BX 4819 
 
 B6713 1836 v. 2 
 
 The history of the 
 variations of the 
 
BOSSUET'S HISTOKY 
 
 or THE 
 
 VARIATIONS OF THE PROTESTANT 
 CHURCHES. 
 
 <' ^ 
 
THE HISTORY 
 
 VARIATIONS 
 
 PROTESTANT CHURCHES 
 
 JACQUES BENIGNE BOSSUET, 
 
 BISHOP OP CONDOM AND MEAUX, 
 
 PRIV\.COLN<>ELLOR OF LOUIS XII., PRECEPTOR TO THE DAUPHIN, AND CHItF ALMO.NER TO 
 THE DAUPHIiNESS. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 DUBLIN : 
 PRINTEU RY RICHARD COYNE, 
 
 nOOKSKI.LER. IMUNTER. AND PUKMSHER. TO TUE ROVAL COLLEGE OF 
 ST. PATRICK, MAYNOOTH. 
 
 180G. 
 
THE HISTORY 
 
 VARIATIONS OF PROTESTANT CHURCHES. 
 
 BOOK X. 
 
 [From the Year 1553 to 1570. J 
 
 A Brief Summary: — Queen Elizabeth's Reformation. — That 
 of Edward corrected, and the Real Presence, which had been 
 condemned under that Prince, held for indiiferent: The 
 Church of England still persists in this sentiment. — Other 
 Variations of this Church in that Queen's reign. — Her eccle- 
 siastical Supremacy moderated in appearance, in reahty left 
 in the same state as under Henry and Edward, notwith- 
 standing the scruples of Elizabeth. — Policy bears the sway 
 throughout this whole Reformation. — The Faith, the Sacra- 
 ments, and the whole ecclesiastical authority delivered up 
 into the hands of Kings and Parliaments. — The same done 
 in Scotland. — The Calvinists of France disapprove this doc- 
 trine, nevertheless let it pass. — England's doctrine upon 
 Justification. — Queen Elizabeth favours the French Protes- 
 tants. — They rebel as soon as they have it in their power. — 
 The conspiracy of Amboise, in Francis the Second's reign. — 
 The civil wars under Charles IX. — This conspiracy and 
 these wars appertain to Religion, and were entered into by 
 the authority of the doctors and ministers of the party, and 
 grounded on the new doctrine teaching the lawfulness of 
 making war against their prince, for the sake of Religion. — 
 This doctrine expressly warranted by their national Synods. 
 — The fallacy of Protestant writers, and of Mr. Burnet 
 amongst the rest, who pretend that the tumult of Amboise 
 and the civil wars were state afTairs. — Religion was at the 
 bottom of Francis Duke of Guise's murder. — Beza's and 
 the Admiral's testimony. — A new Confession of F'aith in 
 Switzerland. 
 
 VOL. II. B 
 
2 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 1. — Queen Elizabeth is persuaded nothing Can secure to her 
 the Crown, but the Protestant Religion. Four points she 
 was uneasy about. 
 
 England having soon returned, after Queen Mary's death to 
 Edward the Sixth's Reformation, set about fixing her Faith 
 and putting the finishing stroke to her rehgion by the new 
 Queen's authority. EUzabeth, daughter of Henry VIII. and 
 Anne Boleyn, was advanced to the throne, and governed her 
 kingdom Avith as profound a policy as the most able kings. 
 The step she had taken with regard to Rome, immediately 
 upon her coming to the crown, countenanced what otherwise 
 had been published of this princess, that she would not have 
 departed from the Catholic Religion, had she found the Pope 
 more disposed to her interests. Paul IV., who then sat in 
 the Apostolic Chair, gave no favourable reception to the civili- 
 ties she had caused to be tendered him as to another prince, 
 without further declaration of her mind, by the resident of the 
 late queen her sister*. Mr. Burnet tells us, he treated her as 
 illegitimate ; was surprised at her great boldness in assuming 
 the crown, a fief of the Holy See, without his consent ; and 
 gave her no hopes of receiving any favour at his hands, unless 
 she renounced her pretensions, and submitted to the See of 
 Rome. Such usage, if true, was not at all likely to reclaim a 
 queen. After such a repulse, Elizabeth readily withdrew from 
 a See, by whose decrees her birth had also been condemned, 
 and engaged in the new Reformation : yet she did not approve 
 that of Edward in all its parts. There were four points which 
 caused her uneasinessf, that of Ceremonies, that of Images, 
 that of the Real Presence, and that of the Regal Supremacy ; 
 and what was done, in her time, with reference to these four 
 points, we are now to relate. 
 
 2. — First Point : Ceremonies. 
 
 As for ceremonies, *' Her first impressions," says Mr. Burnet, 
 "were in favour of such old rites as her father had still retained, 
 and in her own nature loving state and some magnificence in 
 Religion, she thought her brother's ministers had stri[)t it too 
 much of external ornaments, and left religion too bare and 
 naked. Yet I do not find she did any thing considerable in 
 that regard ;{;." 
 
 * Burn, 1. iii. p. 374. f Il>id. p. 3/0. [ Ilnd. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 
 
 3. — Second Point: Images. Pious sentiments of the Queen. 
 
 As for Images, " That matter stuck long with her ; for she 
 inchned to keep up Images in churches, and it was with great 
 difficulty she was prevailed upon, persuaded as she was that 
 the use of Images in churches might be a means to stir up 
 devotion, and that at least it would draw all people to frequent 
 them the more*." Herein her sentiments agreed in the main 
 with those of the Catholics. If they stir up devotion towards 
 God, they might well excite also the external tokens of it ; this is 
 the whole of that worship which we pay them. To be inclined 
 to, and have favourable impressions of them in this sense, like 
 Queen Elizabeth, was not so gross a notion as is at pi'esent 
 imputed to our belief; and I much question whether Mr. 
 Burnet would venture to charge a queen, who, according to 
 him, was the foundress of religion in England, with entertain- 
 ing idolatrous sentiments. But the Iconoclast party had gained 
 their point ; the queen, unable to resist them, was wrought up 
 by them to such extremes, that not content with commanding 
 Images to be cast out of all churches, she forbade all her sub- 
 jects to keep them in their houses 'j- ; nothing but the Crucifix 
 escaped |, and that no where but in the Royal Chapel, whence 
 the queen could not be persuaded to remove it. 
 
 4. — They persuade her with reasons evidently had. 
 
 It may not be improper to consider what the Protestants 
 alleged in order to induce her to this injunction against 
 Images, in order that the excess or vanity of the thing may be 
 discovered. The chief foundation of their reasons is, "that 
 the second commandment forbids the making of any Images, 
 as a resemblance of God§," which evidently proves nothing 
 either against the Images of Jesus Christ as man, or those of 
 the saints, or, in general, against such, with respect to which 
 we publicly declare ^^as does the Catholic Church) that by 
 them we in no wise pretend to represent the Deity. The rest 
 is too extravagant to bear repeating: for either it concludes 
 just nothing, or it concludes for the absolute prohibition of the 
 use of painting and sculpture, — a weakness now-a-days so 
 universally exploded by all Christians, as only to find place in 
 the gross superstition of Mahometans and Jews. 
 
 • Burn. 1. iii. pp. :597 Hiul 37«. | H.id. 'JflS. + Thium. 1. .\xi., An. l.VV). 
 
 ^ Burn. Il)i(l. p. :}07. 
 
 ij2 
 
THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 5. — Manifest Variation icit/i respect to the Real Presence. — 
 Policy recjulates Religion. 
 
 The queen shewed more resolution on the subject of (he Eu- 
 charist. It is of main importance well to comprehend her sen- 
 timents, such as I\Ir. Burnet dehvers them : " She thought 
 that in her brother's reign they made their doctrine too narrow 
 in some points ; therefore she intended to have some things 
 explained in more general terms, that so all parties might be 
 comprehended by them*." These were her sentiments in 
 general. In applying them to the Eucharist, " Her intention 
 fvas to have the manner of Christ's presence in the Sacrament 
 be left in some (jeneral words. She very much disliked that 
 those who believed the corporal presence had been driven away 
 from the Church by too nice an explanation of it." And 
 again, '^it was proposed to have the communion book so con- 
 trived, thai it might not exclude the belief of the corporal 
 presence; for the chief design of tlie Queen's council was to 
 unite the nation in one faithf ."" 
 
 One might be apt to think, perchance, that the Queen 
 judged it needless to make any express declarations against 
 the real presence, her subjects of" themselves being sufficiently 
 inclined to reject it : but, on the contrary, " the greatest part 
 of the nation continued to believe such a presence. Theretbre, 
 it was recommended to the divines to see that there should be 
 no express definition made against it ; that so it might lie as a 
 speculative opinion, not determined, in which every man was 
 left to the freedom of his own mind.^;" 
 
 Q. — TJie Faith of the pretended Martyrs changed. 
 
 Here was a strange variation in one of the main fundamental 
 points of the English Reformation. In the Confession of Faith 
 set forth in 1551, under Edward, the doctrine of the Real Pre- 
 sence was excluded in so strong a manner, that it was declared 
 impossible and contrary to our Lord's ascension. When 
 Cranmer was condemned for a heretic in Queen Mary's time, 
 he owned the capital subject of his condemnation was, his not 
 confessing a corporal presence of our Saviour on the altar. 
 Ridley, Latimer, and others, the pretended martyrs of the 
 English Reformation, mentioned by Mr. Burnet, all suffered 
 for the same cause. Calvin says as much of the French mar- 
 
 * Euni.l.iil. p. 37fi. t Ibid. ."02. + Ibid. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 5 
 
 tyrs, whose authority he opposes against the Lutherans*. This 
 article was esteemed of that high im})ortance even in 1541), 
 and during the whole reign of P^dward, " that when the refor- 
 mation was to be carried on to the establishment of a form of 
 doctrine," says Mr. Burnet, " which should contain the chief 
 points of religion, inquiry was chiefly made concerning the 
 presence of Christ in the sacrament." It was, therefore, at 
 that time, not only one of the fundamental points, but also a 
 capital one amongst these fundamentals. As it was of such 
 concern, and the principal cause for vvhich these boasted mar- 
 tyrs shed their blood, it could not be explained in terms too 
 distinct. After so clear an exi)osition of it as that which had 
 been made under Edward, to return, as did Elizabeth, to 
 general terms, which left the thing undetermined, that all par- 
 ties might be comprehended in them, and every man left to the 
 freedom of his own mind, was betraying truth, and putting 
 error on the level with it, Tn a word, these general terms in a 
 confession of faith, were nothing but a fallacy in the most se- 
 rious of all concerns, and wherein the utmost sincerity is re- 
 quired. This is what the English reformers ought to have 
 represented to Elizabeth. But policy outbalanced religion, 
 nor was it now to their purpose so greatly to condemn the Real 
 Presence. Wherefore, the twenty-ninth article of Edward's 
 confession, wherein it was condemned, was very much changed, 
 and a great deal left outf ; all that shewed the Real Presence 
 was impossible and contradictory to the residence of Christ's 
 body in heaven. "All this was suppressed," says Mr. Burnet, 
 "and that expressed definition dashed over with minium." 
 The historian takes care to tell us it is still legible ; but that 
 even is a testimony against the expunged doctrine. They 
 Avould have it still legible, to the end a proof might be extant, 
 that this was the very point which they had concluded to reverse. 
 They had remonstrated to Queen Elizabeth concerning images, 
 " that it would cast a great reflection on tlie first reformers, 
 should they again set up in churches what these so zealous 
 martyrs of the evangelical purity had so carefully removed;]:." 
 It was of no less a criminal nature, to rescind from the Confes- 
 sion of Faith of these pretended martyrs, what they had placed 
 in it, in op{)Osition to the Real Presence, and to annul that doc- 
 trine, in testimony whereof they had given up their lives. In- 
 stead of their plain and express definitions, they were content 
 to say, conformably to Queen Elizabeth's design, "in general 
 
 .; * Calv. dilutid. ixj)lic. opusc. p. 861. p. ii., Li. ]<. 104.? 
 t Ibid. 1. iji. PI.. 405, lOO, :;: 1\ 'MT, 
 
€i THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 terms, that the body of Christ is given and received after a 
 spiritual manner; and the means by which it is received, is 
 Faith*." The first part of the article is very true, taking spi- 
 ritual manner for a manner that is above our senses and 
 nature, as the Catholics and Lutherans understand it ; nor is 
 the second part less certain, taking the reception for a pro- 
 fitable reception, and in the sense St. John meant, when he 
 said of Jesus Christ, " that his own received him notf," al- 
 though he were in the world in person in the midst of them ; 
 that is to say, they neither received his doctrine nor his grace. 
 Furthermore, what was added in Edward's Confession, with 
 reference to the communion of the wicked who receive nothing 
 but the symbols, was cut off in like manner, and care was taken 
 that nothing but what the Catholics and Lutherans might 
 approve^ should be retained with respect to the Real Presence. 
 
 7. — Substantial Changes in Edward'' s Liturgy. 
 
 For the same reason, whatever condemned the corporal pre- 
 sence, was now changed in Edward's liturgy : for instance, 
 the rubrick there explained the reason for kneeling at the 
 sacrament, " that thereby no adoration is intended to any cor- 
 poral presence of Christ's natural flesh and blood, because that 
 is only in heaven|." But, under Elizabeth, these words were 
 lopped off, and the full liberty of adoring the flesh and blood of 
 Jesus Christ was allowed as present in the eucharist. What 
 the pretended martyrs and founders of the English Reforma- 
 tion had held for gross idolatry, became an innocent action in 
 the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Li Edward's second liturgy, 
 these words, which had been left standing in the first, were 
 taken away : viz., " the body or the blood of Jesus Christ pre- 
 serve thy body and thy soul to everlasting life;" but these 
 words, which Edward had left out because they seemed too 
 much to favour the belief of the corporal presence, were re- 
 placed by Queen Elizabeth§. The will of kings became the 
 rule of faith, and what we now see removed by this Queen, was 
 again inserted in the common-prayer book by King Charles IL 
 
 8. — An imposition of Mr. Burnet ; ivho has the assurance to 
 say, that the Doctrine established by Edward teas not 
 changed. 
 
 Notwithstanding all these changes in such essential matters, 
 Mr. Burnet would make us believe there was no variation in 
 
 * Calv. dilucid. expHc. opusc. 1, iii. p. 405. f John i. 10, 11. 
 
 X P. ii. p. 392. § Ibid. 1. i. p. 170. 
 
X.] THK VARIATIONS, ETC. 7 
 
 the doctrine of the EngUsh refomiation. " The doctrine of the 
 Church," says he, " was at that time contrary to the behefof a 
 real or corporal presence in the sacrament, in like manner as 
 at present : only, it was not thought necessary or expedient to 
 publish it in too distinct a manner*;" as if one could speak too 
 distinctly in matters of faith. But this is not all. It is a ma- 
 nifest variation in doctrine, not only to embrace what is con- 
 trary to it, but to leave undecided what was decided formerly. 
 If the ancient Catholics, after deciding in express terms the 
 Son of God's equality with his Father, had suppressed what 
 they had pronounced at Nice, contenting themselves with 
 barely calling him God in general terms, and in the sense the 
 Arians could not deny it, insomuch that what had been decided 
 so expressly should have become undecided and indifferent, 
 would they not have altered the church's faith, and stepped 
 backwards ? Now, this is what was done under Elizabeth by 
 the Church of England ; and none can acknowledge it more 
 clearly than Mr. Burnet has done in the words above-cited, 
 where it stands confessed in express terms, that it was neither 
 by chance, nor forgetfulness, but from a premeditated design, 
 that they omitted the w'ords used in Edward's time, and that " no 
 express definition was made against the corporal presencef ;'' 
 on the contrary, it was let lie as a speculative opinion, not 
 determined, in which every man was left to the freedom of his 
 own mind to reject or embrace it : in this manner, either sin- 
 cerely or politically, the faith of the reformers was forsaken, 
 and the dogma of the corporal presence left for indifferent, 
 against which they had combated even unto blood. 
 
 9. — England indifferent as to the Real Presence. 
 
 This, if we believe Mr. Burnet, is yet the present state of 
 the church of England. It was on these grounds that the 
 bishop William Bedell, whose life he has written, believed that 
 a great company of Lutherans who had fled to Dublin for 
 refuge, might without difficulty communicate with the church 
 of England;};, " which in reality," says Mr. Burnet, " hath so 
 great a moderation in that matter (the Real Presence) that no 
 positive definition of the manner of the presence being made, 
 men of different sentiments may agree in the same acts of. 
 worship, without being obliged to declare their opinion, or 
 being understood to do any thing contrary to their several per- 
 
 * Burn. 1. iii. p. 40*;. f P. ^02. 
 
 + Lifeot li. Bedell, pp. 137, 138. 
 
8 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 suasions." Thus hath the church of England corrected her 
 teachers, and reformed her first reformers, 
 
 10. — Neither the u-orcl substance nor miracles, which Calvin 
 places in the Eucharist, are admitted by them. 
 
 Moreover, the Enghsh reformation neither under Edward nor 
 EHzabeth, ever employed, in the explanation of the Eucharist, 
 the substance of the body, nor those incomprehensible ope- 
 rations Avhich Calvin so much exalts. These expressions too 
 much favoured a real presence, and it was for this reason they 
 were not made use of either in Edward's reign, when that was 
 designedly excluded, or in Elizabeth's, when the thing was to 
 be left undetermined ; and England was very sensible that 
 these words of Calvin, little suitable to the doctrine of the 
 figurative sense, could not be introduced into it otherwise, than 
 by forcing too visibly their natural sense. 
 
 11. — The Queen's Supremacy in spirituals is established in 
 spite of all her scruples. 
 
 The article of Supremacy now remains to be considered. True 
 it is, Elizabeth opposed it, and this title, of Head of the Church, 
 in her judgment too great for kings, seemed to her still more 
 insupportable in a queen, not to say ridiculous. '' A famous 
 preacher among those of the reformation," says Mr. Burnet, 
 " put this scruple about it in her head*;" that is, some remains 
 of shame were still to be met with in the English Church ; 
 nor was it without some little remorse that she gave up her 
 authority to the secular power; but policy got the better even 
 in this point. As much ashamed as the queen was in her 
 heart of this title of the church's supreme head, she accepted 
 of it, and exercised it under another name. By an act which 
 passed in 1559, " The supremacy was again annexed to the 
 crown, and declared that the authority of visiting, correcting, 
 and reforming all things in the church is for ever annexed to 
 the regal dignity, and whosoever should refuse to swear and 
 acknowledge the queen to be the supreme governor in all 
 causes, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, within her dominions, 
 was to forfeit any office he had either in church or state; and to 
 be thenceforth disabled to hold any employment during lifef." 
 This is what the queen's scruple ended in; and all she did to 
 moderate the laws of Henry YHl., with regard to the king's 
 supremacy, was, that whereas denying the supremacy in king 
 
 * Burnet, 1. iii. p. 38G. J Ibid. 1. pp. iii. 385, 386. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 9 
 
 Henry's time, cost men their lives, in Elizabeth's it cost them 
 but a forfeiture of their goods*. 
 
 12. — Resolution of the Catholic bishops. 
 
 The Catholic bishops on this occasion were not forgetful of 
 their duty, and being inflexibly attached to the Catholic 
 Church and Holy See, were deposed for having constantly re- 
 fused to subscribe the queen's supremacy, no less than the 
 other articles of the Reformation. But Parker, the protestant 
 archbishop of Canterbury, was of all the most zealous in sub- 
 mitting to the yoke. It was to him complaints were addressed 
 of the queen's scruples respecting her title of Supreme head ; to 
 him Avas rendered an account of what was done to engage the 
 Catholics to acknowledge it, and finally the English Reforma- 
 tion could no longer be compatible with the liberty and autho- 
 rity M-hich Jesus Christ had given to his Church. What had 
 been resolved on in the parliament in 1559, in favour of the 
 queen's supremacy, was received in the synod of London by 
 the common consent of all the clergy, of the first as well as of 
 the second order. 
 
 13. — Declaration of the Clergy regarding the Supremacy 
 of Elizabeth. 
 
 There the supremacy was inserted among the articles of faith 
 in these terms : — " The royal majesty has sovereign power in 
 this kingdom of England, and in her other dominions, and the 
 sovereign government of all her subjects lay and ecclesiastical, 
 belongs to her in all matters, without being subjected to any 
 foreign power |" By these last words they intended to ex- 
 clude the Pope; but as the other words, " in all matters |," 
 put in without restriction, as had been done in the act of par- 
 liament, imported a full sovereignty, even in ecclesiastical 
 causes, without excepting those of faith, they were ashamed 
 of proceeding to such great excess, and introduced the fol- 
 lowing modilication. '' Whereas we attribute to the royal 
 majesty this sovereign government, at which we learn that 
 many ill-disposed individuals are displeased, we do not grant 
 to our kings the administration of the word and of the sacra- 
 ments, as is clearly shewn by the ordinances of our queen 
 Elizabeth; but we merely give to her the ])rerogative, which 
 the Scripture attributes to pious princes, of being able to keep 
 
 * Buviiet, 1. iii. 38G. f Syu. Loiul, art. 7- $ Syn. geu, p. i. pag. 107- 
 
10 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 to their duty all orders, whether lay or ecclesiastical, and to 
 check the stubborn by the sword of the civil power. 
 
 14. — This served but as a clumsy palliation for a great evil. 
 
 This explanation is conformable to a declaration which the 
 queen had published, where she said at first " that she was 
 far from wishing to administer holy things." The Protestants, 
 ready to afford satisfaction on the subject of ecclesiastical 
 authority, thought thereby to be sheltered from whatever evil 
 its supremacy was attended with, but all in vain ; for the 
 question was not whether the English invested royalty with 
 the administration of the word and of the sacraments. Who 
 has ever accused them of wishing that their kings should 
 ascend the pulpit, or administer communion and baptism ? 
 And what is there so uncommon in this declaration, wherein 
 queen Elizabeth avows that this ministry appertains not to 
 her? The question was to know, whether in such matters 
 the royal majesty has a mere direction and an external execu- 
 tion, or whether it influences fundamentally the validity of 
 ecclesiastical acts. But whilst it was apparently reduced in 
 this article to the mere execution, the contrary appeared but 
 too manifest in practice. Permission to preach was granted 
 by letters patent and under the great seal. The queen made 
 bishops with the same authority, as the king her father and 
 the king her brother, and for a limited time if she pleased. 
 The commission for their consecration emanated from the 
 royal povver. Excommunications were decreed by the same 
 authority. The queen regulated by her edicts not only the 
 exterior worship, but also faith and the dogma, or caused them 
 to be regulated by her parliament, whose acts received their 
 validity from her ; and there is nothing more unheard of in 
 the Christian Church, than what was done at that time. 
 
 15. — 'The Parliament continues to assume the decision in 
 points of faith. 
 
 The parliament pronounced directly on heresy. It regulated 
 the conditions on which a doctrine should pass for heretical, 
 and where these conditions were not found in this doctrine, it 
 prohibited its condemnation, " and reserved to itself the cog- 
 nizance of it." The question is not to know whether the rule 
 which parliament prescribed is good or bad ; but whether the 
 parUament, a secular body, whose acts received their validity 
 from the prince, can decide on matters of faith, and reserve 
 to itself the cognizance of them ; that is, whether they may 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. Jl 
 
 challenge it to themselves, and take away the exercise of it 
 from the bishops, on whom Christ had bestowed it; for the 
 parliament's saying they would judge with the assent of 
 the clergy in their convocation*, was nothing but a sham ; 
 since, in the end, this was still reserving to the parlia- 
 ment the supreme authority, and hearing the pastors rather 
 as counsellors whose lights they borrowed, than as natural 
 judges, to whom only the decision appertained of divine right. 
 I cannot think a christian heart can hear of such an invasion 
 of the pastoral authority and the rights of the sanctuary Avithout 
 a sigh. 
 
 16. — On ivhat is grounded the Validity of the English 
 Ordinations. 
 
 But lest it should be imagined, that all these attempts of the 
 secular authority on the rights of the sanctuary were nothing 
 but usurpations of the laity, the clergy not consenting to them, 
 and this under pretext of the above explanation given by the 
 said clergy to the Queen's supremacy in the thirty-seventh 
 article of the Confession of Faith, what precedes, and what 
 follows^ evince the contrary. What precedes, inasmuch as 
 this synod being composed, as just observed, of both houses of 
 the clergy intending to set forth the validity of the ordination of 
 bishops, of priests, and deacons, grounds it on a form contained 
 in the book of consecration of archbishops and bishops, and 
 ordaining of priests and deacons, lately set forth in the time of 
 King Edward VI., and confirmed by authority of parliament^. 
 Weak bishops! wretched clergy! who choose rather to take the 
 form of their ordination from a book made lately, but ten years 
 ago in King Edward's time, and confirmed by the authority of 
 parliament, than from the sacramentary of St. Gregory, the 
 author of their conversion, wherein they might still read the 
 form, according to which their predecessors and the holy 
 monk of St. Augustin, their first apostle, had been consecrated ; 
 although this book was warranted, not indeed by the authority 
 of parliaments, but by the universal tradition of all Christian 
 churches |. 
 
 17. — Sequel of this Matter. 
 
 Upon this it was that these bishops founded the validity of 
 their consecration, and the orders of their priests and deacons; 
 and this was done pursuant to a decree of parliament in 1559, 
 wherein the doubt concernijig ordination was solved by an act 
 authorising the book of ordination, which was joined to King 
 
 * Syn. gen. pag. i. 107. t Syn. Loo., art. 36. Syn. Geu. p. 107. Bur. 385. I Ibid. 
 
12 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Edward's liturgy : so that had not the parliament made these 
 acts, the ordinations of their -whole clergy had still remained 
 dubious *. 
 
 18. — Decisions of Faith reserved to the Authority Royal, 
 by the Declaration of the Bishoj^s. 
 
 The bishops and their clergy, who had thus enslaved the 
 ecclesiastical authority, conclude in a manner corresponding 
 to such a beginning ; when, after having set forth their faith 
 in all the foregoing articles to the number of thirty-nine, they 
 conclude with this ratification, wherein they declare, "That 
 these articles being authorized by the consent and assent of 
 Queen Elizabeth, ought to be received and executed through- 
 out the whole realm of England." Where we find the 
 Queen's approbation, and not only her consent by submission, 
 but also her assent, as I may say, by express deliberation, 
 mentioned in the act as a condition that makes it valid ; inso- 
 much that the decrees of bishops in matters the most within 
 the verge of their ministry, receive their last form and validity, 
 in the same style with acts of parliament from the Queen's 
 approbation, these weak bishops never daring all this while to 
 remonstrate, after the example of all past ages, that their 
 decrees, valid of themselves, and by that sacred authority, 
 which Jesus Christ had annexed to their character, required 
 nothing else from the regal power, but an entire submission 
 and exterior protection. TIius, whilst they forget the primitive 
 institutions of their church, together with the head whom 
 Jesus Christ had given them, and set up princes for their 
 heads whom Jesus Christ had not appointed for that end, they 
 degraded themselves to that degree, that no ecclesiastical act, 
 not even those which regard preaching, censures, liturgy, 
 sacraments, nay, faith itself, have any force in England, but 
 inasmuch as they are approved and made valid by Kings; 
 which in the main gives to Kings more than the word, and 
 more than the administration of the sacraments, since it ren- 
 ders them the sovereign arbiters of one and the other. 
 
 19. — The same Doctrine in Scotland. — 1568. 
 
 It is for the same reason that we behold the first Confession 
 of Scotland, since she became Protestant, published in the 
 name of the {)arliament; and a second Confession of the same 
 kingdom, bearing this title : " A general Confession of the 
 true Christian Faith according to the word of God, and the 
 acts of our Parliaments f." 
 
 * Burn. ibid. p. 392. f Synt. Gen. parti, p. 10!). IbId.p.I2G. 1588. 
 
X,] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 13 
 
 A great multitude of different declarations was requisite to 
 explain how these acts did not attribute the episcopal juris- 
 diction to the crown : but all was nothing but mere words, 
 since after all, it still stands incontestable that no ecclesiastical 
 act hath any force in that kingdom, no more them in England, 
 unless ratihed by the King and parliament, 
 
 20, — The Enc/Ush Doctrine, which makes the King head 
 of the Church, condemned by the Ccdvinists. 
 
 Our Cal\ inists, I own, seem far remote from this doctrine ; 
 and I find, not only in Calvin, as already observed, but also 
 in the national synods, express condemnations of those who 
 confound the civil government with that of the chnrch, by 
 making the magistrate head of the church, or by subjecting 
 the ecclesiastical government to the. people*. But there is 
 nothing but will go down with these men, provided you are an 
 enemy to the Pope and Rome ; insomuch that, by stress of 
 equivocations and explanations, the Calvinists were gained, 
 and brought in England even to subscribe the supremacy. 
 
 21. — All that remained to the Church seized upon. 
 
 It appears by the whole tenor of the acts which I have re- 
 ported, how vain it is to pretend that, in the reign of Elizabeth, 
 this supremacy was reduced to more reasonable terms than in 
 the precedent reigns, there being, on the contrary, no alteration 
 to be found in the main f. Among other fruits of the supre- 
 macy, one was the Queen's invading the revenues of the 
 church under the pretence of giving the full value of tliem|, 
 even those of the bisho|)s, such as, till then, had remained 
 sacred and inviolate. Treading in the steps of the King her 
 father, in order to engage the nobility in the interests of the 
 supremacy and reformation, she made them a present of a 
 share in these consecrated goods ; and this state of the church, 
 enslaved both in her temporals and spirituals, is called the 
 English reformation, the re-establislnnent of evangelical 
 purity I 
 
 22. — A remarkable passage in Mr. Burnet, concerning 
 the English Reformation. 
 
 Nevertheless, if we may form a judgment of this reformation 
 according to the gospel-rule, by its fruits, there was never any 
 
 * Syii. of Paris, l.'jGo. .Syn.of Iloclielle, lo/l. t Burn. 1. ili. ?,'M, &c. 
 
 I Thuan. lib. xxi. 15o9. Burn. lib. iii. p. 391. 
 
14 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 thing more deplorable : seeing the effect which this miserable 
 subjection of the clergy did produce, was, that from thence- 
 forwards religion was no more than a state-engine always veer- 
 ing at the breath of the prince. Edward's reformation, which 
 had entirely changed that of Henry VIIL, was changed itself 
 in an instant under Mary, and Elizabeth destroyed in two 
 years all that Mary had done before. 
 
 The bishops, reduced to fourteen in number, stood firm, 
 together with about fifty or sixty ecclesiastics * ; but, excepting 
 so small a number in so great a kingdom, all the rest paid 
 obedience to the Queen's injunctions, yet with so little good 
 will for the new doctrine they were made to embrace, " that 
 probably," says Mr. Burnet, "if Queen Elizabeth had not 
 lived long, and a prince of another religion had succeeded 
 before the death of all that generation, they had turned about 
 again to the old superstitions as nimbly as they had done in 
 Queen Mary's time y." 
 
 23. — Inamissibility of Justice rejected by the Church of 
 England. 
 
 In this same Confession of Faith, which had been confirmed 
 under Elizabeth in 1562, there are two important points re- 
 lating to justification. In one of them, the inamissibility of 
 justice is rejected clearly enough by this declaration. " After 
 we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart from grace 
 given, and arise again, and amend our lives ;jl." In the other, 
 the certainty of predestination seems quite excluded, when, 
 after saying that " The doctrine of predestination is full of 
 comfort to godly persons, by confirming their faith of eternal 
 salvation to be enjoyed through Jesus Christ," they add, " It is 
 the downfal for carnal persons either into a desperation, or 
 into recklessness of most unclean living." And, in con- 
 clusion, that " we must receive God's promises, as they be 
 generally set forth to us in holy scripture ; and in our doings, 
 that will of God is to be followed, which we have expressly 
 declared unto us in the word of God ; " which seems to exclude 
 that special certainty, whereby each of the faithful is obliged 
 to believe in particular, as of faith, that he is in the number of 
 the elect, and comprehended within that absolute decree, by 
 which God wills their salvation : a doctrine not agreeable, it 
 seems, to the Protestants of England, although they not only 
 bear with it in the Calvinists, but also the deputies from their 
 
 * Btirnet, 1. iii. p. 401. + Ibid. 
 
 { Synt. Gen. part i. Cojif. Aug. Art, xvj. xvii, p. 102. 
 
X.] THE VABIATIONS, ETC. IB 
 
 church have confirmed it, as we shall see in the synod of 
 Dort *. 
 
 24. — The beginning of the disturbances in France fomented by 
 Elizabeth. — Change of the Calvinian Doctrine. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth secretly encouraged that disposition which 
 those of France were in towards a rebellion ; nearly at the 
 same time that the English reformation was modelled under 
 that queen, they declared themselves. Our reformed, after 
 about thirty years, grew weary of deriving their glory from 
 their sufferings ; their patience could hold out no longer ; nor 
 did they from that time exaggerate their submission to our 
 kings f. This submission lasted but whilst they were in a 
 capacity of curbing them. Under the strong reigns of Francis I. 
 and Henry II. they were in reality very submissive, and made 
 no shew of an intention to levy war. The reign no less weak 
 than short of Francis II. inspired them with boldness. The 
 fire, so long concealed, blazed forth in the conspiracy of Am- 
 boise. Yet a sufficient strength still remained in the govern- 
 ment to have quenched it at the beginning: but during the 
 minority of Charles IX., and under the regency of a Queen, 
 all whose policy aspired no further than to maintain her power 
 by dangerous and trimming measures, the revolt became entire 
 and the conflagration universal over all France. A particular 
 account of these intrigues and wars comes not within my 
 sphere, nor should I even have spoken of these commotions, 
 if, contrary to all preceding declarations and protestations, 
 they had not produced this new doctrine in the reformation, 
 that it is lawful to take up arms against prince and country, in 
 the cause of religion. 
 
 25. — The Calvinists took arms from maxims of Religion, 
 
 It had been well foreseen, that the new reformed would not be 
 slack in proceeding to such measures. Not to trace back the 
 wars of the Albigenses, the seditions of the AVickliffites in 
 England, the furies of the Taborites in Bohemia, it had been 
 but too apparent what was the result of all the fine protesta- 
 tions of the Lutherans in Germany |. The leagues and wars so 
 much detested at first, as soon as ever the Protestants were 
 sensible of their strength, became lawful, and Luther added 
 this new article to his gospel. The ministers too of the 
 Vaudois had but just taught this doctrine, when the war was 
 
 * Book xiv. f Burn. 1. iii. pp. 415, 4If>. 
 
 J Thauu. lib. xxvii, loGO, t. ii. p. 17> •L'» Poplin. 1. vii. pp. 1246, 255. 
 
16 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 commenced in the valleys against their sovereigns the Dukes 
 of Savoy. The new reformed of France were not backward to 
 follow these examples, nor is there any doubt but they were 
 spirited up to it by their doctors. * 
 
 26. — Beza owns that the conspiracy of Amboise was entered 
 upon from a maxim of Conscience. 
 
 As for the conspiracy of Amboise, all historians testify as 
 much ; even Beza owns it in his ecclesiastical history. It was 
 from the influence of their doctors, that the Prince of Conde 
 believed himself innocent, or affected to believe it, although so 
 heinous an attempt had been undertaken by his orders*. It 
 ■was resolved on by the party, to furnish him with men and 
 money, to (he end he might have a competent force : so that 
 the design then on foot, after the seizure of the two Guises in 
 the very castle of Amboise, where the King was in person, and 
 forcibly carrying them away, was nothing less than from that 
 very time to light up the torch of civil war throughout the whole 
 kingdom. The whole body of the Reformation came into this 
 design, and on this occasion the province of Xaintonge is 
 praised by Beza, for having done their duty like the rest f. 
 The same Beza testifies an extreme regret, that so just an 
 enterprise should have failed, and attributes the bad success of 
 it to the perfidiousness of certain people. 
 
 27. — Four demonstrations that the riot of Amboise ivas the 
 handy ivork of Protestants, and that the motive to it was 
 Religion. First demonstration. 
 
 The Protestants, it is true, were desirous of giving to this enter- 
 prise, as they do to all others of this nature, a pretext of public 
 good, in order to inveigle some Catholics into it, and to screen 
 the reformation from the infamy of so wicked an attempt. But 
 four reasons demonstrate that it was in reality an affair of 
 religion, and an enterprise carried on by the reformed. In 
 the first place, because it was set on foot occasionally from 
 the executions of some of the party, and especially of Anne du 
 Bourg, that famous pretended martyr. Beza, after relating 
 this execution, together with the other evil treatments the 
 Lutherans underwent (then all the reformed were so called), 
 introduces the history of this conspiracy, and at the head of 
 
 * Thuan. t. i. 1. xxiv. p. ^oi. La Poplin, livre vi. Bez. Hist. Eccl. livreiii. 
 p. 250. 25 1. 270.— 15U0. 
 f Ibid. 313. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 17 
 
 the motives which g-ave birth to it, places these manifestly 
 tyrannical ways of proceeding, and the menaces that on this 
 occasion were levelled at the greatest men of the kingdom, 
 such as the Prince of»Conde and the Chastillons. " Then it 
 was," says he, " that many lords awaked as from a profound 
 sleep: so much the more," continues this historian, " as they 
 considered, that the kings Francis and Henry never would 
 attempt any thing against the men of quality, contenting them- 
 selves with aweing the great ones by the correction of the 
 meaner sort, that now quite dilierent measures were taken ; 
 whereas, in consideration of the number concerned, they should 
 have applied less violent remedies, rather than thus open a 
 gate to a million of seditions." 
 
 28. — Second Demonstration, wherein the advice of Beza and 
 the Divines of the Party is reported. 
 
 The confession is sincere, I must own. Whilst nothing but 
 the dregs of the people were punished, the lords of the party 
 did not stir, but let them go quietly to execution. When they, 
 like the rest, were threatened, they bethought themselves of 
 their weapons, or, as the author expresses it, " Each man was 
 forced to look at home, and many began to range themselves 
 together, to provide for a just defence, and to re-settle the 
 ancient and lawful government of the kingdom." This last 
 word was necessary to disguise the rest ; but what goes before 
 shews plainly enough the design in hand, and the sequel evinces 
 it still more clearly. For these means of a just defence im- 
 ported, that the thing* " having been proposed to lawyers and 
 men of renown in France and Germany, as likewise to the most 
 learned divines ; it was discovered that they might lawfully 
 oppose the government usurped by the Guises, and take up 
 arms, in case of need, to repel their violence, provided the 
 princes of the blood, who in such cases are born lawful magis- 
 trates, or one of them, would but undertake it, especially at 
 the request of the estates of France, or of the most sound part 
 thereof." Here then is a second demonstration against the 
 new Reformation, because the divines whom they consulted, 
 were Protestants, as it is expressly specified by Thuanus-j-, 
 with them an unexceptionable author. And Beza insinuates 
 it plainly enough, when he says, they took the advice " of the 
 most learned divines," who, in his judgment, could be none else 
 but the reformed. As much may we believe in regard to the 
 lawyers, no Catholic having ever been so much as named. 
 
 * Beza, Hist. Eccl.liv. iii. 249. f Lib. xxiv. p. 372, edit. Gen, 
 
 VOL. 11. C 
 
X9 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 29. — Third Demonstration. 
 
 A third demonstration, arising from the same words is, that 
 these princes of the blood, " born magistrates in this affair," 
 were reduced to the sole Prince of Cond6, a declared Protestant, 
 although there were five or six more at the least, and amongst 
 others, the King of Navarre, the prince's elder brother, and 
 first prince of the blood ; but whom the party feared rather 
 than depended on ; a circumstance that leaves not the least 
 doubt that the design of the new Reformation was to command 
 the enterprise. 
 
 30. — Fourth Demonstration. 
 
 Nay, not only the prince is the sole person placed at the head 
 of the whole party, but what makes the fourth and last con- 
 viction against the Reformation is, that this, " the most sound 
 part of the Estates, whose concurrence was demanded, were 
 almost all reformed*." The most important and the most 
 special orders were addressed to them, and the enterprise re- 
 garded them alone ; for the end they proposed to themselves 
 therein was, as Beza owns, that '* a confession of faith might 
 be presented to the king assisted by a good and lawful coun- 
 cil f." It is plain enough, this council would never have been 
 good and lawful, unless the Prince of Conde, with his party, 
 had governed it, and the reformed obtained all they desired. 
 The action was to begin by a request they would have pre- 
 sented to the king for obtaining liberty of conscience ; and he 
 who managed the whole affair, was La Renaudie, a man con- 
 demned to rigorous penalties for forgery, by a decree in par- 
 liament, at which court he sued for a benefice; after this, 
 sheltering himself at Geneva, turning heretic out of spite, 
 " burning with a desire of revenge, and of defacing, by some 
 bold action, the infamy of his condemnation;];," he undertook 
 to stir up to rebellion, as many disaffected persons as he could 
 meet with ; and at last, retiring into the house of a Huguenot 
 lawyer at Paris, had the direction of all matters in conjunction 
 with Antony Chandieu, the Protestant minister of Paris, who 
 afterwards gave himself the name of Sadael. 
 
 * La Poplin. Ibid. p. 164., &c. f Hist. Eccl. ]. ili. p. 313, 
 
 + Thuan. Ibid. pp. 733, 738. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. ^j^, 
 
 31. — The Huguenots that discovered the conspiracy do not 
 justify the party. 
 
 True it is, the Huguenot lawyer, with whom he lodged, and 
 Ligueres, another Huguenot, had a horror of so atrocious a 
 crime, and discovered the plot ; but that does not excuse the 
 Reformation, but shews only there were some particular men 
 in the sect, whose conscience was better than that of the 
 divines and ministers, and that of Beza himself and the whole 
 body of the party*, who ran headlong into the conspiracy o\er 
 all the provinces of the realm. Accordingly, we have seen the 
 same Beza accusing of perfidiousness these two faithful sub- 
 jects, who alone, of all the party, had an abhorrence of, and 
 discovered, the plot; so that, in the judgment of the ministers, 
 those that came into this black conspiracy are the honest men, 
 and those who detected it are the traitors. 
 
 32. — The protestation of the Conspirators does not justify 
 
 them. 
 
 It is to no purpose to say, that La Renaudie and all the con- 
 spirators protested they had no design of attempting any thing 
 against the king or queen, or the royal family ; for is a man 
 to be deemed innocent, because he had not formed the design 
 of so execrable a parricide f ? Was it so light a matter in a 
 state, to call in question the king's majority, and elude the 
 ancient laws, which had fixed it at fourteen years of age, by the 
 joint consent of all the orders of the realm P To presume, on 
 this pretext, to appoint him such counsel as they thonght fit ? 
 To rush, armed, into his palace; to assault and force him; to 
 ravish from this sacred asylum, and out of the king's arms, the 
 Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorrain, because the king 
 made use of them in his counsel ; to expose the whole court 
 and the king's own person to all the violence and all the blood- 
 shed, that so tumultuous an attack, and the darkness of the 
 night, might produce ? In a word, to fly to arms over all the 
 kingdom, with a resolution not to lay them down, till the king 
 should be forced into a compliance with all that they desired. 
 Were the particular injury done to the Guises here only to come 
 in question, what right had the prince of Cond(5 to dispose of 
 these princes, to deliver them up to the hands of their enemies, 
 who, as Beza himself owns;]:, made a great part of the conspi- 
 
 * Beza. Thuan. La Poplin. Ibid. S. n, 26. 1 . 
 f Old. de Charles V. 1373 and 74, et seq. Vid. la Foplin. 1, vi. 155 et seq. 
 + Beza, p. 250. 
 
 c2 
 
20 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 raters, and to employ the sword against them, as Thuanus 
 says*, should they not consent voluntarily to relinquish all 
 state-afFairs ? What ! under pretext of a particular commission, 
 given, as Beza words it f , " To men of a well-approved and wise 
 conduct (such as La Renaudie) in order to inquire secretly, 
 yet, though thoroughly and exactly, into all the employments 
 heaped upon the Guises," shall a prince of the blood, of his 
 private authority, hold them as legally convicted, and put 
 them in the power of those, whom he knows to be " spurred 
 on with the spirit of revenge for outrages received from them, 
 as well in their own persons, as those of their kindred and rela- 
 tions ;" for these are Beza's words;):. What becomes of society, 
 if such wicked attempts be allowed ? But what becomes of 
 royalty, if men dare to execute them, sword in hand, in the 
 king's own palace, seize on his ministers, and tear them from 
 his side ; put him under tuition ; his sacred person in the 
 power of rebels, who would have possessed themselves of his 
 castle, and upheld such a treason, with a war set on foot over 
 all the kingdom? This is the fruit resulting from the counsels 
 " of the most learned Protestant divines and lawyers, of the 
 best renown." This is what Beza approves, and what Protes- 
 tants defend even to this day§. 
 
 33. — The suppleness and connivance of Calvin. 
 
 Calvin is cited||, who, after the contrivance had miscarried, 
 wrote two letters, wherein he testifies, he had never approved 
 it. But, after having had notice of a conspiracy of this nature, 
 is it enough to blame it, without giving himself any further 
 concern to stop the progress of so flagitious an undertaking ? 
 Had Beza believed that Calvin did as much detest this deed 
 as it deserved, would he have approved it himself ; would he 
 have boasted to us the approbation of the most learned divines 
 of the party ? Who does not, therefore, perceive, that Calvin 
 acted here too remissly ; and provided he could exculpate him- 
 self, in case of ill success, was nowise averse to the conspira- 
 tors hazarding the event? If we believe Brantome, the Admi- 
 ral 5[ was much better disposed ; and the Protestant writers 
 vapour much at what he wrote in the life of this nobleman, 
 viz., "That none durst ever speak to him about this enterprise, 
 because they held him for a man of probity, a man of worth, a 
 
 * Thuan., pp. 732, 738. f Beza, p. 250. 
 
 X Beza, Ibid. § Btini. 1. I'ii. p. 415. 
 
 II Ciit. cle Maimb. t. i. Lett. xv. N. G. p. 263. Cal. Ep. p. 312, 313. 
 
 «fr Crit. de Maimb. Lett. ii. N. 2. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. <21 
 
 lover of honour, who accordingly would have sent back the 
 conspirators well rebuked, and detected the whole ; nay, 
 would himself have been aiding to quell them*." Still, how- 
 ever, the thing was done, and the historians of the party relate 
 with complacency, what ought not to be mentioned but with 
 horror. 
 
 34. — Reflections on the uncertainty of histories useless on this 
 
 occasion. 
 
 There is no room here for eluding a certain fact, by descanting 
 on the uncertainty of histories, and the partiality of historiansf. 
 These commonplace topics are only fit to raise a mist. Should 
 our reformed arraign the credit of Thuanus, whose works they 
 printed at Geneva, and whose authority, we have been lately 
 told by a Protestant historian, none ever disputed ; they have 
 but to read La Popliniere, one of their own, and Beza, one of 
 their chiefs, to find their party convicted of a crime, which the 
 Admiral, Protestant as he was, judged so unworthy a man of 
 honour. 
 
 35. — The first wars under Charles XI. in ivhich all the party 
 concurred. — 1562. 
 
 Yet this great man of honour, who had such an abhorrence 
 of the conspiracy of Amboise, either because it did not suc- 
 ceed, or because the measures were ill concerted, or because 
 he found open war more to his advantage, made no scruple, 
 two years after, of putting himself at the head of the rebellious 
 Cah inists. Then the whole party declared themselves. Calvin 
 made no resistance for this time, and rebellion was the crime 
 of all his disciples. Those whom their histories celebrate as 
 the most moderate, only said they ought not to begin J. How- 
 ever, this was their joint opinion, that to suffer themselves to 
 be butchered, like sheep, was not the profession of men of 
 courage ; but, to be men of courage in this way, they must 
 renounce the title of Reformers, and much more — that of Con- 
 fessors of the Faith, and Martyrs ; for it is not in vain that 
 St. Paul said, after David, " We are accounted as sheep for 
 the slaughter^} ;" and Jesus Christ himself : "Behold! I send 
 you forth as sheep in the midst of wolves ||." I have by me 
 Calvin's own letters, well attested, wherein, at the beginning 
 
 * Brant. viedel'Aflmiral de Chastil. f Crit. deMaiml). N. 1.4. Burn. 1. 1. Pref. 
 \ La Poplin. 1, viii. Beza, t. ii. 1. vi, p. 5. ^ Kom, viii. 30. || Mat. x. 16, 
 
22 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 of the troubles of France, he thinks he does enough, in writing 
 to the Baron des Adrets, against pillaging and violence, against 
 image-breaking, and against the depredation of shrines and 
 church treasures, without public authority. To be satisfied, 
 as he is, with telling the soldiers thus enrolled, " Do violence 
 to no man, and be content with your pay*," adding nothing 
 more ; is speaking of this militia as you do of a lawful militia : 
 and it is thus that St. John the Baptist decided in behalf of 
 those who bore arms under their lawful princes. The doctrine, 
 which allowed taking them up in the cause of religion, was 
 afterwards ratified^ 1 do not say by the ministers in particular 
 only, but also in common by their synods, and it was necessary 
 to proceed to this decision in order to engage in the war those 
 Protestants, who, from a sense of the ancient principles of 
 Christian Faith, and the submission they had so frequently 
 promised at the beginning of the new Reformation, did not 
 believe that a Christian should maintain the liberty of con- 
 science otherwise than by suffering, according to the gospel, in 
 all patience and humility. The brave and wise La Noiie, 
 who was at first of this opinion, was drawn into a contrary 
 sentiment and practice by the authority of the ministers and 
 synods. The church was for that time infallible, and they 
 yielded blindly to her authority against their own consciences. , 
 
 36. — -Decisions of the Calvlnian national Synods, in approha- 
 tion of taking up arms. — 1 563. 
 
 Now the express decisions relating to this matter were, for 
 the most part, made in provincial synods ; but, that there be 
 no occasion to search for them there, it will be sufficient to 
 observe, that these decisions were preceded by the national 
 Synod of Lyons in 1563, Art. 38, by particular facts of 
 this import, — " That a minister of Limousin, who, in other 
 respects, had behaved uprightly, terrified by the threats of his 
 enemies, had writ to the queen-mother, that he never had 
 consented to the bearing of arms, although he had consented 
 and contributed thereto. Item, that he had promised not to 
 preach till the king should grant him leave. Since that time, 
 having a sense of his fault, he had made a public confession of 
 it before all the people, on a day of celebrating the Supper, in 
 the presence of all the ministers of the country and of all the 
 faithful. The query is, whether he may resume his pastoral 
 charge ? the opinion is, he may : nevertheless, he shall write 
 
 * Lukeiii. 14. 
 
,..] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 23 
 
 to him by whom he had been tempted, to notify to him his 
 repentance, and shall intreat him to let the queen know as 
 much, and all whomsoever this scandal to his Church might 
 have reached ; and it shall be in the breast of the Synod of 
 Limousin to remove him to some other place, as they shall 
 think most prudent." 
 
 37. — Another decision. 
 
 It is so Christian and ,so heroic an act, in the new reformation, 
 to make war against their sovereign for religion's sake, that it 
 is made criminal in a minister to have repented of, and asked 
 pardon for it of his queen. Reparation must be made before 
 all the people in the most solemn acts of religion, namely, at 
 the Supper, for respectful excuses made to the queen ; and so 
 far must the insolence be carried, as to have it declared to her 
 in person, that this tender of respect is recalled, to the end she 
 may be assured that, from henceforth, they will have no manner 
 of regard for her ; nay, they are not certain, after all this re- 
 paration and retracting, whether or no the scandal which this 
 submission had caused amongst the reformed people would 
 be quite defaced. Therefore it cannot be denied that obe- 
 dience was scandalous to them : thus it is decided by a na- 
 tional synod. But here is, in the forty-eighth article, another 
 decision which will not appear less wonderful: an abbot arrived 
 to the knowledge of the Gospel, had burnt all his titles, and 
 during six years had not suffered mass to be sung in the abby. 
 What a Reformation ! but here lies the stress of his enco- 
 mium: Nay, hath always comported himself /ai7/i/i«//y, and 
 borne arms for the maintenance of the Gospel. A holy abbot, 
 indeed, who far remote from popery, no less than from the 
 discipline of St. Bernard and St. Benedict, would not endure 
 either mass or vespers in his abbey, whatever might have been 
 the founder's express injunction ; and moreover, dissatisfied 
 with those spiritual weapons which St. Paul so much recom- 
 mended, yet too feeble for our warrior's courage, has gene- 
 rously carried arms, and drawn the sword against his prince 
 in defence of the new Gospel. Let him be admitted to the 
 Supper, concludes the whole national Synod, and this mystery 
 of peace becomes the remuneration for that war he had waged 
 against his country. 
 
24 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 38. — The same Doctrine perpetuated in the succeeding Synods 
 till our days. 
 
 This tradition of the party has been handed down to subse- 
 quent times successively ; and the Synod of Alais, in 1620, 
 return thanks to M. de Chastillon for his letter, wherein 
 " He protested to them, that he would employ Avhatever 
 was in his power, after the example of his predecessors, for 
 the advancement of the kingdom of Jesus Christ." This was 
 their style. The juncture of times and the affairs of Alais 
 explain the intention of this lord ; and what the Admiral de 
 Chastillon and Dandelot, his predecessors, meant by the king- 
 dom of Christ is well known. 
 
 39. — TVhat urns the spirit of the Huguenots in these ivars. 
 
 The ministers, who taught this doctrine, thought to impose upon 
 the world, by setting up that fine discipline in their troops 
 so much commended by Thuanus. It lasted indeed about 
 three months : after this, the soldiers, soon carried away into 
 the most grievous excesses, thought themselves well excused, 
 if they did but cry out, Long live the Gospel ; and the Baron 
 des Adrets, who knew full well the temper of this militia, upon 
 his being reproached, as a Huguenot historian* relates, that 
 after quitting them he had done nothing worthy of his first 
 exploits, excused himself by saying, there was nothing he 
 durst not enterprise " with a soldiery, whose pay was revenge, 
 passion, and honour," whom " he had bereft of all hopes of 
 pardon" by the cruelties he had engaged them in. If we believe 
 the ministers, our Reformed are still in the same dispositions ; 
 and the most voluminous of all their writers, the author of 
 new systems, and the interpreter of prophecies, has but lately 
 published in print, that " The fury, at this day, those are in 
 who have suffered violence, and the rage they have conceived 
 at being forced, strengthens the love and attachment they had 
 to truth -f-." This, according to the ministers, is the spirit that 
 animates these new martyrs. 
 
 40. — Whether the example of Catholics vindicates the 
 Huguenots. 
 
 It serves not the turn of our Reformed, to excuse themselves, 
 as to the civil wars, by the examples of Catholics under Henry 
 
 * D. Aub. t. i. 1. iii. cb. ix. pp. 155, 156. 
 
 •|- Jur. accompliss. des Proph. Avis a tous les Cliret. Towards the middle 
 of his Preface or Introduction. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 25 
 
 HI. and Henry IV., since, besides the incongruity of this 
 Jerusalem's defending herself by the authority of Tyre and 
 Babylon, they are very sensible that the body of Catholics 
 which detested these excesses, and remained faithful to their 
 kings, Avas always great: whereas, in the Huguenot pariy, 
 scarce two or three persons of note can be found that stood 
 firm in their loyalty. 
 
 41. — Vain pretext of Calvinists, who pretend that these ivars 
 did not properly concern Religion. 
 
 Here again they make fresh efforts to shew that these wars 
 were merely political, and nothing appertaining to religion. 
 These empty pretexts deserve not refutation, nothing more 
 being necessary for discovering the drift of these wars, than to 
 read the treaties of peace and the edicts of pacification, — of 
 which liberty of conscience, with some other privileges for the 
 Protestants, was always the main import : but because, at this 
 time, men are bent more than ever upon darkening the clearest 
 fact, duty requires of me I should speak something on this 
 head. 
 
 42. — Illusions of Mr. Burnet. 
 
 Mr. Burnet *, who hath taken in hand the defence of the con- 
 spiracy of Amboise, enters also the lists in vindication of the 
 civil wars ; but after a manner which shews plaiidy he is 
 acquainted with no more of our history and laws than what 
 he has picked up from the most ignorant and the most pas- 
 sionate of all Protestant authors. 1 forgive his mistaking that 
 famous Triumvirate under Charles IX., for the union of the 
 King of Navarre with the Cardinal of Lorrain, whereas, unques- 
 tionably, it was that of the Duke of Guise, of the Constable de 
 Montmorency, and the Marshal of St. Andrew: nor should I 
 even have thought it worth my while to have pointed out these 
 sorts of blunders, were it not that they convict him, who fell 
 into them, of not having so much as seen one good author. 
 It is a thing less supportable to have taken, as he has done, 
 the disorder of Vassi for a premeditated enterprise of the Duke 
 of Guise, with a design to break the edicts, although Thuanusf, 
 whose testimony he must not reject, and (except Beza, too pre- 
 judiced by passion to be credited on this occasion) even Protes- 
 tant authors, aver the contrary. But to say that the regency 
 had been given to Antony, King of Navarre ; to descant, 
 
 * Part ii., 1. iii. p. 415, &f. 
 f Thuau. 1. xxix. p. 77 et seij. La Poplin., 1. vii. pp. 283, 284. 
 
26 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 as he does, on the authority of a regent ; to affirm that this 
 prince, having outstripped his power in the revocation of the 
 edicts, the people might join themselves to the first prince of 
 the blood after him, namely, to the prince of Conde ; to carry 
 on this empty reasoning, and say that, after the death of the 
 King of Navarre, the regency devolved to the prince his 
 brother, and that the foundation of the civil wars was the re- 
 fusal made to this prince "of the government, to whom it of 
 right belonged*," is, to speak plainly of a man so positive, 
 mixing too much passion with too much ignorance of our 
 affairs. 
 
 43. — His gross blunders and great ignorance of the affairs 
 of France. 
 
 For, in the first place, it is certain, that in the reign of Charles 
 IX. the regency was conferred upon Catherine of Medicis 
 by the unanimous consent of the whole kingdom, and even 
 of the King of Navarre. Mr. Burnet's lawyers, who proved, 
 as he pretends, " that no woman might be admitted to the re- 
 gency," were ignorant of a standing custom, confirmed by many 
 examples ever since the time of Queen Blanche and St. 
 Lewisf. These same lawyers, according to Mr. Burnet's 
 relation, presumed even to say, *• that two and twenty was the 
 soonest that any King of France had been ever held to be of 
 age to assume the government, contrary to the express tenor 
 of the ordinance of Charles the Fifth, in 1374, which has 
 always been a standing law in the whole kingdom without 
 any contradiction^. To quote these lawyers, and make a 
 law for France of their ignorant and iniquitous decisions, is 
 erecting into a state law the pretexts of rebels. 
 
 44. — Sequel of Mr. Burnet's Fallacies. 
 
 Neither did the Prince of Conde ever pretend to the regency, 
 no, not even after the death of the King his brother ; and so 
 far was he from calling in question the authority of Queen 
 Catherine, that, on the contrary, at his rising in arms, he 
 grounded himself on nothing but the secret orders he pretended 
 to have received. But what deceived Mr. Burnet is, per- 
 chance, his having heard it said, that those who joined them- 
 selves to the Prince of Conde for the King's defence, who, 
 they pretended, was a prisoner in the hands of the Guises, 
 
 * Part 2, 1. iii. p. 416. + Vide la Poplin. 1. vi. pp. 155, 156. 
 
 ^ t Ibid. p. 616. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 27 
 
 gave to the Prince the title of lawful Protector and Defender of 
 the King; and kingdom*. An Englishman, dazzled with the 
 title of Protector, imagined he saw in this title, according to 
 the usage of his country, the authority of a regent. The Prince 
 never so much as dreamt of it, since even his elder brother, 
 the King of Navarre, was still living ; on the contrary, this 
 empty title of Protector and Defender of the kingdom, which 
 in France signifies just nothing, was given him on no other 
 account but because it was very well perceived there was no 
 lawful title that could be given him. 
 
 45. — The French Calvinists extricate themselves no better out 
 of this difficulty. 
 
 Let us then leave Mr. Burnet, who, though a foreigner, pro- 
 nounces thus peremptorily on our laws, without knowing so much 
 as the first rudiments of them. The French give the thing a 
 different turn, and ground themselves on some of the Queen's 
 letters, " who begged of the Prince to preserve the mother and 
 children, and the whole kingdom, against those who had a mind 
 to ruin all f." But two convincing reasons leave no shelter 
 for this vain pretext. In the first place, because the Queen, 
 who in this manner addressed herself privately to the Prince, 
 exceeded her power ; it being agreed that the regency was 
 conferred upon her on condition that she did nothing of con- 
 sequence except in council, with the participation and by the 
 advice of the King of Navarre, as the first Prince of the blood, 
 and lieutenant-general, established by the consent of the 
 Estates in all the provinces and armies during the minority. 
 As, therefore, the King of Navarre felt that she was driving all 
 to ruin through that restless ambition which, tormented her, of 
 preserving her authority, and that she wholly turned on the 
 side of the Prince and the Huguenots, the just fear he was in 
 of their becoming masters, and lest the Queen, through de- 
 spair, should at length even cast herself into their arms together 
 with the King, made him break all the measures of this Prin- 
 cess. The other Princes of the blood joined with him, no less 
 than the chief men of the kingdom and the parliament. The 
 Duke of Guise did nothing but by the orders of this King; 
 and the Queen so well knew she exceeded her power in what 
 she requested of the Prince, that she never durst use any other 
 words, in her addresses to him, than those of mvitation ; so 
 
 * Thuan. 1. xxix. 1562. La Poplin. 1. viii. 
 I Critiq.du P. Maimb. Let. xvii. N 5. p. 303. Thuan. 1. xxix. An. 1552, 
 pp. 79, 81. Thuan. 1. xxvi. p. 787, &c. J Thuan. ibid. p. 79. 
 
138 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 that these so boasted letters are nothing else, in reality, but 
 the anxieties of Catherine, not the lawful injunctions of a 
 regent ; so much the more (and it is the second proof) as the 
 Queen gave ear to the Prince but for a moment, and through 
 the vain terror she had conceived of being stripped of her autho- 
 rity ; insomuch, that it was easily believed, says Thuanus, she 
 would come off from this design as soon as ever she should get 
 the better of her fears*. 
 
 46. — The Calvinists convicted by Beza^. 
 
 Accordingly, the event discovers that she entered sincerely 
 into the measures of the King of Navarre, and thenceforward 
 never left negotiating with the prince in order to reclaim him to 
 his duty. Wherefore, these letters of the Queen, and all that 
 followed thereupon, are counted nothing by historians but a vain 
 pretext. Nay, Beza makes it plain enough that all turned on 
 religion, on the breach of edicts, and on the pretended mur- 
 der of Vassi^j]. The Prince neither stirred, nor gave orders to 
 the Admiral to take up arms, but " requested, and more than 
 entreated, by those of the new i^eligion to grant them his pro- 
 tection, under the name and authority of the King and his 
 edicts." 
 
 47. — The first War resolved upon by the advice of all the 
 Ministers, and the j)eace concluded notwithstanding their 
 opposition. — Testimony of Beza. 
 
 It was in an assembly, at which were present the chief 
 men of their church, that the question was proposed, whether 
 they might in conscience execute justice on the Duke of Guise, 
 and that with no great hazard, for thus the case was worded ; 
 and the answer returned was, that '^ it was better to suffer 
 Avhat might }>lease God, putting themselves only on the defen- 
 sive, should necessity reduce the churches to that point. Yet, 
 whatever might happen, they ought not to be the first to draw 
 the sword§." Here, then, is a point resolved in the new re- 
 formation, that they may, without scruple, make war on a 
 lawful power, at least in their own defence. Now^they took 
 for an assault the revocation of the edicts ; so that the refor- 
 mation laid it down for a certain doctrine, that she might fight 
 for the liberty of conscience, in contradiction not only to the 
 faith and practice of the Apostles, but also to the solemn pro- 
 testation Beza had but just made at his demanding justice of 
 
 * Thuan. xxvi. p. 79. ■}• Lib. vi. | Ibid. p. 4. § ibid. p. G, 
 
X.] * THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 29 
 
 the King of Navarre ; viz., " that it appertained to the church 
 of God to sufiTer blows, and not to give them ; but that he 
 ought to remember, this anvil had worn out many a ham- 
 mer*." This saying, so much extolled by the party, proved a 
 deceit, since, after a while, the anvil itself commenced to strike 
 contrary to nature, and, wearied with l)earing blows, repayed 
 them in its turn. Beza, who glories in this conceit, in another 
 place makes this important declaration in the face of all Chris- 
 tendom!, " that he had warned of their dutij as Avell the Prince 
 of Conde as the Admiral, and all the other lords and men of 
 every degree, that made profession of the Gospel, to induce them 
 to maintain, by all means possible to them, the authority of the 
 King's edicts and the innocence of the poor oppressed ; and ever 
 after hath continued in this same will, exhorting, nevertheless, 
 every person to use his arms in the modestest manner possible, 
 and to seek, next to God's honour, peace in all things, j)rovided 
 they do not suffer themselves to be deceived and imposed upon." 
 What a delusion to persuade himself, whilst he actually autho- 
 rizes a civil war, that he has fulfilled his duty by recommend- 
 ing modesty to a people up in arms ! And as for peace, did he 
 not see that the security he required for it would always afford 
 pretexts, either of keeping it at a distance, or of breaking it ? 
 in the mean time he was by his preaching, as himself con- 
 fesses, one of the principal inciters to the war. One of the 
 fruits of his gospel was, to teach this new duty to subjects 
 and officers of the crown. All the ministers concurred in his 
 tentiments, and he owns himself;}], that when peace was men- 
 sioned, the ministers so much opposed it, that the prince, 
 resolved on concluding it, was forced to exclude all of them 
 from the debate ; for they were determined to hinder the party 
 from suffering the least exception to that edict, which was 
 most favourable to them, namely that of January. But the 
 prince, who had consented, for peace sake, to some light re- 
 strictions, " caused them to be read before the nobility, suffer- 
 ing none else but the gentlemen bearing arms to speak their 
 opinions, as he declared openly in the assembly j so that the 
 ministers, after that time, were neither heard nor admitted to 
 give in their advice § ;" by this means peace was made, and all 
 clauses of the new edict make it appear that nothing but 
 religion was contended for in this war. Nay it is manifest, 
 had the ministers been hearkened to, it would have been con- 
 tinued in hopes of gaining more advantageous conditions which 
 
 * Beza, 1. vi. p. 3. t Iljid. p. 298. + Ibid. ])p. 280. 282. 
 
 § Ibid. p. 285. 
 
3K) THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 they proposed at large in writing, adding many things even to 
 the edict of January ; and they made, says Beza, a declara- 
 tion of them, " to the end posterity might be informed how 
 they comported themselves in this affair*." This, therefore, 
 stands an external testimony, that the ministers approved the 
 Avar, and were more bent than the princes and the armed 
 soldiers themselves, on pursuing it from the sole motive of 
 religion, which they pretend, at present, was quite out of the 
 question ; yet was the fundamental cause of the first wars, by 
 the consent of all authors, both Catholic and Protestant. 
 
 48. — The other wars are destitute of all pretext. 
 
 The rest of the wars have not so much as a colour of pretext, 
 the queen then concurring with all the powers of the state ; 
 neither was there any other excuse alleged but discontents and 
 contraventions ; things which, in the end, have no kind of 
 weight, but in presupposing this error, that subjects have a 
 rio^ht in the cause of religion to take up arms against their king, 
 although religion prescribes nothing but to suffer and obey. 
 
 49. — Answers of Mr. Jurieu. 
 
 I now leave the Calvinists to examine whether there be the 
 least appearance of solidity in all Mr. Jurieu's discourses, 
 where he says, that this same is a quarrel '^ wherein religion 
 came in merely by chance, and to serve for a pretext only f ;" 
 since, on the contrary, it is manifest, religion was at the bot- 
 tom of it, and the reformation of the government was nothing 
 but a cloak to cover their shame for having begun a war of 
 religion, after so many protestations how much they abhorred 
 all such conspiracies. 
 
 But here is another kind of excuse which this artful minister 
 prepares for his party as to the conspiracy of Amboise, when 
 he answers, that, " be it as it will, it is no otherwise criminal 
 than by the gospel rules J. It is then a trifle for Reformers 
 who boast nought to us but the gospel, to form a conspiracy 
 that is condemned by the gospel ; nor will they be much con- 
 cerned, provided it only militates against these sacred ordi- 
 nances. But what follows in Mr. Jurieu will make it evident 
 he understands as little of morality as Christianity, since he 
 even dares to write these words : — " The tyranny of the princes 
 of Guise could not be overthrown without a great effusion of 
 
 ♦ Beza, 1. vi. p. 285. f Apol. pour la Reform., part 1. ch. x, p. 301. 
 
 5. Ibid. ch. XV. p. 453. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 31 
 
 blood ; the spirit of Christianity suffers not that : but if this 
 enterprise be scanned according to the rules of worldly 
 morality, it is not at all criminal *." It was, nevertheless, 
 according to the rules of worldly morality, that the Admiral 
 condemned the conspiracy as so shameful and detestable, and, 
 according to the dictates of a man of honour, not barely of a 
 Christian, that he conceived such a horror of it; nor is the 
 corruption of the world as yet advanced so far as to discover 
 innocence in deeds equally subversive of all laws human and 
 divine. 
 
 The minister succeeds no better in his design when, instead 
 of vindicating his pretended Reformers in their rebellions, he 
 sets himself to point out the corruption of the court against 
 which they rebelled, as if reformers could have been ignorant 
 of that apostolical command, *' Obey your masters, though 
 they be frowardf." 
 
 His long recriminations, with which he fills a volume, are 
 not a whit more to the purpose, since this the main question 
 will always return, whether those who are boasted of to us as 
 the reformers of mankind, have diminished or increased its 
 evils, and whether they are to be considered as Reformers 
 who correct them, or rather as scourges whom God sends to 
 punish them. 
 
 50. — Question concerning the spirit of the Reformation, — 
 TVIiether it ivas a spirit of meekness or of violence. — 1514. 
 
 Here might that question be considered, whether it be true 
 that the Reformation, as she boasts, never aimed at estHblish- 
 ing herself by force ; but the doubt is easily resolved by all 
 the abovementioned facts. As long as the Reformation was 
 weak, it is true she always seemed submissive ; nay, gave out 
 for a fundamental point of her religion that she believed it not 
 only unlawful to use force, but even to repel it^. But it was 
 soon discovered this was of that kind of modesty which fear 
 inspires, a fire hid in ashes ; for no sooner could the Reforma- 
 tion attain to be uppermost in any kingdom, but she was for 
 ruling uncontrolled. In the first place, no security there for 
 priests and bishops ; secondly, the true Catholics were pro- 
 scribed, banished, deprived of their goods, and in some places 
 of life, by the law of the state, as for instance, in Swedeland. 
 The fact is certain, whatever may have been said to the con- 
 trary. This was what they came to who at first cried so loud 
 
 * Apol. pour la Reform,, part 1. cb. xv. p. 453. f 1 Pet. ii. 18. 
 
 X Crit. t. i. Let. viii., N, 1., p. 129, et seii. Let. xvi., N. 9, p. 316, «Stc. 
 
3S THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 against violence; and there needs but to consider the acrimony, 
 the bitterness, and insolence which was diffused through the first 
 books and the first sermons of these Reformed ; their bloody 
 invectives, the calumnies they blackened our doctrine with, the 
 sacrileges, the impieties, the idolatries with which they inces- 
 santly reproached us ; the hatred they inspired against us, the 
 plunderings which were the result of their first preaching, " the 
 spite and violence*" which appeared in their seditious libels set 
 up against the Mass ; in order to form a judgment what was 
 to be expected from such beginnings. 
 
 51. — Sequel of the violent spirit which predominated in 
 the Reformation. 
 
 But many wise men, say they, condemned these libels f; so 
 much the worse for the Protestant party, whose transports were 
 so extreme, that all the wise men who remained in it could 
 not repress them. These libels were spread all over Paris, 
 posted up and dispersed in every street ; fixed even to the 
 door of the king's chamber J; nor did the wise ones who dis- 
 approved this, use any efficacious measures for its prevention. 
 When that pretended martyr, Anne du Bourg, had declared 
 in the tone of a prophet to the president Minard, whom he 
 challenged, that in spite of his refusing to absent himself and 
 decline hearing his cause, he never should sit judge in it§, 
 the Protestants knew full well how to make good his pro- 
 phecy, and accordingly the president was murdered towards 
 the evening on entering his house. It was known afterwards, 
 that Le Maitre and St. Andre, both of them very averse to the 
 new gospel, would have met with the like fate, had they come 
 to the court ; so dangerous a thing it is to offend the Refor- 
 mation, though weak ! And we learn from Beza himself, that 
 Stuart, a relation of the queen's, '' a man ready for any execu- 
 tion, and a most zealous Protestant, made frequent visits to 
 the prisoners held in the parliament jail on the score of re- 
 ligion [|." He could not be convicted of having struck the blow, 
 yet we see at least through what channel the communication 
 might flow ; and, howsoever that may be, neither did the party 
 want men of desperate resolution ; nor can any be accused of 
 this combination, but those who interested themselves for Anne 
 du Bourg. It is no hard matter to vent prophecies, when 
 such angels are at hand to execute them. The assurance of 
 Anne du Bourg in foretelling so distinctly what was to happen, 
 
 * Beza, 1. i., p. 16. \ Ibid. + Thuan. lib. xxiii. An. 1559, p. 169. 
 
 § Beza, 1. i. I>a Poplin. 1, v. p. 144. |1 h. iii. p. 248, An. 1560, 
 
X.] th;e variations, etc. 33 
 
 discovers plainly the good intelligence he had received ; and 
 what is said in the history of Thuanus, in order to shew him a 
 prophet, rather than an accomplice of such a crime, smells 
 rank of an addition from Geneva. We must not, therefore, 
 wonder, that a party which nursed such daring spirits, should 
 take off the mask as soon as ever a weak reign opened a pro- 
 spect of success, which we have seen they never failed to do. 
 
 52. — Vain Excuses. 
 
 A new Defender of the Reformation is persuaded, from the dis- 
 solute behaviour, and entire conduct of the Prince of Conde, 
 that there was "more of ambition than religion in what he 
 did ;" and he owns, that religion " was of no other use to him, 
 than to furnish him with instruments of revenge*." He thinks 
 by that means to resolve all into policy, and justify his own 
 religion : not reflecting this is the very thins we charge them 
 With, VIZ. that a religion styling itself reformed, was so prompt 
 an instrument of revenge to an ambitious prince. It is never- 
 theless the crime of the whole party. But what does this 
 author say to us of the pillaging of churches and vestries, of 
 breaking doAvn images and altars ? Why truly he thinks to 
 clear all by saying that " the prince, neither by prayers, nor by 
 remonstrances, nor even by chastisements, could put a stop to 
 these disorders! .^ This is no manner of excuse ; it is a con- 
 viction of that violence, which reigned in the party, whose fury 
 the very heads could not restrain. But I am very much 
 afraid that they acted by the same spirit with Cranmer and the 
 rest of the Enghsh reformers, who, upon the comjjlaints that 
 were made against image-breakers, " although they had a 
 mind to check the heat of the people and keep it within com- 
 pass, yet were unwilling it should be done after such a manner 
 as to dishearten their friends too much:[-." This was the case 
 of the chief leaders of our Calvinists, who, though they judged 
 theniselves obliged in honour to blame these enormities, yet we 
 do not find they ever did justice on the authors of them. 
 Beza's history will suffice to shew, that our Reformed were 
 always ready at the least signal to run to arms, to break open 
 prisons, to seize on churches, nor was there any thing ever seen 
 more factious. AVho is ignorant of the cruelties exercised by 
 the Queen of Navarre against priests and religious ? The 
 towers from Avhich the Catholics were cast headlong, and the 
 deep pits they were flung into, are shewn to this day. The 
 
 * Crit., t. i. Lett. ii. N. 3. p. 45 et seq. Ibid. Lett, xviii. p. 33L 
 i Ibid. Lett. xvii. N. 8. J Burn. part, ii., 1. i. p. i). 
 
 VOL. II. D 
 
34 TIIR HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 wells of the bishop's palace at Nismes, and the cruel instru- 
 ments employed to force them to the Protestant sermon, are 
 not less known to the whole world. We have still the informa- 
 tions and decrees, by which it appears that these bloody execu- 
 tions were the deliberate resolves of Protestants in council as- 
 sembled. We have the original orders of generals, and those 
 of cities, at the request of consistories, to compel the Papists 
 to embrace the Reformation, by taxes, by quartering soldiers 
 upon them, by demolishing their houses, and uncovering the 
 roofs. Those who withdrew, to escape these violences, were 
 stripped of their goods: the records of the town-houses of Nismes, 
 Montauban, Alais, Montpellier, and other cities of the party, 
 are full of such decrees ; nor should 1 mention them, were it 
 not for the complaints with which our fugitives alarm all 
 Europe. These are the men who boast their meekness. What 
 a cruelty to persecute such people merely for religion, who 
 warrant all they do from Scripture, and chant so harmoniously 
 their psalms in rhyme ! No fear, they soon found means to 
 shelter themselves from martyrdom, after the example of their 
 doctors, who always were in security themselves whilst they 
 encouraged others ; both Luther and Melancthon, Bucer and 
 Zuinglius, Calvin and Qicolampadius, with all the rest of them, 
 speedily betook themselves to secure sanctuaries ; nor am I 
 acquainted, amongst the heads of the reformers, with any, even 
 false martyrs, unless perchance such a one as Cranmer, whom 
 we have seen, after a repeated abjuration of his faith, unre- 
 solved to die in the profession of it, till he Avas convinced his 
 renouncing it would be unavailable to save his life. 
 
 53. — Answer to those ivlio might say, this is foreign to our 
 
 subject. 
 
 But to what purpose, it may be objected, the reflecting on these 
 past transactions, Avhich a peevish minister will say is only 
 done to exasperate them the more, and aggravate their mis- 
 fortunes ? Such fears ought not to hinder me from relating 
 what appertains so manifestly to my subject ; and all that 
 equitable Protestants can, in a history, require from me is, that, 
 not relying wholly on the credit of their adversaries, I also give 
 ear to their own historians. I do more than this, and, not con- 
 tent with hearing them, 1 join issue with them on their evidence. 
 Let our brethren open then their eyes ; let them cast them on 
 the ancient Church, which, during so many ages of so cruel a 
 persecution, never flew out, not for a moment, nor in one 
 single person ; but was seen as submissive under Dioclesianj 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 35 
 
 nay, under Julian the apostate, when she was spread over all 
 the earth, as under Nero and Domitian, when but in her in- 
 iancy ; there indeed appeared the finger of God truly visible. 
 But the case is quite different, when men rebel as soon as able ; 
 and when their wars last much longer than their patience. 
 Experience sufficiently shews us in all kinds of sects, that con- 
 ceited opinion and strong prejudice can mimic fortitude, at 
 least for a while ; but maxims of Christian meekness are never 
 in the heart, when men so readily exchange them, not only for 
 opposite practices, but also for opposite maxims, with delibera- 
 tion and by express decisions, as it is plain our Protestants 
 have done. Here is, therefore, a true variation in their doc- 
 trine, and an effect of that perpetual instability, which cannot 
 but fix on their Reformation a character suitable to those 
 works, which having but what is human in them, of course must 
 " come to nought*," according to Gamaliers maxim. 
 
 54. — The Assassination of the Duke of Guise, by Poltrot, held 
 by the Reformation as an act of Religion. — 1562. 
 
 The assassination of Francis, Duke of Guise, ought not to pass 
 utmientioned in this history, inasmuch as the author of this 
 murder mingled his religion with his crime. It is Beza that 
 represents to us Poltrot as excited by some secret impulse, at 
 the time he resolved upon this infamous exploit ; and in order 
 to make us understand that this secret impulse was from God, 
 he also describes the same Poltrot just ready to enter on the 
 execution of this black designy, "Praying to God most ardently, 
 that he would vouchsafe to change his will, if what he intended 
 was displeasing to him; otherwise, that he would give him 
 constancy, and strength sufficient to slay this tyrant, and by 
 that means free Orleans from destruction, and the whole king- 
 dom from so miserable a tyranny. Thereupon, and in the 
 evening of the same day, proceeds Beza, he struck the blow ; 
 that is, during this enthusiasm, and just rising up from that 
 ardent prayer J." As soon as ever our Reformed knew the 
 thing was done, " they solemnly returned thanks to God with 
 great rejoicings §." The Duke of Guise had always been the 
 object of their hatred. No sooner were they in a condition to 
 effect it, but we have seen them conspire his ruin, and this by 
 the advice of their doctors. After the riot of Vassi, although 
 it was certain he had used all his endeavours to appease it, the 
 party rose up against him with hideous clamours^ ; and Beza, 
 
 » Acts V. 38. f L. vi. p]). 2(i7, 2fi«. | Ibid. p. 290. 
 
 § Ibiil, p. 21>0. M Thuan. lib. xxix. pp. 77, 78, 
 
36 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 who carried their complaints to court, acknowledges, " He 
 had desired and begged of God innumerable times, either 
 to change the heart of the Duke of Guise, which, neverthe- 
 less, he could not hope, or that he would rid the kingdom of 
 him ; whereof he calls to witness all those who have heard 
 his prayers and preaching*." It was therefore in this preaching, 
 and in public, that he offered up innumerable times these 
 seditious prayers ; after the example of those of Luther, 
 whereby, we have observed, he knew so well how to animate 
 mankind, and stir up individuals to fulfil his prophecies. By 
 the like prayers the Duke of Guise was represented as a hard- 
 ened persecutor, from whom it was necessary to beseech God 
 that he would deliver the world by some extraordinary stroke 
 of his Providence. What Beza says in his own excuse f , 
 " that he did not publicly name the Duke of Guise," is much 
 too silly. What signifies the naming a man when you know- 
 both how to point him out by his characters, and ex})lain 
 yourself in particular to those who might sufficiently have un- 
 derstood you ? These mysterious innuendos, in sermons and 
 divine service, are more likely to exasperate men's minds, than 
 more explicit declarations. Beza was not the only one that 
 inveighed most bitterly against the Duke ; all the ministers 
 railed in the same manner. No Avonder then, that amongst 
 so many " men disposed for execution," with which the party 
 abounded, some should be found that thought they did God 
 service in delivering the Reformation from such an enemy. 
 The still blacker enterprise of Amboise had met with the ap- 
 probation of Beza and their doctors. This, in the conjuncture 
 of the siege of Orleans, when the bulwark of the party toge- 
 ther with this city was just falling into the Duke's hands, was 
 of a far different importance; and Poltrot believed he did more 
 for his religion than La Renaudie. Accordingly, he talked 
 openly of his design as of a thing that would be well approved 
 of. Although he was known in the party for a man sworn to 
 kill the Duke of Guise, cost what it would, neither the gene- 
 rals, nor the soldiers, nor even the pastors dissuaded him froni 
 it. Let any one that pleases believe what Beza says J, that 
 those words were taken '^ for the vagaries of a giddy-headed 
 person," that would never have vented his design had he re- 
 solved to execute it. But the more sincere D'Aubigne is 
 agreed, that it was hoped in the party he would strike the 
 blow : which, he says, " he had learnt from good authority^." 
 
 * L. vi. 299. t Tbid. + Ibid, p. 268. 
 
 § D'Aub, p. 1. 1, iii. c. xvii, p. 176. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 37 
 
 It is also very certain, that Poltrot did not pass for one that 
 was hair-brained *. Soubize, whose servant he was, and the 
 Admiral, considered him as a useful person, and employed him 
 in affairs of consequence; and the manner of his explaining 
 himself spoke him rather a man resolute at all events, than 
 one giddy-headed and crazy. " He presented himself (they 
 are Beza's words) to Mr. Soubize, a leading man in the 
 party, to acquaint him that he had resolved with himself in 
 cold blood to deliver France from so many miseries, by killing 
 the Duke of Guise; which he durst boldly undertake, cost what 
 it would]." The answer which Soubize returned him was not 
 calculated to make him relent in his undertaking ; for he only 
 tells him " To do his accustomed duty;" and as for the matter 
 proposed, " God knew well how to take care of it by other 
 means." So faint a reply, in an action which ought not to be 
 spoken of without horror, must have discovered to Poltrot, in 
 Soubize's mind, either the apprehension that the thing would 
 not be executed successfully, or the design of exculpating him- 
 self, rather than an express condemnation of it. The rest of 
 the chiefs spoke to him with no less indifference : they were 
 satisfied Avith telling him " he ought to be aware of extraordi- 
 nary vocations J." This, instead of dissuasion, was working 
 up a belief in him that his enterprise had something in it of 
 what was heavenly and inspired; and, as D'Aubigne expresses 
 it in his animated style, " Their remonstrances, under the 
 appearance of dissuading, really urged him on." Accordingly, 
 he was but the more determined on his black undertaking : he 
 spoke of it to every body ; and, continues Beza, " had his 
 mind so bent on it, as to make it the common topic of his 
 discourse." During the siege of Rouen, at which the king 
 of Navarre was killed, this death being mentioned, Poltrot, 
 " fetching a deep sigh from the bottom of his bi'east, Ha ! 
 says he, this is not enough, a much greater victim must still 
 be sacrificed §." When asked what it might be : he answered, 
 " It is the great Guise ;" and at the same time, lifting up his 
 right arm, " This is the arm," cried he, " that will do the 
 deed, and put an end to our misfortunes." This he repeated 
 often, and always with the like energy. All these discourses 
 bespeak a man determined, scorning to conceal himself, be- 
 cause persuaded he is doing a meritorious action: but what 
 more discovers the disposition of the whole party, is that of the 
 Admiral, whom they held up to the whole world as a pattern 
 
 * Beza, pp. 2G8, 295, 297- f Il>i<l- PP- 20C, 208. 
 
 X D'Aub. t. i. p. 17G. § Thuan. 1. sxxiii, p. 207. 
 
38 THg HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 of virtue and the glory of the Reformation. I shall not speak 
 here of Poltrot's evidence, accusing him and Beza of having 
 induced him to this design. Let us lay aside the testimony of 
 a witness, who has perhaps varied too much to be entirely 
 credited on his own word : but the facts avowed by Beza* in 
 his history cannot be called in question, much less those that 
 are contained in the declaration which the Admiral and he 
 jointly, on the assassin's accusation, sent to the Queen f . 
 Thence, therefore, it remains evident, that Soubize dispatched 
 Poltrot with a packet of letters to the Admiral when still near 
 Orleans endeavouring to relieve the town ; that it was with the 
 Admiral's consent that Poltrot Avent to the Duke of Guise's 
 camp, and pretended to surrender himself to him, as one who 
 was tired of bearing arms against the king J; that the Admiral, 
 who otherwise could not be ignorant of a design made public 
 by Poltrot, learnt from his own mouth that he persisted in it 
 still, since he owns that Poltrot, in departing on his enterprise, 
 ♦' went so far as to tell him, it Avould be an easy matter to kill 
 the Duke of Guise;" that the Admiral spoke not a word to 
 turn him from it; nay, on the contrary, though conscious of 
 his design, gave him at one time twenty crowns, and a hvindred 
 at another, to mount himself well § : in those days a con- 
 siderable supply, and absolutely necessary both to facilitate his 
 undertaking and escape ||. Nothing can be more frivolous 
 than what the admiral alleges in his own defence. He says, 
 " that Avhen Poltrot mentioned to him his killing the Duke of 
 Guise, he, the admiral, never opened his mouth to incite him 
 to undertake it." There was no need of inciting a man, whose 
 resolution was so well taken ; and in order that he might ac- 
 complish his design, the admiral had no more to do than, as 
 he did, to dispatch him to the place where he might execute 
 it. The admiral, not content to send him thither, gives him 
 money to support himself there, and for the supply of all ne- 
 cessaries for such a design, not forgetting even that of a good 
 horse and furniture^. What the Admiral alleged farther, that 
 he sent Poltrot into the camp only to gain intelligence, is ma- 
 nifestly nothing but a cloak to that design, which he would 
 not own. As ibr the money, nothing is more weak than what 
 the admiral replies, viz, " that he gave it Poltrot, Avithout ever 
 specifying to him the killing or not killing the Duke of Guise**." 
 But the reason he brings in his justification for not dissuading 
 him from so Avicked an attempt, discovers the bottom of his 
 
 * L. vi. pp. 291, 308. f Ibid. pp. 294, 295, et seq. 
 
 X p. 209. § P. 308. ill Ibid. pp. 297, 391. 
 
 ^Ibid. ** Ibid, p. 297- 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 89 
 
 heart. He confesses then, " before these last troubles, he 
 knew the men who had determined to kill the Duke of Guise ; 
 that far from inducing them to this design, or approving it, 
 he had diverted them from it, and even given notice of it to 
 Madame de Guise : that, since the alTair of Vassi, he had 
 prosecuted the Duke as a public enemy ; nevertheless it can- 
 not be discovered, that he had approved any attempt should 
 be made on his person, till he had notice given him that the 
 Duke had drawn in certain persons to kill him and the Prince 
 ofConde." It follows, therefore, that after this notice given 
 (as to the truth Avhereof we ought not to believe an enemy 
 on his bare word) " he did approve " attempting on the 
 Duke's life : but, " since that time, he acknowledges, when he 
 heard one say, if he could he would kill the Duke of Guise 
 even in his camp, he did not dissuade him from it :" by which 
 it appears at once, that this bloody design was common in the 
 Reformation, and the chiefs of it, the most esteemed for their 
 virtue, such was undoubtedly the Admiral, did not think them- 
 selves under any obligation of opposing it ; on the contrary, 
 they concurred to it every the most effectual way they were 
 able ; so little did an assassination disturb their consciences, 
 provided religion were its motive. 
 
 55.' — Sequel. 
 
 Should it be asked, what could induce the Admiral to con- 
 fess facts which bore so hard upon him ? it was not from his 
 ignorance of the difficulties he incurred ; but, says Beza *, 
 " the Admiral, being downright and truly sincere, if any man 
 of his quality ever was, made answer, that if afterwards, upon 
 confronting, he should happen to make some further con- 
 fession, he might give occasion to think that even then he did 
 not discover the whole truth; " that is, if rightly understood, 
 this sincere and downright man feared the force of truth at 
 confronting, and prepared his subterfuges, as is usual to guilty 
 persons, whose conscience, and fear of being convicted, makes 
 them often confess more than could be drawn from witnesses. 
 INay, it seems, if the manner of the Admirars ex{)laining him- 
 self be well considered, that he feared men should tliink him 
 innocent, that he shunned only the formal acknowledgment 
 and a juridical conviction, and, what is more, took pleasure in 
 displaying his revenge. But the most politic thing he did for 
 his acquittal was desiring that Poltrot might be kept to be con- 
 
 • Beza, p. 308. 
 
40 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 fronted with him, relying on his alleged excuses and the 
 conjuncture of the times, which forbade driving to extremes 
 the chief of so formidable a party*. Neither was the court 
 ignorant of this, and accordingly the process was concluded. 
 Pol trot, Avho had retracted the charge brought in by him 
 against the Admiral and Beza, persisted in acquitting Beza, 
 even to death y ; but, as for the Admiral, he impeached him 
 anew by three declarations, one after another, even amidst 
 the tortures of his punishment, of having induced him to per- 
 petrate this murder for God's service. As for Beza, it does not 
 appear that he had any share in this action otherwise than by 
 his seditious preaching, and the approbation he had given 
 of the much more criminal conspiracy of Amboise ; but very 
 certain it is, that before the fact was committed, he did nothing 
 to prevent it, although he could not be ignorant of the design, 
 and, when it was over, omitted nothing that might give it all 
 the appearance of an inspired action. The reader may judge of 
 the rest ; and here there is more than sufficient to make it 
 evident what spirit those were animated with, who thus boast 
 their meekness. 
 
 5G. — Catholics and Protestants agreed on the question 
 of punishing Heretics. 
 
 There is no need here of explaining myself on that question, 
 whether or no Christian princes have a right to use the sword 
 against their subjects, enemies to sound doctrine and the 
 church, the Protestants being agreed with us in this point. 
 Luther and Calvin have written books expressly to make good 
 the right and duty of the magistrate in this point J. Calvin 
 reduced this to practice against Servet and Valentine GentiH§. 
 Melancthon approved of this procedure by a letter he wrote 
 to him on this subject [|. The discipline of our reformed like- 
 wise permits recourse to the secular arm in certain cases ; and 
 amongst the articles of discipline of the Geneva church^, it 
 appears that the ministers ought to inform the magistrate 
 against the incorrigible, who despise spiritual penalties, and 
 especially against those, without distinction, Avho teach new 
 doctrine. And even at this day, the author** that most bit- 
 terly of all the Calvinian writers upbraids the Roman church 
 
 * Beza, p. 308. f Pp.312, 319,327. 
 
 $ Liith. de Magist. t. iii. § Calvin, opusc. p. 592. Ibid. 600, 659. 
 
 II Melan. Calvino inter Calv. Ep. p. 169. 
 
 % Jur. Syst. ii. chap. 22, 33. Lett. Past, de la 1 Annee 1 , 2, 3. 
 
 ** Hist, dii Papis. 2, Recrira. ch. 2, et seq. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 41 
 
 on this subject, with the cruelty of her doctrine, subscribes to 
 it in the main, inasmuch as he "permits the exercise of the 
 power of the sword in matters of religion and conscience ; a 
 thing which in truth cannot be called in question without 
 enervating, and, as it were, maiming the power of the legis- 
 lature ; so that there cannot be a more dangerous illusion, 
 than to set down sufferance as a characteristic of the true 
 church; nor do I know amongst Christians any but Socinians 
 and Anabaptists that oppose this doctrine. In a word, the 
 right is certain, but moderation is not less necessary. 
 
 57. — Calvin's Death. 
 
 Calvin died at the beginning of these troubles. It is a weak- 
 ness to look for something extraordinary in the death of such 
 men ; God does not always exhibit such examples. Since 
 he permits heresies for the trial of his elect, we ought not to 
 Avonder that, to complete this trial, he suffers the spirit of 
 seduction, with all the line appearances wherewith it decks 
 itself out, to predominate in them even to the end; and with- 
 out further informing myself about Calvin's life and death, it is 
 enough that he kindled a flame in his country which the effu- 
 sion of so much blood could not extinguish, and is gone to 
 appear before God's judgment- seat without the least remorse 
 for so great a crime. 
 
 58. — New Confession of Faith of the Helvetic Churches. 
 
 His death made no alteration in the affairs of (he party ; 
 but the instability natural to new sects was ahvays furnishing 
 the world with some new spectacle, and Confessions of Faith 
 went on at their usual rate. In Switzerland, the defenders of 
 the figurative sense, far from being satisfied with so many con- 
 fessions of faith made in France and elsewhere, in exposition 
 of their doctrine, were not even satisfied with those that were 
 made amongst themselves. We have seen that of '/uinglius 
 in 1530, we have seen another published at Basil in 1532, 
 and another of the same town in 153G ; another in 1554, aoreed 
 to with the joint consent of the Swit/.ers and those of Geneva: 
 all these confessions of faith, although ratified by divers acts, 
 were not deemed sufficient 3 and it was necessary to proceed 
 to a fifth in 156G *. 
 
 * Synt. Gen. 1st part, p. 1. 
 
42 (THE HlSTORV OF [bOOK 
 
 59. — The Ministers' frivolous reasons for this new 
 Confession of Faith. 
 
 The ministers who pubhshed it were very sensible that these 
 alterations, in a thing of that importance, and which ought to 
 be so firm and simple as a Confession of Faith, discredited 
 their religion. For which reason, they set forth a preface, 
 wherein they strove to account for this last change ; and here 
 is the whole of their defence: viz., "Although many nations 
 have already published different confessions of faith, and they 
 themselves have also done the same thing by public writings, 
 nevertheless, they also propose this" (reader, observe) " because 
 those writings may perchance have been forgotten, or be 
 spread in divers places, and explain the thing so much at large 
 that all the world have not time to read them*." Yet, it is 
 visible that these two first confessions of faith, which the 
 Swiss had pubhshed, scarce take up five leaves; and another, 
 which might be joined to them, is much about the same 
 length ; whereas, this last mentioned, which ought to be the 
 shortest, has more than sixty. And, allowing their other con- 
 fessions of faith had been forgotten, nothing was more easy 
 than to publish them anew, were they contented with them : 
 so that there was no necessity for publishing a fourth, but 
 because they found themselves obliged to it for a reason they 
 durst not utter; which was the variety of new sentiments con- 
 tinually rising in their minds ; and as they must not own their 
 daily loading their confessions with such novel fancies, they 
 cloak their changes with such frivolous pretexts. 
 
 60. — Imjjuted Justice hecjins but then to be known amongst 
 the Swiss. 
 
 We have seen that Zuinglius was an apostle and reformer, 
 without so much as knowing what was that grace by which 
 we are Christians ; and he who saved even philosophers by 
 virtue of their morality, was an entire stranger to imputed 
 justice. Accordingly, nothing appeared of it in the Confes- 
 sions of Faith of 1532 and 1536+. Grace was acknowledged 
 there in such a manner as Catholics might have approved, had 
 it been less indefinite ; and nothing was so much as mentioned 
 in them against the merit of works. In the convention made 
 
 * Synt. Gen. init. Preefat. 
 t Conf. 1532. Art.ix. Synt. Gen. i. p. 68. 1536. Art. 2, 3. Ibid. p. 72. 
 Consens, Art. iii. opusc. Cal. 751. Conf, fid. c. xv. Synt. Gen. part i. p. 26. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 43 
 
 with Calvin in 1554, it appears that Calvinism began to gain 
 ground; and, accordingly, imputed justice then shews itself ; 
 they had been reformed nearly forty years without knowing 
 this fundamental article of the reformation. The thing was 
 not thoroughly explained till 15G6j and it was by such a gra- 
 dation that, from Zuinglius's excesses, they passed insensibly 
 to those of Calvin. 
 
 Gl. — The merit of Good Works how rejected. 
 
 In the chapter concerning good works, they speak of them in 
 the same sense that other Protestants do, as the necessary 
 fruits of faith, and reject their merit, whereof, we have seen, 
 not a word was said in the precedent confessions. To con- 
 demn them, they here make use of a saying, often inculcated 
 by St. Austin, but they quote it incorrectly; for, whereas St. 
 Austin says, and incessantly repeats it, " That God crowns his 
 own gifts, when he crowns our merits ;" they make him say, 
 " He crowns in us, not our merits, but his own gifts*." The 
 difference of these two expressions is easily perceived, one of 
 which joins the merits w ith the gifts, and the other separates 
 them. It seems, nevertheless, as if they had a mind to insi- 
 nuate, at the close, that they condemned merit only as opposed 
 to grace ; their conclusion running thus : " We, therefore, 
 condemn those who so defend merit, as to deny grace." In 
 reality, then, no error but that of the Pelagians is here con- 
 demned ; for the merit, which we admit, is so little contrary to 
 grace, that it is the very gift and fruit thereof. 
 
 62. — Faith appropriated to the Elect. — Certainty of salva- 
 tion. — Inamissihility of justice. 
 
 In the tenth chapter, true faith is attributed to the predesti- 
 nated alone, by these words : '* Every man must hold it for 
 unquestionable, tliat, if he believes, and abides, in Jesus Christ, 
 he is predestinated." And a little further on, '' If we com- 
 municate with Jesus Christ, and lie belong to us, and we to 
 him, by true faith, this is to us a sufHciently clear and sure 
 testimony that we are written in the book of lifef ." Hence it 
 is pfoin that true faith, namely, justifying faith, appertains 
 only to the elect ; that this faith and this justice can never be 
 lost finally; and that temporary faith is not the true justifying 
 faith. These same words seem to conclude for the absolute 
 certainty of predestination ; for, although they make it depend 
 
 ♦ Synt. Gen. part i,, p. 2C. t ^^P- ^« P- 1^* 
 
44 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 on faith, it is a doctrine received amongst the whole Protestant 
 party, that a behever, in saying " 1 beheve," feels in himself the 
 true faith. But herein they are insensible of the seduction of 
 our self-love, of the mixture of our passions, so strangely com- 
 plicated, that our own dispositions, and the true motives which 
 actuate us, are often what we, of all things, know with the least 
 degree of certainty ; so that, in saying with that disconsolate 
 father in the gospel, " I believe*," how greatly soever we may 
 think ourselves moved, though we should cry out lamentably as 
 he did, and with a flood of tears ; we ought, nevertheless, to 
 subjoin, with him, " Lord, help thou mine unbelief;" and 
 shew by that means, that saying " I believe," is rather an 
 effort in us to produce so great an act, than an absolute cer- 
 tainty of our having produced it. 
 
 63. — Conversion ill explained. 
 
 How prolix soever be the discourse, which the Zuinglians make 
 on free will, in the ninth chapter of their Confessionf, this 
 little is all that is material in it. Three states of man are well 
 distinguished : That of his first institution, wherein he had the 
 power of inclining to good, and declining from evil ; that of his 
 fall, when, unable to do good, he yet is free to evil, because he 
 embraces it voluntarily, and by consequence with liberty, 
 although God frequently prevents the effect of his choice, and 
 hinders him from accomplishing his evil purposes ; and that 
 of his regeneration, when, reinstated by the Holy Ghost in the 
 power of voluntarily doing good, he is free, yet not fully, on 
 account of the infirmity of concupiscence remaining in him, 
 acting, nevertheless, not passively ; these are their terms — odd 
 enough, I own — for what is it to act passively ? And how is it 
 possible such an idea should enter any man's head ? However, 
 this manner of speech pleased our Zuinglians. Acting (they 
 continue to speak of man regenerated), not passively, but 
 actively, in the choice of good, and in the operation by which 
 he accomplishes it. How much was this short of a clear and 
 full explanation ! They ought to have joined to these three 
 states, that of man between corruption and regeneration, when, 
 touched with grace, he begins to bring forth the spirit of salva- 
 tion amidst the pangs of repentance. This state is not that of 
 corruption, in which he wills nought but evil, since he begins, 
 in this state, to will good ; and if the Zuinglians would not 
 consider it as a state, it being rather a passage from one state 
 to another, they ought to explain, at least in some other place, 
 
 * Mark ix. 24. f Cap. ix. p. 12. 
 
X.] _ THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 45 
 
 that, in this passage, and previously to regeneration, the effort 
 man makes, through grace, to convert himself, is not an evil. 
 Our Reformed are strangers to these necessary precisions ; tiiey 
 ought also to have explained whether, in this passage, when 
 drawn towards good by grace, we can resist it ; and again, 
 whether, in the state of corruption, we do evil so of ourselves 
 as not to be able even to abstain from one evil rather than ano- 
 ther ; and lastly, whether in the state of regeneration, working 
 good, through grace, we be so forcibly attracted to it, as not to 
 have it then in our power to decline to evil. All these things 
 were necessary to give a right understanding of the operation 
 and even notion of free will, which these doctors leave confused 
 by terms too indefinite and equivocal. 
 
 64, — Monstrous Doctrine on Free- Will 
 
 But what ends the chapter displays still better the perplexity 
 of their thoughts. "We doubt not," say they, "that men 
 regenerate, or not regenerate, have equally their free will in 
 common actions ; becavise man, being not inferior to beasts, 
 hath that in common with them, to will certain things, reject 
 others ; thus, he may speak or hold his tongue, go out of 
 doors, or remain within." Strange doctrine ! To make us 
 free like beasts ! They have not a more elevated idea of man's 
 liberty, having said a little before, " that, by his fall, he is not 
 altogether changed into a log or stone* ;" which is as much as 
 to say, he wants but little of it. However that may be, the 
 Swiss Zuinglians aim no higher ; nay, the Protestants of Ger- 
 many grovel still lower, when they say, that in man's conver- 
 sion, to wit, in the most noble action he is capable of — in the 
 action by which he unites himself with his God, — he acts no 
 more than a stone or log, though he acts differently on other 
 occasions f. How dost thou debase thyself, O man, thus 
 meanly accounting for thy freewill! But, in fine, since man 
 is not a log, and, in ordinary actions, his free will is made to 
 consist in being able to do certain things, or not to do them, 
 it ought to be considered, that not finding in ourselves a dif- 
 ferent manner of acting, in natural actions, from what we do in 
 others, this same liberty accompanies us throughout ; and that 
 God knows how to preserve it, even when he elevates us by his 
 grace to actions supernatural — it being unworthy of His holy 
 Spirit to make us act any more in these than in others, like to 
 beasts, or rather, like stocks and stones. 
 
 * Cap. ix. pp. 12, 13. f Concord, p. CG2, ^S 5. S. lib. vlii. n. 48. 
 
46 THE HISTORY OF [bQOK 
 
 65. — Our Calvinists are more sparing in their explanations, 
 and why. 
 
 It may perhaps seem strange, that we spoke nothing of any of 
 these matters in treating of the confession of the Calvinists. 
 But the reason is, they themselves pass them all in silence, 
 nor thiiik it worth their while to speak of the manner in which 
 man acts ; as if it were a thing indifferent to man himself, or 
 did not appertain to faith to know, in point of liberty, together 
 with one of the most beautiful lineaments God has traced in 
 man, to make him in his own image, that very thing which ren- 
 ders us worthy of blame or praise before God and man. 
 
 66. — The Supper ivithout Substance, and the Presence only 
 in virtue. 
 
 The article of the Supper still remains, in which the Swiss will 
 shew themselves more sincere than ever. Those indeterminate 
 phrases, which we have seen them employ once only, in 1536, 
 by Bucer's advice, and in condescension to the Lutherans, are 
 no longer satisfactory to them. Even Calvin, their very good 
 friend, cannot bring them over to the proper substance, 
 nor the incomprehensible miracles, whereby the Holy Ghost, 
 notwithstanding the distance of place, makes us partakers of 
 it. They say, therefore, '^ that indeed we receive, not an ima- 
 ginary nourishment, but the proper body, the true body of our 
 Lord given for us, but interiorly, spiritually, by faith, the body 
 and blood of our Lord, but spiritually by the Holy Ghost, who 
 gives and a})plies to us the things which the body and blood 
 of our Lord have merited for us, namely, the forgiveness of 
 sins, the deliverance of our souls, and life eternal ." This is, 
 then, what is called the thing received in this sacrament. 
 This thing received indeed, is the forgiveness of sins, and spiri- 
 tual life ; and if the body and blood are also received, it is by 
 their benefit and effect ; or, as is afterwards subjoined, by 
 their figure, by their commemoration, and not by their sub- 
 stance. For which reason, after having said, " That the body 
 of our Lord is no where but in heaven, where he ought to be 
 adored, and not under the species of bread f," in order to ex- 
 plain the manner in which he is present, " He is not," say 
 they, " absent from the Supper. Though the sun be in heaven 
 absent from us, he is present to us efficaciously, that is, pre- 
 sent by his virtue. How much more is Jesus Christ present 
 
 * Cap. xxi. p. 48. f P. 60. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 4uf 
 
 to uis by his vivifying operation ?" Who does not perceive 
 that what is present to us only by its virtue, has no need of 
 communicating its proper substance ? These two ideas are in- 
 compatible, nor has any man ever said seriously, that he 
 receives the proper substance of the sun and stars, under 
 j)retext that he receives their influences. Thus Zuinglians 
 and Calvini.sts, who, of all that have separated from Rome, 
 boast most of being united among themselves, nevertheless 
 reform each other in their several confessions of faith, and 
 never could agree in one common and simple explanation of 
 their doctrine. 
 
 G7. — NotJiing partkular in the Supper. 
 
 True it is, that of the Zuinglians leaves nothing peculiar to the 
 Slipper, The body of Jesus Christ is no more there than in any 
 other actions of a Christian ; and it was in vain that Jesus 
 Christ said in the Sup[)er only, with so much energy, " This 
 is my body ;" since with these powerful words he was able to 
 work nothing in it that is singular. This is the inevitable 
 weak side of the figurative sense, which the Zuinglians were 
 well aware of, and owned sincerely : " This spiritual nourish- 
 ment is taken," say they, " out of the Supper; and how often 
 soever a person believes, this believer hath already received 
 and enjoyeth this food of everlasting life ; but for the same 
 reason, when he receives the sacrament, that which he re- 
 ceiveth is not nothing; non nihil accipit." What is our Lord's 
 Supper reduced to ? all they can say for it is, that what you 
 receive in it " is next to quite nothing. For,"" proceed our 
 Zuinglians, " we continue there to partake of the body and 
 blood of our Lord." So the Supper hath nothing singular in 
 it. " Faith is stirred up, increases, is nourished with some 
 spiritual food ; for as long as we live it receives a continual 
 increase." It receives, therefore, as much of all this out of 
 the Supper as in the Supper, nor is Jesus Christ a whit more 
 there tlian any where else. In this manner, after saying that 
 the particular thing received in the Supper is not a mere 
 nothing, and in fact reducing it to so small a matter, they are 
 not yet able to tell us what is that little they have left in it. 
 Here is a great vacuum I must own ; it was in order to supply 
 this emptiness that Calvin and the Calvinists invented their 
 big swelling words. They thought to fill up this frightful 
 chasm by saying in their Catechism, that out of the Supper, 
 Jesus Christ is received in part only ; whereasj in the Supper, 
 he is received fully. But to what purpose promising such 
 
48 THE HISTORY OF [boOK 
 
 great matters when you mean nothing by them ? I like far 
 better the sincerity of Zuinglius and the Swiss, who own the 
 scantiness of their Supper, than the false plenty of our Cal- 
 vinists, sumptuous in nothing but in words. 
 
 68. — The Swiss the most sincere of all the defenders of 
 the Figurative Sense. 
 
 Thus much am I then obliged to say in behalf of the Zuinglians, 
 that their Confession of Faith is of all the most natural and 
 simple ; and this not only with reference to the Eucharistic 
 point, but in regard to all the others ; in a word, of all the 
 Protestant confessions of faith, that of 1566, with all its de- 
 fects, speaks the most clearly what it means to speak, 
 
 G9. — Remarkable Confession of the Polonian Zuinglians, in 
 which the Lutherans are roughly handled. — 1570. 
 
 Amongst the Polish separatists from the Church of Rome, 
 there were some that maintained the figurative sense, and 
 these had subscribed, in 1567, the confession of faith, which 
 the Swiss had drawn up the year before. They rested content 
 with it for three whole years ; but in 1570, they thought it 
 reasonable to frame another in a synod held at Czenger, which 
 is to be met with in the collection of Geneva, in which they 
 particularly signalize themselves on the Supper article*. 
 
 They condemn the reality, as well in respect to the delirium 
 of Catholics, who say the bread is changed into the body, as 
 in respect to the folly of the Lutherans, who place the body 
 with the bread : they declare particularly against the latter, 
 that the reality, which they admit, cannot subsist without a 
 change of substance, such as happened in the waters of Egypt, 
 in the wand of Mos-es, and in the water at the nuptial feast of 
 Cana; thus they clearly own that transubstantiation is neces- 
 sary, even by the principles of the Lutherans. They hold 
 them in such abhorrence, as to vouchsafe them no other ap- 
 pellation than that of '' eaters of human flesh," ascribing 
 everywhere to them a ' ' carnal and bloody " manner of commu- 
 nicating, as if they ate raw flesh |. After condemning the 
 Papists and the Lutherans, they speak of others under error, 
 whom they call Sacramentarians. " We reject," say they, 
 " the phrensy of those who believe that the Supper is an empty 
 sign of our absent Lord." By these words they aim at the 
 
 * Syncd. Czen. Synt. Conf. part i. p. 148. Cap. de Ccen. Dom. p. 153. 
 •|- Cap. de Sacramentariis, p. 155. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 49 
 
 Socinians, as introducers of an empty supper, though unable to 
 shew that their own is better furnished, nothing at all being to 
 be found in either of them with respect to the body and the 
 blood, but signs, commemoration, and virtue*. To place some 
 difference betwixt the Zuinglian and Socinian Supper, they 
 say in the first place, that the Supper is not the sole memorial 
 of Jesus Christ absent, and make an express chapter con- 
 cerning the presence of Jesus Christ in this mystery. But 
 endeavouring to expound it, they confound themselves with 
 terms that are not of any language, words so uncouth and 
 barbarous, as not to be translated. Jesus Christ, say they, is 
 present in the supper both as God and man : as God, cvter, 
 prasenUr; render these Mords who can : by his Jehoval divinity, 
 that is, in common speech, by his divinity properly so called, 
 and expressed by the incommunicable name, " As the vine in 
 its branches, and the head in its members." All this is true, 
 but nothing to the Supper, where the question relates to the 
 body and blood. They proceed, therefore, to say, that Jesus 
 Christ is present as man in four ways. " In the first place," 
 say they, " by his union Avith the word, inasmuch as he is 
 united to the word who is every where. Secondly, he is pre- 
 sent in his promise by the word and by faith, communicating 
 himself to his elect as the vine communicates itself to its 
 branches, and the head to its members, though distant from 
 it. Thirdly, he is present by his sacramental institution, and 
 the infusion of his holy spirit. Fourthly, by his otfice of dis- 
 penser, or by his intercession for his elect." They add, " he 
 is not present carnally, nor locally, it being reqviisite he should 
 be no where corporally till the day of universal judgment, 
 except in heaven |." 
 
 70. — Ubiquity taught by the Polish Zuinglians. 
 
 The three last of these four ways of presence are well enough 
 known amongst the defenders of the figurative sense. But 
 will they be able to make us comprehend the first, agreeably to 
 their sentiments ? have they ever taught, as the Poles of their 
 communion do, that " Jesus Christ is present as man, in the 
 Supper, by his union with the word, because the word is every 
 where present ?" This is the reasoning of Ubiquitarians, who 
 attribute to Jesus Christ an omnipresence as to place, even ac- 
 cording to his human nature ; but this extravagance of the 
 Ubiquitarians is no where maintained but amongst the Luthe- 
 
 * Caj). de Sacramentariis, p. 153, 154. Cap. de Praes. in Ccena. p. 155. 
 t P. 155. 
 VOL. IT. K 
 
50 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 rans. The Zuinglians and Calvinists reject it equally Y>'ith the 
 Cathohcs. Yet this notion is borrowed by the PoUsh Zuin- 
 ghans, who, not fully satisfied with the Zuinglian confession 
 which they had subscribed, append to it this new dogma. 
 
 71. — Their agreement with the Lutherans and Vaudois. 
 
 They did more, and that very year united themselves with the 
 Lutherans, whom they had but just condemned as gross and 
 carnal men, as men who taught a cruel and bloody communion. 
 They sued for their communion, and those eaters of human 
 flesh became their brethren. The Vaudois entered into this 
 agreement, and all, assembled together at Sendomir, subscribed 
 what had been defined concerning the Supper-article in the 
 confession of faith called Saxonic. 
 
 But for the better understanding of this triple union betwixt 
 the Zuinglians, Lutherans, and Vaudois, it will be necessary to 
 know who these Vaudois were, who then appeared in Poland. 
 It may not be amiss to know moreover what were the Vaudois 
 in general, they being at last turned Calvinists ; and many 
 Protestants doing them so much honour as to assert even that 
 the Church, persecuted by the Pope, preserved her succession 
 in this society — so gross and manifest a delusion, that I must 
 strive once for all to cure them of it. 
 
 iimjn'JOTt; 
 
Xr.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. ^1 
 
 BOOK XI. 
 
 A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ALBIGENSES, THE VAUDOIS, 
 THE WICKLIFFISTS, AND HUSSITES. 
 
 brief Summary. — A short history of the Albigenses and 
 Vaudois. — That they are two different Sects. — The Albi- 
 genses are complete Manicheans. — Their origin explained. 
 The Paulicians are a branch of the Manicheans in Armenia, 
 whence they pass into Bulgaria, thence into Italy and Ger- 
 many, where they are called Cathari ; and into Franccj 
 where they took the name of Albigenses. — Their prodigious 
 errors, and their hypocrisy, are discovered by all contempo- 
 rary authors. — The illusions of Protestants endeavouring to 
 excuse them. — The testimony of St. Bernard, who is wrong- 
 fully accused of credulity. — The origin of the Vaudois.—^ 
 The Ministers in vain make them the disciples of Berenga- 
 rius. — They believed Transubstantiation. — The seven Sacra- 
 ments acknowledged by them. — Confession and sacramental 
 Absolution. — Their error, a kind of Donatism. — They make 
 the Sacraments depend on the holiness of their Ministers, 
 and allow the administration of them to pious laymen.— 
 Origin of the Sect called the Brethren of Bohemia. — ^That 
 they are not Vaudois, which origin they contemn ; nor the 
 disciples of John Huss, though they boast of it. — Their 
 deputies sent over all the world to seek for Christians of 
 their belief, without being able to find any. — Wickliff's im- 
 pious doctrine. — John Huss, who glories in being his disciple, 
 abandons him in regard of the Eucharist. — The disciples of 
 John Huss divided into Taborites and Calixtins. — The con- 
 fusion of all these Sects. — The Protestants can draw from 
 thence no advantage for the establishment of their Mission, 
 and succession of their Doctrine. — The agreement of the 
 Lutherans, of the Bohemians, and the Zuinglians in Poland. 
 — The divisions and reconciliations of sectaries make equally 
 agaiiMst them. 
 
 e2 
 
52 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 1. — What is the succession of Protestants. 
 
 It is incredible what pains our reformed have been at, in order 
 to find themselves predecessors in all foregoing ages. Whilst 
 in the fourth age, of all the most illustrious, none could be 
 found but Vigilantius alone, that opposed the honour paid to 
 saints and the veneration of their relics, he is looked on by 
 Protestants as the person who preserved the Depositum, 
 namely, the succession of apostolic doctrine, and is preferred to 
 St. Jerome, who has the whole Church on his side. For the 
 same reason, too, Aerius ought to be considered as the only 
 one Avhom God enlightened in the same century, for he alone 
 rejected the sacrifice which every where else, in the East as 
 well as the West, was offered for the relief of the dead. But, 
 unluckily, he was an Arian ; and they were ashamed to count 
 amongst the witnesses of the truth, a man that denied the 
 Divinity of the Son of God. But I am amazed they stuck at 
 that. Claude of Turin was an Arian, and the disciple of Felix 
 of Urgel, that is, a Nestorian into the bargain*. But because 
 he broke Images, he finds place amongst the forefathers of 
 the Protestants. It matters not how far soever the rest of the 
 Iconoclasts, as well as he, have outstretched this point, even 
 to say, that God forbade the arts of painting and sculpture ; 
 it is sufficient they taxed the rest of Christians with idolatry, 
 to be enrolled amongst the first-rate witnesses of the truth. 
 Berengarius impugned nothing but the Real Presence, leaving 
 all the rest as he found it ; but the rejecting of one only tenet 
 was sufficient to make him a Calvinist, and a doctor of the true 
 church. Wickliff will be of that number, notwithstanding all 
 the impieties Ave shall see he taught ; though even by asserting 
 that kings, lords, magistrates, priests, pastors, are no longer 
 such from their falling into mortal sin, he has equally subverted 
 all order in the church and state, and filled both with tumult 
 and sedition. John Huss followed this doctrine, and, what is 
 more, said mass to the end of his life, and adored the Eucharist ; 
 yet for standing up against the Church of Rome in other points, 
 he must be placed by our reformed in the calendar of their 
 martyrs. In a word, provided they have muttered against any 
 one point of our tenets, especially inveighed against the Pope, 
 in other respects, be they what they Avill, and of what opinion 
 soever, they stand on the list of Protestant ancestry, and are 
 deemed worthy to keep up the succession of that Church. 
 
 * Jon. Aui-. praef. cont. Claud. Taur. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, KTC. 53 
 
 2. — The Vaudois and Alhuje.nscfi loeak support to Calvinists. 
 
 But of all the predecessors the Protestants have made choice 
 of, the most welcome to them, at least to the Calvinists, are 
 the Vaudois and Albigenses. What can be their aim in this ? 
 It were but a weak support. To make their antiquity rise some 
 ages higher, (for the Yaudois, allowing them all they desire, 
 and Peter de Bruis, with his disciple Henry, reach no further 
 than the eleventh age,) and there to stop short unable to 
 shew one before them, is being forced to a stand much beneath 
 the time of the Apostles ; it is calling for help from men as 
 weak and as much [)ut to it as themselves; who, alike with 
 them, are challenged to shew their predecessors ; who, no 
 more than they, are able to produce them ; who, by conse- 
 quence, are gudty of the same crime of innovation they are 
 accused of; so that naming them in this cause, is naming ac- 
 complices of the same crime, not witnesses that may lawfully 
 depose in their defence. 
 
 3. — JVIuj the Calvinists lay a stress on them. 
 
 Nevertheless, this support, such as it is, is eagerly embraced 
 by our Calvinists, and the reason is this. The Vaudois and 
 Albigenses, it seems, formed churches separated from Rome, 
 which Berengarius and WicklifF never did. Making them 
 therefore their ancestors, is giving themselves, in some manner, 
 a series of church succession. As the origin of these churches, 
 no less than the faith they made profession of, was as yet 
 somewhat obscure at the time of the pretended Reformation, 
 the people were made believe that they were of a very ancient 
 date, and sprung from the lirst ages of Christianity. 
 
 4. — Ridiculous pretensions of the Vaudois and of Bcza. 
 
 1 wonder not that Leger, one of the Vaudois Barbes (for so 
 they called their pastors) and their most celebrated historian, 
 has given into this error, for he was unquestionably the most 
 bold and ignorant of all mankind. But there is reason to 
 wonder that it was embraced by Beza, and that he has written 
 in his Ecclesiastical History, not only that the Vaudois, time 
 immemorial, had opposed the abuses of the Church of Rome*, 
 but also, in the year 1541, entered on record, by a public and 
 authentic act, the doctrine taught them as from father to son 
 down from the year 120, after Christ's nativity, as their ancient 
 predecessors always had informed them f. 
 
 * L. i. p. 35. t Il'id. 31). 
 
54 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 6. — False origin boasted of by the Vaudois. 
 
 Here is certainly a fine tradition, had it but the least proof 
 to countenance it. But, unfortunately, Waldo''s first disciples 
 did not trace it up so high ; and the remotest antiquity they 
 challenged ^vas of withdrawing from the Church of Rome at 
 the time -when, under Pone Sylvester I., she accepted the tem- 
 poral domains that Constantine, the first Christian Emperor, 
 endowed her Avilh. This is so frivolous a cause of rupture, 
 and the pretension withal so ridiculous, as not to deserve re- 
 futing. A man must have lost his wnts to persuade himself 
 that, ever since St. Sylvester's time, that is about the year 
 320, there was a sect amongst Christians which the Fathers 
 knew nothing of. We have in the councils held in the com- 
 munion of the Roman Church, anathemas pronounced against 
 an infinity of different sects ; we have the catalogues of here- 
 sies drawn by St. Epiphanius, by St, Austin, and several other 
 church authors. The most obscure and the least followed 
 sects, those which appeared in a corner of the world, as that 
 of certain women called Collyridians, who were to be met 
 with only in some part of Arabia, that of the Tertullianists or 
 Abelians, who were only in Carthage, or in some villages near 
 Hippo, and many others equally obscure, did not escape 
 their knowledge *. The zeal of pastors that laboured to bring 
 back the strayed sheep, discovered all to save all ; none, but 
 these separatists on account of ecclesiastical revenues were 
 unknown to every body. These men, more temperate than an 
 Athanasius, a Basil, an Ambrose, and all the other doctors, 
 more wise than all the councils, who, without rejecting goods 
 given to the Church, were contented with making rules for 
 their just administration ; so well, I say, did these men play 
 their part, as never to have been heard of by them. The 
 assurance to assert this, was certainly the height of impudence 
 in the first Vaudois ; but, with Beza, to trace back this sect, 
 unknown to all ages, up to the year of our Lord 120, is giving 
 himself ancestors and church succession by too glaring an 
 imposition. 
 
 0, — The design of this Eleventh Book, and what is to be shewn 
 
 therein. 
 
 The Reformed, disgusted at their novelty, which they were 
 continually upbraided with, stood in need of this weak support. 
 
 * Epiph. Laer. 7i>. Aug. beer. 8G, 87. TertuU. 
 
XI,] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 55 
 
 But, in order to derive some advantage from it, it was also 
 requisite to set other artifices on foot ; it was requisite to con- 
 ceal carefully the true state of these Albigenses and Yaudois. 
 Of two quite different sects they made but one ; and this, lest 
 the Reformed should discover amongst their ancestors a too 
 manifest contrariety. But, above all, their abominable doc- 
 trine was kept a secret ; no notice taken that these Albigenses 
 were complete Manicheans, no less than Peter de Bruis and 
 Henry his disciple ; not a word that these Vaudois had sepa- 
 rated from the Church upon grounds equally detested by the 
 new Reformation, and by the Church of Rome. The same 
 dissimulation was used in regard of the Polish Vandois, who 
 were but nominally such ; and the people kept ignorant that 
 their doctrine was neither that of the ancient Yaudois, nor 
 that of the CaKinists, nor that of the Lutherans. The history 
 I am going to furnish of these three sects, although epitomized, 
 will be nevertheless sup[)orted with such pregnant proofs, as to 
 make the Calvin ists ashamed of the ancestors whom they have 
 selected for themselves. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF THE NEW MANICHEANS, CALLED THE 
 HERETICS OF TOULOUSE AND ABIiV. 
 
 7. — Errors of the Manicheans, progenitors of the Albigenses. 
 
 In order to understand what follows, you must not be wholly 
 ignorant what these Manicheans were. Their whole theology 
 turned on the question of the origin of evil ; they beheld it in 
 the world, and were for discovering its princi[)}e. It could 
 not be God, because he is infinitely good. It was therefore 
 necessary, said they, to acknowledge another principle, which, 
 being evil by its nature, might be the cause and origin of evil. 
 Here then is the foundation of the error : two first principles, 
 one of good, the other of evil ; enemies by consequence, and 
 of a contrary nature ; which having fought and mixed in the 
 strife, one diffused good on the world, the other evil ; one 
 light, the other darkness ; and so on — for it is needless to relate 
 here all the impious extravagances of this abominable sect. 
 It sprung from Paganism, and its principles may be seen even 
 in Plitto. It reigned amongst the Persians. Plutarch has 
 acquainted us with the names they gave to the good and evil 
 cau.se. Manes, a Persian, strove to introduce this prodigy 
 into the Christian religion in Aurelian's reign, viz. towards the 
 end of the third century. iNIarcion had begun some years 
 before; and his sect, divided into many branches, had pre- 
 
66 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 pared the way for the impieties and reveries Manes grafted 
 on it. 
 
 8. — Consequences of the Manicheans' false Principle. 
 
 Now the consequences which these heretics drew from this 
 doctrine were no less absurd than impious. The Old Testa- 
 ment, with all its severity, was but a fable, or at best, but the 
 product of the evil principle ; the mystery of the incarnation 
 an illusion ; and the flesh of Jesus Christ a phantom : for 
 flesh being the work of the evil principle, Jesus Christ, the son 
 of the good God, could not, in truth, have vested himself with 
 it. As our bodies came from the bad principle, and our souls 
 from the good, or rather were the very substance of it, it was 
 not lawful to beget children, nor unite the substance of the 
 good principle with that of the bad ; so that marriage, or rather 
 the generation of children, was prohibited. The flesh of 
 animals, and every thing proceeding from it, as Avhite meats, 
 was the work of the evil cause ; the same of wine : all these 
 were impure by nature, and the use of them criminal. Here 
 then are manifestly those men seduced by devils, of whom 
 St. Paul speaks, that were '' In latter times ... .to forbid to 
 marry," and command " to abstain from meats," as unclean, 
 " which God hath commanded*." 
 
 9. — The Manicheans endeavoured to justify themselves 
 by the vsayes of the Church. 
 
 These wretches, who sought only to deceive the world by 
 appearances, endeavoured to justify themselves by the ex- 
 ample of the Catholic Church, wherein the number of those 
 that forbore marriage, from the profession of continence, was 
 very great, and abstinence from certain meats was either prac- 
 tised always, as by many Anchorets after Daniel's example, 
 or at particular times, as in Lent. But the holy fathers 
 replied, that there was a great difference between those that 
 condemned the procreation of children, as the Manicheans 
 did expressly, and those that preferred continence to it with 
 St. Paul and Jesus Christ himself, and judged it unlawful for 
 them to look back, after making profession of so perfect a state 
 of lifef. Besides, it was a different thing to abstain from 
 certain meats, either to signify some mystery, as in the Old 
 Testament, or to mortify the senses, as was still continued in 
 
 * 1 Tim. iv. 1, 3. 
 
 f Aug. 1. XXX. cont. Faust. Man. c. 3, 4, 5, G. Dan. i. 8, 12. 1 Cor. vii. 
 26, 32, 34, 38. Matt. xix. 12. Luke ix, 62. 1 Tim. iv. 4. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 57 
 
 the new ; a different thing to condemn them with the Ma- 
 nicheans, as impure, as evil, as the work, not of God, but of 
 the bad principle. And the fathers observed, that the apostle 
 expressly impugned this latter sense, which was that of the 
 Manicheans, by these words : every creature of God is good. 
 And, again, by these : nothing is to be refused of all God has 
 created; from thence concluding, that there was no wonder 
 the Holy Ghost had warned the faithful so long before, by the 
 mouth of St. Paul, against so great an abomination. 
 
 10. — Three other characteristics of the Manicheans. 
 First, the Spirit of Seduction. 
 
 Such were the principal points of the Manichean doctrine. 
 But this sect had, beside, two remarkable characteristics ; one, 
 that in the midst of these impious absurdities, which the devil 
 had inspired them with, they yet mixed something in their 
 discourses of so specious a nature, so prodigiously seducing, 
 that St. Austin himself, so great a genius, was ensnared 
 thereby, and remained amongst them nine whole years, a great 
 zealot of this sect*. It was observed, likewise, that this was 
 one of those heresies which it is most difficult to be reclaimed 
 from ; for, to impose upon the vulgar, it had juggling and un- 
 accountable delusions, so far even as to be taxed with sorcery; 
 in a word, none of the implements of seduction were wanting 
 to it. 
 
 11. — Second Characteristic, Hypocrisy. 
 
 The second characteristic of the Manicheans is, their knowing 
 how to conceal what was most detestable in their sect, with so 
 profound an artifice, that not only strangers, but even those of 
 the profession, passed a long time amongst them in ignorance 
 thereof For beneath the colourable pretext of chastity they 
 hid impurities not to be named, and which made part of their 
 very mysteries. Amongst them were several degrees. Those 
 whom they called auditors, knew not the bottom of their sect ; 
 and their elect, namely, those that were let into the whole 
 mystery, carefully kej)t close from their probationers the 
 abominable secret, till they had been prepared for it by several 
 gradations. They made a show of abstinence and the exterior 
 of a life not only good, but mortified ; and one part of the 
 seduction was, the arriving as it were by stages to that Avhich 
 was believed the more perfect, because hidden. 
 
 * L. ii. coiu. Funs. Mau. c. IJ) ; et 1. iv. Conf. c. i. Theod. 1. i. beer. Fab. 
 c. lilt, dti Mauich. Ibid. 
 
^Q THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 12. — Third Characteristic: mixing with the Catholics in 
 the Churches, and concealing themselves. 
 
 For the third characteristic of these heretics, we may further 
 observe in them a surprising dexterity in mixing with the faith- 
 ful, and concealing themselves under the appearance of the 
 same profession ; for this dissimulation Avas one of the arj^fices 
 they employed to inveigle men into their sentiments*. They 
 were seen promiscuously vv'ith others in the churches; there 
 they received the communion ; and although they never re- 
 ceived the blood of our Lord, as well because they detested 
 wine used in consecration, as also because they did not believe 
 Jesus Christ had true blood, the liberty allowed in the Church 
 of partaking of one or both kinds, was the cause that, for a 
 long time, the perpetual affectation of their rejecting that of 
 wine, passed unperceived. At length, St. Leo discovered them 
 by this mark : but their cunning to elude the notice of the 
 Catholics, however vigilant, was so great, that they still con- 
 cealed themselves, and scarce were discovered under the pon- 
 tificate of St. Gelasius. At that time, therefore, in order to 
 render them wholly distinguishable to the people, it was neces- 
 sary to proceed to an express prohibition of communicating 
 otherwise than under both kinds; and to show that this pro- 
 hibition was not founded on the necessity of always taking 
 them conjointly, St. Gelasius f grounds it in formal terms on 
 this ground, because those who refused the sacred wine did it 
 through a certain superstition; aii evident proof, that, were it 
 not for this superstition, which rejected one of the parts of 
 this mystery as evil, the usage in its nature had been free 
 and indifferent, even in solemn assemblies. Protestants that 
 believed this word, superstition, was not strong enough to 
 express the abominable practices of the Manicheans, did not 
 reflect that this word, in the Latin tongue, signifies all false 
 religion ; but that it is particularly appropriated to the Ma- 
 nichean sect, on account of their abstinences and superstitious 
 observances: the books of St. Austin prove this sufficiently |. 
 
 13. — The Paulicians or Manicheans of Armenia. 
 
 This so hidden a sect, so abomiinable, so full of seduction, of 
 superstition, and hypocrisy, notwithstanding imperial laws which 
 
 * Leo i. Serm. 45. Qui est iv. de Quadr. c. 5. 
 -|- Gelas. in Dec. Grat. de conf. distinct. 2. c. Comperimns. Yvo. Microl. &c. 
 .•j; De moiib. Ecc. Cath. c. 34. De morib. J>lanich, c. 18. Cent. Ep. fundam. 
 0.15. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 59 
 
 condemned its followers to death, yet maintained and diffused 
 itself. The Emperor Anastasius, and the Empress Theodora, 
 wife to Justinian, had given it countenance. The followers 
 thereof are to be seen under the children of Heraclius, that is, 
 in the seventh age, in Armenia, a province bordering on Persia, 
 the birth-place of this detestable superstition, and formerly sub- 
 ject to the empire. They were there settled*, or confirmed by 
 one named Paul, from whom the name of Paulicians was given 
 them in the East, by one named Constantine, and, finally, by 
 one named Sergius. They arrived to so great power in that 
 country, either by the weakness of the government, or the 
 protection of the Saracens, or even by the favour of the Em- 
 peror Nicephoras, much wedded to this sect, that at length, 
 being persecuted by the Empress Theodora, the wife of Basil, 
 they were able to build cities, and take up arms against their 
 sovereigns f . 
 
 14. — History of the PauUclans, by Peter of Sicily, addressed 
 to the Archbishop of Bulgaria. 
 
 These wars were long and bloody under the reign of Basil the 
 Macedonian, to wit, at the close of the ninth century. Peter 
 of Sicily I was sent by this Emperor to Tibrica in Armenia, 
 which Cedrenus calls Tephrica, a stronghold of these heretics, 
 to treat about the exchange of prisoner's. During this time, 
 he became thoroughly acquainted with the Paulicians, and 
 dedicated a book concerning their errors to the Archbishop of 
 Bulgaria, for reasons hereafter specified. Vossius acknow- 
 ledges we are much obliged to Raderus for giving us, in Greek 
 and Latin, so particular and so excellent a history§. There 
 Peter of Sicily || ])aints out to us these heretics in their proper 
 characters, their principles, the contempt they had of the Old 
 Testament, their prodigious address in concealing themselves 
 when they pleased, and the other marks already mentioned. 
 But he notices two or three which must not be forgotten, viz., 
 their particular aversion to the Images of Christ crucified ^, a 
 natural consequence of their error, forasmuch as they rejected 
 the jiassion and death of the Son of God ; their contempt of 
 the Holy Virgin, whom they did not account the mother of 
 Jesus Christ, since they denied his human flesh ; and, above 
 all, their abhorrence of the Eucharist.** 
 
 * Cedr. t. i. p. 432. f Ibid. t. ii. p. 480. Ibid. p. 541 . 
 
 { Pet. Sic. Hist, de Manith. Cedr. lb. 541,&,c. ^ Voss. de iiist. Grac. 
 
 II Pet. Sic. lb. Prsef. &c. f Ibid. ** Ibid. 
 
60 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 15. — The conformity of the Paulicians with the Manicheans, 
 whom St. Austin refuted. 
 
 Cedrenus *, who has taken the greatest part of what he writes 
 of the PauHcians from this historian, instances, after hira, 
 these three characteristics, namely, their aversion to the Cross, 
 to the blessed Virgin, and the holy Eucharist. The same sen- 
 timents had the Manicheans of old. We learn from St. Austinj, 
 their eucharist was different from ours, and something so ex- 
 ecrable as not to be thought on, much less written. But the 
 new Manicheans had also received, from the ancient, another 
 doctrine, Ave are to observe. So long since as St. Austin's 
 time, Faustus, the Manichean, upbraided the Catholics with 
 their idolatry in the honour they paid the holy martyrs, and 
 in the sacrifices they offered on their relicsj'. St. Austin pointed 
 out to them this worship had nothing common with that of the 
 heathens, because it was not the worship of Latria, or of siib- 
 jection and perfect servitude; and if they offered to God the 
 holy oblation of the body and blood of Jesus Christ, at the 
 tombs and on the relics of the martyrs, they were far from 
 offering to them this sacrifice, but hoped only "To excite 
 themselves thereby to the imitation of their virtues, to be 
 brought into partnership with their merits ; and, lastly, to be 
 assisted by their prayers." So clear an answer did not pre- 
 vent the new Manicheans from continuing the calumnies of 
 their forefathers. Peter of Sicily § acquaints us, that a Ma- 
 nichean woman seduced an ignorant layman called Sergius, 
 by telling him, Catholics honoured the saints as divinities, 
 and for that reason laymen were hindered from reading the 
 Holy Scripture, lest they should discover a number of the 
 like errors. 
 
 16. — The design of the Pmdicians on the Bulgarians ; and 
 Peter of Sicily's instruction to hinder the effect. 
 
 It was by such calumnies as these the Manicheans seduced 
 the ignorant. A great desire of enlarging their sect was always 
 remarked amongst them. Peter of Sicily || discovered, whilst 
 ambassador at Tibrica, that it was resolved in the council of 
 the Paulicians, to send preachers of their sect into Bulgaria, 
 in order to seduce those new converts. Thrace, bordering; on 
 
 * Cedr. t. ii. p. 434. f Aug. haer. 4C, &c. Lib. xx. Cont. Faus. c 4. 
 I Ibid. c. 21, et seq. Ibid. c. 18. § Peter Sic. ibid. 
 
 11 Peter Sic. initio lib. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 61 
 
 this province, had been infected with this heresy long Ijefore. 
 So there was but too much reason to fear the worst for the 
 Bulgarians, should the Paulicians, the most cunning of the 
 Manichean sect, attempt to seduce them ; and it was this in- 
 duced Peter of Sicily to inscribe the above-mentioned book to 
 their archbishop, to secure them against such dangerous here- 
 tics. In spite of all his pains, it is certain the Manichean 
 lieresy took deep root in Bulgaria, and thence soon after spread 
 itself over the other parts of Europe ; whence came, as we 
 shall see, the name of Bulgarians, given as the followers of 
 this heresy, 
 
 17. — The Manicheans herjhi to appear in the West after the 
 year of our Lord one thousand. 
 
 A thousand years had elapsed since the birth of Jesus Christ, 
 and the ])rodigious relaxation of discipline threatened the 
 Western Church with some extraordinary disaster. Besides, 
 it was not unlikely the dreadful time when Satan was to be let 
 loose, foretold in the Revelations*, after a, thousand years, which 
 may denote a thousand years after the strong-armed, to wit, 
 the victorious Satan, was bound by Jesus Christ at his coming 
 into the world j. Howsoever that may be, in this time and 
 in 1017, during king Robert's reign, heretics were discovered 
 at Orleans, of such a doctrine, as long before had been unheard 
 of amongst the Latins;];. 
 
 18. — Manicheans that came from Italy, discovered at Orleans 
 in the time of King Robert. 
 
 An Italian woman brought into France this abominable he- 
 resy. Two Canons of Orleans §, one called Stephen or Heri- 
 bert; the other Lisoius, both men of reputation, were the first 
 inveigled. There was great difficulty in discovering their se- 
 cret. But at length a person, named Arifaste, suspecting what 
 it mio-ht be, having insinuated himself into their familiarity, 
 these heretics and their followers confessed, after a great deal 
 of pains, that they denied the human liesh of Jesus Christ 5 
 that they did not believe remission of sins was given in bap- 
 tism ; nor that the bread and wine could be changed into the 
 body and blood of Jesus Christ. It was discovered, they had 
 a particular Eucharist, by them called the celestial food. It 
 was cruel and abominable, and wholly suitable to the Mani- 
 
 * Rev. XX. 2, 3, 7. t Mat. xii. 29. Luke xi. 21, 22. 
 
 + Acta Cone. Aurcl. spicil. t. ii. Cone. Lab. t. ix. Glab. Jib. iii. e, S, 
 
 § Glab. ibid. Acta Cone. Aurel, 
 
62 THR HISTORV OF [bOOK 
 
 chean genius, although not found amongst those of old. But 
 besides what was seen at Orleans, Guy of Nogent* also takes 
 notice of it in other countries ; nor is it to be wondered at 
 that new prodigies are to be met Avith in so close a sect, whe- 
 ther invented by them, or but newly brought to light. 
 
 19. — Sequel. 
 
 Here are the general characteristics of Manicheism. We have 
 seen these heretics reject the incarnation. As for baptism, 
 St. Austin| says expressly, the Manicheans did not give it, and 
 believed it useless. Peter of Sicilyj, and after him Cedrenus§, 
 tells us the same of the Paulicians ; altogether shevv' us that the 
 Manicheans had a different eucharist from ours. What was 
 said by the heretics of Orleans, that we ought not to beg the 
 saints' assistance, was also of the same stamp, and sprung, as 
 is seen above, from the ancient source of this sect. 
 
 20. — Sequel. 
 
 They said nothing openly of the two principles, but spoke with 
 contempt of the creation, and the books which record it, 
 meaning the Old Testament ; and confessed, at the very time 
 of execution, that they had entertained evil sentiments con- 
 cerning the Lord of the universe||. The reader will remember, 
 that he was judged the evil principle by the Manicheans. They 
 went to the stake with joy, in hopes of a miraculous delivery, 
 so strangely were they possessed with the spirit of seduction. 
 Now this was the first instance of the like punishment. It is 
 known, the Roman laws condemned the Manicheans to death ; 
 the holy king Robert judged them worthy of the flames^. 
 
 21. — The same Heresy in Gascony and at Toulouse. 
 
 At the same time, the same heresy is discovered in Aquitaine 
 and Toulouse, as appears by the history of Ademarus**, of 
 Chabanes, monk of the abbey of St. Cibard, in Angouleme, 
 contemporary with these heretics. An ancient writer of the his- 
 tory of Aquitaine, published by the celebrated Peter Pithoufj, 
 informs us, that there were discovered in this province, whereof 
 Perigord made part, " Manicheans, that rejected baptism, the 
 sign of the holy cross, the church, and the Redeemer himself; 
 
 * De vitA sua, lib, iii. c. 16. f De haer. in hser. Man. % Peter. Sic. lb. 
 
 § Cedr. t. i. p. 434. 1| Ibid. % Cond. de haer. 1. 52. 
 
 •■ * Bib. nov. I'Abb. t. ii. pp. 17G, 180. 
 
 f f Frag. Hist. Aquit. edita a Petro Pith. Bar, t. xi. An. 1017. 
 
XI.] TTIE VARIATIONS, KTC. 63 
 
 denying his incarnation and passion, and the honour due to 
 saints, lawful marriage, and the use of meat." And the same 
 author shows us they were of the same sect with the heretics 
 of Orleans, whose error came from Italy. 
 
 22. — The Manicheans of Italy called Cathari, and why. 
 
 In effect, we see the Manicheans had settled in that country. 
 They were called Cathari, as much as to say, pure. Formerly 
 other heretics had assumed that name the Novatians, in the 
 persuasion that their life was more pure than that of others, 
 on account of the severity of their discipline. But the Mani- 
 cheans, elated with their continency and abstinence from flesh, 
 which they believed unclean, accounted themselves not only 
 Cathari, or pure, but also, as St. Austin* relates, Catharists, 
 namely, purifiers, by reason of that part of the divine sub- 
 stance, which was mixed with the herbs and pulse together 
 with the contrary substance, from which, in eating them, they 
 separated and purified this divine substance. These, I own, 
 are monstrous opinions ; and it were hardly to be believed, that 
 men could have been so strangely infatuated, had not expe- 
 rience taught us that God sets, to man's proud mind, examples 
 of the blindness he may fall into, when abandoned to himself. 
 This, then, is the true original of the heretics of France, 
 sprung from the Cathari of Italy. 
 
 23. — Origin of the Manicheans of Toulouse and Italy. —Proof 
 that they came from Bulgaria. 
 
 Vignier, whom our reformed have accounted the restorer of 
 history in the last age, speaks of this heresy, and the discovery 
 thereof made in the council of Orleans, whose date he places, 
 by mistake, in 1021, and observes, that " In this year many 
 people were taken and burnt, for the crime of heresy, in the 
 presence of king Robert ; for it is written (continues he) that 
 they spoke ill of God and the Sacraments, to wit, of baptism 
 aud the body and blood of Jesus Christ, as likewise of mar- 
 riage ;" nor would eat meats that had blood and fat, reputing 
 them uncleanf. He reports, also, that the chief of these here- 
 tics was called Stephen, whereof he cites Glaber as a witness, 
 with the chronicle of St. Cibard ; " according to whose testi- 
 mony," proceeds he, " many other followers of the sanle 
 heresy, called Manicheans, were executed elsewhere, as at 
 Toulouse and in Italy." No matter though this author was 
 
 * De Ljer. in haer. Mem. f ^t** Hist. 2, p. In the year 1022. p. C72. 
 
64 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 mistaken in the date, and some other circumstances of his his- 
 tory ; he had not seen the acts, which have been recovered since 
 that time. It is enough that this heresy of Orleans, which 
 had Stephen for one of its authors, on the enormities of which 
 king Robert took vengeance, and whose history Glaber hath 
 reported, be acknowledged for Manichean by Vignier ; that 
 he held it for the source of that heresy which afterwards was 
 punished at Toulouse, and that all this impiety, as we are going 
 to see, was derived from Bulgaria. 
 
 24. — The same Origin proved by an ancient Author quoted by 
 Vignier — {^addition to the Second Part.) 
 
 An ancient author, cited in the additions of the same Vignier, 
 leaves no room to doubt of it. The passage of this author, 
 which Vignier transcribes entire in Latin, imports, 'Uhat as 
 soon as the heresy of the Bulgarians began to spread itself in 
 Lombard y, they had for Bishop a certain man called Mark, 
 who had received his ordination from Bulgaria, and under 
 whom were the Lombards, the Tuscans, and those of Mark 
 Ancona ; but that another Pope, named Nicetas, came from 
 Constantinople into Lombardy, who impeached the ordination 
 of Bulgaria ; and that Mark had received his from Drun- 
 garia*."" 
 
 25. — Secpiel of the same Passage, 
 
 What country he meant by Drungaria I have no need to 
 examine. Renier, thoroughly acquainted, as we shall see, with 
 all these heresies, tells us of the Manichean churches of Du- 
 granicia and Bulgaria, whence come all the rest of the sect 
 both in Italy and Francef ; which perfectly well agrees, as is 
 plain, with Vignier's author |. In this same ancient author of 
 Vignier, we see that this heresy, brought from beyond sea, to 
 wit, from Bulgaria, thence spread itself through other provinces, 
 where afterwards it was in great vogue, into Languedoc, Tou- 
 louse, and especially into Gascony ; whence the name of 
 Albigenses, as, for the like reason, that of Bulgares was con- 
 ferred on the sect, on account of its origin. I shall not 
 repeat what Vignier § observes, how the name Bulgare was 
 turned to its present signification in our language. The word 
 is too infamous, but its derivation certain ; nor is it less certain 
 that the Albigenses were called by this name in token of the 
 place they came from, namely from Bulgaria. 
 
 * Bib. Hist. p. 133. f Ren. cont. Wald. c. 6. t. iv. 
 
 + Bibl. P. P, part. ii. p. 759. § Vignier. ibi 
 
Xr.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 65 
 
 26. — Council of Tours and Toulouse cujaimt the Manicheans 
 of this last City. 
 
 There needs no more to convict these heretics of Mani- 
 cheism. But, in process of time, the evil grew more apparent, 
 principally in Languedoc and Toulouse, for this city was like 
 the metropolis of the sect, " whence the heresy, extending 
 itself," as speaks the Canon of Alexander III. in the Council of 
 Tours, "like a cancer, into the neighbouring countries, infected 
 Gascony and the other provinces*." As the source of the evil, 
 as I may say, there took its rise, there also the remedy was first 
 applied. The Pope Callixtus II. held a Council at Toulousef, 
 where were condemned the heretics that " rejected the sacra- 
 ment of our Lord's body and blood, infant-baptism, the priest- 
 hood, and all ecclesiastic orders, with lawful marriage." The 
 same canon was repeated in the general Council of Lateran J 
 under Innocent II. The character of Manicheism is here 
 seen in the condemnation of marriage. And again, in reject- 
 ing the sacrament of the Eucharist ; for it ought to be particu- 
 larly observed, that the canon imports, not that these heretics 
 had some error respecting the sacrament, but that they rejected 
 it, as we have seen the Manicheans did likewise. 
 
 27. — Their conformity with the Manicheans known by St. 
 Austin. — The same Heresy in Germany. 
 
 As for the priesthood and all ecclesiastical orders, the total 
 subversion of the hierarchy introduced by the Manicheans, and 
 the contempt they had of all church-subordination, maybe 
 seen in St. Augustin and other authors §. In respect of infant- 
 baptism, we shall observe hereafter, that the new Manicheans 
 impugned it with particular industry ; and although they 
 rejected baptism in general, what struck men with surprise was 
 chiefly the refusal they made of this sacrament to children, 
 whilst the Church in jieneral shewed so much eajrerness to con- 
 fer it on them. Therefore, the sensible characteristics, where- 
 by this Toulousian, afterwards called Albigensian heresy, made 
 itself known, were specified in this canon of Toulouse and La- 
 teran. The bottom of the error lay more deeply concealed. 
 But the more this cursed offspring from Bulgaria diffused itself 
 in the ^Vest, their Manicheau tenets became the more palpable 
 
 * Cone. Tur. ii. c. 3. f Cone. Tol. An. 1 1 19. Can. 3. 
 
 + Cone. liater. ii. An. 1130. Can. 23. 
 ^ Aug. de liaer. iu hxr. Man. Jicb. Serm. i. Bib. PP. t. iv. part ii. p. 81. Ren. 
 coat. Waltl. c. C. 
 
 VOL, II. F 
 
66 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 They penetrated into the heart of Germany, and the Em- 
 peror Henry IV. there discovered them at Goslar, a city of 
 Siiabia, towards the middle of the eleventh century, surprised 
 whence could proceed this Manichean progeny*. These here 
 were known by their abstaining " from the flesh of animals of 
 what kind soever, and believing their use prohibited." The 
 error soon spread in Germany on all sides ; and in the twelfth 
 century, many of these heretics were met with near about Co- 
 loo-ne. The name of Cathari made the sect known, and Ecbert, 
 a contemporary author and able divine, shews us, in these Ca- 
 thari near Cologne, all the Manichean characters! ; the same 
 detestation of flesh and marriage ; the same contemi)t of bap- 
 tism ; the same abhorrence of communion ; the same repug- 
 nance to believe the truth of the Son of God's incarnation 
 and passion : in short, other similar marks which it is needless 
 to repeat. 
 
 28. — Sequel ofEcberfs Sentiments concerning the Manicheans 
 of Germany. 
 
 But as heresies change, or in time shew themselves plainer, 
 so many new tenets and usages are perceptible in this. For 
 instance, in explaining to us amongst the rest, the contempt 
 the Manicheans had of baptism, Ecbert informs us, that 
 although they rejected the baptism of water, they gave, with 
 ho-hted torches, a certain baptism of fire, the ceremony of 
 which he sets forth|. They were firmly opposed to infant bap- 
 tism, which I notice once more, it being one of the distinguish- 
 ing marks of these new Manicheans§. They had likewise 
 another not less remarkable; their maintaining that the sa- 
 craments lost their virtue by the bad life of those that adminis- 
 tered them. Wherefore, they exaggerated the corruption of 
 the clergy, in order to make it appear that we had no longer 
 any sacraments amongst us ; and this is one of the reasons for 
 which we have seen they were accused of rejecting all eccle- 
 siastical orders, together with the priesthood. 
 
 29. — It is discovered that they held two first Principles. 
 
 The belief of these new heretics, as to the two principles, was 
 not as yet fully brought to light. For although men were very 
 sensible this was the foundation of their rejecting the union of 
 
 * Herm. cont. ad An. 1062. Par. To. xi. ad eniid. An. CentTiriat. in Cent. xi. 
 c. 5. sub fin. f Eel). Serra.xil. adv. Catli. t. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. 
 
 + Serm. i. viii. xi. ^ Serm. vii. Serm. iv., &c. 
 
XI.] TIIK VAREATIONS, ETC. 07 
 
 both sexes, and whatever proceeded from it in all animals, as 
 flesh, eggs, and white meats, yet, as far as 1 can find, Echert is 
 the first that objects this error to them in express terms. 
 Nay, he says, " he had most certainly discovered," that 
 their private motive for abstaining from flesh was, " Because 
 the devil was the creator of it*." You see how difficult it was 
 to dive to the bottom of their doctrine ; yet it appeared suffi- 
 ciently by its consequences. 
 
 30. — Variations of these Heretics. 
 
 We learn from this same authorf, that these heretics shewed 
 themselves, at times, more moderate m regard to marriage. 
 One<:alled Hartuvinus allowed a youth amongst them to marry 
 a maiden, hut required they should be both virgins, and not |)ro- 
 ceed heyond the first child; which 1 take notice of, in order 
 to shew the oddities of a sect contradictory to itself, and 
 often forced to act counter to its own principles. 
 
 31. — Their industry to conceal themselves. 
 
 But the most certain mark by which to know these heretics, 
 was the pains they took to conceal themselves, not onlv by 
 receiving the sacraments with us, but also by answering like us 
 when urged regarding their faith. This was the spirit of the 
 sect from its begimiing, and we have before taken notice of it, 
 ever since the time of St. Austin and St. Leo, Peter of SicilyJ, 
 and after him Cedrenus, shew us the same character in the 
 Paulicians. They did not only deny in general that they were 
 Manicheans, but also, when interrogated in particular concern- 
 ing each tenet of their ("aitii, they feigned themselves Catholics, 
 betraying their sentiments by manifest lies, or at least disguis- 
 ing them by equivocations worse than lies, because more 
 artful and more fraught with hypocrisy §. For example, when 
 spoken to concerning the water of baptism, they received it, 
 understanding by the water of baptism, the doctrine of our 
 Lord, whereby souls are purified. All they say abounded 
 with the like allegories; and men took them for orthodox, 
 unless from long custom they had learnt to see through their 
 equivocations. 
 
 32. — Their equivocations when interrogated about Faith. 
 
 Ecbert informs us of one which it was impossible to guess 
 at. It was known that they rejected the Eucharist ; and 
 
 * Eel). Serm. vi. p. {)!). f SiTin, v. p. 04. 
 
 J Putr. Sic. init. lib. do Hist. JVIiin. ^ Ibid, t'edr. t. i. p. 434. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 when, to sound them on so important an article, they were 
 asked whether they made the body of our Lord ? they answered 
 readily, They made it, understanding that their own body, 
 which they made in some wise by their food, was the body of 
 Jesus Christ, by reason that, according to St. Paul, they were 
 the members of it *. By these artifices they appeared, out- 
 wardly, good Catholics. But, what is yet more unaccountable, 
 one ot their tenets was, that the Gospel forbad swearing for 
 whatsoever cause f : nevertheless, when examined concerning 
 their religion, they believed it lawful not only to lie, but to 
 forswear themselves ; and had learnt from the ancient Priscil- 
 lianists, another branch of the Manicheans known in Spain, 
 this verse, cited by St. Austin : " Jura, perjura, secretum 
 prodere noli : Swear true or false, as long as thou betrayest 
 not the secret of the sect|," For which reason Ecbert styled 
 them obscure men, men that did not preach, but whispered in 
 the ear, who lurked in corners, and muttered rather in private 
 than explained their doctrine §. This was one of the sect's 
 allurements; there was something of a charm in this impe- 
 netrable secret observed amongst them ; and as the wise man 
 said, '^ Those waters you drink by stealth are thepleasantest[|." 
 St. Bernard, who was well acquainted with these heretics, as 
 we shall soon see, remarks in them this particular character, 
 that, whereas other heretics, urged on by the spirit of pride, 
 sought only to make themselves known ; these, on the contrary, 
 strove only to conceal themselves — others aimed at victory ; 
 but these, more mischievous, sought only to annoy, lurking 
 silently in the grass, that they might instil their poison the 
 more securely as the bite was less expected ^. The thing was, 
 their error, once discovered, was already half vanquished by 
 its own absurdity ; wherefore they betook themselves to the 
 ignorant, to mechanics, to silly women, to peasants, and 
 recommended nothing so much to them as this mysterious 
 secret. 
 
 33. — Enervin consults St, Bernard about the Manicheans near 
 
 Cologne. 
 
 Enervin, who served God in a church near Cologne, at the 
 time these new Manicheans, whom Ecbert speaks of, were 
 
 * Eel). Serm. I. il. -)- Bern, in Cant. Serm. Ixv. 
 
 ^ De haer. in haer. Priscil. Ecb. Serm. ii. Bern. lb. iuit. lib. id. Serm. i. 
 ii. vii.; &c. § Ibid. 
 
 II Prov. ix. 17. Serm. \xv. in Cantlc. 
 H Ibid. Ecb, Jnit. lib. &c. Bern. Serm. Ixv, Ixvi. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 69 
 
 discovered tliere, gives in the main the same account of them 
 as this author; and not finding in the church a greater doctor 
 to whom he coukl address himself for their conviction than the 
 great St. Bernard, Abbot of Ckiir\aux, he wrote him that fine 
 letter which the learned Francis Mabillon has given us in his 
 Analects*. Therein, besides the dogmata of these heretics, 
 which it is needless to repeat, we see the particularities which 
 occasioned their discovery ; we see the distinction between "^ the 
 Auditors and the Elect," a certain character of Manicheism 
 specified by St. Austin ; we there see that they had their Pope, 
 a truth which afterwards became more manifest ; and in fine, 
 that they boasted, " their doctrine had a continued succession 
 down to us, but hidden ever since the time of the martyrs, and 
 after that in Greece, and in some other countries;" which is 
 very true, since it came from Marcion and Manes, heresiarchs 
 of the third century ; and thereby it is apparent in whose shop 
 was first vended this method of maintaining the Church's per- 
 petuity, by a hidden series, and doctors scattered here and 
 there without any manifest and legitimate succession. 
 
 .34. — These Heretics interrogated before all the peo'ple. 
 
 But, lest it should be said the doctrine of these heretics 
 was, perchance, calumniated for want of being well vmderstood, 
 it appears, as well by Enervin's letter as by Ecbert's sermonsf , 
 that the examination of these heretics Avas made in public ; 
 and that it was one of their bishops, with a companion of his, 
 who defended their doctrine to their utmost, in the presence of 
 the archbishop, the whole clergy, and all the people. 
 
 35. — Tlie tenets of these Heretics refuted by St. Bernard, who 
 was well acquainted with them at Toulouse, 
 
 St. Bernard, whom the pious Enervin excited to confute 
 these heretics, then composed the two fine sermons on the 
 Canticles, in which he so vigorously imimgned the heretics 
 of his time. They carry so manifest a relation to Enervin's 
 letter, that it is plain this gave occasion to them ; but it is no 
 less plain by St. Bernard's firm and positive way of speaking, 
 that he had also other informations, and kncAv more of the 
 matter than Enervin himself. And, indeed, it was now above 
 twenty years since Peter de Bruis and his disciple Henry had 
 secretly spread their errors in Dauphiny, in Provence, and 
 
 * Eiiorvin, Ep. ad S. ISein. Anal. iii. p. -152"; Ibid. pp. 455, 45C, -157. 
 f Iliid. p. 453, Ecb. Scnn. i. 
 
"70 THE HISTORY OF [boOK 
 
 especially in the neighbourhood of Toulouse. St. Bernard 
 took a journey into that country expressly to root up this bad 
 seed, and the miracles he there wrought in confirmation of the 
 Catholic truth are more conspicuous than the sun. But the 
 material point to be observed is, that he spared no pains to 
 inform himself fully concerning a heresy he was going to op- 
 pose ; and after frequent conferences with the disciples of these 
 heretics, he could not be ignorant of their doctrine. Now 
 he distinctly instances, together with their condemnation " of 
 infant baptism*, the invocation of saints, the oblations for the 
 dead," that of " the use of marriage, and of all that proceeded," 
 far or near^ " from the union of both sexes, as flesh and white 
 meats J." He taxes them likewise with not admitting the Old 
 Testament, and their receiving the Gospel only. Another, also, 
 of their errors remarked by St. Bernard was J, that a sinner 
 ceased to be a bishop, and that the popes, the archbishops, 
 the bishops, and priests, were neither capable of giving or 
 receiving the sacraments, by reason they were sinners. But 
 what he most insists on, is their hypocrisy, not only in the 
 deceitful appearance of their austere and penitential life, but 
 also in the custom they constantly obser\ ed of receiving the 
 sacraments with us, and professing our doctrine publicly, Avhich 
 they inveighed against in secret §. St. Bernard shews their 
 piety was all dissimulation. In appearance they blamed com- 
 merce with women, and nevertheless were all seen to pass days 
 and nights apart with them. The profession they made of 
 abhorring the sex, seemed to warrant their not abusing it. 
 They believed all oaths forbidden, yet, examined concerning 
 their faith, did not stick at perjury ; such oddness and incon- 
 stancy is there in extravagant minds [j ! From all these things 
 St. Bernard concluded this was "the mystery of iniquity"" 
 foretold by St. Paul^, so much the more to be feared in pro- 
 portion as it Avas more hidden ; and that these were they 
 whom the Holy Ghost made known to the same apostle, as 
 *' giving heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of devils, speak- 
 ing lies in hypocrisy, having their conscience seared with a 
 hot iron, forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain 
 from meats which God has created **." All the characters 
 agree too clearly with them to need insisting on. Behold here 
 the fine ancestors whom the Calvin ists have selected for 
 themselves ! 
 
 * Serm. Ixvi. -f- Serm. Ixv. J Serm. Ixvi. § Serm. Ixv. 
 
 II Ibid. H 2 Thess. ii. 7. ** Serm. Ixvi. 1 Tim. iv. 1, 2, 3. 
 
Xr.] TUG VARIATIONS, ETC. 71 
 
 36. — Peter de Bruis, and Henry . 
 
 To say that these heretics of Toulouse, of whom St. Bernard 
 speaks, are not the same with those vulgarly called Albigenses, 
 Avere too gross a fallacy. The ministers are agreed that Peter 
 de Bruis and Henry are two chiefs of this sect, and that Peter, 
 the venerable Abbot of Cluny, their contemporary, of whom 
 we shall soon speak, attacked the " Albigenses under the name 
 of Petrobusians *." If the chiefs are convicted of Manicheism, 
 the disciples have not degenerated from this doctrine, and 
 these bad trees may be judged of by their fruit; for although 
 it be certain, from St. Bernard's letters, and from the authors 
 then living, that he converted many of these Toulousian here- 
 tics, the disciples of Peter de Bruis and Henry, yet the race 
 was not extinguished, which the more private it kept itself 
 the more proselytes it gainedf. They were called " the good 
 men" from their af)parent meekness and simplicity ; but their 
 doctrine became manifest in an interrogatory many of them 
 underwent at Lombez, a little town near Alby, in a council 
 held there in 1176 |. 
 
 37.— The Council of Lombez. — Famous examination of these 
 
 Heretics. 
 
 Gaucelin, bishop of Lodeve, equally well acquainted with their 
 artifices and with sound doctrine, was there commissioned to 
 examine them concerning their faith. They shuffle in many 
 articles ; they lie in others ; but own in express terms, that 
 " They reject the Old Testament ; that they believe the con- 
 secration of the body and blood of Jesus Christ, equally good 
 Avhether made by laymen or clergy, if good men ; that all 
 swearing is unlawful ; and that bishops and priests, devoid of 
 the qualities prescribed by St. Paul, are neither bishops nor 
 priests." They never could be brought, whatever was said, to 
 ap|)rove of marriage, nor infant ba[)tism ; and the obstinate 
 refusal to acknowledge such certain truths, was taken for a 
 confession of their error. They were condemned also from 
 the Scripture as men that refused to confess their faith ; and, 
 on all the points proposed, Avere hard pressed by Ponce, arch- 
 bishop of Narbonne, by Arnold bishop of Nismes, by the 
 abbots, and especially by Gaucelin bishop of Lodeve, whom 
 Gerald, bishop of Alby, there present, and ordinary of Lombez, 
 
 * La Roq. Hist, de V Euch., pp. 452, ioli. 
 t Ep. 241 ad Tol. Vit. S. Bern. lil.. iii. c. 5. 
 I Act. (Jonc. Luml). t. x. Coin-. Lai). An. 117G. 
 
72 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 before the place was erected into a bishopric, had vested with 
 his authority. I do not think there can be seen, in any council, 
 either a more regular procedure, or Scripture better employed, 
 or a dispute more precise and convincing. Let men come and 
 tell us after this, that what is said of the Albigenses is all 
 mere calumny. 
 
 38. — History of the same Council by a contemporary Author. 
 
 An historian of those times recites at length this council, and 
 gives a faithful abridgment of more ample acts which have 
 been since recovered *. He begins his account thus : " There 
 were heretics in the province of Toulouse, Avho would have 
 themselves be called good men, and were maintained by the 
 soldiers of Lombez. Those said, they neither received the 
 law of Moses, nor the Prophets, nor. the Psalms, nor the Old 
 Testament, nor the Doctors of the New, except the Gospels, 
 St. Paul's Epistles, the seven canonical Epistles, the Acts, and 
 Revelations." Setting all the rest aside, here is enough to 
 make our Protestants blush for the errors of their ancestors. 
 
 39. — TVIiy these Heretics are called Arians. 
 
 But in order to raise a suspicion of some calumny in the pro- 
 ceedings against them, they observe, they were not called 
 Manicheans but Arians ; yet the Manicheans were never ac- 
 cused of Arianism ; a mistake, say they, which Baronius him- 
 self has owned f . "What a fetch is this, to cavil about the 
 title men give a heresy, when they see it specified, not to men- 
 tion other marks, by that of rejecting the Old Testament ! 
 But we must also shew these contentious spirits, what reason 
 there was to accuse the Manicheans of Arianism. It was 
 because, as Peter of Sicily expressly tells us, " They professed 
 the Trinity in words, but denied it in their hearts, and turned 
 the mystery into impertinent allegories |." 
 
 40. — The sentiments of the Manicheans concerning the Trinity, 
 from St. Austin. 
 
 This is likewise Avhat St. Austin fully informs us of. Faustus, 
 bishop of the Manicheans, had written : " We confess under 
 three names one only and the same Divinity of God the Father 
 Almighty, of Jesus Christ his Son, and of the Holy Ghost §." 
 But then he further adds, " that the Father dwelt m the prin- 
 
 * Roger. Iloved. in Aniial. Argl. f ^^ ^*^^1- '''■ ^''^'■- *■ '^''- •^"- ^^G, p. C74. 
 I Pet. Sic. ibid. § Faust, ap. Aug. lib. xx. cont. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 73 
 
 cipal and sovereign light called by St. Paul inaccessible. As 
 for the Son, he resided in the second light, which is visible ; 
 and being t\Yofold, according to the Apostle who speaks of the 
 power and wisdom of Jesus Christ, his power resided in the 
 sun, and his wisdom in the moon ; and finally, in regard of the 
 Holy Gbost, his habitation was in our ambient air *." This 
 is what Faustus said: whereby St. Austin convicts him of 
 separating the Son from the Father even by corporeal spaces ; 
 nay, of separating him from himself, and of separating the 
 Holy Ghost from them both ; to situate them also, as did 
 Faustus, in places so unequal, was placing betvv'een the divine 
 persons a too manifest inequality. Such were these allegories 
 frauo-ht with ignorance, by which Peter of Sicily convicted the 
 Manicheans of denying the Trinity. Such an explanation as 
 this was far from a confession of it; but, as St. Austin says, 
 " was squaring the belief of the Trinity by the rule of his own 
 conceits." An author of the twelfth century, contemporary with 
 St. Hernardf, acquaints us that these heretics declined saying, 
 Gloria Patri ; and Renier states it expressly that the Cathari 
 or Albigenses did not believe that the Trinity was one only 
 God, but believed that the Father was greater than the Son 
 and the Holy Ghost :{:. No wonder then that the Catholics 
 have sometimes ranked the Manicheans with those that denied 
 the blessed Trinity, and, on this consideration, given them the 
 name of Arians. 
 
 41, — Manicheans at Soissons. — The I'estimony of Guy of 
 
 Nocjent. 
 
 To return to the Manichcism of these heretics : Guy of Nogent§, 
 a celebrated author of the twelfth age and more ancient than 
 St. Bernard, shews us heretics near Soissons that made a 
 phantom of the incarnation ; that rejected infant baptism ; 
 that held in abhorrence the mystery wrought at the Altar ; 
 yet took the sacraments with us ; that rejected all manner of 
 flesh, and whatsoever })roceeds from the union of both sexes. 
 They made, after the example of those heretics above seen at 
 Orleans, a Eucharist and sacrifice not fit to be described; and, 
 to shew themselves completely like the other Manicheans, 
 " they concealed themselves like them, and mixed clandes- 
 tinely amongst us," confessing and swearing anything, to save 
 themselves from punishment ||. 
 
 * Ffiust. ap. Aug. c. 7- f Hcrib. Mon. Ep. Annal. ill. 
 
 X Ren. cont. Wald. c. (i. t, iv. Bib. PP. p. 750. § De vita sua, lib. iii.c. IG. 
 
 11 Ibid. 
 
74 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 42. — Testimony ofRadulphus Ardens concerning the Heretics 
 of the Agenois. 
 
 Let us add to these witnesses Radulphus Ardens, a renowned 
 author of the eleventh age, in the description he gives us of 
 the heretics of the Agenois, who " brag of leading the life of 
 the Apostles ; who say, they do not lie, they do not swear ; 
 who condemn the use of flesh and marriage ; who reject the 
 Old Testament, and receive a part only of the New ; and, 
 what is more terrible, admit two Creators ; who say, the Sacra- 
 ment of the Altar is nothing but mere bread ; who despise 
 baptism and the resurrection of bodies*." Are not these 
 Manicheans in their proper colours ? Now we descry no other 
 characteristics in them than in those of Toulouse afid Alby, 
 whose sect, we have seen, extended itself into Gascony and 
 the adjacent provinces. Agen also had its particular doctors : 
 but, be that as it will, the same spirit is discernible every 
 where, and all is of the same stamp. 
 
 43. — The same Heretics in England. 
 
 Thirty of these heretics of Gascony took shelter in England 
 in the year 1160. They were called Poplicans or Publicans. 
 But let us see what was their doctrine from Gulielraus Neo- 
 bridgensis, an historian near to those times, whose testimony 
 SpehTian, a protestant author, has inserted in the second volume 
 of his English Councils f . " These heretics," says he, " were 
 brought before the council held at Oxford. Ciirard, the only 
 person of any learning, answered well as to the substance of 
 the heavenly physician : but proceeding to the remedies he 
 had left us, they spoke very ill, abhorrmg baptism, the Eucha- 
 rist and marriage, and despising CathoHc unity." Protestants 
 put in the catalogue of their ancestors these Gascoign heretics, 
 for speaking ill (in the sentiment of the English nation, then 
 believing the real presence) of the Eiicharislic sacrament ;|:, 
 But they ought to have considered, that these Poplicans stand 
 accused, not of denying the real presence, but of abhorring 
 the Eucharist, no less than baptism and marriage, — three visible 
 characteristics of Manicheism : nor do I hold these heretics 
 wholly justified as to the other points, under pretext that they 
 did not answer amiss ; for we have seen too much of the wiles 
 
 * Rodnl. Ard. Serm. in Dom. viil. post Trin, t. ii. 
 t Gul. Nes. Rei-. Ang. lib. ii. c. 13. Cone. Oxon. t. ii. Cone. Ang. Cone. 
 Lab. t. X. An. 1160. X La Roq. Hist, de I'Euch. c. xviii. p. 460. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 75 
 
 of these people ; and at best they would not the less be Ma- 
 nicheans for mitigating some few errors of this sect. 
 
 44. — That the Poplicans or Publicans are Manicheans. 
 
 Even the name of Publicans or Poplicans was a name of the 
 Manicheans, as is manifestly seen from the testimony of Wil- 
 liam le Breton. This author, in the life of Philip Augustus, 
 dedicated to his eldest son Lewis, speaking of these heretics, 
 vulgarly called Poplicans, says, " that they rejected marriage; 
 accounted it a crime to eat flesh; and had other superstitions 
 specified by St. Paul in a few words : viz. in the first to 
 Timothy *." 
 
 45. — The ministers make the Vaudois Manicheans, in making 
 them Poplicans. 
 
 Our Reformed nevertheless think they do an honour to the 
 disciples of Waldo by ranking them amongst the Poplicans. 
 There needed no more to condemn the Vaudois. But I shall 
 take no advantage from this mistake : I shall leave to the 
 Vaudois their particular heresies, it being enough for me here 
 to have shewn the Poplicans convicted of Manicheismf. 
 
 46. — The Manicheans ofErmengard. 
 
 I own, with the Protestants, that Ermengard's treatise ought 
 not to have been entitled, *' against the Vaudois," as it was by 
 Gretser, for he speaks in no respect concerning these here- 
 tics ; but the fact is, in Gretser's time, the general name of 
 Vaudois was given to all sects separate from Rome ever since 
 the eleventh or twelfth century down to Luther's days : which 
 was the reason that this author, publishing divers treatises 
 against these sects, gave them this common title, '^ against the 
 Vaudois X-" Yet he did not omit to preserve to each book the 
 title he had found in the manuscript. Now Ermengard or 
 Ermengaud had entitled his book thus: "■ A Treatise against 
 these Heretics, who say it is the devil, and not God, that 
 created the world and all things visible §.'"* He refutes in par- 
 ticular, chapter by chapter, all the errors of these heretics, 
 which are all those of Manicheism so frequently noticed by 
 us||. If they sj)eak against the Eucharist, they speak no less 
 against baptism; if they reject the worship of saints, and our 
 
 * Phil. lili. i. Duel), t. v. Hist. Fnince, p. 102. f La Roque, p. 45j. 
 
 + AtilitTt. La Ro4ue. § Tom. x. Bil). PP. part i., p. 12.S:i. 
 
 II Ibid. cap. xi. Iliid. xii. Tliid. xiii. Iliid. c. i. ii. iii. vii. Ibiii v. xv. xvi. 
 
76 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 other doctrinal points, they do no less reject the creation, the 
 incarnation, the law of Moses, marriage, eating of flesh, and 
 the resurrection ; so that to value themselves on the authority 
 of this sect, is placing their glory in infamy itself. 
 
 47. — An examination of the Authors who treat of the Mani- 
 cheans and Vandois is proceeded to, 
 
 I pass by many other Avitnesses which, after so many con- 
 vincing proofs, are no longer necessary ; but some there are 
 not to be omitted, for this reason, that they insensibly lead us 
 to the knowledge of the Vaudois. 
 
 48. — Proof from Alamts that the Heretics of Montpellier 
 are Manicheans. 
 
 In the first place, I produce Alanus, a famous monk of the 
 Cistercian order, and one of the first authors that wrote 
 against the Vaudois. He dedicated a treatise against the 
 heretics of his time to the Count of Montpellier, his lord, and 
 divided it into two books. The first regards the heretics of 
 his country. To them he ascribes the two principles, the 
 denial of Jesus Christ's incarnation, and attributing to him a 
 fantastical body, and all the other points of Manicheism, 
 against the law of Moses, against the Resurrection, against the 
 use of Flesh, and Marriage*; to which he adds some other 
 things we had not as yet seen in the Albigenses ; amongst 
 others, the damnation of St. John Baptist, for having doubted 
 of the coming of Jesus Christ, for they took it for a doubt, in 
 his holy precursor, what he caused his disciples to say to our 
 Saviour, " Art thou he that should come ?" a most extravagant 
 notion, but very conformable to Avhat Faustus, the Manichean, 
 writes, as St. Austin testifies. The other authors who wrote 
 against these new Manicheans, unanimously lay the same 
 error to their charge. 
 
 49. — The same author distinguishes the Vaudois from the 
 
 Manicheans. 
 
 In the second part of his work, Alanus treats concerning the 
 Vaudois, and there makes a list of their errors, which we shall 
 see in due place ; it suffices to observe here, that there is 
 nothing amongst them savouring of Manicheism, and that, at 
 first sight, these two heresies are quite distinct. 
 
 ■1= Alan. p.'31. Mat. xi. 3. Lib. v. cont. Faust, c. i. Ebrard. Antibser, 
 C. xiii. t. vi. ' Bib. PP. 1332. Ermeng. c. vi. ibid. 1339, &c. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 77 
 
 50. — Peter of Vaucernay distinrjuishes mighty ivcll these two 
 sects, and shews the Albiyenses are Manicheans. 
 
 That of Waldo was as yet a novelty. It took its rise at Lyons, 
 in the year IIGO, and Alanus wrote in 1202, at the beginning 
 of the thirteenth century. A little after, and about the year 
 1209, Peter of Vaucernay compiled his history of the Albi- 
 genses, where, treating on the different sects and heresies of his 
 time, he begins with the Manicheans, and specifies their seve- 
 ral parties, wherein are always to be seen some characteristics 
 of those above observed in Manicheism, although in some 
 strained higher, and in others more tempered, according to 
 the fancy of these heretics*. Be that as it will, the whole is 
 bottomed on Manicheism, and this is the peculiar characteristic 
 of that heresy which Vaucernay represents to us in the pro- 
 vince of Narbonne, namely, the heresy of the Albigenses, whose 
 history he undertakes. Nothing like this does he attribute to 
 the other heretics of whom he treats. '^ There were," says he, 
 '^ other heretics, called Vaudois, from a certain Waldius of 
 Lyons. These doubtless were bad, but nothing in comparison 
 Avith the first." Then he observes, in few words, four of their 
 capital errors, and immediately after returns to his Albigenses, 
 But these errors of the Vaudois are far remote from Mani- 
 cheism, as will soon appear; here, then, we have again the 
 Albigenses and Vaudois, two sects thoroughly distinct, and the 
 last clear from any character of Manicheism. 
 
 51. — Peter of Vancernay in his plain ivay has well specified 
 the characteristics of the Manicheans. 
 
 The Protestants will have it that Peter of Vaucernay spoke 
 of the Albigensian heresy without well knowing what he said, 
 on account of his charging them with blasphemies which arc 
 not to be found even in the Manicheans. But who can an- 
 swer for all the secrets and new inventions of this abominable 
 sect ? What Peter of Vaucernay makes them speak regarding 
 the two Jesus"'s, whereof one was born in the visible and ter- 
 restrial Bethlehem, the other in the celestial and invisible, is 
 much of a piece with the other extravagances of the Mani- 
 cheans. This invisible Bethlehem does not ill suit with the 
 supernatural Jerusalem, which Peter of Sicily's Paulicians 
 called the mother of God, whence Jesus Christ proceeded f. 
 
 * Ilist, Albi. Pet. Mon. Val-Cern. cap. ii. t. v. Hist. Franc, Ducliesn* 
 t Petr. Sic. 
 
7^ THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Say what they will of the visible Jesus, that he was not the 
 true Christ, that he was accounted evil by these heretics, I 
 see nothing in all that more extravagant than the other blas- 
 phemies of the Manicheans. We meet in Renier with heretics 
 holding something of the principles of the Manicheans, and 
 acknowledging a Christ, son of Joseph and Mary, evil at first 
 and a sinner, but afterwards turned good, and the restorer 
 of their sect *. Certain it is these Manichean heretics were 
 much addicted to change. Renier, one of their number, dis- 
 tinguishes the new from the ancient opinions, and observes 
 many novelties to have arisen amongst them in his time, and 
 since the year 1230'!'. Ignorance and extravagance seldom 
 hold long in the same state, and know no bounds in man. 
 However it be, if hatred conceived against the Albigenses 
 made men charge them with Manicheism, or, if you please, 
 something worse than hatred ; whence proceeds that care they 
 took to excuse the Vaudois, since it cannot be supposed they 
 were better loved than those, or less declared enemies to the 
 Church of Rome ? Yet we have already two authors very 
 zealous for the Catholic doctrme, and very averse to the 
 Vaudois, who carefully distinguish them from the Manichean 
 Albigenses. 
 
 52. — Distinction of the two sects by Ebrard of Bethune. 
 
 Here is also a third not less considerable. It is Ebrard, native 
 of Bethune, whose book, entitled "Anti-heresy," was composed 
 against the heretics of Flanders j. These heretics were called 
 Piples or Piphles, in the language of that country. A Pro- 
 testant author does not conjecture ill, imagining this word 
 Piphles to be a corruption from that of Poplicans ; and thence 
 it may be known that these Flemish heretics, like the Pop- 
 licans, were perfect Manicheans, nevertheless good Protestants, 
 if we believe the Calvinists, and worthy to be their ancestors. 
 But not to dwell on the other name, we need but give ear to 
 Ebrard, an author of that country, in his description of these 
 heretics. The first characteristic which he gives them is, that 
 they rejected the Law, and the God that gave it ; the rest is of 
 the same stamp, they not only despising marriage, but the use 
 of flesh meat, and the sacraments §. 
 
 * Ren. cont. Wald. c. vi. t. iv. part ii. Bib. PP. p. 753. f Ibid. 759. 
 
 I Ibid. p. 1075. Pet. de Val-Cern. Ibid. c. ii. La Roq. p. 454. 
 
 § Ibid, c. i. ii. iii. et seq. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 79 
 
 53. — The Vaudols ivell distinguished from the Manicheans. 
 
 After methodically digesting all he had to say against this sect, 
 he proceeds to speak against that of the Vaudois, which he 
 distinguishes, like the rest, from that of the new Manicheans ; 
 and this is the third witness we have to produce*. Hut here is 
 a fourth, of greater importance in this fact than all the rest. 
 
 54. — Testimony of Renier, who had been of the Sect of Mani- 
 cheans, in Italy, seventeen years. 
 
 It is Renier, of the order of Dominican friars, from whom we 
 have already cited some passages. He wrote about the year 
 1250, or 54, and the title he gave his book was, " De Htereticis, 
 of Heretics," as he testifies in his preface. He styles himself 
 ** Brother Renier, formerly an Heresiarch, and now a priest," 
 on account of his having been seventeen years among' the 
 Cathari, as he twice acknowledges! . This author is well 
 known among the Protestants, who never cease boastina; the 
 fine description he has given of the manners of the Vaudois. 
 He is the more to be credited on the occasion, as he tells us 
 both good and bad with so great sincerity. Now it cannot be 
 alleged he had not a competent knowledge of the several sects 
 of his time. He had been frequently present at the examijm- 
 tion of heretics, and there it was that the minutest dilferences 
 were most narrowly scanned of so many obscure and cunning 
 sects, wherewith Christendom, at that time, was over-run. 
 Many of them were converted, and disclosed all the mysteries 
 of the sect, which had been so carefully concealed. A thorouo-h 
 knowledge of the distemper is half the cure. Over and above 
 this, Renier applied his study to the reading of heretical books, 
 as of that great volume of John of LyonsJ, a leading man 
 amongst the new Manicheans, and from thence extracted the 
 articles of his doctrine which he re[)orts. No wonder, then 
 this author has given us a more exact account than any other, 
 of the differences in his contemporary sects. 
 
 55. — He distinguishes them mighty well from the Vaudois. 
 The Characteristics of Manicheism in the Cathari. 
 
 The first he instances in is that of the " poor men" of Lyons, 
 descended from Peter Waldo, all whose dogmata he sets down 
 
 * Cap. 25. t Ren. cont. Wal t. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. p. 746. Pref. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 740, 756, 757. Ibid. c. vii. p. 765. Iliid. c. iii. p. 748. 
 X Ibid. c. vi. pp. 7C2, l(i'3. 
 
80 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 even to the nicest minutiae. All therein is far remote from 
 Manicheism, as we shall see hereafter. Thence he proceeds 
 to the other sects of the Man ichean race ; and comes at length 
 to the Cathari, whose secrets he was entirely acquainted with* ; 
 for besides his having been, as already observed, seventeen 
 years amongst them, and thoroughly initiated in the sect, he 
 had heard their greatest doctors preach, and amongst others, 
 one called Nazarius, the most ancient of them all, who boasted 
 of having been formed, sixty years before, under the discipline 
 of the two chief pastors of the Bulgarian Church, However, 
 observe this extraction always from Bulgaria. It was from 
 thence the Cathari of Italy, amongst whom Renier dwelt, de- 
 rived their authority ; and as he had been conversant amongst 
 them so many years, it is not to be wondered that he has 
 explained more accurately, and more minutely, their errors, 
 their sacraments, their ceremonies, the different parties formed 
 amongst them, with the affinities as well as the diversities of 
 one from the other. In ]>im, everywhere are to be seen very 
 clearly the principles, the impieties, and the whole spirit of 
 Manicheism. The distinction of the Elect and Auditors, a par- 
 ticular characteristic of the sect, frequent in St. Austin and 
 other authors, is found here distinguished under another name. 
 We learn from Renier, that these heretics, besides the Cathari 
 or Pure, the most consummate of the sect, had also another 
 class which they called "their Believers," made up of all sorts of 
 peoplef . These were not admitted to all the mysteries ; and 
 the same Renier relates that the number of the perfect Cathari, 
 in his time, when the sect was weakened, " did not exceed 
 four thousand in all Christendom ;" but " that the believers 
 were innumerable ; a computation," says he, " which several 
 times has been made amongst them j." 
 
 56. — A remarkable list of the Manichean Churches. — The 
 Alhigenses comprised in it. — All of them descended from 
 Bulgaria. 
 
 Amongst the Sacraments of these heretics, their imposition of 
 hands, in order to remit sins, is chiefly to be observ^ed : they 
 called it consolation ; it served both instead of baptism and 
 penance. You see it in the above Council of Orleans, in 
 Ecbert, in Enervin, and in Ermengard. Renier gives the best 
 account of it, as an adept in the mysteries of the sect§. But 
 the most remarkable thing in Renier's book is the exact list of 
 
 * Ren. Ibid. c. v. p. 749, et seq. Ibid. c. vi. pp. 753, 754, 755, 75G. 
 f Ibid. p. 750. I Ibid. p. 759. 
 
 § T. ix. Cone. Ecb. Ren, c. xiv. t. vi. Bib. PP. part i. p. 1254. Ibid. 759. 
 
Xr.] THE VARIATIONS^ ETC. 81 
 
 the Churches of the Cathari, and his account of the state they 
 ■were in at his tinae. They counted sixteen in all, and amoncrst 
 the rest he reckons the Church of France, the Church of Tou- 
 louse, the Church of Cahors, the Church of Alby, and in fine, 
 the Church of Bulgaria, and the Cliurch of Drunganicia, 
 "whence," says he, " sprung all the rest." This considered, I 
 see not how the Manicheisrn of the Albigenses can be called 
 in question, nor their descent from the Manicheans of Bulgaria. 
 The reader has but to call to mind the two orders of Bulgaria 
 and Drungaria, mentioned by Vignier's author, and which 
 united themselves in Lombardy. I repeat once more that 
 there is no necessity of searching what this Drungaria can be. 
 These obscure heretics often took their name from unknown 
 places. Renier tells us of Runcarians, a Manichean sect of 
 his time, whose name was taken from a village"*. Who knows 
 but this word, Runcarians, was a corruption of Druncarians ? 
 We find in the same author, and elsewhere, so many dif- 
 ferent names of these heretics, that it were labour lost to in- 
 quire into their origin. Patarians, Poplicans, Toulousians, 
 Albigenses, Cathari, were, under different names, and often 
 with some diversity, in sect Manicheans, all of Bulgarian 
 descent ; whence also they took the name most in use among 
 the vulgar. 
 
 57. — Tho same origin proved from Matthew Paris. — The Pope 
 of the Albigenses in Bulgaria. 
 
 So certain is this origin, that we find it acknowledged even in 
 the thirteenth century. *' At this time," says Matthew Paris, 
 (viz. in the year 1223,) " the Albigensian heretics made them- 
 selves an Antipope, called Bartholomew, in the confines of 
 Bulgaria, Croatia, and Dalmatiaf." It ajipears afterwards, 
 that the Albigenses went in crowds to consult him; that he 
 had a vicar at Carcassonne and Toulouse, and dispatched his 
 Bishops far and near; which comes up manifestly to what was 
 said by Enervin, that these heretics had their Pope ; although 
 the same author informs us that all did not own him. And 
 that no doubt might remain as to the error of the Albigenses, 
 mentioned by Matthew Paris ; the same author assures us, 
 " the Albigenses of Spain," that took up arms in 1234, amongst 
 many other errors, "particularly denied the mystery of the 
 incarnation." 
 
 * Ren. c. x!v, pp. 753, 750. f Mat. Paris in Ilenr. III., An. 122.3. p. 317. 
 Ep. Enerv. ad S. Bernard. Anal. Mabill. iii. Ibid. 1234. An. p. 395. 
 VOL. II. G 
 
82 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 58. — The great hypoci'isy of these Heretics from Enervin. 
 
 Notwithstanding such great inipieties, the outward appearance 
 of these heretics was surprising. Enervin introduces them, 
 speaking in these terms: — "You, for your part," said they to 
 the Cathohcs, " join house to house, and field to field : the most 
 perfect amongst you, as the monks and canons regular, if they 
 possess no goods in property, have them at least in common. 
 We, the poor of Jesus Christ, without repose, without settled 
 habitations, wander from town to town like sheep in tiie midst of 
 wolves, and suffer persecution like the martyrs and apostles*." 
 They boasted next of their abstinence, their fasts, the narrow 
 ,\vay they walked in, and called themselves the only followers 
 of the apostolic life, for that, contented with necessaries, they 
 had neither house, nor land, nor riches, " for this reason," 
 said they, " because Jesus Christ neither had, nor possessed 
 the like things, nor suffered his disciples to possess them." 
 
 59. — And from St. Bernard. — Conformity of their discourse 
 with that of Faustus the Manicheans in St. Austin. 
 
 According to St. Bernard, there was " nothing more Christian 
 in appearance" than their speech, nothing more blameless than 
 their manners. Therefore they called themselves the Apostolic, 
 and boasted of leading the lives of the'apostles. Methinks, I 
 hear over again Faustus the Manichean, who, in St. Austin, 
 thus speaks to Catholics : — " You ask me whether I receive 
 the gospel ? you see I do, inasmuch as I observe what the 
 gospel prescribes : of you I ought to ask whether you receive 
 it, since I see no mark of it in your lives. For my part, 1 have 
 forsaken father, mother, wife and children, gold, silver, meat, 
 drink, delights, pleasures ; content with having what is suf- 
 ficient for life from day to day. I am poor, I am peaceable, I 
 weep, I suffer hunger and thirst, I am persecuted for justice 
 . sake, and do you question whether I receive the gospelf ?" 
 After this, must persecutions be still taken for a mark of the 
 true church and true piety ? it is the language of Manicheans. 
 
 60. — Their hypocrisy confounded by St. Austin and 
 St. iBernard. 
 
 But St. Austin and St. Bernard shew them that their virtue 
 was nothing but vain ostentation. To carry the abstinence 
 
 * Enervin, An"al. iii. p. 454. f Serm. 65. Serm. 66. L. v. cont. Faust, c. i. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 63 
 
 from meats so far as to say that they are unclean and evil in 
 their nature, and continence, even to the condemnation of 
 marriage, is, on the one hand, to attack the Creator, and on 
 the other, loosing the reins to evil desires by leaving them 
 absolutely without a remedy*. Never believe any good of those 
 Avho run virtue to extremes. The depravation of their minds 
 venting itself HI such extravagance of speech, introduces into 
 their lives disorders without end. 
 
 Gl. — The infamy of the Heretics and chiefly of the Patarians. 
 
 St. x^ustin informs us that these people, who debarred them- 
 selves of marriage, allowed liberty for every thing else. What, 
 according to their principles, they had an abhorrence of, (I am 
 ashamed to be forced to repeat it,) was properly conception ; 
 whence it appears what an inlet was opened to tiie aboramations 
 whereof the old and new Manicheans stand convicted. But, 
 as among the different sects of these new Manicheans there 
 were degrees of weakness, the most infamous of all were those 
 called Patarians ; which I the more willingly take notice of, by 
 reason that our Reformed, who place them expressly amongst 
 the Vaudois, glory in descending from them f. 
 
 G2. — Doctrine of these Heretics, that the effect of the Sacra- 
 ments depends on the sanctity of the Ministers. 
 
 Those that make the greatest ostentation of their virtue and 
 the purity of their lives, generally speaking, are the most cor- 
 rupt. It may have been observed how these impure Mani- 
 cheans prided themselves, at their beginning, and through the 
 whole progress of the sect, in a virtue more severe than that 
 of others ; and with the view of enhancing their own merit, 
 said, that the sacraments and mysteries lost their efficacy in 
 impure hands. It is necessary to take good notice of this 
 part of their doctrine, which we have seen in Enervin, in 
 St. Bernard, and in the Council of Lpmbez. Wherefore 
 Kenier repeats twice, that this imposition of hands, by them 
 called Consolation, and wherein they placed the remission of 
 sins, was unprofitable to the receiver, if the giver of it were in 
 sin, though hidden;];. Their manner of accounting for this doc- 
 trine, accorchng to Ermengard, was, because a person having 
 lost the Holy Ghost, is no longer empowered to give it ; which 
 was the very reason alleged by the Donatists of old. 
 
 * Bern. Serm. CG, in Cant. 
 
 f Atip. Ren. c. xvi. Ebrard. c. 2(J. T. Iv. Bib. PP. part. i. p. 1178. Ren.c. vi. 
 T. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. p. Tii'.i. La Roq. Hist, de I'Euc. part ii. c. 18 p. 445. 
 I Ren, c. vi. Ibid. pp. 75C, 759. Erm. c. xiv. de imp. Man. Bib, PP. p. 1254. 
 
 g2 
 
84 THE HISTORY OF [rOOK: 
 
 63. — They condemn all Oaths and Punishment of Crimes. 
 
 It was moreover for shew of sanctity and to raise themselves 
 above others, that they said, a Christian ought never to affirm 
 the truth by oath for what cause soever, not even in a court 
 of judicature, and that it was unlawful to put anyone to death, 
 however criminal. The Vaudois, as we shall see, borrowed 
 from them all these extravagant maxims and all this vain 
 exterior of piety*. 
 
 Such were the Albigenses by the testimony of all their 
 contemporary authors, not one excepted. The Protestants 
 blush for them ; and all they can answer is, that these excesses, 
 these errors, and all these disorders of the Albigenses, are the 
 calumnies of their enemies. But have they so much as one 
 proof for what they advance, or even one author of those 
 times, and for more than four hundred years after, to support 
 them in it ? For our parts, we produce as many witnesses as 
 have been authors in the Avhole universe who have treated of 
 this sect. Those that were educated in their principles have 
 revealed to us their abominable secrets after their conversion. 
 We trace up the damnable sect even to its source; we shew 
 whence it came, which way it steered its course, all its charac- 
 teristics, and its whole pedigree branching from the Manichean 
 root. They oppose against us conjectures ; nay, what con- 
 jectures ? We shall take a view of them, for I mean to pro- 
 duce here those that carry the best appearance. 
 
 65. — Examination of Peter de Brvis's doctrine — theMinistei^s 
 objection taken from Peter of Clnny. 
 
 The greatest effort of our adversaries is in order to justify 
 Peter de Bruis and his disciple Henry. St. Bernard, say 
 they, accuses them of condemning meats and marriage. But 
 Peter, the venerable Abbot of Cluny, who, much about that 
 time, refuted Peter de Bruis, speaks nothing of these errors, 
 and accuses him of five only: of denying infant baptism; of 
 condemning hallowed churches; of breaking crosses, instead 
 of venerating them ; of rejecting the eucharist ; of ridiculing 
 oblations and prayers for the dead f . St. Bernard avers that 
 this heretic and his followers " received only the Gospel." But 
 venerable Peter speaks doubtingly of it. " Fame," says he, 
 
 * Bern. Seim. 6G, in Cant. Ehrard. c. xiv. xv. Erm. c. xviii. xix. Bib. 
 PP. pp. 1134, 113f], 1260, 1261. 
 } Petr. Ven. con. Petrobr, 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. '85 
 
 " has published that you do not \vholly believe either in Jesus 
 Christ, or the Prophets, or the Apostles ; but reports, fre- 
 quently deceitful, are not to be lightly credited, there being 
 some even that say, you reject the whole Canon of the Scrip- 
 tures *." "Whereupon he adds : " 1 will not blame you for 
 Nvhat is uncertain." Here Protestants commend the prudence 
 of venerable Peter, and blame St. Bernard's credulity, as one 
 too easily assenting to confuted rejjorts. 
 
 66. — Pder de Bruin's doctrine accordiiuj to Peter of Cluny. 
 
 But, in the first place, to take only what the Abbot of 
 Cluny reproves as certain in (his heretic, there is more than 
 enough to condemn him. Calvin j- has numbered amongst 
 blasphemies the doctrine condemning infant baptism. The 
 denying it, with Peter de Bruis and his disciple Henry, was 
 refusing salvation to the most innocent age of man ; it was 
 saying, that for so many ages, during which scarce any were 
 baptized but children, there had been no baptism in the world, 
 no sacrament, no church, no Christians. It is what excited 
 horror in the Abbot of Clunv. The rest of Peter de Bruis's 
 errors, refuted by this venerable author, are not less insup- 
 portable. ]^et us give ear to what he is reproached with in 
 regard of the eucharist by this holy abbot, who hath just 
 declared to us, that he will object nothing to him but what is 
 certain. " He denies," says he, " that the body and blood of 
 Jesus Christ can be made by virtue of the divine word and 
 ministry of the priest, and avers, that all that is done at the 
 altar is unprofitable J." This is not only denying the truth of 
 the body and blood, but, like the Manicheans, rejecting abso- 
 lutely the Eucharist. For which reason the holy abbot sub- 
 joins a little after, " Were your heresy contained within the 
 bounds of that of Berengarius, who, in denying the truth of the 
 body, did not deny the sacrament or the appearance and figure 
 of it, I would refer you to the authors that have refuted him. 
 But," proceeds he, a little after, " you add error to error, 
 heresy to heresy ; and not only deny the truth of the flesh 
 and blood of Jesus Christ, but their sacrament, their figure, 
 and their appearance, and so leave God's people without a 
 sacrifice." 
 
 * Petr. Ven. T. xxii. Bib. Max. p. 1034. Sermon Go. in Caut. Peter Veil. 
 Ibid. p. 1037. 
 f Opusc. cout. Seivet. \ Bib. Mex. p. I07. 
 
86 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 67. — St. Bernard as circumspect as Peter ofChiny. 
 
 As for the errors of which this holy abbot does not speak, 
 and those he doubts of, it is easy to comprehend that the 
 reason of this was, their not being as yet sufRciently proved, 
 nor all the secrets of a sect, which had so many windings and 
 turnings, thoroughly disclosed at the beginning. They came 
 to light by degrees ; and venerable Peter assures ns himself, 
 that Henry, the disciple of Bruis, had added a great deal to 
 the five chapters condemned in his master *. He had by him 
 the writing wherein all this heresiarch's new errors were col^ 
 lected from his own mouth. But this holy abbot waited, be- 
 fore he refuted them, for still further assurance. St. Bernard, 
 who had beheld these heretics at close view, knew more of 
 them than venerable Peter, who wrote only from report ; nor 
 did he know all, and for that reason would not venture to call 
 them complete Manicheansi- ; for he was not less circumspect 
 than venerable Peter, to impute nothing to them but what was 
 certain. Accordingly, observe how he speaks of their impari- 
 ties : " Men say, they do shameful things in private J." " Men 
 say," implies, he had not as yet a full assurance of them, for 
 which reason he durst not speak positively. Those who knew 
 them, have spoken of them ; but this circumspection of St. 
 Bernard shews us clearly the certainty of that which he objects 
 to them. 
 
 68. — Answer to the objection regarding the credulity of 
 St. Bernard. 
 
 But, say they, he was credulous, and Otho of Frisingen, an 
 author of the time, has reproached him with it. We must still 
 hear this conjecture, which Protestants lay so much stress on. 
 It is true, Otho of Frisingen finds St. Bernard too credu- 
 lous, because he caused the manifest errors of Gilbert of 
 Poiree, bishop of Poictiers, to be condemned, whom his disciple 
 Otho endeavoured to excuse. This reproach of Otho is then 
 an excuse, which a fond disciple draws up for his master. Let 
 us see, however, in what he makes the credulity of St. 
 Bernard to consist. " This Abbot," said Otho, " both by the 
 fervour of his faith, and by his natural goodness, had a little 
 too much credulity ; so that the doctors, who trusted too much 
 to human reason, and to the wisdom of the age, became sus- 
 pected by him : and if it was mentioned to him, that their 
 
 * Ep. ad Episcop. Arelat. &c. Ante Epist. contra Petrob. Bib. Max, p. 1034. 
 f Sermon 66. | Sermon Go. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 87 
 
 doctrine was not altogether conformable to the faith, he easily 
 believed it*." Was he wrong? Unquestionably not; and ex- 
 perience sufficiently shews that Peter Abelard, who became 
 suspected by him in consequence of this ; and Gilbert, who 
 explained the Trinity rather according to the topics of 
 Aristotle than according to tradition and the rule of faith, 
 strayed from the right path, since their errors, condemned 
 in the councils, are equally condemned by Catholics and 
 Prote.itants. 
 
 69. — St. Bernard imputes nothing, of which he is not certain, to 
 Peter cleBruis and Henry, the seducers of Toulousians. 
 
 Let us not then here arraign the credulity of St. Bernard. 
 If he have represented to us Henry, the disciple of Peter de 
 Bruis, and the seducer of the Toulousians, as the most Avicked 
 and the most hypocritical of all men, all writers of the time 
 have passed the same judgment on him. The errors which lie 
 attributes to the disciples of these heretics have been acknow- 
 ledged and discovered by themselves more and more every day, 
 as the sequel of this history will shew. It was not without 
 reason that St. Bernard imputed to them those which we 
 find in his sermons. " I wish," said he, " to recount to you 
 their extravagancies, which we have ascertained, either by 
 the answers which they have given, without intending it, to 
 Catholics, or by the mutued reproaches, which their divisions 
 have caused to burst forth, or by the things which they did, 
 after being converted." Thus, then, those extravagancies were 
 discovered, which St. Bernard subsequently calls blasphemies. 
 When there was nothing else in the Henricans, but their blind 
 attachment for those women, whom they kept in their com- 
 pany, as St. Bernard states, and with whom they spent their 
 lives, shut up in the same room night and day, that were suffi- 
 cient for their being held in detestation. However, the matter 
 was so public, that St. Bernard wished that they should be 
 known by this mark. " Tell me,"" said he to. them, " my 
 friend, what woman is this ? Is she your wife ?" — " No," say 
 they, "that suits not my profession." " Is she your daughter, 
 your sister, your niece ?" — " No ; she is no way related to me." 
 — " But do you know that it is not allowed, according to the 
 laws of the church, to those who have professed continence, 
 to cohabit with women ? Put her away, then, if you wish not 
 to scandalise the church ; otherwise, this fact, which is mani- 
 fest, will make us suspect the rest, which is not so much so." 
 
 * Albert. La Ro(i. Otho. Fiis. in Frid. c. 40, 47. 
 
88 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 He was not too credulous in this suspicion, and the turpitude 
 of these pretendedly chaste individuals has since been disclosed 
 to the entire Avorld. 
 
 70. — Conclusion. 
 
 Whence comes it then, that Protestants undertake the defence 
 of these wicked men ? The reason is too obvious. It is their 
 ambition to procure themselves predecessors. They find none 
 others who reject the worship of the cross, the prayers of the 
 saints, and oblations for the dead. They are annoyed at find- 
 ing the commencement of their reformation only among the 
 Manicheans. Because they grumble against the pope and the 
 church of Rome, the reformation is well disposed in their 
 favour. The Catholics of that time reproach them with their 
 bad notions concerning the Eucharist. Our Protestants would 
 have been glad if they had been but mere Berengarians, dis- 
 pleased with the Eucharist in part, not Manicheans, averse to 
 it in the whole. But though it had been so, these reformed, 
 whom you will have your brethren, concealed their doctrine, 
 " frequented our churches, honoured priests, went to the obla- 
 tion ; confessed their sins, communicated, received with us,"" 
 continues St. Bernard, "the body and blood of Jesus Christ*." 
 Behold them, therefore, in our assemblies, which in their hearts 
 they detested as the conventicles of Satan ; present at mass, 
 which, in their error, they accounted an idolatry and sacrilege; 
 and, in short, practising the usages of the church of Rome, 
 which they believed was the kingdom of Antichrist. Are these 
 the disciples of Him, who commanded his gospel to be preached 
 on the house-tops ? Are these the children of light? Are 
 these the works which shine forth before men, or rather such 
 as should be hid in darkness ? In a word, are these fit fathers 
 for the Reformation to choose and boast of? 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 71. — Beginning of the Faudois, or Poor Men of Lyons. 
 
 The Vaudois serve them no better with regard to establishing 
 a legitimate succession. Their name is derived from Waldo, 
 the author of the sect. Lyons was the place of their nativity. 
 They were called the ^' poor men" of Lyons, on account of the 
 poverty affected by them ; and as the city of Lyons was then 
 called, in Latin, Leona, they had also the appellation of 
 Leonists, or Lionists. 
 
 * Sermon 65, in Cant, Ecbert. Ren. 
 
XI.] THE VARl.VnONS, ETC. 89 
 
 72. — The names of the Sect. 
 
 They were also called the Insabbatized, from an ancient word 
 signifying shoes, whence have proceeded other words of a like 
 signification, still in use in several other languages as well as 
 ours*. They took, therefore, the name of the Insabbatized 
 from a sort of shoes of a particular make, which they cut in 
 the upper part, to shew their feet naked like the Apostles, as 
 they said ; and this fashion was affected by them in token of 
 their apostolic })overty. 
 
 73. — Their History bipartite. — Their beginnings specious. 
 
 Now, here is an abridgment of their history. At their first 
 separation, they held but few tenets contrary to ours, if any at 
 all. In the year 1160, Peter Waldo, a merchant of Lyons, at 
 a meeting held, as customary, with the other rich traders of the 
 town, was so lively struck with the sudden death of one of the 
 most eminent amongst them, that he immediately distributed all 
 his means, which were considerable, to the poor of that city ; 
 and having, on that account, gathered a great number of them, 
 he preached to them voluntary poverty, and the imitation of 
 the life of Jesus Christ and his Apostles. This is what Henier 
 says, whom the Protestants, pleased with the encomiums we 
 shall find he bestows on the Vaudois, will have us believe in 
 this matter preferably to all other authorsf. But we are going 
 to see, what misguided piety can arrive to. Peter Pylicdorf, 
 who beheld the Vaudois in their most flourishing condition, and 
 related, not only their dogmata, but deportment too, with 
 much simplicity and learning, says, that Waldo, moved with 
 those words of the gospel so highly favourable to poverty, be- 
 lieved the apostolic life was no longer to be found on earth. 
 Bent on restoring it, he sold all he had. " Others, touched with 
 compunction, did the same," and iniited together in this under- 
 taking!. At the first rise of this obscure and timorous sect, 
 either they had none, or did not publish any particular tenet ; 
 Avhich was the reason that Ebrard of Bethune remarks nothing 
 singular in them but the affectation of a proud and lazy 
 poverty^. One might see these Insabbatized or Sabbatized, so 
 he calls them, with their naked feet, or rather with " their shoes 
 cut open" at top, waiting for alms, and living only on what was 
 given thernj]. Nothing was blamed in them, at first, but osten- 
 
 * Ebrard. Ibid. c. 25. Conrad. Ursper. Chron. ad An. 1212. 
 
 I Reu. c. V, p. 740. + Lib. cont. Wal. c. i. T. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. p. 779. 
 
 $ Aiitih. c. 25. Bib. Max.. IICC, || Ibid. 
 
90 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 tation, and, without ranking them as yet amongst heretics, they 
 were reproached only with imitating their pride*. But let us 
 hear the sequel of their history: " After living a while in this 
 pretended apostolic poverty, they bethought themselves that 
 the Apostles were not only poor, but also preached thegospel-|-." 
 They set themselves, therefore, to preach, according to their 
 example, that they might wholly imitate the apostolic life. But 
 the apostles were sent ; and these men, whose ignorance ren- 
 dered them incapable of such mission, were excluded by the 
 prelates, and lastly, by the Holy See, from a ministry which 
 they had usurped without their leave. Nevertheless, they con- 
 tinued it in {)rivate, and murmured against the clergy, that hin- 
 dered them from preaching, as they said, through jealousy, and 
 on account that their doctrine and holy life cast a reproach on 
 the corrupt manners of the others^. 
 
 74. — Whether Waldo were a man of learning. 
 
 Some protestants have asserted, that Waldo was a man of learn- 
 ing ; but Renier says only, " he had a small tincture of it;" 
 aliquaiitidum literatus §. Other protestants, on the contrary, 
 take advantage from the great success he had in his ignorance. 
 But it is but too well known, what a dexterity often may be 
 met with in the minds of the most ignorant men, to attract to 
 them those that are alike disposed, and Waldo seduced none 
 but such. 
 
 75. — The Vaudois condemned by Lucius III. 
 
 This sect, in little time, made a great progress. Bernard, abbot 
 of Fontcauld, who saw their beginnings, remarks their in- 
 crease under Pope Lucius 11I||. This Pope's pontificate com- 
 mences in 1181, to wit, twenty years after Waldo had appeared 
 at Lyons. Twenty years at least were requisite to make a 
 body and so considerable a sect as to deserve notice. At that 
 time, therefore, Lucius IIL condemned them ; and as his pon- 
 tificate held but four years, this first condemnation of the 
 Vaudois must have fallen between the year 1181, when this 
 Pope was raised to St. Peter's chair, and the year 1185, 
 wherein he died. 
 
 76. — They come to Rome. — I'hey are not accused of any thing 
 
 in respect to the Real Presence. 
 Conrade, abbot of LTrsperg, thoroughly acquainted, as we shall 
 find, with the Vaudois, has written, that Pope Lucius placed 
 
 *Bib. p. 1170. f Pylicd.ib. + Pylicd. ib. Ren. ib. §Ren. c.vi. ■ 
 II Bern. Abb. Fontiscal. adv. Wald, Sect. T. iv, Bib. PP. Pmf. p. 1195. 
 
Xr.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 91 
 
 them in the number of heretics, on account of some dogmata 
 and superstitious observances. As yet these docjmata are not 
 specified ; but there is no question, that, if the Vaudois had 
 denied such remarkable points as that of the Real Presence (a 
 matter become so notorious by Berengarius's condemnation,) 
 it had not been thought sufficient to say in general, they held 
 *' some superstitious dogmata *." 
 
 77. — Another proof that their errors did not regard the 
 
 Eucharist. 
 
 Much about the same time, in the year 1194, a statute of Al- 
 phonsus or Ildephonsus, king of Arragon, reckons the Vaudois 
 or Insabbatized, otherwise the poor men of Lyons, amongst 
 heretics anathematized by the Church, and this is manifestly 
 in consequence of the sentence pronounced by Lucius III. 
 After this Pope's death, when in spite of his decree these here- 
 tics spread themselves far and near, and Bernard, archbishop 
 of Narbonne, who condemned them anew after a great inquest, 
 could not stem the current of their progress, many pious per- 
 sons. Ecclesiastics and others, procured a conference, in order 
 to reclaim them in an amicable manner. " Both sides agreed to 
 choose for umpire"" in the conference, a holy priest called Rai- 
 mond of Daventry, " a man illustrious for birth, but much more 
 so for the holiness of his life," The assembly was very solemn, 
 " and the dispute held long." Such passages of Scripture, as 
 each {)arty grounded itself on, were produced on both sides. 
 The Vaudois were condemned, and declared heretics in regard 
 to all the heads of accusation |. 
 
 78. — Proof of the same truth by a famous Conference, wherein 
 all points ivere discussed. 
 
 Thence it appears that the Vaudois, though condemned, had 
 not as yet broken all measures with the church of Rome, in as 
 much as they had agreed to the umpirage of a Catholic and 
 priest. The abbot of Fontcauld, [)resent at the conference, 
 did commit to writing, with much judgment and perspicuity, 
 the debated points, and the passages alleged on both sides : so 
 that nothing can give us a clearer insight into the whole state 
 of the question, such as it then was, and at the beginning of 
 the sect. 
 
 ♦ Chroii. :i(l An. 1212. t Aptul Em. ji. ii. direct, inq. q. xiv. p. 287- et 
 
 apud Marian. Prsef. in Luc. Trid. t. iv. Bib. PP. ii. p. ii. p. 582. Bern, do 
 Font. Cal. adversus Wal. Sect, iu Praef. t. iv. Bib. PP. p. iii. p. 1195. 
 
92 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 79. — Articles of the Conference. 
 
 The dispute chiefly turned on the obedience due to pastors. 
 It is plain, the Vaudois refused it, and, notwithstanding all 
 their prohibitions, believed they had a right to preach, both 
 men and women. As this disobedience could be grounded on 
 nothing else but the pastor''s unworthiness, the Catholics, in 
 proving the obedience due to them, prove it is due even to the 
 wicked, and that grace, be its channel what it will, never 
 ceases to diffuse itself on the faithful*. For the same reason 
 they shewed, that slandering of pastors (whence w'as taken the 
 pretext of disobedience) was forbidden by the laws of God -f-. 
 Then they attack the liberty, which laymen gave themselves, 
 of preaching without the pastors' leave, nay in spite of their 
 prohibitions, and shew, that this seditious preaching tends to 
 the subversion of the Aveak and ignorant J. Above all, they 
 prove from the Scripture §, that w'omen, to whom silence is en- 
 joined, ought not to interfere in teaching ||. Lastly, it is re- 
 monstrated to the Vaudois, how much they are in the wrong, 
 to reject prayer for the dead, so well grounded in Scripture, 
 and so evidently handed down by tradition : and, whereas these 
 heretics absented from churches in order to pray apart in their 
 houses, they are made sensible, that they ought not to abandon 
 the house of prayer, whose sanctity the whole Scripture and 
 the Son of God himself had so much recommended. 
 
 80. — The Eucharist is not there spoken of. 
 
 Without examining here which side was right or wrong in this 
 debate, it is plain, w-hat was the ground of it, and which were 
 the points contested ; and it is more clear than day, that in 
 these beginnings, far from bringing the real presence, transub- 
 stantiation, or the sacraments into question, they did not as 
 yet so much as mention praying to saints, nor relics, nor 
 images. 
 
 81. — Alanus, ivho makes a list of the errors of the Vaudois, 
 objects nothing concerning the Eucharist. 
 
 It was nearly about this time, that Alanus wrote the book 
 above-mentioned ; wherein, after carefully distinguishing the 
 Vaudois from the other heretics of his time, he undertakes to 
 prove, in opposition to their doctrine, " That none ought to 
 
 * c. 1, 2. f 11^' c. 3. t IIj- c. 4. et seq. 
 
 § lb. c. 7. II lb. c. 8. c. 9. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 93 
 
 preach without mission ; that prelates should be obeyed, and 
 not only good, but also evil ones; that their bad lives derogate 
 not from their power : that it is to tlie sacred order we ought 
 to attribute the power of consecrating and that of binding and 
 loosing, and not to personal merit ; that we ought to confess 
 to priests, and not to laymen ; that it is lawful to swear in 
 certain cases, and to execute malefactors*." This is much 
 what he opposes to the errors of the Vaudois. Had they erred 
 in relation to the Eucharist, Alanus would not have forgotten 
 it, the very thing he was so mindful to reproach the Albigenses 
 with, against whom he undertakes to prove both the real pre- 
 sence and transubstantiation ; and after reproving so many 
 things of less importance in the Vaudois, he would never have 
 omitted so essential a point. 
 
 82. — Nor Peter de Vaucernay, 
 
 A little after Alanus's time, and about the year 1201, Peter de 
 Vaucernay, a plain downright man, and of unquestionable 
 sincerity, distinguishes the Vaudois from the All3igenses by 
 their proper characters, when he tells us, " the Vaudois were 
 bad, but much less so than these other heretics," who admitted 
 the two principles, and all the consequences of that damnable 
 doctrine f. ** Not to mention," proceeds this author, " their 
 other infidelities ; their error chiefly consisted in four heads : 
 viz. their wearing sandals in imitation of the Aj)ostles ; their 
 saying it was not lawful to swear for whatsoever cause ; nor to 
 j)ut to death, even malefactors ; lastly, in that they said that 
 each one of them, though but mere laymen, provided he wore 
 sandals (namely, as above seen, the mark of apostolic poverty) 
 might consecrate the body of Jesus Christ."" Here are in 
 reality the specific characters that denote the lru(> spirit of 
 the Vaudois; the affectation of poverty in the sandals which 
 were the badge of it; simplicity and apparent meekness in 
 rejecting all oaths and capital punishments, and, what was 
 more peculiar to this sect, the belief that the laity, provided 
 they had embraced their pretended apostolic poverty and bore 
 its badge, that is, provided they were of their sect, might ad- 
 minister and consecrate the Sacraments, even the body of 
 Jesus Christ. The rest, as their doctrine concerning prayer 
 for the dead, was comprised in the other infidelities of these 
 heretics, which this author forbears to particularize. Yet, had 
 Ihey risen up against the real presence, since the disturbance 
 
 * Alan, lib ii. p. 175, et seq. Lit), i. p. 118, et seq. 
 I Pet. (le Val.-Cern. Hist. Albig. c. 2. Duch. Hist. Fran. t. v. p. 57."), 
 
94 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 this matter had caused in the church, not only this rehgious 
 would not have forgotten it, but had been far from saying, 
 " they consecrated the body of Jesus Christ," thereby making 
 them not to differ from Catholics in this point, except their 
 attributing to laymen that power, which Catholics acknow- 
 ledged only in the priesthood. 
 
 83. — Tlie Vaudois come to demand the approbation of 
 Innocent III. 
 
 It appears then manifestly, that the Vaudois in 1209, at the 
 time of Peter de Vaucernay's writing, had not so much as 
 thought of denying the real presence, but retained so much 
 either true or apparent submission to the church of Rome, that 
 even in 1212, they came to Rome, in order to obtain " the 
 approbation of their sect from the Holy See." It Avas then 
 that Conrade, Abbat of Ursperg*, saw them there, as he him- 
 self reports, with their master Bernard. They may be dis- 
 covered by the characters given them by this chronicler : they 
 were " the poor men of Lyons, those whom Lucius 111. had 
 put in the list of heretics," who made themselves remarkable 
 by the affectation " of apostolic poverty, with their shoes cut 
 open at top ;" who in " their private preaching and clandes- 
 tine assemblies reviled the church and priesthood." The 
 Pope judged the affectation was very odd which they discovered 
 *' in these cut shoes, and in their capuches, like those of the 
 religious, though, contrary to their custom, they wore a long 
 head of hair like laymen." iVnd truly, these strange affecta- 
 tions most commonly cover something bad ; but especially 
 men took offence at the liberty these new apostles gave them- 
 selves of going promiscuously together, men and women, in 
 imitation, as they said, of the pious women that followed Jesus 
 Christ and the apostles to minister to them ; but very different 
 were the times, the persons, and the circumstances. 
 
 84. — The Vaudois begin to be treated like obstinate heretics. 
 
 It was, says the Abbot of Ursperg, Avith the design of giving 
 to the Church men truly poor, more divested of earthly goods 
 than these false poor of Lyons, that the Pope afterwards ap- 
 proved the institute of the Brother-Minors, assembled under 
 the direction of St. Francis, the true pattern of humility, and 
 miracle of the age ; whilst these other poor, fraught with 
 hatred against the Church and her ministers, notwithstanding 
 
 * Com-. Ursperg. ad An. 1212, 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 95 
 
 their fallacious humility, were rejected by the Holy See ; inso- 
 much that, afterwards, they were treated as contumacious and 
 incorrigible heretics. Yet they made a shew of submission 
 till the year 1212, which was the fifteenth of Innocent III., 
 and fifty years since their beginning. , 
 
 85. — The Church's patience in regard to the Vaudois. 
 
 Thence a judgment may be formed of the Church's patience 
 with respect to these heretics, using no rigour against them 
 for fifty years together, but endeavouring to reclaim them by 
 conferences. Besides that mentioned by Bernard, Abbot of 
 Fontcauld, we also find another in Peter de Vaucernay*, 
 about the year 1206, where the Vaudois were confounded ; 
 and lastly in 1212, when, on their coming again to Rome, the 
 Church proceeded no farther against them than by rejecting 
 their imposture. Three years after. Innocent III. held the 
 great Council of Lateran, where, in his condemnation of 
 heretics, he particularly takes notice of " those, who, under 
 pretext of piety, arrogate to themselves the authority of 
 preaching without mission ;" whereby he seems to have par- 
 ticularly pointed out the Vaudois and distinguished them by 
 the ori<iin of their schism. 
 
 8G. — The Sect of the Vaudois a species of Donatism. 
 
 Here are seen evidently the beginnings of this sect. It was a 
 kind of Donatism, but different from that impugned of old in 
 Africa, in that the African Donatists, making the effect of the 
 sacraments depend on the virtue of the ministers, reserved at 
 least the power of conferring them to holy priests and bishops; 
 whereas these new Donatists attributed it, as above seen, to 
 laymen whose life was pure. Nor did they come to this ex- 
 cess but by degrees; for at first they allowed nothing to the 
 laity but preaching. They not only re[)roved evil manners, 
 which the Church no less condemned than they, but also 
 many other things she approved of, as ceremonies, yet so as 
 not to touch on the sacraments : for Pylicdorff , who was very 
 accurate in observing both the ancient spirit and the whole 
 progress of the sect, observes that they discarded every thing 
 employed by the Church to edify the faithful, " except," says 
 hej, "the sacraments alone ;" which shews, they left them 
 untouched. The same author relates, moreover, " that it was 
 
 * Pet. de Val. c. 6, p. 5G1. Cone. Lat. iv. Can. 3, de Haeret. 
 I Pet. Pylicid. cont. Wald. c. i. T. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. p. 780. + Ibid.^ 
 
96 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 a long while before they began, being laymen, to hear con- 
 fessions, to enjoin penances, and give absolution ; and it has 
 been observed l)ut a little time since," continues this author, 
 " that one of these heretics, a mere layman, did consecrate, 
 according to his notion, our Lord's body, and communicated 
 himself, together with his accomplices, although somewhat 
 reprimanded for it by the rest." 
 
 87. — Their presumption increased by little and little. 
 
 See how their presumption increased by degrees. The fol- 
 lowers of Waldo, scandalized at the lives of several priests, 
 " believed themselves," says the same Pylicdorf, better ab- 
 solved by their own people, seemingly to them more virtuous, 
 than by the ministers of the Church*, which proceeded from 
 the opinion, wherein principally consisted the error of the Vau- 
 dois, that personal merit had greater influence in the sacra- 
 ments than character and order. 
 
 88. — The Vaudois doctrine concerning Church goods. 
 
 But the Vaudois carried the merit necessary to Ministers of 
 the Church so far as to have nothing in property ; and this was 
 one of their dogmata, that to consecrate the Eucharist, it was 
 requisite to be poor like them : so " that Catholic priests 
 were not the true and legitimate successors of Jesus Christ's 
 apostles, because they possessed goods of their ownf;" which 
 they pretended Jesus Christ had forbidden his apostles. 
 
 89. — No error relating to the Sacraments. 
 
 Hitherto their whole error, in respect to the sacraments, re- 
 garded only the persons empowered to administer them ; all 
 the rest was left entire, as says expressly Pylicdorf. So they 
 doubted not either of the real presence, or transubstantiation ; 
 and, on the contrary, this author has but just informed us, 
 that the layman presuming to give communion, did only be- 
 lieve " he had consecrated the body of Jesus Christ." After 
 all, by the manner we have seen this heresy begin, it seems as 
 if Waldo had a good design at first ; that the glory of poverty 
 which he boasted of, did seduce both him and his followers ; 
 that, puffed up with the holiness of their lives, they swelled 
 with a bitter zeal against the clergy, and whole Catholic 
 
 * Pet. Pylicid. cont. Wald, c. i. T. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. p. 780. 
 I V. sup. Pet. de Valle-Cern, Refut. Error. Ibid. p. 819. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 97 
 
 Church*'; that, exasperated with their benig prohibited to 
 preach, they fell into schism, and, as Gui says, " from scliism 
 into heresy." 
 
 90. — Manifest insincerity of Protestant Historians, and of 
 Paul Perrin, concerning the becjinnings of the Vaiidois. 
 
 From this faithful account, and the incontestable proofs with 
 which it is manifestly supported, it is easy to judge how much 
 Protestant historians have abused the public credit by their 
 relation of their origin of the Vaudois. Paul Perrin, author 
 of their history printed at Geneva, says, that in the year IIGO, 
 when the penalty of death was denounced against all who 
 should disbelieve the Real Presence, " Peter AValdo, a citizen 
 of Lyons, was one of the most courageous in opposing such an 
 invention -{-." But nothing is more false; the article of the 
 Real Presence had been defined a hundred years before, against 
 Berengarius : nothing had been done anew relating to this 
 article ; and so far from Waldo's opposing it, we have seen 
 both him and all his disciples in the common faith for fifty 
 years together. 
 
 91. — The Minister de la Roqiie. 
 
 Mr. de la Roque;j;, more learned than Perrin, is not more sin- 
 cere, when he says, " that Peter Waldo, having found whole 
 nations divided from the commimion of the Latin Church, 
 joined himself to them with his followers, in order to make but 
 one and the same body, and one and the same society, by the 
 unity of one and the same doctrine." But, on the contrary, 
 we have seen, in the first place, that all the contemporary 
 authors (for not one have we omitted) have shewn us the 
 Vaudois and Albigenses as two distinct sects ; secondly, that all 
 these authors discover these Albigenses to be Manicheans ; 
 and I defy all the Protestants in the world to shew, me that 
 there was anywhere in Europe, when Waldo arose, any one 
 sect se()arate from Rome which was not either the very sect, or 
 some branch and subdivision of Manicheism. Thus, nothing 
 can make Waldo's cause more evidently defenceless, than to 
 grant his abettors what they demand in his behalf, namely, 
 that he joined himself in unity of doctrine with the Albigenses, 
 or with such people as, at that time, were separated from the 
 communion of Rome. In a word, though Waldo should have 
 united himself to guiltless churches, his particular errors would 
 
 * Guid. Car. de Hipr. in Hieresi Wald. init. f H'st. des Vaudois, chap. i. 
 
 I Hist, de rUuch. part ii. ch. xviii. p. 454. 
 VOL. II. II 
 
98 tllE ItiSTORY OF [book 
 
 not have allowed any advantage to be drawn from this union, 
 these errors being detested, not by Catholics only, but also by 
 the Protestants. 
 
 92. — Whether the Vaudois afterwards changed their Doctrine 
 about the Eucharist. 
 
 But let us proceed in the history of the Vaudois, and see 
 •whether our Protestants will discover in it anything more 
 favourable from the time these heretics broke off entirely from 
 the Church. The first act we meet with against the Vaudois, 
 since the great Council of Lateran, is a Canon of the Council 
 of Tarragona, describing the Insabbatized, as men " that for- 
 bad to swear, and obey ecclesiastic and secular powers, and 
 moreover to punish malefactors, and other such like things'^"," 
 not the least word appearing in regard of the Real Presence, 
 which not only would have been expressed, but also set fore- 
 most, had they denied it. 
 
 93. — Proof of the contrary from Renier. 
 
 At the same time, and towards the year 1250, Renier, so often 
 quoted, who so carefully distinguishes the Vaudois or Leonists 
 and the poor men of Lyons, from the Albigenses, sets down 
 moreover all their errors, reducing them to these three heads : 
 against the Church, against the Sacraments and Saints, and 
 against Church Ceremonies f. But so far from anything ap- 
 pearing in all these articles against transubstantiation, you 
 there find expressly, amongst their errors, that " transubstan- 
 tiation ought to be made in the vulgar tongue ; that a priest 
 could not consecrate in mortal sin ;" that when a man com- 
 municated from the hand of an unworthy priest, the transub- 
 stantiation was not made in his hand that consecrated un- 
 worthily, but in the mouth of him Avho worthily received the 
 Eucharist ; that one might consecrate at table, at common 
 meals, and not in churches only, conformably to those words 
 of Malachi, " In every place there is sacrificing, and there is 
 offered to my name a clean oblation^.:" which shews, they did 
 not deny the sacrifice nor the oblation of the Eucharist; and 
 that, if they rejected the mas?, it was on account of the cere- 
 monies, making it only to consist in "■ the words of Jesus 
 Christ pronounced in the vulgar tongue§." Thence it clearly 
 appears, that they admhted transubstantiation, and in nothing 
 
 * Cone. Tanac. t. xi. Cone, part i. An. 1242. p. 593. 
 } Ren. e. v. T. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. p 749. Ibid. 750. 
 + Malach. i. 11. § Ren. Ibid. 
 
Xr.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 99 
 
 differed from the Church's doctrine as to the substance of this 
 Sacrament : but said only, that it could not be consecrated by 
 evil priests, and might be by good laymen, according to these 
 fundamental maxims of their sect, which Renier is always 
 exact in observing, " that every good layman is a priest, and 
 the f)rayer of an evil priest availed nothing* :" whence also they 
 concluded, the consecration by an evil priest is worth nothing. 
 It is likewise to be seen in other authors, that, according to 
 their princi[)lesf , "a man, without being a priest, might con- 
 secrate and administer the sacrament of penance ; and every 
 laic, even women, ought to preach." 
 
 94. — A list of the Vaudois errors. 
 
 We find also in the catalogue of their errors, as well in Renier 
 as other authors, " that it is not lawful for clergymen," namely, 
 the ministers of the Church |, " to have goods ; that neither 
 lands, nor f)eople, ought to be divided ;" which aims at the 
 obligation of setting all in common, and establishing, as neces- 
 sary, this pretended apostolic poverty, which these heretics 
 gloried in§ ; " that every oath is a mortal sin ; that all princes 
 and judges are damned, because they condemn malefactors 
 contrary to these words |( : ' Vengeance is mine, saith the 
 Lord ;' and again, ' Let both grow together until the harvest^.' " 
 Thus did these hypocrites abuse the Scripture, and with their 
 counterfeited lenity subvert the whole foundation of Church 
 and State. 
 
 95. — Another list, and no mention of their erring in regard of 
 the Eucharist. 
 
 We find in Pylicdorf, a hundred years after, an ample refuta- 
 tion of the Vaudois, article by article, without appearance of 
 the least opposition in their doctrine to (he Real Presence or 
 transubstantiation. On the contrary, it always appears in this 
 author, as in the rest, that the laymen of this sect made the 
 body of Jesus Christ**, allhongh with fear and reser\e in the 
 country wherein he wrote ; nor, in short, does he observe any 
 kind of error in these heretics relating to the Eucharist, except, 
 that evil priests did not make it " any more than the other 
 Sacraments." 
 
 * Ren. p. 751. f Fiagm. PvHcd. Ibid. «17. Ren. Iliid. p. 751. 
 
 I UiMi. p. 750 Ibid. eiT. 820. * ^ Ibid. p. 75-2. 
 
 II Ind. err. Ibi. 8.31. 9. 2;$ f Rom. xii. 19. Alatth. xiii 30, 
 
 ** Pvlicd. tout. Wald. T. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. 778. et seq. An. 1395. Ibid. c. 
 XXX. p. 803. Ibid. c. i. Ibid. c. xvi, xviii. 
 
 h2 
 
100 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 96. — Another list. 
 
 Finally, in all the lists we have of their errors, whether in the 
 Bibliotheca Patrum*, or in the Inquisitor Emerick, we meet 
 with nothing against the Real Presence, although the least dif- 
 ferences between these heretics and us, the minutest articles 
 whereon they are to be interrogated, be there specified ; on 
 the contrary, Emerick the Inquisitor thus reports their error 
 on the Eucharist : " They Avill have it that the bread is not 
 transubstantiated into the body of Jesus Christ, if the priest be 
 a sinner f :" which clearly evidences two things; first, that 
 they believed ttansubstantiation ; and secondly, believed the 
 sacraments depended on the sanctity of the ministers. 
 
 You find in the same list all the errors of the Vaudois we 
 have already mentioned. The errors of the new Manicheans, 
 M'hom we have shewn were the same with those of the Albi- 
 genses, are also related apart in the same book It is plain 
 from thence, that these two sects are utterly distinct, nor is 
 there anything amongst the errors of the Vaudois that savours 
 of Manicheism, which the other list abounds with. 
 
 97.— Demonstration that the Faudois did not in the least err 
 about Transiibsfantiation. 
 
 But to return to Transubstantiation : whence coidd it proceed, 
 that the Catholics should have spared the Vaudois in a point 
 of so essential a nature, they who were so zealous in exposing 
 even the least of their errors!? Was it perchance that these 
 matters, and especially that of the Eucharist, were not of suf- 
 ficient importance, or not sufficiently known, after Berenga- 
 rius's condemnation by so many councils ? Was it the desire 
 of keeping the people ignorant that this mystery was attacked.? 
 But they were not afraid to re[)ort the much greater blasphe- 
 mies of the Albigenses, even against this mystery. Nothing 
 was concealed from the people of Avhat the Vaudois said, the 
 most shocking against the Church of Rome, as that she was 
 " the harlot mentioned in the Revelations ; her Pope, the 
 chief of those that erred ; her prelates and religious, scribes 
 and pharisees." Their excesses were pitied, but never kept 
 private ; and had they rejected the Church's faith in regard of 
 the Eucharist, they would liave been upbraided with it. 
 
 * Bib. PP. t. iv. part ii. p. 820, 832, 8:jfi. -- 
 f Director, part ii. q. 14. p. 270. Ibid. p. xiii. p. 273. 
 I Rea. c. iv. Ibid, 750. Emeric. Ibid. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 101 
 
 98. — Sequel of the same ckmonsfration. — Testimony of Claude 
 Seyssel in 15 17. — Gross evasion of D' Auhertin, 
 
 Further, in the last a^e, in J5L7. CUinde Seyssel *, famous lor 
 his learning and offices of trust, held under Louis XII. and 
 Francis I., and raised by his merit to the Archbishopric of 
 Turin ; in the search he made after these heretics, hidden 
 in the valleys of his diocese, in order to unite them to his 
 flock, relates in the minutest manner all their errors, like a faith- 
 fid shepherd willing to know the bottom of the distemper 
 afllicting his sheep, that he might heal them ; and we read in 
 his account all that other writers relate of them, neither more 
 nor less. With them he chiefly observes, as the source of their 
 error, that " they made the authority of ecclesiastical ministry 
 to depend on personal merit ; thence concluding, that they 
 ought not to obey the Pope, nor Bishops, because being 
 wicked, and not imitating the lives of the apostles, they have 
 no authority from God, either to consecrate, or absolve ; and 
 as to themselves, they alone had this power, because they ob- 
 served the law of Jesus Christ, that the Church was no where 
 but amongst them, and the See of Rome v,as that harlot of the 
 Revelations, and the fountain-head of all errors." This is 
 what that great Archbishop says of the Vaudois in his diocese. 
 The minister Aubertin y is aslonished that in so exact an 
 account as he gives of their errors, it is not discovered, that 
 they rejected either the Real Presence or Transubstantiation ; 
 nor any other rej)ly can he make to it, than that this prelate, 
 who had so strenuously confuted them in all other points, was, 
 in this, conscious of his too great weakness to resist them : as 
 if so learned and eloquent a man could not at least transcribe 
 what so many other learned Catholics had written on this sub- 
 ject. Instead, therefore, of so miserable a shift, Aubertin 
 ought to have acknowledged, that if so accurate, so knowing a 
 person, did not reproach the Vaudois with this error, it was in 
 reality because he had discovered none such amongst them : 
 wherein there is nothing particular as to Seyssel, since all the 
 other authors have no more accused them of it than this 
 Archbishop. 
 
 * Adv. error. Wald. part. An. 1520. f. i. ct seq. Ibid. f. 10. 11. 
 t Lib. iii. de Sacr. Euch. p. 986. Col. 2. Ibid. 987. 
 
102 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 99. — Auhertin^s vain objection. 
 
 Nevertheless, Aubertin triumphs at a passage of the same 
 Seyssel, where he says*, " He did not think it worth his 
 while to relate what some of that sect, to shew themselves 
 more learned than the rest, prattled, or rallied, ratlier than 
 discoursed, concerning the substance and truth of the Eucha- 
 ristic Sacrament, because, what they vented by way of secret, 
 was so high, that the most expert divines could scarce com- 
 prehend it." But so far are these words of Seyssel from 
 shewing the Real Presence was denied by the Vaudois, that 1 
 should, on the contrary, conclude from them, that some amongst 
 them pretended to subtilize in expounding it. And should it 
 be allowed (yet gratuitously and without any kind of reason, 
 since Seyssel speaks not a word of it) that these high notions 
 entertained by the Vaudois, relating to the Eucharist, regarded 
 the real absence, to wit, a thing the least sublime of any in the 
 world, and the most suited to carnal sense; yet then, it is 
 nevertheless manifest that Seyssel does not report here the 
 belief of all, but the babble and idle discourse of some : so 
 that, on all hands, nothing is more certain than what 1 have 
 advanced, that the Vaudois never were re[)roached with re- 
 jecting transubstantiation ; but, on the contrary, had always 
 been supposed to believe it. 
 
 ]00. — Another proof from Seyssel that the ^Faudois believed 
 Transubstantiation. 
 
 Accordingly the same Seyssel f, introducing a Vaudois sum- 
 ming up all his reasons, puts these words into his mouth 
 against a wicked priest and bishop : " How can the bishop and 
 priest, enemies to God, render God propitious to others ? how 
 can he, that is banished the kingdom of Heaven, have the keys 
 of it? in fine, since his prayer and other actions have no man- 
 ner of effect, hoAv shall, Jesus Christ transform himself, at his 
 word, under the species of bread and wine, and suffer himself 
 to be handled by that person, who has utterly rejected him?" 
 It is then still manifest, their error consists in a Donatism, and 
 nothing but a priest's life hinders the bread and wine from 
 being changed into the body and blood of Jesus Christ. 
 
 * Fol. 55, 5G. i F. 13. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 103 
 
 101. — Interrogatory of the Vaudois in the library of the Mar- 
 quis of Sc'ujnelay . — Two Volumes marked 1769, 1770. 
 
 And what leaves no kind of doubt on this head is, what may 
 be seen still at this day among the manuscripts of Mr. de Thou, 
 collected together in the valuable library of the Marquis of 
 Seigiielay; there, I say, inay be seen the inquests, in the ori- 
 ginal, juridically made against the Vaudois of Pragelas and. 
 the other valleys in 1-J95, collected in two great volumes ; 
 wherein you have the examination of one Thomas Quoti of 
 Pragelas, who being asked whether the barbes (their priests) 
 taught them to believe the sacrament of the altar, answers, 
 "That the barbes both preach and leach that when a chaplain 
 who is in orders, utters the words of consecration on the altar, 
 he consecrates the body of Jesus Christ, and that a true change 
 is wrought of the bread into the true body," and says, more- 
 over, " that prayer made at home, or on the road, is every 
 whit as good as in the church." Conformably to this doctrine, 
 the same Quoti answers at two several times, " That he re- 
 ceived every year, at Easter, the body of Jesus Christ; and 
 the barbes taught them, that, in order to receive it, they ought 
 to have been well confessed, and rather by the barbes than by 
 the chaplains," meaning the priests. 
 
 102. — Sequel of the same Examination. 
 
 The reason of this preference is derived from the so often 
 repeated principles of the Vaudois; and it is pursuant to these 
 principles the same person answers, " that the gentlemen of 
 the church-ministry led a life too large, but the l)arbes led a 
 holy and upright life." And in another answer, " that the 
 barbes led the life of St. Peter, and had the power of absolving 
 from sins, and this was his belief; and if the Pope did not lead 
 a holy life, he had no power of absolving." For this reason, the 
 same Quoti answers again in another place, " that he had 
 given credit, without any doubting, rather to the discourses of 
 the barbes than to those of the chaplains, because, in those times, 
 no ecclesiastic, no cardinal, no bishop, nor priest, led the life 
 of the apostles; and, therefore, it was better believing the 
 barbes who were good, than an ecclesiastic that was not so." 
 
 103. — Sequel. 
 
 It were superfluous to relate the other examinations, the same 
 language a{)pearing throughout, as well in respect of the Heal 
 
104 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Presence as of all the rest ; and especially it is repeated there 
 continually, "that the barbes behaved in the world like the 
 imitators of Jesus Christ, and had more power than the priests 
 of the Church of Rome, who lived too much at large." 
 
 104. — Necessity of Confession. 
 
 Nothing is repeated there so much as these dogmata, " That 
 you ought to confess your sins ; that they confessed to the 
 barbes, who had [lower of absolving them; that they confessed 
 kneeling ; that at each confession they gave a quart (a certain 
 piece of money); that the barbes imposed penances on them 
 which generally did not exceed a Pater and Credo, but the 
 Ave Mary was never enjoined ; that they forbad them all oaths 
 whatsoever, and taught them neither to sue for help from the 
 saints, nor to pray for the dead." Here is enough whereby to 
 discover (he principal tenets and genius of the sect; further 
 than this, to expect to meet with order and one constant form 
 in such odd opinions, in all times and all places, were to be 
 deceived. 
 
 105. — Sequel of the same Subject. 
 
 I do not find they were interrogated concerning sacraments 
 administered by the generahty of laymen, whether because the 
 inquisitors were not apprised of this custom, or that the 
 Vaudois had at length forsaken it*. And, indeed, we have 
 observed, it was not without difficulty and contradiction first 
 introduced amongst them with regard to the Eucharist. But, 
 as for confession, nothing is more established in the sect, than 
 the right good laymen have to it: "A good layman," said 
 they, " has power to absolve ; they all gloried in forgiving sins 
 by imposition of hands; they heard confessions; enjoined 
 penances; and lest such an extraordinary practice should be 
 discovered, they very privately received confessions, and those 
 of women even, in cellars, in caverns, and other unfrequented 
 places ; they preached clandestinely in corners of houses, and 
 often in the niiiht-time." 
 
 106. — The Vaudois exteriorly did the Duties of Catholics. 
 
 But what cannot be too much remarked is, that although they 
 had such an opinion of us as we have seen, yet they fre- 
 
 * Pylicd.c. i. T. \v. Bib. PP. part ii. p. 780. Tiid. Eir. Il,id. p. 832. N. 12. 
 Reu. Ibid. 750. Pylicd. Ibid. c. i. p. 780. Ibid. c. viii. p. 782. 820. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 105 
 
 quented our assemblies: "There they oflerj" says Renier*, 
 " there they confess, (here they communicate, but- Avith dissi- 
 mukition." The reason was, in short, wluitever they might 
 say f , because " some distrust remained in them of the com- 
 munion they practised among themselves."''' Wherefore, "they 
 came to communicate in the clunch when the throng was 
 greatest, for fear of discovery. Many also remained even 
 ibur, nay, six years, without communicating, concealing them- 
 selves either in villages, or towns, at Easter time, lest notice 
 should be taken of them. They also judged it advisable to 
 communicate in the church, but at Easter only, and, under 
 this appearance, they passed for Christians." This is wiuit 
 the ancient authors say of them J, and what also frequently 
 may be found in the interrogatories above-mentioned. " Being 
 asked whether he made his confession to the parish priest, 
 and discovered his sect to him, his answer was, that he con- 
 fessed yearly to him, but did not mention his being a Vaudois, 
 which the barbes had forbid discovering." They answer also 
 as above, "that every year they communicated at Easter, and 
 received the body of Jesus Christ; and that the barbes warned 
 them of the necessity, before they received, of having made a 
 good confession." Observe, there is no mention here made 
 but of the body alone, and of one only species; as, since the 
 Council of Constance, it was then given over all the Church, 
 the barbes never thinkino; all this while of condemning it. An 
 old author § has observed, " They very rarely received from 
 their teachers either baptism or Christ's body, but as well 
 teachers as simple believers went to seek them at the {)riest's 
 hands." Nor, indeed, do we conceive how they could have 
 acted otherwise, in regard to baptism, without discovering 
 themselves, for it would soon have been taken notice of, had 
 they not brought their children to church, for which they would 
 have been called to an account. Thus, separated in sentiments 
 from the Catholic Church, these hy[iocrites, as far as they were 
 able, shewed themselves e.\lernally of the s-ame faith with 
 others, and exhibited no act of religion in public which did not 
 belie their doctrine. 
 
 * Ren. Ibid. c. v. p. 752. Itnd. vii. p. 765. 
 
 t Iiid. En-. N, 12, \:i. Ibid. p. 832. 
 
 X Pylicd. c. XXV. Iliid 7!"^- Iiitfrrogat. of Quoti and others. Ibid. 
 
 § Pylicd. Ibid. c. .\.\iv. p. 7fJU. 
 
106 THE HISTORY OF [bOO^ 
 
 107. — fVJiether the Vaudois had discarded any one of the 
 Seven Sacraments. — Confirmation , 
 
 The Protestants may perceive by this example what kind of 
 men those hidden faithful before the Reformation were, whom 
 they extol so much, and who had not bent a knee to Baal. 
 It might be doubted whether the Vaudois had discarded any 
 of the Seven Sacraments. And it is already manifest, they 
 were not accused of denying so much as one at the beginning; 
 on the contrary, an author has been produced, who, upbraid- 
 ing them with their changes, excepts the sacraments. Those, 
 Renier speaks of*, might be suspected of varying in this mat- 
 ter, he seeming to say, they rejected not only orders, but also 
 confirmation and extreme unction ; but it is manifest, he means 
 such only as Catholics conferred. For, as to confirmation, 
 Renier, who makes them reject it, adds, " They were asto- 
 nished we permitted none but bishops to confer it :" for this 
 reason, because they were for allowing to good laymen the 
 power of administering this as well as the other sacraments. 
 Wherefore, these same heretics, mentioned as rejecting con- 
 firmation, boast, a little after, " of giving the Holy Ghost, by 
 laying on of hands f ;" which is, in other words, the very sub- 
 stance of this sacrament, 
 
 108. — Extreme Unction. 
 
 In regard to extreme unction, this is what Renier says of it^: 
 *' They reject the sacrament of unction, as if given to the rich 
 only, and because many priests are necessary thereto ;" words, 
 which sufficiently evince that its nullity, which they pretended 
 was amongst us, proceeded from imaginary abuses, not from 
 the nature of the thing. Besides, St. James § having enjoined 
 to call in the priests in the plural number, these cavillers were 
 for believing that unction, given by a single person, as com- 
 monly practised amongst us even so long ago, was not suffi- 
 cient, and this bad pretext served for their neglecting it. 
 
 109. — What was the Ablution Renier speaks of in Bajjtism 
 
 As for baptism, notwithstanding these ignorant heretics had 
 cast off its most ancient ceremonies with contempt, there is no 
 doubt but they received it. One might only be surprised at 
 Renier's words II , as uttered by the Vaudois, " that ablution, 
 given to children, is of no advantage to them." But, w'hereas 
 
 * C. V. pp. 750, 751. + Ibid. 751 . + P. 751. § Ch. v. 14, |1 P. 751 . 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. |()7 
 
 this ablution is in the list of those ceremonies of baptism, 
 which were disapproved by these heretics, \i is plain, he S[)eaks 
 of" the wine given to children after their baptism ; a custom that 
 may be still seen in many ancient rituals, about that time, and 
 which was a remnant of the communion heretofore adminis- 
 tered to them under the liquid species only. This wine, put 
 into the chalice to be given to these children, Avas called ablu- 
 tion, because this action resembled the ablution taken by the 
 j)riest at mass. Again, this word ablution is not to be found in 
 Renier as signifying baptism; and, at all events, if men will 
 persist to ha\e it signify this sacrament, all they could con- 
 clude from it would be for the worst, viz., that Renier's Vaudois 
 accounted as null whatever baptism was given by unworthy 
 ministers, such as they believed all our priests were ; an error 
 so conformable to the princi[)les of the sect, that the Vaudois, 
 whom we have seen appro\e our baptism, could not do it with- 
 out running counter to their ovvn doctrine. 
 
 110. — Confessio n . 
 
 Here, then, already are three sacraments, which the Vaudois 
 approved in the main, Baptism, Confirmation, and Extreme 
 Unction. We have the whole sacrament of penance in their 
 private confession, in the penances imposed by them, in the 
 absolution received for the remission of sins; and if they said, 
 oral confession was not always necessary when contrition v-'as 
 in the heart ; they said true, in the main and in certain cases, 
 although frequently, as above instanced, they abused this 
 maxim by too long deferring their confession. 
 
 Ill, — The Eucharist. 
 
 There was a sect called the Siscidenses, who differed little or 
 nothing from the Vaudois, says Renier, but in that they re- 
 ceived the Eucharist. Not that he meant the Vaudois, or poor 
 men of Lyons, did not receive it, he having shewn, on the 
 contrary, that they received even transubstantiation ; but he 
 means only, they had an extreme repugnance to receive it 
 from the hands of our priests, whereas these others made less 
 ditticulty in it, or perchance, none at all. 
 
 112. — Marriage. — Whether Renier hath calumniated the 
 Vaudois. 
 
 Protestants accuse Renier of calumniating the Vaudois, by re- 
 proaching them, " that they condemned marriage ;" but these 
 
108 THE HISTORY OF [bQOK 
 
 authors mutilate his words*, which here you have entire: 
 " They condemn the sacrament of marriage, by saying, mar- 
 ried people sin mortally when they use marriage for any other 
 end than to have children ;" whereby Renier would observe 
 only the error of these proud heretics, who, to shew themselves 
 above human infirmity, would not admit the secondary end of 
 marriage, namely, its serving as a remedy against concupi- 
 scence ? It was then in this respect only that he accused these 
 lieretics of condemning marriage, to wif, of condemning this 
 necessary part, and making that a mortal sin, which the grace 
 of so holy a state renders pardonable. 
 
 113. — Demonstration that the Catholics icere neither ignorant 
 of, nor dissembled, the doctrine of the Vaudois. 
 
 It is now seen what was the doctrine of the Vaudois or poor 
 men of Lyons. The Catholics cannot be accused, either of 
 not knowing it, since they dwelt and conversed amongst them, 
 and daily received their abjurations ; or, of neglecting to in- 
 form themselves, since, on the contrary, they applied them- 
 selves with so much care to report its minutest points ; or, in 
 fine, of calumniating them, since we have seen they were so 
 exact, not only in distinguishing the Vaudois from the Cathari 
 and the rest of the Manicheans, but also in acquainting us with 
 all the temperaments applied by some of them to the extrava- 
 gances of others ; and, in a word, of relating to us with so 
 much sincerity Avhat was commendable in their manners, that 
 their partisans even now-a-days take advantage from it. For 
 we have seen, they did not dissemble the specious appearances 
 at Waldo's first setting out, nor the first simplicity of his fol- 
 lowers. Renier |, who so much blames them, hesitates not to 
 say, " that they lived justly before men ; that they believed of 
 God what v.'as fitting to believe, and all that was contained in 
 the Creed ;" that they were regular in their deportment, modest 
 in their dress, just in their dealings, chaste in their marriages, 
 abstemious in their diet, and so of the rest, as it is well known. 
 We shall have a word to say on this testimony of Renier ; but, 
 in the interim, we see he rather flatters, as I may say, than ca- 
 lumniates the Vaudois ; and, therefore, it cannot be doubted 
 that what he says besides of these heretics is true. And 
 though we should suppose with the ministers, that Catholic 
 authors, urged on by the hatred they had conceived against 
 them, charged them with calumnies : this is a new proof of 
 what we h?.ve but just said concerning their doctrine, because 
 
 * c. iv. p. 751 , t Ibid, p. 749. Ibid. vii. p. 7G5. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 109 
 
 finally, had the Vaudois stood in opposition to transubstan- 
 tiation and the adoration of the Eucharist, at a time when our 
 adversaries agree it was so well established amongst us, the 
 Catholics, whom they represent so inclined to load them with 
 false crimes, would never have failed reproaching them with 
 what was so true. 
 
 114. — Division of the Vaudois Doctrine into three heads. 
 
 Now then that we know the whole doctrine of the Vaudois, we 
 may divide it into three sorts of articles. Some there are 
 which we detest together with the Protestants: some that we 
 approve, and Protestants reject: others that they approve, and 
 we condemn. 
 
 115. — Doctrine which the Protestants as well as the Catholics 
 reject in the Vaudois. 
 
 The articles we condemn in common are, in the first place, 
 that doctrine so injurious to the Sacraments, which makes their 
 validity depend on the holiness of their ministers ; secondly, 
 that of rendering the administration of the Sacraments common 
 to priests and laity without distinction ; next, that of forbid- 
 ding oaths in all cases whatsoever, thereby condemning not 
 only St. Paul the Apostle*, but even God himself who has 
 sworn : lastly, that of condemning the just ])unishments of 
 malefactors, and authorizing all crimes by impunity. 
 
 \.Y(rt.— ^Doctrine which the Catholics approve in the Vaudois, 
 and Protestants condemn. 
 
 '^rho articles which we ai)prove, and the Protestants reject, are 
 that of the Seven Sacraments, except, j)erchance. Orders, and in 
 the manner above spoken to, and what is still more imporlant, 
 that of the Real Presence and Transuhstantiation. So many 
 articles which the Protestants detest either with us, or, contrary 
 to our sentiments, in the Vaudois, pass under the cover of five 
 or six points, wherein these same V^audois favour them ; and 
 notwithstanding their hypocrisy and all their errors, these he- 
 retics are made to be their ancestors. 
 
 117. — The Vaudois have chamjed their Doctrine since Luther s 
 and Calvin's time. 
 
 Such was the state of this sect till the time of the new Refor- 
 mation. For all the noise this made ever since the year 1517, 
 
 * Hell .vi. pp. i:j, 1(J, 17; and vii. 21. 
 
no THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 the Vaudois, whom we have seen till that date abiding in all 
 the sentiments of" their ancestors, still remained unaltered. At 
 length in 1530, after much suffering, whether solicited to it, 
 or taking it into their heads themselves, they thought fit to 
 make them their protectors, whom like themselves they had 
 heard exclaim against the Pope so many years. Those who 
 had withdrawn for'near two hundred years, as Seyssel* re- 
 marks, into the mountains of Savoy and Dauphiny, consulted 
 Bucer and (he Swiss, their neighbours. With much commen- 
 dation which they received, Gilles j, one of their historians, 
 acquaints us, they received also admonitions concerning three 
 defects observed amongst them. The first related to the de- 
 cision of certain points of doctrine; the second, to the esta- 
 blishment of the order of discipline and ecclesiastical assem- 
 blies, to the end they might be held more openly ; the third 
 invited them, no longer to })ermit those that desired to be 
 accounted members of their Churches, to be present at Mass, 
 or to adhere, in any kind, to papal superstitions, or to acknow- 
 ledge the priests of the Roman Church for pastors, or to make 
 use of their ministry. 
 
 118. — New Articles proposed to the Vaudois by the 
 Protestants. 
 
 There needs no more to confirm every thing we have said, 
 concerning the state of these wretched Churches, which con- 
 cealed their faith and worship under a contrary profession. 
 On these advertisements of Bucer and Qicolampadius, the 
 same Gilles assures us, new articles were proposed to the 
 Vaudois. He owns he does not report them all: but here are 
 five or six of such as he specifies, Avhich sufficiently discover 
 the ancient spirit of the sect. For in order to reform the 
 Vaudois to the Protestant mode, it was necessary to make 
 them say \, " that a Christian may swear lawfully ; that auri- 
 cular confession is not commanded of God ; that a Christian 
 may lawfully exercise the office of magistrate over other Chris- 
 tians ; that there is no determined time for fasting ; that the 
 minister may possess something in particular wherewith to 
 maintain his family, without prejudice to apostolic community; 
 that Jesus Christ has appointed but two Sacraments, Baptism 
 and the holy Eucharist." Hereby appears a part of what was 
 necessarily to be reformed in the Vaudois, in order to make 
 them Zuinglians or Calvinists, and, amongst the rest, one of 
 
 * F, 2. t Hist. Eccl. des Egl. Ref, de Pier. Gilles, c. v. J Ibid. 
 
XT,] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. Ill 
 
 the corrections was, to admit but two Sacraments. It was 
 also necessary to hint to them a word or two concerning pre- 
 destination, which assuredly they had heard but htlle of; and 
 they Avere infornied as to this new dogma, which was then hke 
 the soul of the Reformation, that whosoever owns free-will, 
 denies predestination. It appears by these same articles that, 
 in process of time, the Vaudois had fallen into new errors, 
 since it was requisite to teach them * " they were to cease from 
 earthly labours on the Sabbath-day, in order to attend God's 
 service ;" and again, " that it is not lawful for a Christian to 
 revenge himself on his enemy." These two articles shew the 
 brutality and barbarity, which these Vaudois Churches (the 
 main support, it seems, of decayed Christianity) were faUen 
 into, at the time the Protestants reformed them : and this con- 
 firms whatSeysself says of them, that " they were a base 
 and be^^tial race of men, that hardly could distinguish, by 
 reason, whether they were men or brutes, alive or dead." 
 Such, by Gilles's account, were the articles of reformation 
 proposed to the Vaudois towards incorporating them with the 
 Protestants. If Gilles mentioned no more of them, it might 
 either proceed from a fear of exposing too great an opposition 
 between the Vaudois and Calvinists, of whom the design then 
 was to make but one communion, or because this was all the 
 Vaudois could be drawn to at that time. Be that as it will, 
 he owns nevertheless ^, they could not come to an agreement, 
 because some of the barbes were of opinion, that by assenting 
 to all these conclusions, they should dishonour the memory of 
 those who had so very prosjjerously conducted those churches 
 to that time. Thus, it is manifest, the design of the Protes- 
 tants was not to follow the Vaudois, but to make them change 
 and reform, to their fabhion. 
 
 119. — Conference of the P'audois ivitk (Ecolampadius. 
 
 During this negociation with the ministers of Strasburg and 
 Basil, two of the Vaudois de[)uties had a long conference with 
 CEcolampadius, which Abraham Scultet, a Protestant historian, 
 relates whole and entire in his Evangelical Annals §, and de- 
 clares he had transcribed it word for word. 
 
 One of the deputies opens the conversation, by owning 
 that the ministers, of which number he was, " being pro- 
 digiously ignorant, were incapable of teaching the people: 
 that they li\ed by alms and labour, poor shepherds or hus- 
 
 * Gilles, c. V. I F. 38. J Gill. Ibi«l. c. v. 
 
 § Aim. Eccl. decad. 2. An. 1530, a p. 294, ad 300. Heidelb. 
 
112 THE iiisTOiiY OF [book 
 
 bandmen, the cause of their profonnd ignorance and in- 
 capacity: that they were not married, nor hved always 
 very chastely ; but v.hen they had been caught tripping, 
 they were expelled the company of the rest : that it was not 
 the ministers, but the priests of the Roman Church who ad- 
 ministered the Sacraments to the Vaudois ; but that their 
 ministers made them ask pardon of God for receiving the 
 Sacraments from those priests, because forced to it ; moreover, 
 they admonished them not to adhere to the ceremonies of 
 Antichrist: that they practised auricular confession, and, till 
 then, had always owned seven Sacraments, wherein, they heard 
 it said, they were very much mistaken." They proceed to 
 give an account how they rejected the mass, purgatory, and 
 the invocation of saints, and in order to clear up their doubts, 
 they propose the following queries : — " Whether or no it be 
 lawful for magistrates to put criminals to death, by reason God 
 has said, 1 will not the death of the sinner ?" But asked at the 
 same time, " If it were not allowable in them to kill the false 
 brethren who informed against them to Catholics, because, 
 they having no jurisdiction amongst them, there was no other 
 way to keep them in awe : whether the human and civil laws, 
 by which the world was governed, were good, the Scripture 
 having said, that the laws of men are vain : whether church- 
 men might receive donations and have anything of their own : 
 whether it were lawful to swear : whether the distinction they 
 made of original, venial, and mortal sin, were good : whether 
 all children, of whatsoever nation, be saved by the merits of 
 Jesus Christ ; and whether the adult, of whatsoever religion, 
 not having faith, may also be saved; what be the judiciary 
 and ceremonial precepts of the law of Moses: and whether 
 they have been abolished by Jesus Christ ; and which be the 
 canonical books." After all these queries, which so clearly con- 
 firm all we have said of the Vaudois' belief, and the brutal 
 ignorance these heretics were at last fallen into, their deputy 
 s[)eaks in these terms : — " Nothing has so much disturbed us, 
 weak and simple as we are, as what I have read in Luther 
 concerning free-will and predestination ; for Ave believe all men 
 have naturally some power and strength, which, excited by 
 God, might do something, conformably to those words, Behold, 
 I stand at the door and knock ; and whosoever would not 
 open, should receive according to his works : but if the thing- 
 be not so, 1 do not see, as says Erasmus, of what use the com- 
 mandments are. As for predestination, we believe that God 
 has foreseen from all eternity those that were to be saved or 
 damned, and that he had made all men in order to be saved, 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 113 
 
 and the reprobate become such through their own fault : but 
 should all come to pass of necessity, as Luther says, and the 
 predestinated not have it in their power to turn reprobate, nor 
 contrarywise, to what end so much preaching and so much 
 writing, since, every thing happening by necessity, matters 
 never will be better or worse ?" Whatever ignorance may 
 appear throughout this discourse, it is plain, these ignorant 
 people, with all their rusticity, spoke better than those they had 
 chosen for reformers; and here are the men, forsooth, they 
 present us as the remains and refuge of Christianity. 
 
 We find nothing here particular relating to the Eucharist ; 
 which makes it likely, that the whole of the conference was 
 not related ; nor is it difficult to guess the reason. It was, in 
 short, because the Vaudois were, as above seen, greater Papists 
 on this head than the Zuinglians and Lutherans desired. 
 Moreover, this deputy speaks nothing to GEcolampadins of any 
 Confession of Faith as in use amongst them ; and we have 
 already seen that even Beza * reports none but that which the 
 Vaudois made in 1541, so long after Luther and Calvin : 
 which shews manifestly, that the Confessions of Faith produced 
 by them, as of the ancient Vaudois, can be but very modern, 
 as we shall soon discover. 
 
 120. — The Vaudois nowise Calmnists, as proved from 
 Crespin. 
 
 After all these conferences with those of Strasburg and Basil in 
 153G, Geneva was consulted by her neighbours the Vaudois, and 
 then it was that their society with the Calvinists commenced, 
 by the instructions of Farel, minister of Geneva. But we need 
 only hear the Calvinists themselves, to be con\ inced how far 
 remote the Vaudois were from their Reformation. Crespin |, 
 in liis History of Martyrs, says, that those of Angrogne, by a 
 long succession, and as from father to son, had retained some 
 purity of doctrine. But to shew how small, even in their esti- 
 mate, was this piuity of doctrine, he says in another place 'I, 
 speaking of the Vaudois of Meriudol, " that the very Utile true 
 li<jht they had, they endeavoured to increase from day to day, 
 by (lis[)atching people on all sides, even to a great distance off, 
 wheresoever they heard some ray of light did discover itself." 
 And he agrees moreover in another place §, that "their ministers, 
 who taught them in private, did not do it with that purity, 
 which was requisite ; inasmuch as ignorance having overflowed 
 
 * Sleid. 1. ii, n. 4. f Hist, des Mart, in 153(1. f. HI. 
 
 i la 1543. f. 133. §• lu loUl. f. 532. 
 
 YOL. II. 1 
 
114 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 the whole universe, and God having a right to let men go 
 astray as he did, like brute beasts, it is no wonder these poor 
 men had not so purea doctrine as they have since enjoyed, 
 -and at this day more than ever." These last words shew the 
 pains the Calvinists were at since the year 1536, to lead the 
 Vaudois whither they had a mind ; and after all, it is but too 
 manifest that, from that time, this sect is not to be looked on 
 as persisting in her ancient doctrine, but as reformed by the 
 Calvinists. 
 
 121. — Proof from Beza. 
 
 We learn as much from Beza*, though Avith a little more pre- 
 caution, when he owns in his description of them, " that the 
 purity of doctrine was somewhat adulterated by the Vaudois ;" 
 and in his history, that " in process of time, they had some- 
 what swerved from piety and doctrine." Afterwards he speaks 
 more openlyf , confessing that " in a long series of time the 
 purity of doctrine had been greatly adulterated by their Minis- 
 ters, insomuch that they became sensible, by the ministry of 
 CEcolampadius, of Bucer, and others, how, by little and little, 
 the purity of doctrine had not remained amongst them, and 
 gave orders, by sending to their brethren in Calabria, to put 
 all thmgs in a better state." 
 
 122. — The change of the Calahrian Vaudois, and their entire 
 
 extinction. 
 
 These brethren of Calabria Avere, like them, fugitives, who, 
 according to the maxims of the sect, held their assemblies, as 
 Gilles reports J, "in the most secret manner it was possible, 
 and dissembled many things against their will." What this 
 minister endeavours to hide under these words, you must 
 understand was, that the Vaudois of Calabria, after the ex- 
 ample of all the rest of them, performed all the external duties 
 of good Catholics ; and I leave you to judge whether they could 
 have been exempt from it in that country, considering what we 
 have seen of their dissimulation in ihe valleys of Pragelas and 
 Angrogne. Accordingly Gilles acquaints us, how that these 
 Calabrians, pressed at last to withdraw from church assemblies, 
 yet not able to take the resolution, though advised to it by this 
 minister, " of forsaking so fine a country," \\ere soon abolished. 
 
 * Liv. 3. p. 23. 15.3C. f Ibid. pp. 35, 36. 1544. 
 
 }; Gilles, ch. iii. et xxix. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 115 
 
 123. — The present Vaudois are not the predecessors, but fol- 
 lowers of the Calvinists. 
 
 Thus expired the Vaudois. As they had only subsisted by 
 conceahng what they were, they fell as soon as ever they re- 
 solved to declare themselves ; for those that afterwards re- 
 mained under that name, it is plain, were nothing else but 
 Calvinists, whom Farel and the other ministers of Geneva had 
 formed (o their mode ; so that these Vaudois, whom they make 
 their ancestors and predecessors, to speak the truth, are nothing 
 but their successors, and new disciples whom they have pro- 
 selyted to their faith. 
 
 124. — JVo advantage to be derived from the Vaudois in behalf 
 of the Calvinists. 
 
 But, after all, what help can these Vaudois, by whom they 
 seek to justify themselves, afford our Calvinists ? It is mani- 
 fest by this history that Waldo and his disciples were all mere 
 laymen, who thrust themselves in to preach, without orders, 
 without mission, and afterwards to administer the sacraments. 
 They separated from the church by a manifest error, detested 
 as much by Protestants as Catholics, which was that of Dona- 
 tism ; nay, this Donatism of the Vaudois is beyond comparison 
 much worse than the African Donatism of old, so strongly con- 
 futed by St. Austin. Those Donatists of Africa said, indeed, 
 that none but a holy person could validly administer the sacra- 
 ments ; but they did not arrive at the extravagance of the 
 Vaudois, to allow the administration of the sacraments as well 
 to holy laymen as holy priests. If the African Donatists pre- 
 tended that the Catholic bishops and priests had forfeited their 
 ministry by their crimes, they at least accused them of crimes, 
 which were actually reproved by the law of God. liut our new 
 Donatists separate themselves from the whole Catholic clergy, 
 and would have 'it, they were degraded from tlieir orders for 
 not observing their pretended apostolic poverty, which, at most, 
 was but a counsel. For this was the origin of the sect, and 
 what we have seen it stood to, as long as it persisted in its first 
 belief Who, therefore, does not see that such a sect is no- 
 thing at bottom, but hypocrisy boasting her poverty and other 
 virtues, and making the sacraments depend, not on the efKcacy 
 Jesus Christ has given them, but on man's merits!'' And, after 
 all, these new doctors, from Avhom the Calvinists derive their 
 succession. Whence came they themselves, and who sent them? 
 Puzzled at this query no less than the Protestants, like them 
 
 i2 
 
116 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 they went in quest of predecessors, and here is the fable 
 trumped up by them. They were told, that in the time of 
 St. Sylvester *, when Constantine endowed the churches with 
 revenues, " One of this pope's companions would not consent 
 to it, and withdrew from his communion, abiding, together with 
 them that followed him, in the way of poverty ; and then it was 
 the church failed in Sylvester and his adherents, and remained 
 with them." Let not "this be called a calumny invented by the 
 enemies of the Vaudois, for we have seen, that the authors, 
 who unanimously report it, had no design of calumniating 
 them. This fable was still in vogue in Seyssel's timef. The 
 vulgar were then told, " This sect had taken its rise from a 
 certain man called Leo, a very religious person, in the time of 
 Constantine the Great, who detesting the avarice of Sylvester, 
 and Constantine's excessive liberality, chose rather to follow 
 the poverty and simplicity of faith, than, with Sylvester, to 
 defile himself with a fat and rich benefice, to which Leo and all 
 those joined themselves, that judged aright in faith." These 
 ignorant people had been made to believe, it was from this 
 counterfeit liCO, the sect of Leonists derived their name and 
 birth. Christians are all for finding a succession in their 
 church and doctrine. Protestants boast of theirs in the Vau- 
 dois, the Vaudois in their pretended companion of St. Sylvester; 
 and both are equally fictitious. 
 
 125.— The Calvinists have no contemporanj authors to favour 
 their pretensions to the Vaudois » 
 
 All the truth to be found in the origin of the Vaudois is, that 
 they took their motive of separation from the endowing of 
 churches and church-men, contrary, as they pretended, to that 
 poverty Jesus Christ requires of his ministers. But as this 
 origin is absurd, and besides, nowise serves the turn of Pro- 
 testants, we have seen what an account Paul Perrin has given 
 of it in his history of the Vaudois [j]. He represents this Waldo 
 as a person " the most courageous in opposing the Real" Pre- 
 sence in the year 1160. But does he produce any author in 
 confirmation of what he says ? No, not so much as one ; nei- 
 ther Aubertin, nor La Roque, nor Chappel, — in a word, no 
 Protestant of Germany or France hath produced, or ever will 
 produce, asy one author, either of those times, or of succeeding 
 ages, for the space of three or four hundred years, who gives 
 
 * Ren. c. iv. v. p. 740. Pylicd, c. iv. p. 779- Frag. Pylicd. pp. 815, 
 816, &c. 
 
 t Seyss. f. ">. I Hist, des Vaudois, ch. i. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 117 
 
 the Vaudois that origin which this historian lays for the foun- 
 dation of his history. Have any of the Cathohcs, who wrote 
 so copiously, whatever Berengarius and the rest objected 
 against the Real Presence, so much as named Waldo amongst 
 those that opposetl it ? None ever has dreamed of it ; we have 
 seen what they said of Waldo was far different. But why 
 must they have spared him only? What, then, did this man, 
 whom they make so courageous in stemming the torrent, so 
 conceal his doctrine that none ever could perceive he im[)ugned 
 an article of this importance ? Or, was Waldo so formidable a 
 person, that no Catholic durst impeach him of this error at the 
 time they impeached him of so many others? An historian 
 that sets out with a fact of this nature, and lays it for the foun- 
 dation of his history, what credit does lie deserve ? Never- 
 theless, Paul Perrin is heard, like an oracle, among Calvinists, 
 so readily do they come into whatever favours the prejudices 
 of the sect. 
 
 126. — Vmidois books produced by Perrin. 
 
 But, for want of known authors, Perrin produces*, for his only 
 proof, some old books of the Vaudois, in manuscript, which he 
 pretends to have recovered ; amongst the rest, one volume, 
 wherein was " A book, concerning Antichrist, bearing date 
 i 120, and in this same volume, many sermons of the Vaudois 
 Barbes." But it is already evidently made out, that there 
 neither were Vaudois nor Barbes in 1120; since Waldo, by 
 Perrin's own account, did not appear till 1160. The word 
 barbe was not known, nor in use among the Vaudois to signify 
 their doctors, till many ages after, and manifestly in the latter 
 times. So, these discourses cannot all of them be made to 
 pass as of eleven hundred and twenty years standing. Nay, 
 Perrin himself is reduced to allow this date only to the discourse 
 concerning Antichrist, which, by this means, he hopes to father 
 on Peter de Bruis, who lived about that time, or on some of 
 hi.s disciples. But the date standing in the front, should seem- 
 ingly extend to all, and consequently is utterly false in regard 
 of the first, as it evidently is in regard of the rest. And be- 
 sides, this treatise about Antichrist, which he j)retends to be 
 of 1160, is not in a dillbrent language from the other pieces of 
 the Barbes cited by Perrin ; and this language is very modern, 
 very little unlike the Provence dialect, now in use. Not only 
 Villehardouin's language, who wrote a hundred years since 
 
 * Hist, des Vaudois, lib. i. ih. vii. p. 57. Hist, dcs Vaud. et Albig. pai't iii, 
 lib. iii. cb, i, p. 203. 
 
118 THE HISTORY OF * [bOOK 
 
 Peter de Bruis, but that also of the authors subsequent to 
 Villehardouin, is more obsolete and obscure than that which 
 he would make to pass for eleven hundred and twenty years 
 old ; so that there is not a more gross and palpable imposi- 
 tion, than to palm on us these pieces as of remote antiquity. 
 
 127. — Sequel. 
 
 Nevertheless, on account of this sole date of 1 120, placed, you 
 know not by whom, you know not when, in this Vaudois 
 volume no body knows any thing, of, our Caivinists have cited 
 this book about Antichrist as undoubtedly the work of " some 
 one of Peter de Bruis's" disciples, or as his own*. The same 
 authors quote, with great confidence, some discourses which 
 Perrin J has annexed to that concerning y\ntichrist, as if of the 
 same date 1120, although, in one of those where purgatory is 
 handled, is cited a book which St. Austin entitled, as the ori- 
 ginal has it, "Milparlemens," that is, of a thousand sayings, as if 
 St. Austin had written a book with this title ; which can be 
 attributed to nothing but a compilation made in the thirteenth 
 century, bearing this title, " Milleloquium Sancti Augustini," 
 which the ignorant author of this treatise on Purgfitory took 
 for the work of this father Besides this, we might be able to 
 say something of the age of these Vaudois books, and the alte- 
 rations possibly made in them, Avere we told of some known 
 library where they might be seen. Till the public has re- 
 ceived this necessary information, we cannot but wonder such 
 books have been produced to us for authentic as have not been 
 seen but by Perrin alone ; neither Aubertin nor La lloque 
 citing them otherwise than on his word, without so much as 
 telling us they have ever handled them. This Perrin [j], who 
 alone boasts of them to us, observes none of those marks in 
 them whereby the date of a book may be ascertained, or its an- 
 tiquity proved ; and all he tells us is, they are old Vaudois 
 volumes; which, in general, may be said of the most modern 
 Gothic books of no more than a hundred or sixscore years' 
 antiquity. There is then every reason for believing that these 
 books, whence they produce what they please without any solid 
 proof of their date, have been composed or altered by those 
 Vaudois, whom Farel and his brethren reformed in their way. 
 
 * Aiib. p. 962. La Roque. Hist, de I'Euchar. pp. 451, 459. 
 
 j- Hist, des Vaud. part iii. liv. iii. ch. ii. p. 305. 
 
 X Ibid. liv. i. ch. vii. p. 56. 
 
X|.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 119 
 
 128. — Confession of Faith produced by Perrin — That it is 
 posterior to Calvinism. 
 
 As to the Confession of Faith published by Perrin*, and which 
 all Protestants quote as an authentic piece of the ancient 
 Vaudois, " It is extracted," says he, " from a book entitled 
 the ' Spiritual Almanac,' and from the ' Memoirs of George 
 Morel.' " As for the Spiritual Almanac, I know not what to 
 say to it, unless, that neither Perrin, nor even Leger, who 
 speaks with so great a regard for the books of the Vaudois, 
 have mentioned any thing of the date of this. They have 
 not even thought it worth their while to acquaint us whether 
 it may be a manuscript or in print; and we may hold it for 
 certain, it is very modern, since those who would make the 
 most of it, have not specified its antiquity. But what Perrin 
 reports is decisive, viz., that this Confession of Faith is extracted 
 from the Memoirs of George Morel, Now it is plain from 
 Perrin himselff , that George Morel was the man who about 
 the year 1530, (so many years after the Reformation) went 
 to confer with CEcolampadius and Bucer, concerning the 
 means to bring about an union : which makes it clear enough 
 that this Confession of Faith is not, any more than the rest, 
 produced by Perrin, of the ancient Vaudois, but of the Vau- 
 dois reformed according to the model of the Protestants. 
 
 129. — Demonstration that the P^audois had no Confession of 
 Faith before the jyretended Reformation. 
 
 Accordingly it has been already remarked by us, that no 
 mention of a Vaudois confession of faith was made in the Con- 
 ference of 1530, betwixt Q^colampadius and the said Vaudois. 
 We may even boldly assert, they never made a confession of 
 faith till a long while after, since that Beza, so diligent in his 
 researches into, and taking advantage from, the acts of these 
 heretics, says nothing, as has been seen, of any such confession 
 of faith, that he knew of, except in 1541. However that may be, 
 never before Luther's and Calvin's Reformation had a Vaudois 
 confession of faith been so much as heard of J. Seyssel, whom 
 pastoral vigilancy and the duty of his charge engaged in those 
 latter times, namely, in 1510 and 1517, to so exact an inquiry 
 into all that concerned this beet, says not one word of a con- 
 fession of faith : and the reason was § , because he had never 
 
 * Hist, des Vaud. liv. i. ch. 12. p. ^^'>■ Il>id. 
 
 •\ Lett, of (Ecolamp. Perr. Ibid. cli. vi. p. Aii ; vii, p. 59. 
 
 X S. u. 4. § Seyss. f. 3. ct seq. 
 
120 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 heard of any such thing, either from juridical examinations, 
 or from those of his own converts, who, with so great tokens 
 of sincerity, discovered to him, with tears and compunction, 
 the Avhole secret of the sect. They had not, therefore, at that 
 time, any such confession ; their doctrine was to be learnt, as 
 we have seen, by their interrogatories at tribunals; but as for 
 a confession of faith, or any Vaudois writing, we find not a 
 word in those authors that knew them best. On the contrary, 
 the brethren of Bohemia, a sect of whom we shall speak 
 presently, and which the Vaudois have frequently strove to 
 unite themselves to, both before and since Luther's time, assure 
 us they wrote nothing. " They never had," say they*, " a 
 church known in Bohemia, nor had our people learnt any- 
 thing of their doctrine, by reason they never had published 
 any writings we know of." And in another place — " They 
 would not suffer that there should be any public testimony of 
 their doctrine." But if you will say, they had nevertheless, 
 amongst themselves, some writing and some confessions of 
 faith ; if so, doubtless they would have communicated them 
 to the brethren with whom they wished to unite themselves. 
 But the brethren declare, they knew nothing as to that point, 
 except from some articles of Merindol, " which articles," say 
 they, " possibly might have been polished since our time." 
 This is what a learned minister of the Bohemians writes f, a 
 long while after the Reformation of Luther and Calvin. He 
 would have spoken more accurately if, instead of saying these 
 articles were " polished," he had said they were coined since the 
 Reformation. But so it was that men were willing, in the 
 party, to give some air of antiquity to the Vaudois articles, nor 
 would this minister entirely disclose the secret of the sect. 
 Be that as it Avill, he says enough of it to convince us what we 
 ought to credit concerning the confessions of faith produced, 
 in his time, under the name of the Vaudois ; and it is easily 
 perceived they knew nothing of the Protestant doctrine before 
 they had been taught it by the Protestants, Nay, they scarce 
 knew what they themselves believed, and but confusedly de- 
 livered their minds concerning it to their best friends, so far 
 from having confessions of faith already at hand, as Perrin 
 would fain persuade us. 
 
 * Esrom. Rudig. de frat. Orth. narrat. Heid. cum Hist. Cam. 1G05, pp. 147, 
 
 148. Praef. Conf. fid. frat. Bohem. An. 1572. Ibid. 173, 
 
 f Rud. Ibid. pp. 147, 148. 
 
XI,] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 121 
 
 130. — 'The Vaudois,in drawincj their Calvinisfical Confession 
 of Faith, retained somethinrj of the Doijmata that ivere pe- 
 cidiar to them. 
 
 And nevertheless we perceive, even in these pieces of Perrin, 
 some footsteps of tlie ancient genius of the Vaudois, a con- 
 firmation of what Ave have aheady said concerning them. For 
 example, in the book about Antichrist, it is said*, " That the 
 emperors and kings supposing that Antichrist resembled the 
 true and holy mother the Church, they loved him, and en- 
 dowed him contrary to God's command," which comes up to 
 the tenet of the Vaudois, that the clergy are forbidden to have 
 any goods ; an error, as above seen, which was the first ground- 
 work of their separation. What is advanced in the catechism, 
 viz., that you may know the ministers " by their true sense of 
 the faith, and by their holy doctrine and life of good ex- 
 ample," &c., suits also with that error, which made the Vau- 
 dois believe, that ministers of an evil life were degraded from 
 their ministry, and lost the administration of the sacraments. 
 For which reason, in the book that treats of Antichrist, it is 
 also said, that one of his works is, " to attribute the Reforma- 
 tion of the Holy Ghost to faith exteriorly dead, and to bap- 
 tize children into this faith, teaching that, by this faith, these 
 children do receive from him baptism and regeneration:" 
 words whereby a living faith is required in the ministers of 
 baptism, as a thing necessary for the child's regeneration, 
 and the contrary is ranked among the works of Antichrist. 
 Thus, when they composed these new confessions of faith 
 agreeable to the Reformation, which they had a design of 
 entering into, there was no hindering them from still insinuating 
 something that savoured of the old leaven ; and without further 
 loss of time in this inquiry, it is sufficient you have observed, 
 in these works of the Vaudois, the two errors which were the 
 ground of their separation. 
 
 131. — Reflections on the History of the Albigenses and Vau- 
 dois — Artifice of the Ministers. 
 
 Such is the history of the Albigenses and Vaudois as reported 
 by the authors of those times. Our Reformed, finding nothing 
 therein favourable to their pretensions, connived at their being 
 imposed upon by the most gross of all artifices. Many Ca- 
 
 * Hist, ties Vaud, et Albig. part iii. 1. iii. ch. i. p. 292. Ibid, part iii. 1. i-j 
 p. 157. Ibid.l, iii.p.2t)7. 
 
122 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 tholic authors who wrote in this, or towards the end of the 
 preceding age, have not sufficiently distinguished the Vaudois 
 from the Albigenses, but given the general name of Vaudois 
 alike to both of them. Whatever might have been the cause 
 of their error, our Protestants are more able critics than to 
 require we should credit either Mariana, or Gretser, or even 
 Thuanus, and some other moderns, to the prejudice of the 
 ancient authors, who all unanimously, as we have seen, dis- 
 tinguished these two sects. Nevertheless, on so gross an error, 
 the Protestants, after taking it for granted that the Albigenses 
 and Vaudois were but one and the same sect, have concluded, 
 that nought but calumny branded the Albigenses with the im- 
 putation of Manicheism, since the Vaudois, according to the 
 ancient authors, are exempt from that blemish. 
 
 132. — Demonstration that the Heretics, who denied the Reality 
 in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, were Manicheans. — 
 Notoriously false supposition of the Ministers. 
 
 They ought to reflect that these ancients, who, in accusing the 
 Vaudois of other errors, have acquitted them of Manicheism, 
 at the same time have distinguished them from the Albigenses 
 whom we have convicted of it. For example, the minister de 
 la Roque, who, as he was the last who wrote on this subject, 
 has mustered up the subtle quirks of all the other authors of the 
 party, and especially those of Aubertin, believes he has justi- 
 fied the Albigenses as to their rejecting the Old Testament, 
 like the Manicheans, by shewing from Renier's testimony, that 
 the Vaudois received it * ; he gains nothing, since these 
 Vaudois are, in the same Renier f , thoroughly distinguished 
 from the Cathari, the stem of the Albigensian progeny. The 
 same La Roque J thinks to reap advantage from certain heretics, 
 who, according to Radulphus Ardens, said, "That the sacra- 
 ment was nothing but mere bread." It is true ; but the same 
 Radulphus adds, what La Roque no less than Aubertin have 
 dissembled, that these same heretics " admit two Creators, 
 and reject the Old Testament, the truth of the incarnation, 
 marriage, and the use of flesh-meat." The same minister also 
 cites certain heretics mentioned by Peter de Vaucernay §, who 
 denied the truth of Jesus Christ's body in the Eucharist. I 
 own it ; but, at the same time, this historian || assures us, they 
 
 * La Roq. 459, Aub. p. 9G7, ex. Ren. c. iii. p. 5. -|- Ren. c. vi. 
 
 X La Roq. 450. Aub. p. 904. B. Rad. Ard. Serm. 8. Post Pentec. 
 
 § La Roq. Aub. Ibid. 905. ex. Pet. de Valle-Cern. Hist. Albig. lib. ii. cap. 6. 
 
 11 Hist. Albig. cap. 2. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 123 
 
 admitted the two principles, with all the train of Manichean 
 errors. La Roque would make us believe, that the same Peter 
 de Vaucernay distinguishes the Arians and Manicheans from 
 the Vandois and Alhigenses. The half of his statement is true: 
 it is true that he distinguishes the JManicheans from the Vau- 
 dois, but he distinguishes them not from the heretics " that Avere 
 in the country of Narbonne ;" and certain it is, these are the 
 same that were called Alhigenses, and who unquestionably 
 were Manicheans. But, continues the same La Roque*, 
 Renier owns heretics who say, " the body of Jesus Christ is 
 mere bread ; " they were those he calls Ordibarians that spoke 
 thus, and, at the same time, denied the Creation, and vented a 
 thousand other blasj)hemies which Manicheism had intro- 
 duced : so that these enemies of the Real Presence were at the 
 same time no less enemies of the Creator than the Deity. 
 
 133. — Sequel. — Manicheism at Mefz. — The Bogomilists. 
 
 La Roque returns to the attack with Aubertin, and believes he 
 finds good Protestants in the persons of those heretics, who, by 
 the testimony of Cesarius of Hesterback f , " blas[)hemed the 
 body and blood of Jesus Christ." But the same Cesarius in- 
 forms us, they admitted the two principles, and all the other 
 Manichean blasphemies j which he avers he is very well 
 assured of, not from hearsay, but " from his frequent conver- 
 sation with them in the Diocese of Metz." A famous minister 
 of Metz, whom i was well acquainted with, made the Calvinists 
 of that country believe these Alhigenses of Cesarius were 
 their ancestors ; and then they were plainly shewn, that these 
 ancestors he had given them, were abominable Manicheans. 
 La Roque, in his history of the Eucharist, would fain have us 
 believe, the Bogomilists Avere the same with those called, in 
 divers jjlaces, Vaudois, poor men of Lyons, Buljjarians, Tiisab- 
 batized, Gazares, Poplicans, and Turlupins. 1 agree that the 
 Vaudois, the Insabbatized, and the poor men of I^yons are the 
 same sect; but that they were called Gazares or Cathari, 
 Poplicans, Bulgarians, or Bogomilists, is what never will be 
 proved from any author of those times. Nevertheless, INL de 
 la Roque must needs have these Bogomilists to be their friends ; 
 surely for this reason, because " they accounted the body and 
 blood, which we consecrate, unworthy of all esteem." But 
 he ought to have learned from Anna ComnenaJ, who has 
 
 " La Roque, p. 457. Aub. p. 965. Ren. cap. vi. 
 f Caesar. Hesterb. lib. v. cap. 2, in Bibl. Cisterc. La Roque, p. 457. Aub. 
 p. 964. Ferri Cat. Geu. pp. 85,455. J Au. Comu. Alex. lib. xv. y,486,etseq. 
 
124 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 given us a right notion of these heretics, "that they reduced to 
 a phantom the incarnation of Jesus ; that they taught such im- 
 purities as the modesty of her sex forbad this princess to repeat; 
 and, ill a word, that they had been convicted by the Emperor 
 Alexius, her father, of introducing a dogma mixed with two 
 the most infamous of all heresies, that of the Manicheans and 
 that of the Massalians." 
 
 134. — Sequel of the suppositions of the Ministers. 
 
 The same La Roque * numbers also amongst his friends 
 Peter Moran, who, pressed to declare his faith before all the 
 people, confessed, " He did not believe the consecrated bread 
 was the body of our Lord ; " and he forgets that this Peter 
 Morau, by the report of the author whose testimony he cites, 
 was of the number of those heretics convicted of Manicheism, 
 who were called Arians for the reason abovementioned. 
 
 135. — Another falsity. 
 
 This author reclions also amongst his friends | those heretics, 
 concerning whom it is said in the Council of Toulouse, under 
 Calixtus IL, " that they rejected the sacrament of Jesus 
 Christ's body and blood ; " and he mutilates the very canon 
 he has taken these words from, in the sequel whereof is to be 
 seen, that these heretics, together with the sacrament of the 
 body and blood, " rejected also infant baptism and lawful 
 wedlock." 
 
 136. — Another passage mutilated. 
 
 With the like boldness he corrupts J a passage of Emerick, 
 the inquisitor, concerning the Vaudois. "Emerick, (says he,) 
 attributes to them, as a heresy, their saying that the bread is 
 not transubstantiated into the true body of Jesus Christ, nor 
 the wine into blood." Who would not believe the Vaudois 
 convicted by this testimony of denying transubstantiation ? but 
 we have given the Avhole passage, where you will read, " The 
 ninth error of the Vaudois is, that the bread is not transub- 
 stantiated into the body of Jesus Christ, if the priest wlio con- 
 secrate it be a sinner.'' M. la Roque cuts off these last words, 
 and, by this falsification alone, takes from the Vaudois two 
 important points of their doctrine : one, which is the abhor- 
 
 * La Roq. p. 458. Rog. de Hoved. An. Angl. Baron, ad 1178. 
 f La Roq. p. 451. Cone. Tolos. An. 1119. Can, iii. v. 8. 
 X p. 457. Direct, part ii. p. 14. 
 
Xr.] THE VARIATIONS, KTC. 125 
 
 rence of all Protestants, to wit, transnbstantiation ; the other, 
 ■which is the abhorrence of all Christians, namely, their. saying, 
 that the sacraments lose their virtue in the hands of unworthy 
 ministers. Thus do our adversaries prove what they please by 
 manifest falsifications, nor dread giving themselves predecessors 
 even at this rate. 
 
 137. — Recapitulation. 
 
 These are a part of Aubertin's and La Roque's illusions with 
 regard to the Albigenses, and Vaudois, or poor men of Lyons. 
 In a w^ord, they perfectly vindicate these last from Manicheisra, 
 but, at the same time, bring no kind of proof to shew they 
 denied transnbstantiation ; on the contrary, they corrupt the 
 passages which prove that they admitted it. And as for those 
 who denied it in those days, they produce none but such as 
 are convicted of Manicheism, by the testimony of the same 
 authors that accuse them of denying the change of substance 
 in the Eucharist ; so that their ancestors either, Avith us, 
 defend transnbstantiation as the Vaudois, or are convicted of 
 Manicheism with the Albigenses. 
 
 138. — Tivo other objections of the Ministers. 
 
 But here is what these ministers have atlvanced with greater 
 subtilty. Overpowered by the number of authors, who, treating 
 of these Toulousian and Albigensian heretics, make them per- 
 fect Manicheans, they cannot deny there were such, and even 
 in those countries ; and they were those, say they *, who were 
 called Cathari or Puritans. But, they add, they were very few 
 ill number, since Renier f , who knew them so well, assures us, 
 they had but " sixteen churches in the whole world ; " nay, 
 that the number of these Cathari did not exceed four thousand 
 in all parts of the earth; "whereas," says Renier |, "the 
 believers are not to be numbered." These ministers would 
 have it understood from this passage, that these sixteen 
 churches, and four thousand men spread in all parts of the 
 universe, could not have caused in it all that noise and all 
 those wars the Albigenses were authors of; it must, therefore, 
 have happened that the name of Cathari or Manicheans was 
 extended to some other sect more numerous, and that the 
 Vaudois and Ali)igenses had the name of Manicheans given 
 them either by mistake or calumny. 
 
 * Aub. p. OGfl. a. La Ilo.i. p. 400, ex. f C. vi. + Il.id. 
 
126 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 139. — Sixteen Churches of the Manicheans that comprehend 
 the whole Sect. 
 
 Whoever wishes to see what length prejudice or illusion will 
 go, needs but to hear, after what the ministers ha\e said, the 
 truth I am going to relate, or rather, call to mind what has 
 already been related. And, in the first place, as to these six- 
 teen churches, you have seen that the word Church was taken 
 iti this place by Renier *, not for particular churches which 
 were in certain towns, but often, for whole provinces : thus 
 you find amongst these churches, the church of Sclavonia, the 
 church of Marc-Ancona in Italy, the church of France, the 
 church of Bulgaria, the mother of all the rest. All Lombardy 
 was contained under the title of two churches : those of 
 Toulouse and Alby, which in France formerly were the most 
 numerous, comprehended all Languedoc, and so forth ; so that, 
 under the denomination of sixteen churches, the whole sect 
 was expressed as divided into sixteen cantons, all which had 
 their relation to Bulgaria, as above seen. 
 
 140. — The CatJiari, in number four thousand. — How is this 
 to be understood. 
 
 We have also observed, with respect to those four thousand 
 Cathari, that none were understood by that name but the 
 perfect of the sect, called elect in St. Austin's time ; but at 
 the same time that Renier assures us, in his time, to wit, in 
 the middle of the thirteenth century, when the sect was weak- 
 ened, though there were but four thousand perfect Cathari, 
 yet, that the multitude of the rest of the sect, namely, of simple 
 believers, was then infinite. 
 
 141. — Whether the tvord Believers, in the ancient authors, 
 signified the Vaudois. — AuberVuis fallacy. 
 
 La Roque, after Aubertin f, pretends, the word " Believers" 
 signified the Vaudois, by reason that Pylicdorf, and Renier 
 himself, call them so. But here is again too palpable a fallacy. 
 The word " Believers" was common to all the sects : each sect 
 had its believers or followers. The Vaudois had their believers, 
 Credentcs ipsorum, whom Pylicdorf has spoken of in divers 
 places. Not that the word " Believers" was appropriated to the 
 Vaudois; but the thing meant was, that they had theirs like 
 
 * Ren. c. vi. 
 f Aub. 968. a. La Roq. 460. c. i. 14, 18. p. 780, &c. c. i. p. 747. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. iSt 
 
 the rest. The passages cited from Renier, by the ministers, 
 says, the heretics " had their believers, Credenfes suos, to 
 whom they allowed all kind of crimes." It is not theVaudois 
 he speaks of, since he commends their good deportment. The 
 same Renier relates the mysteries of the Cathari, or the break- 
 ing of their bread, and says*, " they admitted to this table not 
 only the Cathari, mi'n and ivomcn, but also their believers," 
 namely, those who were not as yet arrived to the perfection of 
 the Cathari : which shews manifestly these two orders so well 
 known among the Manicheans ; and what he further remarks, 
 that the simj)le believers were admitted to this kind of mystery, 
 makes it evident, that there were other mysteries which they 
 were not deemed worthy of. These believers of the Cathari 
 were therefore the " innumerable" abovementioned ; and 
 these, guided by the rest of an inferior number, raised all the 
 commotions which disturbed the world. 
 
 142. — Conclusion : that the Vaudois concur not in sentiment 
 with the Calvinists. 
 
 Here have you then the subtilties, not to say artifices, the 
 ministers are reduced to, in order to find themselves predeces- 
 sors. They have none of an apparent and continued succes- 
 sion : of such they go in search the best way they are able, 
 amongst obscure sects whom they strive to unite, and make of 
 them good Calvinists, though there be nothing they all agree 
 in, but their hatred against the Pope and Church. 
 
 143. — What is to he believed concerning the lives of the 
 Vaudois. 
 
 It will be asked me, perhaps, what is my opinion concerning 
 the manners of the Vaudois so much extolled by Renier? 1 
 can easily credit all he says, nay, if they please, more than 
 Renier said of them ; for the Devil matters not by what sort of 
 bands he secures men to him. Those Toulousian heretics, 
 confessedly Manicheans, had not less of this apparent piety 
 than the Vaudois. It was of them St. Bernard said f : " Their 
 manners are irre[)roachable ; they ojipress none; they injure 
 no man; their countenances are morllHed and wan with fast- 
 ing ; they eat not their bread hke sluggards, but labour to 
 gain a livelihood," What can be more plausible than these 
 heretics mentioned by St. Bernard ? But after all, they were 
 Manicheans, and their piety but disguise. Inspect the foun- 
 
 * C. vi. p. 75C. t Serm. C5, iu Cant. 
 
128 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 dation : it was pride, it was hatred against the clergy, it was 
 rancour against the church ; this made them drink in the wliole 
 poison of an abominable heresy. An ignorant people may be 
 led whither you please, when, after kindling a violent passion 
 in their breasts, especially hatred against their guides, you use 
 it as a chain to drag them by. But what shall we say of the 
 Vaudois, who kept themselves so clear of the Manichean 
 errors ? The Devil had accomplished his work in them, when 
 he inspired them with the same pride ; the same ostentation 
 of their pretended Apostolic poverty ; the same presumption to 
 boast their virtues ; the same hatred against the clergy, carried 
 so far as even to despise the Sacraments in their hands ; the 
 same bitterness against their brethren, even to a rupture from 
 them and open schism. With this hatred in their breasts, 
 even though they were externally still more just than has 
 been reported, St. John assures me*, they are murderers. 
 Were they as chaste as angels, their lot would be no better 
 than that of the " foolish virgins |," whose lamps were void 
 of oil, and hearts void of that sweetness which alone can 
 nourish charity. 
 
 144. — Sourness is ihe character of this Sect. — Abuse of the 
 
 Scripture. 
 
 Renier| has therefore justly pointed out the character of these 
 heretics, when he resolves the cause of their error into hatred, 
 bitterness, and rancour : Sic processit doctrina ipsorum, et 
 rancor. These heretics, says he, whose exterior was so spe- 
 cious, read much, " and prayed little. They Avent to sermons, 
 but in order to lay snares for the preacher, as the Jews did for 
 the Son of God ;" as much as to say, there was amongst them 
 much of the spirit of contention, but httle of the spirit of com- 
 punction. All of them in general, Manicheans and Vaudois, 
 never ceased inveighing against human inventions, and citing 
 the holy Scripture, whence they always had a text at hand 
 upon all occasions §. When examined concerning faith, they 
 eluded the question by equivocating ; if reproved for this, it 
 Avas Jesus Christ himself, said they, that taught them this 
 practice when he said to the Jev.-s : " Destroy this temple, and 
 in three days I will raise it up [| ;" meaning of the temple of 
 his body what the Jews understood of that of Solomon. This 
 text, to those that knev/ no better, seemed expressly made for 
 their purpose. The Vaudois had a hundred others of this 
 
 * 1 John iii. 15. | Matt. xxv. 3. J Ch. v. p. 749 
 
 9 Ren, Ibid. |1 John ii. 19, 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 129 
 
 ^ sort, which they were expert in wrestinf^ to their own purposes ; 
 and to those not tlioroughly versed in Scripture, itwus no easy 
 matter to escape their snares. Another author* remarks a 
 very singular character in these false professors of povert5^ 
 They did not proceed like a St. Bernard, like a St. Francis, 
 like other apostolic preachers, and attack in the midst of the 
 world the dissolute livers, the usurers, the gamesters, the blas- 
 phemers, and the like })ublic sinners in order to convert them : 
 on the contrary, whomsoever they found, in towns or villages 
 that were peaceable and retired, it was into their houses they 
 insinuated themselves under the covert of their exterior sim- 
 plicity. Scarce durst they raise their voice, their meekness 
 was so great : yet the topic of wicked priests and wicked monks 
 was introduced forthwith: a keen and merciless satire put on 
 the disguise of zeal ; well-meaning people, that listened to 
 them, were ensnared ; and transported with this bitter zeal, 
 imagined even they became better men by becoming heretics : 
 thus an universal contagion diffused itself. Some were drawn 
 into vice by the great scandals that appeared in the world on 
 every side : the devil took in the simple after another manner; 
 and, by a false horror of the wicked, alienated them from 
 the Church, wherein the number of such was daily seen to 
 increase. 
 
 145. — Eminent sanctity in the Catholic Church. 
 
 Nothing could be more unjust; since the Church, far from 
 approving the disorders which gave a handle to the revolt 
 of heretics, by all her decrees detested them, and nourished at 
 the same time in her bosom men of so eminent a holiness, that 
 in comparison to it, all the virtue of these hypocrites ap[)eared 
 as nothing. St. Bernard alone, whom God raised in those 
 days with all the graces of the Prophets and Apostles to combat 
 these new heretics, when they were making their greatest efforts 
 to spread themselves in France, was alone sufficient to con- 
 found them. In him might they behold a spirit truly aposto- 
 lical, a sanctity of such a lustre, that even those whose errors 
 he impugned were in admiration of it, insomuch that there 
 were some of them who, whilst they wickedly anathematized 
 the holy doctors, excei)ted St. IBernard from that sentence f, 
 and thought themselves obliged to publish, that at last he had 
 come over to their party : so much did they blush to have 
 against them so great a witness. Amongst his other virtues, 
 was seen to shine in him, and his brethren the holy Monks of 
 
 * Pylicd. c. X. p. 283. f Apud. Ren. cb. vi, p. Too. 
 
 VOL.11. K 
 
130 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Cisteaux and Clairvaux, to mention nothing of the rest, that 
 apostolic poverty these heretics boasted so much of; but St, 
 Bernard and his disciples, notwithstanding they carried this 
 poverty and Christian mortification to its utmost height, did 
 not glory that they alone had preserved the Sacraments, nor 
 were they the less obedient to superiors however wicked, dis- 
 tinguishing, with Jesus Christ, abuses from the chair and 
 doctrine. 
 
 146, — Bitterness and presumption of Heretics. 
 
 At the same time, great saints might be numbered, not only 
 among the bishops, among the priests, among the monks, but 
 also among the common people, and even amongst princes, in 
 the midst of this worldly pomp ; but heretics cared to look on 
 nothing but vice, that they might say more boldly with the 
 pharisee, " We are not as other men are* ;" we are spotless, 
 we are the [)Oor beloved of God ; come to us if you will receive 
 the Sacraments. 
 
 147. — Whether their false constancy ought to surprise us. — St. 
 Bernard's memorable answer. 
 
 One ought not, therefore, to be surprised at the a{)parent 
 regularity of their manners, this being a part of that seduction 
 against which we have been put on our guard by so many ad- 
 monitions of the gospel. To finish the external piety of these 
 heretics, this last stroke is added ; that they suffered with a 
 surprising patience. It is true, and this it is which completes 
 the illusion. For the heretics of those times, and even the 
 Manicheans, whose infamies we have beheld, after shifting and 
 dissembling as long as ever they were able to escape punish- 
 ment, when convicted, and condemned by the laws, ran to 
 death with joy. Their false constancy amazed the world: 
 Enervin, their accuserf , was nevertheless astonished, and in- 
 quired of St. Bernard with concern the meaning of such a 
 prodigy. But the saint, too well versed in the deep wiles of 
 Satan to be ignorant of his being able to make those he held 
 captives mimic even martyrdom itself, answered, that by a just 
 judgment of God, the evil one might have power, " Not only 
 over the bodies of men, but also over their hearts^ ;" and if 
 he was able to prevail with Judas to destroy himself, he might 
 well work on these heretics to suff'er death from the hands of 
 others. Let us not, therefore, wonder, if we see martyrs of all 
 
 * Luke xviii. 11. f Analect. lib, iii, p. 454. 
 
 J Sermon 66. in Cant. sub. fin. 
 
XI,] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 131 
 
 religion?;, even of those the most monstrous, but let us learn 
 from this exannpie, to hold none for true martyrs but those who 
 die in unity. 
 
 148. — Inevitable condemnation of these Heretics, in that they 
 denied their Reliyion. 
 
 But what ought to put Protestants for ever out of conceit with 
 all these im[)ious sects, is the detestable custom they had of 
 denying their religion, and partaking outwardly of our worship 
 wliilst they rejected it in their hearts. It is certain the Vaudois, 
 like the Manicheans, lived in this practice ever since the begin- 
 ning of the sect, till towards the midst of the last century. 
 Seyssel* could not sufficiently wonder at the false piety of their 
 Barbes, who condemning even the minutest lies, as so many 
 grievous sins, yet dreaded not, in presence of the judges, to lie 
 in point of faith, with an obstinacy so surprising, that the con- 
 fession of it could scarcely be extorted from them by the most 
 acute tortures. They forbade swearing, though even to bear 
 witness to truth in courts of judicature ; and at the same time 
 stuck at no oath to conceal their sect and faith : a tradition 
 they had received from the Manicheans, as they had also 
 inherited from them their presumption and rancour. Men 
 inure themselves to any thing, when once their guides have 
 gained the ascendant over their minds; but especially when 
 engaged in a cabal under the pretext of piety. 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE BOHExMIAN BRETHREN, VULGARLY AND 
 FALSELY CALLED VAUDOIS. 
 
 149. — The Sect of the Bohemian Brethren, 
 
 We are now to speak of those who were falsely called Vaudois 
 and Picards, and who called themselves the Brethren of Bohe- 
 mia, or the Orthodox Brethren, or, barely, Brethren. They con- 
 stitute a particular sect distinct from the Albigenses and the 
 poor men of Lyons. When Luther rose up, he found some 
 churches in Bohemia, and especially in Moravia, which he 
 long detested. He approved afterwards of their confession of 
 faith, corrected as we shall see. Bucer and Musculus have 
 also bestowed great {)raises on them. The learned Camerarius, 
 whom we have so much spoken of, that intimate friend of 
 Melancthon, judged their history worthy to be written by his 
 fine pen. liis son-in-law, Kudigerf, though called by the 
 
 * F. 47. f De Ecd. Frat. in. Boh. et Morr. narr. Hist. Held, 1605. 
 
 k2 
 
132 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Protestant churches of the Palatinate, preferred to them those 
 of Moravia, and cliose to be their minister ; and of all the 
 sects separated from Rome before Luther, this is the most com- 
 mended by Protestants : but its birth and doctrine will soon 
 evince nothing could be drawn from it to their advantage. 
 
 150. — They disown those who call them Vaudois, and why. 
 
 As for its birth, many, led into a mistake by the name, and 
 some conformity of doctrine, make these Bohemians descend 
 from the ancient Vaudois : but for their part, they renounce 
 this origin*, as appears clearly in the preface they prefixed to 
 their Confession of Faith in 1572. There they set forth their 
 origin in an ample manner, and say, amongst other things, 
 that the Vaudois are more ancient than they ; that these had, 
 indeed, some churches dispersed in Bohemia when their own 
 began first to appear, but they had no acquaintance with them ; 
 that nevertheless these Vaudois, in process of time, made 
 themselves known to them, yet refused, say they, to make any 
 deep research into their doctrine. " Our annals," continue 
 they, ''■ inform us they were never united to our churches, for 
 two reasons : first, because they gave no testimony of their 
 faith and doctrine ; secondly, because, in order to keep peace, 
 they made no difficulty of assisting at masses celebrated by 
 those of the Church of Rome." Whence they concluded, not 
 only " that they never had entered into any union with the 
 Vaudois, but also, that they had always believed they could 
 not enter into any such with a safe conscience." So far are 
 these people from acknowledging a Vaudois extraction, that 
 what is eagerly sought for by the Calvinists is rejected by them 
 with scorn. 
 
 151. — The sentiments of Camerarius and Rudiger. 
 
 Camerarius writes the same thing in his history of the Bohemian 
 brethren | : but RudigerJ, one of their pastors in Moravia, says, 
 still more clearly, that " these churches are far different from 
 those of the Vaudois ; that the Vaudois were in being ever 
 since the year 1160, whereas the Brethren did not begin to 
 appear till the fifteenth century ; and finally, that it is written 
 in the annals of the Brethren, how they always with constancy 
 refused to make any union with the Vaudois, by reason they 
 did not give a full Confession of their Faith, and went to mass." 
 
 • De orig. Eccl. Boli. et confess, ab iis editis. Ileid. An. IG05, cum Hist. 
 Joach. Camer. ]). 173. f Hist. p. lO.'i, &c. 
 
 X Rudig, de Eccl. Frat. in Bobera. et Mor, nar. p. 147. 
 
THE VARIATIONS, KTC. 133 
 
 152. — The Vaudois disowned by the Brethren as ivell as the 
 
 Picards. 
 
 Accordingly, we see the Brethren, in all their synods and all 
 their acts, style themselves the Brethren of Bohemia, falsely 
 called Vaudois*. The name of Picards is still more detested 
 by them : '' It is very likely," says Rudiger, " that those, who 
 first gave it to our ancestors, took it from a certain Picard, 
 who, renewing the ancient heresy of the Adamites, introduced 
 nudities, and shameful actions ; and as this heresy penetrated 
 into Bohemia about the time our churches were established, 
 they were discredited by so infamous a title, as if we had been 
 nothing but the miserable remains of that impure Picardf ." 
 You see thereby how these two pedigrees, from the ^'^audois 
 and this Picard, are rejected by the Brethren ; " they account 
 it even an affront to be called Picard and Vaudois} ;" and if 
 the first origin displeases them, the second, in which our Pro- 
 testants glory, seems to them but little less shameful ; but now 
 we are going to see that which they give themselves is not 
 much more reputable. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF JOHN WICKLIFF, AN ENGLISHMAN. 
 
 153. — JVichllff's impious Doctrine in his Trialogue. 
 
 They boast of being the disciples of John Huss ; but to judge 
 of their pretension, we must ascend higher still, since John 
 Huss himself gloried in having WicklifF for his master. What 
 judgment we then ought to pass on AVicklifF shall be shewed in 
 few words, without producing any other records than his own 
 works, and the testimony of all candid Protestants. 
 
 The chief of all his works is the Trialogue, that famous 
 book which set all Bohemia in a flame, and raised such 
 troubles in England. This was the theology contained in it§, 
 " That all happens by necessity: that he, a long while, spurned 
 at this doctrine, because it was contrary to the liberty of God; 
 but, at last, was obliged to yield, and acknowledge at the same 
 time, that all the sins committed in the world are necessary 
 and inevitable^ : that God could not prevent the sin of the 
 first man, nor forgive it without Jesus Christ's satisfaction, but 
 
 " In Syn. Senilom. Synt. Gen. part ii. p. 21f). 
 
 f Riidif^. Eccl. Frat. in Bohem. et I\Ior. nar. p. 140. 
 
 I Apo. 1532. ap. I/yd. 1. ii. p. Ki?- 
 
 § Lib. iii, c. vii. viii. xxiii. pp. 5(i, 82. Edit. 1525. 
 
 ^1 Ibid. c. xxiv. xxv. p. 85, &c. 
 
134 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 then it was impossible the Son of God should not become 
 incarnate, should not satisfy, should not die : that God indeed 
 might have done otherwise, had he willed it, but he could not 
 will otherwise ; that he could not but forgive man ; that the 
 sins of man proceeded from seduction and ignorance, and so it 
 was requisite, of necessity, that the divine wisdom should put 
 on flesh to repair them. That Jesus Christ could not save the 
 devils ; that their sin was a sin against the Holy Ghost * : that 
 to save them, it would have been necessary the Holy Ghost 
 should have become incarnate, which was absolutely impos- 
 sible ; therefore, ihat| no possible means were left of saving 
 the devils in general. That nothing was possible to God, but 
 what actually came to pass ; that the power admitted for 
 things, which did not happen, was an illusion. That God can 
 produce nothing within himself, which he does not necessarily 
 produce, nor out of himself, which he does not likewise neces- 
 sarily produce in its time. That when Jesus Christ said, he 
 could ask of his Father more than twelve legions of angels, you 
 must understand he could if he would, but must acknowledge 
 at the same time he could not will it |. That the power of God 
 is limited in the main, and is no otherwise infinite than because 
 there is no greater power: in a word, that the world, and all 
 Avhich exists §, is of absolute necessity, and were there any- 
 thing possible that God should refuse a being to, he would be 
 either impotent or envious; and as he could not refuse a being 
 to anything capable thereof, so can he annihilate nothing [|. 
 That we ought not to ask why God does not hinder sin — the 
 reason is, because he carmot ; nor, in general, why he does or 
 does not such a thing — because he does necessarily all he can 
 do; yet is he nevertheless free^, but in like manner, as he is 
 free to produce his Son, whom nevertheless he produces neces- 
 sarily. That the liberty, so called, of contradiction **, whereby 
 you may do a thing or not do it ft, is an erroneous term intro- 
 duced by the doctors ; and the imagination we have of our 
 being free, is a perpetual illusion like to that of a child who 
 thinks he walks alone whilst led : yet we deliberate J|., we con- 
 sult about our affairs, we damn our souls, but all this is in- 
 evitable, no less than all that is done or omitted in the world 
 either by the creature §§, or by God himself That God has 
 determined everything, and necessitates, as well the pre- 
 
 * Lib. c. xxvii. lib. i. c. x. p. 15. -f- Ibid. c. xi. p. 18. 
 
 J lb. c. ii. § Ibid. c. iv. Ibid. c. x, p. 16. 
 
 II Ibid. c. iv. lb. c. x. Lib. iii. c. ix. •[[ Lib. i. c. x. ** lb. c. xi. 
 
 tf lb. c. X. IX Ibid. c. X. §§ lb. lib, iii, c. ix. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 135 
 
 destinated as the reprobate to all they do *, as also each parti- 
 cular creature to its several actions ; and thence it happens 
 that there are elect and reprobate j and thus it is not in God's 
 power to save one single reprobate f. That he laughs at what 
 is said in schools, De sensu cmnposito et diviso, seeing that 
 God can save none but such as are saved actually J; that 
 there is a necessary consequence for sinning if certain things 
 fall out ; that God wills these things to happen, and that this 
 consequence be good, because otherwise it would not be neces- 
 sary : so he wills you should sin, and wills sin on account of 
 the good he draws from it ; and although it does not please 
 God that Peter should sin, yet ihe sin of Peter plea-es him § : 
 that God approves sinning; that he necessitates to sin. That 
 man can do no better than he does; that sinners and the 
 damned are nevertheless beholden to God, who shews mercy 
 to the damned in giving them existence, which is more advan- 
 tageous to, and to be wished for by, them than non-existence : 
 that indeed, he dares not wholly ascertain this opinion, nor 
 push men on to sin by teaching that it is agreeable to God they 
 should thus sin, and that God allows it them as a recompense ; 
 he being aware || that the wicked might take occasion, from this 
 doctrine, to commit grievous crimes, which, if they may, they 
 will commit: but if no better reasons are given him than what 
 are commonly alleged, he shall abide confirmed in his sen- 
 timent without uttering a word."" 
 
 You see thereby, he feels a secret horror of the blasphemies 
 he vents; but he is hurried into them by the spirit of pride and 
 singularity to which he had abandoned himself, nor does he 
 know how to restrain the transports of his pen. This is a faith- 
 ful extract of his blasphemies ; they are reduced to two heads, 
 to make a God over-ruled by necessity, and, what is a con- 
 sequence from thence, a God, author and approver of all 
 crimes; namely, a God whom the atheists would have reason 
 to deny : so that the religion of so great a reformer is worse 
 than atheism. 
 
 At the same time may be seen how many of" his Dogmata 
 were followed by Luther. As for Calvin and the Calvinists, 
 we shall see them hereafter ; nor, in this sense, is it in vain 
 that they have reckoned this impious wretch among their pre- 
 decessors. 
 
 * Lib. i. c. xiv. Lib. iii. c. iv. f Ibid. c. viii. J lb. c. iv. 
 
 § lb. c. vi. viii. lb. civ. H Ibid. c. viii. 
 
136 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 154. — He imitates the false piety of the Vaudois. 
 
 In the midst of all these blasphemies, he was for imitating the 
 false piety of the Vaudois, by attributing the effect of the 
 sacraments to personal merit * : saying, " The keys did not 
 operate except in the hands of holy persons ; and those ^Yho 
 do not imitate Jesus Christ cannot have the power of them : 
 that, nevertheless, this power is not lost in the Church ; that 
 it subsists in the humble and unknown : that laymen may 
 consecrate and administer the sacraments f : that it is a great 
 crime in churchmen to possess temporal goods, a great crime 
 in princes to have bestowed such on them^ and not to employ 
 their authority to take them from the clergy." Here you have 
 in an Englishman, if I may be allowed to say it, the first 
 pattern of the English Reformation, and church plundering. 
 Some will say, it is self-interest we here combat for ; no, we 
 do but discover the mischievousness of extravagant minds, 
 Avhich, as we see, are capable of every excess. 
 
 155. — IVickliff's Doctrine not calumniated at the Council of 
 Constance. 
 
 M. la Roque pretends, WicklifF was calumniated at the 
 Council of Constance |, and that propositions, w'hich he did 
 not believe, were laid to his charge, this amongst the rest: 
 " God is obliged to obey the Devil." But if we find so many 
 blasphemies in one only Avork that remains of Wickliff, we may 
 easily believe there Avere many others in his books, so very 
 numerous at that time ; and particularly as for this, it is a 
 manifest consequence from the above doctrine, forasmuch as 
 God, in all things acting by necessity, is draAvn by the Avill of 
 the devil to do certain things Avhen obliged of necessity to con- 
 cur to them. 
 
 156. — Wickliff ' s pernicious Doctrine concerning Kings. 
 
 Neither do Ave find, in the Trialogue, that proposition imputed 
 to WicklifF §, " that a king ceased to be a king by the com- 
 mission of a mortal sin." There were other books enough of 
 WicklifF Avhence this might be taken. In fact Ave have a con- 
 ference betAvixt the Catholics of Bohemia and the Calixtins, 
 in presence of King George Pogiebrac, Avherein Hilary, dean 
 
 * Lib. iv. c. X. xiv. xxiii. xxv. xxxii. f Ibid. c. xvii. xviii. xix, xxiv. 
 
 I Hist, de Euch. Cone. Const. Scss.rA'iii. prop. G. § Ibid. prop. xv. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 137 
 
 of Prague, maintains to Roquesane*, chief of the Calixtins, that 
 WickUff had written in express terms, " that an old woman 
 might be king and pope, were she better and more virtuous 
 than the pope and king ; and in such case she might say to 
 ihe king, ' Rise up, I am more ivortlnj than thou to sit upon 
 the throne.'"" U[)on Roquesane's answering this was not 
 AVickhff's meaning, the same Hilary offered to shew these 
 propositions to the whole assembly, and this besides f ; " that 
 whosoever is, by his virtue, the most praiseworthy, is also the 
 most worthy in dignity, and the most holy old woman ought to 
 be placed in the most holy employment." Roquesane stood 
 mute, and the fact passed for incontestable. 
 
 157. — Such of JVicklif's Articles as were conformable to 
 our Doctrine. 
 
 The same WicklifF;|; consented to the invocation of saints, 
 honoured their images, acknowledged their merits, and believed 
 in purgatory. 
 
 As for the Eucharist, what he most contended against was 
 transubstantiation, which he said was the most detestable 
 heresy that ever had been broached. Wherefore, it is his great 
 article that bread is in this sacrament. With respect to the 
 Real Presence, he has some things for, and some against it. 
 He says, " The body is hidden in each morsel and crumb of 
 bread." In another place, after saying, according to his cursed 
 maxim, that the sanctity of the minister is necessary to a valid 
 consecration, he adds, '^ you must presume for the sanctity of 
 priests ; but,'"" says he, " on account that Ave have but a bare 
 probability of it, I adore conditionally the host which I see, and 
 adore absolutely Jesus Christ who is in heaven." He does 
 not, therefore, doubt of the Presence, but inasmuch as he is 
 not certain of the holiness of the minister, Avhich he believes 
 absolutely necessary thereto. Other suchlike passages may be 
 found in him, but it is of little consequence to know more of 
 them. 
 
 158. — WickUff^ s Confession of Faith jxroduced by M. de la 
 Roqiie, son of the Minister. 
 
 A fact of greater importance is advanced by M. la Roque, 
 junior §. He produces a confession of faith, wherein the Real 
 Presence is clearly owned, and transubstantiation no less clearly 
 
 * Disput. cum Rokys. apud. Canis. ant. lect. t. iii. p. ii. p. 474. 
 f Ibid. p. 500. 
 I Lib. iii. c. 30. Lib. xi. 14. Lib. iii. 5. iv, <j, 7, 40, 41. Lib. iv. 1, 0. Lib.iv. c. L 
 § Nouv. ace. Coat. M. Vanil. p. 73. 
 
138 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 rejected ; but most material of all is what he affirms, that this 
 confession of faith was proposed to WicklifF in the Council of 
 London, where happened that great earthquake, called for that 
 reason concilium terrcB motus ; some saying the earth had a 
 horror of the bishop's decision, and others, of WicklifF's 
 heresy. 
 
 159. — Proved false from Wickliff himself. 
 
 But without further examination of this confession of faith, of 
 which we shall speak with more certainty when we shall have 
 seen it entire, 1 may venture to say beforehand, that it could 
 not have been proposed to WicklifF by the council. I prove it 
 from Wickliff himself*, who repeats four times, that " in the 
 Council of London, where the earth trembled," in suo concilio 
 terrcB motus ; it was defined in express term, '^ that the sub- 
 stance of bread and wine did not remain after consecration;" 
 wherefore it is more clear than the day, that the confession of 
 faith wherein is rejected this change of substance, can never 
 be of this council. 
 
 160. — Wickliff renounces his Doctrine and dies in the external 
 Communion of the Church. 
 
 I take M. la Roque for a man of too great sincerity not to 
 yield to so clear a proof. Meanwhile, we are obliged to him 
 for sparing us the trouble of proving here the faintheartedness 
 of Wickliff; his recantation in the presence of the council; 
 that " of his disciples, Avho at first had no more resolution 
 than he ; the shame he conceived at his dastardly com- 
 portment in departing from the notions then received y,"" which 
 made him break off all commerce with men ; so that, since his 
 retractation, you hear no more mention of him ; and, finally, his 
 dying in his cure, and in the exercise of his function, which 
 proves, as also does his burial in hallowed ground, that he died 
 externally in the communion of the church. 
 
 I have, therefore, no more to do but conclude with this 
 author, that Protestants can reap nothing but shame from 
 Wickliff's conduct |, " who either was an hypocritical prevari- 
 cator, or a Roman Catholic ; who died in the church even 
 whilst he assisted at the sacrifice accounted the mark of dis- 
 tinction between both parties." 
 
 * Lib. V. c. 36, 37, 38. f La Roque, lb. 70. lb. pp. 81, 85, 88, 89, 90. 
 I La Roque, lb. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 139 
 
 161, — Melancthon's sentiment concerning WickUff. 
 
 Those who have a mind to know Melancthon's opinion of 
 Wickliff, will find it in the Preface to his ' Commonplaces,' 
 where he says*, '* You may judge of Wickliff's spirit by the 
 errors he abounds Avith. He understood nothing," says he, 
 '* of the justice of faith; he makes a jumble of gospel and 
 politics ; he maintains it unlawful for priests to have anything 
 of their own ; he speaks of the civil power after a seditious 
 manner, and full of sophistry ; with the same sophistry he 
 cavils about the universally received opinion touching our 
 Lord's Supper." This is what Melancthon said, after reading 
 Wicklilf. He would have said more, and not spared this 
 author, as well deciding against free will, as making God the 
 author of sin, had he not feared, in reproving him for these 
 excesses, he should defame his master, Luther, under Wick- 
 liff's name. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF JOHN HUSS AND HIS DISCIPLES. 
 162. — John Huss imitates Wichliff in his hatred of the Pope. 
 
 M^hat raised WicklifF to so high a station among the prede- 
 cessors of our Reformed, was his teaching that the Pope was 
 antichrist, and that ever since the year of our Lord one thou- 
 sand, when Satan was to be let loose, according to St. John's pro- 
 phesy, the church of Rome was become the whore of Babylon. 
 John Huss, the disciple of AVickliff f, has merited the same 
 honours, in having so closely followed his master in this 
 doctrine. 
 
 163 — John Huss says Mass, and has no other sentiments in 
 respect of the Eucharist than those of the Church of Rome. 
 
 In other points he forsook him. Heretofore there was a dis- 
 pute concerning his sentiments on the Eucharist. 13 ut the 
 question is adjudged by our adversaries' consent ; M. la 
 Roque having shewn, in his history of the Eucharist;};, from 
 the authors of those times, from the testimony of Huss's first 
 disciples, from his own writings, still extant, that he believed 
 transubstantiation, and all the other articles of the Roman 
 faith, not one excepted, unless communion under both kinds; 
 and that he persisted in these sentiments even unto death. 
 
 ♦ Praef. ad Mycon. Hosp. p. ii. ad An. 1.350. f. Ho. 
 Wick. lib. iv. c 1., &c. J Part ii. ch. xix. p. 484. 
 
140 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 The same minister demonstrates the same thing in relation to 
 Jerome of Prague, the disciple of John Huss, and the fact ad- 
 mits of no doubt. 
 
 ]64. — 7Fhy Hnss^s Doctrine came to be doubted of. 
 
 What gave occasion to doubt of John Huss, were som.e words 
 he had uttered inconsiderately, and which were misunderstood, 
 or retracted by him. But what more than all the rest caused 
 him to be suspected in this matter was, the excessive praises 
 he gave WicklifF, the enemy of transubstantiation. WicklifF, 
 in reality, was the great doctor of John Huss and all the Hus- 
 site party : but certain it is, they did not follow his doctrine, 
 crude as it was, but strove to explain it, as did John Huss, 
 whom Rudiger* praises for having explained artfully, and 
 courageously defended the sentiments of WicklifF. It was, 
 therefore, agreed on in the party, that Wickliff, who, to speak 
 the truth, was the head thereof, had carried matters much too 
 far, and stood greatly in need of explanation. But however 
 that may be, it is very certain John Huss gloried in his priest- 
 hood to the very last, and never intermitted saying mass when 
 able. 
 
 165. — John Huss a Catholic in all the controverted points, 
 except Communion under both kinds, and the Pope's 
 authority. 
 
 M. la Roque, junior, upholds strenuously his father's sen- 
 timents ; and is even sincere enough to own, that "they are 
 displeasing to several of the party, and especially to the famous 
 
 Mr. — , who generally did not relish truths which had 
 
 escaped his notice f." Every body knows it was Mr. Claude 
 whose name he suppressed. But this young author carries his 
 researches much farther than any Protestant had done before. 
 None can any longer doubt, after the proofs which he alleges, 
 that John Huss prayed to saints, honoured their images, 
 acknowledged the merit of works, the seven sacraments, sacra- 
 mental confession, and purgatory J. The dispute chiefly turned 
 on communion under both kinds ; and, what was of the most 
 importance, on that damnable doctrine of Wickliff, that 
 authority, and especially ecclesiastical authority, was lost by 
 sin ; for John Huss maintained, on this head, things as ex- 
 travagant as those advanced by WicklifF, and thence it was he 
 drew his pernicious consequences. 
 
 * Rudig. Narr. p. 153. -f- Nouv. ace. cont.'Varr. pp. 148, 150. 
 
 X lb. p. 150, et seq. Couc. Const. Sess. xv. iirop. 11, 12, 13, &c. 
 
XI. 1 THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 141 
 
 166. — All goes down loUh Protestants, provided you inveigh 
 against the Pope. 
 
 If, with such a doctrine, and saying mass besides, every day to 
 the end of his hfe, a man may not only be a true behever, but 
 also a saint and martyr (as all Protestants proclaim John 
 Huss, no less than Jerome of Prague, his disciple), there is 
 no need of more disputing about fundamental articles: the 
 only fundamental article is, to cry out amain against the Pope 
 and Church of Rome ; but if with WicklifF and John Huss you 
 stretch so far as to call that church the Church of Antichrist, 
 this doctrine is the remission of whatever sins, and covers all 
 kind of errors. 
 
 167. — The Tahorites. 
 
 Let us return to the Brethren of Bohemia, and see how they 
 are the disciples of John Huss. Immediately after his con- 
 demnation and execution, two sects were seen to arise under 
 his name, the sect of Calixtins and the sect of Taborites : the 
 Calixtins under Roquesane, who by the joint consent of all, as 
 well Catholic as Protestant authors, was, under the pretext of 
 reformation, the most ambitious of all mankind : the Taborites 
 under Zisca, whose sanguinary actions are not less known than 
 his valour and success. AA^ithout inquiring into the doctrine of 
 the Taborites, their rebellions and cruelty have made them 
 odious to the greatest part of Protestants. Men that carried 
 fire and sword into the bowels of their country for twenty years 
 together, and whose marches may be traced by the blood and 
 ashes they left behind, are not o\erqualified to be held for the 
 principal defenders of the truth, nor to give an origin to 
 Christian Churches*. Rudiger, who alone of the sect, for 
 want of better knowledge, would have the Bohemian brethren 
 descended from the Taborites f, acknowledges "that Zisca, 
 pushed on by his particular enmities, carried the hatred he had 
 against the monks and priests so far, that he not only set lire 
 to chiu"ches and monasteries, wherein they served God, but 
 also, in order to leave them no dwelling-place on earth, caused 
 all the inhabitants of those places they possessed to be {)ut to 
 the sword." This is w-hat RudigerJ says, an unsuspected 
 author; to which he adds, that the brethren, whom he makes 
 to descend from these barbarous Taborites, were ashamed of 
 this parentage. Accordingly, they renounce it in all their Con- 
 
 ■* De Frat. Narrat. p. 108. f ^^' 1^5. % Ilji*!' 
 
142 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 fessions of Faith and Apologies, and she^y even it is impossible 
 they should have sprung from the Taborites*, because at the 
 time they began to appear, this sect, in a manner crushed by 
 tiie death of its generals and the universal pacification of the 
 Catholics and Calixtins (who united the whole powers of the 
 state in order to demolish them), " held but in a lingering state 
 till Pogiebrac and Roquesane entirely brought their iniserable 
 remains to destruction; insomuch," say they, "that no more 
 Taborites, were left on earth," which is confirmed by Came- 
 rarius in his history y. 
 
 1G8. — The Calixtins. 
 
 The other sect, that prided itself in the name of John Huss, 
 was that of the Calixtins, so called, because they believed the 
 Chalice was absolutely necessary for the people. And it is 
 undoubtedly from this sect that the Brethren proceeded in 1457, 
 as they themselves declared in the preface to their Confession 
 of Faith of 1558, and again, in that of 1572, so frequently 
 cited by us, where they speak in these terms |, " Those who 
 founded our Churches, separated themselves at that time from 
 the Calixtins by a new separation ;" their meaning was, as by 
 them explained in their apology of 1532, that as the Calixtins 
 had separated themselves from Rome, so the Brethren sepa- 
 rated from the Calixtins ; so that this was a schism and divi- 
 sion, in another division and schism. But what were the 
 causes for this separation ? there is no comprehending them 
 arioht without knowing both the belief and condition the 
 Calixtins were in at that time. 
 
 169. — The Compactatum or Articles agreed to by the Council 
 
 of Basil. 
 
 Their doctrine at first consisted in four articles. The first 
 concerned the cup ; the other three regarded the correction of 
 public and particular sins, which they carried to some excess ; 
 the free preaching of the word of God, which, they maintained, 
 none could be precluded from ; and Church-revenues. Herein 
 was a smack of the Vaudois errors. These four articles were 
 regulated in the council of Basil, after such a manner as the 
 Calixtins were contented with, and the cup granted them on 
 certain terms which they agreed to. This agreement was 
 
 * Praef. Confess. 157'2. seu, de orig. Eccl. Boh. &c. post, 
 •j- Hist. Camer. init. Praef. p. 17C. 
 + lb. p. 267. Prsef Boh. Conf. 1558. Synt. Gen. p. 164. Apol.Frat. 1. part, ap. 
 Lyd. t. ii. p. 129, 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 143 
 
 called Compactatum, a name famous in the history of Bohe- 
 mia. But one part of the Hussites, not resting contented 
 with these articles, began, under the name of Taborites, those 
 bloody wars just mentioned ; and the Calixtins, the other part 
 of the Hussites, which had accepted the agreement, stood not 
 to it ; for instead of declaring, as they had agreed at Basil, 
 that the cup was neither necessary nor commanded by Jesus 
 Christ, they pressed the necessity thereof, even in regard to 
 new-baptized children*. This point excepted, it is allowed 
 the Calixtins agreed in all dogmata Avith the church of Rome, 
 and their disputes with the Taborites prove as much. Lydius, 
 a minister of Dort, has collected the acts thereof, which are 
 not called in question by Protestants. 
 
 170. — The Calixtins disposed to own the Pope. 
 
 In them therefore it may be seen, that the Calixtins not only 
 allow transubstantiation, but also with relation to the Eucha- 
 rist, all and every part of the doctrine and usages received in 
 the church of Rome, communion only under both kinds ex- 
 cepted ; and should that be granted by the Pope, they were 
 ready to acknowledge his authority |. 
 
 171. — Wherefore then did they so much respect the memory of 
 
 Wickliff? 
 
 Here the queiy might be put, their sentiments being such, 
 how they could retain so great a respect for Wickliff as to call 
 him by excellence, as the Taborites did, the evangelical doc- 
 tor ? the reason in short was, because we find nothing regular 
 in these separated sects. Although Wicklitt" had inveighed 
 with all the passion imaginable against the church of Rome, 
 and in particular against transubstantiation, the Calixtins 
 excused him J;, by answering, what he had said against this 
 dogma was not spoken decisively but scholastically, by way of 
 dispute ; whereby we may judge how easy a matter they found 
 it to justify, say what you would, an author with whom they 
 were mfatuated. 
 
 172. — The ambition of Roquesane and the Calixtins hinders 
 their reunion with the Church, 
 
 For all that, they were not the less disposed to submit to the 
 Pope's authority, and Roquesane's interests alone prevented 
 
 * Lyd. Walii. t. 1. Rotcro. IfilG. 
 
 t Syu. Prague. An. 1431. ap. Lyd. p. 304. et Au. 1434. Ibid. pp. 332, 354, 
 
 X Ibid. p. 472. 
 
144 THE HISTORY OF [liOOK 
 
 their reunion. This doctor himself had been contriving the 
 reconciUation, in hopes, after so great a service, that the Pope 
 wouhl be easily inclined to confer on him the archbishopric of 
 Prague, which he much ambitioned *. But the Pope, unwil- 
 ling to trust the care of souls and depositum of faith to so fac- 
 tious a person, invested Budvix with this prelacy, as much 
 Roquesane's superior in merit as in birth. This ruined all. 
 Bohemia saw herself reinvolved in more bloody wars than ever. 
 Roquesane, in spite of the Pope, set himself up for archbishop 
 of Prague, or rather for Pope in Bohemia ; nor could Pogie- 
 brac, whom he had raised to the throne by his intrigues, refuse 
 him any thing. 
 
 173. — Origin of the Bohemian Brethren, who separate from 
 Roquesane and the Calixtins. 
 
 During these disturbances, the tradesmen who had begun to 
 grumble in the precedent reign, set themselves more than ever 
 to confer among themselves concerning the Reformation of the 
 Church. The mass, transubstantiation, prayer for the dead, 
 the veneration of saints, but especially the power of the Pope, 
 were offensive to them. In fine, they complained that the 
 " Calixtins romanized in every thing except the cup |," They 
 undertook to correct them. Roquesane, incensed against the 
 holy see, seemed to them a proper instrument to manage this 
 affair '];. Shocked with his haughty answer, Avhich savoured of 
 nothing but love of this world, they reproached him with his 
 ambition ; that he was a mere worldling, who Avould sooner 
 abandon them than his honours. At the same time they 
 placed at their head one Kelesiski, a master shoemaker, who 
 drew up for them a body of Doctrine called the Forms of Ke- 
 lesiski. Afterwards they chose themselves a pastor named 
 Matthias Convalde, a lay and ignorant person ; and in 1467, 
 divided openly from the Calixtins, as the Calixtins had done 
 from Rome. Such was the birth of the Bohemian brethren ; 
 and this is what Camerarius and they themselves, as well in 
 their Annals as in their Apologies and Prefaces to their Con- 
 fessions of Faith, relate of their origin, except that they date 
 their separation from the year 1457 ; and it seems to me more 
 proper to fix it ten years after, in 1467, at the time they them- 
 selves date the creation of their new pastors. 
 
 * Cam. Hist. Narr. Apol. Frat. p. 115, &c. t Apol. 1532. part 1. 
 
 X Cainer. cle Eccl. Frat. pp. G4, 84, &c. Apol. Frat. 1532. part 1. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 145 
 
 174. — Weak beginnings of this Sect. 
 
 I find here some little contradiction betwixt what they relate 
 of their history in their Apology of" 1532, and what they say in 
 the Preface of 1572 *. For they say in this preface that in 
 1457, at the time they separated from the Calixtins, they were 
 a people collected from all manner of degrees: and in their 
 Apology of 1532, wherein they were somewhat less assuming, 
 they own frankly-]-, they were made up " of the meaner sort, 
 and of some Bohemian priests in small number, all put toge- 
 ther but a handful of men, a small remnant, and the despicable 
 refuse," or, translate it as you please, " Miserahilis quisquilifs, 
 left in the world by John Huss." Thus did they separate from 
 the Calixtins, that is, from the only Hussites then in being. 
 Thus it is that they are the disciples of John Huss; a piece 
 broken from a piece ; a schism cut off from a schism ; Hus- 
 sites divided from Hussites, and retaining scarce any thing of 
 them but their disobedience and rupture from the church of 
 Rome. 
 
 175. — They onJij took the name of John Huss, and followed 
 not his Doctrine. 
 
 Should it be asked, how they could own John Huss, as they 
 every where do, for an Evangelical doctor, for a holy martyr, 
 for their master, and the apostle of the Bohemians, and at the 
 same time reject, as sacrilegious, the Mass, which their apostle 
 constantly said to the last, Transubstantiation, and the other 
 dogmata he had always adhered so closely to : their answer 
 is J, " that John Huss had but begun the re-establishment of the 
 gospel," and they believed, " had time been given him, he would 
 have changed a great deal more." Still he failed not to be a 
 martyr and apostle, though he persevered, according to them, 
 in such damnable practices, and the Brethren celebrated his 
 martyrdom in their Churches the eighth of July, as we are 
 informed by Rudiger §. 
 
 17G. — Their extreme ignorance, and their lyrcsumption in pre' 
 tending to re-baptize the whole world. 
 
 Camerarius || acknowledges their extreme ignorance, but says 
 Avhat he can in excuse thereof. This we may hold for certain, 
 
 • De orig. Eccl. Boh. post. Hist. Camer. p. 2C7. part i. 
 
 t Apol. Lv<l. t. ii. 2-21, 222, 2;{2, &c. 
 
 X Apo. lo32, i)art i'. ap. Lyd. t. ii. i>p. 1 IC, 117, 11«, &c. 
 
 § llud. Narr. post. Camer. Hist. p. ir)l. 
 
 II Cam. Hist. Narr. p. 102. Prief. Apol. 1538. apud Lyd. t. ii. p. 105. 
 
 VOL. II. L 
 
146 THE HISTORY OP [boOK 
 
 that God wrought no miracles to enlighten them. So many 
 ages after the question of rebaptizing heretics had been deter- 
 mined by the unanimous consent of the whole Church, they 
 were so ignorant as to re-baptize " all those that came to 
 them from other Churches." They persisted in this error for 
 the space of a hundred years, as they own in all their writings, 
 and confess in the preface of 1558, that it v/as but a little 
 while since they were undeceived *. This error ought not to 
 be deemed of trivial importance, since it amounted to this, 
 that Baptism was lost in the Universal Church, and remained 
 only amongst them. Thus presumptuous in their notions were 
 two or three thousand men, who had more or less equally 
 revolted against the Galixtins, amongst whom they had lived, 
 and against the church of Rome, from which both of them 
 had divided thirty or forty years before. So small a parcel of 
 another parcel, dismembered so few years ago from the Ca- 
 tholic Church, dared to re-baptize the remainder of the uni- 
 verse, and reduce the inheritance of Jesus Christ to a corner 
 of Bohemia ! They believed themselves therefore the only 
 Christians, since they believed that they only were baptized ; 
 and whatever they might allege in their own vindication, their 
 re-baptization condemned them. All they had to answer was, 
 if they re-baptized the Catholics, the Catholics also re-baptized 
 them. But it is well enough known, that the church of Rome 
 never re-baptized any that had been baptized by any person 
 whatsoever, " in the name of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ;" 
 and supposing there had been, in Bohemia, such very ignorant 
 Catholics as not to know so notorious a thing, ought not they, 
 who called themselves their Reformers, to know better ? After 
 all, how came it to pass that these new re-baptizers did not 
 cause themselves to iDe re-baptized? If, at their coming into 
 the world, Baptism had ceased throughout all Christendom, 
 that which they had received was no higher in value than that 
 of their neighbours, and by invalidating the Baptism of those 
 by whom they were baptized, what became of their own ? 
 They were then obliged no less to cause themselves to be re- 
 baptized, than to re-baptize the rest of the universe : and in 
 this there was but one inconveniency ; namely, that, accord- 
 ing to their principles, there was not a man on earth that could 
 do them this good turn. Baptism being equally null whatever 
 side it came from. Thus it is when a shoemaker commences 
 Reformer, one, as themselves acknowledge in a Preface to 
 
 * Cam. Hist. Apol.part iv. p. 274. Conf. iid. 1558. Art. xii. Synt, Gen. p. 195. 
 Ibid. p. 170. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 147 
 
 their Confession of Faith "*, that knew not a word of Latin, 
 and was no less presumptuous than ignorant. These are the 
 men whom Protestants admire.' Does the question turn on 
 condemning the church of Rome? — they never cease to upbraid 
 her with the ignorance of her priests and monks. Is the ques- 
 tion regarchng the ignorant individuals of these latter ages, who 
 have set up for reforming the Church by schism ? — they are 
 fishermen turned apostles : although their ignorance stand 
 eternally on record, from the first step they took. No matter; 
 if we believe the Lutherans in the Preface they placed before 
 the Brethren's Apology, and printed at ^Vittemberg in Luther's 
 time ; if, I say, we believe them, it was in this ignorant society, 
 in this handful of men, that " The Church of God was pre- 
 served when she was thought entirely lostf ." 
 
 177. — Their fruitless search over all the universe after a 
 Church of their Belief. 
 
 Nevertheless, these remains of the Church, these depositaries 
 of the ancient Christianity, were themselves ashamed that they 
 could not discover in the whole universe a Church of their 
 belief. Camerarius informs us J, that it entered into their 
 thoughts at the beginning of their separation, to make inquiry 
 if (hey could find, in some place of the earth, and chiefly in 
 Greece or Armenia, or some other part of the east, that Chris- 
 tianity, of which the west was utterly bereft according to their 
 sentiments. At that time, many Grecian priests, who had fled 
 to Bohemia from the sacking of Constantinople, and to whom 
 Roquesane gave reception in his own house, had leave to cele- 
 brate the iioly mysteries according to the rites of their Church. 
 Therein the Brethren beheld their own condemnation, and 
 beheld it still more in conversing with those priests. But not- 
 withstanding these Grecians assured them it was in vain for 
 them to travel into Greece in quest of Christians formed to 
 their mode, whom they never would find ; yet they appointed 
 three deputations of able and discreet persons, whereof some 
 traversed all the east, others went northwards into ^luscovy, 
 and others tinned their course towards Palestine and Egypt; 
 whence all meeting at Constantinople, according to the project 
 concerted by them, they returned at last to Bohemia, and all 
 the answer they brought to their brethren was, that they 
 might depend upon it there were none of their profession in 
 the whole universe. 
 
 * Conf. fid. 1558. Synt. Gen. part ii. p. 164. 
 f Joan. Euseb. ill ora. prsefixii Apo. frat. sub hoc tiuilo : (Economia, &c. ap, 
 Lj'd. t. ii. p. 95. J De Eccl. Frat. p. 91. 
 
 l2 
 
148 THE HTSTORY OV [bOOK 
 
 178. — Hoiv they sought Orders in the Catholic Church. 
 
 Their solitude, thus destitute of all succession and lawful ordi- 
 nation, raised such a horror in them, that even in Luther's 
 time they sent some of their people, who surreptitiously stole 
 Ordination from the Church of Rome ; we learn this from one 
 of Luther's treatises, which is quoted in another place. A 
 poor church indeed, which, void of the principle of fecundity 
 left by Jesus Christ to the apostles and their legitimate succes- 
 sors, were forced to intrude themselves amongst us to beg, or 
 rather to purloin, saci-ed orders. 
 
 179. — Reproaches made them by Luther, 
 
 Besides, they were upbraided by Luther* that they knew no- 
 thing, no more than John Huss, of Justification, the very 
 principal point of the Gospel ; for they '^placed it," he pro- 
 ceeds, " in faith and works together, as many fathers had 
 done ; and John Huss was wedded to this opinion." He was 
 in the right ; for neither the Fathers, nor John Huss, nor his 
 master WicklifF, neither orthodox, nor heretics, nor Albigenses, 
 nor Vaudois, had ever, before him, dreamed of his " imputed 
 justice." Wherefore he despised the Brethren of Bohemiaf, '• as 
 men serious, rigid, of an austere countenance, that martyred 
 themselves with the law and works, and never enjoyed a cheerful 
 conscience," Thus did Luther treat the most regular, to all ap- 
 pearance, of all the schismatic Reformers, and, as was said, the 
 sole remnant of the true Church. But he had soon reason to be 
 satisfied with them : the Brethren carried Lutheran Justification 
 so far, as to run blindly into the excesses of Calvinists, and even 
 into such as the Calvinists now-a-days strive to clear them- 
 selves from. The Lutherans would have us justified without 
 our co-operation, and without our having part therein. The 
 Brethren added J, it was even " without our knowledge and 
 feeling it, as an embryo is quickened in its mother's womb."" 
 After our regeneration, God begins to make himself felt; and 
 if Luther would have us know with certainty our Justification, 
 the brethren still further would have us entirely and indubitably 
 assured of our perseverance and salvation. They went so far 
 with the imputation of justice as to say, that " sins, how enor- 
 mous so ever, were but venial," provided you committed them 
 *' with repugnance," and that it was of these sins St. Paul said, 
 
 * Luth. Coll. p. 28G. Edit, of Franc, an. 1C7G. f Ibid. 
 
 X Apol. part iv. ap. Lyd. t. ii. p. 244, 248. Ibid, part ii. 172, 173. part iv. 
 p. 282. Ibid, part ii. p. 108. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 149 
 
 " there is now no condemnation to them which are in Christ 
 Jesus*." 
 
 180. — Their DQclrine concerning the Seven Sacraments. 
 
 The l^rethren had, hke us, Seven Sacraments in the Confession 
 of l.'504<, which was presented to King Ladislaus. They 
 j)roved them from tlie Scri])tures, and ackno\Yledged them " es- 
 tablished for the accomi)lishment of the promises God had 
 made to the faithful." They must have preserved this doctrine 
 of the Seven Sacraments even in Luther's days, since he 
 blamed them for it. The Confession of Faith was therefore 
 reformed, and the Sacraments reduced to two : Baptism and 
 the Supper, as Luther had ordained. Absolution was acknow- 
 ledged, but not in quality of a Sacrament. In 1504, they 
 spoke of the confession of sins as a thing of obligation. This 
 obligation does no longer appear so express in the reformed 
 Confession, where it is merely said, " You ought to demand of 
 the priest absolution of your sins by the keys of the Church, 
 and obtain the forgiveness of them by this ministry ordained 
 for that end by Jesus Christf." 
 
 181. — Concerning the Real Presence. 
 
 As for the Real Presence, the defenders of the literal and the 
 figurative sense have equally striven to turn to their advantage 
 the Bohemian Confessions of Faith^.. For my part, the thing 
 being indifferent to me, I shall only report their words, and 
 here is what at first they wrote to Roquesane, as they them- 
 selves set forth in their Apology : " We believe that we receive 
 the body and blood of our Lord under the species of bread and 
 wine." And a little further on : " We are none of those who, 
 ill understanding the words of our Lord, say, he has given us 
 consecrated bread as a memorial of his body, which he jjointed 
 at with his finger, saying, ' This is my body.' Others say, 
 this bread is the body of our Lord who is in heaven, but sig- 
 nificatively. All these expositions appear to us far remote 
 from Jesus Christ's intention, and are very displeasing to us." 
 
 182. — Sequel. 
 
 In their Confession of Faith of the year 1504, they speak 
 
 * Rom. viii. 1. 
 
 f ('.oiif. lid. iipiid I^yd. t. iii. p. 8. et scq. cltat. in Apol. 1531. .np. eund. Lyd. 
 2!)(>. t. ii. Ilu'ti. Germ. liv. de I'ador. p. 229, 230. Ibid. Art. xi. xii. xiii. lb. 
 Art. V. xiv. I'ref. fid. ad Lad.c. dc poMiitcut. lajJS. ap. Lyd. t. ii. p. 15. 
 
 J Apol. 1032, part iv. ap. Lyd. p. 2'jo. 
 
150 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 thus : " As often as a worthy priest, with a faithful people, 
 pronounces these words, ' This is my body, this is my blood,' 
 the bread present is the body of Jesus Christ which was offered 
 for us to death, and the wine his blood shed for us ; and this 
 body and this blood are present under the species of bread and 
 wine in memory of his death."" And to shew the firmness of 
 their faith, they add, they v/ould believe as much of a stone, 
 had Jesus Christ said it was his body*. 
 
 183. — They make the Sacrament depend on the merit of the 
 
 Minister. 
 
 Hitherto we see the same language as is used by Catholics ; 
 we see the body and blood " under the species'" immediately 
 after the words, and we see them there, not in figure, but in 
 truth. What they have peculiar to them, is their requiring 
 these words should be pronounced by a worthy priest. This is 
 what they add to the Catholic doctrine. To accomplish the 
 work of God in the Eucharistic bread, Jesus Christ's words 
 did not suffice, but the minister's merit was also necessary ; 
 this is what they had learnt from John Wicldiff and John Huss. 
 
 184. — Strong expression in favour of the Reality. 
 
 They repeat the same thing in another placef : " When," say 
 they, " a worthy priest prays with iiis faithful people, and says, 
 ' This is my body, this is my blood,' immediately the bread 
 present is the same body which was given up to death, and the 
 wine present is his blood which was shed for our redemption."" 
 It is therefore plain they change nothing in the Catholic doc- 
 trine as to the real presence ; on the contrary, they seem to 
 make choice of the strongest terms to confirm it, by saying, 
 " that immediately after the words, the bread is the true body 
 of Jesus Christ, the same that Avas born of the Virgin, and whs 
 to be given up to crucifixion ; and the wine his true natural 
 blood, the same which was to be shed for our sins, and all this 
 without delay, at the very instant, with a presence most real 
 and true, jjrcesentissime, as they speak." And the figurative 
 sense appeared to them, say they, " so odious in one of their 
 synods, that a certain person called John Czizco, one of theirs 
 who had dared to maintain it, was expelled out of their com- 
 munion." They add that divers writings have been published 
 by them against this presence in sign, and those that defend it 
 
 * Prof. fid. ad Lad. c. de Euch. ap. Lyd. t. ii. p. 10. citat. Apol. part iv, lb, 
 296. Ibid. p. xii. 
 
 f Apol. ad Lad. Ibid. 42. Prof. fid. ad Lad. Ibid, p. 27. Apol. p. 66, etc. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 151 
 
 hold them for their adversaries, call them Papists, Antichrists, 
 and Idolaters*. 
 
 185. — The same thing confirmed. 
 
 Another proof of their sentiment is a saying of theirs, '^ that 
 Jesus Ciirist is present in the bread and wine by his body and 
 blood ; otherwise," proceed they, ^^ neither those that are 
 worthy would receive any thing but bread and wine, nor those 
 that are unworthy would be gtiilty of the body and blood, it 
 being impossible they should be guilty of what is not therey." 
 Whence it follows that they are there, not only for the worthy, 
 but also for the unworthy. 
 
 186. — Their manner of refusing Adoration confirms their 
 Belief of the Reality ^ even out of the Reception. 
 
 True it is, they are against our adoring Jesus Christ in the 
 Eucharist for two reasons: first, because he has not com- 
 manded it; secondly, because there are two {)resences of Jesus 
 Christ, his personal, corporeal, and sensible presence, which 
 ought to attract our adoration ; and his spiritual or sacramental 
 presence, which ought not to attract it. But for all this, they 
 nevertheless acknowledge the substance of the body of Jesus 
 Christ in the Sacrament: "we are not commanded/' say 
 they, ^' to honour this substance of the body of Jesus Christ 
 consecrated, but the substance of Jesus Christ which is at the 
 right hand of the Father^;." Here, then, have you, in the 
 Sacrament and in heaven, the substance of Jesus Christ's 
 body, but adorable in heaven and not so in the sacrament. 
 And, lest you should wonder at this, they add, " that Jesus 
 Christ would not even oblige men to adore him on eartii when 
 he was there present, because he waited the time of his glory § ;" 
 which shews their intention was not to exclude the substantial 
 presence, when they exclude adoration ; on the contrary, they 
 supposed it, since, had they not believed it, they would have 
 had no manner of occasion to excuse themselves for not ador- 
 ing in the Sacrament what, in reality, was not there. 
 
 Let us not incpiire of them now, whence they learnt this 
 rare doctrine ; that, to adore Jesus Christ, it is not sulliciciit we 
 know him present, and that it was not his intention we should 
 adore him on earth, but only in his glory : I am satisfied with 
 
 * Apol. ir.32,part iv. p. 200. Il).i).2n«. Il>i(l. p. 291, 209. f II. id. 309. 
 
 + Ap. ad Lad. ).. (;7,et alil.i passim, ll.id. p.;i01,:50«, .'lO?, 309, 311, etc. 
 ^S Ibid. p. 07. Trol". lid. ad Lad. p. 29. Apol. ad euud, p. 08. 
 
152 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 relating what they say of the Real Presence, nay, of the Real 
 Presence not after the manner of the Melancthonists, in the 
 sole use, but immediately after the Consecration. 
 
 187. — Their uncertainty and affected Ambiguities. 
 
 With these expressions apparently so distinct and so deci- 
 sive for the Real Presence, in other places they confound 
 themselves after so strange a manner, that it seems as if they 
 feared nothing so much as leaving a clear and certain testi- 
 mony of their faith ; for they repeat continually that Jesus 
 Christ is not in the Eucharist in person *. It is true, they 
 call his being there in person, being there sensibly and corpo- 
 rally : expressions which they always link together, and oppose 
 to a spiritual manner of being, acknowledged by them. But 
 what casts them into a new confusion, is that they seem to 
 say f , Jesus Christ is present in the Eucharist with this spiri- 
 tual Presence, as he is in Baptism and in preaching the word, 
 as he Avas eaten by the ancient Hebrews in the desert, as St. 
 John Baptist was Elias. Nor do I comprehend what they 
 mean by this odd expression | : Jesus Christ is not here " with 
 his natural body after an existing and corporeal manner, exis- 
 tenter et corporaliter,'" but is here§ " spiritually, powerfully, by 
 way of benediction, and in virtue ; spiritiialiter patenter, bene- 
 dicts, in virtue.''^ What they add is not intelligible, that 
 " Jesus Christ is here in the abode of benediction," to M'it, 
 according to their language, he is in the Eucharist, " as he is 
 at the right hand of God, but not as he is in the heavens." 
 If he be there as he is at the right hand of God, he is there 
 in person. Thus naturally should one conclude : but how 
 shall we distinguish the heavens from the right hand of God? 
 there we are at a loss. The Brethren spoke distinctly when 
 they said || : '' There is but one Lord, Jesus Christ, who is the 
 same in the Sacrament with his natural body, but Avho is after 
 another manner at the right hand of his Father : for it is one 
 thing to say, there is Jesus Christ, this is my body ; and 
 another to say, he is there after such a manner." But no 
 sooner had they expressed themselves in plain terms, than they 
 bewilder themselves in strange subtilized notions, into which 
 they are plunged by the confusion and uncertainty of their 
 minds and thoughts, together with a vain desire of contenting 
 both parties of the Reformation. 
 
 « Apol. ad Ladis. Ih. p. 08, C9, &c. 71, 73. Ibid. p. 301, 306, 307, 309, 311, &c. 
 f Ibid. p. 302, 304, 307, 308. % Ibid, 74. § Ibid, || Ibid, p, 71. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 153 
 
 188. — The Lutherans and Calvinists both strive to draw them 
 to their side. — They incline to the first. 
 
 The more forward they advanced, the more important and 
 mysterious they became ; and as the Lutherans and Calvinists 
 strove each to gain them, so they also, on their side, seemed 
 inclined to content both parties. At length, this is what they 
 said in 1558, and what they appeared resolved to stand by *. 
 They complain, at first, they were accused " of not believing 
 that the presence of the true body and true blood was pre- 
 sent." What odd expressions, presence to be present ! thus 
 they speak in the preface : but teach in the body of the Confes- 
 sion, that it ought to be acknowledged that the bread is the true 
 body of Jesus Christ, and the cup his true blood, without adding 
 any thing of your own to his words. But whilst they forbid 
 adding any thing to the words of Jesus Christ, they them- 
 selves add to them the word true, which is not there ; and 
 whereas Jesus Christ said, " This is my body," they suppose he 
 said, "This bread is my body;" a very different thing, as 
 elsewhere you may have seen. Now if it were allowable in 
 them to add what they judged necessary to denote a true pre- 
 sence, it was no less allowable in others to add also what was 
 requisite to remove all ambiguity ; and to reject these expressions 
 after disputes had arisen, was opposing light, and leaving the 
 questions undecided. It was for this reason Calvin f wrote to 
 them, that he could not approve of their obscure and captious 
 brevity, and required them to explain how the bread is the 
 body of Jesus Christ ; which, should they fail to do, he main- 
 tained their confession of faith could not be subscribed without 
 peril, and would occasion great disputes. But Luther was 
 satisfied with them, as they approximated near to his expres- 
 sions, and were more inclined towards the confession of Augs- 
 burg. For they even continued to complain of those J;, who 
 denied that the bread and wine were the true body and true 
 blood of Jesus Christ, and who called them Papists, Idolaters, 
 and Antichrists, on account of their acknowledging the true 
 presence. Finally, to shew how far they were leaning to the 
 side of the Real Presence, they enjoin their ministers, in dis- 
 tributing this sacrament §, and in reciting the words of our 
 Lord, " to exhort the people to believe that the presence of 
 Jesus Christ is present;" and in tiiis view they enjoin, likewise. 
 
 * Apol. ad Ladis. p. Ifi2. 
 f Calv. Kp. ad WalU. p. 312, et scii- X i^'^^- l^^- § ^^'"^- ''^''^*'' 
 
154 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 although in other respects little inclined to adoration, *' That 
 the sacrament be received kneeling." 
 
 189. — Luther gives them his approbation, and how. 
 
 By thus expounding and thus palliating as already seen, 
 they so contented Luther, that he prefixed his approbation to a 
 confession of faith published by them *, declaring, however, 
 " That for this time they not only appeared more adorned, 
 more free, and more polished, but also more considerable and 
 better ;" which sufficiently intimates, he approved their con- 
 fession only inasmuch as it had been reformed agreeably to his 
 maxims. 
 
 190. — Their Festivals, their Churches, their Fasts, the 
 Celibacy of their Priests. 
 
 It does not appear that any uneasiness was given them in re- 
 gard of the stated fasts preserved amongst them, nor in regard 
 of the festivals they celebrated, forbidding all labour : not only 
 in honour of our Lord, but also of the Blessed Virgin and the 
 Saints. They were not upbraided that this was observing 
 days contrary to the precept of the Apostle, nor that these 
 holy days in honour of the saints Avere so many acts of idola- 
 try. Neither were they accused of raising churches to saints, 
 under pretext they continued, as we do, to name the Church of 
 the Virgin, in Templo dives Virginis, of St. Peter, of St. Paul, 
 churches consecrated to God in memory of them. They are 
 likewise suffered to enjoin their priests celibacy, and degrade 
 them from priesthood upon marrying, for this unquestionably 
 was their practice no less than that of the Taborites f. All 
 this is harmless in the Brethren; in us only every thing is rank 
 poison. 
 
 19 L — The perpetual Virginity of Mary, Mother of God. 
 
 I would also have them asked, where they find in Scripture 
 what they say of the blessed Virgin : " That she was a Virgin 
 before and after her delivery ^." It is true, this was the belief of 
 the holy fathers, and the contrary rejected by them for no less 
 than an execrable blasphemy ; yet does it, nevertheless, evince 
 that many things may be accounted blasphemies, the con- 
 
 '*= P. 211. 
 
 f Art. XV. xvii. Act. Sj'n. Toriu. 1595. Syn. part ii. p. 240, 242. Art. ix. 
 
 iEn. Silv. Hist. Boh. ap. Lyd, p. 895, 405. 
 
 X Orat. Enc ap. Lyd, p. 30. Art. xvii. p. 201. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 155 
 
 trary to which is nowhere in holy writ ; so that, when they 
 boast of speaking nothing but from Scripture, they really mean 
 no more by it than that it serves their turn to talk in this 
 strain : nor is this apparent respect for the Scripture anything 
 in them but a blind to the ignorant and simple. 
 
 192. — They fly for shelter info Poland. 
 
 It is averred that these Bohemian brethren (whose words were 
 so meek and respectful in regard of higher powers) the more 
 they engaged in the Lutheran sentiments, so likewise the more 
 did they enter into their intrigues and wars. Ferdinand found 
 them mingled in the Elector of Saxony's rebellion against 
 Charles the Fifth, and drove them from Bohemia*. They 
 took sanctuary in Poland, and it appears, from a letter of 
 Musculus to the Protestants of Poland, in 1556, that it was 
 but a few years since these fugitives from Bohemia were re- 
 ceived into that kingdom. 
 
 193. — There they unite with the Lutherans and Zidnglians in 
 the Assembly of Sendomir. 
 
 Some time after this, the union of the three Protestant sects 
 of Poland was brought about, namely, of the Lutherans, the 
 Bohemians, and the Zuinglians. The act of union was passed 
 in 1570, at the Synod of Sendomir, and bears this title : "The 
 union and mutual agreement made between the Churches of 
 Poland ; to wit, between those of the Augsburg Confession, 
 those of the Confession of the Bohemian Brethren, and those 
 of the Confession of the Helvetic churches, or Zuinglians|." 
 In this act the Bohemians style themselves the Brethren of 
 Bohemia, whom the ignorant call Vaudois. It appears then 
 manifestly that the question here was about those Vaudois 
 who, by mistake, were named so, as we have shewn, and who 
 accordingly disclaim this origin. For, with respect to the an- 
 cient Vaudois, we learn from an old author]}], that there were 
 scarce any of them in the kingdom ofCracovia, namely in that 
 of Poland, no more than in England, in the Low Countries, in 
 Denmark, in Sweden, in Norway, and in Prussia; and since 
 this author's .time, this little number is so dwindled away to 
 nothing, that, in all these countries, we hear no more mention 
 of them. 
 
 * Syiitag. Gen. part ii. p. 212. f Ibid. pp. 218, 219. 
 
 J Pylic. cout. WaKl. c. 15. t. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. p. 785. 
 
156 THE HISTORY OP [book 
 
 194. — Terms of the Sendomir Agreement. 
 
 The agreement was made in these terms. In order to explain 
 therein the point concerning the Supper, the whole article of 
 the Saxonic Confession, where this matter is handled, was 
 there transcribed. We have seen that Melancthon drew up 
 this Confession in 1551, in order to have it presented at Trent. 
 In it was said, that *' Jesus Christ is truly and substantially 
 present in the Communion, and is given truly to those who re- 
 ceive the body and blood of Jesus Christ*." To which they 
 add, in a strange manner of expression, "That the substantial 
 presence of Jesus Christ is not only signified, but truly ren- 
 dered present, distributed, and given to those who eat ; the 
 signs not being naked, but joined to the thing itself, agreeably 
 to the nature of the sacraments f." 
 
 195. — In this agreement the Zuingllans, more than all the rest, 
 recede from their particular tenets. 
 
 " The substantial presence," it seems, was had very much at 
 heart, when, in order to inculcate it the more forcibly, they said, 
 it was not only signified but truly present ; but I always distrust 
 these strong expressions of the Reformation, which the more 
 she diminishes the truth of the body and blood in the Eucharist, 
 the more rich is she always in words ; as if she could repair by 
 them the loss she sustains in things. Now, when you come to 
 the point, although this declaration abounds with equivocal 
 expressions, and leaves subterfuges to each party whereby to 
 preserve their particular doctrine ; it is, nevertheless, the Zuin- 
 glians that take the greatest step, since whereas they said in 
 their confession that the body of our Lord being in heaven ab- 
 sent from us, becomes present to us only by its virtue, the 
 terms of the agreement import, that Jesus Christ is substan- 
 tially present to us ; and notwithstanding all the rules of 
 human language, a presence in virtue becomes immediately a 
 presence in substance. 
 
 196. — Wherein the Lutherans recede, yet may still come off. 
 
 There are terms in the agreement which it were difficult for the 
 Lutherans to reconcile to their doctrine, did not men inure 
 themselves, in the new Reformation, to expound every thing 
 to their own sense. For instance, they seem much to depart 
 
 * v. 
 
 sup. lib. viii. n. 18. Syn. Coiif. part i. p. 106. part ii. p. 72» 
 f Coiif. p. 14G. 
 
XT.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 157 
 
 from the belief they are in, that the body of Jesus Christ is 
 taken by the mouth even by the unworthy, when they say in 
 tliis agreement, " The signs of the Sui)per given by Faith to 
 the BeHevers, what they signify*." But, besides that they may 
 say they spoke in this manner, by reason that the real pre- 
 sence is not known but by faith ; they may also add that, in 
 fact, there are blessings in the Supper which are given to the 
 believers only, as life eternal, and the nourishment of the soul, 
 and it is those they mean when they say, " The signs given by 
 Faith, what they signify." 
 
 197. — Disposition of the Bohemian Brethren. 
 
 I do not wonder the Bohemians signed this agreement without 
 difficulty. Separated about forty or fifty years before from the 
 Catholic church, and reduced to allow Christianity in no part 
 of the world except a corner of Bohemia, which they inha- 
 bited, upon seeing the Protestants appear, all they thought of 
 was to suj)port themselves with their protection. They knew 
 how to gain Luther by their submission ; by equivocating, they 
 had all that could be desired from Bucer ; the Zuinglians suf- 
 fered themselves to be soothed by the general expressions of 
 the Brethren, who said, yet without practising it, that nothing 
 ought to be added to the words our Saviour used. The most 
 difficult to be pleased was Calvin. We have seen in the letterf 
 he wrote to the Bohemian Brethren, who had taken refuge in 
 Poland, how he blamed the ambiguity of their confession of 
 faith, and declared there was no subscribing it without opening 
 an inlet to dissension or error. 
 
 198. — Rejledions on this Union. 
 
 Contrary to his judgment, all was subscribed, the Helvetic 
 Confession, the Bohemian, and the Saxonic, the presence of 
 substance together with that of virtue only; namely, tlie two 
 contrary doctrines with their equivocations favouring them 
 both. All wheitever they pleased was added to our Lord's 
 words, even at the time they ratified the Confession of Faith, 
 wherein was laid down for a maxim, that nothing ought to be 
 added to them : all passed, and a peace was concluded by this 
 means. You see how all the sects, divided from Catholic 
 unity, separate and unite among themselves ; separating from 
 the chair of St. Peter, they separate from one another, and 
 bear the just punishment of despising the band of their unity. 
 
 * Conf. p. 164. t ^P' a<i ^^^^- P- 31 7. 
 
158 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 When they re-unite in appearance, they are never the more 
 united in the main ; and their union, cemented only by political 
 interests, serves but to evidence, by a new proof, that they have 
 not so much as the idea of Christian unity, since they never do 
 unite in one accord, in one mind, as St. Paul ordains*. 
 
 199. — General Reflections on the history of all these Sects. 
 
 May it be allowed us at present to make a few reflections on 
 this history of the Vaudois, the Albigenses, and the Bohemians. 
 You see whether the Protestants were right in reckoning them 
 among their ancestors ; whether this extraction be to their 
 credit ; and in particular whether they ought to have looked 
 on Bohemia, since the time of John Huss,as the mother of the 
 reformed churchesf. It is clearer than the sun, on one side, 
 that they only bring in these sects from the necessity of finding 
 witnesses in the foregoing ages for what they beheve to be the 
 truth ; and on the other, that nothing is more despicable than 
 to allege such witnesses as are all convicted of falsehood in ca- 
 pital points, and who, in the main, neither agree with Pro- 
 testants, nor with us, nor with themselves. This is the first 
 reflection Protestants should make. 
 
 200. — Another Reflection, that these so contrary Sects all 
 ground themselves on the evidence of Scripture. 
 
 The second is of no less importance. They ought to consider 
 that all these sects, so different from one another, and withal 
 so opposite as well to us as to Protestants, agree with them in 
 the common principle of guiding themselves by the Scriptures : 
 not, indeed, as the church in all times has understood and still 
 understands them — for this is a most certain rule ; but as every 
 man of himself is capable of understanding them. This is what 
 has produced all those errors and all those contrarieties which 
 we have observed. Under the pretext of Scripture, every man 
 has followed his own notions ; and the Scripture, taken in this 
 way, so far from uniting minds, has divided them, and made 
 every one worship the delusions of his own brain, under the 
 name of eternal verities. 
 
 201. — Last and most important Reflection concerning the ac- 
 complishment of St. Raid's prediction. 
 
 But there still remains the last and by much the most im- 
 portant reflection to be made on all these things we have just 
 
 * Philip, ii. 2. 
 -|- Jur. Avis aux Protes. de I'Europe at the beglnuing of his Prejug. legit, p. 9. 
 
XT.] THE VARIATIONS, KTC. 159 
 
 seen in this contracted history of the Albigenses and Vaudois. 
 There we discover the reason of the Holy Ghost's inspiring 
 St. Paul with this prophecy: " the spirit speal<eth expressly, 
 that, in the latter times, some shall depart from the faith, p,iving 
 heed to seducing sj)irits, and doctrines of devils; speaking lies 
 in hypocrisy, having their conscience seared with a hot iron ; 
 forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats, 
 which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving of 
 them which believe and know the truth. For every creature 
 of God is good, and nothing to be refused, if it be received 
 with thanksgiving ; for it is sanctified by the word of God and 
 prayer*." All the holy fathers are agreed that this is meant 
 of the impious sect of Marcionites and Manicheans, who 
 taught two })rinciples, and attributed to the evil one the crea- 
 tion of the universe ; which made them detest the propagation 
 of mankind, and the use of many kinds of food which they 
 believed unclean and bad in their nature, as being produced 
 by a creator who himself was bad and impure. St. Paul 
 points, therefore, at these accursed sects by these two their so 
 noted tenets ; and without previously mentioning the principle 
 whence they drew these two evil consequences, he expresses the 
 two sensible characters whereby we have seen these infamous 
 sects were known in all times. 
 
 202. — The Doctrine of two Principles pointed at by St. Paul: 
 ivliy this Doctrine is called the Doctrine of Devils. 
 
 But although St. Paul does not immediately express the deep 
 cause why these deceivers forbade the use of two things so 
 natural, he denotes it sufficiently further on, when he says, 
 in opposition to these errors, that " every creatin-e of God is 
 good f," overthrowing by this principle the detestable senti- 
 ment of those that descried impurity in the works of God, and 
 making us withal sensible that the root of this hiy in not 
 knowing the creation, and in blaspheming the Creator. Ac- 
 cordingly, it is what St. Paul calls, in particular, more than 
 all other doctrines, " the doctrine of devils ;{:," there being 
 nothing more suitable to the jealousy against God and against 
 men of these seducing spirits, than to attack the creation, con- 
 demn God's works, blaspheme against the author of the law 
 and the law itself, and defde human nature with all manner of 
 irn{)urities and illusions. For this is what Manicheism con- 
 sisted in, and what truly is the very doctrine of devils ; espe- 
 
 * 1 Tim. iv. 1,2, 3, 4, 5. f Ibid. 4. J Ibid. 1. 
 
160 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 cially if you add these enchantments and impostures, Avhich 
 all authors testify were so frequently made use of in this sect. 
 To wrest now the so plain and so natural sense of St. Paul, 
 against those who, acknowledging both marriage and all sort 
 of meats for the work and institution of God, yet abstain 
 voluntarily from them to mortify the senses and purify the 
 mind, is a too manifest delusion, and one which we have seen 
 long ago exploded by the fathers. It is, then, very perceptible 
 whom St. Paul aimed at, nor is it possible to mistake those he 
 has so accurately described by their proper characters. 
 
 203. — Query, ivhy the Holy Ghost, of all heresies, has only in 
 jKirticular foretold Manicheism. — Character of this heresy. 
 — Hypocrisy . — Spirit of Lying. — Conscience cauterized. 
 
 Why the Holy Ghost, amongst so many heresies, would only 
 mark this so expressly, was the admiration of the fathers, and 
 what they endeavoured to account for, in the best way they 
 could in their age. But time, the faithful interpreter of pro- 
 phecies, has discovered to us the deep cause ; nor shall we 
 wonder any more that the Holy Ghost was so particularly 
 careful to forewarn us against this sect, after having seen it was 
 this that infected Christianity the longest and the most dan- 
 gerously ; the longest, through so many ages as we have seen 
 the world infected by it ; and the most dangerously, not making 
 a glaring breach from the church like the rest, but lurking, 
 as much as was possible, within her precincts, and insinuating 
 herself under the appearances of the same faith, the same 
 worship, and even an astonishing shew of piety. For this rea- 
 son St. Paul *, the apostle, so expressly points out its hypo- 
 crisy. Never has the spirit of lying, remarked by this apostle, 
 been so justly charged on any sect, since besides its teaching, 
 like the rest, a false doctrine, it exceeded all others in dis- 
 sembling its belief. We have observed, that these wretches 
 allowed every thing you pleased ; they made nothing of lying 
 in the most material points; they stuck not at perjury to con- 
 ceal their tenets ; their readiness in betraying their consciences 
 shewed in them a certain insensibility which St. Paul ad- 
 mirably Avell expresses by the caustic f which renders the flesh 
 insensible by mortifying it, as the learned Theodoret | hath ob- 
 served on this place ; nor do I think ever prophecy could have 
 been verified by more sensible characters than this has been. 
 
 * Ante, 1 Tim. f Ante. % Comra. in hunc locum. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 161 
 
 204. — Sequel of the reason f: ivhy the Holy Ghost has pointed 
 out this heresy more than the rest. 
 
 No longer are we to wonder why the Holy Ghost would have 
 the prediction of this heresy to be so particular and distinct. 
 It was more than all other heresies the error " of the latter 
 times," as it is called by St. Paul*, whether we understand by 
 the latter times, according to the scripture style, all the times 
 of the new law ; or understand by that period of ages when 
 Satan was to be loosed anewf . So long since as the second 
 and third century, the church beheld the rise of Cerdon, of 
 Marcion, of Manes, those enemies to the Creator J, The 
 seeds of this doctrine are every Avhere to be met with ; you find 
 them in Tatian, who condemned wine and marriage ; and in 
 his Concordance of the Bible had erased all the texts that ex- 
 pressed Jesus Christ's genealogy from the blood of David, A 
 hundred other infamous sects had attacked the God of the 
 Jews even before Manes and Marcion ; and we learn from 
 Theodoret, that this last did but give another turn to the im- 
 pieties of Simon the magician. Thus did this heresy com- 
 mence from the very beginning of Christianity : it was the true 
 " mystery of iniquity § which fell to work in St. Paul's time ; 
 but the Holy Ghost, who foresaw this pestilence was one day 
 to rage in a more glaring manner, made it be foretold by this 
 apostle with an astonishing evidence and distinctness. Marcion 
 and Manes have set this mystery of iniquity in a more mani- 
 fest light ; the abominable sect has continued its pestilent 
 succession ever since that time. This we have seen, and never 
 did heresy disturb the church for a longer date, nor spread 
 its branches to a greater distance. Bat after that, by the 
 eminent doctrine of St. Austin, by St. Leo's and St. Galasius's 
 great care and diligence, it was extinguished every where in 
 the West, and even in Rome, where it had strove to establish 
 itself; then was seen to arrive the fatal term of Satan's being 
 loosed " out of his prison !|.*" A thousand years after that this 
 strong armed had been bound by Jesus Christ at his coming 
 into the world, the spirit of error grew up more than ever; the 
 remains of Manicheism, too well sheltered in the East, broke 
 in upon the Latin church. What hinders our looking on those 
 miserable times as one of the periods of Satan's being loosed, 
 without prejudice to the other mere hidden meanings ^ ? If 
 
 * 1 Tim. iv. f Rev. xx. 3, 7. 
 + Epip. Ii»r. xlvi. Thend. i. lijer. lab,-2(). Ibid. v. c. 24. § 2 Thess, ii. 7. 
 II Rev. XX. 2, :J, 7. Matt. xii. 29. Ltike xi. 21, 22. 
 ^1 Kev. XX. 7, li. Bodi. Phal. lib. iii. J3. 
 
 vor.. 11. M 
 
162 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Gog and Magog only be wanting to fulfil this prophecy, we 
 shall find in Armenia, near Samosata, the province named 
 Gogarene, where the Paulicians dwelt, and Magog amongst 
 the Scythians, from whence the Bulgarians took their rise. 
 Thence came those numberless enemies of " the beloved city*," 
 who first assaulted Italy. The contagion flew, in an instant, 
 to the extremity of the north : a spark raises a great combus- 
 tion ; the flame almost spreads over the whole face of the uni- 
 verse. In all parts of it is discovered this lurking poison ; 
 together with Manicheism, Arianism, with all kind of heresies, 
 shoot up again under unheard of and uncouth names. Scarce 
 could it be compassed to quench this fire in the space of three 
 or four hundred years, and even some of its remains might be 
 seen in the fifteenth century. 
 
 205. — How the Vaudois came from the Albigensian Manicheans. 
 
 Nor did the evil cease, when nothing seemed left of it but its 
 ashes. Satan had supplied the impious sect wherewith to re- 
 new the conflagration, in a manner more dangerous than ever. 
 Church-discipline was relaxed over all the earth ; the dis- 
 orders and abuses, carried even to the foot of the altar, made 
 the good to sigh, humbled them, urged them on to im- 
 prove still more in their virtuous courses; but wrought a far 
 different effect on haughty minds. The Roman Church, the 
 mother and bond of churches, became the object of hatred to 
 all indocile tempers ; envenomed satires spirit up the world 
 against the clergy ; the Manichean hypocrite trumpets them 
 over the whole universe, and gives the name of Antichrist to 
 the Church of Rome, for then was that notion broached in the 
 sink of Manicheism, and amidst the precursors of Antichrist 
 himself. These impious men imagine they appear more holy, 
 when they say, holiness is essentially requisite to the admini- 
 stration of the Sacraments. The ignorant Vaudois swallow 
 down this poison. No longer will they receive the sacraments 
 from odious and defamed ministers ; " the net is broken f" on all 
 sides, and schisms multiply. Satan no longer stands in need 
 of Manicheism ; hatred against the church is wide diff"used ; 
 the viperous sect has left a brood like to itself, and a too fruit- 
 ful principle of schism. No matter, though these heretics 
 have not the same doctrine, they are swayed by hatred and 
 bitterness, and banded against the church ; this is enough. 
 The Vaudois believe not like the Albigenses, but like the Albi- 
 
 * Rev. XX. 7, 8. t I^uke v. 6, 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 163 
 
 genses they hate the church, and proclaim themselves the 
 only saints, the only ministers of the sacraments. WicklifF 
 believes not like the Vaudois, but WicklifF proclaims, like the 
 Vaudois, that the Pope and his whole clergy have forfeited all 
 authority by their loose behaviour. John Huss does not be- 
 lieve like WicklifF, though he admires him ; what he admires 
 in him chiefly, and almost only follows in him is, that crimes 
 annul authority. These despicable Bohemians, as we have 
 seen, succeeded to this spirit, which they particularly made 
 appear, when, amounting to no more than a handful of illiterate 
 men, they presumed to rebaptize the whole world. 
 
 206. — How Luther and Calvin sprung from the Albigenses and 
 
 Vaudois. 
 
 But a still greater apostacy was hatching by means of these 
 sects. The world teeming with animosity, brings forth Luther 
 and Calvin, who canton Christendom. The superstructure is 
 different, but the foundation is the same ; it is still hatred 
 against the clergy and the Church of Rome, and no man of 
 sincerity can deny that this was the visible cause of their sur- 
 prising progress. A reformation was necessary — who denies 
 it.^ but it was still more necessary to refrain from schism. 
 Were those that promoted this schism by their preaching any 
 better than their neighbours ? They acted as if they were ; 
 this was enough to delude and " spread like a canker," accord- 
 ing to St. Paul's expression*. The world was desirous of 
 condemning and rejecting their leaders ; this is called Reform- 
 ation. A specious name dazzles the people, and, to stir up 
 hatred, calumny is not spared : thus is our doctrine blackened ; 
 men hate it before they know it. 
 
 207. — The Protestant Churches seek in vain a succession of 
 Persons in the preceding Sects. 
 
 With new doctrines, new bodies of churches are erected. The 
 Lutherans and Calvinists make the two greatest ; but they can- 
 not find in the whole earth so much as one church that believes 
 like them, nor whence they can derive an ordinary and lawful 
 mission. The Vaudois and Albigenses, alleged by some, are 
 not to their purpose. We have but just shewn them to be 
 mere laymen, as much at a loss to make out their own mission 
 and title, as those that seek their aid. We know the Toulousian 
 heretics were never able to delude so much as one priest. 
 
 * 2 Tim.ii. 17. 
 M 2 
 
164 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 The preachers of the Vaudois were trading or mechanic men, 
 nay women. The Bohemians had no better an original, as is 
 ah-eady proved j and when Protestants name us all these sects, 
 they name not their fathers, but accomplices. 
 
 208. — Much less do they find in them a succession of Doctrine. 
 
 But, perchance, though they do not find in these sects a suc- 
 cession of persons, they will find in them a succession of doc- 
 trines. Much less: in certain respects like to the Hussites; in 
 others, like the Vaudois ] in some like the Albigenses and the 
 other sectaries; in other articles they are quite contrary to 
 them ; in this manner, without lighting upon any thing that is 
 imiform, and laying hold here and there of what seems to suit 
 them ; without succession, without unity, without true prede- 
 cessors, they climb to what height they can. They are not the 
 first to reject the honour due to Saints, nor the oblations for 
 the dead : they find, before their days, bodies of churches of this 
 same belief in these two points. The Bohemians embraced 
 them, but we have seen these Bohemians seek in vain for 
 associates through the whole earth. Howsoever, here is a 
 church at least before Luther ; this is something to such as 
 have nothing. But, after all, this church before Luther is but 
 fifty years before him ; they must strive to advance higher ; 
 they will find the Vaudois, and, a little more distant, the Ma- 
 nicheans of Toulouse. They will find, in the fourth age, the 
 Manicheans of Africa opposed to the worship of Saints, One 
 only, Vigilantius, follows them in this particular point, but 
 higher than this no certain author can be found ; yet thereon 
 depends the stress of the question. They may go a little 
 further as to oblations for the dead. The priest Aerius will 
 appear, but alone, and without followers ; an Arian into the 
 bargain. This is all can be found that is positive ; whatever is 
 built besides this, will be built manifestly in the air. But let 
 us see what they Avill discover as to the Real Presence, and 
 remember the question is concerning positive and certain facts. 
 Carlostadiusis not the first who maintained that the bread was 
 not made the body ; Berengarius had said as much four hun- 
 dred years before him, in the eleventh century. Yet neither 
 was Berengarius the first ; these Manicheans of Orleans had 
 just said the same, and the world was still full of the rumour of 
 their evil doctrine, when this scantling of it was picked up by 
 Berengarius. Beyond this, I find many pretensions and actions 
 lodged against us concerning this subject, but no averred and 
 positive facts. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 165 
 
 209. — fVhat is the succession of Heretics. 
 
 Now the Socinians have a more manifest succession; catching 
 II]) a word here and another there, they will name declared 
 enemies of Jesus Christ's divinity in all ages, and at the top of 
 them will find Cerinthus next to the Apostles. Notwithstanding 
 their discovering something concordant among so many, in 
 other respects, discording witnesses, they will be never the bet- 
 ter founded, since, when all is said. Succession and Uniformity 
 are wanting to them. To take the thing thus, namely, should 
 each of them, in ])atching up their several churches, collect 
 here and there without bond of union, all that could be found 
 conformable to their sentiments ; there is no difficulty, as might 
 ha\e been observed, to trace the extraction of every sect seen 
 at this day, or ever to be seen^ even up to Simon the Magician, 
 and to that " mystery of iniquity*," which began in the time of 
 St. Paul. 
 
 * 2 Thess. ii. 7- 
 
166 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 BOOK XII. 
 
 From the Year 1571 to 1579, and from 1603 till the Year 1615. 
 
 A brief Summary. — The Reformed Churches disturbed about 
 the word Substance even in France. — It is maintained as 
 grounded on the word of God in one Synod, and in another 
 brought to nothing in favour of the Swiss, who were angry 
 with the decision. — One Faith for France, and another for 
 Switzerland. — Assembly of Frankfort, and a project of a 
 new Confession of Faith for the whole second party of 
 Protestants — What was to be suppressed there in favour 
 of the Lutherans. — Detestation of the Real Presence esta- 
 blished and suppressed at the same time. — Piscator's affair, 
 and the doctrinal decision of four National Synods reduced 
 to nothing. — Principles of the Calvinists, and demonstra- 
 tions drawn from them in our behalf — Du Moulin's pro- 
 positions received at the Synod of Ay. — Nothing solid or 
 serious in the Reformation. 
 
 1. — Many pretended Reformed Churches of France are for 
 changing the article of the Supper, in their Confession of 
 Faith.— i5Sl. 
 
 The union of Sendomir had not its effect, except in Poland. 
 In Switzerland, the Zuinglians continued steadfast to reject 
 equivocations. The French began already to join in their 
 sentiments. Many maintained openly, that it was requisite to 
 discard the word Substance, and change the thirty-sixth article 
 of the Confession of Faith presented to Charles IX., wherein 
 the Supper was explained. It was not particular men that 
 made this dangerous proposal, but whole churches, even the 
 chief churches, those of the Isle of France and Brie, that of 
 Paris, that of Meaux, where the exercise of Calvinism com- 
 menced, and others neighbouring to them. These churches 
 were for changing so considerable an article of their Confession 
 of Faith, which they had published but ten years before as 
 containing nothing but the pure Avord of God ; this must have 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 167 
 
 too much discredited the new party. The Synod of Rochelle, 
 wherein Beza presided, resolved to condemn these reformers 
 of the Reformation in 1571. 
 
 2. — The. National Synod condemns them. — This Synod^s deci- 
 sion full of ^perplexities. 
 
 The case required a clear and distinct sentence. The contest 
 being on foot, and the parties present, there needed no more 
 than to decide in few words ; but brevity is the fruit of clear 
 conceptions only. Behold, therefore, word for word what was 
 concluded, and I ask only to be allowed to divide the decree 
 into three parts, and to recite them severally. 
 
 They begin by rejecting what is evil, and their condemna- 
 tions fall justly enough. To fix upon any thing will be the 
 grand difficulty ; but let us read. " Concerning the thirty-sixth 
 article of the Confession of Faith, the deputies of the Isle of 
 France represented, that it would be requisite to explain this 
 article, insomuch as it speaks of the participation of the sub- 
 stance of Jesus Christ. After a conference of some length, the 
 Synod, approving the thirty-sixth article, rejects the opinion of 
 those who refuse to receive the word Substance, by which 
 word is not understood any confusion, commixtion, or con- 
 junction whatever after a carnal manner, or otherwise natural, 
 but a true conjunction, very intimate, and in a spiritual way, 
 Avhereby Jesus Christ himself is so made ours, and we his, that 
 there is no conjunction of body, whether natural or artificial, 
 so close ; the which nevertheless does not tend to this end, 
 that of his substance and person joined to our substances and 
 persons, there should be compounded some third person and 
 substance, but only to this, that his virtue and all in him re- 
 quisite to our salvation, be by this means the more strictly 
 given and communicated to us, dissenting from those who say, 
 we join ourselves to all his merits and gifts, and with his holy 
 Spirit only, without he himself being ours." Here is abun- 
 dance of words, and nothing said. It is no commixtion, either 
 carnal or natural : who knows not that ? It has nothing in 
 common with the vulgar mixtures ; its end is divine ; the 
 maimer of it is entirely celestial, and in this sense, spiritual ; 
 who questions it P But has any man ever dreamt, that of the 
 substance of Jesus Christ united to ours, a third person was 
 made a third substance ? So much time ought not to be lost 
 in rejecting such chimeras as never entered into any man's 
 head. 
 
168 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 3. — Fain efforts of the Si/nod to find the substance of the 
 Body and Blood in the Doctrine of the pretended reformed 
 Churches. 
 
 Tt is something to reject those who pretend we partake in 
 nothing but the merits of Jesus Christ, in his gifts, and in his 
 spirit, without his giving himself to us: it Avas only requisite 
 they should add, that he gives himself to us in the proper and 
 natural substance of his flesh and blood, for this was the 
 point in hand, and the thing to be explained. Catholics do 
 this very clearly, for they say, Jesus Christ in pronouncing 
 " This is my body, the same that was given for you : This is 
 my blood, the same that was shed for you *," designs, not the 
 figure of it, but the substance, which, in saying " Take," he 
 renders wholly ours, there being nothing more ours than that 
 which is given us in this manner. This speaks ; this is intel- 
 hgible. Instead of delivering themselves thus clearly and 
 distinctly, we shall see our ministers lose themselves in ram- 
 bling from the point, heap texts on texts without concluding 
 anything. Let us return to where we left off; here is what 
 presents itself: " Not consenting," proceed they, "with those 
 who say, we join ovu'selves to his merits and his gifts and his 
 spirit only, yea, rather marvelling with the Apostle (Ephes. v.) 
 at this secret, supernatural and incomprehensible to our reason, 
 we believe that we are made partakers of the body given for 
 us and the blood shed for us ; that we be flesh of his flesh and 
 bone of his bones, and receive him together with all his gifts 
 with him by faith engendered in us by the incomprehen- 
 sible influence and power of this holy spirit ; thus understand- 
 ing that which is said, ' whoso eateth the flesh and drinketh 
 the blood hath life everlasting.' Item, Christ is the vine and 
 we the branches, and that he maketh us abide in him to the 
 end we may bring forth fruit, and that we be members of his 
 body, of his flesh, and of his bones." They are certainly 
 afraid of being understood, or rather do not understand them- 
 selves : thus clogging their meaning with so many useless 
 words, so many intricate phrases, such a confused jumble 
 of crowded texts. For after all, what they have to shew is, 
 how much those are in the wrong who, refusing to acknowledge, 
 in the Eucharist, any other communication than that of the 
 merits and spirit of Jesus Christ, discard from this mystery 
 " The proper substance of liis body and blood."" Now this is 
 
 ••' i^Iat. xxvi. 20, 28. Luke xxii. 11), 20. 1 Cor. xi, 24. 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 169 
 
 what in no way appears in any of these numerous texts. These 
 texts condude, only that we receive something flowing from 
 Jesus Christ in order to enhven us, as members receive from 
 the Head the spirit which animates them ; but do not at all 
 conclude for our receiving the proper substance of his body 
 and blood. None of these texts, except one only, namely, 
 that of St. John vi., relate at all to the Eucharist; neither 
 does that of St. John vi., if we believe the Calvinists, relate 
 to it. And if this text, well understood, shews indeed in the 
 Eucharist the proper substance of Jesus Christ's flesh and 
 blood, yet it does not shew it in the manner it is here em- 
 ployed by the ministers, since the upshot of their discourse 
 concludes at length in this, that "We receive Jesus Christ 
 together with all his gifts with him by faith engendered in us." 
 Now " Jesus Christ by faith engendered in us," is nothing less 
 than Jesus Christ united to us in the proper and true substance 
 of his flesh and blood ; the first of these being no more than 
 moral wrought by pious affections of the mind ; and the second, 
 being physical, is real and immediate of body to body, and of 
 substance to substance : thus does this great synod expound 
 nothing less than what it proposes to expound. 
 
 4. — Error of the Synod ivhich seels the Mystery of the Euchu' 
 rist without producing the Institution. 
 
 I observe in this decree, that the Calvinists having undertaken 
 to explain the mystery of the Eucharist, and in this mystery 
 the proper substance of Jesus Christ's body and blood, which 
 it is grounded on, allege to us far different things from the 
 words of the institution, " This is my body, This is my blood ;■" 
 for they are very sensible, should they say, these words import 
 the proper substance of the body and blood, that this would 
 be making it clearly appear, that our Lord's design was to ex- 
 press the body and blood, not in figure, nor even in virtue, but 
 in effect, in truth, and in substance. Thus this substance 
 must have been not only by faith, in the minds and thoughts 
 of the faithful, but in effect, and in truth, under the sacramental 
 si)ecies, where Jesus Christ denotes it, and thereby, even in 
 our bodies, into which we are ordered to receive it, to the end 
 that we might, in every way, enjoy our Saviour and participate 
 of our victim. 
 
 5. — The Si/nod's reason for establishing the Substance. — They 
 
 conclude the other Opinion to be contrary to God's tvord. 
 Now, whereas the decree had not cited any one text that con- 
 cluded for the proper substance, the thing in question, but 
 
170 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 rather had excluded it by shewing Jesus Christ united by faith 
 only ; they come back at length to the substance by the follow- 
 ing w'ords : '^ And in fact, as we derive our death from the 
 first Adam, inasmuch as we partake of his substance ; so it is 
 requisite we should partake truly of the second Adam, Christ 
 Jesus, that we may derive our life from him. Wherefore all 
 pastors, and in general, all the faithful shall be exhorted to 
 give no way, in any kind, to opinions contrary to the above 
 doctrine, which is grounded expressly on the word of God.'" 
 
 6. — The Synod says more than it designed. 
 
 The holy Fathers made use of this comparison of Adam to 
 shew that Jesus Christ ought to be in us otherwise than by 
 faith and affection, or morally; for it is not by affection and 
 thought only, that Adam and parents are in their children ; it 
 is by the communication of the same blood, and the same 
 substance; and therefore the union we have with our parents, 
 and by their means with Adam, from Avhom we are all de- 
 scended, is not only moral, but physical and substantial. The 
 Fathers have thence concluded, that the new Adam ought to 
 be in us after a manner equally physical and substantial, to 
 the end that we might derive immortality from him, as from 
 our first parent we derive mortality. Accordingly, it is what 
 they have found, and much more abundantly, in the Eucharist 
 than in ordinary generation, for that it is not a portion of the 
 blood and substance, but the whole substance and the whole 
 blood of our Lord Jesus Christ Avhich is therein communicated 
 to us. To say now with the ministers, that this communication 
 is wrought barely by faith, is not only to weaken the compari- 
 son, but also to annihilate the mystery, and deprive it of its 
 substance ; and whereas it is more abundantly in Jesus Christ 
 than in Adam, it is making it to be much less in him, or rather 
 not at all. 
 
 7. — A point of Doctrine was in Question among them. 
 
 Thus do our doctors confound themselves, and the more pains 
 they take to speak their minds, the more do they obscure the 
 subject. Nevertheless, through all these mists, you discern 
 plainly, that among the defenders of the figurative sense there 
 was in reality an opinion which admitted nothing in the Eu- 
 charist but the gifts and merits of Jesus Christ, or at most, 
 nothing but his spirit, not the proper substance of his flesh and 
 blood ; but that this opinion was expressly contrary to the word 
 of Godj and not to have any admittance amongst the faithful. 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 171 
 
 8. — The Swiss believe themselves condemned by this Decision. 
 
 It is no hard matter to guess who were the defenders of this 
 opinion : it was the Swiss, the disciples of Zuinglius ; and such 
 of the French as approving their sentiment would fain reform this 
 article. And this was the reason that the Swiss were presently 
 heard to complain, thinking they beheld their own condemna- 
 tion in the Synod of Rochelle, and the fraternity broken ; 
 since, notwithstanding the soft turn given to the decree, their 
 doctrine was condemned in the main as contrary to the word 
 of God, with express exhortation to allow it no shelter among 
 the pastors or the faithful. 
 
 9. — The Synod answers them by Bexa, that this Doctrine only 
 regards France. — The Lidherans as well as Catholics de- 
 tested as Defenders of a monstrous Opinion. 
 
 Under this {)ersuasion they Avrote to Beza, and the answer re- 
 turned them was surprising. Beza was ordered to acquaint 
 them, that the decree of the synod of Rochelle did not 
 regard them, but only certain Frenchmen ; so that there was 
 a confession of faith for France, and another for Switzerland, 
 as if faith varied according to the climate, and it were not 
 equally true, that in Christ Jesus there is neither Swiss nor 
 Frenchman, as it is true, according to St, Paul, that there is 
 neither Scythian nor Greek. To this Beza added, in order to 
 claim the Swiss, that the churches of France detested the sub- 
 stantial and carnal presence, together with the monsters of 
 transubstantiation and consubstantiation *. Here, then, by 
 and by, we have the Lutherans as badly treated as the Catho- 
 lics, and their doctrine accounted no less monstrous ; but this 
 only in writing to the Swiss : we have seen how far they are 
 able to soften matters when they write to the Lutherans, and 
 how tender they are then of consubstantiation. 
 
 10. — The Swiss, not satisfied with BezcCs Answer, still hold 
 themselves for condemned. 
 
 The Swiss would not be gulled with these snbtilties of the 
 synod of Rochelle, but were very sensible that they themselves 
 were attacked under the name of these Frenchmen. BulHnger, 
 minister of Zurich, who was ordered to answer Beza, made no 
 (lifiiculty of telling him they were in fact the people con- 
 demned:! " You condemn," answered he, "those who reject 
 
 * Colos. iii. 11. Hosp. 1671. f. 344. t Hosp. Ibid. 
 
172 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 the word ' proper substance ;' and Avho is ignorant that we are 
 of this number?" What Beza had added, against the carnal 
 and substantial presence, did not remove the difficulty ; Bul- 
 linger knew full well, that the Catholics no less than the 
 Lutherans complained that a carnal presence was laid to their 
 charge, which they did not dream of; and besides, he could 
 not comprehend the meaning of receiving in substance what 
 was not substantially present. Thus unable to conceive the 
 refinements of Beza, or a substance united without being pre- 
 sent, he answered him, " that they ought to speak plainly in 
 matters of faith, lest they should reduce the simple to such 
 straits as no longer to know what to believe ;" Avhence he 
 concluded that it was necessary to mitigate the decree, and 
 this was the only means he proposed for a reconcilement. 
 
 11. — They were at last forced to chancje the Decree, and reduce 
 the Substance to nothing at all. — 1572. 
 
 Tney were forced to stoop to these terms, and the year follow- 
 ing, in the synod of Nismes, substance was brought to so small 
 a matter, that they might as well have quite suppressed it. 
 Whereas at the synod of Rochelle, the debate was about 
 putting a stop to an opinion contrary to that which was grounded 
 expressly on the word of God, they endeavour now to in- 
 sinuate that the c[uestion was only about a word. They raze 
 out of the decree of Rochelle these words which contained 
 its main force and purpose ; viz. " The synod rejects the 
 opinion of those who refuse to receive the word substance." They 
 declare they will do no prejudice to strangers ; and such is their 
 complaisance for them, that these great words, " the proper 
 substance of Jesus Christ's body and blood,"" so much affected 
 by Calvin, so strenuously maintained by his disciples, so care- 
 fully retained at the synod of Rochelle, and at last brought 
 to nothing by our reformed, no longer appear in their confes- 
 sion of faith, but as a monument of the impression of the 
 reality and substance, which the words of Jesus Christ had 
 naturally made in the minds of their forefathers, and even of 
 Calvin himself. 
 
 12. — Reflection on this weakening of the first Doctrine. 
 
 And yet if they will but reflect on these relaxations of their 
 first doctrine, they may observe therein in what manner the 
 spirit of seduction has deluded them. Their fathers would 
 not easily have deprived themselves of the substance of Jesus 
 Christ's body and blood. Accustomed in the Church to this 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 173 
 
 sweet presence of the body and blood of their Saviour, the 
 pledge of an immense love, they would not willingly have been 
 brought down to shadows and figures, nor to a simple virtue 
 flowing from his body and blood. Calvin had promised them 
 something more. They had suffered themselves to be attracted 
 by a notion of reality and substance continually inculcated in 
 his books, in his sermons, in his commentaries, in his confes- 
 sions of faith, in his catechisms: a false notion, 1 confess, 
 they being there in words only, and not in fact ; but yet they 
 were charmed with the fine idea, and believing they lost 
 nothing of what was possessed by them ia the church, they 
 did not fear to leave it. Now that Zuinglius has gained the 
 ascendant by the consent of their synods, and Calvin's big 
 words stand evidently void of force and destitute of all sense, 
 why do not they retin-n from their error, and seek, in the 
 church, that real possession with which they had been flat- 
 tered ? 
 
 13. — 21ie different Confessions of Faith a mark of the clisiniion 
 of the Party. 
 
 The Swiss Zuinglians were appeased by the explanation of the 
 synod of Nismes : but the ground of division still subsisted. 
 So many confessions of faith were a too convincing token of it 
 to be dissembled. Meanv.hile the French, the Swiss, the 
 English, and the Poles, had their se[)arate ones, which all of 
 them kept to, without borrowing from their neighbours, and 
 their union seemed nearer allied to policy than true concord. 
 
 14. — 21ie Assemhhj of Frankfort, where endeavours are used 
 to bring the defenders of the fi (jurat ive sense to agree in one 
 common Confession. — 1572. 
 
 They had often sought remedies for this incouvenience, but 
 in vain. In 1577, an asseml)ly was held at Frankfort, where 
 the ambassadors of Queen Elizabeth assembled with the depu- 
 ties of France, of Poland, of Hungary, and of the low coun- 
 tries*. The Count Palatine, John Casimir, who the year 
 before had brought into France so great a succour to our re- 
 formed, procured this assembly. The whole party that de- 
 fended the figurative sense, whereof this prince was one, was 
 there assembled, exce[)t the Swiss and Bohemians. But those 
 last had sent their declaration, submitting themselves thereby 
 
 * Act. auth. Blou. p. HO. 
 
174 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 to what should be resolved : and as for the Swiss, the Palatine 
 caused it to be declared by his ambassador that he held him- 
 self assured of them*. The intent of this convention, as 
 appears by the palatine-deputy's harangue at his opening of 
 it, was to draw up, by the unanimous consent of all the other 
 deputies, one common confession of faith for these churches ; 
 and the reason that induced the Palatine to make this pro- 
 posal was, because the Lutherans of Germany, after making 
 the famous book of Concord so often mentioned, were to 
 hold an assembly at Magdeburg, there to pronounce with 
 one accord the approbation of this book, and at the same 
 time the condemnation of all those who should refuse to 
 subscribe it ; so as, being declared Heretics, they might be 
 excluded from toleration granted by the empire in matters of 
 religion. By this means, all the defenders of the figurative 
 sense were to be banished, and the monster of ubiquity, 
 maintained in this book, to be established. It was the interest 
 of these churches, which were to be condemned, to appear at 
 that time numerous, powerful, and united. They were cried 
 down as having each one their particular confession of faith, 
 and the Lutherans, united under the common name of the 
 Confession of Augsburg, easily resolved on the proscription of 
 a party, which its disunion made contemptible. 
 
 15. — A design of comprehending the Lutherans in this common 
 Confession of Faith. 
 
 This their great grievance was coloured over nevertheless, in 
 the best way possible, with specious words ; and the Palatine 
 deputy declared that all these Confessions of Faith, conform- 
 able in doctrine, differed in method only, and the way of 
 speaking. But he well knew the contrary, nor were the dif- 
 ferences but too real for these Churches. Be that as it will, 
 it was their interest, in order to put a stop to the proceedings 
 of the Lutherans, to shew them their union by a confession of 
 faith as well received among them all, as was that of Augsburg 
 among the Lutherans. But they had yet a more general de- 
 sign : for in making this new confession of faith common to 
 the defenders of the figurative sense, their intent was to pitch 
 on such expressions as the Lutherans, defenders of the literal 
 sense, might agree too, and so by this means make one body 
 of the whole party called Reformed. The deputies had no 
 better means than this of preventing the condemnation threat- 
 
 * Act. auth. Blon. p. 60. 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. '176 
 
 ened them from the Lutheran party. AVherefore, the decree 
 they made concerning this common Confession of Faith had 
 this turn given it *. " That it ought to be made, and made 
 clear, full, and solid, with a clear and brief refutation of all the 
 heresies of these times ; yet, with such a temper of style, as 
 rather to attract than alienate those that adhere purely to the 
 Confession of Augsburg, as much as truth could allow." 
 
 16. — Qualities of this new Confession of Faith. — Deputies 
 named to draiv it up. 
 
 To make this Confession of Faith clear, to make it full, to 
 make it solid, with a clear and brief confutation of all the 
 heresies of those times, was a grand undertaking ; fine words, 
 but the thing exceeding difficult, not to say impossible, 
 amongst people of such different persuasions : above all, not 
 to exasperate any further the Lutherans, those zealous defen- 
 ders of the literal sense, it was necessary to pass lightly over 
 the Real Presence, and the other articles so often mentioned. 
 Divines were named, who had a thorough knowledge of the 
 Church's grievances, to wit, of the divisions in the Reformation, 
 and of her Confessions of Faith which kept them asunder. 
 Rodulph Gaultier, and Theodore Beza, ministers, one of 
 Zurich and the other of Geneva, were to put the finishing 
 stroke to the work which was afterwards to be dispatched to 
 all the Churches in order to be read, examined, corrected, and 
 augmented as judged proper. 
 
 17. — Letter written to the Lutherans by the assembly of 
 Frankfort. 
 
 To prepare a work of so great a nicety, and hinder the con- 
 demnation which the Lutherans were hatching, it was con- 
 cluded to write, in the name of the whole assembly, a letter 
 capable of mollifying them. AVherefore they were acquainted f , 
 that this assembly was called together from sundry parts of the 
 Christian world, to oppose the Pope''s attempts, after informa- 
 tions received that he was uniting the most potent princes of 
 Christendom against them, namely, the Emperor, the King of 
 France, and the King of Spain ; but what had most afflicted 
 them was, that certain princes of Germany, who say they in- 
 voke the same God with us, as if the Catholics had another, 
 and detest with us the tyranny of the Roman Antichrist, were 
 preparing to condemn the doctrine of their Churches; and so, 
 
 * Act. autli. Blou. p. 62. t IWd, p. 63. 
 
176 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 amidst the misfortunes that distressed them, they saw them- 
 selves attacked by those, in whose virtue and wisdom they had 
 reposed their chief trust. 
 
 18. — The Assembly minces the difficulty of the Eucharist. 
 
 Then they represented to those of the Confession of Augsburg, 
 that the Pope, whilst he ruined the rest of the Churches, Avould 
 not spare them. For how, proceed they, should he hate those 
 less who first gave him the mortal stab, namely, the Lutherans, 
 whom, by this means, they place at the head of the whole 
 party ? They propose a free council in order to unite amongst 
 themselves, and oppose the common enemy. Lastly, after 
 complaining they were going to be condemned without a hear- 
 ing, they say, the controversy that divides them most from 
 those of the Confession of Augsburg, viz. that of the Supper 
 and Real Presence, has not so much difficulty as is imagined, 
 and it is an injury done them to accuse them of rejecting the 
 Confession of Augsburg. But they add, it stood in need of 
 explanation in some places, and even that Luther and Me- 
 lancthon had made some corrections in it; by which they 
 evidently mean those different editions, Avherein were made the 
 above-seen changes in the lifetime of Luther and Melancthon. 
 
 19. — The consent of the Synod of Salnte-Foy to the new Con- 
 fession of Faith. — 1578. 
 
 The year following, the Calvinists of France held their national 
 Synod at Sainte-Foy, where they gave power to change the 
 Confession of Faith, which they had so solemnly presented to 
 our Kings, and which they boasted to maintain to the last drop 
 of their blood. The decree of this Synod is Avorth our notice : 
 it imports, " that after seeing the instructions of the assembly 
 held at Frankfort by the means of Duke John Casimir, they 
 enter into the design of uniting in one holy band of pure doc- 
 trine all the reformed Churches of Christendom, whereof cer- 
 tain Protestant Divines were for condemning the soundest and 
 the greatest part : and approve the project of making and 
 drawing up a formulary of a Confession of Faith common to 
 all the Churches, as also the invitation expressly made to the 
 Churches of this kingdom, to send to the place appointed men 
 well approved and authorized with ample procuration, in order 
 to treat, agree, decide on all the points of doctrine and other 
 things relating to the union, repose, and preservation of the 
 Church, and God's pure service." For the execution of this 
 project, they name four deputies to draw up this common 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 177 
 
 Confession of Faith, but -with much more ample powers than 
 had been demanded for them in the assembly of Frankfort *. 
 For, whereas this assembly, unable to believe the Churches 
 could agree in one Confession of Faith without seeing it, had 
 ordered, that after its being seen by certain ministers and po- 
 lished for their examination and correction, this Synod, con- 
 descending beyond all that could be imagined, not only ex- 
 pressly charges these four deputies to be present at the place 
 and time appointed, with ample procurations as well from the 
 ministers, as in particular from the Viscount of Turenne ; but 
 also adds thereto, " that in case even there were no means of 
 examining this Confession of Faith throughout all the pro- 
 vinces, it was left to their prudence and sound judgment to 
 agree and conclude all the points that shall come under deli- 
 beration, whether in regard of doctrine, or any other thing 
 concerning the welfare, union, and repose of all the Churches." 
 
 20. — Faith trusted in the hands of four Ministers, and of the 
 Viscount of Turenne. 
 
 Here have you then manifestly, by the authority of a whole 
 national Synod, the faith of our pretended churches of France 
 left to the disposal of four ministers and of the Viscount of Tu- 
 renne, with power to determine therein as they pleased, and 
 those who will not allow, that we may refer to the judgment 
 of the whole Church the least points of faith, refer the whole 
 of theirs to that of their deputies. 
 
 21. — Why Mr. de Turenne ivas put in this dejiutation con- 
 cerning Doctrine. 
 
 One may wonder perchance to see Mr. de Turenne named 
 amongst these doctors : but you must understand that this 
 welfare, union, and repose of all the churches, for the sake of 
 which this deputation was made, meant much more than ap- 
 peared at first sight. Forasmuch as the Duke John Casimir, 
 and Henry de la Tour, Viscount of Turenne, joint deputies 
 with these ministers, had thoughts of settling this repose by 
 other means than by arguments and Confessions of Faith j 
 which, however, necessarily made part of the negotiation, 
 experience having shewn that these new reformed Churches 
 could not be united in a league as they ought, without first 
 agreeing in point of doctrine. All France was flaming with 
 
 * Hist, de Pas. de Franc. Act. auth. Blou. p. 0"3. Syn. de Sainte-Foy. Ibid, 
 pp. 5, U. 
 
 VOL. II. N 
 
178 THE HISTORY OF [bQQK 
 
 civil wars ; and the Viscount de Turenne, then but young, yet 
 full of wit and valour, Avhom the disaster of the times had 
 drawn into the party but two or three years before, had imme- 
 diately raised to himself in it so great an authority (net so much 
 by his illustrious blood which aUied him to the greatest families 
 of the kingdom, as his great capacity and courage), that he 
 was already lord-lieutenant to the King of Navarre, after- 
 wards Henry IV. A man of such genius entered easily into 
 the design of reuniting all the Protestants: but God did not 
 suffer him to accomplish it. The Lutherans were found in- 
 tractable, and the Confessions of Faith, notwithstanding the 
 resolution unanimously taken of changing them all, subsisted 
 as containing the pure word of God, which it is neither lawful 
 to add to, nor take from. 
 
 22.- — Letter, wherein the Cahinists own Luther and Melancthon 
 for their Fathers. 
 
 We see that, in the year following, namely 1579, a union was still 
 hoped for, since the Calvinists of the Low Countries wrote con- 
 jointly to the Lutherans, authors of the Book of Concord, to Kem- 
 nitius, Chythrseus, James Andrew, and therestof the violent de- 
 fenders of Ubiquity, whom they failed not to call, not only their 
 brethren, but their own flesh (so intimate was their union, 
 notwithstanding their so considerable divisions,) inviting them 
 " to take moderate counsels, to enter into methods of union, 
 in order whereto the Synod of France (that of Sainte-Foy) 
 had named deputies, and this," say they, '* after the example 
 of our holy fathers, Luther, Zuinglius, Capito, Bucer, Melanc- 
 thon, Bullinger, Calvin," whose unanimity Avas such as you 
 have seen. These, then, are the common fathers of the Sa- 
 cramentarians and Lutherans ; these are the men in whose 
 harmony and moderate counsels the Calvinists glory ! J 
 
 23. — The project of a Common Confession continued to our 
 days, and always to no purpose. 
 
 All these endeavours towards a union proved abortive, and the 
 defenders of the figurative sense were so far from being able 
 to agree with the Lutherans, defenders of the hteral sense, in 
 one common Confession of Faith, that they could not even 
 agree among themselves *. The proposal was frequently re- 
 newed, and even near to our days in 1614, at the Synod of 
 
 « Act. Auth. Blon. p. 72. 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, KTC. 179 
 
 Tonins, which, in 1615, was backed by the expedients })ro- 
 posed by the famous Peter du Moulin. But though for this 
 he received the thanks of the Synod of the Isle of France, 
 held the same year at the borough of Ay, in Champagne ; and 
 notwithstanding the known credit he had, not only in France, 
 among his own brethren, but also in England and over the 
 Avhole party, all proved to no purpose. The churches, which 
 defend the figurative sense, confessed the mighty evil of their 
 disunion, but withal confessed it was beyond remedy; and 
 this common Confession of Faith, so earnestly desired and 
 endeavoured at, is become a Platonic idea. 
 
 24. — Vain shifts of the Ministers, 
 
 This history would require that I should relate the answers re- 
 turned by the ministers, with regard to this decree of Sainte-Foy, 
 after it became public, and was urged against them by the Ca- 
 tholics. But all of them, by the above account of the fact, fall 
 of themselves. Some said, a mutual toleration was the only 
 thing in question ; but it is plain enough, a common Confession 
 of Faith was not necessaiy for that end, since the effect of this 
 toleration is, not to make one common faith, but to bear mu- 
 tually with one another's faith. Others, in excuse for the 
 great power of deciding on doctrine lodged in the Jiands of 
 four deputies, answered, this was because it was known " near 
 the matter ''^" what they could agree in ; this " near the matter" 
 is admirable. Doubtless men are not over nice in questions 
 of faith when satisfied with knowing " near the matter" what 
 they are to say ; and little also do they know what to stick to, 
 when, for want of such knowledge, they give their deputies so 
 unlimited a power of concluding whatsoever they shall think 
 fitting. The minister Claude f answered, that they knew pre- 
 cisely what they were to say ; and should the deputies have 
 gone beyond it, they would have justly been disowned as men 
 that had gone beyond their commission. But this answer, 
 allowing it so, does not satisfy the chief difficulty, consisting in 
 this, that to please the Lutherans, they must have given up to 
 them all tiiat tended to exclude, as well the Real Presence as 
 the other points contested with them ; that is to say, they must 
 evidently have changed, in such considerable articles, a Con- 
 fession of Faith expressly affirmed by them to be contained in 
 the word of God. 
 
 * Anon. I'i. Rep. p. 3C5. 
 f Mr. Claude, dan la Nog. Conf. rep. a I'Expos. p. 149, 
 
 n2 
 
180 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 2b.— Difference betwixt what was designed to be done in favour 
 of the Lutherans at Frankfort and Sainte-Foy, and what 
 was done at Charenton. 
 
 Care ought to be taken not to confound what was to be done 
 then with what was done since, when the Lutherans were re- 
 ceived into communion at the Synod of Charenton, in 1631. 
 This last action shews only, that the Calvinists can bear with 
 the Lutheran doctrine, as a doctrine not at all prejudicial to 
 ihe fundamentals of faith. But it is certainly quite a differ- 
 ent thing to tolerate, in the Lutheran's Confession of Faith, what 
 you believe erroneous in it, and to suppress in your own what 
 you believe to be a truth revealed of God, and expressly de- 
 clared by his word. This is what they had resolved to do in the 
 assembly of Frankfort and at the Synod of Sainte-Foy ; this 
 is what they would have executed, had it pleased the Lutherans ; 
 insomuch that it was only the fault of the defenders of the 
 Real Presence that all which clashed with it was not erased 
 out of the Sacramentarian Confessions of Faith. But the 
 reason of this was, once change, and no end of changing ; a 
 Confession of Faith which changes the doctrine of ages past, 
 shews thereby that itself may be changed likewise ; nor must 
 we wonder the Synod of Sainte-Foy thought they had power 
 to correct in 1578 what the Synod of Paris had established in 
 1559. 
 
 26. — Spirit of instability in Calvinism. 
 
 All these means of agreement now mentioned, so far from 
 diminishing the disunion of our Reformed, did but increase it. 
 Here were men ignorant as yet what to stick to, whose first step, 
 at setting out, was by a breach upon the whole Christian world. 
 Here was a religion built on the sand, which had no stability 
 even in her Confessions of Faith, although made with such 
 nice care, and pubhshed with such pomp. Even the profes- 
 sors of it could not persuade themselves that they had not a 
 right to innovate in so changeable a religion, and it was this 
 produced the novelties of John Fischer, known under the name 
 of Piscator, and those of Arminius. 
 
 27. — Piscator's dispute. 
 
 Piscator's affair will teach us many important matters, and 
 I am the more desirous to relate it at full length, the less it is 
 know by the generality of our reformed. 
 
Xri,] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 181 
 
 Piscator taught divinity in the academy of Herborne, a town 
 in the earldom of Nassau, towards the end of the sixteenth 
 century. Examining the doctrine of Imputed Justice, he says 
 that the justice of Jesns Christ, which is imputed to us, is not 
 that which he practised during the course of his hfe, but that 
 which he underwent in bearing voluntarily the punishment of 
 our sin on the cross ; as much as to say, the death of our Lord 
 being a sacrifice of an infinite value, whereby he paid and satis- 
 fied for us, it was also by this act alone that the Son of God 
 was properly Saviour, Avithout any necessity of joining to it 
 any other acts, this being of itself sufficient ; so that, if we are 
 to be justified by imputation, it is by that of this act, in virtue 
 whereof precisely we are acquitted in the sight of God, and 
 whereby " the hand-writing of the sentence passed against us 
 was defaced," as St. Paul speaks, " by the blood which paci- 
 fieth both heaven and earth *. 
 
 28. — This doctrine detested by the National Synod of Gap. — 
 First decision. 
 
 This doctrine was detested by our Calvinists in the Synod of 
 Gap, anno 1603|, as contrary to the eighteenth, twentieth, and 
 twenty-second articles of the Confession of Faith, and it was 
 resolved by them, '* that a letter should be addressed to Mr. 
 Piscator, and likevvise to the university in which he taught." 
 
 It is certain these three articles decided nothing as to what 
 concerned Piscator, and for this reason we find no more men- 
 tion made of the twentieth and twenty-second articles. And 
 as to the eighteenth, in which it was pretended the decision 
 might be found, it said no more than that " we are justified by 
 the obedience of Jesus Christ, which is allowed us," without 
 specifying what obedience ; so that Piscator found it no hard 
 matter to defend himself in regard to the Confession of Faith. 
 But since they will have it that he innovated in respect to the 
 Confession of the pretended reformed of this kingdom, which 
 had been subscribed by those of the Low Countries, I agree 
 to it. 
 
 29. — Second Condemnation of Piscator^ s Doctrine at the 
 Synod of Rochelle. 
 
 Piscator was written to by order of the synod, as resolved, and 
 his answer, modest, but firm in his sentiment, was read at the 
 Synod of Rochelle, in 1607. After reading it, this decree 
 was made: " As to the letter of Dr. John Piscator, Professor 
 
 * Col. ii. 14. t Syn. de Gap. cli. de la Conf. de Foy. 
 
182 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 in the Academy of Herborne, in answer to that of the Synod 
 of Gap, rendering account of his doctrine which teaches 
 justification to be by the sole obedience of Christ in his death 
 and passion, imputed as justice to the faithful, and not by the 
 obedience of his Hfe ; the assembly ?ioi5 approving i\\Q division 
 of causes so conjoint, hath declared, that the whole obedience 
 of Christ in his life and death is imputed to us for the entire 
 remission of our sins^ as being no other than one and the same 
 obedience." 
 
 30. — Important observation, that the Doctrine of the Cal- 
 vinists against Piscator resolves the difficulties they urge 
 against us in regard of the sacrifice of the Eucharist. 
 
 In consideration of these last words, I would willingly ask our 
 Reformed, why, in order to merit for us the forgiveness of our 
 sins, they require, not only the obedience of the death, but 
 also that of the whole life of our Redeemer ? Is it that the 
 merit of Jesus Christ dying is not infinite, and not more than 
 sufficient, for our salvation ? This they will not say ; they 
 must, therefore, say, that what is required as necessary after 
 an infinite merit, does neither destroy its infiniteness nor suffi- 
 ciency ; but at the same time it follows, that to consider Jesus 
 Christ, as continuing his intercession by his presence not in 
 heaven only, but also on our Altars in the sacrifice of the 
 Eucharist, is destroying nothing of the infiniteness of the pro- 
 pitiation made on the cross ; it is only, as speaks the Synod of 
 Rochelle, not dividing things conjoined, and accounting all 
 Jesus Christ did in his life, all he did in his death, and all he 
 now does whether in heaven, where he presents himself for us 
 to the Father, or on our Altars, where he is present in an- 
 other way, as the continuation of one and the same inter- 
 cession, and of one and the same obedience which he began in 
 his life, consummated in his death, and never ceases to renew 
 both in heaven and in the mysteries, thereby to apply them to 
 us effectually and perpetually. 
 
 31. — Third decision. — Formulary and Subscription ordained 
 against Piscator in the Synod ofPrivas. — 1612. 
 
 The doctrine of Piscator had its partisans. Nothing was 
 found against him in the eighteenth, twentieth, and twenty- 
 second articles of the Confession of Faith. And, indeed, they 
 abandoned the two last to fix on the eighteenth, which was no 
 more to the purpose, as we have seen, than the others ; and to 
 drive the matter home against Piscator and his doctrine, they 
 went so far, in the national Synod of Privas, as to oblige all 
 
Xir.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 183 
 
 the pastors to subscribe expressly against Piscator in these 
 terms : " I underwritten N. in regard to the contents in the 
 eighteenth article of the Confession of Faith of the Reformed 
 Churches, regarding our j ustification, do declare and protest, that 
 I understand it accordimj to the sense received in our church, ap- 
 proved hij the national synods, and conformable to God's word ; 
 which is, that our Lord Jesus Christ was sabject to the moral 
 and ceremonial law, not only for our good, but in our stead ; 
 and that all the obedience he rendered to the law is imputed 
 to us, and that our justification does consist, not only in the 
 remission of sins, but in the imputation of active justice ; and 
 subjecting myself to the loord of God, I believe ' that the Son 
 of man came not be ministered unto, but to minister,' and 
 that he did minister to the purpose he came for : promisinrj 
 never to depart from the doctrine received in our churches, 
 and to subject myself to the ordinances of the national synods 
 on this head" 
 
 32. — The Scripture ill-quoted, and its whole Doctrine ill- 
 understood. 
 
 What it avails imputed justice, that "Jesus Christ came to 
 minister, and not to be ministered unto ;" and to what purpose 
 this text is brought abruptly and without connexion into the 
 midst of this decree, let him guess that can. Neither do I see 
 what use the imputation of the ceremonial law is to us, which 
 never was made for us ; nor for what reason '^ Jesus Christ 
 must have been subject to it, not only for our good, but in our 
 stead." I well comprehend how ,Tesus Christ, having dis- 
 persed the shadows and figures of the law, has left us free from 
 the servitude of the ceremonial laws, which were but shadows 
 and figures ; but that it was necessary for such intent that he him- 
 self should have been subject to them in our stead, the conse- 
 quence would be pernicious, since it might be equally concluded 
 he had also set us free from the moral law, by his fulfilling it. 
 All this shews the little exactness of our Reformed, who were 
 more intent on shewing erudition in a profusion of big empty 
 words, than on speaking with accuracy in their decrees. 
 
 33. — Fourth decision against Piscator in the Synod of 
 Tonins. — 1614. 
 
 I am at a loss to know what could be the reason that Pisca- 
 tor's affair was had so very much to heart by our French 
 Reformed, or why the Synod of Privas descended to the utmost 
 precautions, by enjoining the above subscription. This, how- 
 ever, ought to have been decisive : a formulary of faith, ordered 
 
184 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 to be subscribed by all the pastors, should have explained the 
 matter fully and distinctly. Nevertheless, after this subscrip- 
 tion and all the precedent decrees, it was still necessary to 
 make a new declaration at the Synod of Tonins in 1G14. 
 Four great decrees one after another, and in such different 
 terms, concerning a particular article, and on so limited a sub- 
 ject, is very extraordinary ; but in the new Reformation some- 
 thing is always found to be added or curtailed, and never is 
 their faith explained so sincerely, nor with so full a sufficiency, 
 as to make them adhere precisely to the first decisions. 
 
 34. — The impiety of imputed justice as it is proposed by these 
 
 Synods. 
 
 To conclude this affair, I shall make a short reflection on the 
 nature of the doctrine, and some reflections on the procedure. 
 
 As to the doctrine, I very well understand how the death of 
 Jesus Christ, and the payment he made to the divine justice 
 of the punishment we owed it, is imputed to us, as you impute 
 to a debtor the payment made by the surety for his acquit- 
 tance. But that the perfect justice fulfilled by our Lord in his 
 life and death, and the absolute obedience he rendered to the 
 law, should be imputed to us, or as they speak, allowed, in the 
 same sense, that the payment of the surety is imputed to the 
 debtor; is the same as to say, that he discharges us by his 
 justice from the obligation of being good and virtuous, as by 
 his punishment he discharges us from the obligation of under- 
 going that which our sins had merited. 
 
 35. — Plainness and simplicity of the Catholic Doctrine opposed 
 to the obscurities of the contrary. 
 
 I understand, then, and very clearly, in another kind of manner, 
 what it avails us to have a Saviour whose sanctity is infinite. 
 For thereby I behold him alone worthy to obtain for us all the 
 graces requisite to make us just. But that we should formally 
 be made just, because Jesus Christ was just ; and that his 
 justice should be allowed us, as if he had fulfilled the law to 
 our discharge, neither does the Scripture say it, nor can any 
 man of good sense comprehend it. 
 
 By this means accounting as nothing our interior justice, 
 and that which we practise through grace, they make us all in 
 the main equally just, by reason that the justice of Jesus 
 Christ, supposed by them the only one that renders us just, is 
 infinite. 
 
 They likewise wrest from the elect of God that crown of 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 185 
 
 justice, which the just Ju«lge reserves for each one in particu- 
 lar, since they suppose ail have the same justice which is 
 infinite ; or it" at lengtli they confess, this infinite justice is 
 allowed us in different degrees, accordingly as we approach to 
 it more or less hy that particular justice we are vested with by- 
 grace, it is by extraordinary expressions, saying the same thing 
 with the Catholics. 
 
 36. — Reflection on the procedure — "Scripture quoted therein 
 only for form-sake. 
 
 This is, in a few words, what I had to say on the doctrine itself. 
 I shall be still more brief as to the procedure : it has nothing 
 but what is weak in it, nothing grave nor serious. The act of 
 most importance is the formulary of subscription enjoined at 
 the Synod of Privas, but, from the very beginning, they do 
 not so much as think of convicting Piscator from the Scrip- 
 tures. The point to be proved was, " That the obedience of 
 Jesus Christ, whereby he fulfilled the whole law in his life and 
 death, is allowed us in order to make us just," Mhich is called 
 in the formulary of Privas, as before in that of Gap, the im- 
 putation of the active justice. 
 
 Now, all that could be found in four synods to prove this 
 doctrine and the imputation of the active justice, by the Scrip- 
 ture, is, that " the Son of Man did not come to be ministered 
 unto, but to minister," a text so little adapted to imputed jus- 
 tice, that there is no discovering even to what purpose it was 
 cited. 
 
 But so it is with these new reformers, provided they name 
 but the word of God with emphasis, and then fling out a text 
 or two, however wide from the purpose, they think to have 
 answered the profession they make of believing nought but 
 Scripture in express terms. The people are dazzled with these 
 big promises, and are not even sensible what a sway the au- 
 thority of their ministers has over them, though when all is 
 done it is by that their assent is determined. 
 
 37. — How the Confession of Faith is quoted. 
 
 As from the word of God nothing was proved against Piscator, 
 so likewise their Confession of Faith was opposed in vain 
 against him. 
 
 For Ave have seen them at Privas immediately forego the 
 twentieth and twenty-second articles, which were produced at 
 Gaj). The eighteenth is only insisted on, and as it spoke 
 nothing but what was general and indeterminate, theybe hotught 
 
186 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 themselves of thus remedying it in the Formulary : "I declare 
 and protest that I understand the eighteenth article of our 
 Confession of Faith according to the sense received in our 
 churches, approved in our synods, and conformable to the 
 word of God." 
 
 The word of God would have sufficed alone ; but as that 
 was in dispute, to finish it there was a necessity of coming 
 back to the authority of things judged, and abiding by the 
 article of the Confession of Faith, understanding it, not ac- 
 cording to its precise terms, but according to the sense re- 
 ceived in churches, and approved in the National Synods, 
 which finally regulates the dispute by tradition, and shews us 
 that the most assured means of understanding what is written, 
 is to see in what manner it always had been understood. 
 
 This is what passed, as to the affair of Piscator, in four 
 national synods. The last of them was that of Tonins, held in 
 1614, where, after the subscription commanded by the Synod 
 of Privas, all seemed determined in the most serious manner 
 imaginable; yet after all there was nothing in it, for the year 
 following, to go no further, that is, in 1615, Du Moulin, the 
 most renowned of all their ministers, openly made a jest of it, 
 with the approbation of a whole synod. The history of the 
 thing is this ': — 
 
 38. — They laugh at all these Decrees. — Nothing serious in the 
 Reformation. — Du Moulin' s remonstrance approved in the 
 Synod of Ay. — 1615. 
 
 The party of the Reformation opposed to Lutheranism had 
 always been disturbed that they could never contrive among 
 themselves a common Confession, to unite all their members, 
 as the Confession of Augsburg united all the Lutherans. So 
 many different Confessions of Faith shewed a principle of di- 
 vision which weakened the party. They came back, there- 
 fore, once more to the project of a re-union. Du Moulin pro- 
 posed the means in a writing sent to the Synod of the Isle of 
 France, The whole drift of it was to dissemble the dogmata, 
 which they could not agree in ; and Du Moulin writes in ex- 
 press terms, that among the things it was requisite to dissemble 
 in this new Confession of Faith, they ought to place Piscator's 
 question regarding Justification * : a doctrine so much detested 
 by four national synods, becomes indifferent all on a sudden in 
 the opinion of this minister, and the Synod of the Isle of France, 
 
 *_Act, Auth. Blond. Piece, vi. p. 72, 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 18t 
 
 with the same hand with which it had but just subscribed Pis- 
 cator's condemnation, nay, the pen, as 1 may say, still wet 
 with the ink it had made this subscription with, thanks Mr. 
 Du Mouhn by express letters for this proposal* : such insta- 
 bility is there in the new Reformation, and so easily does she 
 sacrifice the greatest matters to this common Confession which 
 she never could attain, 
 
 39. — Du Moulin' s ivords — Dissimulation^ character of Heresy ^ 
 owned in the Reformation. 
 
 The words of Du Moulin are too remarkable not to be related. 
 " There," says hef, viz., in this assembly to be held for this 
 hew Confession of Faith, " I am for no disputes about reli- 
 gion, for minds once heated will never be brought to yield, and 
 each one at his return cries out victory ; but I would have laid 
 on the table the Confession of the churches of France, of Eng- 
 land, of Scotland, of the Low Countries, of the Palatinate, of 
 the Swiss, &c. That out of these Confessions we might strive 
 to form one common one, wherein we should dissemble many 
 things, without the knowledge of which one might be saved, 
 as is Piscator's question regarding Justification, and many 
 subtile opinions proposed by Arminius about Free-will, Predes- 
 tination, and Perseverance of the Saints." 
 
 He adds, " as Satan had corrupted the church of Rome by 
 her having too much, namely, by avarice and ambition, so he 
 strives to corrupt the churches of the new reformation by know- 
 ing too much, to wit, by curiosity," which, in reality, is the 
 temptation all heretics sink under, and the snare they are 
 taken in ; and concludes that, in the way of agreement, " they 
 shall have gone the greatest part of the journey, if they can but 
 prevail on themselves to be ignorant of many things, be con- 
 tented with necessaries to salvation, and be easy in regard or 
 others." 
 
 40. — Reflection on these words of Du Moulin approved in the 
 Synod of Ay. 
 
 How to agree in this matter was the question, for if by such 
 things, the knowledge of which is necessary to salvation, he 
 understands those which every private man is obliged to know, 
 under penalty of damnation, this common Confession of Faith 
 is already made in the Creed of the Apostles, and in that of 
 Nice. The union made on this foundation would reach much 
 
 * Act. Auth. Bloud. Piece, vi, p. 72. f Ibid. u. i. 
 
188 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 beyond the newly-reformed churches, nor could they hinder 
 our being comprehended in it ; but, " if by the knowledge of 
 things necessary to salvation" he understands the full ex- 
 planation of all the expressly revealed truths of God, who has 
 revealed none the knowledge of which does not tend to secure 
 the salvation of his faithful, there " to dissemble" what the 
 synods have declared " expressly revealed of God," with " de- 
 testation" of the contrary errors, is laughing at the church, is 
 holding her decrees for imposture even after signing them, is 
 betraying both religion and conscience. 
 
 41. — Du Moldings inconstancy. 
 
 Now, when you shall perceive that this same Du Moulin, who 
 makes so slight a matter, not of Piscator's propositions only, 
 but also of the much more important ones of Arminius, was 
 afterwards one of the most unmerciful censors of them, you 
 will acknowledge, in his procedure, the perpetual inconstancy 
 of the new Reformation, always suiting her dogmata to the 
 occasion. 
 
 42. — Great points to he sujypressed ; amongst others that ivhich 
 is contrary to the Real Presence. 
 
 To conclude the account of this project of re-union then con- 
 certed, when this common Confession of the party opposed to 
 the Lutherans should be finished, another was to be made also, 
 but more wide and general, in which the Lutherans might be 
 comprehended*. Du Moulin here sets forth all the ways of 
 expressing themselves, so as " not to condemn the Real Pre- 
 sence, nor Ubiquity, nor the necessity of Baptism," nor the 
 rest of the Lutheran tenets ; and what he cannot save by equi- 
 vocations or indeterminate expressions, he wraps up in silence, 
 in the best way he can : he hopes to abolish by this means the 
 appellation of Lutherans, of Calvinists, of Sacramentarians, 
 and, by force of equivocating, to make no other name remain 
 for Protestants than the common one of the Christian Church 
 Reformed. The whole Synod of the Isle of France applauded 
 this fine plan ; and this union, thus completed, it would be 
 time, proceeds this minister, to solicit the reconciliation of the 
 Church of Rome — but he doubts as to their succeeding. And 
 with good reason, for we have not one instance of her ever 
 approving equivocations in matters of religion, or consenting 
 to the suppression of articles she once believed revealed by 
 God. 
 
 * Act. Aiitli. Blond, pp. 12, 13, 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 189 
 
 43. — Importance of the disputes among the defenders of the 
 fiijurative sense. 
 
 But I do not allp^v to Du ]\louliii and the rest of the same 
 party, that the diti'erences in their Confessions of Faith are 
 only in the method and expressions, or else in polity and 
 ceremonies ; or, if in matters of faith, in such only as had not 
 yet passed into law or public ordinance : for we have seen, 
 and shall see the contrary througii the whole sequel of this 
 history. And can they say, for example, that the doctrine of 
 Episcopacy wherein the Church of England is so firm, and 
 carries it to such a pitch as to receive no Calvinian ministers 
 without reordaining them, is a matter only of expression, or, at 
 most, of mere polity and ceremony ? Is it nothing to look on 
 a Church as utterly destitute of pastors lawfully ordained Pit 
 is true the Calvinists are even with them, as we are assured by 
 one of their famous ministers in these words: " If any of ours 
 should teach the distinction of bishops and priests, and that 
 there is no true ministry without bishops, we could not suffer 
 him in our Communion, that is to say, at least in our mi- 
 nistry*." The English Protestants therefore are excluded 
 from it. Is this a difference of small importance ? This same 
 minister does not speak so of it, he being agreed that, on 
 account of these differences, which he will have but small, of 
 government and discipline, they treat one another as persons 
 excommunicated |. If we descend to particulars in these 
 Confessions of Faith, how many points shall we find in some 
 which are not in others ? And in reality, were the difference 
 in words only, their obstinacy would be too great not to agree 
 after so frequently attempting it : if in ceremonies only, their 
 weakness would be too great in insisting on them ; but the 
 truth is, they are all sensible how little they agree in the main; 
 and if they boast of being well united, this only serves to con- 
 lirm, that the union of the new Reformation is rather political 
 than ecclesiastic. 
 
 Nothing now remains but to entreat our brethren to con- 
 sider the great steps they have seen taken, not by private men, 
 but by their whole Churches, touching matters decided by tnem 
 with all the authority, said they, of the word of God : yet all 
 these decrees came to nothing. It is a way of speaking in the 
 Jleforniation always to name the word of God : they believe a 
 thing never the more for that, nor fear the least to suppress 
 
 * Jur. Syst. p. 214. 
 t Id. avis, aux Prot. u. 3, at the bcgiiining of liis Prej. Logit. 
 
190 THB HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Avhat they had advanced under the sanction of so great an 
 authority ; but we must not wonder at it. There is nothing 
 in rehgion more authentic than Confessions of Faith ; nothing 
 ought to have been better warranted by the word of God than 
 what the Calvinists had inserted in them against the Real 
 Presence and the other dogmata of the Lutherans. It was not 
 only Calvin that accounted, as detestable, the invention of the 
 Corporeal Presence ; De corporali j)T(Ssentid detesfabile com- 
 mentum* : the whole Reformation of France had just said, in 
 body, by the mouth of Beza, that she detested this monster, as 
 well the Lutheran Consubstantiation as the Papistical Tran- 
 substantiation. But there is nothing sincere, nor serious, in 
 these detestations of the Real Presence, since they were ready 
 to retrench all that had been said against it, and this, not only 
 by decree of a national Synod, but by a joint determination of 
 the whole party solemnly assembled at Frankfort. The doc- 
 trine of the figurative sense, not to speak here of other points, 
 after so many battles and such a number of pretended mar- 
 tyrs, would have been buried in eternal silence, had it but 
 pleased the Lutherans. England, France, Germany, Switzer- 
 land, the Low Countries, in a word, all the Calvinists any 
 where to be found, consented to this suppression. Hoav there- 
 fore can men remain so wedded to a tenet, which they see so 
 little revelation for, that it is already cast forth from the pro- 
 fession of Christianity by the concurrent wishes of the whole 
 party. 
 
 * 2 Def. cont. Westp. opusc. 83. S. n. 9. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 191 
 
 BOOK XIII. 
 
 THE DOCTRINE CONCERNING ANTICHRIST, AND VARTA- 
 TIONS ON THIS SUBJECT FROM LUTHER'S TIME DOWN 
 TO THIS. 
 
 A brief Summary. — Variations of the Protestants in regard to 
 Antichrist. — Luther's own predictions. — Calvin's evasion. — 
 What Luther lays down, as to this Doctrine, is contradicted 
 by Melancthon. — A new article of Faith added to the Con- 
 fession in the Synod of Gap. — The foundation of this decree 
 manifestly false. — This Doctrine despicable in the Reforma- 
 tion. — The absurdities, contrarieties, and impieties of the new 
 interpretation of prophecies proposed by Joseph Mede, 
 and maintained by the minister Jurieu. — The most holy 
 Doctors of the Church enrolled amongst Blasphemers and 
 Idolaters. 
 
 1. — Article added to the Confession of Faith on purpose to 
 declare the Pope Antichrist. 
 
 The disputes of Arminius raised great combustions in the United 
 Provinces, and it were now time to treat of them: but as the 
 questions and decisions resulting from them are of a more 
 particular discussion, before I engage therein, a famous decree 
 should be mentioned of the Synod of Gap, the account of 
 which was deferred, not to interrupt the aJBfair of Piscator. 
 
 It was therefore in this SynG<l and in 1603, that a new 
 decree was made to declare the Po{)e Antichrist. This decree 
 was counted of so great importance that it passed into a new 
 article of faith, the thirty-first in order, and took place after 
 the thirtieth, it being there said that all true pastors are equal; 
 so that what gives the Pope the character of Antichrist, is his 
 styling himself superior to other bishops. If it be so, it is a 
 great while since Antichrist has reigned ; nor do I conceive 
 why the Reformation has so long deferred enrolling in the 
 
THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 catalogue of this great number of Antichrists she has intro- 
 duced, St. Innocent, St. Leo, St. Gregory, and the rest of the 
 Popes whose epistles shew us the exercise of this superiority in 
 every page. 
 
 2. — Luther's empty prophecies, and CahirCs as empty shift. 
 
 Now when Luther so greatly exaggerated this new doctrine of 
 the Antichristian papacy, he did it with that prophetic air 
 above remarked in him *. We have seen in what a strain he 
 foretold the downfal of the Paj)al power ; and how his preach- 
 ing was that breath of Jesus Christ which was to overthrow 
 the man of sin ; without arms, without violence, by himself 
 alone, without any intervening power : so dazzled, so intoxi- 
 cated was he with the unexpected effect of his eloquence! The 
 whole Reformation was in expectation of the speedy accom- 
 plishment of this new prophecy. But when they saw the 
 Pope still keep his ground (for many more than Luther will 
 split against this rock), and that the Pontifical power, so far 
 from tumbling at the blast of this false prophet, maintained 
 itself against the conspiracy of so many revolted powers, inso- 
 much that the attachment of God's people to this sacred 
 authority, which makes the band of their unity, redoubled 
 rather than was weakened by so numerous a defection, they 
 laughed at the illusion of Luther's prophecies, and at their 
 weak credulity who took them for celestial oracles. Yet Cal- 
 vin had his evasion ready when he said to one that ridiculed 
 them f , that " though the body of the Papacy subsisted still, 
 the spirit and life had forsaken it so as to leave nothing but a 
 dead carcass." Thus men will run the hazard of a prophecy, 
 and if the event does not answer, a flash of wit brings them off. 
 
 3. — Daniel and St. Paul brought in to no purpose. 
 
 But they tell us with a serious air it is a prophecy, not of Lu- 
 ther's, but of the Scripture, and evidently to be seen (so it 
 should since it is an article of faiths in St. Paul, and in 
 Daniel. As for the Revelations, Luther did not think fit to 
 employ this book, nor receive it into his canon. But for St. 
 Paul '\_, what could be more evident, seeing that the Pope sit- 
 teth in the temple of God? In the Church, says Luther §, 
 that is questionless in the true Church, the true temple of God ; 
 it being unexampled in Scripture, that a temple of idols was 
 
 * Sup. 1. i. n. 31. f Gratul, ad Ven. Presbyt. opusc, p. 331. 
 
 X 2 Thess. ii. 4. § Sup. 1. iii. u.50. 
 
Xirr.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 193 
 
 ever called by this name : so ^hat the first step tliey must 
 make towards a right understanding how the Pope is Anti- 
 christ, is to acknowledge that Church, wherein he presides, for 
 the true Church. What follows is not less manifest. Who 
 does not see how " the Pope sheweth himself that he is God, 
 exalting himself above all that is worshipped ?" Chiefly in that 
 sacrifice so much condemned by our Reformers, in which, for 
 proof that he is God, the Pope confesses his sins with all the 
 people ; raises himself above every thing by entreating all the 
 saints and all his brethren to beg forgiveness for him ; also by 
 declaring afterwards, and in the most holy part of this sacrifice, 
 thathe hopes this forgiveness, " not through his own merits, but 
 through the bounty and grace, and in the name of Jesus Christ 
 our Lord ?" A new kind of Antichrist, that obliges all his ad- 
 herents to place their hope in Jesus Christ, and for always 
 having been the most firm assertor of his divinity, is placed by 
 the Socinians at the head of all Antichrists, as the chief of 
 them all, and as the most incompatible with their doctrine. 
 
 4. — Protestants discredit themselves by this Doctrine. 
 
 But again, if such a dream can deserve our serious attention, 
 which of all these Popes is "that man of sin and the son of 
 perdition specified by St. Paul ?*" We never met in Scripture 
 with the like expressions, unless to characterize some particular 
 person. No matter for that : all the Popes since St. Gregory, 
 as they said heretofore, and as they say at present, all the 
 Popes since St. Leo, are "this man of sin, this son of perdi- 
 tion, and this Antichrist,'"" though they converted to Christianity 
 England, Germany, Sweden, Denmark, and Holland ; so that 
 all these countries, by embracing the Reformation, did pub- 
 licly acknowledge that they had received Christianity from 
 Antichrist himself. 
 
 5. — Illusions with recjard to the Revelations. 
 
 Who can relate here the mysteries our Reformed have found 
 in the Revelations, and the deceitful prodigies of the beast, 
 which are the miracles Rome attributes to saints and their relics ; 
 to the end that St. Austin, and St, Chrysostom, and St. Ambrose, 
 and the rest of the Fathers, who, they allow, published the like 
 miracles with unanimous consent, may be the precursors of 
 Antichrist? AVhat shall I say of the character which the 
 beast stamps on the forehead, which in their language means 
 the sign even of the Cross of Jesus Christ, and the holy chrism 
 VOL. ir. o 
 
194 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 which is employed to imprint it : to the end that St. Cyprian, 
 and all the other bishops before and after, who most undoubt- 
 edly, as is confessed, did apply this character, may be Anti- 
 christs ; and the faithful, who bore it ever since the origin of 
 Christianity, be stigmatized with the badge of the beast ; and 
 the sign of the Son of Man, become the seal of his adversary. 
 It is irksome to relate all their impieties, and for my part, I 
 am verily persuaded, it was these impertinencies and profana- 
 tions of the holy book of the Revelations, which were seen 
 increasing without end in the new Reformation, that brought 
 the ministers themselves, weary of hearing them, to a resolu- 
 tion in the national synod of Saumur*, "that no pastor 
 should undertake the exposition of the Revelations, without 
 the advice of a provincial synod." 
 
 6. — This Doctrine concerning Antichrist was not till then in 
 any one act of the Reformation : Luther places it among 
 the Smalcaldic articles, but Melancthon opposes it. 
 
 Now although the ministers had never ceased to animate the 
 people by these odious notions of Antichristianism, they had 
 never ventured hitherto to let them appear in the confessions 
 of faith, though never so outrageous against the pope. Luther 
 alone had placed, among the articles of Smalcald, a long 
 article concerning the papacy, more resembling a satirical 
 declamation than a dogmatic article, and in it inserted this 
 doctrine f ; but this example was followed by none else. More 
 than this, when Luther proposed the article, Melancthon re- 
 fused to subscribe it, and we have heard him say, with the 
 general consent of the whole party, that the Pope's superiority 
 was of so great benefit to the church, that were it not esta- 
 blished, it ought to be so J ; nevertheless, it was precisely in 
 this superiority that our Reformed acknowledged the character 
 of Antichrist at the synod of Gap in 1603. 
 
 7. — Decision of the Synod of Gap. — Its false Foundation, 
 
 There they said, " that the Bishop of Rome pretended a 
 dominion over all the churches and pastors, and styled himself 
 God." In what place ? in what council ? in what profession 
 of faith ? it is what they should have specified, this being the 
 foundation of the decree. But they durst not do it, for then 
 it would have appeared they had nothing to produce but the 
 
 * Syn. of Saumur. 159G. 
 t S. 1. iv. n. 38. + S. 1, iii. n, 39. L. r. n. 24. 1603. 
 
XIIT.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 195 
 
 words of some impertinent interpreter, viz., that in a certain 
 manner, and in the sense God speaks to Judges, *' Ye are 
 gods," the Pope might be called God. Grotius laughed at 
 this objection of his party, asking them since what time the 
 hyperboles of some flatterer were taken for received dogmata ? 
 Nor, indeed, we may safely say it, has this reproach of the 
 Pope's naming himself God, any other foundation than this. On 
 this foundation they decide that " he is properly the Antichrist, 
 and the son of perdition pointed at in the word of God, and 
 the beast clothed with scarlet whom the Lord will discomfit, 
 as he promised, and as he has already begun to do :" and this 
 is what was to constitute the thirty-first article of faith for our 
 pretended Reformed of France, accord mg to the decree of 
 Gap, chapter concerning the Confession of Faith. This new 
 article had for title, " Article omitted." The Synod of Ro- 
 chelle gave orders, in 1607, that this article of Gap, " as 
 most true and conformable to what was foretold in Scripture, 
 and which we see in our days manifestly fulfilled, should be 
 inserted in the copies of the Confession of Faith which were to 
 be printed anew." But it was judged of dangerous conse- 
 quence to suffer a religion, tolerated under certain conditions, 
 and under a determinate confession of faith, to multiply its 
 articles as its ministers should think fit, and a stop was put to 
 the effect of the synod's decree. 
 
 8. — Occasion of this Decree. 
 
 It may be asked, perhaps, what spirit moved them to this 
 novelty. The secret is discovered by the synod itself. We 
 there read these words in the chapter concerning Discipline : 
 " Forasmuch as many are uneasy for having the Pope called 
 Antichrist, the company protests this is the common belief 
 and confession of us all, by ill luck omitted, nevertheless in all 
 precedent editions, and the foundation of our separating from 
 the Church of Rome, a foundation drawn from the Scripture, and 
 sealed with the blood of so many martyrs." Wretched martyrs, 
 who spill their blood for a tenet absolutely forgotten in all the 
 Confessions of Faith ! But it is true that of late it is become 
 the most important of all, and the most essential subject of the 
 breach. 
 
 9. — This Doctrine relating to Antichrist, how despised in the 
 Reformation. 
 
 Let us now hearken to an author, who alone makes more 
 noise in his whole party than all the rest, and whom they seem 
 
 o2 
 
196 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 to have intrusted with the whole defence of the cause, none 
 but he any longer entering the lists. Here is what he says in 
 that famous book entitled, " The Accomplishment of the Pro- 
 phecies *." He complains, preferably to everything else, '^ that 
 this controversy concerning Antichrist had languished a whole 
 century, and was abandoned through policy, and in obedience 
 to popish princes. Had this great and important truth, that 
 popery is Antichristianism, been placed before the eyes of the 
 Reformed, they would not have fallen into that remissness we 
 see them in at this day. But it was so long ago since they 
 had heard the thing mentioned, that they had quite forgotten 
 it." Here, then, is one of the fundamentals of the Reforma- 
 tion ; "and nevertheless," continues this author '[-, "it so 
 happened, through a manifest blindness, that we were solely 
 bent on controversies which were but accessories, and neglected 
 this, that popery is the Antichristian empire." The more he 
 enters- into the subject, the warmer his imagination grows. 
 '' In my judgment," proceeds he J, " this is so capital a truth, 
 that, without it, we cannot be true Christians." And in another 
 place : "Verily," says he, " I so greatly account this an article 
 of a true Christian's faith, that 1 cannot hold those for good 
 Christians Avho deny this truth, after that the event and labours 
 of so many great men have set it in so evident a light." Here 
 is a new fundamental article which they had not as yet thought 
 on, nay, on the contrary, which the Reformation had unfor- 
 tunately abandoned : " for," adds he §, " this controversy 
 was so thoroughly extinguished, that our adversaries believed it 
 dead, and imagined we had renounced this pretension, and 
 this foundation of our whole reform.*" 
 
 10. — Confuted by the most learned Protestants, Grotius, 
 Hammond, Jurieu himself 
 
 For my own part thus much is true, that I never in my life have 
 met with any man of good sense among our Protestants, that 
 laid stress on this article: in sincerity, they were ashamed of 
 so great an excess, and more in pain how to excuse the tran- 
 sports of their own people that introduced this prodigy into 
 the world, than w'e were to impugn it. Their ablest men freed 
 us from this labour. It is well known what the learned Gro- 
 tius wrote on this subject, and how clearly he has demon- 
 strated that the Pope should not be Antichrist [|. If the autho- 
 
 * Avis. t. i. p. 48. f Ibid. p. 49. 
 
 + Ibid. Ace. des Proph. pan i. ch. xvi. p. 292. § Avis. t. i. p. 49, 50. 
 
 II Avis. p. 4. ace, part i, ch. xvi, p. 291. 
 
XIII.] THK VARIATIONS, ETC. 197 
 
 rity of Grotius seem not weighty enough to our Reformed, 
 because truly this learned man, by studying carefully the 
 Scriptures, and reading the ancient ecclesiastical authors, 
 disabused himself by little and little of the errors he was born 
 in, Doctor Hammond, that learned Englishman, was not 
 suspected in the part. Nevertheless, he took no less pains 
 than Grotius to destroy the frenzies of Protestants touching 
 the Antichristianism charged on the Pope. 
 
 These authors, with some others, whom our minister is 
 pleased to call " the shame and reproach, not only of the 
 Reformation, but also of the Christian name*," were in every 
 body's hands, and received the praises not only of the Catho- 
 lics, but likewise of all the able and moderate men amongst 
 Protestants. Mr. Jurieu himself is moved with their authority. 
 For which reason, in his book of " Lawful Prepossessions j," 
 he delivers all he says of Antichrist as a thing not unanimously 
 received, as a thing undecided, as a picture " whose lineaments 
 are applicable to different subjects, some whereof have already 
 happened, and others perchance are to come." Accordingly, 
 the use he makes of it is as of a prepossession against popery, 
 not as a demonstration. But now the case is quite altered; 
 what was undecided before, is now become the groundwork 
 of the whole Reformation ; " for certainly," says our author |, 
 " I do not believe this Reformation otherwise well grounded 
 than for this reason, that the church we have abandoned is 
 true Antichristianism." Let them no longer perplex them- 
 selves as hitherto, in search of their fundamental articles: here 
 is the foundation of foundations, without which the Reforma- 
 tion would have been unjustifiable. What will then become 
 of it if this doctrine, " popery is true Antichristianism," falls of 
 itself, merely by exposing it .' This will be perceived clearly 
 by ever so little attention to what follows. 
 
 IL — Exposition of the Minifiter Jurieu' s Doctrine. 
 
 There needs only to consider that the whole mystery consists 
 in clearly shewing Avhat it is that constitutes this pretended 
 Antichristianism. The next point to be determined, is the 
 ])eginningof it, its duration and its period, the most speedy that 
 it is possible, in uider to comfort those who are wearied with so 
 tedious an expectation. He thinks he has found, in the Re- 
 velations, an infallible light for the unfolding of this secret, and 
 sup[)Oses, by taking the days for years, that the twelve hundred 
 
 * Avis. p. 4. t Prej. leg. part i. cb. iv. pp. 72, 73. J lb. p. GO, 
 
198 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 and sixty days assigned in the Revelations * for Antichrist's 
 persecution, make twelve hundred and sixty years : let us take 
 all this for truth, for our business here is not to dispute, but 
 relate historically the doctrine given us for the ground-work of 
 the Reformation. 
 
 12. — Mr. Jurieu labours hard to abridge the time of his 
 pretended prophecies. 
 
 At first, he is very much puzzled about these twelve hundred 
 and sixty years of persecution. Persecution is very wearisome, 
 and gladly would he find a speedy end put to it : it is what 
 our author openly manifests ; for since what happened last in 
 France, " my soul being cast," says he-\, " into the deepest 
 abyss of grief that I ever felt in my life, I was willing for my 
 comfort to find grounds to hope a speedy deliverance for 
 the church." Bent on this design, he goes to search "even in 
 the fountain head of the Sacred Oracles, to see," says he J, 
 *^ whether the Holy Ghost would not teach me, in regard to 
 the approaching doivnfcd of the Antichristian empire, some- 
 thing more sure and more precise than what other interpreters 
 had discovered in them." 
 
 13. — This Author owns his prevention. 
 
 Men generally find, right or wrong, whatever they have a 
 mind in prophecies, that is, in obscure places and enigmatic 
 sayings, when violent prejudices accompany them. This 
 author acknowledges his own : " I will own it," says he §, "with 
 sincerity, that I approached these divine oracles full of my 
 prejudices, and entirely disposed to believe that we were near 
 to the end of the reign and empire of Antichrist." As he con- 
 fesses himself prepossessed, he desires also to be read with 
 favourable preventions [| : if so, he is persuaded you cannot but 
 enter into his notions j all will go on smoothly with this 
 allowance. 
 
 14. — He forsakes his guides, and why. 
 
 Here is he then well convicted, by his own confession, that he 
 commenced reading the word of God, not with a mind dis- 
 engaged from his prejudices, and thereby in a fit temper to 
 receive the impressions of divine light ; but, on the contrary, 
 with a mind " full of its prejudices," disheartened with perse- 
 
 * Rev. xi. xii. xiii. f Avis. p. 4. I Ibid. pp. 7, 8, 
 
 § Ibid. p. 8. II Ibid. p. 63. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 199 
 
 cutions, absolutely determined to find the end of them, and the 
 approaching overthrow of this so irksome an empire. He finds 
 all the interpreters put it off to a distant date. Joseph Mede, 
 whom he had chosen for his guide, and who had indeed set 
 out so much to his liking, lost his way at last ; for whereas 
 he hoped, by the means of so good a guide, " to see the per- 
 secution ended in five and twenty or thirty years' time," to 
 accomplish what Mede proposes, he must stay many ages^ 
 *' Tims are we," says he *, " very much retarded, and greatly 
 remote from our reckoning : we must still wait these many 
 ages." This was too much for a man in such haste to see an 
 end, and to publish better tidings to his brethren. 
 
 15. — T/ie imjJossihiUty of settling the beginniiKj of these twelve 
 hundred and sixty years which the Reformation allows to 
 the persecution of Antichrist. 
 
 But after all, do what he will, he is obliged to find full twelve 
 hundred and sixty years of persecution. To give a speedy 
 end to them, it is necessary to date the beginning early. The 
 greatest number of the Calvinists had begun this reckoning 
 from the time we began, as they pretended, to say mass, and 
 to adore the Eucharist; for that was the god Mauzzim, whom 
 Antichrist was to Avorship, according to Daniel -|-. Among 
 other fine allegories, there was somewhat of a resemblance in 
 sound betwixt Mauzzim and the mass. Crespin makes a 
 mighty stir with this in his " History of the jMartyrs ;];,"" and the 
 whole party is ravished with the invention. But how ! place 
 the adoration of the Eucharist in the first ages ? it is too soon: 
 in the tenth or eleventh, in Berengarius's time ? that may be 
 done ; those are ages the Reformation is little concerned about : 
 but after all, supposing these twelve hundred and sixty whole 
 years to commence in the tenth or eleventh century, there 
 would remain still six hundred and sixty years of troublesome 
 times to rub through. Our author is disheartened at this, 
 and his ingenuity would be of little service, could it not furnish 
 him with some more favourable expedient. 
 
 16. — New date given to the blrfJi of Antichrist by this Minister 
 in his jyreposscssions. 
 
 Until now the party had shewn a regard for St. Gregory. It 
 is true, masses were discovered in him abundantly, even for the 
 
 * Accomp. part ii. ch. iv. p. CO. f Daii. xi. 38. 
 
 J Hist, des Mart, by Cresp. 1. i. 
 
200 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 dead, invocations of saints in plenty, a number of relics ; and 
 ^vhat is very disagreeable to the Reformation, a strong per- 
 suasion of the authority of his see. Yet, for all this, his 
 holy doctrine and holy life made him be revered. Luther 
 and Calvin had called him the last bishop of Rome ; his suc- 
 cessors were nothing but Popes and Antichrists ; but as for 
 him, it was not feasible to make him of that number. Our 
 author was bolder, and in his '' Lawful Prepossessions" (for he 
 began there to be inspired to interpret the Revelations) after 
 frequently deciding with all his interpreters, that Antichrist 
 must begin with the ruin of the Roman empire, he declared *, 
 " This empire ceased when Rome ceased to be the capital city 
 of the provinces, when this empire was dismembered into ten 
 parts, which happened at the end of the fifth century, and at 
 the beginning of the sixth." This he repeats four or five times, 
 that you may not doubt of it, and at last concludes thus f : 
 " It is, then, certain, that at the beginning of the sixth age, 
 the corruptions of the church were great enough, and the pride 
 of the bishop of Rome already risen high enough, to make us 
 determine on this era for the first birth of the Antichristian 
 empire." And again | : " One may well reckon for the birth 
 of the Antichristian empire a time, wherein Avere already seen 
 all the sprouts of future corruption and tyranny." And, finally, 
 " this dismembering of the Roman empire into ten pieces, 
 happened about the year 500, a little before the end of the 
 fifth century, and at the beginning of the sixth." It is, then, 
 manifest we must begin from thence to count the twelve hun- 
 dred and sixty years assigned for the duration of the Popish 
 empire. 
 
 17. — The times do not tally right with it, by reason of the 
 sanctity of the then Popes. 
 
 Unfortunately, the Church of Rome is not found sufficiently 
 corrupted in those days to make an Antichristian church of 
 her, for the Popes of those times were the most zealous de- 
 fenders of the mysteries of the incarnation and redemption of 
 mankind, and withal as illustrious for sanctity as ever the 
 church had. We need but hear the encomium which Diony- 
 sius Parvus §, so learned and pious a man, gives St. Gelasius 
 the Pope, who was seated in St. Peter's chair from the year 
 492 to the year 496. We shall there see, that the whole life of 
 this holy Pope was either reading or prayer : his fasting, his 
 
 * Prej. leg. part i. p. 82. f Ibid. pp. 83, 85. J lb, p. 128. 
 
 S^ Pref. Coll. decret. cod. Hist. t. i. p. 183. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 201 
 
 poverty, and, in the poverty of his life, his immense charity to 
 the poor, his doctrine, in short, and his so f^reat watchfulness, 
 that made him account the least remissness in a pastor of 
 dangerous consequence to souls, formed in him such a bishop 
 as St. Paul describes. This is the Pope whom this learned 
 man beheld in the chair of St. Peter towards the end of the 
 fifth century, when, it seems, Antichrist was born. Even a 
 hundred years after him, St. Gregory the Great was seated in 
 this chair, and the whole church, in the East no less than in 
 the West, was replenished with the odour of his virtues, amongst 
 ■which his humility and zeal shone conspicuous. Nevertheless, 
 he was seated in the chair, which " began to be the seat of 
 pride, and that of the beast*." These are fine beginnings for 
 Antichrist. Had these Popes been pleased to be something 
 more wicked, and defended with less zeal the mystery of Jesus 
 Christ and the cause of piety, the system would fit better ; 
 but every thing is settled : Antichrist, then, was only in his 
 minority f, and in this nonage nothing hindered his being a 
 Saint, and a most zealous defender of Jesus Christ and his 
 kinodom. These were our author's discoveries at the bejrin- 
 ningofthe year 1685, and when he composed his " Lawful 
 Prepossessions." 
 
 18. — 21ic Author changes his mind, and is for advancing the 
 overthrow of Antichrist. 
 
 But upon his observing, towards the end of the same year, the 
 revocation of the Edict of Nantes, with all the consequences 
 of it, this great event made him change his proj)hecies, and 
 advance the time of the downfal of Antichrist's kingdom. The 
 author would have it in his power to say, he hoped to live to 
 bean eye-witness of it. In IGSG, he published his great work 
 of the " Accomplishment of tiie Prophecies ;j;," wherein he 
 determines the period of the Antichristian persecution at the 
 year 1710, or at least in 1714 or 1715. But he informs his 
 reader that, after all, he thinks it a difficult matter to mark 
 precisely the year. " God," says he, " in his j)rophccies, looks 
 not into matters so minutelij." Stupendous maxim ! Neverthe- 
 less, " one may say," j)roceeds he, " this must happen between 
 the year 1710 and the year 1715." This we may depend 
 n])on, and what he calls j)ersecution will be at an end for -cer- 
 tain, at the beginning of the eighteenth century; so we draw 
 near the point : scarce fivc-and-twenty years remain. Which 
 
 * Trej. leg. part i. p. 147. j Ibid. 128. I Ace. part ii, cli. ii. pp. 18, 28 . 
 
202 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 of the zealous Calvinists would not have patience, and wait so 
 short a term ? 
 
 19. — He is ohlUjed to make him be born in the person of St. 
 Leo the Great. 
 
 The truth is, there is some difficulty in the thing ; for the more 
 he advances the end of the twelve hundred and sixty years, the 
 higher must he carry the beginning of them, and settle this 
 epoch of the Antichristian empire in still purer times. Thus 
 to finish in i7Uf, or thereabouts, he must have begun the 
 Antichristian persecution in the year 450 or 454, under the 
 Pontificate of St. Leo; and accordingly it is what the author 
 chooses after Joseph Mede, who, in our days, has made him- 
 self famous in England by his learned extravagancies on the 
 Revelations, and the other prophecies employed against us, 
 
 20. — Absurdity of this System. 
 
 It seems as if God had a design to confound these impostors 
 by filling the chair of St. Peter with the greatest men and 
 greatest Saints it ever had, at the time which was selected to 
 make it the seat of Antichrist, Can one but consider the 
 letters and sermons wherein St. Leo inspires, even at this day, 
 so forcibly into his readers the faith of Jesus Christ, and believe 
 that an Antichrist was the author of them ? But what other 
 Pope has impugned more vigorously the enemies of Jesus Christ, 
 has maintained with more zeal both Christian grace and eccle- 
 siastical discipline, and, in fine, given to the world a more holy 
 doctrine, with more holy examples ? He, whose sanctity 
 made him be revered by the barbarous Attila, and saved Rome 
 from massacre, is the first Antichrist, and father of all the 
 rest. It was Antichrist that held the Fourth General Council, 
 so respected by all good Christians ; it was Antichrist that dic- 
 tated the divine letter to Flavian, which was the admiration of 
 the Avhole church, wherein the mystery of Jesus Christ is so 
 sublimely and so distinctly explained, that the Fatliers of this 
 great Council cried out at each word, " Peter has spoken by 
 the mouth of Leo ;" whereas they should have said, by his 
 mouth Antichrist has spoken, or rather, Peter and Jesus Christ 
 himself have spoken by the mouth of Antichrist. Must not a 
 man have drank deep, even to the dregs of that infatuating 
 cup, the potion of the lying prophets of old, and turned his 
 head quite giddy with its fumes, to vent to the world such deli- 
 rious exorbitancies ? 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 203: 
 
 21. — Idle shift of the Minister, 
 
 At this part ofthe prophecy, the new prophet foresaw the indig- 
 nation of mankind, and that of Protestants no less than Catho- 
 lics ; for he is forced to own that, from Leo the First to Gregory 
 the Great, inclusively, Rome had a great many good bishops *, 
 of whom he must make as many Antichrists, and hopes to 
 satisfy the world by saying they were '^Antichrists commenced." 
 But after all, if the twelve hundred and sixty years of Anti- 
 christian persecution begin then, he must either abandon the 
 sense he gives to the prophecy, or saj% that then " the holy 
 city was trod under foot by the Gentiles f; the two witnesses," 
 namely, " the small number of the faithful," were put to death, 
 " the Avoman with child," to-wit, the church, " was driven 
 into the wilderness," and deprived at least of the public ex- 
 ercise of religion ; that from that time, in short, began the 
 execrable *' blasphemies of the beast against the name of God, 
 and against all those that dwell in heaven, and the war, she 
 waged against the Saints|." For it is set down expressly in 
 St. John, that all this was to continue a thousand two hundred 
 and threescore days, which he will have to be years. To make 
 these blasphemies, this war, this Antichristian persecution, 
 and this triumph of error, to begin in the Church of Rome, 
 even from the time of St. Leo, St. Gelasius, and St. Gregory, 
 and make it hold on for the space of all these ages, when un- 
 questionably that church was the model of all other churches, 
 not in faith alone, but also in piety and discipline, is the height 
 of all extravagancy. 
 
 22. — Two bad characters imputed to St. Leo. 
 
 But again, what has St. Leo done to deserve to be the first 
 Antichrist ? He could not be Antichrist for nothing. Here are 
 the three characters he gives to Antichristianism, which must be 
 made to agree with the time of St. Leo, andAvithhim in person ; 
 '* Idolatry, tyranny, and corruption of manners §." How deplo- 
 rable, to be reduced to defend St. Leo against Christians, from 
 all these reproaches ! but charity constrains us to it. Let us 
 begin by the corruption of manners. But tJicn nothing is 
 objected against him on this head : nothing can be found in 
 the life of this great Pope but examples of sanctity. In his 
 time ecclesiastical discipline was still in its full vigour, and St. 
 
 * Ace. part ii. ch. ii. pp. 39, 40, 41 . i Rev. xi. 2. 
 
 J Acc. part ii. ch. x. p. 159. Rev. xii, G, 14. xiii. 5, C. § Ibid. cb. ii. pp. 18, 28. 
 
204 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Leo was the support of it. Thus you see how manners were 
 corrupted. Let us run over the other characters, that of 
 tyranny next, in as few Avords. Ever since the time of St. Leo, 
 objects our author*, '' Avho was sitting in the year 450, to that 
 of St. Gregory the Great, the Bishops of Rome have laboured 
 to arrogate to themselves a superiority over the universal 
 church :" but was it St. Leo that began ? He dares not say 
 it ; all he says is, " he laboured at it," for he knows full well 
 that St. Celestin his predecessor, and St. Boniface, and St. 
 Zozimus, and St. Linocent, to go no further back at present, 
 acted no otherwise than St. Leo ; nor wei'e they less zealous in 
 maintaining the authority of St. Peter's chair. Why should 
 they not, then, be of the number, at least, of these " Anti- 
 christs commenced."" Tlie reason is, because, had he began 
 from their time, the twelve hundred and threescore years would 
 have elapsed already, and the event would have belied the sense 
 he is resolved to give the Revelations. Thus do men impose 
 on the world, and turn the divine oracles to their own fancy. 
 
 23. — St. Leo's idolatry , — The Mauz~ims of Daniel applied to 
 
 the Saints. 
 
 But it is time we should come to the third character of the 
 beast, which our adversaries are determined to find in St. Leo, 
 and in the whole church of his time. There is a new Pa- 
 ganism, an idolatry worse than that of the Gentiles, in the 
 honour paid to saints and their relics. It is on this third 
 character the chief stress is laid : Joseph Mede | lias the 
 honour of this invention, who interpreting these words of 
 Daniel, ^' he shall honour the God Mauzzim," to wit, as he 
 'translates it, "the God of forces:" and again, *' he shall do it 
 to fence Mauzzim with a strange God ;" understands this of 
 Antichrist, who shall call the saints his fortresses. 
 
 24. — St. Basil and the rest of the Saints of those times accused 
 of the same Idolatry. 
 
 But how can he find that Antichrist will give the saints this 
 name ? " Li this," says he, " that St. Basil has preached to 
 all his people, or rather to the whole universe, who have read 
 and approved his divine sermons, that the forty martyrs, whose 
 lelics they possessed, ' were towers whereby the city was de- 
 
 * Ace. ties Proph. part ii. ch. ii. p. 41. 
 
 •}• Expos, of Dan, ch. xi. n. 30', &c. Book iii. cli. xvi. xvii. p. G66, et seq. 
 
 Dan. xi. 38, 39. 
 
Xin.3 '^^^^ VARIATIONSj ETC. 205 
 
 fended *.' " St. Chrysostomf has also said, " that the relics of 
 St. Peter and Paul \Yere more secure towers for Rome than 
 ten thousand ramparts." " Is not this," concludes Mede, 
 " raising up the gods JNIauzzims ?"" St. Basil and St. Chry- 
 sostom are the Antichrists who erect these fortresses against 
 the true God. 
 
 25. — Other Saints Ukeivise Idolaters. 
 
 Yet not they alone : the poet Fortunatus hath sung after St. 
 Chrysostom, '^that Rome had two ramparts and two towers in 
 St. Peter and St. Paul." St. Gregory has said as much of 
 them. St. Chrysostom, " that the holy martyrs of Egypt 
 protect us like impregnable ramparts, like unshaken rocks, 
 against our invisible enemies." And Mede still replies, "are 
 not these Mauzzims ?" he adds, " that St. Hilary dis- 
 covers likewise our bulwarks in the angels J." He cites St. 
 Gregory, of Nyssa, brother to St. Basil, Gennadius, St. Eu- 
 cherius, Theodoret, and the prayers of the Greeks, in proof of 
 the same. He does not forget that the Cross is called our 
 defence, and that our common expression is, " we fortify our- 
 selves with the sign of the Cross ;" Munire se sujno Crucis § ; 
 the Cross comes in amongst the rest, and this sacred symbol 
 of our salvation must also be ranked amongst the Mauzzims of 
 Antichrist. ^ 
 
 26. — St. Ambrose added to the rest by Mr. Jurieu, 
 
 Mr. Jurieu sets off all these fine passages of Joseph Mede to 
 the best advantage || ; and not to be a mere transcriber, adds 
 to them St. Ambrose, who says, '' the saints Gervase and 
 Protase were the tutelary angels of the city of Milan." He 
 might also have named St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Austin, 
 and, in short, all the Fathers who abound in as strong expres- 
 sions. All this is making as many gods of the saints, because 
 it is making of them ramparts and rocks where is found a 
 secure sanctuary, names which the Scripture appropriates to 
 God. 
 
 27. — Tlic Ministers cannot believe what they say themselves. 
 
 These men know well, in their own consciences, that the 
 Fathers, whom they quote, never understood it so : but meant 
 
 * Expos, of Dan. cli. xvli. p. C73. Bas. Orat. in 40. Mart. Id. in Ulaur. Mart. 
 
 f Chrvs. Honi. 32 ad Rom. 
 
 + lb. p. (;73. Horn. 70. ad Pop.' Ant. Orat. in 40. Mart. § Ibid. p. (■,^(i. 
 
 II Acc. des Proph. part i. ch. xiv. pp. 24«, 249, et seij. lb. p. 235, Mede ubi 
 
 sub. ch, xvi. 
 
206 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 only to say, that God gives us in the saints, as heretofore he 
 did in Moses, in David, and in Jeremiah, invincible protectors, 
 whose acceptable prayers are a more secure defence to us 
 than a thousand ramparts : for he is able to make of his saints, 
 when he pleases, and in the manner that he pleases, " im- 
 pregnable fortresses, iron pillars, and brazen walls *." Our 
 doctors, I say again, are convinced in their hearts that is the 
 sense of St. Chrysostom and St. Basil, when they call the 
 saints towers and fortresses. From these examples they ought 
 to learn, not to take in a criminal sense other as strong ex- 
 pressions, and withal as innocent as these ; at least not to 
 carry impiety so far as to make these holy doctors the founders 
 of Antichristian idolatry, this being a charge equally atro- 
 cious on the whole church of their times, whose doctrine and 
 worship they did but propound. Nor, indeed, ought we to 
 imagine our ministers believed seriously what they said, and 
 judged so many saints no better than blasphemers and idolators. 
 All that we can conclude from thence is, that they suffer them- 
 selves to be transported beyond all bounds, and without en- 
 lightening the understanding, seek only to kindle hatred in the 
 heart. 
 
 28. — JVhy they do not mahe St. Basil the beginning of AntU 
 christlanism as ivell as St. Leo. 
 
 But after all, if we must hold for Antichrists all these pre- 
 tended worshippers of Mauzzims, why do they defer to St. 
 Leo's time the beginning of the Antichristian empire j? Let 
 them shew me that in this Pope's days more was done for the 
 saints than acknowledging them for towers and impregnable 
 fortresses ? Let them shew me that more trust was put in their 
 prayers, more honour paid to their relics ? You say that in 
 360, and 390, the worship of creatures, that is, in your notion, 
 that of the saints, was not as yet established in the public 
 service : shew me that it was more or less so in St. Leo's time ? 
 You say, in the same year of 360, and 390, great precautions 
 were taken not to confound the service of God with the service 
 of creatures then commencing : shew me that less was taken 
 afterwards, and especially in St. Leo's Pontificate ? But who 
 ever could have confounded things so well distinguished ? We 
 demand things of God ; we demand prayers of the saints : 
 Yvhoever dreamt of asking either prayers of God, or the things 
 themselves of the saints as of those that gave them ? Shew, 
 
 * Jer. i. 18. + Ace. part ii. p. 23. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 207 
 
 then, that in St. Leo's time these so distinct characters were 
 confounded, the service of God, with the honour given to his 
 servants for love of him ? you never will undertake it. ^Vhy, 
 therefore, stop in so fair a way ? dare to utter what you think. 
 Begin by St. Basil, and St. Gregory of Nazianzen, in the reign 
 of Antichristian idolatry, and the blasphemies of the beast 
 against the Eternal, and against all that dwells in heaven : turn 
 into blasphemies against God and against the saints, what has 
 been said ever since that time of the glory God imparted to his 
 servants in the church : St. Basil is no better than St. Leo; 
 nor the church more privileged at the end of the fourth age, 
 than fifty years after the middle of the fifth. But I see the 
 answer you make me in your heart, viz., that should you begin 
 by St. Basil, all would have been completed long ago ; and 
 thus belied by the event, you could no longer amuse the people 
 with vain hopes. 
 
 29, — Ridiculous Calculations. 
 
 Accordingly, our author owns * you might begin his whole 
 calculation from four different epochs: viz., 360, 393,430, 
 and in fine, 450, or 455, which is the calculation he himself 
 follows. All these four accounts, according to him, agree 
 admirably with the system of the new idolatry f : but unluckily 
 in the two first reckonings, where all things else, as he pre- 
 tends, agree so well, the chief point is wanting ; to wit, that 
 according to these computations the Popish empire should have 
 fallen in 1620, or in 1653. Now it still exists and enjoys a 
 small respite. As to the third calculation, it terminates in 
 1690, four or five years hence, says our author : it would be 
 too much exposing himself to take so short a term. Yet every 
 concurrence tallied with it to admiration. See what these con- 
 currences are which they build so much on, mere dreams, 
 visions, manifest illusions, proved notoriously such by the 
 event. 
 
 30. — JVIiy St. Basil's Idolatry and that of the other Fathers is 
 not accounted ylntichristian. 
 
 " But," says our author, " the chief reason why God will not 
 compute the birth of Antichristianism from these years, 360, 
 393, and 430, notwithstanding that the new idolatry," which he 
 will have to be the character of Antichristianism, " was then 
 established, is, that there was a fourth characteristic of the 
 
 * Aoc. part ii. p, 20, &c, i Ibid. p. 22, 
 
208 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 birth of this Antichristian empire which had not as yet ap- 
 peared ; namely, that the Roman empire was to be destroyed ; 
 that there were to be seven Kings, to wit, according to all the 
 Protestants, seven forms of government in the city on seven 
 mountains, meaning Rome *." The Papal empire was to make 
 the seventh government, and it was requisite the six others 
 should be destroyed to make room for the seventh, which was 
 that of the Pope and Antichrist. When Rome ceased to be 
 mistress, and the Antichristian empire was to commence, it 
 was necessary there should be ten kings, which were to receive 
 the sovereign power at the same time with the beast j ; and 
 ten kingdoms, " into which the Roman empire was to be sub- 
 divided," according to the oracle of the Revelations. All this 
 was fulfilled in the nick of time under St. Leo : this, there- 
 fore, is the precise time of the birth of Antichrist, and there is 
 no resisting the concurrence of such circumstances. 
 
 31. — Infinite absurdity. 
 
 Admirable doctrine ! neither these ten Kings, nor the dismem- 
 berincr of the empire, entered into the constitution of Antichrist, 
 nor at farthest could this be any thing else than an exterior 
 token of his birth ; what truly constitutes him, is the corrup- 
 tion of manners, is the pretension to superiority, is principally 
 the new idolatry. All this is no more to be found under St. 
 Leo, than fourscore or a hundred years before ; but God would 
 not, as yet, impute it for Antichristianism, nor did it please 
 him that the new idolatry, though already entirely formed, 
 should be Antichristian. It is impossible, in fine, that such 
 extravagancies, where impiety and absurdity strive together 
 which shall exceed, should not open the eyes of our brethren, 
 and, at length, put them out of conceit with those who delude 
 them with such dreams. 
 
 32. — The system of the Ministers concerning the seven Kings 
 of the Revelations evidently confounded by the very ivords of 
 this prophecy . 
 
 But let us enter into the particulars of these fine concurrences 
 so dazzling to our Reformed, and begin with the seven Kings, 
 who, according to St. John, are the seven heads of the beast, 
 and with these ten horns, which, according to the same St. 
 John, are ten other kings. The sense, say they, is manifest. 
 " The seven heads," says St. John, " are the seven mountains 
 
 * Ace. part ii. p. 23. Rev. xvii.O.j f Rev. xvii. 12. 
 
Xni.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 209 
 
 on which the woman sitteth, and these are seven kings : five 
 are fallen ; one and the other is not yet come; and when he 
 Cometh he must continue a short space; and the beast that 
 was and is not, even he is the eighth king, and one of the 
 seven, and goeth into destruction * ." The seven kings are, 
 says our author f, the seven forms of government Rome had 
 been subject to ; the kings, the consuls, the dictators, the 
 decemvirs, the military tribunes who had consular power, the 
 emperors, and finally the Pope. Five are fallen, says St. 
 John: five of these governments had expired when he wrote 
 his [)rophecy : one is stdl ; the empire of the Caesars under 
 which he wrote : and the other must come soon ; who does 
 not espy the Papal empire ? It is one of the se\ea kings: 
 one of the seven forms of government, and it is also the eighth 
 king, namely, the eighth form of government: the seventh, 
 because the Pope much resembles emperors by the dominion 
 which he exercises ; and the eighth, because he has somewhat 
 peculiar, his spiritual empire, his dominion over consciences ; 
 all mighty just, but for one little word that mars the whole. 
 In the first place, I would fain ask, why the seven kings are 
 seven forms of government, and not seven real kings. Let 
 them shew me in Scripture, that the forms of government are 
 named kings ; on the contrary, three verses after, I see that 
 the ten kings are ten real kings, and not ten sorts of goxern- 
 ment. Why should these seven kings of verse the ninth, be 
 so different from the ten kings of verse the twelfth ? Does he 
 pretetid to make us believe that the consuls, annual mac^is- 
 trates, are kings? that the entire extirpation of the regal power 
 of Rome is one of the seven kings of Rome ? that ten men, 
 the decemviri, are one king; and the whole seiies of four or 
 six military tribunes, more or less, another kingp But in good 
 truth, is that another form of government? who is ignorant 
 that the military tribunes differed not from consuls, except in 
 the number ? for which reason they were called Tribuni mi- 
 llfum Consulari jyotesfafe ; and if St. John had a mind to de- 
 note all the names of the supreme power among the Romans, 
 why did he forget the Triumviri ? had they not, at least, as 
 much power as the Decemviri ? And should it be said, it was 
 too short to deserve notice, why shouUI that of the Decemviri, 
 which held but two years, deserve it more ? This is true, they 
 may reply: let us put them in lieu of the Dictators, for there 
 is little likelihood the Diclator>hip could ever be called a form 
 of govenmient under which Rome continued for a certain time. 
 
 * Rev. xvii. 3, 9, 12. lb. 9, 10, 11, f ''^«' part i- 1'- H. 
 
 VOL. II. P 
 
210 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 It was an extraordinary magistracy, set up according to the 
 exigency of present circumstances in all times of the republic, 
 not a particular form of government. Let us remove them 
 then, and put the Triumviri in their stead. I consent to it, 
 and even willingly give to the inter[)retation of Protestants the 
 best ap[)earance it is ca{)able of : for when all is said, there is 
 nothing in it but illusion ; one little word, as I said, will sub- 
 vert the whole fabric ; for in short, we read of the seventh 
 king (who shall be, since they will have it, the seventh govern- 
 ment), that, " when he cometh, he must continue a short 
 space*." St. John has but just shewn him ; and immediately, 
 says he, " he goeth into destruction." If this be the Papal 
 empire, it must needs be short. Now it is pretended from St. 
 John, that it must continue at least one thousand two hundred 
 and threescore years, as long a time, as is owned by our new 
 interpreter, " as all the other governments togetherf." Where- 
 fore it is impossible the Papal empire should be meant by this 
 prophecy. 
 
 33. — Trifling reply. 
 
 But replies our author, " one day," as says St. Peter |, " is 
 with the Lord as a thousand years." A fine discovery! all 
 equally is short to the eyes of God, and not only the reign of 
 the seventh king, but also the reign of all the rest. Now St. 
 John would distinguish this seventh king by comparing him 
 with the other kings, and his reign was to be remarkable by 
 the shortness of its continuance. To shew this characteristic 
 in the Papal government, who does not see that its being short 
 in the sight of God, with whom nothing is durable, is -not suf- 
 ficient? It ought to be short in comparison with the other 
 governments ; more short by consequence than that of the 
 military Tribunes, which scarce subsisted thirty or forty years ; 
 more short than that of the Decemviri, which continued but 
 two ; more short at least than that of the kings, or consuls, 
 or emperors, who filled up the greatest space of time in dura- 
 tion. But on the contrary, that which St. John has distin- 
 guished by the brevity of its duration, does not only hold out 
 longer than any of the rest, but also longer than all the rest 
 together: what more manifest absurdity! and is it not an 
 attempt to make the prophecies ridiculous, thus to interpret 
 them ? 
 
 * Rev. xvii. 10. f Ace, part i. p. 11. | 2 Pet. iii, 8. 
 
Xrir.J THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 211 
 
 34. — The Ten Kings of the Revelations manifestly as ill 
 interpreted. 
 
 But let us say one word of the ten kings whom our interpreter, 
 after Joseph Mede, beheves he triumi)hs in. Tliere it is he 
 ranges before us* — first, the Britons; second, the Saxons j 
 third, the French; fourth, the Burgundians; fifth, the Visi- 
 goths; sixth, the Suevi and Alani; seventh, the Vandals; eighth, 
 the Germans ; ninth, the Ostrogoths in Italy, where the Lom- 
 bards succeed tiiem ; tenth, the Grecians. Here are fully ten 
 kingdoms which the Roman empire was divided into at its fall. 
 Without disputing on the qualities, without disputing on the 
 number, without dis[)uting on the dates, this at least is very cer- 
 tain — viz. that as soon as ever these ten kings appear, 8t. John 
 makes them " give their power and strength unto the Beast f." 
 We own as much, say our interpreters |; ; and it is likewise the 
 very thing that gains our cause ; for these are " the ten vassal 
 and subject kings which the Antichristian empire, namely, the 
 Pontifical, hath always had in subjection to worship it, and 
 maintain its power." Here is a wonderful tallying of incidents : 
 but what, I [)ray, have the Arian kings contributed to the esta- 
 blishment of the Papal empire, such as the Visigoths and the 
 Ostrogoths, the Burgundians and the Vandals ; or the Hea- 
 then kings, such as at that time were the French and Saxons ? 
 Are these the ten vassal kings of the Papacy, who had nothing 
 else to do but worship it? But when was it that these Van- 
 dals and Ostrogoths worshipped the Popes ? Was it under Theo- 
 doric and his successors, when the Popes groaned under their 
 tyranny ? or under Genseric, when, with the Vandals, he pil- 
 laged Rome and carried the spoils of it into Africa ? And 
 since even the Lombards are introduced, were they also of the 
 number that aggrandized the Church of Rome, they that did 
 all in their power to oppress her as long as ever they subsisted, 
 namely, for two hundred years ? For what else were, during 
 tiiis whole space of time, the Alboini, the Astol})hi, and the Di- 
 diers, but enemies to Rome, and tlie Church of Rome ? And 
 the Emperors of the East, who were in reality the Emperors of 
 Rome, though ranged here the last under the name of Greeks, 
 must they also be reckoned amongst the vassals and subjects 
 of the Pope, they whom St. Leo and his successors, down to 
 the time of Charlemagne, acknowledged for their sovereigns ? 
 But, you will say, these Heathen and heretical kings embraced 
 
 * Prej. legit, part i. ch. vii. p. 12G. Ace. des. Piopli. part ii. j)p. 27, 28, 
 f Rev. xvii, 13. J Ace. part i. ch. xv. p. 2(iC. 
 
 r2 
 
212 THE HISTORY OF [boOK 
 
 the true faith. Right ; they embraced it a long uhile after this 
 division into ten kingdoms. The French had four Heathen 
 kings: the Saxons were not converted till the time of St. Gre- 
 gory, a hundred and fifty years after this division: the Goths, 
 who reigned in Spain, were converted from Arianism at the 
 same time. What has this to do with these kings, who, ac- 
 cording to the pretension of our interpreters, were to begin 
 to reign at the same time with the Beast, and give up their 
 power to him ? Besides, can no other era be found for the en- 
 trance of these kings into the Antichristian empire, but that of 
 their turning Christians, or Catholics? AVhat a happy destiny 
 for this pretended Antichristian empire, to be compounded of 
 people converted to Jesus Christ ! But what is it, after all, 
 that these kings, so happily converted, have contributed to the 
 establishment of the Pope's authority ? Jf, at their admittance 
 into the Church they acknowledged the First See, which was 
 that of Rome, neither did they give him that supremacy which 
 he had undoubtedly before their conversion, nor did they ac- 
 knowledge, in the Pope, any thing more than Christians had 
 acknowledged in him before them, to wit, the successor of St. 
 Peter. Nor did the Popes, on their side, exercise their autho- 
 rity over these people otherwise than by teaching them the true 
 faith, and upholding regularity and discipline among them : nor 
 can any man show, during this time, or four hundred years after, 
 that they concerned themselves with any thing else, or enter- 
 prised any thing on temporals. Thus you see what were these 
 ten kings, with whom the Papal empire was to commence. 
 
 3b.— Vain reply. 
 
 But then, we are told*, came other ten in their place, and 
 these are they with their kingdoms : first, Germany ; second, 
 Hungary ; third, Poland ; fourth, Sweden ; fifth, France ; 
 sixth, England ; seventh, Spain ; eighth, Portugal ; ninth, 
 Italy ; tenth, Scotland. Expound who can why Scotland 
 stands here rather than Bohemia ; why Sweden rather than 
 Denmark or Norway ; >vhy, in fine, Portugal, as separated 
 from Spain, rather than Castile, Arragon, Leon, Navarre, and 
 the other kingdoms ? But why do we lose our time in examining 
 these fancies ? Let them resolve me at least this question, whe- 
 ther or no these were the ten kingdoms that were to be formed 
 out of the remnants of the Roman empire at the same time that 
 Antichrist was to appear, and which were to resign their au- 
 
 * Prej. part i. ch. vi, p. 105, ! 
 
XIII.J THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 
 
 213 
 
 tliority and power to him ? What has Poland to do here, 
 and the other kingdoms of the North, which Rome was not ac- 
 quainted with, and which, beyond question, were not formed 
 of her ruins when the Antichrist, St. Leo, came into the world ? 
 Is it in banter that men write, with so serious an air, such ri- 
 diculous conceits ? In good truth, it ill becomes those who 
 have nothing in their mouths but the pure word of God, thus 
 rashly to sport with its oracles ; and if they have nothing more 
 pertinent whereby to explain the prophecies, it were much bet- 
 ter to adore their sacred obscurity, and respect the future, 
 which God has reserved in his own hands. 
 
 36. — Contrarieties of the new Interpreters. 
 
 We must not wonder to see these daring interpreters at va- 
 riance among themselves, and destroying one another. Josej)h 
 Mede, on that verse of St. John, importing that in a great 
 earthquake " the tenth part of the city fell*," thought he had 
 hit exactly, when he interpreted this tenth part with respect to 
 the new Antichristian Rome, which is ten times less than an- 
 cient Rome. To come at the proof of his interpretation, he 
 seriously compares the area of old Rome with that of the new, 
 and with a fine figure demonstrates that the first is ten tirr.ea 
 greater than the last: but his disciple, Mr. .Turieu, deprives hu^i 
 of so mathematical an interpretation. '' He is mistaken with 
 all the rest," cries out haughtily the new prophetf, "when by 
 the city St. John speaks of, he understands only the city of 
 Rome." " We ought to hold for certain," proceeds he in a 
 masterly strain, " that the great city is Rome with its empire |." 
 And the tenth part of the city, what shall it be ? He has 
 found it out: " France," says he, " is the tenth part§." But 
 how ? shall France fall ? and does this prophet forebode so ill 
 of his own country ? No, no, she may be reduced indeed to a 
 tottering condition; let her look to it, the prophet threatens 
 her: yet shall not ])erish. What the Holy Ghost here means by 
 saying she shall fall, is " that she shall fall with respect to Po- 
 peryjl ;"" but then she shall rise more illustrious than ever, be- 
 cause she shall embrace the Reformation, and that speedily ; 
 and our kings (a thing I am loth to repeat) are on the point 
 of being Calvinistically reformed, ^Vhat patience is able to 
 support these inler[)retations ? But after all, he is more in the 
 right than he imagined, by calling this a " fall:" dreadful in- 
 
 * llev. xi. 13. Meil. comm. in apoc. part ii. p. 48D. 
 t Ace. \\ ii. ch. xi. p. 191. + Ibid. pp. 200, 203. ^ lb. 201. II IbiJ. 
 
214 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 deed would be the '^ fall" into a " reformation," wherein the 
 spirit of illusion so forcibly predominates. 
 
 37. — The EncjUshman finrh England, and the Frenchman 
 France, in the Revelations. 
 
 If the French interpreter finds France in the Revelations, the 
 Englishman finds England in them : the phial poured out upon 
 the rivers and fountains of waters, " are the Pope's emis- 
 saries, and the Spaniards vanquished in Queen Elizabeth's 
 reign of glorious memory." But good Mr. Mede*, it seems, 
 was in a gross mistake : his more enlightened disciple assures 
 usf, the second and third phial " were the crusades, when God 
 returned upon Catholics blood for the blood of the Vaudois 
 and Albigenses spilt by them." These Vaudois and Albi- 
 genses, John WickhfFand John Huss, with all ihe rest of that 
 gang, even to the bloody Taborites, appear throughout these 
 new interpretations as faithful witnesses of the truth perse- 
 cuted by the Beast; but they are now well known, and even 
 this were enough to prove the falsity of these pretended pro- 
 phecies. 
 
 38.— The King of Sweden foretold, and the prediction fal- 
 sified immediately after. 
 
 Joseph Mede had outdone himself in his exposition of the 
 fourth phial. He saw it " poured out upon the sun, upon the 
 chief part of the heaven possessed by the Beast|," — namely, 
 the Papal empire : the meaning whereof was, that the Pope 
 was going to lose the empire of Germany, which is his sun : 
 nothmg more clear. Whilst Mede, if you will believe him, 
 was printing these things, " which he had meditated on 
 long before §," he heard of the wonderful achievements " of that 
 pious, happy, and victorious king, whom God had sent from the 
 North to defend his cause :" in a word, it was the great Gus- 
 tavus. Mede can no longer doubt but his conjecture was an 
 inspiration ; and applies to this great king the same canticle 
 that David applied to the Messiah : " Gird thy sword upon 
 thy thigh, O most mighty King ! combat for the truth, and 
 for justice, proceed prosperously and reign||." But the event 
 belied the prediction ; so Mede published at once his prophecy 
 and shame. 
 
 * Med. comm. Apo. p. 528. ad Phial. Ap. iii. p. 16. 
 f Ace. des Proph. part ii. ch. iv. p. 72. Prej. legit, part i. ch. v. pp. 98, 99«. 
 $ Com. Ap. p. 528. Rev. xvi. 8. § Com. Ap. p. 529. || Psalm xliv. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 215 
 
 39. — Ridiculous conceit about the Turks. 
 
 No less remarkable is that fine passage, where, whilst Mede 
 is contemplating ihe overthrow of the Turkish empire, his dis- 
 ciple, on the contrary, spies in it the victories gained by that 
 empire. The Euphrates in the Revelations*, is to Medef the 
 empire of the Turks; and the waters of the Euphrates dried 
 up at the etfusion of the sixth phial, is the Turkish empire de- 
 stroyed. He is quite in the dark : Mr. Jurieu| demonstrates 
 to us that the Euphrates is the Archipelago and the Bospho- 
 rus, which the Turks passed in 1390, in order to possess them- 
 selves of Greece and Constantinople. More than this§ : " there 
 is great likelihood that the conquests of the Turks are car- 
 ried on thus far in order to give them the means of contri- 
 buting, together with Protestants, to the great work of God, — 
 namely, to the destruction of the Papal empire: for though the 
 Turks have never been so low as at present" (this is the very 
 thing that makes our author believe they will soon rise again,) 
 '' 1 look upon, (says he,) this year 1685, as critical in this affair. 
 God hath humbled the Reformed and the Turks at the same time, 
 to raise them up again at the same time, and in order to make 
 them the instruments of his revenge against the Popish empire." 
 Who would not admire this sympathy of Turkism with the Re- 
 formation, and this common destiny of them both ? Should 
 the Turks prove successful, then will the Reformed (whilst the 
 rest of Christians grieve at their victories) raise up their heads, 
 and believe th;<t the time of their deliverance is at hand. We 
 were strangers as yet to this new excellency of the Reforma- 
 tion — of its l)eing to increase and decrease as it were by sym- 
 pathy with the Turks. Our author himself was puzzled at this 
 place when he composed his allowable " Prepossessions," and 
 knew nothing of the plagues of the two last phials wherein this 
 mystery was locked up : but at last, " after knocking two, four, 
 five," and " six times, with a religious attention, the door flew 
 open||," and he beheld this mighty secret. 
 
 40. — JVhy these absurdities are tolerated in the party. 
 
 Men of sense, you will tell me, among the Protestants, laugh 
 at these fooleries as well as we. Yet they let them take their 
 run, knowing them necessary to amuse the credulous multitude. 
 It was principally by these visions that hatred was excited 
 
 • Rev. xvi. 12. i Jos. Blede, ad Ph. vi, j). 529. t ^'^'^'^- V^^ "• c^- ^Ji' P- 99. 
 § Ibid. p. 101. ll.lbid.p.D-l. 
 
216 THE HISTOllY OF [bOOK 
 
 against the church of Kome, and hopes fomented of her 
 speedy overthrow. The same artifice is employed again for 
 the same purpose, and the people, a hundred times deceived, 
 give ear to them, as the Jews, abandoned to the spirit of error, 
 did heretofore to false prophets. Examples are quite useless 
 to disabuse a people possessed with prejudice. They believed 
 they saw, in the prophecies of Luther, the expiration of the 
 Papacy so near at hand, that there was not a Protestant who 
 did not hope to be present at its funeral. It was necessary, 
 indeed, to prolong the time, but the same spirit was kept up 
 still, and the Reformation never ceased to be the bubble of 
 these lying prophets, who prophesy the delusions of their fran- 
 tic brain. 
 
 41. — The parti/ s Prophets are imposlors. — Confession of the 
 Minister Jurieu. 
 
 God forbid I should lose my time in speaking here of a Cot- 
 terus, a Drabicius, a Christiana, a Comenius, and all those 
 other visionaries, of whose predictions our minister boasts, and 
 whose errors he acknowledges. None of them, as he pretends, 
 no not even the learned Usher, but must turn prophet. But 
 the same minister frankly owns he was no less mistaken than 
 the rest. Experience proved them all deluded, " and we dis- 
 cover in them," says the minister*, " so many things in which 
 they blundered, that there is no relying on them." Yet he 
 nevertheless accounts them prophets, and great pro{)hets, 
 Ezekiels and Jeremiahs. He finds " in their visions such 
 majesty and loftiness, that those of the ancient prophets have 
 not more, and a train of m.iracles as great as e\ er happened 
 since the apostles f." Thus does the chief of our Protestants 
 suffer himself to be imposed on by these false prophets, even 
 after that the event had confounded them : so prevalent is the 
 spirit of illusion in the party ; but the true prophets of the Lord 
 deliver themselves in another strain against such impostors as 
 abuse the name of God : " Hear thou, O Hananiah," saith 
 Jereraiali|, '^ this word that I speak in thine ears, and in the ears 
 of all the people. The prophets that have been before me, 
 and before thee of old, and have prophesied good or evil to 
 nations and to kingdoms; when their words came to pass, it 
 was known that they were pro})hets whom the Lord had truly 
 sent: and the word of the Lord came unto Jeremiah, saying. 
 Go and tell Hananiah, saying, thus saith the Lord ; thou hast 
 
 * Avis a tous les ch., at the begimiiiig, pp. 5, 67- lb. 
 f Acc. des Proph. part ii. p. 174. Ibid. J Jer. xxviii, 7- et seq. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 217 
 
 broken llie yokes of wood,"" — in token of the people's future 
 deliverance, — " and thou sluilt make for them yokes of iron : 
 I \vill aggravate the yoke of those nations" to whom thou de- 
 nounccst peace. '' Then said the prophet Jeremiah unto Ha- 
 naniah the prophet, Hear now, Hananiah, the Lord hath not 
 sent thee, bat thoii makest this people to trust in a lie; there- 
 fore, thus saith the Lord, Behold, 1 will cast thee from off the 
 face of the earth : this year thou shalt die, because thou hast 
 spoken against the Lord ; and Hananiah the prophet died the 
 same year, in the seventh month." Thus did he deserve to be 
 confounded who deceived the people in the Lord's name, and 
 the people needed but to open their eyes and take warning. 
 
 42. — Their Interpreters no better. 
 
 Our Reformed interpreters are not worth more than our 
 Reformed prophets. The Revelations and the rest of the 
 Prophecies have ever been the subject which the wits of the 
 Reformation have thought themselves at liberty to s{)ort with. 
 Each one has discovered in them his concurrences, whereby 
 the credulous Protestants were always caught. Mr. Jurieu 
 reproves often, as we have seen, Joseph Mede, whom he had 
 chosen for his guide *, Nay, he has pointed out the errors of 
 Du Moulin, his grandfather f, whose interpretations on the 
 prophecies were admired by the whole Relbrmation ; and has 
 even shewed " that the foundation he built upon Avas destitute 
 of iidelity.' Nevertheless, there was abundance of wit, and a 
 very extensive erudition in these visions of Du Moulin ; but so 
 it is, the more wit a man has, the more he deceives himself on 
 these occasions ; because, the more wit he has, the more he 
 in\ents, and ventures the more. Du Moulin's fine wit, which 
 must needs exercise itself on futurity, set him on a task for 
 which he was laughed at, even in liis own family; and ]\lr. Ju- 
 rieu, his grandson, who, perhaps, shews more wit than the rest 
 on this subject, Avill be but the more certainly the laughter 
 of mankind. 
 
 43. — IVIiat the Ministers have discovered in the Revelations 
 touching their Reformers. 
 
 I am ashamed of dwelling so long on visions more chimerical 
 than sick men's dreams. But 1 ought not to forget what is of 
 greatest im[)ortance in this vain mystery of the Protestants. 
 According to the idea they give of the Revelations, nothing 
 
 * Jur. Ace des. Tropli. part i, p. 71. f Part ii. }>. 183. 
 
218 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 should be more distinctly marked in them than the Reforma- 
 tion itself, with its authors, who came to destroy the empire of 
 the Beast; and especially it ought to be marked in the effusion of 
 the " seven phials," in which are foretold, as they pretend, the 
 seven plagues of their Antichristian empire. But what our 
 interpreters descry here, is so ill contrived, that one destroys 
 what the other builds. Joseph Mede* thinks he has found 
 both Luther and Calvin when the phial is poured on the sea, 
 that is on the Antichristian world, and when immediately this 
 sea ''is changed into blood like to that of a dead man f." 
 " Here," says he, " is the Reformation ; it is a poison that 
 kills every thing: for then every living soul died in the sea." 
 Mede takes care to explain this blood hke to that of a carcass, 
 and says, it is as the blood of a member lopped off, on account 
 " of the provinces and kingdoms which were then rent from 
 the body of the papacy J." This is an ill-boding spectacle for 
 Protestants, to see the reformed nations exhibited to them in 
 no other view than that of " lopped members," which have lost, 
 according to Mede, " all connexion with the fountain of life, 
 all vital spirit, and all warmth," without telling us any more 
 of the matter. 
 
 44. — The idea of the Minister Jiirieu. 
 
 This is Mede's idea of the Reformation. But if he sees it in 
 the effusion of the second phial, the other interpreter sees it 
 only in the effusion of the seventh, " When there came," says 
 St. John §5 " a great voice out of the temple of heaven, from 
 the throne, saying, it is done. And there were voices, and 
 thunders, and lightnings ; and there was a great earthquake, 
 such as was not since men were upon the earth ;" there, says 
 he, is the Reformation ||. 
 
 This great commotion, I must own, suits well enough with 
 the disturbances it raised over the whole universe, such as 
 never had been seen before on the score of religion. But 
 here it is he shines most : " the great city was divided into 
 three parts ^, namely," says our author, " into the Church of 
 Rome, the Lutheran, and the Calvinian; these are the three 
 parties that divide the * great city,' to wit, the Western 
 Church." 1 accept the omen ; the Reformation breaks unity: 
 in breaking it, she divides herself into two, and leaves unity to 
 the Church of Rome in St. Peter's chair, which is the centre 
 of it. But St. John should not have forgotten that one of the 
 
 * Jos. Mede, ad Ph. ii. Apo. xvi. 3. f Rev. Ibid. + Med. Ibid. 
 
 § Rev. xvi. 17. II Ace. part ii. ch. viii. p. ]22. •[[ Rev. Ibid. 
 
XIII,] THE VARIATIONS_, ETC. J2l9 
 
 divided parties, the Calvinian, broke again into two pieces, 
 since England, reckoned to appertain to it by our minister, yet 
 makes, in the main, a sect apart. Nor must he say, this 
 division is but light, for, by his own confession, they mutually 
 treat each other as '^ excommunicated persons*." Accord- 
 ingly, the Church of England reckons the Calvinists, or Puri- 
 tans, in the number of Nonconformists ; that is, in the number 
 of those whose service she does not allow, nor receives their mi- 
 nisters but by ordaining them anew as pastors, destitute of sanc- 
 tion or character. 1 might also speak of the other sects which 
 divided the Christian world at the same time with Luther and 
 Calvin, and which, taken together or separately, make a party 
 sufficiently great not to have been omitted in this passage of 
 St. John. And all considered, these men should have given 
 their reformation a more specious character than that of over- 
 throwing every thing, and a more creditable mark than that of 
 pulling to pieces the Western Church, the most flourishing of 
 the whole universe ; which has been the greatest of all plagues. 
 
 * S. 1. xii. n. 44. 
 
220 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 BOOK XIV. 
 
 [Fi'om the Year IGOl, to that part of the Seventeenth Century, wherein the 
 Author wrote and conchided his History.] 
 
 A brief Summary, — The excesses of the Reformation, with re- 
 spect to Predestination and Free Will, discovered in Holland. 
 — Arminius, who owns them, falls into other excesses. — 
 Parties of Remonstrants and Anti-Remonstrants. — The Synod 
 of Dort, where the excesses of Calvinian Justification are 
 clearly approved, — Monstrous Doctrine on the certainty of 
 Salvation, and the justice of the most wicked persons. — 
 Consequences equally as absurd, concerning Infant Sancti- 
 fication, decided in the Synod. — The Synod's procedure 
 justifies the Church of Rome against Protestants, — Armini- 
 anism, in the main, left entire, notwithstanding the decisions 
 of Dort. — Pelagianism tolerated, and the suspicion of Soci- 
 anism the sole cause of rejecting the Arminians. — The useless- 
 ness of Synodical decisions among Protestants. — The Synod 
 of Dort's connivance at an infinity of capital errors, whilst 
 bent on maintaining the particular Dogmata of Calvinism. — 
 These Dogmata confessed at the beginning for- essential, at 
 last reduced almost to nothing. — Decree of Charenton for 
 receiving the Lutherans to Communion. — Consequence of 
 this decree, which changes the state of Controversies, — The 
 distinction of articles, Fundamental and not Fundamental, 
 obliges Protestants to own, at last, the Church of Rome for 
 a true Church, affording salvation to her members. — Confer- 
 ence of Cassel between the Lutherans and Calvinists. — Their 
 agreement, wherein decisive grounds are established for Com- 
 munion under one kind. — Present state of Controversies in 
 Germany. — The opinion concerning Universal Grace pre- 
 vails in France — Is condemned at Geneva and among the 
 Swiss — The question decided by th.e Magistrate. — Formu- 
 lary established. — The errors of this Formulary with respect 
 to the Hebrew text. — Another decree concerning Faith, 
 made at Geneva. — That Church impeached by Mr. Claude 
 of making a schism from the rest of the Churches by her 
 new decisions. — Reflections on the Test, in which the 
 Reality remains entire. — Acknowledgment of the Protestant 
 Church of England, that the Mass and Invocation of Saints 
 may have a good sense. 
 
XIV.] TIIK VARIATIOXS, KTC. 221 
 
 1. — Intolerable excesses of Calviaisin. — Free-will dedroyed, 
 and God made the author of sin. — Beza^s words. 
 
 The subject of Grace and Free-will was carried to such lengths 
 in the Reformation, that it was impossible even Protestants 
 themselves should not be at last sensible of t:hese exorbitancies. 
 In order to destroy Pelagianism, Avhich they were determined 
 to (ix on the Church of Rome, they had cast themselves into the 
 opposite extremes, insomuch that the very name of Free-will 
 excited a horror in them. There never had been such a thing 
 in men or angels ; nay, impossible it should have been : nor 
 had the Stoics themselves ever made Fate more rigid and in- 
 flexible. Predestination reached even to sin itself, and God 
 was not less the cause of evd actions than of good ; such were 
 L'.ither's sentiments: Calvin had followed them, and Beza, the 
 most renowned of his disciples, had published " A Brief Ex- 
 position of tlie Chief Points of the Christian Religion," where 
 he laid down this principle, " that God does all things accord- 
 ing to his determined counsel, even those that are wicked and 
 execrable*." 
 
 2. — Adam's Sin ordained by God. 
 
 He had extended this principle as far as the sin of tlie first 
 Man, which, according to him, was not committed but by 
 God's will and appointment, on account, that " he having or- 
 dained the end f," which v.as to glorify his justice in the punish- 
 ment of the Reprobate, " must likewise have ordained the pro- 
 portionable causes leading to that end," to wit, sins which lead 
 to eternal damnation, and in i)articular that of Adam, the 
 origin of all the rest; so "that the corruption of the principal 
 work of God," namely, the first Man, " did not happen by 
 chance, nor without the decree and just will of Go(l;|:." 
 
 3. — Inevitable necessity in Adam. 
 
 It is true, this author maintains at the same time, "that the 
 will of man, which was created good, made itself evil & :" but 
 then he understands and repeats se\eral times, that what is 
 voluntary, is withal necessary || ; so that nothing hinders the 
 will of sinning from being ever the less the fatal consequence 
 of a hard and unavoidable necessity; and if men will reply, 
 
 * Ex. (le la Foi. chpz. Riv. lofJO, ch. ii. Cone. 1. f lb. di. p. iii. t. iv. part v. p. Sit. 
 I lb. Cone, part vi. p. 31J. ;» lb. 3t>. \\ lb. 2y, yo, Ql. di. iii. Con. part vi. p. 40. 
 
222 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 '^ that they had not the power of resisting the will of God," 
 Beza does not answer them as he ought to do, that God does 
 not move tiiem to sin, but says only, " they must be left to 
 plead against him, who will be well able to defend his own 
 cause." 
 
 4. — This Doctrine of Beza taken from Calvin. 
 
 This doctrine of Beza was taken from Calvin, who maintains, 
 in express terms *, " that Adam could not avoid falling, yet 
 was nevertheless guilty, because he fell voluntarily ;" which 
 he undertakes to prove in his Institution, and reduces the 
 Avhole of his doctrine to two principles : the first, that the will 
 of God causes in all things, even in our wills, without except- 
 ing that of Adam, an inevitable necessity ; the second, that 
 this necessity is no excuse for sinners. Hereby it is plain, he 
 preserves free will in name only, even in the state of innocence ; 
 and after this there is no room for disf)uting whether he makes 
 God the author of sin, since besides his frequently drawing 
 this consequence, it is but too evident, by the principles he 
 lays down, that the will of God is the sole cause of that neces- 
 sity imposed on all that sin |. 
 
 Nor indeed are Calvin's sentiments, and those of the first 
 reformers, any longer disputed now, as to that point ; and after 
 owning what they have said upon it, *' even that God pushes 
 on the wicked to enormous crimes, and that he is in some sort 
 the cause of sin |," his disciples think they have sufficiently 
 justified the Reformation from these so impious expressions, by 
 reason that " they have not been employed for more than a 
 hundred years § ;" as if it were not a sufficient conviction of 
 the evil spirit she was conceived in, to confess in her very 
 authors such horrid blasphemies. 
 
 5. — The Tenets ivhich Calvin and Bexa superadded to those 
 of Luther. 
 
 Such, therefore, was the fatality which Calvin and Beza taught 
 after Luther; and thereto the aforesaid dogmata were added 
 by them regarding the certainty of Salvation and the inamissi- 
 bility of justice ||. As much as to say, true justifying faith 
 could never be lost : those that have it are surely assured of 
 having it, and thereby are not only assured of their present 
 
 * liib. de /Et. Dei praedes. opiisc. 704, 705. Lib. iii. c. xxiii. ii. 7, 8, 9. 
 
 t De pi-cedes. de occult, provid., &c. 
 
 ;|; Jur. jiigem. sur les mech. Sect. xvii. pp. 142, 143. § Jur, Ibid, 
 
 II S. 1, ix. u, 3, et secj. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 223 
 
 justice, as spoke the Lutherans, but also of their eternal salva- 
 tion, and this with an absolute and infallible certainty : assured, 
 by consequence, of dying just, whatever crimes they might 
 commit; and not only of dying just, but also of continuing 
 so in sin itself, because without that, they could not maintain 
 the sense given by them to this text of St. Paul, " the gifts 
 and calling of God are without repentance*." 
 
 6. — Every Believer certified of his Perseverance and Salvation: 
 and this, in Calvinism, the chief foundation of Reliyion. 
 
 This is what Beza likewise decided in the same exposition of 
 faith, where he said, " that to the elect alone was granted the 
 gift of faith:" that this faith, which is proper and peculiar to 
 the elect, consists in depending with certainty, each " one for 
 himself, on their election :" whence it follows, ^' that whosoever 
 hath this gift of true faith, ought to rest assure<l of his perse- 
 verance." For as he says j, " What does it avail me to be- 
 lieve, if I be not assured (perseverance in faith being requisite) 
 that perseverance will be given me ?" Then he reckons among 
 the fruits of this doctrine, that it alone teaches us to be assured 
 of our faith for the time to come: which he takes to be of such 
 importance, " that those,*" says he, "who oppose this, do cer- 
 tainly overthrow the chief foundation of the Christian religion." 
 
 7. — This certainty of One's own particular Salvation, as great 
 as if God himself had given it us by His own Mouth. 
 
 Thus, this certainty, which every man hath of his own faith 
 and perseverance, is not only a certainty of faith, but also the 
 principal foundation of the Christian religion : and to shew 
 that he speaks not here of a moral and conjectural certainty, 
 Beza adds |, '^' that we have it in our power to know whether we 
 be predestined to salvation, and to be assured of the glorihcation 
 which we expect, on account of which all Satan's war is waged 
 against us; yea, say I, assured," continues he, "not by our 
 fancy, but by conclusions as certain as if we had ascended 
 into heaven to hear that sentence from the mouth of God.'"* He 
 will not have the faithful as[)ire to less certainty than this : 
 and after proposing the means of attaining to it, which he 
 places in the certain knowledge we have of the faith that is in 
 us, he concludes, " we thereby learn that we are given to the 
 Son according to God's purpose and predestination : by con- 
 
 * Rom. xi. 29, f Ch. viii. cone, pftit i. p. CC. J lb. cone, part ii. p. 121, 
 
224 THE HISTORY OF [rOOK 
 
 sequence," proceeds he, " since that God is unalterable, since 
 that perseverance in the faith is requisite to salvation, and 
 being made certain of our predestination, glorification is an- 
 nexed to it by an indissoluble hand: how can we doubt of 
 perseverance, and finally of our salvation ?" 
 
 8. — Calvinists begin to be sensible of these Excesses. 
 
 As the Lutherans, no less than the Catholics, abominated these 
 dogmata, and the writings of the first were read with a more 
 favourable prevention by the Calvinists, the horror of these 
 sentiments, unheard of till Calvin's days, spread itself by little 
 and little among the Calvinian churches. Men began to 
 awake, and perceive how horrible it was, that a true believer 
 could not fear for his salvation in contradiction to this precept 
 of the Apostle : "work out your own salvation with fear and 
 trembling*." If it be a temptation and weakness to fear for 
 one"'s salvation, as in Calvinism men are forced to say, why 
 does St. Paul command this fear ; and can a temptation fall 
 within the precept.'' 
 
 9. — 2'hey opposed this Fear commanded by St. Paul. 
 
 The answer returned by them was not satisfactory. '' The 
 believer trembles," said they, " when he regards himself, be- 
 cause, however just he may be, he hath nothing in himself but 
 death and damnation ; and would indeed be damned, were he 
 judged with rigour. But resting assured that he shall not be 
 so judged, what has he to fear? the future," say they ; " be- 
 cause should lie forsake God, he would perish :" weak reason- 
 ing ! since, besides their holding the condition itself impossible, 
 they hold, moreover, that the true faithful ought to believe 
 assuredly that they shall persevere. Thus, in all manner of 
 ways, the fear inspired by St. Paul is banished, and salvation 
 rendered certain. 
 
 1 0. — Frivolous Evasion. 
 
 When they answer, — without fearing for salvation, there are 
 other chastisements enough to afford just occasion of trem- 
 bling ; the Catholics and Lutherans reply, that this fear men- 
 tioned by St. Paul does manifestly regard salvation : " Work 
 out," says he, " your own salvation with fear and trembling." 
 The Apostle inspired a terror reaching so far as to fear making 
 
 * Phil. ii. 12. 
 
X£V.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 225 
 
 shipwreck in the faith, as well as in a good conscience* ; and 
 Jesus Christ himself hath said, " fear him who is able to de- 
 stroy both soul and body in hell | ;" a precept which concerned 
 the faithful as well as the rest, and made them fear no less a 
 thing than the loss of their own souls. To these proofs they 
 added those from experience : the idolatries, and disastrous 
 fall of a Solomon, adorned undoubtedly at first with all the 
 gilts of grace ; the abominable crimes of a David ; besides 
 what every person is conscious of in his own regard. What, 
 then, is it fitting that, without security against crimes, you 
 should be secure against their jjenalties ; and that he, who 
 once believed himself truly faithful, should be obliged to be- 
 lieve that he is sure of for";iveness, let him fall into whatsoever^ 
 abommations he may. But must he lose this certainty m the 
 midst of crimes ? — he must then necessarily lose the remem- 
 brance of his faith and of the grace he has received. Does he 
 not lose it ? — he must then remain as secure in crimes, as in 
 innocence ; and, provided he argue aright according to the 
 principles of his sect, he shall find therein wherewith to con- 
 demn all whatever doubts might arise of his conversion ; so 
 that, whilst he continues to li\e amidst disorders, he will be 
 sure not to die in them : or else, will be sure he never had 
 been a true believer when he most believed himself such ; and 
 there you see him in despair, never able to hope for more 
 certainty of his salvation than he had enjoyed then nor able, 
 do what he will, ever to secure himself, in this life, that he shall 
 not relapse into the deplorable state he now is in. What 
 remedy for all this, unless to conclude, that the infallible cer- 
 tainty, boasted of in Calvinism, suits not with this life, and 
 that nothing is more rash nor pernicious than such certainty. 
 
 11. — Justifying Faith not forfeited by sin. 
 
 But how much is it more so, to hold one's self assured, I do not 
 say to recover lost grace, with true justifying faith, but not to 
 lose them in sin itself; to remain therein still just and rege- 
 nerated ; to preserve therein the Holy Ghost, and the seed of 
 life, as the Calvinists undoubtedly believe J, if they follow 
 Calvin and Beza and the other chief doctors of their sect ? 
 For, according to them, justifying faith is peculiar to the sole 
 elect, who are never deprived of it ; and Beza said, in the Ex- 
 position so often quoted §, " that faith, although it be as it 
 were buried sometimes in the elect of God, in order to make 
 
 • 1 Tim. i. 19. t ^i-M- X- 20. + S. 1. ix. n. 15. § Ch. iv. Cone, part 13. p. 74. 
 VOL. II. Q 
 
226 THE HISTORY OF [eOOK 
 
 them sensible of their infirmity, yet it never is without the 
 fear of God, and charity for our neighbour." And a httle 
 furtber on*, he says two things concerning the spirit of adop- 
 tion : first, " that those, who are planted in the Cburch only for 
 a time, do never receive it;" second, " that those who are ad- 
 mitted among the people of God by this spirit of adoption, do 
 never go forth from them." 
 
 12. — What Scripture-texts Cahinists ground themselves on. 
 
 This doctrine was grounded on these texts: " God is not like to 
 man, so as to be a liar ; nor like to the son of man, so as to 
 repent |." Which also was the reason why St. Paul said, 
 " That the gifts and calling of God are without repentance ;|;." 
 What then, does not man lose any of the gifts of God in adul- 
 teries, in homicides, in the blackest of crimes, not even in 
 idolatry ? And if some of them at least may be lost for a time 
 and during this state, why should not justifying faith, and 
 the presence of the Holy Ghost, be of this number, nothing 
 being more incompatible with the state of sin, than such 
 Graces ? 
 
 13, — Question proposed to the Ccdmnists : ivhether a Believer 
 were damned that died in his crime. 
 
 In regard to this last difficulty, a very material query was also 
 proposed, which I beg may be attentively considered, because 
 it will be the subject of an important dispute presently to be 
 treated of. The Calvinist is therefore asked, whether this 
 true believer, David for instance, fallen into adultery and mur- 
 der, would be saved or damned dying in this state before he had 
 done penance ? None durst answer, he would be saved ; and 
 indeed, how can a Christian maintain that any may be saved 
 with such crimes? This true believer would be therefore 
 damned, dying in this state ; this true believer, in this state, 
 has therefore ceased to be just, since none Avill ever say of a 
 just man, that he would be damned dying in his justice. 
 
 14. — The Ccdvinists^ inextricable confusion under this question. 
 
 To answer, he shall not die in his sin, but will do penance if 
 he be of the number of the predestinated, is saying nothing ; 
 for it is not predestination, nor the penance Ave shall do one 
 day, Avhich justifies and makes us saints ; otherwise, a predes- 
 tinated infidel would actually be sanctified and justified even 
 
 * S. 1. ix. Ch. V. Cone, C. p. 00. | Cone. p. 74. J Rom. xi. 29. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 227 
 
 before he had faith and repentance ; since, before he had 
 either of them, he was ah-eady certainly predestinated ; God 
 had ah-eady certainly decreed he should have them. 
 
 If it be answered, this infidel is not actually justified and 
 sanctified, because he has not as yet had faith, and repent- 
 ance, although he be to have them hereafter ; whereas, the 
 true believer has them already : here arises a new perplexity ; 
 for it would follow from thence, that faith and repentance, but 
 once exercised by the faithful, justify and sanctify them ac- 
 tually and for ever, although ceasing to exercise them, and 
 even abandoning them by abominable crimes : a thing more 
 horrible to conceive than all hitherto said on this subject, 
 
 15. — This no mdifferent question. 
 
 Again, this is no chimerical question ; it is a question that 
 every believer, when he sins, should make to himself: or 
 rather, it is a judgment he ought to pronounce ; were I to die 
 in the state I am in, I should be damned. To add after this, 
 but I am predestinated, and shall amend one day ; and by 
 reason of this future amendment, am, at this instant, just and 
 yholy and a living member of Christ Jesus, is utter blindness. 
 
 16. — These difficulties were the occasion of many forsaking 
 
 Calvinism. 
 
 Whilst Catholics, and Lutherans more readily listened to than 
 they in the new Reformation, urged home these arguments, 
 many Calvinists were convinced; and seeing on the other 
 hand amongst the Lutherans a more engaging doctrine, they 
 were attracted by it *. A general will in God to save all man- 
 kind ; in Jesus Christ, a sincere intention to redeem them, and 
 means sufficient offered unto all, was what the Lutherans 
 taught in the book of Concord. We have seen as much ; we 
 have seen even their excesses regarding these offered means 
 and the co-operation of free-will : they gave daily more and 
 more into these sentiments, and the Calvinists began to listen 
 to them, principally in Holland. 
 
 17. — Arminius\s disjmte and excesses. — IGOl, 1602. 
 
 James Arminius, a famous minister of Amsterdam, and since 
 Professor of Divinity in the University of Leydon, was the first 
 that declared himself in the university against the maxims 
 
 * S. I. viii. 11, 52. Epit, c. xi. Concord, p. C'21. solid, repet. CCy, 805, et secj[. 
 
 q2 
 
228 THE IIISTOUV OF [fiOOK 
 
 received in the Churches of his country : but a man of so 
 vehement a temper was not Hkely to keep within just boimds. 
 He openly blamed Beza, Calvin, Zanchius, and the rest, whom 
 Calvinism accounted her main pillars and support*. But 
 he impugned excesses with other excesses; and besides his 
 apparently drawing near to the Pelagians, was suspected, nor 
 without reason, of something worse ; certain words falling from 
 him, made him be believed favourable to Socinianism, and a 
 great number of his disciples turning afterwards to that side, 
 confirmed the suspicion. 
 
 18. — Gomar^s opposition to him in defence of Calvinism. — 
 Party of Remonstrants and Anti-Remonstrants. 
 
 He met with a terrible adversary in the person of Francis Go- 
 mar, Professor of Divinity in the University of Groningen, a 
 rigorous Calvinist, if ever there was one. The academies di- 
 vided themselves between these two Professors : the division 
 increased ; the ministers espou-sed the quarrel ; Arminius 
 beheld whole Churches in his party. His death did not end 
 the dispute. And the minds of men on both sides were so 
 inflamed under the names of Remonstrants and Anti-Remon- 
 strants, namely of Arminians and Gomarists, that the United 
 Provinces saw themselves on the very brink of a civil war. 
 
 19. — The Prince of Orange upholds the first, Barneveld the 
 second Party. 
 
 Maurice prince of Orange had his reasons for supporting the 
 Gomarists. Barneveld, his enemy, was judged favourable to 
 the Arminians ; and the reason of it was his proposing a mu- 
 tual toleration and imposing silence on both parties f , 
 
 This indeed answered the wishes of the Remonstrants. A 
 party just shooting up, and as yet but weak, asks no more than 
 time to gather strength : but the ministers, among whom 
 Gomar prevailed, were determined on victory, and the prince 
 of Orange had more skill than to let a party strike root, which 
 he judged as opposite to his grandeur as to the primitive 
 maxims of the Reformation. 
 
 20. — The Remonstrants or Arminians condemned in the Pro- 
 vincial Synods. — Convocation of the Synod of Dort. 
 
 The provincial Synods had done nothing but aggravate the 
 evil by condemning the Remonstrants ; it was necessary to 
 
 * Act. Syn. Dordr. Edit. Dordr. 1G20. Praf, ad Eccl. ante Synod. Dordr. 
 
 -j- Ibid. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 229 
 
 proceed at length to a greater remedy : Avberefore the States- 
 general assembled a national Synod, and invited to it all those 
 of their religion in every conntry. Upon this invitation Eng- 
 land, Scotland, the Palatinate. Hesse, the Swiss, the republics 
 of Geneva, of Bremen, and Embden, in a word, the whole 
 body of the Reformation not united to the Lutherans, sent 
 deputies, with the exception of the French, whom reasons of 
 state prevented ; and of all these deputies, in conjunction with 
 those of the whole United Provinces, was composed that 
 famous Synod of Dort, whose doctrine and procedure we are 
 now to relate. 
 
 21. — Opening of the Synod, 1618. 
 
 This assembly opened the 14th of November, 1618, with a ser- 
 mon preached by Balthasar Lydius, minister of Dort. The 
 first sessions were taken up in regulating divers matters of dis- 
 cipline, or of procedure ; nor was it till the 13th of December, 
 in the thirty-first sitting, that, properly speaking, they began to 
 treat of doctrine. 
 
 22. — The dispute reduced to Jive heads. — Declaration of the 
 Remonstrants in genercd touching these five heads. 
 
 In order to understand in what manner they proceeded there, 
 it is necessary to know that, after many books and conferences, 
 the dispute was at length reduced to five heads. The first re- 
 garded predestination ; the second, the universality of redemp- 
 tion ; the third and the fourth, which were always treated to- 
 gether, regarded the corruption of man and his conversion ; 
 the fifth regarded perseverance. 
 
 On these five heads, the Remonstrants had declared in ge- 
 neral, in full Synod, by the mouth of Simon Episcopius, Pro- 
 fessor of Divinity at Leyden, who always appears at their head, 
 that men of great renown and repute in the Reformation had 
 laid down such things as agreed neither with God's wisdom, 
 nor with his goodness and justice, nor with the love which Je- 
 sus Christ bore to all men, nor with his satisfaction and merits, 
 nor with the sanctity of preaching and the ministry, nor with 
 the useof the sacraments, nor, in fine, with the duties of a Chris- 
 tian. These great men, whom they impeached, were the au- 
 thors of the Reformation, — Calvin, Reza, Zanchius, and the 
 others, whom they were not allowed to name, but whom they 
 had not spared in their writings. After this general declaration 
 of their sentiments, they explained themselves in particular as 
 
230 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 to the five articles* ; and their declaration attacked principally 
 the certainty of salvation, and the inamissibility of justice — 
 tenets by which, they pretended, piety was ruined in the Refor- 
 mation, and so fine a name discredited. I shall relate the sub- 
 stance of this declaration of the Remonstrants, in order that 
 it may be better understood what chiefly was the subject mat- 
 ter of the deliberation and the result thereof, in the decisions of 
 the Synod. 
 
 23. — The import of the Remonstrants' declaration as to each 
 . particular. — As to Predestination. 
 
 Concerning Predestination, they said f — " They ought not to 
 own in God any absolute decree, whereby he had determined 
 to give Jesus Christ to the elect alone, no more than to give to 
 them alone by an efficacious vocation, faith, justification, per- 
 severance, and glory ; but that he had appointed Jesus Christ 
 the common redeemer of the whole world, and resolved, by 
 this decree, to justify and save all those who should believe in 
 him, and at the same time to give to all of them sufficient means 
 in order to be saved ; that none perished through want of these 
 means, but through the abuse thereof ; that the absolute and 
 especial election of particular persons was made in view of 
 their faith and future perseverance, nor was there any election 
 but conditional ; and that reprobation likewise was made in 
 view of men's infidelity and perseverance in so great an evil." 
 
 24. — Doctrine of the Remonstrants concerning Infant Baptism, 
 and ivhat they would conclude from it. 
 
 They added two points Avorthy of particular consideration : the 
 first, that all children of the faithful Avere sanctified, and that 
 none of them, dying before the use of reason, are damned ; the 
 second, that with much more reason none of these children 
 dying after baptism, before the use of reason, are damned^. 
 
 In saying that all the children of the faithful are sanctified, 
 they did but repeat what we have clearly seen in the Calvinian 
 Confessions of Faith ; and if they be sanctified, it is evident 
 they cannot be damned in this state. But after this first article, 
 the second seemed unnecessary ; for if these children were se- 
 cure of their salvation before baptism, after its reception 
 there could be no question of it. It was therefore with a par- 
 ticular design that this second article was inserted, and the 
 Remonstrants would thereby denote the inconstancy of the 
 
 ♦ Sess. xxxi. p. 112. f Ibid. + Art. ix. 10. Ibid. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 231 
 
 Calvinists, who on one hand, to s'ulve the baptism o'lven to all 
 these children, said, they were all saints, and born in the co- 
 venant, the sign whereof, by consequence, could not be refused 
 them ; and to salve, on the other hand, the doctrine of the 
 inamissibility of justice, they said that baptism given to chil- 
 dren had not its effect, but in the predestinated alone ; so 
 that the baptized that lived ill afterwards never had been 
 saints, not even with the baptism they had received in their 
 infancy. 
 
 Remark, I beseech the judicious reader, this important dif- 
 ficulty; it strikes home to the question of inamissibility, and 
 it will be curious to behold how the Synod will behave in this 
 regard. 
 
 25. — Declaration of the Remonstrants concerning the univer- 
 sality of Redemption. 
 
 As to the second head, regarding the universality of redemp- 
 tion, the Remonstrants said*, that " the price paid by the Son 
 of God was not only sufficient to all, but actually offered for 
 all and every individual person ; that none were excluded from 
 the fruit of redemption by an absolute decree, or otherwise 
 than by their own fault ; that God, prevailed with by his Son, 
 had made a new treaty with all mankind, although sinners and 
 damned." They said, by this treaty he had bound himself in 
 respect of all, to afford them those sufficient means as above- 
 mentioned : " but that the remission of sins, merited for all, 
 was not given actually, except through actual faith, whereby 
 man believed actually in Jesus Christ ;" by which words they 
 gave to understand, that whosoever lost, by his crimes, actual 
 faith which justifies us, lost also, together with it, justifying 
 grace and sanctity ; finally, they said also, " none ought to be- 
 lieve Jesus Christ died for him, save only those for whom he 
 died in effect j; insomuch that the reprobate, for whom .]esus 
 Christ did not die, whatsoever some might think of them, ought 
 not to believe that he died for them." This article reached 
 much further than it seemed. For the design of it was to show 
 (according to Calvin's and the Calvinists' doctrine, who laid 
 down for an undoubted dogma, that Jesus Christ did not die in 
 any sort but for the predestinated, and in no sort for the re- 
 probate) that it followed from thence, that to be enabled to say, 
 Jesus Christ died for me, one ought to be assured, with an ab- 
 solute certainty, of his predestination and eternal happiness, 
 
 * Sess, xxxlv. p. 1 15. et seq. f Art. iv. Ibid. 
 
232 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 without ever being able to say, " he died for me, but 1 have 
 rendered his death and redemption unserviceable to me," — a 
 doctrine which defeats all preaching of the word to Christians, 
 who, if bad livers, are continually told they have made them- 
 selves unworthy of being redeemed by Jesus Christ. Accord- 
 ingly, this was one of those articles by which the Remonstrants 
 maintained, that, in the Reformation, all the sincerity and holi- 
 ness of preaching was subverted, as well as this text of St. Pe- 
 ter — " They have denied the Lord that bought them, and 
 brought upon themselves swift perdition*." 
 
 26,— TJieir doctrine as to the third and fourth head. 
 
 Regarding the third and fourth head, after saying that grace is 
 necessary to all good, not only to finish, but also to begin it, 
 they added, " that efficacious grace was not irresistiblef ." 
 This Avas their expression, and that of the Lutherans, whose 
 doctrine they boasted of following. Their meaning was, that 
 one might resist all kind of grace ; and thereby, as every one 
 sees, they pretended J, "That although grace were bestowed 
 unequally, yet God gave or offered a sufficient grace to all those 
 to whom the gospel was announced, even to those that were not 
 converted ; and offered it with a sincere and serious desire of 
 saving them all without acting two different parts, seeming in- 
 clined to save, and at bottom unwilHnp; to do it, and moving 
 men interiorly to sins which he forbade exteriorly." In all these 
 places they aimed directly at the authors of the Reformation, 
 and that insincere vocation which they attributed to God, whilst 
 he openly called those to grace whom in reality he excluded 
 from itj predestinating- them to evil. 
 
 In order to show how far grace was resistible § (these words 
 warranted by use, must be allowed, in order to avoid circumlo- 
 cution), they had inserted an article, which said " that man 
 could do more good by the grace of the Holy Ghost tlian he 
 did, and keep at a further distance from evil than he did ;" he 
 therefore frequently resisted grace, and made it useless. 
 
 27. — Declaration of the Remonstrants concerning the Amissi- 
 hility of Justice. 
 
 Concerning perseverance, they decided ^, that ^' God gave to 
 the true faithful, regenerated by his grace, means for pre- 
 serving themselves in that state ; that they might lose the true 
 justifying faith, and fall into sins incompatible with justifica- 
 
 * 2 Pet. ii. 1. f Ead. Sess. xsxiv. p. 116, et seq. || Ibid. p. II7. 
 
 ^ Art. vii. Ibid, p. 117. f Ibid. pp. 117, 118. et seq. ■ 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 233 
 
 tion, even into atrocious crimes ; persevere in them, die in 
 them, recover from them Uiiewise by repentance, nevertheless 
 without being necessitated to it by grace." Here is uhat they 
 urged with the greatest efTorts, " detesting," said they, " from 
 the bottom of their hearts those impious dogmata, and con- 
 trary to good morals, which were disseminated daily among the 
 people; viz., that the true faithful could not fall into the sins 
 of malice, but only into the sins of ignorance and weakness ; 
 that they could not lose grace ; that all the crimes of the world 
 put together could not frustrate their election, nor deprive 
 them of the certainty thereof; a tiling," added they, " Avhich 
 opened a gap to carnal and pernicious security; that no 
 crimes, how horrible soever, Avere imputed to them ; that all 
 manner of sins present and to come were forgiven them before- 
 hand ; that in the midst of heresies, of adulteries, of murders, 
 for which they might be excommunicated, they could not totally 
 and finally lose the faith*." 
 
 28. — 2\vo material icords ivhicli the ivJiole dispute turned on : 
 that one could lone grace totally and finally . 
 
 These two words, totally and finally, were v^hat the dispute 
 chiefly turned upon. To lose faith and the grace of justifica- 
 tion totally, was to lose it wholly for a certain time ; to lose it 
 finally, was to lose it for ever and beyond recovery. Both the 
 one and the other were held impossible in Calvinism, and both 
 of these excesses were detested by the Remonstrants. 
 
 29. — Against the certainty of Salvation. 
 
 They concluded the declaration of their doctrine by saying 
 that, as the true believer might, in the time present, be assured 
 of his faith and good conscience, he might also be assured for 
 that time, should he then die, of his eternal salvation f; that 
 he might also be assured of being able to persevere in the 
 faith, forasmuch as grace would never fail him for that end : 
 but to be assured of always doing his duty? they did not see how 
 he " could be so, nor how this assurance could be necessary 
 for him." 
 
 30. — Foundations of the Remonstrants^ viz., that there is no 
 gratuitous preference for the Elect. 
 
 If yon desire now to comprehend in few words the whole 
 of their doctrine, the foundation of it was, that there is 
 
 * Ead. Sess. xxxiv. Art. iv. Ibid. p. 118. 
 f Art. vii. aud viii. Ibid. p. liy. 
 
234 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 no absolute election, no gratuitous preference, whereby 
 God prepares for certain chosen persons, and for them only, 
 certain means to lead them to glory ; but that God offers to 
 all men, and especially all those to whom the gospel is pub- 
 lished, sufficient means of conversion, which some make use 
 of, and others not, without employing any other for his elect 
 more than for the reprobate ; so that election always is con- 
 ditional, which, the condition failing, may be forfeited. 
 Whence they concluded in the first place, that we may lose 
 justifying grace, and totally, that is, entirely ; and finally, that 
 is, beyond recovery : secondly, that man could not in any wise 
 be sure of his salvation. 
 
 31. — Wherein Catholics agreed with the Remonstrants. 
 
 Although Catholics did not agree with them in the principle, 
 they agreed with them in the two last consequences, which 
 nevertheless they grounded on other principles, which it is not 
 necessary to the present subject to set forth in this place; and 
 likewise they agreed that the Calvinian doctrine, opposite to 
 these consequences, was impious, and an inlet to all sorts of 
 wickedness. 
 
 32. — Wherein consisted the difference betwixt Catholics, 
 Lutherans, and Remonstrants. 
 
 The Lutherans also agreed on this point with the Catholics 
 and Remonstrants. But the difference between Catholics and 
 Lutherans is, that these latter, denying the certainty of perse- 
 verance, acknowledged a certainty of present justice, in which 
 they were followed by the Remonstrants ; whereas Catholics 
 differed from both of them, by maintaining that none could be 
 assured either of his future good dispositions, nor even of his 
 present ones, which, by reason of the blindness of self-love, we 
 have always grounds to distrust ; so that the confidence Ave have 
 on God's side, takes not away wholly the doubt we have on 
 our own. 
 
 33. — Calvinists contrary to the Doctrine of them both. 
 
 Calvin and the Calvinists opposed the doctrine of both these, 
 and maintained against the Lutherans and Remonstrants, that 
 the true believer was sure, not of the present only, but also of 
 the future, and sure, by consequence, of never losing totally, 
 that is, entirely ; nor finally, that is, beyond recovery, justify- 
 ing grace or the true faith once received. 
 
XIV.] . THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 235 
 
 34. — The Remonstrants demand a distict Decision. 
 
 The state of the question and the different sentiments are well 
 understood * ; and never so Httle perspicuity in the Synod of 
 Dort's decision would have made us easily comprehend what 
 Avas their doctrine, which they were so much the more obliged 
 to, as the Remonstrants, after their declaration, had summoned 
 those that should complain of their doctrine's being ill-repre- 
 sented by them, to reject distinctly every particular wherein 
 they judged themselves wrongfully accused ; and entreated also 
 the Synod to deliver themselves precisely in respect of the 
 articles that cast such a blemish on the whole Reformation. 
 
 35. — The Synod's decision. 
 
 If ever there was a necessity of speaking plainly, it was after 
 such a declaration and in such a conjuncture. Let us now 
 give ear to the decision of the Synod. 
 
 It pronounces on the five heads proposed in four chapters, 
 for, as above said, the third and fourth head always went to- 
 gether. Each chapter has two parts : in the first, they assert ; 
 in the second, reject and condemn. This is the substance of 
 their canons, for so did they call the decrees of this Synod. 
 
 36. — The Synod's decision on the first head. — Faith in the 
 sole Elect : certainty of Salvation. 
 
 Concerning predestination and election they decided, "■ that 
 the decree thereof is absolute and unchangeable ; that God 
 gives true and lively faith to all those he resolves to withdraw 
 from common damnation, and to them only : that this faith is 
 a gift of God ; that all the elect, in their time, are assured of 
 their election, albeit not in the same degree nor in equal mea- 
 sure ; that this assurance is derived to them, not from the 
 fathoming of God's secrets, but from observing in themselves, 
 with a holy pleasure and spiritual joy, the infallible fruits of 
 election, such as be true faith, sorroAV for their sins, and the 
 like ; that the sense and certainty of their salvation always 
 make them better; that tiiose, who have not as yet this sense 
 and this certain confidence, ought to desire it ; and, lastly, 
 that this doctrine should not affright any but those who, 
 wedded to the world, are not seriously converted f." Here 
 have we already for the sole elect, together with true faith, the 
 
 * Sess. xxxiv. Ibid. pp. 121, .322. ^ 
 
 i Sess. xxxvi. p. 249, et seq. lb. Art. -xii. et seq. p. 251. 
 
236 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 certainty of salvation ; but the thing will unfold itself hereafter 
 much more clearly. 
 
 37. — Decision on Infant Baptism. 
 
 The seventeenth article decides *, " that the word of God de- 
 claring holy the children of the faithful, not by nature, but by 
 the covenant Avherein they are comprised together Avith their 
 parents, the believing parents ought not to doubt of the elec- 
 tion and salvation of their children that die in this infant age." 
 In this article the Synod approves the doctrine of the 
 Remonstrants, whom we have heard say precisely the same 
 thing t : nothing, therefore, is more unquestionable amongst 
 our adversaries, than an article which we see equally taught 
 by both parties ; the sequel will manifest to us what are its 
 consequences. 
 
 38. — Condemnation of those that denied the certainty of 
 Salvation. 
 
 Amongst the rejected articles, we find that which asserts that '^ the 
 certainty of salvation depends on an uncertain condition j ;" 
 that is to say, they condemn those who teach that one is sure 
 of being saved by persevering to live well, but one is not sure 
 of living well ; which precisely is the doctrine we have heard 
 the Remonstrants teach. The Synod declares this " uncertain 
 certainty" absurd ; and, by consequence, establishes an abso- 
 lute certainty, which it endeavours even to prove from Scrip- 
 ture : bat proofs are not our present purpose ; it is to see this 
 doctrine well asserted, viz., that the true believer, according 
 to the decrees of Dort, not only ought to be sure of his salva- 
 tion, supposing he does his duty well, but also ought to be sure 
 of doing it well, at least, at the end of his life. But this is 
 nothing as yet, and we shall see this doctrine decided much 
 more clearly. 
 
 39. — Justifying Faith again confessed in the sole Elect. 
 
 Concerning Redemption and the Promise of Grace, they de- 
 fine, " that it is announced indifferently to all people; that it 
 is through their own fault that those who believe it not do 
 reject it, and through grace, that the true faithful do embrace 
 it ; but they are the elect only to whom God is resolved to 
 give justifying faith, whereby they infallibly are saved." Here 
 then, a second time, have we justifying faith in the elect 
 
 * Sess. xxxvi. Art. xvii, p. 252. f Sup. n. 23. I Ibid, Art. viii. p. 254. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 237 
 
 alone : we must see afterwards what those shall have \Yho do 
 not continue to believe unto the end. 
 
 40. — Co-operation, how admitled. 
 
 The summary of the Fourth Chapter is, that although God 
 calls seriously all those to whom the Gos[)el is proclaimed, so 
 that if they [)erish it is not God's fault; something nevertheless 
 particular is wrought in those that are converted, God calling 
 them efficaciously, and giving to them faith and repentance. 
 The sufficient grace of the Arminians, whereby " Free-will 
 determines itself," is rejected as a Pelagian tenet*. Rege- 
 neration is represented as transacted " without us," not by 
 " the exterior word, or by moral persuasion," but by an ope- 
 ration leaving it not " in the power of man to be regenerated 
 or nof,'^ to be converted, or not converted ; and nevertheless, 
 say they in this article, " when the will is renewed, it is not 
 only pushed on and moved by God, but acts, being moved by 
 him, and it is man that believes and repents." 
 
 41. — The Believer's certainty. 
 
 The will therefore does not act but when converted and re- 
 newed. AVhat then, does it not act when one begins to desire 
 his conversion, and to pray for the grace of regeneration ? Or 
 had you it nlrcady, when you began to pray for it ? This they 
 ought to have explained, and not say in general, Conversion 
 and Regeneration is wrought " without us." Many other 
 things might be said in this place, but our business is not 
 disputing, it is sufficient we make the doctrine of the Synod 
 historically well understood. 
 
 It says, in the thirteenth article, that the manner whereby 
 thiso|)eration of regenerating grace is wrought in us is incon- 
 ceivable ; it is sufficient to conceive that by this grace the 
 believer " knows and feels that he believes and loves his Sa- 
 viour." He " knows and feels ;" here have you what is most 
 certain within the compass of perception, to know and feel. 
 
 42. — Sequel of the same subject. 
 
 We read in the sixteenth article f, that as sin hath not robbed 
 man of his nature, nor of his understandino;, nor of his will ; so 
 regenerating grace acts not in him •' as in a stump or log of 
 wood ;" it preserves to the will " its properties, and does not 
 
 * Art. xii. f.2(}o. t I'^'J- 
 
238 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 force it in spite of itself ;" that is, it does not make it " will with- 
 out willing." What strange theology! Are not men resolved 
 to puzzle every thing, who thus weakly express themselves on 
 free-will? 
 
 43. — Habits infused. 
 
 Amongst the rejected errors, I find that which teaches"*, **that 
 in the true conversion of man, God cannot communicate qua- 
 lities, habits, and gifts by infusion, and that faith by which we 
 are first converted, and from which we are called faithful, is 
 not a gift and quality by God infused, but only an act of man." 
 I am glad to hear the infusion of these new qualities and habits; 
 it will be of great service to us in order to explain the true 
 idea of justification, and to shew by what means it may be 
 obtained of God. For I do not believe it can be doubted but 
 that, in those who are come to the age of understanding, it is 
 an act of faith inspired by God which obtains for us the grace 
 to receive the habit of it, with that of other virtues. Yet the 
 infusion of this habit will be nevertheless gratuitous, as will be 
 seen in due time. But let us proceed, and come now to the 
 last chapter, which is the most material, because the reproaches 
 of the Remonstrants concerning the certainty of salvation and 
 the inamissibility of justice were there to be answered fully 
 and distinctly. 
 
 44. — Justice not to he lost. — Monstrous doctrine of the Synod. 
 
 Concerning Inamissibility, this is what they sayf, viz., " That 
 in certain particular actions the true faithful may sometimes 
 withdraw themselves, and do so in effect, by their vices, from 
 the guidance of grace, to follow concupiscence, even so far as 
 to fall into atrocious crimes ; and do, by these enormous sins, 
 offend God, render themselves guilty of death, interrupt the 
 exercise of faith, greatly wound their consciences, and some- 
 times lose, for a while, the sense of grace." O God, is it pos- 
 sible, in this detestable state, they should only " lose the sense 
 of grace," and not grace itself, and this, too, but '^ sometimes 'I!" 
 But it is not yet time to exclaim ; here is much worse : " God, 
 in those dismal falls, does not entirely deprive them of his holy 
 Spirit, nor suffers them to fall so as to forfeit the grace of adoji- 
 tion and the state of justification, nor so as to commit the sin 
 unto death, nor against the Holy Ghost, and be damned." 
 Whosoever therefore is once truly faithful, and regenerated 
 
 * Art. vi. p. 207. tlbid.iv.v. p. 271. $ Ibid, vi, et seq. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 239 
 
 by grace, not only shall not perish in his crimes, bnt at the 
 very time he abandons himself to them, " does not fall from 
 the grace of adoption, and the slate of justification." Could 
 Jesus Christ be associated with Belial, grace with sin, in a 
 more flagrant manner ? 
 
 45. — What is the sin a true Believer cannot fall into. 
 
 The Synod, indeed, seems willing to preserve the faithful from 
 ^ome crimes, when it says, " they are not so far abandoned as 
 to fall into the sin unto death, or against the Holy Ghost," 
 Avhich the Scripture says is not to be forgiven ; but if they un- 
 derstand any other sin by this, than that of final impenitence, 
 I am at a loss to know what it can be, there being no such 
 sinner, what disorders soever he may have been guilty of, that 
 should not be made to hope the forgiveness of them. Let us, 
 however, leave to the Synod to determine what other explana- 
 tion of this sin it may please to fancy ; it is sufficient we see 
 plainly, according to its doctrine, that all crimes possible to be 
 named, for example, an aduhery as long continued, and a 
 murder as much premeditated as that of David's, heresy, ido- 
 latry, even with all its abominations, which the Synod evidently 
 allows the true believer may fall into, are compatible " with 
 the grace of adoption and the state of justification." 
 
 45. — The Synod speaks plainly. 
 
 Nor can it be said by this state the Synod understands only 
 the right of salvation still remaining in the true believer, 
 namely, according to the Synod, in the predestinated, in virtue 
 of predestination ; for, on the contrary, the matter here in de- 
 liberation concerns the immediate right one has to salvation by 
 actual regeneration and conversion, and concerns the state 
 whereby one is, 1 do not say destined to, but really in posses- 
 sion as well of the true faith as of justification. In a word, 
 the matter in debate is not whether you shall one day have 
 this grace, but whether, after having had it, you can forfeit it 
 one single moment ; the Synod decides you cannot. Re- 
 monstrants, complain not, you have your answer, at least, in 
 plain terms as you desired, and all the pernicious doctrine you 
 say is believed in the party which you accuse, all that you 
 reject therein with abhorrence is decided by them in express 
 terms. 
 
240 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 47. — The great words " totally''^ and "finally,^' 
 
 But, to remove all equivocation, we must see in the Synod * 
 these essential words, *' totally" and " finally," whereon, I 
 have shewn, the whole dispute depended. We must see, I 
 say, whether it allows the Remonstrants to assert, that a true 
 believer " may fall totally and finally from the state of justifi- 
 cation." The Synod, to leave no doubt of its sentiment as 
 opposite to the total loss, says, " ihat the immortal seed, 
 whereby the true faithful are regenerated, abides always in them 
 in spite of their fall." As opposite to the final loss, the same 
 Synod saysf, that the reconciled, one day, " shall feel grace 
 anew ;" they shall not recover it ; no, the Synod is sure not to 
 say that, " they shall feel it" anew. In this manner, proceeds 
 the Synod, it happens that " neither do they lose totally the 
 faith and grace, nor do they remain finally in their sin, so as 
 to perish in it." 
 
 Here, methinks, is enough said for inamissibility. Let us 
 see as to certainty. 
 
 48. — Certainty of salvation, of what kind ? 
 
 " The true faithful," says the Synod ^^, " may be certain, and 
 are so, of their salvation and perseverance, according to the 
 measure of faith wherewith they believe with certainty that 
 they are, and abide, living members of the Church ; that they 
 have forgiveness of their sins, and life eternal : a certainty 
 which does not accrue to them from a particular revelation, 
 but from faith in the promises which God hath revealed in 
 his word, and by the testimony of the Holy Ghost, and lastly, 
 by a good conscience, and a holy and serious application to 
 good works." 
 
 49. — All uncertainty a temptation. 
 
 To leave nothing unsaid, it adds §," that in the temptations 
 and doubts of the flesh, which we are to contrast with, we do 
 not always feel this fulness of faith and this certainty of per- 
 severance :" to the end that, as often as ever you feel some 
 doubt, and dare not promise yourself with an entire certainty 
 to persevere always in your duty, you may look on yourself 
 obliged to reckon this doubt among the motions of the flesh, 
 and the temptations you are to fight against. 
 
 * S. n. 27. t Ai't- vii. viii. p. 272. 
 
 + lb. Art. ix, pp, 272, 273. § lb. An. ii. 
 
XIV.] THE VAUIATIONS, ETC. 241 
 
 50. — Totally and finallij . 
 
 Amongst the rejected errors this afterwards is reckoned *, viz. 
 " that the true faithful may fall, and do often fail, totally and 
 finally from jiislifying faith, from grace and salvation, and 
 that, during this life, you cannot have any security of future 
 perseverance without special revelation." They declare this 
 doctrine hrings back the doubts of Papists, because this cer- 
 tainty, Avithout special revelation, was condemned in the 
 Council of Trent. 
 
 51. — Hoiv man justified remains guilty of death. 
 
 It may be asked, how they reconcile with the doctrine of Ina- 
 missibility, that which is said in the Synod f, viz. that by great 
 crimes, the faithful committing them, " render themselves 
 guilty of death." This is what easily is brought to bear with 
 the principles of the new Iveformation, where it is maintained 
 that the true believer, how much soever regenerated, remains 
 always, by concupiscence, " guilty of death," not only in his 
 great and less sins, but also in his good works ; so that this state, 
 rendering us guilty of death, is no hindrance, according to the 
 terms of the Synod, to our abiding in the " state of justification 
 and grace." 
 
 52. — The self-contradiction of the Calvinian Doctrine. 
 
 But then, have we not said that our Reformed could not deny, 
 nor in effect did deny, but that, should one die in these crimes 
 without doing penance, he would be damned P True it is, the 
 greatest part confess it ; and although the Synod decided 
 nothing in body concerning this difficulty, it was proposed 
 there, as we shall see, by some of the Opiners. In good truth, 
 it is wondrous stranoe men can remain in an error containins 
 so inevitable and manifest a contradiction as that is which 
 acknowledges a state of grace, in which, nevertheless, one 
 would be damned should he die therein. But many other 
 contradictions are there in this doctrine : here is one unques- 
 tionably not less jialpable than the other. In the new Refor- 
 mation, true failh is inseparable from the love of God and 
 good works, the necessary fruits thereof: it is the most steady 
 dogma of this religion ; and here you see, nevertheless, in 
 opposition to this dogma, true faith, not only without good 
 works, but also in the greatest crimes. Have patience, this is 
 
 * Art. iii. p. 274. Cone. Trid. Sess. vi. c. xii. Can. xvi. f S. n. 42. 
 
 VOL. 11. R 
 
242 THE HISTORY OF [boOK 
 
 not all : I see another contradiction not less manifest in the 
 new Reformation, even by the Synod's own decree*: All 
 children of the faithful are holy, and their salvation certain. 
 Therefore, in this state, they are truly justified : therefore they 
 cannot fall from grace, and every individual of the Reformation 
 will be predestinated : nor can one believer, which is still 
 more strang;e, have a child that is not holy and predestinated 
 like himself: thus all their posterity are evidently predesti- 
 nated, and never can a reprobate spring from one elect, Who 
 of them all will dare to say it ? And yet, who of them can 
 deny, that so visible and so strange an absurdity is clearly con- 
 tained in the principles of the Synod and the doctrine of Ina- 
 missibility ? It is therefore all over teeming with manifest 
 absurdities, all over jarring with horrid contradictions ; nor 
 can it indeed be otherwise than the necessary result of error 
 thus always to contradict itself. 
 
 53. — All error contradicts itself. 
 
 There is no error but must fall into self-contradiction some 
 way or other : but see Avhat befalls man possessed with strong 
 prejudice. He first strives, what he can, to avoid seeing this 
 inevitable and glaring contradiction : if this cannot be done, 
 he looks on it with a prepossession, that does not allow him to 
 form a right judgment of it ; he thinks to fence against it by 
 soothing himself with frothy reasoning and fine words: dazzled 
 with some specious principle to Avhich he is strongly wedded, 
 he is resolved never to forsake it. Eutyches and his followers 
 durst not say, Jesus Christ was not at the same time true God 
 and true man : but fond of that unity ill-understood, which 
 they imagined in Jesus Christ, they would have both natures 
 confounded in this union, and were pleased and gloried in 
 removing by this means to a greater distance than all others 
 (though it were even to excess) from Nestorius's heresy which 
 divided the Son of God. Thus do men entangle, thus do 
 they prepossess themselves, thus do the prepossessed, with 
 blind determination, lead the van and draw after them the 
 giddy viilgar, without being willing, or able to understand, as 
 says the Apostle J, " either what they say themselves, or whereof 
 they affirm" with such assurance. This is what constitutes 
 all opinionists ; this is the pit all heretics fall into. 
 
 * S. n. 36. f 1 Tim. i. 7. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 24^ 
 
 54. — Certainty of salvation^ a false lallurement. 
 
 Our adversaries frame to themselves an object of infinite 
 comfort in the certainty they will needs be in of their eternal 
 salvation. Do not expect they ever will regard, with candid 
 equity or attention, what may deprive them of this certainty. 
 If to maintain it they must be obliged to say, one is sure not 
 to die in sin though he fall into it with malice prepense, nay, 
 though he contract a detestable habit thereof; this they will 
 say. If they must exaggerate, beyond measure, this text of 
 St. Paul*, " The gifts and calling of God are without repent- 
 ance,"" and say, God never takes away entirely, nor in sub- 
 stance, what he has given ; this they will say happen what 
 will, whatever contradictions you may shew them, whatever 
 inconsistency, what dismal consequence soever may result from 
 their doctrine : otherwise, besides losing the pleasure of their 
 certainty and the charms discovered by them in the novelty of 
 this tenet, they must also be forced to own that they were in 
 the wrong as to the point they looked upon the most essential 
 of their Reformation, and the church of Rome, so much cen- 
 sured and hated by them, was in the right. 
 
 55. — Whether the Synod toere ill-understood in respect to 
 Inamisslbility , and whether the Certainty it proposes he no 
 more than confidence. 
 
 But, perchance, this certainty, which they teach, is nothing 
 else at bottom than that trust which we admit. Would to 
 God it were ! Nobody denies this trust : the Lutherans 
 maintained it, yet the Calvinists told them a hundred times, 
 that something more was requisite. But without going forth 
 from the Synod, the Arminians admitted this trust ; for un- 
 questionably they never said that a believer fallen into sin, 
 which he repents of, should despair of his salvation. The 
 Synod nevertheless condemns them, because that, satisfied 
 with this hope, they reject certainty. The Catholics in fine 
 admitted this trust, and the holy perseverance, which the 
 Council of Trent -l* will have us aclcnowledge as God's special 
 gift, it will have us ex[)ect with confidence from his infinite 
 bounty; and yet, because it rejects absolute certainty ;{;, the 
 Synod condemns it, and accuses the Remonstrants, who likewise 
 condemned this certainty, of falling by this means into the 
 doubts of Popery. Had the dogma of absolute certainty and 
 
 * Rom. xi. 29. f Cone. Trid. Sess. vi. t Can. xv. xvi. xxii. 
 
 r2 
 
244 THE HISTORY OF [boOK 
 
 inamissibility raised as much honor in the Synod as so hideous 
 a doctrine should excite naturally in all minds, the ministers 
 that composed this assembly would not have had mouths 
 enough to proclaim throughout all the universe, that the Re- 
 monstrants, the Lutherans, and the Catholics, laying such a 
 blasphemy to their charge, did calumniate them ; and all Eu- 
 rope would have rung with their clamour: but on the contrary, 
 so far were they from defending themselves against this cer- 
 tainty and inamissibility objected to them by the Remonstrants, 
 that they define it expressly, and condemn the Remonstrants 
 for denying it. When they think themselves calumniated, 
 they are not at all sparing of their complaints. They complain, 
 for instance, at the close of their Synod *, that their enemies, 
 and amongst the rest, the Remonstrants accuse them " of 
 making God the author of sin ; and of the reprobation of men 
 without any regard to sin : of making him precipitate the chil- 
 dren of the faithful into damnation, so as that all the prayers 
 of the Church, and even baptism itself, are not able to with- 
 draw them from it." Why do not they complain, in like 
 manner, they are wrongfully accused of admitting this same 
 certainty and inamissibility. '' It is true," they say in this very 
 place |," they are accused of inspiring men with carnal secu- 
 rity, by affirming that no crime prejudices the salvation of the 
 elect, and that they may, with full security, commit the most 
 execrable." But is this a sufficient explanation from men that 
 were asked a plain and direct answer ? 'W'hat, does it not 
 suffice them then for an evasion, that they acknowledged 
 crimes, for instance, *' the sin even unto death and against the 
 Holy Ghost," whatever it may be, which the elect and true 
 faithful never fall into ? And if it was their sentiment that 
 other crimes were equally incompatible with true faith and the 
 state of grace, could they not have said as much in express 
 terms, whereas, in express terms, they assert the contrary ? 
 
 56. — Calvhi's Doctrine expressly defined by the Synod. 
 
 Conclude we, therefore, that, of the three articles wherein we 
 have made the Calvinian justification to consist, the two first 
 which already were insinuated in the Confessions of Faith, 
 namely, absolute certainty of predestination, and the impossi- 
 bility of forfeiting finally faith and grace once received, are 
 expressly defined in the synod of Dort ; and that the third 
 article, where the question is, whether a true believer may at 
 
 * Syn. Dord. Concl. Sess. 136. p, 21b. \ Ibid. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 245 
 
 least lose for a while, and during his continuance in sin, justi- 
 fying grace and true faith, although not expressed in any con- 
 fession of faith, is likewise decided conformably to Calvin's 
 doctrine and the spirit of the new reformation * 
 
 57. — Peter de Mouliris Sentiments approved by the Synod, 
 
 One may also know the seniiment of the whole Synod by that 
 of the renowned Peter du Moulin, minister of Paris ; allowed 
 by all the world to be unquestionably the most rigorous Cal- 
 vinist of his time, and the most wedded to the doctrine Gomar 
 defended against Arminius. He sent to Dort his judgment on 
 this matter, which was read and approved by the whole Synod, 
 and inserted in the acts. He declares, that he had not leisure 
 to handle all the questions j : but lays down the whole sub- 
 stance of the Synod's doctrine when he decides, that none is 
 justified but he that is glorified : whereby he condemns the 
 Arminians, in that they teach |, " there are men justified that 
 lose the faith, and are damned." And still more clearlj' in 
 these words § : " Although the doubt of salvation enter some- 
 times into the minds of the true faithful, God nevertheless 
 commands us in his word to have a certainty thereof, and we 
 must tend with all our might to this certainty, at which we 
 should not doubt many do arrive ; and whoever is assured of 
 his salvation, is so, at the same time, that God will never 
 abandon him, and that he shall thus persevere even to the end." 
 One cannot more clearly regard doubting as a temptation and 
 weakness, nor certainty, as enjoined by God's commandment. 
 Thus the faithful are not assured that they shall not fall into 
 the worst of crimes, and continue in them a long while, like 
 David: but are nevertheless assured, " God never will abandon 
 them, and that they shall persevere even to the end." This is 
 an abridgment of the Synod : accordingly, it was resolved by 
 the assembly to return Du Moulin thanks for the very accurate 
 judgment passed by him on this subject, and for his assent to 
 the doctrine of the Synod. 
 
 58. — Question whether the certainty of Salvation be a cer- 
 tainty of Faith. 
 
 Some would doubt Avhether this certainty required by the 
 Synod in every believer for his salvation, be a certainty of faith : 
 
 * S. 1. ix. n. 2, 3, et seq. Conf. de Foi de Fr. Art. xviii. xix. xx. xxi. xxii. 
 Dim. 1», 19, 36. S. 1. ix. Conf. Biltj. Art.x.xiv. Synt. Gen. part i. p. 139. 
 i Sess. ciii. civ. pp. 28D, 300. ^ Ibid, p. 2yi. § Ibid. 300. 
 
246 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 but their doubt will cease, if they do but observe, that the 
 certainty in question, is always expressed by the word '' Be- 
 lieve," which in the Synod is taken no otherwise than for true 
 faith ; to which add, that this certainty, according to the same 
 Synod, is nothing else than the belief of the promises applied 
 by each individual to himself and to his eternal salvation, with 
 a certain feeling in the heart of the sincerity of his faith ; so 
 that, to the end no kind of certainty may be wanting, you 
 have that of faith joined to that of experience and feeling. 
 
 59. — The Sentiment of the Divines of Great Britain. 
 
 Of all the Opiners, those that best explain the sense of the 
 Synod, are the Divines of Great Britain : for after confessing, 
 with all the rest, a kind of doubt in the believer concerning 
 his salvation, but a doubt that always proceeds from temptation, 
 they explain very clearly* , " how that after the temptation, 
 the act whereby one believes that God looks upon him with 
 the eyes of mercy, and that he shall infallibly possess eternal 
 life, is not an act of dubious opinion, or of conjectural hope, 
 wherein one might be deceived, cui falsum suhesse 'potest; but 
 an act of a true and lively faith excited and sealed in our 
 hearts by the spirit of adoption:" wherein these Divines seem 
 to advance further than the English Confession of Faith, which, 
 as we have already seen, looks as if it designed to avoid speak- 
 ing so clearly " on the certainty of salvation -j-." 
 
 60. — These Divines believed that Justice could not he forfeited. 
 — Contradiction of their Doctrine. 
 
 Some have thought that these English Divines were not of the 
 common opinion in respect to justice attributed to the faithful 
 fallen into grievous crimes whilst they continue in them like to 
 David ; and what may occasion this doubt is, that these doctors 
 decide formally, ''that these faithful are in the state of damna- 
 tion, and would be damned, should they die therein ^]:" whence 
 it follows, that they are fallen from the grace of justification, 
 at least for that time. But this is one of those places which 
 involve all such as err in necessary contradictions : for these Di- 
 vines see themselves obliged, by their erroneous principles, to 
 acknowledge, on one side, that the faithful, thus plunged into 
 
 * Theolog. I\rag. Brit. c. de persev. cert, quoad nos. Th. iii. p. 218. Ibid, 
 Th. iv.p. 219. 
 
 f Conf. Ang. Art. xvii. Svnt. Gen. i. p. 102. S.l. x. n. 23. 
 X Theol. Mag. Brit. Th. iii. iv. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 247 
 
 crimes, would be damned should they then die ; and on the 
 other, '^ that they do not fall from the state of justification* ." 
 
 61. — That Faith and Charity subsist amidst the greatest 
 
 Crimes. 
 Nor must one persuade himself, they here confound justifi- 
 cation with predestination: for, on the contrary, it is what they 
 distinguish most expressly;' and sayf, that these faithful, 
 plunged into crimes, not only are not fallen from their predes- 
 tination, which is true of all the elect, but, " they are not 
 fallen from the faith, nor from that celestial seed of regenera- 
 tion and those fundamental gifts, without which, spiritual life 
 can in no wise subsist]: ; insomuch, that it is impossible the 
 gifts of charity and faith should entirely be extinguished in 
 their hearts. They do not entirely lose the faith, sanctity, 
 adoption § : they abide in this universal justification, which is 
 justification in its most proper sense, which no })articular 
 crime can exclude them from : they abide in this justification, 
 from which interior renovation and sanctification are insepa- 
 rable [I ;" in a word, they are saints, who, if they died, would 
 be damned. 
 
 62. — What it was that remained in the Faithful guilty of griev- 
 ous crimes. — The Doctrine of those of Embden. 
 They were extremely puzzled to explain, according to these 
 principles, what it was that remained in the faithful who had 
 run themselves into criminal disorders. Those of Embden 
 were agreed ^, " actual faith could not remain in them, and that 
 it was inconsistent with the consent to grievous sins." What 
 they did not lose, "was habitual faith, that," said they, "which 
 subsists in man whilst he sleeps, or doth not act:" but then, 
 " this hal)itual faith infused into man by preaching and the use 
 of the sacraments, is the true living and justifying faith ;" 
 whence they concluded that the faithful did not, for all these 
 enormous crimes, lose " either justice or the Holy Ghost :"" and 
 when they were asked whether it might not as well be said, they 
 lost " faith and the Holy Ghost" afterwards to recover them, 
 as to say, they only lost " the feeling and energy" thereof** ; 
 they answered, the faithful ought not to be deprived of the 
 comfort accruing to them from the im[)Ossibility of their ever 
 losing " either faith or the Holy (ihost, what crime soever 
 
 ♦ Theol. Mag.Brit. Th.ii. p. 212. f lb. Th. v. p. 213. vi.214. | lb. 215. 
 
 § Ibid. Th. vii. Ibid. Th. vi. II Ibid. pp. 214, 218. 
 
 H Jud. Thco. £mbd. de V. Art. Th. i. n. 44, 52, pp.2CG, 2U7. Ibid. n. 45. 
 Ibid. 270. 
 
 •* Ibid.n. 50, 51. 
 
248 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 they fell into against their conscience." " For this," said they, 
 "would be but a cold comfort, to tell them, you have entirely 
 lost faith and the Holy Ghost, yet, perchance, God will adopt 
 and regenerate you again, that you may be reconciled to him." 
 Thus, what sins soever the believer may give himself up to, 
 contrary to his conscience, they are so favourable to him, 
 that to comfort him, they are not satisfied with leaving him the 
 hopes of a future return to the state of grace * ; but he inust 
 also have the comfort of actually being in it^ his crimes not- 
 withstanding. 
 
 63.— What it icas the Holy Ghost did in the Faithful guilty of 
 grievous sins. — Strange idea of Christian justice. 
 
 The question still remains, what did faith and the Holy Ghost 
 in these believers thus abandoned to sin, and whether or no they 
 were altogether without action in them ? It was answered, 
 they were not without action ; and the effect produced by them, 
 for example in David, was^ that he did not sin " whole and en- 
 tire : Peccavit David, at non totus-f;'' there being a certain 
 sin which he did not commit. But if you urged so far as to 
 ask, what could be " this sin the whole man falls into,"" and the 
 faithful are never guilty of? they answered |, '^ it was not a 
 particular fall of the Christian man into such or such a crime 
 against the first or second table, but a total and universal de- 
 fection and apostacy from the Gospel truth, whereby man of- 
 fends not God in part and by halves, but, by an obstinate con- 
 tempt, despises his whole majesty, and absolutely excludes him- 
 self from grace." Thus, till you are arrived to this obstinate 
 contempt of God, and to this universal apostacy, you still have 
 the " comfort of being holy, of beingjustified, and regenerated," 
 and of having the Holy Ghost dwelling in you. 
 
 64. — The Opinion of those of Bremen. 
 
 Corresponding to this is the sentiment of Bremen, when they 
 say 11 , " that those who are once truly regenerated, never wan- 
 der to that degree as to stray entirely from God by an miiver- 
 sal apostacy, so as to hate him as their enemy, to sin like the 
 Devil with a studied malice, and to deprive themselves of hea- 
 venly gifts : Avherefore they never lose absolutely God's grace 
 and favour ;" so that they remain in this grace and favour, well 
 
 * Jiid. Theo. Embd. de V. Art. Th. i. n. 30. p. 2fi5. f Ibid. n. 54. p. 267. 
 
 I Ibid. n. 60. p. 268. 
 II Jud. Brem. de V. Art. n. 32, 33. pp. 254, 255. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 249 
 
 regenerated, well justified, provided only they be not the de- 
 clared enemies of God, and quite as wicked as the Devil. 
 
 65. — Whether the Synod can be excused from these excesses. — 
 The unanimous consent of all the Opincrs. 
 
 So great are these excesses, that the Protestants are confounded 
 at them ; nay, there have been some Catholics that could 
 not persuade themselves the Synod was guilty of them. Ne- 
 vertheless, here have you historically, with the decrees of the 
 Synod, the votes of the principal Opiners *. And that there 
 might be no doubt, in respect to those of all the rest, besides 
 what is inserted in the Acts of the Synod, that every thing was 
 there decided by the unanimous consent of all the voices, not 
 one excepted, 1 have expressly related the opinions, wherein 
 those that are willing to excuse the Synod of Dort find the 
 greatest moderation. 
 
 f 
 
 66. — The Sanctlfication of all baptized Children confessed in 
 the Synod, and the consequence of this doctrine. 
 
 Besides these important points, we see a fourth expressly de- 
 cided in the Synod ; and it is that of the sanctity of all children 
 descending from the faithful. There have been different ex- 
 planations of this article in the Acts of the new Reformation. 
 We have seen this sanctity of children formally established in 
 the Catechism of the Calvinists of France, and there it is said 
 expressly, that all children of the faithful are sanctified, and 
 born in the Covenant ; yet, we have seen the contrary in the 
 agreement of those of Geneva with the Swiss, and the sanctlfi- 
 cation of infants, even baptized, is there restrained to the pre- 
 destinated alone. Beza seems to have followed this restriction 
 in the above-cited exposition : but the Synod of Dort pronoun- 
 ces in favour of the sanctity of all children born of faithful 
 parents, and permits not the parents to doubt of their salvation ; 
 an article from which we have seen it follow (lemonstrati\ely, 
 according to the principles of the Synod, that all the children 
 of the faithful, and all the posterity of these children to the end 
 of time, should their race continue so long, are of the number 
 of the predestinated j. 
 
 * Sess. cxxv. cxxx. et preef. .id Kcc. 
 
 ■f- S.l. ix. pp. 11, 12, 19. Ibid. 21. Expos, do la Foi, ch. iv. Cone, xiii, p. 80. 
 
 Sessione sxxvi. Ca. de prwdcst. Art. xvii. Sup. n. 3C. 
 
250 THE HISTORY OF [BOQK 
 
 67. — Procedure of the Synod. — The Remonstrants' petitiq^^ 
 complaining that they are judged by their Adversaries. 
 
 Whether all these decisions, which seem so authentic, be so cer- 
 tainly fundamental in the new Reformation, as to deprive of 
 salvation and cut off from the Church all those that reject them, 
 is what we are to examine by setting forth the procedure of the 
 Council. 
 
 The first thing I observe therein, is a petition preferred by 
 the Remonstrants, representing to the Synod * that they have 
 been condemned, treated as HereticSj and excommunicated 
 by the Anti-Remonstrants, their colleagues and parties ; that 
 they are pastors like the rest, and so naturally ought to have a 
 seat in the Synod together with them: if they are to be exclud- 
 ed from it as parties in the cause, their plaintiffs ought to be 
 excluded from it no less than they — otherwise, they would be 
 both judges and parties at the same time, which of all proce- 
 dures is the most unjust. 
 
 68. — They employ the same arguments which the whole Pro~ 
 testant party insisted on against the Church. 
 
 These were manifestly the sam.e reasons for which all the Pro- 
 testants had excepted against the Council of the Catholics ; for 
 which the Zuinglians in particular had opposed the Synod of 
 the Ubiquitarians, by whom they were condemned at Jena, as 
 above seen. The Remonstrants did not fail to quote these ex- 
 amples. They instanced chiefly in complaints made against the 
 Council of Trent, when all Protestants exclaimed f, " We will 
 have a free Council ; a Council we may be present at together 
 with the rest ; a Council that comes unbiassed ; a Council that 
 does not hold us for Heretics — otherwise we should be judged 
 by our adversaries." We have seen that Calvin and the Cal- 
 vin ists alleged the same reasons against the Synod of Jena. 
 The Remonstrants found themselves in this very state when 
 they beheld Francis Gomar and his adherents seated in the 
 Council amongst their Judges, yet themselves excluded, and 
 treated as guilty persons ^ : this was prejudging against them 
 before examining the cause ; and these reasons seemed to them 
 so much the more convincing, as they were visibly the very 
 same their fathers had ursred aj^ainst the Council of Trent, as 
 they set forth in their petition. 
 
 * Sess. XXV. p. 65. et seq. f S. 1. vlii.n. 41. Ibid. 70. 81. 
 
 + Syn. Doid. Ibid. pp. 70, 71, 72, &c. 81, &c. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 261 
 
 69. — Their mouths are stopped by the authority of the States. 
 
 After their petition was read, it was declared to them, " the 
 Synod thought it very strange that the accused should set laws 
 to their Judges, and prescribe them rules ; which was not only 
 injuring the Synod, hut also the States-General, by whom it 
 was assembled and authorized to judge ; wherefore they had no 
 more to do but obey *." 
 
 This was stop[)ing their mouths with the authority of the se- 
 cular power, but not answering their arguments, nor the ex- 
 ample of their forefathers when they declined the judgment of 
 the Council of Trent. And truly, little did they dwell on these 
 considerations : the Delegates of the States who were present 
 at the Synod f with the whole authority of their superiors, 
 judged the Remonstrants were not to be admitted plaintiffs, 
 and ordered them to obey the regulations of the Synod — which, 
 on its side, declared their propositions insolent, and their chal- 
 lenging the whole Synod as a party in the cause, injurious, not 
 only to the Synod itself, but also to the supreme authority of 
 the States-General. 
 
 70. — They protest against the Synod. — The arguments used 
 against thorn by the Synod condemn the ivhole Protestant 
 party. 
 
 The Remonstrants condemned, change their petitions into 
 protests against the Synod. These were debated on ; and as 
 the reasons alleged by them were the same with those the Pro- 
 testants had used to elude the authority of the Catholic bishops, 
 the answers returned them were the same that the Catholics 
 had employed against the Protestants-^. They were told that 
 it had never been the custom of the Ciiurch to deprive pastors 
 of their right of suffrage against errors, because that they had 
 opposed them : that this would be divesting them of the pre- 
 rogatives of their function for having faithfully discharged their 
 duty, and subverting the whole economy of Church judg- 
 ments: that by the same reasons the Arians, the Nestorians, 
 and the Eulychians might have exce|)ted against the whole 
 Church, and left themselves no judge among Christians: that 
 thisvvouid be the way to silence pastors and give a free scope to 
 all kind of heresies. After all, what judges would they have? 
 Where could they find, in the whole body of the pastors, these 
 
 * Syn. Dord. p. 80. Sess. xxvi. pp. 82, 8.3. f Soss. xxvi. p. 81. 
 
 I Sess. xxvii, p. 93. Ibid. n. 83, 87, 07, 98, 100, 104, lOU. 
 
252 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 neutral and indifferent persons that had interested themselves 
 no way in questions of faith and affairs of the Church ? These 
 arguments were unanswerable ; but then, unluckily for our 
 Reformed, they were tlie same that had been objected to them 
 when they declined the judgment of the bishops in possession 
 of authority, at the time of their separation. 
 
 71. — Hiey decide that the iveaher and younger 2)arty ought to 
 yield to the greater and more ancient. 
 
 What carried the greatest v/eight in the objections against the 
 Remonstrants was, " that they were innovators, and the least 
 party, as well as the newest, which by consequence ought to 
 be judged by the greatest, and the most ancient ; by that Avhich 
 Avas in possession, and which maintained the doctrine till then 
 received *." But thereby the Catholics did most evidently 
 gain their cause, for, after all, what antiquity did the Dutch 
 Reformed Church allege against the Remonstrants ? We will 
 not suffer, said shey, any alteration to be made in the doctrine 
 we have constantly taught " these fifty years past," for this 
 was the utmost antiquity they could boast. If fifty years gave to 
 this Church, that called herself reformed, so great a power 
 against the Arminians newly crept out of her bosom, what 
 ought to be the authority of the whole Catholic Churchy of so 
 many ages standing ? 
 
 72. — The Synod's perplexity at the Protest of the Remonstrants. 
 
 Among all the answers made to the Remonstrants, in relation 
 to their Protest, what was the least taken notice of was the 
 comparison made by them between their exceptions against 
 the Synod of Dort, and those of the Reformed against the 
 Councils of the Catholics and those of the Lutherans J. Some 
 of them said, " there was a great difference between this, and 
 the councils of Papists and Lutherans. There you hear men, 
 the Pope and Luther; here you here God. There men are 
 prepossessed ; here not a man to be found that is not ready to 
 yield to the word of God. There you have enemies to con- 
 tend with ; and here, none but brethren. There every thing 
 is forced ; here all is free." This was solving the question by 
 that which caused the difficulty. The question was, whether 
 the Gomarists did not come to the Synod prepossessed ; the 
 question was, whether they were enemies or brethren ; the 
 question was, which of them had the most docile hearts in 
 
 * Sess. xxvii. pp. 97, 103, &c. f Praf. ad Ecc. Ant. Syn. Dord. J P. i)'J. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 253 
 
 regard to truth and the word of God ; whether the Protestants 
 in general, or the Cathohcs, the (hsciples of ZAiinghus or those 
 of Luther; the Gomarlstsor the Armhiians. And as to hberty, 
 the authority of the States which everywhere interposed, and 
 moreover was ahvays in the mouth of the Synod *, that of the 
 Prince of Orange, the dechired enemy of tlio Arminians, the 
 imprisonment of Grotius and the other heads of that party, and 
 lastly, the capital punishment of Barneveld, sufficiently prove 
 what liberty was allowed in Holland as to that matter. 
 
 73. — Strange answer of those of Geneva. 
 
 The deputies of Geneva made fewer words of the difficulty, 
 and without stopping at the Lutherans, to whom but four years 
 of seniority above the Zuinglians could give but little autho- 
 rity to be their judges, they answer in respect of the Catholicsf: 
 " Our fathers might, as they pleased, protest against the 
 Councils of Constance and Trent, because we are determined 
 to have no kind of union with them ; on the contrary, we de- 
 spise and hate them : in all times those who declined the au- 
 thority of Councils separated from their communion." This 
 is the whole of their answer ; and these great doctors would 
 have had nothing to oppose against the exceptions of the Ar- 
 minians, had they but broken off from the Churches of Hol- 
 land, and openly " despised" and " hated" them. 
 
 74. — AccorduKj to the Synod of Dort, the Protestants were 
 obliged to own the Council of the Catholic Church. 
 
 According to this way of answering, the Lutherans needed not 
 have taken so much pains to heap up grievances against the 
 Council of Trent, nor to have discussed which was l)arty, 
 and which was not, in this cause. To reject the authority of 
 the Council the Catholics cited them to, they had no more to 
 do but say downright. We are determined to break with you, 
 we despise you, we hate you, we trouble not ourselves about 
 your Council. But public edification, and the very name of a 
 Christian, would not suffer such an answer. Neither did the 
 Lutherans answer in this manner ;j; ; on the contrary, they 
 declared, and even at Augsburg in their own Confession §, that 
 they appealed to the Council, even that Council which the 
 Pope was to assemble. There is a like declaration in the 
 
 * Sess. XXV. 80. xxvi. 81, 82, 83, &c. f Ibid. 10.3. 
 
 I S. 1. iii. n. 62. § Conf. Argent. Peror. Synt. Gen. part i. p. 199. 
 
254 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Confession of Strasburg ; so that both Protestant parties were 
 agreed in this point. They were not for breaking with us ; 
 they did not hate us 5 they did not despise us to that degree 
 as did those of Geneva. If it be therefore true, according to 
 them, that the Remonstrants ought to have submitted them- 
 selves to the Council of the Reformation, as they were averse 
 to schism ; so the Protestants, who alike declared they would 
 not separate from tlie Cathohc Church, ought to have sub- 
 mitted to her Council. 
 
 75. — In order to silence the Remonstrants, a Synod of Calvi- 
 nists is forced to have recourse to the assistance of the Holy 
 Ghost promised to Councils. 
 
 We must not forget the answer made by a whole Synod of the 
 Province of Holland to the exceptions of the Remonstrants : 
 it was the Synod held at Delft, a little before that of Dort, 
 The Remonstrants objected that the Synod, which was to be 
 convened against them, would not be infallible like that of the 
 Apostles, and, consequently, would not bind their consciences. 
 This they must certainly have owned, or denied all the prin- 
 ciples of the Reformation ; yet after owning it, those of Delft 
 had these words*: " Jesus Christ, who promised the Apostles 
 the spirit of truth, whose lights were to lead them into all 
 truth, had likewise promised to his church to be with her even 
 to the end of the world, and to be in the midst of two or three 
 that should meet together in his name ;" whence they con- 
 cluded a little after, '^ that when pastors should meet together 
 from sundry countries, in order to decide, according to God's 
 word, wiiat ought to be taught in the churches, one ought to 
 persuade himself with a firm confidence that Jesus Christ 
 would be with them according to his promise." 
 
 76. — This is returning to the Ccdholic Doctrine. 
 
 Here, then, you see them obliged to confess two promises of 
 Jesus Christ, that he will be present at and direct the j lodg- 
 ments of his chiu'ch. Now the Catholics never had any other 
 foundation than this to believe the Church infallible. They 
 make use of the first text, in order to shew he always is with 
 her considered in her whole. They make use of the second 
 to shew we ought to hold for certain he would be in the midst 
 of two or three, were we assured that they were truly assembled 
 
 * Oct. 24, 1018. Syn. Delpli. Int. Act. Dord. Sess. xxvi, p. 86, Matt, xviii. 20. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 255 
 
 in the name of Jesus Christ. Now what is doubtful in respect 
 to two or three assembled in private, is certain in regard to 
 the whole church assembled in body: we ought, therefore, to 
 hold for certain, in such case, that Jesus Christ is there by his 
 spirit, and by that means her judgments are infallible ; or let 
 them tell us what other use can be made of these texts in the 
 case to which the Synod of Delft applies them. 
 
 77. — The Remonstrants are made to hope an (Ecumenical 
 Council. 
 
 It is true, the certain accomplishment of these promises is to 
 be found in the body of the Universal Church and in her oecu- 
 menical council. Accordingly, it was to such a council the 
 Remonstrants had appealed. They were answered*, " It was 
 doubtful whether and when this oecumenical council could be 
 assembled ; mean while, the national one, called together by 
 the states, would be like to one oecumenical and general, for- 
 asmuch as it would be composed of the deputies of all the re- 
 formed churches;" and in case they should find " themselves 
 aggrieved by the national Synod, they would be free to appeal 
 to an oecumenical council, provided, in the interim, they obey 
 the national council." 
 
 78. — The illusion of this Promise. 
 
 The reflection we ought to make here is, that to speak of an 
 oecumenical council was, amongst these new Reformed, a re- 
 mainder of the church's language. For what could this word 
 mean in these upstart ciuirclies ? They durst not say, the 
 deputies of all the Reformed Churches were an oecumenical 
 council representing the Universal Church. It was, said they, 
 not an oecumenical council, but like to an oecumenical coun- 
 cil. What, then, should a true oecumenical council be 
 composed of? Ought the Lutherans to be a part of it, who 
 had excommunicated them ? or the Catholics ? or, in fine, 
 some other churches ? That is what the Cah inists could not 
 tell, and in the condition they had put themselves by dividing 
 from all the rest of Christendom, the great name of an cecu- 
 menical council, so venerable among Christians, was nothing 
 to them but an insignificant word, which had no idea in their 
 mind corresponding to it. 
 
 * Praef, ad Ecc. Ant. Syn. Dord. 
 
256 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 79. — Resolution of the Synod, that the Confessiom of Faith 
 might be remsed^ and at the same time an obligation imjyosed 
 of subscribing them. 
 
 The last observation I have to make, as to the procedure, 
 regards the Confessions of Faith and the Catechisms received in 
 the United Provinces. The provincial Synods obhged the Re- 
 monstrants to subscribe them*. These refused it absolutely, 
 because they believed there were principles in them from which 
 the condemnation of their doctrine might be clearly enough 
 deduced. Upon this refusal they were treated as heretics and 
 schismatics ; and this, notwithstanding it was agreed in the 
 provincial Synods, and expressly declared in the Synod of 
 Dort f , that these Confessions of Faith, so far from passing for 
 a certain rule, might be examined anew ; so that they obliged 
 the Remonstrants to subscribe a doctrine of faith, even without 
 believing it themselves. 
 
 80. — Decree of the pretended Heformed of France, at the Synod 
 of Charenton, in order to approve that of Dort. — The cer- 
 tainty of Salvation acknowledged as the principal point. 
 
 We have observed already, what is specified in the acts, 
 that the canons of the Synod against the Remonstrants were 
 established with the unanimous consent of all the voices, " not 
 one excepted.'" The pretended reformed of France were not 
 allowed to go to Dort though invited, but received its decisions 
 in their national Synods, and amongst the rest, in that of Cha- 
 i-enton, in 1620, where all the canons Avere translated into 
 French, and a subscription of them enjoined in this form J: — 
 " I receive, approve, and embrace all the doctrine taught in 
 the Synod of Dort, as entirely conformable to God's word 
 and to the Confession of Faith of our churches : the doctrine 
 of the Arminians makes God''s election to depend on the Avill 
 of men, brings back Paganism, disguises Popery, and over- 
 throws the whole certainty of salvation." These last words 
 shew us what they judged of most importance in the decisions 
 of Dort, and the certainty of salvation stands foremost as one 
 of the most essential characteristics of Calvinism. 
 
 * Syn. Delph. Int. Act. f Dord. Sess. xxv. p. 91. Sess. xxxii. 123. 
 
 t Sess. cxxv. cxxx. Prjef. ad Ecc. Sin. de Cha. xxiii. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 257 
 
 81. — A new Subscription of the Synod of Dort, by the French 
 
 Mefugees. 
 
 Even very lately, the first thing required of our ministers, who 
 had taken refuge in Holland in these lust contests about re- 
 ligion, was to subscribe the acts of the Synod of Dort; and so 
 great a concourse, so many oaths, such a number of repeated 
 acts, seem to make it plain, that nothing is more authentic in 
 the whole party. 
 
 82. — By the Decree of the Synod of Dart the Remonstrants 
 stand deposed and excommunicated. 
 
 Even the decree of the Synod shews the importance of this 
 decision *, the Remonstrants being deprived by it " of the 
 ministry, of their chairs of professorship in divinity, of all other 
 functions as well ecclesiastic as academical, until, having satis- 
 fied the church, they be fully reconciled and received to her 
 communion :" which shews they were treated as excommuni- 
 cated, and that the sentence of excommunication passed 
 against them in particular churches and synods was ratified ; 
 after which the Synod supplicates the states not to suffer " any 
 other doctrine to be taught but that which was just defined, 
 and to obstruct heresies and errors that were creeping in;" 
 which manifestly regards the Arminian articles, by them qua- 
 lified " as erroneous, and as the source of hidden errors." 
 
 83. — The decisions of Dort not essential. — The sentiment of 
 the Minister Juricu. 
 
 All these things might make one think these articles were ac- 
 counted very essential to religion. Mr. Jurieu, nevertheless, 
 assures us of the contrary: for after supposing " the church of 
 Rome was in the sentiment of the Arminians, at least during 
 the time of the Council of Trent," he thus proceedsj : " if she 
 had no other errors, we shoxdd have done exceedingly ill to 
 separate from her : we ought to have borne with those for peace 
 sake, by reason that she was a church whereof we made part, 
 and which liad not banded herself to maintain grace according 
 to St. Austin's system of divinity,"" &c. And accordingly, it 
 is this which makes him conclude, " that the reason which 
 made them cut the Remonstrants off from tlieir communion 
 was, for that they would not submit to a doctrine wJiich, in the 
 
 * Sent. Syii. de Remon. Sess. cxxxviii. p. 280. 
 f Syst. de I'Egl. liv. ii. di. iii. p. 2o5. Ibid. di. x. p. 300. 
 VOL. II. S 
 
258 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 first place, we believed conformable to the word of God ; 
 which, in the second, we had bound ourselves, by a confede- 
 rate confession, to maintain and defend against the Pelagianism 
 of the church of Rome." 
 
 84. — Semi-Pelagianism, according to this Author, damns none. 
 
 Without assenting to his principles, or what he says of the 
 Church of Rome, it suffices to relate his sentiments, which 
 make him say in another place*, " that the churches of the 
 Swiss and Geneva Confession would exclude from their com- 
 munion a Semi-Pelagian, and one that should maintain the 
 errors of the Remonstrants : yet it would not be their design 
 thereby to declare this man damned, as if Semi-Pelagianism did 
 damn." It, therefore, stands well grounded by the sentiment 
 of this minister, that the doctrine of the Remonstrants may 
 well exclude one from the particular confederation of the pre- 
 tended reformed churches, but not, in general, from the fellow- 
 ship of God's children ; the which shews that these articles 
 are not of the number of those they call fundamental. 
 
 Lastly, the same doctor j, in his " judgment concerning 
 methods," where he labours at the reunion of the Lutherans to 
 those of his communion, acknowledges, " that in order to stem 
 a torrent of Pelagianism which was going to overflow the Low 
 Countries, the Synod of Dort ought to oppbse the most rigid 
 and strict method to this Pelagian relaxation." He adds, 
 " that with this view she might have imposed on her party 
 the necessity of maintaining St. Austin's method, and obliged, 
 I do not say all the members of her society, but, at least, all 
 her doctors, preachers, and the rest concerned in teaching, 
 yet without laying other churches and other communions 
 under the same obligation." Whence it comes that the Synod, 
 so far from binding all Christians to her tenets, does not even 
 pretend to bind all her members, but only her preachers and 
 doctors ; which shews what these grave decisions of the new 
 Reformation are in the main ; when, after so much boasting 
 the express word of God, all terminates at last in obliging 
 doctors to teach, by common agreement, a doctrine which 
 private men are neither obliged to believe nor profess. 
 
 85. — The tenets in debate at Dort were the most popular and 
 the most essential. 
 
 Nor can it be answered that these are dogmata which apper- 
 tain not to the knowledge of the people : for besides that all 
 
 * Syst. de I'Egl. liv. ii. cli. iii. p. 249. 
 f Jug. sur les meth. Sect, xviii. pp. 159, 160. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 259 
 
 dogmata revealed by God are made for the people as well as 
 the rest, and there are certain cases Avherein they are not al- 
 lowed to be ignorant of them ; that which was defined at Dort 
 ought, above all others, to be a most popular dogma, since it 
 principally concerned that certainty every body ought to have 
 of his own salvation : a dogma, wherein the Calvinists laid the 
 main foundation of the Christian religion. 
 
 8(j. — The minister Jxirieu makes the Synod of Dort act m,ore 
 by policy than truth. 
 
 All the rest of the decisions of Dort, as you have seen, tending 
 to this dogma of certainty, it was no question of idle specula- 
 tion, but of practice, which they judged the most necessary 
 anrl of the utmost consequence to religion 3 and, nevertheless, 
 Mr. Jurieu has represented this doctrine not so much as a 
 capital dogma, but as a method they were obliged to follow ; 
 and not as the most certain neither, but as being " the most 
 rigid." "In order to stem," says he *, " this torrent of Pela- 
 gianism, it was necessary to expose against it the most rigid 
 and strict method, and to decide," adds he, '' many things to 
 the prejudice of that liberty of disputing j^ro and con, which 
 always had subsisted among the Reformed :*" as if this were 
 a political aflfair, or that other things were to be considered in 
 church decisions than the pure truth revealed by God clearly 
 and expressly in his word ; or, after a full knowledge thereof, 
 it were allowable to shift and decline from it. 
 
 87. — They were ready to bear with Pelagianism in the 
 
 Arminians, 
 
 But what this minister teaches in another place, is still more 
 surprising, since he declares to the Arminians, that it is not 
 properly Arminianism, but Socinianism, which they reject ia 
 them J. " These Remonstrants," says he, " ought not to 
 wonder we offer peace to sects that seem to be of the same 
 mind with them in respect to the Synod of Dort, and do not 
 offer it to them. Their Semi-Socinianism will ever be a wall 
 of separation between them and us." Here then is what 
 makes the separation. " It is because, at this day," proceeds 
 he, " Socinianism is in the most elevated stations amonsrst 
 them." It is plainly seen, were it not for this obstacle, that 
 they might unite with the Arminians, without concerning 
 themselves for " that torrent of Pelagianism with which they 
 
 • Jug. sur les meth. Sect, xviii. p. od. f l^- ''^^t. xvi. p. 137. 
 
 s2 
 
260 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 overflowed the Low Countries," nor for the decisions of Dort, 
 nor even for the confederacy of all Calvinism in favour of the 
 pretended sentiments of St. Austin. 
 
 88. — The rest of the Ministers are of the same opinion with 
 
 Mr. Jurieii. 
 
 Mr. Jurieu is not the only one that has revealed to us this 
 secret of the party. The minister Matthew Bochart had as- 
 sured us before him *', that, " if the Remonstrants had only 
 differed from the rest of the Calvinists in the five points de- 
 cided at the Synod of Dort, the difference might have been 
 adjusted," which he confirms by the opinions of other doctors 
 of the sect, even with that of the Synod itself. 
 
 89. — The Reformation allows private men to arrogate to them- 
 selves more capacity for understanding sound Doctrine, 
 than all the rest of the Church. 
 
 It is true, he says at the same time 'f', that although they were 
 disposed to tolerate, in particular peaceable and modest men, 
 sentiments opposite to those of the Synod, they could not have 
 suffered them in the ministers, who ought to be better instructed 
 than the rest : but this, however, is enough to evince, that these 
 decisions, " which were opposed against Pelagianism," although 
 made by the Synod with so great solemnity and with such 
 frequent declarations of their following nothing therein but 
 the pure and express word of God, are not very material to 
 Christianity ; and what is more surprising, is, that they hold 
 for modest men such private persons as, after knowing the 
 decisions of all the doctors, nay, as speaks Mr. Bochart, " of 
 all the Churches of the party as many as there are in Europe," 
 yet believe they are better able to understand which is sound 
 doctrine, not only than any one of these in particular, but even 
 than all of them together. 
 
 90. — The Doctors themselves are very much relaxed in the 
 observance of the decrees of Dort. 
 
 It is also very certain, that the doctors, in whom sentiments 
 opposed to those of the Synod were not to be tolerated, are 
 greatly slackened in that regard |. The ministers who have 
 written in latter times, and among others Mr. Beaulieu, whom 
 
 * Dlallact. c. viii. p. 120, &c. lb. 130. lb. 127- f lb. 12G, et seq. lb. 127- 
 + The. de Art. Just. part. ii. Th. 42, 43. Item. Tb. An Homo solis uat. virib., 
 &c. Corol. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, &c. 
 
XIV,] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 261 
 
 we have seen at Sedan one of the most learned and pacific of 
 them all, soften as much as they are able the dogma of ina- 
 missibility of justice, and even that of the certainty of salva- 
 tion ; and two reasons move them to it : the first is, the Lu- 
 therans' dislike to it, whom they are willing to be united to at 
 any rate ; the second is, the absurdity and impiety discover- 
 able in these tenets by never so little an inspection. The doc- 
 tors may, by degrees, inure themselves to them in consequence 
 of the false principles they are imbued with ; but plain and 
 sincere people will not easily be persuaded, that every one of 
 them, to have true faith, must assure himself he has no dam- 
 nation to fear, let him commit what crimes he pleases ; much 
 less, that he is sure of preserving sanctity and grace in such 
 crimes. 
 
 As often as our Reformed disclaim these impious tenets, let 
 us praise God for it, and without more disputing, entreat them 
 only to consider that the Holy Ghost could not have been in 
 those that taught them, and who made a great part of the 
 Reformation to consist in notions so derogatory to Christian 
 justice. 
 
 91. — The Synod of Dor t hath done no good, and spite of all 
 its decrees Mr. Jurieu is a Pelagian. 
 
 This, however, we may conclude from thence : that, after all, 
 this great Synod has proved quite useless, and neither cured 
 the people, nor even the pastors, for whom it was principally 
 intended, inasmuch as Avhat is called Pelagianism in the 
 Reformation (the thing the Synod resolved to destroy) still 
 stands its ground j for I ask, who has been cured of this evil ? 
 Not those surely who do not believe the Synod ; nor even 
 those who do believe it; for Mr. Jurieu, for instance, who is of 
 this last number, and seems to continue so firm in the confe- 
 deration, as he calls it, of the Calvinian Churches against Pe- 
 lagianism, in reality does not disapprove it, since he maintains, 
 as we have seen, that it is not contrary to piety*. He is like 
 to those Socinians, who when asked if they believe the eternal 
 divinity of the Son of God, make no difiiculty of answering, 
 they believe it : but urged a little further, will tell you, that 
 the contrary belief, in the main, is neither opposite to piety nor 
 true faith. Such are true enemies to the Son of God's divinity, 
 since they hold the tenet for indifferent: Mr. Jurieu is a Pela- 
 gian, and the enemy of grace, in the same sense. 
 
 * S. n. pp. 83, 8-i, 87. 
 
262 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 92. — Another Pelagian saying of the same Minister, and his 
 ivretched contradictions. 
 
 In effect, what is the tendency of these words of his, " in exhor- 
 tation, you must of necessity speak like a Pehigian ?"" This is 
 not the speech of a divine ; for if Pelagianisni be a heresy, 
 and a heresy that renders useless the cross of Jesus Christ, as 
 has been so much preached even by the Reformation, you can- 
 not keep at too great a distance from it in exhortation, so far 
 from retaining the least tincture of it *. 
 
 This minister is no less inconsistent when he excuses the 
 Pelagians or Semi-Pelagians of the Augsburg Confession, toge- 
 ther with the Arminians, following the same sentiments, under 
 pretext that, " whilst they are Semi-Pelagians in word and 
 spirit, they are the disciples of St. Austin in the heart;" for 
 can he be ignorant that a perverted spirit soon corrupts the 
 heart ? Men must be very closely attached to error when 
 even truth presented does not awaken them; nay, presented by 
 a synod made up of their whole communion. 
 
 When therefore Mr. Jurieu says, on one hand, that Pela- 
 gianism does not damn ; and on the other, that you will " never 
 make truly pious men of Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians j," 
 though he be never so subtile a divine, he could not shew 
 more clearly that he does not reflect on what he says, and 
 that, by endeavouring to save all, he loses all. 
 
 93. — l^his Minister falls back into the excesses of the Reformers 
 relating to the cause of Sin. 
 
 He also thinks he has kept clear from that blasphemy which 
 makes God the author of sin, into which, he pretends, none of 
 his party has fallen " for this hundred years ;" and he himself 
 relapses into it in that very book where he pretends to shew 
 they are no longer guilty of it J. For after all, whilst you 
 continue to deprive mankind of the liberty of their choice, and 
 believe that free-will subsists together with an entire and inevi- 
 table necessity, it ahvays will be true that neither men, nor 
 prevaricating angels, could avoid sinning ; and so the sins they 
 fell into are the necessary consequence resulting from those 
 dispositions their Creator placed them in. Now Mr. Jurieu 
 is one of those who leave this inevitable necessity whole and 
 entire, when he says, we know nothing of our soul, " only that 
 
 • Meth. Sect. xv. p. 131. Ibid. Sect. xiv. pp. 113, 114. 
 t S. n. 83, 84; 87. Meth. Sect. xv. pp. 113, 121. J S. n. 6. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 263 
 
 she thinks," nor can we define what is requisite '' to constitute 
 her free*." He owns^ therefore, he does not know but it is this 
 inevitable necessity which drags us into evil as well as good, 
 and by that means sinks into all the excesses of the first 
 Reformers, from which he boasts that his party has been free 
 a whole age. 
 
 To avoid these terrible inconveniences, you must at least 
 believe, if not arrived to the comprehension of it, that there is 
 no admitting, without blas{)hemy and making God the author 
 of sin, this invincible necessity which the Remonstrants re- 
 proached the pretended Reformers with, and from which the 
 Synod of Dort has not justified them. 
 
 94. — Connivance of the Synod of Dort, not only at the ex- 
 cesses of the pretended Reformers, hut also at those of the 
 Remonstrants. 
 
 And in realit)^, I observe that nothing is said in any part of the 
 Synod against these damnable excesses. It was willing to 
 spare the Reformers and save the beginnings of the Reforma- 
 tion from eternal infamy. 
 
 Yet at least it ought not to have extended the like conde- 
 scension to the Remonstrants, who opposed to the excesses of 
 the Reformers other no less criminal excesses. 
 
 They printed in Holland in 1618, a little before the Synod, 
 a book under this title — " The State of Controversies in the 
 Low Countries f," where it is shewn it was the doctrine of 
 the Remonstrants that certain accidents might befal God ; that 
 he was liable to change ; that his prescience of certain events 
 was not certain ; that he proceeded by discoursing and con- 
 jecture in drawing, as we do, one thing from another ; and other 
 the like numberless errors, wherein the Author sides with those 
 philosophers who destroy God's foreknowledge, for fear of 
 lessening the liberty of man. There it is made appear they 
 went so far astray as to make God corporeal, to attribute to 
 him three essences, and the rest that may be learned from that 
 Book, which is very perspicuous and concise. It was composed 
 in order to prepare, for the approaching Synod, the subject 
 matter of their deliberations : but none of all these things were 
 mentioned at it, no more than many others as materially start- 
 ed by the Remonstrants. The whole care of the Synod was 
 taken up in preserving those Articles which are peculiar to 
 
 *Metli. Sect. pp. 120, 132. 
 t Specim. Controv. Belg. ex Offic. Elzcv. pp. 2, 4, 7, &c. 
 
 f^ 
 
264 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Calvinism ; and more zeal was exhibited by them for these 
 opinions, than for the fundamental principles of Christianity. 
 
 95. — Tlie Decree of Charenton receiving the Lutherans to 
 Communion. — 1631. 
 
 The great deference which we have seen was paid to the Lu- 
 therans, prevailed nothing with them in regard to an union, 
 'they still persisting to hold the whole party of the Sacramen- 
 tarians for exxommunicated. At last the Reformed of France, 
 in their national Synod of Charenton, made this memorable 
 decree, wherein they declare, " that the Germans and others 
 following the Confession of Aiigsburg, for so much as the 
 Churches of the Augsburg Confession agree with the others that 
 are reformed in the fundamental principles and tenets of the 
 true religion, and that in their worship there is neither ido- 
 latry nor su[)erstition, may, without making abjuration, be re- 
 ceived to the holy table, to contract marriage with the faithful 
 of our Confession, and to present, as god-fathers, children to 
 baptism, in promising the Consistory they will never solicit 
 them to act counter, directly or indirectly, to the doctrine re- 
 ceived and professed in our Churches, but will be contented 
 with instructing them in the principles wherein we all agree." 
 
 96. — The Consequences of this Decree. 
 
 In consequence of this decree, they were obliged to say*, 
 " that the doctrine of the Real Presence, taken in itself, has 
 no venom in it : that it is neither contrary to piety nor God's 
 honour, nor the good of mankind : that although the opinion 
 of the Lutherans relating to the Eucharist infers, no less than 
 that of Rome, the destruction of Jesus Christ's humanity, this 
 consequence nevertheless cannot be imputed to them without 
 calumny, inasmuch as it is formally rejected by them," — so 
 that it is an allowed maxim that, in matters of religion, none 
 ought to charge on others the consequences they draw from 
 their doctrine, but only such things as they allow in express 
 terms. 
 
 97. — The Calvinists had never advanced so far before. 
 
 Never had the Sacramentarians, before this time, made so 
 great an advance towards the Lutherans. The novelty of this 
 decree does not consist in saying, that the Real Presence, and 
 
 * Daille Apol. ch, vii. p. 43. Id. Lettre a Mongl, 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 265 
 
 the other disputed points between both parties, do not regard 
 the fundamentals of salvation ; for it must be owned ingenu- 
 ously, that ever since the time of the Conference of Marpurg, 
 that is, so long ago as the year 1529*, the Zuinglians offered 
 the Lutherans to hold them for brethren notwithstanding their 
 doctrine of the Real Presence ; and ne\er, from that time, did 
 they believe it fundamental, but required that the fraternity 
 should be mutual, and owned equally on both sides ; which 
 being refusqji them by l^uther, they likewise continued to dis- 
 own those for brethren who were so averse to pass the same 
 judgment in their favour: whereas, in the Synod of Charenton, 
 it is the Sacramentarians alone that receive the Lutherans into 
 that fellowship, notwithstanding that they are held by them for 
 excommunicated. 
 
 98. — Memorable date of the Decree of Charenton. 
 
 The date of this decree is remarkable : it was made in 1631, 
 when the great Gustavus was thundering in Germany, and 
 when it was currently believed throughout the whole Reforma- 
 tion, that Rome itself would be soon in the power of the Lu- 
 therans. God had otherwise ordained : the year following, 
 this victorious King Avas killed at the battle of Lutzen, and all 
 the rare discoveries made concerning him in the prophecies 
 were now to be retracted. 
 
 99. — Great change in controversies by means of this Decree. — 
 It convicts the Calvinists of calumny. 
 
 Mean while the decree passed, and the Catholics observed 
 the greatest change imaginable in the doctrine of the Protes- 
 tants. 
 
 In the first place, all that horror they had infused into the 
 people against the doctrine of the Real Presence appeared ma- 
 nifestly unjust and calumnious. The doctors may say what 
 they please of the matter : but it was the Real Presence on 
 which the people's aversion was chiefly bent. This doctrine 
 had been represented to them, not only as gross and carnal, 
 but also as brutal and full of barbarity, whereby men became 
 Cyclopses, eaters of human flesh and human blood, parricides 
 that eat their Father and their God. ]3ut now, since the de- 
 cree of this Synod, it stands confessed, that all these ex- 
 aggerations, with which the silly vulgar were fascinated for so 
 
 • S. 1. ii. n. 45. 
 
266 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 long a time, are calumnies ; and the doctrine that was made to 
 pass for so impious and inhuman, has no longer any thing in it 
 that is contrary to piety. 
 
 100. — The literal sense and the Real Presence necessary. 
 
 Thereby even it becomes the most credible and the most ne- 
 cessary ; for the chief reason inducing to wrest the sense of 
 these words — *' Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man, and 
 drink his blood *," and also of these — " Eat, this is my body; 
 drink, this is my blood f," — to spiritual and metaphorical 
 meanings was, because they seemed to lead to sin by command- 
 ing to eat human flesh, and to drink human blood : so that St. 
 Austin's rule, of interpreting spiritually what appears to incline 
 to evil, was here to take place. But at present this reason 
 carries no longer any the least probability ; all this imaginary 
 crime is vanished, and nothing prevents taking the words of 
 our Saviour in their true literal sense. 
 
 The people were made to abhor the Catholic doctrine, as a 
 doctrine that destroyed Jesus Christ's human nature, and ruined 
 the mystery of his ascension. But they must no longer be 
 affrighted at these consequences, since the denial of them suf- 
 ficiently acquits whosoever denies them. 
 
 101. — The chief argument in behalf of the rupture rendered 
 frivolous. 
 
 These horrors thus raised in the minds of the people were, to 
 speak the truth, the real cause of their departure from the 
 Church. Read in all the acts of the pretended martyrs the 
 cause for which they suffered, and you will find everywhere, 
 that it was for the doctrine opposite to the Real Presence. 
 Consult a Melancthon, a Sturmius, a Peucer, all the rest that 
 were against condemning the doctrine of the Zuinglians — you 
 will find their chief reason to be, because it was for this doc- 
 trine that such a number of the faithful laid down their lives in 
 France and England. These wretched martyrs persuaded 
 themselves, in dying for this doctrine, they died for a funda- 
 mental point of faith and piety : at present this doctrine is 
 innocent, and excludes none from the sacred table, nor from 
 the kingdom of heaven. 
 
 * John vi. 53. f Matt. xxvi. 26, 27, 28. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 267 
 
 102. — The hatred of the People turned against Transubstan- 
 tiation, a thing of much less importance. 
 
 To preserve in the hearts of the people their aversion to the 
 Cathohc doctrine, it was requisite to turn it on another object 
 than the Real Presence. Transubstantiation is now the ^reat 
 crime : there is now no manner of difficuhy in admitting- Jesus 
 Christ really present ; in admitting one and the same body in 
 different places at once; in admitting the entire body in every 
 crumb of bread : the grand error consists in taking the bread 
 away : what regards Jesus Christ is of small importance ; what 
 regards the bread is alone essential. 
 
 103. — Jesus Christ no longer adorable in the Eucharist, as 
 formerly believed by Protestants. 
 
 All the maxims, till then held for unquestionable, regarding 
 the adoration of Jesus Christ, are now changed. Calvin and 
 the rest of them had demonstrated, that wherever Jesus Christ, 
 so adorable an object, was held present by so special a Pre- 
 sence as that acknowledged in the Eucharist, it was not lawful 
 to withhold that adoration which is due unto him. But now, 
 Jesus Christ's Presence in any place is not enough to make 
 him be adored in it; he must command it, he must "declare 
 his will, in order to be adored in such and such a state *;" 
 otherwise, as much God as he is, he will meet with no worship 
 from us. More than this, he must shew himself: " if the 
 body of Jesus Christ be in a place insensibly, and in a manner 
 imperce()tible to all the senses, he does not oblige us to worship 
 him in such a place." His word does not suffice, it is necessary 
 he should be seen : you may hear the voice of the king never 
 so much ; if you see him not with your own eyes, you owe 
 him no respect, or, at least, he must declare expressly it is his 
 intention to be honoured ; otherwise you should behave as in 
 his absence. Were it the case of an earthly king, none would 
 question paying him what is his due the moment it is known 
 where he is ; but thus to honour the King of heaven would be 
 idolatry, and it would be to be feared lest he should take the 
 worship to be given to another than himself. 
 
 * Cont. Westp. Cont. Hesliu. Dial, clii I\Iinist. Boch. sur le syu. <le Cha. i. p. 24. 
 Ejusd. Dial, part ii. cap. vii. Sedani, p. 21. 
 
268 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 104. — Interior Ads of Adoration are tolerated in the Luthe- 
 rans, and the exterior, which are but the tokens of them, 
 rejected. 
 
 But here is a device that is new and surprising. The Lutheran, 
 ■who beheves Jesiis Christ present, shall receive him as his 
 God ; shall put his trust in him, shall invoke him ; and the 
 Synod of Charenton decides, " there is neither idolatry, nor 
 superstition in his worship :" but if he make any perceptible 
 act of adoration, he idolizes ; that is to say, it is allowable 
 to have the substance of adoration, which is the interior senti- 
 ment, but not allowable to testify it; and you become an 
 idolater in making appear, by some posture of respect, the 
 sense of that truly sacred veneration you have in your heart. 
 
 105. — Frivolous Answer. 
 
 " But the reason of this is," say they*, " because, should the 
 Lutheran adore Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, who is there 
 together with the bread, there would be danger lest the ado- 
 ration should be referred to the bread alike as to Jesus Christ ; 
 or, however, lest some should think the intention was to 
 refer it so :" no question, when the wise men adored Jesus 
 Christ, either in his crib, or in a cradle, it was to be feared 
 lest they should worship, together with Jesus Christ, either the 
 crib or the cradle; or in fine, lest the Blessed Virgin and St. 
 Joseph should take them for worshippers of the cradle rather 
 than of the divine infant lying in it. These were the subtilties 
 introduced by the decree of Charenton. 
 
 106. — Ubiquity tolerated. 
 
 Moreover, the doctrine of Ubiquity, which had been accounted, 
 and with reason, alike by the Sacramentarians and by Catho- 
 lics, a most monstrous doctrine, confounding both natures of 
 Jesus Christ, becomes the doctrine of the Saints. 
 
 For you are not to imagine that the defenders of this doc- 
 trine were excepted out of the union : the Synod speaks in 
 general of the churches of the Augsburg Confession, whereof 
 it is well known the greatest part are Ubiquitarians, and the 
 ministers assure us f. Ubiquity hath nothing mortal in it, 
 though it destroys, more expressly than ever Eutychianism 
 did, the human nature of our Lord. 
 
 * Dial, du Mill. Boch. sur le syn. de Cha. i. p. 24. 
 f Boch. Ibid. Dial. xv. part ii, c. vji. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 269 
 
 107. — Nothing but the external Worship is looked upon as 
 important. 
 
 In a word, little account is made of all whatsoever causes no 
 alteration in the worship, even in the external worship : for the 
 belief, which you may have interiorly, is no obstacle to com- 
 munion ; nothing but the respect you shew externally makes 
 the sin ; and this is what we are brought to by those who are 
 always preaching to us adoration in spirit and in truth. 
 
 108. — The Foundation of Piety formerly acknowledged by 
 them, is changed. 
 
 It plainly appears, without needing my intimation, that after 
 the Synod of Charenton, neither the inamissibility of justice, 
 nor the certainty of salvation, are any longer a necessary 
 foundation of piety, since the Lutherans are admitted to com- 
 munion with the contrary doctrine. 
 
 109. — The Disputes about Predestination concern not the 
 Substance of Religion. 
 
 No more must they speak to us of absolute predestination and 
 absolute decrees as of a fundamental article, since they 
 cannot deny, according to Mr. Jurieu, " but there is piety in 
 those great communions of Protestants, wherein both abso- 
 lute decrees, and grace of itself efficacious, are so roughly 
 handled." The same minister is agreed, " that the Pro- 
 testants of Germany make the foreknowledge of our faith 
 enter into that gratuitous love whereby God has loved us in 
 Jesus Christ." Thus the decree of [)redestination will not be 
 an absolute decree, and independent of all foreknowledge, but 
 a conditional decree, including the condition of our future faith j 
 and this is what Mr. Jurieu does not condemn *. 
 
 1 10. — Tico other remarkable Novelties ensuing from the Decree 
 of Charenton. 
 
 But here are the two most remarkable novelties which the 
 decree of Charenton has introduced into the pretended Re- 
 formation : iirst, the dispute on fundamental points ; and se- 
 condly, the dispute on the nature of the church. 
 
 ■f Jugemeut sur les Uletli. Sect. xiv. p. 113. Ibid. sect, xviii. p. 158. 
 
270 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 111. — Distinction of fundamental Points, and the iiievitable 
 perplexity of our Reformed. 
 
 As to fundamental points, the Catholics thus argued with 
 them, " If the Real Presence, if Ubiquity, if so many other 
 important points, contested for more than an age between the 
 Lutherans and Calvinists, be not fundamental, why should 
 those be more so on which you dispute with the Church of 
 Rome ? Does not she believe the Trinity, the Incarnation, 
 the whole Creed ? Has she laid any other foundation than 
 Jesus Christ ? All you object against her, on this head, in 
 order to shew that she has another, are so many consequences 
 which she denies, and which, according to your own principles, 
 ought not to be imputed to her, Yv herein, then, do you place 
 precisely Avhat is fundamental in religion ?'''' To relate here 
 all they have said concerning fundamental points, some one 
 way, some another, and the greatest part confessing that 
 it is all a mystery to them, and a thing rather to be felt than 
 explained, were an endless task, and involving one's self with 
 them in a labyrinth from whence there is no exit. 
 
 112. — They are forced to own that the Church of Home is a true 
 Church, wherein one may he saved. 
 
 The other dispute was not less important : for this principle 
 being once established by them, that those who retain the 
 principal foundations of faith, however separated in commu- 
 nion, are, in the main, the same Church and the same society 
 of God's children, worthy of his holy table and his kingdom, 
 the Catholics demand how they can be excluded from this 
 church and from eternal salvation ? For now it will no longer 
 serve their turn to say, the Church of Rome is a church ex- 
 cluding the whole Avorld, and which the whole world ought to 
 exclude : for you see the Lutherans, who exclude the Calvinists, 
 are not excluded. It is this which has })roduced this new sys- 
 tem of the church which makes so great a noise, and wherein, 
 after all, they cannot but comprehend the Church of Rome. 
 
 113. — The Conference ofCassel, tvhere tJie Lutherans of Kintel 
 come to an Agreement with the Calvinists of Marpurg, 
 
 The Protestants of Germany have not been in all places alike 
 inexorable in regard of the Calvinists. In 1661, a conference 
 was held at Cassel between the Calvinists of Marpurg and the 
 Lutherans of Rintel, where both parties entered into a brotherly 
 
XIV.3 "^"^ VARIATIONS, ETC. 271 
 
 fellowship. I own this union was without consequence in the 
 other parts of Germany, and I have not been able to discover 
 what even was the consequence of it between the contracting 
 parties : but in the agreement there was one important article 
 not to be forgotten. 
 
 114. — Important article of this Agreement relating to the 
 breaking of the Eucharistic Bread. 
 
 The Calvinists reproached the Lutherans that, iu the celebra- 
 tion of the Eucharist, they omitted the breaking of the bread, 
 which had a divine institution*. It is the current doctrine of 
 Calvinism, that the breaking makes part of the Sacrament as 
 being a symbol of that body broken which Jesus would give 
 to his disciples ; that for this reason it was practised by Jesus 
 Christ, that it is of precept, and comprehended by our Saviour 
 in this ordinance, '' Do ye this."" This is what was maintained 
 by the Calvinists of Marpurg, and denied by the Lutherans of 
 Rintel. They nevertheless united, each side persisting in their 
 sentiments ; and it was said by those of Marpurg, " Tliat the 
 breaking did not appertain to the essence, but only to the 
 integrity of the Sacrament, as being necessary thereto by the 
 example and commandment of Jesus Christ, so that the Lu- 
 therans, without breaking the bread, had nevertheless the 
 substance of the Supper, and both parties might mutually 
 tolerate each other." 
 
 115. — Demonstration in favour of Communion under one kind. 
 
 A minister, who answered a treatise concerning Communion 
 under both kinds, has examined this conference which was 
 objected against them : the fact passed for unquestionable, and 
 the minister agreed that the breaking of the bread, although 
 commanded by Jesus Christ, did not appertain to the essence, 
 but only to the integrity of the Sacrament f. Here, then, have 
 we the essence of tlie Sacrament manifestly separated from the 
 divine precept, and reasons have been found to dispense with 
 that which they said was commanded by Jesus Christ : after 
 which I do not see how they can urge the precej)t of receiving 
 under both kinds ; forasmuch that as though we were agreed 
 Jesus Christ had commanded the receiving of them, we should 
 still be admitted to examine whether this divine commandment 
 regarded the essence, or only the integrity. 
 
 * Coll. Cass. q. de fract. pan, 
 •f Triiite de Communion sous Ics deux Especes, part ii. ch. xii. La Roq. 
 Rep. part ii. th. xvii, p. 307. 
 
272 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 116. — Present state of Controversies in Germany. 
 
 The present state of controversies in Germany between the 
 Lutherans and Calvinists may be likewise seen in the same 
 conference ; where it will be perceived, that the constant doc- 
 trine of the divines of the Augsburg Confession is, that grace 
 is universal ; that it is resistible ; that it is amissible ; that 
 predestination.is conditional, and presupposes the foreknowledge 
 of our faith ; lastly, that the grace of conversion is annexed 
 to an action purely natural, and depending on our own 
 strength, namely, on our carefulness to hear sermons*: which 
 the learned Beaulieu confirms by many testimonies, to which 
 we could add many others, were not the thing past dispute, as 
 might have been seen by the testimony of Mr. Jurieu |, and 
 had we not spoken of this matter already. 
 
 117. — The relaxation of the principles of the Lutherans give 
 occasion to those of Cameron and of his disciples, touching 
 Universal Grace. 
 
 Accordingly, one may have seen in this history, how Melanc- 
 thon had softened, among the Lutherans, that extreme rigour 
 wherewith Luther maintained absolute and particular decrees, 
 and how unanimously it is taught amongst them, that God wills 
 seriously and sincerely the salvation of all men ; that he offers 
 them Jesus Christ as their redeemer ; that he calls them to him 
 by preaching and the promises of his gospel; and that his Spirit 
 is ever ready to be efficacious in them, if they do but hearken 
 to his w^ord ; that, finally, it is attributing to God two contrary 
 w ills, to say on one side, he proposes his gospel to all mankind ; 
 and on the other, that he will save but a very small number of 
 them ;j:. In consequence of that complaisance, still continued 
 in behalf of the Lutherans, John Cameron of Scotland, a famous 
 minister, and Professor of Divinity in the Academy of Saumur, 
 there taught an universal vocation and grace, declared in behalf 
 of all mankind by the wonders of God's works, by his word, and 
 the Sacraments. This doctrine of Cameron was strenuously 
 and ingeniously defended by his disciples Amiraud and Testard, 
 professors of divinity in the same town. This entire Academy 
 embraced it : Du Moulin put himself at the head of the con- 
 
 * Thes. de q. An horn, in stat. pecc. solis nat.viribus, &c. Th. xxxi. et seq. 
 
 "l" S. n. 109. S. 1. viii. n. 48, et seq. 
 I S. 1. viii. u. 22, et seq. Epit. Tit. de pvsed. Cone, p. C17. Solida repetit. Cod. 
 Tit. p. 804. 
 
XIV.] TIIR VARIATIONS, KTC. 273 
 
 trary party, and engaged in this sentiment the Academy of 
 Sedan, where he ruled uncontrolled ; and in our days we have 
 seen the whole Reformation divided in France, with much 
 warmth, between Saumur and Sedan. Spite of the censures 
 of the Synods, which suppressed the doctrine of universal grace, 
 yet without tpuilifying it as heretical or erroneous, the most 
 learned ministers undertook to defend it. Daille made its 
 apology, to which Jilondel put a preface very much to the ad- 
 vantage of the abettors of this sentiment; and universal <i-race 
 triumphed even in Sedan, where the minister Beauheu tau'>ht 
 it in our days. 
 
 118. — Whether Universal Grace he confrarij to the Synod of 
 
 Dort. 
 
 it had not equal success out of this kingdom, particularly in 
 Holland, where it was judged opposite to the synod of Dort, 
 But on the contrary, Blondel and Daille shewed*, that the 
 divines of Great Britain and Bremen had maintained in the 
 Synod "an universal will and intention" of saving all m.ankind, 
 a sufficient grace given to all; a grace without whicli one 
 could not renew in himself God's image. This is what 
 these divines had publicly declared in the Synod, nor merited 
 the less for it the praises and congratulations of this whole 
 assembly. 
 
 119. — Decree paused at Geneva against Universal Grace, and 
 the question resolved by the Mayisfrate. — Helvetic For- 
 mulary. — 16GU-1G71. 
 
 Geneva, ever attached to Calvin's rigorous propositions, was very 
 averse to this Universality, which nevertheless was carried into 
 its very bowels by the French ministers. Every family was now 
 in contention for or against it, when the Magistrate interposetl. 
 From the court of Twenty-five it was carried to that of the Two 
 Hundred. These magistrates had the face to make their pas- 
 tors and professors enter into dis{)ute before them, and set 
 themselves up as judges in a question of the most refined theo- 
 logy. Powerful recommendations came from the Swiss in 
 behalf of particular grace against universal grace ; a rigorous 
 decree was issued in condemnation of the latter. They pub- 
 
 * Dull. Apol. Tract, part ii. Blond. Act. auth. viii. et soii. p. 77. Jud. Tlie. 
 Mag. r.rit. du Art. ii. inter. Act. Syn. Dord. partii. p. 287- J"*J- Brcui. Iliid. 
 p. li;i, etscq. 
 
 VOL, II. T 
 
274 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 lished the formulary of a divine which the Swiss approved, 
 Avherein the system of universal grace was declared '' not a 
 little remote from the sound doctrine revealed in Scripture;" 
 and that nothing might be wanting to it, the sovereign magis- 
 trate commanded that all doctors, ministers, and professors, 
 should subscribe the formulary in these words : '' Thus do I 
 believe; thus do I profess ; thus will I teach." This is no sub- 
 mission of polity and order, it is a pure act of faith enjoined 
 by the secular authority; this is what the Reformation ends 
 in, subjecting the church to the world, learning to ignorance, 
 and faith to the magistrate. 
 
 120. — Another decision of the Helvetic Formulary, concerning 
 the Hebrew text, which the learned of the party laugh at. — 
 Variation in regard to the Vulgate. 
 
 This Helvetic formulary had also another clause, wherein, not 
 concerning themselves with the Septuagint, nor the Targums, 
 nor the original Samaritan, nor with any of the old interpreters, 
 nor any of the ancient readings, they canonized even the points 
 of the Hebrew text, such as we now have it, declaring it un- 
 tainted with any even the least faults of the transcriber, and 
 clear from all injuries of time. The authors of this decree were 
 not sensible how egregiously they exposed themselves to the 
 laughter of all learned men, even of their own communion ; 
 but they adhered to the old maxims of the Reformation, then 
 but ignorant. They were vexed that the readings of the Vul- 
 gate, formerly taken by them for so many falsifications, were 
 daily more and more approved by the learned of the party ; and 
 by fixing the original text, such as it is at this time, they 
 thought to rid themselves of the necessity of tradition, never 
 reflecting that, under the name of the Hebrew text, instead of 
 ecclesiastic traditions, and that of the ancient Synagogue, they 
 consecrated those even of the Rabbins. 
 
 121. — Other Decisions of Geneva and the Swiss how much 
 condemned by Mr. Claude, 
 
 Another decree passed also at Geneva concerning Faith in 
 1675, wherein was confirmed that of 1649, whereby they added 
 two new Articles to the Confession of Faith ; the first, import- 
 ing " that the imputation of Adam's sin was anterior to cor- 
 ruption ;" the second, " that, in the economy of the divine 
 decrees, the sending of Jesus Christ is after the decree of 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 276 
 
 election." They ordered that all those who should refuse to 
 subscribe these two new articles of Faith, should be excluded 
 and deposed from the ministry and all ecclesiastical functions. 
 
 This decision was judged very odd even in the party, and 
 Turretin, minister and professor at Geneva, was greatly up- 
 braided for it by Mr. Claude*, as appears by a letter of this 
 minister dated the twentieth of June, 1G75, which Lewis du 
 Moulin, son to the minister Peter du Moulin, and uncle to the 
 minister Jnrieu, caused to be printed. 
 
 Mr. Claude complains in this letter f , " that the Swiss were 
 solicited to draw up a Formulary conformable to that of 
 Geneva, containing the same points and the same restrictions, 
 in order to be added to their Confession of Faith :" and it is 
 plain from a remark of Du Moulin, inserted in the same letter |, 
 that the Swiss had in fact struck this stroke which Mr. Claude 
 judged so terrible. 
 
 Nevertheless, the same minister maintains that it is not 
 lawful to add thus §" new articles of Faith to those of his 
 Confession ; and that it is dangerous to remove the ancient 
 landmarks which have been set by our fathers ||." I would to 
 God our Reformed had always had before their eyes this 
 maxim of the wise man, which they so frequently are obliged 
 to return to, in order to terminate the divisions they see daily 
 breeding in the midst of them ! Mr. Claude proposes it to 
 those of Geneva^, and is astonished that this Church " should 
 thus make new articles of Faith and new laws of preaching :" 
 he makes bold to say**, that acting in this manner is setting 
 up gods of their own, and breaking unity with all the Churches 
 which are not of their own opinion : to wit, " with those of 
 France, with those of England, with those of Poland, of 
 Prussia, and Germany;" that the matter in hand is not of mere 
 discipline, in which Churches may be allowed to vary, but that 
 it is se|)arating themselves injf " points of doctrine unalterable 
 in their nature, which they cannot, with a good conscience, 
 teach differently :" so that this is not only " setting up for them- 
 selves a particular ministry," but also sowing " the seeds of a 
 fatal division" in faith itself, and, in short, " shutting their 
 hearts" against other Churches. 
 
 If now one should be desirous to know to what length Ge- 
 neva carried her rigour, he will be informed from the same 
 
 * Fascic. Ep. 167G, pp. 8.3, 94. | Ibid. p. 95. 
 
 X P. 101. § Iliid. p. 15. II Prov. xxii. 28. 
 
 f Fascic. Ep. p. 89. ** Pp. 9t), 91, 98, 103. 
 
 ft Ibid. pp. 93, 100. 
 
 t2 
 
27G THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 letter*; for it specifies, " that the signing of the articles was 
 exacted with an inconceivable severity, and exacted even 
 from those who came to Geneva to be ordained with the design 
 of serving elsewhere ; that the same necessity of subscription 
 was laid on them as on those of Geneva itself ; that it was 
 exacted with the same rigour from pastors already received, 
 notwithstanding they had already grown old in the labours of 
 the ministry :" and this, says ]\Ir. Claude f, " is, as much as 
 in them lies, wresting every where the cure from those that are 
 of different opinions, namely, from all the rest of the Churches, 
 and condemning their own selves, as liaving hitherto main- 
 tained an unjust peace with people against whom they ought 
 to have declared war." 
 
 All these remonstrances were of no effect ; the church of 
 Geneva stood firm, no less than that of the Swiss, both of them 
 in the notion that their determinations were grounded on tlie 
 word of God : which still continues to make it manifest that, 
 under the covert of this word, it is his own conceits every man 
 pays worship to ; and if they have no other principle whereby 
 to agree in the sense of this word, there never will be amongst 
 their Churches any other than a political and exterior union, 
 such as subsists Avith those of Geneva, who in the main have 
 broken off from all the rest ; and in order to find somiCthing 
 fixed, it is necessary, after Mr. Claude's example, that they 
 should be brought back to this maxim of the wise man, " not 
 to remove the land-marks set them by their forefathers J ;" 
 that is, they must hold to the decisions already made by those 
 in matters of faith. 
 
 122. — The Test Act in England : therein the English approach 
 to"^ur sentiments, and only, through manifest error, condemn 
 the Church of Rome. ■ 
 
 The fam.ous Test Avell deserves a place in this history, foras- 
 much as it was one of the principal acts of Religion in Eng- 
 land. The parliament held at London in 1678, passed an Act 
 enjoining the following declaration, " I, A. B. do solemnly 
 and sincerely, in the presence of God, profess, testify, and 
 declare, that I do believe that in the Sacrament of the Lord's 
 Supper there is not any transubstantiation of the elements of 
 breeid and wine into the body and blood of Christ, at or after 
 the consecration, by any person whatsoever ; and that the in- 
 vocation or adoration of the Virgin Mary, or any other saint, 
 
 * Fascic^Ep. pp. 94, 95. t Pp. 97, 100. % Prov. xxii. 28, 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 277 
 
 and the sacrifice of the Mass, as they are now used m tlie 
 Church of Rome, are superstitious and idolatrous, ike." 
 The particuhirs to be observed in this Profession of Faith are, 
 first, that it only attacks Transubstantiation and not the Real 
 Presence, wherein it follows the amendment which Elizabeth 
 had made in Edward the Sixth''s Reformation. There are 
 only added to it these words^ " at or after the Consecration," 
 which manifestly allow the belief of the Real Presence before 
 the manducation, since they exclude nothing, as is plain, but 
 the sole change of substance. 
 
 Thus, a good English Protestant, without blemish to his 
 religion or conscience, may believe that the body and blood of 
 Jesus Christ are really and substantially present in the bread 
 and wine immediately after consecration. If the Lutherans 
 believed as much, it is certain they would adore him. Nei- 
 ther do the English place any obstacle to it in their Test: 
 and as they receive the Eucharist kneeling, nothing hinders 
 their acknowledging and worshipping Jesus Christ there pre- 
 sent, in the same spirit that we do : after this, to cavil with us 
 about Transubstantiation, is a proceeding little worthy of them. 
 
 In the following words of the Test, the Invocation, or as 
 they call it, the Adoration of the Blessed Virgin and the saints, 
 with the sacrifice of the Mass, are condemned as acts of " super- 
 stition and idolatry:" not absolutely, but " as they are now used 
 in the church of Rome." But the reason of this was, that the 
 English are too well versed in antiquity to be ignorant, that 
 the Fathers of the fourth century (to ascend no higher at pre- 
 sent) did in\oke the Blessed Virgin and the saints. They 
 know that St. Gregory of Nazianzum approves expressly, in 
 the mouth of a martyr, that piety which moved her to beg of 
 the Blessed Virgin, " that she would assist a Virgin engaged 
 in danger*." They know that all the Fathers have made, and 
 solemnly api)roved in their Homilies, the like invocations ad- 
 dressed to saints : nay, in respect of them, have even used the 
 word Invocation f. As for that of adoration, they know like- 
 wise, it is equivocal no less among the holy Fathers than in 
 Scripture ; and does not always signify, rendering to a person 
 divine honours ; and for this reason also St. Gregory of Nazi- 
 anzum made no difTiculty, in many places, of saying that the 
 relics of the martyrs v.ere adored, and that God did not disdain 
 to confirm such an adoration by miracles. The English are 
 
 * Orat. in Cyp. llasil. Orat. in I\Iam. 
 f (irep. Nyss. Orat. in Thco. Amb. Serm. dc S. Vit. Greg.; Naz. Orat. in 
 Jill. 1. iu JMacliab., &c. 
 
278 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 too well read in antiqiiity to be ignorant of this doctrine and 
 these practices of the ancient Church, and bear her too great 
 a veneration to accuse her of superstition and idolatry : it is 
 this which makes them use this restriction, which we observe 
 in their Test, and suppose, in the church of Rome, a kind of 
 invocation and adoration different from that of the Fathers, 
 because they were very sensible, without this precaution, the 
 Test would he no more subscribed with a good conscience by 
 the learned Protestants than by Catholics. 
 
 Nevertheless it is certain, as to the fact, that we demand 
 nothing of the saints but the partnership of their prayers, no 
 more than the ancients did ; and that we honour nothing in 
 their, relics, but what they honoured in them. If we sometimes 
 entreat the Saints, not to pray, but to give and act, the learned 
 among the English will agree that the ancients have done it like 
 us *, and like us have understood it in that sense which attri- 
 butes favours received, not only to the Sovereign that distri- 
 butes them, but also to the intercessors who obtain them ; so 
 that there never will be found any real difference between the 
 ancients, whom the English will not condemn, and us, whom 
 they do condemn, but through mistake, and by laying to our 
 charge what we do not believe. 
 
 I say the same of the sacrifice of Mass. The English are 
 better skilled in antiquity than to be ignorant that in all times 
 the same gifts were offered to God, in the sacred mysteries 
 and the celebration of the Eucharist, as were afterwards dis- 
 tributed to the people, and that these were offered to him no 
 less for the dead than for the living. The ancient Liturgies 
 containing the form of this oblation, as well in the east as 
 west, are in the hands of every one, and the English are far 
 from accusing them either of superstition or idolatry. There 
 is then a way of offering to God the Eucharistic sacrifice for 
 the living and the dead, which the Protestant Church of Eng- 
 land judges neither superstitious nor idolatrous ; and if they 
 reject the Roman Mass, it is by supposing that it is different 
 from that of the ancients. 
 
 But this difference is none at all ; one drop of water is not 
 more like another, than the Roman Mass is like, as to its 
 essence and substance, to the Mass which the Greeks and the 
 rest of Christians received from their forefathers. For which 
 reason the church of Rome, when she admits them to her 
 communion, does not prescribe another Mass to them. Thus 
 the Roman Church has not, in the main, another sacrifice than 
 
 * Greg. Naz. Orat. funeb. Atli. et Basil, &c. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 279 
 
 that which, by the confession of the EngUsh Protestants them- 
 selves, was offered in the east and west ever since the beginning 
 of Christianity. 
 
 Hence it clearly follows that the Roman doctrine, as well 
 concerning Invocation and Adoration, as the sacrifice of the 
 Mass, is no otherwise condemned in the Test, than by presup- 
 posing that Rome receives these things in another sense, and 
 practises them in another spirit, than that of the Fathers ; 
 which visibly is not so : so that readily, and without alleging 
 further reasons, we may say, that abrogating the Test would 
 be nothing else but abrogating a notorious calumny fixed on 
 the church of Rome. 
 
280 THB HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 BOOK XV. 
 
 [Variations in the Aiticlcs of the Creed: I believe the Holy Catholic Church.. 
 The unshaken steadiness of tiie Church of Rome.] 
 
 A brief Summaiy. — An account of the Variations relating to 
 the subject of the Church. — She is naturally owned to be 
 Visible. — The difficulty of shewing where the Church was, 
 forced men upon the device of an Invisible one. — The per- 
 petual Visibility of it necessarily confessed. — Divers means 
 of saving the Reformation under this supposition. — The 
 state of the question, as, by the disputes of the Ministers 
 Claude and Jurieu, it stands at present. — They are at 
 length forced to own that salvation may be still had in the 
 Church of Rome, as well as before the pretended Reforma- 
 tion. — Strange Variations, and the Confessions of Faith 
 despised. — Advantages yielded to Catholics on the neces- 
 sary foundation of Jesus Christ's promises in favour of 
 perpetual Visibility. — The Church owned to be Infallible. 
 — Her sentiments acknowledged to be an infallible rule of 
 Faith. — Vain exceptions.— All the proofs against the in- 
 fallible authority of the Church brought to nothing by 
 the Ministers. — Evidence and simplicity of the Catholic 
 doctrine with regard to the Church. — The Reformation 
 forsakes her first ground-work, by owning that Faith is not 
 formed on the Scriptures. — Consent of tlie Ministers Claude 
 and Jurieu on this tenet. — Unheard-of absurdities of the 
 new system concerning the Church, but necessary to de- 
 fend themselves against the objections of the Catholics. — 
 The uniformity and constancy of the Catholic Church 
 opposed to the Variations of the Protestant Churches. — 
 Abridgment of this lifteenth Book. — Conclusion of the 
 whole Work. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 281 
 
 1. — The cause of Variations, in Protestant Churches, is their 
 wajit of a true notion of what the Church is. 
 
 As, after observing the pernicious effects of a distemper on 
 man's body, the cause of it is diligently inquired into, in 
 order to apply specific remedies : in like manner, after seeing 
 that perpetual instability of Protestant Churches, (the dis- 
 astrous distemper of Christendom,) the prime source thereof 
 ought to be traced out, to the end that a suitable relief, if 
 possible, may be aftbrded. The cause of those variations, 
 which we have observed in separate societies, is their not 
 having known the authority of the Church, the promises she 
 has received from heaven, nor, in short, so much as what the 
 Church is. For that was the fixed point, in which all the 
 steps they were to take ought to centre ; and by deviating 
 from this, heretics, either curious or ignorant, have been 
 bewildered in the mazes of human reasoning, abandoned to 
 their resentments, to their particular passions ; the very 
 reason they did but walk groping even in their confessions of 
 faith, and could not shun falling under the two inconve- 
 niences specified by St. Paul concerning false teachers; one 
 of which is " to be condemned by their own judgment*;""' 
 and the other, " to be ever learning, and never able to come 
 to the knowledge of the truth f." 
 
 2. — The Catholic Church ever knew herself, and nevei' 
 varied in her Decisions. 
 
 This original cause of the instability of the pretended Re- 
 formation has appeared through the whole series of this 
 work : but it is time to observe it with particular attention, 
 by shewing, in the confused sentiments of our separated bre- 
 thren, relating to the article of the Church, the variations 
 which have caused all the rest : after that we shall finish this 
 discourse, by shewing a quite contrary procedure in the 
 Catholic Church, which, from well knowing what she was 
 through the grace of Christ Jesus, has always so well deli- 
 vered herself at the very first in all questions that arose, in 
 order to ascertain the faith of Christians, that there never 
 happened a necessity, I do not say of varying, but of deli- 
 berating anew, or of departing in the least tittle from the 
 first plan. 
 
 * Tit, iii. 11. t 2Tim, iii. 7. 
 
282 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK 
 
 3. — Doctrine of the Catholic Church concerning the Article 
 of the Church. — Four points essential and inseparable one 
 from the other. 
 
 *rhe doctrine of the Catholic Church consists in four points, 
 whose connexion is inviolable * : the first, that the Church is 
 visible; the second, that she is perpetual; the third, that 
 the truth of the Gospel is always professed therein by the 
 whole society ; the fourth, that it is unlawful to depart from 
 her doctrine: which is as much as to say, in other terms, that 
 she is infallible. 
 
 The first point is grounded on a certain fact : which is, 
 that the word Church always signifies in Scripture, and, 
 therefore, in the common language of the faithful, a visible 
 society : Catholics take this for granted, and it was necessary 
 for Protestants to assent to it, as will appear hereafter. 
 
 The second point, that the Church is perpetual, is not less 
 certain, it being grounded on Jesus Christ's promises agreed 
 on by all parties. 
 
 Hence the third point is inferred most clearly, that the 
 truth is professed always by the society of the Church ; for 
 the Church being no otherwise visible than by the profession 
 of the truth, it follows, that if she is always, and always is 
 visible, she cannot but always teach and profess the truth of 
 the Gospel : from whence the fourth point is as clearly- 
 deduced, that it is not allowable to say the Church is in 
 error, nor to forsake her doctrine ; and all this is founded on 
 the promise allowed by all parties, since in fine the same pro- 
 mise, which makes the Church be always, makes her always 
 be in that state which the word Church implies ; consequently 
 always visible, and always teaching the truth. Nothing is 
 more simple, more clear, nor more coherent than this doc- 
 trine. 
 
 4. — Sentiments of the Protestants touching the perpetual 
 visibility of the Church.— The Confession of Augsburg. 
 
 So clear is this doctrine, that Protestants could not deny it ; 
 so clearly does it condemn them, that they durst not own it: 
 wherefore, their whole thoughts were bent on perplexing it, 
 not were they able to avoid falling into the contradictions I 
 am about to relate. 
 
 Let us, in the first place, look into their confessions of 
 faith ; and to begin with that of Augsburg f, which is the 
 
 * Conf. avec M. CI, p. 13, et seq. f Conf. Aug. Art. vii. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 283 
 
 first, and as it were the foundation of all the rest, — the article 
 concerning the Church was thus delivered by it : " We teach 
 that there is a holy Churcli which must eternally subsist." 
 What now is that Cliurch whose duration is eternal? The 
 following words explain it: " The Church is the assembly of 
 saints, wlierein the Gospel is rightly taught, and the sacra- 
 ments rightly administered." 
 
 Here may be seen three fundamental truths. First, " that 
 the Church subsists always :" there is then an inviolate suc- 
 cession. Second, that she is essentially compounded of 
 pastors and people, the administration of the sacraments and 
 preaching of the word entering into her very definition. Third, 
 that the word and sacraments are not only therein adminis- 
 tered, but rightly administered, recte, " as they ought to 
 be:" which also enters into the essence of a Church, since it 
 is placed, as we see, in her definition. 
 
 5. — This Doctrine owned by Protestants is the subversion 
 of their Reformation, and the source of their ^ler- 
 plexities. 
 
 Now, this being admitted, the question is, how they can pos- 
 sibly accuse the Church of error, either in doctrine or in 
 administration of the sacraments ; for, could that happen, the 
 definition of the Church wherein is placed not only preach- 
 ing, but true preaching of the Gospel, and not only admi- 
 nistration, but the right administration of the sacraments, 
 would be false ; and if that cannot happen, the Reformation, 
 which accused the Church of error, carried in her very title 
 her own condemnation. 
 
 Observe well the difficulty : for this was the first source, 
 in the Protestant Churches, of those contradictions we shall 
 discover in them ; but contradictions, which the remedies 
 they thought to find for the defect of their original, made 
 them but plunge the deeper into. In the mean while, till 
 the series of facts lead us to these fruitless remedies, let us 
 endeavour thoroughly to make known the evil. 
 
 6. — What it was precisely that the Protestants did oblige 
 themselves to by this Doctrine. 
 
 On this foundation of the seventh article of the Confession 
 of Augsburg, the Lutherans were asked, what it was they 
 came to reform ? " The Church of Rome," said they. But 
 have you any other Church wherein the doctrine you would 
 establish is professed ? It was a fact incontestable that ftiey 
 
284 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 could shew none. Where was then that Church, in which, 
 by your sevent}i article, the true preaching of God's word, 
 and the right administration of the sacraments, were always 
 to subsist ? To name some doctors here and there, and 
 from time to time, who, as you pretend^ have taught your 
 doctrine, allowing the fact proved, yet would be nothing 
 to the purpose : for it was a body of a Church you were to 
 shew, a body wherein truth was preached, and wherein the 
 sacraments were administered ; by consequence, a body com- 
 2:)ounded of pastors and of people ; a body, in this respect, 
 always visible. This is what must be shewn, and, con- 
 sequently, there must be shewn in this body a manifest 
 succession both of doctrine and of ministry. 
 
 7. — Perpetual Visibility of the Church confirmed by the 
 Apology of the Augsburg Confession. 
 
 At the recital of the seventh article of the Confession of 
 Augsburg, the Catholics found fault with their defining the 
 Church "the assembly of Saints;" and said, that sinners 
 and hypocrites, Nvho are united to the Church by the external 
 bands, ought not to be excluded from their unity. Me- 
 lancthon accounted for this doctrine in the Apology *, and it 
 is not impossible that might be a dispute as much about 
 words as things ; but without stopping at this, let us but 
 observe, they persisted to say f that the Church was always 
 to last, and to last always visible, preaching and the sacra- 
 ments being essential to her ; for let us hear how they speak |: 
 " The Catholic Church is not an exterior society of certain 
 nations, but it is men dispersed over all the universe, who 
 have the same sentiments with regard to the Gospel, who 
 have the same Christ, the same Holy Ghost, and the same 
 Sacraments." And still more expressly a little after §, " We 
 never have dreamed that the Church was a Platonic city not 
 to be found on earth ; we say that the Church exists, that in 
 it there are true believers, and men truly just spread over all 
 the universe ; we add to this, its marks, the pure Gospel, 
 and the Sacraments, and it is such a Church that is properly 
 the pillar of truth." Here, then, at least, unquestionably 
 is a Church very really existing ; very really visible, wherein 
 sound doctrine is very really preached, and the Sacraments 
 very really administei-ed as they ought to be ; for, as they 
 subjoin, the kingdom of Jesus Christ cannot subsist but with 
 
 * Apol. Tit. de Ecc. p. M4. t Ibid, pp. 145, 14G. % Ibid. 
 
 § Ibid. p. 48. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC, 285 
 
 the word and sacraments, so that where they are not, there 
 can be no Church *. 
 
 8. — How it was endeavoured to make this Doctrine cojisist 
 with the necessity of a Reformation. 
 
 Notwithstanding, many human traditions, said they, had 
 crept into the Church, whereby sound doctrine and the right 
 administration of the sacraments was changed ; and tliis was 
 what they would I'eform. But if tliese human traditions 
 were turned in the Church into articles of faith, where could 
 be that purity of the word and doctrine, without which she 
 could not subsist ? Here the thing was to be palliated, and 
 accordingly they said f, as has been seen, that tlieir design 
 was not to combat against "the Catholic Church, nor even the 
 Church of Rome, nor to maintain opinions which the Church 
 had condemned ;" that the matter in debate was no more than 
 some few abuses brought into the Church without any certain 
 authority ; nor was that to be taken for the doctrine of the 
 Church of Rome, which was approved of only by the Pope, 
 some cardinals, some bishops, and some monks. 
 
 To hear the Lutherans speak thus, one might think they 
 did not impugn the received dogmata, but some particular 
 opinions only, and some few abuses lately crept in without 
 authority. This but little suited with those outrageous 
 invectives of sacrilege and idolatry, with which they filled 
 the whole universe, much less with an open rupture. But 
 tjie fact is certain, and by these smooth words they endea- 
 voured to salve the inconsistency of owning corruption in 
 the tenets of the Church, after having made a pure preaching 
 of the truth essential to her. 
 
 9. — The perpetual Visibility confirmed in the Articles of 
 Smalcald by the promises of Jesus Christ. 
 
 This immutability and perpetual duration of sound doctrine 
 was confirmed in the articles of Smalcald |;, subscribed by 
 the M'hole Lutheran party, explaining those words of our 
 Saviour : " On this rock will I build my Church," namely, 
 said they, " on this ministry of the profession made by Peter." 
 Thereunto preaching, and true preaching, was therefore 
 necessary, without which they owned the Church could not 
 subsist. 
 
 * Apol. Tit. cle Ecc. p. l.')G. f S. lib. iii. n. 59. 
 
 % Art, filial. Concord, p. 345. 
 
286 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 10. — Thn Saxonic Confesnon^ in ivhich they begin to spy 
 out the difficulty without departing from the precedent 
 doctrine. 
 
 Now we are upon the subject of the doctrine of the Lu- 
 theran Churches, the Saxonic Confession, known to be Me- 
 hmcthon's, opportunely jjresents itself. In it is acknow- 
 ledged that " tliere is always some true Church ; that the 
 promises of God, who hath promised her duration, are 
 immutable ; that they speak not of the Church as of a 
 Platonic idea, but point out a Churcli whicli is seen and 
 heard ; and that she is visible in this life, and is the assembly 
 which embraces the Gospel of Christ Jesus, and which has 
 the true use of the Sacraments, in which God operates effi- 
 caciously by the ministry of the Gospel, and wherein many 
 are regenerated*." 
 
 They add, "she may be reduced to a small number ; yet, 
 however, there is always a remnant of the faithful, whose 
 voice makes itself be heard on earth, and of which (iod, 
 from time to time, renews the ministry." They must mean 
 that he continues it ; for the definition of the Church which, 
 as just said, cannot subsist without the ministry, does not 
 allow its interruption even for a moment; and innnediately 
 after it is subjoined f , " tliat God will have the ministry of 
 the Gospel be public ; he will not have preaching sliut up in 
 darkness, but heard by all mankind ; and that there are 
 assemblies where it may resound, and where his name may 
 be ])raised and invoked," 
 
 Here then you see the Church always visible. True it is, 
 they begin to see the diiriculty, when saying, *' she may be 
 reduced to a small number;" but after all, the Lutherans 
 have not less difficulty in shewing, at Luther's first appear- 
 ance, a small society of their sentiments than a great one, 
 and yet without that there is neither ministry nor Chui-ch. 
 
 11. — Doctrine of the Confession of Wirtemburg, and the 
 perpetual Visibility always fnaintained. 
 
 The Confession of Wirtemburg, which was penned by 
 Brentius, does not degenerate from this doctrine, it being 
 there acknowledged " that there is a Church so well governed 
 by the Holy Ghost, thnt, although weak, she lasts for ever ; 
 that she judges of doctrine ; and is where the Gospel is sin- 
 cerely preached, and where the sacraments are administered 
 
 * Cap. (le Kcc. Syn, Gen. part ii, p. 72. f Cap. dc Coen. p. 72. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 287 
 
 according to Christ's institution*." The difficulty still re- 
 mained of shewing us a Church and a society of pastors and 
 people wherein sound doctrine had always been preserved to 
 Luther's days. 
 
 The next chapter relates how councils may err ; by reason 
 that, although Jesus Christ has promised his church the 
 perpetual presence of his Holy Spirit, nevertlielcss, " every 
 assembly is not the Church ;" and it may happen in the 
 Church, as in bodies politic, that the greater number of bad 
 men may prevail over the good. This is what I shall not 
 dispute at present ; but I still insist on their shewing me a 
 Church, little or great, which, before Luther's coming, was 
 of his sentiments. 
 
 12. — The Confession of Bohemia. 
 
 The Confession of Bohemia is approved by Luther. Therein 
 is confessedf '* a Holy and Catholic Cluirch, which compre- 
 hends all Christians dispersed throughout all the eartli, 
 which are assembled by preaching of tlie gospel in the faith 
 of the Trinity and of Jesus Christ : wheresoever Jesus Christ 
 is preached and received, and wheresoever are the word and 
 sacraments according to the rule by him prescribed, there is 
 tile Church." These men at least were fully satisfied that 
 when they were born there was no Church in the whole 
 universe of their belief J; for the deputies dispatched by 
 them everywhere on that errand, had well assured them of it. 
 And yet they durst not say their assembly, such as it was, 
 little or great, was the holy, universal Church ; but only 
 tliat " she was a member and a part thereof fj;." But what 
 then was become of all the other parts r* They had surveyed 
 all corners of the world, and no tidings of them : sad ex- 
 tremes indeed ! not to dare to say they were the Universal 
 Church, and dare still less to say that they had met Avith 
 brethren and partners of their faith in any part whatsoever 
 of the whole universe. 
 
 Be that as it will, these are the first that seem to insinuate 
 in a Confession of Faith, that true Christian Churches might 
 be separated from one another, since they dare not exclude 
 from Catholic unity, those Churches with whom they knew 
 they had no communion ; which I beg may be remarked, by 
 reason that this doctrine will at length be the last resource 
 of Protestants, as shall appear hereafter. 
 
 * Cap. de Ecc. Ibid. p. 132. Ibid. c. de Cone. p. 134. 
 t Syu. Geii. Art. viii, p. 186. % S, 1. xi. n, l/C. § Syii, Gen. p. 187. 
 
288 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK 
 
 13.'— 'The Confession of Strasburg. 
 
 We have seen the Confession of the Lutherans I'egarding the 
 Church : we shall now hear the other party. The Confes- 
 sion of Strasburg", presented, as above observed, to Charles V. 
 at the same time with that of Augsburg, defines the Church*, 
 " the society of those who have enlisted themselves soldiers 
 of Jesus Christ, amongst whom are mixed many hypocrites." 
 There is no doubt that such a society is visible — that she 
 must always abide in this state of visibility, — it being added, 
 " that Jesus Christ does never abandon her ; that those who 
 do not hear her, ought to be held for heathens and publicans; 
 that, indeed, there is no seeing what constitutes her a Church, 
 namely, her faith ; yet she makes herself be seen by her 
 fruits, amongst which confession of the truth is one." 
 
 The following chapter sets forth f how that " the Church 
 being on earth in the flesh, God also will instruct her by the 
 exterior word, and make her faithful members preserve an 
 exterior society by means of the sacraments." There are 
 tlien necessarily both pastors and people, nor can the Church 
 subsist without this ministry. 
 
 14. — Two Confessions of Basil. 
 
 The Confession of Basil in 1536 says|, " that the Catholic 
 Church is the holy congregation of all the saints ; and» 
 although unknown to any but God, nevertheless is she seen, 
 is she known, is she constituted by external rites of God's 
 appointment ; to wit, by the sacraments, and by the public 
 and lawful preaching of his word ;" v;herein is seen manifestly, 
 that ministers lawfully called are comprehended, by whom 
 it is also added, " God makes himself known to his faithful, 
 and administers to them the remission of their sins." 
 
 In another Confession of Faith, made at Basil in 1532, 
 " The Christian Church is likewise defined the society of the 
 saints, whereof all those who confess Jesus Christ are the 
 citizens ;" thus the profession of Christianity is essential to 
 her. 
 
 15. — The Helvetic Confession of 1566, and the perpetual 
 Visibility thoroughly established. 
 
 Whilst we are upon the Helvetic Confessions, that of 1566, 
 which is the great and solemn one, defines also the Church, 
 
 * Conf. Argcut. c. xv. de Eccl. Synt. Geu. part i. p. 191. f Ibid, cap, xvi. 
 
 :i; Ibid. Art, 14, 15. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 289 
 
 " which has been always, which is, and which shall ever be, 
 the assembly of the faithful, and of the saints who know God, 
 and serve him by the Word and the Holy Ghost*." Here, 
 then, is not only the interior band, namely, the Holy Ghost, 
 but the exterior also, which is the word and preaching ; and 
 therefore they say afterwards, *' that lawful and true preach- 
 ing is her chief mark, to which must be added the sacraments 
 as God has instituted them f.'' Whence they conclude " that 
 the Churches, wliich are deprived of these marks, although 
 they boast the succession of their bishops, their unity, and 
 their antiquity, do not belong to the triiie Church of Jesus 
 Christ ; nor can salvation any more be had out of the Church 
 than out of the ark : if you will have life, you must not 
 separate yourself from the true Church of Jesus Christ." 
 
 I desire these words may be observed, which will be of 
 main consequence when we shall come to the last answers of 
 the ministers ; in the mean time, let us but remark, that it 
 is impossible to teach more clearly that the Church is always 
 visible, and that she is necessarily compounded of pastors 
 and people, than is here done by this Helvetic Confession. 
 
 16. — They begin to vary. — The invisible Church begins to 
 
 appear. 
 
 But as they were obliged, according to these ideas, always to 
 find a ministry and a Church wherein the truth of Christianity 
 was preserved : the difficulty was no small one, because, say 
 what they would, they were very sensible that there was no 
 Church, little or great, composed of pastors and people, 
 wherein they could shew that faith, which they would make 
 pass for the only true Christian faith. They are then forced 
 to subjoin, " that God has had his friends out of the people 
 of Israel ; that, during the captivity of Babylon, the people 
 were deprived sixty years of the sacrifice ; that, through a 
 just judgment of God, the truth of his word and worship, 
 and the Catholic faith, are sometimes so obscured, that it 
 seems almost as if they were extinct, and no Church at all 
 subsisting, as happened in the time of Eli and at other times j 
 so that the Church may be called invisible ; not that the men 
 she is composed of are so, but because she is often hidden to 
 our eyes, and being known to God alone, escapes from tlie 
 sight of men." Here is the dogma of an invisible Church, as 
 clearly established as the dogma of the visible Church had 
 been before ; that is to say, the Reformation, struck at first 
 
 * Syn. Gen. cap. xvii, p. 31, t Ibid. pp. 33, 34. 
 
 VOL. n. u 
 
290 THE HISTORY OP [^OOK 
 
 with the true notion of the Church, defined it so as that her 
 visibility came into her very essence ; but afterwards fell 
 into other notions through the impossibility of finding a 
 Church always visible of her belief. 
 
 17. — Church invisible. — Why invented. — Confession of the 
 Minister Jurieu. 
 
 That it was this inevitable perplexity which drove the Cal- 
 vinian Churches upon this chimera of a Church invisible none 
 can doubt, after hearing Mr. Jurieu. " That which moved 
 (says he)* some reformed doctors (he should have said whole 
 Churches of the reformation) in their own Confessions of 
 Faith, to cast themselves into the perplexity they were 
 entangled in upon their denying the perpetual visibility of 
 the Church, was because they believed, by owning the 
 Church always visible, they should find it difficult to answer 
 the question which the Church of Rome so often makes us: — 
 Where was our Church a hundred and fifty years ago 1 If 
 the Church be always visible, your Calvinist and Lutheran 
 Church is not the true Church, for that was not visible." 
 This is fairly owning the cause of that perplexity which dis- 
 turbed his Churches : he that pretends to have refined 
 beyond them, will not extricate himself better, as we shall 
 see ; but let us continue to observe the confusion of the 
 Churches themselves. 
 
 18. — Belgic Confession^ and sequel of the perplexity . 
 
 The Belgic Confession manifestly copies after the Helvetic, 
 since it says t, " that the Catholic or Universal Church is 
 the assembly of all the faithful ; that she has been, is, and will 
 be eternally, by reason that Jesus Christ, her eternal King, 
 cannot be without subjects : although for some time she 
 seem little, and as it were extinct to the eyes of men ; as in 
 the time of Achab and of those seven thousand who had not 
 bent their knees to Baal." 
 
 Nevertheless, they afterwards subjoin J, " That the 
 Church is the assembly of the elect, out of which none can 
 be saved ; that it is not lawful to withdraw from her, or abide 
 apart : but all must unite themselves to the Church, and sub- 
 mit to her discipline§ ; that one may see and know her, by 
 pure preaching, right administration of the sacraments, and 
 a good discipline ; and it is thereby, say they, that we may 
 
 * Syst. p. 226. I Syn. Gen. Art. 27, p. 140. % Ibid, Art. 28. 
 § Ibid. Art. 29. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 291 
 
 rightly distinguish this true Church, from ■which it is not 
 allowable to depart." 
 
 It seems, then, on one side, as if they would say, one may 
 easily and always know her, since she has such manifest 
 tokens, and that it is never lawful to depart from her. And 
 on the other side, if we press them to shew us a Church of 
 their belief, though never so minute, always visible, they 
 provide a subterfuge for themselves by flying to this Church 
 which does not appear, although they dare not speak out 
 boldly, nor say absolutely that she is extinct, but only that 
 she seems as it were extinct. 
 
 19. — Church of England, 
 
 The Church of England speaks ambiguously. '' The visible 
 Church (says she *) is a congregation of faithful men, in which 
 the pure word of God is preached, and the sacraments are 
 duly ministered, according to Christ's ordinance ;" that is, 
 such is she when visible, but this is not saying that she is 
 always visible. What follows is not more clear : " As the 
 Churches of Hierusalem, Alexandria, and Antioch, have erred, 
 so also the Church of Rome hath erred in matters of faith :" 
 the question is, (they thus attainting these great, and as it were, 
 mother Churches of all the rest,) whether the infection might 
 have spread so universally, as that the profession of truth 
 was extinguished over all the earth; but they chose rather 
 to speak nothing of it, than to incur this terrible dilemma, 
 which would oblige them, on one side, either to own there 
 was no Church left on earth in which truth was confessed : 
 or, allowing the impossibility of this, would oblige them, on 
 the other side, to seek what they knew could not be found, 
 to wit, a Church always subsisting and believing as they did. 
 
 20. — Confession of Scotland, and manifest contradiction. 
 
 In the Confession of Scotland, the Catholic Church is defined 
 the Society of all the Elect : they say \, " She is invisible, and 
 known to God only, who alone knows his elect ;" and add, 
 *' that the true Church hath for its mark, preaching and the 
 sacraments :" and wherever these marks be, though there 
 should be but two or three men, there is the Church of Jesus 
 Christ, in the midst of which he is, according to his promise ; 
 " Which is understood (say they) not of the universal Church 
 just spoken of, but of the particular Chui'ch of Ephesus, of 
 
 * Syn. Gen. Art, 19, p. 103. f Ibid. Art. 16, de Eccl. p. 118, Art. 18, p. 119. 
 
 u2 
 
292 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 Corinth, and so forth, wherein the ministry had been planted 
 by St. Paul." Prodigious! to make Jesus Christ say the 
 ministry may be where two or three men can be found. 
 But they were forced into these straits ; for to find one 
 only Churcli of their belief, wherein was a regulated ministry, 
 as at Ephesus or Corinth, always subsisting, was what they 
 despaired of. 
 
 21. — Catechism of the pretended Reformed of France. 
 
 I have reserved the Confession of the pretended Reformed of 
 France for the last, not only on account of the particular 
 concern I ought to have for my own country, but also because 
 in France especially the Protestants have for this long time 
 sought most diligently for the solution of this difficulty. 
 
 Let us begin by the Catechism*, wherein on the fifteenth 
 Sunday, upon this Article of the Creed, " I believe the Holy 
 Catholic Church," they teach, that this name is given her, 
 ^' to signify that as there is but one head of the faithful, so 
 all are to be united in one body ; so that thei-e are not many 
 Churches, but one only, which is diffused all the world over." 
 How the Lutheran or Calvinlan Church was diftused all the 
 world over, when scarce known in some corner of it ; and, 
 how Churches of this belief are to be found, in all times and 
 in all the world, is what constitutes the difficulty. They 
 saw, and obviate it in the following Sunday y, where, after 
 having asked, whether this Church may be otherwise known 
 than by believing her, they answer thus : " There is indeed a 
 visible Church of God conformable to the signs he hath given 
 us to know her by ; but in this place (the Creed), properly 
 speaking, is meant the society of those whom God hath elected 
 for salvation, which cannot be discovered fully by the eye." 
 
 22. — Sequel in which the difficulty appears. — The Church 
 in the Creed at length acknowledged visible. 
 
 They seem to say two things : the first, that no mention is 
 made of the Church in the symbol of the Apostles; the 
 second, that for want of such a Chui'ch which tliey might 
 shew visibly of their belief, it is sufficient to have recourse to 
 that invisible Church which cannot be seen fully by the eye. 
 But what follows puts an obstacle to the two points of this 
 doctrine, it being there taught, ^' that no man obtains par- 
 don of his sins, unless he be first incorporated with God's 
 
 ,* Catech, Dim. xv. t Dim, xvi. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 293 
 
 people, and persevere in unity and communion with the body 
 of Christ, and so be a member of the Church :" whence they 
 conclude, that *^ out of the Church there is nothing but 
 death and damnation; and that all those who separate them- 
 selves from the company of the faithful to make a sect apart, 
 ought not, whilst divided, to hope salvation." To make a 
 sect apart, is, unquestionably, to break the exterior bonds 
 of the Church's unity. They suppose, therefore, that the 
 Church, wherewith it is necessary to be in communion in order 
 to obtain pardon of our sins, has a two-fold union, the inter- 
 nal and external ; and that both of them are necessary, first 
 to salvation, and secondly to the understanding the Article 
 of the Creed touching the Catholic Church : so that this 
 Church, confessed in the Creed, is visible and distinguishable 
 in her extei'ior ; for which reason also they durst not venture 
 to say that we could not see her, but, could not see her 
 fully, to wit, as to that which is internal ; a thing no man 
 disputes. 
 
 23. — Calvi7i's sentiment. 
 
 All these notions in the Catechism came from Calvin who 
 composed it: for, explaining the Article, "I believe the Ca- 
 tholic Church*," he distinguishes the Church visible from 
 the invisible known to God alone, which is the society of all 
 the elect, and it seems as if he would say it is this the Creed 
 speaksof: although, says hef, "this Article regards, in some 
 measure, the external Church," as if they were two Churches, 
 and it were not, on the contrary, most evident, that the same 
 Church, which is invisible in her internal gifts, doth manifest 
 herself by the sacraments and profession of her faith. But so 
 it is, that the Reformation is always in a panic when the 
 Church's visibility is to be acknowledged. 
 
 24. — Confession of Faith of the French Calvinists. 
 
 They act more naturally in their Confession of Faith, and else- 
 where it hath been proved unanswerably, that they there 
 own no other Church but that which is visible;}:. The fact 
 stands incontestable, as will be seen hereafter. Nor was 
 there, indeed, anything that could less bear a dispute; for, 
 from the twenty-fifth Article, where this matter begins, to 
 the thirty-second Article, where it ends, they all along evi- 
 dently suppose the Church visible; and in the twenty-fifth 
 Article, they lay it down as a fundamental point, that " the 
 
 ♦ Instit. I. iv. c,l.n.2. t N. 3. ' + Conf.avec M.Cl. p._9,et seq. 
 
294 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Church cannot subsist, unless there be pastors in her that 
 have the charge of teaching." It is, therefore, a thing abso- 
 lutely necessary; and those who oppose this doctrine are de- 
 tested as fantastical. Whence they conclude, in the twenty- 
 sixth Article, " that no man ought to withdraw apart, nor 
 rest on self-sufficiency ;" so that it is necessary to be united 
 externally with some Church : a truth inculcated in every 
 place, without the appearance of so much as one word of a 
 Church invisible. 
 
 It ought, however, to be observed, that in the twenty-sixth 
 Article, where it is said,^" No man ought to withdraw apart 
 nor rest on self-sufficiency, but should join himself to some 
 Church," they add, " and this in whatever place God shall 
 have established a true form of a Church;" whereby it is left 
 undecided whether or no they mean that such a form always 
 does subsist. 
 
 25. — Sequel, wherein the perpetual Visibility is always mani- 
 festly supposed. 
 
 In the twenty- seventh Article caution is given to distinguish 
 carefully which is the true Church ; words that plainly shew 
 they suppose her visible : and after having decided that she 
 is ^' the congregation of true, faithful men," they add, 
 " amongst the faithful there be hypocrites and reprobate, 
 whose wickedness cannot deface the title of a Church," 
 wherein the Church's visibility is again clearly supposed. 
 
 26. — The Church of Rome excluded from the title of a true 
 Church by the twenty -eighth Article of the French 
 Confession. 
 
 By the principles laid down in the twenty-eighth Article, 
 the Church of Rome stands excluded from the title of a true 
 Church, forasmuch as, after laying this foundation, " that, 
 where the word of God is not preached, and no profession 
 is made of bringing one's self under subjection to it, and where 
 there is no use of sacraments, properly speaking, we cannot 
 judge that there is any Church :" they declare they " con- 
 demn the assemblies of the Papacy, considering that the pure 
 truth of God is banished thence, and the sacraments are there 
 corrupted, adulterated, falsified, or wholly annihilated ; and 
 all superstitions and idolatries are in vogue amongst them :" 
 whence they draw this consequence, — " We hold that all 
 those who join in such deeds, and communicate in them, do 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 295 
 
 separate and cut themselves off from the body of Christ 
 Jesus." 
 
 It is impossible to decide more clearly that there is no 
 salvation in the Church of Rome. And what is subjoined 
 by them, that there are still some " footsteps of a Church 
 amongst us," so far from mitigating the precedent expres- 
 sions, even strengthens them; inasmuch as this term implies 
 rather some remains and traces of a Church that had for- 
 merly passed that way, tlian a token of her being there. 
 Thus was it understood by Calvin, when he asserted* " that 
 the essential doctrine of Christianity was entirely forgotten 
 by us." But the difficulty of discovering a society in which 
 God could be served, before the Reformation, has made them 
 elude this article, as we shall see hereafter. 
 
 27. — The thirty-first Article, in which the interruption of 
 the Ministry, and the cessation of the visible Church, is 
 acknowledged. 
 
 The same reason obliged them also to elude the thirty-first, 
 which regards the vocation of Ministers. However trite 
 may have been this subject, it must nevertheless, of necessity, 
 be resumed, and so much the more, as it has given occasion 
 to notorious variations even in our days. It begins by these 
 words : — " We believe (it is an article of faith, consequently 
 revealed by God, and revealed clearly in his Scriptui'e accord- 
 ing to the principles of the Reformation), we believe, then, that 
 no man may intrude himself, of his own proper authority, into 
 the government of the Church ;" allowed, the thing is certain : 
 " but that this ought to be done by election ;" this part of 
 the Article is not less certain than the other. You must be 
 chosen, deputed, authorized, by somebody; otherwise you 
 are an intruder, " and by your own particular authority," the 
 thing just now prohibited. But here is what annoys the 
 Reformation; they knew not who had chosen, deputed, au- 
 thorised the Reformers, and it was necessary to find out here 
 some cloak for so visible a defect. Wherefore, after having 
 said you ought to be elected and deputed after some form or 
 other, without specifying any, they add, " so far forth as is 
 possible, and God permits it :" whereby an exception is 
 manifestly prepared in behalf of the Reformers. And, ac- 
 cordingly, they immediately subjoin, "which exception we 
 add expressly, because it hath been necessary sometimes, 
 nay, in our days, when the state of the Church was inter- 
 
 * Instit, jv, c. xi. n. 2. ' 
 
296 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 rupted, that God should raise men in an extraordinary 
 manner to set up the Church anew which was fallen into ruin 
 and desolation." They could not denote in more clear and 
 more general terms the interruption of the ordinary ministry 
 established by God, nor carry it further than to be obliged 
 to have recourse to an extraordinary mission which God him- 
 self dispatches, and accordingly furnishes with the particular 
 proofs of his immediate will. For they acknowledge frankly 
 in the present case, that they can neither produce pastors 
 that did conseci'ate, nor people that could elect ; which im- 
 plied necessarily the entire extinction of the Church in her 
 visibility ; and remarkable it was that, from the interruption 
 of the visibility and ministry, they came to own in plain 
 terms that the Church was fallen into ruin, without distin- 
 guishing the visible from the invisible, because they had got 
 into a train of simple notions by which the Scripture naturally 
 leads us to own no Church but such as is visible. 
 
 28. — Perplexity in the Synods of Gap and Rochelle, on ac- 
 count that the invisible Church had been forgotten in the 
 Confession. 
 
 This difficulty was at length perceived by the Reformation ; 
 and in 1603, five and forty years after the Confession of 
 Faith had been published, was proposed to the national 
 synod of Gap in these terms* : " The provinces are exhorted 
 to examine thoroughly, in the provincial synods, in what 
 terms the twenty-fifth Article of the Confession of Faith 
 ought to be couched, so much the more as our belief, regard- 
 ing the Church, whereof mention is made in the creed, being 
 to be expressed, there is nothing in the said confession that 
 can be understood of any other than the church militant and 
 visible." A general command is subjoined, " that all come 
 prepared on questions concerning the Church." 
 
 This is, therefore, a fact well avowed, that M'hen they 
 were to expound the doctrine of the Church, an article so 
 essential to Christianity as to have been expressed in the 
 creed, the idea of a Church invisible did not so much as enter 
 into the minds of the Reformers, so distant was it from good 
 sense, and so unnatural. However, they bethink themselves 
 afterwards that it is necessary for their turn, it being impos- 
 sible for them to find out a Church which had always visibly 
 persisted in the faith they profess, and a remedy is therefore 
 sought for this omission. What shall they say.? That the 
 
 * Synod, de Gap. ch. de la Conf. de Foi. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 297 
 
 Church might Idg wholly invisible ? This were introducing 
 into a Confession of Faith so crude a fancy, so repugnant to 
 good sense, that it never entered into the heads of those that 
 drew it up. It was therefore resolved, at last, to leave it as 
 they found it ; and four years after, in 1607, at the national 
 synod of Rochelle*, when all the provinces liad thoroughly 
 examined what was wanting to the Confession of Faith, 
 " they concluded not to add to or diminish anything from 
 the tM'enty-fifth and twenty-ninth Articles," the very same 
 in which the visibility of the Church was expressed the most 
 fully, " nor to meddle anew with the subject of the Church." 
 
 29. — Vain suhtletij of the Minister Claude towards eludiJig 
 these Synods. 
 
 Mr. Claude, of all men, was the most subtle to elude the 
 decisions of his Church when they incommoded himf ; but, 
 on this occasion, he jests but too openly, for he would make 
 us believe that all the difficulty the Synod of Gap met with 
 in the Confession of Faith, was, that she could have wished 
 that, instead of specifying only " the militant and visible part 
 of the univei'sal Church, her invisible parts, which are the 
 Church triumphant and that which is still to come, had also 
 been specified." Was not that, indeed, a very important, a 
 very difficult question, to order the discussion of in all the 
 synods and over all the provinces, towards bringing it to a 
 decision in the next national synod ? Did they so much 
 as dream of ever raising so frivolous a question ? And to 
 believe they troubled their heads about it, must not he have 
 forgotten the whole state of controversies ever since the be- 
 ginning of the pretended Reformation ? But Mr. Claude 
 was not for acknowledging that the synod's perplexity pro- 
 ceeded from her not finding, in their Confession of Faith, the 
 invisible Church, whilst his brother, Mr. Jurieu, moresincere 
 in that particular, agrees that they thought it was necessary 
 in the party, in order to answer the query. Where was the 
 Church ? 
 
 30. — Remarkable decision, which they stick not to, of the 
 Synod of Gap, concerning extraordinary Vocatio?i. 
 
 The same Synod of Gap passed an important decision on the 
 thirty-first article of the Confession of Faith, which spoke of 
 
 * Syn.^^de la Roch. 1G07. , f Rep. au Disc, de M, de Cond, p. 220. 
 
298 THE HISTORY OF [boOK 
 
 the extraordinary vocation of pastors : for the question being 
 proposed, *' Whether or no it were expedient, when they 
 should treat on the vocation of pastors who reformed the 
 Church, to ground the authority they had to reform and 
 teach, on the vocation they had received from the Church of 
 Rome ;" the Synod judged " they ought to refer it, accord- 
 ing to the article, to the extraordinary vocation only whereby 
 God interiorly stirred them up to this ministry, and not to 
 the small remains amongst them of that corrupted ordinary 
 vocation." Such was the decision of the Synod of Gap : 
 but, as before frequently observed, the Reformation never 
 hits right at first. Whereas, she enjoins here to have recourse 
 to an extraordinary vocation only, the Synod of Rochelle 
 says they must principally have recourse to it. But they 
 will no more abide by the exposition of the Synod of Rochelle, 
 than by the determination of the Synod of Gap ; and the 
 whole sense of the article, so carefully explained by two 
 Synods, shall be changed by two ministers. 
 
 31. — The Ministers elude the Decree concerning extraordi- 
 nary Vocation. 
 
 The ministers Claude and Jurieu are no longer for an 
 extraordinary vocation by which ministers are sent imme- 
 diately from God; neither does a confession of faith, nor 
 Synods, terrify them : for as the Reformed in the main nei- 
 ther care for confessions of faith nor synods, and answer 
 objections from them only for form-sake, even the slightest 
 evasions will serve their turn. For such, Mr. Claude was 
 never at a loss ; ' ' the right to teach (says he) and to perform 
 the pastoral functions, is one thing: the right to labour 
 towards a reformation, is another*." As for the last, the 
 vocation was extraordinary, on account of the extraordinary 
 talents the Reformers were endowed with : but there was 
 nothing extraordinary as for the vocation to the pastoral 
 ministry, since these first pastors were appointed by the 
 people, in whom the source of authority and vocation natu- 
 rally resides f. 
 
 32. — Extraordinary Vocation, established in the Confession 
 and two national Synods, is abandoned. 
 
 They could not shift off" the thirty-first Article in a more 
 gross manner. For, it is manifest the question there re- 
 
 * Def. de la Rep. p. i, ch, iv. et p. iv. ch. iv. Rep. a M, de Cond. pp. 313, 333. 
 t Ibid, pp.307, 313. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 299 
 
 garded in no manner of way either the extraordinary labour 
 towards a reformation, or the rare talents wherewith the 
 Reformers were endowed ; but merely the vocation for 
 governing the Church, into which it was not lawful " for 
 any one to intrude himself of his own proper authority." 
 Now it was in this regard that they had recourse to an extra- 
 ordinary vocation ; consequently, it was in regard of the pas- 
 toral functions. 
 
 The Synod explains itself no less clearly : for without the 
 least thought of distinguishing between the power of re- 
 forming and that of teaching, which in reality are so linked 
 together, that the same power which authorizes to teach, 
 authorizes likewise to reform abuses, — the question was, whe- 
 ther the power, as well of reforming as of teaching, ought to 
 be founded on vocation derived from the Church of Rome, 
 or on an extraordinary commission issuing immediately from 
 God ; and the Synod concludes for the latter. 
 
 But no longer were there any means left of maintaining it, 
 the}"- not having any one mark thei'eof: nay, two Synods 
 could find no other warrant to authorize these extraordinary 
 commissioned pastors, except what they said for themselves, 
 that they had an " interior impulse to their ministry." The 
 chiefs of the Anabaptists and Unitarians say the same, nor is 
 there a more sure method of introducing into the pastoral 
 charge all manner of fanatics. 
 
 33. — How important is the present state of the controversy 
 about the Church. 
 
 Here was a fine field opened to Catholics. Nor have they 
 been failing so to press the arguments regarding the Church 
 and ministry, that intestine divisions began to disorder the 
 camp of the enemy ; and the minister Claude, after subtiliz- 
 ing to a higher pitch than anyone had ever done before him, 
 was not able to content tiie minister Jurieu. What they both 
 have said on this subject, the steps they have taken towards 
 the truth, the absurdities they fell into for not having suffi- 
 ciently pursued their principle, have placed the question 
 concerning the Church in such a state as not to be dissembled 
 without omitting one of the most material occurrences of this 
 history. 
 
 34. — They no longer contest with us the Church's Visibility. 
 
 These two ministers suppose the Church visible, and always 
 visible, nor is it iu tliis point they are divided. In order to 
 
300 THE HISTORY OF [boOK 
 
 put it beyond all doubt that Mr. Claude persisted in this 
 sentiment to the very last, I will produce the last work of 
 his on this subject. He there declares *, that the question 
 between Catholics and Protestants is not whether the Church 
 be visible ; that it is not denied in his religion that the true 
 Church of Jesus Christ, the Church which his promises relate 
 to, is so ; he very clearly decides that the text of St. Paul, in 
 which the Church is represented as without spot or wrinkle, 
 *' regai'ds not only the Church in heaven, but also the visible 
 Church that is on earth : insomuch, that the visible Church 
 is the body of Christ Jesus, or, what comes to the same thing, 
 the body of Chi'ist Jesus, which alone is the true Church, is 
 visible : that this is the sentiment of Calvin and Mestresat, 
 and that the Church of God is not to be sought out of the 
 visible state of the ministry and world." 
 
 35, — The promises of Jesus Christ in behalf of the Visibility 
 are allowed. 
 
 This is most clearly owning that she cannot subsist without 
 her visibility and the perpetuity of her ministry: accordingly 
 this author has acknowledged it in many places, and particu- 
 larly in expounding these words : the " gates of hell shall not 
 prevail against her ;" where he speaks thus f : " if in these words 
 be understood a perpetual subsistence of the ministry in a 
 state sufficient for the salvation of God's elect, in spite of all 
 the efforts of hell, and in spite of all the disorders and con- 
 fusions of the ministers themselves ; it is no more than what 
 I own has been promised by Jesus Christ, and therein it is 
 that we have a sensible and palpable token of his promise." 
 
 The perpetuity, therefore, of the ministry is not a thing 
 which happens accidentally to the Church, or is only suitable 
 to her for a time ; it is a thing which is promised her by 
 Jesus Christ himself; and it is equally certain, that the 
 Church will never be without a visible ministry, as it is cer- 
 tain that Jesus Christ is the eternal truth. 
 
 36. — Another promise equally confessed. 
 
 This Minister proceeds still further J, and expounding this 
 promise of Jesus Christ, *' Go ye, baptize, teach, and lo, I 
 am with you always even unto the end of the world," he 
 approves this comment thereon: " with you teaching, with 
 
 * Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. p. 73. lb. pp. 82, 83, et seq. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 105. Matt. xvi. 18. 
 
 X Conf. avec. M. CI. p. 36. Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. pp. 106, 107. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 301 
 
 you baptizing," and concludes it with these words : " I 
 acknowledge that Jesus Christ promises the Church to be 
 with her, and to teach with her, without interruptio?}, to the 
 world's end :" an acknowledgment from whence I shall, in 
 due time, conclude the infallibility of the Church's doctrine, 
 with whom Jesus Christ is always teaching : but I only 
 employ it here to establish by his scriptures and his promises, 
 with the consent of this Minister, the visible perpetuity of 
 the Church-ministry. 
 
 37. — The Visibility enters into the definition which the 
 Minister Claude has given of the Church. 
 
 Accoi'dingly, also, he proceeds thus to define the Church : 
 " the Church is (says he) the true faithful who make pro- 
 fession of the truth, of Christian piety, of a true sanctity 
 under a ministry which furnishes her with the food necessary 
 for a spiritual life, without subtracting from her any part 
 thereof*." Where the profession of the truth and the per- 
 petuity of the visible ministi-y are seen manifestly to enter 
 the definition of the Church: whence it clearly follows, that 
 as much as he is assured that she will always exist, so much 
 is he assured that she always will be visible, since visibility 
 appertains to her essence, and comes into her vei'y definition, 
 
 38. — In what manner the Society of the faithful is visible^ 
 in this Minister's ojnnion. 
 
 If it be asked this minister, how lie understands the Church 
 to be visible, since he will have her be the assembly of the 
 true faithful known to God alone, and that the profession of 
 the truth, which might make her known, is common to her 
 with wicked men and hypocrites, as well as the visible and 
 exterior ministry ; he answers t? that it is sufficient to I'ender 
 the assembly of the faithful visible, that we may point at the 
 place where she abides, to wit, the body wherein she is 
 nourished, and the visible ministry under which she is neces- 
 sarily contained : by which means we may even say, " there 
 she is," as, viewing the field in which grow good corn and 
 tares, we say, " there is the good corn ;" and as, beholding 
 the nets wherein are good and bad fish, " there are the good 
 fish." 
 
 * Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. p. 119. 
 t Ibid. pp. 79, 95, 115, 121, 146, 243. 
 
302 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 39. — Before the Reformation, the Elect of God saved in the 
 Commu7iion, and under the Ministry of Rome. 
 
 But what was that public and visible ministry under which 
 were contained, before the Reformation, the true faithful 
 whom he will have alone to be the true Church ? this was 
 the grand question. No ministry was to be found through- 
 out the whole universe that had perpetually continued, 
 except that of the Church of Rome, or of others, whose doc- 
 trine was equally disadvantageous to Protestants. Where- 
 fore he was obliged at last to own, that " this body in which 
 the true faithful were nourished, and this ministry whereby 
 they I'eceived sufficient food without subtraction of any part, 
 was the body of the Church of Rome, and the ministry of 
 her prelates*." 
 
 40. — This Minister has not recourse to the Albigenses, 8^c. 
 
 This Minister is here to be praised for his penetration, 
 exceeding that of many others, and for not having confined 
 the Church to societies separate from Rome, as were the 
 Vaudois and Albigenses, the Wickliffites and the Hussites : 
 for though he considers them as the most " illustrious part of 
 the Church, because they were the most pure, the most 
 knowing, and the most generous -|- ;" he well saw it was ridi- 
 culous there to place the whole defence of his cause ; and in 
 his last work, without minding these obscure sects, whose 
 insufficiency is now made visible, he no where places the true 
 Church and true faithful but in the Latin ministry. 
 
 41. — Inevitable perplexity and contradiction. 
 
 But here lies the dilemma, which it is imjjossible to evade ; 
 for the Catholics return to their old query : if the true Church 
 be always visible ; if the marks to know her by, according 
 to all your catechisms and all your confessions of faith, be 
 the pure preaching of the Gospel, and the right administra- 
 tion of the Sacraments, either the Church of Rome had these 
 two marks, and you came in vain to reform her, or she had 
 them not ; and you can no longer say, according to your 
 principles, that she is the body in which is contained the 
 true Church. For, in contradiction to this, Calvin has said ;|:, 
 " that the doctrine essential to Christianity was there buried, 
 
 * Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond, pp. 130, &c. 145, &c. 360, &c. 369, &c. 373, 378. 
 
 f Def. dela Rep. p. iii. ch, v. p. 289. Rep. au Disc, de M.de Cond. j 
 
 ± Inst.l.iv.c,ii, n.2. S, n.26. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 303 
 
 and she was nothing but a school of idolatry and impiety." 
 His sentiments passed into the Confession of Faith, wherein we 
 have seen*, " that the pure truth of God was banished from 
 this Church ; that the sacraments were there corrupted, 
 falsified, and adulterated ; that all supei'stition and idolatry 
 were there in vogue." Whence lie concluded, " that the 
 Church was fallen into desolation and ruin, the state of the 
 ministry interrupted, and her succession so annihilated, that 
 there was no means of reviving it but by an extraordinary 
 mission." And, in reality, if imputed justice was the foun- 
 dation of Christianity ; if the merit of works, and so many 
 other received doctrines, were mortally ruinous to piety ; if 
 botli kinds were essential to the Eucharist, where was the 
 truth and sacraments ? Calvin and the confession were in 
 the right to say, according to these principles, that no Church 
 at all was left amongst us. 
 
 42. — The aiiswers whereby they fall mlo a greater 
 perplexity -y. 
 On the other side, neither can it be said that the Church has 
 ceased, nor ceased to be visible : the promises of Jesus 
 Cln-ist are too perspicuous, and reconciled they must be, 
 some way or other, with the doctrine of the Reformation. 
 Hence commenced the distinction of additions and subtrac- 
 tions : if by subti*action you take away some fundamental 
 truths, no longer stands the ministry: if you lay evil dogmata 
 on these foundations ; nay, though they should destroy this 
 foundation by consequence, the ministry subsists, impure 
 indeed, yet sufficient: and by the discernment which the 
 faithful make of the foundation, which is Jesus Christ, from 
 that which is superadded, they shall find all necessary nou- 
 rishment in the ministry. Here then ends that purity of 
 doctrine, and of sacraments rightly administered, which had 
 been set as marks of the true Church. Without having so 
 much as preaching which you can approve of, or worship 
 which you can join in, or an entire Eucharist, still you have 
 all necessary food without subtraction of any part thereof, 
 still you have the purity of the word, and the sacraments 
 well administered : what is it to contradict one's self, if this 
 be not ? 
 
 * Inst. 1. iv. c. ii. n.2. S. n. 26. 
 t Rep. de M. CI. au Disc, de W. de Meaux, pp. 128, 149, 146, 247, 561, &c. 
 
304 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 43. — According to the Mmister's principles all is entire in 
 the Church of Rome that can be required for eternal 
 
 Salvation. 
 
 IBut here occurs another difficulty. If together with all these 
 points of doctrine, all these practices, and all this worship of 
 the Church of Rome, with the adoration and oblation of our 
 Saviour's body, with the subtraction of one kind, and all the 
 other dogmata, you have still " all necessary food without 
 subtraction of any part," because one God is by her con- 
 fessed, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and one only Jesus 
 Christ as God and Saviour ; it is, therefore, to be had there 
 still : still you have in her the marks of a true Church, 
 namely, purity of doctrine, and the right administration of 
 the sacraments to a sufficient degree : still then the true 
 Church is there, and still therein may you save your soul. 
 
 44. — No difference between us and our fathers. 
 
 To this Mr. Claude would not agree ; the consequences of 
 so considerable a concession made him tremble for the Refor- 
 mation. But Mr. Jurieu did not mince the matter, sensible 
 as he was that the differences which Mr. Claude alleged 
 between us and our fathers were too frivolous to boggle at. 
 And, indeed, no more than these two were mentioned : the 
 first is, that at present there is a body whose communion we 
 may embrace, viz. the body of the pretended Reformed : the 
 second is, that the Church of Rome has made many dogmata 
 articles of faith, which, in our fathers' time, were unde- 
 cided*. But nothing can be more frivolous ; and to con- 
 vince the Minister Claude, he needs only to remember what 
 the Minister Claude has but just told us : viz. that the Beren- 
 garians, the Vaudois, the Albigenses, the Wickliffites, the 
 Hussites, &c. had already appeared in the world as " the 
 most illustrious part of the Church, because they were the- 
 most pure, the most knowing, the most generous f." Again,, 
 he has but to remember that, even in his judgment, the 
 Church of Rome " had already given cause sufficient of with- 
 drawing from her communion by her anathematisms against 
 Berengarius, against the Vaudois and Albigenses, against 
 John Wickliff and John Huss, and by the persecutions she 
 had exercised against them ;{:." Yet he owns, nevertheless^ in 
 all these places, that, in order to salvation, it was not aeces- 
 
 * Def, de la Ref. p. 265. Rep. an Disc. deM. de Cond. pp. 370, 358,, &e. 
 
 t Def. de la Ref. p. iii. ch. v. p. 289. 
 
 J Rep. au Disc, de Cond, p. 368, 
 
XV.] THE VARI\TIONS, ETC. 305- 
 
 sary to join wltli these sects, and that Rome did still contain 
 the elect of God. 
 
 To say th:it the Lutherans and Calvinists outshone them in 
 brightness and lustre, were only disputing about more or 
 less, the substance of the thing still continuing the same. 
 The decisions, passed against these sects, comprehended the 
 principal part of vrhat afterwards was defined against Luther 
 and Calvin ; and without speaking of decisions, the constant 
 and universal practice of ottering the sacrifice of the Mass, 
 and making the most essential part of the divine worship to 
 consist in this oblation, was no new thing, nor was it possible 
 to remain in the Church without consenting to this worship. 
 We had, therefore, with this worship, and with all its depen- 
 dencies, all necessary food, without subtraction of any part 
 thereof : therefore we may still have it ; Mr. Claude could 
 not have denied this without too gross an imposition, nor was 
 the concession of it, lately made by Mr. Jurieu, otherwise 
 than forced. 
 
 Add to this that Mr. Claude, who would make us believe 
 so great a difference betwixt the times preceding and those 
 subsequent to the Reformation, under pretext that doctrines 
 before undecided, are since made articles of faith, has himself 
 destroyed this answer, by saying*, " that it was not a more 
 difficult thing to the people to abstain from believing and 
 practising what had been made a dogma, than to abstain from 
 believing and practising what was taught by the ministry, 
 what was commanded by it, and what was become common ;" 
 so that this mighty matter of making new Dogmata, which he 
 sets up for such a scarecrow to his party, after all, is just 
 nothing even in his own judgment. 
 
 45. — Falsehood asserted by the Minister Claude, that one 
 might be in the Romish Communion icithout communi- 
 cating in her Dogmata a?id Practice. 
 
 To those inconsistencies of Mr. Claude's doctrine, I add also 
 a palpable falsehood which he was bound to maintain by this 
 system, inz. that the true faithful, whom he owns in the 
 Church of Rome before the Reformation, '* therein subsisted 
 without communicating in her doctrines, or her corrupted 
 practices! ;" that is to say, without coming to Mass, without 
 confessing themselves, without communicating all their lives, 
 or at death ; in a word, without ever performing any one 
 action of a Roman Catholic. 
 
 * Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. p. 357. f IljiJ. pp. 3G0, 3G1, &c. 309, Sec. 
 VOL. II. X 
 
306 THE HISTORY Of [bOOK 
 
 He has been made to see, a hundred times, what a new 
 prodigy this would be ; for v/ithout speaking of the great 
 care that was taken through the entire Church to make 
 inquiries after the Vaudois and Albigenses, the Wickliffites 
 and Hussites, it is certain, in the first place, that even those, 
 whose doctrine was unsuspected, were obliged, on a hundred 
 occasions, to shew tokens of their belief, and particularly 
 when the holy Viaticum was given them. We need but look 
 into all the rituals antecedent to Luther's times, to be con- 
 vinced of the care then taken to make those to whom they 
 administered it, first confess their sins, and in giving it to 
 them, to make them own therein the truth of the body of 
 our Lord, and adore it with a profound respect. A second 
 incontestable fact results from thence : which is, that the 
 concealed Vaudois and others, who wished to shelter them- 
 selves from the censures of the Church, had no other means 
 of compassing it, than by practising the same worship with 
 the Catholics, even by receiving communion with them * : 
 this has been most clearly shewn by all kinds of proofs that 
 can be had in such a matter. But there is a third and still 
 more certain fact, inasmuch as it is acknowledged even by the 
 ministers, viz. that of all those who embraced either Luthe- 
 ranism or Calvinism, not so much as one has been found to 
 say, that in embracing such doctrines he did not change his 
 belief, but only declared what he always had believed in his 
 heart. 
 
 46. — A certain fact, that before the Reformation^ the Doctrine 
 she taught was unknown. — RejUction on a book of Mr. 
 Claude, after the conference of this Mi?iister. 
 
 To this fact distinctly stated, Mr. Claude is satisfied with 
 answering insultingly, " Does M. de Meaux imagine that the 
 disciples of Luther and Zuinglius ought to have made formal 
 declarations of all they had thought before the Reforma- 
 tion, or that these declarations ought to appear publicly in 
 print t?" 
 
 This is shuflEling in too weak and palpable a manner, for I 
 did not pretend that all ought to be declared, or all printed; 
 but that they never would have omitted to write that which 
 decided one of the most material points of the whole cause, 
 namely, the question, whether or no, before Luther and 
 Zuinglius, there was any one person of their faith, or whe- 
 
 * Sup.l. xi. n. 106, 107, 117,149, &c." 
 f Rep. au disc, de M. de Coiid. p. 460.- 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 307 
 
 ther their faith then was absolutely unknown. This question 
 was decisive, since none being able to conceive that the truth 
 had been wholly extinguished, it followed manifestly that 
 what doctrine soever was undiscoverable then on earth, could 
 not be the truth. Examples would have cleared all kind of 
 doubt on this matter, and if any had been, it is evident they 
 would have made them public, but they produced none ; it is 
 therefore because there were none, and the fact must stand 
 as incontestable. 
 
 47. ^-Whether Luther's quick success be a proof, that before 
 his disputes men thought as he did. 
 
 All that could be answered to this was, that had men been 
 satisfied with the doctrines and worship of Rome, the Refor- 
 mation would not have met with so speedy a success*. But, 
 not to repeat here what may be found elsewhere, with regard 
 to this success, and even throughout this whole history, it is 
 sufficient to reflect on that saying of St. Paul, " That the 
 word of heretics will spread like to a gangrene f :" now the 
 gangrene does not suppose a gangrene in the body it cor- 
 rupts, nor by consequence do Heresiarchs find their error 
 already settled in those minds which it depraves. It is true 
 matters were disposed];, as Mr. Claude says, by ignorance 
 and other above-mentioned causes, for the most part little to 
 the credit of the Reformation : but to conclude from thence 
 with this minister, that the disciples, whom novelty gained to 
 Luther, were already of his sentiments, is, instead of a posi- 
 tive fact whei'eof proof is demanded, substituting a conse- 
 quence that is not only doubtful, but even evidently false. 
 
 48. — Absurdity of Mr. Claude's supposition, with respect to 
 those who, in his judgment, lived in the Communion of 
 Rome. 
 
 Again, though it were granted Mr. Claude, that before the 
 Reformation all men were asleep in the Church of Rome, 
 even so far as to let every man act as he pleased ; those that 
 were neither present at Mass nor Communion, that never 
 confessed their sins, never partook of the sacraments, either 
 living or dying, lived and died quite undisturbed : none ever 
 dreamed of requiring from such people a confession of their 
 faith, and reparation of the scandal they had given to their 
 brethren : after all, what does he gain by advancing such 
 
 • Rep. au disc, de M. de Coiul. p. 303. Rep. Ti la Let. Past, de M. de Meaux. 
 t 2 Tim. ii. 17. X Ibid. 
 
 x2 
 
308 THE HISTORY OF , [bOOK 
 
 prodigies ? His drift tliereiii was to prove men might have 
 saved their souls whilst remaining with sincerity in commu- 
 nion with tlie Church of Rome. In proof of this, the first 
 thing he does, is to take from those he saves all the exterior 
 bands of communion. The most essential part of the service 
 was the Mass : they were to take no part in it. The most 
 manifest token of communion, was communicating at Easter: 
 they were to abstain from it ; otherwise they must have 
 adored Jesus Christ as present, and partook but of one kind. 
 All pulpits I'esounded with this worship, with this commu- 
 nion, and, in fine, with these doctrines deemed so corrupt. 
 Great heed was to be taken not to give the least sign of 
 approving them ; by this means, says Mr. Claude, salvation 
 might be had in communion with the Church. He ought 
 rather to have concluded, that by this means salvation would 
 be had out of communion with the Church, since by this 
 means such would have violated all the ties of communion ; 
 for, in short, let them define to me what it is to be in com- 
 munion Avith a Church. Is it to dwell in the country where 
 this Church is owned, as Protestants did amongst us, and 
 Catholics do now in England and Holland ? Surely it cannot 
 be that ; but perhaps it is to appear in the churches, to hear 
 the sermons, and be present at the assemblies without any 
 token of approbation, and much in the same disposition with 
 a curious traveller, without saying "amen" to their prayers, 
 and especially without ever communicating ! This is banter- 
 ing, you M'ill reply. Why, then, to communicate with a 
 church, is at least to frequent her meetings with the marks 
 of consent and approbation given thereto by others. To give 
 these marks to a Church whose profession of faith is criminal, 
 is giving consent to a crime ; and refusing them, is no longer 
 being in that exterior communion, wherein, nevertheless, you 
 would have them be. 
 
 But if you say, the marks of approbation to be given must 
 only fall on the truths which this Church joreaches, and on 
 the good she practises, by the same way of reasoning, one 
 might be in communion with the Socinians, with the Deists 
 could they make one society, with the Mahometans, with' the 
 Jews, by receiving the several truths professed in each party, 
 silent as to all the rest, and living withal in every respect a 
 complete Socinian, a complete Deist: what extravagance can 
 compare with this ? 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 309 
 
 49. — This Minuter varies in what he had said of the Church's 
 
 Visibility. 
 
 This is tlio state wherein Mr. Claude has left the controversy 
 regardinf^ the Church ; a Avealc state, as is plain, and mani- 
 festly indefensible. And, indeed, he does not trust to it, 
 nor will he deprive his party of the subterfuge, though never 
 so pitiful, of an invisible Church, since he supposes God may 
 make his Church entirely vanish out of the sight of men*: 
 and when he says he may, he does not mean that he can do 
 this absolutely speaking, and it implies no contradiction, for 
 that is not the question; nor are metaphysical abstractions 
 here so much as thought of; but he may do it in the hypo- 
 thesis, and allowing the present plan of Christianity. It is in 
 this sense that Mr. Claude decides, " That God may, when 
 he pleases, reduce the faithful to an entire external disper- 
 sion, and preserve them in this miserable state, and that there 
 is great difference between saying, the Church ceases to be 
 visible, and saying, the Church ceases to be." After a hun- 
 dred times repeating, that he disputes not with us the 
 Church's visibility f ; after making the visibility of her minis- 
 try enter into her very definition ; after grounding her per- 
 l^etuity on these promises of Jesus Christ, " Lo, I am with 
 you alwaj^s, and the gates of hell shall not prevail," — to say 
 what we have just heard, is to forget his own doctrine, and 
 make void the promises Avhich are more durable than heaven 
 and earth. But his case \vas this : after his utmost straining 
 to reconcile them with his Reformation, and to maintain the 
 Scripture doctrine of the visibility, he found it still requisite 
 to leave himself a last refuge in the invisible Church, to fly to 
 in case of need. 
 
 50. — The Minister Jurieu comes in to the assistance of the 
 Minister Claude, uho had involved himself in an inex- 
 tricable labyrinth. 
 
 In this posture was the question, wlien Mr. Jurieu published 
 his new system of the Church J. No means were there of de- 
 fending tlie difference which his brother would have placed 
 between us and our forefathers, nor of saving one in damn- 
 ing the others. No less ridiculous was it, in owning that 
 some elect are born to God, in the communion of the Church 
 of Rome, to say, that these elect of her communion were such 
 
 * Def. cle la Rep. pp.47, 49, 314. Rep. audisc.de M. dcCond. pp. 89, 92, 245,247. 
 t P. 63, et seq. J Syst. de I'Egl. I. i. ch. xx. xxi., &c. 
 
310 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 as took no part in her doctrine, nor in her worship, nor in 
 her sacraments. Mr. Jurieu was very sensible that these 
 pretended elect could be nothing but hypocrites or impious 
 men ; and at length, though with much ado, he opened 
 Heaven's gate to those who lived in the communion of the 
 Church of Rome. But lest she might glory in this advan- 
 tage, he communicated it, at the same time, to all other 
 Churches wheresoever Christianity is spread, how much 
 soever divided amongst themselves, though never so unmer- 
 cifully excommunicating one another. 
 
 51. — He establishes Salvation in all Communions. 
 
 He carried this notion to such a height, that he did not hesi- 
 tate to call the contrary opinion inhuman, cruel, barbarous*, 
 in a word, an executioner's opinion, that is pleased with 
 damning mankind, and the most tyrannical that ever was. 
 He will not allow a truly charitable Christian can have any 
 other sentiment than that which places the elect in all com- 
 munions where Jesus Christ is known ; and informs us that, 
 *' if amongst his own people this doctrine has not been hitherto 
 much insisted on, it was from the effect of a policy which he 
 does not approve." Nay, he has found means to render his 
 system so far plausible in his party, that they no longer op- 
 pose anything else to our instructions, and believe they have 
 therein so strong a hold as not to be forced from it ; so that 
 the last resource of the Protestant party is to give to Jesus 
 Christ a kingdom like unto that of Satan ; a kingdom 
 " divided against itself f, ready," by consequence, " to be 
 brought to desolation, and whose houses are falling one upon 
 the other." 
 
 52. — The history of this opiiiion, beginning from the Soci- 
 nians. — Division in the Reformation between Mr. 
 Claude and Mr. Pajon. 
 
 If now one should desire to know the history and progress 
 of this opinion, the glory of the invention belongs to the 
 Socinians. These men, indeed, agree not with the rest of 
 Christians in fundamental articles, for they admit but two ; 
 the unity of God and the mission of Jesus Christ. But, they 
 say, all those who profess them with manners suitable to this 
 profession, are true members of the Church universal, and 
 that the dogmata superadded to this foundation hinder not 
 
 * System. Proef, towards the end. -j- Luke xi, 17, 18. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. SH 
 
 salvation ; nor is the world ignorant of the notions and indif- 
 ferency oi De-Dominis on this head. After the Synod of Cha- 
 I'enton, where the Calvinists received the Lutherans to com- 
 munion, notwithstanding the separation of both societies, there 
 resulted a necessity of acknowledging one and the same Church 
 in different communions. The Lutherans were far from this 
 sentiment ; but Calixtus *, one of the most renowned and 
 learned of them, has, in our days, brought it into vogue in 
 Germany, and admits into the communion of the universal 
 Church all sects preserving the foundation, without even 
 excepting the Church of Rome. It is nearly thirty years since 
 Huisseau, minister of Saumur, pushed on the consequence 
 of this doctrine to a great extent. This minister, already 
 famous in his party for his publication of Ecclesiastical Disci- 
 pline compared with the decrees of national Synods, made 
 himself much spoken of by the plan of reuniting all Chris- 
 tians of all sects, which he proposed in 1670; and Mr. Jurieu 
 acquaints us t, that he had many sticklers, notwithstanding 
 the solemn condemnation which was passed on his books and 
 person. A little while since, Mr. Fajon, the famous minister 
 of Orleans, in his answer to the Pastoral Letter of the French 
 clergy, did not think himself able to maintain the Church 
 system defended by Mr. Claude. The catholicity or uni- 
 versality of the Church appeared to him much more exten- 
 sive than his brother had made it ; and Mr. Jurieu gives 
 notice to Mr. Nicole |, " that answering Mr. Claude's book 
 will be doing nothing, unless he also answer that of Mr. 
 Pajon, by reason that these two gentlemen having taken 
 dilierent paths, one and the same answer cannot satisfy both." 
 
 53. — Sentiments of the Minister Jurieu. 
 
 In this division of the Reformation, driven to the utmost 
 straits on the question regarding the Church, Mr. Jurieu § 
 sided with Mr. Pajon ; and not affrighted with the separation 
 of Churches, decides, " that all Christian societies which 
 agree in some tenets, inasmuch as they agree, are united to 
 the body of the Christian Church, though they be in schism 
 one against another, even to daggers drawing." 
 
 Notwithstanding these so general expressions, he varies in 
 regard of the Socinians ; for at first in his " allowable Pre- 
 possessions," where he spoke naturally what he thought, he 
 
 * Calixt. de fid. et stud. Cone. Ecc. n. 1, 2,3, 4, &c. Ludg. Bat. 1651 
 
 t Avert, aux. Prot. de I'Eur. at the beginning of the Preju. p, 19. 
 
 J Ibid. p. 12. ^ Prejug. p. 4. 
 
312 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 begins, by enrolling tliem *' amongst the members of the 
 Christian Church *." He seems a little puzzled at the ques- 
 tion, whether or no one may save his soul amongst them : for 
 on one hand, he seems to allow none capable of salvation but 
 those who live in sects wherein the divinity of Jesus Christ, 
 with the other fundamental articles, are acknowledged ; and 
 on the other f, after compounding " the body of the Church of 
 all that great lieap of sects which make profession of Chris- 
 tianity in all provinces of the world put together," wherein 
 the Socinians are visibly comprehended, he concludes in ex- 
 press terms, " that the saints and elect are spread in all parts 
 of this vast body." 
 
 The Socinians gained their cause, and Mr. Jurieu was 
 blamed, even in his own party, for having been too favour- 
 able to them ; which is the reason that he restrains in some 
 measure his ideas in hiss3'stems: for whereas, in his " Prepos- 
 sessions," he placed naturally in the body of the universal 
 Church all sects whatsoever without exception : in the system, 
 he commonly adds to it this corrective, " at least those who 
 preserve the fundamental articles J ;" which he explains in be- 
 half of the Trinity, and other points of like consequence. 
 Thei'eby he seemed to limit his general propositions : but at 
 last, led on by the force of his principle, he broke through all 
 restraints laid on him by the policy of the party, and loudly 
 owned that the true faithful may be found in the communion 
 of a Socinian Church. 
 
 This is the history of that opinion which makes up the 
 Catholic Church out of separate communions. In all pro- 
 bability, its authority among Protestants would be great, 
 did not policy obstruct it. The disciples of Calixtus multiply 
 in the Lutheran party. As for the Calvinists, it is plain the 
 new system of the Church prevails among them ; and as Mr. 
 Jurieu signalizes himself in that party, by defending it, and 
 none has better laid down the principles, nor better foreseen 
 the consequences of it, its irregularity cannot be shewn 
 better, than by relating the disorder into which that minister 
 has cast himself by this doctrine, and the advantage he at the 
 same time affords the Catholics. 
 
 54. — Salvation may he had in the Church of Rome, according 
 to this Minister. 
 
 To dive to the bottom of his notion, his distinction of the 
 Church considered as to its body, and of the Church con- 
 
 * Prej. leg. p. 4. f Ibid. p. A, &c. p. 8. J Ibid. p. 133, &c. 
 
XV.] THE VAUTATIONS, ETC. 313 
 
 sidered as to its soul, must be presupposed*. The profes- 
 sion of Christianity is sufficient to make part of the body of 
 the Church, which he advances against Mr. Chiude, who 
 compounds the body of the Church, of the true faithful only ; 
 but to have part in the soul of the Church, it is necessary to 
 be in the grace of God. 
 
 This distinction supposed, the question is, what sects are 
 simply in the body of the Ciiurch ; and what are those in 
 which one may attain to partake of her soul, namely, of 
 charity and the grace of God ? which he explains sufficiently 
 by an abridgment he makes of Church history. This he 
 begins, by saying | " that she was corrupted after the third 
 century :" this date must be observed. He passes over the 
 fourth century without either approving or blaming it : " but, 
 (continues he J,) in the fifth, the sixth, the seventh, and the 
 eighth, the Church adopted divinities of a second rate, adored 
 relics, made herself images, and prostrated herself before 
 them even in the Churches ; and then grown sickly, deformed, 
 ulcerous, she was alive nevertheless :" so that her soul was 
 in her still, and what is worthy of observation, it was in her 
 in the midst of idolatry. 
 
 He goes on saying §, " that the universal Church divides 
 itself into two great parties, the Greek Churcli, and the 
 Latin Church. The Greek Church, before this great schism, 
 was already subdivided into Nestorians, Eutycheans, Mel- 
 chites, and divers other sects : the Latin Church into Papists, 
 Vaudois, Hussites, Taborites, Lutherans, Calvinists, and 
 Anabaptists ; and he pronounces, that it is an error to ima- 
 gine all these different parties had absolutely broken off from 
 Jesus Christ, by breaking one from the other." 
 
 55. — The Church of Rome comprehended amongst the living 
 Societies, wherein the fundamentals of Salvation are 
 retained. 
 
 Who breaks not with Jesus Christ, breaks not from salvation 
 and life ; accordingly, he counts these societies among the 
 living societies. The societies that are dead, according to 
 this minister, are " those which ruin the foundation ; to 
 wit, the Trinity, the Incarnation, the satisfaction of Jesus 
 Christ, and other the like articles ; but this is not the case 
 of the Greeks, the Armenians, the Cophts, the Abyssins, 
 the Russians, the Papists, and Protestants; all these societies 
 
 • Prej.leg. ch.i, Syst. 1. i. ch. i. f Ibid. p. 5. J Ibid. § Ibid. p. 6. 
 
314 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 (says he) have composed the Chui'ch, and therein does God 
 preserve his fundamental truths*." 
 
 It signifies nothing, to object that they subvert these truths 
 by consequences drawn in good form from their principles ; 
 because, as they disown these consequences, they ought not, 
 says this minister f, to be imputed to them ; for which reason, 
 he acknowledges God's elect even amongst the Eutychians, 
 who confounded the two natures of Jesus Christ, and amongst 
 the Nestorians, who divided his person. *^ There is no room 
 to doubt (says he X) but God preserves a remnant in them 
 according to the election of grace ;" and lest it should be 
 imagined there is more difficulty with respect to the Church 
 of Rome than for others, by reason that she is, according to 
 him, the kingdom of Antichrist, he clears this doubt in express 
 terms, asserting ^' that God's elect were preserved even in 
 the kingdom of Antichrist, and in Babylon itself §." 
 
 56. — The Antichristianism of the Church of Rome no 
 hindrance to Men's saving their souls in it. 
 
 The minister proves it by these words: — '^ Come out of 
 Babylon, my people |1." Whence he concludes that the people 
 of God, that is, his elect, must necessarily have been in it ; 
 but, continues he, '^ they were not in it, as his elect are in 
 some manner amongst the heathens, from whom they are 
 withdrawn ; for God does not call those his people who are 
 in a state of damnation ; consequently, the elect who are 
 found in Babylon are absolutely out of this state, and in a 
 state of grace. It is (says he) clearer than day, that God, in 
 these words, ' come out of Babylon, my people,' alludes to 
 the Jews of the Babylonian captivity," who certainly, " in 
 this state, did not cease to be Jews and the people of God." 
 
 After this manner the spiritual Jews and the true Israel of 
 God ^, that is, his true children, are to be found in the com- 
 munion of Rome, and will be found there to the end, it 
 being evident that this sentence, "■ come out of Babylon, my 
 people**," is pronounced even in the fall and desolation of 
 that mystical Babylon, which he will have to be the Church 
 of Rome. 
 
 57. — Men may be saved amongst us whilst retaini?ig our 
 Faith and Worship. 
 
 In order to explain how men are saved in her, the minister 
 
 * Syst.pp. 147, 149. f Ibid. p. 155. + Prej.ch.i. p. 16. § Ibid. 
 
 II Syst.p. 145. \ Gal. vi. 16. ** Rev. xviii. 4. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 315 
 
 distinguishes two ways : the first, which he has taken from 
 Mr. Claude, is the way of separation and discernment, when 
 one is in the communion of a Church without partaking of 
 her erroi's, and of whatever may be evil in her practices : 
 the second, added by him to that of Mr. Claude, is the way 
 of toleration on God's side, when, in consideration of funda- 
 mental truths retained in a communion, God pai'dons errors 
 superadded to them. 
 
 That he comprehends us in this last way, he clearly gives 
 to undei'stand in his system, where he declares the conditions 
 upon which one may hope from God some toleration " in the 
 sects which sap the foundation by their additions, yet without 
 taking it away*."" By what has been now said, it is plain he 
 means us and those like to us ; and the condition under which 
 he allows men may be saved in such a kind of sect is, " that 
 they communicate with it in sincerity, believing that it has 
 preserved the essence of the sacraments, and obliges to 
 nothing against conscience," which shews (so far from obliging 
 those who abide in these sects to reject their doctrine in 
 order to be saved) that they who remain therein with the 
 greatest sincerity, and are the most persuaded as well of the 
 doctrine as of the practices in use amongst them, may be the 
 soonest saved. 
 
 58. — One may be saved who is sincere in his conversion from 
 Calvinism to the Church of Rome. 
 
 It is true he seems to add two other conditions also ; one, of 
 having been engaged in these sects from one's birth ; and 
 the other, of not having it in one's power to communicate 
 with a more pure society, either because one knows none 
 such, or " is not in a condition of breaking" with the society 
 he happens to be inf. But afterwai'ds he passes beyond 
 these bounds : for after having proposed the question, whe- 
 ther it be lawful " to be one while a Greek, another while a 
 Latin; now a reformed, then a Papist; sometimes a Cal- 
 vinist, somes a Lutheran," he answers t, " no, when you make 
 profession of believing what you do not believe in fact. But 
 if you pass from one sect to another by way of seduction, and 
 because you cease to be persuaded of certain opinions which 
 you had formerly looked upon as true," he declares that " one 
 may proceed to different communions without liazard of sal- 
 vation, as well as remain in them : because those who pass 
 
 * Syst. pp. 173, 174. t Ibid. pp. 158, 164, 259. 
 
 } Ibid. pp. 174, 176, 195. 
 
316 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 into sects, which neither ruin nor subvert the foundations, 
 are not in a different state from those who are born in them ;" 
 so that one may not only remain a Latin and Papist when 
 born in this communion, but also come into it from Calvinism, 
 without forsaking the way of salvation ; nor are they who 
 save their souls amongst us, such only, as said Mr. Claude, 
 who abide amongst us without approving our doctrine, but 
 such even as are sincere in the profession of it. 
 
 59. — This Doctrine of the Minister destroys all he says 
 againat us and our Idolatries. 
 
 Our brethren, the pretended Reformed, may thence be con- 
 vinced, that all they are told of our idolatries is wretchedly 
 extravagant. Never was it believed that an idolater might 
 be saved under pretence of his sincerity : so gross an error, 
 so manifest an impiety, is incompatible with an upright con- 
 science. Wherefore the idolatry imputed to us is of a parti- 
 cular species ; it is an idolatry invented to excite against us 
 the hatred of the weak and ignorant. But it is high time 
 they should undeceive themselves ; for, to be converted is no 
 such great misfortune, since he who cries out the loudest 
 against our idolatries, and loads with most reproaches the 
 converters and converted, is agreed that all of them may be 
 true Christians. 
 
 60. — The Ethiopians saved adding Circumcision to the Sa- 
 craments of the Church. 
 
 Neither is the presumption imputed to us of having, on one 
 side, augmented the number of the Sacraments, and on the 
 other, mutilated the Supper by cutting off, as they say, a part 
 from it, any longer to be exaggerated by them : for this 
 minister declares it would be " a cruelty to turn out of the 
 Church *" such as admit other sacraments than those two, 
 which he pretends are only instituted by Jesus Christ, 
 namely, Baptism and the Supper ; and so far from excluding 
 us thence for having added to them Confirmation, Extreme 
 Unction, and the rest, he does not even exclude from it the 
 EthiojDic Christians, who, says he, " receive circumcision, not 
 by a politic custom, but in quality of a sacrament, although 
 St. Paul has declared, ' If ye be circumcised, Christ shall 
 profit you nothing f.' " 
 
 * Syst. pp. 539, 548. f Gal. v. 2. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 317 
 
 01. — Communion under o?w kind contains, according to the 
 Ministers, the whole substance of the Eucharistic 
 Sacrament. 
 
 As for what concerns communion under one kind, nothing is 
 more common in the writings of the ministers, even of this 
 author himself, than to say, that by so giving the Eucha- 
 ristic sacrament we corrupt the foundation and essence 
 thereof; which, in matter of sacraments, is saying " the same 
 thing as if we no longer had them*." But such proposi- 
 tions are not to be taken literally as they stand ; since Mr. 
 Claude has already told us that, before the Reformation, " our 
 Fathers receiving but in one kind, had nevertheless all neces- 
 sary food without subtraction of any part thereof f ;" and Mr. 
 Jurieu says still more clearly the same thing, forasmuch as, 
 after having defined the Church " the aggregate pf all the com- 
 munions which preach the same Jesus Christ, which declare 
 the same salvation, which give the same sacraments in sub- 
 stance, and which teach the same doctrine I," he counts us 
 expressly in this collection of communions, and in the Church ; 
 which necessarily supposes that we give the substance of the 
 Eucharist, and by consequence, that both kinds are not essen- 
 tial to it. Let our brethren, therefore, no longer defer 
 coming over to us in sincerity and truth, since their ministers 
 have removed for them the greatest obstacle, if not the only 
 one, which they allege against it. 
 
 62. — The excesses of the Confession of Faith softened in our 
 
 faiwur. 
 
 The truth is, there appears a manifest opposition betvvixt 
 this system and the Confessions of Faith of the Protestant 
 Churches ; for the confessions of faith, all of them, unani- 
 mously give two only marks of a true Church, " The pure 
 preaching of God's word, and the administration of the Sacra- 
 ments conformably to the institution of Jesus Christ § ;" for 
 which reason, the confession of faith of our pretended Re- 
 formed has concluded ||, " That in the Roman Church, whence 
 the pure truth of God was banished, and where the sacra- 
 ments were corrupted, or wholly annihilated, properly speak- 
 ing, there was no Church at all." But our minister assures 
 us ^, these expressions are not to be understood in their strict 
 sense ; as much as to say, there is a great deal of exaggera- 
 tion and excess in what the Reformation lays to our charge. 
 
 * Syst. p.548. f S. n. 37, 41. | Ibid. p. 21C. 
 
 !i Prej.legit.p.24. ; || Art. xxviLi. S. ii,2G. 1[ Ibid. 
 
5l8 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 63. — The two marks of a true Church given by Protestants 
 are sufficiently to be seen amongst us. 
 
 However, it is something curious to behold how the minis- 
 ter will acquit himself as to these two marks of the true 
 Church so solemn in the whole Protestant party. It is true, 
 says he *, " We lay them down : we, that is to say, we Pro- 
 testants : but for my part, I would give the thing (proceeds 
 he) another turn, and would say, that to know the body of 
 the Christian and univeral Church in general, there is but 
 one mark requisite, viz. the confession of the name of Jesus 
 Christ, the true Messias and Redeemer of mankind." 
 
 This is not all : for after having found the marks of the 
 body of the universal Church, " It is necessary to find those 
 of the soul, to the end you may know in what part of this 
 Church God preserves his elect." Here it is, answers the 
 minister f, " that we must return to our two marks, pure 
 preaching, and pure administration of the sacraments." But 
 beware you be not deceived ; " this is not to be taken in 
 a strict sense J." To save the essence of a Church, the preach- 
 ing is sufficiently pure when the fundamental truths are pre- 
 served, what error soever be superadded ; the sacraments 
 are sufficiently pure, notwithstanding the additions : let us 
 add, following the aforesaid principle, notwithstanding the 
 subtractions which spoil them : forasmuch as, in the midst of 
 all this, the foundation subsists, and "God applies to his elect 
 what good there is, hindering whatsoever of human institu- 
 tion from turning to their prejudice and destruction." We 
 conclude, therefore, with this minister, that nothing of what 
 has been said on this subject in the Confession of Faith must 
 be taken in a strict sense ; and moreover, that the Church of 
 Rome, (Lutherans and Calvinists, calm your hatred!) the 
 Church of Rome, I say, so much hated and so much con- 
 demned, in spite of all your confessions of faith and all your 
 reproaches, may glory in having, in a very true sense, as far 
 as is necessary to form the children of God, "the pure preach- 
 ing of the Word, and the right administration of the Sacra- 
 ments." 
 
 64. — The Confession of Faith hath ?io longer any authority 
 amongst the Ministers. 
 
 If it be said, these favourable interpretations of the Confes- 
 sions of Faith are quite opposite to, and destroy the text; that 
 for instance, what is there said of the Church of Rome, that 
 
 * Prej. legit,p.25. Syst.p. 214. f Ibid. p. 25. J Ibid. 
 
XV. J - THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 319 
 
 truth is " banislied from her, the sacraments either falsified or 
 wholly annihilated, and, properly speaking, that we liave no 
 such thing as a Church amongst us* ;" are far different things 
 from what we have just heard from our ministers. I own as 
 much ; but the reason in short is, they have found by expe- 
 rience that there is no longer any possibility of maintaining 
 their confessions of faith, to wit, the foundations of the Re- 
 formation. Nor indeed is it less truth that, in the main, 
 little are the ministers concerned about them ; and it is only 
 from a point of honour that they give themselves any pains 
 to answer in their behalf; which was the cause of the mini- 
 ster Jurieu's inventing the aforesaid answers, more polite 
 and better suited to his turn, than sincere and solid. 
 
 65. — This system changes the language of Christians, and 
 confounds their ideas, even of those of the Reformation. 
 
 Now, to maintain this new system, a courage is requisite 
 capable of withstanding any difficulty, and not to be startled 
 at any novelty. Although men be animated against one 
 another even to " daggers drawing," it must be said, they are 
 but one body in Jesus Christ f. If any one rebel against the 
 Church, and scandalize her, either by his crimes or his errors, 
 one would think, by excommunicating him, he is cutoff from 
 the body of the Church in general, and thus have Protestants 
 spoken as well as we : it is a mistake ; this scandalous and 
 this heretical person is cut off but from one particular flock, 
 and do what you will, remains a member of the Catholic 
 Church by the sole profession of the Christian name : not- 
 withstanding that Jesus Christ has pronounced, " If any one 
 neglect to hear the Church, look upon him ;{]," not as a man 
 that is cut off from a particular flock, and who remains in 
 the great one of the Church in general, but look upon him 
 as " an heathen and a publican," as an alien from Christianity, 
 as a man that has no longer any part with God's people. 
 
 66. — Manifest contrariety between the notions of the Minis- 
 ter in regard of Excommunication, and those of his 
 own Church, 
 
 Further, wliat Mr. Jurieu here advances is a particular opinion 
 wherein he evidently contradicts his own Church, A national 
 Synod has defined excommunication in these terms : " to 
 excommunicate (say they) is to cut a man oSf" from the body 
 of the Church like a rotten member, and to deprive him of 
 
 * Art. xxviii, f Ibid. S. n. 15. + MaU. xviii. 17. 
 
320 THE HISTORY OF [bOOR 
 
 her communion and all her benefits*." And in the proper 
 form of excommunication, the people are thus addressed : 
 " We remove this rotten member from the society of the 
 faithful, that he may be to you as an heathen and a publi- 
 can." Mr. Jurieu+ spares no pains to embroil this matter 
 with his distinctions of sentence declaratory and sentence 
 juridical; sentence which cuts off from the body of the Church, 
 and sentence which cuts off onl})" from a particular confedera- 
 tion. He invents these distinctions only that the reader may 
 lose himself in the maze of these subtleties, and not perceive 
 he is fed with empty sound. For, after all, he never will be 
 able to shew, in the pretended Reformed Churches, any other 
 excommunication, separation, lopping off, than the above- 
 mentioned ; nor can one depart more expressly from it, than 
 does Mr. Jurieu. He pronounces, and repeats in a hundred 
 places and a hundred different ways, that " it is impos- 
 sible to banish a man from the universal Church J;" and his 
 Church says on the contrary, that the excommunicated 
 person must be looked upon as a heathen, who no longer 
 appertains to God's people. Mr. Jurieu proceeds § : " All 
 excommunication whatsoever is made by a particular Church, 
 and is nothing else but an expulsion from a particular 
 Church ;" and we see, according to the rules of his religion, 
 that a particular Church severs a man from the body of the 
 Church as " one does a rotten member," which doubtless no 
 longer cleaves to any part of the body after it is once divided 
 from it. 
 
 67. — Confessions of Faith but arbitrary conventions. 
 
 Let us, nevertheless, consider again what are these particular 
 Churches and these particular flocks, from which he sup- 
 poses one is separated by excommunication. The Minister 
 explains himself by this principle 1| : " All whatever different 
 flocks have no other external link than that which is made 
 by way of voluntary and arbitrary confederation, such as was 
 that of the Christian Churches in the third age, on account 
 that they found themselves united under the same temporal 
 prince." So that, ever since the third age, when the Churcli 
 was still found in her purity, the Churches, accoi'ding to the 
 Minister, were no otherwise united than by an arbitrary 
 confederacy, or, as he elsewhere styles it, " by accident ^.'" 
 
 « 2 Syn. of Par, 1565. Disci, cli. 5. Art. 17, p. 102. t Syst, 1. ii. ch, iii. 
 
 X Syst. p. 24, &c. § Ibid. 
 
 II Prej. p. 6. Syst. pp. 246, &c. 254; 262, 269, 305, 557. H Ibid. p. 265. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 321 
 
 Wliat ! Those Christians then who were not subject to the 
 Roman Empire, those who were spread from the time of 
 St. Irenteus, and even from the time of St. Justin, amidst 
 the Barbarians and Scythians, were they under no external 
 band with the other Churclies, and had they not a right to 
 communicate with them ? This is not the notion they have 
 formerly given us of Christian fraternity. All that are ortho- 
 dox have a right to communicate with an orthodox Church ; 
 all that are Catholic, to wit all members of the Church uni- 
 versal, with the whole Church. All those who bear the mark 
 of the children of God have a right to be admitted wherever 
 they find the table of their common Father, provided their 
 manners be approved : but here comes one to disturb this 
 fine order ; you are no longer in society, " but by accident ;" 
 Christian fraternity is changed into arbitrary confederacies, 
 which you may extend at will, more or less, according to the 
 different confessions of faith agreed upon*. These confes- 
 sions of faith are treaties in which you insert whatever you 
 please. Some have put in them, " that they are to teach the 
 verities of grace as expounded by St. Austin t>" ^nd these, 
 we are told, are the pretended Reformed churches : far from 
 truth; nobody is less, in their doctrine, than St. Austin; 
 yet they are pleased to say so. These men are not allowed 
 to be " Semipclagians, and the Swiss, no less than those of 
 Geneva, would exclude them from their communions |." As 
 for those who have not made the like convention, they shall 
 be Semipclagians, if they please. What is still more, those 
 who have entered into the confederacy of Geneva and that of 
 the pretended Reformed, where one thinks he is obliged to 
 maintain the grace of St. Austin, " may depart from the 
 agreement §;" but then they must be contented to be sepa- 
 rated from a confederation whose laws they have violated, and 
 " what one would tolerate everywhere else," can be no longer 
 tolerated in those flocks in which other conventions had been 
 made. 
 
 08. — Indepejidentism established contrary to the Decree of 
 Charenton. 
 
 But what will become of those men who break the agree- 
 ment of the Calvinian Reformation, or of some such other like 
 confederacy? Shall they be then obliged to enter into 
 league with some other Church ? No such tiling : " It is 
 
 •Syst. p. 254. t Ibid. : IbiJ. p. 2-19. (j Ibid. p. 234. 
 
 VOL. II. Y 
 
322 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 nowise necessaiy, •when you separate yourself from one 
 Church, to find out another to adhere to*.'" I am aware he 
 is forced to say so, because otherwise he could not excuse the 
 Protestant Churches, which, on their separation from the 
 Church of Rome, were not able to find on earth a Church they 
 could embrace. But we must hear the reason which autho- 
 rizes such a separation. *^ It is (continues Mr. Jurieu |) be- 
 cause all churches are naturally free and independent of one 
 another ;" or, as he explains it in another place, " naturally 
 and originally, all Churches are independent." 
 
 Here is exactly our doctrine, will say the Independents ; 
 we are the true Christians that defend this primitive and 
 natural liberty of Churches. Yet Charenton has nevertheless 
 condemned them in 1644. Therefore by anticipation has also 
 condemned Mr. Jurieu, who maintains them J; but let us hear 
 the Decree. *' Whereas it has been represented, that many 
 who call themselves Independents, because they teach that 
 every church ought to govern herself by her own laws with- 
 out any dependence on any body in Church-matters, and free 
 from any obligation of acknowledging the authority of Con- 
 ferences and Synods for the conduct and government ;" that 
 is, without any confederation with any other Church what- 
 soever ; and this is exactly the case of Mr. Jurieu. But the 
 Synod's answer is very different from his; for the Synod pro- 
 nounces, " that it ought to be dreaded, lest this poison in- 
 sensibly diffusing itself, should create (say they) disorder and 
 confusion amongst us, should open a gate to all kind of irre- 
 gularities and extravagances, and make void all means of 
 applying a remedy ; which would be equally prejudicial to 
 Church and State, and give room to form as many religions 
 as there are parishes and particular assemblies." And Mr. 
 Jurieu concludes, on the contrary, that by separating from 
 one Church without adhering to another, you do nothing but 
 retain " the liberty and independence, which naturally and ori- 
 ginally belongs to Churches," namely, that liberty which Jesus 
 Christ, at their formation, bestowed upon them. 
 
 69. — All authority and subordination of Churches depends 
 on Princes. 
 
 Accordingly, there is no way of maintaining, conformably to 
 the principles of this ministei', these Conferences and Synods. 
 
 * Lib. iii. ch. xv. p. 547. f Ibid. 
 
 J Disc, ch. vi. of the union of Churches. Notes on the 2d Art. p. 118. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 323 
 
 For he supposes, in case a Catholic kingdom should divide 
 itself from Rome, and then subdivide itself into many sove- 
 reignties, that each Prince might make a Patriarch, and 
 establish, in his state, a government absolutely independent 
 of that of its neighbouring states " without appeal," without 
 union, without correspondence *; for all that, in his notion, 
 depends on the Prince; and it is for this reason that he 
 makes the first confederation of Churches depend on the unity 
 of the Roman Empire. But, if this be so, his uncle, Lewis 
 du Moulin, gains his cause: for he pretends f, that all this 
 subordination of Conferences and Synods (if you consider it 
 as ecclesiastical and spiritual) is nothing else but Popery in 
 disguise, and the ushering in of Antichrist ; consequently, 
 that there is no power in this distribution of Churches but 
 from the Sovereign's authority; and that excommunications 
 and degradations made by Synods, whether provincial or 
 national, have no authority but from thence. But by a little 
 further extension of this argument, the excommunications of 
 consistories will appear no more effectual than those of 
 Synods : so that, either there will be no ecclesiastical juris- 
 diction, and the Independents are in the right ; or, it will be 
 lodged in the Prince's hand ; and, in fine, Lewis du Moulin 
 must have converted his nephew, who so long opposed his 
 errors. 
 
 10.— 'The true Christian Unity. 
 
 See what this system comes to, wherein the whole solution 
 of this difficulty about the Church is placed ; it is matter of 
 astonishment to hear these novelties. What an error to ima- 
 gine there is no external Union between Christian Churches, 
 butdependentlyon Princes, or by some other "arbitrary and 
 voluntary confederation;" and not be sensible that Jesus 
 Christ hath obliged his faithful to live in a Church, to wit, as 
 is owned, in an exterior society, and to communicate with 
 one another, not only in the same faith and the same senti- 
 ments, but also, when they meet, in the same sacraments and 
 the same service ; insomuch that, however distant Churches 
 be, yet are they but the same Church distributed into divers 
 places, the diversity of places not hindering the unity of the 
 holy table, at which all communicate one with another, as 
 they do with Jesus Christ their common head. 
 
 * Syst. p. 546. t Fasci. Ep. Lud. Moli. 
 
 y2 
 
324 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 71. — Rashness of the Alitiister, who owns that his System is 
 contrary to the Faith of all ages. 
 
 Let us now consider the origin of this new system which we 
 have just now taken a view of. Its author boasts *, perhaps, 
 as he does in other tenets, of having- on his side the three first 
 ages; and, it is likely, the opinion which concludes the whole 
 Church in one and the same communion (it being pretended 
 so tyrannical) will be born under the empire of Antichrist: 
 no ; it was born in Asia, even in the third age : Firmilian, so 
 great a man, and his colleagues, so great bishops, are the 
 authors of it: it passed over into Africa, where St. Cyprian, 
 so illustrious a mart)^', and the light of the Church, embraced 
 it with the whole council of Africa ; and it was this cruel 
 opinion which made them rebaptize all heretics, no other 
 reason for it being alleged by them, but that heretics were 
 not of the Catholic Church. 
 
 It must be owned St. Cyprian made use of this bad argu- 
 ment : Heretics and Schismatics are not of the body of the 
 Catholic Church ; therefoi'e they ought to be rebaptized at 
 their coming to it. But Mr. Jurieu would not have the 
 assurance to say, that the principle of the Church's unity, 
 abused by St. Cyprian, was as new as the consequence he 
 drew from it, since this minister acknowledges f, " that the 
 false idea of the Church's unity was formed on the history of 
 the two first ages down to the midst, or end of the third. 
 We must not wonder (continues he) that the Church 
 accounted all the sects which existed during those times, as 
 entirely separated from the body of the Church, for that was 
 true ;" and he adds, " it was at that time, namely, in the 
 two first ages down to the middle of the third J, that they 
 got a habit of believing that heretics did not in any manner 
 appertain to the Church :" so that the doctrine of St. Cy- 
 prian, which he accuses of novelty, nay, of tyranny, was a 
 habit contracted ever since the first two ages of the Church ; 
 that is, from the first beginning of Christianity. 
 
 It must no less be owned that this doctrine of St. Cyprian, 
 concerning the unity of the Church, was not invented on the 
 occasion of rebaptizing heretics, by reason that the book, 
 " Concerning the Unity of the Church," wherein the doctrine 
 excluding heretics and schismatics is so clearly laid down, did 
 precede the dispute of rebaptization ; so that St. Cyprian 
 entered naturally into this doctrine consequently to the tra- 
 dition of the two foregoing ages. 
 
 * Syst. 1. i. ch. vii. viii. f H>i^' P- 55. % Ibid. p. 56. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 325 
 
 Nor is it less certain that the whole Church had embraced 
 this doctrine equally with him, long before the dispute of 
 rebaptizing. For this dispute began under St. Stephen, 
 Pope. Now, before this, and not only in the time of St. Lu- 
 cius, his predecessor, but also from the beginning of the 
 pontificate of St. Cornelius, predecessor to St. Lucius, No- 
 vatian and his followers* had been looked upon as sepa- 
 rated from the communion of all the Bishops and Churches 
 of the Avorld, although they had not renounced the profession 
 of Christianity, nor overthrown any fundamental article. 
 From that time, therefore, even those that preserved the fun- 
 damentals, if under other pretexts they broke unity, were 
 accounted separated from the universal Church. 
 
 Thus is it an unquestionable fact, that the doctrine im- 
 pugned by Mr. Jurieu was received by the whole Church, 
 not only before the quarrel about rebaptization, but even 
 from the first origin of Christianity ; and was made use of by 
 St. Cyprian, not as a new foundation which he gave to his 
 error, but as a common principle agreed to all the world 
 over, 
 
 72. — The Minister contradicts himself by asserting the 
 Council of Nice to be of his sentiments. 
 
 The Minister had the presumption to say f , that his ideas of 
 the Church are the same with those of the Nicene Council, 
 and concludes, " that this holy council did not reject all here- 
 tics from the communion of the Church, because it did not 
 command all of them to be rebaptized, neither requiring this 
 in regard of the Novatians or Cathari, nor of the Donatists, 
 nor of the rest that retained the foundation of faith, but only 
 of the Paulianists, namely the followers of Paul of Samosata, 
 who denied the Trinity and Licarnation." But, waiving 
 other arguments, the Minister needs but hear himself, in 
 order to be convicted. He speaks of the Council of Nice 
 *' as of the most universal ever held J ;" but Avhich, never- 
 theless, was not altogether so, since "the great assemblies of 
 the Novatians and Donatists were not called to it." I desire 
 no more than this confession to conclude, that consequently 
 they were not accounted, at that lime, as part of the univer- 
 sal Church, since there was not so much as the least thought 
 of calling them to the Council expressly convened to repre- 
 sent her. 
 
 And, in fact, let us hear how this Council speaks of the 
 
 • * Epist, Cyp. .id Antoniaii., &c. t Syst, p. 61, + Ibitl. p. 234. 
 
326 THE HISTORV OP [bOOK 
 
 Novatians or Cathari : those, says the council *, " when they 
 shall come to the Catholic Church." Enough said ; the dis- 
 pute is ended : in the Church, therefore, they could not be. 
 Nor does it speak in other terms of the Paulianists whose 
 baptism it condemns "t : as for the Paulianists, when they ask 
 to be received into the Catholic Church, see again ; in it, 
 therefore, they were not, according to the notions of these 
 Fathers, and the minister agrees therein. But that he may 
 no longer presume to say, that those whose baptism is received 
 are in the Catholic Church, and not those whose baptism is 
 rejected ; the council puts out of the Church no less those 
 whose baptism it approves, as the Novatians, than those 
 whom it makes be rebaptized, as the Paulianists; conse- 
 quently, this difference did not at all depend on those being 
 reputed members of the Catholic Church, and not these. 
 
 As much must be said of the Donatists, the council 
 of Nice neither admitting of their communion nor their 
 bishops ; on the contrary, receiving to its sessions Cecilian, 
 bishop of Carthage, from whom the Donatists had separated. 
 The council, therefore, looked upon the Donatists as sepa- 
 rated from the universal Church. 
 
 Let the minister now come and tell us that the Fathers of 
 the Nicene council are of his opinion, or that their doctrine 
 was new, or that when they pronounced against the Avians this 
 sentence — " The holy Catholic and Apostolic Church anathe- 
 mizes them," — they left them fellow-members of this same 
 Catholic Church, and did but banish them from a voluntary 
 and arbitrary confederation, which they might extend, more 
 or less, according to their fancy : such discourses ought to 
 appear nothing less than prodigies. 
 
 73. — The Minister is condemned by the Creeds which he 
 
 receives. 
 
 The Minister counts amongst the symbols received by the 
 whole world, that of the Apostles, that of Nice, and that of 
 Constantinople. We are agreed, indeed, that these three 
 creeds make but one, and that the Apostles' creed is but 
 explained by that of the two first (Ecumenical councils^. 
 We have seen the sentiments of the council of Nice. The 
 council of Constantinople proceeds on the same principles, in 
 that it banishes all sects from its unity : whence it concludes, 
 in its letter to all the bishops, that the body of the Church is 
 not divided ; and it was conformably to this same spirit that 
 
 * ConciNic. Can. viii. f Ibid. Can, xix. J Cone. c. p. Epist. ad Omn, Episc, 
 
XV.3 THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 327 
 
 it said in its creed — '* I believe one Holy, Catholic, and Apos- 
 tolic Church," — adding this word one, to those, Holy and 
 Catholic, which were in the Symbol of the Apostles, and 
 strengthening it by that of Apostolic, in order to shew that 
 the Church thus defined and perfectly one by the exclusion 
 of all sects, was that which was founded by the Apostles. 
 
 74. — The Minister endeavours to weaken the authority of the 
 Apostles' Creed. 
 
 The judicious reader expects here to know what this hardy 
 minister will say in regard of the Apostles' Creed, and touch- 
 ing that article, *' I believe the Catholic Church." Until now 
 it had been believed, and even in the Reformation, that this 
 creed, so unanimously received by all Christians, was an 
 abridgment, and as a summary of the docti'ine of the Apostles 
 and the Scripture. But the minister tells us quite the con- 
 trary*; for, after deciding that the Apostles were not the 
 authors of it, he will not even grant, what none else denied 
 till now, that, at least, it was made wholly according to their 
 spirit. He says, therefore, " that we must look for the 
 sense of the articles of the creed, not in the Scripture, but 
 in the intention of those who composed it." But, proceeds he, 
 " the creed was not made all at once : the article — ' I believe 
 the Catholic Church' — was added in the fourth age." What 
 does this reasoning tend to else, but to prepare liimself a 
 refuge against the creed, and give it only the authority of 
 the fourth age ? Whereas all Christians to this time have 
 held it for a common Confession of Faith, of all ages, and of 
 all Christian Churches, from the days of the Apostles. 
 
 75. — A new gloss of the Minister on the Apostles' Creed. 
 
 But let us see, nevertheless, in what manner he will define 
 the Catholic Church conformably to the creed. He at once 
 rejects the definition which he imputes to Catholics f ; nor 
 does he approve more of that which he attributes to Pro- 
 testants. For his part, who no less raises himself above his 
 brethren, the Protestants, than above his adversaries, the 
 Catholics, being to define the Church of all times, he does it 
 thus : *' it is the body of those who make profession of 
 believing Jesus Christ the true Messias ; a body divided 
 into a great number of sects;" he must add besides, which 
 excommunicate one another, to the end that all anathematized 
 
 » Prej. leg. ch. ii, pp. 27, 28. Syst. p. 217. f Prej. p. 29. 
 
328 THE HISTORY OF [boOK 
 
 Heresies, nay, all Schismatics, tliongh divided from their 
 brethren, *' even to daggers drawing," (to use the minister's 
 expression,) may have the happiness of being in the Church 
 expressed by the creed, and in the Christian unity which it 
 teaches us. This is what men are bold enough to say in the 
 Reformation, and the kingdom of Jesus Christ carries among 
 them, in its proper definition, the character of the division 
 *^ whereby every kingdom (as the Gospel says) is brought to 
 desolation*." 
 
 76. — The Minister destroys the notion of a Catholic Church 
 taught by himself when he explained the Catechism. 
 
 The minister should at least have called to mind the Cate- 
 chism, which he himself taught at Sedan so many years ; 
 wherein, after reciting " I believe the Catholic Church," it 
 concludes, " that out of the Church there is nothing but 
 damnation and death, and that all those who separate them- 
 selves from the community of the faithful to make a sect 
 apart, ought not to hope salvation f. It is very certain, that 
 the Church here spoken of, is the universal Church ; there- 
 fore, in respect to her, one may make a sect apart, one may 
 separate himself from her unity. I ask, whether in this place 
 to make "a sect apart," be a word that implies apostacy ? 
 Is it necessary for him that makes a sect apart, to jjut on a 
 turban, and publicly renounce his baptism ? Do men speak 
 thus ? Should they speak thus, in a catechism, to an inno- 
 cent child, on purpose to confound all his ideas, and that he 
 may no longer know what to stick to ? 
 
 77. — The Schism of Jeroboam and the Twelve Tribes is 
 
 justified. 
 
 Methinks I labour for the salvation of souls, by continuing 
 the recital of this minister's errors, the most exorbitant and 
 palpable that the defence of a bad cause has perhaps ever 
 cast man into. What he was forced to invent in support of 
 the new system, is still more strange, if possible, and more 
 unheard of than the system itself It was necessary for him 
 to perplex all the ideas with which the Scripture furnishes 
 us. It speaks to us of the schism of Jeroboam | as of a 
 detestable action, which began by a revolt, which maintained 
 itself by a downright idolatry in adoring calves of gold, so 
 far even as to forsake the ark of the covenant^; in fine, to 
 
 ♦Lukexi. 17, f Catechism of the Prot.Ref. Dim. 17. . 
 
 X Rings jii. 12. 2 Par, ix.l3. ^ 2 Paralip. xi. 15. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 329 
 
 renounce the law of Moses, to cast off the priesthood of 
 Aaron and the Avhole Levitical ministry, to consecrate false 
 priests of the high places and of devils. Yet must it be said, 
 nevertheless, that these Schismatics, these Heretics, these 
 Apostates from the law, these Idolaters, made part of God's 
 people* ; that the seven thousand whom God had reserved 
 to himself, and the remainder of the elect in Israel, adhered 
 to the schism ; that the prophets of the Lord communicated 
 with these Schismatics and Idolaters, and broke off from 
 Judah, which was the place that God had chosen ; and a schism 
 aggravated with such circumstances ought not, it seems, to 
 be counted " amongst those sins which destroy grace f." If 
 this be true, the whole Scripture must be nothing but delu- 
 sion and the most excessive exaggeration that can be found 
 in all human language. But then, Avhat must be said to the 
 texts alleged by Mr. Jurieu ? Any thing, rather than to 
 own so enormous a doctrine, and to place manifest idolaters 
 in the communion of God's children, for this is no proper 
 place for a deeper research into this subject. 
 
 78. — The Church in the Apostles' time is accused of Schism 
 and Heresy. 
 
 No more does the Christian than the Jewish Church escape 
 the hands of this minister J. He attacks her in her prime 
 and vigour, even in those happy days when she was governed 
 by the Apostles. For, if we believe him, the converted Jews, 
 namely, the greatest part of the Church, there being " so 
 many thousands of them§," according to St. James's testi- 
 mony, and undoubtedly its most noble part, since it compre- 
 hended those on whom the rest " were grafted ;" tlie stock 
 " and holy root whence the fatness of the good olive ||" v/as 
 derived to the wild branches, were Heretics and Schismatics^, 
 nay, guilty of a heresy of which St. Paul has said, " it 
 destroyed grace, and rendered Christ of no effect to them**." 
 The rest of the Church, to wit, those who came from 
 heathenism, partook of the schism and heresy by consenting 
 to it, and by acknowledging those as holy and brethren in 
 Jesus Christ, who entertained in their minds so strange a 
 heresy, and in their hearts so criminal a jealousy ; and the 
 Apostles themselves were the most heretical and schismatical 
 of all, for conniving at such crimes and errors. Such is the 
 
 * Syst. 1. i. til. xiii. t Ibid. cli. xx. p. 153. J Ibiil. ch. xiv., xxi. p. 167. 
 
 §Actsxxi. II Kom. xi. 17, .'tc. H Syst. Ibid.ch, xx. p. 167. 
 
 ** Gal. V. 2, 4. 
 
330 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 idea he gives us of the Christian Church under the Apostles, 
 when the blood of Jesus Christ was, as I. may say, still 
 reeking, his doctrine fresh in their minds — the^spirit of Chris- 
 tianity in its full strength. What an opinion will the im- 
 pious have of the Church in her progress, if these so much 
 extolled beginnings be grounded on heresy and schism ; nay, 
 if corruption even reach to those who had the first-fruits of 
 the Spirit ? 
 
 79. — According to the Minister, one may save himself even 
 in the Co7nmunion of Socinians. 
 
 It seemed as if our minister was for excluding the Socinians, 
 at least, from the communion of God's people, he having so 
 frequently said, that they impugn directly the fundamental 
 truths, and that these being subverted, such societies are 
 dead and can raise no children to Almighty God. But all 
 this was nothing but sham ; and the minister would heartily 
 despise whosoever should be deluded by it. 
 
 And, indeed, the principal foundation of his doctrine is *, 
 " That the word of God is never preached in any country 
 but God makes it effectual with regard to some people." As 
 then, very certainly, the word of God is preached amongst 
 the Socinians, the minister concludes aright, according to 
 his principles f, " That if Socinianism had been as much 
 diffused as is, for example. Popery, God would also have 
 found means of feeding in it his elect, and of hindering their 
 taking part in the mortal heresies of that sect, as he found 
 means heretofore of preserving, in Arianism, a number of 
 elect and virtuous souls untainted with the Arian heresy." 
 
 And if the Socinians, in the state they are in at present, 
 cannot contain in their body the elect of God, it is not on 
 account of their perverse doctrine, but |, " for that they 
 being in small numbers, and dispersed up and down without 
 making a figure in the world, and in most places having not 
 so much as an assembly, it is not necessary to suppose that 
 God saves any of them." Nevertheless, since it is certain 
 the Socinians have had churches in Poland, and have at this 
 day in Transylvania, one might ask of the minister, what is 
 the number requisite to make a figure ? But be that as it 
 will, according to him it depends only on princes to give 
 children of God to all societies whatsoever, by giving them 
 
 * Prej. leg. pp. 4, 5, &c. 
 
 f Syst. pp. 147, 149, &c. Prej. leg. p. 16. Syst. 1. i. ch. xii. pp. 98, 102 j ch.xix. 
 
 p. 149, &c. j ch, XX. p. 153, &c. J Ibid. 
 
3rv.] THE VAniATIONS, ETC. 33t 
 
 assemblies ; and If the devil complete his work, if taking men 
 on tliat side their senses bias to, and, by that means, multi- 
 plying Socinians in the world, he also finds means of pro-i 
 curing them a more free and extensive exercise of their reli- 
 gion, he will compel Jesus Christ to form his elect amongst 
 them. 
 
 80. — By the Minister's principles, one might be saved in the 
 exterior Communion of the Mahometans and Jews. 
 
 The minister will answer doubtless, that if he says, you may 
 be saved in the communion of Socinians, it is not by the way 
 of toleration, but by that of discernment and separation ; 
 that is to say, it is not by presupposing God tolerates Soci- 
 nianism as he does other sects which have preserved the foun- 
 dation, but, on the contrary, by presupposing that these the 
 Socinian associates, discerning the good fi-om the evil in the 
 doctrine of this sect, will reject in their hearts what is blas- 
 phemous therein, although they remain united therewith 
 exteriorly. 
 
 But take his answer which way you will, it is equally full 
 of impiety. For in the first place, this makes him incon- 
 sistent with himself in respect to the toleration of those who 
 deny the divinity of the Son of God, since he extends this 
 toleration even to the Arians : " To damn," says he*, " all 
 those numberless Christians who lived in the external com- 
 munion of Arianism, some whereof detested its tenets, others 
 were ignorant of them, some tolerated them in the spirit of 
 peace^ others held their tongues through fear and authority : 
 to damn, I say, all those people, is the opinion of an execu- 
 tioner, and becoming the cruelty of Popery." In this manner 
 Mr. Jurieu extends his mercy, not to those only Avho re- 
 mained in the communion of Arians, being ignorant of their 
 sentiments, but to those also who knew them ; and not only 
 to those who, knowing and detesting them in their hearts, did 
 not blame them through fear, but also to those who " tolerated 
 them in the spirit of peace," namely, to those who judged that 
 denying the divinity of Jesus Christ was a tolerable doctrine. 
 What, then, hinders his tolerating, in the spirit of peace, 
 even the Socinians, as he tolerates the rest, and extending his 
 charity so far even as to save them ? 
 
 But although the minister should I'epent himself of having 
 carried his toleration to this excess, and would save but those 
 only in the Socinian communion that should heartily detest 
 
 * Prej.p.22. 
 
332 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 their sentiments, his doctrine would be never the better for 
 that; since, in short, he must always save those who, con- 
 scious of the Socinian tenets, should, nevertheless, remain in 
 their external communion, that is, frequent their assemblies, 
 join in their prayers and worship, be present at their sermons 
 with an exterior like to that of others who pass for men of 
 that communion. If this dissimulation be lawful, no longer 
 do we know what is hypocrisy, nor what this sentence means, 
 *' Depart from the tents of the wicked*." 
 
 Should now the minister reply, that those who frequent 
 the Socinian assemblies in this manner, ought so to direct their 
 intention as to partake only of that which is good amongst 
 them, namely, of the unity of God and the mission of Jesus 
 Christ ; this is a still greater absurdity, since, in this sense, 
 there would be likewise no difficulty of living in the com- 
 munion of Jews and Turks : for you need but persuade your- 
 self, you partake only with them in the belief of God's unity, 
 detesting in your heart, without uttering a word, all they 
 speak impiously against Jesus Christ ; and should it be said, 
 that it is enough to incur damnation to make your usual wor- 
 ship in an assembly where Jesus Christ is blasphemed, the 
 Socinians, blasphemers of his divinity and so many others his 
 sacred truths^ are no better than they. 
 
 81. — The successio7i which the Ministej' gives his Religion, 
 is common to him with all Heresies. 
 
 Such are the absurdities of this new system : it was not the 
 product of free choice, for no man takes pleasure in making 
 himself ridiculous by advancing such paradoxes. But one 
 false step draws on another ; nor would he have plunged 
 into this excess, but for others he had fallen into before. 
 The Reformation had fallen into the excess of separating her- 
 self not only from the Church in which she had received her 
 baptism, but also from all other Christian Churches. In this 
 state, urged to answer where the Church was before the time 
 of these Reformers, she could not keep to one constant lan- 
 guage, and iniquity gave herself the lie. At last, quite non- 
 plussed, and little satisfied with all the answers hitherto made 
 in our days, she thought to extricate herself by saying f , it 
 is not of particular societies, of Lutherans, of Calvinists, you 
 should ask for the visible succession of their doctrine and 
 pastors ; it being true, " they were not as yet formed two 
 hundred years ago ;"" granting this, yet the universal Church, 
 
 * Num. xvi. 26. f Syst. 1. i, ch. xxix. p. 226. ; 1. iii. ch, xvii. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 333 
 
 whereof these sects make a part, was visible in the commu- 
 nions of which Christianity was composed, viz. that of the 
 Grecians, of the Abyssinians, of the Armenians, and Latins, 
 which is all the succession there is occasion for. Here is the 
 last refuge ; this their whole solution. But all kinds of sects, 
 they must allow, may say the same. There is not any, nor 
 ever was, to take in each of them no more than the common 
 profession of Christianity, which does not find its particular 
 succession as our minister has found his ; so that, to give a 
 descent and an always visible perpetuity to his Church, he 
 was forced to lavish the same favour on the most novel and 
 impious societies. 
 
 82. — The Minister at the same time speaks pro and con loitk 
 relation to the j)erpetual Visibility of the Church. 
 
 The greatest affront that can be done to truth is, to confess 
 it, and, at the same time, to abandon or undermine it. Mr. 
 Jurieu has owned great truths : in the first place, "that the 
 Church is taken in Scripture for a society always visible ; 
 nay, I go (says he) further on this head than Mr. Meaux *." 
 With all my heart ; what I had said was sufficient : but since 
 lie will allow us more, I receive it from him. 
 
 Secondly, he agrees that it cannot be denied '« that the 
 Church, which the Creed obliges us to believe, is a truo 
 Church t." 
 
 This was enough to demonstrate the perpetual visibility 
 of the Church, because that, which is believed in the Creed, 
 is eternally and unalterably true. But in order that there 
 may be no doubt that this article of our faith is gi'ounded on 
 the express promises of Jesus Christ, the minister grants us 
 moreover, that the Church, to whicli Jesus Christ had pro- 
 mised that hell should not prevail against her, was|' " a con- 
 fessing Church, a Church which published the faith with 
 St. Peter, a Church, by consequence, always exterior and 
 visible ;" which he carries on so far as to declare, without 
 more ado §, " that he, who should have the faith without 
 the profession of the faith, would not be of the Church." 
 
 It is this also that makes him say ||, " it is essential to the 
 Christian Church to have a ministry." Equally with Mr. 
 Claude, he approves ^ of our inferring from these words of 
 our Saviour, "teach, baptize, and lo I am with you always, 
 even unto the end of the world**; " that there will be 
 
 •Syst. p. 215. tlbid. p. 217. I Tbul. p.215. § Ibl.l. p. 2. 
 
 II L. iii.ch. XV. p. 5^9, &c. f Ibid. pp. 2:i8, 221). *• Matt.xxviii. 19,20. 
 
334 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 teachers with whom Jesus Christ shall teach, and that true 
 preaching never shall cease in the Church." He says as 
 much of the sacraments, and is agreed *, " that the band of 
 Christians, by means of the sacraments, is essential to the 
 Church ; that there is no true Church without the saci*a- 
 ments ;" whence he concludes, that it is necessary to have 
 the essence and foundation, to be ministers of the body of 
 the Church. 
 
 From all these express passages, the minister concludes 
 with us, that the Church is always visible, necessarily visible, 
 and, what is more remarkable, visible not only as tojts body, 
 but also as to its soul, as he tex'ms it, because, says hei', 
 " when I see Christian societies, wherein doctrine confoi'm- 
 able to the word of God is preserved as much as is necessary 
 for the essence of a Church, I know and see for certain, that 
 there are elect in it, since, wherever are the fundamental 
 truths, they are salutary to some people." 
 
 After this chain of doctrine, which the minister confirms by 
 so many express passages, one might think nothing could be 
 better settled in his mind, from Scripture, fi"om the pro- 
 mises of Jesus Christ, from the Creed of the Apostles, than 
 the perpetual visibility of the Church ; and yet he says the 
 contrary, not by consequence, but in formal terms ; for he 
 says, at the same time J, " that this perpetual visibility of 
 the Church is not to be found by those proofs which are 
 called of right," that is, by Scripture, as he explains it, 
 " otherwise than by supposing that God always preserves to 
 himself a hidden number of the faithful, a Church, as one 
 may say, subterraneous and unknown to the whole earth, 
 which would be as well the body of Jesus Christ, his spouse 
 and his kingdom, as a known Church ; and in fine, that the 
 promises of Jesus Christ would remain inviolate, though the 
 Church should have fallen into so great an obscurity, as that 
 it were impossible to point out and say, there is the true 
 Chui'ch, and there does God preserve the elect." 
 
 What, then, becomes of that express acknowledgment, 
 that the Church in the Scripture is always visible ; that the 
 promises she has received from Jesus Christ, for her per- 
 petual duration, are addressed to a visible Church, to a 
 Church that publishes her faith, to a Church which has the 
 keys and a ministry, to whom the ministry is essential, and 
 which no longer is a Church, if the profession of faith be 
 wanting to her ? This we are a loss to know ; the minister 
 
 * Syst. pp. 539, 548. t Prej. leg. ch. ii. pp. 21, 22, &c. Syst. p.'221. 
 
 t Prej, leg. pp. 21, 22, &c. Syst, p. 221. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. _ 335 
 
 thinks he salves all by telling us, that, for his part *, he truly 
 believes the Church always visible, and that she hath been 
 ever so, may be proved from history. Who does not see 
 what he aims at ? Namely, in a word, that in case it hap- 
 pens a Protestant should be forced to own, according to his 
 belief, that the Church had ceased to be visible, at most he 
 would only have denied a fact, yet not overthrown the pro- 
 mises of Jesus Christ. But this is putting us on the wrong 
 scent in too gross a manner. The question in hand is not 
 whether the Church, by good luck, has always remained to 
 this day in her visibility, but whether she has promises of 
 continuing for ever in it ; nor, whether Mr. Jurieu believes 
 it, but whether Mr. Jurieu has written that all Christians 
 are obliged to believe it as a truth from God, and as a funda- 
 mental article couched in the Creed. Most certainly he has 
 written it, as we have seen ; and he goes on demonstrating, 
 that the question touching the Church involves the ministers 
 in such a disorder, that they know not which way to turn 
 themselves ; and if they can but meet with an evasion, it is all 
 they aim at. 
 
 83. — Vain distinction between errors. 
 
 But not one is left them, pi'ovided they follow but never so 
 little the principles which they have granted ; for, if the 
 Church be visible and always visible by the confession of the 
 truth ; if Jesus Christ has promised she would be so eternally, 
 it is clearer than day that it is not allowable to depart one 
 moment from her doctrine, which is saying, in other words, 
 that she is infallible. The consequence is very plain ; since, 
 departing from the doctrine of her who always teaches truth, 
 would be too manifestly declaring enmity to truth itself; 
 again, nothing can be more clear and distinct than this. 
 
 Let us consider, nevertheless, what method the ministers 
 have used to ward off this stroke. Jesus Christ has pro- 
 mised, say they, a perpetual ministry, yet not a ministry 
 always pure; the essence of the ministry shall subsist in the 
 Church, because the foundations will be retained ; but what 
 shall be added to these, will corrupt it, which makes Mr. 
 Claude to sayf, that the ministry will never come to a sub- 
 traction of a fundamental truth, such as is seen, for example, 
 in Socinianism, which rejects the divinity of Jesus Christ ; 
 but that there is not a like inconvenience in corrupting, by 
 
 ♦ Syst. p. 125. Prej. p. 22. t Rep. au disc, de M. de Cond, p. 383, et seq. 
 
336 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK 
 
 addition, wholesome truths, as the Church of Rome has done, 
 because- the fundamentals of salvation still subsist. 
 
 Pursuant to the same principles, Mr. Jurieu is agreed *, 
 *' that Jesus Christ has promised there always shall be 
 teachers with whom he will teach, so far that true preaching- 
 shall never cease in his Church;" but he distinguishes: there 
 always shall be teachers with whom Jesus Christ will teach 
 the fundamental truths, he grants it ; but that there never 
 shall be errors in this ministry, he denies it f '• so, *' true 
 preaching shall never cease in tlie Church ; we own it (an- 
 swers he), if by true preaching be understood a preaching 
 which announces the essential and fundamental verities ; but 
 we deny it, if by true preaching a doctrine be understood 
 that contains no kind of errors." 
 
 84. — 0/ie only word destroys these subtilties. 
 
 To dispel all these mists, nothing more is necessary than to 
 ask these men, where it is they have learnt to put a restric- 
 tion on the promises of Jesus Christ ? He that is able to 
 prevent subtractions, why must he not be able to prevent 
 dangerous additions ? What certainty, therefore, have they, 
 that preaching shall be more pure, the ministry more privi- 
 leged with regard to subtraction, than to addition ? This 
 word, " I am with you |," implies an universal protection to 
 those with whom Jesus Christ does teach. If the duration of 
 the external and visible ministry be the work of man, it may 
 fail equally on all sides ; if on account of Jesus Christ's in- 
 tervening, pursuant to his promises, we are assured that sub- 
 traction has never taken place therein, no longer do we com- 
 prehend how addition can find admittance. 
 
 85. — Strange way of securmg the promises of Jesus Christ. 
 
 And assuredly it is impossible, agreeing, as they do, that 
 Jesus Christ has promised his Church that the truth should 
 always be taught in her, and that he would eternally abide 
 with the Ministers of this same Church, in order to teach 
 with them ; it is, I say, impossible he should not have meant 
 to say, that the truth he promised to preserve in her should 
 be pure, and such as revealed by him ; there being nothing 
 more ridiculous than to make him promise he woukl always 
 teach the truth with such as, retaining a foundation of it, 
 were to overv/helm this foundation, nay destroy it, as is sup- 
 
 * Syst, pp. 228j 229. f Ibid. f Matt, xxviii. 20. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 337 
 
 posed, with their errors, by the inevitable consequence of 
 their doctrine. 
 
 And, in reality, I leave the Protestants to judge whether 
 these magnificent promises of rendering the Church im- 
 movable in the visible profession of the truth be fulfilled in 
 the state, which the Minister has represented to us by these 
 words* : — " We say that the Church is perpetually visible ; 
 but the greatest part of the time, and almost always, she is 
 more visible by the corruption of her manners, by the addi- 
 tion of many false te?ietSy by the decay of her ministry, bi/ 
 he?' errors and her superstitions, than by the truths she does 
 preserve." If such be the visibility which Christ has pro- 
 mised to his Church, if it be thus he promises f , that the 
 truth shall always be taught in her, there is no sect, though 
 never so impious, which may not glory that the promise of 
 Jesus Christ is fulfilled in her : and if Jesus Christ only pro- 
 mises to teach with all those that shall teach some truth, 
 whatever error may be interwoven with it, he promises 
 nothing more to his Church than to the Socinians, to the 
 Deists, to Atheists themselves, since none of them are 
 gone so far astray as not to retain some remnant of the 
 truth. 
 
 86. — The Minister says that the Universal Church teaches, 
 a7id at the same time does not teach. 
 
 It is now easy to understand what we have inculcated so 
 frequently, that the article of the creed, " I believe the Ca- 
 tholic and Universal Church," imports necessarily the belief 
 of her infallibility, and that there is no difference between 
 believing the Catholic Church and believing in the Catholic 
 Church, to wit, by approving and assenting to her doctrine. 
 The Minister rises up with contempt against this reasoning 
 of Mr. de Meaux, and opposes it by two answers;}; : the first 
 is, that the Universal Church teaches nothing ; the second, 
 that, supposing she taught the truth, it would not follow 
 that she taught it entirely pure. But he contradicts himself 
 in these two answers : in the first, in express terms, as I am 
 going to shew ; in the second, by the evident consequence of 
 his principles, as will be shewn hereafter. Let us, then, ob- 
 serve how he speaks in his first answer. " The Universal 
 Church (says he§) mentioned ia the Creed cannot, properly 
 
 * Prej. leg. p. 21. f Matl. xvi. 18. 
 
 + Syst. 1. i. ch. xxvi. pp. 2l7, 218. § Ibid. p. 218. 
 
 VOL. II. Z 
 
338 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 speaking, either teach or preacji the truth :" and I prove to 
 him the contrary by his own words, he having said, but two 
 pao-es before, that the Church to which Jesus Christ pro- 
 mises an eternal subsistence, by saying " the gates of hell 
 shall not prevail against her, is a confessing Church, a 
 Church that publishes her faith* :" now this Church is, un- 
 doubtedl)'-, the Universal Church, and the same that the 
 Creed speaks of; therefore the Church Universal, and men- 
 tioned in the Creed, confesses and publishes the truth ; nor 
 can it any longer be denied by this Minister, without giving 
 himself tlie lie, but that Church does confess, does preach 
 the truth, unless publishing and confessing be different fi'om 
 preaching to the whole universe. 
 
 87. — Sequel of the Minister's contradictions on this subject, 
 that the Church Universal teaches and judges. 
 
 But let us dive further into this Minister's sentiments on 
 this important subject. What he most repeats, what he 
 most insists upon in his system is, " that the Church Uni- 
 versal teaches nothing, decides nothing, has never passed, 
 nor will ever pass, nor will be able ever to pass, any judg- 
 ment ; and that to teach, to decide, to judge, is the property 
 of particular Churches." But this doctrine is so false, that, 
 to see it convicted of ei'ror, no more is requisite than to con- 
 tinue on the reading of those places where it is asserted ; for 
 there you will findf, that " the subsisting communions, and 
 which make a figure, are the Greeks, the Latins, the Pro- 
 testants, the Abyssinians, the Armenians, the Nestorians, the 
 Russians. I say that the consent of all these communions in 
 teaching certain verities, is a kind of judgment, nay, of 
 infallible judgment.'" These communions, therefore, te^ach ; 
 and seeing these communions, according to him, are the Uni- 
 versal Church, he cannot deny that the Universal Chui'ch 
 does teach ; no more can he deny that she judges in a certain 
 sense, since he attributes to her a kind of judgment, which 
 can be nothing less than a sentiment declared. Here is, then, 
 by the confession of the Minister, a declared sentiment, and, 
 moreover, an infallible sentiment of the Church he calls 
 universal. 
 
 * Syst. 1. i. ch. xxvi. p. 215. 
 t Syst. pp. 6, 218, 233, 234,235, 236. 
 
XV.] TliE VARIATIONS, ETC. 339 
 
 88. — By the Minister's Confession^ the Church's sentiment is 
 a certain rule of Faith in the most essential matters. 
 
 He proceeds : — " When the consent of the Universal Church 
 is general in all ages as well as in all communions, then I 
 maintain that this unanimous consent makes a demonstration." 
 This is not enough ; this demonstration is grounded on the 
 perpetual assistance which, according to him, God owes his 
 Church : " God (says he*) cannot per7nit great Christian so- 
 cieties to be engaged in mortal errors, nor to persevere in 
 them a long while." And, a little after, " is it likely that 
 God should so far have abandoned the Universal Church, 
 that all communions, in all ages, should have unanimously 
 renounced the most important truths ? " 
 
 Thence it clearly follo\vs that the sentiment of the Uni- 
 versal Church is a certain rule of faith, and the Minister 
 makes the application of it to two the most important dis- 
 putes, which, in his own judgment, possibly can arise among 
 Christians. The first is that of the Socinians, which com- 
 prehends so many essential points ; and, thereupon, *' the 
 presumption of the Socinians (says hef) cannot be consi- 
 dered otherwise than as a prodigious temerity and a certain 
 token of reprobation ; for that, in the articles of Jesus 
 Christ's divinity, the trinity of persons, the redemption, 
 satisfaction, original sin, the creation, grace, immortality of 
 the soul, and eternity of torments, they have departed from 
 the sentiment of the whole Universal Churchy," Again, 
 therefore, this Universal Church has a sentiment : her senti- 
 ment carries along with it an infallible condemnation of the 
 errors opposite thereunto, and serves as a rule for the deci- 
 sion of all the aforesaid articles. 
 
 89. — This rule, according to the Minister^ is sure, clear, 
 sufficient, and the Faith it produces is not blind nor 
 unreasonable. 
 
 Besides this, there is another subject wherein this sentiment 
 stands for a rule : "I believe that it is here also the most 
 sure rule of judging which points be fundamental, and of 
 distinguishing them from such as are not ; so knotty, so diffi- 
 cult a question to resolve ! Thus, all that Christians have 
 unanimously believed, and do still everywhere believe, is 
 fundamental and necessary to salvation." 
 
 * Syst. p.237. t Il^id- X 1^>'J' 
 
 z 2 
 
340 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK 
 
 . This rule is not only certain and clear, but very sufficient 
 also ; since the Minister, after having said that the discussion 
 of texts, of versions, of interpretations of Scripture, and 
 even the reading of this divine book, is not necessary to the 
 believer in order to form his faith, concludes at last*, that 
 " a simple woman, who has learnt tlie Apostles' Creed, and 
 understood it in the sense of the Universal Church (withal 
 keeping God's commandments), shall be, perhaps, in a more 
 sure way than the learned, who, with so much ability, con- 
 tend about the diflference of versions," 
 
 There must be, therefore, an easy method of discovering 
 what is believed by the Universal Church, since this disco- 
 very is within the reach of a simple woman. There is a 
 security in this knowledge so discovered, since this simple 
 woman relies upon and trusts to it ; lastly, there is an entire 
 sufficiency, since this woman has nothing to seek further, and, 
 fully instructed in her faith, needs no otherwise to be con- 
 cerned than how to live well. This belief is neither blind 
 nor unreasonable, since it is founded on clear and sure prin- 
 ciples ; and in reality, when one is weak, as we all are, it is 
 the most excellent pitch of reason to know well whom you 
 may rely upon. 
 
 90. — It can be no longer objected to us, that bi/ following 
 the authority of the Church loe follow men. 
 
 But let us push on this argument still further. That 
 which makes an absolute certainty in matter of faith, a cer- 
 tainty of demonstration, and the best rule to decide truths 
 by, must be clearly grounded on the word of God. Now, 
 this kind of infallibility, which the Minister attributes to the 
 Universal Church, imports a certainty absolute, and a cer- 
 tainty of demonstration, and it is the most sure rule whereby 
 to decide the most essential, and withal the most knotty- 
 truths : therefore, it is clearly grounded on the word of Goci. 
 For the future, therefore, when we shall urge the Protes- 
 tants with the authority of the Universal Church, should they 
 object to us, that we follow the authority and traditions of 
 men ; their Minister will confound them by saying, with us, 
 that following the Church universal is not following men, 
 but God himself, who assists her by his spirit. 
 
 * Syst. 1. iii. ch. iv. p. 463. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 341 
 
 91. — The idea which the Minister forms to himself of the 
 Universal Church as he conceives it, is not agreeable with 
 the sentiments of the Universal Church. 
 
 If the Minister should answer, that we get nothing by this 
 acknowledgment, because the Church, wherein he owns this 
 infallibility, is not ours, and that all Christian comnnunions 
 enter into the notion which he gives of the Church : he will 
 be no less confounded by his own principles, since he has but 
 just placed among the conditions of the true faith, that the 
 Ci-eed be understood " in the sense of the Universal Church." 
 We must therefore understand, in this sense, that article of 
 the Creed, which speaks of the Universal Church herself. 
 Now the Universal Church never has believed, that the Uni- 
 versal Church was the aggregate of all Christian sects : nor 
 does the Minister find this notion in all places, or all times* ; on 
 the contrary, he is agreed that the notion which reduces the 
 Church to a perfect unity, by excluding all sects from her com- 
 munion, is of all ages, even of the three first : he has seen it in 
 the two councils whose creeds he receives, namely, in that of 
 Nice, and in that of Constantinople. It is not, therefore, in 
 his sense, but in ours, that the simple woman, whom he 
 makes to walk so surely in the way of salvation, ought to 
 understand these words in the Creed, " the Catholic or Uni- 
 versal Church;" and when this good woman says, she believes 
 therein, she is obliged to fix upon one certain communion, 
 which God shall have distinguished from all the rest, and 
 which contains in her unity none but the orthodox: a com- 
 munion which must be the true kingdom of Christ Jesus 
 perfectly united in itself, and opposite to the kingdom of 
 Satan t, whose character, as before observed, is disunion. 
 
 92. — The Minister condemns his Church by the characteristics 
 ascribed by him to the Universal Church. 
 
 Should the Minister think to escape by answering that, sup- 
 posing we had proved a communion of this nature, we had 
 done nothing as yet, since it still remained to be proved that 
 this is our communion ; I own, before we come to that, there 
 are still some steps to be taken : but, in the meanwhile, and 
 before we do this, and force the Minister, according to his 
 principles, to take these steps with us ; we find already in his 
 principles, whereby to reject his Church. For when he gave 
 •us for a rule that which the Universal Church unanimously 
 believes everywhere : lest he should compi'ehend the Soci- 
 * See n, 71, of this Book, et seq. t Luke xi. 17. 
 
342 THE HISTORY OF [boOK 
 
 nians in this Universal Church, whose authority he opposed 
 against them, he reduced this Church to " communions which 
 are ancient and extensive*," exclusively of sects which have 
 neither of these advantages, and which, " for this reason, 
 could neither be called communions, nor Christian commu- 
 nions." Here are then two great characteristics, which, 
 according to him, a communion ought to have to merit the 
 denomination of Christian, antiquity and extent : now it is 
 very certain, that the Churches of the Reformation were not, 
 at the beginning, either ancient or extensive, no more than 
 those of the Socinians and others which the Minister rejects ; 
 therefore, they were neither " Churches nor communions :" 
 but if they were not so then, they could not become so after- 
 wards : therefore, they are not so now, nor can one, con- 
 sistently with the Minister's rules, too speedily forsake them. 
 
 93. — All the Minister's means for defending his Churches 
 are con^mon to them with those of the Socinians and of 
 other Sectaries rejected by the Reformation. 
 
 It serves no purpose to answer, that these Churches had their 
 predecessors in those great societies which were antecedent 
 to them, and which preserved the fundamental verities ; for 
 it suits only with the Socinians to say as much. The Minister 
 urges them in vain with these words f, " Let these men 
 name us a communion which has taught their dogma. To 
 find out the succession of their doctrine, they begin by a 
 Cerinthus ; they continue by an Artemon, by a Paul of Sa- 
 mosata, by a Photinus, and other such like men, who never 
 had an assembly of four thousand people, who never had a 
 communion, and who were the abomination of the whole 
 Church." When the Minister urges them thus, he is right 
 m the main, but he is not right according to his prin- 
 ciples, because the Socinians will always tell him, that the 
 only fundamental point of salvation is to believe one only 
 God, and one only mediator, Christ ; that it is the unity of 
 these tenets, which all the world agrees in, that makes the 
 Church's unity; that the superadded tenets may, indeed, 
 make particular confederations, but not another body of the 
 Church universal; that their faith had subsisted, and does 
 still subsist in all Christian societies ; that they can live 
 amongst the Calvinists, as the pretended elect of the Calvinists 
 lived, before Calvin, in the Church of Rome ; that they are 
 no more obliged to shew, nor to reckon their predecessors, 
 
 * Syst, 1. ii. ch. i. p. 238. f Ibid. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 343 
 
 than the Lutherans or Calvinists ; that it is not true, they were 
 " the abomination of the whole Church;" since, besides their 
 being a part thereof, tlie whole Church never had the power 
 of assembling herself against them; the whole Church 
 " teaches nothing, decides nothing," detests nothing j that all 
 these functions appertain only to particular Churches ; that 
 he is in the wi'ong to find fault with them for clandestinity, 
 or rather for the nullity of their assemblies; that those of the 
 Lutherans or Calvinists at the beginning were in no respect 
 different; that, after their example, they meet together when 
 able, and where they have the liberty : which if others have 
 extorted by bloody wars, their cause is never the better for 
 that ; and to annex salvation to such favour or toleration, 
 howsoever obtained from prince or magistrate, whether by 
 negotiation or force, is making Christianity to depend on 
 policy. 
 
 94. — Abridgment of the foregoing arguments. 
 
 The Minister having taken these great steps, by never so 
 little reflection upon his own principles, would soon join issue 
 with us. The sentiment of the universal Church is a rule ; 
 it is a cei'tain rule against the Socinians : therefore, an uni- 
 versal Church must be shewn in which the Socinians are not 
 comprehended. What excludes them from it is the want of 
 " extent or succession :" a succession, therefore, must be pointed 
 out to them, which they cannot meet with amongst them- 
 selves : now they meet evidently with the same succession 
 that Calvinists boast of; namely, a succession in the prin- 
 ciples which are common to them with other sects ; it is neces- 
 sary, therefore, they should find out another; it is necessary, 
 I say, that you should find a succession in the tenets peculiar 
 to that sect whose antiquity you would establish. Now this 
 succession agrees not with Calvinists, who, in their peculiar 
 tenets, have no more succession, nor antiquity, than the So- 
 cinians: you must, therefore, go forth from theirs as well as 
 from the Socinian Church : you must, therefore, be able to 
 find out a better antiquity and succession than either of theirs. 
 Finding this antiquity and this succession, you will have 
 found the certainty of faith : all, therefore, you will have to 
 do is, to rely on the sentiments of the Church, and on her 
 authority ; and wliat is all this else, I pray, but owning the 
 Church infallible ? This Minister leads us then by a sure 
 way to the infallibility of the Church. 
 
344 THE HISTORY OP [boOK 
 
 95. — There is no restriction with respect to Dogmata in the 
 ChurcKs Infallibility. 
 
 I am sensible he lays a resti'iction. '* The universal Church 
 (says he) * is infallible to a certain degree, as far as those 
 bounds which divide fundamental truths from those which 
 are not so." But we have already made it plain that this 
 restriction is arbitrary. God hath not declared to us that 
 he ever confined within these bounds the assistance which he 
 promised to his Church, nor that he designed to limit his 
 promises at the will of ministers. He gives his Holy Ghost, 
 not to teach some truth, but to teach " all truthf," because 
 he has revealed none but such as is useful and necessary in 
 certain cases. Never, therefore, will he permit any one of 
 these truths to be extinguished in the body of the universal 
 Church. 
 
 96. — What is once believed in the whole Church, was ahcays 
 believed in it. 
 
 Wherefore, whatsoever doctrine I shall shew to have been 
 once universally received, the minister must receive it accord- 
 ing to his principles ; and should he think to escape by an- 
 swering that this doctrine, for instance, ti'ansubstantiatlon, 
 the sacrifice, invocation of saints, veneration of images, and 
 such like points, are Indeed to be found in all the Oriental 
 communions no less than in the Western Church, but yet 
 were not always there, and that it Is in this perpetuity that 
 he has placed the stress of his proof and the infallibility of 
 the universal Church : he must have misunderstood himself, 
 because he could not have believed in the Church universal, 
 a perpetual assistance of the Holy Ghost, without compre- 
 hending, in this acknowledgment, not only all times together, 
 but also each time in particular : this perpetuity including 
 them all : from whence it follows that, throughout tlie whole 
 duration of the Church, he will never be able to point out a 
 time, when the error prevails which the Holy Ghost has 
 bound himself to preserve her from. Now it has been seen, 
 the Holy Ghost has equally bound himself to preserve her 
 from all error, nor from one more than another ; therefore 
 there never can be any. 
 
 97. — The Catholic alone believes in the promises. 
 What makes our adversaries stop at this, is their having 
 
 * P. 236. t John xvi. 13, 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 345 
 
 nothing but a human and a wavering faith. But the Ca- 
 tholic, whose faith is divine and firm, will say without hesi- 
 tating : if the Holy Ghost has promised his universal Church 
 to assist her indefinitely against errors, therefore against all : 
 and if against all, therefore always : and as often as one shall 
 find, in any certain time, a doctrine established in the whole 
 Catholic Church, such can never be impeached of novelty, 
 but by error. 
 
 98. — The Minister can no longer deny the Infallibility which 
 he has confessed. 
 
 We press him too home, will he say, and at last shall force 
 him to forsake his principles of the universal Church's infalli- 
 bility. God forbid he should forsake so true a principle, or 
 that he should fall back into all the absurdities he sought to 
 avoid by establishing it ; for then his case would be that men- 
 tioned by St. Paul, " If I build again the things which I 
 destroyed, I make myself a prevaricator*." But since he 
 has begun to take so wholesome a medicine, he must be made 
 to follow it to the last drop, however bitter it may seem at 
 present ; that is, he must be shewn all the necessary conse- 
 quences of that truth which he has once acknowledged. 
 
 99. — The infallibility of general Councils a consequence 
 
 from the infallibility of the Church. 
 He puzzles himself about the infallibility of universal coun- 
 cils : but in the first place, supposing there were no councils, 
 the minister is agreed that the Church's consent, even without 
 being assembled, would serve for a certain rule. Her con- 
 sent might be known, since he supposes it is so sufficiently at 
 present, to condemn the Socinians, and to serve for an unal- 
 terable rule in the most knotty questions. Now, by the same 
 means that the Socinians are condemned, the other sects may 
 also be condemned. Nor, indeed, can it be denied that the 
 whole Church, without assembling herself, has sufficiently 
 condemned Novatian, Paul of Samosata, the Manicheans, the 
 Pelagians, and an endless number of other sects. In like 
 manner, what sect soever may arise, it may always be con- 
 demned like those, and the Church will be infallible in this 
 condemnation, since her consent will be a rule. Secondly, 
 by owning that the universal Church is infallible, how can 
 the Councils not be so that represent her, which she receives, 
 which she approves, wherein nothing else is proposed but to 
 declare her sentiments in a lawful assembly 1 
 
 * Gal.ii. 18. 
 
346. THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 100. — Cavils against Councils. 
 
 But this assembly is impossible, because there is no assem- 
 bling all the pastors of the universe, and much less, so many 
 opposite communions. What a chicanery ! Did ever man 
 take it into his head to require, in order to form an (Ecume- 
 nical Council, that all pastors should be present at it ? Is it 
 not sufficient that so many come to it, and from so many 
 places, and the rest so evidently consent to their assembly, 
 as to become manifest that the judgment passed in it is the 
 judgment of the whole earth? Who, therefore, can refuse 
 his consent to such a Council, unless he that will say, Jesus 
 Christ, contrary to his promise, has abandoned the whole 
 Church? And if the Church's sentiment was of much force 
 whilst diffused, of how much more will it be, when reunited I 
 
 101. — Excessive and monstrous power given by the Minister 
 to those who are rebels to the Church. 
 
 Concerning what the Minister says about opposite commu- 
 nions, I have but one word to tell him. If the Universal Church 
 be infallible in opposite communions, she would be much 
 more so, remaining in her primitive unity. Let us, then, 
 take her in this state ; let us convene her pastors in the third 
 century, before the Church was corrupted: before, if he 
 pleases, that Novatian had separated from it : at such a time, 
 he must allow the convention of such a council would have 
 been a divine relief in order to prevent the progress of an 
 error. Let us now suppose what came to pass : a proud 
 Novatian makes himself bishoj) in a See already filled, and 
 makes a sect that will reform the Church. He is expelled ; 
 is excommunicated : what then ; because he continues to call 
 himself a Christian, must he be of the Church in despite of 
 her ? Because he carries his insolence to the utmost extremes, 
 and will listen to no kind of reason, must the Church have 
 lost her first unity, nor be able any longer to assemble, nor 
 to form an universal Council unless his proud heart consent ? 
 Must temerity have such a power ? And will there need no 
 more than to lop off a branch, nay, a rotten branch, to say 
 that the tree has lost its unity and root ? 
 
 102. — The Council of Nice formed contrary to the Minister's 
 principles. 
 
 It is therefore a thing not to be questioned, that in spite of 
 Novatian, in spite of Donatus, in spite of all other no less 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 347 
 
 contentious than unreasonable men, the Church will have 
 power to convene an CEcumenical Council. Will have it, do 
 I say ? Already has she exercised that power, and in despite 
 of Novatian and Donatus held the Nicene Council. That it 
 was necessary to call, and what is worse, to make the followers 
 of those heresiarchs actually come to it, in order that the 
 assembly might be lawfully held, is what was never so much 
 as thought of To trump up such a shift at this time of day, 
 and thirteen hundred years after the whole world (the impious 
 part excepted) has looked on this holy Council as universal; 
 to maintain it was not so, nay, that it was impossible for the 
 Catholic Church to hold such a council, because she could 
 not assemble in it those rebels who had unjustly broken 
 unity, is obliging her to depend on her enemies, and punish 
 their rebellion on herself. 
 
 103. — Remarkable words of a learned Englishman concern- 
 ing the infallibility of the Nice?ie Council. 
 
 Here is, then, a Council justly called universal, by conse- 
 quence infallible, if so be the minister do not forget all he 
 has just granted; and pleased I am with the opportunity of 
 quoting to him what a learned Englishman, a staunch Pro- 
 testant, has said to this purpose. " The matter under ques- 
 tion in this Council was a main article of the Christian reli- 
 gion. If, in a question of this importance, it be imagined, 
 that all the pastors of the Church could have fallen into 
 ■ error, and deceived all the faithful, how shall we be able to 
 defend the word of Jesus Christ, who has promised his 
 Apostles, and in their persons, his successors, to be always 
 with them? A promise that would not be true, the Apostles 
 not being to live so long a time, were it not that their suc- 
 cessors are here comprehended in the persons of the Apostles 
 themselves *;" which he confirms by a passage out of So- 
 crates f, who says, " That the Fathers of this Council, al- 
 though simple and not over-learned, could not fall into error, 
 for that they were illuminated with the light of the Holy 
 Ghost ;" whereby he siiews us all at once the infallibility of 
 universal Councils by the Scripture and by the tradition of 
 the ancient Church. May the blessing of God light on the 
 learned Doctor Bull ! and in recompence of this sincere 
 acknowledgment, and withal of that zeal he has shewn in 
 defence of Jesus Christ's divinity, may he be delivered from 
 the prejudices which prevent him from opening his eyes to the 
 
 * Dr. Bull, def. fid. Nic. proem, n. 2. p, 2. Ibid. n. 3. t Socra. I. i.e. 9. 
 
^48 " THE HISTORY OP [boOK 
 
 lights of the Catholic Church, and to the necessary conse- 
 quences of that truth he has. confessed. 
 
 104. — One may judge of other Councils by the Council of 
 
 Nice. 
 
 I do neither undertake the history nor the defence of all 
 general councils ; it suffices me to have remarked in one 
 only, fi'om avowed principles, what the attentive reader will 
 easily extend to all the rest ; and the least that can be con- 
 cluded from this example is, that God having prepared in 
 these assemblies so immediate an assistance to his troubled 
 Church, it is renouncing faith in his providence to believe, 
 that Schismatics may so alter the constitution of his Church, 
 as that this remedy should become absolutely impossible to 
 her. 
 
 105. — The Minister forced to take from Pastors the title of 
 Judges in matters of Faith. 
 
 In order to enervate the authority of ecclesiastical judgments 
 in matters of faith, Mr. Jurieu has ventured to say that they 
 are not even judgments ; that the pastors assembled in these 
 cases are not judges, "but wise and experienced men, and that 
 they act not with authority ;" that the want of being let into 
 this secret was the cause, that his brethren " have written 
 with so little perspicuity on this subject ;" and the reason he 
 alleges for taking from councils the title of judges is, be- 
 cause " not being infallible, it is impossible they should be 
 judges in decisions of faith, because the word 'judge' im- 
 ports a person you must necessarily submit to*." 
 
 106. — This Doctrine is contrary to the sentiments of his 
 
 Churches. 
 
 That the pastors are not judges in questions relative to faith, 
 is what never has been heard of among Christians, nay, not 
 so much as in the Reformation, where ecclesiastical autho- 
 rity is brought to so low an ebb. On the contrary, Mr. 
 Jurieu himself produces us the words of the Synod of JDort f, 
 wherein that Synod declares herself judge, and even "lawful 
 judge, in the cause of Arminius," which certainly regarded 
 faith. 
 
 We read also in the book of Discipline J, ^* that all the 
 differences of a province shall be definitively judged, and 
 
 * Syst. 1. iii, ch. ii. p. 243. ch. iii. p. 251 . ch. iv. p. 258. Ibid. 243. p. 255. 
 t Ibid, p. 257. J,Disc, ch, viii, Art. X, 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS^ ETC. 349 
 
 without appeal, In its respective provincial Synod, except 
 what regards suspensions and degradations. . . And like- 
 wise what concerns doctrine, the sacraments, and discipline 
 in general ; all which cases may, step by step, be brought 
 up to the national Synod to receive the definitive and last 
 judgment," which, in another place, is called " the entire and 
 final resolution'*." 
 
 To say with Mr. Jurleu-j*, that the word " judgment" Is 
 here taken " in an extensive sense," for a report of experienced 
 men, and not for a sentence " of judges having authority tO' 
 bind men's consciences," is an insult on human language ; for 
 what must be called acting with authority, and binding con- 
 sciences, if It be not to push things so far as to oblige the 
 particular condemned persons | " to acquiesce from point ta 
 point, and with express disclaiming of their errors entered 
 in a register, under penalt}'' of being cut off from the Church?" 
 
 Is this a judgment in an improper " and more extensive 
 sense," and not rather a judgment in full rigour ? And that 
 the Synods have exerted this power, we have seen in the 
 affair of Piscator§, they obliging him to subscribe a formu- 
 lary which condemned his doctrine : we have seen in the 
 affair of Arminius, and in the subscription required to the 
 canons of the Synod of Dort ; and all the registers of our 
 reformed are full of the like subscriptions. 
 
 107. — Subscriptions disapproved hy the Minister nolwith- 
 standing the practice of his Churches. 
 
 No other remedy has Mr. Jurleu found out for this but to 
 say II , ''that when a Synod decides controversies which are 
 not important, it ought never to oblige the condemned parties 
 to subscribe, and to believe her decisions ;" but this is con- 
 trary to the express terms of their Discipline, " which obliges 
 to acquiesce from point to point, and with an express dis- 
 claiming of their errors entered in a register, under penalty 
 of being severed from the Church ;" which Mr. Jurieu him- 
 self understands " of less important controversies, which 
 neither destroy nor hurt the foundation^." 
 
 108. — The Minister's evasion. 
 
 It only remained to say, that " cutting off from tlie Church," 
 in this place, was no more than cutting off from an arbitrary 
 confederation**, contrary to the express words of theia* Disci- 
 
 * Disc. cb. V. Art xxxii. p. 114. f Syst. p. 257. J Disc, Ibid. § S. 1. xii. 
 II Syst. p, 306. f Ibid, p. 270. •* Ibid. p. 209. Ibid. Art. xvii. 
 
THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 pline, which, explaining this cutting off in the same chapter, 
 is acquainted with no othei* than -that which severs a rotten 
 member from the body, and ranks it among heathens, as 
 already seen. 
 
 109. — Infallibility proved by the principles of the Minister. 
 
 Wherefore it is but too manifest that this minister has 
 changed the maxims of the sect. Let us now restore them, 
 and joining them to the minister's own principles, we shall 
 clearly find infallibility confessed. By the minister's prin- 
 ciples, if councils were judges in matters of faith, they would 
 be infallible*: now, by the principles of his Church, they 
 are judges ; therefore, the minister either must condemn him- 
 self, or his Church, if he allow not the infallibility of councils, 
 of those at least, wherein is the last and final resolution : 
 but though he should have bereft the pastors assembled of 
 the title of judges, so as to leave them nothing but that of 
 experienced men, yet the councils would be but the better 
 authorised by his doctrine, there being not a man of sound 
 sense that would not hold himself for at least as rash, in 
 resisting the sentiment of all experienced men, as in resisting 
 the sentence of all judges. 
 
 1 10. — Strange expression of the Minister y who will have us 
 sacrifice Truth to Peace. 
 
 He is not less perplexed about the letters of submission, 
 which the deputies of all provincial Synods are to carry to 
 the national one in good form, and in these terms'!" : — " We 
 promise before God to submit ourselves to all that shall be 
 concluded and resolved in your holy assembly, persuaded, as 
 we are, that God will there preside, and will lead you into 
 all truth and equity by the rule of his word." The last 
 words demonstrate that the matter in hand was religion ; 
 nor any longer can we learn what it is to be judges, nay, and 
 sovereign judges, if men to whom such an oath is taken be 
 not so. I have elsewhere shewn ^ that they exacted it in 
 full rigour ; that many provinces were censured for having 
 made a difficulty of submitting " to the clause of approbation, 
 of submission and obedience f and that they wei'e obliged " to 
 make it in specific terms to all that should be concluded and 
 decreed, without condition or modification." These words 
 are so pressing, that after so long torturing himself to ex-' 
 
 * Sup. n. 105. S. 106, et seq. + Disc. p. 144. 
 
 X Bxpos. chr&ix. Conference with Mr. Ckude, pp. 52.33r« 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 351 
 
 pound them, Mr. Jurieu at length comes to say*, *' that 
 they promise this submission on regulations of discipline 
 relating to things indifferent, or, at furthest, no less impor- 
 tant controversies, which do not destroy nor hurt the foun- 
 dation of faith ;" so that, concludes he, " it is not strange 
 that in such sort of things we pay the Synod an entire sub- 
 mission, because, in controversies which are not of the 
 utmost importance, we ought to sacrifice truths to the good 
 of peace." 
 
 Sacrifice truths, and the revealed truths of God ! Either he 
 knows not what he says, or he blasphemes. To sacrifice 
 heavenly truths, if this be to renounce them, and subscribe 
 the condemnation of them, it is a blasphemy. There is no 
 truth revealed of God that does not deserve, so far fi'ora 
 sacrificing it, that we should sacrifice ourselves for it. But 
 perchance to sacrifice them, is to hold one's tongue. The 
 expression is much too violent. Let it pass, however, pro- 
 vided this will satisfy : but the Synod will come upon you 
 "after her last and final resolution,'"' and press you in virtue of 
 their Discipline and your own solemn oath, "to acquiesce from 
 point to point, and with an express disclaiming of your opi- 
 nion authentically entered in a register," in order to prevent 
 all equivocation, under penalty of being cut off from God's 
 people, and accounted as a heathen. What will you do, if 
 unable to make your judgment bend to that of the Church ? 
 Certainly, either you will subscribe and betray your con- 
 science, or speedily you alone will be your whole Church. 
 
 111. — The Confession of Faith always put to the questio?i in 
 
 all Sy7iods. 
 
 Besides, when the minister tells us f , that the points of con- 
 troversy which are submitted to the Synod, are not those 
 which are contained in the " Confession of Faith," he does not 
 reflect how many times they would have changed them in 
 important articles out of complaisance to the Lutherans. 
 Nay, more, he has forgotten the custom of all their Synods, 
 wherein the first point put to debate always is, upon reading 
 the Confession of Faith, to examine whether there be any- 
 thing to be corrected in it. The fact was put to Mr. 
 Claude J, nor was it denied by him, and besides this, it is 
 manifest by the acts of all the Synods. Who will now 
 wonder that nothing has escaped cnange in the new Refor- 
 
 * Syst. pp. 270, 271. + Ibid. p. 270. 
 
 X Conference with Mr. Claude, p, 37S. 
 
352 THE HISTORY OF [iSOOK 
 
 mation, since, notwithstanding so many books written, and 
 so many Synods held, they are every day still to seek and 
 deliberate anew about their faith ? 
 
 112. — The weak constitution of the Reformation forces at 
 length the Ministers to change their Capital Dogma, viz, 
 the necessity of the Scripture. 
 
 But nothing will set in a plainer light the feeble constitution 
 of their Church, than the change I am now about to relate. 
 Nothing amongst them is more essential, nor more funda- 
 mental, than to oblige each one to form his faith on the 
 reading of the Scripture. But one sole question proposed 
 to them has, at length, withdrawn them from this principle. 
 Now, they were asked, what could be those people's faith, 
 who as yet had neither read the Scripture nor heard it 
 read, but were just entering on the reading of it? There 
 needed no more than this to put them manifestly to a stand. 
 To say, that in this state, one has no faith, with what dis- 
 position, then, and in what spirit, will such a man read the 
 holy Scripture ? But if you say, he has, whence has he 
 received it ? All they had to answer was *, " that the 
 Christian doctrine, taken in the whole, makes itself be felt; 
 that to foi'm an act of faith on the divinity of Scripture, it is 
 not necessary to have read it "f : that it suffices to have read 
 a summary of Christian doctrine without descending to par- 
 ticulars; that those who wanted the Scripture, had it never- 
 theless in their power to become good Christians ; that the 
 Gospel doctrine makes its divinity be felt by the simple, 
 independently of the book where it is contained in ; that 
 supposing this doctrine were mixed with things not divine but 
 useless, the pure and celestial doctrine blended with it would 
 nevertheless make itself be felt ; that conscience relishes truth, 
 after which the faithful man believes such a book to be ca- 
 nonical, because he has found truths that sensibly affect him ; 
 in a word, that one feels truth as he feels the light in seeing 
 it ; heat, sitting near the fire ; sweet and bitter, in eating." 
 
 113. — Their Faith no longer formed on Scrifiure. 
 
 Heretofore it was an inextricable difficulty for the minlstei's 
 to resolve this question ; whether or no it is requisite, if faith 
 be to be formed on Scripture, to have read all the books 
 thereof? And, if sufficient to have read some of them, 
 
 » Syst. p. 428. t Ibid. p. 453, et seq. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 353 
 
 which are tliose privileged ones we must read preferably to 
 the rest, in order to form our faith ? But tliey have rid 
 themselves of this perplexity by saying, there is not even a 
 necessity of reading any one of them ; nay, they have carried 
 it so far as to make a believer form his faith without so much 
 as knowing which are the books inspired by God. 
 
 114. — The people have no further necessity of discerning 
 Apocryphal from Canonical Books. 
 
 Their thoughts were too much busied about the Confession 
 of Faith, when they said, speaking of the divine books *, 
 " that they were known for canonical, not so much from the 
 consent of the Church, as from the testimony and interior 
 persuasion of the Holy Ghost." The ministers, it seems, are 
 sensible at present that this was all illusion, and how little 
 likelihood there is, that the foithful should be capable, by 
 their interior relish, and without the assistance of tradition, 
 to discern from a profane book, the Canticle of Canticles, or 
 to feel the divinity of the first chapters of Genesis, and so 
 forth; accordingly, it is decided at present, "that the ex- 
 amination of the question touching Apocryphal books, is not 
 necessary for the people." Mr. Jurieu f has written a chap- 
 ter expressly to prove it ; and so far is it from being requisite 
 to torment one's self about books Canonical or Apocrypha], 
 about text or version, or to be at the pains of discussing 
 Scripture, or even reading it, that the Christian truths, pro- 
 vided you only put them together, will of themselves make 
 you feel them as you feel cold and heat. 
 
 1 15. — The importance of this change. 
 
 Mr. Jurieu says all this; and what is more remarkable, sa)'s 
 it but after Mr. Claude. And since tliese two ministers have 
 concurred together in this point, which is as much as to say, 
 that the party had but this sole refuge ; let us stop a while 
 to consider whence they set out, and whither they are arrived. 
 The ministers heretofore built faith on Scripture % ; now 
 they form it without the Scripture. It was said in the Con- 
 fession of Faith, speaking of Scripture §, that "all things 
 ought to be examined, regulated, and reformed according to 
 it ;" now, not,the sentiment, which men have of things, ought 
 to be proved by Scripture, but Scripture itself is not known, 
 
 * Confess. Art. iv. + Syst. 1. iii. lb. ch. ii. p. 3. 
 
 X Def. of the Ref. part ii. cli. ix. p. 2'JG. et seq. ^ Confession of Failli, Art. v. 
 VOL. II. 2 A 
 
354 THE HISTORY OP [boOK 
 
 nor perceived to be Scripture, otherwise than by the senti- 
 ment you have of things before you know the divine books ; 
 and religion is formed without them. 
 
 116. — Manifest Fanaticism 
 
 This testimony, imagined by men to px'oceed from the Holy 
 Ghost, whereby to discern divine Scripture from not divine, 
 was held deservedly for fanaticism and a means of deceit ; 
 because this testimony, not being annexed to any positive 
 proof, there was not a man that could not either boast of it 
 without reason, or fancy it to himself without grounds. But 
 the case is now much worse; whereas they said formerly, 
 *' let us see what is written, and then we will believe ;" 
 which was beginning at least by something positive and a 
 certain fact : now, they begin by feeling things in themselves 
 as you feel cold and heat, sweet and bitter ; and when after- 
 wards they come to read the Scripture in this disposition, 
 God knows with what facility they turn it to what they 
 already hold for as certain as what they have seen with their 
 eyes and touched with their hands. 
 
 117. — Neither Miracles, nor Prophecies, nor Scripture, nor 
 Traditio7i necessary to authorize and declare Revelatio7i. 
 
 According to this presupposition ^ viz., truths necessary to 
 salvation make themselves be felt by themselves, Jesus Christ 
 needed not miracles, nor prophecies : Moses would have been 
 believed, though the Red Sea had not divided itself, though 
 the rock had not poured out torrents of water at the first 
 touch of the wand ; they had nothing to do but to propose 
 the Gospel or the law. No more had the fathers of Nice 
 and Ephesus, than to propose the Trinity and Incarnation, 
 provided they proposed it with all the other mysteries ; the 
 researches into Scripture and tradition, which they made 
 with so much care, were needless to them : on the bare ex- 
 position of truth, grace would have commanded the assent of 
 all the faithful ; God inspires all he pleases into whom he 
 pleases, and inspiration of itself alone can do all things. 
 
 1 18. — The Grace necessary to produce Faith, why annexed 
 to certain exterior means and matters of fact. 
 
 This was not the thing doubted of, and the power of God 
 was well known to Catholics, no less than the necessity men 
 stood in, of his inspiration and grace. The business was to 
 
XV.] THE VAftlATlOKg, ETC. 355 
 
 find out the external means it makes use of, and whereto God 
 lias been pleased to annex it : one may feign or imagine that 
 he is inspired of God without being really so ; but he cannot 
 feign, nor imagine that the sea divides itself, that the earth 
 opens, the dead arise, those born blind receive sight, that he 
 reads such a thing in a book, and that such and such our 
 predecessors in the faith have so understood it ; that the 
 whole Church believes, and always has believed it so. The 
 question, therefore, at issue is, not whether those external 
 means be sufficient without grace and divine inspiration, for 
 none pretends that : but, in order to hinder men from feign- 
 ing or imagining an inspiration, whether it has not been God's 
 economy, and his usual conduct to make his inspiration walk 
 hand in hand with certain means of fact, which men can nei- 
 ther feign in the air without being convicted of falsehood, nor 
 imagine without illusion. This is not the place to determine 
 which are these facts, which these external means, which the 
 znotives of belief, since it is already certain there are some 
 such, for the minister hath agreed to it ; it is, I say, agreed, 
 not only that there are such certain facts, but moreover that 
 those certain facts may serve for an infallible rule. For in- 
 stance, according to him, it is a certain fact that the Christian 
 Church has always believed the divinity of Jesus Christ, the 
 soul's immortality, and the eternity of pains, with such and 
 such other articles : but this certain fact, according to him, is 
 an infallible rule, and the best of all rules, not only to decide 
 all these articles, but also to resolve the obscure and knotty 
 question concerning fundamentals. We have seen the pas- 
 sages where tiie Minister teaches and proves this*; but when 
 he teaches thus, and allows the universal consent to be "the 
 most sure rule" of judging these important and knotty ques- 
 tions : yet, in proposing this external motive, which, accord- 
 ing to him, implies demonstration, he did not aim at exclud- 
 ing grace and inward inspiration : the question, therefore, is, 
 whether the authority of the Church, which joined to the 
 grace of God is a sufficient motive and " most sure of all rules " 
 in certain points, may not be so in all; and whether, setting 
 up an inspiration exclusive of all these exterior means, and 
 whereof you give yourself and your own sentiment for surety 
 to yourself and others, be not the best plea that can possibly 
 be put into the mouths of false teachers, the surest illusion 
 to drive headstrong men to the utmost extremes. 
 
 ♦ S. n, 38. et seq. 
 
 2 A 2 
 
356 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 119. — The language of the Ministers loosens the reins to 
 the People's licentiousness. 
 
 After having put it into the people's head that they are par- 
 ticularly inspired by God ; to complete the thing you need but 
 also tell them that they may make themselves guides as they 
 think fit, may depose all those that are appointed them, may 
 set up others to act by such powers as they judge meet to 
 communicate. It is what has been done in the Reforma- 
 tion. Mr. Claude and Mr. Jurieu do also agree together in 
 this doctrine. 
 
 120. — The language of the Catholic Church concerning the 
 settlement of Pastors. 
 
 The Catholic Church thus speaks to the Christian people. 
 Ye are a people, a state, and a society: but Jesus Christ, who 
 is your king, holds nothing of you, and his authority is 
 derived from a higher source : naturally, you have no more 
 right to give him ministers than you have to appoint him your 
 
 Srince ; thus his ministers, who are your pastors, derive their 
 escent still higher as he himself does, and it is necessary 
 they should come by an order of his appointment. The 
 kingdom of Jesus Christ is not of this world, nor can a 
 comparison be made between his kingdom and those of 
 the earth, which is not defective ; in a word, nature affords 
 us nothing that bears a conformity with Jesus Christ and 
 his kingdom, nor have you any other right than that which 
 you shall find in the laws or customs immemorial of your 
 society. Now, these customs immemorial, to begin from the 
 Apostolic times, are, that the pastors already constituted 
 should constitute others: " Choose ye," say the Apostles, 
 " and we shall appoint * ;" it was Titus's business to appoint 
 the pastors of Crete ; and it was from Paul, appointed by 
 Jesus Christ, that he received this power. " For this cause," 
 says he, " left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest reform tlie 
 things that are wanting, and ordain priests in everj^ city, as I 
 had appointed thee*{*." Besides, those who flatter you with 
 the notion that your consent is absolutely necessary to consti- 
 tute your pastors, do not believe what they tell you, since 
 they acknowledge those of England for true pastors, though 
 tlie people has had no share in their election. The example 
 of St. Mathias, extraordinarily chosen by a divine lot, ought 
 not to be made a precedent, nay, even then, all was not left 
 
 * Acts vi. 3, 6, 7. t Tit. i. 5. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 357 
 
 to the people, for Peter, already established pastor by Jesus 
 Christ, held the assembly : neither was it election that con- 
 stituted Mathias ; it was heaven which declared itself. Every- 
 where else, the authority of constituting is given to pastors 
 already constituted : the power, which they have from above, 
 is rendered sensible by the imposition of hands, a ceremony 
 reserved to their order. It is thus that pastors follow suc- 
 cessively one another : Jesus Christ, who appointed the first, 
 has said that he would always be with those to whom they 
 should transmit their power ; ye cannot have pastors any- 
 where but in this succession, nor any more ought ye to appi-e- 
 hend its failing, than that the Church herself, preaching, 
 and the sacraments, should fail. 
 
 121. — Language of the Reformation. 
 
 Thus speaks the Church, nor do the people presume beyond 
 what is given them : but the Reformation speaks to them 
 quite the contrary. In you, says she, is the source of celes- 
 tial power ; ye may not only present, but constitute your 
 pastors. Should proofs of this power, in the people, be 
 required from the Scriptures, she would be at a stand. To 
 exempt herself from this task, she tells the people that it is a 
 natural right of all societies ; so that, to enjoy it, there is no 
 need of Scripture, it being sufficient that Scripture has not 
 recalled this right allowed by nature. The turn is cunning, 
 I must own ; but beware of it, ye people, who are fed with 
 this delusion ! To make yourselves a lord on earth, it suffices 
 to acknowledge him for such, and every man carries this 
 power in his own will. But the case is not the same in 
 making yourselves a Christ, a Saviour, a celestial King, and 
 appointing him his ministers. And will ye then, indeed, 
 ye people, impose your hands on them on being told it 
 appertains to you to appoint them ? They dare not : but 
 are again encouraged, when assured this ceremony of impo- 
 tion of hands is not necessary. What ! is it not sufficient to 
 judge it necessary, that you so often find it in Scripture, and 
 do not find, either in Scripture or in all tradition, that ever 
 pastor was made any other way, no, not one but was made by 
 other pastors ? No matter, ao it nevertheless, O people ! 
 believe ye that the power of loosing and binding, of appoint- 
 ing and rejecting, is in you, and that your pastors have no 
 power but as your representatives; that the authority of their 
 Synods flows from you, that they are no more than your 
 delegates ; believe, I say, all these things, although you find 
 
358 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 not a word thereof in Scripture ; and believe, beyond every- 
 thing else, that, when you shall think yourselves inspired by 
 God to reform the Church, whensoever you shall be assem- 
 bled in whatsoever way, you have power to do with your 
 pastors just what you please, none having right to deprive 
 you of this liberty, it being derived from nature. Thus is the 
 Reformation preached ; thus is Christianity destroyed root 
 and branch, and the way paved for Antichrist. 
 
 122. — The Sects issuing from the Reformation, proofs of 
 her evil constitution. — Comparison of the Ancient Church 
 ill alleged. 
 
 With such maxims and such a spirit (for although it shoots 
 out more manifest in our days, the root was always the same 
 in the Reformation), it is no longer to be wondered that we 
 have seen it, from its first origin, run from change to change, 
 productive of so many sects of so many kinds. Mr. Jurieu 
 has had the face to answer, that herein, as in all other things, 
 it resembles the primitive Church*. In good truth, this is too 
 notoriously abusing the people's credulity and the venerable 
 name of the primitive Church. The sects which divided 
 from her were not the consequence or natural effect of her 
 constitution. Two kinds of sects did arise in primitive 
 Christianity ; some purely heathen in their foundation, as 
 that of the Valentinians, the Simonians, the Manicheans, and 
 others of that stamp which entered themselves, in appear- 
 ance, on the list of Christians, only to set themselves off 
 with the great name of Jesus Christ ; nor have these sects 
 anything in common with those of the latter ages. The other 
 sectaries, for the most part, were Christians, which, unable 
 to bear the loftiness, and, as I may say, the whole weight of 
 faith, sought to ease reason now of o23<e article, then of ano- 
 ther : thus, some deprived Christ of his divinity ; others, 
 unable to unite the divinity and humanity, mutilated, as it 
 were, in divers ways, both one and the other. Against the 
 like rocks split the proud spirit of Martin Luther. He sunk 
 in reconciling grace and free-will, which, in truth, is a grand 
 mystery : he kept no compass in matter of predestination, 
 and no longer saw anything for men but a fatal and inevi- 
 table necessity, wherein good and evil are equally compre- 
 hended. We have seen how these extravagant maxims pro- 
 duced those of the Calvinists, still more extravagant. When 
 laying aside all temper, by carrying to extremes predesti- 
 nation and grace, men fell into such visible excesses as were 
 * History of Calvin, part i. ch. iv. 
 
JtV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 359 
 
 no longer to be supported : the horror they conceived thereof 
 cast them into the opposite extreme ; and from Luther's excess, 
 who went beyond bounds with grace (however incredible it 
 may seem), they passed to the excess of the Demipelagians, 
 who destroy it. Whence have we the Arminians, who, in our 
 days, have produced the Pajonists, Pelagians complete, whose 
 author was Mr. Pajon, the late minister of Orleans. On the 
 other side, the same Luther, cast down by the force of these 
 words, — " This is my body, this is my blood," could not 
 find in his heart to reject the Real Presence ; but at the 
 same time was resolved, in compliance with human sense, to 
 rid it of the change of substance. Things stopped not there; 
 and the Real Presence was soon assaulted. Human sense 
 took a pleasure in its own inventions, and its exceptions being 
 satisfied with regard to one mystery, stood up for the same 
 concession in all the rest. As Zuinglius and his followers 
 pretended that the Real Presence was a remnant of Popery 
 still to be reformed in^Lutheranism, the Socinians now a days 
 say the same of the Trinity and Incarnation ; and these great 
 mysteries, which had stood free from all insult of heresy for 
 twelve hundred years, are entered on the footing of dis- 
 putable points in an age when all kind of novelties think 
 they have a right to shew their heads. 
 
 123. — Socinians united with the Anabaptists, and both of 
 them derivi?ig their origin from Luther and Calviji. 
 
 We have seen the illusions of the Anabaptists, and are sen- 
 sible it was by following the principles of Luther and the 
 j*est of the Reformers that they rejected baptism without 
 immersion, and infant baptism ; for this reason, that they did 
 not find them in the Scripture, where they were made believe 
 all was contained. The Unitarians or Socinians united with 
 them, yet not so as to keep within the limits of their maxims, 
 because the principles they had borrowed from the Re- 
 formers led them much further. 
 
 Mr. Jurieu remarks that they came forth a long while 
 since the Reformation, from the midst of the Church of 
 Rome. Where is the wonder ! Luther and Calvin came 
 forth from her as well as they. The question is, whether 
 the constitution of the Church of Rome was the cause of 
 these innovations, and not rather the new Church-frame set 
 up by the Reformers. Now this question is easily decided 
 by the history of Socinianism*. In 154.3, and in the years 
 
 * VicU Bibl. Aiiti-Trinit, 
 
360 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 subsequent to tjiis date, twenty years after that Luther had 
 removed the bounds set by our forefathers, when all minds 
 were in a ferment, and the world, teeming with novelty from 
 his disputes, was always ready to bring forth some strange 
 offspring, Lelio Socini and his companions held their clan- 
 destine conventicles in Italy against the divinity of the Sou 
 of God. George Bland rate and Fausto Socini, Lelio's 
 nephew, maintained this doctrine in 1558 and in 1573, and 
 formed the party. By the same method employed by Zuin- 
 glius to elude these words, " This is my body," the Soci- 
 nians and their followers eluded those by which Christ is 
 called God. If Zuinglius believed himself forced to the 
 figurative interpretation by the impossibility of comprehend- 
 ing a human body whole and entire everywhere that the 
 Eucharist was distributed, the Unitarians believed they had 
 the same right over all the other mysteries equally incom- 
 prehensible ; and after it had been set them for a rule to un- 
 derstand figuratively those passages of Scripture which bore 
 hard on human reasoning, they did but extend this rule to 
 whatsoever the mind of man had to suffer the like violence 
 from. To these evil dispositions introduced by the Refor- 
 mation, let us join the general foundations it had laid, the 
 authority of the Church despised, the succession of pastors 
 held for nothing, precedent ages impeached of error, the 
 Fathers themselves basely handled, all fences laid open, and 
 human curiosity abandoned entirely to itself; what else 
 could be the issue but what has been seen, namely, an un- 
 bridled licentiousness in all matters of religion ? But expe- 
 rience has proved that these hardy innovators saw not the 
 least possibility of settling amongst us ; it was to the 
 Churches of the Reformation they betook themselves ; those 
 upstart Churches, which, set in motion, and still giddy with 
 their own changes, were susceptible of all others. It was 
 in the bosom of these Churches, at Geneva, amongst the 
 Switzers and the Polish Protestants, that the Unitarians 
 sought a sanctuary. Repulsed by some of these Churches, 
 they raised themselves a sufficient number of disciples amongst 
 the rest of them to make a separate body. This, beyond 
 question, was their origin. You need but look into the 
 Testament of George Schoman, one of the Unitarian chiefs, 
 and the account given by Andrew Wissonats, ''in what manner 
 the Unitarians separated themselves from the Reformed*," to 
 be convinced that this sect was nothing but a progress of, 
 
 * Test. Georg. Sch. ct rc!at. Wissoii. in Biblioth. Auti-Tiin. Sand. pp. 191, 209. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 361 
 
 and a sequel from the dogmata of Luther, of Calvin, of 
 Zuinglius, of Menon, the last of whom was one of the heads 
 of the Anabaptists. There you will find all those sects were 
 but " the first draught, and, as it were, the dawn of the Re- 
 formation, and that Anabaptism, joined to Socinianism, is the 
 mid-day*." 
 
 124. — Constitution of the Reformation how unlike to that 
 of the Primitive Church. 
 
 No longer, therefore, let them object to us the sects of the 
 ancient Church, and no longer boast of resembling her. 
 Never did the ancient Church vary in her doctrine ; never, 
 in her confessions of faith, did she suppress the truths which 
 she believed were revealed by God ; she never retouched her 
 decisions, never deliberated anew on matters once deter- 
 mined ; never, no not once, proposed new expositions of 
 faith, save when some new question arose. But the Refor- 
 mation, quite on the contrary, never could content herself ; 
 her creeds have nothing that is certain ; the decrees of her 
 synods nothing fixed ; her confessions of faith are confe- 
 deracies and arbitrary contracts ; what is an article of faith 
 amongst them, is not so for all, nor always — they go apart 
 by caprice, and meet again by policy. When, therefore, 
 sects arose in the ancient Church, it was from the common 
 and inveterate depravation of mankind ; and when they now 
 arise in the Reformation, it is from the novel and particular 
 constitution of the Churches she has modelled. 
 
 J 25. — A memorable instance of Variation in the Protestant 
 Church of Strasburg. 
 
 To make this truth the more apparent, I shall choose for an 
 example the Protestant Church of Strasburg, as one of the 
 most learned of the Reformation, and by her proposed, ever 
 since the beginning, as a pattern of discipline to all the rest. 
 This great city was one of the first that fell by Luther's 
 preaching, and did not think, at that time, of disputing the 
 Real Presence. All the complaints made against her senate 
 were, that " it took away images, and made communion be 
 given in both kinds |." It was in 1523 that, by the means 
 of Bucer and Capito, she turned Zuinglian. After she had 
 for some years heard their invectives against the Mass, with- 
 
 * Test. Gcorg. Scl). ct rehit. VVi.-son. in Diblinth. Anli-Trin.Saml. pp. 11)1^20!J. 
 t Sleid. lib.iv. fol.CO. 
 
362 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 out wholly abolishing it, and without a full assurance of its 
 being evil, the senate decreed " it should be suspended until 
 it were proved a worship acceptable to God^." Here is a 
 very new provision in matter of faith ; and though I had 
 not mentioned that this decree came from the senate, it 
 would easily have been understood, that the assembly where 
 it was made was nothing less than ecclesiastical. The decree 
 passed in 1529. The same year, those of Strasburg f , having 
 never been able to agree with the Lutherans, joined in a 
 league with the Swiss, who were Zuinglians like themselves. 
 So far did they carry Zuinglius's notion and their hatred of 
 the Real Presence, as to refuse to subscribe the Confession of 
 Augsburg in 1530 J, and to make themselves a particular 
 Confession, which we have seen under the name of the Con- 
 fession of Strasburg, or of the four towns §. The very next 
 year II, they shuffled so much, and with so much art on this 
 subject, as to get themselves comprehended in the league of 
 Smalcald, from which the rest of the Sacramentarians were 
 excluded. But they went still further in 1536, inasmuch as 
 they subscribed the Wittemberg agreement, wherein, as we 
 have seen, was confessed the substantial presence and the 
 communion of the true body and true blood in the unworthy, 
 although void of faith ^. Thereby they passed over insen- 
 siblv to Luther's sentiment, and from that time were counted 
 among the defenders of the Confession of Augsburg which 
 they subscribed. They declared, nevertheless, in 1548**, 
 that this was without departing from their first Confession, 
 which, although formerly it had made them reject that of 
 Augsburg, was found conformable to it now. In the mean 
 time, Strasburg was so wedded to the agreement of Wittem- 
 berg and the Confession of Augsburg ft? that Peter Martyr 
 and Ranchius, the two greatest men at that time of the 
 Sacramentarians, were forced at length to withdraAv from 
 that city ; one for refusing to subscribe the agreement, and 
 the other for having subscribed the Confession with a re- 
 striction ; so zealous were they become at Strasburg for the 
 Real Presence. In 1598, this city subscribed the book of 
 Concord ; and after having been for so long a time the 
 chief, as it were, of those cities that opposed the Real Pre- 
 sence, she stretched her Confession, in spite of Sturmius, to 
 the prodigious tenet of Ubiquity :|; J." The cities of Linden 
 
 * Sleid. lib. vi. fol. 93. f Ibid. fol. 100. J Ibid. lib. viii. fol. 104. 
 
 ^ S. lib. iii. n. 3. || Sleid. lib. viii. fol. 125. 
 
 f[ S, lib. iv. n, 23. Hosp. part ii. An. 1536. ** Hosp. An, 1548. fol. 203. 
 
 tt Ibid. An. 1556 et 1563. JJ Ibid. Cone, discors. c. Ivi. p. 278. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 363 
 
 and Memmingen, formerly lier associates in the hatred of the 
 Real Presence, followed this example*. At this time the 
 ancient Agenda was changed, and Marbachius's book was 
 printed at Strasburg, in which he maintained that " Jesus 
 Christ, before his ascension, was in Heaven, as to his huma- 
 nity ; that this visible ascension was nothing, in reality, but 
 an appearance ; that the Heaven wherein Jesus Christ's 
 humanity was received, contained not only God and all the 
 saints, but moreover all the devils and all the damned ; and 
 that Jesus Christ was, according to his human nature, not 
 only in the bread and wine of the Supper, but also in all the 
 pots and all the glasses." To these extremities were men 
 driven, when, forsaking the sure guidance of Church authority, 
 they gave themselves up to human opinions like to a change- 
 able and impetuous wind. 
 
 126. — Constancy of the Catholic Church. 
 
 If now, to the variations and giddiness of these new Churches, 
 you oppose the constancy and gravity of the Catholic Church, 
 it will easily be judged where it is the Holy Ghost presides ; 
 and because I neither can, nor ought to relate, in this work, 
 all the judgments she has passed in mattei's of faith, that 
 uniformity and steadiness I commend her for, shall be made 
 appear in those very articles wherein we have seen the incon- 
 stancy of our Reformed. 
 
 127. — Example in the Question moved by Berengarius con- 
 cerning the Real Presence. 
 
 The first who made a sect in the Church, and dared to con- 
 demn her, in regard to the Real Presence, was unquestion- 
 ably Berengarius. What our adversaries say of Ratramnus f 
 is nothing less than a certain fact, as above seen ; and, though 
 it were granted that Ratramnus favoured them, (which is 
 false,) an ambiguous author, by all of them made to speak in 
 behalf of their several opinions, would be in nowise proper 
 to make a sect. I say the same of John Scot, whose error 
 was personal, and had no continued succession. 
 
 128. — The Church's behaviour in regard of Innovators. 
 
 The Church does not always anathematize rising errors ; nor 
 does she censure them as long as there are hopes they will 
 vanish of themselves ; nay, often fears rendering them famous 
 
 * Hosp. Cone, discors. c. hi. fol. 99. f S, lib. iv. n. 32. 
 
364 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 by her anathemas. Thus Artemon, and some others who 
 had denied Jesus Christ's divinity before Paul of Samosata, 
 drew not such signal condemnations on themselves as he did, 
 they not being judged capable of raising a sect. As for 
 Berengarius, certain it is he attacked openly the Church's 
 faith, and had disciples of his own name like other heresi- 
 archs, although his heresy was soon extinguished. 
 
 129. — Beginning of Berengarius'' s Sect, and his Condemna- 
 
 tiGn. 
 
 It appeared about the year 1030 ; not but that we have 
 already remarked, some years before, even from the year 
 1017, the Real Presence manifestly impugned by the heretics 
 of Orleans, who were Manicheans*. Such were the first 
 authors of that doctrine, one article of which was maintained 
 by Berengarius. But as that sect kept concealed, the Church 
 was surprised at this novelty, yet not much disturbed with it 
 at that time. It was against Berengarius that the first deci- 
 sion was made on this subject in 1052, in a council of a 
 hundred and thirteen bishops called together at Rome from 
 all sides by Nicholas II. f Berengarius submitted himself, 
 and the first who made a sect of the Sacramentarian heresy, 
 was the first also that condemned it. 
 
 No one is ignorant of that famous Confession of Faith, 
 which begins " Ego Berengarius," where this Heresiarch ac- 
 knowledges, " that the bread and the w'me which are placed 
 on the altar after consecration are not only the sacrament, 
 but also the true body and the true blood of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, and are sensibly touched by the hands of the priest, 
 broken and bruised between the teeth of the faithful, not 
 only in sacrament, but in truth." 
 
 130. — First Confession of Faith required of Berengarius. 
 
 There M-^ere none but understood, that the body and blood of 
 Jesus Christ was broken in the Eucharist, in the same sense 
 that we say a man is torn, he is wet, when the clothes he 
 actually wears are torn or wet. When his clothes are not 
 on him, we use not the same way of speaking : so that the 
 meaning was, that Jesus Christ was as truly under tlie 
 sj^ecies, which are broken and eaten, as we are truly in the 
 clothes we wear. It was said, moreover, that Jesus Christ is 
 
 * S.lib. xi. n. 17, et seq. ^ 
 
 I Coiicll. Rom. sub Nic. II. An. 1059. t. ix. Con. Lab. Guit. lib. iii. t. xviii. 
 Bib. PP. Max. p.462,&c. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 36.0 
 
 sensibly received and touched, because he is in person and in 
 substance under the sensible species which are touched and 
 received ; and all this imported that Jesus Christ is received 
 and eaten, not in his projoer species and under the exterior 
 of man, but under a foreign species, and under the exterior 
 of bread and wine. And if the Church said also, in a certain 
 sense, that the body of Jesus Christ is broken, it was not 
 from her being ignorant that, in another sense, it was not 
 so : just as when saying, in a certain sense, we are torn and 
 wet when our clothes are so ; we are still sensible, at the 
 same time, that, in another sense, we are neither one nor the 
 other, as to our persons. Thus the Fathers justly said to 
 Berengarlus what we still say *, " that the body of Jesus 
 Christ is all entire in the whole Sacrament, and all entire in 
 every article thereof; everywhere the same Jesus Christ 
 always entire, inviolable and indivisible, communicating him- 
 self without dividing himself, as the word to a whole audi- 
 ence, and as our soul to all our members." But what 
 obliged the Church to say, after many Fathers, and after St. 
 Chrysostom, that the body of Jesus Christ is broken, was, 
 that Berengarlus, under pretext of doing honour to the 
 Saviour of tiie world, was accustomed to say-}-, " God forbid 
 that man may break with the tooth, or divide Jesus Christ, 
 in the same manner as we put under the tooth, and divide 
 these things," namely, the bread and wine. The Church, 
 which always took care to combat in heretics the most pre- 
 cise and strongest words they made use of to explain their 
 error, opposed against Berengarlus the contradictory of that 
 proposition he had advanced, and placed in some manner the 
 Keal Presence under the eyes of Christians, by saying to 
 them what they received in tiie sacrament, after consecration, 
 was as really the body and the blood, as before consecration 
 it was really bread and wine. 
 
 131. — Berengarlus' s second Confession of Faith, where the 
 change of Substance is more clearly explained, and why. 
 
 Besides, when tlie faithful were told that the bread and wine 
 of the Eucharist were in truth the body and the blood, they 
 were accustomed to understand, not that they were so by 
 their nature, but became such by the consecration, so that 
 the cliange of substance was contained in that expression, 
 although what principally was aimed at by it, was to render 
 
 * Guil. lib. i. adv. Beren. Bib. PP. t. xviii. pp. 443, 449. 
 t Ber. apud Guit, Ibid. p. 441. 
 
366 THE HTSTOIIY OP ' [tiobR 
 
 the presence sensible, which likewise was principally im- 
 pugned. Some wliile after it was perceptible that Beren- 
 garius and his disciples varied. For we learn from authors 
 of those times* that, in the course of the dispute, they ac- 
 knowledged in the Eucharist the substance of the body and 
 blood, but with that of bread and wine, employing even the 
 term of impanation and that of invination, and asserting that 
 Jesus Christ was, as I may say, impanate in the Eucharist, 
 as he became incarnate in the Virgin's womb. This, says 
 Guitmondus t, was as a last intrenchment to Berengarius ; 
 nor was it without difficulty that tiiis subtlety of the sect 
 was discovered. But the Church, which always follows 
 heretics step by step to condemn their errors as they dis- 
 close them, after haxHng so well established the Real Pre- 
 sence in Berengarius's first Confession of Faith, proposed also 
 another to him, in which the change of substance was ex- 
 pressed more distinctly. He confessed, therefore, under 
 Gregory VII., in a Council held at Rome |, which was the 
 sixth held under that Pope in 1079, " That the bread and 
 wine, which are placed on the altar, by the mystery of holy 
 prayer and the words of Jesus Christ, are substantially 
 changed into the true, life-giving, and proper flesh of Jesus 
 Christ, &c." And the same is said of the blood. It is 
 specified that the body here received " is the same that was 
 born of the Virgin, that was nailed to the cross, that is seated 
 at the right hand of the Father, and the blood is the same 
 that flowed from his side;" and in order that no room might 
 be left for equivocation, whereby heretics delude mankind, 
 it is added, this is done " not in sign and in virtue by a simple 
 sacrament, but in the propriety of nature and the truth of 
 substance." 
 
 132. — The change of Substance ivas opposed to Berengarius 
 from the beginning. 
 
 Berengarius again subscribed, and this second time condemned 
 himself ; but he was now so hampered, that no room for 
 equivocation was left him, no subterfuge for his error. And 
 if the change of substance was here insisted on more precisely, 
 it was not that the Church had before in the least doubted of 
 it, since, from the beginning of the dispute against Beren- 
 
 * Guit. ante pp. 441, 442, 462, 463, 464. Alg. de Sac. Corp. et Sang. Prasf. 
 t. xxi. p. 251. 
 t Ibid. { Cone. Rom. vi. sub Greg. VII. t, x. Cone. Lab. An. 1079. 
 
XV.] THE VAWIAXrONS, ETC. 367 
 
 garius, Hugo of Langres had said*, "that the bread and 
 wine did not remain in their first nature, but pass into 
 another ; that they were changed into the body and blood of 
 Jesus Christ by the omnipotence of God, against which 
 Berengarius opposed himself in vain." And as soon as ever 
 this heretic had declared himself, Adelman, Bishop of Bresse, 
 his schoolfellow, and the first discoverer of his error, warned 
 himf, " that he stood in opposition to the sense of the whole 
 Catholic Church, and that it was as easy for Jesus Christ to 
 change the bread into his body, as to change water into wine, 
 and create light by his word alone." It was, therefore, a con- 
 stant doctrine of the universal Church, not that the bread 
 and wine contained the body and blood of Jesus Christ, but 
 that they became his body and blood by a change of substance. 
 
 133. — A certain fact, that the Faith opposed to Berengarius 
 was that of the whole Church and of all Christians, 
 
 Nor was it Adelman only that reproached Berengarius with 
 the novelty and singularity of his doctrine; all authors una- 
 himously upbraid him as with a certain fact, that the faith 
 he impugned was that of the whole universe ; that he scan- 
 dalized the whole Church by the novelty of his doctrine ; 
 that to come over to his faith, it was necessary to believe 
 there was no such thing as a Church on earth ; that there 
 was not so much as one town, no, not one village of his 
 opinion ; that the Greeks, the Armenians, in a word, all 
 Christians had, in this regard, the same faith with those of 
 the west; so that nothing could be more ridiculous than to 
 censure, as incredible, what was believed by the whole world. 
 Nor did Berengarius deny this fact, but, like all heretics, an- 
 swered disdainfully, that wise men ought not to follow " the 
 sentiments, or rather the follies, of the vulgar." But Lan- 
 franc and the rest of them remonstrated, that what he called 
 the vulgar, was the whole clergy and all the people of the 
 universe ; and upon the certainty of this fact, wherein he 
 feared no contradiction, he concluded, that if Berengarius's 
 doctrine were true, " the inheritance promised to Jesus Christ 
 was made void, and his promises annihilated ;" lastly, that 
 " the Catholic Church was no more, and, if she was no more, 
 she never had been J." 
 
 * Bib. PP. Max. t. xviii. p. 417. f Ibid. pp. 438, 439. 
 
 i Ascel. Ep. ad Ber. Guit. Ibid. lib. iii. pp. 462, 463. Lanfranc de Corp. et 
 Sang. Dom. Ibid, c. ii. iv. v. xxii. pp. 765, 766, 776. Ibid, c, iv. p. 765. Ibid. 
 c. xxii. p. 776. 
 
3G8 THE HISTORY OP [boOK 
 
 134. — All Innovators always find the Church i?i a full and 
 constant possession of thai Doctrine they attack. 
 
 A remarkable fact likewise may be here observed ; namely, 
 that Berengarius, like all other heretics, found the Church 
 firm and universally united in the dogma which he impugned ; 
 this is what has always happened in like cases. Of all the 
 dogmata which we believe, not so much as one can be named, 
 which was not found invincibly and universally established 
 when the contrary dogma began to make a sect ; and wherein 
 the Church has not remained, if possible, still more fixed 
 from that very time, a thing alone sufficient to make pal- 
 pable the perpetual succession and immutability of her faith. 
 
 135. — There was no need of an universal Council against 
 Berengarius. 
 
 There was not more necessity for convening an universal 
 council against Berengarius than against Pelagius ; the de- 
 cisions of the holy See, and of the Councils then held, were 
 unanimously received by the whole Church, and the hei-esy 
 of Berengarius, quickly crushed, found no longer any sanc- 
 tuaiy but with the Manicheans. 
 
 136. — Decision of the great Council of Later an. — The word 
 Transubstantiation pitched upon, and why. 
 
 It has been seen in what manner these Manicheans began to 
 spread themselves all over the west, filling it with their blas- 
 phemies against the Real Presence, and at the same time, 
 with their equivocating language, on purpose to conceal 
 themselves from the Church, whose assemblies they were 
 determined to frequent*. In order, therefore, that she 
 might defeat these equivocations, the Church thought her- 
 self obliged to employ some precise terms, as she had done 
 formerly with so much advantage against the Arians and 
 Nestorians, which she did in this manner under Innocent III., 
 in the great council of Lateran in the year of our Lord 1215 f. 
 *' There is one only universal Church of the faithful out of 
 which there is no salvation, in which Jesus Christ is himself 
 the sacrificer and the victim, whose body and blood are truly 
 contained under the species of bread and wine in the Sacra- 
 ment of the altar, the bread and wine being transubstantiated, 
 one into the body, and the other into the blood of our Lord 
 
 • S. 1. xi. n. 31, 32, &c. f Cone. Lat. iv. t. xi. Cone. Lab. p. 143. 
 
XV.3 THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 369 
 
 by the divine power, to the end that, for accomplishing the 
 mystery of unity, we should take of his what he himselt' took 
 of ours." There is no one who does not see, that this new 
 word transubstantiation here employed, without adding any 
 thing to the idea of a change of substance which we have 
 seen already owned against Berengarius, did but declare it 
 by an expression, the bare signification of which served for 
 a mark to the faithful against the subtilties and equivocations 
 of heretics, as did heretofore the Homoousion of Nice, and 
 the Theotocos of Ephesus. Such was the decision of the 
 council of Lateran, the greatest and the most numerous that 
 ever had been held, its authority being so great, that posterity 
 has called it, by excellence, the General Council. 
 
 137. — The plainness of the Church's Decisions. 
 
 By these decisions may be seen, with what brevity, with what 
 precision, with what uniformity the Church explains herself. 
 Heretics, always in search after their faith, walk groping in 
 the dark, and vary. The Church, which always carries her 
 faith entirely formed in her heart, seeks only to explain it 
 without intricacy and ambiguity ; for which reason her deci- 
 sions are never clogged with a multiplicity of words. Be- 
 sides, as she beholds without surprise the most sublime diffi- 
 culties, she proposes them without reserve, convinced that 
 she shall always find in her children a mind ready to captivate 
 itself, and a docility capable of the whole weight of the divip': 
 mystery. Heretics, who seek to indulge human sense and 
 the animal part unsusceptible of the divine secret, take great 
 pains to bend the Scripture to their taste and fancy. On the 
 contrary, the Church only thinks of taking it in its plain sense. 
 She hears our Saviour say, *' This is my body," and cannot 
 apprehend that what he calls " body" so absolutely, should 
 be anything else than the body itself; wherefore she believes 
 without difficulty, that it is the body in substance, because 
 the body in substance is nothing else but the true and proper 
 body : thus the word substance enters naturally into her ex- 
 pressions. But then Berengarius never thought of using that 
 word ; and Calvin, who used it, though agreeing in the main 
 with Berengarius, has thereby made it but manifest, that the 
 figure which Berengarius admitted, did not answer the whole 
 expectation, nor the whole idea of a Christian. 
 
 The same simplicity, which made the Church believe the 
 body present in the Sacrament, has made her believe that it 
 was the whole substance of it, Jesus Christ not having said, 
 
 VOL. II. 2 B 
 
370 THE HISTORY OF [boOK 
 
 " My body is here," but " This is it ;" and as it is not so by 
 its nature, it becomes, and is made so by the divine power. 
 This is what imports a conversion, a transformation, a 
 change ; a word so natural to this mystery, that it could not 
 fail taking place in Berengarius's case, and the more so, as it 
 was everywhere already found in the Liturgies and Fathers. 
 
 138. — Decision of the Council of Trent. 
 
 These reasons, so plain and natural, were opposed to Beren- 
 garius. We have no other, even at this day, to oppose against 
 Calvin and Zuinghus: we have received them from Catho- 
 lics that w^rote against Berengarius, as they had received 
 them from those who preceded them ; nor has the Council of 
 Trent added anything to the decisions of our forefathers, 
 unless what was necessary for a further elucidation of what 
 Protestants studied to perplex and darken, as will easily be 
 perceived by those who have the least knowledge of the 
 history of our controversies*. 
 
 But it was necessaiy, for instance, to explain more dis- 
 tinctly, that Jesus Christ rendered himself present, not only 
 in the actual use of the Sacrament, as is the Lutherans' opi- 
 nion -f-, but immediately after the Consecration, because it is 
 not there said " This shall be," but " This is ;" which, never- 
 theless, was, in the main, what had been formerly said against 
 Berengarius when the presence was annexed, not to the man- 
 ducation, or to the faith of him who received the Sacrament, 
 but to the " sacred prayer and the word of our Saviour ;" 
 whei'eby also did appear, not the adoration only, but like- 
 wise the truth of the oblation and sacrifice, as we have seen 
 confessed by the Protestants : '^ so that, in the end, there re- 
 mains no difficulty but in the Real Presence, wherein we 
 have the advantage to discover, that those even who in fact 
 depart from our doctrine, do always endeavour (so sacred is 
 it !) to draw as near to it as they are able. 
 
 139. — Reason for the Couiicil of Constance'' s Decision touch- 
 ing Communion under one kind. 
 
 The decision of Constance, in approbation of and for retain- 
 ing communion under one kind, is one of those, wherein our 
 adversaries think they have the most advantage. But in 
 order to be convinced of the gravity and constancy of the 
 
 * Dur. Troarn, t.xviii. Bib. pp. p.422. Guit. Ibid. 462, &c. 
 
 ^•j- S. n, 131. S.l. iii. n. 51, et seq. as far as 56; 1. vi. n. 26, 31, et seq. 
 
 J S. 1, ix. n, 26, 27, 28, et seq. as far as n. 75. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 371 
 
 Churcli in this decree, we need but remember that the Coun- 
 cil of Constance *, when they passed it, had found the cus- 
 tom of comnuxnicating under one kind established, beyond 
 contradiction, many ages before. The case was much the 
 same with that of Baptism by immersion, as clearly grounded 
 on Scripture as communion under both kinds could be, and 
 which, nevertheless, had been changed into infusion, with as 
 much ease and as little contradiction, as communion under 
 one kind was established ; so that the same reason stood for 
 retaining one as the other. 
 
 140. — Reasons determining the maintenance of the ancient 
 
 custom. 
 
 It is a fact most certainly avowed in the Reformation, 
 although at present some will cavil at it, that Baptism was 
 instituted by immersing the whole body into M^ater ; that 
 Jesus Christ received it so, and caused it to be so given by 
 his Apostles; that the Scripture knows no other Baptism 
 than this ; that antiquity so understood and practised it ; that 
 the word itself implies it, to baptize being the same as to 
 dip: this fact, I say, is unanimously acknowledged by all the 
 Divines of the Reformation, nay, by the Reformers them- 
 selves, and those even who best understood the Greek lan- 
 guage and the ancient customs as well of the Jews as Chris- 
 tians ; by Luther, by Melancthon, by Calvin, by Casaubon, 
 by Grotius, by all the rest, and lately even by Jurieu, the 
 most contradicting of all ministers f- Nay, Luther has ob- 
 served, that the German word signifying Baptism was derived 
 from thence, and this Sacrament named Tauf, from profun- 
 dity or depth, because the baptized were deeply plunged 
 into water. If, then, any fact in the world can be deemed 
 certain, it is this same : but it is not less certain, even by all 
 these authors, that Baptism without immersion is valid, and 
 that the Church is in the right to retain the custom. It is 
 therefore plain, in a parallel fact, what ought to be our judg- 
 ment as to the decree of communion under one kind, and that 
 all which is opposed against it, is nothing but chicane. 
 
 And, indeed, if there was reason to maintain Baptism with- 
 out immersion, because, in rejecting it, it would follow, there 
 had been no such thing as Baptism for many ages, conse- 
 quently, no such thing as a Church, it being impossible for 
 
 " Cone. Const. Sess. viii. 
 t Luth. deSacr. Bapt. t. i. Mel. loc. com. c. de Baptist. Cal. Inst. iv. 15, 19, &c. 
 Casau. not. in Matt. iii. 6. Grot. Kp.3;36. Jur, Syst. l.iii. ch. xx.p.583. 
 
 2 B 2 
 
372 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 the Church to subsist without the substance of the Sacra- 
 ments; no less impossible was it, without the substance of 
 the Supper. The same reason, then, subsisted for maintain- 
 ing communion under one kind, as for maintaining Baptism 
 by infusion; and the Church, in maintaining these two prac- 
 tices which tradition shewed equally indifferent, did nothing 
 else but, according to custom, maintain against contentious 
 spirits that authority, whereon the faith of the people did 
 repose. 
 
 Whoever desires to see more on this subject, may turn 
 back to those places of this history where it is handled, and 
 among others, to those where may be seen, that communion 
 under one kind was settled with so little contradiction, that 
 it was not impugned by the greatest enemies of the Church, 
 not even by Luther, at the beginning *. 
 
 141. — Question about Justification. 
 Next to the question of the Eucharist, the principal one of 
 our controversies is that of justification, in relation to which 
 the gravity of the Church's decisions may be easily under- 
 stood, in that she did but repeat in the Council of Trent, 
 what the Fathers and St. Austin had decided formerly, when 
 this question was debated with the Pelagians. 
 
 142. — Inherent justice acknowledged on both sides. — Conse- 
 quence of this Doctrine. 
 
 And, in the first place, it must be supposed there is no ques- 
 tion between us, whether or no a sanctity and justice infused 
 into the soul by the Holy Ghost should be acknowledged in 
 man justified ; for the qualities and infused habits are, as 
 above seen, confessed by the Synod of Dortf. The Lutherans 
 are no less steady in defending them ; and, in a word, all Pro- 
 testants are agreed, that by the regeneration and sanctifica- 
 tion of the new man, a sanctity and justice is formed in him 
 like a permanent habit: the question is, whether this sanctity 
 and this justice be what justifies us in the sight of God. But 
 where is the difficulty of this ? A sanctity which does not 
 make us saints, a justice which does not make us just, were a 
 subtlety quite unintelligible. But a sanctity and justice 
 formed in us by Almighty God, and yet not pleasing to him; 
 or, if agreeable to him, not making tfiat person in whom it is 
 found agreeable to him, would be another nicety still more 
 unworthy the sincerity of a Christian. 
 
 *S, I.ii. 10. iii.eo, 61, etseq.vii.67. xi.l06. xiv. 114, 115. S. n.43. 61. 
 t S. 1. xiv. n. 43. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 373 
 
 143. — The Church in the Council of Trent does but repeat 
 her anciejit Decisions touching the notion of justifying 
 Grace. 
 
 But, after all, when the Church defined in the Council of 
 Trent, that remission of sins was given us, not by a simple impu- 
 tation of the justice of Jesus Christ outwardly, but by a rege- 
 neration which changes and renews us inwardly ; she did but 
 repeat what formerly she had defined against the Pelagians in 
 tlie Council of Carthage, " that children are truly baptized 
 in the remission of sins, to the end that regeneration should 
 purify in them the sin which they contracted by genera- 
 tion *." 
 
 Conformably to these principles, the same Council of Car- 
 thage y understands by " justifying grace, not only that 
 which remits to us sins committed, but that also which assists 
 us to commit them no more," not only by enlightening our 
 minds, but also by inspiring charity into our hearts, to the 
 end, that " we might fulfil God's commandments." Now,'^the 
 grace which works these things is not a simple imputation, 
 but is also an emanation of the justice of Jesus Christ : where- 
 fore justifying grace is a different thing from such an impu- 
 tation ; and what was said in the Council of Trent is nothing 
 but a repetition of the Council of Carthage, whose decrees 
 appeared by so much the more inviolable to the Fathers at 
 Ti-ent, as the Fathers of Carthage were sensible, in proposing 
 them, they proposed nothing else on this subject, but what 
 *' had always been approved of in the Catholic Church 
 spread over the entire earth %." 
 
 144. — Touching gratuity. 
 
 Our forefathers, therefore, did not believe, in order to de- 
 stroy human glory and attribute all to Jesus Christ, that it 
 was necessary, either to take from man that justice which was 
 in him, or to diminish the value, or deny the effect thereof ; 
 but believed they ought to acknowledge it as proceeding 
 from God only by a gratuitous bounty, and this also was 
 wliat the Trent Fathers acknowledged after them, as above 
 seen in many places of this work §. 
 
 It is in this sense that the Catholic Church had always 
 confessed after St. Paul, that " Jesus Christ is made unto 
 us wisdom ||," not by simply imputing to us that wisdom 
 
 * Cone. Cartli. cap. i. ■{• Ibid, cap. iii. iv. v. J Ibid, c, iv. 
 
 § S. 1. iii. n. 20, et seq. || 1 Cor. i. 29, 30, 31. 
 
374 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 which is in him, but by infusing into our souls that wisdom 
 which flows from his; that he is " unto us justice and sanc- 
 tity," in the same sense that he is redemption, not by cover- 
 ing our crimes only, but by defacing them entirely by his 
 Holy Spirit poured into our hearts : moreover, that we are 
 *' made the justice of God in Jesus Christ*," in a manner 
 more intimate than Jesus Christ " had been made to be sin 
 for us, since God had made him sin," to wit, the victim for 
 sin, by treating him as a sinner though he were just; whereas, 
 he " had made us the justice of God in him," not by leaving 
 us our sins, and merely treating us as just men, but by 
 taking from us our sins, and by rendering us just. 
 
 145. — Touching the preparations to Graces that they all pro- 
 ceed from Grace. 
 
 In order to make this grace inherent in us absolutely gratui- 
 tous, our forefathers did not believe that it was necessary to 
 say, one cannot dispose himself for them by good desires, 
 nor obtain them by prayers ; but they believed these good 
 desires and prayers were themselves inspired of God ; and 
 this is what the Council of Trent f has done after their exam- 
 ple, when it said, that all our good dispositions came " from 
 a preventing grace ;" that we could not " dispose and pre- 
 pare ourselves" for grace, but as we are " excited and 
 assisted by grace itself;" that God is the source of all jus- 
 tice, and in this quality ought to be beloved ; and that there 
 was " no believing, hoping, loving, nor repenting as we 
 ought, so that the grace of justification might be conferred 
 upon us, without a preventing inspiration of the Holy 
 Ghost %•" Wherein this Holy Council has done no more 
 than repeat what we i*ead in the Council of Orange §, viz. 
 " that we can neither will, nor believe, nor think, nor love 
 as we ought to do, and advantageously, but by the inspira- 
 tion of preventing grace ;" that is to say, they would not dis- 
 pute either against heretics, or against infidels, or even 
 against heathens, or, in a word, against any others who ima- 
 gine they love God, and who feel in effect inclinations so like 
 to those of the faithful: but, without entering with them 
 into an impossible discussion of the precise differences of their 
 sentiments from those of the just, they were satisfied with 
 defining, that what is performed without grace, is not " as it 
 ought to be," nor agreeable to God, since " without faith it 
 is impossible to please him ||." 
 
 * 2 Cor. V. 21. i- Sess, vi. c. v. vi. \ Can. i. 
 
 § Con. Ara, ii. c. 6, 7j 25. j] Heb, Jii.6. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 375 
 
 146. — Touching the necessity of freserving Free-will toge- 
 ther with Grace. 
 
 If the Council of Trent, In defending the grace of God, hath, 
 at the same time, maintained Free-will, this also was a faith- 
 ful repetition of our forefathers' sentiments, when they de- 
 fined, against the Pelagians, " that grace destroyed not free- 
 will, but set it at liberty, to the end that, of darkened it 
 might become full of light ; of sick, healthy ; of depraved, 
 upright; of imprudent, provident and wise*:" for which 
 reason the grace of God was called " an aid and a succour of 
 the free-will;"" consequently, something which, far from de- 
 stroying, conserved and perfected it. 
 
 147. — Touching the merit of good-works. 
 
 According to so pure a notion, far from fearing the word 
 merit, which indeed naturally expressed the dignity of good- 
 works, our Fathers maintained it against the remnant of 
 Pelagians in the same Council of Orange f , by these words 
 repeated in that of Trent |, " the goodness of God is so great 
 to all mankind, that what he gives us, he will even have to 
 be our merit ;" from whence it follows, as likewise the same 
 Fathers of the Council of Orange § have decided, " that all 
 the works and merits of the saints ought to be referred to 
 God's glory, because none can please him except by the 
 things which he has given." 
 
 Lastly, if at Trent they did not fear to acknowledge, with 
 a holy confidence, that eternal recompence is due to good- 
 works, it is still in conformity with, and on the same princi- 
 ples that our Fathers had said in tlie Council of Orange ||, 
 " that merits do not prevent grace, and that recompence is 
 only due to good-works on account that grace, which was 
 not due, did not precede them."' 
 
 148. — Touching the fulfilling of God's commandments. 
 
 By this moans we find in the Christian a ti'ue justice, but which 
 is given him by God together with his love, and which accord- 
 ingly makes him accomplish his commandments, wherein the 
 Council of Trent ^ likewise does not but follow that rule of 
 the Fathers of Orange: viz., "after having received grace by 
 baptism, all the baptized, with the grace and co-operation of 
 
 * Auct, sed. Apost. de grat. inter dec. Coclest. P P. 
 
 f Conc.Ara. % Conc.Trid. Sess. vi. 16. ^S Cone. Ara. v. 
 
 II Ibid. c. xviii. f Cone. Trid. Sess. vi. can. II. can. 18. cap. xxv. 
 
376 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Jesiis Christ, can and ought to fulfil what appertains to sal- 
 vation, if they Mill labour faithfully ;" where these Fathers 
 have united Jesus Christ's co-operating grace with man's 
 labour and faithful correspondence, agreeably to that saying 
 of St. Paul, " Yet not I, but the grace of God with me*." 
 
 149. — Touching the Truth, and, withal, the imperfection of 
 our Justice. 
 
 Notwithstanding this opinion which we have of Christian 
 justice, yet we do not believe that it is perfect and wholly 
 irreprehensible, since we place the principal part thereof in 
 continually demanding the forgiveness of sins : and if we 
 believe these sins, whereof the most just are obliged daily 
 to implore forgiveness, do not hinder them from being truly 
 just, the Council of Trent has moreover taken this so neces- 
 sary a decision from the Council of Carthage, which declaresj 
 " that the saints are they who say humbly and truly at the 
 same time, ' forgive us our trespasses ;' that the Apostle St. 
 James, although holy and just, said, nevertheless, 'we all 
 ofl'end in many things :' that Daniel also, though holy and 
 just, yet did say, ' we have sinned.' " Whence it follows 
 that such sins hinder not holiness and justice, because they 
 hinder not the love of God from reigning in our hearts. 
 
 150. — God accepts our good works for the love of Jesus 
 
 Christ. 
 
 Now, if the Council of Carthage, on account of these sins, 
 will have us continually say to God, " Enter not into judg- 
 ment with thy servant, for that no man living shall be justi- 
 fied in thy sight ;|; ;" we understand this, as does that Council, 
 of perfect justice, without excluding from the just man a 
 true justice ; acknowledging, nevertheless, that it is also by 
 an effect of a gratuitous bounty, and for the love of Jesus 
 Christ, that God, who could have set at as high a pi'ice as he 
 pleased, to condemned persons as we were, so great a good 
 as life eternal, did not exact of us a righteousness without 
 blemish, and, on the contrary, has consented to judge us, not 
 with extremity of rigour,but witha rigour tempered and suited 
 to our weakness, which obliged the Council of Trent§ to ac- 
 knowledge " that man hath not wherewith to glorify himself, 
 but all his glory is in Christ Jesus, in whom we live, in whom 
 we meritj in whom we satisfy, doing worthy fruits of penance 
 
 * 1 Cor. XV. 10. t Cap. vii. viii. J Ibid. § Sess, xiv. c. viii. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 377 
 
 which derive from him their virtue ; by him are offered to 
 his Father, and for the love of him are accepted by his 
 Father." 
 
 151. — That the Holy Fathers have detested no less than we^ 
 as a blasphemy, the doctrine which makes God equally pre- 
 destinate to good and evil. 
 
 The rock to be feared in celebrating the mystery of Predes- 
 tination, was the admitting it equally in respect of good and 
 evil; and if the Church abhorred the crime of the pretended 
 Reformers guilty of this excess, she did but walk in the steps 
 of the Council of Orange*, which pronounces an eternal 
 " anathema, with utter detestation, against those who should 
 dare to say that man is predestinated to evil by the divine 
 power ;" and of the Council of Valentiaf, deciding, in like 
 manner, "that God, by his fore-knowledge, doth impose on 
 no man the necessity of sinning, but foresees only what man 
 would be by his own will ; so that the wicked do not perish 
 on account that they had not the power of being good, but 
 because they would not become good, or because they would 
 not remain in the gi-ace they had received/* 
 
 152. — The Church always found in the same situation. 
 
 Thus, when a question has been once judged in the Church, 
 as she never fails to decide it according to the tradition of 
 all past ages, so, should it happen to be moved again in suc- 
 ceeding times, you find the Church, after a thousand or 
 twelve hundred years, always in the same situation, always 
 ready to oppose against the enemies of truth the same de- 
 crees which the Holy Apostolic See and Catholic Unanimity 
 had pronounced, without ever adding anything thereto, save 
 what is necessary against new errors. 
 
 153. — Our Fathers have rejected, as well as we, the certainty 
 of Salvation and Righteousness. 
 
 To conclude what remains on the subject of justifying grace, 
 I find no decision touching the certainty of salvation, because 
 as yet nothing had obliged the Church to pronounce on this 
 point : yet none has contradicted St. Austin, who teaches 
 " that this certainty is not beneficial in this state of temp- 
 
 * Cone. Arau. c. xxv. f Cone. Valent. iii, c. ii. v. 
 
378 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 tation, in which assurance might produce pride* ;" which 
 also extends itself, as is plain, to the certainty one might 
 have of present righteousness, so that the Catholic Church, 
 whilst she inspires into her children so great a confidence as 
 to exclude perturbation and trouble, yet leaves in them, after 
 the example of the Apostles, the counterpoise of fear, and 
 no less teaches man to distrust himself than to trust absolutely 
 in God. 
 
 154. — Melancthon agrees that the article of Justification is 
 easy to be reconciled. 
 
 In fine, if all that has been seen granted in this work by our 
 adversaries, touching justification and the merits of the saints, 
 be reviewed, it will entirely convince a man that there is not 
 the least occasion to complain of the Church's doctrinef. 
 Melancthon, so zealous for this article, owns nevertheless 
 that " it is easy to come to an agreement on both sides :" 
 what he seems most to insist upon is the certainty of justice ; 
 but every humble Christian will easily rest contented with 
 the same certainty with respect to justice as to eternal sal- 
 vation : all the comfort man ought to have in this life is that 
 of excluding by hope, not only despair, but also trouble and 
 anguish ; nor is there anything to reproach a Christian with, 
 who, assured on God's side, has no longer anything to fear or 
 doubt but from himself. 
 
 155. — The clearness of the Church's decisions. — She cuts 
 away the root of abuses i7i regard of Prayer to the 
 Saints. 
 
 The decisions of the Catholic Church are not less clear and 
 precise than they are firm and lasting, always obviating what- 
 ever might give occasion to the mind of man going astray|. 
 Honouring the Saints in her assemblies, was honouring God, 
 the author of their sanctity and bliss ; and demanding of 
 them the partnership of their prayei's, was joining ourselves 
 to the choirs of angels, to the spirits of the perfectly just, 
 and to the Church of the first-born which are in heaven. 
 So hol}^ a practice may be discovered ever since the first 
 ages, nor is the beginning of it to be discovered there, since 
 none can then be found who were noted for innovation in 
 
 * De correct, el grat. c. xiii. de Civ. Dei. xi. 12. 
 •j- S. 1. iii. n.25, et seq., viii. 22, et seq. Sent. Pliil. Mel. de pace Ec, p. 10. 
 Bern. Ser. i. do Sept. 
 
 t S. 1. xiii. xiv. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 379 
 
 that regard. The thing most to be feared with respect to 
 the ignorant was, lest they should make the invocation of 
 saints too like to that of God, and their intercession loo like 
 that of Jesus Christ : but the Council of Trent* instructs 
 us fully as to these two points, by warning us that the saints 
 pray, — which places them at an infinite distance from him 
 who gives; and that they pray through Jesus Christ, — which 
 places them infinitely beneath him who is heard through 
 himself. 
 
 156. — Regarding Images. 
 
 Setting up images is rendering sensible the mysteries and 
 examples which sanctify us. The thing to be feared in 
 respect of the ignorant is, lest they should believe that the 
 divine nature might be represented, or rendered present in 
 images, or, at all events, lest they should look upon them as 
 filled with some virtue for which they are honoured ; these 
 are the three characters of idolatry. But the Council has re- 
 jected them in plain terms -f- ; so that it is not lawful to atti-i- 
 bute to one image more virtue than to another, nor, by con- 
 sequence, to frequent one more than another, unless in 
 memory of some miracles, or some pious history which might 
 excite devotion.^ The use of images being thus purified, 
 Luther himself and the Lutherans will demonstrate that 
 images of this kind are not what the Decalogue speaks of, 
 and the honour rendei*ed to them will be manifestly nothiuo- 
 else than a sensible and exterior testimony of the pious re- 
 membrance they excite, and the simple and natural effect of 
 that mute language which accompanies these pious repre- 
 sentations, and whose usefulness is so much the greater, as it 
 is capable of being understood by all mankind. 
 
 157. — Regarding Worship in general. 
 
 In general, worship is referred to the interior and exterior 
 exercise of faith, of hope, and of charity, and principally to that 
 of this last virtue, whose property it is to unite us M'ith God ; 
 so that a worship in spirit and in truth exists everywhere, 
 wherever there is to be found the exercise of charity towards 
 God or towards our neighbour, conformably to that saving of 
 St. James, " Pure religion, and undefiled before God is tliis, 
 to visit the fatherless and widows, and to keep himself un- 
 spotted from the world* ;" and every act of piety not ani- 
 mated with this spirit is imperfect, carnal, or superstitious. 
 
 * Sess. x)kT. deer, de invoc. S. S. f Ibid. :J: S. 1. ii. n,28. § Jas. i. 27. 
 
380 THE HISTORV OF [booK 
 
 158. — Against those who accuse the Council of Trent of 
 having spoken ambiguously. 
 
 Under pretext that the Council of Trent declined entering 
 into many difficulties, our adversaries, after Fra-Paolo, are 
 continually blaming it as having explained the dogmata in 
 general, obscure, and equivocal terms, with the design of 
 pleasing in appearance the greatest number : but they would 
 entertain more equitable sentiments, did they but consider, 
 that God, who knows how far he designs to guide our under- 
 standing in revealing to us some truth, or some mystery, does 
 not always reveal to us either the ways of explaining it, or 
 the circumstances which accompany it, or even wherein it 
 consists as to its utmost precision, or, as we speak in schools, 
 as to its specific difference; so that, in Church decisions, it 
 is often necessary to keep to general expressions, in order to 
 retain that measure of faith so much commended by St. 
 Paul *, and not to transgress his precept forbidding us to 
 be more wise than we ought to be. 
 
 159. — The principles of Protestants prove the necessity of 
 Purgatory. 
 
 For example, in the controversy concerning Purgatory, the 
 Council of Trent has firmly believed as a truth revealed of 
 God, that just souls may depart this life without being wholly 
 purified. Grotius proves evidently f, that this truth is con- 
 fessed by Protestants, by Mestresat, by Spanheim, by Calvin 
 himself, on this common ground-work of the Reformation, 
 viz. that in the whole course of this life the soul is never 
 entirely pure, whence it follows that she is still defiled at 
 her departure from the body. But the Holy Ghost hath 
 pronounced, that " not anything that is polluted shall enter 
 into the holy city J;" and the minister Spanheim § proves 
 unanswerably, that the soul cannot be presented to God till 
 she be " without spot or wrinkle, all holy, pure, unblame- 
 able," conformably to the doctrine of St. Paul||, which he 
 allows she cannot be, during this mortal life. 
 
 160. — Protestants do not reject the purification of souls after 
 
 this life. 
 
 After this still remains the question, whether or no this puri- 
 fication of the soul be wrought in this life at the last moment, 
 
 * Rom. xii. 3. f Grot. Ep. extraor. pp. 575, 578, 579. J Rev. xxi. 27. 
 § Span, dub, Ev, Tem. iii, dub, 141, n, vi, vii, || Ephcs. v. 27. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 381 
 
 or after death ; and Spanheim leaves the thing undecided * : 
 " The main point (says he) is uncertain, but the manner and 
 circumstances are not so." But without further pressing this 
 author with the principles of the sect, the Catholic Church 
 advances beyond this : for the tradition of all ages having 
 taught her to pray in behalf of the dead, for the comfort of 
 their souls, for the forgiveness of their sins, and their relief, 
 she has held it for a certain truth, that the perfect purifica- 
 tion of souls was performed after death, and this by secret 
 pains not alike explained by the holy doctors, but of which 
 they said only, that they might be mitigated and wholly re- 
 mitted by prayers and oblations, answerably to the Liturgies 
 of all Churches. 
 
 161. — Moderation of the Church in not determining any^ 
 thing but what is certain. 
 
 Without examining in this place whether this sentiment be 
 good or bad, it were no longer equitable, or candid, to refuse 
 granting us, that in this presupposition at least, the Council 
 ought to have formed its decree in a general expression, and 
 defined as it has done : -f* first, that there is a Purgatory after 
 this life ; secondly, that the prayers of the living may atford 
 relief to faithful souls departed, without descending to par- 
 ticulars, either of their pains or the manner in which they 
 are purified, because tradition did not explain it ; but shew- 
 ing only that they are purified by Jesus Christ alone, they 
 being purified only by prayers and oblations made in his name. 
 
 162. — The difference of general terms, from indefinite, per- 
 plexed, or ambiguous terms. 
 
 The same judgment ought to be passed on other decisions, 
 and care taken not to confound, as our reformed here do, 
 general with indefinite, intricate, or ambiguous terms. In- 
 definite terms signify just nothing ; ambiguous terms signify 
 equivocally, and leave in the mind no determinate sense ; in- 
 tricate terms raise a mist of confused ideas; but although 
 general terms carry not the evidence as far as the utmost 
 precision, they are, however, to a certain degree perspicuous. 
 
 163. — General terms are clear in their way. 
 
 Our adversaries will not deny that the passages of Scrip- 
 ture, which say that the Holy Ghost proceeds from the 
 
 * N. vii. -|- Sess. xxv. dec. tie Piirg. 
 
382 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 Father, denote clearly some truth, since they denote, beyond 
 all doubt, that the third Person of the Trinity derives his 
 origin from t!ie Father no less than the second, although they 
 do not express specifically wherein his profession consists, nor 
 wherein it is different from that of the Son. It is, therefore, 
 plain, that general expressions cannot be blamed, without 
 blaming at the same time Jesus Christ and the Gospel. 
 
 164. — In what consists the clearness of a decision. 
 
 It is in this that our adversaries always shew themselves unjust 
 to the Council, sometimes blaming it for descending too much 
 to particulars, and sometimes requiring it should have de- 
 cided all the disputes of the Scotists and Thomists, under 
 penalty of being convicted of affected obscurity : as if they 
 were ignorant that, in decisions of faith, a free scope ought to 
 be allowed to divines for proposing different means of ex- 
 plaining the Christian truths, and, consequently, that a Coun- 
 cil, waiving their several and particular opinions, ought to keep 
 itself within the compass of such essential points, as they all 
 defend in common. This method of defining the articles of 
 our faith is so far from speaking equivocally, that, on the 
 contrarj^ it is an effect of clearness to define so plainly that 
 which is certain, as not to involve in the decision what is doubt- 
 ful ; nor is there anything more becoming the authority and 
 majesty of a Council, than to repress the impetuosity of those 
 who would advance beyond these bounds. 
 
 165. — That which is certain in regard of the Pope's autho- 
 rity^ acknowledged in the Council and by the Catholic 
 Doctors. 
 
 Conformably to this rule, a form for explaining the Pope's 
 authority having been proposed at Trent in such terms as 
 that his superiority over the general Council might in some 
 manner be inferred, the Cardinal of Lorraine and the Bishops 
 of France being opposed to it, Cardinal Pallavicini himself 
 relates in his histor)', that the form was suppressed, and the 
 Pope answered, that " Nothing ought to be defined but what 
 all the Fathers should unanimously agree to * ;" an admira- 
 ble rule in order to separate what is certain from what is 
 doubtful ! Whence it also came to pass that the Cardinal du 
 Perron, although a zealous defender of the interests of the 
 Court of Rome, declared to the King of England, '* That 
 
 * Hist. Cone, Trid. interp, Giattin, lib, xix, c. xi, xiii, xiv. xv, 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 383 
 
 the dispute concerning the PojDe's authority, whether in its 
 spiritual regard to (Ecumenical Councils, or in its temporal 
 regard to secular jurisdictions, is not a dispute about tilings 
 that are held for articles of faith, or are inserted and required 
 in the Confession of Faith, or that could hinder his Majesty 
 from entering into the Church, should he be satisfied in other 
 points*." And even in our days, the renowned Andrew du 
 Val f , doctor of Sorbonne, to whom those on the other side 
 of the Alps referred the defence of their cause, decided that 
 the doctrine denying the Pope's infallibility is not absolutely 
 against faith ; and that which places the Council above the 
 Pope cannot be branded with any censure, either of heresy, 
 or error, or even of temerity. 
 
 166. — With thismoderatioUf Melancthon would have owned 
 the Pope''s authority. 
 
 Thereby it appears that doctrines, not supported by a certain 
 and perpetual tradition, cannot strike root in the Church, 
 since they make not a part of her confession of faith ; and that 
 even those who teach them, teach them as their particular 
 doctrine, and not as the doctrine of the Catholic Church %' 
 To reject the supremacy and authority of the Holy See, with 
 this wholesome moderation, is to reject the band of Christians, 
 is to be at enmity with order and peace, and to envy the 
 Church that good which Melancthon himself wished it might 
 enjoy §. 
 
 167. — Abridgment of this last hook, and first, touching the 
 perpetual Visibility of the Church. 
 
 After what has been seen, there is nothing left at present 
 that can hinder our reformed from submitting to the Church ; 
 the shelter of a Church invisible is abandoned : no longer is 
 it allowable to allege in its defence the obscurities of the 
 Jewish Church ; the ministers have freed us from the trouble 
 of answei'ing on that head, by shewing clearly, that the true 
 worship was never interrupted, not even under Achaz and 
 Manasses || : the Christian society, more extensive than that 
 of the Jews, according to the conditions of its covenant, has 
 likewise stood more firm, and the perpetual visibility of the 
 Catholic Church can be no longer doubted of. 
 
 * Reply, 1. vi. Praef. p. 838. 
 
 •(• Du Vail. Elench. p. 9. it. tract.de Sup. Rom. Pont, potes. part ii.q. 1. p. 4. q. 7, 8. 
 
 X Vid. 1. iv. 39. V. 24, 23. ^ Mel. de pace, c. de pot. Pontif. p. 6. 
 
 II 4 Reg. xvi. 4, 15. xxi. Jur. Syst. pp. 222, 223. 
 
384 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 168. — A remark on the Confession of Augsburg. 
 
 Those of the Confession of Augsburg are yet more obliged • 
 to acknowledge it than the Calvinists * : the Invisible Church 
 has neither found place in their Confession of Faith, nor in 
 their apology, wherein, on the contrary, we have seen the 
 Church spoken of in the Creed vested with a jjerpetual 
 visibility, and, according to these principles, they should be 
 able to shew us an assembly made up of pastors and people, 
 in which sound doctrine and the Sacraments have ever 
 flourished. 
 
 169. — The arguments brought by them against the authority 
 of the Church, are resolved by the Ministers. 
 
 All the arguments that were formed against the authority of 
 the Church are given up. Yielding to the authority of the 
 Universal Church, is now no longer acting unadvisedly nor 
 submitting to men, since they own that her sentiments are 
 the rule, nay, the most sure rule, for deciding the most im- 
 portant truths of religion f. They agree, if this rule had 
 been followed, and men had proposed to themselves the 
 understanding holy Scripture as it was understood by the 
 Universal Church, that there never would have been Soci- 
 nians ; never should we have heard the divinity of Jesus 
 Christ called in question, the immortality of the soul, the 
 eternity of pains, the creation, God*'s foreknowledge, the 
 spirituality of his essence : things so firmly believed among 
 Christians, that they did not so much as think they could be 
 ever doubted of, and which at present are impugned with 
 such captious arguments, that very many weak minds are 
 ensnared thereby. They agree that the authority of the 
 Universal Church is an infallible remedy against this disorder ; 
 so that the authority of the Church, far from being, what 
 was said in the Reformation, a means of introducing all man- 
 ner of new-fangled doctrines amongst Christians, is, on the 
 contrary, a certain means of putting a stop to the licentious- 
 ness of men's minds, of preventing the abuse they make of 
 the sublimity of Scripture, after a manner so dangerous to 
 the salvation of souls. 
 
 The Reformation has discovered these truths at last ; and 
 if the Lutherans will not receive them from the hands of a 
 Calvinian minister, they have but to explain to us how they 
 
 * S. n, 4. et seq. to n. 10, t S. n. 86, 87, etseq. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, BTC. 385 
 
 can resist the authority of the Church after having owned 
 that the truth is always manifest in her*. 
 
 170. — Salvation to be had in the Church of Rome. 
 
 None now, of whatever separate communions, should any 
 longer hesitate to come and seek eternal life in the bosom of 
 the Church of Rome, since it is confessed -f- that God's true 
 people and his true elect are still in her, as it hath always 
 been confessed that they were before the pretended Refor- 
 mation. But it is perceived at length, that the difference 
 put between the ages that preceded, and those which fol- 
 lowed it, was vain, and that the difficulty which was made 
 of acknowledging this truth, proceeded from evil policv. 
 
 Should the Lutherans here start new difficulties, and not 
 suffer themselves to be persuaded by the sentiments of Ca- 
 lixtus, let them shew us what the Church of Rome has done 
 since Luther's time to forfeit the title of a true Church, and 
 so to lose her fecundity, that the elect can be no longer born 
 in her womb. 
 
 171. — The Ministers are not to be believed when they make 
 Salvation so difficult in the Church of Rome. 
 
 True it is, when the ministers acknowledge you may be saved 
 in the Church of Rome, they would make you believe you 
 may do it as in an infected air, and by a kind of miracle, by 
 reason of her impieties and idolatries. But men should learn 
 to distinguish, in the ministers, what hatred has made them 
 add, from what truth has forced them to confess. If the 
 Church of Rome made profession of impiet}' and idolatry, no 
 salvation could have been had in her, either before or after 
 the Reformation; and if, both before and after, salvation 
 may be had in her body, the accusation of impiety and idola- 
 try is unworthy and calumnious. 
 
 ]72. — Excesses of the Ministers who prefer the Arian Sect to 
 the Church of Rome. 
 
 And, indeed, the hatred they shew to her is but too visible, 
 since they are so far transported as to say, that without doubt 
 a man may save his soul in that communion, but with greater 
 difficulty than " amongst the Arians;]:," who deny the divinity 
 of the Son of God and of the Holy Ghost ; wno, by conse- 
 
 * S. n. 4, et seq. t S. n. 50, 51. et seq. as far as n. 59. 
 
 I Prcj. leg. part i. ch. i. Syst. p. 225. 
 VOL. II. 2 
 
386 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 quence, believe themselves devoted to creatures by baptism ; 
 who, in the Eucharist, look on the flesh of a man, who is not 
 God, as the source of life ; who believe that, without being 
 God, a man has saved them, and was able to pay the price 
 of their redemption ; who invoke him as the person to whom 
 all power is given in heaven and on earth; who are conse- 
 crated to the Holy Ghost, namely, to a creature, to become 
 his temples ; who believe that a creature, to wit, the same 
 Holy Ghost, distributes grace to them as he pleases, regene- 
 rates them, and sanctifies them by his presence. This is the 
 sect they prefer to the Church of Rome ; and is not this say- 
 ing to all that are capable of understanding. Believe not one 
 word we say ; when we speak of that Church, hatred pos- 
 sesses and sets us besides ourselves. 
 
 173. — The Protestants can no longer excuse themselves from 
 
 Schism. 
 
 Lastly, there is no longer any possibility for our reformed 
 to avoid being reckoned amongst the number of those "who 
 separate themselves, and M^ho make a sect apart," contrary to 
 the precept of the Apostles, particularly St. Jude *, and 
 contrai'y to the import of their own Catechism -j*. Here are 
 its very words in the exposition of the Creed : " The article 
 of forgiveness of sins is placed after that of the Catholic 
 Church, because no one obtains pardon for his sins except 
 beforehand he be incorporated with God's people, and per- 
 severe in unity and communion with the body of Christ, and 
 so be a member of the Church ; insomuch that, out of 
 the Church, there is nothing but death and damnation ; for 
 all those who separate from the society of the faithful, to 
 make a sect apart, ought not to hope for salvation whilst 
 they are in division." 
 
 The article speaks clearly of the Universal Church, visible 
 and always visible, and in this we have seen that they are 
 agreed X '• they are agreed likewise, as to a fact certain and 
 notorious, that the Churches, which call themselves reformed, 
 at their renouncing the communion of the Church of Rome, 
 did not find on earth one Church which they united with : 
 they therefore made a sect apart from the whole body of 
 Christians and Universal Church ; and, according to their 
 own doctrine, renounce the grace of forgiveness of sins, which 
 
 * Jud. xvii. 18. f Dim. xvi. 
 
 + S. n. 21, 22, 34, 35, et seq. 68, 81, 82, 83. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 387 
 
 is the fruit of the blood of Jesus Christ ; and death and dam- 
 nation is their lot. 
 
 174. — Short repetition of the absurdities of the new System. 
 
 The absurdities, necessarily attending the answer to this 
 argument, plainly discover how invincible it is; for after a 
 thousand fruitless shifts, they were, in fine, driven into such 
 straits as even to say *', that you remain in the Catholic 
 and Universal Church, in renouncing the communion of all 
 Churches in the world, and in making a Church apart; that 
 you remain in the same Universal Church although driven 
 from it by a just censure ; that you cannot go forth from it 
 by any other crime than that of apostacy, by renouncing 
 Christianity and your baptism ; that all the Christian sects, 
 how divided soever they be, are one and the same body, and 
 one and the same Church in Jesus Christ : that Christian 
 Churches have no exterior band of union bv the appointment 
 of Jesus Christ ; that their band is arbitrary ; that the Con- 
 fessions of Faith whereby they unite themselves, are arbitrary 
 likewise, and contracts susceptible of what terms you please, 
 which yet may not be broken without incurring the guilt of 
 Schism ; that the union of Churches depends on empires and 
 the will of princes ; that all Christian Churches are naturally, 
 and by their origin, independent one of another, whence it 
 follows that the Independents, so grievously censured at 
 Charenton, do nothing else but stand up for the natural 
 liberty of Churches; that, provided you find means of assem- 
 bling together either with consent or by violence so as " to 
 make a figure in the world," you are a true member of the 
 body of the Catholic Church ; that no heresy ever has, or can 
 be, condemned by a judgment of the Universal Church ; nay, 
 that there is not, nor can be, any ecclesiastical judgment in 
 matters of faith ; that men have no right to exact subscrip- 
 tions to the decrees of Synods respecting faith; that one 
 may save his soul in the most perverse sects, even in that of 
 the Socinians. 
 
 175. — The height of absurdities, viz. the kingdom of Jesus 
 Christ confounded with the kingdom of Satan. 
 
 There would be no end were I to repeat all the absurdities 
 it was necessary to vent in order to save the Reformation from 
 the sentence pronounced against those " who make a sect apart." 
 But, besides that it is needless to enter into a detail of them, 
 
 * S. n. 65, &c. 
 
 2g2 
 
388 THE HISTORY, ETC. [bOOK XV. 
 
 they are all compi'ised in this one which has been always 
 more or less maintained in the Reformation, and wherein the 
 whole defence of the cause is placed now more than ever ; 
 viz. " that the Catholic Church,'"' whereof the Creed speaks, is 
 one heap of sects divided amongst one another, and which 
 anathematize one another * ; insomuch that the character of 
 Jesus Christ's kingdom is the same with that given by Jesus 
 Christ to the kingdom of Satan, as above explained. 4 
 
 But nothing is more opposite to the doctrine of Christ him- 
 self. According to his doctrine, the kingdom of Satan is 
 divided against itself f, and must fall, house upon house, to 
 utter desolation. On the contrary, according to the promise 
 of Jesus Christ, his Church, which is his kingdom built on 
 the rock X, on the same Confession of Faith, and the same 
 ecclesiastical government, is perfectly united : whence it 
 follows that she is immovable, and the gates of hell shall not 
 prevail against her ; that is to say, division, the cause of 
 weakness and the character of hell, shall not get the better of 
 unity, the cause of strength, and the character of the Church. 
 But all this order is changed in the Reformation; and the 
 kingdom of Jesus Christ being divided like to that of Satan, 
 no wonder men have said, conformably to such a principle, that 
 it was fallen to ruin and desolation. 
 
 176. — The immovable .steadfastness of the Church. — Conclu- 
 sion of this Work. 
 
 These maxims of division were the ground-work of the Re- 
 formation, inasmuch as it was established by an universal 
 rupture, and a Church-unity has never been known therein : 
 and therefore its Variations, whose history we have at length 
 concluded, have shewed us what it was, to wit, a kingdom 
 disunited, divided against itself, and which must fall sooner or 
 later : whilst the Catholic Church, so unalterably attached to 
 decrees once pronounced, that not the least variation since 
 the origin of Christianity can be discovered in her, shews 
 herself a Church built on the rock, always in full security 
 from the promises she has received, firm in her principles, 
 and guided by a Spirit which never contradicts himself. 
 
 May He who holds in his hand the hearts of men, and who 
 alone knows the bounds he has set to rebellious sects, and to 
 the afflictions of his Church, cause all his stray children 
 quickly to return to her unity ; and may we have the joy to 
 behold with our eyes Israel, so unfortunately divided, unite 
 under one and the same head with Judah §. 
 
 * S. 11.51, &c. t Luke xi. % Matt. xvi. § Hosea i. 11. 
 
[ 389 ] 
 
 A MATERIAL 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 TO 
 
 THE FOURTEENTH BOOK. 
 
 1 . — A 7iew Book writ by the Minister Jurieu concerning the 
 union of the Calvinists with the Lutherans. 
 
 After this impression was finished, a Latin book fell into 
 my hands, which the indefatigable Jurieu has just brought to 
 light, and whereof it is requisite T should give the public 
 some account. The title is, " An Amicable Consultation 
 concerning Peace between the Protestants." Therein he 
 treats of this subject with the Doctor Daniel Severin Scultet, 
 who, on his side, proposes to himself to smooth the difficulties 
 of this peace so frequently attempted and so unsuccessfully. 
 The question chiefly in debate is that of predestination and 
 grace. The Lutheran cannot digest what was defined at the 
 Synod of Dort touching absolute decrees and grace irresisti- 
 ble : he judges still more insupportable what the same Synod 
 teaches of the inamissibility of justice, and the certainty of 
 salvation, there being nothing, in his notion, more impious 
 than to give to man once justified, a certain assurance in the 
 midst of the most heinous crimes, that they shall neither make 
 him forfeit his salvation in eternity, nor in time even the Holy 
 Ghost and the grace of adoption. I repeat not the explana- 
 tion of these questions, which the reader must have under- 
 stood from the account given of them in this history * ; but 
 shall only sa)', that this is what is called, among the Lutherans, 
 tha particularism of the Calvinists: so abominable a heresy 
 that they charge it with nothing less than of making God the 
 author of sin, and of subverting all Christian morality, by 
 inspiring with a pernicious security those who are abandoned 
 
 L. ix, xiv. 
 
390 THE HISTORY OP [aPP. TO 
 
 to the most abominable enormities. Mr. Jurieu does not 
 deny that the Synod of Dort taught these dogmata laid to its 
 charge : he endeavours only to clear them from those evil 
 conseqiiences which are thence drawn ; and he himself carries 
 so far the certainty of salvation, the very dogma we have seen 
 all centre in, as to say, that taking it from the faithful is 
 making a Christian's life an insufferable torment*. He grants 
 then, in the main, the sentiments imputed to the Calvinists : 
 but, in order to bring about a peace, notwithstanding so 
 great an opposition in such important articles, after proposing 
 some mitigations consisting in words only, he concludes for a 
 mutual toleration. The reasons he grounds himself on are 
 reduced to two, one whereof is recrimination, and the other 
 a compensation of dogmata. 
 
 2. — The Minister Jurieu' s recriminations agcdnst the Lu- 
 therans, concerning Luther's blasphemies. 
 
 As for recrimination, Mr. Jurieu's reasoning is as follows. 
 You accuse us, says he to Doctor Scultet, of making God the 
 author of sini^; it is Luther you must accuse of this, not us: and 
 thereupon cites to him those passages we have above related, 
 where Luther decides " that God's prescience renders free- 
 will impossible; that Judas, for this reason, could not help 
 betraying his master ; that all that passes in man, whether 
 good or evil, happens by pure and inevitable necessity; that 
 it is God who operates in man all the good and evil that is 
 done bv him, and makes man guilty of damnation by neces- 
 sity ; that David's adultery is no less the work of God than 
 the vocation of St. Paul ; lastly, that it is no more unworthy of 
 God to damn the innocent, than to forgive, as he does, the 
 guilty.^' 
 
 The Calvinist then shews, that Luther does not speak here 
 in a doubting manner, but with that terrible decision above 
 specified, and which suffers no reply on this head : "You 
 (says he 1^^ that hear me, never forget that 1 am the man who 
 thus teaches, and without any new inquiry submit to this 
 word." 
 
 The Lutheran thought to escape, by saying that Luther 
 had recanted : but the Calvinist nonplusses him when he 
 demands §, ''where is this recantation of Luther.'' It is 
 true, (proceeds he,) he has begged we would excuse, in his 
 first books, some remnants of Popery in regard to indul- 
 
 * p. i. c. viii. p. 2, c. vi. p. 191, &c. xi. 253, 254. 
 f S. 1. ii. n. 17. Jur. part ii. c. viii. p. 210, et seq. \ S. 1. ii. n. 1* 
 
 § Jur. Ibid. pp. 217, 218. 
 
BOOK XIV.] THE VATIIATIONS, ETC. 391 
 
 gences : but as to what regards Free-will, he never changed a 
 tittle of his doctrine." And, indeed, it is very certain that 
 the above-said monstersof impiety were far from being derived 
 from Popery, which, as Luther acknowledges in all these 
 places, held them in execration. 
 
 Mr. Jurieu, in that respect, is of the same opinion with 
 us, and declares*, " he holds in abfiorrence these dogmata of 
 Luther, as impious, horrible, frightful, deserving every 
 anathema, introductive of Manicheism, and subversive of all 
 religion." He is sorry to see himself obliged to speak thus 
 of the head of the Reformation. " I speak it (says he) with 
 grief, and favour, as much as I am able, the memory of this 
 great man." This is, therefore, one of those confessions, 
 which the evidence of truth extorts from men, how much 
 soever against their will ; and, in fine, the author of the 
 Reformation, by the very confession of the Reformed, is con- 
 victed of being an impious blasphemer against God : after 
 this, a great man, as much as they please ; for to have 
 sounded the alarm against Rome, is merit enough in the 
 Reformation for any titles whatever. Melancthon is guilty 
 of this wicked doctrine, which destroys all religion. Mr. 
 Jurieu has convicted him of uttering the same blasphemies 
 as his master f ; and instead of detesting them, as they 
 deserved, of never having retracted them but too faintly and 
 with diffidence. You see on what corner-stones the Refor- 
 mation was built. 
 
 3. — Whether Calvin has less blasphemed than Luther. 
 
 But because Mr. Jurieu here seems willing to excuse Calvin, 
 he need but cast his eyes on the passages of this author 
 already quoted by me in this history: there will he findj 
 " that Adam could not avoid his fall, and was nevertheless 
 guilty, because he fell voluntarily ; that it was ordained by 
 God, and comprised in his secret decrees." There will he 
 find, " that a hidden counsel of God is the cause of hardness 
 of heart ; that we must not deny that God willed and decreed 
 the defection of Adam, since he does all he wills ; tliat this 
 decree, he must confess, raises horror; yet, after all, it 
 cannot be denied but God foresaw the fall of man, because 
 he had ordained it by his own decree ; that we ought not to 
 use the word permission, since it is an express order ; that 
 the will of God makes the necessity of things ; and all he 
 
 * Jur. part ii. c. viii.pp. 211, 214, et scq. t Ibid. p. 24. 
 
 { S. 1. xiv. n. 4. Opusc, de pr«d, pp. 704, 705. Inst. iii. xxiii. i, pp. 1, 7, 8, 9. 
 
392 THE HISTORY OF [aPP. TO 
 
 hath willed happens necessarily ; that it was for this reason 
 Adanfi fell by an order of God's providence, and because 
 God had so judged it fitting, although he fell through his 
 own fault ; that the reprobate are inexcusable, although they 
 cannot shun the necessity of sinning ; and that this necessity 
 befalls them by God's appointment*; that God speaks to 
 them, but on purpose to make them the more deaf; that he 
 places light before their eyes, but on purpose to blind them ; 
 that he applies sound doctrine to them, but on purpose to 
 render them the more insensible ; that he sends them reme- 
 dies, but to the end they may not be cured." 
 
 What is here wanting to make Calvin as complete a Mani- 
 chean as Lutheri-. 
 
 What, therefore, does it avail Mr. Jurieu to have quoted 
 us some passages of Calvin, where he seems to say that man 
 was free in Adam, and fell in Adam by his own will ; since it 
 is otherwise certain from Calvin himself, that this will of 
 Adam was the necessary effect of a special decree of God .'' 
 And, indeed, the truth is, this minister has not pretended 
 absolutely to excuse his Calvin, but contents himself with 
 saying only, " he was sober in comparison to LutherJ:" but 
 we have just heard him speak not less extravagantly and 
 impiously than Luther. 
 
 I have also produced Beza's words §, which manifestly 
 refer all sins to the will of God as their first cause. Thus, 
 beyond all dispute, the heads of both parties of the Refor- 
 mation, Luther and Melancthon on one side, Calvin and 
 Beza on the other, the masters and disciples, equally are 
 convicted of Manicheism and impiety ; and Mr. Jurieu has 
 had reason to confess candidly of the Reformers in general, 
 that they taught that " God drove on wicked men to enor- 
 mous crimesjl." 
 
 4. — Another recnmination of the Minister Jurieu. — The 
 Lutherans convicted of Pelagianism. 
 
 The Calvinist returns to the charge, and here is another re- 
 crimination not less remarkable. You upbraid us, says he 
 to the Lutherans, with our irresistible grace : but in order 
 to make it resistible you run to the opposite extreme ; and, 
 unlike to your master Luther, whereas in matter of grace, 
 he so far outwent all bounds " as to make himself suspected of 
 Manicheism," you do the like in Free-will, so as to turn Demi- 
 
 * S. 1. xxiv, 1), 13. f Jur. part ii. c. xiii. ibid. p. 214. \ Ibid. 
 § S, l.xiv.n. 2;3. II Ibid. n. 4. 
 
BOOK XIV.] THE VAHIATIONS, ETC. 393 
 
 Pelagians, since you attribute to it the beginning of salvation *. 
 Which he makes evident by the same proofs we have made 
 use of in this history, by shewing the Lutherans that, accord- 
 ing to them, the grace of conversion depends on the care 
 they themselves take to hear the word preached. I have 
 clearly demonstrated this Demi-Pelagianism of the Lutherans 
 from the book of Concord, and from other testimonies : but 
 the minister strengthens my proofs with the testimony of his 
 adversary, Scultet, who confesses in as many words f, " that 
 God converts men, when men themselves receive the word 
 preached witli respect and attention." Accordingly, it is in 
 this manner the Lutherans explain the universal will of 
 saving all mankind, and say with Scultet, " that God will 
 infuse contrition and a lively faith into the hearts of all the 
 adult, provided, nevertheless, they do beforehand the neces- 
 sary duty for man's conversion.'" Thus, what they attribute 
 to the divine power, is that grace which goes hand in hand 
 with preaching ; and what they attribute to Free-will, is 
 rendering itself beforehand, by its own strength, attentive to 
 the word announced : which is saying, as clearly as ever the 
 Demi-Pelagians have done, that the beginning of salvation 
 comes purely from the Free-will ; and, that there may be no 
 doubt that this is the error of the Lutherans, Mr. Jurieu 
 produces moreover a passage from Calixtus, where he tran- 
 scribes word for word the propositions condemned in the 
 Demi-Pelagians ; for he says, in express terms|, " that there 
 remains in all men some strength of the understanding, of the 
 will, and of natural knowledge,*" which, if they make right 
 " use of, in labouring wliat they are able for their salvation, 
 God \y\\\ aflbrd them the necessary means to arrive at the 
 perfection \vhich revelation leads us -to ;" which once more 
 makes grace depend on what man precedently does by his 
 own strength. 
 
 I was right, then, in affirming that the Lutherans are 
 become true Demi-Pelagians, namely. Pelagians in the most 
 dangerous part of this heresy, it being that by which human 
 pride is the most flattered. For the greatest mischief of 
 Pelagianism is placing man's salvation finally in his own 
 hands, independently of grace. Now this it is they do, who, 
 like the Lutherans, make the conversion and justification of 
 a sinner dependent on a beginning introductive of all the 
 rest, and which, nevertheless, the sinner gives to himself 
 merely by his Free-will without grace, as I have pi'oved evi- 
 
 * Jur, part ii. c, viii, p. 117. S. 1. viii. n. 83, et seq. xiv, 116. t Jur.p, 117, 
 \ Jur. p. 118. Calix.Ep. 
 
394 THE HISTORY OF [aPP. TO 
 
 dently, and as Mr. Jurieu has also but just made apparent 
 from the Confession of the Luthei-ans. 
 
 They ought not, therefore, to flatter themselves, as if they 
 had escaped the Anathema merited by the Pelagians, under 
 pretext that they ai'e only such by halves ; since we see that 
 this part swallowed by them of so mortal a poison, as that of 
 Pelagianism, contains its own malignity: from whence one 
 may perceive the deplorable condition of the whole Protes- 
 tant l^arty ; since, on one side, the Calvinists know no way 
 of maintaining Christian grace against the Pelagians, but by 
 making it inamissible with all the other aforesaid inconve- 
 niences ; and on the other, the Lutherans believe there is no 
 avoiding this detestable particularism of Dort and of the 
 Calvinists, but by turning Pelagians, and abandoning man's 
 salvation to his own Free-will. 
 
 5. — Sequel of Recriminations. — The Lutherans convicted 
 of denying the necessity of good works. 
 
 The Calvinist pursues his point ; and, says he to the Luther- 
 ans, " it is impossible to dissemble" your doctrine against the 
 necessity of good works. " I will not (proceeds he) go in 
 quest of the harsh propositions of your Doctors, ancient and 
 modern, on this subject*." As I take it, he glances at the 
 Decree of Worms, where we have observed that it was de- 
 cided that good works are not necessary to salvation. But 
 without insisting on this assembly, and other the like decrees of 
 the Lutherans, I shall observe only (says he to Scultet) what 
 you yourself have taught t : " That it is not lawful for us 
 to give any alms to the poor, no, not a farthing, with the 
 design of obtaining forgiveness of our sins," And, again, 
 *' That the habit and exercise of virtue is not absolutely ne- 
 cessary for the justified in order to be saved : that the exer- 
 cise of the love of God, neither in the course of life, nor 
 even at the hour of death, is a necessary condition, without 
 which we cannot be saved." Lastly, " That neither the 
 habit nor exercise of virtue is necessary to a dying person, 
 in order to obtain forgiveness of his sins ;" that is to say, 
 " a man is saved (as this Minister concludes) without 
 having done so much as one good work, either in his life or 
 at his death." 
 
 * Jur. part ii. c. ii. p. 243. f S. 1. iii. n. 12. viii. n. 32. pp. 243, 244, 
 
BOOK XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 395 
 
 6. — Another recrimination on the certainty of Salvation, 
 — The Lutherans convicted of contradiction and blind- 
 ness. 
 
 These are just and terrible recriminations, of which Dr. 
 Scultet will never clear himself: again, here is another no 
 less remarkable. You object to us as a crime (says Mr. 
 Jurieu* to him), the certainty of salvation defined in the 
 Synod of Dort ; but you, who object it to us, hold the same 
 yourselves. Thereupon he produces the Theses, wherein 
 Doctor John Gerard (the third man after Lutiier and Chem- 
 nicius of the Reformation, if we believe their testimony who 
 approved his works) advances this propositionf- " We main- 
 tain against the Papists the certainty of salvation as a cer- 
 tainty of faith." And, again, " The predestinate has in. 
 himself God's testimony, and says interiorly to himself, ' he 
 that predestinated me from all eternity, calls me, and justi- 
 fies me in time by his word.''' It is certain he wrote these 
 things, and others every whit as strong, alleged by Mr. 
 Jurieu| : they are usual with the Lutherans. But this 
 Minister reproaches them, with reason, that they are not con- 
 sistent with their doctrine of the amissibility of justice, 
 which they account as a capital point ; accordingly, it is 
 what I have remarked in this history, nor have 1 forgotten 
 the solution proposed by the Lutherans, and even by Dr. 
 Gerard : but I warrant not the contradictions the Minister 
 Jurieu upbraids them with in these words § :■ — " It is a thing 
 incredible that wise men, having eyes in their heads, should 
 have fallen into so stupendous a blindness, as to believe one 
 is assured of his salvation with a certainty of faith, and, at 
 the same time, that the true believer may lose the faith and 
 eternal salvation.'' From thence he takes occasion to re- 
 proach them, that their doctrine is self-contradictory, that 
 their universalism, introduced contrary to Lutiier's princi- 
 ples, has brought such a confusion into their theology, 
 " that there is none but is sensible that it has no longer any 
 manner of coherence ; that it cannot be self-consistent ; that 
 they have no excuse left themjl." Thus you see how these 
 men treat one another when in peace ; what do not they do 
 when at mortal war ? 
 
 • Jur. part i. c. viii. pp. 128, 129. 
 
 f Gerard, de elect, et rep. c. xiii. Thes. pp. 210, 211. 
 
 X Jur. parti, c. viii. p. 129. Sup. 1. iii. n. 39. viii. ii. GO, 61. § Ibid. 
 
 II Ibid. pp. 213, 129, 131, 135. 
 
396 THE HISTORY OP [aPP. TO 
 
 7. — Another recrimination. — The monster of Ubiquity. 
 
 Besides what regards grace, the Minister also charges the 
 Lutherans very home with their monstrous doctrine of Ubi- 
 quity, " worthy (says he*) of all the eulogiums you bestow 
 on the decisions of Dort, a frightful, huge, and horrid mon- 
 ster, of a prodigious deformity in itself, and still more pro- 
 digious in its consequences ; since it brings back the confusion 
 of natures in Jesus Christ, and not only that of the soul 
 with the body, but also that of the divinity with the huma- 
 nity, and, in a word, Eutychianism, so unanimously detested 
 by the w^hole Church." 
 
 He shews them they have added to the Confession of 
 Augsburg this monster of Ubiquity, and to Luther's doctrine 
 their excessive Universalism, which has made them fall back 
 into the error of the Pelagians. All these reproaches are 
 very true, as we have made appearf ; and here you behold 
 the Lutherans, the first of those that took up the title of 
 Reformers, convicted by the Calvinists of being all at once 
 Pelagians in formal terms, and Eutychians by consequences 
 indeed :];, but such as the Avhole world is sensible of, and which 
 are as clear as the noon-day. 
 
 8. — The com^pensation uf Dogmata 'proposed to the Luther- 
 ans by the Minister Jurieu. 
 
 After all these vigorous recriminations, one M'-ould think that 
 the Minister Jurieu§ must conclude to detest, in the Luther- 
 ans, so many abominable excesses, so many visible contradic- 
 tions, so manifest a blindness : no such thing. He accuses 
 the Lutherans of so many enormous errors, only to conclude 
 a peace by a mutual toleration on both sides, notwithstand- 
 ing the gross errors both stand convicted of by the testi- 
 monies of each other. 
 
 Here, then, he proposes that marvellous compensation, 
 that bartering of doctrine, where all terminates in concluding 
 " if our particularism be an error, we offer you a toleration 
 for much more strange errors." Let us strike up peace on 
 this foundation, and mutually declare one another God's 
 faithful servants, without any obligation on either side of 
 correcting anything in our tenets. We allow you all the 
 prodigies of your doctrine || : we allow you that monstrous 
 
 * Jur. parti, c.viii. 242. t S. 1. viii, n, 46. % Jur. ibid. 
 
 § Jur. part ii. c. iii. et seq. x, xi, p. 240. || Part i, c. viii, p. 123. 
 
BOOK XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 397 
 
 Ubiquity : we allow you your Demi-Pelagianism, whicli 
 places the beginning of man's salvation purely in his own 
 hands : we allow you that horrid dogma *, which denies 
 that good works and the habit of charity, any more than the 
 exei'cise thereof, are necessary to salvation, either in life or at 
 death : we tolerate you, we receive you to the holy table, 
 we own you for God's children, notwithstanding all these 
 errors : overlook, then, in our behalf, and in behalf of the 
 Synod of Dort, these absolute decrees with grace irresistible, 
 the certainty of salvation with the inamissibility of justice, 
 together with all the rest of our particular dogmata, how 
 much soever you abhor them. 
 
 This is the bargain he proposes ; this what he negotiates 
 in the face of the whole Christian world : a peace between 
 Churches calling themselves not only Christian, but also Re- 
 formed ; not by agreeing in the doctrine which they believe 
 expressly revealed by God, but by forgiving mutually each 
 other the most unpardonable errors. 
 
 What shall be the issue of this ti'eaty ? I am loth to fore- 
 see it : but will be bold to say the Calvinists shall gain 
 nothing else by it but an addition to their own errors of 
 those of the Lutherans, which they make themselves accom- 
 plices in by admitting to the holy table those as the true 
 children of God who professedly maintain them. As for the 
 Lutherans, if it be true, as it is insinuated by Mr. Jurieuf, 
 that they begin for the most part to become more tractable in 
 regard to the Real Presence, and offer peace to the Calvin- 
 ists, provided only they receive their Demi-Pelagian Uni- 
 versalism, the whole universe will be witness that they have 
 made a peace by sacrificing to the Sacramentarians what 
 Luther did most defend against them, even to iiis death, to 
 wit, the reality ; and by making them profess what the same 
 Luther most detested, namely, Pelagianism, to which he pre- 
 ferred the opposite extreme, even the hoi*ror of making God 
 the author of sin. 
 
 9. — The means proposed by Mr. Jurieu for advancing this 
 agreejnent. — Princes sovereign Judges of Religion. 
 
 But let us also see the means which Mr. Jurieu proposes for 
 attaining this wonderful agreement |. ." In the first place, 
 (says he.) this pious work cannot be brought about without 
 the concurrence of the princes of both parties, by reason that 
 
 * Jur. part i. c. viii. 243. t Part ii, c. xii, p. 2G1. 
 
 X Part ii. c. xii. p. '260. n. 1. 
 
398 THE HISTORY OF [aPP. TO 
 
 (proceeds he) the whole Reformation was made by tlieir 
 authority." Wherefore, in order to promote it, we must as- 
 semble — '^not Ecclesiastics, always too much wedded to their 
 own sentiments — but politicians*," who, in all appearance, will 
 part with their religion at an easier rate. These, therefore, 
 shall examine " the importance of each tenet, and weigh with 
 equity, whether such and such a proposition, supposing it an 
 error, be capable of being agreed to, or incapable of being 
 tolerated f T' that is to say, what is most essential to religion 
 must be debated in this assembly, it being to decide what is 
 fundamental, and what not ; what may be, and what may 
 not be tolerated. Here lies the grand difficulty : but in this 
 difficulty, so essential to religion, " the divines are to speak 
 as lawyers, the politicians are to hearken and judge under 
 the authority of their princes;]:." Here, then, manifestly are 
 princes become supreme arbiters of religion, and the sub- 
 stance of faith trusted absolutely in their hands. Whether 
 this be religion, or a mere political agreement, I refer to the 
 reader. 
 
 Nevertheless, it must be owned, the reason alleged by 
 Mr. Jurieu for submitting the whole to princes, is con- 
 vincing, since in reality, as he has just told us, " the whole 
 Reformation was made by their authority §." It is what 
 we have shewn through the whole series of this history : but 
 now, at least, this fact, so ignominious to Protestants, can no 
 longer be disputed. Mr. Jurieu confesses it in plain terms; 
 nor must we wonder that princes have vested in themselves 
 the supreme authority of judgment, in regard to a Reforma- 
 tion which they themselves have made. 
 
 For which reason, the Minister has laid it down for the 
 groundwork of the agreement, " that previously to all con- 
 ferences and disputes, the divines on both sides shall make 
 oath to obey the judgment of their princes' delegates, and to 
 do nothing contrary to the agreement ||." The princes and 
 their delegates are now turned infallible: obedience is sworn 
 to them beforehand, enjoin what they will : that must be 
 believed essential or indifferent, tolerable or intolerable, in 
 religion, which shall please them. And must the fundamental 
 points of Christianity be decided by policy.? 
 
 * Jur, part ii. c. xii. p. 260. n. 4. f Ibid. p. 263, n. 8. 
 
 X Ibid. ^ Ibid. II Ibid. 
 
BOOK XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 399 
 
 10. — The Calvinists ready to subscribe the Confession of 
 Augsburg. 
 
 One no longer knows what country he is in, nor whether they 
 are Christians he hears speak, when he sees the main of reli- 
 gion given up to temporal authority, and the sovereign dis- 
 posal of it resigned to princes. But this is not all ; after 
 this, a Confession of Faith must be agreed to, and hence 
 should arise their main perplexity : but the expedient is 
 easy*. They are to make one in indefinite and general 
 terms, which the whole world shall be satisfied with : each 
 must dissemble what may be displeasing to his companion : 
 silence is a remedy for all evils : every man shall believe in 
 his heart just what he lists, — Pelagian, Eutychian, or Mani- 
 chean ; provided he hold his tongue, all will go well, and 
 Jesus Christ will not fail to look on both one and the other 
 for Christians well united. What shall we say ? Let us 
 deplore the blindness of our brethren, and beseech God that 
 the enormity of their error may at length open their eyes, so 
 as to become sensible thereof. 
 
 But here is the finishing stroke. We have seen what 
 Zuinglius and the Zuinglians, Calvin and the Calvinists, 
 judged of the Confession of Augsburg f : how from its first 
 beginning they refused to subscribe it, and separated them- 
 selves from its defenders ; how those of France in all suc- 
 ceeding times, in receiving all the rest, have ever excepted 
 the tenth article relating to the Supper. We have seen, 
 among other things, what was said at the conference of 
 Poissy :j: ; nor forgotten what Calvin then wrote " no less 
 of the suppleness than of the obscure and defective brevity" 
 of this Confession, which was the cause, said he, '' that it 
 displeased people of good sense, and even that Melancthon, 
 its author, repented he ever made it ;" but at present, great 
 prevalency of that fond desire of uniting with the Lutherans f 
 they are ready to subscribe this Confession ; for they are 
 very sensible the Lutherans will never depart from it. Well 
 then, says our minister §, "is no more required of us than to 
 subscribe it ? The business is done : we are ready for this 
 subscription, provided you will receive us." Thus you see 
 this Confession, which had been so stoutly rejected these 
 hundred and fifty years, all of a sudden, without any altera- 
 tion in it, will become the common rule of Calvinists as it is of 
 
 * Jur. c. xi. p. 245, et seq. c. xii. 2G8. 
 
 f S. 1. iii. n. 3. ix. n. 88, 89, 1000, et seq. X ^^'^^' "• 107. 
 
 § Ibid, c. xiii, p. 171. 
 
400 THE HISTORY OF [aPP. TO 
 
 Lutherans, upon condition each one shall have the liberty of 
 interpreting and adapting it to his own notions. I leave the 
 reader to decide which of the two ought most to be laniented, 
 the Calvinists, who turn with every wind, or the Lutherans, 
 whose Confession is subscribed only with a view of disco- 
 vering in it a doctrine suitable to their notions, by the means 
 of those equivocal expressions, of which it is accused. No 
 man but sees how vain, to say no worse, would be this 
 projected union ; what would ensue from it of some real 
 consequence is, however, as says Mr. Jurieu*, " that one 
 might make thereof a good confederacy, and that the Pro- 
 testant party would make the Papists tremble." These 
 were the hopes of Mr. Jurieu, who would be well enough 
 satisfied with the success of his negotiation, if, failing as to 
 a sincere agreement of minds, it could at least unite them 
 so as to set all Europe in a flame ; but, luckily for Chris- 
 tendom, leagues are not made as doctors wish. 
 
 IL — Wondrous motives for an u7iion proposed to the 
 Lutherans. 
 
 In this marvellous negotiation nothing is more surprising than 
 the artfulness Mr. Jurieu uses to mollify the hard-hearted 
 Lutherans. What, says he -^j", will you always be sensible of 
 the complaisance we have shewn, in allowing you your cor- 
 poral presence? " Besides all these philosophical absurdities 
 which we were forced to digest, how perilous are the conse- 
 quences of this dogma ? " Those do experience it, proceeds 
 he, who are obliged to endure, in France, this continual re- 
 proach : " Why do you reject the Catholics after having 
 received the Lutherans ? Our people make answer. The 
 Lutherans take not away the substance of the bread : they 
 do not adore the Eucharist : they offer it not in sacrifice : 
 they deprive not the people of one kind : so much the worse 
 for them, we are told, it is in this they argue ill, nor follow 
 their own principles. For, if the body of Jesus Christ be 
 I'eally and carnally present, we ought to adore him : if he be 
 present, we ought to offer him up to his Father : if he be pre- 
 sent, Jesus Christ is whole and entire under each species. Do 
 not say you deny these consequences ; for, after all, they 
 flow better and more naturally from your dogma than those 
 you impute to us. It is certain your doctrine regarding the 
 Supper was the beginning of error : the change of substance 
 was grounded thereupon : thereupon was adoration coni- 
 
 * p. 262. 1- p. 240. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 401 
 
 manded ; nor is it easy to withstand it: human reason directs 
 us to adore Jesus Christ wheresoever he is. Not that this 
 reason is always good, for God is in a piece of wood and in a 
 stone, yet we may not adore a stone or wood; but, after all, 
 the mind is carried to it by its own propensity, and as natural 
 as the elements tend to their centre : a great struggle is 
 required to hinder our falling into this precipice — (this preci- 
 pice is worshipping Jesus Christ where he is present;) and I 
 nowise doubt (proceeds our Author) but that the simple 
 amongst you would fall into it, were they not prevented by 
 the continual contests with the Papists." Open your eyes, 
 ye Lutherans, and suffer the Catholics to speak thus to you in 
 their turn. We do not propose that you should worship wood 
 or stone because God is in them : we propose to you to wor- 
 ship Jesus Christ where you acknowledge he is, by so special 
 a presence, attested by so particular and divine a testimony : 
 " reason directs you to it of course ; the mind is carried to it 
 by its own propensity." Simple minds, void of contention, 
 would follow so natural a bent, if continual disputes did not 
 restrain them ; nor is it anything but the spirit of contention 
 that can hinder the adoration of Jesus Christ whei'e he is 
 believed so present. 
 
 12. — Both parties irrecoiicilable in the main, according to 
 the Minister Juricu. 
 
 Such are the conditions of the agreement at this da}' in treaty 
 between the Lutherans and Calvinists ; such are the means 
 they are to Use for attaining it ; and such the reasons em- 
 ployed to persuade and move the Lutherans. And let not 
 these people go away with the notion, that our speaking of it 
 in this manner proceeds from some fear we may be in of their 
 re-union, which, after all, will never be anything better than 
 grimace and cabal; for in short, for them to convince one 
 another is a thing judged impossible even by Mr. Jurieu. 
 " Never (says he*) will either of the parties suffer itself to 
 be led in triumph ; and to propose an agreement between the 
 Lutherans and Calvinists, on condition that one party shall 
 renounce its doctrine, is the same as if you should propose to 
 the Spaniards as a means of agreement, to give up all their 
 provinces and fortresses into the hands of the French. That 
 (says he) is neither just nor possible." Who does not see, on 
 this foundation, that the Lutherans and Calvinists are in the 
 main two nations as irreconcilable and incompatible as any ? 
 
 * Jur. ii, p. cap. i. pp. 138, 141. 
 VOL. II. 2 D 
 
4:02 THE HISTORY OP THE VARIATIONS^ ETC. 
 
 They may join in confedei*acies, but that they ever will be 
 able to arrive at a Christian agreement by the conformity of 
 sentiments, were manifest folly to believe. Nevertheless, 
 they will still continue to say, and one as much as the other, 
 that the Scripture is clear, although conscious in their hearts 
 that this alone can never terminate the least dispute ; and all 
 they can do is to patch up agreements, and dissemble what 
 they believe to be the truth clearly revealed by God, or, how- 
 ever, to disguise it, as they have endeavoured a thousand 
 times to do, under equivocal expressions. 
 
 Let them, therefore, do what they think fit, and whatsoever 
 God shall suffer them to do in respect to these vain projects 
 of agreements ; they will be eternally the mutual punishment 
 and grievance of each other : they will bear eternal testimony 
 one against another, how unhapjaily they usurped the title of 
 Reformers, and that the method they took for the correc- 
 tion of abuses, could tend to nothing but the subversion 
 of Christianity. 
 
 13. — Query put to the Lutherans and Calvinists. 
 
 But here is something still worse for them. Supposing they 
 were arrived to this mutual toleration, we should then ask 
 them in what rank they would place Luther and Calvin, who 
 make God, in express terms, the author of sin, and thereby 
 stand convicted of a dogma which their disciples now abhor? 
 Who does not see that of two things one will happen, either 
 that they must place this blasphemy, this Manicheism, this 
 *' impiety which subverts all religion," amongst the tenets 
 that may be tolei-ated ; or in fine, to the eternal ignominy of 
 the Reformation, Luther must become the horror of the 
 Lutherans, and Calvin of the Calvinists ? 
 
INDEX 
 
 VOLUME THE SECOND. 
 
 REFERRING TO WHATEVER OCCURS UNDER THE SAME TITLES IN 
 THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
 Ablution. What the ablution was which the Vaudois condemned in 
 Baptism, 107. 
 
 Adam. The sin of Adam ordained by God, according to the Calvinists, 
 221. 
 
 Adnratio7i of .Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, rejected by the Brethren o 
 Bohemia, 151 — alterations made by the Calvinists in respect to the 
 Adoration of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, 267 — they tolerate in the 
 Lutherans the internal acts of this Adoration, and reject the external, 
 which are but tokens thereof, 268 — Vide Yo\. I. 
 
 Albigenses (The) well treated by the Calvinists, and why, 53 — those of 
 Toulouse bore the name of Petrobusians, 71 — Council of Lombez 
 against them. Famous examination of these Heretics, ib. — why they 
 are called Arians, 7 2 — the Albigenses are Manicheans, and, by conse- 
 quence, different from the Vaudois, 77, e? seq. — the Albigenses com- 
 prised byRenier in the list of the Manichean Churches, 79 — they came 
 from tlie Manicheans of Bulgaria, 80 — the Pope of the Albigenses in " 
 Bulgaria, 81 — their profound hypocrisy, 82 — the agreeableness of their 
 propositions with those of Faustus the Manichean, ib. — their hypocrisy 
 confounded by St. Bernard, ib. — their infamy, 83 — they teach that the 
 eflPect of the Sacraments depends on the holiness of the Ministers, ib. — 
 they condemn all oaths and punishment of crimes, 84 — proof of their 
 being Manicheans, ib. — Protestants reap nothins; but shame by chal- 
 lenging the Albigenses for their ancestors, 88 — reilections on the history 
 of the Albigenses and Vaudois ; artifice of the Ministers, 121 — the 
 Albigenses unquestionably Manicheans, 122 — the Albigenses of Metz 
 were Manicheans, 123 — sixteen Cliurches of the Manicheans compre- 
 hended the whole Sect, 126 — inevitable condemnation of these He- 
 retics from their denying their religion, 131 — how the Vaudois sprung 
 from the Manichean Albigenses, 162. 
 
 Amboiae. Conspiracy of Amboise, 16 — entered upon from a maxim of 
 conscience, according to Beza, ib. — the riot of Amboise was the work 
 of Protestants, and had religion for its motive, ib. — the Huguenots' 
 discovering the conspiracy does not justify the party, 1 — the protes- 
 tation of the conspirators does not justify them, ib. — what is said by 
 Mr. Jurieu concerning the conspiracy of Amboise, 30. 
 
404 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Amissibility of justice received by the English under Elizabeth, 14— doc- 
 trine of the Arminians concerning the amissibility of justice, 232 — 
 Vide Vol. I, 
 
 Antichrist. The SynocJ of Gap adds an article to the Confession of Faith 
 on purpose to declare the Pope Antichrist, 191 — Daniel and St. Paul 
 quoted in vain to prove the Pope is Antichrist, 192 — the Protestants 
 discredit themselves by this doctrine, 193 — this doctrine concerning 
 Antichrist was not in any act of the Reformation ; Luther inserts it in 
 the article of Smalcald, 194 — but Melancthon opposes it, ib. — this 
 
 ^ doctrine relating to Antichrist how despised even in the Reformation, 
 195 — it is refuted by the most learned Protestants, Grotius, Hammond, 
 and Jurieu himself, 196 — examination of Joseph Mede's and the Mi- 
 nister Jurieu's doctrine on this point, 197, 198 — Jurieu sets a new date 
 for the birth of Antichrist, 1 99 — he varies, and is for advancing the 
 downfal of Antichrist, 201. 
 
 Arminians, or Remonstrants, upheld by Barneveld against the Prince of 
 Orange, 228 — they are condemned in the Provincial Synods, ib. — the 
 Synod of Dort is assembled against them, 229 — the dispute reduced 
 to five heads ; declaration of the Arminians on these five heads, ib. — 
 the purport of their declaration in respect to Predestination, and their 
 doctrine touching the Baptism of Infants, 230 — their declaration con- 
 cerning the universality of Redemption, 231 — their doctrine concerning 
 Grace, ib. — and concerning the amissibility of Justice, 232 — their whole 
 dispute concerning two essential words, 233 — their ground-work, viz., 
 that there is no gratuitous preference in behalf of the elect, ib. — wherein 
 the Catholics agreed with, and disagreed from, the Arminians, 234 —they 
 require of the Synod of Dort a distinct decision, 235 — requests of the 
 Arminians, who complain they are judged by their adverse parties, 250 
 — they insist on the same reasons that the whole Protestant party em- 
 ployed against the Church, ib. — their mouths are stopped by the autho- 
 rity of the States, 251 — they protest against the Synod, ib. — the Synod 
 of Delph, in order to silence them, is forced to have recourse to the 
 assistance of the Holy Ghost promised to Councils, 254 — they are put 
 in hopes of an CEcumenical Council, 255 — the Arminians are deposed 
 and excommunicated by the Synod of Dort, 257. 
 
 Arminius. Peter Du Moulin places Arminius's opinions amongst things 
 indifferent, 187 — Arminius's dispute and excesses, 227 — the disputes 
 end not with his death ; Barneveld upholds his disciples against the 
 Prince of Orange, 228. 
 
 Aubertin. This Minister's gross evasion with respect to the belief of the 
 Vaudois concerning the Eucharist, 101 — his frivolous objection in order 
 to shew that these Heretics denied the Reality, 102 — he artfully con- 
 founds the Vaudois with the Albigenses, 122 — Aubertin's allusion on 
 the same subject, 120. 
 Ay. The Synod of Ay in 1615 approves the proposals of Peter du 
 Moulin for a common Confession of Faith, 186 — reflection on this 
 approbation of the Synod of Ay, 187. 
 
 Baptism believed useless by the Manicheans, 62 — ceremonies of baptism 
 despised by the 'V'audois, 106 — the brethren of Bohemia re-baptized 
 every body, 145 — Peter du Moulin, approved by the Synod of Ay, is 
 against condemning the necessity of Baptism, 188 — doctrine of the 
 Remonstrants, or Arminians, touching infant baptism, and what they 
 would conclude from it, 230 — the Synod of Dort s decision on infant 
 baptism, 236— Fiofe Vol. I. 
 
INDEX. 405 
 
 Barneveld upholds the .Arminians ac:ainst the Prince of Orange, 228. 
 Basil. What the Council of Basil allowed to the Calixtins, 142. 
 Bererigarius impugns only the Real Presence, 52— he never separated 
 from Rome, 53 — Berengarius attacked the Reality after theManicheans 
 of Orleans, 3G4 — he is condemned and recants, ib. — his first Confession 
 of Faith, «6. — he varies as well as his disciples, and makes a second 
 Confession of Faith, 3G5 — they invent Impanation and Invination, 366 
 — their Doctrine opposite to that of the whole Church, 307 — Beren"-a- 
 rius owns as much, ib. — no necessity of a General Council in order to 
 condemn him, 368. 
 
 Bernard (St.) consulted about the Manicheans that dwelt near Cologne, 
 68 — account of the tenets of these Heretics, whom he had been well 
 acquainted with at Toulouse, 69 — he confounds their hypocrisy, 82 — 
 answer to the objection relating to the credulity of St. Bernard, 86 — he 
 lays nothing to the charge of Peter de Bruis and Henry, the seducers of 
 the Toulousians, but what he knows, 87 — what he says of the beha- 
 viour of the Toulousian Heretics, 127 — this Saint's memorable answer 
 in regard to the false constancy of Heretics, 130. 
 
 Beza owns that the conspiracy of Amboise was undertaken through a 
 maxim of conscience, 16 — he is for rising in arms, ib. — what he says 
 concerning the motive of the Calvinian wars in France, 28 — how he 
 authorizes tiie civil wars, ib. — what he says touching the assassination 
 of the Duke of Guise by Poltrot, 35 — Beza"s ridiculous pretensions in 
 favour of ti^e antiquity of the Vaudois, 53 — what he says of their Doc- 
 trine shews they were not Calvinists, 114 — in 1571 Beza presides in the 
 national Synod of Rochelle, where those that were for changing the 
 Supper article in the Confession of Faith are condemned, 167— by the 
 Synod's orders, he answers the Swiss otfended at its decision, that it 
 only regarded France, 171 — he is of the number of those that were de- 
 puted by the Frankfort assembly to draw up one common Confession 
 of Faith, 175 — he makes God the author of sin, 221 — this doctrine of 
 Beza taken from Calvin, 222 — the Dogmata he adds to those of Luther, 
 ib. — what he says of the certainty of particular mens" salvation, 223 — 
 he teaches, after Calvin, that justifying Faith is not lost in a criminal 
 state, 225. 
 
 Blandrate. George Blandrate, one of the heads of the Socinians, 360. 
 
 Bishops. Constancy of the English Catholic Bishops, who are deposed for 
 refusing to own Queen Elizabeth's supremacy, 9, 13 — decisions in 
 matters of Faith reserved to the royal authority by the declaration of 
 tlie English Protestant Bishops, 12. 
 
 Bohemia. The sect of the Bohemian Brethren falsely called Vaudois, 131 
 — why they disown those who call them Vaudois, 131, 132 — and Pi- 
 cards, 133 — they boast their descent from John Huss, ib. — they divide 
 from the Calixtms, 141 — the bloody wars of the Calixtins trouble all 
 Bohemia, ib. — they make to themselves an ignorant lay Pastor, 144 — 
 weak beginning of this Sect, 145 — they only took the name of John 
 Huss but did not follow his doctrine ; their extreme ignorance and assur- 
 ance to re-baptize the whole world, ib. — their fruitless search through- 
 out the universe after a Church of their belief, 147 — how they sought 
 Ordination in the Catholic Church; reproaches made them by Luther, 
 148 — their Doctrine in respect to the seven Sacraments, 149 — they 
 change it in their Reformed Confession of Faith, ib. — what they thought 
 of the Eucharist, 149, 15U — the manner in which they refused to adore 
 Jesus Christ, a proof that they beheved the Reality even out of the 
 actual use of the Sacrament, 151 — their uncertainty and affected ambi- 
 
406 INDEX. 
 
 guities, 152— the Calvinists and Lutherans each strive to bring them to 
 their side ; they incline to the latter, 153 — Luther gives them his appro- 
 bation ; their Festivals, their Temples, their Fasts, and the Celibacy of 
 their Priests, 154 — they take shelter in Poland, 155 — there they unite 
 with the Lutherans and Zuinglians, ib. — what disposition they were in 
 for this agreement, 157 — reflections on this union, ib. 
 
 Breaking. Important article of the Conference of Cassel, concerning 
 the breaking of the Eucharistic Bread, 271. 
 
 Bull, a learned English Protestant, maintains the Infallibility of the 
 Council of Nice and that of the other general Councils, 347, 
 
 Burnet. His imposition in asserting that the Doctrine established under 
 Edward VI. was not changed, 6— what Mr. Burnet says of the indiffer- 
 ence of the English as to the Real Presence, 7 — a memorable passage 
 of Mr. Burnet concerning the English Reformation, 13 — his illusion in 
 regard to the wars of the Huguenots, 25 — his gross mistakes and pro- 
 digious ignorance relating to the affairs of France, 26 — sequel of his 
 
 . fallacies, ib. — Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Calixtins. The Sect of the Calixtins rises up in Bohemia, 141 — why 
 called Calixtins, 142 — the Compactatum, or the four articles allowed to 
 the Calixtins by the Council of Basil, ib.—i\\& Calixtins disposed to 
 acknowledge the Pope, 143 — the reason of their so great respect for 
 WicklifTs memory ; their ambition hinders them from re-uniting with 
 the Church, ib. — the Bohemian Brethren separate from them, 144. 
 
 Calixtus, a famous Lutheran, establishes in Germany the union of 
 Sects, and is followed in France by the Minister d'Husseau, 311. 
 
 Calumny. The decree of the Synod of Charenton in 1631 convicts the 
 Calvinists of calumny, 266. 
 
 Calvin. His connivance at the conspiracy of Amboise, 20 — his death, 
 41 — in what manner issued from the Vaudois and Albigenses, 163 — 
 his evasions in regard to the vain predictions of Luther concerning the 
 Papacy, ] 92 — he made God the author of Adam's sin, 222— the Dog- 
 mata by him added to those of Luther, ib. — his Doctrine of the Cer- 
 tainty of Salvation defined by the Synod of Dbrt, 244 — Vide Vol. I, 
 
 Calvinists (The) of France receive the English Doctrine, making the 
 King head of the Church, 13 — change of their Doctrine, 15 — their 
 conspiracy at Amboise, ib. — they take up arms by a maxim of Re- 
 ligion, ?'6.— the first civil wars which the whole Calvinist Party concurs 
 to, 21 — decisions of their national Synods in approbation of their arm- 
 ing, 22 — what spirit actuated them m these wars, 24 — their false pre- 
 tence that these wars did not concern Religion, 25 — perplexity of the 
 French Calvinists to justify these wars, 27 — they are convicted by Beza, 
 28 — their other wars destitute of all pretext, 30 — whether the spirit of 
 their Reformation were a spirit of meekness or violence, 31 — fatal con- 
 sequences of their violent spirit, 32 — their vain excuses, 33 — their 
 cruelties, ib. — why our Calvinists examine less into the question of 
 Free-will than the Zuinglians, 46 — the reason of their keeping such a 
 stir about the Albigenses and Vaudois, 53 — the present Vaudois are 
 their Disciples, 115 — they have not one contemporary Author that 
 favours their pretensions touching the Vaudois, 116 — all are welcome 
 to the Calvinists, if they but exclaim against the Pope, 141 — in what 
 manner they descended from the Albigenses and Vaudois, 163 — they 
 seek in vain the succession of Persons in the precedent Sects, ib. — 
 still less do they find amongst them the succession of Doctrine, 165 — 
 
 . many Calvinists of France are for changing the article of the Supper 
 
INDEX. 407 
 
 in the Confession of Faith, but are condemned by a national Synod, 
 166, 167 — they assemble at St. Foy, and give the power to four Minis- 
 ters of changing their Confession of Faith, 176 — a letter wherein the 
 Calvinists own Luther and Melancthon for their fathers, 178 — they 
 have continued to our days the project of a common Confession, but 
 always to no purpose, ih. — they receive the Lutherans to their Com- 
 munion, 180, 264 — the unsettled spirit of Calvinism, 180 — the Cal- 
 vinists detest Piscators Doctrine, 181 — the Doctrine of the Calvinists 
 against Piscator solves all the difficulties they object to us on the 
 sacrifice of the Mass, 182 — tlie impiety of their Doctrin,e touching im- 
 puted justice, as it is proposed by the Synods which condemn Piscator, 
 184— reflection on their procedure against Piscator, 185 — they add an 
 article to their Confession of Faith in order to declare the Pope Anti- 
 
 - Christ, 191 — intolerable excesses of Calvinism concerning Free-will, — 
 221 — they make God the author of sin, ib. — they believe as a funda 
 mental point that every one of the faithful is sure of his perseverance 
 and salvation, 223 — they are sensible of these excesses, so contrary to 
 the fear and trembling prescribed by St. Paul, 224 — they maintain that 
 justifying Faith is not lost in a criminal state, 225 — what texts of 
 Scripture they ground themselves on, 226 — the perplexity they are 
 under to answer this question, " What would become of a Believer 
 should he die in his sin ?" ib. — these difficulties have reclaimed many 
 Calvinists, 227 — they are contrary to the Lutherans and Remonstrants 
 both, in the point of Grace, 232 — contradiction of their Doctrine, 238 
 — they promise the Arminians an Oecumenical Council, 255 — the 
 illusion of this promise, ^6. — the Calvinists of France receive the Synod 
 of Dort, 256 — their union with the Lutherans in 1631, 264 — they 
 never before had advanced so far towards it, ib. — this conduct of theirs_ 
 convicts them of calumny, 265 — they tolerate in the Lutherans the 
 interior acts of Adoration, and reject the exterior, which are but tokens 
 of the former, 268 — their perplexity concerning the distinction of fun- 
 damental points, 270 — they are forced to own that the Church of 
 Rome is a true Church, wherein salvation may be had, ib. — the Cal- 
 vinists of Marpurg agree with the Lutherans of Rintel in the Confer- 
 ence of Cassel, 270, 271 — what is said by the Calvinists of France 
 concerning the visibility of the Church, 292 — they own that the Church 
 of the Creed is visible, ib. — they always suppose the Church's perpetual 
 visibility, 294 — they exclude the Church of Rome from the title of a 
 true Church, ib. — they own the interruption of the Ministry, and the 
 cessation of the visible Church, 295 — their perplexity, in that the invisi- 
 ble Church had been forgotten in their Confession, 296. 
 
 Camerarius writes the history of the Bohemian Brethren, 131 — he says, 
 they disown those who called them Vaudois, 132. 
 
 Cameron's, and his Disciples', Doctrine concerning universal Grace, 272. 
 
 Catholics. The constancy of the Catholic Bishops in England in opposition 
 to Queen Elizabeth's innovations, 9 — demonstration that the Catholics 
 were neither ignorant of nor dissembled the Doctrine of the Vaudois, 
 108 — wherein the Catholics were different from the Remonstrants and 
 Lutherans witli regard to justifying Grace, 234. 
 
 Celibacy of Priests retained by the Bohemian Brethren, 154. 
 
 Ceremonies retained by Queen Elizabeth, 2 — the Ceremonies of Baptism 
 despised by the Vaudois, 106. 
 
 CertainUf of Salvation taught, 43 — this certainty of Salvation the chief 
 foundation of the Calvinian Religion, 223 — certainty of Salvation as 
 sure to Calvinists as if revealed to them by God himself, ib, — this cer- 
 
408 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 tainty opposite to the fear and trembling prescribed by St. Paul, 234 — 
 the Synod of Dort's decision on the certainty of Salvation, 233 — cer- 
 tainty of Salvation a false allurement, 243 — whether the certainty of 
 Salvation confirmed by the Synod of Dort be different from trust, ib. — 
 whether this certainty be a certainty of Faith, 245 — the sentiment of 
 the Divines of Great Britain, 246 — Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Charenton. The Synod of Charenton in 1631 receives the Lutherans to 
 Communion, 264 — memorable decree of this Synod, ib. — consequence 
 of this decree, ib. — remarkable date of this decree, 265 — great turn in 
 controversies by means of this decree ; it convicts the Calvinists of 
 calumny, ib. — it makes void the chief subject of their rupture, 266 — 
 novelties following from this decree, 267 — decree of the Synod of Cha- 
 renton in ] 620 in approbation of that of Dort, 256. 
 
 Children. The Synod of Dort acknowledges the sanctification of all bap- 
 tized children, 249. 
 
 Church. Elizabeth completes the work of church-plundering, 13 — 
 difference between the conduct of the Church and that of Protestants, 
 31— eminent sanctity in the Catholic Church, 129 — the Reformation 
 allows private people to take on themselves a greater ability for under- 
 standing sound Doctrine than it allows the whole Church besides, 260 
 — the Calvinists forced to own that the Church of Rome is a true 
 Church, and that her Members may be saved, 270 — the cause of the 
 Protestant Churches' Variations proceeded from their not knowing what 
 the Church was, 281 — the Catholic Church always knew herself, and 
 never varied in her decisions, ib. — the Doctrine of Catholics on the 
 article- concerning the Church, 282 — notions of Protestants on the 
 perpetual visibility of the Church, ib. — this Doctrine relating to the 
 Church confessed by Protestants, is the ruin of their Reformation and 
 the source of their perplexity, 283 — the perpetual visibility of the Church 
 confirmed by the Apology for the Confession of Augsburg, 284 — this 
 visibility confirmed in the Smalcaldic articles by the promises of Jesus 
 Christ, 285 — in the Saxonic Confession of Faith, 286 — in the Wirtem- 
 berg Confession of Faith, ib. — in the Bohemian Confession of Faith, 
 287 — in the Confession of Strasburg, 288 — in both the Confessions of 
 Basil, and in that of the Swiss in 1566, ^6. — the beginning of their 
 Variation ; the Invisible Church begins to appear, 289 — the Invisible 
 Church why invented, 290 — what the English say of her, 291 — what 
 the pretended Reformed of France say of her in their Catechism, 292 
 —they own at length that the Church of the Creed is visible, ib. — the 
 expressions of their Confessions of Faith suppose a perpetual visibility 
 of the Church, 294 — there they take from the Church of Rome the title 
 of a true Church, ib. — there they acknowledge the interruption of the 
 Ministry, and the cessation of the visible Church, 295 — their per- 
 plexity in the Synods of Gap and Rochelle on account that the Invisi- 
 ble Church had been forgotten in their Confession, 296 — how impor- 
 tant is the controversy relating to the Church, 299 — the Ministers no 
 longer dispute the Church's Visibility, ib. — according to the principles 
 cf the Minister, Claude, all that is necessary for Salvation is in the 
 Church of Rome, 304. 
 
 Claude of Turin, an Arian, breaks Images, and is accounted amongst the 
 predecessors of the Protestants, 52. 
 
 Claude (Mr.), his frivolous evasion with respect to the Synod of Sainte- 
 Foy, where a design was in hand of making one common Confession 
 for all Protestants, 179 — how much he disapproves the Church of 
 Geneva for having added two articles of Faith to her Confession, 274 
 
INDEX. 409 
 
 — this Minister's vain sTibtlety in order to elude what the Synods of 
 Gap in l(j()3, and Rochellein 1 GO", had decided concernin<^ the Church, 
 297 — what is said by him with respect to the vocation of the Reform- 
 ers, 298 — he very positively owns the Church's visibility, 299 — this 
 visibility enters into the definition he makes of the Church, 301 — he 
 saves the Elect before tlie Reformation under the Ministry of the 
 Church of Rome, 302 — according to his principles, all things necessary 
 for Salvation are in the Church of Rome, 304 — he owns, that before 
 the Reformation their Doctrine was unknown, 300 — he varies with re- 
 spect to the Church's visibility, 309. 
 
 Communion, under one or both kinds, held for indifferent in the ancient 
 Clun-ch, 58 — Communion under one kind impugned by John Huss, 
 140 — and by the Calixtins, 142 — Communion under both kinds is 
 firanted them, ib. — demonstration in favour of Communion under one 
 kind, 271 — Communion under one kind is sufficient, 370. 
 
 Convpactalum, what it means, 142. 
 
 Confession. The Vaudois believed Confession of sins to a Priest, 104, 
 107 — sacramental Confession owned by John Huss, 140. 
 
 Confession of Futth. New Confession of Failh of the Helvetic or Swiss 
 Churches, 41 — remarkable Confession of the Polonian Zuinglians, 48 
 — a spurious Confession of Faith of the Vaudois, 119 — a Confession 
 of Faith falsely attributed to Wickliff, 138— Confession of Faith of the 
 Bohemian Brethren in 1504, wherein they acknowledge seven Sacra- 
 ments, 149 — this is altered by them, ib. — endeavours are used at 
 Frankfort to make all the defenders of the figurative sense to agree in 
 one common Confession of Faith, 173 — the Lutherans were to be com- 
 prised in this Confession, 174 — qualities of this new Confession of 
 Faith, and deputies named to draw it up, 175 — consent of the Synod 
 of vSainte-Foy to this new Confession, 17G — the project of a common 
 Confession continued to our days and always unsviccessfully, 178 — the 
 Synod of Dort declares tlieir Confessions of Faith may be retouched, 
 yet, at the same time, obliges to subscribe them, 250 — the Church of 
 Geneva adds two articles of Failh to her Confession, 274. 
 
 Confirmation. What was believed by the Vaudois concerning this Sacra- 
 ment, 100. 
 
 Conspiracy of Amboise — Vide Amboise. 
 
 Constance, AVickliff's Dootrine was not calumniated at the Council of 
 Constance, 130 — reasons of the Council of Constance for authorizing 
 the already esfabhshed custom of Communion under one kind, 370. 
 
 Council. By the Doctrine of the Dort Synod, Protestants are obliged to 
 submit to a Council of the Catholic Church, 253 — to stop the mouths 
 of the Arminians, the Synod of Delph is forced to have recourse to the 
 Holy Ghost's assistance promised to Councils, 254 — the Calvinists 
 promise the Arminians an (Ecumenical Council, 255— the fallacy of 
 this promise, ib. 
 
 Crosses. The new Manicheans' aversion to the Cross, 59. 
 
 Crucifix. Elizabeth, Queen of England, retains the Crucifix in her 
 Chapel, 3. 
 
 Cruelties of the Calvinists, 33, 
 
 Cup, allowed to the Calixtins upon certain conditions, 142. 
 
 Decisions in matters of faith reserved to the royal authority by the decla- 
 ration of the English Protestant Bishops, 12. 
 
 Declaration of the Enghsh Protestant Clergy in regard to Queen Eliza- 
 beth's supremacy, 9 — how Protestants palliate so great an evil, 10. 
 
410 INDEX. 
 
 De Dominis. Anthony de Dominis one of the first authors of indiffe- 
 rency, 311, 
 
 Delph. The Synod of Delph is forced, in order to silence the Arminians, 
 to fly to the Holy Ghost's assistance promised to Councils, 255. 
 
 Dort. Convocation of the Synod of Dort ; its opening, 228, 229 — the dis- 
 putes there reduced to five heads, 229 — the Synod's decision on faith in 
 the sole elect, and on the certainty of salvation, 235 — and on infant 
 baptism, 236 — second decision on faith in the sole elect, ib. — on the 
 certainty of the faithful, 237 — what is said by it concerning habits in- 
 fused, 238 — monstrous doctrine of the Synod on the inamissibility of 
 justice, ib. — it teaches into what crime the faithful do not fall, 239 — • 
 what is the certainty of salvation it admits, 240 — it teaches that all 
 uncertainty is a temptation, ib. — in what manner, according to this 
 Synod, man justified is guilty of death, 241 — whether the sense of the 
 Synod concerning inamissibility was taken right, and whether the cer- 
 tainty by it asserted be different from trust, 243 — the Synod expressly 
 defines Calvin's doctrine on this point, 244 — it approves the sentiment 
 of Peter Du Moulin, 245^-whether the certainty it establishes be a 
 certainty of faith, ib. — the sentiment of the Divines of Great Britain, 
 246 — sentiment of those of Bremen, 248 — whether the Synod can be 
 excused from all these excesses ; unanimous consent of all the votes, 
 249 — the Synod owns the sanctification of all baptized children ; con- 
 sequence from this doctrine, ib. — procedure of the Synod, 250 — it 
 silences the Arminians by authority of the States, 251 — the reasons 
 used against them in the Synod condemn the whole Protestant party, 
 ib. — there it is decided that the weakest and newest party ought to yield 
 to the greatest and most ancient, 252 — perplexity of the Synod upon 
 the protest of the Remonstrants, ib. — according to the Synod of Dort 
 Protestants were obliged to submit to the Council of the Catholic 
 Church, 253 — resolution of the Synod obliging to subscribe the Con- 
 fession of Faith, which, at the same time, it owned might be mended 
 and reviewed, 256 — the Synod of Dort is approved by the Calvinists of 
 France, ib. — it deposes and excommunicates the Arminians, 257 — the 
 decisions of Dort far from essential, according to Mr. Jurieu, ib. — the 
 Minister Jurieu makes the Synod of Dort act rather by policy than 
 truth, 259 — the Synod of Dort heals none of their evils, and, spite of 
 its decrees, Mr. Jurieu is a Pelagian, 261 — connivance of the Dort 
 Synod not only at the excesses of the Reformers, but at those of the 
 Arminians, 263. 
 
 Du Moulin (Peter) proposes expedients for making one common Con- 
 fession for all Protestants, 178, 179 — his memorial approved by the 
 Synod of Ay in 1615, 186 — this Minister's remarkable words concerning 
 the dissimulation he would have used in regard of this common Con- 
 fession, 187 — reflections on these words of Du Moulin approved by the 
 Synod of Ay, ib. — Du Moulin's inconstancy, 188 — he wili not have the 
 Real Presence, Ubiquity, and the other Lutheran tenets, be condemned, 
 ib. — Du Moulin's sentiment on Grace approved by the Synod of Dort, 
 245 — Du Moulin strenuously opposes Cameron and his disciples, 272. 
 Du Perron (the Cardinal) grants that the Pope's superiority over Gene- 
 ral Council — and Secular Powers is not of faith, 383. 
 Du Vol (Mr.) is consulted by the Ultramontanes concerning the Pope's 
 infallibility and his sentiments thereon, 383. 
 
 Edward VI., King of England ; his Reformation changed by Elizabeth, 2 
 —the twenty-ninth article of his Confession concerning the Eucharist 
 
INDEX. 411 
 
 is changed, 5 — material alterations in his Liturgy, 6 — in Edward's time, 
 neither the word Substance, nor the miracles which Calvin admits in 
 the Eucharist, are employed, 8. 
 Elect, saved under the ministry and in the communion of the Church of 
 Rome before the Reformation, by the confession of Mr. Claude, and 
 since by that of Mr. Jurieu, 31-2,313. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen of Enfjland ; her profound policy ; she oixlers a tender 
 of her respects to Paul IV. at his accession to the Papal throne, 2 — 
 she euirages in the new Reformation, ib. — her scruples in four points, 
 that of the Ceremonies, that of Images, that of the Real Presence, and 
 that of the regal Supremacy ; her judgment on the two first, 2, 3 — her 
 judgment on the Eucharist, 4 — neither the word Substance, nor the 
 miracles admitted by Calvin in the Eucharist, are used under Eliza- 
 beth, 8 — her Supremacy in Spirituals is set up in spite of her scruples, 
 ib. — she completes what had been left undone in the pillaging of 
 Churches, 13 — she secretly favours the inclination towards a revolt in 
 the Calvinistsof France, 15. 
 
 Ejigland. Variation of the English on the Eucharist, 4 — the English are 
 indifferent as to the Real Presence, 7 — the Supremacy in Spirituals is 
 given by the English to Queen EHzabeth, 8 — the Parliament of Eng- 
 land reserves to itself the decisions in matters of Faith, 10 — the Doc- 
 trine of the English, making their King Head of the Church, con- 
 demned by the Calvinists, 13 — remarkable passage of Mr. Burnet con- 
 cerning the Reformation of England, ib. — the English reject the inamis- 
 sibility of justice, 14 — the sentiment of the English Divines for the cer- 
 tainty of salvation, defined in the Synod of Dort, 246 — they 
 believed that justice could never be lost: contradiction of their Doc- 
 trine, ib. — according to them, faith and charity abide in the worst of 
 sinners, 247 — what it is, according to them, that the Holy Ghost does 
 in such as abide in grievous crimes, 248 — the Test in England ; therein 
 the English draw near to our sentiments, and condemn the Church of 
 Rome only throuirh manifest error, 276 — the English speak ambigu- 
 ously of the Church's visibility, 291 — Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Episcopius, Professor of Divinity at Leyden, appears at the head of the 
 Armmians in the Synod of Dort, 229. 
 
 Eqiiivocaiions of the Manicheans in Germany in matters of faith, 67 — 
 equivocations of the Bohemian brethren, 152. 
 
 Error. All error contradicts itself, 242. 
 
 Eucharist. ^\ hat is believed by the Swiss or Zuinglians relating to the 
 Eucharist, 46, 47— the abominable Eucharist peculiar to the Mani- 
 cheans, 6 1 — John Huss believed, as to the Eucharist, all that the Church 
 of Rome believes, 139. 
 
 Faith. Decisions in point of faith reserved to the Royal authority by a 
 declaration of Bishops, 12 — the Swiss attribute true faith to the elect 
 alone, 43 — the faith of the Calvinists of France put in the hands of four 
 Ministers, 177 — ^justifying faith not lost in the state of grievous sin, 
 accordintr to the Calvinists, 225 — decision of the Synod of I)ort touching 
 the faith of the elect, 236. 
 
 Fasta practised by the Bohemian Brethren, 154. 
 
 Fathers (Holy) ; how they answered the Manicheans in respect to their 
 practices, 56 — all of them understood the words of St. Paul, 1 Tim. iv. 1, 
 as meant of the Manichians, ib. 
 
 Festivals in honour of the Saints retained by the Bohemian brethren, 154. 
 
 Figure. The Zuinglians the most sincere of all the defenders of ths 
 
412 INDEX. 
 
 figurative sense, 48 — it is endeavoured at Frankfort to brine; all the 
 defenders of the figurative sense to agree in one common Confession of 
 Faith, 173. 
 
 France, the disturbances of, began by means of Queen Elizabeth, 15. 
 
 Francis, Duke of Guise, is assassinated by Poltrot, and this murder 
 accounted in the Reformation an act of Religion, 35. 
 
 Frankfort, Assembly of, in 1577 ; where means are used to bring all the 
 defenders of the figurative sense to agree in one common Confession of 
 Faith, 1 73 — this Assembly writes to the Lutherans in order to mollify 
 them, 1 75 — it lessens, in their behalf, the difficulty of the Real Presence, 
 176 — difference between what was designed to be done in favour of 
 the Lutherans at Frankfort, and what was since done at Charenton, 180. 
 
 Free-idll. Monstrous Doctrine of the Zuinglians or Swiss, touching free- 
 will, 45— our Calvinists examine less into this subject, and vvhy, 46 — 
 Free-will destroyed in Calvinism, 221- — how it acts according to the 
 Synod of Dort, 230 — Calvin's and the Calvinists" error, endeavouring 
 to make Free-will consist with Necessity, 222, 234 — the Council of 
 Trent's decisions on Free-will conformably to those of antiquity, 375 — 
 VideYol.l. 
 
 Gap, the national Synod of, detests Piscator's Doctrine, 181 — it adds an 
 article to the Confession of Faith to declare the Pope Antichrist, 191 — 
 decision of the Synod of Gap on this point ; its false foundation, 1 94 
 — occasion of this decree, 195 — this Synod's perplexity, for that the in- 
 visible Church liad been forgotten in the Confession of Faith, 296 — this 
 Synod's memorable decision on extraordinary vocation, 297. 
 
 Geneva, strange answer of those of, to the Arminians' request at the Synod 
 of Dort, 253 — decree passed at Geneva against universal Grace, and 
 the question resolved by the Magistrate, 273 — the Church of Geneva 
 adds two articles to her Confession of Faith, 274. 
 
 Germany, piesent state of controversies in, 272. 
 
 God. Wickliff's Theology concerning the liberty, the goodness, and the 
 power of God, 133 — God author of sin, according to the Calvinists, 221 
 — Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Gog, and'Mao-oo", 162. 
 
 Gomar maintains Calvinism against Arminius ; his disciples take the 
 name of Counter-Remonstrants, and the Prince of Orange upholds 
 them, 228, 
 
 Gomarists, or Counter-Remonstrants, 228. 
 
 Grace, the inamissibility of, defined at Dort, 232 — Doctrine of the Armi- 
 nians on Grace, ib. — Cameron's and his disciples' sentiments on univer- 
 sal Grace admitted by the Doctors of the Dort Synod, 272 — Sufficient 
 Grace admitted by them, 273 — decree passed at Geneva against universal 
 Grace, ib. 
 
 Grotius demonstrates that the Pope cannotbe Antichrist, 196 — he proves 
 from the Protestants, that, by their own confession, souls may depart 
 out of the body without being wholly purified, 380. 
 
 Hebrew. Decision of the Swiss, touching the Hebrew text, ridiculed by 
 the learned of the sect, 274. 
 
 Henry, disciple of Peter de Bruis, in the eleventh ceijtury, 53 — secretly 
 diftuses his master's errors in Dauphiny, Provence, and about Toulouse, 
 69 — his doctrine, 85. 
 
 Heretics. Catholics and Protestants agreed in the punishing of Here- 
 tics, 40 — memorable answer of St. Bernard on the false constancy of 
 
INDEX. 413 
 
 Heretics, 130 — what is the succession of Heretics, 1G5— character of 
 Heresy owned in the Reformation, J 87. 
 
 Huss (John), a disciple of Wickhif, 139— he imitates Wickhff in his 
 hatred of the Pope, ib. — says I\Iass, 52 — and judges no otherwise 
 concernino: the Eucharist than those of the Cliurch of Rome, 139 — 
 why John Huss's doctrine was doubted of, 1-10 — he was a Cathohc in 
 all the now controverted points, except Communion under botli kinds, 
 and the Pope, ib. — the Bohemian Brethren account him a great martyr, 
 althougli they follow not his doctrine, 145 — Luther accuses John Huss 
 of his ignorance in the point of Justification, 148. 
 
 Hussites (The) divided amongst themselves, 145. 
 
 Images. Queen Elizabeth, at first, is for retaining images, 3 — she is per- 
 suaded by false reasons to condemn them, nevertheless retains the cru- 
 cifix in her chapel, ib. — images broken by Claude of Turin, an Arian, 
 52 — they are honoured by Wickliff, 137 — and John Huss, 140. 
 
 /«a;«m26<7?7y of justice rejected by the Enghsh under Elizabeth, 14 — 
 taught by the Swiss, 43 — the Dort Synod's prodigious doctrine on 
 inamissibility of justice, 233 — whether it was right understood, 243. 
 
 Incarnation. This mystery an imposition, according to the Manicheans, 
 56 — and according to the Albigenses, 124. 
 
 Infallibility owned in the Church by the Minister Jurieu, 338 — this In- 
 fallibility admits of no restriction in dogmata, 344 — the Church is ever 
 constant; is ever in possession of the truth when beginning to be 
 attacked ; her decisions are plain, her steadiness not to be shaken, 363, 
 369, Z%S>—Fide Jurieu, vide Vol. I. 
 
 Innocent HI. (Pope). The Vaudois come to ask his approbation, 94 — he 
 approves the Institute of the Minor Brethren, ib. — he holds the Coun- 
 cil of Lateran, where he condemns the Vaudois, 95. 
 
 Invocation of Saints, received by Wickliff, 137 — and by John Huss, 
 140. 
 
 Jane, Queen of Navarre, exercises horrid cruelties on priests and reli- 
 gious persons, 33. 
 
 Jerome, of Prague, disciple of John Huss, follows him entirely, 140. 
 
 Joseph Mede, an English Protestant, renders himself famous by his ex- 
 travagancies on the Revelations, 202 — he accuses St. Leo the Great, 
 St. Basil, and the rest of the Saints, their contemporaries, of idolatry, 
 204 — Joseph Mede and l\Ir. Jurieu contradict one another, 213 — his 
 prediction m behalf of the King of Swedeland no sooner uttered than 
 proved false, 214 — what was discovered by him in the Revelations 
 touching the Reformers, 2 IS. 
 
 Jurieu (Mr.), what was said by him concerning the civil wars excited by 
 the Calvinists, 30 — wiiat concerning those who teach the distuiction 
 betwixt Bishops and Priests, 189 — he maintains the Pope to be Anti- 
 christ, and an article of Faith for all true Christians, 197 — he varies 
 on this point, 201 — exposition of Mr. Jurieu's doctrine on the llth„ 
 12th, and 13th chapters of the Revelations, 198— he is bent on shorten- 
 ing the time of the pretended prophecies, ib. — he owns his preposses- 
 sion ; he forsakes his guides; and why, ib. — the impossiljility he is 
 under of settling the epoch for the twelve hundred and sixty years 
 which the Reformation is determined to allow for Antichrist's perse- 
 cution, 199— he gives a new date to the birth of Antichrist, ib. — the 
 time not suiting, because of the hohness of the then l*ope, 200 — 
 Jurieu changes his mind, and is for advancing the downfal of Anti- 
 
414 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Christ, 201-:rhe makes Antichrist to be born in the person of St. Leo 
 the Great, 202 — absurdity of this system, ib. — vain shift of this Minis- 
 ter, 203 — he imputes to St. Leo two evil characters, ib. — he accuses 
 St. Leo, St. Basil, St. Ambrose, &c. of idolatry, 204 — why he does not 
 make St. Basil the beginner of Antichristianism as well as St. Leo, 206 
 — his ridiculous calculation, 207 — he ill explains the seven Kings of 
 the Revelations, 208 — explains as ill the ten Kings of the Revelations, 
 211 — frivolous answer of Mr. Jurieu on this head, 212 — the opposition 
 of Jurieu and Joseph Mede to one another, 213 — his ridiculous 
 notions concerning the Turk, 215 — he owns the Prophets of the Pro- 
 testant party to be cheats; his idea of the Reformation, 216 — his senti- 
 ment on the decisions of Dort, 257 — Semi-Pelagianism does not damn 
 according to this author, 258 — he makes the Synod of Dort act more by 
 policy than truth, 259 — he declares they were ready to bear with Semi- 
 Pelagianisra in the Arminians, ib. — he is a Pelagian, notwithstanding 
 the decrees of Dort, 261 — he falls back into the excesses the Reformers 
 were guilty of in respect to the cause of sin, 262 — according to this 
 Minister, the disputes touching Predestination do not longer concern 
 any essential point of religion, 269 — what he confesses of the Variation 
 of Protestants in regard to the Church's perpetual visibility, 300, 309 — 
 in his notion, you may save your soul in all communions, 310 — this he 
 took from the Socinians, ib. — he comes into the sentiments of Mr. 
 Pajon, i6. — is blamed for favouring the Socinians, 311 — grants that 
 we may be saved in the Church of Rome, 312 — owns the excesses of 
 his Confession of Faith, 317 — overthrows the ideas of the Refor- 
 mation ; impugns the doctrine of his Church relating to excommuni- 
 cation, 319 — amongst his brethren, Confessions of Faith are nothing 
 but arbitrary contracts, 320 — he establishes the independent principle, 
 321 — he makes the authority and subordination of Churches to depend 
 on Princes, 322 — he confesses that this his system is contrary to the 
 faith of all ages, 324 — he contradicts himself when he pretends the 
 Council of Nice sides with him, 325 — he undermines the authority of 
 the Apostolic Creed, 327 — he accuses the Church contemporary with 
 the Apostles of schism and heresy, 329 — according to him, one may 
 save himself among the Socinians, 330 — and, by the same principles, 
 among Mahometans and Jews, 331 — and, at the same time, speaks 
 pt'o and C071. touching the perpetual visibility of the Church, 333 — and 
 touching the Universal Church's teaching and preaching, 337 — he will 
 have the general consent of the Universal Church to be a demon- 
 stration, 339 — he condemns his own Church by the characters he gives 
 to the Universal Church, 341 — confessing the infallibility of the Church, 
 he must confess that of General Councils, 345 — he takes from pastors 
 the title of judges, contrary to the sense of his own Churches, 348 — 
 he is against all subscribing to Councils, 349 — he is for sacrificing truth 
 to peace, 350. 
 
 Justice, inherent, acknowledged by Protestants, 372 — Vide Justification. 
 
 JustiJicatio7i. Luther reproaches John Huss with utter ignorance of Jus- 
 titication, 148 — Piscator's doctrine on this head, 181 — detested by the 
 Calvinists, z6.— decree of the National Synod of Privas touching Jus- 
 tification, 182 — impiety of the Calvinists' doctrine on Justification, as 
 proposed by their Synods, 184 — perspicuity and plainness of the Ca- 
 tholic doctrine on the same subject, ^6. — the Arminians' doctrine on 
 Justification, 232 — monstrous doctrine of the Dort Synod on the same 
 point, 238 — the ancient Church's doctrine conformable to that of Trent, 
 372— Fzrfe Vol. L 
 
INDEX. 415 
 
 Kelesiski, a shoemaker, puts himself at the head of the Bohemian Bre- 
 thren, and compiles for them a body of doctrine, 144. 
 
 Kings. "VVickliff's pernicious doctrine concernins; Kings, 136 — system of 
 the Ministers, concernins; the seven Kings in the Revelations, con- 
 founded by the terms of this prophecy, 208 — the ten Kings in the Re- 
 velations evidently as ill explicated, 211. 
 
 Leo (St.). Jurieu makes Antichrist be born in the person of St. Leo the 
 Great, 202 — absurdity of this system, ib. — two evil characters attri- 
 buted to St. Leo by this Minister, 203 — pretended idolatry of St. Leo, 
 204. 
 
 Liturgy of Edvfard VL changed in essential points, 6. 
 
 Lonibez. Council of Lombez against the Albigenses, 71 — history of this 
 Council, 72. 
 
 London. Synod of London in 15C2, wherein Queen Elizabeth's supre- 
 macy is received, 9 — Council of London against Wickliff", 138. 
 
 Luther reproaches the Bohemian Brethren with their utter ignorance of 
 Justification, 148 — Luther gives them his approbation, and how, 153 — • 
 the Calvinists acknowledge Luther for their father, 178 — Luther's 
 vain predictions concerning the downfal of the Papacy, 192 — he inserts 
 in the Smalcaldic Articles that the Pope is Antichrist, 1 94 — Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Lutherans, ill treated by the Polish Zuinglians, 48 — who afterwards enter 
 into an agreement with them, '>0 — the Lutherans unite with the Bohe- 
 mians and Zuinglians in Poland, 155 — departure of the Lutherans from 
 their principles in this union, and how they may vindicate themselves, 
 156 — reflections on this union, 157 — how the Lutherans are descended 
 from the Albigenses and Vaudois, 1 63 — they seek in vain the succes- 
 sion of persons in these sects, ib. — they find still less amongst them 
 the succession of doctrine, 164 — the Lutherans are detested by the 
 Calvinists, as defenders of a monstrous opinion, 171 — Assembly of 
 Frankfort is for comprehending the Lutherans in the common Con- 
 fession of Faith it designed to make, 1 74 — letter written to the Luther- 
 ans by this Assembly, 1 75 — difference between what was designed to be 
 done at Frankfort and at Sainte-Foy in favour of the Lutherans, from 
 what was since done at Charenton, 180 — the Lutherans of Rintel agree 
 with the Calvinists of Marpurg in the Conference of Cassel, 270 — the 
 sentiments of the Lutherans, concerning universal grace, give occasion 
 to those of Cameron and his disciples, 272 — sentiments of the Luther- 
 ans concerning the perpetual visibility of the Church, 282 — Vide 
 Vol. L 
 
 Lucius in. (Pope) condemns the Vaudois, 90. 
 
 Lyons. The poor men of Lyons. — Vide Vaudois. 
 
 Manicheans. Errors of the Manicheans, progenitors of the Albigenses, 
 55 — consequence from the false principle of the Manicheans, 56 — they 
 endeavoured to justify themselves by the usages of the Church, ib. — 
 their spirit of seduction and hypocrisy, 57 — in order to conceal them- 
 selves, they mixed in Catholic assemblies, 58 — history of the Paulicians 
 or Arminian Manicheans, ib. — their conformity with the Manicheans 
 refuted by St. Austin, 60 — their design on the Bulgarians, and Peter 
 of Sicily's instructions, in order to prevent the effect thereof, ib. — the 
 Manicheans begin to appear in the West, after the year of our Lord 
 1000, 61 — Manicheans, that came from Italy, discovered at Orleans, 
 under King Robert, ib. — their heresy spreads itself into Gascony and 
 Toulouse, 02 — the Manicheans of Italy called Cathari, and why, 63 
 
416 INDEX. 
 
 ■ — origin of the Manicheans of Toulouse and Italy ; a proof that they 
 came from Bulgaria, ib. — Councils of Tours and Toulouse against 
 them, 65 — their conformity with the Manicheans known by St. Austin, 
 ib. — the same heresy in Germany, ib. — senliments of the German 
 Manicheans, 66 — it is discovered that they held two first principles, ib. 
 — their variations, and care to conceal themselves, 67 — their equivo- 
 cations when examined about their faith, ib. — these heretics examined 
 in full audience of all the people ; their tenets related by St. Bernard, 
 who had been thoroughly acquainted with them at Toulouse, 69— they 
 .styled themselves Albigenses and Petrubusians, 71 — why called Arians, 
 72 — their notion of the Trinity the very same with that of the ancient 
 Manicheans, ib. — Manicheans of Soissons, 73 — these heretics met 
 with in Agenois and England, 74 — the heretics of Montpellier are Ma- 
 nicheans, 76 — in the list of the Manichean Churches, drawn by Renier, 
 the Albisenses are comprehended, SO — demonstration that the heretics 
 who denied the Real Presence, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, 
 were Manicheans ; notoriously false supposition of the Ministers, 122 
 — Manicheism at Metz, 123 — sixteen Churches of the Manicheans com- 
 prehend the whole sect, 126 — who were those amongst them called 
 Cathari, ib. — why St. Paul calls the doctrine of two principles admit- 
 ted by the Manicheans a doctrine of devils, 159 — why, of all heresies, 
 the Holy Ghost hath especially characterized none but Manicheism ; 
 character of this heresy ; hypocrisy, lying, and a seared conscience, 
 160. 
 
 Marriage, rejected by the Manicheans as bad, 56 — Variations of the 
 Manicheans of Germany in relation to marriage, 67 — in what respect 
 the Sacrament of Marriage was condemned by the Vaudois, 107 — the 
 Albigenses rejected lawful Marriage, 122. 
 
 Mass. The Vaudois made no difficulty of coming to Mass, 132 — John 
 Huss says Mass, 140 — the Mass offends the Bohemian Brethren, 144 
 — antiquity of the sacrifice of Mass, 278. 
 
 Maurice, Prince of Orange, upholds the Gomarists, 228. 
 
 Mauzzim, of Daniel, how interpreted by the Minister, 204, 205. 
 
 Mede — Vide Joseph Mede. 
 
 Melancthon. His bad opinion of WicklifF, 139 — acknowledged by the 
 Calvinists for their Father, 178 — he allows that it is an easy matter to 
 come to an agreement about the article of Justification, 378. 
 
 Menon, one of the Heads of the Anabaptists, 361. 
 
 Merit of good works rejected by the Swiss, 43 — the merits of Saints 
 owned by Wicklitf, 137 — the merit of works owned by John Huss, 
 140 — the Trent Council's Doctrine concerning the merit of good 
 works, 375 — Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Ministers (The) decide that the Calvinists may take up arras, 19, 22 — the 
 first Huguenot war resolved on by the advice of all the Ministers, and 
 peace made notwithstanding their opposition, 28 — proof against the 
 Ministers that the Albigenses were Manicheans, 84 — artifices of the 
 Ministers in respect to the history of the Vaudois and Albigenses, 121 
 — notoriously false suppositions of the Ministers, in order to confound 
 the Vaudois with the Albigenses, 122 — two objections of the Ministers 
 to the same purpose, refuted, 125— the Faith of the French Calvinists 
 trusted in the hands of four Ministers, 17 7— the Ministers cannot 
 believe what they say, 205 — vain shifts of the Ministers relating to the 
 business of Sainte-Foy, 179— the System of the Ministers touching 
 the seven Kings of the Revelations evidently confounded by the very 
 terms of this prophecy, 208 — their fallacious answer, 210 — they 
 
INDEX. 417 
 
 account as ill for the ten Kin<>;s of the llevelations, 21 1 — what it is the 
 Ministers have discovered in the Revelations concernins; their Reform- 
 ers, 217 — the Ministers declare that Semi-Pelagianism doth not damn, 
 258 — and that thoywere ready to bear with it in the Arminians, 259 — 
 the Ministers themselves very much relaxed in the observance of the 
 *Dort decrees, 260 — the Ministers elude the decree of the Gap Synod, 
 and the thirty-first article of their Confession touching extraordinary 
 vocation, 297, 298. 
 
 Ministrij. Interruption of the Church's IMinistry owned by the Calvin- 
 ists of France, 29.3 — before the Reformation, the Elect saved in the 
 Roman Ministry by Mr. Claude's confession, 302. 
 
 Miracle. Under Edward VI. and under Elizal:)eth, none of the Miracles 
 admitted by Calvin in the Eucharist are employed, 8. 
 
 Montpellier, 'the Heretics of, were Manicheans, TG. 
 
 Mystery. What is that Mystery of Iniquity specified by St. Paul ? 161. 
 
 Nismes. The national Synod of Nismes in 1572; chansfes the decree 
 of that of Rochelleconcei-ning the Substance of Jesus Christ's body in 
 the Eucharist, 172. 
 
 Ordibarians, who they were, 123. 
 
 Ordination. Validity of Ordinations, whereon sfrounded in England, 11 
 
 — how the Bohemian Brethren seek their Ordinations in the Catholic 
 
 Church, 148. 
 
 Parliament. The Parliament of England assumes to itself the decision 
 in points of Faith, 10. 
 
 Parker, Protestant Archbishop of Canterbury, is the first that subscribes 
 Elizabeth's supremacy, 9. 
 
 Patarians, who they were, 81 — their infamy, 83. 
 
 Paulicians, or Manicheans of Armenia, their history, 59 — their con- 
 formity with the Manicheans refuted by St. Austin, 60 — their desisrn 
 on the Bulgarians, ib. 
 
 Pelagianism. Spite of the Doit decrees, iMr. Jurievi maintains that Pela- 
 gianism is not contrary to piety, 261. 
 
 Perrin (Paul) (juotes not so much as one contemporary Historian in his 
 History of the Vaudois, 116 — the books of the Vaudois produced by 
 him, 1 17 — their Confession of Faith which he produces is posterior to 
 Calvinism, 1 19. 
 
 Peter de Bruis appears in the eleventh Century, 53 — he clandestinely 
 dissfminates his errors in Daupliiny, Provence, and in the neighbour- 
 hood of Toulouse, 6!) — he is ciiief of the Albigenses, 71 — examination 
 of his Doctrine, 84 — St. Bernard charges him with nothing but what is 
 true, 87. 
 
 Peter du Moulin — Vide Du Moulin. 
 
 Peter of Sicily writes the History of the Paulicians and Manicheans of 
 Armenia, 61 — endeavours to prevent the spreading of their Sect in 
 Bulgaria, ib. 
 
 Petrobusiuns, who they were, 7 1 . 
 
 Picurds (The) di>owned by the Bohemian Brethren, 133, 
 
 Piscator, who he was, and his Doctrine on imputed Justice, 180, 181 — 
 his Doctrine is detested by the national Synod of Gap, 181 — by that of 
 Rochelle in 1607, ib.—hy that of Privas in 1612, 182— and by that of 
 Tonins in 1614, 183 — reflection on the Calvinists' procedure against 
 Piscator, 185 — Peter du Moulin puts Piscator's question amongst 
 VOL. II. 2 E 
 
418 INDEX. 
 
 those things which are of little importance to Salvation, 187 — the 
 Synod oi'Ay approves what Du Moulin says, ib. 
 Poland. The Bohemian Brethren fly thither, 155 — and there unite them- 
 selves with the Lutherans and Zuinijlians, ib. 
 Poles. Remarkable Confession ot Faith of the Polish Zuinglians, wherein 
 the Lutherans are ill handled, 4 8 — Ubiquity taught by the Polish 
 Zuinglians, 49 — their agreement with the Lutherans and Vaudois, 50. 
 Poltrot assassinates the Duke of Guise ; this murder looked on, in the 
 
 Reformation, as an act of Relij;ion, 35. 
 Poor Men of Lyons — Vide Vaudois. 
 
 Pope. The Pope of the Albigenses in Bulgaria, 81 — hatred of Wickliff 
 and John Huss against the Pope, 139 — all goes down with Protestants 
 provided the Pope be exclaimed against, 141 — the Calixtins disposed 
 to own the Pope, 143 — the Bohemian Brethren offended at the power 
 of the Pope, 144 — the Synod ot Gap adds an article to the Confession 
 of Faith on purpose to declare the Pope Antichrist, ISl — Luther's 
 vain predictions of the Pope's downfal, 192 — Daniel and St. Paul 
 extravagantly quoted for proof of the Pope's being Antichrist, ib. — 
 Protestants disgrace themselves by this doctrine, 193 — the ablest 
 Protestants refute this Doctrine, 196 — the Pope's authority over Ge- 
 neral Councils and the temporals of sovereigns is not of Faith, nor 
 ought to hinder the re-union of Protestants, 383 — Jurieu maintains 
 that it is a fundamental article of Faith to believe the Pope Antichrist, 
 197— the Pope's infallibility is not of Faith, and the contrary opinion 
 cannot be condemned, either as heretical or erroneous, or even as 
 temerarious, 3s3 — Vide Vol. L 
 Poplicans, or Publicans, who they were, 75 — the Ministers make the 
 
 Vaudois Manicheans, by making them Poplicans, ib. 
 Prayer tor the Dead rejected by the Bohemian Brethren, 144. 
 Predestination. Doctrine of the Arminians, or remonstrance touching 
 Predestination, 230 — the disputes about Predestination, according to 
 Mr. Jurien, no longer intrench on the essentials of Religion, 269. 
 Presence. Queen Elizabeth will not suffer her Divines to censure the 
 Real Presence, 4 — the indifference of the English as to the Real Pre- 
 sence, 7 — the Real Presence impugned by Berengarius, 52 — by the 
 Albigenses, S3, 85 — beheved by the Vaudois, 91, 98 — manifest proof 
 that "the Heretics, who denied the Real Presence in the twelfth and 
 thirteenth centuries, were Manicheans, 122 — Real Presence believed 
 by John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, 139, 140 — and by the Bohemian 
 Brethren, 149 — the assembly of Frankfort minces the difficulty of the 
 Real Presence on purpose to gain the Lutherans, 176 — Peter Du 
 Mouhn, approved by the Synod of Ay, is against condemning the 
 Real Presence, as believed by the Lutherans, 188 — the Real Presence 
 free from venom by the Confession of the Ministers, 264 — the Real 
 Presence necessary, 166 — Vide Reality, vide Vol. I. 
 Pride of the Vaudois, 96, 127, 130. 
 
 Primacy of Queen Elizabeth in spirituals established in England, 8 — 
 the Catholic Bishops refuse to own it, 9 — declaration of the Protestant 
 Clergy in favour of this Primacy, ib. — this Doctrine condemned by the 
 Calvinists, 13, 
 Principle. The Manicheans admitted two first Principles, 55 — the 
 Albigenses did the same, 123 — why the Doctrine of two Principles is 
 called by St. Paul a Doctrine of Devils, 159. 
 Privas. The Synod of Pnvas, in 1612, condemns Piscator's Doctrine, 
 mi. 
 
INDEX. 419 
 
 Prophets. The Prophets of the Protestant Party are cheats, 216— their 
 interpreters no better worth, 217. 
 
 Protestants. Difference t^etween Protestants' conduct and that of the 
 Church, 31 — what is the succession of Protestants, 52 — they reap 
 nothinof but shame in makinij the Albisjenses their proirenitors, 88 — 
 their authority with respect to the original of the Vaudois, 97 — Doc- 
 trines which Protestan's reject in the Vaudois no less than CathoHcs, 
 109 — Protestants propose new Dogmata to the Vaudois, 110 — all 
 pleases them, provided the Pope be exclaimed against, 141 — they seek 
 in vain for the succession of Persons and of Doctrine in the Vaudois 
 and Albififenses, 164 — they discredit themselves by saying the Pope is 
 Antichrist, 193 — why those absurdities endured in the Protestant Party, 
 215 — the Prophets of the Protestant Party are impostors, 216 — the 
 arguments employed against the Arminians in the Synod of Dort 
 condemn the whole Protestant Party, 251 — according to this Svnod, 
 tlie Protestants were obliged to own the Council of the Catholic 
 Church, 253 — the cause of Protestants' Variations proceeding from 
 their ignorance of what the Church is, 281 — their sentiments relating 
 to the perpetual Visibility of the Church, ib. — this Doctrine the ruin of 
 their Reformation, and the source of their perplexities, 283 — what pre- 
 cisely the Protestants are obliged to by this Doctrine, ib. — they vary 
 on this head, 289 — and why, ib. — Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Purgatory believed by Wickliff, 137 — and John Huss, 140 — what pre- 
 cisely is to be believed concerning Purgatory agreeably to the Council 
 of Trent, 380 — Protestants' principles prove the necessity of Purgatory, 
 ib. — the Purification of souls after this life owned by them, ib. — they 
 agree as to the main point, but leave the manner undecided, 381 — 
 Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Reality. Queen Elizabeth will not suffer her Divines to censure the 
 Reality, 4 — indifference of the English, in respect of the Reality, 7 — the 
 Reality condemned by the Zuinglians of Poland, 48 — the Reality 
 denied by the Albigenses, 85 — believed by the Vaudois, 91, 98 — mani- 
 fest proof that the Heretics, who denied the Reality in the twelfth and 
 thirteenth centuries, were Manicheans, 122 — Reality believed by John 
 Huss, 140 — strong expressions of the Bohemian Brethren for the 
 Reality, 149 — the Reality free from venom, 264 — VideYoX.l., vide 
 Real Presence. 
 
 Rebaptization of the Bohemian Brethren, 145. 
 
 Redemption. The Doctrine of the Arminians concerning the universality 
 of Redemption, 231. 
 
 Reformation. Queen Klizabeth approves not the Reformation of Edward 
 VI. in all its points, 2 — whether the spirit of the Reformation was a 
 spirit of meekness or violence, 31 — effects of that violent spirit which 
 predominated in the Reformation, 32 — the Reformation allows private 
 men to arrogate to themselves greater abilities for understanding sound 
 Doctrine than all the rest of the Church, 26 u — Sects born in the Refor- 
 mation, 358. 
 
 Relics. Vigilantius, in the fourth century, opposes honouring of Relics, 
 52 — St. Leo, St. Basil, and the rest of the Saints of that time, accused 
 of Idolatry by the Ministers, on account of the veneration they shewed 
 to Saints and Relics, 204. 
 
 Remonstrants — Vide Arminians. 
 
 Renaudie (La), chief of the Amboise conspiracy ; his character, 18. 
 
 Revelations. Illusions of the Protestants relating to the Revelations, 
 
 2e2 
 
420 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 193 — exposition of the Minister Jurieu's Doctrine on the eleventh, 
 twelfth, and thirteenth chapters of the Revelations, 198 — the system of 
 the Minister concerning the seven Kinsjs of the Revelations evidently 
 confuted by the very terms of this prophecy, 208 — the ten Kings of the 
 Revelations as evidently ill accounted tor, 211 — contrarieties of the 
 new Interpreters of the Revelations, 213 — the Englishman finds England, 
 and the Frenchman, France, in the Revelations, 214 — what it is that 
 the Ministers have discovered in the Revelations touching their Re- 
 formers, 217. 
 
 Revenues of the Church plundered by Elizabeth, Queen of England, 13 
 — Vide Yo\. I. 
 
 Revolt. Beginning of the Calvinists' revolt in France, 15 — open revolt of 
 the whole party, 21. 
 
 Rochelle. The national Synod of Rochelle in 1571 condemns those of the 
 party that were for changing the Supper-article in the Confession of 
 Faiih, 166, 167 — decision of this Synod full of perplexity, 167 — vain 
 efforts of this Synod to find the substance of the body in the Calvinian 
 Doctrine, 168 — error of this Synod endeavouring to explain the mystery 
 of the Eucharist without producing the institution, 169 — reason of the 
 Synod for establishing the substance ; there it is concluded that the 
 other opinion is contrary to the v»'ord of God, 169, 170 — it says more 
 than it designed, 170 — the Swiss believe themselves condemned by 
 this decision, but the Synod takes care they should be answered that 
 this doctrine only concerns France, 171 — the decree of this Synod is 
 changed in that of Nismes, 172 — the Synod of Rochelle in 1607 con- 
 demns Piscatoi's Doctrine, 180, 181 — it gives orders that the decree of 
 the Synod of Gap, declaring the Pope Antichrist, be printed in all 
 the copii^s of the Confession of Faith, 195 — this Synod declares that 
 nothing ought fo be added or taken from the twenty-fifth and twenty- 
 ninth articles of the Confession of Faith, where the Church is treated 
 of, 297. 
 
 Rogue (Mr. de la). His want of sincerity touching the Vaudois, 97 — this 
 Minister artfully confounds the Vaudois with the Albigenses, 122 — his 
 false pretence that Wickhff's Doctrine was slandered at the Council of 
 Constance, 136 — he proves that John Huss and Jerome of Prague died 
 in the belief of the Church of Rome, especially in what regards the 
 Eucharist, 139, 140. 
 
 Roque (Mr. de la), son of the Minister, produces a Confession of Faith of 
 Wickliif s, where the Reality is clearly established, 137. 
 
 Roquesane, chief of the sect of the Cahxtins, 141 — he utterly destroys the 
 Taijorites, ib. — his ambition prevents the Calixtins re-uniting with the 
 Church, 143 — he makes himself Pope in Bohemia, 144 — he permits 
 several Greek Priests to celebrate the holy mysteries according to their 
 Church rites, 147. 
 
 Runcarians, who they were, 81, 
 
 Sacrament. The Albigenses taught that the effect of the Sacraments 
 depends on the holiness of the Ministers, 83 — the Vaudois taught that 
 the merit of persons acted in the Sacraments more than order and cha- 
 racter, 95 — the Vaudois were in no error as to the nature of the Sacra- 
 ments, 96 — what it is they believed of the seven Sacraments, 106 — 
 Wickliff teaches that the eiiect of the Sacraments depends on the merit 
 of persons, 136 — the seven Sacraments owned by John Huss, 140 — 
 and by the Bohemian Brethren in their Confession, anno 1504, pre- 
 sented to King Ladislaus, 149— they reduce them to two, as Luther 
 
INDEX 421 
 
 prescribes them, 149 — they make the Sacraments depend on the merit 
 of the Minister, 150. 
 
 Sacrijice. The Calvinists' Doctrine against Piscator solves all the diffi- 
 culties they propose to us relating to the Sacrifice of the Eucharist, 182. 
 
 Sainte-Foy. The Synod of Sainte-Foy, in 1578, consents to a new Con- 
 fession of Faith, in view of unitino; all the Protostanls, 176 — it trusts 
 its Faith in the hands of four Ministers and of Mr, de Turenne, 177 — 
 vain evasions of the Ministers relating to this affair, 179 — difference 
 betwixt what was designed to be done in favour of the T>utherans at 
 Sainte-Foy, and what afterwards was done at Charenton, 180. 
 
 Salvation. The Calvinists believe that the faithful are sure of their Salva- 
 tion, 223 — the Dort Synod's decision on the certainty of Salvation, 235, 
 240 — false allurement of the certainty of Salvation, 243. 
 
 Schoman. Georue Schoman, one of the chiefs of the Unitarians, 360. 
 
 Scotland. The Doctrine settled in England in behalf of the authority of 
 Kings and Parliament as to matters of Faith, is also set up in Scot- 
 land, 12. 
 
 Scripture. Abuse made of the Scripture by the Vaudois and Albigenses, 
 1 28. 
 
 Semi-Pelagianism no damning error, according to Mr. .Jurieu, 258 — 
 this Minister declares they were ready to tolerate Semi-Pelae;ianism in 
 the Arminians, ib. — the other INIinisters in the same sentiment with 
 him, 259. 
 
 Sendomir. Assembly of Sendomir, where the Lutherans, the Bohemians, 
 and the Zuinglians unite, 155 — terms of the Sendomir agreement, 150. 
 
 Sin. God the Author of Sin accordine; to the Calvinists, 221 — Mr. Jurieu 
 relapses into the excesses of the Reformers with respect to the cause 
 of Sin, 262. 
 
 Siftcidenses ( ' he), a sect of the Vaudois that refused not to receive tlie 
 Eucliarist from the hands of a Priest, 107. 
 
 Soci7ii. Fausto Socini and Lelio heads of the Socinians, 360. 
 
 Socinians. The Socinians and the Anabaptists sprung from Luther and 
 Calvin, 359 — united together, ib. 
 
 Soissons. Manicheans at Soissons, 73 — their history, ib. 
 
 Strasburg. Variation of the Church of Strasburg, 361 — the senate of 
 Strasburg destroys images, and enjoins the communion under both 
 kinds, ib. — suspends the celebration of Mass, 362 — those of Strasburg 
 turn Zuinglians, afterwards return to the Confession of Augsburg, ib.~ 
 they fall into ubiquity, 362, 363. 
 
 Substance. Neither under Edward VL, nor under Elizabeth, is the word 
 Substance employed, which Calvin admits in the Eucharist, 8 — the 
 Zuinglians' Supper void of Substance, 46 — vain endeavours of the na- 
 tional Synod of Rochelle in 1571 to prove the Substance of the body 
 and blood of Jesus Christ in the Doctrine of the pretended Reformed of 
 France, 168 — the Substance reduced to nothing in the national Synod 
 of Nismes, 172. 
 
 Succession. Protestants seek in vain for the Succession of Persons and 
 Doctrine in the Vaudois and Albigenses, 1G3, 164 — what is the Succes- 
 sion of heretics, 165. 
 
 Supper. The Supper of the Swiss or Zuinglians without substance, and a 
 presence in virtue only, 46 — difference which the Zuinglians of Poland 
 place between their Supper and that of the Socinians, 49 — several pre- 
 tended reformed Churches of France are for changing the Supper- 
 article in the Confession of Faith, 166. 
 
 Supremacy of the Kings of England is there established, notwithstanding 
 Queen Elizabeth's qualms of conscience, 8 — the Catholic Bishops re- 
 
422 INDEX. 
 
 fuse to sign it, 9 — declaration of the Protestant Clergy in England in 
 favour of this Supremacy, ib. — this doctrine condemned by the Cal- 
 vinists, 13. 
 Swiss. New Confession of Faith of the Helvetic Chinches or Swiss, 41 — 
 frivolous reasoning of the Ministers concerning this Confession, 42 — 
 the Swiss begin but then to know anything of imputed justice, ?'6. — 
 they reject the merit of good works, 43 — they attribute true Faith to 
 the Elect alone, ib. — they teach the Certainty of Salvation, and the 
 Inamissibility of Grace, and ill explain conversion, 43, 44 — their mon- 
 strous Doctrine on Free-will, 45 — according to them, the Supper is 
 void of substance, and no presence but in virtue, 46 — they leave 
 nothing peculiar to the Supper, 47 — they are the most sincere defenders 
 of the tigvirative sense, 48 — the Swiss believe themselves condemned 
 by the decision of the national Synod of Rochelle in 1571, 171 —they 
 are not satisfied with Beza's answer, but still hold themselves con- 
 demned, ib. — they are specified by the explication of the Synod of 
 Nismes, 172 — Swiss formulary against Universal Grace, 273 — another 
 Swiss decision on the Hebrew Text laughed at by the learned of the 
 party, 274 — another decision of the Swiss and Geneva reproved by Mr. 
 Claude, ib. 
 
 Taborites. The sects of Taborites arises in Bohemia, 141— their rebellion 
 and cruelties, ib. — their total destruction, 142. 
 
 Temples erected in honour of the Saints by the Bohemian Brethren, 154. 
 
 Test. Test Act in England, wherein the English draw near to our senti- 
 ments, and condemn us only by manifest mistakes, 276. 
 
 Testament. The Old Testament rejected by the Manicheans as fabulous, 
 56 — rejected by the Albigenses, 71 — received by the Vaudois, 122. 
 
 Tonins. The national Synod of Tonins in 1614 condemns Piscator, 183. 
 
 Toulouse. The Manicheans of Toulouse, 69 — are the same with the Albi- 
 genses, 72. 
 
 Transubstantiation. Manifest proof that the Vaudois did in no wise err 
 as to that point, 99, 100 — this Doctrine impugned by Wickliff, 137 — 
 retained by John Huss and Jerome of Prague, 139, 140 — and by the 
 Calixtins, 143 — rejected by the Bohemian Brethren, 144 — the hatred 
 of the Calvinist people turned against Transubstantiation ever since 
 the Synod of Charenton in 1631, 267 — the word Transubstantiation 
 chosen at the Council of Lateran, 36 B — and why — Vide Vol.1. 
 
 Trent. The Council of Trent hath added nothing to the decisions of the 
 Ancients, 370 — it does but repeat the ancient decisions in respect to 
 justifying Grace, 373 — in respect to its gratuity, ib.—'m respect to the 
 preparations to Grace, 374 — to the inseparable union of liberty and 
 Grace, 375 — to the merit of good works, ib. — in respect to the fulfilling 
 of God's commandments, ib. — it has cut away the root of all abuses 
 relating to the honour paid to Images, 379 — its moderation in deter- 
 mining nothing but what is certain, 381 — it speaks not with ambiguity, 
 {})_ — itThas determined all that regards the true authority of the Pope, 
 382 — in it, those are opposed who were for making a foi'raulary whence 
 the Pope's superiority over a general council might be inferred, ib. — 
 this formulary suppressed with the Pope's consent, ib. 
 
 Trinity. The ancient Manicheans' sentiment as to the Trinity, 72 — is the 
 same with that of the Toulouse Albigenses, 72, 73. 
 
 Turk. Juiieu's ridiculous conceit relating to the Turk, 215. 
 
 Turenne, (Mr.) Synod of Sainte Foy trusts its Faith in the hands of four 
 ministers and of Mr. Turenne, 177 — why Mr. Turenne employed in 
 this deputation concerning doctrine, ib. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 423 
 
 Ubiquity tausrht by the Polish Zain^lians, 49— Peter Du Moulin, whose 
 sentiment is approved by the Synod of Ay, is against condemning 
 Ubiquity, 188 — Ubiquily tolerated hy the Calvinists, 268. 
 
 Unction. What was believed by the Vaudois concerning extreme Unction, 
 106. 
 
 Union of the three Protestant Sects of Poland, 155 — reflections on this 
 Union, 157 — the assembly of Frankfort is for making an Union between 
 all the defenders of the fifjurative sense by a common Confession of 
 Faith, 173. 
 
 Unitarians — Vide Socinians. 
 
 Valdo, author of the Vaudois, 54 — who he was, 89 — whether a man of 
 learning, 90 — his first design, ib. — what Paul Perrin says of Valdo, 117. 
 
 Variatio7is of the EnoJish on the Eucharist, 4 — their Variation as to the 
 Adoration of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, 6 — their Variation con- 
 fessed hy Mr. Burnet. 14 — Variations of the Manicheans of Germany, 
 67 — Variations of the Vaudois since Luther and Calvin's time, 109 — 
 Variation of the Reformed of France relating to the Eucharist, 166, 
 172 — Variations of the Swiss concerning the Vulgate, 274 — the cause 
 of the Variations of Protestant Churches, 281. 
 
 Vaudois (The) agree with the Zuiiiglians and Lutherans of Poland, 50 — 
 they are well treated by the Calvinists, and why, 53 — ridiculous pre- 
 tensions of the Vaudois as to their antiquity ; false origin which they 
 boast of, 53, 54 — the Ministers make the Vaudois Manicheans in mak- 
 ing them Poplicans, 75 — many sorts of Heretics called Vaudois, ib. — 
 the Vaudois are distinguished from the Manicheans, and, by conse- 
 quence, from the Albigenses, 76 — the beginning of the Vaudois, or 
 Poor Men of Lyons, 88 — the abridgment of their history, 89 — they are 
 condemned by Pope Lucius III.; they come to Rome, 90 — they are 
 accused of nothing relating to the Real Presence, ib. — their errors did 
 not regard the Eucharist, 91 — they came to beg the approbation of 
 Innocent III., 94 — they begin to be treated on the foot of obstinate 
 Heretics, ib. — the Church's patience with respect to the Vaudois, 95 — 
 their boldness increases by little and little, 96 — their doctrine in regard 
 to Church revenues, ?6.— they were free from error as to the Sacra 
 ments, ib. — want of sincerity in the Protestant Historians with respect 
 to the Vaudois' original, 97 — the Vaudois did not change their doctrine 
 concerning the Eucharist till Luther's time, 98 — list of their errors ; 
 manifest proof tliat they were in no error relating to Transubstantiation, 
 100 — they believe the necessity of Confession, 104 — in the exterior 
 they performed the duties of ('atholics, ib. — what it was they believed 
 of the seven Sacraments, 106 — in what lespect they condemn the Sacra- 
 ment of niarri:ige, 107 — demonstration that the Catholics were neither 
 ignorant of, nor did dissemble the docinne of the Vaudois, 108 — divi- 
 sion of the Vaudois" doctrine into three heads, 109 — doitrine which the 
 Protestants reject in the Vaudois as well as the Cai holies, ?6. — doc- 
 trine whicli the Catholics approve in the Vaudois, but the Protestants 
 reject, ib. — the Vaudois change their doctrine since Luther's and Cal- 
 vin's time, ib. — new tenets proposed to the Vaudois by the Protestants, 
 110 — the Vaudois nowise Calvinists; proof of this troni Crespin, 113 
 — proof from Beza, 1 14 — change in the Vaudois of Calabria, and their 
 entire extinction, jY'.— the Vaudois at present are not predecessors, but 
 disciples of the Calvinists, 115 — Vaudois books produced by Pernn, ] 17 
 — their Confession produced by this author is posterior to Calvinism, 
 119 — manifest proof thai the Vaudois had no Confession of Faith ante- 
 cedently to the pretended Reformation, ib, — the Vaudois, in making their 
 Calvinist Conlession of Faith, reteuned something of theDogmatapeculiar 
 
424 INDEX. 
 
 to them, 121 — reflections on the historyof the Vaudois and Albi2:enses; 
 artifice of the Ministers' ib. — notorious false suppositions of the Minis- 
 ters in order to confound the Vaudois with the Albigenses, 122 — 
 whether the word believers signifies the Vaudois in the ancient authors ; 
 Aubertin's fallacy, 126 — the Vaudois concur not in sentiment with the 
 Calvinists; what we should believe concerning the lives of the Vaudois, 
 127 — their pride, ib. — sourness was their character; abuse they made 
 of the Scripture, 128 — their presumption, 129 — whether one ought to 
 be surprised at their false constancy, 130 — inevitable condemnation of 
 these Heretics in that they denied their religion, 131 — the Vaudois dis- 
 owned by the Bohemian brethren, and by the Picards, 132 — in what 
 manner the Vaudois sprung from the Albigensian Manicheans, 162. 
 
 Vigikmtius, in the fourth century, opposes the veneration of relics, and 
 is preferred to St. Jerome by the Protestants, 52. 
 
 Visibility of the Church — Fk/i? Church. 
 
 Vocatio7i. Memorable decision of the Synod of Gap concerning extraor- 
 dinary Vocation, 297— the Ministers elude this extraordinary Vocation, 
 298 — they are obliged to give up extraordinary Vocation, ib. 
 
 War. The first civil Wars under Charles IX. which the whole Huguenot 
 party concurs in, 2 1 — these Wars approved in their national Synod, 22 — 
 what spirit actuated the Huguenots in these Wars, 24 — their vain pre- 
 tences that these wars did not concern religion, 25— perplexity of the 
 French Calvinists with respect to these AVars, 27 — the first War resolved 
 on by the advice of all the Ministers, and peace concluded in spite of 
 them, 2S — the other was destitute of all pretext, 30 — VideYoX. I. 
 
 Wickliff. His impious Doctrine, 52 — he never separated from Rome, 53 — 
 his Trialogae tumultuates all Bohemia, 133 — what was his Theology, 
 ib. — he imitates the false piety of the Vaudois, by attributing the effect 
 of the Sacraments to personal merit, 136 — his Doctrine nowise slan- 
 dered at the Council of Constance, ib. — his pernicious Doctrine con- 
 cerning Kings, ib. — he consented to the invocation of saints, honoured 
 their images, and beUeved in purgatory, 137 — WicklifiF's Confession 
 of Faith produced by ]\Ir. de la Roque, jun., where the Real Presence 
 is clearly laid down and .Transubstantiation rejected, ib. — this Confes- 
 sion attributed to the Council of London by Mr. de la Roque, 138 — 
 (he contrary ])roved by Wickliff himself, ib. — Wickliff publicly re- 
 nounces his Doctrine, and dies in the exterior communion of the 
 Church, ib. — Melancthon's judgment concerning Wickliff, 139 — his 
 memory respected by the Calixtins, and why, 143. 
 
 Wissonais. Andrew Wissonats 'shews how the Unitarians separated 
 from the Reformed, 360. 
 
 Zisca, chief of the Taborites, his bloody feats, 141. 
 
 Zuinglians (The) make a new Confession of Faith, 41 — they go over to 
 Calvin's notions concerning Grace, 43 — man's conversion ill explained 
 1)V them, 44 — their monstrous doctrine concerning Free-will, 46 — ac- 
 cording to them, the Supper is void of Substance, and the Presence 
 but in virtue, ib. — they leave nothing peculiar to the Supper, 47 — they 
 are the most sincere defenders of the figurative sense, 48 — remarkable 
 Confession of Faith of the Polish Zuinglians, ib. — they teach Ubi- 
 quity, ib. — their agreement with the Lutherans and Vaudois, 50 — their 
 union with the Bohemians and Lutherans at Sendomir, 155 — the Zuin- 
 glians, most of them, recede from their particular principles in this 
 union, 150~refiection on this union, 157. 
 
 END OF VOLUME THE SECOND. 
 
 Dublin: Printed by Richard Cotjje. 
 

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