is meant. " It was at his suggestion, pi-in- cipally, that the emperor had set up Pascal (Guido de Crema) as antipope, to succeed Victor (April 22d, a. d. 1161). At a meeting lately held at Wittem- bergor Wurtzburg (May 23d, a.d. 11(35), to support the emperor in this attempt, Reginald opened the proceedings, and gave out, on the authority of the English envoys, that Henry was about to join them, and would bring fifty bishops with him ; on the strength of which reinforcement he proposed adopting strong mea- sures, and banishing all persons of any station in the Churcb who declined acknowledging Pascal. The archbishop of Magdeburgh objected, and called upon the arcbbishop of Cologne to commit himself first, by receiving consecra- tion from Pascal. The latter besitated ; but on the empercr becoming furious, and charging him with treachery and false dealing, be consented, and received orders from the antipope, promising to receive consecration afterwards. (Ep. D. Th. i. 72.) The archbishop of Rouen denied, afterwards, that the king had made any such promise as that asserted of him, ' quia quinquaginta quos exhiberet Rex non haberet ' (Ep. D. Th. i. 102). Reginald was then only archbishop elect, nominated to the see a.d. 1159 by the emperor, whose nomination at that time the pope of course would not recognise. Before this he was only chancellor (Ep. D. Th. i. 33)." (Froude, vol. iv. p. 153, and L'Art de Ver. des Dates.) Reginald came into England a. d. 1165, to conduct Matilda, the king's daughter, to the duke of Saxon)-, to whom she was betrothed. After his departure, the churches where he and his attendant priests had said mass were re-consecrated. The king was forced to submit to this, to prevent the breach between him and Alexander from becoming wider than it was. (Rapin, vol. ii. p. 314.) Probably, it was then that John of Oxford communi- cated with Reginald, in the way which is here laid to his charge. Page 230, line 12 from the bottom. " The king himself we have not yet excom- municated personally," &c] — The king was not excommunicated at Vezelai, in consequence of a letter arriving from the king of France on the Friday previous, signifying, under the oath of Richard, archdeacon of Poictiers, and Richard de Humet, the king's severe indisposition. Page 231.] — For a translation of this letter of the clergy of England to Becket, see Froude, p. 171. The letter is in " Epist. D. Thomce," i. 126. Page 231, line 29. " A threatening letter, wherein there is no salutation pre- mised."]— For " salutation " Foxe reads "salvation." The original is "sine salute premissa;" and the allusion is to the letter at p. 221, note (1). See the note in this Appendix on that letter. Page 232, line 3.] — This sentence is better rendered by Mr. Froude, p. 172 ; " Lastly, to secure your lordship against worldly reverses, he wished to esta- blish your power in the things of God ; and, against the advice of his mother, the remonstrances of his kingdom, and the sighs and longings which the Church ventured to express, exerted all his influence to place you in your present exalted situation, hoping thereby to secure the happiness and prosperity of his reign." Page 233, line 16.] — This appeal was resolved on after a debate, June 21th : it is in "Epist. D. Thomoe," i. 128, and Froude, p. 176. Page 233, line 22.] — For a translation of most part of this letter of Becket to his suffragans, see Froude, p. 185. The letter itself is in " Epist. D. Thomse," i. 127. Page 235, line 35. " And where you write in your letters concerning my pro- motion," &c. j — The reference is to the top of p. 232. See the note on that page. Mr. Froude, p. 187, thus renders this passage : — " Next you insinuate in your letter, nay you expressly assert, that the whole kingdom exclaimed against my promotion, and the churcb sighed and groaned over it. Know ye what the word of truth says — 'The mouth that belieth slayeth the soul?' (Wisdom, i. 11.) Would not even one of the commonalty be ashamed to say such things? And priests, above all others, are bound to speak the truth. Consult your own consciences; revert to the manner in which the election was conducted; to the unanimity which prevailed in all who had a voice in it; to the assent of the 854 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. king) given through his son, and confirmed by tlic chief nobles of the realm. If any of these opposed or protested at all at the time, let him declare it : but it is not for one man to say that the whole of the kingdom was dissatisfied, because he himself had his own private reasons for dissatisfaction." Where Becket means to insinuate that Eoliot, bishop of London, had been ambitious of being archbishop himself. Page 236, note (l).J — " The deanery of Salisbury had lately become vacant ..n the promotion of Henry, the late dean, to the bishopric of Iiaieux. (Ep. .loan. Sarisb. 148, 201.) At this time some of the canons of that church were in banishment with the archbishop, and the pope forbade the election of a new dean to proceed without their consent and privity. (Ep. D. Th. i. 100.) But as the bishop was under the king's displeasure, he found it necessary to make his peace, in defiance of the pope's command, by conferring the deanery on the king's nominee. (Ep. U. Th. i. 104. ii. 7.) According to the statement made by John of Oxford to the pope, he accepted the deanery on compulsion." — Fronde, ]). 1.") 1. Page 241. " The talk between," &c] — Here Foxe resumes his quotation of Grafton, suspended at p. 220. Page 243, line 5.] — The subject of prince Henry's coronation, by Roger, arch- bishop of York, is involved in some obscurity, owing doubtless to the pope's duplicity. Rymer gives a letter of pope Alexander III., directed to Roger, archbishop of York, forbidding him to crown the king's son, as being the exclusive prerogative of the archbishop of Canterbury, dated Cisvinarium, 1 Cal. Martii, an. 1G Hen. II. (ex Labbei Cone. torn. x. 1219). Another to the same, stating that it was unlawful for any, and forbidding any, to crown or anoint the kings of England, except the archbishop of Canterbury (ex Bibl. Cotton. Vesp. c. xiv. 128). Also another to the same, and to Hugh, bishop of Durham, suspending them for having crowned the king, dated Keren tini, vi. Cal. Oct. (ex Hovedeno). Also a letter to Becket, dated Anagni, 4 Novem- ber, ordaining for ever that none shall crown or anoint the kings of England, xcept the archbishop of Canterbury. Also a suspension (without date) of the bishops of London, Salisbury, Exeter, Chester, Rochester, St. Asaph, and Landaff, for their share in it. (Ex Bibl. Cotton. Vesp. c. xiv. fol. 128G.) It is certain, however, that a bull, giving Roger permission to perform the ceremony, is found in three MSS., though omitted from the collection of letters made by Lupus under the pope's eye. It is as follows (the Italics are not in the original) : — " Alexander Papa Rogero Eboracensi Archieputcopo. — Quanto per tarissimum filiutn nostrum, Henricum illustrem Anglorum Regcm, ampliora commoda et incrementa in hujus necessitatis articulo ecclesias Dei pervenisse noscuntur, et quanto nos eum pro suae devotionis constantia majori affectione diligimus et cariorem in nostris visceribus retinemus, tanto ad ea qua? ad honorem incrementuni et exaltationem ipsius et suorum cognoscimus pertinere libentius et promptius aspiramus. Inde est utique, quod, ad ejus petitionem, dilectum filium nostrum Henricum, primogenitum nlium suum, communicato fratrum nostrornm consilio, ex auctoritate Beati Petri at nostra concedimw in Anglia coronandum. Quoniam igitur hoc ad oliicium tuum pertinet, fraternitati vestrse per Apostolica Scripta mandamus, quatenus, cum ab eodem filio nostro rege propter hoc fueris requisitus, coronam memorato filio suo ex auctoritate sedis Apostolica; imponus,et nos quod a te c.iinde factum fuerit rat urn ac fir mum decernimus pertnanere. Tu vero debitam ei subjectionem et reverentiam, salvo in omnibus patris sui mandato, cxhibeas etalios similiter commoneas cxhiberc." —Lambeth MS. fol. 246 h and 217 a ; Cotton MS. Claudius, l>. 1 1, lib. 2, fol. 2SS; and Bodleian MS. The authority given in this letter tallies with that which was previously granted by Alexander to Roger of York in an early letter, in which, after he has confirmed the ancient grant of bearing the cross, he adds the power of crowning the king, " sicut ex Uteris antecessorum nostrorum predecessoribus tuis con- cessum est, et sicut eosdem predecessorcs tuos constat ex antiquo fecisse." (Epist. D. Thorns, lib. i. 10.) This power may only refer to assisting at the coronation ; the fact, however, is worthy of remark, especially as Becket pro- cured afterwards a hull revoking that grant to the archbishop of York (Ep. I). rhomae, lib. iv. H). As a further argument in favour of the authority of this APPENDIX TO VOL, II. 855 letter, it should be remembered that it tallies with the assertion made at the time of the coronation, by the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of London, that they had obtained the pope's consent to the coronation being performed by the hands of the latter, or any other bishop. Can we believe that men of such characters, therefore, would have either wilfully stated an untruth, or forged the letter by which the authority was conveyed? Nay, it actually appears that the pope himself wrote to Henry, entreating him to keep it secret from Becket, that such a permission had been given. (Epist. D. Thomse, v. 45.) Indeed, when it is remembered what the conduct of the pope had been regarding the legatine commission, the suspension of Becket, and the absolution of Foliot, it may be easily credited, that within a very short time after this letter he sent other letters to Becket, expressly forbidding the bishops, and especially the Archbishop of York, from doing anything to the detriment of Becket's rights in the coronation of the prince ; or that he afterwards suspended the Archbishop of York for the very act for which he had so lately given his written permission, and guaranteed him scatheless from all its consequences. These letters of prohibition never arrived in England, in consequence of the careful watch placed over the sea- ports, by which all suspicious messengers and despatches were prevented from entering the kingdom. In the absence of these, and in obedience to the former letter, the Archbishop of York performed the ceremony, and Henry for the time was triumphant. (See Ch. of E. Quart. Rev. April 1841.) Page 244, line 31.] — It appears that these very expressions which were the immediate occasion of Becket's death, were used by the king four years before at a conference with his courtiers at Chinon, just before the excommunications at Vezelai. John of Salisbury in a letter to the bishop of Exeter (Ep. D. Th. i. 140, and Ep. Joan. Saresb. 159) states, that at that meeting, " According to those who were present at the time, he [the king] asserted, with tears in his eyes, that the said archbishop would take from him both body and soul; and, in conclusion, he called them all a set of traitors, who had not zeal nor courage enough to rid him from the molestations of one man." — Froude, p. 150. Page 246, line 18.] — " Soldiers," "milites" (" Quadrilogus"), i.e. "Knights." Fitz-Stephen calls them " domestici regis barones ;" Hoveden and Brompton, " quatuor milites ;" Hoveden adds, " viri quidem generis praeeminentia con- spicui." Page 246, line 36.] — The words " on pilgrimage" are added from Grafton. Page 253, line 1.] — The manor of Knaresborough (Foxe writes it " Gnars- borougb," or " Gnasborough") belonged to Morvile. — Hoveden. Page 253, line 2. " To go in linsey-wolsey" &c] — Foxe (copying Grafton) says erroneously " in their linen clothes," owing probably to " laneis " being mistaken for "lineis" (see the notes in this Appendix on pp. 124, 254); but no passage has been met with in any of the old chronicles, in which this part of "the penance is described. (See Gervase, Hoveden in Script, post Bedam, p. 522, Neubrigensis, lib. ii. c. 25.) Page 253, line 3. " Died a few years after" &c] — Mr. Carte observes that the biographers of Becket are quite mistaken in this, for that William de Traci, whom they particularly mention to have died most miserably, lived above fifty years longer, and having expiated his crime with the monks of Christ Church, by the gift of his manor of Doccombe, was seneschal of Normandy in 1175 and 1176, joined with the barons against King John, and served in the expedition into Wales in 1222, and had scutage from all his military tenants for that service. It is likewise certain from records, that Hugh de Morvile was living in King John's time, and had several privileges granted him. Page 253, line 17 from the bottom.] — Gervase (Decern Script, col. 1422) dates this penance, " Avranches, 5 Cal. Oct." Page 254, line 16.] — See the note on p. 276, note (1). Page 254, line 20.] — Foxe omits one part of the king's penance. Hoveden's words are (Script, post Bedam, p. 539), " extractis calceamentis, nudus, pedes, et in pannis laneis, per tria milliaria profectus usque ad sepulcrum martyris," &c. Gervase also says (Decern Script, col. 1427), " In veste lanea, nudis pedibus ab ecclesia S. Dunstani qua; longe extra urbem posita est usque ad tumbam sancti Thomas Martyris perveniens," &c. (See the notes on pp. 121, 253.) The 856 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. " Qiiadrilogus" says, "Toto nudato eorpore, praeterquara vili quadam tunic;: super undo air.ictus." Page 254, line 12 from the bottom.] — " Coventry." Foxe Jays,"Chichesti r;" Brompton, " Cestria1 ;" which meant "Lichfield and Coventry." See page 343, note (4). Page 257, line 10. " This year the contention revived again.""] — Rather, the vear preceding. See Hoveden, p. 550, edit. Francof. 1601 ; and Had. de Diceto in Twysden's Hist. Ang. Scriptores X. col. 589, also col. 1109. L'Art de \ i'r. des Dates also places this council to a. n. 1 17H. Page 257, line 23. " A council at. Westminster."'] — Held (according to Hoveden, Wllkins, and L'Art de Ver. des Dates) March 14th, A. n. 1176. Page 257, line 36.]— See before, p. Ill, and vol. L p. 335. Page 257, note (2).] — Mr. Palmer, in his " Origines Liturgicae," gives the following account of the casule, chimer, and rochet: — "The casule,or chasible, or vestment, was an outer garment, extending from the neck nearly to the feet, closed all the way round, with only one aperture, through which the head passed .... Originally the casula was worn, not only by bishops and pres- byters, but by all the inferior clergy; but in the course of ages it berime peculiar to presbyters and bishops .... It is.appointed by the English ritual to lie worn by bishops in celebrating the eucharist, and in all other public ministrations, in which, however, they may use a cope instead of it. — The name chimer was probably derived from the Italian zimarra, which is described as ' vesta talere de* sacerdoti e de' chierici.' It was a long garment closed all round, with apertures for the arms to pass through; formerly scarlet, hut after- wards changed for the black satin chimer now used by bishops. — The rochet differed from the surplice chiefly in having narrower sleeves ; for the ancient English bishops do not appear to have used the very wide and full lawn sleeves, now worn by the bishops." Page 258, line .31. " Protector of France."] — See Diceto sub anno 1 181. Page 258, line 33.] — Grafton says that Heraclius, the patriarch of Jerusalem, brought letters to the king from Pope Lucius III. making him this oiler. Page 259, line 1. " Thewisdom" &c] — Documents about most of the affairs alluded to in this paragraph will be found in Hoveden. Page 2G0, last line. "Jacobus, the Archbishop of Mail: . . . a little before in the Council of Basil, where the price was wont" &c] — Foxe alludes to this siory four times in the "Acts and Monuments," here and at p. 109, and vol. iv. pp. 12, 10!. In the edition of 1570, p. 291, this passage appears for the first time, and without the word "in :" — "Jacobus, the Archbishop of Mentz . . . a little before the council of Basil, where the price was wont" &c. Whethi r this statement is to be accurate or not, will depend on whether the middle clause, "a little before the council of Basil," be connected with what follows, or with what precedes. The latter supposition makes Jacobus t" pay the exor- bitant sum named a little before the council of Basil : this suppi sitiori Foxe adopted; for in the same edition, in the places corresponding to p. L09 of this volume, and to vol. iv. p. 164, he reads — " which sum Jacobus, archbishop of Mentz, was pressed to pay a little before the council of Basil." The former upposition — i.e. as though the text meant, "whereas the price was wont a little before the council of Basil to be" &c. — makes the price for some r< rise rapidly after the council from 10,000 to 27,000 florins. This hist is the truth, as appears from L'Art de Ver. des Dates, which makes Jacijin.s de Liehenstein become archbishop of Mentz a. n. 1504, sixty years Bfter the council of Basil : the same appears from the statement ol grievam es called " Bil) r Gravaminum Nationis Germanicae".referred to lure in Foxe's note as his autho- rity, and of which, as also of the proposed " Remedy," he gives a translation infra, vol. iv. pp. 11 — 15; and at p. 12 this very case of the archbishopric of Mentz is fully stated: from that passage two errors have been corrected in this, viz, "ten thousand" is here read lor Foxe's "a thousand," and " twenty-*e»ea thousand" lor " twenty-fix thousand." Whether the word "in "was after- wards introduced into our author's texl by accident or design, does not appear; but it is not unlikely that Foxe bad before him son APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 857 (cited by him at p. 354, and vol. hi. p. 772), who said that statements were made on this subject " in concilio Basiliensi :" that such was the fact there is no doubt, as the following extract from L'Art de Ver. des Dates, Archeveques de Mayence, v. Conrad, will show : — " L'an 1429, sur la convocation qui fut faite du concile de Bale, Conrad dressaun etat des griefs de l'eglise Germanique contre la cour de Rome, avec les moyens de les redresser. Mais avant de rendre public ce memoire, il assembla le 12 Novembre 1431 ses comprovin- ciaux dans la ville d'Aschaffenbourg, pour en conferer avec eux. Le memoire fut approuve par 1'assemblee et envoye au concile de Bale, oil Conrad, malgre le desir qu'il en avait, ne put assister." This memorial no doubt stated that the usual price was then 10,000 florins ; and probably not only produced the decree of the council of Basil against Annates, but also furnished useful data to the future memorialist who presented the " Liber Gravaminum " to Maximilian, a.d. 1510, when the price was nearly trebled. — The foregoing remarks will explain why the words "a little before the council of Basil" at ]). 109, and vol. iv. p. 164, have been dropped in this edition ; they might indeed have been changed into " a little after the council of Basil," but that expression seemed rather too slight to describe an interval of 60 years. Page 261, note (1). "Ex libro Gravaminum nationis Germanic^."] — The list of grievances here alluded to was presented to the emperor Maximilian in 1510; and again in 1518, no attention having been paid to the complainers, nor any remedies suggested by the Lateran Council : see note on vol. iv. p. 11. Page 262, line 24. " Baldwin, of a Cistercian monk made a bishop."] — See pp. 718, 723. Foxe, vol. v. p. 376, represents Baldwin as not becoming monk till he was elected archbishop. But this account is the correct one : Neubri- gensis says (lib. iii. cap. 8), " Ex abbate Fordensi Episcopus Wigorniensis factus." M. Westminster says the same at the year 1181, adding, that he was of the Cistercian order. Page 263, line 6. " About a. d. 1160."]— The edition of 1563, p. 41, reads " About the yeare of our Lorde mclx." The printer of the next edition seems to have mistaken l for i, and gives 1109 for the year, which error was per- petuated in all the subsequent editions. Page 263, line 8. " Gralian, master of the decrees."'] — See some account of his " Decretum " supra, vol. i. p. 301, note (3). Page 263, line 9. " Peter the Lombard, master of the sentences."] — Peter Lombard, Professor of Divinity at Paris, afterward Bishop of Paris 1159, died 1164. His great work is the celebrated "Book of Sentences," in which he treats of all the principal questions which were then debated in the schools, and illustrates them by a copious and methodical collection of apposite passages from the Fathers, chiefly from Hilary, Jerome, Ambrose, and Augustine. The work soon became classical, and was made the subject of voluminous com- mentaries by most of the great scholastic divines in that and the following centuries. Page 264, line 8 from the bottom.] — "In vulgarem sermonem vevtere, do- cendo declarare." Illyricus, " Catalogus Testium," edit. 160S, col. 1499, b. Page 266, line 15. "And this they said," &c] — " Et haec institutio diu stetit, sicut chronica gestorum ostendunt ; et vetustissimus Graecus Origenes, qui statim post Christi tempora fuit, sicut primarius magister scribit super tertium librum Mosis : Quicunque," &c. — Fratrum Waldensium Responsio Excusatoria upud Fasciculum Orth. Gratii, fol. 88, a. (vol. i. p. 175, ed. 1690.) Page 266, note (3).] — The statement of the Apologist is this : " Duplex est purgatorium, unum est hie, alterum in futuro sseculo. Primum habet fidem in scripturis sacris, et est certum, &c. . . . Secundum purgatorium est in alio mundo, et hoc est incertum, quia scriptura sacra non dat de hoc testimonium, de quo primitiva ecclesia nihil scivit, neque sequaces per longum tempus ; et veteres doctores non confirmant, prcecipue de loco. Sed proxime novi quidam, non a longo tempore, ut Thomas Aquinas : is locum invenit tertium in inferno. Sed vetus doctor Augustinus aliter sensit, dicens, Locus purgatorii non est ostensus, nisi quod multis exemplis se animae ostenderunt in his locis, et cruciatibus oiiten.sa? sunt .... Sicque vetus doctor Augustinus cum aliis vetcribus doc- 858 APPENDIX TO VOL. n. toribus contradicit Thomae, quoniam priores tenucrunt, quod post resurrec- tionem Salvatoria nulla; animae ingredfuntur infernum nisi damnatorum. Sed Thomas invenit in inferno duoloca, unum non baptizatorum, alteram aiiimarum purgandarum," &c. — (" Responsio Excusatoria Fratruin Waldensium," apiul Orth. Gratium, fol. 89, c. d.) From the foregoing extract it would seem, that Foxe exhibits the meaning of the Apologist more correctly in the margin than in the text — " Thomas Aquinas first finder of Purgatory." Page 268, line 8.] — " Sacerdotem quocunque loco sacrum Christi corpus conficere posse, petentibusque ministrare." — lllyricus, col. 1525. Page 268, line .30. " So long as a man may say," &c] — " Ita diu, quod possunt dicere triginta vel quadraginta Pater Noster et Amen aliquoties." — lllyricus, col. 1523, g. Page 268, note (4).] — The following is the Latin of the two foregoing sen- tences: "Item nullam aliam orationem dicunt nee docent nee habent, nisi orationem Dominicam, Pater Noster, &c. Nee orationem reputant salutationem Angelicam, Ave Maria; nee symbolmn Apostolorum, Credo in Deum ; et dicunt ilia per Romanam Ecclesiam non per Christum fuisse ordinata seu coni- posita. Veruntamen articulos fidei 7 de divinitate, et 7 de bumanitate, et 10 proeepta, et 7 opera misericordise, sub quodam compendio quodammodo ab eis ordinate et composite, dicunt et docent, et in illo plurimum gloriantur et statim offerunt se promptos ad respondendum de fide sua." — lllyricus, col. 1524, b. For the words " Nee orationem reputant " in the above passage the first edition of the " Catalogus Testium " had "nee aliud reputant," while lllyricus wrote in his margin, " Id est, negant symbolum esse orationem." This marginal note was afterwards wrought into the text, and "aliud" changed into "orationem." Dr. Maitland proposes to read " aliquid " for "aliud;" i.e. " they reject the Ave Maria and the Apostles' Creed, classing them as human compositions made up by the Romish Church." See Pilichdorf contra If'a/- denses, cap. xx. The seven articles of faith " pertinentes ad mysterium Trinitatis, quorum quatuor pertinent ad Divinitatis intrinseca tres vero ad effectus,"arc enumerated in the Constitutions of Archbishop Peckham, Wilkins's Cone. torn. ii. p. 54 : also the seven articles "qui pertinent ad Christi humanitatem." (Ibid.) Then follows a brief commentary on the Ten Commandments : then the Seven Works of Mercy, " quae ex Matthaei Evangelic- patefiunt," viz. "famelicum pascere, potare sitibundum, hospitio recipere peregrinum, vesture nudum, visitare infir- iiiuiii, consolari carcere mancipatum;" Septimum ex Tobia colligitur, scil. " Sepelire corpora mortuorum." (Ibid. p. 55.) Page 269, line 13.] — Reinerius Saccho, a native of Piacenza, was first a zealous Waldensian, afterward a preaching friar, general inquisitor of heretics, and a bitter persecutor. He was at length banished Milan a. d. 1259, and died in exile. (Cave's Hist. Lift.) The greater portion of his " Summa de Catharis et Leonistis " is published in Illyricus's "Catalogus Testium," edit. 1608, col. 1507. Page 269, note (3).] — This citation is not quite exact. Reinerius says, that " there were forty-one schools in the diocese of Passau^alone ;" and the next place he calls "Gemmate." — Maitland' 8 Albigenses and Jf'aldenses, p. 403. Page 270, line 1.] — " Habeo consultationes jurisperitorum Avenionensium, item archiepiscoporum Narbonensis, Arelatensis, et Aquensis, item ordina- tionem episcopi Albanensis de extirpandis Valdensibus, jam ante annos 310 scriptas." — lllyricus, col. 1501. Page 270, line 11. " Is apparent from," &c] — "Facile ex pianlieta trium archiepiscoporum Gallicorum consultatione ante annos 3 10 scripta apparet." — lllyricus, col. 1501. Page 27, line 7 from the bottom. " Translated out of Sleidan into English."] — This was done by John Dans, and was printed by John Daye, in London, 1560. See Dibdin'8 " Ames," vol. iv. p. 77. Page 271, line 17.] — See the note on page 188, line 5 : also p. 272. Page 271, line 34.]— Urban III. died October 11th, a. i>. I 1S7, and Gregory \ 111. died December 17tli following.— VArt de Fer.des Dates. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 8o9 Page 272, note (7).] — Wharton, in his " History of English Poetry," mentions this bishop Stephen, and supposes him to have been a comic poet. Trivet's words are as follows : — " Stephanus Redonensis Episcopus obiit, cui ante mortem (ut ipse fassus est) apparens quredam persona, parvo levique sibilo dixit ei hos versus: ' Desine ludere temere; nitere surgere propere de pulvere.' Ipse enim multa, rythmico carmine et prosa, jocunde et ad plausus hominum scripserat. Et quia Miserator hominum eum in proximo moriturum sciebat, monuit eum, ut a talibus abstinens poeniteret." — Nicolai Triveti Annales, Oxonii, 1719, p. 73. Page 273, line 5.] — " Johannes Burgundio, Pisanus civis," is mentioned by Cave in his Hist. Litt. He flourished a. n. 1148, was at the Roman council a.d. 1180, and died a.d. 1194. Page 273, line 13. "Richard Peck."]— Wharton, ex fide Annal. Eccl. S. Werburgce Cestrensis, says he died October 6th, a.d. 1182; Hoveden says a.d. 1183. He was consecrated bishop of Lichfield and Coventry a.d. 1161. — Godwin de Prcesu'ibus. Page 273, 'line 16. "Huyo."~\ — "Ccenobii CarthusianiWitthamse in Somersetia, ab Hen. II. nuper positi, prior," born at Grenoble, in Burgundy; consecrated a.d. 1186 ; died about November, a. d. 1200. M. Paris (sub anno 1200) relates his miracles. — Godwin. Page 273, line 21. " Baldwin."^ — Baldwin began to build the college for canons at Hackington, near Canterbury, with a view to transfer the election of archbishop from the monks of Canterbury to persons who would be more obse- quious to the king. The monks prevailed with pope Urban III. to stop the building and forbid the plan. On his death, October 11th, a. d. 1187, Baldwin proceeded to found the archiepiscopal establishment at Lambeth, but was inter- rupted by death, a.d. 1190. Clement III. was elected December 19th, a.d. 1187. — Godwin. Page 276, note (1).] — Foxe has authority for the statement in the text (see Rastal's Chronicle, &c), but it is not quite accurate. Hugh, earl of Chester, was taken prisoner at Dol in Bretagne, on Sunday, August 26th, a.d. 1173 (Carte, Henry) ; and die king sent for the earl of Leicester early next year into Normandy, and confined him with the ear! of Chester in the castle of Falaise ; and brought them over with him as prisoners to England, Monday, July 8th, a. d. 1174 (Hoveden, Carte, Henry). Henry performed his penance at Canter- bury the following Friday, and the king of Scots was taken at Alnwick the next day, Saturday tertio idus Julii, i. e. July 13th, a. d. 1174. (See Fordun's " Scoti-chronicon,'" Gul. Neubrigensis, Hoveden, Henry, and Nicolas's Tables.) The statement in the text, therefore, is only correct as to the king of Scots. Page 276, note (4).] — Foxe is a little incorrect in the text. It was Urban III. who died of sorrow for the loss of the Holy Cross, as related at p. 271. (See the note on that page.) Page 277, note (3). "One thousand and fire hundred "] — Hoveden says, " Quingenti viri, exceptis mulieribus et parvulis:" on which expression Foxe probably grounded his number, for which no other authority has been dis- covered. Page 277, note (5).] — Foxe's description of Richard's preparation for his departure to the Holy Land is very embarrassed, and it has been necessary to make several changes and transpositions of his text, to reduce it to accurate history. In the text, anticipating a subsequent stage of the negotiations, he says, that they agreed to go " about Easter next ensuing ;" for which the words " at a certain interview " have been substituted in the text. Page 27S, line 8. "Hugh Puzas, bishop of Durham."^ — This Hugh de Pudsey, bishop of Durham, ordered a Bible to be written for him some time between the years 1153 and 1194, which is now extant in the library of the Chapter, and is divided into chapters. — Faber's Hist, of the Waldenses, p. 375. Page 278, line 32. "Philip the French king," &c] — Foxe, by mistake, makes Richard send to remind Philip. The text has been altered in conformity with Hoveden, Script, post Bedam, p. 660 ; Acta Publ. torn i. p. Go ; Brompton ; Diceto ; M. Paris. 860 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 278, line 5 from the bottom. "After which the king" Ac] — This para- graph is made up of two passages ofFoxe, which wi uld stand at pp. 280, 298. Richard embarked at Dover, December 11th, and kept his Christinas at Lions- la-foret, seven leagues from Rouen, whence he proceeded to Cue St. Heme, and held the interview with Philip described in the text on St. Hilary (January 13th). See for authorities, Benedictus Abbas Petroburgensis, pp. 579, 583, Vinesauf's "Iter Hierosolymitanum Regis Richardi," Hoveden, Brampton. Page 278, note (2).] — Foxe says in the text that the Jews were to he called on for "lx thousand" pounds (Ed. 1570); "60,000," (Ed. 1571); but, erro- neously, "G,000," (Edd. 1583, 1596).— See Stowe's Chronicle, ad an. 1188. Page 279, line 1(5 from the bottom. "Gardeviunce"] — is a word used at least three times in Foxe, viz. here, and at vol. v. p. 102, and vol. vi. p. 113. and in each ease in reference to a religious procession ; it seems to mean "the pompandcir- cumstance," the customary paraphernalia and observance, of such processions. Page 281, line 5.] — Respecting the duration of Anselm's episcopate, consult the account of him at pp. Ill — 171, and the Table at p. 71':;. Page 284, line 17.] — Foxe or his MS. seems to have mis-read 38 Hen. II. instead of 30 Hen. II., for he says " eight and thirtieth." Page 291, line 24.] — "The court," both here and line 35, and next page, line 27, means " the court of Rome." (SeeGervase, apud Script. Decern, col. 1497.) Page 293, line 19 from the bottom.] — Foxe says Urban died the " nineteenth" day after. He should have said the " eighth," or " ninth " including the first. —L 'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 294, line 19 from the bottom.] — Read " seventeenth." — See 1.' Art de I 'er. des Dates. Page 294, line 18 from the bottom. " Clement 7//.''] — See the note in this Appendix on p. 142, line 1. Page 295, line 3.] — Hoveden says that the king came to Canterbury Nov. 27th, and proposed the compromise two days after. — Gervase, Brompton, and Ralph de Diceto, apud Decern Scriptores, cols. 1558, (519. Page 296, line 12.] — " Theobald " is here substituted for Foxe's " Richard :" see pp. 187, 281. Page 296, line 21.] — "Roger" is here substituted for Foxe's " Richard :" for the occasion referred to, see p. 110 ; the archbishop of Canterbury was named " Richard," but there is not a " Richard of York" in all Godwin's list. Page 298, line 7.] — This "agreement " was made Nov. 29th. See the note on p. 295, line 3. Page 298, line 10. " He committed" &c] — What is here related took place at a council held by Richard in France on English affairs after the Feast of the Purification, which was February 2d. — Benedict. Abbas, p. 584 ; I loved, Page 298, line 24. " These things and others."] — This and the next sen- tence stand in Foxe's text at p. 280 ; the words "and came to Cliinon " are added on Hoveden 's authority, to connect the nam tive. Page 298, line 7 from the bottom. " To Tours, and after that."] — These words are brought from a previous sentence of Foxe ; Richard received at Tents the pilgrim's scrip and staff, as Philip had already at St. Denis. Page 298, line G from the bottom.] — They met at Vezelai July 1st, and in i] died forward two days after. — Benedictus Abbas, p. 590. 299, line 2.] — Vinesauf says that Richard stayed three weeks at Mar- seilles, and embarked the day after the Assumption, or August Kith. Page 299, line 4. " The seventh day of August" &c] — This sentence, far as "sea-coast of Italy," had Blipped lower down in Poxes text. I', ge 299, line 10.] — "Octavian" is by Foxe, here and at p. 31.'), miscalled '• Ottoman " (see Moreri v. Cardinal) : " Octavianus," Hoveden, p. I 299, line IS. "Passing on horseback to Sulci no."] — "In equis con- (Hoveden, p 668.) Foxe says, "partly by horses and waggons, partly In the &c. onghold called Di la APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 861 Foxe is quoting Hoveden, p. 673 : — "quod est in medio minimis del Far inter Messanam et Calabriam." M. Paris says, " transivit fluvium qui Far dicitur." Page 299, line 10 from the bottom.] — Vinesauf and Dieeto (col. 657) call this place " Mategriffum." Page 301, line 9 from the bottom. "Richard, hearing of Joachim," &c] — See a reference to this story infra, vol. iii. p. 105. Joachim was born in Cala- bria, about a.d. 1130. Having travelled in Palestine, he assumed, on his return, the habit of a Cistercian monk, and became abbot of Curazzo in Cala- bria, and afterwards founder and first abbot of Flora in Calabria. He was celebrated for his prophecies : what Merlin was among the English, Malachy among the Irish, and Nostrodamus among the French, such was Joachim among the Italians. He wrote many works. Two years before his death he published a confession of his faith, in which he begs that his works might be submitted to the censorship of the Church after his death, in case he died without putting his last hand to them. Page 302, line 10. " Should have sojourned."] — " Ambularet" (Hoveden) ; Foxe, " travailed." Page 302, line 11 from the bottom.] — Clement III. died March 27th, a.d. 1191, and Easter fell that year on April 14th. (See Nicolas's Tables.) Page 302, note (2).] — The archbishop of Apamea might probably have been in Europe to stir up the Christian princes, as the archbishop of Tyre was a few years before. Page 302, note (3).] — Hoveden says, "de Appamia, Anxiensis, et Wora- censis." The names and titles in the text are put in from the passage in Hoveden, compared with numerous contiguous passages, in which the same bishops evidently recur again and again. Gallia Christiana has also been con- sulted, and confirms the titles which are put in. Page 304, line 19. " On Saturday, the thirtieth day of March."] — Foxe says, erroneously, " the eight and twentieth day of March." Vinesauf says, "Sabbato post Annunciationem B. Virginis," and Hoveden, " Sabbato tertio Cal. Aprilis," which means the same thing, March oQth. (Nicolas's Tables.) Foxe's next date also requires this; for as Easter in the year 1191 fell on April 14th, and Hoveden describes that date "Sabbato in Hebdomade Paschse," i e. Saturday, April 20th, it would be the twenty-second day after March 30th, including (as usual) that day itself. Page 301, line 23. " After the departure," &c] — " Eodem die" (Hoveden). Vinesauf implies the same. Page 304, line 6 from the bottom.] — This behaviour of Pope Celestine III. to Henry VI. is referred to again, vol. iv. pp. 114, 143. See Hoveden (Script, post Bedam, p. GS9), Knighton (Script. Decern, col. 2403), and Baronius, ad an. 1191, § 10. Page 305, line 5. " The tenth day of April."'] — Hoveden says, " feria quarta ante Ccenam Domini." " Ccena Domini" means Maunday Thursday (or the day before Good Friday), which in a.d. 1191 fell on April 11th (Nicolas's Tables). The " feria quarta," or Wednesday before, would therefore be April 10th. Vinesauf says, " die Mercurii post Dominicam Palmarum," which is the same date with Hoveden's. Page 305, line 11.] — " Applicuit in insula de Creta, deinde in insula de Rhodes." — Hoveden. Page 306, line 18 from the bottom.] — Vinesauf says it was on Sunday, St. Pancras' day, or May 12th, which fits the year 1191. (Nicolas's Tables.) Page 307, line 13.]— Foxe inadvertently says " sixth" instead of " seventh," and at line 23 "seventh" for '-eighth." Richard certainly reached Acre "proximo Sabbato ante festum beati Barnabas Apostoli, in Hebdomade Pente- costes." In the year 1191 Pentecost fell on June 2d, and St. Barnabas' day was June 11th. The Saturday between would, therefore, be June 8th. (See Nicolas's Tables.) Page 307, line 17.] — Vinesauf gives a terrible description of the "Grneeus ignis," or wildfire, here used. See Lord Lijtteltous Henry II. vol. ii. p. 164. 862 APPENDIX TO VOL. H. Page .307, line 18.] — " Ducentos serpentes perniciosissimos." — Vinesauf. Page 307, line 27.] — Vineeauf says the Burrender of Acre took place "die Veneris proxima post translationem beati Benedict] ;" that feast was July lltli, and in the year 1191 fell on a Thursday. (Nicolas's Tables.) The surrender of Acre was, therefore, on July 12th, as Foxe states. Page 308, line 12 from the bottom.]— The day of " St. Peter ad Yincula." i.e. August 1st. — Vinesauf. Page 309, line 18.] — The battle of Azotus was fought September 7th, or the "twenty-second day after Richard's leaving Acre," which was August 22d. (Vinesauf.) At this battle 20 emirs and 7,000 of the flower of the Turkish cavalry were slain ; and Richard boasted that in forty campaigns the Turk had not received such a blow. Page 312, line 9.] — Gerard de Camville had bought the government of Lincoln Castle from Richard, and yet Longchamp demanded it of him, and tried to displace him by force. — Brampton. Page 312, last line but one. "Matthew Le Clere."] — Foxe calls him " their constable ;" he is by Diceto (Decern Script, col. 671) called "numiceps princi- palis castelli de Dovera." Page 315, line 5.] — The earl of Salisbury was William Longspey : see page 374. P'oxe's names of the English nobles have been corrected here, and in many other passages, from Dugdale's Baronage, and other authentic sources of information. Page 315, line 24.] — Foxe says, " If he would restore to him again Sclavonia, in as good state as it was when he took it." It is " Scalona" in Hoveden, which led to the mistake of " Sclavonia." Foxe has misunderstood the con- dition, which was — "si Ascalon dirimeretur, ut in posterum non re-aedificaretur ;i Christianis nee a Turcis :" see Brompton, who afterward says it was agreed that Ascalon should be dismantled for three years : it was dreaded by the Sultan, as a strong fortress on the frontier toward Egypt. For the state in which Richard found it, see Foxe, p. 309 ; after which he had been at immense pains and expense in restoring the walls and fortifications. It was there that he affronted the duke of Austria, who afterwards took him prisoner. Page 316, line 9.J — Foxe says erroneously, that Richard embarked "the next spring." Page 317, note (1). " Eulogium."~\ — This Chronicle extends from the Concpiest to the year 1367. Among the " Notae Anonymi" written in the margin of Cave's Hist. Litt. in the Lambeth library, in the handwriting of Henry Wharton, and printed in the Oxford edition of Cave, 1 743, this Chronicle is ascribed to John Wicliff. The passage referred to by Foxe occurs at folio 163 of the Cotton MS. of the Eulogium. " Anglici multum condolentcs de regis incarceratione miserunt pro eo 100,000 libras argenti. Undo fere omnes calices et omnia vasa argentea conversi fuerunt in monetam, ut regem suum liberarent, qui honorificb honoratus est. Impetratum fuit a Domino Papa ut celebrare possent sacerdotes in calicibus de stanno, et sic longo tempore fecerunt, quod et nobis visum est Dominus vero Austria;, qui regem incarceravit, lite inter papain et ipsum ingruente moritur excommunicatus anno 1196." There is much contradiction as to the real amount paid for Richard's ransom ; for at p. 438 we read (on the authority of M. Paris, sub. an. 1246) that the English clergy assured the pope, that Richard's ransom cost 60,000 marks, which were raised with the help of the church plate. M. Paris, however, in this place says that 140,000 marks were demanded: at p. 791 Foxe mentions only 30,000 marks as paid for Richard's release. There is a letter in Hoveden, from Richard to his mother and the justices of England, dated Haguenau, '■> Cal. Maii, a.d. 1 193,stating that he woidd be released on the payment ot 70,000 marks. The final settlement of the matter, given by Hoveden, and from him by Kynur, states that 150,000 marks (100,000/.) were to be paid, 100,000 at once, and the remainder in seven months after bis return to England ; oO.OOO of this remainder were to go to the emperor, and 20,000 to the duke; sixty hostages for the payment being given to the emperor, and seven to the duke. Poxe's account in this place very nearly coincides with Hoveden. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 863 Page 318, line 23. " These words of Fulco," &c] — The king only dissembled for the moment. The original passage is here given, which is more terse than our author's version. "Dico tibi, O Rex, ex parte omnipotentis Dei, ut tres filias quas habes pessi- mas citius marites, ne aliquid deterius tibi contingat. Cui fertur, 'O digito compesce labella : Accusator erit qui verum dixerit ; ' ' Nemo sine vitiis nascitur; beatus qui minimis urgetur;' et alibi, 'Nemo sine crimine vivit.' Cui fertur regem respondisse : Hypocrita mentitus es in caput tuum, quia filiam non habeo ullam. Ad quod Fulco respondens ait : Certe non mentior, quia (ut dixi) ties habes filias pessimas, quarum una est Superbia, altera Cupiditas, tertia Luxuria. Convocatis igitur ad se Comitibus et Baronibus multis qui aderant, ait Rex : Audite universi commonitionem hujus hypocritae, qui dicit habere me tres filias pessimas, videlicet," &c. — See Hoveden, Brompton, Camden s Remains, &c. Page 318, line 13 from the bottom. " Ademar."~] — Foxe calls him "Wido- marus." Hoveden (Script, post Bedam, p. 790) calls him " Widomarus, vice-comes de Limoges." L'Art de Ver. des Dates, in the Article Viscomtes de Limoges, calls him " Ademar III. le Barbu." Page 318, note (1).] — This Fulco is the "Eximius Praedicator" of France, mentioned by Grosthead at p. 530 of this volume. Hoveden introduces this story by the following account of Fulco (Script, post Bedam, p. 789) : — " Eodem anno erat in Gallia quidam sacerdos nomine Fulco, quern magnificavit Dominus in conspectu regum ; deditque ei potestatem caecos illuminare, claudos, mutos, et alios diversis languoribus oppressos curare, daemones effugare : hie autem meretrices relicto impudicitiae fraeno ad Dominum convertit ; usurarios etiam ad coelestem thesaurum invitans, quern nee aerugo nee tinea demolitur nee fures furantur, fecit omnem substantiam quam usura et foenus devoraverat in usus pauperum distribuere. Ipse quidem praedixit regibus Franciae et Anglias, quod unus iilorum in mala morte in proximo interiret, nisi celerius ab hostilitate cessassent. Et quia in illo tempore messis quidem erat multa et pauci operarii, conjunxit ei Dominus viros sapientes verba salutis aeternas praedicantes, magis- trum Petrnm, et dominum Robertum, et dominum Eustachimn abbatem de Flai, et ca?teros quosdam, qui rnissi per orbem terrarum praedicaverunt ubique, Domino cooperante et sermonem confirmante sequentibus signis." And Brompton (col. 1274) says, " Illis quoque diebus quidam propheta efficacissimus in Francia surrexit, scilicet Magister Fulco, pro quo Dominus manifeste dignatus est mira- bilia operari. Hie summo opere usuram conabatur extirpare. Hie etiam Fulco quendam religiosum ac facundum praedicatorem, abbatem sc. de Flay ordinis Cisterciensis, in Angliam misit ad commercia quae Dominicis diebus solebant tunc fieri deponenda." But Brompton (col. 1278) tells the story in the text of Walter, archbishop of Rouen. — These extracts respecting Fulco are given at full, as illustrating a passage of Foxe in page 530. Page 318, note (2).] — The king had a regiment of Flemings in his service, the captain ("dux") of which was named " Marchadeus " (Hoveden). Foxe amusingly calls him "the duke of Brabant" here and next page, line 13. Brompton calls him " Marchadeus" (col. 1277), Knighton "dux Brabanciae" (col. 2413). " Princeps nefandas gentis Braibancanorum" (Hoveden, 768) ; "Marcadeus nephariis Brabantinorum vallatus catervis" (Diceto, col. 697). He seems to have been a "soldier of fortune," who was ready to enlist wherever sufficient inducements offered, and was now in Richard's pay. Page 321, line 6.] — Foxe in this place makes Geoffrey the third, and Richard, the fourth, son of Henry II. : this error is corrected in the text. Diceto (col. 657) says that Richard " Arturum haeredem strum instituit, si sine prole discesserit ;" clearly implying that Richard was older than Arthur's father. Also Gervase (col. 1590) says that Arthur, when a boy, " familiarium siiorum et imperitorum seductus consilio ccepit rebellare" &c. See Sandford's Genea- logical History of the Kings of England. Page 323, line 26. " Simon Langton . . . became archbishop of York, as ap- peareth in the course of this story. ."] — He was elected by the chapter a. d. 1215, but rejected by the pope, as stated at page 338 ; nevertheless, Foxe in the margin of p. 393 calls him "archbishop of York." 864 * APPENDIX TO VOL. II. P ■ 324, hue 21.] — The sentence bong corrected, the original is given from M. Paris: "Et (mod magis in praejudicium et subversionem libertatum ad coronain suara spectantium redundat, ipsius consensu a monachis (qui ilium postulasse debuerant) nee rite requisito, eundem Stepbanum temere promovere prasumit." Page 32G, line 25. " 7'hree bishops."] — Foxe says " four," and adds, " Giles, bishop of Hereford." But M. Paris (p. 157, Ed. Paris, 1614) mentions onU three — " Willielmua Londinensis, Eustachius Eliensis, et Malgerus Wigorni- ensis ; " and soon after he mentions these three as (lying from England, together with Joceline of Bath, in order to avoid the king's rage. Hence Foxe may have thought that all four were engaged in pronouncing the interdict. Foxe also says •'Walter, bishop of Winchester," instead of " M auger, bishop of Worcester." (See Godwin de Praesulibus.) The date of the interdict, as given by M. Paris, is "Quadragesima sequent!, prima die Lunre in passione Domini, qua3 tunc contigit Decimo Calendas Aprilis ;" i.e. Mondav, April 24th, a. d. 1208. (Nicolas's Tables.) Page 32S.J — This scene between the king and Pandulph is given in the " Annales Waverleienses." Page 3.30, line 12.]— "Peter Wakefield, of Poiz," rather "of Pomfret." Page 330, line 22. " Scant were there three, saith the chronicle ," &c] — Grafton says, "three in the realm, said he, that lived christianly." Page 330, line 25.] — King John reckoned his regnal years from Ascension- day, on which day (May 27th, a.d. 1199) he was crowned. Ascension-day in 1213 happened on May 23d; John's fourteenth regnal year would, therefore, end May 22d, a. r>. 1213. — Nicolas s Chronology of History. Page 330, line 36. "And used to tattle and talk."] — In the first edition (p. 01) the reading is "to trattle," as in Bradford's Examinations, vol. vii. pp, 108, 762. It occurs also in a Skeltonical poem, quoted in Brydges' Censura Literaria, vol. i. p. 67, edit. 1S15 : — " And wyll do nothynge elles But iratlynge tales telles." Page 332.] — This obligatory document is given in M. Paris, p. 164, date,] Wednesday, May 15th, a. d. 1213. A new translation of the Latin is substituted for Foxe's, which is from Grafton, and very defective. The submission spoken of in the previous paragraph was made two days before, Mondav 13th, at Dover. —.1/. Paris, p. 163. Page 333. " Upon this obligation the liny was discharged," &c] — The king was absolved from the sentence of excommunication by Archbishop Langton, at St. Swithin's church, Winchester, on the feast of St. Margaret the Virgin [July 13, a.d. 1213], according to the "Anna!. Waverl.": the archbishop had been specially sent for from France for the purpose, as the barons refused to accompany John in his expedition into France while he continued excommuni- cate. The kingdom was not relieved from the interdict till Wednesday, li Non. .1 nl i i (July 2d], the year following. — Thos Wikes, .Inn. Waverl. After the words "six years and three months," the edition of 1563, p. [ftG], adds, "and 16 days from the first proclaiming thereof." Page 333, below the middle. " And Ireland."] — Edit. 1563, p. 66, adds, "So was it discharged in the second day of July, after six years, iii. moneths, and xvi. dayes from the first declaring therof." Page 334, line 18 from the bottom.] — The words, "and a great sort move Toulouse," are inserted from Grafton, whom Foxe is copying; they to have been left out by accident. " Sataloni " seems a corrupt word, formed from some transposition of the syllables of " (olosani ;" or it may be a corruption of " Carcassone." Catalonia does not Beem to have come under I - papal thunders, or it might have been supposed to be meant here. last line but one.] — " Homely handling of his majesty" is intro- from Grafton. Foxe says "humble handling of his majesty's will." Pa •• 335, note (1). " Hieron. Marius."] — His real name was either Ceelius lut Curio, or Massarius : sec Clement's Biblioth. Curieuse, vii. '.',>',!. He was an Italian physician, but lied to Switzerland upon embracing the tenets APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 865 of the Reformed Church, as stated by himself in the dedication to his hook entitled Eusebius captimis, sive modus procedendi in curia Romana contra Lute- ranos, &e., Basileae, 1553 : and Foxe has apparently rather overstepped this authority in the present instance, the words of Marius being " lege sancivit (Innocentius IIJ.) ut maledicentibus Papes poena injUgeretur:" p. 29. Page 336, line 4. "Rebellion."] — This word, intended to describe the struggle for the Magna Cliarta, Foxe borrows from Grafton. See the note on p. 340, line 19. Page 338, line 12. "In the same year, a.d. 1215."] — Foxe says, "the next year, a.d. 1216;" but see Richardson's Godwin " De praesulibus," &rc. Seven lines lower Foxe erroneously calls Walter Gray " bishop of Winchester." Page 338, line 23.] — Gervais Hobrugge was prsecentor of St. Paul's. — M. Paris. Page 340, line 1. " Despoiled."] — " Deprasdatus est." — M. Paris. Page 340, line 19.] — Foxe says here " Lincoln," instead of " Boston." Mr. Pegge, in an article in vol. iv. of the Archaeologia on the story of King John's being poisoned by a monk, expresses his surprise that Foxe, as a native of Boston, should have spoken of Swineshead Abbey as not far from " Lincoln," whereas it lay six miles east of Boston, and Boston thirty-seven miles south- east of Lincoln. But the fact is, Foxe is copying Grafton, from whom he borrows en masse the greater part of his account of King John's reign. Page 340, line 36.] — M. Paris, in the same passage in which he mentions this anecdote of King John (p. 245), speaks of him as of a sceptical turn, and as doubting of a future state and of other articles of the christian faith. John's remark on the fat stag certainly savours of profaneness more than anything else ; but, judging from observation, infidelity and profaneness are the natural fruits of Popery in a mind which has once seen its delusions, unless true religion be at the same time presented and embraced. Page 342, line 5. " Yet Matthew Paris," &c] — Mr. Pegge, in the article in the Archasologia referred to in the last note but one, mentions with dishonour Foxe's name among others, as perpetuating the story about King John's being poisoned by a monk. But the fact is, that (as has been before observed) Foxe's account of this reign is little else but a transcript from Grafton's Chronicle, Avhich he gives nearly as he found it. In this particular instance, however, he has gone beyond his author, and gives, out of pure candour and desire for truth, the other (more charitable, though then less popular) statement of M. Paris (pp 2S7, 288) as to the cause of John's death. Page 342, line 17.] — " In nocte quae diem Su. Lucae Evangelists proxime secuta est." (M. Paris.) St. Luke's day is October 18th. Foxe says erroneously, " Upon St. Lucy's even." John's death is commonly dated October 19th. Page 342, note (3).] — The work here referred to is intituled " The Pastime of People, or the Chronicles of Divers Realms, and most especially of the Realm of England, briefly compiled, and imprinted in Cheapside, by John Rastell [a.d. 1529]:" reprinted and systematically arranged, London, 1811. Rastell here says, " Also about this tyme, the citezyns of London made such sute to the kynge, that they optayned that the kynge graunted them, to chose of them selfe yerely a mayre and ii. sheryffes, and the names of haylyffes clerely to be voyded : whose names of the meyre and sheryffes were, the first mayre Henry Fitz Alwyn ; the first sheryffes, Peter Duke, Thomas Nele." King John granted a charter to the citizens of- London for choosing their own sheriffs, dated July 5th, in the first year of his reign [a.d. 1199], and another for choosing a mayor, dated May 19th, in the sixteenth year of his reign [a.d. 1214]. (Maitland's History of London, vol. i. pp. 74, 76.) Between the Conquest and this latter year, the sheriffs were called bailiffs. During the Anglo-Saxon period, the chief magistrate of London was called the port- grave or portreve ; after the Conquest, he was called the provost. Mayor was taken from the French meyre, which was the title of the chief magistrate of Rouen. (Maitland, vol. ii. p. 1192.) Arnold's Chronicle says, that Henry Fitz Alwyn, or Heryson Alwyn as he calls him, first took the title of mayor a. d. 1207 for that of custos (see p. 802 of this volume) or bailiff, under which title VOL. II. 3 K 8G6 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. he had held the office for twenty years. Fitz Alwyn appears at the head of the list of mayors in Maitland (vol. ii. p. 110.')) for twenty-four consecutive years, a. d. 1189 — A.r>. 1212; and in the list of sheriffs (ibid. p. 1202) Thomas Fit. Neel and Peres le Due appear at a. d. 1208. Page 343, line 28.] — Foxe, misled by Walter Hemingford, reads "Glou- cester;" but M. Paris, "Chester." Dugdale's Baronage states (vol. ii. pp. 42, 43, 211) that the earl of Chester was materially useful to the king at this time ; while the earl of Gloucester joined Louis, and was taken prisoner at the battle of Lincoln. Pa?e 343, bottom of the page.] — This list is corrected from M. Paris ami Dugdale's Baronage. Page 343, note (1),] — The former account of John's children is copied from Grafton, and is substantially correct : the latter is not. The three sons, William, Guy, and Ethel mar, bishop of Winchester, were his step-sons with Isabella of Angouleme, his third wife, by whom he had the other two sons, and three daughters. " Guy de Lusignan" is by Grafton and Foxe called here " Guido Disenaie." " Liziuiac " might easily be mistaken for Disenaie in a MS. Ethelmar is mentioned at pp. 423, 441. Joan's marriage is mentioned at p. 374. Page 344, line 19. " The new pope."] — Honorius III. was crowned pope July 21th previous. — V Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 345, top of the page.] — This list is corrected from M. Paris (p. 295) and Dugdale's Baronage. Page 34.5, line 5.] — Louis was not himself at the battle of Lincoln, being engaged at the time in the siege of Dover Castle : the earl of Perche acted as his commander in chief. Foxe represents the nobles presently mentioned as slain with the earl of Perche ; whereas they were only taken prisoners. — See Matthew Paris, pp. 295, 296, and Dugdale's Baronage. Page 345, line 16. "Eustace, a French monk."'] — Foxe calls him "a French lord." But he is called " Eustachius Monachus " in the Forma Paris, where one stipulation is, that Louis shall compel the brothers of Eustachius Monachus to surrender the islands belonging to England. He is also called " Archipiratam Francorum" (Melrose Chron.) ; " Eustachius, cognomento Mo- nachus " (Annales Waverl.) ; M. Paris (p. 298) says " Eustachio monacho, viro flagitiosissimo ;" and, soon after, "Eustachius monachus, proditor regis Anglise, et pirata nequissimus." Hemingford calls him " quidam tyrannus ex Hispania, cognomine Monachi, qui cum multas exigisset prredas, multaque loca suo subjugasset imperio, tandem anhelavit ad regnum Angliae conqua;rendum." " Eustachius ut fertur monachus, qui ut decebat apostatam ostendens suam inconstantiam s;epe de uno rege transivit ad alium, et tanquam de Monacho foetus D wmoniacus dolo et perfidia plenus fuit." (Walsingham, rlypodigma Neustrise.) Mr. Carte (History of England, torn. ii. p. 9) calls him " Eustace le Moine, who had formerlv deserted from John to enter the king of France's service.'' M. Paris states that "the French had eighty ships besides other craft, and the English forty of all sorts. I'a^e 315, line 30.] — The "Forma Pads" between Henry and Louis is in Rymer, dated Lambeth, Sept. 11th, a. n. 1217. Page 345, line 30. " The archbishop of Canterbury"] — M. Paris says, " William, earl of Pembroke; " and the Melrose Chronicle says that the arch- bishop did not return to England from the general council (of Lateran, a. d. 1215) till May, a.d. 1218; whereas this treaty was concluded " ;i Id. Sep.'' i. e. Sept. 11th," a. i). 1217. — See M. Paris, and the last note. ige 345, line 33.] — Foxe says "fifteen thousand marks," but M (p. 299) "quinque millia librarum Bterlingorum." Foxe at p. 383 Bays "one thousand marks," where the corresponding passage of M. Paris (p. 336 "quinque millia m areas." '•'., line 10. " The bishop <>/ Canterbury."] — M. Paris still says " William, tiie earl of Pembroke," and represents Louis's departure as anything but 1 mrable. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 867 -Page 346, line 1. " Whereof mention was made before."] — See pp. 338,339. Page 346, line 18 from the bottom. "About this season," &c] — This is an inaccuracy of M. Paris (p. 297). Foxe has already mentioned the death of Innocent III. and the accession of Honorius III. at the right places (pp. 340, 344). Innocent III. died July 16th, a. d. 1216.— L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 346, line 17 from the bottom. "Frederic, the nephew of Frederic. Barbarossa."~\ — Here " nephew" is used, as in other places of Foxe, for (nepos) "grandson." — See Glossarial Index. Page 346, line 15 from the bottom.] — Foxe takes up the history of Frederic II. at pp. 455—509. Page 346, line 13 from the bottom.] — M. Paris gives this letter, p. 301. Page 347, line 22.]— Honorius III. died March 18th, a.d. 1227.— L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 347, line 18 from the bottom. " The second of this Icing's reign."] — Foxe says, "the third" year; but the parliament met just after Michaelmas (Ann. VVaverl.), and Henry's second regnal year did not close till October 27th, a.d. 1218.— See Nicolas's Tables. Page 347,. line 9 from the bottom. " Throughout England."]— After these words, should be read the sentence in the next page from the edition of 1563. Page 347, line 6 from the bottom.] — "Forty-ninth" is substituted for Foxe's "fiftieth." Becket was slain Dec. 29th, a.d. 1170, and the third year of Henry III. ended October 27th, a.d. 1219. M. Paris (p. 310) places the shrining of Becket under the year 1220. Page 347, last line but one.] — Isabella was married to the earl of Marche, a. d. 1217. — L'Art de Ver. des Dales. Page 348, line 1.] — William, earl of Pembroke, died in March a.d. 1219 ; which occasioned the promotion of Hubert de Burgh to be chief justice, as just before mentioned, and of Peter, bishop of Winchester, to be " regis et regni rector." — M. Paris, p. 304. Page 348, line 18.] — Engelard de Ciconia is, in M. Paris, called Engelard de Athie. This list has been corrected by Dugdale's Baronage. Page 348, line 22. " Foulces, who fortified the castle of Bedford," &c.]— This is out of place. Foukes de Breant, for certain outrages in the neighbour- hood, was condemned by the king's justices, sitting at Dunstable a. o. 1224, in a great sum of money. This occasioned his seizure of one of them, which led to the siege of Bedford Castle by the king's forces during seven weeks, at the end of which time it was taken by storm, on the Assumption, August 15th, a.d. 1224. He did not leave England till the year a.d. 1228, soon after Bartholomew-tide (August 24th), as Dugdale shows in his Baronage, vol. i. p. 745. (See M. Paris, p. 320.) Page 348, line 3 from the bottom.] — This second coronation took place on Whitsunday, May 17th, a.d. 1220.-/1/. Paris, p. 309. Page 348, note (1).] — The passage in the text is a translation of Hoveden. Page 349, line 8.]— M. Paris (p. 299, an. 1209) calls this bishop of Lincoln "Hugo, archidiaconus Wellensis : " Godwin, "Hugo Wallis, archidiaconus Wellensis." This story about his fine is in M. Paris, p. 299, an. 1217. Pao-e 349, line 13.] — Robert Curson was the famous preacher against usury, mentioned in the note in this Appendix on p. 318, note (1), and by bishop Grosthead at p. 530. He was an Englishman, chancellor of Paris, created by Innocent III. cardinal of St. Stephen in Ccelio Monte a.d. 1212, and died at Damietta A. d. 1218. — Moreri. Page 349, line 15. " The life and acts of Pope Innocent III." &c] — From hence to p. 363 is a digression, the greater part of which falls chronologically rather under the preceding reign ; and at p. 350, line 28, Foxe says, " this King John," as though he had originally written this matter for the preceding reign. 3 k 2 868 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 349, line 22.] — Foxc savs, by mistake, "five" instead of "six" years. See p. 333. Page 350, line 15.] — As Foxe'a text has been a little amplified in this paragraph, the original passage from Mutius is given. By the way it may be remarked, that Foxe erroneously calls this author Hermanntu Mutius. — "Anno Domini 1212, fuit haeresis in Alsatia, qua seducti erant nobiles et vulgus. Affirmabant quolibet die licere carnes comedere, in piscium esu immodico tarn inesse luxum, quam in reliquis carnis generibus. Item male facere, qui contrahere matrimonia prohiberent, cum Deus omnia crearit, et sancta omnia sin t cum gratiarum actione accepta a fidelibus. Hi pertinaciter opinionem illam suam defendebant, et credebant multi illis, nee dubitabant blaspheniias dicere in sanctissimum dominum Papam, qui prohiberet eccle- siasticis contrahere, et quibusdam diebus a cibis coiporum humanorum consti- tutioni idoneis (sic). Quapropter Pontifex Romanus praecepit ejusmodi homines e medio tollere. Suntque uno die circiter centum ab episcopo Argentinensi combusti. Multi carceribus mancipati, donee revocaverunt, palam professi se errare." — Huldericus Mutius, German. Chronic. Liber xix. apud Pistorii "Germ. Script." torn. ii. edit. Katisb. p. 809, Edit. Hanov. p. 176. Page 350, line 2 1. " Xauclerus, another historian," &c.] — An inaccuracy of Foxe's having been discovered and corrected in this paragraph, the original is here cited, where Illyricus for " Mediolanutn" reads " Mediolanensibus ; " but Foxe seems to have taken " Mediolanum" for " Mediolanenses,"and made it the nominative to "miserunt." " In partibus etiam Alsatia? turn haeresis et error tarn nobilium quam plebeiorum multum increvit, volentium et asserentium licitum et nequaquam esse peccatum, in Quadragesima? diebus et reliquis Sextis feriis anni comedere carnes : quicquid etiam peccarent homines cum his membris quag sub umbilico forent licite fieri posse, dicentes hsec fieri secundum naturam. Unde quotannis hujus erroris et hasresis authonbus Mediolanum certum censum miserunt: tandem vero ab Episcopo Argentinensi ac civibus capti utriusque sexfis et conditionis homines fere octoginta una die omnes igni traditi sunt et combusti." — Naucleri Chronographia, Volumen Tertium. Gener. 41. sub anno 1212.— See Ussher, De Christ. Eccl. Sun. et Statu, lib. x. §§. 33, 34. Page 353. " The prophecy of Hildegard.'*] — She was born at Spanheim about a. d. 109S, and became abbess of St. Rupert near Bingen. She attracted the notice of pope Eugene III., St. Bernard, and all the chief men of her day, by her prophecies, which were publicly approved and confirmed at the council of Treves. She died Sept. 27th, a. d. 11 SO. Her visions were printed at Pans 1513, Colon. 162S. (Cave's Hist. Litt.) M. Paris says that Hildegard flourished in the days of pope Alexander III., who was pope a. d. 1159 — 1181. He says that she slept for four days, during which sleep the spirit of prophecy was infuse d into her, and a supernatural acquaintance with learning. (M. Paris, p. 5 IS, anno 1241.) See more of Hildegard infra, vol. iii. pp. 87, 193. Page 354, line 7. " Johannes de Rupe-scissa."] — (Cutcliffe) is mentioned several times again in this volume. See Index. Page 354, line 19. " Henry Token."] — This writer is mentioned by Foxe infra, vol. iii. p. 772. Page 354, line 10 from the bottom.] — This prophecy of Hildegard's is repeated entire at vol. iii. p. S7. Page 35G, line 23. " Simon Ecclesiasticns," otherwise " Simon, earl of Mont- fort."] — He was the great-grandson of Almaric, a natural son of Robert, king of France, who gave him the town and title of Montfort This Simon was the first of his family who settled in this realm, having by his marriage with Amicia (sister and co-heir to Robert Fitz-Parnel, late earl of Leicester) ob- tained a title to a moiety of that earldom, with other properties, in the 8th of King John. Having sided witli the barons against King John, he was dis- inherited and banished. In the year 1209 he was made by the pope genera] of the papal forces against the Albigcnses, and the lands of Reymund, ear] of Toulouse, were bestowed on him in recompense of his services. (II Job.) He was killed at the siege of Toulouse by a stone from a sling, according to M. Westminster and M. Paris ,\.r>. 1 219; but the Waverley Annals Bay i.n. L218, which is correct, as is evident from Clans. 2 Hen. [II. in. 3. H< hit by APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 869 Amicia two sons-, Almaric and Simon, the latter of whom became so distin- guished in English history. The father was called Simon Ecclesiasticus on account of his zeal in the service of the papal church, and to distinguisli him from Simon the son. (Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 751.) He is mentioned again at pp. 372, 376, and vol. iii. p. 173. Page 359, § 18. " In principio."'] — The opening words of St. John's Gospel, the first ten verses of which transcribed were used by way of charm, and are so at the present day, a Roman Catholic gentleman who was drowned in his passage from Cork to England having been found with one about his person. For another allusion to it, see vol. iv. p. 87, line 10. A very early instance of it as used by our Saxon ancestors is quoted from an unpublished MS. in the Harleian Collection, by Mr. Boucher in his " Glossary of Archaic and Pro- vincial Words," edit. London, 1833, under the word " Awvishly." " About these Catholikes necks and hands are always hanging Charmes, That serve against all Miseries and all unhappie harmes : Amongst the threatening writ of Michael maketh one, And also the beginning of the Gospell of Saint John." (Barnaby Googe's Translation of Naogeorgus's Popish Kingdom, fol. 57G, cited in Brand's Popular Antiquities, vol. ii. p. 566.) Page 360, § 31.] — See Erasmus's account of his introduction to the monastic- life, in the Appendix to Jortin's Life of Erasmus. Armachanus also illustrates this section at p. 760 of this volume, second and third paragraphs. Page 363, line 32. " By his advice Simon Monffort, earl of Leicester."] — Foxe erroneously says, "and the earl of Leicester." This Simon Montfort was the son of Simon Ecclesiasticus. (See the note on p. 356.) His contest a.d. 1226 with Reimund, earl of Toulouse, for the lands of that earl, which had been given by the pope to Simon Ecclesiasticus, is related at p. 377. His brother Almaric ceded to him his right to the earldom of Leicester, and petitioned Henry III. a.d. 1229 to restore to this Simon the forfeited rights and honours of their father : he was accordingly made earl of Leicester, about a.d. 1232, 16 Hen. III. (Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 752.) His name is brought in here rather prematurely ; and, in fact, the remainder of this paragraph is a translation of a passage of the Continuator of M. Paris ad an. 1260, and refers to Foxe's narrative at pp. 539 — 541 of this volume. But the letter ensuing is in M. Paris ad an. 1231, and belongs to Foxe's narrative at pp. 393, 394. Page 365, line 1.] — M. Paris (p. 330) relates that Romanus went into France this same year, and there made the same request with the same arguments, and with equally bad success. (See pp. 377 — 380 of this volume.) Page 365, line 15.] — " Magistri Johannis Bedefordensis archdiaconi." M. Paris (p. 328) ; who afterwards (p. 355) calls him " Johannes de Houtona." (See pp 386, 421, of this volume.) Page 365, line 23. " And so the assembly for that time brake up."] — Foxe does not give the real termination of this affair. He proceeds, indeed, in the next paragraph — "Not long after," as if he were going to tell the sequel of the previous matter; but Otho did not return till eleven years later. (See M. Paris, pp. 447 — 455, sub anno 1237, for the matter of the next paragraph.) The fact is, that Otho was suddenly recalled to Rome, but left instructions for the archbishop of Canterbury to procure a meeting of the estates of the realm, and press the pope's request. They met, but flatly refused to comply till they knew what other realms thought of the proposal. This council at Westminster was held soon after Easter, a. d. 1226. — M. Paris, p. 330. Page 365, line 25. The "Tullianum" was a prison of ancient Rome, on the site of which was built the church of St. Peter ad Vincula, which gave a title to one of the cardinals. — Hoffman in vocem. It would seem from this cardinal's title, that the church of St. Nicholas also was built on the same site ; but see Burton's Topography of Rome, p. 29. Page 365, line 30. u In crastino octavarum Sti. Martini,"] — i. e. November 19th.— M. Paris, p. 447. 870 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 365, line 8 from the bottom.] — " Centum summas electi (ritici,etoc(o dotia rhii incrucissimi." (M. Paris, p. 446.) These words are again translated by Foxe at p. 425, where " gumma" is correctly rendered " seme." A coomb is four bushels : but a seme (or somme, p. 537) is a quarter. (See the note on p. 537.) Page 368, line 9 from the bottom. " Five years after this."'] — Foxe says "Not long after this." He represents the ensuing articles as "exhibited in the council of Lyons," whereas the fust article refers to " the late general council." The council of Lyons sat June 2Sth — July 1 7th, a. d. 1 245 ; and this council of London met Midlent (M. Paris, p. 699), which in the year 1210 fell on March 16th. (Nicolas's Tables.) Page 3G9, line 20 from the bottom. " Last of all, tlte king himself."] — M. Paris (p. 702) gives the king's letter, dated " Westm. .March 28th, 30 Hen. III." [a. d. 1246.] Page 369, note (3).] — The papal order was first issued by Walter, bishop of Norwich, " 9 Cal. Aprilis," or March 24th of the previous year : the king's letter ensuing complains that the demand was pressed in spite of the decree of the late council of London : the king's letter is given by M. Paris, p. 708. Page 370, line 16.] — Foxe says that the ambassadors returned " about the end of December, bringing word that the pope, hearing what was done by the council of Winchester," He. But M. Paris says (p. 709) that they reported their answer at the council of Winchester, held on the translation of Th. Beclcct, i. e. July 1th ; Becket's day was December 29th. Foxe did not advert to this distinction, which occasioned his making the blunder in his text. The next date which he mentions is the Assumption, i. e. August 15th. See I events repeated at pp. 436, 437. Page 370, line 15 from the bottom. " Stephen, the pope's chaplain."] — (See p. 387.) — " Marinus" was another chaplain of the pope, and came into England, a. d. 1217, about the same time with "Johannes Anglicus." — "Johannes Anglicus, bishop of St. Sabine," is mentioned by M. Paris (p. 731, ad an. 1247) as the pope's legate to Norway, who, under pretence of merely passing overland from Dover to Lynn, spent three months here, and is said to have raised 4,000 marks, with which he embarked at Lynn for Norway. He is mentioned by Foxe at pp. 436, 137, 440. Page 370, line S from the bottom.] — This affair at Oxford happened a. d. 1238.— M. Paris, p. 469. Page 371, line 12.] — M. Paris (p. 469) states that this cook was Oiho's own brother, whom he placed in that office for fear of being poisoned. The scholars. according to M.Paris, nicknamed him " Nebuxaradan, i.e. Magistrum co- quorum." Page 371, line 26.] — " De spoliis nostris ditat alien os." (M. Paris.) Page 372, line 10.] — Foxe, however, in every edition after 1563, gives the history of Frederic II. at large ; see pp. 455 — 509. Page 372, line 14.]— See pp. 356, 376, and vol. iii. p. 173. — 3/. Pans, p. 809. Page 372, line 19.] — Foxe here calls Louis " the young French king :" but see p. 377. Foxe improperly dates this war a. d. 1220, instead of a. d. 1218. (See the note in this Appendix on p. 356.) Page 372, last paragraph.] — See M. Paris, p. 301, an. 1217. Page 373, line 12 from the bottom.]— St. Francis died at his native pin.', Assissi, twenty years after the founding of his order, Sunday, 4 Non. Oct. [Oct. 4th] a. d. 1226. -M. Paris, p. 335. Page 373, "line S from the bottom.]— John (iiles was the Dominican who attended bishop Grosthead. (Sec p. 528.)— Alexander of Hales, in Glouci shire, studied theology and canon law at Paris : he was called d gabilis: he became a Franciscan a.d. 1222, and dying August 27th \.i>. 1 2 Paris, was buried there in tin- Franciscan convent. Cave enumerates his work-. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 871 Page 374, line 6.] — " Hethorp " Foxe calls " Heitrope." Aitherop or Hcthorp was in Gloucestershire. Ela had a park at Henton, in Somersetshire ; Lacock was in Wilts, and Tanner says that Ela laid the foundation of the one house in Snayles Mead, near Lacock, in the morning, and of the other at Henton in the afternoon. — Tanners Notitia Monastica. Page 374, line 27.] — The ensuing anecdote is in M. Paris, p. 315, sub anno 1222. Page 374, note (2).]— The words of Trivet, ad an. 1222, are: "Diaconus quidam apostata convictus degradatus est, et manui seeculari traditus flammis ultricibus est absumptus. Rusticus etiam quidam seipsum crucifigens, et stigmata vulnerum Christi superstitione quadam circumferens, perpetuo iin- muratur." Page 375, line 19. " Fifteen thousand marks,"'] — Foxe says " fifteen hun- dred;" but M. Paris (p. 315) "quindecim millia marcarum." Page 375, line 11 from the bottom. "Peter, bishop of Winchester."] — M. Paris (p. 313) says " P. Wintoniensem." Godwin shows this to be " Peter :" Foxe calls him " Philip." Soon after, M. Paris has " Thomam de Mertona et Ilichardum de Dunstaple priores." Page 376, line 13 from the bottom.]— See at pp. 356, 372. Page 377, line 17. " But because there was a discord feared," &c] — As Foxe's text needed correction here, the original words of M. Paris (ad an. 1226) are given : — " Sed quoniam Lugdunensis Archiepiscopus vindicabat sibi primatiam super Archiepiscopum Senonensem, et Rothomagensis super Bithuri- censem, Auxianensem, Narbonensem, et eorum Suffiaganeos, timebatur de discordia ; et ideo non fuit sessum quasi in concilio, sed ut in consilio." Page 377, line IS from the bottom.] — This general council was that of Late- ran, a. d. 1215. (See p. 372.) Page 378, line 8.] — Foxe says, "twelve peers of France;" which has been cor- rected into " the twelve peers of France," of whom the earl of Toulouse was one. " Pairs de France, officiers de la couronne de France, sent les premiers con- seillers dn parlement de France, qui pour cela s'appelle la cour des Pairs. II y en a d'anciennete six ecclesiastiques et six laics. Les premiers sont l'arche- veque de Reims et les eveques de Langres et de Laon qui sout dues et pairs ; ceux de Beauvais, de Noyon, et de Chalons-sur-Marne, sont comtes et pairs. Les laics sont les dues de Bourgoyne, de Normandie, et de Guienne, les comtes de Flandre, de Toulouse, et de Champagne." (Moreri's Dictionary, v. Pairs.) The twelve peers of France are also mentioned at p. 446. Page 378, line 25.] — " Unam a capitulo, alteram ab episcopo." See a similar demand on the English at p. 364, in a parliament held at Westminster January 13th of this year. Page 382, line 32. " All to-be-cursed."] — " All," quite : as in Judges ix. 53, "All to-brake his scull." Mr. Boucher in his Glossary of Archaic Words says, that in this phrase the " to" as well as the "be" belongs to the succeeding word, and should not be connected with "all." M. Paris here says, "Legatus excommunicavit publice comitem Tolosanum et omnes ejus fautores, et terrain illius totam supposuit interdicto." Page 382, line 35.]— Louis VIII. died November 8th, a.d. 1226 (L'Art de Ver. des Dates), and M. Paris says (p. 334) that he was kept for a month. Page 383, line 14 from the bottom. " Five thousand marks."] — M. Paris (p. 336) says " quinque millia marcas :" Foxe, " one thousand." (See the note on p. 345.) Page 384, line 15.] — " Ex Burgensibus autem et Northamptuensibus cepit de auxilio mille libras et ducentas." — M. Paris, p. 336. Page 385, line 18.]— Milo, earl of Hereford, founded in a. d. 1136 a monas- tery on the south side of the city of Gloucester for the black canons of Lanthony in Monmouthshire, driven from their habitation by the ill usage of the Welsh. This priory was at first only a cell to the old monastery, from whence it gained its name ; but afterwards it became the head house, and much exceeded the other in revenues.— Tanner's Notitia Monastica. fe>72 .M'IKXDIX TO VOL. II. Page 385, note (4).] — An explanation of the word Postil will be found in the note on p. 781, note (1). Page 38G, line 4.] — " Steterat in causis." — M. Park, p. 350. Page 386, line 21.]—" Johannes de Houtona." (M. Paris, p. 355.) See the note on p. 3G5. Page 38G, line 25. " First day of March. "~\ — Foxe says the "second." M. Paris only says " crastino Cinerum," which (by Nicolus's Tables) fell on March 1st in the year 1229. Page 389, line 7. " Caursini."] — The Italian money-lenders. See the note on p. 530. Page 3S9, line 18.] — Foxe says " Richard, his predecessor, a bishop of Co- ventry;" but Godwin shows that there were five bishops of Lichfield and Coventry between Richard Peche and Alexander de Savinsby : the immediate predecessor of the latter was William de Cornhull. Page 389, line 22. " Sorctze."] Near Toulouse. (Hoffman, v. Suricinium.) Foxe says " Saracene :" the Latin is " Suricinium." — M. Paris, p. 349. Page 390, line 4.] — Foxe says "the countries of Normandy and Gaunt." But Henry had nothing to do with Gaunt. Normandy alone is mentioned at p. 397. M. Paris mentions that the nobles of Gascony, Aquitaine, Poictou, and Normandy, sent to him about Christmas 1228, offering him the sovereignty of their territories. Page 390, line 17.] — Foxe says erroneously, " Henry earl of Normandy." (See M. Paris, and L'Jrt de Ver. des Dates.) Page 391, line 16 from the bottom.] — " Vacantes custodian Comitum et Baro- num et eorundem hasredum." — M. Paris, p. 437. Page 393, note (1).]— See the note on p. 323, line 26. Page 394, line 34.] — " In crastino Dominica? qua cantatur lastare Ilierusa- lem " (M. Paris, p. 371), i. e. the Monday after Midlent Sunday; which, by Nicolas's Tables, fell on March 3d in the year 1231. Page 394, line 12 from the bottom.] — " His ita gestis, praedicta universitas Ulisit per milites et ministros literas has, novo quodam sigillo signatas, in quo sculpti erant duo gladii, et inter gladios scriptum erat, ' Ecce gladii duo hie,' in modum citationum ad ecclesias regni cathedrales: ut si quos invenirent con- tradictores, juxta quod provisum fuerat punirent eos." — M. Paris, p. 372. A translation of the letter will be found at p. 363. Page 395, line 9 from the bottom. " Surnamed Twing."~] — Rather — " but whose real name was Sir Robert de Thweng." M. Paris says (p. 374), " Magis- trum habentes Wilielmum quendam cognomento Witham (sive Robertum de Thinge militem et virum generosum, sed sic palliatum) :" and in the next page he says, " Robertas de Thinge, juvenis elegans et miles strenuus, ex partibus Anglian Aquilonaribus originem prseclaraui ducens : qui H'ili'ie/uitini Wither se nominari fecerat." — See Dugdale's Baronage, vol. ii. p. 37, v. Thweng. Page 395, note (l).J — The term "universitas" is used, as applied to this com- bination of the English against the aliens, in the passage cited from M. Paris in the note before the last, also in the opening of the letter issued about this time by the English lords, of which a translation is given at p. 363, and which opens : " Tali episcopo universitas omnium qui magis volunt mori quam a Romanis confundi, salutcm." Page 396, line 18. " A valiant knight."'] — "Miles strenuus." — M.Paris, p. 375. Page 397, line 2.] — "De quibus erat in possessione a die obitus Willielmi," &c— ■ M. Paris, p. 376. Page 397, line 6. " Of fines likewise."] — " Pretia " (M. Paris). Foxe renders it "prices." which is unintelligible. See vol. i. j>. 17, for a similar use of '■ pretia." Page 397, line 21.] — The words of M. Paris (p. 377) are: — '■ Proposuit contra Hubertum idem rex, quod, cum nuncios Bolemnes miaisset ad ducem APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 873 Austriae filiam ejus petens in uxorem, scripsit eidem duci Hubertus per literas, in pra?judicium ipsius Regis et regni, dissuadens ne illi filiam suam matrimonio copularet." Page 397, line 33. " William de Braose."] — Foxe's text has " William de Briwere." But M. Paris reads " Willielmus de Brausia." Foxe's MS. may have read " Brauria." This William de Braose had been taken prisoner in a foraging excursion by Llewellyn a.d. 1228, when acting in the service of Hubert de Burgh. (M. Paris.) It is curious, however, that he was nephew to William de Briwere. — See DugdaWs Baronage, vol. i. p. 419. Page 397, line 12 from the bottom.] — Merton, nine miles and a half south- west of St. Paul's, in Brixton Hundred. Some canons regular of the Augus- tine Order began to settle here about a. d. 1117, by the encouragement of Gilbert Norman, sheriff of Surrey ; at whose request Henry I. bestowed the whole town upon them. They erected a fine church and priory to the honour of the Virgin Mary. — Tanner's Notilia Moyiastica. Page 399, line 1. " Radulph, bishop of Chichester."] — M. Paris attributes this suggestion to Ranulph, earl of Chester (comiti Cestrensi) ; but he ascribes the good management, by which a second messenger was sent, and Hubert's life saved, to Radulph, bishop of Chichester. (See Carte's History of England, vol. ii. p. 45, and Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 696.) The Latin hexameter in the margin stands corruptly in M. Paris and Foxe : " Alis ales alis alium ne longius ales." Page 399, line 8 from the bottom. " Till the thirteenth."] " Ad octavas Epiphanice," which Foxe incorrectly renders " the twelfth." Page 399, last line but one.] — This town was " Brentwood, in Essex :" see the next note but one. Page 400, line 1.] — Sir Godfrey Craucombe, or Geoffrey Crancumb, was con- stable of the Tower. (See Pat. 19 Hen. III. m. 14, apud Bayley, Hist, of the Tower, vol. ii. p. 657.) Page 400, line 6. " Ran unto the chapel."] — " Scilicet ad Capellam de Boisars." (Chron. Dunstap. ad an. 1232.) " Boisars" is Bois arse (Normanice), i. e. Boscus arsus, Burntwood or Brentwood. A chapel was built there a. d. 1221 by the convent of St. Osyth, in honour of St. Thomas the Martyr. — Newcourt's Repertorium, vol. ii. under Southweld. Page 400, line 24. " Sendeth him .... out of the Toiver."] — " Quinto Cal. Oct." (M. Paris, p. 379), i. e. September 27th. Page 400, line 3 from the bottom.] — Ranulph, earl of Chester, died "5 Cal. Nov." i.e. October 28th, a.d. 1232.— M. Paris, p. 380, M. Westm. and Dug- dale, vol. i. p. 44. Page 401, line 7 from the bottom. "And who in my time," &c] — The remainder of this sentence is by M. Paris put into the mouth — not of the king, but — of the blacksmith who was required to fasten his fetters at Brentwood chapel (see p. 400), who refused to do it, alleging De Burgh's merits with his king and country. Page 402, line 26. " Conveyed him . . . into the parish church."] — This was "in vigilia Sti. Michaelis," or September 2Sth. (M. Paris, p. 388.) He was brought back again into the church " 15 Cal. Nov." or October 18th (ibid.), and carried away thence into Wales " 3 Cal. Nov." or October 30th. (Ibid.) Page 403, line 9. " Caursini."] — See the note on p. 530. Foxe is here translating M. Paris, p. 417, sub anno 1235. Page 404, line 15.] M. Paris (p. 376) says, that Peter de Rivaulx was " son" to the bishop of Winchester. Page 405, line 13. "A parliament."] — " Ad festum Sti. Johannis," June 24th, a. d. 1233.— M. Paris. Page 407, line 17. "A council at Westminster."]— February 1234. — M.Paris. Page 409, line 30.]— See M. Paris, pp. 397, 398. There is no mention, how- ever, of the "Catini" there or in the context, and the word is probably corrupt. Page 413, line 18. " The Chorasmian"] — See the note on p. 448. 874 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 413, line 18 from the bottom. " There was a certain archbishop," &c] —See M. Paris, p. 465. Page 413, line 7 from the bottom.] — The archbishop of Constantinople here meant was the Latin patriarch, Nicolas dePIaisance, formerly bishop of Spoleto, fifth in the list of Latin patriarchs, appointed by Gregory IX. a. d. 1234. and died a. d. 1251 ; the council of Lyons sat June 28th— July 17th, a. d. 1245. — See L'Art de Ver. des Dates, and M. Paris, p. G63. Page 414, line 15 from the bottom.]— See M. Paris, pp. 457 — 4G0, for what follows. This letter must belong to a. d. 1232, for it i- given in Labbe's Concil. Gen. torn. xi. and the pope's answer to it (p. 31 8) dated " Reate, 7 Cal. August, pontificatus nostri anno sexto," i.e. July 26th, a.d. 1232 ; and another letter is then given in Labbe, De Unitate Ecclesice, from the pope to Germanus, dated " Laterani, 15 Cal. Junii, pontif. nostri anno septimo," i.e. May 18th, a.d. 1233. L'Art de Ver. des Dates says, that meantime he had sent letters by his nuncios, dated January " pontif. anno sexto," i. e. a. d. 1233, to the council which sat at Nympha in Bithynia April 21th — May 10th, a. d. 1233, on the points in dis- pute with Rome. Page 416, line 18 from the bottom. "Another letter."]— See M. Paris, p. 460. Page 418, line 16 from the bottom. "Shortly after the sending," &c.]— See M. Paris, p. 465. Page 419, line 24.] — This council of Lateran sat from the 11th to the 30th of October, a.d. 1215. — L'Art de Ver. des Dales. Page 420, line 3 from the bottom. " So in the house of Si. Allan's," &c] — See M. Paris, p. 410, sub an. 1235. He mentions as the messengers of the monks " dominus Nicolaus de Len, dominus Reginaldus Phisicus, et magister Galfridus de Langclia, clerieus." Page 421, line 5. " Another such contention."'] — See M. Paris, pp. 173, 519, 556, 573, 605—607, 617, 634, 636. Page 421, line 18. "After the death of Stephen Langfon," &c.]— See M. Paris, pp. 350, 355. " Magister Alexander de Stavensby episcopus Cestrensis, et Magister Henricus de Sanford Roil'ensis episcopus, et prsveipue Magister Jo- hannes de Houtona." This last was the archdeacon of Bedford, mentioned at pp. 365, 386, of this volume. Page 421, note (1).] — " Dorseh," quasi " door-sills." Page 422, line 2. " Master William."'] — i. e. W. Scot, archdeacon of Wor- cester, a clerk of the chapter of Durham. — M. Paris. Page 422, line 25. " The pope's exactors."] — See M. Paris, p. 526. The archbishop's eight hundred marks are mentioned again at p. 127 of this volume. Page 424, line 5. " Simon Montfort."] — See M. Paris, pp. 465, 167, 170. Page 424, line 24. " The case of this Henry III."]— See M. Paris, p. 643, sub an. 1244 : and for the next paragraph, see p. S66 : and for the succeeding, see p. 883, sub an. 1 252. Page 425, line 30. " Semes."] — This affair has been mentioned at p. where it is "coombs:" M.Paris calls them " summae," for the measure of which see the note on p. 537 of this volume. Page 427, line 20. " The example given by Edmund."] — This has been men- tioned at p. 422. Page 427, line 30.]— See p. 367 of this volume, note (3). Page 427, line 10 from the bottom. " Three and twenty."] — M. Paris (p. 5 10, ati. 1240) says "viginti quatuor." Page 428, line 17 from the bottom. " In the time of this council."] — This paragraph (which is from M. Paris, p. 6S1) must be considered parenthetic, for the next (from M. Paris, pp. 566, 573) takes up the narrative again an. 1241. • 120, line 21.] — " Praebenda opima, Bpectana ad praecentorem." — M. Paris, p. (il 1. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 87.5 Page 430, line 1.]— This letter is given at p. 623 of M. Paris, an. 1244, and cannot be of a later date than Oct. 27th of that year. Page 430, line 15 from the bottom.] — These blank charts are given in M. Paris, p. 641, dated 25 Hen III. i. e. a.d. 1241. Page 430, line 10 from the bottom. " Was not ashamed to take of David," &c] — Rymer gives a convention between Henry III. and David, to refer their differences to arbiters, at the head of whom is named Otto, the pope's legate. See M. Paris, p. 624, for a bull of Innocent's making this vile proposal to David, dated " 7 Cal. Aug. pontif. an. 2," i. e. July 26th, a.d. 1244. Page 430, line 6 from the bottom. " Seals and obligations."] — Rymer gives the linal " Promissiones et Pacta" of David, dated Decoll. of John Bap. (Aug. 29th) 25 Hen. III., and a confirmation of them August 31st, a.d. 1241. Page 431, line 15. "A general council."] — viz. that of Lyons next year, June 28th— July 17th, a. d. 1245.— M. Paris, p. 644. Page 432, line 19. " Two bills . . . the other, with the articles of grievances."] — This statement is incorrect. The bill of grievances (given supra p. 369) was exhibited at the council of London, the year after that of Lyons. (See the note in this Appendix on p. 368.) Page 432, line 32.] — This " Supplication" is given by M. Paris, p. 666. Page 434, line 9.] — The list given in M. Paris (p. 659) is — " Comes Rogerus Bigod, Johannes filius Galfridi, Willielmus de Cantelupo, Philippus Basset, Radulphus filius Nicolai, et Magister Willielmus de Poweric, clericus." Roger Bigod was earl of Norfolk (Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. pp. 133, 134). " Magister Willielmus Powic, jurisperitus, et Henricus de la Mare" were despatched the next year (1246), after the parliament at London mentioned supra p. 368, with another remonstrance to the pope, April 9th, being Easter-Monday. — M. Paris, pp. 707, 709. Page 435, line 10. " About the feast of St. Andrew [Nov. 30th.]"]— This is M. Paris's date (p. 683) : the tidings of the pope's intrigues at the Clugny Conference against England reached Henry at London the beginning of the next year (p. 691). Foxe erroneously says, that the interview at Clugny hap- pened "in the beginning of the next year (a. d. 1246)." Page 435, line 22.] — The second reason stated by M. Paris (p. 691) is, " Quia jus non habet Rex Francorum in regnum Anglise manifestum." Page 435, line 29.] — M. Paris (p. 691) dates this peace soon after Hilary, or Jan. 13th, a. d. 1246. Page 435, line 31.] — The pope's order to archbishop Boniface is dated bv M. Paris (p. 692)— Lyons, 6 Cal. Sep. [i. e. Aug. 27th], a. d. 1245. Page 435, line 15 from the bottom. " Over and besides," &c] — In this place might have been introduced the parliament which met at London, Midlent (March 18th), a.d. 1246 mentioned at p. 368, and from which W. de Powic and II. de la Mare were despatched to Rome. Page 435, line 7 from the bottom.] — The words "for half a year" are added from M. Paris (p. 706), " usque ad dimidium annum." Page 436, line 21.] — Foxe says, by mistake, " William, bishop of Norwich ;" it was " Walter de Suffield."— M. Paris, p. 707. Page 436, line 26. " Directeth contrary letters to all the prelates."] — A translation whereof is given by Foxe at p. 369. Page 436, line 18 from the bottom.] — The Assumption was August 15th. See M. Paris, p. 709, and p. 370 of this volume. Page 436, line 5 from the bottom.] — " Qui culmen sumus ecclesia?." M. Paris, p. 715. Page 436, last line. " Spain is fierce," &c] — A council was held at Lerida, Oct. 19th, a. d. 1246, at which James, king of Aragon, who had cut out the tongue of the bishop of Gironne, was reconciled to the Church. — L' Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 437, line 13 from the bottom. " By district censures of tin I 876 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. &c.]— The Latin is, "quod per censuram ecclesiasticam compescant contradic- tores." The word " district" is borrowed from the preamble to the articles — " literas districtum pr.eccptum papale cum diversis articulis continentes." Page 438, note (2).] — Foxe does not quite correctly represent M. Paris, according to the printed copy (Loud. 1640, p. 710) ; where it appears that the clergy, in order to calculate the sum sterling which it would be necessary to produce so as to satisfy the pope's demands, take for the basis of their calcula- tions the fact, that a recent demand of a twentieth realized G000 marks (supra, p. 430). Hence they inferred that the pope's present demands would be equivalent to a sum of 80,000 (quater viginti millia) marks. Foxe should, therefore, have said " eighty thousand marks." On the sum paid for Richard's ransom, see the note on p. 317; perhaps the 60,000 marks here mentioned is a confusion with the sum paid by the emperor to the duke, p. 316; or the clergy put the ransom low to aggravate the difficulty of now raising 80,000 marks; or the text may be corrupt. Page 440, line 1. "London."] — Foxe says "Winchester;" but see M. Paris, p. 722. The parliament was held at London : hence the letters to the pope just mentioned are sealed with the common seal of the city of London. The king had held his court at Winchester during Christmas, which., perhaps, led Foxe into the mistake. Page 440, line 30.] — From the language of M. Paris (p. 728), " in Principio Quadragesimse venit quidam de Online Minorum Johannes nomine, de quo facta est mentio in foliis pracedentibus, &c." it would seem that it was the same John as is mentioned at pp. 370, 430, 437. The first mention of John arid Alexander is at p. 722 of M. Paris. St. Giles'-day was Sept. 1st. The legate's charges were another hundred marks. Page 441, line 3.]— See M. Paris, p. 754, ad an. 1248. Page 441, line 13 from the bottom.] — " Dicto Romano ad arbitrium papae satisfecit, annuas quinquaginta marcas de camera sua in magnam suae ecelesice laesionem conferendo." — M. Paris. Page 441, line 10 from the bottom.] — This is given at p. 799 of M. Paris, sub anno 1250. The pope's brief to Berardo is by M. Paris dated " Lugd. 3 Cal. Maii, pout, nostri anno 7," /'. e. April 29th, a. d. 1250. It states Heri- getto to be " natus nobilis viri Perrini de Malachana de Volta, civis Januensis." Page 443, line 1.] — This happened about Advent, Nov. 27th, a. d. 1244. — I/. Paris, p. 051. Page 443, line 7. " Which piece" &c.] — M. Paris merely says of these relics " suo tempore acquisitas; " but at p. 540, ad an. 1240, he says that the emperor Baldwin, in great want of money for his wars against the Greeks, sold the crown of thorns to Louis for a large sum; and at p. 551, ad an. 12 11, he mentions the purchase of the holy cross by Blanche for £25,000 from the Venetians, who had purchased it of two sons of the king of Jerusalem, who wanted money to fight against the Greeks. Louis bought it of his mother, and made a grand procession at Paris, to display this and the purchase of the year before, on the Friday after Easter-day, i.e. April 5th, a. d. 1241. M.Paris adds, that Louis also possessed the robe, spear, sponge, and other reliques, which he put in a splendid chapel at Paris; and that the pope allowed forty days' indulgence to all who there visited them. The deposal of Baldwin here alluded to is not his final one, but early in the year 1244; see M. Paris, p. 018, where it is related that, all his treasure being exhausted, he was forced to fly to the emperor Frederic. Page 443, line 10 from the bottom.] — This list of French nobles has been veil lied and corrected by L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 443, line 3 from the bottom.] — This parliament was held " circa medium Quadragesimae," a. n. 1247, according to M. Paris, p. 725. Page 144, line 7 from the bottom.] — " In os." — M. Paris, p. 7 1.!. Page 440, note (2).] — " In insula vein Cypri, dum ibidem Rex Francise hyemaret, migraverunt ad Dominum viri multi prssclari i el multi in itinere, APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 877 tam per terrain quam per mare, quos longum numerare. Obiit tamen vir praeclarns, Episcopus Noviomensis, comes Palatinus et unus de XII paribus Francise, in navi non procul a Cypro." (M. Paris, p. 771.) Who the twelve peers of France were, is stated in the note on p. 378 ; they are enumerated by M. Paris, p. 941, ad an. 1557. Page 448, line 20.] — " Chorasmi, populi Asiae ad utramque Oxi fluvii ripam incolentes, in Sogdianse et Bactrianre confinio, quorum regio hodie Corassan in tabulis reeentioribus nominatur." — Hoffman. Page 452, line 29. " In the mean time," &c] — M. Paris (p. 792) represents this as occurring after Louis bad heard of bis brotber's defeat and death. Tbe letter to tbe earl of Cornwall (M. Paris, p. 796) is not contradictory to this. Page 452, line 12 from the bottom. "Now upon the land,'" &c] — There is a slight deviation here from M. Paris, who represents the affair of Mansor as occurring before the altercation just before described, and therefore showing Earl Robert's rashness in a still stronger light. (See M. Paris, p. 789.) But in the letter to the earl of Cornwall (p. 796) the representation is the same as that given by Foxe. Page 453, line 30.] — The letter to the earl of Cornwall (M. Paris, p. 796) dates this passage of the Nile " Octavis Paschse ;" i. e. April 3d, a. d. 1250 (by Nicolas's Tables). Page 454, line 29. " A hundred thousand mar/cs."] — Foxe says " sixty thousand." The original demand was " 100,000 librarum auri" (M. Paris, p. 794), or "centum millia marcarum argenti" (p. 795). Page 454, line 31. " Eighty thousand persons. "] — This does not appear in M. Paris : he says that 8200 were lost in the army of Robert, earl of Artois, and that is said to have been one-third of the whole army, which, at that rate, would not exceed 30,000. M. Paris also states that 17,200 were slain or taken in the last conflict, at which Louis was made prisoner. So that it is most likelv the story of 80,000 has arisen from mistaking 30,000 for 80,000.-1/". Paris, p. 793. Page 455, note (3).] — Tbe passage between asterisks from the edition of 1570 is retained, partly for the purpose of showing that the following transla- tion was not made by Foxe himself, and partly for the sake of the expression " collected and translated," which much more accurately describes the per- formance than "faithfully translated." The work to which Foxe refers is intituled " Nicolai Cisneri de Frederico II. Imperatore Oratio, habifa in celebri Heidelbergensium Academid in promotione aliquot doctorum Juris, anno salutis humancB MDLXII, mense Augusto." It was printed at Basil, 4to, 1565, and again (more correctly) at Strasburg, 12mo, 1608. Both these editions are in the British Museum. Foxe's translation has been collated with the original ; many passages of which have been so erroneously or obscurely rendered by Foxe's translator, that it has been found necessary to re-translate or correct them, in doing which, the present editor has availed himself of Dr. Maitland's criticisms and translations. Respecting Cisner himself, Struvius in his Bibliotheca Scriptorum Rerum Germanicarum, § 33, calls him " Assessorem Judicii Cameralis, rerum Ger- manicarum peritissimum ;" and at § 71, Struvius informs us that his works were collected and published by Quirinus Reuter, Francfort, 1658. With respect to the particular production of his pen, which Foxe here makes use of, Struvius bears the following testimony : — " Elegans ea est oratio de Frederico II. quam Nicolaus Cisnerus composuit, et quas cum iis de Othone III. et Conradino edita Argentorati 1608, et inter Opuscula Cisneri historica junctim edita, praeclaras de eorum temporum statu sententias habet." (Biblioth. Script. Rer. Germ. § 78.) He adds at § 71, that in his Oration de Othone III. "contra Onuphrium Panvinium, Romano Pontifici Italisque jus in Electione Imp. Romani tribuentem in libro ' de Comitiis Imperatoriis,' disputat, et varia de statu eorurn temporum sapienter monet." Page 456, line 31. " One [example] is."] — " Sibyllae viduae Tancredi suasit, ut ad recuperanda Sicilise regna, quae maritus ante habuerat, opem a Philippo rege Francorum peteret ; et cum, regis consilio opera et subsidio, Walterus, vetusta comitum Brennorum familia ortus, qui antiquam sedem in Barensi pro- 8/8 APPENDIX TO Vol.. II. vincia habebant, ducta in matrimonium Alteria Tancredi regis natu maxima filia, spe regnorum illorum inductus Campaniam et Apuliam invasisset, idem Pontifcx (ut tutoris scilicet et patroni officio fungeretur) datis literis missisque legatis ad proceres utriusque vegni, ut Walterum pro rege suo acciperent sub gravissima proscriptionis ex communitate Christianorum poena mandavit." — Cisner. Page 456, note (1).] — The statement in the text respecting the age of Con- stantia when Frederic was born, is a common but incorrect statement, being, probably, at least ten years beyond the truth. For Godfrey of Viterbo, a con- temporary writer, says that she was a posthumous child of Roger I. (who died Feb. 2Gth, a.d. 1154), and was married at thirty years of age, in a.d. 1184. Henry VI. died Sept. 2Sth, a. d. 1197, or (as some say) early in a.d. 1198: so that there were not above forty-four years between her father's and her hus- band's death, and the probability is, that when Frederic was born, Dec. 26th, a. d. 1194, she was about forty years old. (See " L'Art de V6r. des Dates," and "Encyclop. Metrop." Hist. III. p. G37.) Page 457, line 1.] — " Eumque de more Aquisgrani coronaret." — Cisner. See infra, p. (363. Page 457, line 15.] — Philip was assassinated in his own bouse at Bamberg, 10 Cal. Julii, A.n. 120S, not, as Foxe says, "between Otho and him [i.e. the pope]," but by Otho de Wittelspach, on a private pique (see Cisner, and Aventine's Annales Boiorum, lib. vii.) : Cisner then adds, " Philippo per sum- mam injuriam occiso, Otho ad fasti gium Imperii Gerniania? proceribus evectus, a fautore et amico suo Innocentio III. Romas est inauguratus." Page 457, line 14 from the bottom.] — " Non enim solum Latinarum et Graecarum literarum, quae barbaric obruta? turn primum emergebanl, sed et Germanicam. ... addidicit." — Cisner. Page 457, line 6 from the bottom. " Being now called," &c] — " Missis igitur a Gerniania ad Fredericum legatis, qui ilium ad imperium suscipiendum accerserent, nihil moratus in Germaniam proficiscitur. In itinere Pontificem adit, et eum eo consilia de instituenda profectione communicat. Narrat Fazellus niagno honore ab Innocentio Fredericum Roma? esse acceptum ; certam tamen de inauguration spem ei non esse factam, quia Pontifcx nomen ejus ex recordatione avi Frederici suspectam haberet." — Cisner. Page 157, note (3).] — Cisner says that Frederic " vigesimum agebat annum," which, however, cannot be correct, and in the text " eighteenth " is substituted. Frederic was born at Jessi, in Anconia, Dec. 26th, a.d. 1194 : elected King of the Romans, a.d. 1196 : again, soon after his father's death : and again by the Diet of Bamberg, a.d. 1211 : crowned at the Diet of Mentz, Dec. 6th, \.i>. 1212, and again at Aix-la-Chapelle, July 25th, a.d. 1215. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 158, last line but one.] — "Ad res imperii in Italia constituendas, civi- tates qua? illi subjectse erant obit, et in verba sua jurare cogit. Deinde, in i sua se confert." — Cisner. Page 458, note (1).] — The following is the original from which this para- graph is taken: — " Roma Tridentum cum venisset, quod iter rectius el ditius ab Othonianis locis superioribus obsideri cognovisset, magna cum diffi- cultate inviis et asperis Rhoetorum Alpibus suj)cratis, secundum Rheni tractum omnibus in ora Rlienana civitatibus ad Imperii ditionem pertinentibus in lidein Buam acceptis; Otbone (qui quam maximis potcrat itineribus ex Italia in Germaniam contenderat, ut Frederico ad Rhenum occurreret et transitu prohiberet) spe sua dejecto, Aquisgrani de more coronatur. In hyberna Francofurtum profectus : et post, conventibus aliquot in Norico habitis, Otbone mortuo, rebus Imperii ordinatis, omnique fere German ia pacata...ad Romam revei sus." (Cisner.) The first coronation at Mentz lias been thrown it I text, to make the narrative more complete. The diets mentioned as subse- quently held were those of Ratisbon, toward the close of a. p. 1215, and Nuremberg, 11 Cal. Feb. a.d. 1216. — Arcnlinc, Ann. Boior. lib. vii. Page 15!), line 3.] — " Turn praesertim Thomam et Richardum, Innocentii III. fratres, comites Anagninos, quibus castella quaedam in regno Neapolitano APPENDIX TO VOL. IT. 879 erant, regni cupiditate inductos, cum Otlione IV. (quando is id hostili mami invaserat) conspirasse reperiebat." — Cisner. Page 459, line 20.] — "Causam hujus detestationis." — Cisner. Page 460, line 1.] — "Insignia Imperii regnique coronam me prius deposi- turum." — Cisner. Page 460, line 12. " And first, by the Holy Scriptures," &c] — "Ac primd quidem, quod in prima Christ'ianorum ecclesiadistribuendorum munerum eccle- siasticorum prascipua cura et potestas penes populum Christianum, intercedente etiam administrorum divinai-um eurationum consilio, fuerit, facile exsacrosanctis scripturis et ex conciliorum decretis et ex primae ecclesise consuetudine perspici potest : quo etiam pertinent, cum alii in Decreto a Gratiano consarcinato loci, turn prsesertim," &c. — Cisner. Page 460, line 11 from the bottom. " For that in determining," &c] — " Quod et contra authoritatem sacrorum canonum de electione sum mi pontificis decre- verit, et civili magistratui nulla de rebus nedum ordinibus ecclesiasticis dispen- sandi facultas attributa legatur." — Cisner. Page 461, line 7.] — " In quibus multa capita Honorio et Theodosio accepta refei-untur." (Cisner.) The books of Justinian are those contained in the Corpus Juris Civilis, viz. Institutionum libri iv. ; Pandectorum sive Digestorum libri 1. ; Codicis libri xii. ; et Novelize; published a.d. 528 — 535. — Cave. Page 461, line 24.] — " In gravissimam poenam proscriptionis pubiicationis- que omnium bonorum incurreret." — Cisner. Page 462, line 9.]— "John XII." See pp. 71, 464. Page 462, line 20.]— This John XVIII. is mentioned as John XVII. at pp. 72, 73, and in L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 462, line 22.] — " Johanne XVIII. . . naso oculisque privato et deCapi- tolio praecipitato." (Cisner.) This last expression must be taken metaphorically: he was in reality thrust into prison by Otho, and survived about a year. — VArt de Ver. des Dates. Page 462, line 29.] — " Qui eundem quoque Pontificem, se omnibus aliis episcopis in celebri synodo ab Henrico Moguntise habita anteponentem, Mo- guntino cedere compulit." — Cisner. Page 462, line 36. " Tamen regi Henrico 1111. impuberi, cui imperium delatum erat, jus in hac re suum voiuit esse salvum." — Cisner. Page 463, line 6 from the bottom. " For the canons," &c] — "Nam quibus capitibns Gratianus ante ilia tempora Romanas civitati potestatem illam eligendi Pontificem absque consensu Imperatorum datam esse vult demonstrare (ut can. 29, 30, adjunctaque palea posteriori, et can. 31 eadem distinctione 63) fraudulentera Gratiano assentatore Pontificio pro veris supposita esse, et ante in plerisque Carolus Molinseus notavit, et ex observatione temporum a quovis vel mediocriter in historiis Francicis et Germanicis versato animadverti potest." Page 464, line 4. "For, First, Jive bishops," &c] — " Primo enim, Gre- gorium IV, cui 29 can. inscribitur, quinque ex ordine Pontifices subsecuti sunt ante Adrianum ilium II. qui arrepta, a populo per vim potestate Pontificis eligendi Pontifex factus est : ciim prsesertim is Gregorius ante pontificatum accipere noluisset, quam imperator in ejus electionem consensisset." Page 464, line 6. " Adrian //."] — See the note in this Appendix on page 12, line 24. The following is the account of the election of Adrian II. in Anastasius Bibliothecarius "de Vitis Pontificum " (p. 223): — " Collectis igitur omnibus tarn episcopis cum universo clero, quam primoribus urbis cum obsecundantibus sibi populis, ab ecclesia sanctas Dei genetricis semperque virginis Marias, quae appellatur ad Praesepe, rapitur, trahitur, et ad Lateranense Patriarchium certatim, ac a procerum et plebis multitudine, deportatur. Quod audientes tunc missi Principis moleste tulere, indignati scilicet, non quodtantum virum nollent Pontificem, quern nimirum anxie cupiebant, sed quod se dum prsesentes essent Quirites non invitaverint, nee optatse a se futuri Proesulis elec- tioni interesse consenserint. Qui accepta ratione, quod non Augusti causa 880 APPENDIX TO VOL. ir. contemptus, sed futuri tcmporis hoc omissum fuerit omnino prospectu, ne vide- licet Legates principum in electione Romanorum Praesulum mos expectandi per hujusmodi fomitem inolesceret, omnem mentis sua1 indignationem medullitus sedavere, ac salutandum electum etiam ipsi liumiliter accessere." Page 464, line 10. " Secondly, Molinceus," &c] — " Deinde canoni 30 Moli- nanis authoritatcm Kaphaelis Volaterani opponit ; qui inde etiam suspectus est, quod Eugenic- pontifice, lnijus Pascalis, quocum pactum Ludovicus inisse diei- tur, successore, idem Ludovicus Pius ejnsqne filius Lotharius, principis Romani potestate, Romas, cum omnibus imperii Bubjectis turn ipsis etiam Romanis, leges constituerunt : ut de ilia taceam renovatione decreti a Lothario facta. Turn quomodo paleam illam, cujus initium ' Constitutio,' Leo I III. ad Lotharium et Ludovicum Augustos scribere potuit ?" — Cis/nr. Page 464, line 4 from the bottom. " Louis of Bavaria."'] — The Latin is " Lu- dovicus Boius," which the translator mistook for Ludovicus Pius, and rendered accordingly " Louis the Pious." The Latin also says " Fredericus I. et II." Page 465, line 1. " Wisdom and energy."] — " Prudentia et virtute." — Cisner. Page 46(5, line 14 from the bottom. " Fazellus saith."'] — Fazellus was a Dominican, born a.d. 1498, died at Palermo in 1570: see De rebus Sieulis, edit. Catanae, 1719, page 5, vol. i. The passage alluded to appears in vol. iii. of that edition, p. 7 : " Hujus [HonoriiJ successor Gregorius IX. initio statim sui Pontificatus Fridericum urget, ac sub diris etiam monuit, ut primo quoque tempore in Asiam cum expeditione trajiceret. Sed cum diu Fridericus moram suam per sacramenti, quo inito inter Saracenos et Christianos pax firmata erat, religionem purgasset, commodum affuit Iole Friderici sponsa, quae jam in portum Pisanorum applicuerat, eaque de causa Joannes demum Brenna Rex Romam profectus cum pontifice reconciliationem Friderici ac filiae nuptias his legibus conclusit, ut Fridericus elcctionis jus nonnullaque oppida qua? in Cam- pania detinebat, restitueret, ac primo quoque tempore cum copiis in Asiam properaret." Page 467. line 9. "He gave in commandment to Henry, his son."] — AtAix- la-Chapelle, however, not at the places just mentioned : " Henrico cleinde filio Cassari mandat, ut apud Aquisgranum indictis comitiis de bello Hierosolymitano referat." — Fazellus de rebus Sieulis, torn. iii. p. 7. Page 467, line 13. " Houbeil, some others affirm that these things were done 'ni the time of Honorius."] — The editors of Fazellus remark (p. 17), "Cum Iole nuptias anno 1225 Fridericus celebravit, Honorio adhuc superstite qui non nisi post biennium Gregorio hujus nominis nono locum cessit ; praemature igitur llonorii mors reponitur." Page 467, line 29.] — "Ludovico Thuringo et Sigeberto Augustano episcopo ducihus." — Cisner. Page 467, line 15 from the bottom.] — Aventine and Fazellus state, that both the generals died. Page 467, note (1).] — Cisner's words are as follow : — " Et ejusdem instinctu ab Arsacida sicarios in Europam Christianos reges trucidatum missos, et regem Francorum ut ab ejusmodi insidiis sibi cavcret admonitum, accepisset." By Jrsacidas is here meant the sovereign of a curious fanatical tribe, who inhabited the mountains in the neighbourhood of Damascus, called sfssassini. from an Arabic word signifying " to slay :" from them came the modern word assassin. They derived their origin from a sect of Mahometans founded by Hassan, son of Sabab, who fixed his seat near Casween, in Persia, A.n. 1090. He trained his followers to the most implicit submission ; he taught them that immortal bliss after death would be the sure reward of such as executed hie commands; he was in the habit of despatching them on secret errands, particularly to assassinate those, whether Christians or Mahometans, against whom he had conceived any aversion. His dynasty expired with the eighth king, a.d. 1257. The Assa^sini of Syria were a branch of these ; who adopted their principles and practices, and maintained correspondence with them. Tbeir sov< reign was called " The Old Man of the Mountain." They were destroyed 1\ a sultan of APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 881 Egypt, a. d. 1272. See Hoffman's Lexicon, and Du Cange v. Assassini, who »ives their various names as corrupted by different historians. See also Moreri's Diet v Ismaeliens, and the authorities there cited. Rigord, a French historian, says that Philip Augustus, the French king, when at Pontoise a.d. 1192, received let- ters from Palestine, warning him that the king of England had hired the Old Man of the Mountain to procure his assassination. The marquis of Mont- ferrat 'is said to have been assassinated by one of them in Palestine. William de Nangis, anno 1236, says that two were despatched into France to assas- sinate St. Louis. Walsingham says (also the Continuator of M. Paris) that Ed- ward, son of Henry III., was assaulted by one of them at Acre a.d. 1271. See p. 571 of this volume. " The History of the Assassins," by Chevalier Von Joseph Hammer, translated from the German by Charles Oswald Wood, M.D., 8vo., London, 1835, will furnish the reader with full information on this subject. Page 467, line 29.] — " Ludovico Thuringo et Sigeberto Augustano episcopo ducibus." — Cisner. Page 468, line 1. " Sailed for Asia."} " In Asiam navigavit." (Cisner.) Foxe says "into Italy." Page 468, line 13. " The settled belief ."]— " Constans opinio." — Cisner. Page 468, line 15 from the bottom.] — " Eamque ob causam ut regnum illud ah injuriis hostium defendatur et conservetur magnopere sua privatim quoque interesse." — Cisner. Page 468, line 8 from the bottom.] — " Sine cujusquam injuria." — Cisner. Page 469, line 1.] — Peter de Vineis was an Italian, secretary to Fre- deric II., whom he served with faithfulness and zeal. Being, however, falsely accused of treason, he was by the emperor thrown into prison at Capua, where he laid violent hands on himself a.d. 1249. (See Foxe, p. 503.) Foxe alludes here to a collection of letters which passes under his name, though (as Cave observes) some of them were clearly written even after Frederic's death. The collection is intituled Epistolarum Historicarum libri vi. de gestis Frederici II. imperat. et aliis. It was printed at Basil 1566, and Ambergh, 1609. Page 469, note (1).] — This epistle from the emperor to Henry III. is in M. Paris, ed. Lond. 1640, p. 348, and the translation has been collated with the Latin and revised. Page 470, line 20.] — " Posteaquam magnas rursus coegisset copias classemque reparasset, Brundusio profectus," &c. — Cisner. Page 470, line 23.] — Justingen was a town of Suabia, the head of a barony. Page 470, line 25.] — Aventine dates their arrival at Joppa "17 Kal. Dec." i. e. November 15th, a.d. 1228. Page 470, note (3).] — Aventine dates the peace " die solis, 12 Kal. Martii,'' i.e. Sunday, February 18th, which fits the year 1229 by Nicolas's Tables. Page471, last line.] — "OrdinesquemilitumTemplietHospitalisloci." — Cisner. Page 471, note (3).] — The passage in the text reads thus in Cisner: " So- lemn Dominicse Resurrectionis festo, annoSalutis 1229, coronatus est; prresen- tibus omnium illius regni urbium legatis ac proceribus, patriarcha solum, clero, Cypri regis legato, ac Oliverio Templi Magistro cum suis militibus, exceptis, ob Christi Templum Saracenis relictum conquerentibus, quos et pontificis minae etiam exterruerant." Page 472, line 21.] — "Militumque ordinis Teutonici." — Cisner. Page 472, line 29.] — " Non potuit, simulatque tantum facinus commisisset, hoc uno scelere esse contentus, quin aliud contra eundem moliretur." (Cisner.) The translator, not perceiving that simulatque was a misprint for simul atque but taking it for the verb simulat-que, says, "he could not dissemble this his mischievous fact." Both the editions of Cisner read "simulatque." Another curious mis-translation, occasioned by a misprint in the first edition of the Latin, is pointed out in the note on p. 504, line 5 from the bottom. Page 472, line 5 from the bottom.]— M. Paris, ed. 1640, p. 353. Page 474, line 9.] — " Unde Blondus perfidiam imperatoris legatis ejus pon- tificem coram exprobrasse tradit." — Cisner. VOL. II. 3 L 882 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Pa°e 474, line IS. " Baseness."'] — " Turpitudincm." — Cisner. Page 474, line 7 from the bottom.] — " Curia et senatu amovit." — Cisner. Page 474, line 4 from the bottom.] — " Ille ancipiti contentione oppiimere- tur." — Cisner. Page 474, last line.] — "Cum jam regnum Hierosolymitanum in meliorem statum redegisset." — Cisner. Page 475, line 1.] — "Pontificios conatus omni consilio evcrtendos et suos in officio permanentes confirmandos existimans, relicto in Asia Renaldo cum prsesidiis, reliquis copiis se subsequi jussis, quam celerrime cum duabus trire- mibus in Calabriam contendit." — Cisner. Page 475, line 7 from the bottom.] — " Ilermanni Teutonici Ordinis magistri et Messaniensis Antistitis opera." — Cisner. Page 476, line 15.] — "Jura in regno Sicilian" — Cisner. Page 476, line 25.] — "Pcntificem Reatae accessit — sibi ecclesiam Romanam cura? fore eamque se defensurum, oblato etiam filio suo obside, spondet." — Cisner. Pa°-e 476, line 10 from the bottom.] — " Majorem igitur laudem consecutus fuisset Blondus, si hanc pontificis perfidiam notasset, quam cum (sui oblitus, ut mendacious saepe accidit), contra suae narrationis seriem contra rerum a Frede- rico gestarum veritatem, ab eo Romanos ad rerum novarum studia invitatos refert." — Cisner. Page 477, line 3.] — Foxe says, " Henry Caesar and Frederic of Austria, his sons." But Frederic duke of Austria was not Frederic's son. He had a bastard son, Frederic prince of Antioch, mentioned at p. 505. Foxe repeats the same mistake (which is not Cisner's) next page, and at pp. 481, 484. See the note on p. 478, line 7. Page 477, line 11.] — " Kelbemii cum deambularet, letali vulnere percussus." (Cisner.) " A Stichio morione, quern per ludum incesserar, cultello letali vulnere percussus, decessit, 16 Cal. Oct. 1231." — Aventine. Page 477, note (1).] — " Reginoburgi " (Cisner) ; i. e. at Ratisbon. Pa^e 478, line 7.] — "Fredericum Austriacum mandatis suis non parentem proscribit et pro hoste Reipublicas habet." (Cisner.) Foxe here, as elsewhere, confounding this Frederic with the emperor's bastard son Frederic (see note on page 477, line 3), says : " By public commandment he renounced Frederic of Austria for his son." Page 478, line 18 from the bottom.] — " Pacis specie, quam ad subsidium belli sacri inter Christianos tuendam jampridem promulgarat." — Cisner. Pace 478, line 11 from the bottom.] — " Eo ipso die."— Cisner. Page 478, line 7 from the bottom.] — " Inique facere qui per pacis causam se in eo quod optimo sibi jure liceat impedire velit, quo minus ita se comparet, ut qui se a regnis hereditariis intercludere conati sunt, vi pellere posset ; et qui a se imperioque defecissent, eosque, quos vel ad conventus communium rerum gratia vel oh sacrum bellum evocasset, itinere prohibuissent, et in suam pevni- ciem multa improbe et nefarie machinati essent, in ordinem cogeret et uti com- meruissent plecteret." — Cisner. Pa<*e 479, line 6.] — "Sine ulla temporis notatione, conditionis adjectione, dignitatis jurisve imperii non minuendi exceptione." — Cisner. Page 479, line 29. " Gregory."]— Cisner invariably writes " Georgius" for "Gregorius." Page 479, note (1).] — The following extract from the Life of Frederic by Colenuccio, prefixed to "Petri de Vineis Epist. Fred. II.," will explain the wind Caroccio: — "Carocium Mediolanensium cum Petro Teupolo, patricio Vencto ac ducia Vcnetiarum filio, Mediolanensium prefect*) ac duce quern ill i Potcstalem yocant, cepit, eamque captivum in Apuliam transmisit. l'arta vero tain inaigni victoria, in modum ducis triumphantis Crcmonam ingressus Carocium secum duxit, in quo dux Mediolanensium brachio et collo funibus ad lignum alligatua erat, APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 883 vexillis Lombardorum convolutis atque sequentibus innumeris captivis. Tra- hebacur vero Carocium ab elephanti castellum gestante, in quo affabre et arti- ficiose facto tibicines residebant una cum Imperialibus vexillis explicatis et loco maxime conspicuo suffixis. Et his eum ad modum prsecedentibus in signum victorias Fredericus cum copiis sequebatur. Sciendum est, Carocium, quo eo tempore in Italia utebantur, fuisse genus carri valde quidem amplum et a multis paribus bourn train consuetum, circumdatum undique gradibus ad modum tribunalis et suggestus, affabre elaboratum multisque ornamentis excultum et coopertum : eo gestabantur et vexilla populi cujus Carocium erat, aliarumque civitatum confederatarum. Et erat Carocium in exercitu quasi praetorium aut tribunal quoddam commune, ad quod se recipiebant milites, tanquam ad curiam et locum principalem totius exercitus, et ubi magistratus et omne robur meliorque pars exercitus veluti in subsidio consistebant. Atque turn quidem exercitus prorsus credebatur fusus quando Carocium amissum erat. Pras omni- bus autem aliis Mediolanenses Bononienses Parmenses et Cremonenses Carocio usos fuisse invenio, quo minus essent prompti ad fugam, conspicientes robur totius exercitus et vexilla facile loco moveri non posse aut aliqua fuga subduci ob ipsius eedificii molem. Tale itaque erat Carocium a Frederico in triumpho Cremonas invectum." Page 480, line 13.] — "Exempla." — Cisner. Page 480, line 19.] — "Itaque, quod Jacobum Teupolum, ducem Venetum, ob iram capti nlii facile se in suam sententiam perducturum confideret (quod inter tantos terrores solatio ei fuisse Blondus scribit), epistola, quadam captandae benevolentiae causa ilium Croatiae atque Dalmatian quartae partis et dimidiatae totius Romani imperii dominum nuncupat, contra Fredericum solicitans." — Cisner. Page 480, line 34.] — " Idem, cum Germanorum optimam voluntatem," &c. (Cisner.) Foxe says, "tbe duke of Venice." Page 480, line 7 from the bottom.] — "Prasterquam enim quod imperatori suo hominis appellationem detrahit, perfidiae . . . incusat." — Cisner. Page 481, line 4.] — "Albertum Behamum (ipse Boiemum nominat) equestri familia natum, Balcaniensis collegii Decurionem Battaviensis, insignem cum primis veteratorem," is Cisner 's description of this man. Aventine calls him " Albertus Beham, Bathaviensis Templi Decanus." Page 481, line 26.] — "Propinquos et necessarios suos." — Cisner. Page 481, line 29.] — Foxe says, "Frederic of Austria, his son, who because he was proscribed or outlawed by the emperor, his father." — See the notes on pp. 477, 478. Page 484, line 12. "But Wenceslaus and Otho," &c] — "Sed Boiemo et Palatino iEgram venire recusantibus et per legatos, quibus Austriaci se associ- aiant, intercedentibus, distractis animis re infecta discesserunt.' — Cisner. Page 484, line 16.] — Foxe says, "Then Frederic of Austria, the emperor's second son," &c. : see the note on p. 481, line 29. Page 484, line 21.] — " Etsi verb pontificii emissarii." — Cisner. Page 484, line 32. "All which things" &c] — "Ipse quoque Pontifex, ab Alberto de illorum in Imperatorem constantia certior factus, ut spe ampliorum dignitatum aliquos adversus illos concitaret, sacerdotibus et monachis qui illis suberant potestatem facit, ut . . . ." — Cisner. Page 481, line 5 from the bottom.] — " Eaque de causa ad Imperatorem provocant." — Cisner. Page 485, line 11.] — " Et quidem summi Boiorum praesulis Juvavensis consilio opera et suasu." — Cisner. Page 485, line 16. " But Albert," &c] — "Albertus contra horum collegia et ccenobia, veluti publicorum hostium et proscriptorum, pontificiis aperte dis- tribuit',- multos ex procerum ordine nobilium et equitum largitione bonorum ecclesiasticorum devincit. Ac nominatim quidem Johannes Aventinus com- memorat, quibus, ut Pontificias partes defenderent, decimae ecclesiastics? pre- carib concessae ; quae a quibus collegia et ccenobia direpta, reditusque eorum ablati, et praedia vi occupata fuerint." — Cisner. 3 l 2 884 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 485, line 33.] — " Cum Germanize universe turn Boioria?.'' — Cisner. Page 485, line 5 from the bottom.] — "Quo, cum inductu Hugonis Rambarti (qui sine periculo id eum facere posse dixerat) ad legatum colloquii causa, venisset, contra fas et sequum intercepto." — Cisner. Page 486, line 13.] — " Pisis Viterbium se confert." — Cisner. Page 486, line 15. " For (hat," &c] — "Quod aditis a suis omnibus Italia? oppidia et civitatibus, ut exploratum liaberet qui sibi qui pontifici faverent, illos Gibellinos hos Guelplios appellaverit." — Cisner. Page 486, line 20.] — " Naucleri, Hermanni Contractu' Antonini Florentini, Castellioiuci, aliorumque, qui hose nomina Conrado III., Magni Frederici patriu, imperante in Italia coepisse ; Pontificique deditos Guelplios aGuelpho, ultimo Henrici Superbi fratrc, Imperatori autem addictos vel ab ipso Conrado vel filio ejus in pago Vaiblingen enutrito Ghibellinos appellatos, prodiderunt." — Cisner. Page 486, line 31.] — "Decreta supplicatione, circumlatis capitibus," &c— Cisner. Page 4S6, line 11 from the bottom.] — "Quoscunque caperet, eos, vel inusta vel incisa crucis nota, excruciari jussit." — Cisner. Page 487, line 4.] — " Graviter mulctatis." — Cisner. Page 487, line 7.] — " Condita urbe Aquila." — Cisner. Page 487, line 10.] — " Asculinum adversae factionis munitum oppidum obse- dit." — Cisner. Page 487, line 12.] — " Emissarii." — Cisner. Page 487, line 17.] "Suck heart of (/race."] — "Tantos spiritus." — Cisrier. Page 487, line 20.] — "Impudenter affirmant . . . . , neque ulla fidei religi- one teneri." — Cisner. Page 487, line 24.] — " Imperiose" (Cisner); and next line, "exitii pcena." Page 487, line 11 from the bottom.] — "Ipsos quoque servituti Pontificiaj obnoxios fore." — Cisner. Page 487, line 9 from the bottom. "Attain."] — "Nactus fuerit." — Cisner. Page 487, last line.] — "Qui missos cum his Uteris legatos ejusdem argu- ment orationem habuisse narrat." (Cisner.) Aventine dates this Epistle, " Datum in obsidione .ZEsculi, Julii duodevicesimo die, indictione tertia- decima." Page 488, line 18. "And so much," &c] — -"Opera Bohuslai Zelauconis filii et Budislai Tarozelai filii, qui principes erant Regii senatiis (pollicitationi- bus et muneribus jam ante sibi devinctorum) perficit, ut dies comitiis Libussa? statueretur, ubi de novo Iinperatore creando in Frederici Augusti ejusque iilii Conradi contumeliam ageretur." — Cisner. Page 488, line 4 from the bottom.] — " Prsesul Colonia? Agrippinae." — Cisner. Page 489, line 9.] — " Milites magno fortique animo et incredibili labore in operibus castrorum conficiendis, tabernaculis ad arcendam tempestatis injuiiam excitandis et contegendis, iisque parandis quae oppugnationi USUI essent, cuni- culisque agendis, omnia superaverunt." — Cisner. Page 489, line 9 from the bottom.] — " Neque vi atque armis se ei, quamvia nihil intentatum reliquisset, cum suis conjuratis resistcre posse videret." — Cisner. Page 490, line 3.] — " Itaque Henricus Sardinia? regem (quern I tali Entium vocant) Pisas ire jussit." — Cisner. Page 491, line 24.] — "Itaque Tartan Roxolanos, Bodolios, Mudavos, Wa- lachos, Polonos, Borussos, nomine fere repugnante subigunt, agros depopu- lantur, urbes, oppida, pagos, villas, a?dificia omnis generis diripiunt, incendunt," &c. — Cisner. Page 491, line 30.] — "Ut manus nulla, non praesidium, non urbs esset, qua) so armis det'enderet." — Cisner. Page 492, line 10.] — "Itaque, cum videret," &c. — Cisner. Page 492, line 17.] — "Cum vero." — Cisner. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 885 Page 492, line 28. " Sent orders."] — "Imperat." — Cisner. Page 492, line 30.] — " Magnus exercitus in Germania eorum qui nota se ccelest isignarant, contra Tartaros operam suam deferebant, quos Pontificis in Germania procurator, Albertus ille, domi expectare jussit." — Cisner. Page 492, line 9 from the bottom.]—" Hac vastatione . . . factum est, quo minus (ut constitutum erat) Libussre conjurati principes convenirent, aliumque Imperatoi-em crearent." (Cisner.) Foxe's translator strangely blunders here. Page 493, line 14 from the bottom.] — "Quod si ad prasdicta vestrae mentis oculos -nolitis reflectere, Penestrinum episcopum et alios legatos ecclesiae in prajudicium vestrum volentes subsidium implorare manifestissime repulimus ; nee in regno »nostro contra majestatem vestram potuerunt aliquid obtinere:" where Penestrinum is a corruption of Prcenestinum, which lias led to the appearance in Foxe's text of " the bishop of Penestrum .-" read "Prasneste," or the modern "Palestrine." We find, however, Penestriensis and Penestrinus in Rymer, Sept. 20th, 1343, and Feb. 20th, 1345. Page 494, line 20 from the bottom.] — " Concilioque pra?pedito perturbatus." — Cisner. Page 495, line 2.]— Cisner says, " Quod cujusmodi sit, certe Carolus Moli- naeus in annotationibus suis ad Platinam de vita Gregorii docet; cujus senten- tial equidem non possum non accedere." The text, however, is more exact. This is the Carolus Molinaeus mentioned supra, vol. i. p. 11, note (1). The passage to which Foxe refers is the following: — "Qui, ".[that is, Raymond Pen- nafort, whom the pope employed to make the collection] " tamen non solum superfiua posuit, ut . . . sed same male truncavit Decretales . . . quandoque stndiose truncavit, ut lateret invidiosum argumentum, ut in cap. 'ex fre- quentibus' de Instit. [i. e. Lib. iii. Tit. vii. cap. 3], quod latum erat contra regalia Regis Anglia?. Sic in plerisque latis in favorem inimicorum Regis Franciae, ut in cap. ' Novit ' de Judic. [Lib. ii. Tit. i. cap. 13.]" f Page 495; line 7.] — "Nihil aliud cogitarunt, quam ut cum aliis regnis debili- tatis turn Imperio violato suum amplificarent dominatum. Cujus rei exempla Molinasus de regibus Gallorum et Anglorum refert." — Cisner. Page 495, line 16.] — "Patria Mediolanensis, Castellonea? gentis." — Cisner. Page 490, line 3 from the*bottom.] — "Et reipublicas suamque dignitatem commendat," &c. — Cisner. Page 497, line 20.] — " Relicto Viterbio, et oppido Faliscorum omnibus rebus necessariis instructo et munito, Aquam Pendentem adit." — Cisner. Page 498, line 5. "And although," &c] — "Et indictum a Pontifice con- cilium, in quo ille et actoris et judicis partes ageret, et ad quod beneficio obstrictos coegerat, ad suam perniciem pertinere intelligebat.' .. Page 498, line 19.] — "Teutonici Ordinis." — Cisner. Page 499, line 4.] — Foxe inadvertently says " in the history of King John." See the narrative referred to at pp. 532, 533. Page 500, line 13. " After this, Frederick had retired," &c] — This paragraph is not in Foxe, but is given from Cisner, and is necessary to fill up an evident hiatus in Foxe's narrative. Henry, landgrave of Thuringia, was elected at the Diet of Hocheim, May 22d, a.d. 1246; William, earl of Holland, at the Diet of Weringhen, Sept. 29th, A.D. 1247. — L'Art de Vet: des Dates. Pa°-e 501, line 16.] — This council was called at Meldorf early in the year 1249, on purpose to endeavour to force the duke of Bavaria to take up arms against Frederic II. and his son Conrad : they gave him till the following May to decide (L'Art de Verifier des Dates). It was probably then that the Pope pronounced his anathema against him, as stated in the text. Otho persevered in his fidelity to the cause of Frederic and of his son and successor Conrad till his death, which took place Nov. 29th, a.d. 1253. (Ibid.) Pa^e 501, line 10 from the bottom.] — "Albertus vero Reginoburgensis." (Cisner.) Struvius (Germanise Historia, Jena;, 1730, torn. i. p. 481), citing the principal German historians, places this event on the night of Innocents' day, Dec. 28th, a.d. 1250, immediately after Frederic's death. 886 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page502, line ].] — St. Emeran was a native, some say bishop, of Poictiers, who proceeded as a missionary to Bavaria, a. d. 640. Being slain by the idolaters at Helfendorff, near Munich, bis body was conveyed to Ratisbon, and buried there, whence be came to be regarded as the patron saint of Ratisbon. A Benedictine monastery was afterwards built outside the city, dedicated to St. Peter and St. Emeran, which became the most famous monastery in the whole empire. — Martiniere'sGeography, v. Ratisbon, Sr Butler's Lives of the Saints. Page 502, line 13] — " Albertus Antistes in monachorum ordinem poenae causa redactus est." (Cisner.) This Albert was the immediate predecessor in the see of Ratisbon of Albert the Great, according to Chronicon Augustense (apud Freheri Germ. Script, torn. i. p. 533), which states bis deposition ad an. 1259, thus: — "Albertus Ratisponensis Episcopus pro quibusdam criminibus apud sedem apostolicam accusatus, cum se defendere non posset, cessit, eique frater Albertus de ordine Praedicatorum subrogatur." Page 503, line 20 from the bottom.] — "Ac primum impetum Marchio Malaspina sustinet." — Cisner. Page 504, line 21 from the bottom.] — " Praedictumque sibi recordatus est, Florentiae se moriturum, facto testamento, eoque turn infinita pecuniae Bum ma ad pias causas (ut vocant) legata, turn Conrado aliisque filiis Imperii regno- rumque suorum baeredibus institutis successoribusque (veluti cujusque aetas et conditio ferebat) designatis, ex bac vita, .... migravit." — Cisner. Page 504, line 13 from the bottom. " Pandolpho writeth," &c] — " Ut qui ei in extremis adfuerunt sibi persuaserint animam ejus ad concilium ccelestium delatum felicitate perfrui sempiterna, Pandulphus Colenucius tradit. Ejusdem rei testes cum Gulielmum Puteanum, Andream Dandulum Venetum, turn Manardnm Episcopum Imolensem, Italos scriptores, profert." — Cisner. " Pandulphus Collenucius, Pisaurensis, Juriseonsultus et orator ; apud Johannem Sfortiam Pisaurensium tyrannum, qui deprehensis Uteris offensus ignovisse se ei fidem fecerat, strangulatus in carcere a.d. 1500. Collenucius libris vi. historiam Neapolitanam prosecutus est Italice ; Latine transtulit Johannes Nicolaus Stupanus Rbcelus, Bas. 1572. Vita Frederici II. Impera- toris ex Italica historia Neapolitana Collenucii prodiit cum Petri de Vineis Sex libris Epistolarum Basileae 1566, Latine versa a Simone Schardio." (Fabricii Bibliotbeca Med. et Infim. Latinitatis.) Page 501, line 5 from the bottom.] — "Alii enim ei venenum Pontificis in- stinctu propinatum eoque exanimatum tradunt. Plerique a Manfredo filio pulvinari compressis faucibus suflbcatum referunt." The edition of Cisner which Foxe used (Basil, 1565) reads " Pkeerique" which is corrected in the edition of Strasburg, 1608, into "Plerique." This misprint, however, led the translator into the following odd statement: — "Others, that he was strangled with a pillow by Manfred, the son of Pherus." See the note on p. 472, line 29. Page 505, line 1.] — " Sed febri confectum scribit " (Cisner): it is also " febrim " at line 30 of page 504. Page 505, line 4.] — Cisner gives most erroneously a.d. 126S. See the note in this Appendix on page 456, note (1). Page 505, line 11. "Whence the Icings," &c] — " Unde jus et titulus regit1 Hierosolymitani jure haereditario ad reges Sicilia? et Neapolis pervenit." — Cisner. Page 505, line 21. " But as in this corruption of nature," &c] — " Sed quia in bac vitiositate naturae perfcctio in bominem non cadit, neque ullus unquam ita animo ac vita constitutus est ut ratio postulat ; nee Fredericus perfectus et ah omni vitio liber fuit." — Cisner. Page 505, line 21 from the bottom.] — " Atque haec fere omnia ex ea descrip- tione Frederici quae est apud Colenucium." — Cisner. Page 506, line 1.] — " Hand scio an non ideirco a pontificibus ecclesia? bostis judicatus sit, quod vel in dicenda veritate," &c. — Cisner. Page 506, line 21.] — "Cum bis praeccptis." — Cisner. Page 506, line 5 from the bottom. "Fraught and full both of pitiful com- plaint* . . . also full of his admonitions" &c] — " Epistolaa plenas turn qucre- iarnin . . . turn adinonitionuin." — Cisner. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 887 Page 506, line 22 from the bottom. " Lastly, when I behold," &c] — "Cum denique Imperatorem fortunatum, felicem, victoriosum, Pontificios autem in- fortunatos, calamitosos, victos, fusos esse considero " (Cisner) : whence the text might be improved. Page 506, line 17 from the bottom. "Injury."] — " Detrimentum." — Cisner. Page 507, line 10. " Exhortelh."] — "Hortatur." — Cisner. Page 507, line 27.] — "Qui prascipuas in ecclesia dignitates consecuti sunt." — Cisner. Page 507, last line.] — "At assentatores pontificii, qui et illis et insequentibus temporibus ad nostram usque astatem ad scribendum animum applicarunt, non ut veritatis testes essent, sed ut pontificiam gratiam sibi demererentur, et opima ab eo sacerdotia aucuparentur, hinc occasionem calumniandi Imperatorem ac- ceperunt." — Cisner. Page 510, line 14.] — Arnold de Villa Nova is mentioned again at page 598, § 5, and infra, vol. iii. page 106. Page 510, line 25. " Beyond mercy.'''] — " Extra charitatem " (Illyricus) ; " void of charity" (Foxe). Page 510, note (3).] — William de St. Amour was born at St. Amour, in Franche Compte. He became a doctor of the Sorbonne, and was a very distin- guished lecturer in divinity at Paris. Foxe here calls him " chief ruler then of that university," but, as he certainly was not the rector of the university, " canon of the church of Beauvais " is put in from Cave. He was not the only author of the " De Periculis Ecclesia?;" for Foxe himself assigns him two distinct sets of coadjutors-at pp. 521, 752, the former of which is correct. The " De Periculis Ecclesiaa" was written to counteract the effects of a mis- chievous publication called " Evangelium Eternum," or "Evangelium Spiritus Sancti," put forth by the friars a.d. 1256, of which some account will be given in the note on page 520. The book was condemned by pope Alexander IV. at the instance of the friars, by a bull dated Anagni, 3 Non. Octob. pontificatiis anno 2 [October 5th, a. d. 1256]. (Du Boulay, Hist, de I'Univ. de Paris, torn. iii. p. 310.) St. Amour was, moreover, silenced, and ordered to quit France. He seems, however, to have remained there, and to have died at his native place, a.d. 1272. — Biographie Universelle, Moreri, Dupin. Page 511, line 15.] — "Omnia parati simus negligere propter Christum." — Illyricus. Page 520, note (1). "Evangelium Eternum."] — Mosheim has investigated the history of this book with great diligence (Soames's Edition, vol. ii. p. 568, note). He says that both ancient and modern writers are mistaken about it. The "Evangelium Eternum" seems to have been written by some weak enthusiast about the year a.d. 1200; for William de St. Amour in the " De Periculis Novissimorum Temporum" says, that fifty-five years had elapsed since the first publication of these views, and they were in five years more to be triumphant, a.d. 1260, at least according to the prediction of the book. To gain the more credit to this production, it was announced under the name of Joachim, the abbot of Flora. Its title was taken from Revelations xiv. 6; and its chief doctrine was, that, as there were three persons in the Godhead, so there were to be three Dispensations : that of the Father, which ended at the coming of Christ; that of the Son, which was to continue till 1260; and that of the Spirit, which was to continue to the end of time. This doctrine was advo- cated by Amauri of Chartres, who was condemned for it, first by the doctors of Paris a.d. 1204, and again by the Lateran Council a.d. 1215. " Almaricus Doctor Parisiensis docuit legem Dei Patris durasse usque ad adventum Christi : legem Christi usque ad Almaricum: legem Spiritus S. usque ad finem mundi. Docuit mult a alia perniciosissima. Vide Joan, de Turrecremata, Summas 1. iv., part. ii. c. 35, et Vincentium in Speculo Historiali, 1. xcix. c. 107." (Chronologia Bellarmini.) The book would probably have fallen into contempt, had not the Franciscans eagerly appropriated its doctrines to themselves, and republished the " Evangelium Eternum " with an Introduction, in which they asserted that St. Francis was the Anr/el spoken of in the verse of Revelations, and that the Mendicant friars were destined of God to be the instruments of establishing the 888 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. new and purer state of the church. It is this " Libellus Introductorius " which is named in the damnatory bull of Alexander IV. as the great object of offence. See the note on page 521. This Introduction was long attributed to John of Parma, general of the Franciscan order, but is now believed to have been the production of his friend Gerard. Page 521, line 5.] — See the names and titles of these ecclesiastics at full length in M. Paris, p. 939. Nicolas was dean of Bar-sur-Aube, according to several documents in Du Boulay, Hist. Univ. Parisien. Page 521, line 10. " The errors of the book condemned" Src] — The following statement will partly confirm, partly correct, the text. Du Boulay (Hist. Universitatis Parisien., Paris, 16G6, torn. iii. p. 292) gives a bull of Alexander, in which "Libellus quidam, qui in Evangelium asternum sen quosdam libros Abbatis Joachim Introductorius dicebatur," is condemned, together with " Ex- cerpta qua?dam seu schedulae in quibus multa qua Libello non continentur nequiter illi adscripta fuisse dicuntur ;" dated Anagni, 10 Kal. Novemb. Ponti- ficatus an. 1 [October 23d, a. d. 1255]. Du Boulay (page 293) gives another bull, dated Anagni, 2 Non. Novemb. pontif. an. 1 [October 31st I. alluding to the preceding, and directing the bishop of Paris to act discreetly in publishing the aforesaid c enure, for the sake of the credit of the friars : " Quod dicti fratres nullum ex hoc opprobrium nullamque infamiam incurrere valeant sive notam; ut oblocutores et semuli non possint exinde sumere contra ipsos mate- riam detrahendi." In the next page (294) Du Boulay states that, through the intrigues of the Dominicans, the pope was induced to issue three bulls against the other party; and that William de St. Amour, Odo of Douay, Nicolas, dean of Bar, and Christian, a canon of Beauvais, were denounced as the leading opponents of the friars. A temporary peace was then concluded between the two parties at Paris, dated "die 1 Martii, a. d. 1256." This peace, however, was soon interrupted ; for the pope was induced by the friars to condemn the University men, and to charge them to receive the friars, under date of Anagni, 15 Cal. Julii, pontif. an. 2 (Du Boulay, p. 303). This led to the publication of the " De Periculis Novissimorum Temporitm," which Louis immediately pent to the pope for his opinion of it. The University, on their part, sent up nuncios, with the "Evangelium Eternu?n." The pope promptly condemned the former, before the University nuncios had arrived, under date of Anagni, 3 Non. Octob. pontif. an. 2 (Du Boulay, p. 310); and thanked Louis for sending it, in a letter dated 16 Cal. Nov. (ib. p. 312) ; enjoining the French bishops to conform, in a bull dated 12 Cal. Nov. (ib. p. 313). Odo of Douay and Christian of Beauvais, arriving first of the University nuncios, were brought to recant, October 18th (ib. pp. 313, 315) : St. Amour, however, resolutely defended his hook, and so successfully that some errors in the " Evangelium Eternum" were condemned, and the pope wrote a complimentary letter to the University, dated Nov. 15th (ib. pp. 316—332). (See Ussher, " De Christ. Eccles. Sue. ct Statu," cap. ix. §§ 20—29.) Page 521, note (3).] —The first of these sermons is printed at page 43 of Browne's Appendix to the " Fasciculus," and begins — " Luke xix. In hodierno evangelio proponit vobis Dominus in parabola duas personas," &c. This must have been preached on the eleventh Sunday after Trinity. The second sermon is printed at p. 48 of Browne's Appendix. Foxe says that it was " upon the Epistle read in the church on May day," but that is not the fact. Doubtless, it was preached on May day, for internal evidence proves that it was the feast of St. Philip and St. James, i.e. May 1st; but the only portion of the services of that day which at all refers to the subject of the sermon is the Second Les-on for the Evening Service, which is the Epistle of St. Jude. The text, or motto, however, of the sermon was really compounded of two passages (Ecclesiasticus iii. 26, and Jeremiah xx. 9), and stands thus in Browne : — "Qui amat periculum peribit in illo. Factus est sermo Domini in corde meo quasi ignis eestuans. ' It then proceeds : " Verbum secundo propositum scrihitur in Jercmia . . . A/ ut possim ardentius ac diligentiiis faccrc, in principio oremus." He then resumes: — "Qui amat periculum, peribit in illo." "Verbum istud scribitur in Eccles. . . Unde omissa commemoratione ct laude SS. Apost. Philippi et Jacobi, quorum hodie est f'estum . . ." APPENDIX TO VOL. II. bb\) Page 522, line 4.] — "In capite quinto" (Illyricus); "in the first chapter" (Foxe). Page 522, line 7 from the hottom.] — " Vana Gloria, etReligionis Dissipatio." — Illyricus. Page 523, line 4 from the bottom.] — Nicholaus Gallus flourished about a.d. 1270: he wrote a treatise called Sagilta Ignea, on the corrupt state of the Monastic Orders. — Illyricus, col. 1655. Page 524, line 3.]—" In nocte Sti. Dionysii" (M. Paris, p. 876). St. Denis's Day is October 9th. Page 524, line 23.] — The Burton Annals give this letter (page 405), heading it "Litera papalis Deo odibilis et hominibus." By the list in Hasted's Kent, the archdeacon of Canterbury, mentioned in the beginning of it, must have been Othoboni, a Genoese. See also Knighton, Script. Decern, col. 2436. Page 524, last line.] — Guilleaume de Fiesque, of a famous Genoese family and nephew to pope Innocent III., was made cardinal-deacon of St. Eustace December a.d. 1244, and died a.d. 1256. — Morer'is Diet. v. Cardinal. Page 525, line 7.] — For the first beginning of these {provisions, see Wilkins's Cone. torn. i. p. 558, sub anno 1225. Page 526. " The ansiver of bishop Grosthead to the pope."] — Foxe, following JVI. Paris, represents this letter as addressed to the pope : the Burton Annals (page 326) more correctly represent it as addressed to the two .(persons to whom the pope's letter was addressed, and as beginning thus : — " Robertus, Dei permissione Lincolnias episcopus, Cantuariensi archidiacono et Magistro Innocentio Domini Papas scriptori salutem et benedictionem. Intelleximus vos literam Domini Papas recepisse in hasc verba : — Innocentius episcopus, &c. . . . Dilectis filiis Archidiacono Cantuariensi et Magistro Innocentio scriptori nostro in Anglia commoranti salutem, Sfc. ut infra. [The pope's letter on behalf of his nephew is not given in the Burton Annals till seventy-nine pages later, having been omitted at its proper place.] Noverit autem discretio vestra," &c. M. Paris takes up Grosthead's letter at. the word " Salutem," and^makes it the opening of a letter from Grosthead- direct to Innocent: — " Rescripsit ei ad base verba : Salutem. Noverit discretio vestra," &c. It is not easy, however, to understand how Grosthead should say to Innocent — "Propterea, reverends Domini." This letter is called by Knyghton, (col. 2436,) " Epistola satis tonans:" it is found in M. Paris, page 870, ed. 1640; the Burton Annals, page 326; Browne's Appendix to the " Fasciculus," page 400; and in MS. in Trinity College, Cambridge, and the Cotton MSS.; also in the Exchequer, as appears from the following: — "The memorable Epistle of Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, to pope Innocent IV. against his Provisions, wherein he com- pares him to Lucifer and Antichrist, is enrolled ' in perpetuam rei memoriam ' in the Red Book in the king's Exchequer at Westminster, folios 16 and 179, to a transcript whereof I find this marginal note — 'Papa Antichristus.5 No wonder, then, pope Clement V. refused to canonize him for'ia saint, though earnestly requested by king Edward I." (Prynne's History of King John, Hen. III. and Ed. I. page 132.) Prynne (page 1134) gives the king's letter to pope Clement for the canonization of Grosthead, dated Carlisle, 6 die Maii, 34 Ed. I. [a.d. 1306.] The bishops and clergy and people of England are stated to join in the application : but there is no record of its being granted ; and Knyghton says (col. 2436) that in consequence of this letter he never was canonized. Page 528, line 5.] — Foxe adds " Hebrew," but that is not in the original ; see, however, p. 523. Page 528, line S.] — Gilles de Torres, a Spaniard, was canon of Burgos, after- wards archbishop of Toledo, created cardinal-deacon of St. Cosmus and St. Damian a.d. 1216, died a. d. 1254. (Moreri, v. Cardinal.) He seems to have been a very thoughtful and respectable person. M. Paris mentions his death sub an. 1255, and gives him this high character : " Qui aetate ferme centenarius, singularis, pare carens, exstitit columna in curia Romana veritatis et justitiae, et munerum aspernator, quae rigorem aequitatis flectere consueverunt." Page 528, line 18. " John of St. Giles."]— Mr. Pegge (Life of Grosthead, page 220) says that he probably derived his name from the parish of St. Giles in St. Alban's, now demolished. — Fuller's Worthies, Tanner, and Wood. 890 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 52S, line 25.] — " In paupertate voluntaria, qua; est paupertas spiritus." — M. Paris. Page 528, line 1G from the bottom. "Approved."] — "Authenticam " (M. Paris, page 874); "Solemn " (Foxe). Page 528, line 14 from the bottom.] — Grosthead seems to have had some reference to St. Jerome's definition of heresy (Comment, ad Galatas, cap. v.), cited in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Causa xxiv. Quaest. iii. cap. 27: " Hzeresis Graoce ab electione dicitur," &c. John Huss, in his reply to the attack of John Stokes on Wicliff, cites this definition of heresy as that of St. Augustine, " Proprie haereticus est, qui tenet dogma falsum, sacrae scripturae contrarium, pertinaciter defensando. Nam Causa 24, Quaest. 3, cap. ' Qui in ecclesia,' dicitur, quod haereticus est, non qui errat, sed qui errorem contumaciter defendir. Sic enim definit haeresim beatus Augustinus in libro 'De Utilitate Credcndi,' quod haeresis est dogma falsum, scripturae sacrae contrarium, per- tinaciter defensatum. Ex qua definitione habetur, quod ad haeresim proprie dictam tria concurrunt, scilicet, error in intellectu, pertinacia in affectu, et contrarietas scriptura1." (Hist, et Mon. Job. Huss, Noribergae, 1558, torn. i. fob 109.) Huss refers also to Johannes [Semeca] Teutonicus' gloss on heresy. The " De Utilitate Credendi " has been searched in vain for the passage, but is quoted in the Canon Law referred to by Huss. Huss (ut supra, fol. 101) refers to the same definition as found in Augustine's treatise " De Libris Hzereti- corum Legendis," where something of the same import occurs. Page 528, line 5 from the bottom. " A boy."] — " Parvulo " (Grosthead) ; " puero parvulo " (Burt. Ann.); "nepotulo suo puero " (Knighton). Page 529, line 9.] — " Non caret scrupulo societatis wcultae, qui manifesto facinori desinit obviare." — M. Paris, p. 874. Page 529, margin.] See the opinion of jEneas Sylvius, (afterward pope Pius II.) on the "non obstante" clause, infra, vol. iii. p. 619. Page 530, § 8. " The Caursini."] — "The Caursini were a set of Italian merchants, infamous for usurious contracts, particularly in France, whence the kings drove them out by repeated laws and statutes. Of those issued by the king of France the most famous is an edict of St. Louis, 12G8, permitting tliem to act as merchants provided they did not practise usury; and another of Philip de Valois, 1346. M. Paris speaks of them as a public nuisance in England in the middle of the thirteenth century. Henry III. expelled them, but, by the interference of the pope, rc-admitted them, and soon after in 1251 drove them away again. They were one division of the Lombards, by which general name the Italian Merchants who lent money were distinguished all over Europe, but divided into societies or companies called, from the head of the firm or house, Amanati, Accaioiuli, Bardi, Corsini, Caorcini, Caursini, or Cawarsini. Du Cange, voc. Caorcini. Rymer has preserved a recommendation from Ed- ward III. 1331, to David king of Scotland, to repay on his account to certain merchants of the society of Bardi at Florence 1000 out of 1300 marks due to him from David's father, Robert." — Mr. Pegge, Archieolog'm, vol. x. p. 242. Page 530, note (2).] — Most of the individuals mentioned in this section have been spoken of in the note on p. 318. Jacobus de Yiteri is also called de Vitriaco (Cave); be became cardinal-bishop of Frascati, and, with Robert de Curson and others, engaged actively in preaching up the crusade against the Albigenses a. d. 1215 (See Ussher, " De Christ. Eccles. Sue. et Statu,'' lib. x. § 41). Respecting Roger, bishop of London, see supra, p. 403. Page 530, note (4).] — M. Paris states (edit. 1640, p. 731) that Richard, earl of Cornwall, by authority from the pope gathered large sums of money from those who were signed with the cross (Dugdale's Bar. vol. i. p. 7(33) ; and he states at p. 732, that William Longspee, earl of Salisbury, made this precedent a ground of application to the pope for a similar licence, which was granted him, and yielded him above 1000 marks. — Dugdale, vol. i. p. 178. Page 531, § 15. "A legale sliould never come into England unless the Ling himself desire it."] — See supra, pp. 179, L'55. Page 5;',!, line 10 from the bottom.] — " Luxuria " is here lust ; hence lechery. — Pegge's Life of Grosthead, p. 210, note (c), and Nares'l Glossary, v. Luxury. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 891 Page 533, line 11 from the bottom-.] — "Nee potuit ei Cardinalis Albi physica suffragan, non enim pepercit Robertas Lincolniensis Sinebaldo Genu- ensi." (M. Paris.) Albus de Viterbo is mentioned by Moreri, v. Cardinal, as created cardinal a. d. 1252, but his title is not stated. He was of the Cistercian order. Page 534, note (1).] — See the Burton Annals, p. 344. Rymer gives an order, dated Woodstock, 20th August, 40 Henry III. [a. d. 1256], "De domibus Judseorum suspensorum pro puero crucifixo apud Lincoln, vendendis." (See the note on p. 188.) The expulsion of the Jews from France is men- tioned by M. Paris, p. 861, ad an. 1252; M. Westm. ad an. 1253. This pillage of the Jews by Henry is in M. Paris, p. 887, ad an. 1254, soon after Easter. Page 535, line 16 from the bottom.] — This affair is related by M. Westminster, ad an. 1260, 44 Hen. III.: the bishop of London, Fulco, died May 12th, a. d. 1259. (M. Paris.) The text of this paragraph has been revised in several places from the original. Page 536, line 31.]— M. Paris wrote till 43 Hen. III., which ended 27th October, a. d. 1259. He records the death of Fulco by the plague in the spring, and says he was buried at St. Paul's on St. Urban's day, i. e. May 25th. Page 536, note (3).] — This was the first occasion on which tenths were levied by the king on the clergy; and it was done on the authority of a special bull, granted to the king by Pope Innocent IV., who at the same time ordered a new valuation to be taken of all the benefices in England, with a view to this tax ; the making of this valuation was committed to Walter de Suthfield, bishop of Norwich, a. d. 1254; whence this valuation was called the ' Taxatio Nor- wicensis.' The following note of Wharton, in his Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 411, on B. Cotton's " De Episcopis Norvicensibus," will show the matter in its true light. The grant itself will be found, according to Brady and Tyrrell, 27 Hen. III., M. P. f. 866, n. 20, 303. " Iste Walterus, mandato Innocentii Papa?, qui Regi decimam omnium bonorum Ecclesiasticorum per triennium perci- piendam concesserat, anno 1254 fecit descriptionem valoris reddituum ad Eccle- siasticos in tota Anglia spectantium. Missis enim (verba sunt Annalium Burton.) per totum regnum prasceptis, in singulis Capitulis et Decanatibus cujuscunque Diocesis fecit decanum et tres rectores vel vicarios, qui fuerint majoris auctoritatis, inquirere veritatem et sub juramento certificare qua; sit justa aestimatio omnium proventuum Ecclesiasticorum tam majorum quam minorum, et prsedictas justas asstimationes in scriptis fideliter redigere, ad se transmittendas. Ista descriptio Walteri cura habita in tabulas publicas descripta est, et dato Taxce Norwicensis nomine in cunctis fere Cleri censibus deinceps usurpata fuit." Page 537, note (4).] — " Smnma or Sagma, onus. Summa bladi quanti con stiterit, docet Charta an. 1223. ' Summam bladi, scilicet tres modios bladi : ' vide Sarcina." " Qualis fuerit Sarcina bladi apud Montepessulanos, definitur in Charta an. 1340. 'Sarcina? bladi quinque sextaria ad mensuram loci illius continentes.'" (Carpentier's Supplement to Ducange.) Bp. Fleetwood in his Chronicon Pretiosum (page 57) defines it a quarter of eight bushels; and Dr. Kelly (Universal Cambist), and Sir H. Ellis in his Introduction to the Doomsday- Book, page xlii. note (11), lead to the same conclusion. M. Paris, ad an. 1205, says, " Summa frumenti duodecim solidis vendebatur." Page 537, note (6).]— This affair of Sicily lasted from a. d. 1255, when Ed- mund was actually invested by Alexander IV. with the two Sicilies, to a. d. 1266, when Clement IV., finding the English would be squeezed no more, offered the kingdom of Sicily to Charles, earl of Anjou. Rapin remarks that this affair of Sicily was the main source of Henry's troubles, of the establishment of the charters, and the downfal of popery. Richard, earl of Cornwall, was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle on Ascension day, May 17th, 1257. See a letter of his own to a friend in England preserved by M. Paris, in which the feast of St. Philip and St. James (May 1) is incidentally mentioned as happening on a Tuesday, which (by Nicolas's Tables) suits the year 1257. M. Paris calls Ascension Day "sexto Cal. Junii," leaving out "decimo," for 16 Cal. Jun. is May 17th, which (by Nicolas's Tables) was Ascension Day in 1257. Page 533, line 8.] — M. Paris (page 989) says, " trecenta millia librarum parvarurn Turonensium." Foxe, "thirteen hundred thousand of Turen pounds." 892 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 538, note (1).] — The original, "whence F axe's text is a little corrected, is as follows: — "Quam tamen pecuniam postea penitentia ductus nunquain recepit nee recipere voluit in vita sua. lmo in Uteris suis et epistolis, toto tempore suo, se Ducem Normanniae appellavit. Sed eo mortuo Edwardus filius ejus et successor in regno ilia duo verba (Dux Normanniae) in suis epistolis uon posuit." — Hemingford, ad an. 1259. Page 539, line 1 7 from the bottom.] — Wikes says they were married on the Feast of SS. Fabian and Sebastian, 1235, i. e. January 20th, a. d. 1230, which was a Sunday. (Nicolas's Tables.) Page 540, note (1).] — Foxe's text has been improved from the original, which is as follows: — "Justitiarii regis Angliae qui dicuntur 'Itineris/missiHerefordiam pro suo exequendo officio, repelluntur; allcgantibus his qui Regi adversabantur ipsos contra formam provisionum Oxoniae nuper factarum venisse." — Nich. 'Trie, ad an. 1260. Page 541, line I. " One month after Pentecost [June 11th]." — Foxe here, following Hemingford, says, " The fifteenth day after Easter." hut, in truth, the previous application of the barons to Henry was made in a parliament which the king summoned to discuss the affairs of the country, and especially the pope's demand for Sicily, on the Quindene of Easter, 1258, i. e. April 7th. (Nicolas's Tables.) Henry himself refers to the above parliament in a letter given by Rymer, dated Westminster, May 2d; and in another letter of the same date (given also by Rymer) he grants the barons a parliament, to meet at Oxford one month after Pentecost, to reform the government. St. Barnabas' Day is assigned by the Burton Annals and Wikes, i.e. June 11th, and it sat eleven days. Pentecost in that year was on May 12th. Page 541, line 23. " That they, departing the realm."] — Rymer (an. 125S) gives a safe-conduct of the king to his brothers, dated Winchester July 5th, in which it appears that they were to leave England by July 14th. Page 542, line 1. " Thirteenth."'] — Foxe says "fourteenth." But Heming- ford and the Burton Annals say, the Quindene of St. Michael, i.e. Oct. 13th; the latter adds that it was Edward the Confessor's day, ». e. Oct. 13th, 1258. The Provisions of Oxford were proclaimed after this Parliament. Oct. 13th fell on a Sunday in 1258, so that probably they did not proceed to business till the Monday, Oct. 14th. Page 542, line 14. " To be released of their oath."] — Three bulls are given in Rymer, sub anno 12G1: one to the king, absolving him from his oatb, dated Lateran, Id. April, anno pontif. 7; a second, to the Magnates, Praelati, and all concerned, absolving them, dated Rome, 3 Cal. Maii, anno pontif. 7; a third, requiring them to return to their obedience, dated Viterbo, Non. Maii anno pontif. 7. Page 542, line 17. "A parliament at Winchester."] — Foxe says "Another parliament at Oxford." But a parliament was held at Winchester, Whit- sunday, June 12th, a.d. 1201, at which the king made known the dispensation which he had received from the pope, and his determination not to adhere to his oath, as the barons had neglected theirs. — Thomas Wikes. Page 542, line 13 from the bottom.] — This list of nobles is corrected from Dugdale's Baronage. Page 543, line 2. " Was referred to Louis."] — Hemingford is here rather speaking by anticipation, for the reference to Louis was not made till the close of a. d. 1203, after which the Parliament met at Oxford, and the barons there continuing firm, matters were brought to extremity. (See M. Westm.) Thos. Wikes, indeed, says, that the reference to Louis was made Candlemas [Feb. 2d] a. d. 1202, but he was misled by the date of Louis's award. (See the note on p. 517.) Page 543, line 10.]— Thomas Wikes dates this temporary peace St. Nicholas's day, ;. r. Dec. Gth, a.d. 1261. ! 'age 543, line 8 from the bottom. " Commanded the same to be published."]— Rymer gives a letter of the king's, commanding all the sheriffs to proclaim him absolved from his oath, dated May 2d, a.d. 1262. Page :> 15, line 16. " The same near," &c]— Alexander Iv- llie(1 May 25th, a. l). 126] ; and the course of Foxe's narrative has already brought us into the APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 893 year a.d. 1262; we should, therefore, rather read here "the previous year." Urban IV. was crowned pope, September 4th, a. d. 12G1. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 545, note (2).] — Rymer gives Henry's application to Urban for dis- pensation from his oath, dated January 1st. Page 545, note (3).] — Foxe's text leaves out " Baldwin, earl of Devonshire," and makes "Richard, earl of Gloucester and Hereford" (sic) the person who died in France. This is at variance with the truth (see Dugdale's Baronage), and with his own alleged authority, from which the text has been corrected. Page 546, note (1). J — "Joh. Mansel, qui domini regis principalis consilia- rius extitit, arridente sibi fortuna in tantum ditatus est reditibus, ut septingentis de novo sibi accumulatis ad quatuor millia marcarum totalis ejus reditus animus asstimabatur. Ita ut nostris temporibus non est visus clericus in tantam opulen- tiam ascendisse." — M. Paris, an. 1252. Page 547, line 10. " To hear and stand to the arbitrement of Louis. "] — This is rather a premature statement ; see the next note. Henry, however, did go to France at this time, for Rymer gives a letter of the king's, dated West- minster, September 15th, a. d. 1263, stating, that being invited to attend a parliament of the French king at Boulogne-sur-mer on the Quindene of the nativity of the Virgin Mary (i. e. September 22d), he meant to return to England by the Octaves of St. Michael, i. e. October 6th. Page 547, line 18.] — The parliament at which the king and the barons agreed to make this reference to the French king was held at London on St. Lucy's day, i. e. Dec. 13th, a.d. 1263; and the agreement itself is given by Rymer, dated Windsor, Sunday after St. Lucy's day, i. e. December 16th, a. d. 1263 (by Nicolas's Tables). Page 547, line 38.] — Louis's award is given by Rymer, dated "Amiens, the morrow after St. Vincent's day \_i. e. January 23d], a. d. 1263," i. e. 1264 of our reckoning : but that was the day of the 'parliament assembling : the award was pronounced February 3d (see Tyrrell's Appendix). Pope Urban's confirmation of this award is also given by Rymer, dated "17 Cal. April, anno pontific. 3," i. e. March 16th, a.d. 1264. Page 547, line 7 from the bottom.] — The reader is not to suppose that the affair between the king and Simon Montfort in Southwark was now repeated. Page 547, line 5 from the bottom. [ — The parliament met at Oxford on Mid- lent Sunday (March 30th); where the king produced the pope's absolution again, and the French king's award : but neither was allowed. Page 548, line 1.] — Thomas Wikes says that the king set out from Oxford, and displayed his banner at Northampton on the Nones (5th) of April, being Saturday before Passion Sunday, which suits the year 1264, according to Nicolas's Tables. Page 548, line 3.] — This list is corrected from Hemingford and Dugdale. Page 548, line 14 from the bottom.] — Rymer gives the king's order to the scholars to retire from Oxford to make way for the Parliament, dated Oxford March 15th a.d. 1264. Page 549, line 13.] — The following list has been collated with the text of Hemingford : the names have also been verified and corrected by Nash's History of Northamptonshire. Page 549, line 26.] — Foxe dates the battle of Northampton "the Sabbath day in Passion Week, being the third of April." But M. Westiii. says, " Hoc actum fuit Sabbato primo Passionis Dominica? ;" Hemingford, "Sabbato primo in Passione Domini :" i. e. the Saturday before Passion Sunday, April 5th (by Nicolas's Tables). See also the note on p. 548, line 1. Page 549, line 14 from the bottom.] — " Warren " is substituted for " Wor- cester," which is Foxe's reading. See Dugdale's Baronage. Page 550, line 8. "Bannerets."] — " Vexillarios." — Hemingford. Page 550, line 10.] — The editions of 1570, 1576 correctly read " Winchel- sea," which afterwards was erroneously altered into " Winchester." Page 550, line 11. " The Saturday. "] — Hemingford says " Sabbato," which 894 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Foxe mistranslates "Sunday." The "twelfth day of May," presently men- tioned, fell in the year 1204 on a Monday. (Nicolas's Tables.) Page 551, line 30.] — The following names are corrected from Hemingford and Dugdale. Page 551, line 13 from the bottom.] — "Warren" is substituted for Foxe's " Warwick," agreeably to Hemingford and Dugdale. Page 551, line 10 from the bottom. "Bannerets."] — " Vexillarios." — Hem- ingford. Page 551, line 8 from the bottom.] — " Et erat ibi juvenilis a>tas quasi totius militia? sua?." — Hemingford. Page 552, line 4 from the bottom.] — " Per partes utrasque tumultuabat." — Hemingford, Page 553,. line 15.] — Foxe says " upon the nineteenth day of May." In thus dating the battle of Lewes he is misled by Hemingford, who says, " Acta base sunt in mense Maii, die Sancti Dunstani." But Tho. Wikes says it was fought " Prid. Id. Maii, xiv. sc. ejusdem mensis, die Mercurii proxima ante festum S. Dunstani," i. e. Wednesday, May 14th, a. d. 1204. St. Dunstan's Day is May 19th, and fell that year on a Monday. (Nicolas's Tables.) Page 553, line 10 from the bottom.] — " Decrescente parte Regis," says Hemingford : this paragraph has been corrected from his text. Page 554, line 11.] — Foxe here refers to Parker's " Antiquitates Britannica? EcclesuE." This passage is to be found in the edition printed at Hanover, 1005, page 188. The first edition was printed at London by John Dayc, 1572. Page 554, note (3).] — The Latin copy in Rymer does not name his chap- lains.— " Tertio actum est, quod magistros tales, familiares clericos suos secum adducat ; et hos tantum clericos alienigenas de consilio suo et familia retineat." Baldwin does not appear to have returned till Ascension-Day, May 6th, a.d. 1206.— T. Wikes, ad an. Page 550, line 19.]— Urban IV. died October 2d, a.d. 12G4. Clement IV. was crowned Feb. 22d or 26th, a.d. 1205. {U Art de Ver. des Dates.) He had been made cardinal-bishop of St. Sabina, a.d. 1261. — Moreri, v. Cardinal. Page 550, line 25.] — The words "in England" are put in from Trivet. Page 550, line 20.] — Thomas Aquinas was called the angelic doctor, Bona- venture the seraphic doctor: both died the same year, a. d. 1274. Page 559, line 2.] — Foxe says " Concerning non-residents :" the document itself proves the propriety of the change made, both here and in the margin. Page 500, line 28. "The park of Dunetish and Tiley."~\ — See Hutchins's Dorsetshire, vol. iii. pp. 257, 260, and Dugd ale's Monasticon, v. Cerne. At line 34 "Alfred" is substituted for "abbot," which is a manifest lapsus. Page 561, line 4 from the bottom. "I bid you adieu."'} — " Commendo vos Deo" (Hemingford), which Foxe renders "betake you to God." Page 561, note (2).] — Simon Montfort wanted to monopolise the ransoms of the principal prisoners. Page 501, note (3). " Philip Basset."] — So says Hemingford, correctly. See supra, p. 518, and Dugdale's Baronage. Foxe says "John." Page 561, note (4).] — Foxe's text says " Robert," for which he had Hemingford's authority: but Wikes says "Thomas de Clare;" and Dugdale states, that for this very action he was included with the earl, his brother, in a pardon, which is preserved among the Tower Records. Page 561, note (5).] — "Si forte tornearc deberet, sicut et aliquando volu- issent." (Hemingford.) Foxe renders the last words "as they might when they listed." Page 502, line 10. " And when this" &c] — '< Nunciatumque est hoc Ed- wardo filio Regis per exploratorcm suum Margoth, qui, cum mulier esset, in veste tamen viiili velut homo gvadiebatur Eratque tunc Edwardus apild Wirccstriam quam post Gloucestriam paulo ante devicerat, et accepto nuncio consurgens de nocte abiit." — Hemingford. Page 502, line 26.]— "Cum processissent in itinere, vencrunt hostium longa_> APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 895 quadrigae, \it victualia qusererenr, et continuo captas sunt, et equi distributi in loco lassatorum equorum per exercitum." Page 562, line 36. "Prince Edward immediately returned to Worcester." ] — These words are added to the text from Hemingford : "Et statim ad Wirces- triam reversi sunt." Page 562, line 5 from the bottom.] — " Dixit [speculator] ad comitem apparent vexilla tuorum. Et ille, Filius meus est : ne timeas. Sed vade et circumspice, ne forte proeoccupemur circumventi ; non enim cognoverat adhuc de his qua? filio acciderant. Perrexit ergo speculator ille in altum in cloccario Abbatiae," &c. — Hemingford. Page 563, line 1.] — " Festinavitque ut montis clivo ascenso primos belli ictus occupare posset." — Hemingford. Page 563, line 12.] — Hemingford says: " Praecepitque ut confiterentur omnes, et essent parati in prrelium, qui pro legibus terras mori vellent et pro justitia :" which Foxe renders " should make himself ready to God, and to fight out the field ; for that it was their will to die for their laws and in a just quarrel." Page 563, line 8 from the bottom. " But after the battle," &c.]— This and the next sentence had slipped into the middle of the next paragraph. Page 564, line 26.] — Othobon arrived in England with the queen about All-saiuts' day, i. e. Nov. 1st, and the parliament and convocation met at Northampton on St. Nicholas's day, i.e. Dec. 6th. (Chron. Dunstap.) Another parliament met at Northampton, April 11th, a. d. 1266. — Evesh. Annales. Page 564 note (1).] — The last name mentioned in the above list", of slain stands in Foxe "the lord Roger Rowley," in Hemingford " dominus' Rogerus de Roule," in Dugdale "Roger de Rowele " (vol. i. p. 758). The individual meant was undoubtedly Sir Roger de Ruhala, or, as the name was afterwards spelt in the more modern portion of the pedigree, Rowele or Rowell, Rouall or Roall ; and Dugdale, who is an authority on these points, calls tbe name Rowele, which spelling is the best that can be given The family of Rowell was of consequence in the county of Lincoln, and possessed lands in the Isle of Axholme, whither the barons retired. He should not be called the lord Roger Rowele, but sir Roger Rowele, being one of the many (some say 150) knights who were slain with Simon. For this information, the editor is indebted to the kindness of William Courthope, Esq., Somerset Herald. Page 564, note (2).] — Foxe represents the barons as having been disinherited somewhat later, at the parliament of Northampton. But the Tower Record referred to in this note and cited by Brady and Tyrrell, proves that they were disinherited and their estates seized into the king's hands at the parliament of Winchester, Sept. 8th. Foxe, however, had authority. (See Hemingford, and Knyghton quoted presently on note (4).) The error has been corrected in the text by a slight transposition. A commission is printed in Brady's Appendix (vol. i. No. 223), directing an account to be taken of the forfeited estates, to be sent in with the Michaelmas Rents on or before St. Edward's day next ensuing [Oct. 13th]. On that day the parliament resumed its sittings for eight days, when the estates of tbe barons were absolutely given to the king, who bestowed them on his friends. (Tyrrell, p. 1056.) Page 564, note (3).] — The bishops referred to were those of Lincoln, London, Worcester, and Lichfield. They were pronounced excommunicate by Othobon at the council of Northampton, and ordered to appear " infra Quadra- gesima" to answer for their rebellion. In the meantime the bishop of Worcester died, but was absolved on bis death-bed (Godwin de Prassulibus). The other three appeared at the time appointed, and were ordered to come and receive judgment "on the quindene of Easter;" wben they were sent off to the court of Rome, there to answer for their conduct. — Chron. Dunstap. and Thos. Wikes, ad an. 1266. Page 564, note (4).] — Foxe had authority for his statements in the text, as the following extract from Hemingford will show : — " Tenuitque Rex Parliamentum suum menseNovembris apud Northampton, et exhaeredati sunt omnes qui comiti 89G APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Simoni astiterunt, et uxor ejus cum liberis; tenuitque ibidem concilium Othobon, legatus Domini Paps, et excommunicavit (mines Episcopos, qui eidem coniiti Simoni auxilium prsestiterant et favorem. Misitque quosdam eoruin ad pra'sentiam Papa?, pro beneficio absolutionis obtincndo; publicavitque quzedam statuta quae fecerat, et concessionem Domini Papae Clementis quam fecerat Regi et Regina?, de decima Anglicanae Ecclesiae concessa eisdem per sex annos subsequentes; fiebatque cito post taxatio Norwicensis per Walterum Norwicensem Episcopum, qui ad hoc onus electus est. Eactaque sunt ha?c in anno Domini 1266." — Hist. Angl. Scrip/ores, Edidit Thonueus Gale, Oxon. 1691, vol. ii. p. 587. The same passage is copied by Knygbton in the Decern Scriptores, col. 2454; it is also quoted by Wilkins in his Concilia, ad annum. — But besides the error of representing the barons as disinherited at Northampton (pointed out in the last note but one, and corrected in Eoxe's text), there is probably some error as to the extent of " the new grant made to the king and queen of the tenths for seven " (or even " six," as Hemingford states) "years to come." . Several papal bulls are printed in Rymer, dated Viterbo Id. Sep. and 8 Cal. Oct. 1265, transferring to the use of the king one year's tenths which had been previously levied on the church by the barons : and afterward a grant was made to the king of the tenths for three years, out of which the queen was to have 60,000/. ; see the notes in this Appendix on pp. 566, note (3), and 567, note (6). — But Hemingford is certainly mistaken in representing the "Taxatio Norwicensis" as now first made, and Eoxe is still further mistaken in translating his words "shortly after a tax was also fined upon the county of Norfolk." The time and occasion of the said "Taxatio Norwicensis" being made have been stated in this Appendix, in the note on p. 536. Bartholomew Cotton states in his " Annates Norwicenses" that a twentieth was this year voted by Parliament to the disinherited barons, "secundum taxationem domini Walteri de Suthfend quondam Episcopi Norwicensis" (Anglia Sacra, torn. i. p. 398); and Wikes (see the note in this Appendix on p. 566, note (3) ) calls it "taxatio pernequiter innovata": from such expressions, probably, Hemingford erroneously inferred, that the present was the original occasion of the " Tax- atio Norwicensis" being made. Page 564, note (5).] — Foxe omits to mention that Simon de Montfort, jun. as well as D'Eyvile, threw himself into Axholm. Henry ordered an army to assemble at Northampton to reduce the rebels in Axholm "circa festuin Stffi. Luciae" [Dec. 13th]. They surrendered at discretion, Dec. 27th, saving life and limbs. (M. Paris, Annal. Waverl.) On presenting himself before the king at Northampton, Simon, through the intercession of Richard, kins; of the Romans, was kindly received by the king, and appointed a pension of 500 marks during good behaviour: he accompanied the king to London Jan. 13th, but hearing that he was to be imprisoned in the Tower he suddenly absconded on the night of St. Scholastica's day, being Ash-Wednesday [which gives Feb. 10th, a.d. 1266, by Nicolas's Tables]; he joined the pirates of the Cinque Ports, till they were defeated by Prince Edward at Winchelsea on the feast of SS. Perpetua and Felicitas [March 7th], alter which he took refuge in France. Rymer gives a proclamation of Henry, dated Northampton May 18th, a.d. 1266, stating that Simon and his friends were raising forces in France to invade England ; and Rymer gives also a bull of excommunication against him for intriguing at Paris against Henry, dated Viterbo 17 Cal. Octob. a.d. 1266; after which be joined the barons in the Isle of Ely, and there surrendered. — Annal. Waverl., M. Paris, Chron. Dunstap., Rymer. Page 564, note (6).] — Some place the death of Walter in the year 1267, while all place it in the month of February. There seems little doubt, however, that he died in 1266, for his successor, Nicholas of Ely, appears (by the Annal. Waverl.) as bishop of Worcester among the twelve commissioners chosen at Coventry in the ensuing summer. Nicholas seems also to have been conse- crated, with the bishop of Landaff, " octavis Pentecostes," May 23d, a.d. 12(i(i, on the return of archbishop Boniface about Ascension-day (Thomas Wikes); or rather with Roger, bishop of Norwich, Sept. 19th. (Annal. Wigornienses : see Wharton's note, Anglia Sacra, torn. i. p. 496.) Page 565, line 29. "Twelve persons u-er; chosen."] — These twelve were APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 897 chosen and sat at Coventry (M. Paris, Chron. Dunstap.), which will explain the allusion at page 567, line 13. Page .506, line 6.] — This mention of Simon Montfort tallies with the account given of him in the note on p. 564, note (5). Page 566, line 10 from the bottom.] — The king was roused to attack the Isle of Ely by the excesses committed by the barons, who had taken refuge there. (Chronicon de Barnewelle, Leland's Collectanea, vol. ii. p. 439.) They attacked and plundered Norwich, 17 Cal. Jan. 1267 (Anglia Sacra, torn. i. p. 39S), " circa festum Sti. Nicolai, in mense Uecembri." (T. Wikes.) The king came to Bury on his way to Ely on the Octaves of St. Hilary (Jan. 20th), and held a parliament there " Crastino Purificationis" (Feb. 3d), where he asked for a second tenth besides what the pope had granted him, but was refused. (T. Wikes, Chron. Dunstap.) He besieged the Isle of Ely all Lent; after which he was joined by prince Edward from the North ; and left for London, which had been invested by the earl of Gloucester about Easter (April 17th). Henry advanced about 3 Non. Maii (May 5th), and stopped several weeks at Stratford. The earl evacuated London 8 Id. Julii, and made terms for his party. — Leland's Collec. ii. p. 439, T. Wikes, Annul Waved. Page 566, note (2).] — Walter GifTord, chosen bishop of Bath and Wells May 22d, a. d. 1264, seems to have been translated to York October 15th, a. d. 1265 (Richardson's Godwin): T. Wikes and the Waverley Annals, how- ever, confirm Foxe's statement. Page 566, note (3).] — Foxe says, " In this year also the Church of England began to pay the tenths of all her revenues, as well spiritual as temporal, to the king." Probably he is quoting here " Scala Mundi," and a little misapprehends the meaning of the original, applying " spiritual and temporal" to the revenues instead of the clergy. The following is the account of the matter in the Waverley Annals: — " Item hoc anno (1266) concessa est Domino Regi decima omnium Ecclesiarum et omnium bonorum Religiosorum et Ecclesiasticarum personarum Anglite, Wallise, Hybernias, et Scotiae, exceptis Templariis, Hospitalariis, et Ordine Cisterciensi, per tres annos." (Gale, vol. ii. p. 223.) Thomas Wikes, ad annum 1267, says to the same effect: — " Et ne Clericorum marsupia sacculis laicorum abundantius intumescerent, sed esset Cleris sicut et populis, summus Pontifex (excedens potius, si fas sit dicere, potestatis plenitudinem quam exer- cens) inaudito contributionis genere Anglicanam Ecclesiam [opprimit] conce- dendo Domino Regi Anglorum decimam partem omnium bonorum etproventuum annuorum, tarn Clericorum, quam religiosorum, paucis religiosis duntaxat exceptis, quicum ne cum aliis contribuerent, et sic sua laederent privilegia, inestimabili data pecunia redimenda duxerunt ; et non solum sub antiquam vel pernequiter innovatam taxationem decimas suas nnius anni reddere sunt coacti, sed et trium annorum sub [nova] decimatione verum et plenum rerum suarum valorem singuli persolvebant . . . . " (Gale, torn. ii. p. 84.) In explanation and confirmation of the above statements it may be remarked, that there is in Rymer a bull dated " Viterbo Id. Julii, pontificatus anno tertio" [1267], and directed to Othobon, intimating that the pope had previously granted the king the tenth of all ecclesiastical revenues in England, Ireland, and Wales, for three years, out of which 60,000 pounds Tours were to be deducted and allowed the queen to pay her debts. This bull urges the immediate raising of these 60,000 pounds (si forsitan non sint collecta), to be paid over to the queen's creditors. To the same matter Hemingford probably refers in the passage cited from him in the note on p. 564, note (3). Page 567, note (2).] — Mention is made of the Peches in the Chronicle of Barnwell Priory (Leland's Collectanea, vol. ii. p. 439), as a family of con- sideiable consequence in those parts, and in particular the brothers Hugh and Robert Peche are stated to have saved the Priory from being burnt by the " Insulares " on the retirement of the king from Cambridge for London. The Priory was founded by an ancestor of theirs. (Tanner's Notitia Monastica.) — Baldwin Wake's ancestor was active in maintaining the Isle of Ely against the Conqueror. Baldwin obtained pardon, and restitution of his lands, on paying three years' value to those to whom they had been given. Pat. 51 Hen. III. 3 m. 26, apud Dugdale, vol. i. p. 540. VOL. II. 3 M 898 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 507, note (3).] — This council met " in Quinder.a Paschas, quae ipso anno contigit 6 Id. Aprilis. ' (T. Wikes.) It was at this council that the famous Constitutions of Otbobon were passed, printed in Wilkins's Concilia, ton*, ii-p. 1 Some of them tended to abridge tlio power of the bishops, and such strong oppo- sition was made to them, that Othobon was forced to adjourn the assembly to the next day: he improved the interim so will by promises or threats, that next day he carried his point. — M. Jl'estm. ad an., f. Wikes, p. 85. Page 567, note (G).] — These new valuations (luxationes) were evidently much disliked by the clergy. We have already seen how Wikes speaks of the Norwich valuation, in the note on p. 5GG, note (3). It is not improbable that Othobon attempted (as Foxe says) to get a still more perfect valuation than that, but found the proceeding so odious that he was obliged to desist; for we have no such valuation on record : but it would appear from the following passage from Wikes, ad annum 1269, that the king compounded the matter in another way: — "Circa idem tempus Ilex Anglorum, cui, sicut prsediximue, Dominus Papa decimam clericorum sub veruni suum valorem (minus sane, si liceret dicere) diu ante concesserat, perpendens quod nee antiqua beneficiorum taxatio, nee Waited Norwicensis Episcopi taxatio nequiter mnovata, verum valorem posset attingere, pessimis pessima superaddens, Pontificibus (qui se pro subditorum defensione rauram inexpugnabilem exponere debuissent) annuen- tibus nee non in modico contradicentibus, tandem extorsit, ut pro recompensa- tione veri valoris non percepti per triennium decimam quarti anni singuli reddere cogerentur " (Gale, vol. ii. p. SS): that is, the king demanded a fourth year's tenths in compensation for the defect of the three previous years' tenths below their true value. The juxtaposition of "quarti" and "tres" may have misled Foxe, or his authority, into the statement about " seven " years' tenths, noticed in p. 5C4. Page 5G7, note (7).] — "Theobaldum archidiaconuniLeodiensetn, quern vulgus consueto vocabulo vocitabat Tyardum, quique tunc temporis cum domino Edo- ardo ])eregrinationis causa morabatur." (T. Wikes, p. 9G, ad an. 1270.) Foxe calls him an "archdeacon cardinal;" but he does not appear to have been a cardinal. (See Moreri, v. Cardinal.) He was elected Sept. 1st, a. d. 1271, and consecrated at Home, March 27th, a.d. 1272. (L'Art de Ver. des Dates.) Foxe omits all mention of the six ensuing popes, Innocent V., Adrian V., John XX. or XXI., Nicholas III., Martin IV., and Honorius IV.: Nicholas III. is introduced at p. 579 by the present editor. Page 568, note (2).] — Foxe in the text says, " Robert Burnell, their chan- cellor:" but he was at this time (A.D. 1270) only canon of "Wells, archdeacon of York, and the prince's chaplain : he was made chancellor Sept. 21st, a. d. 1274, and bishop of Bath and Wells January 1275, and consecrated by the archbishop at Merton April 7th following. (Richardson's Godwin " De Prae- sulibus.") Another unsuccessful attempt was made by the prince, when Edward I., to obtain for him the primacy in a.d. 1278. (See p. 579.) Pa^e 5G9, note (1).] — John, of Darlington in the diocese of Durham, was a Dominican, of great learning and probity. He was made private confessor to Henry III. He was made pope's collector in England "Gregorii X. anno 3," i.e. a.d. 1271 or 1272; and continued such under John XXI., Nicholas III., and Martin IV. He was consecrated archbishop of Dublin on the Sunday after Bartholomew, a.d. 1279, and died suddenly at London, 5 Cal. An. a.d. 1284. His concordance was called Magna and Anylicana. — Bale, Fuller's Worthies, Tanner's Bibliolh. Page 571, line 27. " Then the Christians" &c] — Ilemingford's words are (p. 590): "Animati itaque Christiani tertio exierunt circa festum Beati Petri ad vincula, usque ad Sanctum Georgium, et peremptis quibusdam, cum non invenirent qui resisterent, reversi sunt cum gaudio in locum suum." Pa^e 571, line 10 from the bottom.] — This messenger is commonly supposed t<> have been one of the Assassini, of whom some account has been given in the note on p. 4G7. Page 573, line 25. " Through Palestrina and Metmes."] — These appear barbarous words. Gale's edition of Hemingford reads PaUestmam et Medlines, APPENDIX TO VOL. II. cSy9 and gives in the note a various reading Platiam and Messinam ; but this is not satisfactory. Page 574, line 9. " Hereat prince Edward being ascorned."] — This is the reading of all the old editions. " Ascorned" is from the French escorner, and means indignant. — " Holy bread " or " halibread," line 24, alludes to the via- ticum given to the dying. Page 575, line 18.] — Thomas Aquinas "was born at Aquino, in Italy, 1224. The number of his works is prodigious, amounting to seventeen volumes folio, though he died at the early age of fifty. He is styled ' The Angelical Doctor;' and his authority among the schoolmen was almost decisive in theology. Like our own Hooker, he was little less eminent for his self-denying humility than for his wide erudition and deep reasoning powers. It is said that when pope Clement IV. showed him a vast heap of wealth, observing, 'You see the church cannot now say, Silver and gold have I none:' ' True,' replied the great schoolman, 'neither can she now say to the sick, Take up thy bed and walk.' Though, like other fallible men, and especially voluminous writers, he is sometimes found in error, yet Protestant divines and scholars have done justice to the vast attainments of this wonderful man. Dean Phil- potts says, ' I do not affect to be deeply versed in his writings; but I have read enough of them to bear testimony to the uncommon vigour and astonishing acuteness of his mind.' (Letters to Charles Butler, Esq.) And Mr. Southey 'speaks of him as ca maji whose extraordinary powers of mind few persons are competent to appreciate.' (Vindiciee Ecc. Ang.) As calculated in an especial manner to stamp the character of the man, and as a hint to those who forget that Bene ordsse est bene studuisse, it may not be improper to insert here the prayer of Thomas Aquinas before commencing study: — 'Ineffably wise and merciful Creator ! illustrious Source of all things ! true Fountain of light and wisdom ! Vouchsafe to infuse into my understanding some ray of thy brightness; thereby removing that twofold darkness under which I was born, the darkness of sin and ignorance. Thou, that makest the tongues of infants eloquent, instruct, I pray thee, my tongue likewise : and pour upon my lips the grace of thy benediction. Give me quickness to comprehend, and memory to retain : give me a facility in expounding, an aptitude in learning, and a copious eloquence in speaking. Prepare my entrance into knowledge : direct me in my pursuits, and render the issue of them complete : through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.' " — Allport's Davenant, vol. i. p. 33, note. Jac.obus.de Voragine, " rectitis de Viragine urbe maritima Ligurum." He was archbishop of Genoa : he was the first to translate the Bible into Italian, about a. d. 1270. He wrote a book called Legenda Aurea, being a collection of Lives of the Saints, full of fables, which Ludovicus Vives and Melchior Canus, bishop of the Canaries, called Legenda ferrea. He wrote also Chronicon Genuense. He died a.d. 1294. — Hoffman, Moreri, and Cave. Vincentius of Beauvais, a Burgundian, of the Preaching Friars, flourished a.d. 1244. He was author of the famous "Speculum Quadruplex" (Historicum, Naturale, Morale, Doctrinale). — Cave. By the Cardinal of Ostia is meant Henry de Segusa or Susa, who was, first of all, made bishop of Sisteron, and then archbishop of Embrun a. d. 1250, and cardinal-bishop of Ostia, a.d. 1262: he wrote on the Decretals. He was denominated " Fons el Splendor Juris." — Cave. Alberlus, styled Magnus, "a German, of the Dominican order, and a follower of Peter Lombard; 'a man,' says Mosheim, 'of vast abilities, and an uni- versal dictator in his time.' His celebrity, however, is so clouded with the legendary tales related of his acquirements and performances in occult philosophy, that it is impossible to say what portion of it is duly merited ; and of the twenty-one folio volumes attributed to him, it has since been ascertained that many pieces which are there inserted were not composed by him. Still, the distinction he obtained for his extensive acquaintance with the subtle philo- sophy and obscure theology of the times was so great, that in 1248 he was called to Rome by Pope Alexander IV., and appointed ' Master of the Sacred Palace.' (See the next paragraph.) In 1260, he was elected bishop of Ratis- bon ; but finding his episcopal duties inconsistent with his love of retirement and study, he resigned his bishopric, and returned to Cologne, to enjoy the leisure of 3 m 2 900 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. monastic life. He was, however, drawn from bis retirement by pope Gregory X., who sent him into Germany and Bohemia to preach the Crusade, lie after- wards attended the council of Lyons, and then returned to Cologne, where he remained until his death in 1280." — Allport' s Davenant, vol. i. p. 148, note. Durandtu, "one of the most learned lawyers of bis time, who flourished in the thirteenth century. He was a pupil of the celebrated Henry de Susa or Segusa, after quitting whom, and taking his doctor's degree, he taught canon- law at Bologna and Modena, and published a famous work, entitled ' Specu- lum Juris,' which gained him the surname of ' Speculator.' Being introduced by his former tutor, now cardinal-bishop of Ostia, at the court of Rome, he was employed by Clement IV. and four succeeding pontiffs in important and honourable charges. Among other posts of distinction assigned him, he was made ' Master of the Sacred Palace.' The person holding this office was 'a kind of domestic chaplain or preacher of the pope.' A part of his jurisdiction in this capacity 'referred to the printing of books, and the power of prohibiting them.' Of this office Mr. Mendham has given a full and interesting account in his valuable work on the ' Literary Policy of the Church of Rome' (Yh. i. pp. 11 — 13). In the progress of bis preferments and honours, Durandus wa* created bishop of Mende, and employed as Gregory's legate at the council of Lyons. Being recalled to Rome, he was afterwards created marquis of An- cona, and then count of Romagna, which provinces he governed during the tumults of the Guelph and Ghibelline factions. ' The Rationale Divinorum Officiorum ' is the best known of his works, and has be,en the most frequently reprinted. It is a detailed view of the rites and worship of the Roman church, and contains a competent portion of fable. He died at Rome in 1296."— Allport's Davenant, vol. i. p. 38, note. Page 575, line 24.] — The Tartar invasion is mentioned supra, at p. 491. Page 576, line 3.]— See p. 491. Page 576, line 13 from the bottom. " The fourth day of March."}— Godwin says " 4 Cal. Martis," i. e. Feb. 26th. Page 576, line 10 from the bottom.] — Foxe erroneously makes Henry III. die "a. d. 1273, in the fifty -sixth year of his reign." (See Nicolas's Tables.) Page 577, line 6.] — Edward I. landed at Dover, August 2d, a. d. 1274, and was crowned at Westminster, on Sunday, August 19th. — Nicolas's Chronology of History. Page 578, line 16 from the bottom. " The halfpenny and farthing," &c] — See the note on p. 690, note (4). Page 579, line 12.] — Edward I., when Prince of Wales, had made a previous attempt to obtain the primacy for this Robert Burnell, then his domestic chaplain. (See the note on p. 568, note (2).) This fresh attempt was made on the abdication of Kilwardby, early in 1278. " Electi [R. Burnell] causam Rex Nicolao papa? impensc commendavit Uteris datis 10 Julii 1278 (Rymer), aliisque ad Robertum dignitatem oblatam detrectantem 11 Aug. 127S scriptis ipsum enixe rogat, ut electioni de se factae consentiat. Paruit Robertas, missisque ad Curiam Romanam nunciis electionem confirmari petiit. Incassum autem." (Wharton, Anglia Sacra, torn. i. p. 567, note d.) Foxe, in consequence of his having misplaced this portion of his narrative after the account of Boni- face VIII., was misled into the notion that this affair happened under "Pope Boniface VIII." — or vice versa: this portion (as already intimated at the foot of p. 578) has been transposed, and "Nicholas III." substituted for " Boniface VIII." Nicholas III. was pope Dec. 26th a. d. 1277— August 22d a.d. 12S0. Page 580, line 15.] — The parliament of Bury was held "in Crastino Ani- marum Omnium, 24 Ed. 1.;" i. e. Nov. 3, a.d. 1296. Page 5S0, line 21. "In crastino St*. Ifi/arii."]— (Nicholas Trivet, and Knyghton.) Foxe says, "the next Hilary term." Page 581, line 19.]— Edward embarked at Winchclsea, August 22d, a.d. 1297. Page -r.S2, line 16. j— This is called, in the Public Acts, " Colloquium et Trac- tates." Another meeting was summoned for Oct m- jieror in this matter."] — Foxe says, "to consuit with the high Emperor of Sal- vation in this matter what is to be done," following his text, " Deiude me consulere oportet imperatorem salutis :" the later editions read correctly, " imperatoris saluti." Page 632, line 15 from the bottom.]—" Nota hie de caslio dato Sancto Uc- :irri- }>i o ccclesia Laudunensi per Clodoveum rej m. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 905 Page 635, line 34.] — Fleury calls the foregoing speech of the archbishop of Sens " longue et ennuyeuse harangue." He gives an abstract of the former part, and says, " Je ne rapporterai le reste des preuves de l'archeveque de Sens, parcequ'il faudroit en meme temps en montrer la foiblesse, en faveur de ceux qui ne sont pas verses en ces matieres : ce qui convient mieux au discours par- ticulier de la jurisdiction ecclesiastique." Page 635, line 36. " On the Friday next but one, being December the twenty- ninth."'] — Foxe calls this " the Friday following," which, according to the course of the previous narrative, would bring us to December 22d, the last day men- tioned being Friday, December 15th (p. 619). And accordingly Gallia Christiana in the account of Peter Bertrand says, " Egit primo Rogerius apud Vicenas. Deinde die 22do Decembris subsequente Petrus noster dixit in Palatio Regis, Parisiis, et sexaginta articulis a Cygnerio objectis sigillatim respondit." Fleury also says, " Le Vendredi suivant, vingt-deuxieme de Decembre." It is certain, however, that this session was held on December 29th ; for when the bishop of Autun proceeds to reply to the articles sigillatim, the " Libellus" says, " Deinde prsefatus dominusEduensisEpisc. adfinem pra?dictum, videlicet ad informandam conscientiam domini regis et ad praestandum consilium, &c. ... ad singulos arti culos sic respondit, et divisit articulos traditos in tres partes ; quia quidam articuli tangebant jura ecclesia? perpetua, &c quos erant parati defendere, sicut B. Thomas Cantuariensis Episcopus, cujns festum erat ilia die, jura ecclesise defenderat." Thomas Becket's day was December 29th. The first Editor of the " Libellus" (if not some previous copyist), aware of this, endeavoured to pull the previous proceedings onwards by appending to the parliamentary sum- mons— "die Veneris 15 Decembris;" as if to intimate that the parliament did not get to business till that day, instead of December the 7th or 8th. But the fact is that the Latin date of the present session has been misunderstood — " Altera autem die Veneris immediate subsequenti, videl. die 29 Decemb.:" where "Altera die Veneris immediate subsequenti" means the second, not the next, Friday following. " Proximus, alter, tertius. — Cic." (Ainsworth.) " Immediate subsequenti " is added, to prevent " altera " from being taken to mean indefinitely some other, another, Friday ; and limits it to mean the next but one. Where the Friday next following is meant, as at pp. 619, 637, the " Libellus " says simply, " dies Veneris sequens," and "post haec die Veneris sequenti." We may suppose the long interval of a fortnight to have been required for the celebration of Christmas ; and this will also account for the bishop of Autun's repeating at such length the arguments of the archbishop of Sens, which might easily have been forgotten- during the Christmas celebration. Page 635, line 28 from the bottom.] — Peter Bertrand was created bishop of Autun about a.d. 1319. He was eminent for his knowledge of law, both canon and civil. For the talent which he displayed on the present occasion, the king himself paid him the compliment of allowing him to put a stem of lilies on his coat of arms. He died July 23d, a.d. 1348 or 1349. (Gallia Christiana, torn, iv.) His title is Augustoclunensis, or Eduensis, from Augusto- dunum, the Latin name of Autun, which was the capital of the ancient Edui. Page 637, line 8 from the bottom. " On that day [January the 5th]."] — " Post haec die Veneris sequenti." (Libellus). " Le Vendredi suivant, vingt-neuviemede Decembre." (Fleuri.) Paulus iEmilius (apud Odorici Raynaldi continuationem, Annal. Baron, torn, v.) says — " Prima actione nihil constitutum. Cum am- pliatur, die D. Thomae Cantuar. festo cum Patrum frequente globo Bertrandus Regem adiit, admonuitque ilium illuxisse diem quern pro libertate ecclesias Thomas sanguine suo consecraverat. Respondit Rex, omnia sibi curae futura. Anceps vox. Bertrandus, ut certius Iastiusque eliceret responsum, oravit ut ambiguo responsu non dimitteret tristes a se sacerdotes." Where it is plain that iEmilius (as well as Fleury) connects the passage at p. 639, line 9, with T. Becket's day, or Dec. 29th. But see the note on p. 635, line 36. Page 640, line 21 from the bottom.] — Gaveston was banished by a decree dated Feb. 22d, a.d. 1307.— Rymer. Page 641, line 3.]— Edward I. died July 7th, a.d. 1307.— Nicolas s Chro- nology of History. 906 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 642, line 6.] — That parliament met the quindene of Easter, April 28th : the writs for the coronation appoint the Sunday after Valentine's-day for the ceremony, i.e. Feu. 18th, a. d. 1308 (Rymer); but a memorandum from the Close Rolls (Rymer) says that it actually took place the Sunday after St. Peter in Cathedra, being the morrow after St. Matthias's Day, or Feb. 25th. (See Nicolas's Tables.) Page 642, line 18.] — This letter is given by Rymer. Page 642, note ( 1).] — The archbishopric of York was not vacant at this time : it had been vacant toward the close of the last reign between the death of Thomas Corbridge, September 22d, a.d. 1303, and the consecration of William Greenfield, January 30th, a.d. 1305 (Richardson's Godwin " De Prresulibus"); and in that interval Edward I. seems to have presented his chaplain, li'alter de Bedwijnd; for Prynne, page 1187, gives (from Claus. 35 Ed. I. m. 10, durso pro lleye et Wultero de Bedewind clerico) a writ to the sheriff of York, dated "Carlisle, 10 die Marcii, 35 Ed. i." forbidding any one to molest the said Walter in his possession of the treasurership of York which he held by virtue of his royal collation. There was no other vacancy in the see of York till the death of Greenfield, December 6th, a.d. 1315. It seems most natural to suppose that Edward I. left the dispute as a legacy to his son, and that the pope made a fresh attempt on the inexperience of the young king : who seems, however, to have defended and confirmed his father's appointment with considerable spirit. The notes on page 702 will prove this last supposition to be correct Page 643, line 9 from the bottom.] — Edward's letter of recal to Gaveston is in Rymer, dated Dumfries, August 6th, a.d. 1307. Page 645, note (1).] — Foxe puts " Arpontacus Burdegalensis " at the end of the foregoing paragraph, as though he were the authority for the whole para- graph, which is not the case. Moreover, " Arpontacus " is a misprint for " Ar. Pontacus," the running head-line of his Chronographia being " Ar. Pontacus Burdegalensis." — Bishop Hall's " Honour of the Married Clergy" (lib. i. § 12, and lib. iii. § 3) furnished the clue to the other author cited, viz. Matth. Parker. Parker cites for his authority Adam Mirimouth's first Chronicle, and \V. Thorn's Chronica [printed in the Decern Script.]. This last is identical with Bishop Hall's "Hist. Radulphi Bourne, Augustadensis Eccl. Abbatis." Thorn states (Script. Decern, cols. 2009, 2010) that Ralph Bourne was elected abbot of St. Austin's, Canterbury, March 7th, 1310: he waited on the pope then at Avignon for his confirmation, and landed at Dover on his return, xi Cal. Oct. 1310. — Provins is a village (once a very important place) eighteen leagues south of Paris, in Brie. The nunnery here meant was very probably that of Mon Notre Dame des Provins, which was broken up as a female establish- ment soon after this period, and turned into a priory for monks. See Beaunier (llecueil des Archeveques, Eveques, Abbes, et Prioreux, &c. en France, 4to. Par. 1 726), who assigns a very confused reason ; the real one probably was the abomi- nable state of the Society. See also Gallia Christiana, under the church of Sens. Page 617, line 11 from the bottom. " The black dog of Arden."] — This is from Walsingham. Arden was a district of Warwickshire, in which the earl had extensive estates ; and being fond of the chase, he acquired this nickname with Gaveston, " niger canis de Arderina [Ardenna], eo quod fuscus esset." — Wahmgham. Page 618, line 33. " Titi fillers. ,] — This word means worthless fellows. " Lord Hailes observes from Junius, that things of no value were anciently called ' Titivilitia,' as the term denoted rotten threads which fall from the distaff, and in general the vilest things of this description." Jamieson's Scottish Diet, in roc, which is fully supported by what appears under the head of Titivilitia, in Facciolati's Lexicon, Scheller's, &c. Ainsworth's 4to. Diet, gives an example of Titivilitia from Plautus. Page 650, last line ]— In the treasury of Durham Cathedral is preserved a mandate from bishop Beaumont to the prior and convent of Durham, in which tin- bull of pope John XXII. is recited, commanding the prior and convent to collect for these cardinals fourpence per mark from all beneficed persons in the APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 907 Page 651, line 2.] — Tins affair happened at Acle, near Darlington, on Thurs- day, Sept. 1st, a. d. 1317. The cardinals were on their road to Durham, to attend the consecration of the new bishop of Durham on the following Sunday. ( Rymer, iii. pp. 663, 666.) On the sense of " legacy " see the note above on p. 204. Page 651, middle.] — The king's letter to Rigaud is in Rymer; also the letter given in the next page, which Foxe mis-calls " a prohibition for paying the pope's Peter-pence." Rigaud was not a cardinal (see Moreri, v. Cardinal), and he seems to have had nothing to do with the affair just mentioned. Page 654, line 16 from the bottom.] — The truce is in Rymer dated May 30th, a.d. 1223 : it was for " thirteen " years. Page 659, line 16 from the bottom.] — Lyranus, or Nicholas de Lyra, "so called from the place of his nativity, Lyre, a small town in Normandy. He was of Jewish parents, but, on embracing Christianity, entered among the Franciscans at Verneuil, in 1291. Having remained there some time he was sent to Paris, where he applied with the greatest diligence to his studies, and was admitted to the degree of Doctor. He was the author of ' Postils,' or a com- mentary on the whole Bible, which occupied him seven years in accomplishing. Luther said of him in reference to his work, ' Ego Lyranum ideo amo et inter optimos pono, quod ubique diligenter retinet et persequitur historiam, quanquam auctoritate patrum se vinci patitur, et nonnunquam eorum exemplo deflectit a proprietate sententise ad ineptas allegorias.' The best edition of Lyra's Com- mentary is that of Antwerp, 1634, in six vols, folio: it is also found in the Biblia Maxima, edited by Father de la Haye in nineteen vols, folio. Lyra was also the author of 'Moralia,' or 'Moral Commentaries upon the Scriptures.' For further account of this author, his works, and the principles that guided him, vide Conybeare's Bampton Lectures for 1824, pp. 210 — 215, and 1 Home's Critical Introduction.' " — Allport's Davenant, vol. i. p. 198. Page 660. line 1.] — This bishop of Hereford was Adam de Orlton, who was bishop of Hereford 1317—1327, of Winchester 1327—1345. These proceed- ings were in the 16th year of Edward II., as appears from the Close Rolls, referred to in Godwin's " De Pra?sulibus," Richardson's note. Page 660, line 30.] — Foxe erroneously calls this archbishop " Walter Win- chelsey." (See Godwin.) Page 660, note (4).] — John XXII. was crowned Sept. 25th, a.d. 1316, and died Dec. 4th, a.d. 1334. — U Art de Ver. des Dales. Page 663, line 31.]— See supra, p. 457, line 2. Page 6G6, note (1.)] — Matthew of Westminster's and Nicholas Trivet's Chronicles both come down to the year a. d. 1307. Page 669, line 6 from the bottom.] — This peace was ratified March 1st, a. d. 1328.— Rymer. Page 670, line 12 from the bottom.] — Mortimer was hung at Elmes, now called Tyburn, Thursday Nov. 26th, a. d. 1330. Page 670, line 9 from the bottom.] — The queen dowager was confined twenty-eight years at Castle Rising, but not so straitly (as Mr. James shows) as some have supposed. Page 670, line 6 from the bottom.] — All agree in saying that the prince was born on Friday, June 15th, which suits the year 1330 (Nicolas's Tables); but there is some variation among the historians as to the year. Mr. James says he can find no State paper dated from Woodstock in 1329 or 1331, but abundance in the summer months of 1330. Page 675, line 13 from the bottom.] — Mr. James, in Appendix II. to his Life of the Black Prince, gives from the Archives of the City of London a letter of the prince containing an account of this battle. Page 676, line 20. "A mighty navy of ships."] — T be original adds, " in portu de Swina :" t'Zwyn was then the name of the great Sinus leading to the port of Sluys. — James. Page 676, line 6 from the bottom.] — The letter is in Rymer, dated " Teste custode praedicto, apud Waltham Sancta; Crucis, June 28th." Page 677.] — The king's letter and Philip's answer are both in Rymer. 908 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 680, § 11. J — The original of this article is: " Item ordinatum est, quod omnia levata qualiacumque sint et qualitercunquc sin t ante dictas treugas tempore guerrae, sive sint de bonis spiritualibus vel alitor, remanebunt levata : sine hoc quod aliquis teneatur ad restitutionem durantibua dictis treugis." Foxe renders "levata" bands, which makes nonsense. The translation of this article adopted in the text is Dr. Maitland's, who rightly observes tbat "levata " is to be understood in the nearly obsolete sense of the English word lifted, i. e. taken and carried off ; in which he is confirmed by Carpentier's Supplement to Ducange, "Levare, abducere, Fr. enlever, lever." Page 681, note (1).] — This letter of the archbishop to the king is by Foxe placed after the ensuing letter of the king to the dean and chapter of St. Paul's. The dates of the two show that this order should have been reversed, and they have been transposed accordingly. This transposition has rendered a little modification of the text necessary. Page CS2, note (1).] — Avesbury states that this letter was written for tbe king by Adam, bishop of Winchester, a great enemy of Stratford's. Page 685, line 7.] — Foxe reads "a horse in a satchell;" Avesbury " equus in pera," on which Hearne has this note: — " Lineolam sub 'equus' duxit man us recentior in Cod. Sebrightiano, et 'mus ' e regione reposuit. Quid quod et ' mus ' habent tarn Walsinghamus quam et Antiqu. Britannicae." Page 686, line 8 from the bottom.] — Higden died and his chronicle ends a. d. 1363. Page 686, note (1).] — This last sentence is put in from the archbishop's own letter, as quoted by Dr. Brady from Historia Sacra. The archbishop's letter is intituled " Excusatio Archiepiscopi ad famosum libellum." Dr. Brady (vol. ii. p. 215) gives a full analysis of the letter, and says that it concludes thus: "Hose ad libellum famosum responsa sufficiant in praesenti." Page 686, note (2).] — In the foregoing paragraph, Foxe has been misled by his authorities to say, that the truce of Tournay was prolonged for " three years "more: but see the king's proclamations in llymer, dated June ISth and September 27th, a. d. 1341, announcing the extension of that truce first to August 29th, and then to June 24th, a. d. 1312. This extension of the truce of Tournay has evidently been confounded with the truce of Malestroit, which is not distinctly mentioned by Foxe, and has been of necessity introduced into his text at p. 690. (See the note on page 690, note (2).) Page 6SS, line 14 from the bottom.]— Benedict XII. died April 25th, a. r>. 1342, and Clement VI. was crowned pope May 19th. Page 688, note (1).] — The account given in the paragraph of the text above tallies with the Extracts from the Parliamentary Rolls at pp. 783, 78 1, relative to this period (17, 18 Ed. III.). The penalty attached to transgression — "im- prisonment and losing his life " — is that stated by Walsingham, and no doubt by the " Chronicon Albanense;" but it is not correct: see the Extracts from the Parliamentary Rolls 18 Ed. III. at p. 784, line 20. Rapin has been betrayed into the same mistake. Page 689.] — Foxe, at the top of this page, correctly informs us that the ensuing letter was addressed to the pope by "the nobles and commons,'' and it was written originally in French. Hence it tallies with the allusion at page 787, § xii. to some such letter, as having been once sent by the nobles and commons of England to the pope : it is rather singular, however, that Foxe heads it — " Letter of the King of England and of the Nobles and Commons of the same," &c. That this heading is incorrect sufficiently appears from the opening of the letter itself: and the allusion at page 7S7, § xii. would lead us to look for any such letter from the king in Latin, not in French. And certainly the king was not wanting in the business : for, besides a letter dated Clarendon, July 23d, "ad Vicecomites Anglioe contra Provision, s Papalea," grounded on the petition of the Commons at the parliament convoked at Westminster "in Quindena Paschae;"he also addressed one "ad Papain," dated Westminster, August 30th — " de regno per exercitus Provisomm invaso," and alluding to the complaints of the recent parliament at Westminster on the subject: also another "ad Papain," dated Westminster, Sept. 10th, referring again to the petition of the Commons in the last parliament, and APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 909 begging that provisions might cease. Walsingham gives the greater part of this last letter, dated Sept. 26th, heading it, Epistola missa Papa dementi pro libertate ecclesia Anglicance, plena fructu, cui pro tunc Papa aut Cardinales respondere rationab'diter nesciebant. Page 690, line 5 from the bottom.] — Edward the Black Prince was made Prince of Wales, May 12th, a. d. 1343. See Cart. 17 Edw. III. m. 24, n. 27, quoted by Mr. James, vol. i. p. 391. Page 090, note (1).] — The pope's letter to Edward, complaining of the oppo- sition to his provisions for these two cardinals, is given by Walsingham, dated " Villa Nova, diocese of Avignon, quinto Calend. Septemb. pontificatus anno secundo," i. e. August 28th, a. d. 1343 : also Edward's reply, dated Westminster, September 26th — dated September 10th in Rymer. (See the last note but one.) It appears from these letters, that the two cardinals mentioned in the text were Ademar Robert, a Frenchman, priest-cardinal of St. Anastasia, and Gerard Domar, the pope's own nephew, priest-cardinal of St. Sabine : these two were created together, a. d. 1342. (Moreri, v. Cardinal.) The Parliamentary Rolls of the same year, 17 Ed. III. (see the top of page 784), speak also of two cardinals as having been amply provided for, but one of them was cardinal Talleyrand de Perigord ; so that these were a totally fresh pair. Page 690, note (2).] — This paragraph is added to the text, being necessary to connect the narrative, and to explain a subsequent allusion to " the truce of Vannes" in the next page, which would be unintelligible without this para- graph. The aggressions which led to this expedition of Edward were com- mitted by the French king on the expiration of the prolonged truce mentioned at page 686, which terminated June 24th, 1342, but which Foxe and his autho- rity said was to last for three years, evidently confounding it with this truce of Vannes or Malestroit. Page 690, note (3).] — The words " to France " (line 26) are put in from Walsingham, who says " de jure suo in regnum Franciae." (See Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 784.) The emperor Louis made the most abject submis- sions to Clement VI. A. d. 1343 ; but the diets of Frankfort and Rens refused to sanction such submissions, and the quarrel soon broke out afresh between the pope and the emperor. — U Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 690, note (4). "In the year following, which was a.d. 1344, pence, halfpence, and farthings," &c] — The following passage from Rapin's remarks on the coinage at the end of the reign of Edward III. will serve to explain what is meant by this statement: "In the eighteenth year, every pound weight of gold of this (a given) standard, was to be coined into fifty florences at six shillings a-piece, which made in all fifteen pounds, or into a proportion- able number of half and quarter florences . . . Fabian calls the floren a penny, the half floren a half-penny, and the quarter a farthing, of gold. And these words are often met with in old histories and accompts, applied to several coins, as reals, angels, etc. ; where it is to be understood by denarius, the whole ; by obolus, the half; and by quadrans, the fourth part, or farthing." See supra, p. 578, line 16 from the bottom. Page 691, line 4. " A d sectam suam sive partis."] — The Act in which these words occur, was passed at the parliament which met at Westminster, the Monday after the Octaves of Trinity 18 Ed. III. [June 16th, a.d. 1344J, stat. 3, cap. 2. The French words of the Act are, " a nostre suyte ou a la suite de partie," "at our suit, or at the suit of the party." — Statutes at Large, vol. i. p. 242. Page 691, note (1).] — The following passage — down to the end of the king's letters of defiance, and the two lines immediately succeeding it in next page — has been brought back from a much later position which Foxe had assigned it, to the utter confusion of the narrative. Page 692, line 19 from the bottom.] — Edward had commissioned the Duke of Lancaster to raise an army to defend his right in Aquitaine, March 24th, a.d. 1344. (Rymer.) The expedition was delayed till now: between June 4th and 11th the earl of Northampton sailed with an army for Bretagne, and the earl of Lancaster soon after, with another for Guienne and Gascony. — James. 910 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. Page 693, note (2).] —The original Latin of this passage will he found in Avesbury (edit. Hearne, p. 128), and runs thus: — "Post conflictum vero habitum in Cadamo, quidam magnus clericus, de ordine Praedicatorum, dicti Domini Regis confessor, existens ibidem, de dicti Domini Regis Anglorum gestis a Cadamo usque Pussiacum scripsit in hrec verba: Benedicere debemus Deum cceli," &c. The king's confessor here spoken of was, no doubt, Thomas Brad ward in e, a native of ilartfield, in Sussex, who, after passing through Merton College, Oxford, became D.D., and Proctor and Divinity Professor at Oxford, and after- wards attended Edward III. as his confessor during bis wars in France. Whilst so employed lie was elected archbishop of Canterbury by the monks, but Edward was too fond of him to part with him : being afterwards again elected, he was consecrated a.d. 1349, but lived only forty days. See the account of him in Parker's " Antiquitates Britannicee" and Godwin's " DePra?sulibus." Page 694, note (1).] — The Latin of the passage in tne text runs thus: — "Post adventum vero dicti Domini Regis apud Pussiacum, prafatus magister Michael Northburgh, valens clericus, de consiliariis dicti Domini Regis existens et continue progrediens cum eodem, progressum ipsius Domini Regis et Anglorum gesta a Pussiaco usque villam de Caleys scripsit in hunc inodum : 'Salutz, voilletz savoir,' " &c. (Avesbury, p. 1,36.) Avesbury by ■' prae- fatus " does not refer to the writer of the last letter (as Foxe represents), but to the writer of a previous letter not mentioned by Foxe, detailing the march from La Hogue to Caen and the battle at Caen : that letter Avesbury thus introduces (p. 121): — " Deinde progrediens versus Cadamum, Magister Michael de Northburgh, valens clericus, de consiliariis dicti Domini Regis Anglorum existens, et progrediens cum eodem, ipsius Regis adventum ibidem et pro- gressum versus Cadamum scripsit in ha;c verba : De progressu Regis Anglkc de Hogges usque Cadamum. Fait a remembrez," &c. It is plain, then, that that letter and this were written in French by Michael de Northburgh, "valens clericus, e coniiliariis Domini Regis ;" but that the intermediate Latin letter was written by a different person, who was the king's confessor, conjectured in the last note to have been Thomas Bradwardine. Michael was afterwards bishop of London, a. d. 1354 — 1361. Page 695, note (1).] — Foxe reads, "the earl of Northampton and the earl of Norfolk;" Avesbury reads, " le Counte de Northampton et les Countes do Northfolk et Warevvik ;" but it is certain there was no earl of Norfolk at this time. • (See Dugdale's Baronage). Mr. Barnes therefore proposes to 'ead with Mirimouth Suffolk for Norfolk; and this reading is adopted in the text. Page 695, note (2).] — The following is Foxe's text above, which evidently needed correction : — " After the siege and winning of Poissy, the third day of September, a. d. 1346, the king through the midst of France directed his passage unto Calais, as by the tenor of this letter you hear, and besieged the same; which siege he continued from the third of September aforesaid," &c. Pages 696, 697.] — The dates of these two letters are corrected from Avesbury. Page 698, line 8 from the bottom. " About the twenty-seventh dag of July."] Foxe reads, "about the seventh day of June." Avesbury says, " Vicesimo septimo die Junii." But Avesbury presently after says, "dicti mensis Julii ;" and he gives a letter of Edward to the archbishop of Canterbury, relating this whole affair, in which he says that Philip came the Friday before the Gule of August, i. e. July 27th, in the year 1347 (by Nicolas's Tables). It is clear, therefore, that Avesbury intended to say " Julii " instead of " Junii." Page 699, line 14 from the bottom.] — " That the next year after, a.d. 13 19," is brought up from the end of the paragraph, to render the statement of the matter more exact. — See Nicolas's Chronology of History, v. Pestilences. Page 701.] — The first account of the battle of Poictiers was addressed by the Black Prince to his former preepptor or tutor, Reginald Bryan, bishop of Wor- cester, in a letter written in French, so remarkable for its piety, modesty, and politeness, that if Foxe had known such a letter was (and is still) extant in the archives of the dean and chapter of Worcester, he would hardly have failed to transcribe it, and embody it in his work. The following translation of it is given in Dr. Nash's History of Worcestershire, vol. i. p. 3 1 : — APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 911 " Reverend Father in God, and most dear friend, we thank you heartily, because we are informed that you are so well and -so sincerely attached to us, in offering up your prayers to God for us and for our expedition ; and we are very certain, that on account of the devout prayers of you and others, God has been pleased to assist us in all our exigencies, for which we are daily bound to return Him our thanks, praying, at the same time, that you would on your part continue to behave towards us as you have done hitherto, for which we hold ourselves highly obliged to you. And, reverend father, as to our condition, of which we suppose you desire, of your good will, to hear some account, be pleased to know that at the writing of this letter we were well in health, happy, and every way in good condition, praised be God ! May He at all times cause us to hear and know the same of you, and that you will be pleased to certify us by your letters, and by such persons as pass to and fro, as often as you conve- niently can. As to the news in these parts, be pleased to know, that on the Eve of the translation of St. Thomas of Canterbury, we began to ride with our forces towards the parts of Fiance, and principally because we had received intelligence of the arrival of our most honoured lord and father, the king, there, in Berry, Orleans, and Tours ; and having also received intelligence that the king of France, with a great number of forces near the borders, was coming to give us battle, we approached so near them that an engagement ensued between us in such sort that the enemy were discomfited, praised be God ; and the said king and his son and many other persons were taken and killed ; the names of whom we send you by our most dear knight, Roger de Cottesforc!, the bearer of these letters. " Reverend Father in God, and our very dear friend, may the Holy Spirit have you daily in his keeping ! " Given under our private seal at Bourdeaux, the 10th day of October. [This letter was delivered to Reginald de Brienne, bishop of Worcester, at Alvechurch, December 1,356, with a schedule containing the names of the prisoners and slain in the aforesaid engagement.] Superscribed, " To the Rev. Father in God, the Bishop of Worcester." Page 702, note (1).] — This passage confirms the conjecture thrown out in the note on p. 642, viz. that it was Edward I. and not Edward II. who presented his clerk to the treasurership of York during the vacancy of the see, and that Edward II. only inherited from his father the dispute which grew out of that appointment. It will appear in the next note to this, that Edward III. inhe- rited the very same quarrel. Dr. Brady bears his testimony to the existence of letters in the Records of the very nature here described, and addressed to the same individuals as those whom Foxe mentions. Page 702, note (2).] — The king's letter to the pope is printed in Rymer, dated Westminster, 14th Dec. 4 Ed. III. It is also given by Dr. Brady, vol. ii. Appendix No. 97, from " Rot. Roma;" 4 Ed. III. n. 2. It appears from the letter itself, that Walter de Bedewynd had been presented by Edward's grandfather " ratione vacationis archiepiscopatus," and " per privationem domini Johannis de Columna;" that the pope originally wanted to annul the king's presentation of Walter, in favour of Cardinal Francis Gayta (Cajetan), who was his own nephew ; but that the said Walter de Bedewynd had, notwith- standing, continued in possession of the office ever since till now, when " ex causa permutationis" he had resigned it to William de la Mare. But the pope assuming that in consequence of the exclusion of Cardinal Gayta by Edward I. the office had been ever since vacant, he wanted now to disturb the new occupant, De la Mare, and to put in by provision one Peter, cardinal of St. Stephen in Ccelio Monte.— Francis Cajetan was created deacon-cardinal of St. Mary in Cosmedin, a.d. 1295, died a.d. 1317. — Moreri, v. Cardinal. Page 705, note (3).] — This article is thus put obliqud oratione by Illyricus — " 7. Quibus scriptis aut sacrarum literarum interpretationibus ad salutem necessario credendum." On referring to the " Secunda Dictio seu Pars" of the " Defensor Pacis," cap. 19, the matter is thus stated: — " Nullam scriptu- ram irrevocabiliter veram credere vel fateri tenemur de necessitate salutis asternae, nisi eis quae canonic* appellantur, vel eis qua? ad has ex necessitate sequuntur, aut scripturarum sacrarum sensum dubium habendum eis interpre- 912 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. tationibus seu determinationibus qua? per gencrale fidelium scu catholicorum concilium essent facta?, in liis praJsertim in quibus error damnationem a?ternam induceret, quales sunt articuli fidei Christiana?." And he proceeds to say, afterwards, "Quodvero ipsarum interpretationibus, sic factis ut diximus, eadem sit pra?standa credulitas [qua? sacris scriptnris ipsis] ostendere possumus." His proof is, the promise, " Lo, I am with you always, even to the end of the world;" a promise which he considers to be peucliarly meant for a general council. Marsilius, therefore, cannot be considered quite so clear on the Rule of Faith as might be inferred from Foxe's language in the text. Milner (Cent. 14, chap, i.) speaks rather hesitatingly of his claim to be numbered among the genuine Reformers, though he, with others mentioned by Illyricus and Foxe, very vigorously resisted the papal encroachments on the imperial jurisdiction. Page 710, note (1).] — The text (ed. 1583, p. 391) makes Antoninus say " that they were condemned in the Extravagant of Pope John, with one Johannes de Poliaco." Illyricus says, " Damnatus est (M. Cesenas) cum Joanne quodam propria bulla, in Extravagantibus Joan. 22. Antoninus Flo- rentinus sic in quarta parte Summa? de hisce proximis duobus et de Petro de Corbaria scribit : ' In Extravagante Joan. 22 qua? incipit Dudum ab audienlia, &c. reprobantur ut ha?reses errores Petri de Corbaria, Joannis, et Michelini ordinis Minorum, qui pertinaciter asserebant,' &c. . . Ilactenus Antoninus." If the " Johannes" here mentioned means " Johannes de Poliaco," the state- ment of Illyricus is more correct than that of Antoninus, for he was condemned propria bulla, in a separate bull by himself, " Vas electionis" in the Extrava- gantes Communes. We find printed in Martene's Thesaurus Anecdotorum (torn. xi. cols. 640 — 842) " Processus Varii Johannis Papa? XXII. adversus Ludovicum Ba- varum Imperatorem et ejus asseclas, ex MS. Illustrissimi Episcopi Mon- tis Pessulani." Among these processes there is one (cols. G52 — GGO) ex- communicating the emperor, dated 10 Cal. April, pontificatus anno 8 | March 23, a.d. 1324] ; another (cols. 727 — 736) making void his coronation, dated 2 Cal. April, pontificatus a. 12 [March 31, a.d. 1328]; another (cols. 704 — 716), " Licet juxtadoctrinam," stating and condemning the opinions of John de Janduno and Marsilius Patavinus, dated 10 Cal. Nov. pontif. a. 12 [Oct. 23, a.d. 1327], and another (cols. 736 — 742) excommunicating them- selves, dated 2 Cal. April, pontif. a. 12 [March 31, a.d. 1328] ; another (cols. 749 — 752), " Dudum ad vestri apostolatus auditum," excommunicating three Minorites, Michael Cesenas, Bonagratia, and William Ockham, dated 8 Id. Jun. pontif. a. 12 [June 6, a.d. 1328]; another (cols. 763 — 770) containing the excommunication of Petrus de Corvario, dated 12 Cal. Maii, pontific. a. 13 [April 20, a.d. 1329], and a long process is added (cols. 806 — 816), containing his recantation, dated 8 Id. Sept. pont. a. 15 [Sept. 6, a.d. 1330]. Page 711, note (3).] — Walsingham says that two were burnt at Avignon " feria tertia, in Hebdomade Pentecostes," i. e. Whit-Tuesday, or June 3d, a.d. 1351. Innocent VI. was crowned pope Dec. 30th, a.d. 1352, and died Sept. 12th, a.d. 1362. Page 712, line 15.] — This dispute happened in the year a.d. 1281, of which the dominical letter was E, suiting (by Nicolas's Tables) the concur- rence of St. Nicholas's Day (Dec. 6) with a Saturday, and the day of the Con- ception (Dec. 8) with a Monday, and St. Thomas's Day (Dec. 21) with a Sunday. The introduction of Friar Gilles, and the bishop of Amiens, is also confirmatory of this date. Du Boulay also and Crevier, in their histories of the University of Paris, and Fleury, in his Eccles. Hist., place this affair to the year a.d. 1281; in which year, also, it appears among the Councils in L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 712, note (2).] — " Copia prophetia? fratris Johannis de Rupe-Scissa, Ordinis fratrum minorum provincial Aquitania?, custodis Ruthenensis (Rodez), ac causidici Aureliaci (Orleans), in Koinana. curia Avenione capti in carcere domini Papse Clementia VI. pontificatus sui anno 8, qui Career vocatur Career Soldan, in mense Novembris, anno ab incarnatione Domini MCCCXLIX." — (Browne & Appendix, p. 494.) " Ejusdem Johannis de Rupe-Scissa liber ' Vatic mecum in tribulatione,' " is at p. 496 <>f Browne. ■>■ 712, note (:>>).] — Godfridua de Fontanis, or de Fontibns, is mentioned APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 913 again by Foxe in connexion with tlie dispute between the clergy and the friars at page 752, where lie is stated to have been concerned with others in the com- pilation of the treatise " De Periculis Ecclesise :" the anachronism of connect- ing his name with that treatise is incidentally shown by the introduction of his name in this affair of a.d. 1281. (See the note on p. 752.) Page 712, note (4).] — Simon de Beaulieu en Brie was made cardinal in a.d. 1294, which occasioned his being superseded in the see of Bourges that same year by Gilles de Colonne. (See the note on p. 714.) Page 713, note (1).]— Foxe's text (ed. 1583, p. 392) says, "Neither do I thinke to be any of us prelates here now, which have not sometime bene taken out of this university of yours." Godfridus says, " Credo enim quod non sit hodie praslatus inter nos, qui de hac Universitate non sit assumptus;" which Crevier and Fleury both understand to imply, that the whole French episcopal bench of that day had been educated at the University of Paris. Page 713, note (2). J — The following extract from Gallia Christiana, torn, x., relative to this bishop of Amiens, will show his great zeal in the cause of the clergy against the friars, and illustrate the text. " Romam anno 1281 cum Simone Carnotensi episcopo nomine cleri Gallicani missus est ad obtinendam a Martino IV. canonizationem Ludovici IX. Francorum Regis, ut patet ex bulla ejusdem pontificis data x. calend. Jan. pontificatus an. 1. Dum autem Romse consisteret Gulielmus, fratres minores impetrarunt a summo Pontifice ut possent audire confessiones et absolvere, prselatis minime requisitis ; propter quod orta fuit magna contentio inter prselatos regni Francias et fratres prasdictos. Occa- sione hujus controversies una cum Gul. archiepiscopo Rotomagensi scripsit Gulielmus die Mercurii post festum App. Petri et Pauli, 1282, ad Archiepp. Remensem, Senonensem, et Turonensem, ut eos hortaretur ad concilium cele- brandum adversus fratrum minorum molitiones a.d. 1284 intermit Parisiis synodo multarum Gallise provinciarum et acerrime pugnavit pro decreto Innocentii III — ' Omnes utriusque sexus,' — adversus nova mendicantium privilegia. Quod ad connrmandum Baluzius in notis ad ' Vit. Pap. Aven.,' col. 578, laudat codicem Bibliotheca; Colbertinas 3266, aitque ea de causa Gulielmum a Mathia Flacio Illyrico Testibus Veritatis fuisse annumeratum." Page 714, note (1).] — Foxe's text says, " It was not long after, that the feast of St. Thomas the Apostle followed, in whose Vigil all the heads of the Uni- versity again were warned the third day after to congregate together in the church of St. Bernard, at the sermon time." Godfridus says, "Caeterum in vigilia Beati Thoma? iterum praslati prseconizari fecerunt per scholas ut omnes dominica, tertia scilicet die, hora sermonis, ad S. Bernhardum convenient." Du Boulay reads " dominica 3 scilicet die." But Fleury says " le lendemain ;" and Crevier speaks of the meeting as happening on the feast of St. Thomas, December 21st, which would fall on a Sunday in the year a.d. 1281 (by Nicolas's Tables): Godfridus's error has been corrected in the text. Page 714, last line but one. "Master Friar Gilles."'] — Gilles de Columna, a Roman by birth, and a friar of the order of the Eremites of St. Augustine, has been already mentioned by Foxe, supra, p. 508. ' He was called "Doctor fundatissimus." " A variis academiis virisque principibus expetitus, in Galliam concessit, a Philippo Audace ad Philippum filium, cognomento Pulchrum, bonis Uteris ac moribus imbuendum evocatus : unde in Academia Parisiensi philosophiam et theologiam per plures annos summa cum laude docuit." (Cave, Hist. Litt.) He was made General of his Order in a.d. 1292, and archbishop of Bourges, a.d. 1294. (See more in Cave, Moreri, and Gallia Christiana.) The introduction of his name here confirms the date assigned in the text to the dispute at Paris. Page 724.]— See vol. i. p. 292, note (1). Page 726, line 25.] — Foxe seems to have rather puzzled himself, calculating sometimes from the nativity, sometimes from the death of Christ. Page 736, note (6).] — The reading is "yhight" in ed. 1570, p. 497, mar- gin "ihight;" also "iheight"in the margin of ed. 1590, p. 370: "i" is a mere prefix, "hight" being the proper word : we sometimes have "be-hight." tee the Glossarial Index. VOL. II. 3 N 014 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 738, line 21 from the bottom. " Plettv."] — See p, 713, bit, and vol; iii. p. 272 and riote in v«»l. iii. p. 202. "Court of Plete " occurs in the " Apology for the Lollards," edited by Dr. Todd for the Camden Society, p. 79. See I)n Cange, in Pletum, Plitum; and in Lite Paston Letters, i. 149, edit. 1840, we have " Xelverton came down from the Bench, and piete the matter." Page T 1 » i, line 6 from the bottom. "May n<> man depart."'] — "Depart" is here used in the obsolete sense of " divide." See Todd's Johnson, and Wordsworth's Keel. Biogr. edit. 18.39, vol. i. p. .'522, note. Page 747, lihe 2 from the bottom. " In Froysard, as yet, hare I not found it ,"|— The different copies of Froysard vary very much, which may account for Foxes not having been able to find this story about John tie la Roche-Taillade. It is, however, in the Paris edition of 1574, vol. iii. p. 77, chap, xxiv., and we have it in Lord Berner'a translation, vol. ii. chap. 42, fol. ■'>'): and in Johnes's translation, vol. iii. chap. 47. John de Rupe-Scissa lias been mentioned at pp. 707, 708, 710. Page 7 is, line 8. "Froysard, who both heard and saw him."] — Froysard first mentions this friar in his 1st vol. chap, ccxi.; and in chap. eexv. he that the first of the two undermentioned cardinals was Peter de Colombier, more usually called Bertrand, in honour of his maternal uncle Peter Bertrand, bishop of Autun. He was made bishop of Arras, 1339; cardinal, 1344; bishop of Ostia, 1353. Froysard does not appear to have heard or even seen the friar. His words, as translated by Johnes, are these: — " It comes to my remembrance, how, in my young days, during the reign of pope Innocent at Avignon, there was con- lined in prison a learned clerk, called friar John de la Koehe-Taillade. This friar, as I have been told by several privately, for it was never talked of in public, foretold, while in prison, many of the great events which would happen shortly in the world, more especially those that related to France, and the mis- fortunes that were to befal the church from the pride and arrogance of those who governed it. It was said that during this imprisonment he was brought to the pope's palace, when the cardinal of Ostia, commonly called cardinal of Arras, and the cardinal of Auxerre, disputed with him on those subjects." The person meant by " the cardinal of Auxerre" was Taleyrand de Perigord, made cardinal-bishop of Auxerre by John XXII. a. d. 1331 : lie died a. d. 1364. (See Moreri, v. Cardinal.) He is referred to by Roche-Taillade with much respect at the conclusion of his prophecy given by Browne in his Appendix to the "Fasciculus." He was one of the two cardinals who, according to Walsingham, endeavoured to mediate between the English and French armies just before the battle of Poictiers, 1350; he is mentioned infra, p. 784. Page 749.] — Richard Fitz-Ralph was made dean of Lichfield, then chan- cellor of Oxford, I.".;!;! ; and archbishop of Armagh, (whence his title " Arma- chanus"), 8 id. July, 1347: he preached in London, 1356, was three years at Avignon, and died 4G cal. Dec. 1300. — Warcei ffiberna Sacra ; Cave. Page 749, note (I).] — In Froysard there is more in application of the fable. The following closing words out of Johnes's translation are necessary: — " It was his intention that these should be prudently and properly managed, and not with pomp and pride, as is now done: for which the Lord is wroth, and his anger will' be much increased against you in time to come. Should the nobles excuse themselves from giving support to the church, and -row cold in their devotions, and perhaps retake what they had given, it must speedily be destroyed." (Seethe Latin in Illvrieus Flacius.) Johnes, a! the end of his translation, gives many references about this friar. He considers it a witty application of .1.- ]■ • fable of the crow. Page 719, note (')).]— " Gulielmus Botonerus scripsit Antiquitatcs Anglicas, lib. iii.: floruit 1460." — Gesneri Bibliotheca, p. 300, edit. 15S3. See also V de Hist. Lat. p. 654, edit. Lug. Bat. 10.') 1. Pa<*e 752, line 13.] — The extravagant " Non sine mnlta cordis amaritudine." &c is printed in Bzoviua's "Ecclea. Annates post Baronium," ad an. dated '• Laterani, 3 cal. Ap. pont. nostri a. 31," i. e. March 30th, a.i>. 1257. 752, note (1).] — Foxe is quite correct in representing the tour persons just named as leading opponents of the friars. But he is mistaken in repre- APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 915 senting them as the joint authors of the "De Periculis Ecclesiae." The real author of that treatise was Gulielmus de S. Amore, assisted by several others whom Foxe names, supra, p. 521. (See the note in this Appendix on page 520, note (1), and Ussher, " De Christ. Eccles. Sue. et Statu," lib. ix. § 20.) Foxe's statement here involves an anachronism; for Godfridus de Fontibus figured against the friars at a later period, a.«d. 1281. (See p. 712.) Simon Jornalensis, or Tornacensis, is said by Cave to have nourished a.d. 1216, and Henricus de Gandavo about the same time with Godfridus de Fontibus, a.d. 1280. Page 766, note (5).] — The period assigned in the text for the absence of Armachanus from England seems too long, according to the statement made in the note on p. 749. Page 767, note (2).] — Foxe dates this sermon a.d. 1364: but Mr. Browne> who gives it in the original Latin in his Appendix to the " Fasciculus " of Orthuinus Gratius, places it to the year 1363. This is evidently the true date, for it is implied at p. 768, line 29 and line 12 from the bottom, that the sermon was preached on the fourth Sunday in Advent, being also the day before Christmas day. But it appears from Nicolas's Tables, that in a. d. 1363 Advent Sunday fell on December 3d, whence "the fourth Sunday of Advent" would fall on December 24th, the day before Christmas day. It further appears from its conclusion that the sermon was preached in the second year of pope Urban V., who was consecrated November 6th, 1362. Page 780, note (1).] — For more respecting this author see Goldasti De Monorchia, torn. i. preliminary " Dissertatio de Auctoribus." See also Cave's Hist. Lit. v. " Nilus Cabasilas." Page 781, note (1). " PoslU."~\ — " Vocem hanc compositam ex pramosi- tione Post et prononime Ilia, ut significaretur post ilia (sc. verba textus) legendam esse explicationem illis subjunctam, satis notum est. Media setate vocabulum Postilla de expositione eujusvis textus adhibitum fuit. Imprimis tamen pericoparum evangelicarum et epistolicarum interpretationem, uti adhuc illud usurpatur, designabat." — Walchii Biblioth. Theol. torn. iv. p. 945, cited in Dr. Cardwell's Preface to Taverner's Postils. Page 782, note (2).] — Bingen is a town on the Rhine, between Mentz and Coblentz. Illyricus refers for this story to Caspar Brnschius's " Germ. Mon- asteriorum Historia." It appears in another work of his "De omnibus Ger- manice Episcopatibus Epitome," lib. primus, Archiep. Mogunt. comprehendens. The council of Mentz, which condemned these persons, is mentioned in the list of councils, a.d. 1387, — V Art de Ver. des Dates. Page 782, note (4). "Prince Aimericus hanged," &c] — Massaeus says, "et ipsius dominam in puteo lapidibus obruerunt." Hoffman, referring to this story in his Lexicon, v. Girada, calls Aimericus the praefect or mayor of Lavaur, and states that the lady was Girada, the principal lady of the place. Page 782, note (5). "Moreover in the Chronicles of Hoveden," &c] — Foxe, in his Latin edition, page 59, refers to Hoveden, a.d. 1182. Page 782, note (6). " One Ec.khard, a Dominican friar."] — It seems doubt- ful whether he " suffered." Foxe says in his Latin edition, page 59 — " Nee multtim Wiclevi tempora pra?cessit Echardus, Dominicanus, qui Heidelberga; damnabatur hrereseos, autore Tritemio anno 1330." It appears from Trithe- mius that he flourished a.d. 1330, and that A.d. 1430 (a hundred years after) the faculty of Heidelberg passed sentence against some of his opinions. Illy- ricus has given a fragment of one of his sermons " De Eucharistia." Page 783, last paragraph.] — This parliament met on the Quindene of Easter, 17 Ed. III. [April 18th, a.d. 1343.]— See Cotton's Abridgement of the Parliamentary Rolls, vol. ii. p. 135. Page 783, note (1).] — It is worthy of observation that Foxe, in the para- graph which introduces the extracts from the Parliamentary Rolls, speaks of a non-appearance of archbishop Stratford at the king's summons, referring expressly to that particular occasion (a.d. 1341, 15 Ed. III.) which the king complains of at p. 684. Foxe there, as well as here, complains of the un- satisfactory nature of Virgil's account; he therefore proposes now to illustrate the secret causes of this his non-appearance by the ensuing Parliamentary 3 N 2 916 APPENDIX TO VOL. IT. Extracts, but immediately produces Extracts relative to a previous non-appear- ance of the archbishop at York (a.d. 1332, 0 Ed. III.) not mentioned in the course of Foxc's narrative, though alluded to infra, vol. iii. p. 381 ; nor does he produce any Extract from the Parliamentary Rolls referring to his second non-appearance; he merely alludes to his impeachment in the very last extract, p. 790 Page 784, line 3] — Taleyrand de Perigord, bishop of Auxerre, was made, priest-cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula a.d. 1331, and afterwards bishop of Albano; and died a. d. 1364. (Moreri, v. Cardinal.) He is the " cardinal of Auxerre" mentioned at p. 748. Me is also mentioned in an instrument in Rymer, a. ii. 1344, aa "Cardinal de Peregortz." The late cardinal Alexander Augustus Taleyrand de Perigord, who died in 1821, and the late famous French diplomatist, Taleyrand de Perigord, were of the same family. See the Gentle- man's Magazine for 1821. Page 784, line 19.] — This parliament met the Monday after the octaves of Trinity, 18 Ed. III. [June 10th, a.d. 1314].— See Cotton", vol. ii. p. 146. Page 787, § 12. "On a former occasion."] — The reference here is undoubtedly to the parliament of 17 Ed. III. [a.d. 1343], at which the following reply was made by the king to the petition of the Commons: — " Le Roi est avisez de cet mischief, et voet, q entre les Grantz et les communes soit ordeignez remede et amendment, et il s'accordera. Et aussint le Roi voet et assentuz est; q bones I. ins soient faites an Pape sur ceste matiere, aussi bien de p. le Roi et les Grantz, come de p. la commune." (Cotton, page Ml; 17 Ed. III. tit. 59.) That such letters were sent, is proved in the note in this Appendix on page 689. Page 789, line 33. " With the clause 'Anteferri.1 "J— " To have the preference or precedence" of all other "reservations" which might have been granted on the same benefices. The first person presented formerly had the preference: see Decretales Greg. IX. Lib. I. Tit. [II. cap. 30. " Capitulum." But Boniface VIII. introduced the clause " Anteferri," see Sext. Decretal. Lib. III. Tit. IV. cap. 40. "Quodam per literas." Another decretal of the same Pope, Sext. Lib. III. Tit. VII. cap. 7, so well shows the force and operation of tiie " Anteferri " clause, that it is here subjoined: — "Auctoritate Martini Papa? pra?decessoris nostri, quodam ad Pisebendam primd in Parmensi Ecclesia vacaturam, nulli alii de jure debitam, in ejusdem Ecclesise Canonicum recepto, et alio a nobis in eadem Ecclesia similem gratiam adepto seeundd, tertius deinde auctoritate nostra in ipsa Parmensi Ecclesia in Canonicum et in fratrem recipitur, cum prserogativa gratiae, quod omnibus praedecessorum nostrorum auctoritate non autem nostra receptis in assecutione Praebendae debeat anteferri; post haec autem qusedam vacavit Praebenda in Ecclesia memorata; quaeritur, quis eorum alteri praeferatur: et secundum quem ordinem Praebendas assequi debeant tres praedicti? Cum igitur ex tenure gratiae tertid a nobis concessae appareat evidenter nos voluisse primo tertium, et secundum tertio anteferri, decernimus, quod primam secundus, secundam tertius, et tertiam primus debet obtinere Prsebendam : alias forma mandati minime servaretur. Licet enim ex persona sua, secundus primam obtinere non posset, ex persona tamen tertii, qui primum superat, illam habet. Sicut contingit in successione illius, qui ab intestato relictis patre (in adoptiva familia constitute)) matre atque fratre decedit, in qua successione pater ex se matrem excludit: sed quoniam talem patrem agnatus, materque vincil agnatum, mater patri non ex senietipsa, sed agnati persona, in successione hujusmodi antefertur." Page 789, note (5).] — The " gold crowns of the sun," mentioned in this paragraph, "ecus dor sol," were worth about six shillings. — See Kelham's Dictionary, and Ducange, vv. Moneta, Scutum, Solaris. See vol. iv. p. 1 16. Page 790, note (3).]-rFoxe says that WicliflF and his colleagues went " over into the parts of Italy ;" but Hinges, where they met the papal legates, was in Flanders, which is here substituted for "Italy." The reader may be surprised to find a dignitary of the Spanish Church among the English envoys. But the fact is, that John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, Edward's fourth son, married Conslantia, eldest daughter of Peter the Cruel, king of Castile; and, on the expulsion and assassination of Pete.- by his bastard brother, Henry, earl of Tristamare, the duke of Lancaster asserted his claim to the crown of Castile APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 917 against Henry, and passed in England by the title of king of Castile. This may account for the appointment of John Gnter to the deanery of Segovia, in Old Castile. The object of the conference at Bruges was to resist the encroachments on the rights of English patrons of benefices by means of papal ' provisors.' Page 791. "Ocleus the Second."] — Foxe probably had in his eye a passage of Walsingham's History, in which, speaking of Wickliff, he says (sub anno 1381): — "Johannes Wyclif, reassumens damnatas opiniones Berengarii et Oclcfe, astruere laboravit post consecrationem in missa a sacerdote factam remanere ibidem verum panem et vinnm, ut fuere per prius." Tanner (in his Bibliotheca) hence infers that Thomas Ocleve, the poet, " astruere labo- ravit," &c. ; but adds, " Videtur tamen se ab omniheretica pravitale purgare iri libro ' Consolatio sibi a sene oblata.' " The poet, however, did not flourish till 1410. Why Foxe calls this witness Ocleus " seenndus" is not apparent; there is a MS. account of WiclifF by Foxe in the British Museum, apparently the rough draught of this account, in which there is a blurring at this name : may not " Ocleus II." have been introduced by a confusion with Nicolas II., the pope who condemned Berengarius, and whose name is therefore continually associated with his ? Page 791, line 7. " Bruno of Angers."] — There is in the " Bibliotheca Patrum" (de la Bigne, Paris, 1624, torn. iii. page 319) a treatise thus intituled: " Epistola Durandi Leodiensis Episcopi, de Corpore et Sanguine Domini, contra Brunonem Andegavensem Episcopum et Berengarium Turonensern." There was also a charge against Bruno that he was unfriendly to the baptism of infants: but Ussher thinks (" De Christ. Ecclesiarum Successione et Statu," cap. vii. § 37), that he only denied any benefit to result merely ex opere operato. Page 794, line 19. " Thirty thousand marks."'] — The ransom really paid for Richard was 100,000 marks (see supra, p. 317, and the note in this Appendix on that page). Page 794, note (1).] — The last two sentences of the foregoing paragraph read thus in the Latin edition, p. 3 : " Hinc Ricardi invictissimi regis facta in Hierosolymam espeditio, qui mox eodem captus itinere, ac Caesari deditus, vix triginta marcarum millibus redimi poterat. In eadem expeditione Fridericus Rom. lmperator august issimae virtutis, in amne submersus interiit, anno 11S9. Quin et Philippus Gallorum rex vix sine luculentis damnis in patriam incolumia rediit. Tanti erat sanctse urbis crucisque recupcratio." Alt the English editions, except the first (Lond. 1563, p. 86), most strangely render "in amne submersus interiit" "was much endamaged;" and all read 1179 instead of 1189, or rather 1190 (see LArt de Ver. des Dates; and supra pp. 301 — 309, 315—317). Page 794, note (2).] — The two foregoing sentences read thus in the Latin edition, p. 3 : " Quid erat causae, cur Urbanus se dolore conficeret, quod Antiochia cum sancta cruce e manibus Christianorum amitteretur? Sic enim reperimus in annalibus, quod ubi Hierosolyma cum rege Guidone et cruce Domini in Sultani potestatem redigeretur, Urbanus rei gravitate nimium ictus, curas magnitudine occubuit. Cui successit Lambertus, qui Gregorius octavus dicitur, cujus instinctu receptum est a Cardinalibus, ut abjectis divkiis et delitiis omnibus praediearent crucem Christi, et mendicando omnium prinii acciperent crucem, aliosque praecederent in terrain Ierusalern. Sic enim ijabent historiae verba." Antioch is clearly a mistake for Jerusalem: (see supra, p. 271,) and Lambertus is a mistake for Albertus. (See Hoffman, Moreri, and L Art de Ver. des Dates.) Page 795, note (2). " Then he who doth succeed," &c] — This sentence would be more intelligible were we to read, "then it followeth — not that he who doth succeed to Peter's chair, doth of course express Peter's faith ; but — that whoever doth most nearly express Peter's faith deserveth, in whatever chair he sit, to be accounted a successor of Peter, and is such, albeit in such wise, that he getteth thereby no sort of worldly splendour and glory." The whole passage is here given from the Latin edition, p. 4 : — " Quod si Petro singulare aliquod indultum a Christo privilegium suspicamur, quod non idem co?teris item Apostolis communicatum sit, idque ob privatum aliquem hominis affectum, 918 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. cujusmodi multae in nobis dominantur affectiones ; longd fallimur. Sin propter divinam sublimem ac expeditam confessionem, quam Petrua, non solus sed unua omnium nomine, expresscrat : jam, non is qui in cathedram succedit Petri iilico exprimit fidcm Petri; sed quisquis proximo exprimit Petri fidem, quacunque sedet cathedra, meritd Petri successor habendus est, sicque successor est, ut nihil tamen bine humani splendoris ac glorias corroget. Functio est non gradus, ministerium non magisterium, apostolatus. Quemadmodum nee inter ipsos, opinor, apostolos ullaerat dignitatis aut loci praeeminentia: sedunaomnes mente, eodem spiritu, Domini non suum agebant negotium : sic ut qui minor inter ipsos foret, pluris haberetur apud Christum testem. Quocirca et borum suc- cessio laudem quidem apud Deum, apud mundum vero nullam dignitatem emerebatur. Quo pacto enim, ut praeclare apud Eusebium proconsuli respondet Polycarpus, cum mundanis divitiis aut terreno fastigio cohaeret illorum pro- fessio, qui pro Christo omnia habent pro derelictis ?" Page 796, line 11 from the bottom. " Keningham, a Carmelite Friar."] — He is mentioned repeatedly at the opening of the next volume. His name is also spelt Kiningham and Kynyngham. Page 797, line 3.] — The Latin edition (p. 5) here says — " Post hos turn sacerdotes, mox episcopi rem capessebant : postremb quum nee borum potentia satis valere videbatur adversus prorumpentem veritatem, ad fulmen pontificis tanquam ad triarios concursum est. Haec enim extrema esse anchora solet in istiusmodi procellis, ubi monachorum clamores ac Pharisaica improbitas parum proficiunt." Page 797, line 21. "As years and time,'" &c] Foxe here quotes from a Latin chronicle which he calls "Chronicon D. Albani," lent him by archbishop Parker (pp. 799, 801, note), and which seems to supply all the following narra- tive to p. 80G. This chronicle has been searched for by antiquaries, but without success. There is, however, a chronicle in the Harleian MSS. No. G217, intituled, "An Historicall Relation of certain passages about the end of King Edward the Third, and of his Death," a transcript of which ivas communicated by Sir George Amyot to the S. A., who printed it in the Archoeologiu, vol. xxii. This is supposed to be a translation of part of the Latin chronicle which Foxe uses here, and calls the Chronicle of St. Alban's. Foxe's pages have been collated with that chronicle. Several illustrations and corrections of his text have been derived from thence, which shall be noticed in their place ; the notes, also, of Sir G. Amyot, have furnished some useful information. Page 797, note (1).]— The benefice from which "Wicliff is here said to have been ejected is commonly understood to have been the Wardenship of Canter- bury Hall, into which he had been instituted by the founder, archbishop Simon Islip, A.. D. 1365, and from which he was ejected by archbishop Simon Langham, a. d. 1367. Wicliff appealed to the pope, who, after three years, confirmed his expulsion, a.d. 1370, and charged Simon Sudbury (then bishop of London) and others, to execute this order. (See the documents at the end of this Appendix.) A correspondent of the Gentleman's Magazine for August and November, 1841, proves that there was another John Wicliff, Vicar oi Mayfield in Sussex, contemporary with the Reformer, and is of opinion that the John Wicliff of Mayfield, and not the Reformer, was the Warden of Canterbury Hall. (See the notices on the subject printed at the end of this Appendix.) Page 799, last paragraph. "Which, in the slanderous pen of Poly dor e Virgil," &c] — There is some flaw in the construction here, which the reader may supply for himself. The following are Polydore Virgil's words : — "Fuere ea tempestate viri longe sanctissimi, multo doctissimi atque. fortissimi, quorum supra mentionem apposite fecimus, idcirco nihil est, quod de eis rursum com- memoremus. Extitere et aliqui insigni infamia, quorum caput ct princeps Joannes Vuythclifius : is, ut fama est, a primo indignatus, quod non potuissi t ad sunimos sacerdotalis ordinis aspirare honores, factus hide Bacerdotibus cunctis inimicior, coepit divina scripta perverse interpretari, atque novam instituere Bectam, usque eo, ut in nobili Oxoniensi gymnasio publice sit i ut li li . i irsores debacchatus." — Polyd. Virgil. Ang. Hist. lih. xix. Edouardtu tertius, p. 399. APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 919 Page 800, last line. " Which day was Thursday the nineteenth of February."] — This date is thus expressed in the contemporary English Chronicle in the llar- leian, just adverted to: "Thursday, before the feast of St. Peter his chaire," which (by Nicolas 's Tables) would give Feb. 19th, a.d. 1377. The following useful observations are made on this date by Sir G. Amyot, the editor of the Chronicle: — " The date here assigned to this remarkable transaction is doubted by Lowth, because the Pope's Bull, which he supposes to have been the cause of Wicliffe's citation to St. Paul's, bears as late a date as the 22d of May, 1377. He therefore concludes, that the tumult could not have happened many days before the death of Edward the Third, which occurred on the 21st of June. Lewis, in his Life of WiclifFe (p. 50), supposes the meeting at St. Paul's not to have taken place till the February of the succeeding year, after the acces- sion of Richard the Second ; in which he is followed by Mr. Baber, in the memoirs prefixed to his edition of Wicliffe's New Testament, p. xvii. This, however, is completely at variance not only with the relation in the text, but also with that of Walsingham, the continuator of Murimuth, and the other con- temporary or early authorities. Mr. Godwin (Life of Chaucer, ii. p. 251) defends the earlier date, suggesting that the citation to St. Paul's was the immediate and personal act of the English prelacy, and that it was the citation of WiclifFe to Lambeth in the following year, which was the result of the Pope's inter- ference, the English bishops having found themselves too weak in the contest, and having, on that account, invited the interposition of the sovereign Pontiff. This appears to be the true solution, agreeing with the statement in the text, that it was upon the suggestion of the bishops, that archbishop Sudbury had been unwillingly moved to issue the citation. It is true, indeed, that the mandate (preserved in Wilkins' Concilia, iii. p. 123) which the archbishop and the bishop of London, in consequence of the authority vested in them by the pope's bull, issued to the chancellor of Oxford on the 5th [Kal.] of January [i. e. Dec. 28th] following, required Wicliffe's presence at St. Paul's on the thirtieth juridical day from that date. But, as we have no account from the contemporary writers that any second meeting in St. Paul's actually took place, it may be reasonably concluded that Lambeth was afterwards substituted, as a less likely scene for the renewal of popular commo'tion, though the result proved otherwise. The opinion here expressed may be strengthened by remarking that not only Foxe, but his able antagonist, Harpsfield, who, though a zealous papist, was furnished with materials for his Ecclesiastical History by archbishop Parker (in whose mild custody he was a prisoner), understood the tumult at St. Paul's to have preceded and been the cause of the pope's interference, and that the proceeding at Lambeth was the consequence of it. — Hist. Wicliffiana, p. G83." — See the note in the Appendix to vol. iii. p. 4. Page 801. " Erubuit dux, quod non potuit prcevalere titiyio."] — In the Harleian Chronicle we read, " The duke was ashamed that he colde not in this stryfe prevail;" which is alleged in the Archaeologia (vol. xxii. p. 25S) as one of the proofs that that Chronicle is a translation of the St. Alban's Chronicle, which Foxe used. Page 802.] — Of Walter, lord Fitzwalter, a particular account will be found in Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 220. As hereditary Constable of Castle Bay- nard and Banner-bearer of London, he enjoyed very important rights and privileges in the City, which are set forth in iStow's Survey of London, Strype's edition, vol. i. p. 60. Guy de Bryan was, as Dugdale observes, a person of very great note in his time. He had been Standard-bearer to the king in Calais, and was afterwards employed in many important military and civil services. — Baronage, vol. ii. p. 151 ; Archaologia, vol. xxii. p. 2(30. Page 802, line 17. "Captain."] — It is "Custos" in the Harleian Chronicle. See the note on p. 342, note (3). Page 802, line 21. "John Philpot, then burgess for the city."]— It appears from the list of City Members, given in Maitland's History of London, that John Philpot was M.P. for the city of London in the years 'l377, 1381, 1383. In the Harleian Chronicle he is called "a cytezeu of special name." He was exceedingly rich, and was afterwards knighted by king Richard, for the 920 APPENDIX TO VOL. II. share which lie took in quelling Wat Tyler's insurrection in 13S1. See Editor's note in the Archasologia for more about him. Page 802, line 23. " The mayor would never suffer," &c] — The Harleian Chronicle (p. 259) says, " the mayor and commons." Page 803, line G. "In his place within himself."'] — The Harleian Chronicle (p. 2G0) says, "in the inn of the marshall." Page 803, line 21. "With their bills," &c] — "The armed men wandered up and down the chambers, thrusting through the beds with their lances. The privy houses were searched, but all in vain." — Harleian Chronicle, p. 261. Page 803, line 24. "John Yper .... had desired them to dinner." J — "This was at Ipres inn, in St. Thomas Apostle, west of the church. William of Ipres, a Fleming, who came over to the aid of king Stephen against the em- press Maud in 1138, built this 'great messuage3 (as Stow calls it) near the Tower Royal, where the king ' was then lodged, as in the heart of the city, for his more safety.' (Stow's London, by Strype, vol. iii. p. 8.) William wis created earl of Kent by Stephen, but in the subsequent reign was forced to leave England, and died a monk at Laon, according to Dugd. Bar. i. p. 012. But Stow says he was recalled and restored to his possessions, which remained to his descendants. John of Ipres, named in the text, was a person of sufficient importance to be appointed one of king Edward's executors. See Nichols's Royal Wills, p. 63." — Archceologia, vol. xxii. p. 261, note. Page 803, line 34.] — For " Kingston," the Harleian Chronicle (p. 262) reads '■ Kenyngton." The princess here mentioned was Joan, widow of the Black Prince. Page 804, line 9. " One of his gentlemen."'] — " A certayn soldier of the duke's, called Thomas Wynton, a Scotchman borne." — Harleian Chronicle, p. 263. Page 804, line 18.] — Foxe reads " Sir Albred Lewer," the Harleian Chronicle (p. 263) " De Ver." Sir Aubrey de Vere was uncle to Robert earl of Oxford, afterwards duke of Ireland, the favourite of Richard the Second. Sir Lewis Clifford, an ancestor of lord Clifford of Chudleigh, became a leader among the Lollards, but afterwards recanted to archbishop Arundel. ( Walsing- ham, p. 10'J.) His very remarkable will, in which he enjoins his executors to bury him, "false and traytor to his Lord God," with extraordinary indignities, is preserved in Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 341. — Archceologia, vol. xxii. p. 264. Page 80.5.] — This story about the martial bishop of Norwich is given in the Harleian Chronicle, p. 277 ; where we find the place correctly named " Lynn," of which the Latin is henna: Lynn is also the reading in the interdict of archbishop Sudbury, printed in Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. US. Page 809, note (2).] — Foxe, in the text, professea himself uncertain as to the occasion of this fresh return of benefices held by aliens in England. It is certain, however, that the return was required in consequence of an order of the parliament which met at Gloucester, the Wednesday after the feast of St. Luke the Evangelist, 2 Rich. II. [October 19th, a.d. 1378], that the tempo- ralities of all the benefices held in England by those cardinals and others, who took part with the antipope Clement VII. against the true pope Urban VI., should be seized into the king's hands. (See the Notes out of the Parliamentary Rolls, 2 Richard II., infra vol. iii. p. 214.) The schism in the papacy between Urban VI. and Clement VII. divided all Christendom, each state declaring for one or other of the two popes, not so much on account of the right of the parties, as for political reasons. France, whose interest it was that the pope should reside at Avignon, joined with Clement ; and, for a contrary reason, England thought it more advantageous to adhere to the pope of Rome, (ttapin.) The enactment of the parliament will be found in Cotton, p. 46, 2 Rich. II. litt. 70, 71, 78. Rymer gives many instruments founded on this parliamentary i nactment, appropriating the proceeds of the benefices in question, and trans- furring the benefices to new parties. ADDENDA. Page 28, middle. " The one for Greek . ... the other for Latin."] — " Ex nugis haec, a majoribus nostris, ex ignorantia linguae suse vernacula?, i.e. Saxonicae, saepius inculcatis et avide devoratis. Locorum enim unus Creclade Saxonibusepecca-Selabe; alter Leccelade, recte nuncupandus. Utriusque nomen est composilum ; illud a Saxon, cpecca, posterioribus Creeke, Zelandis Kreke, i.e. amnis, torrens, in majoreni fluvium labens, vel in maris bracbium cadens: hoc autem a Sax. leccian, quod rigare, irrigare, sonat ; cui vicinum Teutonicor. lecken, i. e. stillari, derivari ; unde Leckce, Hollandiae rivuli, Rheni brachii nomen ; ut et apud Saxones leacpeapb, i. e. hortulanus olitorius, sic dictus, quia hortum irrigat ; item nostratium, to leake, a leake, and leaking : utrique voci Saxonicorum labe (quod a lafeian ortum purgationem, exonerationem, sonat) ideo addito, quod eo loci (circa Oxon.) omnes quidam exonerando se purgent .... decidantque in alium (Thamesis nimirum) fluvium." — Somner's Glossary, appended to Twysden, X. Scriptores. Page 62, line 6 from the bottom. " A virgin made hand-fast to Christ."] — Osberne's words are, " Tu Pontificis manum audes contingere, qui virginem deitatis munere arratam non timuisti praeripere ? " (Anglia Sacra, torn. ii. p. 111.) It would here appear tbat the ancient northern custom of betrothing previous to marriage by the ceremony of joining hands, was in usage in the West of England in the 13th century. In Scotland it existed to a very late period, as we learn from Pennant's Tour, part i. 91, and from the instance quoted by Jamieson, in voc. "To hand-fast, to betroth by joining hands." In England, also, the term at least remained to a comparatively modern period, as appears from Palsgrave's Esclaircissement de la Langue Fr. B. III. f. xii. 1530, where we find, " U?ie fansayles, an assuring or hand-fastynge of folks to be maryed." Sir F. Madden's note on Layamon's Brut. III. 312. See the Acta Sanctorum, Maii, iv. 372. Page 728. " The Ploughman's Prayer."'] — See Harleian Miscellany, vol. vi. pp.92 — 117, ed. 1810, where this document appears in a yet older language and phraseology than as it is given in Foxe. It was first printed in 1531. Page 763, note (1). "Ex vita S. Clementis."] — In Voragine, Legenda Aurea, cap. 170, where there is a long story about Clement's mother, named Macidiana, being shipwrecked, and taking to mendicancy in an island not far from Antandros, where St. Peter fell in with her so occupied. — Page 779, ed. Drcsda?, 1S46. DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE WARDENSHIP OF CANTERBURY HALL, OXFORD.1 No. I. — Special'is Licentia Domini Regis Edward* III. pro appropriatione Advo- cationis Ecclesia de Pageham Aula Cantuariensi in O.ronia. Edwardus Dei gratia. Rex Anglue, Dominus Hiberniae et Aquitaniae, on;- nibus ad quos prsesentes literaa pervenerint, salutem. Sciatis quod de gratia nostra speciali, et ad devotam supplicationem venerabilis Patris Simonis Cant' Arebiepiscopi, totius Anglian Primatis et Apostolicce sedis Legati, pie desiderautis incrementum salubre cleri regni nostri propter multiplicationem doctrinal salutaris, qua jam per presenter!) epidemiam noscitur plurimum defecisse, concessimus et licentiam dedimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostri s (quantum in nobis est) eidem Arcbiepiscopo, quod ipse in Universitate Oxon' quandam Aulam sive Domuin Aulam Cantuariensem vulgariter et commu- niter vocitandam, in qua. certus erit numerus Scolarium tain Religiosorum quam Secularium, actibus scolasticis insistentium et Deo pro nobis et salute Regni nostri specialiter exorantium secundum formam ordinationis inde per eundem Archiepiscopum super hoc faciendae, suis sumptibus erigere poterit et fundare, et eisdem scolaribus in perpetuum assignare ; et, in eventu quo Domus sive Aula sit fundata et Scolares in ea assignati fuerint, advocationem Ecclesiaa de Pageham suae jurisdictionis immediatae, quae est de advocatione sua propria et de jure suo Archiepiscopali, et quas de nobis tenetur in capite (ut dicitur), eisdem Scolaribus et successoribus suis dare possit et etiam assig- nare, habendam et tenendam praefatis Scolaribus et successoribus suis de nobis et haeredibus nostris in liberam puram et perpetuain elemosinam in perpetuum : Et eisdem Scolaribus, quod ipsi tarn Aulam quam advocationem praedictas a prasfato Arcbiepiscopo recipere, et Ecclesiam illam appropriare, et earn sic appropriatam in proprios usus tenere possint sibi et successoribus suis praedictis, pro nobis et salute Regni nostri oraturi juxta ordinationem praedicti Arcbiepiscopi, de nobis et haeredibus nostris in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosinam in perpetuum (sicut prasdictum est), tenore praesen- tium similiter licentiam dedimus specialem, statuto de terns et tenementis ad manum mortuam non ponendis edito non obstante : Nolentes quod prae- dictus Archiepiscopus vel successores sui aut praefati Scolares sen successores sui ratione praepiissorum sen statuti praedicti, aut pro eo quod dicta advocatio de nobis tenetur in capite (sicut praedictum est), per nos vel haeredes nostros, Justitiarios Escaetores, Vicecomites, aut alios ballivos sen ministros nostros quoscunque occasionentur, molestentur in aliquo, sen graventur. Sal vis tamen nobis et haeredibus nostris, ac aliis capitalibus Dominis feodi illius, servitiis inde debitis et consuetis. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nos- tras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium x\". die Octobris, anno regni nostri tricesimo quinto. — Patent Rolls, 35 Ed. III. part 3, in. G. MS. in Bibl. Lamb. No. 104, ml. 211. No. II. — Charta Fundationis Aula Cantuariewis, et Donationis Manerii de Wodeford Lincoln, Dioceseos dicta Fundationi, Sapientia Dei Patris, per uterum Beatae Virginis volens prodire in publi- cum, sicut aetate proficere voluit, sic gratiae et sapientia? sua; munera paulatim aliis j>roficiendo secundum processum aetatis sua1 magis ac magis realiter os- tendebat, ut alii qui ab ejus plenitudine fuerint particulariter sapientiam i' - cepturi prius humiliter addiscerent et proficiendo crescerent in doctrina, posteaque quod sic didicerint aliis salubriter revelarent Quia igitur per sapientiam, sic non absque sudore et laboribus adquisitam, reguntur i lowing documents axe taken from the Rolls in the Tow< r; flu- " Lis Romse agitata inter Joannem Wiclj ret 1 \iS. in llihliotlieca I.anilK'thiitiii, No. 1 01. folio 209; and theArchie- \ augban, but with i uracies. 'I hej ai ADDENDA. 923 in justitia confoventur, Ecclesia militans- germinat et sua diffundit tentoria; Nos Simon permissione divina Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus, totius Anglias Primas et Apostolicas sedis Legatus, ad base sepius revolventes iutima cordis nostri. ac considerantes viros in omni scientia, doctos et expertos in epidemiis prasteritis plurimum defecisse, paucissimosque propter defectum exliibitionis ad praesens insistere studio literarum, de magnifioas Trinitatis gratia, et meritis beati Thomas martyris patroni nostri firmiter confidentes, de bonis nobis a Deo collatis Aulam quandam in Universitate Oxon' et nostras pro- vinciae, de consensu et licentia serenissimi principis Domini Edwardi Regis Anglias illustris, in loco quem ad hoc nostris sumptibus comparavimus, con- struximus et fundavimus, quam pro duodenario Studentium numero duximus ordinandam. In partem igitur dotis et sustentationis ipsius Collegii octo hospitia conductitia, juxta situm loci in quohabitationem hujusmodi studentium assignavimus consistentia, quas gravibns sumptibus nostris etexpensispropterea specialiter adquisiviinus, per hanc Cartam nostram conferimus et donamus, et etiam assignamus ; maneriumque de Wodeford Lincoln' Dioceseos ad per- dilectum Nepotem nostrum Willehnum de Islep spectans cum omnibus suis pertinentiis eidem collegio procuravimus insuper assignari. Datum apud Maghefeld Idus Aprilis anno Domini 1363, et nostras Consecrationis xiv. — MS. in Bibl. Lamb. No. 104, fol. 211. No. III. — Verba Ordinationis quoad Custodem Aula Cantuar Domino Archi- episcopo nominandum. et debet ipse prasfici sicut casteri monachi officiarii dicta? Ecclesias per Dominum Archiepiscopum prseficiendi ; viz. Prior et Capituluin eligent de toto Capitulo tres personas ydoneas et meliores in religione et scientia ad dictam Curam, et eos in scriptura communi Domino Archiepi- scopo nominabunt; quorum unum ex illis sic nominatis, quem voluerit, Archi- episcopus prasficiet in Custodem, Curam et Administrationem tarn spiritnalium quam temporalium ad ipsam Aulam pertinentium sibi plenius commiLtendo. — Eccl. Christ. Cant. Reg. K. fol. 67.1 Nominatio Custodis Aula Cant' noviter fundatce in Universitate Oxon' per Reverendum Patrem Dominum Simonem de Islep Archiepiscopum Can- tuariensem. Reverendo in Christo Patri ac Domino, Domino Simoni Dei gratia Cant' Archiepiscopo, totius Anglias Primati et Apostolicas sedis Legato, Vestri humiles et devoti Prior et Capitulum Ecclesias Christi Cant' obedientiam, reverentiam, et honorem. Ad curam et officium Custodis Aulas Cantuar' in Universit. Oxon. per vos noviter fundatas, fratres Henricum de Wodhulle sacrse paginas Doctorem, Johannem de Redyngate, et Willielmum Rychemond, nostros confratres et commonachos, vobis juxta formam et effectum Ordina- tionis vestras factas in hac parte tenore presentium nominamus; supplicantes quatenus unum ex illis tribus sic nominatis, quem volueritis, in Custodem dictas Aulas prasficere, et eidem curam et administrationem tarn spiritnalium quam temporalium ad ipsam Aulam pertinentium committere dignetur vestra paternitas reverenda; quam ad Ecclesias suas Regimen conservet in prosperis Trinitas indivisa. Dat. sub sigillo nostro communi in Domo nostra Capitulari Cant' xiii. die Martii, anno Domini millesimo cccrao. Lxado. [a.d. 1363.] No. IV. — Appropriatio Ecclesia de Pageham Custodi et Scolaribus Aula Canluarie?isis.2 Universis sanctas matris ecclesias filiis ad quos prassentes literas pervenerint Simon, permissione divina Cantuar' Archiepiscopus, totius Anglias Primas et Apostolicas sedis Legatus, salutem et perpetuam rei gestas memoriam cum benedictione dexteras Dei Salvatoris. Quotiens ad peimriam studentium in famosa et peramabili Universitate Oxon., nostras Cantuar' provincias, mentis intuitum dirigimus, totiens cordis nostri viscera do'.oris gladio sauciantur. Hasc enim sicut stella cceli vernantia Seminis sui germina multiplicare et sicut vinea Israelitica quondam de Egypto translata palmites suos et propagines pei- (1) See liowerer the notes hereafter on No. XI. (2) Now printed for the first time, from MS. 104, Bihlioth. Lambeth, fol. 212 l>. 924 ADDENDA. universum orbem difFundere paucis c-tiam annis transactis consueverat, formosi- tate Rachelis sinml et fecunditate Lea: divinitus adomata. Sed provocantibus demeritis nostris aggravata manus Domini tam copiosam tain fructuosam propagationem quasi in manipuluni frondiuin gemin'ato ruinae pestilencialis impetu redigebat. Nos bine peramabili fili;c nostras adeo lacrymosa infecun- ditate laboranti in tern o compaticntes affectu, et in aliqualem ipsius consola- tionem aliquot sibi sobolea adjicere cupientes, quandam Aulam Collegiatam sub certo Studentium numero vocabulo Aula- Cantuar' stabilitani infra tentorii sui inetas fundavimus, possessiones temporales propterea per nos acquisitas eisdem Aulae et Studeutibus in dotem perpetuani assignando. Sane ex parte dicta? Aula? Custodis et Studentium nobis extitit signification, qudd possessiones praedictae pro ipsorum Studentium sustentatione congrua et aliis ejusdem Aulae seu Collegii supportandis oneribua non Bufficiunt nee suflicere poterunt in futurum. Propter quod nobis bumiliter supplicarunt, quatenus ecclesiam parocbialem de Pagebam nostrorum patronatus et jurisdictionis immediatae eis et eorum Collegio in usus proprios concedere dignaremur. Nos igitur volentes necessitati eorum consulere et utilitati providere, ipsorum suppli cation ibus tanquam justis et rationi consonis inclinati, praehabito super praemissis et ea continentibus solemni et diligenti tractatu cum Reverendis et Religiosis viria Priore et Capitulo Eeclesiae nostrse Cantuar', jurisque ordine qui in hac parte requirebatur in omnibus 'observato, de communi consensu et assensu eorum praefatam Ecclesiam de Pagebam cum suis membris juribus et pertinentiis universis, praefatis Aulas Collegio et Studeutibus eorumque successoribus appropriamus annectimus et unimus, ipsamque in usus proprios eorundem concedimus in perpetuum possidendain ; adjicientes et concedentes ipsis Custodi et Studentibus plenam potestatem et liberam quod (cedente vi 1 decedente seu aliqualitercunque dimittente Rectore dictae Eeclesiae qui pro praesente incumbit) ipsam Ecclesiam et ejus possessionem auctoritate praesen- tium per se alium seu alios ingredi, obventiones redditus et ptoventus ejusdem quoscunque percipere, ac de eisdem libere disponere valeant ; ulla alia licentia seu auctoritate loci ordinarii aut alterius cujuscunque super boc petita aliqualiter sen optenta non obstante. Salvis tamen vicariis perpetuis diets ecclesiie parocbialis et capellaj de Bergbstede Capellaniseque perpetuae de Bogenor eidem Eeclesiae annexis ac porcionibus ab olim eisdem perpetuo assignatis; Reserva- tisque nobis et successoribus nostris utriusque vicariae Capellaniaeque hujus- modi collacione, prout ad nos et predecessores nostros pertinere Bolebant temporibus retroactis. In quorum omnium testimonium sigillum nostrum fecimus his apponi. Datum in domo Capitulari Eeclesiae nostrae Cantuar' praedictas quinto Idus Maii, anno Domini millesimo cccmu. lxiij°, et nostrae Consecrationis xiiij". No. V. Tbe Rectory of Pagebam was resigned at Mayfield by " Dominus Willielmus in the hieyne capelb Lincoln. Dioc." . . . . "praesentibus Episcopo Roffensi, Nicholao Chaddesden, Ricardo Warmington, et Willielmo Islep cruciferario Archiepiscopi." . . . . " ix Cal. Junii 13G;5." — Reg. Islep. in Archiv. Lamb, fob 301. No. VI. — Royal Licence for the conveyance of certain Messuages in Oxford to Canterbury Hall} Rex omnibus ad quos, &c. salutem. Licet &c. ob afFectionem tamen quam ScoiaH- a^ venerabilem patrem Simonem Arcbiepiscopum Cantuar' (qui quandam bus Aulae domum Scolarium vocatam Aulam Cantuar', in augmentation em cleri regni Cantuari- nostri, qui per pestilencias in eodem regno invalescentes est multipliciter in Villa diminutus, in villa Oxon. de nostra licentia noviter fundavit) merito gerimus Oxon. etbabemus; Volentes dilectis nobis in Christo Custodi et Scolaribua Aulae predictae gratiam facere specialem, concessimus et licenciam dedimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris (quantum in nobis est) dilectis nobis in Christo — Abbati de Abyndon quod ipse uiiuin messuagium et tres solidatas redditus cum pertinentiis in Oxon. — Priori Sancta> Frideswydse Oxon. qudd ipse sex messuagia cum pertinentiis in eadem villa — Magistris Gillo Durant1 et Johanni printed for the lirsi time from the Patent Rolls, 37 Ed. III. part i. No. 9. ..: this time Warden ofMerton. ADDENDA. 925 de Colton quod ipsi unum messuagium cam pertinentiis in eadem villa — Magistro Thomas de Gloucestre de Oxon. quod ipse unum messuagium cum pertinentiis in eadem villa — Abbissa? de Godstowe quod ipsa unum messuagium cum pertinentiis in eadem villa Oxon. — et Magistro et Scolaribus de Baylol- halle quod ipsi unum messuagium cum pertinentiis in eadem villa, dare possint et assignare praefatis Custodi et Scolaribus Aula? Cantuar' babenda et tenenda eisdem Custodi et Scolaribus et successoribus suis Custodibus et Scolaribus Aulas illius in puram et perpetuam elemosinam in perpetuum. Et Eisdem Custodi et Scolaribus Aulas Cantuar' quod ipsi messuagia, tofta, et redditum, praedicta cum pertinentiis a praefatis Abbate, Priore, Gillo et Jobanne, Thoma, Abbissa, et Magistro et Scolaribus de Baillohalle, in forma praedicta recipere possint et tenere ipsis Custodi et Scolaribus dicta? Aulas Cantuar' et successori- bus suis Custodibus et Scolaribus ejusdem Aula? in puram et perpetuam elemo- synam in perpetuum (sicut prasdictum est), tenore prsesentium similiter licen- ciam dedimus specialem, statuto prasdicto lion obstante ; nolentes quod praedicti Abbas. Prior, Gillus, Johannes, Tbomas, Abbissa, et Magister et Scolares de Baillohalle heredes seu successores sui, aut praefati Custos et Scolares praedicta? Aula? Cantuar' vel successores sui praedicti, per noa vel heredes aut ministros nostros quoscunque inde occasionentur in aliquo seu graventur : Salvis tamen capitalibus dominis f'eodorum praedictorum serviciis inde debitis et consuetis. In cujus rei, &c, teste Rege apud Westmonast' primo die Junii. Pei ipsum Regem. No. VII. — Willelmi de Is?ep conflrmatio prtedictce Donutio7iis Manerii de Wodeford. See No. II. Sciant praesentes et futuri, qudd Ego Willelmus de Islep ad instan.tiain Domini mei Domini Simonis Dei gratia Cant' Archiepiscopi, totius Anglias Primatis et Apostolicae sedis Legati, dedi concessi et hac prassenti Carta mea confirmavi Custodi et Clericis Aula3 Collegiatae Cant', per ipsum Dominum meum in Universitate Oxon' noviter lundatas, Manerium meum quod habeo in Wodeford cum omnibus suis pertinentiis in Comitatu Northampton, haben- dum et tenendum prasdictum Manerium cum omnibus suis terris, pratis, pas- euis, pasturis, redditibus, homagiis, servitiis, stagnis, vivariis, aquis, molendis, gardinis, columbariis, cum omnibus aliis suis pertinentiis prasdictis, Custodi et Clericis et eorum successoribus in perpetuum, tenendum de capitalibus Dominis feodi per servitia inde debita et de jure consueta. In cujus rei tes- timonium sigillum meum praesentibus apposui, his testibus, venerabili in Christo Patre Domino Willelmo Dei gratia Roffensi Episcopo, Magistro Nicholao de Chaddesden Legum Doctore Cancellario, Domino Jobanne Walcys milite, Dominis Thoma de Wolton seneschallo terrarum, et Willelmo Islep crucif'erario dicti Domini Archiepiscopi, et multis aliis. Et ad majorem securitatem piaemissorum, Ego Willelmus de Islep supradictus prassentem Cartam subscriptione et signi-appositione Magistri Richardi Wodeland clerici, notarii auctoritate Apostolica, publici, ad requisitionem meam specialem feci et obtinui communiri. Datum apud Maghef'eld quarto die mensis Junii anno Domini millesimo ccclxiii. et anno Regni Regis Edwardi tertii post conques- tum xxxvii. Et Ego Richardus Wodeland de Calceto1 clericus Cicestrensis Dioceseos, notarius Apostolica, auctoritate publicus, dationi et confirmationi et conces- sion! praadictis, et sigil'li appositioni Cartas prasdictas una cum suprascriptis testibus, loco, die, mense et anno Domini supradictis, indictione prima, pon- tificatus sanctissimi in Christo Patris et Domini Domini Urbani digna Dei pro- videntia Papas Quinti anno primo, prassens interfui et praefatum Willelmum de Islep dictam Cartam perlegere audivi, et ad rogatum dicti Willelmi hie me subscripsi, et signum meum apposui praesentibus consuetum in testimonium prasmissorum.— MS. in Eibl. Lamb. No. 104, fol. 212. No. VIII. — Confimutto CJtartee Ftmdalionis, predicts juxta formam fundationis Aula' prae- diclse nominatus existis — te admittimus; teque Custodem dicta? Aula? prsefici- mua per prassentes, quamdiu nobis plaeiurit duraturuni, curam et administra- tionem pra?dicta? Aula- tarn in temporalibus quam spiritualibus tibi committentea: Salvis in omnibus juribus et consuetudinilnis nostris ac nostra' Cantuar ecclesia' dignitate. In cujus, &c. Datum apud Stanbroke, ii Kal. Aprilis anno Domini supradicto [/'. e. March 30th, a.d. 1367], Item eisdem die ct loco mandatum fuit omnibus et singulis Scolaribus Aula: pnedictae, quod sint dicto Custodi intendentcs et obedientes. Prafectio Henrici do WodhuU in Custodem Aula Cantuariensis O.mn.'- Item apud Maghefeld X Kal. Maii, anno Domini Millcsimo ccc. lxvij '. dominus preefecit fratrem Henricum de Wodhull mooachum Cantuar' i | Repertorium, ii- 31 ; 12) Printed now for the Bret time from Regist. Langham, folio vs. ADDENDA. 927 paginae professovem in Custodem AuTse Cantuar' in Oxon' sub forma{eadem qua] alii fratri Johanni Radyngate superius extitit factum, et mandante Scolaribus ejusdem Aulas pro admissione ipsius Custodis sub forma inferius expressata. Simon &c. ddectis filiis nostris Magistro Johanni Wyclitt'et caeteris Scolaribus Aula; nostras Cantuar', in Universitate Oxon' per bona; memorise dominum Siinonem de Islep nuper Cantuar' Archiepiscopuin predecessorem nostrum de bonis dicta? Ecclesias Cant' fundatas, salutein gratiam et benedictionem. Cum nos religiosum virum fratrem Johannem Radyngate monachum et confratrem ecclesias nostra; Cant', in Custodem Aula? nostra; predictae per nos antea prasfec- tum, a cura et regimine ipsius Aula; certis ex causis et Uteris nos ad hoc moven- tibus revocaverimus et absolverimus, habitaque deliberacione diligenti et matura cum dilectis nobis in Christo filiis Priore et Capitulo Ecclesias nostra; predictae religiosum et discretum virum fratrem Henricum de Wodhull ejusdem ecclesias nostra; commonachum sacra; paginae professorem ad Custodiam Aula; praedictas admiserimus, et ipsum fratrem Henricum in Custodem ejusdem Aula; cum omnibus ad eandem Custodiam pertinentibus praefecerimus, curamque et regimen ipsius Aula; et personarum ejusdem tarn in temporalibus quam spiri- tualibus per nostras certi tenoris literas sibi in hac parte concessas, quamdin nobis placuerit duraturas, ut est mods, sibi commiserimus : Vobis omnibus et singulis vestrum in virtute obedientiae mandamus firmiter injungendo, qua- tenus praefatum Henricum, in Custodem Aula? nostrae memoratee per nos (ut praamittitur) prasfectum, in Custodem vestrum et ejusdem Aulas nostrae benignc admittatis et ipsum seu ipsius in hac parte substitutum recipiatis, ac eidem in omnibus prout decet effectualiter pareatis. Datum apud Maghefeld, x Kal. Maii, anno Domini prasdicto. No. XI. — Expositio Causa pro parte Johatinis Wicl iff coram Summo Pontijice. In nomine Dei, Amen. Expositum est dudum sanctissimo in Christo patri et domino nostro domino Urbano digna Dei providentia Papas Quinto in pleno consistorio, in prassentia nonnullorum Reverendissimorum patrum dominorum Cardinalium, pro parte venerabilis viri Magistri Johannis de Wyclyf Magistri in aftibus ac in sacra theologia Bacularii, asserentis se Custodem Aulas seu Collegii Cantuar' in Universitate Oxon', Lincoln' dioc', et quorundam aliorum consociorum seu Scolarium in dicta Aula seu Collegio studentium; — Quod olim bona; memorias dominus Simon Archiepiscopus Cantuar' in dicto studio Univer- sitatis Oxonias de bonis suis re sibi ratione personae suae pertinentibus et ex sua industria anteaquam Archiepiscopus fuisset acquisitis quoddam Collegium clericorum Scolarium, in quo esse deberent unus Custos et undecim clerici Scolares, fundaverat construxerat et dotaverat: Et tandem ecclesiam paro- chialem de Pageham Cicestrensis dioc', ad collacionem ipsius domini Archiepi- scopi pertinentem jurisdictionis immediatas Cant' Archiepiscopi, sui Capituli auctoritate ordinaria canonice unierat et eisdem illam in usus proprios con- cesserat, et venerabilem virum Magistrum Johannem de Wyclyf in artibus Magistrum et in theologia Bacularium (ut asserebatur) et in presbyteratus ordine constitutum Custodem dictas domus fecerat et deputaverat, et Custodiam ejusdem (quam officium perpetuum clerici Seculares in dicto Collegio esse nolebant) per suas literas sibi contulerat et concesserat, et plures libros2et res alias ad eurri ratione personae suas spectantes dicto Collegio in suo testamento et ultima voluntate legaverat, quos per manus executorum suas ultimas voluntatis hujusmodi prasstari et solvi et erogari voluerat et mandaverat. Tandem, ipso fuudatore sublato de medio et Reverendissimo in Christo patre et domino domino Simone Sanctas Romanae Ecclesias Cardinale tunc ad Cant' Ecclesiam translato, Idem dominus Simon tunc Archiepiscopus nunc Cardinalis dictum Magistrum Johannem absque causa quacunque rationabili a dicto officio removere, et quendam fratrem Henricum de Wodehull monachum Ecclesias Cant', ut dictis clericis Scolaribus prasesset, in eodem officio ponere intendebat. (1) It is a curious fact that in the Wyttlesey Register, folio 86, we find a similar case to the above; John Sidymlen was appointed Warden of Canterbury Hall, Oxford, "4 Idus Augusti, a. d. 1371;" and in the very next entry we find William Richemond appointed instead of John Sidynden, " IS Kal. Octob. eodem anno." (2) The following curious direction is added in Islep's " Ordinatio" (see Wilkins, iii. p. 56): — " lnhibemus insuper sub anathematis vinculo, ne aliquis dictorum librorum extra domum nostram alicui ac-commodetur. nisi alicui de Scolaribus Aulae nostrae de Merton, et tunc cum script#ra privata," 928 ADDENDA. Et quia idem Magister Johannes Custos et Socii predict!, eiim (ut dixerunt) esset contra juramentum per eos praestitum in inceptione ipsorum, ad hoc consentire et religiosum virum fratrem Henricmn monachum praedictum admittere noluerant sed recusarant; praedictus dominns Simon tunc Archiepi- scopus nunc autem Cardinalia fructus dictae parochialis Ecclesiae de Pageliam in quibus quasi tota substantia sustentationis clericorum hujusmodi consistebat temeritate sua propria sequestraverat, ut sic faciliiis dictos Scolares eidem con- sentire aut mendaciter agere in opprobrium cleri coinpelleret, et sic eosdem Scolares fructibus ejusdem ecclesiae spoliaverat et detinebat spoliatos, ac libros et alia legata predicta contra ultimam voluntatem testatoris praedicti per dictos executores detineri fecerat et procuraverat indebite et injuste in districtionem dicti Collcgii ac Custodis et Sociorum praedictorum grave praejudicium atque dampnum. Propter quod fuerat ad sedem Apostolicam ab impugnacione tituli hujusmodi et fructuum praedictorum sequestratione et nonnullis aliis gravami- nibus legitime appellatum. Expositio Causa pro parte domini Simonis Archiepiscopi et Monachorum coram Summo Pontijlce. Postque incontinenter expositum est etiam dicto domino nostra Papae in dicto consistorio, in praesentia praedictorum Ileverendissimorum patrum domi- norum Cardinalium, pro parte Reverendissimi patris et domini domini Simonis olim Archiepiscopi Cantuar', nunc vero Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis; — Quod olim bonae memoriae dominus Simon de Islepp Archiepiscopus Cantuar' cupiens in scientiis volentibus proficere misericorditer subvenire, et praecipue ad augmentandam inter monachos scholasticam disciplinam, quoddaai Collegium sive Aulam, quae Aula vulgariter vocatur Aula Cantuar', in Universitate Oxon' de bonis Ecclesiae Cantuar' et Archiepiscopatus sui instituerat et fundaverat.1 In cujus fundacione statuerat et inter caetera ordinaverat quod in ipso Collegio essent duodecim personae Studentes, quorum quatuor, viz. Custos monacbus dicti Collegii et tres Socii, essent monachi ecclesiae Cantuar', et octo alii Scolares (ut dicitui) Seculares Studentes, qui in licitis et honestis Custodi prae- fato subessent, qubdque monacbus hujusmodi, in Custodem dicti Collegii praeficiendus, Archiepiscopo Cantuar' qui pro tempore esset deberet per Priorem et Capitulum dictae Cantuar' Ecclesiae ad Custodiam hujusmodi nominal! Juxta (1 ) It is proper 10 state, that the original " Constitutiones et Statuta Autre Cantuariensis " appear in Islep's Register, folio 213, whence they are printed in Wilkins' Concilia, iii. p. 52 ; and that they do not bear out the representations of Archbishop Langham and the monks of Christ Church, Canterbury. They are addressed by Islep to the Prior and Chapter of Christ Church, Canterbury; and he requires " attentius ea inter vos debite publicari vestrumque consensum et assensum coiiiinunem eisdem, prout vobis expediens videbitur, accommodari : literas necnon vestras super consensu et assensu sic adhibitis nobis remitti patentes, praesentium tenorem habentes, sigllli vestri communis appensione prout decuerit communitas." He says nothing about the mixture of Regulars and Seculars, and calls it simply " Aulam quandam Studentium" or " Scolarium." With respect to the Warden, he directs as follows :— " Imprimis Aula predicts vocabitur ' Aula Cantuariensis,' et habebit superiorem, qui nominabitur Custos. Ejusdem Aula- Custos debet esse vir provectae retails, maturus, sobrius, et honestus, expertus et approbatus, et scicntia merito commendatus, in spiritualibus potissime, et in temporalibus plurimum circumspectus, et caeteris quantum ad curam dictae Aula; merito praeferendus. Et debet ipse pneflci tali modo; viz. Senior domus, quam cito commode poterit, postquam Custodis officium fuerit vacuum, omnes Socios pro viribus congregabit ; qui .sic congregati, dilatione quacunque postposita, juxta formam traditam inferius, bc de Sociis admittendis, eligent de toto Collegio tres personas vdoueas it inelio] is in agilibus et sciential ad dictam curam, et eos in scriptura communi domino Archiepiscopo nominalmnt. Quorum unum ex illis sic DOminatum, quern voluerit, Archiepiscopus pneliciet in Custodem, curam et administrationem tam spiritualium quam tempo- ralium ad ipsam Aulam pertinentium sibi plenius committendo. Habebit insuper dictus Custos undecim Socios actualiter constudentcs, et ultra illos unum capellanum, qui nisi rain I ■i.epi iliatur de Sociis dicta: Aulas, cum capellam habuerint ad hoc ordinatam, quotidie celebrabit. Et sic erunt xii Socii in universum praeter capellanum sumptibUE Aulce praedictse, qui dicto Custodi suo (quern praeesseel praeeminere eis et caeteris ministris inferioribus et exteri- oribus dicta Aul.e volumus in omnibus (pue ad dictam Aulam et ordinationem ejusdem concer- nent) humiliter obediant, verbo et facto pare inl I I intend ml." Be was to liave CHI per annum. "Custos autem, si pacetn Inter Socios discordes trina vice facere neglexent, aut ipscmet earn notabiliter totiens turbaverit, seu in correctionibus faciendis tot vicious negligens fuerit aut 118, Tel personaruni ninlis favorabiliit r acceptor; tunc infra mensem ter ad minus inter- competentibus temporis interstitiis, ]ier seniorem Socium de consensu caeterorum Sociorum itur, ut Be con tet defect leat; quod si lVerrit, signiiicetur \>n domino Archiepiscopo, ut ipse cum corrigat et emendet ; vel, si incorrigibiiis sit, simpliciter amoveat a dicta Aula, et alium Bubroget loi o sui." (\\ ilkins, iii p. 55.) •• Nobis et Buccessoribus nostns solummodo liceat statuta nostra predicts, cum et quotiens opus fuerit, declarare, corrigere, adjicere, et mutare." (Wilkins, iii. j>. 58.) Archbishop Isle)) may, indeed, have b m -what to modify liis original •< '■■ consideration of the a'ssislame given to his newly-founded Hall by some of the Ell r from Document No. VI. J but there is no notice of any such modification ■ >ter, arid the contrary seems implied at Line IK of the next page. , ADDENDA. 929 quam ordinationera hujusmodi et statuta (quam et quae dominus Symon tunc Cantuar' Archiepiscopus nunc Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis petiit humiliter per ipsum dominum Papam haberi pro expressis) idem quondam dominus Simon de Islep dum vixerit quendam fratrem Henricum de Wodehull praefatae Cantuar' Ecclesiae monachum et sacrae theologiae professorem, per Priorem et Capitulum dictae Cant' Ecclesiae ad hoc nominatum, in Custodem dicta? Aulas seu Collegii prasfecerat, et ipsum ad dicti Collegii possessionem, custodiarn, et administrationem, tarn in spiritualibus quam in temporalibus, per tres ejusdem Cant' Ecclesiae monachos, ad hoc debite nominatos sive electos in socios dictae Aulae, recipi fecerat et admitti. Subsequenter eisdem Custodi monacho et Sociis et Aulas praedictae Ecclesiam parochialem de Pageham Cicestrensis dioc', patronatus et immediatae jurisdictionis Archiepiscopi Cantuari- ensis, appropriaverat et (ut dicebatur) annexaverat, et (ut dicebatur) ecclesiae possessionem dicti Custos monachus et Collegium tenuerant et habuerant per aliqua tempora : Et licet fundatoris ordinaciones et statuta fuissent et essent per Priorem et Capitulum dictae Ecclesiae Cant' (ut dicebatur) acceptata et approbata, adeoque dictis Priore et Capitulo invitis nihil in eorum prejudicium circa praemissa debuisset seu deberet immutari, quidam tamen Johannes de Wyclyf, in licita absentia dicti fratris Henrici monachi Custodis et aliorum monachorum Scolarium dictae Aulae, in dicto Collegio et possessione ejusdem se intrudi et Magistrum ejusdem Aulae nominari procuraverat et fecerat sub dolo et de facto, licet in praemissis quoad factum excusationis colorem quendam conniventia praefati domini fundatoris in gravi infirmitate tunc detenti prae- tendere videbatur ; qui tamen de jure penitus non procedebat. Verum quia (praefato domino quondam Archiepiscopo fundatore ab hac luce subtracto) Reverendissimus in Christo pater dominus Simon olim Archiepiscopus dictae Ecclesise Cant' nunc vero Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis — considerans dictum Collegium per secularem1 personam non debere totaliter gubernari obstantibus statutis et ordinacionibus supradictis (illudque, si procederet, in grave praejudicium monachorum ecclesiae Cant' et in enormem ipsius ecclesiae cederet lesionem) — praefato Johanni intruso et aliis prsedicti Collegii Sociis praetensis ipsius incursus consortibus dederat in mandatis, ut (cessantibus intrusione et ceteris sic de facto praesumptis) praefatum Henricum monachum Custodem (etiam iterato ex habundanti per dictos Priorem et Capitulum eidem domino Archiepiscopo ad Custodiarn et Curam dictae Aulae nominatum,2 et per ipsum dominum Archiepiscopum in Custodiarn ejusdem praefectum), juxta prsesenta- tionem suam hujusmodi, vel ejus locumtenentem ad Custodiarn dictae Aulae admitterent ut deberent; sed dictus Johannes intrusus et sui complices hoc facere recusaverant : Perpendens autem ex his et aliis idem dominus Simon tunc Archiepiscopus nunc autem Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis super statu dicti Collegii, ne majora pericula provenirent et praecipue ne fructus scholasticae disciplinae inter monachos (ut praemittitur) inchoatus in aliquo depravatus foret, praefatum Johannem intrusum, se Magistrum et Custodem dicti Collegii prae- tendentem, et praetensos socios suos Seculares ad exhibendam fundacionem et ordinationem Collegii sive Aulae praedictas, ac titulum super appropriacione et unione praedictae Ecclesiae de Pageham quam asserebant canonice sibi factam, coram se fecerat evocari ad certos locum et terminum competentem. Et quia in termino hujusmodi nichil in ea parte sufficienter exhibuerant seu allegaverant, idem dominus tunc Archiepiscopus nunc Cardinalis se in fructibus dictae Ecclesiae de Pageham sequestrandis debite interpositurum fuerat comminatus, ni melius studerent exhibere. Ex quibus dictus Johannes intrusus et praefati consortes sui se fingentes gravatos ad sanctam sedem Apostolicam, tam contra ipsum dominum tunc Archiepiscopum nunc Cardinalem quam fratrem Henri- cum praefatum, (ut dicitur) appellaverant. Commissio Causes Andruyno Cardinali per dominum Papam Urbanum Quintum. Quibus sic per utramque partem sic ut praemittitur expositis et exauditis, idem sanctissimus in Christo pater et dominus noster dominus Urbanus papa (1) This word has been misread " Scolarem" by Lewis, who argues from it that Wickliffe had been one of Archbishop Islep's scholars, before he was made Warden. The word " intrusus " repeatedly applied in this Document to Wyclif and his " consortes" implies the contrary. (2) Under date "xx die mensis Aprilis," 1367. Eccles. Christi Cant. Reg. K. fol. Q7. VOL. II. 3 o 930 ADDENDA. Quintus pranlictus causas supradictas in expositionibus superius contentas Reverendissimo in Christo patri bona; memorise domino Andruyno, miseracione divina tit' Sancti Marcelli presbytero Cardinali, commisit audiendas decidcndas et fine debito terminandas cum omnibus suis consequents, &c. — The remainder, being substantially comprised in the next document, is for brevity omitted here. Cardinal Adrian's judgment of the case is dated, " in Monteflascon'1 in hospicio habitacionis suae ibidem, Die Luna?, vicesima tertia mensis Julii, pontificates Urban i Quint] anno septimo," i. e. Monday, July 23d, a. d. 1369: Cardinal Bernard's attestation of it, " apud Montemfiaseon' in domo habitationis nostras die quhitadecima mensis Maii, a. d. 1370, &c." No. XII. — Mandalum dpostolhcum ad exequendam sententiam Cardinalis Andnnjiii contra H'yctyjfum. Urbanus Episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri Episcopo I.on- doniensi, et dilectis filiis Abbati Monasterii sancti Albani, Lincoln' Dio- ceseos, ac Archidiacono Oxon' in Ecclesia Lincoln', salutem et Apostolicam benedictionem. Petitio dilectorum filiorum Prions et Capituli Cant' Ecelesiae ordinis Sancti Benedicti nobis exhibits continebat, quod, licet Collegium Aula Cant' nuncupatuin Scholarium Universitatis Oxon' Lincoln' Dioces' (in quo quidem Collegio iionnulli Clerici et Scolares esse consueverant) per unum ex Monachis dicta3 Ecelesiae (qui Custos dicti Collegii esse et tres alios Monachos dictaj licclesiae secum habere debet, prout in ipsius Collegii fundatione extitit canouice ordinatum) regi deberet: Tamen dilecti nlii Johannes de Wyclyff, Willermus Selbi, Willermus Middlewortb, Richardns Bengerus, clerici Ebora- censis, Saresburiensis, et Oxoniensis Dioceseos, false asserentes dictum Col- legium per clericos Seculares regi debere, dictumque Johannem fore Custodem Collegii supradicti, Ilenricum de Wodehul Monachum dictse Cant' Ecelesiae ac Custodem dicti Collegii, ac nonnullos Monachos diets Ecclesirc com prae- fato Henrico in dicto Collegio commorantes, de ipso Collegio cxcluserunt, ipsosque Collegio ipso ac bonis inibi existentibus, in quorum possessione iidem Henricus et alii Monachi existebant, spoliarunt, et nonnulla alia in ipsorum Monachorum praejudicium acceptavunt, necnon omnia bona dicti Collegii occuparunt. Propter quod dilectus filius noster Simon tit' sancti Sixti Presbyter Cardinalis tunc Archiepiseopus Cantuar', videns et prospieiens hujusmodi bona dicti Collegii per dictum Johannem et alios clericos supra- dictos qui ipsius Johannis consortcs erant dissipari, fructus parochialis Ecele- siae de Pageham, Cicestrens' Dioc', sub Jurisdictione Archiep. Cant' pro tempore existentis consistentis, sequestrari fecit: Ortaque propterta inter Johannem de WyclyfF et ejus consortes ex una parte, et dictum Cardinalem super praemissis et eorum occasione ex altera, materia quaestionis, nos causa m hujusmodi (cum partes ipsa? in Romana Curia sufficienter prassentes eatia- terent) bona.' memoriae Andruyno tit' sancti Marcelli presbytero Cardinali ad earum partium instantiam audiendam commisimus, et fine debito termi- nandam; et quod idem Andruynus Cardinalis (prout ei melius et utilius pro statu dicti Collegii videretur expedirc) posset a dicto Collegio clericos Secu- lares amovere, vel (si ei utilius videretur pro Collegio supradicto) Religiosoa supradictos ab ipso Collegio auctoritate praedictS amovere, ita quod uuicum et solum Collegium Regularium vel Secularium remaneret; cum potestate etiam in dicta causa simpliciter, et de piano, ac sine strepitu et figura judicii procedendi. Coram quo Magistris Richardo Bengero procurator* Johannis et ejus consortium prccdictorum, ac Alberto de Mediolano, — per Magistruni Rogertim de Freton procuratorem dictorum Simom's Cardinalis necnon Prions et Capituli praedictorum (qui quidem Prior et Capitulum pro interesse suo ad causam hujusmodi veniebant) substituto; donee eum revocaret, prout ad hoc ab ipsis Simone Cardinale ac Priore et Capitulo sufficiens mandatnm habebat in Judicio comparentibus ; tandem, postquam inter partes ipsas coram eodem Cardinale ad nonnullos actus in causa hujusmodi processum fuerat, puefatus Richardus quandam petitionem summariam pro parte sua exbibuit in causa supradicta. Postmodum vero nos eidem Andruyno Car- dinali commisimus, ui in causa hujusmodi sola facti veritate inspects proce- deret, etiam terminis secundum stilura palatii Apostolici Bervari consuetis non ill Monte Pi N.N.W. of Viterlio. ADDENDA. 931 servatis. Postmodum vero praefatus Rogerus coram eodem Andruyno Cardinale in judicio comparens nonnullas positiones et articulos, quandam petitionem summariam in eorum fine continentes, pro parte sua tradidit in causa supra- dicta; ac deinde, cum generates vacationes in dicta, Curia de mandato nostro indictae fuissent, nos eidem Andruyno Cardinali commisimus, ut in causa hujusmodi procedere et partes ipsas per suas literas portis Ecclesiae Viter- biensis aifigendas citare posset quociens opus esset, non obstantibus vacatio- nibus supradictis. Idemque Andruynus Cardinalis ad ipsius Rogeri instantiam praefatum Johannem Wyclyff et ejus consortes, cum dictus Richardus procu- rator in dicta Curia diligenter perquisitus reperiri non posset, per suas certi tenoris literas portis dictas Ecclesiae Viterbiensis affixas, ad producendum et ad produci videndum omnia jura et munimenta, quibus partes ipsae vellent in hujusmodi causa, uti, citari fecit ad certum peremptorium terminum compe- tentem: in quo praefatus Rogerus coram eodem Andruyno Cardinale in judicio comparens prasdictorum citatorum non comparentium contumaciam accusavit, et in ejus contumaciam nonnullas literas autenticas instrumenta publica et alia jura et munimenta quibus pro parte sua in hujusmodi causa, voluit uti produxit; idemque Andruynus Cardinalis ad ipsius Rogeri instantiam prae- dictum Richardum tunc in praedicta, Curia, repertum ad dicendum contra eadem producta quidquid vellet per porterium suum juratum citari fecit ad certum peremptorium terminum competentem; in quo praefatus Rogerus coram eodem Andruyno Cardinale in judicio comparens praedicti Ricardi non comparentis contumaciam accusavit, praefatusque Andruynus Cardinalis ad dicti Rogeri instantiam prasdictum Ricardum ad concludendum et concludi videndum in causa hujusmodi, vel dicendum causam rationabilem quare in ea concludi non deberet, per porterium suum juratum citari fecit ad certum terminum peremptorium competentem : in quo Magistro Johanne Cheyne, substituto de novo per dictum Rogerum donee eum revocaret, prout ad hoc a praafatis Dominis suis sufficiens mandatum habebat, coram eodem Andruyno Cardinale in judicio comparente, et dicti Ricardi non comparentis contuma- ciam accusante, et in ejus contumaciam in hujusmodi causa concludi petente, supradictus Andruynus Cardinalis reputans eundem Richardum quoad hoc (prout erat) merito contumacem, in ejus contumaciam cum dicto Johanne Cheyne in hujusmodi causa, concludente conclusit, et habuit pro concluso. Subsequenter vero praefatus Andruynus Cardinalis praedictos Johannem de Wyclif et ejus consortes, cum dictus Richardus procurator latitaret et dili- genter perquisitus in praefata Curia reperiri non posset, ad suam in causa, hujusmodi diffinitivam sententiam audiendam per suas certi tenoris literas portis dictae Ecclesiae Viterbiensis affixas citari fecit ad competentem peremp- torium certum diem : in quo dicto Rogero coram eodem Andruyno Cardinale in judicio comparente, et dictorum citatorum non comparentium contumaciam accusante, et in eorum contumaciam sententiam ipsam ferri petente, memo- ratus Andruynus Cardinalis reputans eosdem citatos quoad actum hujusmodi (prout erant) merito contumaces, in eorum contumaciam (visis et diligenter inspectis omnibus et singulis actibus actitatis habitis et productis in causa hujusmodi coram eo, ipsisque cum diligentia reeensitis et examinatis, habito super his consilio cum peritis) per suam diffinitivam sententiam ordinavit, pronunciavit, decrevit, et declaravit, solos Monachos praedictas Cantuar' Eccle- siae, Secularibus exclusis, debere in dicto Collegio, Aula [Cantuar'] nuncu- pato, perpetuo remanere; ac exclusionem et spoliationem, contra praedictos Monachos per dictum Johannem de Wyclyff et ejus consortes praedictos attemptatas, fuisse et esse temerarias injustas et de facto praesumptas, easque in quantum de facto processerint, revocandas et irritandas fore, et quantum in eo fuit revocavit et irritavit; Et Henricum ac alios Monachos supradictos, (sicut praemittitur) spoliatos et de facto exclusos, ad Collegium necnon omnia bona mobilia et immobilia supradicta restituendos et reintegrandos fore, ac restituit et reintegravit; necnon fructuum sequestrationem ad utilitatem dictorum Monachorum relaxavit; Et insuper Johanni de Wyclyff et ejus con- sortibus supradictis super praemissis perpetuum silentium imponendum fore, et imposuit; prout in instrumento publico inde confecto — dilecti filii nostri Bernardi duodecim Apostolorum Presbyteri Cardinalis (cui nos, praefato Andruyno Cardinale antequam instrumentum super hujusmodi sententia confectum sigillasset vita functo, commisimus ut instrumentum sigillaret) 3o2 932 ADDENDA. sigillo munito — plenius dicitur contineri. Nos itaque dictorum Prion's et Capituli supplicationibus inclinati, hujusmodi diffinitivam sententiam, utpote proinde latam, ratam habentes et gratam, eamque autoritate ApostolicA con firm antes, discretioni vestra; per Apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus vos vel duo aut unus vestrum per vos vel alium seu alios sententiam ipsam execution! debitas demandantes, eamque ubi et quando expedire videritis auctoritate nostra solempniter publicantes, Henricum et alios Monachos prae- dictos ad dictum Collegium, Aulam [Cantuar'J nuncupatum, necnon ejus bona mobilia et immobilia supradicta, amotis exinde dictis Johanne de W'ycl^-f et ejus consortibus praedictis, auctoritate nostra restituatis et reintegretis, ac restitutos et reintegrates juxta juris exigentiam def'endatis, contradictores per Censuram Ecclesiasticam appellacione postposita. compescendo. Dat. Viterbii v Idus Maii. Pontincatus nostri anno octavo, [a.d. 1370.] — MS. in Bibl. Lamb. No. 101, fol. 2176. No. XIII. — Processus Thomce Sontham, Archidiaconi Oxonice, ad exequendum Man dat urn Papule contra WyclevumA Thomas Southam, ArchidiaconusOxoniae, Lincoln, dioc, Executor ad infra- scripta una cum aliis Collegis nostris, cum ilia clausula ' Quatenus vos vel duo aut unus vestrum per vos vel alium seu alios, &c.' a sede Apostolica specialiter deputatus, tibi Jobanni Wiclif ac Willermo Selbi, Willermo Middleworde, et Ricardo Benger, clericis, omnibusque aliis et singulis quorum interest, vel intersit, aut interesse poterit, etquos infra-scriptum tangit negocium seu tangere poterit quomodolibet in futuro, quocunque nomine censeantur, salutem in Domino et mandatis nostris ymo veriiis Apostolicis firmiter obedire. Ad vestram et cujuslibet vestrum noticiam deducimus per praesentcs, quod con- stitutus in praeseiitiil nostra coram notario publico et testibus infra-scriptis venerabilis et discretus vir Magister Rogerus de Freton in Romans Curia advocatus et procurator ac procuratorio nomine venerabilium et religiosorum virorum Prions et Capituli Ecclesiae Cantuariensis ordinis Sc". Benedicti, ac Henrici de VVodbull monachi Cantuariensis Ecclesiae et Custodis sive Magistri Collegii Aula? Cantuariensis nuncupati, in Universitate Oxoniensi Lincoln' dioc' situatae, ac monachorum cum eo commorantium in eodem, procurator, de cujus procurationis mandato coram nobis legitime exstitit facta fides, quasdam literas Apostolicas, vera bulla plumbea papali cum chordulti canapis more Romanae Curia; bullatas, una cum quodam instrumento publico sentential diffinitivae per bona; memorial Reverendissimum in Cbristo patrem dominum Andruynum, miseracione divina tit5 Sc'1. Marcelli Sanctae Romance Ecclesise presbyterum Cardinalem, pro dicto domino Henrico Custode sive Magistro dicti Collegii Aula; [Cant'] nuncupati et monachis in dicto Collegio commoran- tibus et contra vos Jobannem Wiciif, Willermum Selbi, Willermum Middle- worde, et Ricbardum Benger, clericos, et vestrum quemlibet, lata;, ac sigillo Reverendissimi in Cbristo patris domini Bernardi miseracione Divina tit' Basilica; duodecim Apostolorum presbyteri Cardinalis munito, non abolitas non cancellatas nee in aliqua sui parte corruptas vel viciatas, nobis praesentavit, easque cum ea qua decuit reverentia noveritis [nos] recepisse. Quarum literarum Apostolicarum tenor sic incipit: 'Urbanus episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabili patri Kpiscopo Londoniensi ct dilectis filiis Abbaii monasterii Sancti Albani Lincolniensis dioc' et Archidiacono Oxonice in Ecclesid Lincoln', salutem et Apostolicam benediclioncm. Peticio fyc.;' et sic finit : 'Discre- tioni vestrcp. per Apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus vos vel duo aut unus vestrum per vos vel alium seu alios sententiam ipsam executioni debits demandantes, eamque ubi et quando expedire videritis auctoritate nostra solemniter publicantes, Henricum et alios monachos preedictos ad dictum Col- legium Aulam [Canl'~\ nuncupatum necnon ejus bona mobilia et immobUia supradicta, amotis exinde dictis Johanne de Wiclif et ejus consortibus preedictis, auctoritate nostra restituatis et reintegretis, ac restitutos et reintegratos juxta juris exigentiam defendatis, contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam appella- cione postposita compescendo. Dat. I'iterbii r Idus Maii, Pontifical lis nostri anno octavo.'1 Quibus quidem literis coram nobis (ut prsef'ertur) et testibus inlra-scriptis per notarium infra-scriptum lectis, visisque per nos, et intellects, (1) MS. Lambeth, No. 104, folio 219 6; printed now for the first time. ADDENDA. 933 fuimus per Magistrum Rogerum procuratorem antedictum cum instantia requisiti, ut dictum mandatum Apostolicum nobis in hac parte directum execu- tion! debita? mandaremus, juxta ipsarum literarum Apostolicarum seriem et tenorem. Nos igitur Thomas, Executor praefatus, attendentes peticionem dicti Magistri Rogeri fore consonam rationi, volentesque mandata Apostolica hujus- modi nobis in hac parte directa (quantum in nobis est) reverenter exequi, ut tenemur ex parte justiciam ministrare, auctoritate Apostolica nobis in hac parte commissa tibi Johanni de Wiclif ac tuis consortibus omnibus et singulis omnia et singula in dictis Uteris Apostolicis et instrumento sententiae cont'enta tenore praesentium intimamus insinuamus et notificamus ac ad tuam et cujus- libet consortium tuorum noticiam deducimus perprsesentes ; vobisque universis et singulis sub excommunicationis poena, quam in vos et vestrum quemque canonica monicione praemissa. ferimus in hiis scriptis, si mandatorum nostrorum hujusmodi contempfores extiteritis seu contemptor extiterit aliquis vestrum, districte prascipiendo mandamus, quatenus infra sex dierum spacium post denunciationem seu intimacionem prresentem vobis seu alicui vestrum factam, quorum dierum duos pro primo, duos pro secundo, et reliquos duos dies pro tercio et peremptorio termino ac monicione canonica assignamus, Collegium Aulam [Cant'] nuncupatum eidem Henrico de Wodlmll aut cuicunque alteri Magistro sive Custodi loco sui forsan deputato ac Monachis cum dicto Magistro in dicto Collegis commorantibus seu mansuris (tanquam et eorum cuilibet de jure debitum et per dictam sententiam diffinitivam adjudicatum) cum omnibus suis juribus fructibus redditibus proventibus obvencionibus aliisque bonis dicto Collegio qualitercunque pertinentibus universis, omnino dimittatis et quisque vestrum dimittat, ac eisdem Magisti'o et monachis supradictis restituere libere et reintegrate non postponatis nee postponere praesumatis, postponat aut post- ponere praesumat aliquis vestrum, sub poenis et censuris supradictis. Teque Johannem Wiclif ac omnes et singulos quos tuos in dicto Collegio reputas ad praesens seu antea reputasti consortes, et quoscunque alios, ab occupacione et detencione dicti Collegii Aula? [Cant'] nuncupati ac quorumcunque bonorum ad dictum Collegium pertinentium administracione auctoritate praedicta (quantum possumus) amovemus et denunciamus amotum per pra?sentes : Eundemque dic- tum Henricum aut quemcunque alium Magistrum loco sui in dicto Collegio forsan deputatum ac monachos cum eo in dicto Collegio commorantes ad dictum Col- legium Aulam [Cant'] nuncupatum regendum et gubernandum omniaque alia bona et singula mobilia et immobilia ad dictum Collegium Aulam [Cant'] nuncupatum tarn de jure quam de consuetudine qualitercunque pertinentia aucto- ritate praedicta restituimus et (quantum possumus) reintegramus : Eundemque Magistrum Rogerum procuratorem in personas dicti domini Henrici de Wodhull, seu cujuscunque alterius Magistri sive Custodis deputati seu deputandi loco ejus- dem, ac monachorum; necnon dictos dominum Henricum et quemcunque alium Magistrum forsan loco sui deputatum seu deputandum ac monachos in personam dicti magistri Rogeri eorum procuratoris, in possessione Collegii Aula? [Cant'] nuncupati membrorumque et pertinentium ejusdem perbirreti nostri tradicionem (quantum possumus) inducimus et investimus de eodem : Inhibentes nihil- ominus tibi Johann' de Wiclif ac illis etiam omnibus et singulis quos tuos in hac parte reputasti seu reputas (ut praedicitur) consortes et vestrum cuique in solido sub pcenis antedictis, quod de Collegio Aula, [Cant'] nuncupato praedicto seu bonis qualitercunque eidem pertinentibus de cetero non intromittas nee intro- mittat aliquis vestrum quovismodo ; nee eidem Magistro aut monachis in dicto Collegio Aula. [Cant'] nuncupato ad praesens commorantibus seu in futurum mansuris, per te vos alium vel alios publice vel occulte directe vel indirect^, deinceps molestiam aliquam inferas seu inferat aliquis vestrum vel jacturam ; Sed permittas et quisque vestium permittat ipsos Magistrum et Monachos ipsius Collegii jurumque et pertinentium ejusdem pacifica, possessione gaudere, eisque et eorum cuilibet de fructibus redditibus juribus et obvencionibus univer- sis ad dictum Collegium Aulam [Cant'] nuncupatum pertinentibus respondeaus et faciatis ab aliis (quantum in vobis est) responded. Nos etiam in te Johannem de Wiclif tuosque in hac parte consortes ac omnes alios et singulos mandata nostra hujusmodi contempnentes ac eis obedire minime curantes seu non parentes cum effectu; necnon in omnes et singulos contradictores et rebelles eisdem Magistro Collegii Aulge [Cant'] nuncupati aut monachis in dicto Colle- gio commorantibus seu mansuris super juribus et bonis dicto Collegio et ei3 (ut. 934 ADDENDA. praefertur) pertinentihus, aut ipsos impedientes seu in aliquo perturbantes publico vel occulta tain clericos quam seculares, seu ipsis Jolianni de Wiclif vel ejus consortibus ad impediendum in aliquo ipsos Magistrum et monachos auxilium consilium vel favorein praebentes, eorumque omnium ct singulorum complices auctores et fautores; necnon in quascunque alias personas fructus redditus et provenlus aut aliquod jus dicto Collegio Aula? [Cant1] nuncupato de jure vel consuetudine pertinentes occupantes seu injuste detinentes (nisi infra tempus praedictum satisfecerint dicto Collegio de praemissis) exnunc prout extunc, canonical monicione praemissa, excommunicationis sententiam ferimua in hiis scriptis et etiam promulgamus. Ceterum cum ad executionem ulteri- orem super prasmissis aliis in Romana Curia occupati negociis intendere non valemus, Priori de Lewes, Priori Nigrorum Monachorum in Universitate Oxoniae, Cancellario Saresburiensi, Magistro Ilogero de Freton decano Cicestrensi, ac Magistro Waltero Baketon decretorum doctori canonico Cicestrensi, et eorum cuique in solido, in virtute sancta? obedieneiae et sub excommunicationis poena, quam in eos et in eorum quemque exnunc prout extunc eadem canonical moni- cione praemissa ferimus in hiis scriptis, si mandata nostra hujusmodi neglexe- rint adimplere, districte praecipiendo mandamus, quatenus ipsi vel eorum alter qui super hoc requisites fuerit ad Collegium Aulam [Cant'] nuncupatum supra- dictum, et ad domum habitacionis dictorum Johannis de Wiclif suorumque consortium, necnon ad alia loca de quibus expediens fuerit, personaliter acce- dant seu accedat, quum super hoc fuerit requisitus, et dictas literas Apostolicas instrumentum sententiae et hunc nostrum processum et alia quae pro hujusmodi executione negocii expediens videbitur, in dicta Universitate Oxonis et alibi ubi necessarium fuerit et fuerint requisiti seu aliquis vestrum ad hoc faciendum congrue fuerit requisitus, tibi Johanni de Wiclif et tuis consortibus omnibusque aliis et singulis quorum interest intersit seu interesse poterit in futuro, conjunctim vel divisim, denuncient notificent legant legi faciant et publican procurent ; et dictos Magistrum Henricum aut quemcunque alium Magistrum seu Custodem loco sui in dicto Collegio forsan deputato vel deputandum, ac monachos cum eo in dicto Collegio commorantes, in corporalem possessionem dicti Collegii Aula? [Cant'] nuncupati jurumque et pertinentium ipsius inducant et defendant inductos ; eisque et eorum cuilibet faciant de ipsius Collegii Aula? [Cant'] nuncupati fructibus redditibus proventibus juribus et obvencionibus universis a quibuscunque personis integre responded ; ac illos qui praedictas excommunicationis sententias per nos latas incurrerint quoquomodo, tamdiu ubi et quando expedire viderint, singulis diebus dominicis et festivis inter missarum solemnia pulsatis campanis, Cruce recta, candelis accensis et demum extinctis, excommunicatos denuncient et faciant publico ab aliis denunciari, et ab omnibus mandent arctius evitari, donee nostris et Sanctae Ecclesiae Romanae voluerint parere mandatis et absolucionis beneficium in forma juris meruerint obtinere. Vicesque nostras committimus cum cujuslibet coarc- tionis canonicae potestate, donee eas ad nos duxerimus revocandas, manda- tum nostrum ymo verius Apostolicum super hiis fideliter exequendo, juxta traditam seu directam si sede Apostolica nobis formam ; Ita tamen quod in eorundem Magistri et Monachorum antedictorum praejudicium nichil valeant attemptare. Praefatas quoque literas Apostolicas instrumentum sententiae et hunc nostrum processum volumus penes Magistrum Collegii Aulae [Cant'] nuncupati aut monaclios supradictos vel eorum procuratorem remanere, et non per vos vel quemquam alium contra prrcdictorum Magistri et monachorum vel eorum procurators voluntatem detineri : Contrarium vero facientes pra-fatis nostris sententiis, prout superiils latae sunt, canonica. monicione praemissa volumus subjacere. Mandamus tamen dictis Magistro et monachis et eorum procuratoribiis, ut vobis faciant (si petieritis) copiam de, praemissis, vestris tamen sumptibus et expensis. Et si forte contingat nos super praemissis in aliquo procedere (de quo nobis potestatem plenariam reservamus), non intendimus propterea commissionem nostram hujusmodi in aliquo revocare, nisi de revoca- tione hujusmodi in nostris Uteris facta fuerit mencio specialis. Per hunc etiam nostrum processum non intendimus in aliquo nostris praejudicare Collegis, quomintis ipsi vel eorum alter (servato tamen hoc nostro processu) possint in hujusmodi negocio procedere per se vel alium seu alios, prout eis et eorum alteri videbitur expedire: Absolucione vero omnium et singulorum, qui praefatas nostras sententias incurrerint quoquomodo, nobis vel superiori nostro, tantum- ADDENDA. 935 modo reservata. In quorum omnium et singulorum fidem et testimonium pleni- orein, prasentem nostrum processum sive prsesens publicum instrumentum per riotarium publicum infrascriptnm subscribi et publicari mandavinms. Et quia sigillum autenticum ad praesens non habemus, sigillum lleverendissimi in Christo patris dcmini Symonis, tit' Sancti Sixti Sanctoa Romanae Ecclesiae presbyteri Cardinalis, prcesentibus apponi procuravimus. Et nos Symon Cardinalis antedictus sigillum nostrum, ad rogatum dicti domini Thomae Executoris, prassentibus fecimus apponi. Datum et actum in Claustris fratrum Augustinensium extra muros Mont' Flascon', sub anno a nativitate Domini Millesimo cccmo. septuagesimo, Iudictione octava, Mensis Maii die vicesima septima, pontificatus sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini nostri domini Urbani Divina providentia Papas Quinti anno octavo ; prassentibus venerabilibus et discretis viris dominis Ade de Eston in sacra theologia professore, Willermo de Preston rectore parochialis ecelesias de Oke, magistro Johanne de Upton bacalario in legibus, et domino Willermo Bary perpetuo vicario parochialis Ecclesiae de Pedyngton, Norwicen' Lincolnien' Wygornien' et Dunelmen' dioc', testibus ad praemissa vocatis specialiter et rogatis. Et ego Richardus de Croxton clericus Elien' dioc', publicus Apostolicti et Imperiali auctoritate notarius, prannissis omnibus et singulis prout super- scribuntur et dum haec per dominum Executorem et coram eo agerentur et fierent, sub anno indictione Pontificatu mense die et loco predictis, una cum prsenominatis testibus, praesens interfui, ac ea omnia et singula sic fieri vidi et audivi, et in banc publicam formam redegi ; aliisque negociis occupatus de mandato dicti domini Executoris per alium scribi feci, signoque meo solito una cum appensione [sigilli] dicti Reverendissimi patris et domini Cardinalis signavi, rogatus et requisitus, in fidem et testimonium omnium et singulorum praemissorum. No. XIV. — Regia Pardonatio omnium Foris-facturarum Juice Cantuar iens'ts et eidem pertinentium, et Confirmatio Papalis Sententice Deprivationis Wycliff. Edwardus, Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Francias et Dominus Hiberniae, omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint salutem. Sciatis quod, cum nuper (ut accepimus) de gratia nostra speciali et ad devotam supplicationem Simonis tunc Archiepiscopi Cant' qui de Islep cognominatus extiterat, pie desiderantis incrementum salubre Cleri nostri propter multiplicationem doc- trinae salutaris, per literas nostras patentes sub magno sigillo nostro conces- serimus et licentiam dederimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris (quantum in nobis erat) eidem Archiepiscopo, quod ipse in Universitate Oxon' quandam Aulam sive Domum Aulam Cantuar' vulgariter et communiter vocitandam, in qua certus foret numerus Scolarium tarn Religiosorum quam Secularium, acti- bus scolasticis insistentium et Deo pro nobis et salute Regni nostri specialiter exorantium, secundum ordinationis formam inde per eundem Archiepiscopum super hoc faciendae, suis sumptibus erigere posset et fundare, et eisdem Scolar?bus in perpetuum assignare ; et (in eventu quo Domus sive Aula sit fundata e tScolares in ea assignati forent) advocationem Ecclesiae de Pageham Jurisdi;tionis ipsius Archiepiscopi immediatas (quae quidem Ecclesia de advo- catione propria ejusdem Archiepiscopi et de jure suo Archiepiscopali extite- rat, et qua? quidem Advocatio de nobis tenebatur in capite, ut dicebatur) eisdem Scolaribus dare posset et etiam assignare, habendam et tenendam prae- fatis Scolaribus et successoribus suis de nobis et haaredibus nostris in liberain puram et perpetuam elemosinam in perpetuum; — Et eisdem Scolaribus, quod ipsi tam Aulam quam advocationem praedictas a praefato Archiepiscopo reci- pere, et Ecclesiam illam appropriare, et earn sic appropriatam in proprios usus tenere possent sibi et successoribus suis prasdictis, pro nobis et salute regni nostri oraturi, juxta ordinationem prasdicti Archiepiscopi, de nobis et ha?redibus nostris in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosinam in perpetuum, sicut praedictum est: — Dictusque Archiepiscopus postmodum juxta dictam licentiam nostram quandam Aulam Collegiatam sub certo Scolarium studen- tium numero in Universitate prasdicta vocabulo Aulas Cantuariensis erexerit et fundaverit, certosque Monachos Ecclesiae Christi Cantuar' unum videlicet Monachum Custodem Auke ejusdem, caeterosque Scolares in eadem, una cum certis aliis Scolaribus Secularibus in Aula pru;dicta ordinaverit et constituerit; 936 ADDENDA. et eis Aulam illam, nccnon advocationem praedictam, dederit et assigna%-erit eisdem Custodi et Scolaribus et successoribus suis perpetuo possidendas, ipsiquc Custos et Scolares dictas Aulam et advocationem a prafato Archi- episcopo receperint, ac Ecclesiam praedictam sibi et successoribus suis in proprios usus una cum Aula pradicta in perpetuum habendas appropria- verint : — Ac deinde, prcrter lieentiam nostram supradictnm amotis omnino per pradictum Archiepiscopum dictis Custode et cateris Monachis Scolaribus videlicet Regulaiibus ab Aula praedicta, idem Archiepiscopus quendam Secu- larem1 Custodem dicta? Aula1 ac ca?teros omnes Scolares in eadem Seculares1 duntaxat constituent, eisdemque Custodi et Scolaribus Secularibus duntaxat Aulam praedictam cum pertinentiis,una cum dicta advocatione,necnon ecclesiam praedictam sibi et successoribus suis Custodibus et Scolaribus Secularibus dun- taxat in proprios usus perpetuo possidendas dederit et assignaverit, ipsique Custos et Scolares Seculares duntaxat Aulam et Ecclesiam pradictas ex tunc continuatis temporibus durante vita praefati Archiepiscopi possederint, tarn fructus dicta Ecclesia quam alia bona ad Aulam praedictam spectantia usibus suis propriis applicantes--— Et demum defuncto dicto Archiepiscopo, ac Reve- rendo in Christo Patre Simone tit' sancti Sixti Presbytero Cardinale tunc in Archiepiscopum Cantuar' consecrato, idem Cardinalis tunc Arcbiepiscopus fructus dictae Ecclesiae de Pageham sequestrari fecerit : Ortaque propterea inter dictos Custodem et Scolares Seculares ex parte una et praefatum Car- dinalem super pramissis et eorum occasione ex altera materia quastionis, appellationeque interposita, et babito inde processu in Romana Curifi. authori- tate Apostolica videlicet felicis recordationis Domini Urbani Papa Quinti per diffinitivam sententiam de facto ordinatum fuerit ibidem pronunciatum de- cretum et declaratum, solos Monachos pradicta Cantuariensis Ecclesia, Secu- laribus exclusis, debere in dicto Collegio Aula [Cantuar'] nuncupato perpetuo remanere, necnon dictos Monacbum Custodem ac alios Monachos Scolares, sic de facto (ut pramittitur) a dicto Collegio ac bonis inibi existentibus (in quorum possessione fuerant) per amotionem hujusmodi et occupationem dictorum Secularis Custodis et Scolarinm Secularium spoliatos et exclusos, ad Collegium illud necnon ad omnia bona supradicta et omnia alia bona mobilia et immobilia dicti Collegii, per eosdem Secularem Custodem et Sco- lares Seculares post amotionem pradictam occupata, restituendos et rcinte- grandos fore : — Ac jam dilecti nobis in Cliristo Prior et Conventus Ecclesia Christi Cantuar' antedicta, virtute dictorum ordinationis pronuntiationi decreti et declarationis auctoritate Apostolica factorum (uti pramittitur), quendam (ut asseritur) Commonachum suum ejusdem Ecclesia Christi Custodem dicti Col- legii Aula [Cant'] nuncupati, ac certos alios Commonacbos suos dicta Ecclesia Christi Scolares in eodem Collegio ordinaverint et constituerint, amotis dictis Secularibus ab eodem penitus et exclusis, contra formam liccnt'ue nostne supradicta: : — Nos, quanquam dicta advocatio Ecclesia de Pageham per ali- quem progenitorum nostrorum una cum aliquihus pradiis seu tenementis aliia in dotationem fundationem seu alias in augmentationem Archiepiscopatus Cantuariensis, seu Ecclesia Christi Cantuar' antedicta, data, concessa, seu as- signata extiterat, volentes nihilominus, ob devotionem sinceram quam [habe- mus] ad dictam Ecclesiam Christi Cant' et beatum Thomam Martyrem quon- dam ejusdem Ecclesia Archiepiscopum, cujus corpus gloriose cathalogo sanc- torum ascriptum quiescit honorabiliter in eadem, securitati tarn dictorum Prioris et Conventus quam Commonachorum suorum, quos ipsi Prior et Conven- tus Custodem dicti Collegii et Scolares in eodem jam (ut pramittitur) ordina- runt, et in futurum ordinaverint, providere; de gratia nostra speciali et pro ducentis marcis quas dicti Prior et Conventus nobis solvemnt in ha- naperio nostro perdonavimus omnes transgressiones factas, necnon foris- facturam, si qua dicta Aula cum pertinentiis et advocationis pradicta virtute statuti de terris et tenementis ad manum mortuam non ponendis editi vel alias nobis incursa fuerit in hac parte ; dictasque sententiam, ordinationcm, pronuntiationem, decretum, et declarationem auctoritate Apostolica factas ( 1 ) This word lias been hitherto misprinted " scolarcm," and proof was thought to be furnished from this passage also, thai Wicklifievas a Scholar of Canterbury Hall before be was Warden. QOte (1).) WhenWodehuI] and his three fellow Monks Were excluded from the Hall, W icklitfe and his three fellow Seculars are mentioned as occupying their room. These last must therefore have been newly introduced, otherwise the " duodenus numerus " would have been in- complete. ADDENDA. 937 (ut piEedictum e9t), et executionem eorundem, pro nobis et hasredibus nostris (quantum in nobis est) acceptamus, approbamus, ratificamus, et confirmamus ; volentes et concedentes pro nobis et hasredibus nostris (quantum in nobis est), quod praedicti Custos et casteri Scolares Regulares dicti Collegii Aulas Cantuar' nuncupati, Monachi dictas Ecclesias Christi Cant', et eorum successores per prasdictos Priorem et Conventum constituti, et per eosdem Priorem et Conventum et eorum successores constituendi, seu alias loco amovendorum substituendi, actibus scolasticis juxta ordinationem ipsorum Prioris et Con- ventus et successorum suorum religiose insistentes, Aulam prasdictam tene- mentaque in ipsa, contenta cum pertinentiis, necnon Ecclesiam prasdictam et advocationem ejusdem, in usus proprios ipsorum Custodis et scolarium Regularium teneant, videlicet dictam Aulam et prasdicta tenementa cum pertinentiis, quae de nobis in burgagium tenentur (ut dicitur) de nobis et hasredibus nostris ac aliis Capitalibus Dominis feodi per servitia inde debita et consueta, et dictas Ecclesiam et advocationem de nobis et hasredibus nostris in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosinam, ad orandum specialiter pro salute animae nostras et pro animabus progenitorum nostrorum ac hasredum nostrorum in perpetuum, sine occasione vel impedimenta nostri vel hasredum nostrorum, Justitiariorum Escaetorum, vicecomitum, aut aliorum ballivorum seu ministrorum nostrorum vel haeredum nostrorum quorumcunque ; statuto vel forisfactura praedictis, aut dictis donatione, concessione, seu assignatione advo- cationis prasdictae per aliquem progenitorum nostrorum in dotationem, fun- dationem, vel alias in augmentationem Archiepiscopatus seu Ecclesias Christi praedictorum, seu dicta fundatione per praefatum Simonem de Islep quon- dam Arcbiepiscopum tarn pro studentibus sive scolaribus Regularibus quam Secularibus facta (ut praemittitur), seu aliquo alio praemissorum, — non obstantibus. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri f'ecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud Westm' octavo die Aprilis, anno Regni nostri Anglias quadragesimo sexto, Regni vero nostri Francias tricesimo tertio. [a.d. 1372.]— Privy Seals46 Ed. III., and MS. in Bibl. Lamb. No. 104, fol. 209. No. XV. — Confirmatio appropriafionis Ecclesice de Pageham Custodi et Scolaribus Aula Cantuariensis} Universis sanctas matris Ecclesiae filiis praesentes literas inspecturis Williel- raus permissione divina Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus, totius Angliae primas et Apostolicae sedis legatus, salutem in Domino seiupiternam. Vestra noverit universitas, bonae memoriae dominum Simonem de Islep, nuper Cantuar' Archiepiscopum predecessorem nostrum, ecclesiam parochialem de Pageham nostrae jurisdictionis immediatae cum suis membris juiibus et pertinentiis universis Custodi et Studentibus Aulas Cantuar' vulgariter nuncupates, in Universitate Oxon' per ipsum predecessorem nostrum fundatas, et Collegio diclae Aulas appropriate annexisse et unisse, et literas super hoc fecisse sub forma qua? sequitur, nihil addito seu mutato, prout in registro dicti predecessors nostri de verbo ad verbum invenimus veraciter contineri. Universis sanctce matris Ecclesice filiis ad quosprasentes litera pervenerint, &c. [See No. IV. supra.] Quam quidem appropriationem sic (ut prasmittitur) per ipsum predecessorem nostrum lactam, quatenus ad nos attinet et de jure facere possumus, ex nostra gratia speciali ratificamus approbamus ac in tenore praesentium confirmamus. In quorum omnium et singulorum testimonium sigillum nostrum f'ecimus his apponi. Datum apud Lambeth' xvij Kal. Maii A°. D'. millesimo cccmo. lxxij°, et nostras translationis quarto. No. XVI. — Bulla Papalispro dispensatione cum Statuto Universitatis Oxon' 8fc. Gretrorius episcopus servus servorum Dei ad perpetuam rei memoriam. Apostolicae servitutis nobis injunctas desuper officium mentem nostram incitat et inducit, ut circa ea quae statui prospero personarum sub religionis habitu Domino famulantium ac literarum studio Theologicas facultatis insistentium opportuna fore conspicimus operosis studiis intendamus. Oblata siquidem nobis pro parte dilectorum filiorum Custodis ac scolarium Monachorum collegii sive domus Aulas Cantuariensis nuncupatae Studii Oxon' ordini Sancti Benedicti Lincoln' dioceseos peticionis series continebat, quod in ipso Studio quoddam (1) Printed for the first time from MS. in Biblioth. Lambeth. No. 104, folio 212. 938 ADDENDA. Statutum existit, quo cavetur expresse, ut nullus ibidem ad bonorem Magisterii in Theologia assumatur, nisi prius rexerit in Artium facultate; et quod etiam de antiqua et approbata consuetudine bactenus pacifice observata in eodem Studio nullus Ileligiosus, cujuscunque oidinis existat, ad regendum admittatui in eadem Universitatc in Artium facultate praedicta; propter quod ipsi Custos et Scolares, quamvis sint in primitivis Bcientiia sufficienter instructi, ac alias ad hoc surficientes et idonei ad bujusmodi Magisterii bonorem in eadem Theologia recipiendum, minimi: admittuntur ibidem. Quare pro parte ipsorum Custodis et Collcgii nobis existit bumiliter supplicatum, ut providere ipsis super hoc de benignitate Apostolica dignaremur. Nos ijiitur volentes eosdem Custodem et Collegium favore prosequi, graciose hujusmodi supplicationibus inclinati, volumus ac eisdem Custodi et Collegio Apostolica auctoritate concedimus, quod Custos et Scolares dicti Collegii qui sunt et erunt pro tempore, quamvis non rexerint in hujusmodi Artium facultate, dummodo alias in primitivis scientiis sufficienter fuerint instructi, ac cursus suos fecerint in Tbeologica facultate, et per dill— gentem examinationem, juxta morem ipsius Studii, sufficientes et idonei reperti extiteriut ad Magisterium recipiendum in eadem, ad hujusmodi Magisterii honorem et docendi licentiam in ipsa Tbeologica facultate in Studio supradicto (servatis tamen Constitutionibus Viennensis Concilii ac felicis recordations Benedicti Papa? XII. predecessoris nostri, et aliis solempnitatibus in talibus consuetis) sublato cujuslibet difficultatis obstacnlo libere admittantur, non obstante Statuto et consuetudine bujusmodi, etiamsi juramento, confirmatione Apostolica, vel quacunque alia firmitate roborata existat, qua? alias in suo volumus robore permanere. Nulli ergo omnino bominum liceat banc paginam nostra? voluntatis et concessionis infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem boc attemptare pra;sumpserit, indignationi Oinni])otentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurum. Datum Avenione iv Non. Deceinbris, pontificatus nostri anno quinto. [a. d. 1375.] — Ex. MS. in Bibl. Lamb. No. 104, folio 209. EARLY NOTICES OF DIFFERENT WYCLIFFES, In the Subsidy Rolls, 1 Ed. III. [a.d. 1327], we find Robert de Wyclive taxed Is. Qd. at Wyclive cum Gyllinge : in the Subsidy Rolls, 6 Ed. III. [a.d. 1332], we find Rogerus de Wycliff taxed 3s., and Millo de Wycliff 8d., at Wycliffe cum Grillington. For the Wycliffe pedigree, see note in Appendix to Vol. III. page 53. The following Table of early Rectors of Wycliffe on the Tees is printed m Dr. Whitaker's Richmondshire, from Torre's Archdeaconry of Richmond. Instituted. Rector. Patron. Vacant. 2 Augt. 1362. 7 Augt. 1363. 7 Augt. 1369. 17 May, 1435. Dns. John de Clervaulx. Dns. Robert de Wycliffe. CI. Dns. William de Wycliffe. Dns. Henry Hugate, Cap. Dns. William Marshall. John Forster, Cap. Catharine relicta Rogi de Wycliffe. Johannes de Wycliffe. Idem. Johannes de Wycliffe, Armiger. per Mort'. per Mort'. For the Will of Robertus de Wyclyf, dated Sept. 8th, 1423, from the Durham Langley Register, fol. 115, see Testamenta Eboracensia (Surtees' Society). In Baliol College, from Carta No. 34 in pyxide Mickle Benton it appears, that Robert de Serby was Master of Baliol Nov. 20tb, 1356 : in the same pyxis is another Carta, which represents " Mag. Joh. de Wiclif " as " procurator niag'. et scholarium" "die Lunae in fest. Natal. Dni. Edw. III. 34," i.e. Monday, Dec. 28th, 1360. The presumption is, that John de Wiclif was then Master of Baliol ; for in pyxide Abbotsley, Nos. 9 — 13, are five Cartse relating to a vacancy in the living of Abbotsley, in one of which (Carta 10), dated April 9th, 1361, the " Scholares" of Baliol (among whom appears one William de Wycliff) present " Johnes de Wycliff Magister sive Custos Collegii vel Aula? de Balliolo, suburb. Oxon." to the rectory of Abbotsley, and appoint him their " procurator" for taking possession of the living. From another Carta it appears that he went to the spot, rang the bells, and performed, all things usual at the induction of a clergyman; and the Gynwell Register, folio 367, states that he presented himself before the bishop of Lincoln as " Custos sive Magister Aula? de Baliolo," and exhibited the Pope's Bull for the appropriation of Abbotsley to Baliol, in July 1361. The same Register, folio 123, shows that he was insti- tuted to the rectory of Fylingham May 14th, 1361, on the presentation of the Master and Scholars of Baliol, at which time we know that he was Master from the Abbotsley transaction. From Carta 28 in pyxide Sti. Laurentii in Judaismo it appears that John Hugate was Master of Baliol in 1366. The mention above of Henry Hugate as presented by John de Wyclif to the rectory of Wyclif on the Tees, shows a connexion or friendship between the Wyclifs and the Hugates; and that John Hugate succeeded John de Wyclif in the Master- ship collaterally proves that John Wyclif of .Baliol belonged to the family on the Tees. From the Bokyngham Register, Memoranda folio 56, we learn that John de Wyeleve, rector of Fylingham, obtained, April 13th, 136S, a licence of non- residence for two years "insistendo literarum studio in Universitate Oxon.;" and from the same Register, folio 419, it appears that Nov. 12th following he exchanged Fylingham for Ludgershall, on the presentation of " Frater Johannes 940 ADDENDA. de Pavely, Prior Hospitalis Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia." It appeirs from the same Register that Wycliff'e was still rector of Ludgershall Nov. 1 1 th, 1371 ; and that William Neuhald was rector May 29th, 1376. See also p. 944, infra. In the Patent Rolls, 48 Ed. III. p. 1. m. 23, and the Privy Seals, 48 Ed. III., we find a grant of Royal Letters presenting " dilectum clericum nostrum Johannem de Wyclif " to the rectory of Lutterworth, dated Shene " vii. die Aprilis, anno regni quadragesimo octavo," 1374. He went shortly after on an embassy to treat with the Pope's envoys at Bruges, in Flanders (Kymer's Foedera, vii. 41): in the Exchequer account given in by Wycliffe, he acknowledges having received 60/. for his expenses July 31st, anno Regis 48 : the charges were, at 20s. per diem from July 27th, the day on which he set out from London, to Sept. 14th, the day on which he returned, 50/.; the passage both ways, 11. 2s. 3d.; total 52/. 2s. 3d. He is called Prebendary of Austj in the Collegiate Church of Westbury, diocese of Worcester, about July 13th, 1375, and is stated to have had royal letters " per breve de privato sigillo," ratifying his appointment, dated Nov. 6th, Pat. Rolls, 49 Ed. III. p. 1. m. 8 : there is no notice of it, however, among the Privy Seals, and another person was appointed to the same prebend Nov. 18th, Pat. Rolls, 49 Ed. III. p. 2. m. 11. Queen's College, Oxford, was at first a house in which three or four students in theology, with the name of " scholars," answering to the modern "fellows," found a poor subsistence. There is no list extant of original entrances in 1340, but the Bursar's Compoti for 1347, 1350, and for most years after that, are extant, wholly or in part. This series has been very carefully examined by an antiquary of the last century, and recently within the last year: from these it appears that there were usually four sets of rooms let in the College, evidently not always to members of the College. On these roll? we find mentioned not only John Wyclif, but also John de Trevysa and Nicholas Herford, known friends of the Reformer; and (what is very important) William Middleworth and William Selby, two of the three "consortes" of John Wyclif in the affair of Canterbury Hall. (See above, p. 930.) The following extracts from these "Compoti, "never before made public, will be acceptable to the reader. 1363 ("ah 8° die Oct. 1363 ad 19 Oct. 1364"). "Item duobus operariis circa cameram Wiclif per quatuor dies ins." 1365 ("a 21* Martii, 1365, usque ad 26 Sept. 1366"). "Item de duobus annis de camera Wyclive xls." 1369 Heading " Compotus Mag. Job. Trevysa a 5 Maii ad 29 Sept. 1369." Middle worthy, Herford, and Trevysa, are all Fellows this year. 1369 — 72 (from Sept. to Sept.). The same three are Fellows during these three years. 1373 — 4 (from Sept. to Sept.). The same three are Fellows. Treviza's chamber repaired. His name is spelt two ways on this roll. 1374 — 5 (from Sept. to Sept.). Heford (sic) and Middelworth are now acting as Bursars, with two others. Middelworth and another go to London on College business. " Item pro stramine ad co-operiendam latrinam Wyclyf iis. Item niulieri trahenti idem iiij